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LIFE

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

THE LIFE

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

NOW FIRST EDITED FROM ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS

AND FROM HIS PRINTED CORRESPONDENCE

AND OTHER WRITINGS,

JOHN BIGELOW.

" Plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum."

Cicero de Senectute (Catonis), $ 61.

FIFTH EDITION, REVISED AND ENRICHED.

ILLUSTRATED.

VOL. III.

PHILADELPHIA!

J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY.
LONDON : 16 JOHN ST., ADELPHI.

L'W-3

ETfl

249.'il!>ll

•

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by

JOHN BIGELOW,

in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
Copyright, 1893, by John Bigelow.
Copyright, 1898, by John Bigelow.
Copyright, 1902, by John Bigelow.

Coptkiqht, 1905, by J. B. Lippincott Company.

Printed by J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

(From the chevillet engraving of the Duplessis portrait of 1778, in possession of Miss

E. F. Harwood.)

THE Kl jBw YT>p i?

*»»»*!toSSSwm$

CONTENTS OF VOLUME III.

PART III. {Continued.)
CHAPTER I.

PAGB

Two Years' Expenses in Paris — Franklin asks to be relieved from the
Mission to Paris — Congress refuses his Request — His Enemies in
America — Duties on Exports — Expenses of Foreign Ministers — How
to do much Good with little Money-*-Appointed one of the Com-
missioners to negotiate a Peace — Capitulation of Cornwallis (1781) 9-36

CHAPTER II.

R. R. Livingston named Minister of Foreign Affairs — Lafayette's
Reception in France — Robert Morris — The Fall of Silas Deane —
Count de S^gur — Prince de Broglie — Fall of the North Ministry —
British Intrigues in Holland — Peace, Competence, Friends, and
Reputation — The Young Angel of Destruction — Insincerity of the
British Ministry (1782) 37-^5

CHAPTER III.

Journal of the Negotiation for Peace with Great Britain, from March
21st to July 1st, 1782 66-177

CHAPTER IV.

Fabianism of the Ministry — Moravian Indians — Victory Medals —
William Temple Franklin's Salary — Sir Joseph Banks — Objections
to Indemnifying American Loyalists — Difficulties of Transatlantic
Correspondence — Preliminaries between France and England agreed

on (1782) 178-204

1» 5

CONTENTS OF VOLUME III

CHAPTER V.

PAGR

Misunderstanding between Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin —
The Signing of the Preliminary Treaty — Suggests his Grandson for
a Diplomatic Appointment — Mr. Jefferson appointed Minister to
France — Definitive Treaty of Peace (178 2-1 783) . . . 205-229

CHAPTER VI.

The Fishery Calumny — Franklin requests to be relieved from his Mis-
sion— The Demoralizing Fruits of a Depreciated Currency — Josiah
Quincy, Jr. — Thomas Ilollis — Mistrust of England — The American
Constitutions in Europe — Prerogative of Government — Renews his
Request to be recalled — Asks a Foreign Appointment for William
Temple Franklin (1783) 230 245

CHAPTER VII.

The Usefulness of Enemies — Order of the Cincinnati — Absurdity of
Descending Honors — The American Eagle as a National SymboJ
criticised — Reasons for preferring the Native American Turkey —
Oia Vanitas — Political Disorders in England — Her Last Resource —
Franklin's Notion of his Infallibility — Mesmer and Mesmerism — The
Way to make Money lent do the most Good — Cotton Mather —
The Final Ratification of the Treaty (1784) .... 246-268

CHAPTER VIII.

The Absurdity of Duelling— Ordination denied to American Clergy-
men by the English Church — The Uses and Abuses of Luxury —
Overtures from his Son — Present from King George — The Foolish
Generals and the Jolly Printers — England's Error in opposing Emi-
gration— The Old Testament in the New Constitution — Mirabeau
— England prosecuting the War through the Press — Replaced by
Thomas Jefferson — Takes Leave of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
(1784-1785) 269-300

CHAPTER IX.

Preparation for leaving France — The Cargo of Onions — Foundling Hos-
pitals— The Three Greenlanders— Official Salaries — American Royal-
ists— Elective Bishops — His Abridged Liturgy — Quits Passy — Jour-
ney to Havre — Voyage to Southampton — Attention from English
Friends — Voyage to the United States — Arrival Home (1785) . 301-331

CONTENTS OF VOLUME III.

PART IV.

From the Termination of his Mission to France in 1785 until

his Death, April 17TH, 1790.

CHAPTER X.

PAGE

Franklin's Reception in America — Elected President of Pennsylvania
— The Retort Courteous — A Delegate to the Federal Convention to
frame a New Constitution (1785-1787) 335-375

CHAPTER XI.

Freedom of Commerce — Herschel and his Discoveries — Folly of War —
Picture of Franklin during the Session of the Convention to frame a
New Constitution — Speech in Favor of opening the Convention daily
with Prayer — Speech against allowing Salaries to Executive Officers
— Advises the Adoption of the Constitution (1787) . . . 376-396

CHAPTER XII.

Re-elected President of Pennsylvania — Buffon — Remedy for the Stone
— Conveniences of a Revenue Tariff — The First Steamboat — Honesty
of Heretics — Franklin's Public Services — Unavailing Requests for
a Settlement of his Accounts — The Slave-Trade . . . 397-430

CHAPTER XIII.

Retirement from Public Life — Remedy for Deafness — Death of the Good
Bishop — Penalties of Old Age — Farewell to Washington — The Perils
of too Good Credit — The Slave Trade — Noah Webster — Franklin's
Religious Views — Last Illness — and Death (1789-1790) . . 431-469

CHAPTER XIV.
Franklin's Last Will and Testament — His Epitaph . . . 470-490

CHAPTER XV.
The Character of Franklin 493-522

Index 523-000

THE LIFE OF FRANKLIN.

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

CHAPTER I.

Two Years' Expenses in Paris — Franklin asks to be relieved from the
Mission to Paris — Congress refuses his Request — His Enemies in Amer-
ica— Duties on Exports — Expenses of Foreign Ministers — How to do
much Good with little Money — Appointed one of the Commissioners
to negotiate a Peace — Capitulation of Cornwallis.

I78l.

No. 1. — Extract of a Resolution of Congress.

In Congress, August 6, 1779.

Resolved, That an allowance of eleven thousand four
B. Franklin's hundred and twenty-eight Livres Tournois per Annum,

be made to the several Commissioners of the United
pcnsc ac-

counts with States in Europe for their services, besides their reason-
Congress dur- aD^e Expenses respectively. That the Salary, as well as
ing his first the Expenses, be computed from the Time of their leaving
two years' of- their places of abode to enter on the duties of their offices,
ficial resi- an(j he continued three months after Notice of their Re-

ence in aris. cajj tQ ena^e tnem to return to their families respectively.

Extract from the minutes.

(Signed) CHAR. THOMSON, Sec'y.

No. 2. — Account of Expences by B. Franklin.

1776. L. s. c. L. s. c.

Dec. 3. To cash paid for Sea Stores and
Bedding laid in, supposed

about 600 Livres . . . 600 o o

Boat hire from Ships to Auray . 36 o o

Expences to Auray . . . 14 19 o

Carriage to and Expences at

Vannes . . . . 37 12 o

A* O

ga EXPENSES IX PARIS. [Mt. 70-7 1.

1776. L. s. c. L. c, a.

Dec. 3. A Cabriolet for journey to Paris 600 o o

Expenct.s to and at Nantes . 174 5 o

Sending Baggage to Paris . 78 14 6

1777

Jan. 4. Expences to Paris and at Ver-
sailles 678 9 o

Dec.

1,619

Paid Barge to ship at St. Nazarre

Paid 2 Casks Wine sent to Crew

Paid sundry small Charges &

Comm. ....

163

26.

Willinroy for Wiggs

IOI

V-

Sundry Expences going to and at

Versailles this month .

158

Taylors Bill ....

900

of which for W. T. F. .

212

Feb.

Leaves for me 688 4 6

For table linen Sheets &c. . J.744 5 °

Sundry Expences in Family

Furniture .... 1,372 15 8

Sundry other Expences . . 430 o o

Pillet my servant for sundry

disbursements . . . 176 16 o

For 50 bottles Champaigne . 213 12 o

Fruchard for Carriage and

Horses .... 360 o o

Pillet for Household Expences 395 16 o

Pillet for sundry Household Ex-
pences .... 190 11 o
July 6. Pillet for Household Expences 579 7 o
Mdle. De Chaumont for Table

Linnen .... 216 12 6

" 24. Two months' hire of the Remise

Carriage .... 720 o o

Pillet for Household Expences 389 12 6

" 30. For the Carriage 20 days . 240 o o

Aug. 1. For Do. 3 Days ... 37 o o

8. Taylors Bill .... 1,994 o o

of which foi W. T. F. . 1.146 4 6

27.

Mar.

14-

April

23-

May

19.

26.

June

May

11.

Leaves for me S47 15 6

/£t. 71.] EXPENSES IN PARIS. gfi

I777- L« s. c. L. s. c

Aug. 8. For writing paper

" ii. Pillet for Household Expences

Pillet for Clothing himself 6

months & wages for that time

" For cooks wages 6 months

" Pillet and his Wifes Washing &

other Expences .

" Cleaning Appartments one

month .....

" 20. Harness compleat for two

Horses ....

!t Lefark for Washing

Sept. 1. Remise from the 1st Aug. to

this day ....

Bills &c

" 12. Upholsterers Bill
Oct. 14. Servants for their Dinners in
1 aris . . . . .
" 17. Hatters Bill ....
" 29. For mending of Harness
1778.
Feb. 5. Fixing the Stove &c.

382

200

IS©

180

360

Passy, October, 4, 1778.

12,777

No. 3. — Account of B. Franklin's Expences paid out
of Monies drawn from Banker by Franklin &
Deane jointly taken from Joint Expence Book.

L. s. c. L. s. c.

Paid Servants Expences to Passy 5 12 o

Coffee House Acct. of Postage
&c

Paper of Various Sorts, Wax, &c.

Washing ....

Mending of Truncks
11. Washing ....
IS- Do

Six pound of Wax Taper
26. Champaignes, Wages

Expences of Horses at Passy &

Saddlers Work ... 400

1777.

jan.

•1

Feb.

174

EXPENSES IN PARIS. [JEt. 71.

L. s. c. L. s. c.

1777.

Sept. 29. Hill the Taylor, his Bill . . 504 o o
of which for W. T. F. . . 367 10 o

Leaves 136 10 o

Nov. ao. St. Louis Expences at Paris . 21 14 o

" Washing from Aug. 25 to Nov.

14 67 s o

" 28. Charles, Coachman, his Ex-
pences to Paris ... 21 11 o
" To Do. his wages from Sept. 1

to Dec. 1

" To Do. his Allowance for Wine,

for same time
" Dumonts Wages from Aug. 10

to Dec. 10

" To Do. his Allowance for Wine

•• To Do. his expences at Paris .

Dec 15 Renault for Halters & Bridles

for B. F. Horses .
•« To Do. for a Coach Glass

" Charles the Coachman, his

Wages and Expences to Pec.

31th

1778.
Jan. 3. St. Louis Account of Expences

when at Paris
" 16. Baton for hire of Carriages &

Horses ....

M 17. Tailors Bill ....
of which for W. T. F.

Leaves for me Hi 00

Feb. 12. Dumonts Expences at Paris and
allowance for six months'

washing .... 56 6 o

" 14. St. Louis 6 months Wages &

Washing .... 148 o o

M To Do. his Expences at Paris . 43 4 o

" 16. Baton for Carriages and Horses 336 o c

Apr. 13. St. Louis 2 months Wages &

Sundry Expences . . 153 5 °

100

r»

33<>

444

O 0

333

0 0

Passy. October 4, 1778.

2,128 8 0

iE-r. 72.] EXPENSES IN PARIS. g J

No. 4. — Account of B. Franklin's Expences paid out

of Monies drawn from Banker by Franklin &

Adams jointly taken from Joint Expence Book.

1778. L. s. c

Apr. 10. Paid Baton for Hire of Carriage & Horses for

two Months 663 o o

" 24. Dumont's Wages from Dec. 10 to April and
Sundry Expenses

For Washing

St. Louis Wages &c. from Mar. 21 to this day

To Do. for Dinners when from home

Washing

Three Hats for Servants

Blondin 1 Mo. Service, Wine & Washing

Dumonts Acct. of dinners &c

Mr. Whischall for Books and political Pamphlets

Calais's Dinners &c

5 Volumes of Atlas maritime (for pub. use)

Washing from 18 May to this Day .

Blacksmith

Calais's Dinners &c. .....

Dumont at his Departure in full Wages &c.

Washing

25-

May

12.

IS-

19.

June

■<

•1

22.

July

13-

• 1

22.

Aug.

•1

11.

174

120

154

Passy, October 4, 1778.

1,720 12

No. 5. — Account of B. Franklin & S. Deane's joint
Expences, paid out of Cash drawn jointly from
the Banker. From Expence Book at Hotel in
Paris.

1777-
Jan. 25. Paid Hire of a Remise from 22 Dec. to 20 Jan

11 Gave Coachman

" Paid family Expences from to do. . .

" Paid Wine Merchants Acct.

" Paid Acct. with Coffee House .

" Paid Breakfast Bill to 21 Jan. .

" Paid Traiteur, Bill from 21 Dec. to 21 Jan.

Feb. 3. Paid Le Fark for Family Expences .

" Paid Loss on Copper Money .

Vol. III.— 2

408

324

240

452

EXPENSES IN PARIS.

[Mr, 72,

1777.

Feb. 6.
15.
23-

26.

Apr.

Aug.

14.

Sep.

24.

Oct.

■I

14.

Nov.

19.

Dec.

!•

•1

20.

1778.

Jan.

17-

25-

Feb.

• •

12.

14.

■ 1

20.

24.

Mar.

25-

i«

Apr.

Paid Le Fark Acct. of Family Expences

Paid Do. Acct. do

Paid Hire of Remise 1 month & Driver

Paid the Traiteur Bill

Paid Breakfast Bill .

Paid Wine Merchant

Paid Le Fark for Family Expences

Paid Coffee House Bill .

Paid Copper Smith Bill

Paid Hire of Coach & Horses by order on grand

Paid Le Fark for Family Expences at Passy

from 7 Aug. to 7 Sept.
Paid for 20 Cord of Wood
Paid Le Fark on Acct. Family Expences 7 Sept

to 7 Oct

Paid Miss Chaumont for several bills she paid
Paid Le Fark for Family Expences in Part
Paid do. the whole do. from Oct. 8 to Nov. 8
Paid for Champaigne ....
Paid Blacksmith Work done at Passy
Paid Le Fark Family Expences from 8 Nov. to

8 Dec. ....

Paid Mr. Bonne for Opening Gates one year
Paid Le Fark in part Family Expences .

Paid Upholsterers Acct

Paid a Messenger

Paid Miss Chaumont for Sundry Bills she paid

Paid for Paper

Paid Le Fark in part of Family Expences
Paid Le Fark in part of Family Expences
Paid Dinner at Versailles 19 persons 20th, this

Month

Paid Le Park in part of Family Expences
Paid Le Fark Family Expences in full to

March 8

Paid a Messenger to Paris
Paid Brunei for joiners Work .

B. F. half 9,569 16 9
S. D. do. 9.569 16 9

Passy, October 4, 1778.

102

372

464

303

143

195

2,448

L358

760

1,281

650

549

1,470

144

164

1,709

I o

240

709

1,200

222

960

294

I24

19.139

Apr.

16.

23-

25-

May

M.T. 72.] EXPENSES IN PARIS. gf

No. 6. — Account of B. Franklin & Adams Joint Ex
pences paid out of cash drawn jointly from the
Banker.

L>. s. c. L. s. c.

Paid Madam Le Fark in part of

Family Expences . . 220 o o

Paid Wood Merchant . . 440 o o

Paid for 900 Bottles of Wine . 243 o o

Paid M. la Fark on Acct. of

Family Expences . . 360 o o

" 8. Paid Dinner for Americans at
Versailles when M. Adams
was presented to the king . 24 o o

" 13. Paid M. la Fark on Acct. of

Family Expences . . 480 o o

" 14. Paid for Sealing Wax . . 600

" 15. Paid Chaumont for Carriage

and Horses . . . 336 o o

" 19. Paid for Stationery ... 13 o o

" Paid M. la Fark in part of Fami-

ly Expences . 1,200 O o

" si. Paid for Blank Books and maps 16 10 o

" 30. Paid for keeping bay horse from

March 1 to May 10 . . 105 o 0

" Paid Sundry Postages . . 32 o o

June 4. Paid Dennis the Frotteur, Wa-
ges from 26 Nov. 1777 to 26
May 1778 .... 159 6 o

" 5. Paid M. La Fark in part Fami-
ly Expences . . . 360 o o

M 19. Paid M . La Fark in full of Fami-
ly Expences from 8 March

to 8 this month . . . 2,246 i«> o

July 9. Paid Stationery ... 57 16 o

" 10. Paid hire of Servants Bed &c. 78 o o

" 20. Paid Montaigne in Advances

for Family Expences . . 288 o o

Aug. 8. Paid do. in full of Family Ex-
pences from 8 June to 1st of
July 737 8 o

■' Paid do. for Postage 8 June to

1st July . . . . 283 XI O

EXPENSES IN PARIS. [Mr. 72.

1778. L. s. c. L. s. c

Aug. 8. Paid Montaigne Family Ex-
pences from 1st July to 1st

Aug 3,346 5 o

•• Deduct Expences for Anniver-
sary 4 July, charged to Con-
gress 600 7 o

1,745 X8 3

127 14 o

Paid Boisin for 29 Cord of Wood X,i6i 4 o

Paid do. Postages &c 1 July to

1 Aug 127 14 o

10,741 a o

B. F. half 5,370 11 o
J. A. do. 5,370 11 o

No. 7. — Account of Cash paid out of Private Purse
on Public Account and for other Persons who
afe to Account with the Public by B. Franklin.

1776. L,. !

Dec. 7. Paid M. Wilt an Express to Paris to announce

my arrival 600 O O

1777.
Jan. 12. Paid to M. Williams on Public Account for
which he has given the Public credit. (See

his Acct. Currt.) 480 o •

Feb. 8. Paid Potter an American Prisoner Escaped from

England 120 o o

" 11. Paid for Affairs d'Angleterre .... 36 o o
M Paid to Coll'l Lutterloh a german officer . . 480 o o
Mar. 31. Paid to M. Hood of Phila. to help him home . 720 o o
Apr. 29. Paid Major Klein Going in the American service 240 o o
May 1. Paid Pancoucke for Books of Cavalry for Con-
gress 315 o o

M 8. Paid Forrester for the Accoutrement of Troupes 69 o o

" 27. Paid Jona. Williams on Public Acct. for which
he has given the Public Credit. (See his

Acct. Current.) 48° ° °

June 5. Paid James Shanley who came with a Message

from some Friends of America in Ireland . 120 o o

" Paid M. Douglas a mate of a vessel from Phil-

adelphia who had been taken prisoner . 48 o o

JKt. 72.]

EXPENSES IN PARIS.

1777.

July

30.

Aug.

22.

•I

25-

Sep.

•■

17-

Oct.

14.

Dec.

27.

1778.

Jan.

3°-

Feb.

Mar.

26.

May

15-

June

23-

July ax.

11
i<

Aug. 5.

" 19.
•1

•1

Paid for a Courier to St. Malo and back to Paris
Paid Schimman a German Officer to help him

on to a Seaport to serve in Am. service
Paid 2 Louis 2 Sailors who escaped from Prison
Paid for a Harness for S. Deane
Paid Boussi wine Merchant for S. Deane
Paid J. Williams on Public Acct. for which he

has given the Public credit. (See his Acct.

Current.)

Paid for M. Dorscey Surgeon to his Tailor
Paid Subscription for Affairs d'Angleterre
Paid Bill drawn on me by Ebenez Smith Piatt

a poor American prisoner in Newgate

Paid Count d'Attems who had been taken go-
ing to America to serve in the Army .

Paid Courtney Melmoth a Political Writer

Paid Major Persons & took his Bill on Nesbitt

Paid le Blane an officer who made large demands
on Comm'r in order to get rid of him.

Paid more to Courtney Melmoth . .

Given to a Stranger a man of Letters who asked
Assistance .

At the Bath* .

Capt. Collas 5 Louis

Paid Peter Collas a Prisoner

To Courier from Vers

Dinner there for M. Adams and

Paid Peter Collas

Paid Joiner

At the Parish Charity Sermon

Paid to Darolles, Engineer

Paid M. Mante Ch'y

French lieut. and Doctor who had been prisoners

An American Prisoner from Danvers

Two French Sailors who had been in our ser-
vice and taken prisoners, but escaped very
naked

Another

Self

363

204

493

480

192

480

932

360

120

288

X20

408

I20

I92

* ««

Error" is written opposite this entry in red ink.

g i EXPENSES IN PARIS. [Mr. 72.

1778. L. s. c.

Aug. 19. Young, a Surgeon of Boston .... 96 o o

" Another, a Surgeon 24 o o

" De Baume 72 o o

9,273 a o
Passy October 4, 1778.

No. 8. — Account of Cash received by B. Franklin out
of Monies drawn from Banker by Franklin &
Deane. Extracted from Expence Book.

1777.

July 5. To Cash Received

Sep. 29. To do. do. to pay W. T. F.'s Tailor

Oct. 6. To do. do. .....

Dec. 29. To do. do. .....

514

367

480

333

396

2,082

117

480

1778.

Jan. 27. To do. do. to pay Tailor for W. T. F. .

Feb. 2. To do. do. ......

" 6. To do. do. 88 Louis ....

Apr. 4. To do. do. to pay W. T. F. fencing Master

" To do. do. to pay M. Vaughan

4,865 10 o
Note. — There is an Error in the Act of the C. Feb.,
1778, in putting the 88 Louis as 2,082 Livres instead of
a, 1 12 Livres, which makes the sum 30 Livres less than it
ought to be.

Passy, October 4, 1778.

No. 9. — Account of Cash received by B. Franklin out
of Monies drawn from Banker by Franklin &
Adams. Extracted from Expence Book.

1778. L. s. c.

Apr. 23. To Cash to pay B. F. Bache's Schooling . . 451 18 o

May 4. To do. Received 72 o o

To do. to pay Sadler 11 10 o

" 19. To do. Received 288 o o

June 15. To do. do. 1,800 o o

2,623 8 o
Passy, October 4, 1778.

At. 72.] EXPENSES IN PARIS. gj

No. 10. — Account of Cash drawn by Franklin & Deane
out of Banker's hands for Expences and Public
Uses.

1777. L. s. c. L. s. c.

Jan. 30. To Cash paid by Solier per Re-
ceipt

Feb. 4. Do. do.

Aug. 14. Do. paid by Grand per their or-
der to Chaumont for hire of
Coach and Horses

Sep. 26. Do. paid Comm. Acct. per order
of S. Deane

Nov. 15. Do. paid by Grand to W. T.
Franklin per order

Dec. 29. Do. paid by do. per Receipt
1778.

Feb. 6. Do. paid by Grand per Receipt

Mar. 25. Do. paid by Do.

Paid out of the above to Sundry
Persons per Acct. annexed in
which what S. Deane has re-
ceived is included . . 6,606 7 8

Paid to B. F. and already cred-
ited in his Acct. . . . 4,865 10 o

2,400

4,801

2,448

4,000

8,000

2,400

4,800

4.800

33.649

11,471 17 8

22,177 18 4
B. F. half 11,088 19 2
S. D. half 11,088 19 2
Passy, October 4, 1778.

Annexed to No. io. — Account of Cash paid out of
Franklin's and Deane's Money on Public Ac-
count or to Persons who are to Account with
the Public.

1777. L. s. c.

Jan. 21. Paid Silas Deane lor an Express to Nantes . 150 o o

" 28. To Capt. Nicholson 480 o o

M. Deane's Coffee House Bill ... 900

To M. Lee to pay for silk stockings . . . 54 o o

g k EXPENSES IN PARIS. [ifrr. 72.

1777* L. s. c

Feb. 6. To M. Deane 1,200 o o

7. To M. Deane 273 o o

" 14. M. Duportal for Instruments Purchased to

carry to America 366 o o

" 17. M. Parker by order of B. Franklin to help M.

Hall an American from England . . 288 o o
" 25. To M. Israel Potter and Edw'd Griffith to bear

their Expences to Nantes being two Prisoners 120 o o

" 20. 6th. Bark for M. A. Lee 48 o o

" For Silver Goblet & Spoon for M. Leedwell Lee 60 o o

" Carriage of Muskets 12 o o

" For two tin cases to send the Plan of Boux's

Vessels to America ..... 400
Dec. 7. Miss Chaumont for oats & Hay for M. Deane's

Horses 536 14 8

" 12. 1. Dumerick who went afterwards by the name

of Thornton by order of the Comm'rs. . 1,200 o o
Paid Wm. Carmichael for his journey to Nantes 618 o o
"W. T. Franklin by order of Comm'rs to dis-
charge his Acct. of Advances for them . 107 4 o

A French Sailor who escaped from Prison
M. Kendall a distressed American .

Major

M. Deane's Coachman .....

27.

3i«

1778.

Jan.

17.

Mar,

.25

Apr.

0 0

240

0 0

480

0 0

324

9 0

Passy, October 4, 1778.

6,606 7 8

Dr. — The Hon'ble the Congress of the United States

in Acer, with B. Franklin.

1778. No. L. s. c.

Oct. 4. 1. To my Salary as one of the Commissioners
of the United States at the Court of
France from Oct. 4, 1776, is 2 years at
11,478 Livres per annum, as per resolve
of Congress Aug. 6, 1779 . . . 22,856 6 o
u 2. To my Expences paid out of Private Purse

from the Time of my Appointment to
this day, agreeable to the account hereto
annexed, N. 2, allowed by the above
mentioned Resolve of Congress . . 12,777 9 a

JET. 72.] EXPENSES IN PARIS. gj

1778. No. L. ft. c

Oct. 4. 3. To my Expences paid out of Money drawn
from Banquer by Franklin & Deane, as
per Acct. N. 3. Extracted from joint
Expence Book 2,128 8 O

" 4. To my Expences paid out of Money drawn

from Banker by Franklin & Adams, as
per Acct. annexed N. 4. Extracted
from joint Expence Book . . . 1,720 12 o

*• 5. To my half of joint Expences with M. Deane

paid out of Monies drawn from Banker
by F. & D. as per account annexed N. 5.
Extracted from joint Expence Book . 9,569 16 9

" 6. To my half joint Expences with M. Adams

paid out of Money drawn from Banker
by F. & A. as per Acct. annexed N. 6.
Extracted from joint Expence Book . 5,370 xi o

" 7. To amount of Disbursements out of Private

Purse on Public accounts and advances
to persons who are to Account to the
Public for the same, as per Account
hereto annexed, N. 7 . . . 9,273 2 o

63.695 18 11
Passy, October 4, 1778.

Errors excepted.

Cr. — The Hon'ble the Congress of the United States

in Acct. with B. Franklin.
1776. L. s. c.

Dec. 7. By Cash received of Gruel at Nantes, and ac-
counted for with Solier Banker. (See for

this Solier's Acct.) 1,604 8 o

15. By ditto received of do 2,400 12 o

20. By do. rec'd of do. per my order in favor Hill 900 4 o
1777.
Ian. 20. By ditto received of do. with Messers Lee St
Deane 7,201 16, which being divided I re-
ceived ....... 2,994 ° °

" 30. By do. received of do. with Messers Dean & Lee

2,400 12, which being divided I received . 800 4 o
Feb. 26. By do. received do. with M. Dean, being the
Bala, of his Acct. 1. 12,858 8, of which I re-
ceived 6,845 ° •

g m EXPENSES IN PARIS. [i«T. 72.

1777. L. s. c.

May 27. By Cash received of Gruel .... 360 o o

July 7. By ditto received of do 2,400 o o

27. By ditto received of do. per my order in favor

of Hill 293 15 o

Aug. 7. By ditto received of Grand .... 4,800 o o

1778.
May 9. By ditto received of do. per my order in favor

of Hill 1,918 11 o

Aug. 27. By ditto received of do 500 o o

No.

Oct. \. 8. By ditto received at Sundry times out of the
monies drawn from Banker by Franklin
& Deane, agreeable to Acct. annexed,
N. 8. (Error of 30 Livs. less in this
Acct.) 4,865 10 o

" 9. By ditto received at Sundry times from
monies drawn from Banker by Frank-
lin & Adams as per Acct. annexed,
N. 9 2,623 8 o

•• 10 By ditto received from Banker jointly with

M. Deane, which is equally divided after
first Deducting the Payments which have
been made out of said monies for Public
Acct. or to persons who are to Acct. to
the Public agreeable to the accounts an-
nexed, N. 10. B. F. proportion is . 11,088 9 o

•• II. By ditto received from Banker jointly with
M. Adams, which is equally divided after
nrst Deducting the Payments which have
been made out of said monies for the
public or to persons who are to Acct.
with the Public as per Account annexed,
N. 11 7,634 2 6

52,028 4 10
Balance due 11,667 14 1

63.695 18 IX

Mt. 72.] EXPENSES TN PARIS. g n

No. 11. — Account of Cash drawn by Franklin &
Adams out of Banker's Hands for Expences and
Public Uses.

1778. L. s. c. L. s. c

Apr. 9. To Cash paid per Receipt by
Grand . . . . •
May 9. do. paid by do. per
" 26. do. paid by do. to Gammon Wine
Merchant per order F. .
June 16. do. paid by do. per Receipt
Aug. 7. do. paid by do. per do.

4,800

2,418

4,800

21,618 o o

Paid out of the above to Sundry
Persons per Acct. annexed in
which what Adams has received
is included .... 3,726 o

Paid to B. F. & already credited

in his Acct 2,623 8

6,349 16 o

15,268 4 o

B. F. half 7,634 a o
J. A. half 71634 2 o
Passy, October 4, 1778.

Annexed to No. ii. — Account of Cash paid out of
Franklin & Adams's money on Public Account or
to Persons who are to account with the Public.

1778.

Apr. 9.

Paid Jno. Farland to bear his Expences

120

James Barnett Do. ....

120

Do. Tailors Bill .

126

346

" 10.

Bringing M. Adams Things from Paris .

. 3

•

Wheelwright Work done for M. Deane

168

• aa.

M. Adams for Buckles 54 & Cash 480 .

534

M 34.

To John Chandler to bear his Expences

180

EXPENSES IN PARIS.

[/Et. 73.

1778.

May 1.

For Hire of Horses for M. Deane

120

Hill Tailor for do. ....

278

" 4.

480

M 7.

Blondin for M. Dearie's Account the

Balance due for Service .

414

Blondin's Brother for Do. likewise a

244

M. Deane's Sadler ....

M. Holker's Acct. of Carriage of G.

184

June 15.

A Poor German Sailor ....

Subscription for Courier de V Europe

July 13.

La veuve Soubrillard Traiteur for M.

Deane

Blacksmith for Acct. Do.

Aug. 8.

Expence of Anniversary of 4. July

600

Passy, October 4, 1778.

3,726 8 o

To John p«ui Dear Captain, — I received your favors of

pLV.y ^ the 2^ and 3ISt °f AugUSt' 1 am told> hY

tember 6, 1778. M. de C , that M. de S is sorry

you did not go with M. d'Orvilliers. He had sent orders
for that purpose, and your staying at L' Orient occasioned
your missing the opportunity. Your letter was sent to the
Prince de Nassau. I am confident something will be done
for you, though I do not yet know what.

Dr. Bancroft has been indisposed, and I have not lately
seen him ; but I hear he is getting better, and suppose he
has written. I go out of town early this morning for a few
days, but the other Commissioners will answer your letter.
I am glad you have procured a guard for the prisoners. It
is a good piece of service. They have concluded in Eng-
land to send us an equal number of ours, and we expect
to-morrop' to send the passport for their cartel ship, which

Mr. 75.J PRESENTS A MEMORIAL. gp

is to bring them. If we are to deliver theirs at Calais, I
should be for accepting thankfully the offer you mention.

We have no news from America but what comes through
England. Clinton's letter is in the London Gazette, and
for style and coloring is so like Keppel's that I cannot help
thinking neither of them originals, but both the perform-
ance of some under-secretary, whose business is to cook
the news for the ministers. Upon the whole, we learn that
the English army was well worried in its march, and that
their whole fleet and forces are now blocked up in New
York by Washington and Gates on the land side, and by
Count d'Estaing by sea, and that they will soon be in want
of provisions. I sympathize with you in what I know you
must suffer from your present inactivity ; but have patience.
I am, etc., B. Franklin.

To the Presi- I had the honor of receiving on the 13th

gress° dated °^ ^ast montn vour Excellency's letter of the
Passy, ia Ist of January, together with the instructions
of November 28th and December 27th, a copy
of those to Colonel Laurens, and the letter to the King. I
immediately drew a memorial, enforcing as strongly as I
could the requests that are contained in that letter, and
directed by the instructions, and I delivered the same with
the letter, which were both well received ; but, the ministry
being extremely occupied with other weighty affairs, and I
obtaining for some time only general answers, that some-
thing would be done for us, &c, and Mr. Laurens not
arriving, I wrote again, and pressed strongly for a decision
in the subject ; that I might be able to write explicitly by
thi' opportunity, what aids the Congress were, or were not,
to expect; the regulation of their opeiations for the cam-

VOL. III.— 3 B

IO IMPORTANT AID FROM FRANCE. [JEt. 75.

paign depending on the information I should be enabled to
give.

Upon this, I received a note, appointing Saturday last for
a meeting with the minister, which I attended punctually.
He assured me of the King's good will to the United States;
remarking, however, that, being on the spot, I must be
sensible of the great expense France was actually engaged
in, and the difficulty of providing for it, which rendered
the lending us twenty-five millions at present impracticable.
But he informed me, that the letter from the Congress, and
my memorials, had been under his Majesty's consideration;
and observed, as to loans in general, that the sum we wanted
to borrow in Europe was large, and that the depreciation
of our paper had hurt our credit on this side of the water;
adding, also, that the King could not possibly favor a loan
for us in his dominions, because it would interfere with,
and be a prejudice to, those he was under the necessity of
obtaining himself to support the war ; but that, to give the
States a signal proof of his friendship, his Majesty had
resolved to grant them the sum of six millions, not as a
loan, but as a free gift. This sum, the minister informed
me, was exclusive of the three millions, which he had
before obtained for me, to pay the Congress drafts for
interest, &c, except in the current year.

To the Presi- I must now beg leave to say something
*"ss° 6mteA relating to myself; a subject with which I hav
Passy, ia not often troubled the Congress. I have passed
my seventy-fifth year, and I find that the long
and severe fit of the gout, which I had the last winter, has
shaken me exceedingly, and I am yet far from having
recovered the bodily strength I before enjoyed. I do not

Mr. 75.] REQUESTS TO BE RELIEVED. \\

kriDw that my mental faculties are impaired; perhaps I shall
be the last to discover that ; but I am sensible of great
diminution in my activity, a quality I think particularly
necessary in your minister for this court. I am afraid,
therefore, that your affairs may some time or other suffer
by my deficiency. I find also, that the business is too
heavy for me, and too confining. The constant attendance
at home, which is necessary for receiving and accepting
your bills of exchange (a matter foreign to my ministerial
functions), to answer letters, and perform other parts of my
employment, prevents my taking the air and exercise, which
my annual journeys formerly used to afford me, and which
contributed much to the preservation of my health. There
are many other little personal attentions, which the infirmi-
ties of age render necessary to an old man's comfort, even
in some degree to the continuance of his existence, and
with which business often interferes.

I have been engaged in public affairs, and enjoyed public
confidence, in some shape or other, during the long term
of fifty years, and honor sufficient to satisfy any reasonable
ambition ; and I have no other left but that of repose,
which I hope the Congress will grant me, by sending some
person to supply my place. At the same time, I beg they
may be assured, that it is not any the least doubt of their
success in the glorious cause, nor any disgust received in
their service, that induces me to decline it, but purely and
simply the reasons above mentioned. And, as I cannot at
present undergo the fatigues of a sea voyage (the last having
been almost too much for me), and would not again expose
myself to the hazard of capture and imprisonment in this
time of war, I purpose to remain here at least till the peace ;
perhaps it may be for the remainder of my life ; and, if

12 HIS " ONE REQUEST." [Mr. 75.

any knowledge or experience I have acquired here may be
thought of use to my successor, I shall freely communicate
it, and assist him with any influence I may be supposed to
have, or counsel that may be desired of me.*

I have one request more to make, which, if I have served
the Congress to their satisfaction, I hope they will not
refuse me ; it is, that they will be pleased to take under their
protection my grandson, William Temple Franklin. I have
educated him from his infancy, and I brought him over
with an intention of placing him where he might be quali-
fied for the profession of the law ; but the constant occasion
I had for his services as a private secretary during the time
of the Commissioners, and more extensively since their
departure, has induced me to keep him always with me ;
and indeed, being continually disappointed of the secretary
Congress had at different times intended me, it would have
been impossible for me, without this young gentleman's
assistance, to have gone through the business incumbent
on me. He has therefore lost so much of the time neces-
sary for law studies, that I think it rather advisable for him
to continue, if it may be, in the line of public foreign
affairs; for which he seems qualified by a sagacity and
judgment above his years, and great diligence and activity,

* Franklin was weary of contending with foes, secret and open, so far
from their base of operations. This, no doubt, had much to do with this
urgent request to be relieved. The Congress not only declined to accede
to it, but made him joint Commissioner with Jay and Adams to settle the
terms of peace. In a letter to the President of Congress, dated at Madrid,
April 25th, 1781, Mr. Jay said: " I perceive Dr. Franklin desires to retire.
This circumstance calls upon me to assure Congress, that I have reason to
be perfectly satisfied with his conduct towards me, and that I have received
from him all the aid and attention I could wish or expect. His character is
very high here, and I really believe that the respectability, which he enjoys
throughout Europe, has been of general use to our cause and country." — ED.

Mt. 75.] VILLA IN Y OF DIGGES. \ 3

exact probity, a genteel address, a facility in speaking well
the French tongue, and all the knowledge of business to be
obtained by a four years' constant employment in the secre-
tary's office, where he may be said to have served a kind
of apprenticeship.

After all the allowance I am capable of making for the
partiality of a parent to his offspring, I cannot but think he
may in time make a very able foreign minister for Congress,
in whose service his fidelity may be relied on. But I do
not at present propose him as such, for though he is now
of age, a few years more of experience will not be amiss.
In the mean time, if they should think fit to employ him as
a secretary to their minister at any European court, I am
persuaded they will have reason to be satisfied with his
conduct, and I shall be thankful for his appointment, as a
favor to me.

My accounts have been long ready for the examination
of some person to be appointed for that purpose.

To William I received your respected favor of the 20th
ted Passy *i P35^ an<^ am shocked exceedingly at the ac-
Aprii, 1781. count you give me of Digges. He that robs
the rich even of a single guinea is a villain ; but what is he
who can break his sacred trust, by robbing a poor man and
a prisoner of eighteen pence given in charity for his relief,
and repeat that crime as often as there are weeks in a
winter, and multiply it by robbing as many poor men every
week as make up the number of near six hundred? We
have no name in our language for such atrocious wicked-
ness. If such a fellow is not damned, it is not worth while
to keep a devil.

I am sorry you have been obliged to advance money. I
3*

14 JEALOUSY OF ENEMIES. [Mr. 75

desired Mr. Grand, some time since, to order two hundred
pounds to be paid you in London. If that is not done, draw
on him for the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds, payable
at thirty days' sight, and your bill shall be duly honored.

To Mr. jay, Digges, a Maryland merchant, residing in
Aug. ao, 1781*? London, who pretended to be a zealous Ameri-
can, and to have much concern for our poor
people in the English prisons, drew upon me for their re-
lief at different times last winter to the amount of four hun-
dred and ninety-five pounds sterling, which he said had been
drawn for upon him by the gentlemen at Portsmouth and
Plymouth, who had the care of the distribution. To my
utter astonishment I have since learned, that the villain had
not applied above thirty pounds of the money to that use,
and that he has failed and absconded.

To William I thank you much for your friendly hints of
dated Pass'y *ne operations of my enemies, and of the means
ia April, 1781. \ might use to defeat them. Having in view
at present no other point to gain but that of rest, I do not
take their malice so much amiss, as it may farther my pro-
ject, and perhaps be some advantage to you. and

are open, and, so far, honorable enemies ; the , if

enemies, are more covered. I never did any of them the
least injury, and can conceive no other source of their
malice but envy. To be sure, the excessive respect shown
me here by all ranks of people, and the little notice taken
of them, was a mortifying circumstance ; but it was what I
could neither prevent ^r remedy. Those who feel pain at
seeing others enjoy pleasure, and are unhappy, must meet
daily with so many causes of torment, that I conceive them

&t. 75-] JEALOUSY OF ENEMIES. jj

to be already in a state of damnation ; and on that account
I ought to drop all resentment with regard to those two
gentlemen. But I cannot help being concerned at the mis-
chief their ill tempers will be continually doing in our
public affairs, whenever they have any concern in them.

I remember the maxim you mention of Charles the
Fifth, Yo y el Tiempo ; and have somewhere met with an
answer to it in this distich.

" I and Time 'gainst any two;
Chance and I 'gainst Time and you."

And I think the gentlemen you have at present to deal with,
would do wisely to guard a little more against certain
chances.

The prince of Maceran, with several persons of his
nation, did me the honor of breakfasting with me on Mon-
day last, when I presented the compliments you charged
me with. Mr. Cumberland has not yet arrived in Paris, as
far as I have heard.

The discontents in our army have been quieted. There
was in them not the least disposition of revolting to the
enemy. I thank you for the Maryland captain's news,
which I hope will be confirmed. They have heard some-
thing of it in England, as you will see by the papers, and
are very uneasy about it, as well as about their news from
the East Indies.

To Lafayette, You are a very good correspondent, which
i^May tjiu* I d° not deserve, as I am a bad one. The
truth is, I have too much business upon my
hands, a great deal of it foreign to my function as a min-
ister, which interferes with my writing regularly to my

1 6 ARNOLD. [jEt. 7>

friends. But I am nevertheless extremely sensible of your
kindness in sending me such frequent and full intelligence
of the state of affairs on your side of the water, and in letting
me see by your letters, that your health continues, as well
as your zeal for our cause and country.

You mention my having enemies in America. You are
luckier, for I think you have none here, nor anywhere.
Your friends have heard of your being gone against the
traitor Arnold, and are anxious to hear of your success, and
that you have brought him to punishment. Enclosed is a
copy of a letter from his agent in England, captured by
one of our cruisers, and by which the price or reward he
received for his treachery may be guessed at. Judas sold
only one man, Arnold three millions. Judas got for his
one man thirty pieces of silver, Arnold not a halfpenny a
head. A miserable bargain ! especially when one considers
the quantity of infamy he has acquired to himself, and en-
tailed on his family.*

The English are in a fair way of gaining still more
enemies ; they play a desperate game. Fortune may favor
them, as it sometimes does a drunken dicer ; but by their
tyranny in the East, they have at length roused the powers
there against them, and I do not know that they have in
the West a single friend. If they lose their India commerce
(which is one of their present great supports), and one
battle at sea, their credit is gone, and their power follows.

* The letter here mentioned was from a banker in London to General
Arnold, stating that he had received from him bills to the amount of five
thousand pounds sterling, which the banker said he had invested in the
stocks. This was supposed to be the money paid to Arnold as the reward
of his treachery. After the war, a pension was likewise granted to each of
his children. — Sc:e letter in Bigclow's Works of Franklin, vol. vii. p. 237.

At. 75.] MISSION OF COLONEL LAURENS. \y

Thus empires, by pride, folly, and extravagance, ruin them-
selves like individuals. M. de la Motte Piquet has snatched
from between their teeth a good deal of their West India
prey, having taken twenty-two sail of their homeward bound
prizes. One of our American privateers has taken two
more, and brought them into Brest, and two were burnt ;
there were thirty-four in company, with two men-of-war of
the line and two frigates, who saved themselves by flight,
but we do not hear of their being yet got in.

I think it was a wise measure to send Colonel Laurens
here, who could speak knowingly of the state of the army.
It has been attended with all the success that perhaps could
reasonably be expected, though not with all that was wished.
He has fully justified your character of him, and returns
thoroughly possessed of my esteem ; but that cannot and
ought not to please him so much, as a little more money
would have done for his beloved army. This court con-
tinues firm and steady in its friendship, and does every thing
it can for us. Can we not do a little more for ourselves ?
My successor (for I have desired the Congress to send me
one) will find it in the best disposition towards us, and I
hope he will take care to cultivate that disposition. You,
who know the leading people of both countries, can perhaps
judge better than any member of Congress of a person
suitable for this station.

I wish you may be in a way to give your advice, when
the matter is agitated in that assembly. I have been long
tired of the trade of minister, and wished for a little repose
before I went to sleep for good and all. I thought I might
have held out till the peace ; but, as that seems at a greater
distance than the end of my days, I grow impatient. I
would not, however, quit the service of the public, if I did

1 8 DUTIES ON EXPORTS. [/Et. 75-

not sincerely think that it would be easy for the Congress,
with your counsel, to find a fitter man. God bless you,
and crown all your labors with success.

To John I have with you, no doubt that America will

Passy,' 19 ke easily able to pay off not only the interest,
May, 1781. but the principal, of all the debt she may con-
tract in this war. But whether duties upon her exports will
be the best method of doing it, is a question I am not so
clear in. England raised indeed a great revenue by duties
on tobacco. But it was by virtue of a prohibition of for-
eign tobaccos, and thereby obliging the internal consumer
to pay those duties. If America were to lay a duty of five
pence sterling a pound on the exportation of her tobacco,
would any European nation buy it ? Would not the colo-
nies of Spain and Portugal, and the Ukraine of Russia, fur-
nish it much cheaper? Was not England herself obliged,
for such reasons, to drop the duty on tobacco she furnished
to France ? Would it not cost an immense sum in officers,
&c, to guard our long coast against smuggling of tobacco,
and running it out to avoid a duty? And would not many
even of those officers be corrupted and connive at it ? It
is possibly an erroneous opinion, but I find myself rather
inclined to adopt that modern one, which supposes it best
for every country to leave its trade entirely free from all
incumbrances. Perhaps no country does this at present.
Holland comes the nearest to it ; and her commercial wealth
seems to have increased in proportion.

Your Excellency has done me the honor of announcing
to me your appointment. I hope soon to return the com-
pliment by informing you of my demission. I find the
various employments of merchant, banker, judge of admi-

Mr. 75.] MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS. !0

ralty, consul, &c. &c, besides my ministerial function, too
multifarious and too heavy for my old shoulders ; and have
therefore requested Congress that I may be relieved ; for in
this point I agree even with my enemies, that another may
easily be found who can better execute them.

To Messrs. I received the letter you did me the honoi

•rid Thomaa of writing to m? on the 31st past, relating to
Hope Heyh- yOUr ship, supposed to be retaken from the

ger, dated

Passy,8june, English by an American privateer, and carried
178x- into Morlaix. I apprehend that you have

been misinformed, as I do not know of any American
privateer at present in these seas. I have the same sen-
timents with you of the injustice of the English, in their
treatment of your nation. They seem at present to have
renounced all pretension to any other honor, than that of
being the first piratical state in the world. There are three
employments, which I wish the law of nations would pro-
tect, so that they should never be molested or interrupted
by enemies even in time of war ; I mean farmers, fishermen,
and merchants ; because their employments are not only
innocent, but for the common subsistence and benefit of the
human species in general. As men grow more enlightened,
we may hope that this will in time be the case. Till then we
must submit, as well as we can, to the evils we cannot remedy.

To John Mr. Grand has communicated to me a letter

Adams, dated r t-« 11 -l • 1 i*

Passy 11 fr°m vour Excellency to him, relating to cer-
june, 1781. tain charges in your account, on which you
seem to desire to have my opinion. As we are all new in
these matters, I consulted, when I was making up my
account, on 5 of the oldest foreign ministers here, as to the

20 MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS. [Mr. 75.

custom in such cases. He informed me, that it was not
perfectly uniform with the ministers of all courts, but that
in general, where a salary was given for service and expenses,
the expenses understood were merely those necessary to the
man, such as housekeeping, clothing, and coach ; but that
the rent of the hotel in which he dwelt, the payment of
couriers, the postage of letters, the salary of clerks, the
stationery for his bureau, with the feasts and illuminations
made on public occasions, were esteemed the expenses of
the Prince, or State that appointed him, being for the
service or honor of his prince or nation, and either entirely,
or in great part, expenses, that, as a private man, he would
have been under no necessity of incurring. These, there-
fore, were to be charged in his accounts. He remarked, it
was true, that the minister's housekeeping as well as his
house was usually, and in some sort necessarily more expen-
sive, than those of a private person ; but this, he said, was
considered in his salary, to avoid trouble in accounts ; but
that, where the Prince or State had not purchased or built
a house for their minister, which was sometimes the case,
they always paid his house rent.

I have stated my own accounts according to this informa-
tion j and I mention them, that, if they seem to you reason-
able, we may be uniform in our charges, by your charging
in the same manner ; or, if objections to any of them occur
to you, that you would communicate them to me for the
same reason.

Thus you see my opinion, that the articles you mention,
of courtage, commission, and port de lettres, are expenses
that ought to be borne, not by you, but by the United
States. Yet it seems to me more proper that you should
pay them, and charge them with the other articles above

Mr. 7£] PROVISION FOR THE PUBLIC CREDIT. 21

mentioned, than that they should be paid by me, who, not
knowing the circumstances, cannot judge (as you can) of
the truth and justice of such an account when presented,
and who, besides, have no orders to pay more on your
account, than your net salary.

With regard to that salary, though your receipts to Fizeau
and Grand, shown to me, might be quite sufficient to prove
they had paid you the sums therein mentioned, yet, as
there are vouchers for them, and which they have a right to
retain, I imagine it will be clearest if you draw upon me,
agreeably to the order of Congress; and, if this is quar-
terly, it will be the most convenient to me.

To William I have this instant received your letter of

ted Spassy,a5 tne 2C^ urgm& tne delivery of the money. I
juiy, at 6 in mUst be short in my reply, as your express

the morning,

1781. waits.

Colonel Laurens indeed obtained a promise of ten mil-
lions to be raised by a loan in Holland. I understood,
while he was here, that that loan was in train, and that the
million and a half to be sent with you was a part of it. I
since learn, that nothing has yet been obtained in Holland,
that the success is not yet certain, and that the money in
question is a part of the six millions I had obtained before
his arrival, upon the strength of which I accepted the bills
drawn on his father, and on Mr. Jay, and without which
acceptances the Congress's credit in America would have
been ruined, and a loss incurred of twenty per cent, upon
the protests. I cannot obtain more money here at present;
and those bills, being accepted, must be paid, as well as
those I accepted ^n your earnest request, for the great
unexpected purchase you made in Holland.
Vol. III.— 4

22 PROVISION FOR THE PUBLIC CREDIT. [Mr. 75.

Colonel Laurens has carried two millions and a half of
that six millions with him, which will serve till the loan in
Holland produces a further supply. In the mean time I
cannot suffer the credit of our country to be destroyed, if,
by detaining this money, it may be saved. And, if I were
to consent to its going, our banker would be obliged to
arrest great part of it as belonging to the States, he being
in advance for them, which would occasion much disagree-
able noise, and very ill consequences to our credit in
Europe.

I find, by Mr. Viemerange's account just received, that
Mr. Laurens's orders have more than absorbed all the
money he did not take with him. I applaud the zeal you
have both shown in the affair; but I see, that nobody cares
how much I am distressed, provided they can carry their
own points. I must, therefore, take what care I can of
mine, theirs and mine being equally intended for the service
of the public. I am sorry to learn that the vessel is detained
for this express. I understood by your last, that she waited
for convoy. I heartily wish you a good voyage, and am,
with great esteem, &c.

To William I received your letter of the 2d instant, by

ted Passy &s your ^rst exPress> tnis morning at six, answered
juiy,i78i. it, and sent him away immediately. I have

just now received your second express, of the same date,
in which you threaten me with a proceeding, that I appre-
hend exceedingly imprudent, as it can answer no good end
to you, must occasion much scandal, and be thereby very
prejudicial to the affairs of the Congress.

But I cannot, therefore, consent to suffer their bills, to
the amount of more than a million accepted and expected,

JET. 75.] PROVISION FOR THE PUBLIC CREDIT. 23

to go back protested for want of this money. I have
nothing to change in the answer above mentioned. You
will however follow your own judgment, as I must follow
mine ; and you will take upon yourself the consequences.

To wuiiam I received and answered two of your ex-

Jackson, da- i j • .i

ted Passy 6 Presses yesterday morning, and in the evening
July, 1781. I received a third letter from you, all dated
the 2d instant.

In this last you tell me, "that I must be sensible I cannot
have the disposal of the money, as it was obtained without
either my knowledge or concurrence, by Colonel Laurens,
appointed special minister for that purpose." I do not
desire to diminish the merit of Colonel Laurens. I believe
he would have been glad, if it had been in his power, to
have procured ten times the sum ; and that no application
or industry on his part for that purpose would have been
wanting. But I cannot let this injurious assertion of yours
pass, without expressing my surprise, that you, who were
always with that gentleman, should be so totally ignorant
of that transaction. The six millions, of which he took
with him two and a half, of which one and a half were sent
to Holland, and of which more than the remainder is
ordered in stores from hence, was z.free gift from the King's
goodness (not a loan to be repaid with interest), and was
obtained by my application, long before Colonel Laurens's
arrival.

I had also given in a list of the stores to be provided,
though on his coming I cheerfully gave up the further pros-
ecution of that business into his hands, as he was better
acquainted with the particular wants of the army, than I
could be, and it was one of the purposes of his appointment.

24 PROVISION FOR THE PUBLIC CREDIT. [^Et. 75.

Thus no part of" the affair was done without my " knoiul-
edge and concurrence •," except the sending a million and a
half of the specie to Holland. This was indeed a secret
to me. I had heard of that sum's being ready there to
embark, but I always, till lately, understood it to be a part
of the Dutch loan, which I am about to mention, or I
should certainly have opposed that operation. What Colonel
Laurens really obtained, and a great service I hope it will
prove, was a loan upon interest of ten millions, to be bor-
rowed on the credit of this court in Holland. I have not
heard, that this loan has yet produced any thing, and
therefore I do not know that a single livre exists, or has
existed in Europe, of his procuring for the States. On the
contrary, he and you have drawn from me considerable
sums, as necessary for your expenses, and he left me near
forty thousand livres to pay for the Alliance ; and, more-
over, engaged me in a debt in Holland, which I understood
might amount to about fifteen thousand pounds sterling,
and which you contrived to make fifty thousand pounds.

When I mentioned to him the difficulty I should find to
pay the drafts, he said, "You have the remainder of the
six millions." He gave me no account of the dispositions
he had made, and it is but lately I have learnt, that there is
no remainder. To gratify you, and to get that ship out,
which could not have stirred without me, I have engaged for
the vast sum above mentioned, which I am sure I shall be
much distressed to pay, and therefore have not deserved at
your hands the affront you are advised to menace me with.

And since I find you make it a point of reflection upon
me, that I 'vant to apply money to the payment of my
engagement- for the Congress, which was obtained by
Colonel Laurens for other purposes, I must request, that

M.T. 75-] ROBERT MORRIS. 2$

you will upon this better information take occasion to correct
that error, if you have communicated it to any other person.

By the letters you showed me, that had passed between
Mr. Adams and you, I perceived he had imbibed an opinion,
that Colonel Laurens had, as he expressed it, done more
for the United States in the short time of his being in
Europe, than all the rest of their diplomatic corps put to-
gether. I should never have disputed this, because I had
rather lend a little credit to a friend, than take any from
him, especially when I am persuaded he will make a good
use of it ; but, when his friends will make such suppositi-
tious credit a matter of reproach to me, it is not right to
continue silent.

As to the safety of your excellent conveyance you men-
tion, I must own, I have some doubts about it, and I fear
I shall hear of the arrival of that ship in England, before
she sees America. Be that as it may, I am clear that no
use can possibly be made of the money in America for sup-
porting the credit of the States, equal in any degree to the
effect it must have for the same purpose, when applied to
the payment of their bills here, which must otherwise go
back protested. And I am sure it will be exceedingly preju-
dicial to their credit, if, by the rash proceeding you threaten,
this situation of their affairs becomes the subject of public
talk and discussion in Europe.

To Robert I have just received your very friendly letter

Morris,* da- r ,, ,., r T

ted Passy, 26 ot tne 6tn °* June Past> announcing your
/uiy, 1781. appointment to the superintendence of our

finances. This gave me great pleasure, as, from your intel-
ligence, integr^y, and abilities, there is reason to hope

* Recently appointed superintendent of finance by Congress. — Ed.
4*

2b RESIGNATION NOT ACCEPTED. [At. 75.

every advantage, that the public can possibly receive from
such an office. You are wise in estimating beforehand, as
the principal advantage you can expect, the consciousness
of having done service to your country ; for the business
you have undertaken is of so complex a nature, and must
engross so much of your time and attention, as necessarily
to injure your private interests ; and the public is often
niggardly, even of its thanks, while you are sure of being
censured by malevolent critics and bug-writers, who will
abuse you while you are serving them, and wound your
character in nameless pamphlets ; thereby resembling those
little dirty insects, that attack us only in the dark, disturb
our repose, molesting and wounding us, while our sweat and
blood are contributing to their subsistence. Every assist-
ance that my situation here, as long as it continues, may
enable me to afford you, shall certainly be given ; for, be-
sides my affection for the glorious cause we are both engaged
in, I value myself upon your friendship, and shall be happy
if mine can be made of any use to you.

To William The Congress have done me the honor to

Carmichael, c ,• • .. j • • .

dated Pass refuse accepting my resignation, and insist on
34 Aug., 1781. my continuing in their service till the peace.
I must therefore buckle again to business, and thank God
that my health and spirits are of late improved. I fancy it
may have been a double mortification to those enemies you
have mentioned to me, that I should ask as a favor what
they hoped to vex me by taking from me ; and that I should
nevertheless be continued. But this sort of considerations
should never influence our conduct. We ought always to
do what appears best to be done, without much regarding
what others may think of it. I call this continuance an

At. 75.] MUCH GOOD WITH LITTLE MONEY. 2J

honor, and I really esteem it to be a greater than my first
appointment, when I consider that all the interest of my
enemies, united with my own request, were not sufficient to
prevent it.

To a Friend, Your comparison of the keystone of an arch
is very pretty, tending to make me content
with my situation. But I suppose you have heard our story
of the harrow ; if not, here it is. A farmer, in our country,
sent two of his servants to borrow one of a neighbour, order-
ing them to bring it between them on their shoulders.
When they came to look at it, one of them, who had much
wit and cunning, said ; "What could our master mean by
sending only two men to bring this harrow ? No two men
upon earth are strong enough to carry it." "Poh!" said
the other, who was vain of his strength, " what do you talk
of two men ? One man may carry it. Help it upon my
shoulders and see." As he proceeded with it, the wag kept
exclaiming, "Zounds, how strong you are! I could not
have thought it. Why, you are a Samson ! There is not
such another man in America. What amazing strength God
has given you ! But you will kill yourself ! Pray put it down
and rest a little, or let me bear a part of the weight. " ' ' No,
no," said he, being more encouraged by the compliments,
than oppressed by the burden ; " you shall see I can carry
it quite home." And so he did. In this particular I am
afraid my part of the imitation will fall short of the original.

To wuiiam Reverend Sir, — I duly received the lettei
paasy's Sep- you ^id me the honor of writing to me the
tember, 1781. 25th past, together with the valuable little
book, of which you are the author. There can be no doubt,

28 FRIENDS AMD ENEMIES. [Mt. 75.

but that a gentleman of your learning and abilities might
make a very useful member of society in our new country,
and meet with encouragement there, either as an instructor
in one of our Universities, or as a clergyman of the Church
of Ireland. But I am not empowered to engage any person
to go over thither, and my abilities to assist the distressed
are very limited. I suppose you will soon be set at liberty
m England by the cartel for the exchange of prisoners. In
the mean time, if five /ouis-d'ors may be of present service
to you, please to draw on me for that sum, and your bill
shall be paid on sight. Some time or other you may have
an opportunity of assisting with an equal sum a stranger who
has equal need of it. Do so. By that means you will dis-
charge any obligation you may suppose yourself under to
me. Enjoin him to do the same on occasion. By pur-
suing such a practice, much good may be done with little
money. Let kind offices go round. Mankind are all of a
family.

To Francis As to the friends and enemies you just men-
datedmpassy tion, I have hitherto, thanks to God, had
13 Sept., 1781. plenty of the former kind ; they have been my
treasure ; and it has perhaps been of no disadvantage to
me, that I have had a few of the latter. They serve to put
us upon correcting the faults we have, and avoiding those
we are in danger of having. They counteract the mischief
flattery might do us, and their malicious attacks make our
friends more zealous in serving us and promoting our in-
terest. At present, I do not know of more than two such

enemies that I enjoy, viz. and . I deserved the

enmity of the latter, because I might have avoided it by
paying hun a corroliment, which I neglected. That of the

Mr. 75.] NEW HONORS. 2g

former I owe to the people of France, who happened to
respect me too much and him too little; which I could
bear, and he could not. They are unhappy, that they can-
not make everybody hate me as much as they do ; and I
should be so, if my friends did not love me much more than
those gentlemen can possibly love one another.

To the Presi- I duly received the two letters your Excel-
eress° dated lencv did me the honor of writing to me, both
passy, 13 dated the 19th of June, together with the letter

Sept., 1781.

addressed to the King and the three Commis-
sioners, with the instructions relative to the negotiations
for peace. I immediately went to Versailles and presented
the letter, which was graciously received. I communicated
also to Count de Vergennes a copy of your instructions
after having deciphered them. He read them while I was
with him, and expressed his satisfaction with the unreserved
confidence placed in his court by the Congress, assuring
me, that they never would have cause to regret it, for that
the King had the honor of the United States at heart, as
well as their welfare and independence. Indeed, this has
already been manifested in the negotiations relative to the
plenipotentiaries ; and I have had so much experience of
his Majesty's goodness to us, in the aids afforded us from
time to time, and of the sincerity of this upright and able
minister, who never promised me any thing which he did
not punctually perform, that I cannot but think the confi-
dence well and judiciously placed, and that it will have
happy effects.

I am extremely sensible of the honor done me by the
Congress in this new appointment. I beg they would ac-
cept my thankful acknowledgments ; and, since they judge

30 NEW HONORS. [^Et. 75.

I may be serviceable, though I had requested leave to retire,
I submit dutifully to their determination, and shall do my
utmost to merit in some degree the favorable opinion they
appear to have of me. I am the more encouraged in this
resolution, as within the last three months I find my health
and strength considerably reestablished.

I wish, however, that a consul-general may soon be ap-
pointed for this kingdom ; it would ease me of abundance
of troublesome business, to which I am not equal, and
which interferes with my own important functions.

To John I have never known a peace made, even the
Pa*sms'i2aQec_ most advantageous, that was not censured as
tober, 1781. inadequate, and the makers condemned as
injudicious or corrupt. ''Blessed are the peace-makers"
is, I suppose, to be understood in the other world ; for in
this they are frequently cursed. Being as yet rather too
much attached to this world, I had therefore no ambition
to be concerned in fabricating this peace, and know not
how I came to be put into the commission. I esteem it,
however, as an honor to be joined with you in so impor-
tant a business; and, if the execution of it shall happen
in my time, which I hardly expect, I shall endeavour to
assist in discharging the duty according to the best of
my judgment.

I have heard nothing of Mr. Jefferson. I imagine the
story of his being taken prisoner is not true. From his
original unwillingness to leave America, when I was sent
hither, I think his coming doubtful, unless he had been
made acquainted with and consented to the appoint-
ment.

I hope your heaUh is fully established. I doubt not but

JET. 75.] GENERAL BURGOYNE. 3 1

you have the advice of skilful physicians, otherwise I should
presume to offer mine, which would be, though you find
yourself well, to take a few doses of bark, by way of fortify-
ing your constitution, and preventing a return of your
fever.

To Edmund I received but a few days since your very
Passy' 15*00- friendly letter of August last, on the subject
tober, 1781. of General Burgoyne.

Since the foolish part of mankind will make wars from
time to time with each other, not having sense enough
otherwise to settle their differences, it certainly becomes
the wiser part, who cannot prevent those wars, to alleviate
as much as possible the calamities attending them. Mr.
Burke always stood high in my esteem; but his affectionate
concern for his friend renders him still more amiable, and
makes the honor he does me of admitting me of the
number still more precious.

I do not think the Congress have any wish to persecute
General Burgoyne. I never heard, till I received your
letter, that they had recalled him ; if they have made such
a resolution, it must be, I suppose, a conditional one, to
take place in case their offer of exchanging him for Mr.
Laurens should not be accepted ; a resolution intended
merely to enforce that offer.

I have just received an authentic copy of the resolve
containing that offer; and authorizing me to make it. As I
have no communication with your ministers, I send it en-
closed to you. If you can find any means of negotiating
this business, I am sure the restoring of another worthy
man to his family and friends will be an addition to your
pleasure.

32 GENERAL BURGOYNE. [ilSr. 75.

To Thomas Having no direct communication with the
President of British ministers, and Mr. Burke appearing,
congress, da- by a letter to me, warmly interested in favor

ted Psssv S

Nov., 1781.' of his friend, General Burgoyne,* to prevent
his being recalled, I have requested and em-
powered him to negotiate that exchange, and I soon expect
his answer. The late practice of sending to England
prisoners taken in America has greatly augmented the num-
ber of those unfortunate men, and proportionally increased
the expense of relieving them. The subscriptions for that
purpose in England have ceased. The allowance I have
made to them of sixpence each per week during the summer,
though small, amounts to a considerable sum ; and, during
the winter, I shall be obliged to double, if not treble it. The
Admiralty there will not accept any English in exchange,
but such as have been taken by Americans, and absolutely
refuse to allow any of the paroles given to our privateers
by English prisoners discharged at sea, except in one
instance, that of fifty-three men taken in the Snake sloop,
by the Pilgrim and Rambler, which was a case attended, as
they say, with some particular circumstances. I know not
what the circumstances were, but shall be glad to see the
fifty-three of our people, whom they promised to send me
by the first cartel. I have above five hundred other paroles

* General Burgoyne, who was taken prisoner with his whole army at
Saratoga, and was now in England on parole, was an illegitimate son of
Lord Bingley. He ran away with a daughter of the eleventh Earl of
Derby, and thereby ultimately secured an influence at court which led to
his rapid promotion. He distinguished himself in the war between Spain
and Portugal in 1762. He sat in Parliament for many years ; was a brave
but unfortunate general, an effective speaker, and had some success as a
writer for the stage Hi: -emains received the honors of Westminster
Abbey.— Ed

Mt. 75.] HOW TO DRIVE A FREE HORSE. 33

solemnly given in writing, by which the Englishmen prom
ised, either to send our people in exchange, or to surrender
themselves to me in France, not one of which has been
regarded, so little faith and honor remain in that corrupted
nation. Our privateers, when in the European seas, will
rarely bring in their prisoners when they can get rid of
them at sea. Some of our poor brave countrymen have
been in ihat cruel captivity now near four years. I hope
the Congress will take this matter into immediate consider-
ation, and find some means for their deliverance, and to
prevent the sending more from America. By my last
accounts, the number now in the several prisons amounts
to upwards of eight hundred.

I request also some direction from Congress (having
never received any) respecting the allowance to be made
to them while they remain there. They complain, that the
food given them is insufficient. Their petition to the Eng-
lish government, to have an equal allowance with the
French and Spanish prisoners, has been rejected, which
makes the small pecuniary assistance I can send them more
necessary. If a certain number of English prisoners could
be set apart in America, treated exactly in the same man-
ner, and their exchange refused till it should be agreed to
set these at liberty in Europe, one might hope to succeed
in procuring the discharge of our people. Those, who
escape and pass through France to get home, put me also
to a great expense for their land journeys, which could be
prevented if they could be exchanged, as they would be
landed here in ports.

The very friendly disposition of this court towards us
sti*" continues, and will, I hope, continue for ever. From
my own inclination, as well as in obedience to the orders
Vol. III.— 5 C

j4 HO W TO DRIVE A FREE HORSE. [JEt. 75.

of Congress, every thing in my power shall be done to
cultivate that disposition ; but I trust it will be remembered,
that the best friends may be over burdened ; that, by too
frequent, too large, and too importunate demands upon
it, the most cordial friendship may be wearied; and, as
nothing is more teasing than repeated, unexpected large
demands for money, I hope the Congress will absolutely
put an end to the practice of drawing on their ministers,
and thereby obliging them to worry their respective courts
for the means of payment. It may have otherwise very
ill effects in depressing the spirit of a minister, and destroy-
ing that freedom of representation, which, on many occa-
sions, it might be proper for him to make use of.

I heartily congratulate you, Sir, on your being called to
the honorable and important office of President, and wish
you every kind of prosperity.

To an Irish I received the letter you did me the honor

Passy aiNo- °^ wr*tmg to me the 26th of last month; in
vember, 1781. answer to which I ought to inform you, that I
was born in America, now near seventy-six years since, that
I never was in Ireland till the year 1772, which was for a
few weeks only, and I did not pass thence to America with
any person of my name, but returned to England ; nor had
I ever any knowledge of the John Franklin you mention.
I have exact accounts of every person of my family since
the year 1555, when it was established in England, and am
certain, that none of them but myself since that time was
ever in Ireland. The name of Franklin is common among
the English of the two nations, but there is a number of
different families who bear it, and who have no relation to
each ofher. It would be a pleasure to me to discover a

JEt. 75.] CAPITULATION OF CORNWALLIS. 35

relation in Europe, possessing the amiable sentiments ex-
pressed in your letter. I assure you I should not disown the
meanest. I should also be glad if I could give you a satis-
factory account of your family; but I really know nothing
of them. I have therefore not the honor of being related
to them, but I have that of being, Madam, yours, &c.

To Thomas I wish most heartily with you, that this
tedWpass ^X cursed war was at an end; but I despair of
Nov., 1781. seeing it finished in my time. Your thirsty
nation has not yet drunk enough of our blood. I am
authorized to treat of peace whenever she is disposed to it ;
but I saw inconveniences in meeting and discoursing with
you on the subject, or with any one not avowed by your
ministry ; having already experienced such, in several in-
stances. Mr. Hobart appeared not fully acquainted with
your ideas, and, as he could not communicate them, I
could make no judgment of them. My best wishes attend
you, being with the old, long continued esteem, dear Sir,
your most obedient, &c.

To John I sent forward last Saturday some packets and

Pas's™!' dat<a6 letterS f0!* y0U> Which l h°pe g0t t0 haTld in

Nov., 1781. time. Most heartily do I congratulate you on
the glorious news !* The infant Hercules in his cradle has

* The " glorious news" here referred to was the capitulation of Cornwallis's
army at Yorktown, on the 17th of October preceding. He and his officers
were allowed to return upon parole to England, but his army were made
prisoners of war. It consisted of from five to six thousand men, of whom
only four thousand were fit for duty. In addition about fifteen hundred
sailors fell into the hands of the victors, who also obtained an admirable
train of artiUery, arms, and munitions of war. The French made prizes

36 CAPITULATION OF CORNWALLIS. [jEt. 75.

now strangled his second serpent, and gives hopes that his
future history will be answerable.

I enclose a packet, which I have just received from Gen-

of a frigate, two sloops of war, transports, and other ships. The apparent
loss to the British was not very great, but the two capitulations of Saratoga
and Yorktown were judged to have decided the contest and the destiny of
the republic, then at the verge of despair.

Schlosser says that Lord North only lost his self-possession once in his
life, and that was when Lord George Germaine brought him the intelligence
of the capitulation of Yorktown. Wraxall, in his memoirs of his own
time, vol. ii. p. 262, gives a graphic account of the effects produced by this
news at court.

" During the whole month of November the concurring accounts trans-
mitted to government, enumerating Lord Cornwallis's embarrassments
and the position taken by the enemy, augmented the anxiety of the cabi-
net. Lord George Germaine in particular, conscious that on the pros-
perous or adverse termination of that expedition must hinge the fate of
the American contest, his own stay in office, as well as probably the duration
of the ministry itself, felt, and even expressed to his friends, the strongest
uneasiness on the subject. The meeting of Parliament, meanwhile, stood
fixed for the 27th of November. On Sunday, the 25th, about noon, official
intelligence of the surrender of the British forces at Yorktown, arrived
from Falmouth, at Lord George Germaine's house in Pall Mall. Lord
Walsingham, who, previous to his father's (Sir William de Grey) elevation
to the peerage, had been Under Secretary of State in that department, and
who was selected to second the address in the House of Peers on the
subsequent Tuesday, happened to be there when the messenger brought
the news. Without communicating it to any other person, Lord George,
for the purpose of despatch, immediately got with him into a hackney
coach and drove to Lord Stormont's residence in Portland Place. Having
imparted to him the disastrous information, and taken him into the car-
riage, they instantly proceeded to the Chancellor's house in Great Russel!
Street, Bloomsbury, whom they found at home ; when, after a short con-
sultation, they determined to lay it themselves, in person, before Lord
North. He had not received any intimation of the event when they ar-
rived at his door in Downing Street, between one and two o'clock. The
First Minister's firmness, and even his presence of mind, gave way for a
short time under this awful disaster. I asked Lord George afterwards
how he took the communication when made to him. ' As he would have
tak^n a ball in his breast,' replied Lord George. ' For he opened his arms,

Mt. 75.] CAPITULATION OF CORNWALLIS. 360

eral Washington, and which I suppose contains the articles
of capitulation. It is a rare circumstance, and scarce to be
met with in history, that in one war two armies should be

exclaiming, wildly, as he paced up and down the apartment during a few
minutes, " Oh, God! it is all over!" words which he repeated many times
under emotions of the deepest agitation and distress.'

" When the first agitation of their minds had subsided, the four ministers
discussed the question, whether or not it might be expedient to prorogue
Parliament for a few days ; but, as scarcely an interval of forty-eight hours
remained before the appointed time of assembling, and as many members
of both Houses were already either arrived in London or on the road,
that proposition was abandoned. It became, however, indispensable to
alter, and almost to model anew the king's speech, which had been already
drawn up and completely prepared for delivery from the throne. This
alteration was made, therefore, without delay, and at the same time Lord
Germaine, as Secretary for the American Department, sent off a despatch
to his Majesty, who was then at Kew, acquainting him with the melancholy
termination of Lord Cornwallis's expedition. Some hours having elapsed
before these different but necessary acts of business could take place, the
ministers separated, and Lord George Germaine repaired to his office in
Whitehall. There he found a confirmation of intelligence which arrived
about two hours after the first communication, having been transmitted
from Dover, to which place it was forwarded from Calais with the French
account of the same event. ' I dined on that day at Lord George's, and
though the information, which had reached London in the course of the
morning from two different quarters, was of a nature not to admit of long
concealment, yet it had not been communicated either to me or to any
individual of the company, as it might naturally have been through the
channel of common report. When I got to Pall Mall, between five and
six o'clock, Lord Walsingham, who likewise dined there, was the only
person present except Lord George acquainted with the fact. The party,
nine in number, sat down to table. I thought the master of the house
appeared serious, though he manifested no discomposure."

" Before the dinner was finished, one of his servants delivered him a
letter, brought back by the messenger who had been despatched to the
king. Lord George opened and perused it ; then, looking at Lord Wal-
singham, to whom he exclusively directed his observation, ' The king
writes,' said he, ' just as he always does, except that I observe he has
omitted to mark the hour and the minute of his writing with his usual
precision ' This remark, though calculated to awaken some interest, ex-

36 b CAPITULATION OF CORNWALLIS. [JEt. 75

taken prisoners completely, not a man in either escaping.
It is another singular circumstance, that an expedition so
complex, formed of armies of different nations, and of land

cited no comment ; and while the ladies — Lord George's three daughters —
remained in the room, we repressed our curiosity. But they had no
sooner withdrawn than Lord George having acquainted us that from Paris
information had just arrived of the old Count de Maurepas, First Minister,
lying at the point of death. ' It would grieve me,' said I, 'to finish my
career, however far advanced in years, were I First Minister of France
before I had witnessed the termination of this great contest between Eng-
land and America.' ' He has survived to see that event,' replied Lord
George, with some agitation. Utterly unsuspicious of the fact which had
happened beyond the Atlantic, I conceived him to allude to the indecisive
naval action fought at the mouth of the Chesapeake, early in the preced-
ing month of September, between Admiral Graves and Count de Grasse,
which, in its results, might prove most injurious to Lord Cornwallis.
Under this impression, * My meaning,' said I, ' is that if I were the Count
de Maurepas, I should wish to live long enough to behold the final issue
of the war in Virginia.' ' He has survived to witness it completely,' an-
swered Lord George. ' The army has surrendered, and you may peruse
the particulars of the capitulation in that paper,' taking at the same time
one from his pocket, which he delivered into my hand, not without visible
emotion. By his permission I read it aloud, while the company listened
in profound silence. We then discussed its contents as affecting the
ministry, the country, and the war. It must be confessed that they were
calculated to diffuse a gloom over the most convivial society, and that they
opened a wide field for speculation.

The Lord George Germain here referred to by Wraxall was Sec-
retary of War and, as Burke tells us, ' had cost his country ioo.ooo men,
12 American provinces, an annual revenue of ^£4, 500,000, 5 West India
Islands besides Florida and Minorca ; he had been formally dismissed
from the service for cowardice and had never been reinstated.' "

A King who employed a branded coward for his minister of war and
an avowed traitor and a refugee from justice — Arnold — for his confiden-
tial adviser, had no right to expect a more favorable result from his
campaign in America.

Richard Price stated the increase of the debt of England, funded and
unfunded, between the years 1775 and 1783 at ^"115,654,914 or, say, $578,-
270,570, an<3 the increased annual charge for the same period £4,577,575
or #22,887,875.

[,Et. 74. DIAR Y. 2,6 c

and sea forces, should with such perfect concord be assem-
bled from different places by land and water, form their
junction punctually, without the least retard by cross ac-
cidents of wind or weather, or interruption from the enemy ;
and that the army, which was their object, should in the
mean time have the goodness to quit a situation from whence
it might have escaped, and place itself in another whence
an escape was impossible.

General Greene has done wonders too in Carolina. I
hear that a reinforcement was to be sent to him from the
army in Virginia, and that there are hopes of his reducing
Charleston. You have probably in the enclosed packet
the account of his last great action. Count de Grasse sailed

The news of the capitulation was first communicated to Franklin by
the following note from Vergennes, who received it through his agents in
England :

" Je ne puis mieux Monsieur, vous temoigner ma reconnaissance des
nouvelles que vous avez bien voulu me communiquer qu'en vous faisant
part que M. le Due de Lauzun est arrive cet apres-midi avec l'agreable
nouvelle que les troupes combinees de France et d'Amerique ont force le
General Cornwallis a capituler.

" La garnison anglaise est sortie d'Yorktown, le 29 Octobre, avec les
honneurs de la guerre et a mis bas les armes comme prisonniers. Environ
6000 hommes de troupes, 1800 matelots ou negres, 22 drapeaux, et 170
pieces de canon dont 75 de bronze sont les trophies qui signalent cette
victoire, independamment d'un vaisseau de 50 canons qui a it6 brule,
ainsi qu'une fregate et un assez grand nombre de transports. Mon billet
vous sera rendu a votre reveil, Monsieur, et je suis assure qu'il vous fera
partager la satisfaction que j'eprouve.

" J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec un sincere attachement, Monsieur, votre
tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,

(Signed)

" De Vkrgennks.

" Versailles, le 19 9bre, 1781,
11 heures du soir.

M M. B. Franklin."— Ed.

36 </ DIARY. [VEt. 74.

on the 30th with the fleet and part of the land forces. His
destination is not mentioned.

Fragment of Dec. 18, 1780. — Consented in conversation

a Diary.*

with Mr. Grand that Mr. Williams, on being
put in possession of the policies of insurance of the ship
Marquis de Lafayette, for 200,000 livres, should draw on
me for the freight to that amount.

Mr. Chaumont writes, pressing an advance of the money
on security. Replied that if the security was such as the
Congress banker approved of I would advance the sum.

Heard that transports are taking up here for America,
and that bank-bills in England had been counterfeited to
a great amount.

Dec. 19th. — Went to Versailles at M. Vergennes; much
was said to me in favor of M. de Chaumont's demand.
It was owned that he had been wrong in demanding as a
right what he ought to have asked as a favor ; but that
affairs among friends should not be transacted with rigor,
but amicably and with indulgent allowances. I found I
had been represented as unkindly exact in the business.
I promised to do all in my power to make it easy to M.
Chaumont. He came to me in the evening after my ret jrn,
but with much heat against Mr. Grand, which I endeavored
to allay, as it was really very unjust. Offered him to
accept his bills drawn on me, as the operation through
Mr. Williams at Nantes would take too much time to suit
with his exigencies. He said he would consult with his
banker. Exclaimed much against the judgment at Nantes,
etc.

Requested Mr. Grand to transfer out of the public cash
the amount of the several balances of my private accounts

* Endorsed, " Part of Journal, 1780/

Mt. 74.] DIARY. 36*

with the Congress, and give me credit for the same in my
particular account.

Dec. 20th. — Certified, or, as they call it here, legalized,
the papers relative to the taking a Portuguese ship by the
Mars of Boston, and sent them to the Porto' ambass.

Accepted M. de Chaumont's drafts dated November
10 for the 200,000 livres freight at 4 usances, and he gave
me his engagement to return the money in case the ship
Marquis de Lafayette did not arrive at L' Orient to take in
our goods. Prince de Montbarey, Ministre de la Guerre,
resigns. His successor not yet known.

Dec. 21st. — Wrote to M. de Chaumont pressingly for
his account with the Congress, that it may be settled now
Mr. Deane is here.

M. de Segur succeeds the Prince de Montbarey.

Dec. 22d. — Received an account between Mr. Chau-
mont and Mr. Deane, which includes Congress artic
(mutilated) ; copy it, as it must be sent to Mr. Deane.

Dec. 23d. — Hear by letters from L' Orient of the de-
parture of Capt. Jones in the Ariel on the 18th.

Dec. 24th. — Received Gourlade and Moylan's account
of fresh expenses, upwards of ^20,000, by Capt. Jones.

Two young Englishmen, Scot and Williams, would go
to America ; discouraged them.

Dec. 25th. — Gave an order to Mr. Grand to remit 150
sterling to Mr. Wm. Hodgson, London, for the relief of
American prisoners.

Received information from a good hand that the G.

Pensionaire had been with Sir J. Y. and acquainted him

that an answer woiiid be given to his memorials, but that

it could not be precipitated contrary to the constitution;

it was necessary to have the advice of the provinces.

36/ DIARY. [^t. 74.

The S. H. has behaved well in the resolution for arming.

The Duke A. G. C, the Pensionary of Amsterdam, a
brave, steady man.

Dec. 26th. — Went to Versailles to assist at the ceremony
of condolence on the death of the Empress Queen. All
the foreign ministers in deep mourning, — flopped hats and
crape, long black cloaks, etc. The Nuncio pronounced
the compliments to the king and afterwards to the queen
in her apartments. M. de Vergennes told me of the war
declared by England against Holland. Visited at the new
Ministers of War and Marine ; neither of them at home.
Much fatigued by the going twice up and down the palace
stairs, from the tenderness of my feet and weakness of my
knees; therefore did not go the rounds. Declined dining
with M. de Vergennes, as inconsistent with my present
mode of living, which is simple, till I have recovered my
strength. Took a partridge with M. de Chaumont. No
news yet of Count d'Estaing.

Wednesday, 27th. — Much talk about the new war.
Hear of the hurricane in the West Indies. English fleet
under Admiral Darby put into port. Wrote to J. Williams,
at Nantes, to send advice to America by every possible
opportunity of the English declaration against Holland.

Thursday, 28th. — Mr. Grand has some time since carried
an advance of my salary for one quarter G£i 5,000) out of
the public monies, to my private account ; and I after-
wards gave him a receipt for that sum, which should have
been mentioned before.

Friday, 29th. — Went by particular invitation to the
Sorbonne, to an assembly of the Faculty of Physic in the
College Hall, where we had the eloge of my friend M.
Dubourg aid other pieces. Suffered by the cold.

Mr. 75.] DIARY. <£g

M. de Chaumont has (mutilated) J. Williams's draft on
me for ^428,000 on account of the cloth, but declined
. . . why (? I know not why) presenting it. I ought to
give him . . . (line here mutilated, the only words legible
are, "Congress," "above," or "about," and "livres").

Saturday, 30th. — Breakfasted at Mad. Brillon's. Re-
ceived of M. Grand ^4,800 on private account, which
was put into the hands of W. T. Franklin to pay bills and
family expenses.

Sunday? 31st. — Much company at dinner; among
others, M. Perrier and M. Wilkinson, ingenious mechan-
icians. M. Romayne, of Hackinsack, in the Jerseys. No
news.

Monday, Jan. 1, 1781. — News that an expedition is on
foot against Jersey and Guernsey, some frigates with trans-
ports and 2,500 men having sailed from Granville the 26th
past.

Mr. Dana is returned from Holland, which he left the
beginning of last month. Mr. Adams remains there, who
writes me December 1st that there is little or no hopes of
a loan.

Tuesday, Jan. 2d. — Went to Versailles. No foreign
ministers there but one or two ; the rest having been there
yesterday. Visited the new Secretary at War, who was
very polite. Wrote to M. de Castries, Minister of the
Marine. Not strong enough to go up to M. de Maurepas.
Visited M. Le Roy, and dined with M. and Mad. de
Renneval. News of disappointment of Jersey expedition.
Wind and tide contrary (mutilated, the word "Etres"
only v'sible) the offices in part.

Wednesday, Jan. 3d. — Letters from Holland. The
Dutch seem not to have known on the 28th past that war

2,6 k DIARY. [JET. 75.

was actually declared against them. Informed here that
the English court has sent copies of the papers taken with
Mr. Laurens to the northern courts, with aggravated com-
plaints against the States-General ; and that the States had
also sent their justification. Important news expected by
the return of the courier.

Thursday, Jan. 4th. — Learnt that the States had given
orders for building 100 ships of war. Gave an order on Mr.
Grand (mutilated ; qr. " for") paying Sabbatier's balance,
the sum ,£3,526 18 6 being for carriage of the clothing.

Friday, Jan. 5th. — Signed recommendation, to the min-
isters, of M. de La Neuville, officer formerly in the
American service.

Saturday, Jan. 6th. — Accepted a number of loan-office
bills this day and every day of the past week. No news yet
of Count D'Estaing, which begins to give great uneasiness,
as his fleet was not provided for so long a voyage.

Sunday, Jan. 7th. — News of the safe arrival of Count
D'Estaing at Brest ; more accounts of the terrible hurri-
cane in the West Indies. Accepted a vast number of
loan-office bills. Some of the new drafts begin to ap-
pear.

Monday, Jan. Sth. — Accepted many bills. Hear from
Holland that they had but just received news of the dec-
laration of war against them ; and that the English church
was burnt at the Hague, unknown by what means.

Tuesday, 9th. — Count D'Estaing arrives at Passy. Hear
of ships arrived at L' Orient from America. No letters
come up. Indisposed and did not go to court.

Wednesday, 10th. — Letters arrived from Philadelphia.
Reports there of advantages gained to the southward ; and
that Leslie had quitted Virginia. Informed that my recall

Mr. 75-] DIAR Y. 36 i

is to be moved for in Congress. News that the troops
have made good their landing in Jersey and taken all but
the castle.

Thursday, nth. — Gave Mr. Dana copies of the letters
between M. de Sartine and me concerning Mr. Dalton's
affair. Proposed to him to examine the public accounts
now while Mr. Deane was here, which he declined.

Friday, 12th. — Sign acceptation (qr. "of"; mutilated)
many bills. They come thick.

Saturday, Jan. 13th. — Learn that there is a violent com-
motion in Holland ; that the people are violently exas-
perated against the English ; have thrown some into the
canals ; and those merchants of Amsterdam who have
been known to favor them, dare not appear in the streets ;
that the return of their express to Russia brings good
accounts of the favorable disposition of the Empress.

Sunday, Jan. 14th. — Mr. Grand acquaints me that he
learns from Mr. Cotin, banker of M. de Chaumont, that
the Marquis de Lafayette will be stopped by creditors of
M. de Chaumont unless 50,000 crowns are advanced, and
submitted it to my consideration whether I had not better
buy the ship.

Vexed with the long delay on so many frivolous pre-
tences, and seeing no end to them, and fearing to em-
barrass myself still further in affairs that I do not under-
stand, I took at once the resolution of offering our contract
for that ship to the government, to whom I hoped it might
be agreeable to have her as a transport, as our goods would
not fill her, she being gauged at 1,200 tons. Accordingly
I requested Mr. Grand to go to Versailles and to propose
it to M. de Vergennes.

Monday, Jan. 15th, — Signed an authority to Mr. Bon-
Vol. III.— 6

36/ DIARY. [Mi. 75.

field to administer (mutilated) oath of allegiance to the
United States to Mr. Vaughan.

Accepted above 200 bills, some of the new.

Mr. Grand calls on his return from Versailles, and
acquaints me that Mr. Vergennes desires the proposition
may be reduced to writing. Mr. Grand has accordingly
made a draft, which he presented for my approbation.

Tuesday, Jan. 16th. — Went to Versailles ar.d performed
all the ceremonies, though with difficulty, my feet being
still tender.

Left the pacquets for Mr. Jay with M. de Renneval, who
promised to send them with the next courier.

Presented Mr. Grand's paper to M. de Vergennes, who
told me he would try to arrange that matter for me. I
acquainted M. de Chaumont with (mutilated) step (qr.
" with the step,") who did not seem to approve of it.

Heard of the ill success of the troops in Jersey, who
were defeated the same day they landed: 150 killed, 200
wounded, and the rest taken prisoners.

Wednesday, Jan. 17th. — Accepted many bills and wrote
some letters.

Thursday, Jan. 18th. — Mr. Grand informs me that he
has been at Versailles and spoken with M. de Vergennes
and M. de Renneval ; that the minister declined the propo-
sition of taking the vessel on account of the government,
but kindly offered to advance me the 7150,000 if I chose
to pay that sum. He brought me also the project of an
engagement drawn up by Mr. Cotin, by which I was to
promise that payment, and he and Co. were to permit the
vessel to depart. He left this paper for my considera-
tion.

Friday, Jan. 19th. — Considering this demand of Messrs.

Mr. 75-] DIAR F- 36 k

Cotin and Jauge as an imposition, I determined not to
submit to it, and wrote my reasons.

Relieved an American captain with five guineas to help
him to L'Orient.

Saturday, Jan. 20th. — Gave a pass to a Bristol merchant
to go to Spain. He was recommended to me as having
been a great friend to American prisoners. His name
(nothing has been written here apparently).

Sunday, Jan. 21st. — Mr. Jauge comes to talk with me
about the ship, and intimated that if I refused to advance
the / 150,000 I should not only be deprived of the ship,
but lose the freight I had advanced. I absolutely refused
to comply.

Monday, Jan. 2 2d. — M. Grand informs me that Mr.
Williams has drawn on me for 25,000 livres to enable him
to pay returned acceptances of M. de Chaumont. I
ordered payment of his drafts. Received a letter from
Mr. Williams and wrote an answer, which letters explained
this affair. Letter from M. de Chaumont informing me
he had received remittances from America. I congratu-
lated him.

Tuesday, Jan. 23d. — Went to court and performed all
the round of levees, though with much pain and difficulty,
through the tenderness and feebleness of my feet and
knees. M. Vergennes is ill and unable to hold long con-
ferences. I dined there and had some conversation with
M. Renneval, who told me I had misunderstood the
proposition of advancing the 150,000 livres, or it had not
been rightly represented to me ; that it was not expected
of me to advance more for M. de Chaumont ; that the
advance was to have been made by M. de Vergennes, etc.
I see clearly, however, that the paper offered me to sign

36/ DIARY. [Ml. 75.

by Messrs. Colin & Co. would have engaged me to be
accountable for it. Had some conference with the Nuncio,
who seemed inclined to encourage American vessels to
come to the ecclesiastical state, acquainting me they had
two good ports to receive us, Civita Vecchia and Ancona,
where there was a good deal of business done, and we
should find good vente for our fish, etc. Hear I (no words
legible).

Wednesday, Jan. 24th. — A great number of bills. Visit
at M. de Chaumont's in the evening ; found him cold and
dry. Received a note from Mr. Searle, acquainting me
with his (mutilated) sal (qr. dismissal, or arrival) from
Holland on Saturday last.

Thursday, Jan. 25th. — Hear that M. de Chaumont pays
again, being enabled by his remittances (mutilated) bills.
Holland begins to move, and gives great encouragement
(mutilated) turning. M. de L' (mutilated) comes to see
me, and demands breakfast ; chear (cheerful ?) and frank.
Authorize Mr. Grand to pay the balance of Messrs. Jay's
and Carmichael's salaries, and Mr. Digges's bill.

Friday, Jan. 26th. — Went to Paris to visit Princess
Daschkaw; not at home. Visit Prince and Princess
Masserano. He informs me that he despatches a mes-
senger (a word or two obliterated) on Tuesday. Visit
Duke de Rochefoucauld and Madame la Duchesse d'En-
ville. Visit Messrs. Dana and Searle; not at home.
Leave invitations to dine with me on Sunday. Visit
Comte d'Estaing; not at home. Mr. Turgot ; not at
home. Accept bills.

Saturday, Jan. 27th. — Write to Madrid, and answer all
Mr. Jay's and Mr. Carmichael's letters received during my
illness.

jEt. 76.] DIARY. 36 #f

Sunday, Jan. 28th. — Mr. Dana comes; Mr. Searle ex-
cuses himself. Invite him for Tuesday.

Monday, Jan. 29th. — Hear of the arrival of the Duke
of Leinster, with Mr. Ross, at Philadelphia, which gives
me great pleasure, as she had much cloth, etc., for the
Congress. Despatched my letters for Madrid.

r bcrt ^IR» — * nave long feared that by our con-
Morris, dated tinually worrying the ministry here with suc-
g"y' 9' cessive after- clap demands for more and more
money, we should at length tire out their
patience. Bills are still coming in quantities drawn on
Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and Mr. Adams. Spain and Holland
have afforded little towards paying them ; and recourse has
therefore been had to me. You will see by the enclosed
letter the situation I am at length brought into. With the
million mentioned, I shall be able to pay till the end of
February, when, if I can get no more money, I must stop.
I therefore give you this notice, that provision may be
made in time for discharging the protests with honor. The
friendly disposition towards us continues, but we should
take care not to impose too much upon such friendship.
Let us exert vigorously our own strength. I see yet no
prospect of peace this summer. The expense of the war
to France itself is heavy ; and we have had of her this last
year more than twenty millions.*

I am ever, with greatest esteem, sir,

Your most obedient and most humble servant.

* Franklin's position during this and the preceding year was most un-
comfortable and harassing. The financial duties of his office were always
irksome, and de Chaumont's misfortunes made him troublesome. The
6*

36 n CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRATION. [^Et. 76.

To Messrs. Gentlemen, — I received the propositions

Henry Boyle,

Thomas Heit, >'ou did me the honor to address to me by the
Joseph Heath- j,and of Mr. Wild.

cote, John

Rowbotham, There is no doubt but that a body of sober,

SchoneidJ°hn industrious, and ingenious artisans, men of
manufactur- honest and religious principles, such as you
ton, a near anc* your friends are described to be, would
Stockport, da- be a valuable acquisition to any country ; and
4t I783. ' I am certain you would meet with a kind and

friendly reception in Pennsylvania, and be
put into possession of all the rights and privileges of free
citizens; but neither that government nor any other in
America that I know of has ever been at any public expense
to augument the number of its inhabitants. All who are
established there have come at their own charge. The
country affords to strangers a good climate, fine, wholesome
air, plenty of provisions, good laws, just and cheap govern-
ment, with all the liberties, civil and religious, that reason-
able men can wish for. These inducements are so great,
and the number of people in all the nations of Europe
who wish to partake of them is so considerable, that if the
States were to undertake transporting people at the expense
of the public, no revenues that they have would be sufficient.
Having therefore no orders or authority either from the
Congress or the State of Pennsylvania to procure settlers
or manufacturers by engaging to defray them (sic), I cannot
enter into the contract proposed in your second article.
The other articles would meet with no difficulty. Men are

Lees were stirring up suspicions at home ; he was getting old and his
health, already seriously shaken, suffered, no doubt, from the conviction
that his services were not duly appreciated by the Congress.

At. 76.] CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRATION. 36^

not forced there into the public service, and a special law
might easily be obtained to give you a property for seven
years in the useful inventions you may introduce.

¥ou will do well to weigh maturely the following con-
siderations. If you can establish yourselves there during
the war, it is certain that your manufactures will be much
more profitable, as they sell at very high prices now, owing
to the difficulty and risk of transporting them from Europe ;
but then your passages also will be more expensive, and
your risk greater of having your project ruined, by being
taken, stripped and imprisoned. If you wait till a peace,
you will pass much cheaper and more securely, and you
have a better chance of settling yourselves and posterity in
a comfortable and happy situation.

On these points your prudence must determine. If I
were to advise, I should think it rather most prudent to
wait for a peace ; and then to victual a vessel in some port
of Ireland, where it can be done cheaply, and to which
you might easily pass from Liverpool. There are, I under-
stood, some apprehensions that your ministers may procure
a law to restrain the emigration of manufacturers ; but I
think that, weak and wicked as they are, and tyrannical as
they are disposed to be, they will hardly venture upon an
act that shall make a prison of England, to confine men
for no other crime but that of being useful and industrious,
and to discourage the learning of useful mechanic arts, by
declaring that as soon as a man is master of his business he
shall lose his liberty and become a prisoner for life, while
they suffer their idle and extravagant gentry to travel and
reside abroad at their pleasure, spending the incomes of
estates, racked from their laborious, honest tenants, in
foreign follies, and among French and Italian whores and

36/ CONDITIONS OF IMMIGRATION. [Mr. 76.

fiddlers. Such a law would be too glaringly unjust to be
borne with.

I wish you success in what you may resolve to undertake ;
and you will find me ever your assured friend and humble
servant.

CHAPTER II.

R. R. Livingston named Minister of Foreign Affairs — Lafayette's Reception
in France — Robert Morris — The Fall of Silas Deane — Count de Segur —
Prince de Broglie — Fall of the North Ministry — British Intrigues in Hol-
land— Peace, Competence, Friends, and Reputation — The Young Angel
of Destruction — Insincerity of the British Ministry.

I782.

To David I received a few days since your favor of the
telTpassy k 2C^ instant, in which you tell me, that Mr.
Jan., 1782. Alexander had informed you, " America was

disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain."
I am persuaded, that your strong desire for peace has mis-
led you, and occasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr.
Alexander; as I think it scarce possible, he should have
asserted a thing so utterly void of foundation. I remember
that you have, as you say, often urged this on former occa-
sions, and that it always gave me more disgust than my
friendship for you permitted me to express. But, since
you have now gone so far as to carry such a proposition to
Lord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I should
be explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I never had
such an idea ; and I believe there is not a man in America,

a few English Tories excepted, that would not spurn at the

38 NO SEPARA TE TREA TIES. [Mr. 75.

thought of deserting a noble and generous friend, for the
sake of a truce with an unjust and cruel enemy.

I have again read over your Conciliatory Bill, with the
manuscript propositions that accompany it, and am con-
cerned to find, that one cannot give vent to a simple wish
for peace, a mere sentiment of humanity, without having it
interpreted as a disposition to submit to any base conditions
that may be offered us, rather than continue the war; for
on no other supposition could you propose to us a truce of
ten years, during which we are to engage not to assist
France, while you continue the war with her. A truce, too,
wherein nothing is to be mentioned that may weaken your
pretensions to dominion over us, which you may therefore
resume at the end of the term, or at pleasure ; when we
should have so covered ourselves with infamy, by our
treachery to our first friend, as that no other nation can
ever after be disposed to assist us, however cruelly you
might think fit to treat us. Believe me, my dear friend,
America has too much understanding, and is too sensible of
the value of the world's good opinion, to forfeit it all by
such perfidy. The Congress will never instruct their Com-
missioners to obtain a peace on such ignominious terms ;
and though there can be but few things in which I should
venture to disobey their orders, yet, if it were possible for
them to give me such an order as this, I should certainly
refuse to act ; I should instantly renounce their commission,
and banish myself for ever from so infamous a country.

We are a little ambitious too of your esteem ; and, as I
think we have acquired some share of it by our manner of
making war with you, I trust we shall not hazard the loss
of it by consenting meanly to a dishonorable peace.

Lord North was wise in demanding of you some authorized

Mt. 75.] NO SEPARATE TREATIES.

acknowledgment of the proposition from authorized persons.
He justly thought it too improbable to be relied on, so as
to lay it before the Privy Council. You can now inform
him, that the whole has been a mistake, and that no such
proposition as that of a separate peace has been, is, or is
ever likely to be made by me ; and I believe by no other
authorized person whatever in behalf of America. You may
further, if you please, inform his Lordship, that Mr. Adams,
Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and myself, have long since been
empowered, by a special commission, to treat of peace
whenever a negotiation shall be opened for that purpose ;
but it must always be understood, that this is to be in con-
junction with our allies, conformably to the solemn treaties
made with them.

You have, my dear friend, a strong desire to promote
peace, and it is a most laudable and virtuous desire. Permit
me then to wish, that you would, in order to succeed as a
mediator, avoid such invidious expressions as may have an
effect in preventing your purpose. You tell me, that no
stipulation for our independence must be in the treaty, be-
cause you " verily believe, so deep is the jealousy between
England and France, that England would fight for a straw,
to the last man and the last shilling, rather than be dictated
to by France." And again, that "the nation would pro-
ceed to every extremity, rather than be brought to a formal
recognition of independence at the haughty com?nand of
France." My dear Sir, if every proposition of terms for
peace, that may be made by one of the parties at war, is to
be called and considered by the other as dictating, and a
haughty command, and for that reason rejected, with a reso-
lution of fighting to the last man rather than agree to it,
you see that ;n such case no treaty of peace is possible.

40 N° SEPARA TE TREA TIES. [JEt. 76.

In fact, we began the war for independence on your
government, which we found tyrannical, and this before
France had any thing to do with our affairs ; the article in
our treaty, whereby the il two parties engage, that neither
of them shall conclude either truce or peace with Great
Britain, without the formal consent of the other first ob-
tained ; and mutually engage, not to lay down their arms
until the independence of the United States shall have been
formally or tacitly assured, by the treaty or treaties, that
shall terminate the war," was an article inserted at our
instance, being in our favor. And you see, by the article
itself, that your great difficulty may be easily got over, as a
formal acknowledgment of our independence is not made
necessary. But we hope by God's help to enjoy it ; and I
suppose we shall fight for it as long as we are able.

I do not make any remarks upon the other propositions,
because I think, that, unless they were made by authority,
the discussion of them is unnecessary, and may be incon-
venient. The supposition of our being disposed to make a
separate peace I could not be silent upon, as it materially
affected our reputation and its essential interests. If I have
been a little warm on that offensive point, reflect on your
repeatedly urging it and endeavour to excuse me. What-
ever may be the fate of our poor countries, let you and me
die as we have lived, in peace with each other.

To John jay, I am much surprised at the dilatory and re-
at Madri" served conduct of your court. I know not to
dated Passy, what amount you have obtained aids from it ;

19 Jan., 178a. .... -lii- 1

but, if they are not considerable, it were to be
wished you had never been sent there, as the slight they
have put upon our offered friendship is very disreputable to

&T. 76.] NO SEPARATE TREATIES. ^\

us, and, of course, hurtful to our affairs elsewhere. I think
they are shortsighted, and do not look very far into futurity,
or they would seize with avidity so excellent an opportunity
of securing a neighbour's friendship, which may hereafter
be of great consequence to their American affairs.

If I were in Congress, I should advise your being in-
structed to thank them for past favors, and take your leave.
As I am situated, I do not presume to give you such advice,
nor could you take it, if I should. But I conceive there
would be nothing amiss in your mentioning in a short
memoir, the length of time elapsed since the date of the
secret article, and since your arrival, to urge their determi-
nation upon it, and pressing them to give you an explicit,
definitive, immediate answer, whether they would enter into
treaty with us or not, and, in case of refusal, solicit your
recall, that you may not continue from year to year, at a
great expense, in a constant state of uncertainty with regard
to so important a matter. I do not see how they can
decently refuse such an answer. But their silence, after the
demand made, should in my opinion be understood as a
refusal, and we should act accordingly. I think I see a
very good use that might be made of it, which I will not
venture to explain in this letter.

Mr. Laurens, being now at liberty, perhaps may soon
come here, and be ready to join us, if there should be any
negotiations for peace. In England they are mad for a
separate one with us, that they may more effectually take
revenge on France and Spain. I have had several overtures
hinted to me lately from different quarters, but I am deaf.
The thing is impossible. We can never agree to desert our
first and our faithful friend on any consideration whatever.
We should become infamous by such abominable baseness.
Vol. III.— 1 9

42 NO SETA R A TE TREA TIES. [JEt. 76.

To Robert r. I received, at the same time, your several
dated Passy, *etters of October 20th, 24th, and November
*s Jan., 1782. 26th, which I purpose to answer fully by the
return of the Alliance. Having just had a very short notice
of the departure of this ship, I can only at present mention
the great pleasure your appointment gives me, and my inten-
tion of corresponding with you regularly and frequently, as
you desire. The information contained in your letters is
full and clear ; I shall endeavour that mine, of the state of
affairs here, may be as satisfactory. With great esteem, &c.

* Robert R. Livingston was appointed by Congress Secretary of Foreign
Affairs in the fall of 1781. In his first official letter to Franklin, dated Oct.
20th, 1781, he said :

" Congress having lately thought it advisable to alter the arrangement of
their great executive departments, and to dissolve the Boards and Committees
under whose direction they formerly were, I am to inform you, that they
have done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of Foreign Affairs ;
in which capacity they have made it my duty, as it will always be my incli-
nation, to maintain an intimate and regular correspondence with you. I
have this day taken the oaths of office."

Mr. Livingston then goes on to give Franklin the news of the impending
capture of Cornwallis and his army, and some other military intelligences
He continues :

" I need not tell you, Sir, how anxious I shall be to hear from you on
every occasion. Nothing short of the most constant and regular informa-
tion will satisfy Congress. We have much to learn, and few opportunities
of acquiring information. Your situation not only enables you to let us
know what passes with you, but to extend your inquiries to courts where we
have no ministers, and of whose politics we would not choose to be ignorant,
though they may but remotely concern us at present. For my own part, I
freely confess that I rely much upon your knowledge and experience to
supply my want of both.

" I propose to write so frequently to you as to keep you fully informed,
not only of what is but of what is not done, since the last may sometimes be
as important to you as the first.

" As far, Sir, as you may find a similar task consistent with your health,
y-ur leisure, and your various avocations, you will render us essential service
In imposing it upon yourself.

/Et 76.] NO SEPARATE TREATIES. 43

To David You have taken pains to rectify a mistake
tetTpas'sy 16 °f mme> relating to the aim of your letters. I
Feb., 1782. accept kindly your replication, and I hope
you will excuse my error, when you reflect, that I knew of
no consent given by France to our treating separately of
peace, and that there have been mixed in some of your
conversations and letters various reasonings, to show, that,
if France should require something of us that was unreason-
able, we then should not be obliged by our treaty to joir

" Congress having resolved that all communications with their ministers
abroad shall pass through this office, you will do me the honor, Sir, to direct
in future all your public letters to me."

Four days later Mr. Livingston wrote as follows to Franklin :

" Philadelphia, 24 October, 1781.

" Dear Sir,

*' Three days since, I did myself the honor to write to you, informing you
of my appointment to the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs ; and preparing
you for the happy event which has taken place. Enclosed you have the
capitulation of Yorktown and Gloucester, by which a British army of five
thousand six hundred men was surrendered to the allied arms of France
and America; and no inconsiderable fleet, with eight hundred seamen, to
the navy of His Most Christian Majesty.

" Since my last, which was written the day after I entered upon office, I
have seen yours of the 14th of May. There are many things in it which
deserve the attention I mean to pay it, when the first hurry the intelligence
I communicate occasions is over. But, Sir, there is a part which I cannot
delay to take notice of, because I feel myself interested in opposing the reso-
lution that you seem to have formed of quitting the station, which, for the
honor of the United States, you now hold. I shall be impatient till I hear,
that you comply with the wishes of Congress on this subject, as communi-
cated long since. Though the new powers with which you are invested
impose additional burdens upon you, yet, as they at once contain the amplest
testimonials of the approbation of Congress, and directly lead to the com-
pletion of the great cause in which you so early engaged, I cannot but flatter
myself that you will take it upon you. I sent with my first letter to you one
to the Count de Vergennes, informing him of my appointment. You will
*a me the honor to present it. I am, Sir, &c. — Ed.

44 KO SEPARATE TREATIES. [Mr. 76.

with her in continuing the war. As there had never been
such requisition, what could I think of such discourses? I
thought, as I suppose an honest woman would think, if a
gallant should entertain her with suppositions of cases, in
which infidelity to her husband would be justifiable. Would
not she naturally imagine, seeing no other foundation or
motive for such conversation, that, if he could once get
her to admit the general principle, his intended next step
would be to persuade her, that such a case actually existed?
Thus, knowing your dislike of France, and your strong
desire of recovering America to England, I was impressed
with the idea, that such an infidelity on our part would not
be disagreeable to you; and that you were therefore aiming
to lessen in my mind the horror I conceived at the idea
of it. But we will finish here by mutually agreeing, that
neither you were capable of proposing, nor I of acting on,
such principles.

I cannot, however, forbear endeavouring to give a little
possible utility to this letter, by saying something on your
case of Dunkirk. You do not see, why two nations should
be deemed natural enemies to each other. Nor do I, unless
one or both of them are naturally mischievous and insolent.
But I can see how enmities long continued, even during a
peace, tend to shorten that peace, and to rekindle a war ;
and this is when either party, having an advantage in war,
shall exact conditions in the treaty of peace, that are goad-
ing and constantly mortifying to the other. I take this to
be the case of your " commissioner at Dunkirk." What
would be your feelings, if France should take and hold
possession of Portsmouth, or Spain of Plymouth, after a
peace, as you formerly held Calais, and now hold Gib-
raltar? Or, on restoring your ports, should insist on having

JB.T. 76.] NO SEPARA TE TREA TIES. 45

an insolent commissioner stationed there, to forbid your
placing one stone upon another by way of fortification?
You would probably not be very easy under such a stipula-
tion. If therefore you desire a peace, that may bejirm and
durable, think no more of such extravagant demands. It is
not necessary to give my opinion further on that point, yet
I may add frankly, as this is merely private conversation
between you and me, that I do think a faithful ally, espe-
cially when under obligations for such great and generous
assistance as we have received, should fight as long as he is
able, to prevent, as far as his continuing to fight may prevent,
his friends being compelled again to suffer such an insult.

My dear friend, the true pains you are taking to restore
peace, whatever may be the success, entitle you to the
esteem of all good men. If your ministers really desire
peace methinks they would do well to empower some per-
son to make propositions for that purpose. One or other
of the parties at war must take the first step. To do this
belongs properly to the wisest. America being a novice in
such affairs, has no pretence to that character ; and indeed
after the answer given by Lord Stormont (when we pro-
posed to him something relative to the mutual treatment of
prisoners with humanity), that "the King' s ministers receive
no applications from rebels, unless when they come to implore
his Majesty's clemency" it cannot be expected, that we
should hazard the exposing ourselves again to such in-
solence. All I can say further at present is, that in my
opinion your enemies do not aim at your destruction, and
that if you propose a treaty you will find them reasonable
in their demands, provided that on your side they meet
with the same good dispositions. But do not dream of
dividing us; you will certainly never be able to effect it
7*

46 HERCULES AND MINERVA. [Mr. 76.

To Robert r. The Marquis de Lafayette was at his return
datedEpassy hither received by all ranks with all possible
4 March, 1782. distinction. He daily gains in the general
esteem and affection, and promises to be a great man here.
He is warmly attached to our cause; we are on the most
friendly and confidential footing with each other, and he is
really very serviceable to me in my applications for additional
assistance.

I will endeavour to procure a sketch of an emblem for
the purpose you mention. This puts me in mind of a
medal I have had a mind to strike, since the late great
event you gave me an account of, representing the United
States by the figure of an infant Hercules in his cradle,
strangling the two serpents; and France by that of Mi-
nerva, sitting by as his nurse, with her spear and helmet,
and her robe specked with a few fleurs de lis. The ex-
tinguishing of two entire armies in one war is what has
rarely happened, and it gives a presage of the future force
of our growing empire.*

The friendly disposition of this court towards us con-
tinues. We have sometimes pressed a little too hard,
expecting and demanding, perhaps, more than we ought,
and have used improper arguments, which may have occa-
sioned a little dissatisfaction, but it has not been lasting.

* This medal was subsequently executed, ur der the direction of Dr.
Franklin, with some variation in the device. On one side is an infant in
his cradle strangling two serpents. Minerva, as the emblem of France,
with her spear, helmet, and shield, is engaged in a contest with the British
lion. The motto is, Non SINE DllS animosus INFANS ; under which are
the dates of the two victories at Saratoga and Yorktown, "17 Oct. 1777,"
and ' 19 Oct. 1781." On the other side of the medal is a head of Liberty;
in the exergue, Libertas Americana, and the date of American inde-
pendence, " 4 Jul. 1776." — S.

Mt. 76.] SUGGESTIONS OF POLICY. 47

In my opinion, the surest way to obtain liberal aid from
others is vigorously to help ourselves. People fear assisting
the negligent, the indolent, and the careless, lest the aids
they afford should be lost. I know we have done a great
deal ; but it is said, we are apt to be supine after a little
success, and too backward in furnishing our contingents.
This is really a generous nation, fond of glory, and par-
ticularly that of protecting the oppressed. Trade is not
the admiration of their noblesse, who always govern here.
Telling them, their commerce will be advantaged by our
success, and that it is their interest to help us, seems as
much as to say, " Help us, and we shall not be obliged to
you." Such indiscreet and improper language has been
sometimes held here by some of our people, and produced
no good effects.

The constant harmony, subsisting between the armies
of the two nations in America, is a circumstance, that has
afforded me infinite pleasure. It should be carefully cul-
tivated. I hope nothing will happen to disturb it. The
French officers, who have returned to France this winter,
speak of our people in the handsomest and kindest manner ;
and there is a strong desire in many of the young noblemen
to go over to fight for us ; there is no restraining some of
them ; and several changes among the officers of their army
have lately taken place in consequence.

You must be so sensible of the utility of maintaining a
perfect good understanding with the Chevalier de la Lu-
zerne, that I need say nothing on that head. The affairs
of a distant people in any court of Europe will always be
much affected by the representations of the minister of that
court residing among them.

Generals Cornwallis and Arnold are both arrived in

4$ FALL OF SLLAS DEANE. [Mr. 76.

England. It is reported, that the former, in all his con-
versations, discourages the prosecution of the war in Amer-
ica ; if so, he will of course be out of favor. We hear much
of audiences given to the latter, and of his being present at
councils.

You desire to know, whether any intercepted letters of Mr.
Deane have been published in Europe ? I have seen but
one in the English papers, that to Mr. Wadsworth, and none
in any of the French and Dutch papers, but some may have
been printed that have not fallen in my way. There is no
doubt of their being all genuine. His conversation, since
his return from America, has, as I have been informed,
gone gradually more and more into that style, and at length
come to an open vindication of Arnold's conduct ; and,
within these few days, he has sent me a letter of twenty full
pages, recapitulating those letters, and threatening to write
and publish an account of the treatment he has received
from Congress, &c. He resides at Ghent, is distressed both
in mind and circumstances, raves and writes abundance,
and I imagine it will end in his going over to join his
friend Arnold in England. I had an exceeding good
opinion of him when he acted with me, and I believe he
was then sincere and hearty in our cause. But he is changed,
and his character ruined in his own country and in this, so
that I see no other but England to which he can now retire.
He says, that we owe him about twelve thousand pounds
sterling; and his great complaint is, that we do not settle
his accounts and pay him. Mr. Johnston having declined
the service, I proposed engaging Mr. Searle to undertake it;
but Mr. Deane objected to him, as being his enemy. In
my opinion he was, for that reason, even fitter for the ser-
vice of Mr. Deane ; since accounts are of a mathematical

At. 76.] ENCOURAGING PROSPECTS. 49

nature, and cannot be changed by an enemy, while that
enemy's testimony, that he had found them well supported
by authentic vouchers, would have weighed more than the
same testimony from a friend.

With regard to negotiations for a peace, I see but little
probability of their being entered upon seriously this year,
unless the English minister has failed in raising his funds,
which it is said he has secured ; so that we must provide for
another campaign, in which I hope God will continue to
favor us, and humble our cruel and haughty enemies; a
circumstance which, whatever Mr. Deane may say to the
contrary, will give pleasure to all Europe.

This year opens well, by the reduction of Port Mahon,
and the garrison prisoners of war, and we are not without
hopes, that Gibraltar may soon follow. A few more signal
successes in America will do much towards reducing our
enemies to reason. Your expressions of good opinion with
regard to me, and wishes of my continuance in this employ-
ment, are very obliging. As long as the Congress think I
can be useful to our affairs, it is my duty to obey their
orders ; but I should be happy to see them better executed
by another, and myself at liberty, enjoying, before I quit
the stage of life, some small degree of leisure and tran-
quillity.

To David I have just received your favors of March

t^Passy 31 tne IItn an(* 1 2th, forwarded to me by Mr.
March, 178a. Digges, and another of the 21st per post. I
congratulate you on the returning good disposition of your
nation towards America, which appears in the resolutions
of Parliament, that you have sent me ; and I hope the
change of your ministry will be attended with salutary

JO COUNT DE SEGUR. [,Et. 76.

effects. I continue in the same sentiments expressed in my
former letters ; but, as I am but one of five in the commis-
sion, and have no knowledge of the sentiments of the
others, what has passed between us is to be considered
merely as private conversation. The five persons are
Messrs. Adams, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson, and myself; and,
in case of the death or absence of any, the remainder
have power to act or conclude. I have not written to Mr.
Laurens, having constantly expected him here, but shall
write to him next post ; when I shall also write more fully
to you.

To George I received duly the honor of your letter, ac-

Washington, . , ... - -~, . -,

dated Passy companying the capitulation of General Corn-
a April, 1782. wallis. All the world agree, that no expedition
was ever better planned or better executed ; it has made a
great addition to the military reputation you had already
acquired, and brightens the glory that surrounds your name,
and that must accompany it to our latest posterity. No
news could possibly make me more happy. The infant
Hercules has now strangled the two serpents* that attacked
him in his cradle, and I trust his future history will be
answerable.

This will be presented to you by the Count de Segur.
He is son of the Marquis de Segur, minister of war, and our
very good friend ; but I need not claim your regards to the
young gentleman on that score ; his amiable personal quali-
ties, his very sensible conversation, and his zeal for the
cause of liberty, will obtain and secure your esteem, and be
better recommendation than any I can give him.

The English seem not to know either how to continue

* Burgoyne and C^ruwallis, with their armies. — Ed.

Mr. 76.] HOW TO HAVE PEACE. 51

the war, or to make peace with us. Instead of entering
into a regular treaty for putting an end to a contest they
are tired of, they have voted in Parliament, that the re-
covery of America by force is impracticable, that an offen-
sive war against us ought not to be continued, and that
whoever advises it shall be deemed an enemy to his
country.

Thus the garrisons of New York and Charleston, if con-
tinued there, must sit still, being only allowed to defend
themselves. The ministry, not understanding or approving
this making of peace by halves, have quitted their places ;
but we have no certain account here who is to succeed
them, so that the measures likely to be taken are yet un-
certain ; probably we shall know something of them before
the Marquis de Lafayette takes his departure. There are
grounds for good hopes, however ; but I think we should
not therefore relax in our preparations for a vigorous cam-
paign, as that nation is subject to sudden fluctuations ; and,
though somewhat humiliated at present, a little success in
the West Indies may dissipate their present fears, recall
their natural insolence, and occasion the interruption of
negotiation, and a continuance of the war. We have
great stores purchased here for the use of your army, which
will be sent as soon as transports can be procured for them
to go under good convoy.

To David You justly observe, in yours of the 12th, that

ted Passy *s t^ie ^rst °^ject *s> to procure a "meeting of
April, 1782. qualified and authorized persons," and that
you understand the ministry will be ready to proceed to-
wards opening a negotiation as soon as the bill shall pass,
and therefore it is necessary to consult time and place, and

c2 HOW TO HAVE PEACE. [Mr. 76.

manner and persons, on each side. This you wrote while
the old ministry existed. If the new have the same inten-
tions, and desire a general peace, they may easily discharge
Mr. Laurens from those engagements, which make his act-
ing in the commission improper; and, except Mr. Jefferson,
who remains in America, and is not expected here, we, the
Commissioners of Congress, can easily be got together
ready to meet yours, at such place as shall be agreed to by
the powers at war, in order to form the treaty. God grant
that there may be wisdom enough assembled to make, if
possible, a peace that shall be perpetual, and that the idea
of any nations being natural enemies to each other may be
abolished for the honor of human nature.

With regard to those, who may be commissioned from
your government, whatever personal preferences I may con-
ceive in my own mind, it cannot become me to expres:;
them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With such,
a peace may be speedily concluded. With contentious
wranglers, the negotiation may be drawn into length, and
finally frustrated.

I am pleased to see, in the votes and Parliamentary
speeches, and in your public papers, that, in mentioning
America, the word reconciliation is often used. It certainly
means more than a mere peace. It is a sweet expression.
Revolve in your mind, my dear friend, the means of bring-
ing about this recoficiliation. When you consider the in-
justice of your war with us, and the barbarous manner in
which it has been carried on, the many suffering families
among us from your burning of towns, scalping by savages,
&c. &c, will it not appear to you, that though a cessation
of the war may be a peace, it may not be a reconciliation ?
Will not some voluntary acts of justice, and even of kind'

JEt. 76.] PRINCE DE BROGLIE. 53

ness on your part, have excellent effects towards producing
such a reconciliation ? Can you not find means of repairing
in some degree those injuries ? You have in England and
Ireland twelve hundred of our people prisoners, who have
for years bravely suffered all the hardships of that confine-
ment, rather than enter into your service, to fight against
their country. Methinks you ought to glory in descend-
ants of such virtue. What if you were to begin your
measures of reconciliation by setting them at liberty? I
know it would procure for you the liberty of an equal num-
ber of your people, even without a previous stipulation ;
and the confidence in our equity, with the apparent good
will in the action, would give very good impressions of your
change of disposition towards us. Perhaps you have no
knowledge of the opinions lately conceived of your King
and country, in America, the enclosed copy of a letter
will make you a little acquainted with them, and convince
you how impossible must be every project of bringing us
again under the dominion of such a sovereign.

To George I did myself the honor of writing to you a

dated 'passy ^ew ^ays smce by the Count de Segur. This
8 April, 178a. line is chiefly to present the Prince de Broglie
to your Excellency, who goes over to join the army of M.
de Rochambeau. He bears an excellent character here, is
a hearty friend to our cause, and I am persuaded you will
have a pleasure in his conversation. I take leave, there-
fore, to recommend him to those civilities, which you are
always happy in showing to strangers of merit and dis-
tinction.

I have heretofore congratulated your Excellency on your
victories over our enemy's generals ; I can now do the same
Vol. III.— 8

C4 ENGLISH INTRIGUES IN HOLLAND. [Mr. 76.

on your having overthrown their politicians. Your late
successes have so strengthened the hands of opposition in
Parliament, that they are become the majority, and have
compelled the King to dismiss all his old ministers and their
adherents. The unclean spirits he was possessed with are
now cast out of him; but it is imagined, that, as soon as
he has obtained a peace, they will return with others worse
than themselves, and the last state of that man, as the Scrip-
ture says, shall be worse than the first.

As soon as we can learn any thing certain of the projects
of the new ministry, I shall take the first opportunity of
communicating them.

To Robert r. Being at court on Tuesday, I learned from
Livingston, the Dutch minister, that the new English min-
12 April, 1782. istry have offered, through the ministers of
Russia, a cessation of arms to Holland, and a renewal of
the treaty of 1674. M. de Berkenrode seemed to be of the
opinion, that the offer was intended to gain time, to obstruct
the concert of operations with France for the ensuing cam-
paign, and to prevent the conclusion of a treaty with
America. It is apprehended, that it may have some effect
in strengthening the hands of the English party in that
country, and retard affairs a little ; but it is hoped, that the
proposal will not be finally agreed to. It would indeed
render the Dutch ridiculous. A, having a cane in his hand,
meets his neighbour B, who happens to have none, takes
the advantage, and gives him a sound drubbing. B, having
found a stick, and coming to return the blows he received,
A says, " My old friend, why should we quarrel ? We are
neighbours ; let us be good ones, and live peaceably by
each other, as we used to do." If B is so easily satisfied,

ALt. 76.] PEACE, COMPETENCE, FRIENDS, ETC. 55

and lays aside his stick, the rest of the neighbours, as
well as A, will laugh at him. This is the light in which
I stated it. Enclosed I send you a copy of the proposi-
tion.

I see by the newspapers, that the Spaniards, having taken
a little post called St. Joseph, pretend to have made a con-
quest of the Illinois country. In what light does this pro-
ceeding appear to Congress ? While they decline our offered
friendship, are they to be suffered to encroach on our bounds,
and shut us up within the Appalachian mountains? I begin
to fear they have some such project.

To Mrs. Mary I received your kind letter of the 23d of
tedWpass ^3 December. I rejoice always to hear of your
April, 1782. and your good mother's welfare, though I can
write but seldom, and safe opportunities are scarce. Look-
ing over some old papers, I find the rough draft of a letter,
which I wrote to you fifteen months ago, and which prob-
ably miscarried, or your answer miscarried, as I never
received any. I enclose it, as the spring is coming on, and
the same proposition will now again be in season, and easily
executed, if you should approve of it.

You mention Mr. Viny's being with you. What is his
present situation ? I think he might do well with his wheel
business in this country. By your newspapers, Jacob seems
to have taken it to himself. Could he not make up a good
coach, with the latest useful improvements, and bring you
all in it ? It would serve here as a specimen of his abilities,
if he chose to stay, or would sell well, if he chose to return.
I hope your mother has got over her lowness of spirits about
the dropsy. It is common for aged people to have at times
iwelled ankles towards evening ; but it is a temporary dis-

5 6 PEA CE, COMPE TENCE, FRIENDS, ETC. [At 76.

order, which goes off of itself, and has no consequences.
My tender love to her.

If you have an opportunity of sending to Geneva, I like
well enough your sending the books thither for my godson
grandson, who goes on well there. You do well to keep
ray granddaughter without stays. God bless her and all of
you.

You may imagine I begin to grow happy in my prospects.
I should be quite so, if I could see peace and good will re-
stored between our countries ; for I enjoy health, compe-
tence, friends, and reputation. Peace is the only ingredient
wanting to my felicity.*

* This was no doubt a modest statement of his position. There probably
never was a foreigner in France who was so much admired, quoted, and
flattered as Dr. Franklin. Four years before (July 2, 1778), a contemporary
wrote to his royal correspondent from Versailles :f

"I do not often speak of Mr. Franklin, because the gazettes tell you
enough of him. However, I will say to you that our Parisians are no more
sensible in their attentions to him than they were towards Voltaire, of whom
they have not spoken since the day following his death. Mr. Franklin is
besieged, followed, admired, adored, wherever he shows himself, with a fury,
a fanaticism, capable no doubt of flattering him and of doing him honor,
but which at the same time proves that we shall never be reasonable, and
that the virtues and better qualities of our nation will always be balanced
by a levity, an inconsequence, and an enthusiasm too excessive to be
durable."

The enthusiasm here described increased rather than diminished during
the remainder of his sojourn in France, though he did not always escape the
shafts of jealousy and malice. The same correspondent, writing in July,
1781, said:

" The King seems greatly discontented with the Americans, and the
diplomatic doctor is received here very coldly. Some one said the other
day that he lacked a letter to his name ; that he should not be called
Franklin but Franc-calin." Calin signifies a wheedler or cajoler.

f Correspondance secrete in^dite sur Louis XVI, Mane Antoinette, la Cour et la
Vllle de 1777 a 1792 ; yut,;ee par M. de Lescure-Plon, Paris, 1866.

Mr. 76.] INSINCERITY OF BRITISH MINISTR Y.

To David Since mine of the 5th, I have thought further
ted"p!ssy, *3~ °f tlie subject of our late letters. You were of
April, 1782. opinion, that the late ministry desired sincerely
a reconciliation with America, and with that view a separate
peace with us was proposed. It happened, that, at the
same time, Lord North had an emissary here to sound the
French ministers with regard to peace, and to make them
very advantageous propositions, in case they would abandon
America. You may judge from hence, my dear friend, what
opinion I must have formed of the intentions of your min-
isters. To convince you of the truth of this, I may acquaint
you, that the emissary was a Mr. Forth;* and that the
answer given him to carry back to the English ministers,
was, "that the King of France is as desirous of peace as the
King of England ; and that he would accede to it as soon as
he could with dignity and safety ; but it is a matter of the last
importance for His Most Christian Majesty to know, whether
the court of London is disposed to treat on equal terms with
the allies of France. ' '

Mr. Forth went off with this answer for London, but
probably did not arrive till after the dismission of the min-
isters that sent him. You may make any use of this infor-
mation, which you judge proper. The new ministry may
see by it the principles that govern this court ; and it will

In London he was of course a target for the Mauvais Plaisants. They
had an engraving of him there under which were written the following lines :

" Renegat de son culte, infidele a son Roi,
Sous cape il se moqua du ciel et de la loi,
Vergenne et Maurepas crurent a ses sornettes,
Et le doyen des charlatans
Trompa les bons avec ses cheveux blancs,
Et les sots avec ses lunettes." — Ed.

* Formerly Secretary to the British Embassy at Paris. — Ed.
8*

5 8 UNFRIENDLY CONDUCT OF SPAIN. [Mr. 76.

convince them, I hope, that the project of dividing us is as
vain, as it would be to us injurious.

To John jay, I have undertaken to pay all the bills of your
aa* April "xlte! acceptance that have come to my knowledge,
and I hope in God no more will be drawn upon
us, but when funds are first provided. In that case, your
constant residence at Madrid is no longer so necessary.
You may make a journey either for health or pleasure, with-
out retarding the progress of a negotiation not yet begun.
Here you are greatly wanted, for messengers begin to come
and go, and there is much talk of a treaty proposed ; but I
can neither make, nor agree to propositions of peace, with-
out the assistance of my colleagues. Mr. Adams, I am
afraid, cannot just now leave Holland. Mr. Jefferson is
not in Europe, and Mr. Laurens is a prisoner, though
abroad upon parole. I wish, therefore, that you would re-
solve upon the journey, and render yourself here as soon
as possible. You would be of infinite service. Spain has
taken four years to consider whether she should treat with
us or not. Give her forty, and let us in the mean time mind
our own business. I have much to communicate to you,
but choose rather to do it viva voce, than trust it to letters.

To a Friend, I received the letter you did me the honor
8a^e x*g*y' of writing me, and am much obliged by your
kind present of a book. The relish for read-
ing poetry had long since left me; but there is something
so new in the manner, so easy, and yet so correct in the
language, so clear in the expression, yet concise, and so
just in the sentiments, that I have read the whole with great
pleasure, and some of the pieces more than once. I beg

Mr. 76.] COWPER' S POEMS. $g

you to accept my thankful acknowledgments, and to pre-
sent my respects to the author.

I shall take care to forward the letters to America, and
shall be glad of any other opportunity of doing what may
be agreeable to you, being, with great respect for your
character, your most obedient humble servant.*

To Joseph I have always great pleasure in hearing from
ted Passy % y°u> m learning that you are well, and that
June, 1782. you continue your experiments. I should re-
joice much, if I could once more recover the leisure to
search with you into the works of nature ; I mean the in-
animate, not the animate or moral part of them ; the more
I discovered of the former, the more I admired them ; the
more I know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with
them. Men I find to be a sort of beings very badly con-
structed, as they are generally more easily provoked than
reconciled, more disposed to do mischief to each other than
to make reparation, much more easily deceived than un-
deceived, and having more pride and even pleasure in kill-

* Cowper seems to have been much gratified with the compliment con-
tained in this letter, which was communicated to him by the person to whom
it had been written. Cowper forwarded a copy of it to Mr. Unwin, and
said, "A merchant, a friend of ours, sent my Poems to one of the first
philosophers, one of the most eminent literary characters, as well as one of
the most important in the political world, that the present age can boast of.
Now perhaps your conjecturing faculties are puzzled, and you begin to ask,
' Who, where, and what is he ? Speak out, for I am all impatience.' I will
not say a word more ; the letter in which he returned his thanks shall speak
for me."

He then inserts the letter, and adds, " We may now treat the critics as
the Archbishop of Toledo treated Gil Bias, when he found fault with one of
his sermons. His Grace gave him a kick, and said, ' Begone for a jacka-
napes, and furnish yourself with a better taste, if you know where to find
it.' "— SOUTHEY'S edition of Cowper s Works, Vol. IV. p. 217. — S.

60 AN APOLOGUE. [«€t. 76

ing than in begetting one another ; for without a blush
they assemble in great armies at noonday to destroy, and
when they have killed as many as they can, they exaggerate
the number to augment the fancied glory ; but they creep
into corners, or cover themselves with the darkness of
night, when they mean to beget, as being ashamed of a
virtuous action. A virtuous action it would be, and a
vicious one the killing of them, if the species were really
worth producing or preserving; but of this I begin to
doubt.

I know you have no such doubts, because, in your zeal
for their welfare, you are taking a great deal of pains to save
their souls. Perhaps as you grow older, you may look upon
this as a hopeless project, or an idle amusement, repent of
having murdered in mephitic air so many honest, harmless
mice, and wish, that, to prevent mischief, you had used
boys and girls instead of them. In what light we are viewed
by superior beings, may be gathered from a piece of late
West India news, which possibly has not yet reached you.
A young angel of distinction being sent down to this world
on some business, for the first time, had an old courier-spirit
assigned him as a guide. They arrived over the seas of
Martinico, in the middle of the long day of obstinate fight
between the fleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When,
through the clouds of smoke, he saw the fire of the guns,
the decks covered with mangled limbs, and bodies dead or
dying ; the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air ;
and the quantity of pain, misery, and destruction, the crews
yet alive were thus with so much eagerness dealing round
to one another ; he turned angrily to his guide, and said,
" You blundering blockhead, you are ignorant of youi
businass; you undertook to conduct me to the earth, and

Mr. 76.] AN APOLOGUE. 6l

you have brought me into hell!" "No, Sir," says the
guide, "I have made no mistake; this is really the earth,
and these are men. Devils never treat one another in this
cruel manner; they have more sense, and more of what
men (vainly) call humanity."

But to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as much
as ever, and I love all the honest souls that meet at the
London CorTee-House. I only wonder how it happened,
that they and my other friends in England came to be such
good creatures in the midst of so perverse a generation. I
long to see them and you once more, and I labor for peace
with more earnestness, that I may again be happy in your
sweet society.

I showed your letter to the Duke de Larochefoucauld, who
thinks with me, that the new experiments you have made
are extremely curious; and he has given me thereupon a
note, which I enclose, and I request you would furnish me
with the answer desired.

Yesterday the Count du Nord* was at the Academy of
Sciences, when sundry experiments were exhibited for his
entertainment ; among them, one by M. Lavoisier, to show
that the strongest fire we yet know, is made in a charcoal
blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In a heat so pro-
duced, he melted platina presently, the fire being much
more powerful than that of the strongest burning mirror.

To Jonathan After so long a silence, and the long con-
Bfchop of st. tinuance of its unfortunate causes, a line from
Asaph, dated y0u was a prognostic of happier times ap-

Psssv 10

June, 1782. proaching, when we may converse and com-
municate freely, without danger from the

* Afterwards Emperor Paul the First of Russia. — ED.

62 XO GOOD WAR OR BAD PEACE. [JEt. 76.

malevolence of men enraged by the ill success of their
distracted projects.

I long with you for the return of peace, on the general
principles of humanity. The hope of being able to pass a
few more of my last days happily in the sweet conversations
and company I once enjoyed at Twyford, is a particular
motive that adds strength to the general wish, and quickens
my industry to procure that best of blessings. After much
occasion to consider the folly and mischiefs of a state of
warfare, and the little or no advantage obtained even by
those nations, who have conducted it with the most suc-
cess, I have been apt to think, that there has never been,
nor ever will be, any such thing as a good war, or a bad
peace.

You ask if I still relish my old studies. I relish them,
but I cannot pursue them. My time is engrossed unhappily
with other concerns. I requested of the Congress last year
my discharge from this public station, that I might enjoy a
little leisure in the evening of a long life of business; but
it was refused me, and I have been obliged to drudge on a
little longer.

You are happy as your years come on, in having that dear
and most amiable family about you. Four daughters ! how
rich ! I have but one, and she, necessarily detained from
me at a thousand leagues distance. I feel the want of that
tender care of me, which might be expected from a
daughter, and would give the world for one. Your shades
are all placed in a row over my fireplace, so that I not only
have you always in my mind, but constantly before my
eyes.

The cause of liberty and America has been greatly obliged
to ycu. I hope you will live long to see that country

Mr. 76.] WOMEN'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION. 63

flourish under its new constitution, which I am sure will
give you great pleasure. Will you permit me to express
another hope, that, now your friends are in power, they
will take the first opportunity of showing the sense they
ought to have of your virtues and your merit?

Please to make my best respects acceptable to Mrs. Ship-
ley, and embrace for me tenderly all our dear children.

To Mrs. You cannot be more pleased in talking about

""y daet^j your children, your methods of instructing
Passy, 13 them, and the progress they make, than I am
in hearing it, and in finding, that, instead of
following the idle amusements, which both your fortune
and the custom of the age might have led you into, your
delight and your duty go together, by employing your time
in the education of your offspring. This is following nature
and reason, instead of fashion ; than which nothing is more
becoming the character of a woman of sense and virtue.

We have here a female writer on education, who has
lately published three volumes, that are much talked of. I
will send them to you by the first opportunity. They are
much praised and much censured. The author, Madame
la Comtesse de Genlis, is made, in consequence of her
writing that work, governess of the children of the Due de
Chartres, who is son of the Duke of Orleans. Perhaps you
may not find much in it, that can be of use to you, but you
may find something.

I enclose another piece on the same subject, written by
another Comtesse, Madame de Forbach, who does me the
honor of calling me her friend, by which means I have a
copy, it not being published. When you have leisure, I
shall like to see your remarks.

64 CONVENIENCE OF THE PRESS. [JEt. 76.

Do not send any books to Geneva. The troubles of that
city have driven the school and ray boy out of it, and I
have thoughts of sending for him home. Perhaps I may
put him for a while under your care, to recover his English
in the same school with your sons.

To Richard The ancient Roman and Greek orators could
Passy 13 only speak to the number of citizens capable
June, 1782. 0f being assembled within the reach of their
voice. Their writings had little effect, because the bulk
of the people could not read. Now by the press we can
speak to nations ; and good books and well written pam-
phlets have great and general influence. The facility, with
which the same truths may be repeatedly enforced by
placing them daily in different lights in newspapers, which
are everywhere read, gives a great chance of establishing
them. And we now find, that it is not only right to strike
while the iron is hot, but that it may be very practicable to
heat it by continually striking.

To Miss Alex- — I am not at all displeased, that the thesis
Passy a a an(^ dedication, with which we were threat-
June, 1782. ened, are blown over, for I dislike much all
sorts of mummery. The republic of letters has gained no
reputation, whatever else it may have gained, by the com-
merce of dedications ; I never made one, and I never
desired, that one should be made to me. When I submitted
to receive this, it was from the bad habit I have long had
of doing everything that ladies desire me to do; there is
no refusing any thing to Madame la Marck, nor to you.
I have been to pay my respects to that amiable lady, not
merely because it was a compliment due to her, but because

Mt. 76.] FRUGALITY. 65

I love her ; which induces me to excuse her not letting me
in ; the same reason I should have for excusing your faults,
if you had any.

I have not seen your papa since the receipt of your
pleasing letter, so could arrange nothing with him respect-
ing the carriage. During seven or eight days, I shall be
very busy; after that you shall hear from me, and the
carriage shall be at your service. How could you think of
writing to me about chimneys and fires, in such weather as
this ! Now is the time for the frugal lady you mention to
save her wood, obtain plus de chaleur, and lay it up against
winter, as people do ice against summer. Frugality is an
enriching virtue; a virtue I never could acquire in myself;
but I was once lucky enough to find it in a wife, who there-
by became a fortune to me. Do you possess it ? If you
do, and I were twenty years younger, I would give your
father one thousand guineas for you. I know you would
be worth more to me as a menagere, but I am covetous,
and love good bargains.

Vni III

CHAPTER III.

JOURNAL OF THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE WITH GREAT
BRITAIN FROM MARCH 21 TO JULY 1, 1782.

Passy, 9 May, 1782.

As since the change of the ministry in England some
serious professions have been made of their dispositions to
peace, and of their readiness to enter into a general treaty
for that purpose ; and as the concerns and claims of five
nations are to be discussed in that treaty, which must there-
fore be interesting to the present age and to posterity, I am
inclined to keep a journal of the proceedings as far as they
come to my knowledge ; and, to make it more complete, 1
will first endeavour to recollect what has already past.
Great affairs sometimes take their rise from small circum-
stances. My good friend and neighbour Madame Brillon,
being at Nice all last winter for her health, with her very
amiable family, wrote to me, that she had met with some
English gentry there, whose acquaintance proved agreeable.
Among them she named Lord Cholmondely, who she said
had promised to call, in his return to England, and drink
tea with us at Passy. He left Nice sooner than she sup-
posed, and came to Paris long before her. On the 21st
March I received the following note.

^T. 76.] JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS. ty

"Lord Cholmondely's compliments to Dr. Franklin;
he sets out for London to-morrow evening, and should be
glad to see him for five minutes before he went. Lord
Cholmondely will call upon him at any time in the morn-
ing he shall please to appoint.

M Thursday evening. Hotel de Chartres."

I wrote for answer, that I should be at home all the next
morning, and glad to see his Lordship, if he did me the
honor of calling on me. He came accordingly. I had
before no personal knowledge of this nobleman. We talked
of our friends whom he left at Nice, then of affairs in Eng-
land, and the late resolutions of the Commons on Mr. Con-
way's motion. He told me, that he knew Lord Shelburne
had a great regard for me, that he was sure his Lordship
would be pleased to hear from me, and that if I would
write a line he should have a pleasure in carrying it. On
which I wrote the following.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

" Passy, 22 March, 1782.

" My Lord,
" Lord Cholmondely having kindly offered to take a
letter from me to your Lordship, I embrace the opportunity
of assuring the continuance of my ancient respect for your
talents and virtues, and of congratulating you on the return-
ing good disposition of your country in favor of America,
which appears in the late resolutions of the Commons. I
am persuaded it will have good effects. I hope it will tend
to produce a general peace, which I am sure your Lordship,
with all good men, desires, which I wish to see before I
die, and to which I shall, with infinite pleasure, contribute
every thing in my power.

68 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76

"Your friends, the Abbe Morellet and Madame Hel-
vetius, are well. You have made the latter very happy by
your present of gooseberry bushes, which arrived in five
days, and in excellent order. With great and sincere
esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

"B. Franklin."

Soon after this we heard from England, that a total
change had taken place in the ministry, and that Lord
Shelburne had come in as Secretary of State. But I thought
no more of my letter, till an old friend and near neighbour
of mine many years in London appeared at Passy, and in-
troduced a Mr. Oswald, who, he said, had a great desire to
see me ; and Mr. Oswald, after some little conversation,
gave me the following letters from Lord Shelburne and Mr.
Laurens.

FROM LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

" London, 6 April, 1782.

"Dear Sir,
"I have been favored with your letter and am much
obliged by your remembrance. I find myself returned
nearly to the same situation, which you remember me to
have occupied nineteen years ago ; and I should be very
glad to talk to you as I did then, and afterwards, in 1767,
upon the means of promoting the happiness of mankind, a
subject much more agreeable to my nature, than the best
concerted plans for spreading misery and devastation. I
have had a high opinion of the compass of your mind, and
of your foresight. I have often been beholden to both,
and shall be glad to be so again, as far as is compatible
*ith your situation. Your letter, discovering the same dis-
position, has made me send to you Mr Oswald. I have

^Et. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. fig

had a longer acquaintance with him, than even I have had
the pleasure to have with you. I believe him an honest man,
and, after consulting some of our common friends, I have
thought him the fittest for the purpose. He is a pacifical
man, and conversant in those negotiations, which are most
interesting to mankind. This has made me prefer him to
any of our speculative friends, or to any person of higher
rank. He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give
full credit to every thing he assures you of. At the same
time, if any other channel occurs to you, I am ready to
embrace it. I wish to retain the same simplicity and good
faith, which subsisted between us in transactions of less
importance. I have the honor to be, &c.

"Shelburne."

FROM HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

" London, 7 April, 1782.

" Dear Sir,

" Richard Oswald, Esquire, who will do me the honor
of delivering this, is a gentleman of the strictest candor and
integrity. I dare give such assurances from an experience
little short of thirty years, and to add, you will be perfectly
safe in conversing freely with him on the business he will
introduce, a business, which Mr. Oswald has disinterestedly
engaged in, from motives of benevolence ; and from the
choice of the man a persuasion follows, that the electors
mean to be in earnest.

" Some people in this country, who have too long in-
dulged themselves in abusing every thing American, have
been pleased to circulate an opinion, that Dr. Franklin is a
very cunning man ; in answer to which, I have remarked to
Mr. Oswald, ' Dr. Franklin knows very well how to manage
a cunning man ; but, when the Doctor converses or treats
with a man of car.dor, there is no man more candid than
9*

70 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

himself.' I do not know whether you will ultimately agree
on political sketches ; but I am sure, as gentlemen, you will
part very well pleased with each other. Should you, Sir,
think proper to communicate to me your sentiments and
advice on our affairs, the more amply the more acceptable,
md probably the more serviceable ; Mr. Oswald will take
charge of your despatches, and afford a secure means of
conveyance.

" To this gentleman I refer you for general information
of a journey, which I am immediately to make, partly in
his company, to Ostend, to file off for the Hague. I feel a
willingness, infirm as I am, to attempt doing as much good
as can be expected from such a prisoner upon parole. As
General Burgoyne is certainly exchanged, (a circumstance,
by the by, which possibly might have embarrassed us, had
your late propositions been accepted,) may I presume at my
return to offer another lieutenant-general, now in England,
a prisoner upon parole, in exchange ; or what shall I offer
in exchange for myself, a thing in my own estimation of no
great value ? I have the honor to be, with great respect,
and, permit me to add, great reverence, Sir, &c.

"Henry Laurens."

I entered into conversation with Mr. Oswald. He was
represented in the letter as fully apprized of Lord Shel-
burne's mind, and I was desirous of knowing it. All I
could learn was, that the new ministry sincerely wished for
a peace ; that they considered the object of the war, to
France and America, as obtained ; that, if the independence
of the United States was agreed to, there was no other point
in dispute, and therefore nothing to hinder a pacification ;
that they were ready to treat of peace, but he intimated,
that, if France should insist upon terms too humiliating to
England, they could still continue the war, having yet

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. j\

great strength and many resources left. I let him know,
that America would not treat but in concert with France,
and that, my colleagues not being here, I could do nothing
of importance in the affair ; but that, if he pleased, I would
present him to M. de Vergennes, Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs. He consenting, I wrote and sent the fol-
lowing letter.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

" Passy, 16 April, 1782.

"Sir,
"An English nobleman, Lord Cholmondely, lately re-
turning from Italy, called upon me here, at the time when
we received the news of the first resolutions of the House
of Commons relating to America. In conversation he said,
that he knew his friend, Lord Shelburne, had a great re-
gard for me, that it would be pleasing to him to hear of
my welfare, and receive a line from me, of which he, Lord
Cholmondely, should like to be the bearer, adding, if there
should be a change of ministry, he believed Lord Shelburne
would be employed. I thereupon wrote a few lines, of
which I enclose a copy. This day I received an answer,
which I also enclose, together with another letter from Mr.
Laurens. They both, as your Excellency will see, recom-
mend the bearer, Mr. Oswald, as a very honest, sensible
man. I have had a little conversation with him. He tells
me, that there has been a desire of making a separate peace
with America, and continuing the war with France and
Spain, but that now all wise people give up that idea as
impracticable; and it is his private opinion, that the min-
istry do sincerely desire a general peace, and that they will
readily come into it, provided France does not insist upon
conditions too humiliating for England, in which case she

72 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [jEt. 76.

will make great and violent efforts, rather than submit to
them, and that much is still in her power, &c.

"I told the gentleman, that I could not enter into par-
ticulars with him, but in concert with the ministers of this
court. And I proposed introducing him to your Excellency,
after communicating to you the letters he brought me, in
case you should think fit to see him, with which he appeared
to be pleased. I intend waiting on you to-morrow, when
you will please to acquaint me with your intentions, and
favor me with your counsels. He had heard nothing of
Forth's mission, and the old ministry had not acquainted
the new with that transaction. Mr. Laurens came over
with him in the same vessel, and went from Ostend to
Holland. With great respect, I am, &c.

"B. Franklin."

The next day, being at court with the foreign ministers,
as usual on Tuesdays, I saw M. de Vergennes, who ac-
quainted me, that he had caused the letters to be translated,
had considered the contents, and should like to see Mr.
Oswald. We agreed that the interview should be on
Wednesday at ten o'clock. Immediately on my return
home, I wrote to Mr. Oswald, acquainting him with what
had passed at Versailles, and proposing that he should be
with me at half past eight the next morning, in order to
proceed thither. I received from him the following answer.

" Paris, 17 April.

"Sir,
" I have the honor of yours by the bearer, and shall be
sure to wait on you to-morrow, at half past eight, and am,
with rmK.h respect, &c.

"Richard Oswald."

At. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 73

He came accordingly, and we arrived at Versailles punc-
tually. M. de Vergennes received him with much civility.
Mr. Oswald not being ready in speaking French, M. de
Rayneval interpreted. Mr. Oswald at first thought of send-
ing an express, with the account of the conversation, which
continued near an hour, and was offered a passport, but
finally concluded to go himself; and I wrote the next day
the letter following.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

" Passy, 18 April, 1782.

" My Lord,

"I have received the letter your Lordship did me the
honor of writing to me on the 6th instant. I congratulate
you on your new appointment to the honorable and impor-
tant office you formerly filled so worthily, which must be so
far pleasing to you, as it affords you more opportunities of
doing good, and of serving your country essentially in its
great concerns.

"I have conversed a good deal with Mr. Oswald, and
am much pleased with him. He appears to me a wise and
honest man. I acquainted him, that I was commissioned,
with others, to treat of and conclude a peace. That full
powers were given us for that purpose, and that the Con-
gress promised in good faith to ratify, confirm, and cause
to be faithfully observed, the treaty we should make; but
that we would not treat separately from France, and I pro-
posed introducing him to the Count de Vergennes, to whom
I communicated your Lordship's letter containing Mr.
Oswald's character, as a foundation for the interviews. He
will acquaint you, tnat the assurance he gave of His Britan-
nic Majesty's good dispositions towards peace was wel)

74 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS {Mr. 76.

received, and assurances returned of the same good dispo-
sitions in His Most Christian Majesty.

"With regard to circumstances relative to a treaty, M.
de Vergennes observed, that the King's engagements were
such, that he could not treat without the concurrence of his
allies ; that the treaty should, therefore, be for a general,
not a partial peace ; that, if the parties were disposed to
finish the war speedily by themselves, it would perhaps be
best to treat at Paris, as an ambassador from Spain was
already there, and the Commissioners from America might
easily and soon be assembled there. Or, if they chose to
make use of the proposed mediation, they might treat at
Vienna ; but that the King was so truly willing to put a
speedy end to the war, that he would agree to any place
the King of England should think proper.

"I leave the rest of the conversation to be related to
your Lordship by Mr. Oswald ; and, that he might do it
more easily and fully, than he could by letter, I was of
opinion with him, that it would be best he should return
immediately and do it viva voce. Being myself but one
of the four persons now in Europe, commissioned by the
Congress to treat of peace, I can make no propositions of
much importance without them. I can only express my
wish, that, if Mr. Oswald returns hither, he may bring with
him the agreement of your court to treat for a general
peace, and the proposal of place and time, that I may imme-
diately write to Messrs. Adams, Laurens, and Jay. I sup
pose, that in this case, your Lordship will think it proper
to have Mr. Laurens discharged from the engagements he
entered into, when he was admitted to bail. I desire no
other channel of communication between us, than that of
Mr. Oswald, which I think your Lordship has chosen with

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. jc

much judgment. He will be witness of my acting with
all the simplicity and good faith, which you do me the
honor to expect from me ; and, if he is enabled, when he
returns hither, to communicate more fully your Lordship's
mind on the principal points to be settled, I think it
may contribute much to the blessed work our hearts are
engaged in.

"By the act of Parliament relative to American pris-
oners, I see the King is empowered to exchange them. I
hope those you have in England and Ireland may be sent
home soon to their country, in flags of truce, and ex-
changed for an equal number of your people. Permit me
to add, that I think it would be well, if some kindness
were mixed in the transaction, with regard to their com-
fortable accommodation on shipboard ; as these poor un-
fortunate people have been long absent from their families
and friends, and rather hardly treated. With great and
sincere respect, I have the honor to be, my Lord, &c.

"B. Franklin."

To the account, contained in this letter, of what passed
in the conversation with the minister, I should add his
frank declaration, that, as the foundation of a good and
durable peace should be laid in justice, whenever a treaty
was entered upon, he had several demands of justice to
make from England. Of this, says he, I give you pre-
vious notice. What these demands were, he did not par-
ticularly say. One occurred to me, viz. reparation for the
injury done in taking a number of French ships by surprise,
before the declaration of the preceding war, contrary to
the law of nations. Mr. Oswald seemed to wish to obtain
some propositions to carry back with him ; but M. de

?6 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mi. 76

Vergennes said to him, very properly, "There are four
nations engaged in the war against you, who cannot, till
they have consulted and know each other's minds, be
ready to make propositions. Your court being without
allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it im-
mediately. It is therefore more natural to expect the first
proposition from you."

On our return from Versailles, Mr. Oswald took occasion
to impress me with ideas, that the present weakness of the
government of England, with regard to continuing the
war, was owing chiefly to the division of sentiments about
it ; that, in case France should make demands too humili-
ating for England to submit to, the spirit of the nation
would be roused, unanimity would prevail, and resources
would not be wanting. He said, there was no want of
money in the nation ; that the chief difficulty lay in the
finding out new taxes to raise it ; and, perhaps, that diffi-
culty might be avoided by shutting up the Exchequer,
stopping the payment of the interest of the public funds,
and applying that money to the support of the war. I
made no reply to this; for I did not desire to discourage
their stopping payment, which I considered as cutting the
throat of the public credit, and a means of adding fresh
exasperation against them with the neighbouring nations.
Such menaces were besides an encouragement with me,
remembering the adage, that they who threaten are afraid.

The next morning, when I had written the above letter
to Lord Shelburne, I went with it to Mr. Oswald's lodg-
"ngs, and gave it to him to read before I sealed it ; that, in
case any thing might be in it with which he was not satis-
fied, it migM be corrected ; but he expressed himself much
phased

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 77

In going to him, I had also in view the entering into a
conversation, which might draw out something of the mind
of his court on the subject of Canada and Nova Scotia. I
had thrown some loose thoughts on paper, which I intended
to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without a
fixed intention of showing them to him. On his saying
that he was obliged to me for the good opinion I had
expressed of him to Lord Shelburne in my letter, and
assuring me, that he had entertained the same of me, I
observed, that I perceived Lord Shelburne had placed
great confidence in him, and, as we had happily the same
in each other, we might possibly, by a free communication
of sentiments, and a previous settling of our own minds on
some of the important points, be the means of great good,
by impressing our sentiments on the minds of those, with
whom they might have influence, and where their being
received might be of importance.

I then remarked, that his nation seemed to desire a

reconciliation ; that, to obtain this, the party which had

been the aggressor and had cruelly treated the other, should

show some marks of concern for what was past, and some

disposition to make reparation ; that perhaps there were

things, which America might demand by way of reparation,

and which England might yield, and that the effect would

be vastly greater, if they appeared to be voluntary, and to

spring from returning good will ; that I, therefore, wished

England would think of offering something to relieve those,

who had suffered by its scalping and burning parties. Lives

indeed could not be restored nor compensated, but the

villages and houses wantonly destroyed might be rebuilt,

&c. I then touched upon the affair of Canada, and, as in

a former conversation he had mentioned his opinion, that
Vol. IH. — jo

78 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

the giving up of that country to the English, at the last
peace, had been a politic act in France, for that it had
weakened the ties between England and her colonies, and
that he himself had predicted from it the late revolution, I
spoke of the occasions of future quarrel that might be pro-
duced by her continuing to hold it ; hinting at the same
time, but not expressing too plainly, that such a situation,
to us so dangerous, would necessarily oblige us to cultivate
and strengthen our union with France. He appeared much
struck with my discourse, and, as I frequently looked at
my paper, he desired to see it. After some little delay, I
allowed him to read it ; the following is an exact copy.

((

NOTES FOR CONVERSATION.

"To make a peace durable, what may give occasion for
future wars should if practicable be removed.

"The territory of the United States and that of Canada,
by long extended frontiers, touch each other.

"The settlers on the frontiers of the American provinces
are generally the most disorderly of the people, who, being
far removed from the eye and control of their respective
governments, are more bold in committing offences again? t
neighbours, and are for ever occasioning complaints and
furnishing matter for fresh differences between their States.

"By the late debates in Parliament, and public writings,
it appears, that Britain desires a reconciliation with the
Americans. It is a sweet word. It means much more
than a mere peace, and what is heartily to be wished for.
Nations make a peace whenever they are both weary of
making war. But, if one of them has made war upon the
other unjustly, and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 79

great injuries, and refuses reparation, though there may,
for the present, be peace, the resentment of those injuries
will remain, and will break out again in vengeance when
occasions offer. These occasions will be watched for by
one side, feared by the other, and the peace will never be
secure ; nor can any cordiality subsist between them.

" Many houses and villages have been burnt in America
by the English and their allies, the Indians. I do not know
that the Americans will insist on reparation ; perhaps they
may. But would it not be better for England to offer it ?
Nothing would have a greater tendency to conciliate, and
much of the future commerce and returning intercourse
between the two countries may depend on the reconcilia-
tion. Would not the advantage of reconciliation by such
means be greater than the expense ?

" If then a way can be proposed, which may tend to
efface the memory of injuries, at the same time that it takes
away the occasions of fresh quarrels and mischief, will it
not be worth considering, especially if it can be done, not
only without expense, but be a means of saving ?

"Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from
that possession consists in the trade for peltry. Her ex-
penses in governing and defending that settlement must be
considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up
on the demand of America. Perhaps America will not
demand it; some of her political rulers may consider the
fear of such a neighbour, as a means of keeping the thirteen
States more united among themselves, and more attentive
to military discipline. But on the mind of the people in
general would it not have an excellent effect, if Britain
should voluntarily offer to give up this province ; though on
these conditions, that she shall in all times coming have

80 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

and cijoy the right of free trade thither, unincumbered
with any duties whatsoever; that so much of the vacant
lands there shall be sold, as will raise a sum sufficient to
pay for the houses burnt by the British troops and their
Indians ; and also to indemnify the royalists for the confis-
cation of their estates ?

" This is mere conversation matter between Mr. Oswald
and Mr. Franklin, as the former is not empowered to make
propositions, and the latter cannot make any without the
concurrence of his colleagues."

He then told me, that nothing in his judgment could be
clearer, more satisfactory and convincing, than the reason-
ings in that paper ; that he would do his utmost to impress
Lord Shelburne with them ; that as his memory might not
do them justice, and it would be impossible for him to ex-
press them so well, or state them so clearly as I had written
them, he begged I would let him take the paper with him,
assuring me that he would return it safely into my hands.
I at length complied with this request also. We parted
exceeding good friends, and he set out for London.

By the first opportunity after his departure, I wrote the
following letter to Mr. Adams, and sent the papers therein
mentioned, that he might fully be apprized of the proceed-
ings. I omitted only the paper of Notes for Conversation
with Mr. Oswald, but gave the substance, as appears in the
letter. The reason of my omitting it was, that, on reflec-
tion, I was not pleased with my having hinted a reparation
to Tories for their forfeited estates, and I was a li. tie
ashamed of my weakness in permitting the paper to gc out
of my hands.

X.T. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN, g*

TO JOHN ADAMS.

" Passy, 20 April, 1782.

" Sir,

" I hope your Excellency received the copy of our in-
structions, which I sent by the courier from Versailles, some
weeks since. I wrote to you on the 13th. to go by Captain
Smedley, and sent a packet of correspondence with Mr.
Hartley. Smedley did not leave Paris so soon as I ex-
pected ; but you should have it by this time.

" With this I send a fresh correspondence, which I have
been drawn into, viz. 1st, A letter I sent to Lord Shel-
burne before he was a minister. 2dly, His answer since he
was a minister, by Mr. Oswald. 3dly, A letter from Mr.
Laurens. 4thly, My letter to M. de Vergennes. 5thly,
My answer to Lord Shelburne. 6thly. My answer to Mr.
Laurens. 7thly, Copy of Digges's report. These papers
will inform you pretty well of what passed between me
and Mr. Oswald, except that in a conversation at parting,
I mentioned to him, that I observed they spoke much in
England of obtaining a reconciliation with the colonies ;
that this was more than a peace ; that the latter might pos-
sibly be obtained without the former; that the cruel injuries
constantly done us by burning our towns, &c. had made
deep impressions of resentment, that would long remain ;
that much of the advantage to the commerce of Eng-
land from a peace would depend on a reconciliation ; that
the peace without reconciliation would probably not be
durable ; that after a quarrel between friends, nothing
tended so much to conciliate, as offers made by the aggressor
of reparation for injuries done by him in his passion. And

I hinted, that, if England should make us a voluntary offex
10*

82 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [/Et. 76.

of Canada, expressly for that purpose, it might have a good
effect.

" Mr. Oswald liked much the idea, and said they were
too much straitened for money to make us pecuniary repa-
ration, but he should endeavour to persuade their doing
it this way. He is furnished with a passport to go and
return by Calais, and I expect him back in ten or twelve
days. I wish you and Mr. Laurens could be here when he
arrives, for I shall much want your advice, and cannot act
without your concurrence. If the present crisis of your
affairs prevents your coming, I hope, at least, Mr. Laurens
will be here, and we must communicate with you by ex-
presses, for your letters to me by post are generally opened.
I shall write by the next post, requesting Mr. Jay to be
here also as soon as possible.

" I received your letter advising of your draft on me for
a quarter's salary, which will be duly honored. With great
esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

"B. Franklin."

Supposing Mr. Laurens to be in Holland with Mr.
Adams, I, at the same time, wrote to him the following
letter.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

" Passy, 20 April, 1782.

" Sir,
"I received, by Mr. Oswald, the letter you did me the
honor of writing to me on the 7th instant. He brought me
also a letter from Lord Shelburne, which gave him the
same good character that you do, adding, * He is fully ap-
prized of my mind, and you may give full credit to every

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 83

thing he assures you of.' Mr. Oswald, however, could
give me no other particulars of his Lordship's mind, but
that he was sincerely disposed to peace. As the message
seemed, therefore, rather intended to procure or receive
propositions than to make any, I told Mr. Oswald that I
could make none but in concurrence with my colleagues in
the commission, and that, if we were together, we should
not treat but in conjunction with France ; and I proposed
introducing him to M. de Vergennes, which he accepted.

"He made to that minister the same declaration of the
disposition of England to peace ; who replied, that France
had assuredly the same good disposition ; that a treaty might
be immediately begun, but it must be for a general, not a
particular peace. That, as to the place, he thought Paris
might be the most convenient, as Spain had here already an
ambassador, and the American Commissioners could easily
be assembled here ; this, upon a supposition of the parties
treating directly with each other without the intervention
of mediators; but, if the mediation was to be used, it
might be at Vienna. The King, his master, however, was
so truly disposed to peace, that he would agree to any place
that the King of England should choose, and would, at the
treaty, give proof of the confidence that might be placed in
any engagements he should then enter into, by the fidelity
and exactitude with which he should observe those he
already had with his present allies.

" Mr. Oswald is returned with these general answers by
the way of Calais, and expects to be here again in a few
days. I wish it might be convenient for you and Mr.
Adams to be here at the same time; but, if the present
critical situation of affairs there, makes his being in Hol-
land necessary just now, I hope you may, nevertheless, be

84 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

here, bringing with you his opinion and advice. I havfe
proposed to Lord Shelburne to discharge you from the
obligations you entered into at the time of your enlarge-
ment, that you may act more freely in the treaty he desires.
"I had done myself the honor of writing to you a few
days before the arrival of Mr. Oswald. My lettei went by
Mr. Young, your secretary, and enclosed a copy of your
commission, with an offer of money if you had occasion for
any. Hoping that you will not return to England before
you have been at Paris, I forbear enlarging on the state of
our affairs here and in Spain. M. de Vergennes told me,
he should be very glad to see you here. I found Mr. Oswald
to answer perfectly the character you gave me of him, and
was much pleased with him. I have the honor to be, &c.

"B. Franklin."

Just after I had despatched these letters, I received the
following from Mr. Adams.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

"Amsterdam, 16 April, 1782

" Sir,
" Yesterday noon, Mr. William Vaughan, of London,
came to my house with Mr. Laurens, the son of the presi-
dent, and brought me a line from the latter, and told me
the President was at Haerlem, and desired to see me. 1
went to Haerlem and found my old friend at the Golden
Lion. He told me, he was come partly for his health and
the pleasure of seeing me, and partly to converse with me,
and see if he had at present just ideas and views of things,
at least to see if we agreed in sentiment, having been desired
by several of the new ministry to do so. I asked him if he
was at liberty? He said, No; that he was still under

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN, gj

parole, but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. I told
him, that I could not communicate to him, being a prisoner,
even his own instructions, nor enter into any consultation
with him as one of our colleagues in the commission for
peace; that all I should say to him would be as one private
citizen conversing with another; but that, upon all such
occasions, I should reserve a right to communicate what-
ever should pass to our colleagues and allies.

" He said, that Lord Shelburne, and others of the new
ministers, were anxious to know, whether there was any
authority to treat of a separate peace, and whether there
could be an accommodation upon any terms short of inde-
pendence ; that he had ever answered them, that nothing
short of an express or tacit acknowledgment of our independ
ence, in his opinion, would ever be accepted, and that no
treaty ever would, or could, be made separate from France.
He asked me, if his answers had been right. I told him,
that I was fully of that opinion. He said, that the new
ministers had received Digges's report, but his character was
such, that they did not choose to depend upon it ; that a
person by the name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to
see you, about the same time he came away to see me.

"I desired him, between him and me, to consider, with-
out saying any thing of it to the ministry, whether we could
ever have a real peace, with Canada or Nova Scotia in the
hands of the English ; and whether we ought not to insist,
at least, upon a stipulation, that they should keep no stand-
ing army, or regular troops, nor erect any fortifications,
upon the frontiers of either. That, at present, I saw no
motive that we had to be anxious for a peace ; and, if the
nation was not ripe for it upon proper terms, we might wait
patiently till they should be so.

"I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system
of politics. He has a very poor opinion, both of the in-
tegrity and abilities of the new ministry, as well as the old.

g6 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [^t. 76.

He thinks they know not what they are about ; that they
are spoiled by the same insincerity, duplicity, falsehood,
and corruption, with the former. Lord Shelburne still
flatters the King with ideas of conciliation and a separate
peace, &c. ; yet the nation, and the best men in it, are for
universal peace and an express acknowledgment of Ameri-
can independence, and many of the best are for giving up
Canada and Nova Scotia. His design seemed to be solely
to know how far Digges's report was true. After an hour
or two of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left
him to return to London.

"These are all but artifices to raise the stocks; and, if
you think of any method to put a stop to them, I will
cheerfully concur with you. They now know sufficiently,
that our commission is to treat of a general peace, and with
persons vested with equal powers; and, if you agree to it,
I will, never to see another messenger that is not a pleni-
potentiary.

"It is expected that the seventh Province, Guelderland,
will this day acknowledge American independence. I think
we are in such a situation now, that we ought not, upon
any consideration, to think of a truce, or any thing short
of an express acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the
United States. I should be glad, however, to know your
sentiments upon this point. I have the honor to be, &c.

"John Adams.1

>»

To the above, I immediately wrote the following answer.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

" Passy, 20 April, 1782.

" Sir,
"I have just received the honor of yours, dated the 16th
instant, acquaiFfing me with the interview between youi

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 87

Excellency and Mr. Laurens. I am glad to learn, that his
political sentiments coincide with ours, and that there is a
disposition in England to give us up Canada and Nova
Scotia.

" I like your idea of seeing no more messengers, that are
not plenipotentiaries ; but I cannot refuse seeing again Mr.
Oswald, as the minister here considered the letter to me
from Lord Shelburne as a kind of authentication given that
messenger, and expects his return with some explicit propo-
sitions. I shall keep you advised of whatever passes.

"The late act of Parliament, for exchanging American
prisoners as prisoners of war, according to the law of
nations, any thing in their com?nitments notwithstanding,
seems to me a renunciation of their pretensions to try our
people as subjects guilty of high treason, and to be a kind
of tacit acknowledgment of our independency. Having
taken this step, it will be less difficult for them to ac-
knowledge it expressly. They are now preparing trans-
ports to send the prisoners home. I yesterday sent the
passports desired of me.

" Sir George Grand shows me a letter from Mr. Fizeau,
in which he says, that, if advantage is taken of the present
enthusiasm in favor of America, a loan might be obtained
in Holland, of five or six millions of florins, for America,
and, if their house is empowered to open it, he has no
doubt of success ; but that no time is to be lost. I earnestly
recommend this matter to you, as extremely necessary to
the operations of our financier, Mr. Morris, who, not know-
ing that the greatest part of the last five millions had been
consumed by purchase of goods, &c, in Europe, writes me
advice of large drafts, that he shall be obliged to make upon
me this summer.

gg JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Ml. 76.

"This court has granted us six millions of livres for the
current year ; but it will fall vastly short of our occasions,
there being large orders to fulfil, and near two millions and
a half to pay M. Beaumarchais, besides the interest, bills,
&c. The house of Fizeau and Grand is now appointed
banker for France, by a special commission from the King,
and will, on that, as well as other accounts, be, in my
opinion, the fittest for this operation. Your Excellency
being on the spot, can better judge of the terms, &c, and
manage with that house the whole business, in which I
should be glad to have no other concern than that of re-
ceiving assistance from it, when pressed by the dreaded
drafts. With great respect, I am, Sir, &c.

"B. Franklin."

In reply to this, Mr. Adams wrote to me as follows.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

"Amsterdam, 2 May, 1782.

"Sir,

" I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and
Mr. Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father
forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles
came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no doubt
will do. The correspondence with Mr. Hartley I received
by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportu-
nity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the
Earl of Shelburne.

" Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay will, I hope, be able to meet
at Paris ; but when it will be in my power to go, I know
not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very
well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make,
as soon as the court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a

At. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. $g

triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of
commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan,
will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in
case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit
Canada to accede to the American association, I should
think there would be no great difficulty in adjusting all
things between England and America, provided our allies
are contented too. In a former letter I hinted, that I
thought an express acknowledgment of our independence
might now be insisted on ; but I did not mean, that we
should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they
make a treaty of peace with the United States of America,
this is acknowledgment enough for me.

" The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue.
It is true, I may open a loan for five millions ; but I con-
fess, I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is
not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their
profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years ;
and there are loans open for France, Spain, England,
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers, as well
as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans.
The undertakers are already loaded with burdens greater
than they can bear ; and all the brokers in the republic are
so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be .lent, but
what is promised.

" This is the true cause why we should not succeed ; yet
they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered
such an honor and such an introduction to American trade
to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of
American banker is prodigious. Various houses have pre-
tensions, which they set up very high ; and, let me choose
which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor.

" I have taken some measures to endeavour to calm the
heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small
hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would
Vol. III.— 11 p

QO JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

insure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is
offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they
could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they
do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have
told them before. It is to me, personally, perfectly indif-
ferent which is the house ; and the only question is, which
will be able to do best for the interests of the United
States. This question, however simple, is not easy to
answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and
laborious inquiry for a year and a half, that no house
whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some
times and in some countries, may do a great deal ; but there
has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America,
strong enough to untie many purses. Another year, if
the war continues, perhaps we may do better. I have the

honor to be, &c.

"John Adams."

During Mr. Oswald's absence, I received the following
from Mr. Laurens.

FROM HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

" London, 20 April, 1782.

" Sir,
" I wrote to you on the 7th instant, by Mr. Oswald, since
which, that is to say, on the 28th, I was honored by the
receipt of your letter of the 12th, enclosing a copy of the
commission for treating for peace, by the hands of Mr.
Young. The recognizance, exacted from me by the late
ministry, has been vacated and done away by the present ;
these have been pleased to enlarge me without formal con-
ditions; but, as I would not consent that the United States
of America should be outdone in generosity, however late
the marks appeared on this side, I took upon me to assure
Lord Shelburne, in a letter of acknowledgment for the part,

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. g\

which his Lordship had taken for obtaining my release, that
Congress would not fail to make a just and adequate return.
The only return, in my view, is Lieutenant-General Lord
Cornwallis. Congress were pleased some time ago, to offer
a British lieutenant-general for my ransom ; and, as I am
informed a special exchange of Lord Cornwallis for the
same object was lately in contemplation, it would afford me
very great satisfaction to know, that you will join me in
cancelling the debt of honor, which we have impliedly in-
curred, by discharging his Lordship from the obligations
of his parole.

" For ray own part, though not a bold adventurer,
I think I shall not commit myself to the risk of censure,
by acting conjunctly with you in such a bargain. I en-
treat you, Sir, at least, to reflect on this matter; I shall
take the liberty of requesting your determination when I
reach the continent, which will probably happen in a few
days.

"Lord Cornwallis, in a late conversation with me, put
the following case. l Suppose,' said his Lordship, 'it shall
have been agreed, in America, that Lord Cornwallis should
be offered in exchange for Mr. Laurens, don't you think,
although you are now discharged, I ought to reap the in-
tended benefit ?' A reply from the feelings of the heart,
as I love fair play, was prompt ; ' Undoubtedly, my Lord,
you ought to be, and shall be, in such case, discharged, and
I will venture to take the burden upon myself.' Certain
legal forms, I apprehend, rendered the discharge of me,
without condition, unavoidable ; but I had previously
refused to accept of myself for nothing, and what I now
aim at was understood as an adequate return ; it is not
to be doubted, his Lordship's question was built on this
ground.

" I Ldd uniformly and explicitly declared to the people
here, people in the first rank of importance, that nothing

Q2 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76

short of independence, in terms of our treaty of alliance,
would induce America to treat for truce or peace, and that
no treaty could be had without the consent of our ally first
obtained ; in a word, if you mean to have peace, yon must
seek for a general peace. The doctrine was ill relished,
especially by those whose power only could set the machine
in motion ; but having, since my return from Haerlem,
asserted, in very positive terms, that I was confirmed in my
former opinions, the late obduracy has been more than a
little softened, as you will soon learn from the worthy
friend, by whom I addressed you on the 7th, who two
days ago set out on his return to Passy and Versailles,
with, I believe, a more permanent commission than the
former.

"Accept my thanks, Sir, for the kind offer of a supply
of money. I know too well how much you have been
harassed for that article, and too well, how low our Ameri-
can finances in Europe are ; therefore, if I can possibly
avoid it, I will not further trouble you, nor impoverish
them, or not till the last extremity. Hitherto I have sup-
ported myself without borrowing from anybody, and I am
determined to continue living upon my own stock while it
lasts ; the stock is indeed small ; my expenses have been
and shall be in a suitable, modest style. I pray God to
bless you. I have the honor to be, &c.

"Henry Laurens."

"P. S. I judged it proper, not only to show the peace
commission to Lord Shelburne, but to give his Lordship a
copy of it, from an opinion that it would work no evil,
being shown elsewhere."

On the 4th of May, Mr. Oswald returned, and brought
me the following letter from Lord Shelburne.

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 93

FROM LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Shelburne House, 20 April, 1782.

"Dear Sir,

"I have received much satisfaction in being assured by
you, that the qualifications of wisdom and integrity, which
induced me to make choice of Mr. Oswald as the fittest
instrument for the renewal of our friendly intercourse, have
also recommended him so effectually to your approbation
and esteem. I most heartily wish the influence of this first
communication of our mutual sentiments may be extended
to a happy conclusion of all our public differences.

"The candor with which the Count de Vergennes ex-
presses his Most Christian Majesty's sentiments and wishes,
on the subject of a speedy pacification, is a pleasing omen
of its accomplishment. His Majesty is not less decided in
the same sentiments and wishes, and it confirms his Majesty's
ministers in their intention to act in like manner, as most
consonant to the true dignity of a great nation. In con-
sequence of these reciprocal advances, Mr. Oswald is sent
back to Paris, for the purpose of arranging and settling
with you the preliminaries of time and place; and I have
the pleasure to tell you, that Mr. Laurens is already dis-
charged from those engagements, which he entered into
when he was admitted to bail.

"It is also determined, that Mr. Fox, from whose de-
partment that communication is necessarily to proceed,
shall send a proper person, who may confer and settle
immediately with the Count de Vergennes the further
measures and proceedings, which may be judged proper to
adopt toward advancing the prosecution of this important
business.

" In the mean time, Mr. Oswald is instructed to com-
municate to you my thoughts upon the principal objects to
be settled. Transports are actually preparing for the pur-
11*

Q4 JO URN A L OF NE G O TIA TIONS [i£T. 76.

pose of conveying your prisoners to America, to be there
exchanged ; and we trust, that you will learn, that due
attention has not been wanting to their accommodation
and good treatment.

11 I have the honor to be, with very sincere respect, dear
Sir, your very faithful and obedient humble servant,

Shelburne."

Having read the letter, I mentioned to Mr. Oswald the
part, which refers me to him for his Lordship's sentiments.
He acquainted me, that they were very sincerely disposed
to peace ; that the whole ministry concurred in the same
disposition ; that a good deal of confidence was placed in
my character for open, honest dealing ; that it was also
generally believed, I had still remaining some part of my
ancient affection and regard for Old England, and it was
hoped it might appear on this occasion. He then showed
me an extract from the minutes of Council, but did not
leave the paper with me. As well as I can remember, it
was to this purpose.

"At a Cabinet Council, held April 27th, 1782, Present,
Lord Rockingham, Lord Chancellor, Lord President, Lord
Camden, &c. &c, to the number of fifteen or twenty, being
all ministers, and great officers of State,

" It was proposed to represent to his Majesty, that it
would be well for Mr. Oswald to return to Doctor Franklin
and acquaint him, that it is agreed to treat for a general
peace, and at Paris ; and that the principal points in con-
templation are, the allowing of American Independence,
on condition that England be put into the same situation,
that she was left in by the peace of 1763."

Mr, Oswald also informed me, that he had conversed with

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. g$

Lord Shelburne on the subject of my paper of Notes, re
lating to reconciliation. That he had shown him the
paper, and had been prevailed on to leave it with him a
night; but it was on his Lordship's solemn promise of
returning it, which had been complied with, and he now
returned it to me. That it seemed to have made an im-
pression, and he had reason to believe that matter might
be settled to our satisfaction towards the end of the treaty ;
but in his own mind he wished it might not be mentioned
at the beginning. That his Lordship indeed said, he had
not imagined reparation would be expected, and he won
dered I should not know whether it was intended to
demand it. Finally, Mr. Oswald acquainted me, that, as
the business now likely to be brought forward more par-
ticularly appertained to the department of the other
Secretary, Mr. Fox, he was directed to announce another
agent coming from that department, who might be ex-
pected every day, viz. the honorable Mr. Grenville, brother
to Lord Temple, and son of the famous Mr. George Gren-
ville, formerly Chancellor of the Exchequer. I immediately
wrote the following note to the Count de Vergennes.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

" Passy, 4 May, 1782.

" Sir,
"I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that
Mr. Oswald is just returned from London, and is now with
me. He has delivered me a letter from Lord Shelburne,
which I enclose for your perusal, together with a copy of
my letter, to which it is an answer. He tells me, that it
has been agreed in Council to treat at Paris, and to treat
of a general peace ; and that, as it is more particularly in

g& JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76

the department of Mr. Fox to regulate the circumstantials,
a gentleman, Mr. Grenville, to be sent by him for that
purpose, may be daily expected here. Mr. Oswald will
wait on your Excellency whenever you shall think fit to
receive him. I am, with respect, &c.

" B. Franklin."

And the next day I received the following answer.

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Translation.

" Versailles, 5 May, 1782.

"Sir

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write to me the 4th instant, as also those which accom-
panied it. I will see you with your friend, with pleasure,
at eleven o'clock to-morrow morning. I have the honor

to be, &c.

"De Vergennes."

Accordingly, on Monday morning I went with Mr.
Oswald to Versailles, and we saw the minister. Mr. Os-
wald acquainted him with the disposition of his Court to
treat for a general peace, and at Paris ; and he announced
Mr. Grenville, who, he said, was to set out about the same
lime with him, but, as he would probably come by the way
of Ostend, might be a few days longer on the road. Some
general conversation passed, agreeable enough, but not of
importance.

In our return, Mr. Oswald repeated to me his opinion,
that the affair of Canada would be settled to our satisfaction,
and his wish that it might not be mentioned, till towards
the end of the treaty. He intimated, too, that it was appre-

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. gy

hended, the greatest obstructions in the treaty might come
from the part of Spain ; but said, if she was unreasonable,
there were means to bring her to reason. That Russia was
a friend to England, had lately made great discoveries on
the back of North America, could make establishments
there, and might easily transport an army from Kamschatka
to the coast of Mexico, and conquer all those countries.
This appeared a little visionary, at present ; but I did not
dispute it.

On the whole, I was able to draw so little from Mr.
Oswald of the sentiments of Lord Shelburne, who had
mentioned him as intrusted with the communication of
them, that I could not but wonder at his being sent again
to me, especially as Mr. Grenville was so soon to follow.

On Tuesday I was at Court, as usual on that day. M. de
Vergennes asked me, if Mr. Oswald had not opened him-
self further to me ? I acquainted him with the sight I had
had of the minute of Council, and of the loose expressions
contained in it, of what was in contemplation. He seemed
to think it odd, that he had brought nothing more explicit.
I supposed Mr. Grenville might be better furnished. The
next morning I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

" Passy, 8 May, 1782.

'* Sir,
"Mr. Oswald, whom I mentioned in a former letter,
which I find you have received, is returned, and brought
me another letter from Lord Shelburne, of which the above
is a copy. It says, Mr. Oswald is instructed to communi-
cate to me his Lordship's thoughts. He is, however, very

sparing of such communication. All I have got from him

98 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mt. 76.

is, that the ministry have in contemplation the allowing

independence to America, on condition of Britain being

put again into the state she was left in by the peace of 1763,

which I suppose means being put again in the possession of

the islands, which France has taken from her. This seems

to me a proposition of selling to us a thing, that was already

our own, and making France pay the price they are pleased

to ask for it.

" Mr. Grenville, who is sent by Mr. Fox, is expected

here daily. Mr. Oswald tells me, that Mr. Laurens will

soon be here also. Yours of the 2d instant is just come to

hand. I shall write to you on this affair hereafter, by the

court couriers ; for I am certain, that your letters to me are

opened at the postoffice, either here or in Holland, and I

suppose that mine to you are treated in the same manner.

I enclose the cover of your last, that you may see the seal.

With great respect, I am, Sir, &c.

"B. Franklin."

I had but just sent away this letter, when Mr. Oswald
came in, bringing with him Mr. Grenville, who was just
arrived. He gave me the following letter from Mr. Secre-
tary Fox.

FROM CHARLES J. FOX TO B. FRANKLIN.

" St. James's, 1 May, 1782.

•'Sir,
"Though Mr. Oswald will, no doubt, have informed you
of the nature of Mr. Grenville's commission, yet I cannot
refrain from making use of the opportunity, that his going
offers me, to assure you of the esteem and respect, which I
have borne to your character, and to beg you to believe,
that no change in ra** situation has made any in those ardent

^)T. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. qq

wishes for reconciliation, which I have invariably felt from
the very beginning of this unhappy contest.

"Mr. Grenville is fully acquainted with my sentiments
upon this subject, and with the sanguine hopes, which I
have conceived, that those with whom we are contending
are too reasonable to continue a contest which has no longer
any object, either real or even imaginary. I know your
liberality of mind too well to be afraid, lest any prejudices
against Mr. Grenville's name may prevent you from esteem-
ing those excellent qualities of heart and head, which
belong to him, or from giving the fullest credit to the
sincerity of his wishes for peace, in which no man in either
country goes beyond him. I am, with great truth and
regard, &c.

"C. J. Fox."

I imagined the gentleman had been at Versailles, as I
supposed Mr. Grenville would first have waited on M. de
Vergennes before he called on me. But finding, in con-
versation, that he had not, and that he expected me to
introduce him, I immediately wrote to that minister, ac-
quainting him, that Mr. Grenville was arrived, and desired
to know when his Excellency would think fit to receive
him, and I sent an express with my letter.

I then entered into conversation with him on the subject
of his mission, Mr. Fox having referred me to him, as being
fully acquainted with his sentiments. He said, that peace
was really wished for by everybody, if it could be obtained
on reasonable terms ; and, as the idea of subjugating
America was given up, and both France and America had
thereby obtained what they had in view originally, it was
hoped, that there now remained no obstacle to a pacifica-
tion That England was willing to treat of a general peace

IOO JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

with all the powers at war against her, and that the treaty
should be at Paris.

I did not press him much for further particulars, sup
posing they were reserved for our interview with M. de
Vergennes. The gentlemen did me the honor of staying to
dinner with me, on the supposition, which I urged, that my
express might be back before we parted. This gave me an
opportunity of a good deal of general conversation with
Mr. Grenville, who appeared to me a sensible, judicious,
intelligent, good-tempered, and well-instructed young man,
answering well the character Mr. Fox had given me of him.

They left me, however, about six o'clock, and my mes-
senger did not return till near nine. He brought me the
answer of the Count de Vergennes, that he was glad to hear
of Mr. Grenville's arrival, and would be ready to receive us
to-morrow, at half past ten or eleven o'clock. I imme-
diately enclosed this note in one to Mr. Grenville, request-
ing him to be with me at Passy by eight, that we might
have time to breakfast before we set out. I have preserved
no copy of these three last-mentioned notes, or I should
have inserted them, as I think, that, though they seem of
almost too trifling a nature, they serve usefully sometimes
to settle dates, authenticate facts, and show something of
the turn and manner of thinking of the writers on particular
occasions. The answer I received was as follows.

" Mr. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Franklin,
and will certainly do himself the honor of waiting upon Mr.
Franklin to-morrow morning at eight o'clock.

" Rue de Richelieu, Wednesday night."

Wc set out accordingly the next morning in my coach,

£t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAlM. \0\

and arrived punctually at Count de Vergennes's, who re-
ceived Mr. Grenville in the most cordial manner, on
account of the acquaintance and friendship, that had for-
merly subsisted between his uncle and the Count de Ver-
gennes, when they were ambassadors together at Constanti-
nople.

After some little agreeable conversation, Mr. Grenville
presented his letters from Mr. Secretary Fox, and, I think,
from the Duke of Richmond. When these were read, the
subject of peace was entered upon. What my memory
retains of the discourse amounts to little more than this,
that, after mutual declarations of the good dispositions of
the two courts, Mr. Grenville having intimated, that, in
case England gave America independence, France, it was
expected, would restore the conquests she had made of
British islands, receiving back those of Miquelon and St.
Pierre. And, the original object of the war being obtained,
it was supposed that France would be contented with that.
The minister seemed to smile at the proposed exchange,
and remarked, the offer of giving independence to America
amounted to little. "America," said he, "does not ask it
of you ; there is Mr. Franklin, he will answer you as to that
point." "To be sure," I said, "we do not consider our-
selves as under any necessity of bargaining for a thing that
is our own, which we have bought at the expense of much
blood and treasure, and which we are in possession of."
"As to our being satisfied with the original object of the
war," continued he, "look back to the conduct of your
nation in former wars. In the last war, for example, what
was the object ? It was the disputed right of some waste
lands on the Ohio and the frontiers of Nova Scotia. Did

you content yourselves with the recovery of those lands ?
Vol. III. — 12

102 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

No, you retained at the peace all Canada, all Louisiana, all
Florida, Grenada, and other West India islands, the greatest
part of the northern fisheries, with all your conquests in
Africa and the East Indies." Something being mentioned
of its not being reasonable, that a nation, after making an
unprovoked and unsuccessful war upon its neighbours,
should expect to sit down whole, and have every thing
restored, which she had lost in such a war, I think Mr.
Grenville remarked, the war had been provoked by the
encouragement given by France to the Americans to revolt.
On which the Count de Vergennes grew a little warm, and
declared firmly, that the breach was made, and our inde-
pendence declared, long before we received the least en-
couragement from France ; and he defied the world to give
the smallest proof of the contrary. " There sits," said he,
" Mr. Franklin, who knows the fact, and can contradict me
if I do not speak the truth."

He repeated to Mr. Grenville, what he had before said t(
Mr. Oswald, respecting the King's intention of treating
fairly, and keeping faithfully the conventions he should
enter into, of which disposition he should give at the treaty
convincing proofs by the fidelity and exactitude, with which
he should observe his engagements with his present allies,
and added, that the points which the King had chiefly in
view were justice and dignity ; these he could not depart
from. He acquainted Mr. Grenville, that he should imme-
diately write to Spain and Holland, communicate to those
courts what had passed, and request their answers ; that, in
the mean time, he hoped Mr. Grenville would find means
of amusing himself agreeably, to which he should be glad
to contribute ; that he would communicate what had passed
to tlv King, and he invited him to come again the next day.

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 103

On our return, Mr. Grenville expressed himself as not
quite satisfied with some part of the Count de Vergennes's
discourse, and was thoughtful. He told me, that he had
brought two State messengers with him, and perhaps, after
he had had another interview with the minister, he might
despatch one of them to London. I then requested leave
to answer, by that opportunity, the letters I had received
from Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox, and he kindly prom-
ised to acquaint me in time of the messenger's departure.
He did not ask me to go with him the next day to Ver-
sailles, and I did not offer it.

The coming and going of these gentlemen were observed,
and made much talk at Paris ; and the Marquis de Lafay-
ette, having learned something of their business from the
minister, discoursed with me about it. Agreeably to the
resolutions of Congress, directing me to confer with him,
and take his assistance in our affairs, I communicated to
him what had passed. He told me, that, during the treaty
at Paris for the last peace, the Duke de Nivernais had been
sent to reside in London, that this court might, through
him, state what was from time to time transacted in the
light they thought best, to prevent misrepresentations and
misunderstandings. That such an employ would be ex-
tremely agreeable to him on many accounts : that as he was
now an American citizen, spoke both languages, and was
well acquainted with our interests, he believed he might be
useful in it ; and that, as peace was likely from appearances
to take place, his return to America was perhaps not so
immediately necessary. I liked the idea, and encouraged
his proposing it to the ministry. He then wished I would
make him acquainted with Messrs. Oswald and Grenville,
and for that end proposed meeting them at breakfast with

104 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. J(k

me, which I promised to contrive if I could, and endeavoui
to engage them for Saturday.

Friday morning, the ioth of May, I went to Paris, and
visited Mr. Oswald. I found him in the same friendly dis-
positions, and very desirous of good, and seeing an end
put to this ruinous war. But I got no further sight as to
the sentiments of Lord Shelburne respecting the terms. I
told him, the Marquis de Lafayette would breakfast with
me to-morrow, and as he, Mr. Oswald, might have some
curiosity to see a person who had in this war rendered
himself so remarkable, I proposed his doing me the same
honor. He agreed to it cheerfully. I came home intend-
ing to write to Mr. Grenville, who I supposed might stay
and dine at Versailles, and therefore did not call on him.
But he was returned, and I found the following note from

him.

" Paris, 10 May.

" Mr. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Frank-
lin ; he proposes sending a courier to England at ten o'clock
to-night, and will give him in charge any letters Mr. Frank-
lin may wish to send by him.

I sat down immediately, and wrote the two short letters
following to the secretaries of state.

TO CHARLES J. FOX.

" Passy, 10 May, 178a.

"Sir,
"I received the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me by Mr. Grenville, whom I find to be a sensible,
judicious, and amiable gentleman. The name, I assure you,
does not lessen with me the regard his excellent qualities
inspire. I introduced him as soon as possible to Count

<€t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. yo^

de Vergennes ; he will himself give you an account of his
reception. I hope his coming may forward the blessed
work of pacification, in which, for the sake of humanity,
no time should be lost, no reasonable cause as you observe
existing at present for the continuance of this abominable
war. Be assured of my endeavours to put an end to it.

" I am much flattered by the good opinion of a person I
have long highly esteemed, and I hope it will not be less-
ened by my conduct in the affair, that has given rise to our
correspondence. With great respect, I have the honor to

be, &c.

"B. Franklin."

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

" Passy, 10 May, 1782.

" My Lord,

" I have received the honor of your Lordship's letter,
dated the 28th past, by Mr. Oswald, informing me, that he
is sent back to settle with me the preliminaries of time and
place. Paris, as the place, seemed to me yesterday to be
agreed on, between Mr. Grenville and M. de Vergennes,
and is perfectly agreeable to me. The time cannot well be
settled till this court has received answers from Madrid,
and the Hague, and until my colleagues are arrived. I ex-
pect daily Messrs. Jay and Laurens. Mr. Adams doubts
whether he can be here, but that will not hinder our pro-
ceeding.

" It gave me great pleasure to hear Mr. Laurens is dis-
charged entirely from the obligations he had entered into.
I am much obliged by the readiness with which your Lord-
ship has conferred that favor. Please to accept my thankful
acknowledgments.

|2*

I06 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

"I am happy, too, in understanding from your letter, that
transports are actually preparing to convey our prisoners to
America, and that attention will be paid to their accommo-
dation and good treatment. Those people on their return
will be dispersed through every part of America, and the
accounts they will have to give of any marks of kindness
received by them under the present ministry, will lessen
much the resentment of their friends against the nation, for
the hardships they suffered under the past.

" Mr. Oswald rests here awhile by my advice, as I think
his presence likely to be useful. With great, and sincere
respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

"B. Franklin."

And I sent them to Mr. Grenville with the following
note.

"Mr. Franklin presents his compliments to Mr. Gren-
ville, and thanks him for the information of his courier's
departure, and his kind offer of forwarding Mr. Franklin's
letter ; he accepts the favor and encloses two.

"The Marquis de Lafayette and Mr. Oswald will do Mr.
Franklin the honor of breakfasting with him to-morrow,
between nine and ten o'clock. Mr. Franklin will also be
happy to have the company of Mr. Grenville if agreeable to
him. He should have waited upon Mr. Grenville to-day
z>t Paris, but he imagined Mr. Grenville was at Versailles

" Passy, Friday evening, May loth."

To which Mr. Grenville sent me this answer.

"Mr. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Frank*

^t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. \0j

lin, and will, with great pleasure, do himself the honor
of breakfasting with Mr. Franklin to-morrow between nine
and ten o'clock. Mr. Grenville was at Versailles to-day,
and should have been sorry if Mr. Franklin should have
given himself the trouble of calling at Paris this morning.
The courier shall certainly take particular care of Mr.
Franklin's letters.

"Paris, Friday, May \oth."

The gentlemen all met accordingly, had a good deal of
conversation at and after breakfast, stayed till after one
o'clock, and parted much pleased with each other.

The Monday following, I called to visit Mr. Grenville.
I found with him Mr. Oswald, who told me he was just
about returning to London. I was a little surprised at the
suddenness of the resolution he had taken, it being, as he
said, to set out the next morning early. I conceived the
gentleman was engaged in business, so I withdrew, and
went to write a few letters, among which was the following
to Lord Shelburne, being really concerned at the thought
of losing so good a man as Mr. Oswald.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

" Passy, 13 May, 1782.

"My Lord,

u I did myself the honor of writing to your Lordship a
few days since, by Mr. Grenville' s courier, acknowledging
the receipt of yours of the 28th past, by Mr. Oswald.

"I then hoped that gentleman would have remained here
some time, but his affairs, it seems, recall him sooner than
he imagined. I hope he will return again, as I esteem him
more, *%e more I am acquainted with him, and believe his

IOB JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [/Et. 76.

moderation, prudent counsels, and sound judgment may
contribute much, not only to the speedy conclusion of a
peace, but to the framing such a peace as may be firm and
lasting. With great respect, &c.

"B. Franklin."

I went in the evening to Mr. Oswald's lodging with my
letters, when he informed me, his intention was to return
immediately hither from England ; and, to make the more
despatch in going and returning, he should leave his carriage
at Calais, as the embarking and debarking of carriages in
the packet boats often occasioned a tide's delay. I did not
inquire the reason of this movement. We had but little
conversation, for Mr. Grenville coming in, I soon after
wished him a good journey and retired, that I might not
interrupt their consultations.

Since his departure Mr. Grenville has made me a visit ;
and entered into conversation with me, exactly of the same
tenor with the letters I formerly received from Mr. Hartley,
stating suppositions that France might insist on points totally
different from what had been the object of our alliance, and
that, in such case, he should imagine we were not at all
bound to continue the war to obtain such points for her,
&c. I thought I could not give him a better answer to this
kind of discourse, than what I had given in two letters to
Mr. Hartley, and, therefore, calling for those letters, I read
them to him. He smiled, and would have turned the con
versation ; but I gave a little more of my sentiments on the
general subject of benefits, obligation, and gratitude. I
said, I thought people had often imperfect notions of their
duty on those points, and that a state of obligation was to
many so uneasy a state, that they became ingenious in find-

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. i0g

ing out reasons and arguments to prove that they had been
laid under no obligation at all, or that they had discharged
it, and they too easily satisfied themselves with such argu-
ments.

To explain clearly my ideas on the subject, I stated a
case. A, a stranger to B, sees him about to be imprisoned
for a debt by a merciless creditor ; he lends him the sum
necessary to preserve his liberty. B then becomes the
debtor of A, and, after some time, repays the money. Has
he then discharged the obligation ? No. He has dis-
charged the money debt, but the obligation remains, and
he is a debtor for the kindness of A, in lending him the sum
so seasonably. If B should afterwards find A in the same
circumstances, that he, B, had been in when A lent him
the money, he may then discharge this obligation or debt
of kindness in part, by lending him an equal sum. In part,
I said, and not wholly, because, when A lent B the money,
there had been no prior benefit received to induce him to
it. And, therefore, if A should a second time need the
same assistance, I thought B, if in his power, was in duty
bound to afford it to him.

Mr. Grenville conceived that it was carrying gratitude
very far, to apply this doctrine to our situation in respect
to France, who was really the party served and obliged by
our separation from England, as it lessened the power of
her rival and relatively increased her own.

I told him, I was so strongly impressed with the kind
assistance afforded us by France in our distress, and the
generous and noble manner in which it was granted, with-
out exacting or stipulating for a single privilege, or par-
ticular advantage to herself in our commerce, or otherwise,
that I could never surfer myself to think of such reasonings

110 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mt. 76.

for lessening the obligation ; and I hoped, and, indeed,
did not doubt, but my countrymen were all of the same
sentiments.

Thus he gained nothing of the point he came to push ;
we parted, however, in good humor. His conversation is
always polite, and his manner pleasing. As he expressed a
strong desire to discourse with me on the means of a recon-
ciliation with America, I promised to consider the subject,
and appointed Saturday the first day of June, for our con
versation, when he proposed to call on me. The same day
I received another letter from my old friend, Mr. Hartley.
Our former correspondence on the subject of peace since
the beginning of this year, I have kept by itself, as it pre
ceded this, was in the time of the old ministry, and con-
sisted wholly of letters unmixed with personal conversation.
This being the first letter from him under the new ministry,
and as it may be- followed by others, which may relate to
the negotiation, I insert it here, with my answer, and shall
continue to insert the future letters I may receive from him
relative to the same subject.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLTN.

" London, 3 May 1782.

"My dear Friend,
" I write to you only one line, just to inform you, that a
general order is issued by our government for the release
of all the American prisoners everywhere. I have had this
from Lord Shelburne, who informed me, that the order was
not partial or conditional, but general and absolute. I
heartily congratulate you upon this first step towards sweet
reconciliation. I hope other things will follow. I had a
long conversation with Lord Shelburne relating to America,

ALT. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. \\\

in which he expressed himself in most favorable terms. I
shall have the honor of seeing and conversing with you
again. But at present, as you know, certain matters are
depending from your side of the water.

" Mr. Laurens is entirely at liberty. I see him very fre-
quently, and when you see him he will tell you many things
from me, which have occurred to me in my poor endeavours
to promote the cause of peace. Da pacem, Doming, in
diebus nostris. Your affectionate, &c.

"D. Hartley."

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

" Passy, 13 May, 1782.

" My dear Friend,
"I have just received your favor of the 3d instant. I
thank you much for the good news you give me, that 'an
order is issued by your government for the release of all the
American prisoners everywhere, an order not partial or
conditional, but general and absolute.'' I rejoice with you
in this step, not only on account of the unhappy captives,
who by it will be set at liberty and restored to their friends
and families, but as I think it will tend greatly towards a
reconciliation, on which alone the hope of a durable peace
can be founded. I am much indebted to your good brother
for a very kind and obliging letter, which was mislaid when
it should have been answered. I beg you would present to
him my thankful acknowledgments and my very sincere
respects. I join with you most heartily in the prayer that
ends your letter, Da pacem, Dojnine, in diebus nostris. I
am ever, my friend, yours most affectionately,

" B. Franklin."

Our business standing still at present, till the return of

112 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS |>Et. 76

Mr. Oswald, gives me a void, that I may fill up with two or
three circumstances, not at present connected with this
intended treaty, but which serve to show something of the
disposition of courts who have, or may have, a concern
m it.

Mr. Jay had written to me, from time to time, of the
unaccountable delays he had met with since his residence
at the court of Spain, and that he was now no nearer in the
business he had been charged with, than when he first
arrived. Upon the first coming of Mr. Oswald, and the
apparent prospect of a treaty, I wrote to press his coming
hither, and, being a little out of humor with that court, I
said, they have taken four years to consider whether they
should treat with us, give them forty, and let us mind our
own business ; and I sent the letter under cover to a person
at Madrid, who I hoped would open and read it.

It seems to me, that we have, in most instances, hurt our
credit and importance, by sending all over Europe, beg-
ging alliances, and soliciting declarations of our inde-
pendence. The nations, perhaps, from thence seemed to
think, that our independence is something they have to
sell, and that we do not offer enough for it. Mr. Adams
has succeeded in Holland, owing to their war with England,
and a good deal to the late votes in the Commons towards
a reconciliation ; but the ministers of the other powers
refused, as I hear, to return his visits, because our inde-
pendence was not yet acknowledged by their courts. I
had heard here, by good luck, that the same resolution was
taken by several of them not to return the visits I should
make them (as they supposed) when I was first received
here as minister plenipotentiary, and disappointed their
project by visiting none of them. In my private opinion,

JBt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. H3

the first civility is due from the old resident to the stranger
and new comer. My opinion indeed is good for nothing
against custom, which I should have obeyed, but for the
circumstances, that rendered it more prudent to avoid dis-
putes and affronts, though at the hazard of being thought
rude or singular.

While I am writing, something ridiculous enough on this
head has happened to me. The Count du Nord, who is
son of the Empress of Russia, arriving at Paris, ordered, it
seems, cards of visit to be sent to all the foreign ministers.
One of them, on which was written, " Le Comte du Nord et
le Prince Bariatinski" was brought to me. It was on
Monday evening last. Being at court the next day, I in-
quired of an old minister, my friend, what was the etiquette,
and whether the Count received visits. The answer was,
" Non ; on se fait ecrire ; voila tout." This is done by
passing the door, and ordering your name to be written on
the porter's book. Accordingly, on Wednesday I passed
the house of Prince Bajjjatinski, ambassador of Russia,
where the Count lodged, and left my name on the list of
each. I thought no more 01 the matter; but this day,
May the 24th, comes the servant who brought the card, in
great affliction, saying he was like to be ruined by his mis-
take in bringing the card here, and wishing to obtain from me
some paper, of I know not what kind, for I did not see him.

In the afternoon came my friend, M. Le Roy, who is also

a friend of the Prince's, telling me how much he, the Prince,

was concerned at the accident, that both himself and the

Count had great personal regard for me and my character,

but that, our independence not yet being acknowledged by

the court of Russia, it was impossible for him to permit

himself to make me a visit as minister. I told M. Le Roy
Vol. III. — 13 g

114 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [iET. 76.

it was not my custom to seek such honors, though I was
very sensible of them when conferred upon me; that I
should not have voluntarily intruded a visit, and that, in
this case, I had only done what I was informed the etiquette
required of me ; but if it would be attended with any incon-
venience to Prince Bariatinski, whom I much esteemed and
respected, I thought the remedy was easy ; he had only to
erase my name out of his book of visits received, and I
would burn their card.

All the northern princes are not ashamed of a little
civility committed towards an American. The King of
Denmark, travelling in England under an assumed name,
sent me a card, expressing in strong terms his esteem for
me, and inviting me to dinner with him at St. James's.
And the ambassador from the King of Sweden lately asked
me, whether I had powers to make a treaty of commerce
with their kingdom, for, he said, his master was desirous of
such a treaty with the United States, had directed him to
ask me the question, and had charged him to tell me, that
it would flatter him greatly to make it with a person whose
character he so much esteemed, &c. Such compliments
might make me a little proud, if we Americans were not
naturally as much so already as the porter, who, being told
he had with his burden jostled the great Czar, Peter, then
in London, walking the street ; " Poh /" says he, " we are
all Czars here."

I did not write by Mr. Oswald to Mr. Laurens, because,
from some expressions in his last to me, I expected him
h^re, and I desired Mr. Oswald, if he found him still in
London, or met him on the road, to give him that reason.
I am disaopointed in my expectation, for I have now re-
ceived (May 25th) the following letter from him.

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. jjj

FROM HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Ostend, 17 May, 1782

" Sir,

"I had the honor of addressing you on the 30th ultimo
by post, a duplicate of which will accompany this, in order
to guard against the effect of a miscarriage in the first
instance, and I beg leave to refer you to the contents.

"On the 10th current and no sooner, your very obliging
favor of the 20th preceding reached me in London. Being
then on the point of leaving that place, I deferred a reply
until my arrival on this side. This happened yesterday,
too late to catch the post of the day, except by a single
letter, put into my hands, I believe, by Dr. Price, which I
sent forward.

"I sincerely and heartily thank you, Sir, for the cordial
contents of your last letter ; but, from the most mature
reflection, and taking into consideration my present very
infirm state of health, I have resolved to decline accepting
the honor intended me by Congress, in- the Commission for
treating with Great Britain, and I find the less difficulty in
coming to this determination, from a persuasion in my own
mind that my assistance is not essential, and that it was not
the view or expectation of our constituents, that every one
named in the Commission should act. I purpose to repair
to, or near Mr. Adams, and inquire of him, whether 1 may
yet be serviceable under the Commission to which 1 had
been first appointed, that for borrowing money for the use
of the United States. If he speaks in the affirmative, I
shall, though much against my own grain, as is well known
at our little court, proceed in the mission with diligence
and fidelity; otherwise, I shall take a convenient oppor-
tunity of returning to give an account there, of having in
the course of two years and upwards done nothing, except-
ing only the making a great number of rebels in the enemy's

Il6 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [iEr. 76.

country, and reconciling thousands to the doctrine of ab-
solute and unlimited independence ; a doctrine, which I
asserted and maintained with as much freedom in the Tower
of London, as I ever had done in the State House at Phila-
delphia ; and, having contentedly submitted to the loss of
my estate, and being ready to lay down my life in support
of it, I had the satisfaction of perceiving the coming of
converts every day. I must not, however, conclude this
head without assuring you, that, should you think proper
to ask questions respecting American commerce, or the
interest of any particular State, I will answer with candor
and the best judgment I am possessed of; but of that judg-
ment I sincerely protest I have the utmost diffidence. God
prosper your proceedings in the great work ; you will be
called blessed by all the grateful of the present generation,
and your name will be celebrated by posterity. I feel my-
self happy in reflecting, that, in the great outlines of a
treaty, our opinions exactly coincide, that we shall not
want the countenance and assistance of our great and good
ally, and that you have so honest a man as Mr. Oswald to
deal with for preliminaries. I know him to be superior to
chicanery, and am sure he will not defile his mind by at-
tempting any dirty thing.

"I entreat you, Sir, to present my humble respects to
M. de Vergennes, and thank his Excellency for his polite
expressions respecting me, and be so good as to say all that
shall appear necessary in excuse for my non-appearance at
his court.

"Lord Cornwallis called on me the day before I left
London, and was, as you may suppose, very anxious to
know when he might probably hear from me on the subject
of his release ; let me, therefore, request your opinion in
answer to what I had the honor of writing in my last con-
cerning that affair. I wish it may prove satisfactory to his
Lordship, by enabling me, with your consent and concur-

iET. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ny

rence, to cancel a debt, which does not sit easy upon me,
and which cannot with honor to our country remain unpaid.
I think we shall not, it is impossible we should, incur dis-
pleasure by doing an act of common justice, and our
authority may be fairly implied.

" His Lordship declares he has no intention of returning
to America, but desires to be reinstated in his legislative
and military character in his own country, and I am of
opinion, that in the former he will rather be friendly to us
than otherwise. For my own part, if the war continues, I
should not be uneasy if his Lordship were to go to the
Chesapeake again.

"I have a thousand compliments and good wishes to
present to you from friends in England, where, males and
females, I am sure you have at least so many, that your own
remembrance will lead you to individuals of your old ac-
quaintance.

" To-morrow I intend to proceed to Brussels, and thence,
probably, to the Hague and Amsterdam. My movements
must, unavoidably, be as slow as water carriage. My weak
under limbs cannot bear continual thumping on the pave-
ment in the rough machines of this country, and the feeble-
ness of my pocket will not admit the indulgence of a more
convenient vehicle. I beg, Sir, you will write to me at the
house of Mr. Edward Jennings, or under the protection of
any other friend in that city, that will be at the trouble of
finding out a voyager, who is, at all times, and in all places,
with the highest esteem and respect, Sir, &c.

"Henry Laurens."

To the above, I wrote the following answer.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

" Passy, 25 May, 1782.

"Sir,
"I am now honored with yours of the 17th. I had

13*

1 1 8 J0 VRNAL OF NEGO TIA TIONS [Mr. 76.

before received one of the 7th, which remained unanswered,
because, from the words in it, ' when I reach the Continent,
which will probably happen in a few days,' I flattered my-
self with the pleasure of seeing you here. That hope is
disappointed by your last, in which you tell me, you are
determined not to act in the Commission for treating of
peace with Great Britain. I regret your taking this resolu-
tion, principally because I am persuaded, that your assist-
ance must have been of great service to our country. But
I have besides some private or particular reasons, that relate
to myself.

"To encourage me in the arduous task, you kindly tell
me I shall be called blessed, &*c. I have never yet known
of a peace made, that did not occasion a great deal of
popular discontent, clamor, and censure on both sides.
This is, perhaps, owing to the usual management of the
leaders and ministers of the contending nations, who, to
keep up the spirits of their people for continuing the war,
generally represent the state of their own affairs in a better
light, and that of the enemy in a worse, than is consistent
with the truth ; hence the populace on each side expect
better terms than can really be obtained, and are apt to
ascribe their disappointment to treachery. Thus the peace
of Utrecht, and that of Aix-la-Chapelle, were said in Eng-
land to have been influenced by French gold, and in France,
by English guineas. Even the last peace, the most glorious
and advantageous for England that ever she made, was, you
may remember, violently decried, and the makers as vio-
lently abused. So that the blessing promised to peace-
makers, I fancy, relates to the next world, for in this they
seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. And as
anothe" text observes, that in ' the multitude of counsellors

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ng

there is safety J which I think may mean safety to the coun-
sellors as well as to the counselled, because, if they commit
a fault in counselling, the blame does not fall upon one or
a few, but is divided among many, and the share of each is
so much the lighter, or because when a number of honest
men are concerned, the suspicion of their being biassed is
weaker, as being more improbable ; or because defendii
numerus ; for all these reasons, but especially for the sup-
port your established character of integrity would afford
me against the attacks of enemies, if this treaty take
place, and I am to act in it, I wish for your presence,
and the presence of as many of the Commissioners as
possible, and I hope you will reconsider and change your
resolution.

"In the mean time, as you have had opportunities of
conversing with the new ministers, and other leading people
in England, and of learning their sentiments relating to
terms of peace, &c, I request you would inform me by
letters of what you think important. Letters from you will
come safer by the court courier than by the post, and I
desire you would, if you should continue determined not
to act, communicate to me your ideas of the terms to be
insisted on, and the points to be attended to, respecting
commerce, fisheries, boundaries, and every other material
circumstance, that may be of importance to all or any of
the United States.

"Lord Shelburne having written to me on the subject
of the wished for peace, I acquainted him in my answer,
sent by our friend, Mr. Oswald, that you were one of the
Commissioners, appointed by Congress to treat with Britain,
and that I imagined his Lordship would therefore think
proper to discharge you entirely from the obligations you

120 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JRt. 76.

entered into, when you were admitted to bail, that you
might be at liberty to act freely in the Commission. He
wrote to me in reply, that you were accordingly discharged
immediately. His Lordship mentioned nothing of any
exchange being expected for you ; nevertheless, I honor
your sensibility on the point, and your concern for the
credit of America, that she should not be outdone in gen-
erosity by Great Britain, and will cheerfully join with you
in any act, that you may think proper, to discharge in
return the parole of Lord Cornwallis, as far as in our power
may lie ; but we have no express authority for that purpose,
and the Congress may possibly, in the mean time, have
made some other arrangement relative to his exchange. I
conceive, that our acts should contain a clause, reserving to
Congress the final approbation or disallowance of the pro-
ceeding ; and I have some doubt whether Lord Cornwallis
will think himself well freed of his engagements, and at
liberty to exercise his military employments, by virtue of
any concession in his favor made by persons, who are not
vested with authority for that purpose. So that, on the
whole, perhaps the best and surest way will be, our writing
immediately to Congress, and strongly recommending the
measure. However, I will do what you shall think best.

" I heartily wish you success in any endeavours you may
use in Holland for raising a loan of money. We have
pressed rather too hard on this court, and we still want
more than they can conveniently spare us ; but I am sorry,
that too scrupulous regard to our wants and difficulties
should induce you, under the present infirmity of your
lower limbs, to deny yourself the necessary comfort of an
easy carriage, rather than make any use of the public as-
sistance, when the public must be much in your debt. I

/Et. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. I2i

beg you would get over that difficulty, and take of n.e what
you may have occasion for.

"The letter you forwarded to me was from America's
constant friend, the good Bishop of St. Asaph. He speaks
of vou in terms of the highest esteem and respect.

"Mr. Oswald has gone back again to London, but in-
tended to return again immediately. Mr. Grenville remains
here, and has received power to treat, but no further steps
can be taken till Spain and Holland have empowered
ministers for the same purpose.

"I shall inform you and Mr. Adams (if he does not
come) of the proceeding from time to time, and request
your counsel in cases of any difficulty. I hope you will not
think of hazarding a return to America before a peace, if
we find any hopes of its being soon obtained ; and that, if
you do not find you can be useful in the manner you wish,
in Holland, you will make me happy by your company and
counsel here. With great and sincere esteem, &c.

"B. Franklin."

May 26th, I received the following from Mr. Hartley.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

" London, 13 May, 1782.

"My dear Friend,

" I wrote you a long letter dated May 1st, by Mr.
Laurens, who left London on Saturday last, but I will add
a few lines now by a conveyance, which I believe will over-
take him, just to tell you two or three things, which I
believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may not be of
any consequence, but, as they relate to my own conduct, I
could wish to have you understand them.

"After several conferences with the late ministry, I gave

9»

122 JOURNAL OT NEGOTIATIONS [&r 76.

in the paper, called the ' Breviate,' on the 7th of February,
but I never received any answer from them. They resigned
on the 20th of March. Upon the accession of the new
ministry, I heard nothing from them upon the subject, nor
indeed did I apply to them. I did not know whether that
paper would not come into their hands by succession, and
I doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to
wait till I heard from them. While I remained doubtful
about this, I received your letters, which determined me to
go to Lord Shelburne. This was about the beginning of the
present month. I communicated to him some extracts,
such as those about the prisoners, &c, and likewise the
whole of your letter of April 13th, containing the offer of
the late ministry, the King of France's answer, together
with your reflections in the conclusion respecting peace.
As you had given me a general permission, I left with him
a copy of the whole letter.

11 Upon the occasion of this interview, Lord Shelburne
told me, that he had made much inquiry in the offices for
the correspondence and papers, which had passed between
the late ministry and me, but that he could not meet with
them. He expressed a regret, that he had not conversed
with me at an earlier day, with many civilities of that kind.
In short, I had been backward to intrude myself, and he
expressed regret that he had not sent for me.

"Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the
substance of what passed between the late ministry and
myself, and I left a copy of the ' Breviate' with him. He
gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that oppor-
tunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as 1 could,
upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing his
regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I
always had been, and always should be, most ready to give
any assistance in my power towards the work of peace. I
say the snme to you.

<£t. 76.] POR PEACE WITH GREAT BR/TAlM \%\

"I do not believe that there is any difference of senti-
ment between you and me, persona lly, in our own minds
upon independence, &c. &c. But we belong to different
communities, and the right of judgment, and of consent and
dissent, is vested in the community. Divide independence
into six millions of shares, and you should have been
heartily welcome to my share from the beginning of the
war. Divide Canada into six millions of shares, I could
find a better method of disposing of my share, than by
offering it to France to abandon America. Divide the
Rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I can only
answer for one portion. Let Reason and Justice decide
in any such case, as universal umpires between contending
parties, and those, who wish well to the permanent peace
of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive equal
justice.

" I agree with you, that the equitable and the philosoph-
ical principles of politics can alone form a solid founda
tion of permanent peace ; and the contraries to them, though
highly patronized by nations themselves, and their ministers,
are no better than vulgar errors ; but nations are slow to
convictions from the personal arguments of individuals.
They are ' jealous in honor, seeking the bubble reputation
even in the cannon's mouth.' But until a confirmed mil-
lennium, founded upon wiser principles, shall be generally
established, the reputation of nations is not merely a bubble.
It forms their real security.

"To apply all this, in one word, let all nations agree,
with one accord, to beat their swords into ploughshares,
and their spears into pruning hooks, or give me wooden
walls to Great Britain ! I have nothing further to add.
My reason for writing this was just to communicate to you
in what position I had delivered over my conferences and
arguments with the late ministry into the hands of the
present. And I will conclude with your own words, may

124 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

God send us all more wisdom. I am ever, most affection-
ately, yours, &c.

"D. Hartley."

"P. S. May 17th. Since writing the above, I have
likewise left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord
Shelburne."

PRELIMINARIES.

"May, 1782.

" I. That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the
Thirteen Provinces of North America, and a truce made be-
tween Great Britain and the said Provinces, for years.
(Suppose ten or twenty years.)

"2. That a negotiation for peace shall bond fide be
opened between Great Britain and the allies of America.

"3. If the proposed negotiation between Great Britain
and the allies of America should not succeed so far as to
produce peace, but that war should continue between the
said parties, that America should act, and be treated, as a
neutral nation.

" 4. That, whenever peace shall take place between Great
Britain and the allies of America, the truce between Great
Britain and America shall be converted into a perpetual
peace, the independence of America shall be admitted
and guaranteed by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty
settled between them.

"5. That these propositions shall be made to the court of
France, for communication to the American Commissioners,
and for an answer to the court of Great Britain."

The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. He acquainted
me that his courier was returned, and had brought him full
powers in form to treat for a peace with France and her
allies. That he had been at Versailles, and had shown his
power to M. ae Vergennes, and left a copy with him. That

Ml. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT ERITAIJST. 12t

be had also a letter of credence, which he was not to de-
liver till France should think fit to send a minister of the
same kind to London ; that M. de Vergennes had told
him, that he would lay it before the King, and had desired
to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had
arrived in London, about an hour before the courier came
away. That Mr. Fox in his letter had charged him to thank
me for that which I had written, and to tell me, that he
hoped I would never forget, that he and I were of the same
country.

I answered, that I should always esteem it an honor to
be owned as a countryman of Mr. Fox. He had requested
me, at our last interview, that, if I saw no impropriety in
doing it, I would favor him with a sight of the treaty of
alliance between France and America. I acquainted him
that it was printed, but that if he could not readily meet
with a copy, I would have one written for him. And, as
he had not been able to find one, I this day gave it to him.

He lent me a London gazette, containing Admiral Rod-
ney's account of his victory over M. de Grasse, and the
accounts of other successes in the East Indies, assuring me,
however, that these events made not the least change in
the sincere desire of his court to treat for peace.

In the afternoon the Marquis de Lafayette called upon
me. I acquainted him with what Mr. Grenville had told
me respecting the credential letter, and the expectation
that a person on the part of this court would be sent to
London with a commission similar to his. The Marquis
told me, he was on his way to Versailles, and should see M.
de Vergennes. We concluded, that it would now be proper
for nim to make the proposition we had before talked of,
that he should be the person employed in that service.
Vol.. III. — 14

1 2b JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

On Monday, the 27th, I received a letter from Mr. Jay-
dated the 8th, acquainting me, that he had received mine of
the 21st and 2 2d past, and had concluded to set out for Paris
about the 19th, so that he may be expected in a few days.

I dined this day with Count d'Estaing, and a number of
brave marine officers, that he had invited. We were all a
little dejected with the news. I mentioned, by way of
encouragement, the observation of the Turkish bashaw, who
was taken with his fleet at Lepanto by the Venetians.
" Ships," says he, "are like my master's beard; you may
cut it, but it will grow again. He has cut off from your
government all the Morea, which is like a limb, which you
will never recover." And his words proved true.

On Tuesday I dined at Versailles with some friends, so
was not at home when the Marquis de Lafayette called to
acquaint me, that M. de Vergennes informed him, that the
aill power received by Mr. Grenville from London, and
communicated by him, related to France only. The Mar-
quis left for me this information, which I could not under-
stand. On Wednesday I was at court, and saw the copy
of the power. It appeared full with regard to treating with
France, but mentioned not a word of her allies. And, as
M. de Vergennes had explicitly and constantly, from the
beginning, declared to the several messengers, Mr. Forth,
Mr. Oswald, and Mr. Grenville, that France could only
treat in concert with her allies, and it had in consequence
been declared on the part of the British ministry, that they
consented to treat for a general peace, and at Paris, the
sending this partial power seemed to be insidious, and a
mere invention to occasion delay, the late disasters to the
French fleet having probably given the court of England
fresh courage and other views.

At. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. i2f

M. de Vergennes said he should see Mr. Grenville on
Thursday, and would speak his mind to him on the subject
very plainly. "They want," said he, "to treat with us
for you, but this the King will not agree to. He thinks it
not consistent with the dignity of your state. You will
treat for yourselves ; and every one of the powers at war
with England will make its own treaty. All that is neces-
sary for our common security is, that the treaties go hand
in hand, and are signed all on the same day."

Prince Bariatinski, the Russian ambassador, was particu-
larly civil to me this day at court, apologized for what
passed relating to the visit, expressed himself extremely
sensible of my friendship in covering the affair, which might
have occasioned him very disagreeable consequences, &c.
The Count du Nord came to M. de Vergennes, while we
were drinking coffee, after dinner. He appears lively and
active, with a sensible, spirited countenance. There was
an opera that night for his entertainment. The house being
richly finished with abundance of carving and gilding, well
illuminated with wax tapers, and the company all superbly
dressed, many of the men in cloth of tissue, and the ladies
sparkling with diamonds, formed altogether the most splen-
did spectacle my eyes ever beheld.

I had some little conference to-day with Messrs. Berken-
rode, Vanderpierre, and Boeris, the ambassador of Holland
and the agents of the Dutch East India Company. They
informed me, that the second letter of Mr. Fox to the
mediating minister of Russia, proposing a separate peace
with Holland, made no more impression than the first, and
no peace would be made but in concurrence with France.

The Swedish minister told me he expected orders from
his court relative to a treaty, &c.

128 y° URN A L OF NEGO TIA TIONS [Mt. 76.

I had, at our last interview, given Mr. Grenville a ren-
dezvous for Saturday morning, and, having some other
engagements for Thursday and Friday, though I wished to
speak with him on the subject of his power, I did not go to
him, but waited his coming to me on Saturday. On Friday,
May 31st, Mr. Oswald called on me, being just returned,
and brought me the following letter from David Hartley,
and two letters from Lord Shelburne, the first of which had
been written before his arrival.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

" London, 25 May, 1782.
" My dear Friend,

4 ' Yours of the 13th instant I received by Mr. Oswald.
I did not doubt but that the news of a general and absolute
release of the American prisoners, which Lord Shelburne
was so good as to communicate to me, in answer to that
part of your letter of the 5th of April, in which you speak
so pathetically of sweet reconciliation, would give you much
sincere and heartfelt pleasure. God send, that it may be
the happy omen of final reconciliation and durable peace.
I should be very happy to hear that good news from you,
and in any way to contribute to it. Having on that sub-
ject communicated the preliminaries, dated May, 1782, to
Lord Shelburne, you may be assured that I have no reser-
vations upon that head respecting America, in any circum-
stances or condition whatever. You know all my thoughts
upon that subject, and the principles upon which they are
founded, and, therefore, that they are not changeable.

"It would give me the greatest pleasure, if I could hope
for any opportunity of seeing you. I could say many things,
which are otherwise incommunicable, and which perhaps
would contribute to facilitate the road to peace. I think I
see in many parts much matter to work with, out of which

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN1. \2Q

a peace, honorable to all parties and upon durable principles,
might be established. No degrading or mortifying conditions
to shorten peace and rekindle war. Perhaps I might not
say too much if I were to add, that simply the adoption of
reason among nations, and the mere rectification of obsolete
and gothic absurdities, which carry no gratification, would
afford a fund of remuneration to all parties for renouncing
those objects of mutual contention, which, in the eye of
reason, are no better than creatures of passion, jealousy, and
false pride. Until the principles of reason and equity shall
be adopted in national transactions, peace will not be
durable amongst men.

"These are reflections general to all nations. As to the
mutual concerns between Great Britain and North America,
reconciliation is the touchstone to prove those hearts, which
are without alloy. If I can be of any assistance to you, in
any communications or explanations conducive to peace,
you may command my utmost services. Even if a French
minister were to overhear such an offer, let him not take it
in jealous part. Zealously and affectionately attached to
my own country and to America, I am nevertheless most
perfectly of accord with you, that justice and honor should
be observed towards all nations. Mr. Oswald will do me
the favor to convey this to you. I heartily wish him suc-
cess in his pacific embassy. Yours ever, most affectionately,

"D. Hartley."

FROM THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Whitehall, 21 May, 1782.

" Sir,

"I am honored with your letter of the 10th instant, and

am very glad to find that the conduct, which the King has

empowered me to observe towards Mr. Laurens, and the

American prisoners, has given you pleasure. I have signi-

14*

1 30 7° URNAL OF NEGO T1A TIONS \Mi. 76.

fied to Mr. Oswald his Majesty's pleasure, that he shall
continue at Paris till he receives orders from hence to
return. In the present state of this business, there is nothing
for me to add, but my sincere wishes for a happy issue, and
to repeat my assurances, that nothing shall be wanting on
my part which can contribute to it. I have the honor to
be, with very great regard,

"Shelburne."*

* As the Earl of Shelburne was the principal minister concerned in nego
tiating the peace, and as it was a very important event in his official life, he
retained among his private papers a copy of the entire correspondence be-
tween the ministry and Mr. Oswald, the British commissioner in Paris, during
the whole of the negotiation. This valuable collection is now in the pos-
session of the Marquis of Lansdowne, by whose courtesy and liberality I was
favored with a complete transcript of it, while I was pursuing my researches
for materials relating to American history in the public offices of London ;
with permission to make such use of any parts of the correspondence, as
would conduce to historical truth, or help to explain the transactions to which
it relates. In Mr. Oswald's letters, he gives copious accounts of his conver-
sations with Dr. Franklin, and the other commissioners, on the subject of
the treaty ; from which the views of the parties and their modes of proceed-
ing are more or less clearly ascertained. These letters bear so directly on
many points in Dr. Franklin's correspondence, while the negotiation was in
progress, that I shall add in the notes a few extracts from them as occasions
may offer, premising the above statement merely for the reader's information,
as to their origin and authenticity.

From the Earl of Shelburne to Richard Oswald. — " I am sorry to observe,
that the French minister gives very little reason to expect that his court is
likely to make good their professions, which they made, through so many
channels, of a desire of peace upon terms becoming this country to accept,
upon the strength of which Dr. Franklin invited the present negotiation. I
have that entire confidence in Dr. Franklin's integrity and strict honor, that,
if the court of France have other views, and that they have been throwing
out false lures to support the appearance of moderation throughout Europe,
and in the hope of misleading and the chance of dividing us, I am satisfied,
that he must have been himself deceived; and, in such a case, I trust, that,
if this shall be proved in the course of the present negotiation, he will con-
sider himself and his constituents freed from the tie, which will appear to
nave been founded upon no ideas of common interest.

" We shall, however, I hope, speedilv ^certain the real purposes of France
by their conduct in the f -,'ure progress 01 this negotiation, which the King

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. x>%\

FROM THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Whitehall, 25 May, 1782.

" Sir,
"I have the honor to receive your letter of the 13th of
May, by Mr. Oswald. It gives me great pleasure to find my
opinion of the moderation, prudence, and judgment of that
gentleman confirmed by your concurrence. For I am glad
to assure you, that we likewise concur in hoping that those
qualities may enable him to contribute to the speedy con-
clusion of a peace, and such a peace as may be firm and
long lasting. In that hope, he has the King's orders to
return immediately to Paris, and you will find him, I trust,
properly instructed to cooperate in so desirable an object.
I have the honor to be, &c.

" Shelburne."

I had not then time to converse much with Mr. Oswald,
and he promised to come and breakfast with me on Monday.

Saturday ', June $th. Mr. Grenville came, according to
appointment. Our conversation began by my acquainting
him, that I had seen the Count de Vergennes, and had
perused the copy left with him of the power to treat. That,
after what he, Mr. Grenville, told me of its being to treat
with France and her allies, I was a little surprised to find
in it no mention of the allies, and that it was only to treat
with the King of France and his ministers ; that, at Ver-

will not suffer to go into any length. In the mean time, you will govern
your conversation with the American Commissioners with all possible pru-
dence, collecting their sentiments, and every other information, which you
conceive may hereafter prove useful ; and I have his Majesty's commands
to acquaint you, that it is his pleasure you should continue at Paris, till you
receive his orders to return, of which you will acquaint Dr. Franklin and
Count de Vergennes." — Whitehall, May 2.1st, MS. Letter. — ED.

132 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [^t. 76.

sailles, there was some suspicion of its being intended to
occasion delay; the professed desire of a speedy peace being,
perhaps, abated in the British court since its late successes;
but that I imagined the words relating to the allies might
have been accidentally omitted in transcribing, or that,
perhaps, he had a special power to treat with us distinct
from the other.

He answered, that the copy was right, and that he had
no such power in form, but that his instructions were full
to that purpose, and that he was sure the ministers had no
desire of delay, nor any of excluding us from the treaty,
since the greatest part of those instructions related to treat-
ing with me. That, to convince me of this sincerity of his
court respecting us, he would acquaint me with one of his
instructions, though, perhaps, the doing it now was prema-
ture, and therefore a little inconsistent with the character
of a politician, but he had that confidence in me that he
should not hesitate to inform me (though he wished that at
present it should go no further,) he was instructed to ac-
knowledge the independence of America, previous to the com-
mencement of the treaty. And he said he could only account
for the omission of America in the power, by supposing
that it was an old official form copied from that given to
Mr. Stanley, when he came over hither before the last
peace. Mr. Grenville added, that he had, immediately
after his interview with the Count de Vergennes, despatched
a courier to London, and hoped, that with his return the
difficulty would be removed. That he was perfectly assured
their late success had made no change in the disposition of
his court to peace, and that he had more reason than the
Count de Vergennes to complain of delays, since five days
were spent belore he could obtain a passport for his courier,

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 133

and then it was not to go and return by way of Calais, but
to go by Ostend, which would occasion a delay of five days
longer. Mr. Grenville then spoke much of the high opinion
the present ministry had of me, and their great esteem for
me, their desire of a perfect reconciliation between the two
countries, and the firm and general belief in England, that
no man was so capable as myself of proposing the proper
means of bringing about such a reconciliation ; adding that,
if the old ministers had formerly been too little attentive to
my counsels, the present were very differently disposed, and
he hoped that in treating with them, I would totally forget
their predecessors.

The time has been when such flattering language, as from
great men, might have made me vainer, and had more
effect on my conduct, than it can at present, when I find
myself so near the end of life as to esteem lightly all per-
sonal interests and concerns, except that of maintaining to
the last, and leaving behind me the tolerably good character
I have hitherto supported.

Mr. Grenville then discoursed of our resolution not to
treat without our allies. "This," says he, "can only
properly relate to France, with whom you have a treaty of
alliance, but you have none with Spain, you have none with
Holland. If Spain and Holland, and even if France should
insist on unreasonable terms of advantage to themselves,
after you have obtained all you want, and are satisfied, can
it be right that America should be dragged on in a war for
their interest only?" He stated this matter in various
lights and pressed it earnestly.

I resolved, from various reasons, to evade the discussion,
therefore answered, that the intended treaty not being yet
begun it appeared unnecessary to enter at present into

134 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76,

considerations of that kind. The preliminaries being once
settled and the treaty commenced, if any of the other
powers should make extravagant demands on England, and
insist on our continuing the war till those were complied
with, it would then be time enough to consider what our
obligations were, and how far they extended. The first
thing necessary was for him to procure the full powers, the
next for us to assemble the plenipotentiaries of all the bel-
ligerent parties, and then propositions might be mutually
made, received, considered, answered, or agreed to. In
the mean time I would just mention to him, that, though
we were yet under no obligations to Spain by treaty, we
were under obligations of gratitude for the assistance she
had afforded us ; and as Mr. Adams had some weeks since
commenced a treaty in Holland, the terms of which I was
not yet acquainted with, I knew not but that we might have
already some alliance and obligations contracted there.
And perhaps we ought, however, to have some consider-
ation for Holland on this account, that it was in vengeance
for the friendly disposition shown by some of her people
to make a treaty of commerce with us, that England had
declared the war against her.

He said, it would be hard upon England, if, having given
reasonable satisfaction to one or two of her enemies, she
could not have peace with those till she had complied with
whatever the others might demand, however unreasonable,
for so she might be obliged to pay for every article four-
fold. I observed, that when she made her propositions,
the more advantageous they were to each, the more it would
be the interest of each to prevail with the others to accept
those offered to them. We then spoke of the reconciliation ;
but, his full power not being yet come, I chose to defer

/Et. 76. J FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ^5

entering upon that subject at present. I told him, I had
thoughts of putting down in writing the particulars that I
judged would conduce to that end, and of adding my
reasons, that this required a little time, and I had been
hindered by accidents ; which was true, for I had begun to
write, but had postponed it on account of his defective
power to treat. But I promised to finish it as soon as pos
sible. He pressed me earnestly to do it, saying, an ex-
pression of mine in a former conversation, that there still
remained roots of good will in America towards England,
which if properly taken care of might produce a reconcili-
ation, had made a great impression on his mind, and given
him infinite pleasure, and he hoped I would not neglect
furnishing him with the information of what would be
necessary to nourish those roots, and could assure me, that
my advice would be greatly regarded.

Mr. Grenville had shown me at our last interview a letter
from the Duke of Richmond to him, requesting him to pre-
vail with me to disengage a Captain McLeod, of the artil-
lery, from his parole, the Duke's brother, Lord George
Lenox, being appointed to the command of Portsmouth,
and desiring to have him as his aid-de-camp. I had prom-
ised to consider it, and this morning I sent him the follow-
ing letter.

TO MR. GRENVILLE.

" Passy, 31 May, 1782.

" Sir,
"I do not find, that I have any express authority to
absolve a parole given by an English officer in America ;
but, desirous of complying with a request of the Duke of
Richmond, as far as may be in my power, and being con-
fident, that the Congress will be pleased with whatever may

I36 7° URN A L OF NEGO TIA TIONS [vEt. 76.

oblige a personage they so much respect, I do hereby con-
sent, that Captain McLeod serve in his military capacity in
England only, till the pleasure of the Congress is known,
to whom I will write immediately, and who, I make no
doubt, will discharge him entirely. I have the honor to

be, &c.

"B. Franklin."

America had been constantly befriended in Parliament
by the Duke of Richmond, and I believed the Congress
would not be displeased, that this opportunity was taken of
obliging him, and that they would by their approbation
supply the deficiency of my power. Besides, I could not
well refuse it, after what had passed between Mr. Laurens
and me, and what I had promised to do for that gentleman.

Sunday ', June 2d. The Marquis de Lafayette called and
dined with me. He is uneasy about the delay, as he can-
not resolve concerning his voyage to America, till some
certainty appears of there being a treaty or no treaty. This
day I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

" Passy, 2 June, 1782.

" Sir,
"Since mine of May 8th, I have not had any thing
material to communicate to your Excellency. Mr. Gien-
ville indeed arrived just after I had despatched that letter,
and I introduced him to M. de Vergennes, but, as his
mission seemed only a repetition of that by Mr. Oswald,
the same declaration of the King of England's sincere
desire of peace, and willingness to treat at Paris, which
were answered by the same declarations of the good dis-
positions 01 mis court, and that it could not treat without

^Et. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. i^y

the concurrence of its allies, I omitted writing till some-
thing should be produced from a kind of agreement, that
M. de Vergennes would acquaint Spain and Holland with
the overture, and Mr. Grenville would write for full powers
to treat and make propositions ; nothing of importance
being in the mean time to be transacted.

" Mr. Grenville accordingly despatched a messenger for
London, who returned in about twelve days. Mr. Gren-
ville called on me, after having been at Versailles, and
acquainted me, that he had received the power, and had
left a copy of it with M. de Vergennes, and that he was
thereby authorized to treat with France and her allies. The
next time I went to Versailles, I desired to see that copy,
and was surprised to find in it no mention of the allies of
France, or any one of them, and, on speaking with M. de
Vergennes about it, I found he began to look upon the
whole as a piece of artifice to amuse us, and gain time;
since he had uniformly declared to every agent who had
appeared there, viz. to Forth, Oswald, and Grenville, that
the King would not treat without the concurrence of his
allies, and yet England had given a power to treat with
France only, which showed she did not intend to treat at
all, but meant to continue the war.

"I had not till yesterday an opportunity of talking with
Mr. Grenville on the subject, and expressing my wonder,
that, after what he told me, there should be no mention
made of our States in his commission ; he could not explain
this to my satisfaction, but said, he believed the omission
was occasioned by their copying an old commission given
to Mr. Stanley at the last treaty of peace, for he was sure
the intertion was, that he should treat with us, his in-
structions being fully to that purpose. I acquainted hira,
Vol. HI.— 15 h

I38 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mt. 76,

that I thought a special commission was necessary, without
which we could not treat with him. I imagine, that there
is a reluctance in their King to take this first step, as the
giving such a commission would itself be a kind of acknowl-
edgment of our independence. Their late success against
Count de Grasse may also have given them hopes, that, by
delay and more successes, they may make that acknowl-
edgment and a peace less necessary.

" Mr. Grenville has written to his court for further in-
structions. We shall see what the return of his courier will
produce. If full power to treat with each of the powers at
war against England does not appear, I imagine the negoti-
ation will be broken off. Mr. Grenville, in his conversation
with me, insists much on our being under no engagements
not to make a peace without Holland. I have answered
him, that I know not but that you may have entered into
some, and if there should be none, a general pacification,
made at the same time, would be best for us all, and that I
believe neither Holland nor we could be prevailed on to
abandon our friends. What happens further shall be im-
mediately communicated.

" Be pleased to present my respects to Mr. Laurens, to
whom I wrote some days since. Mr. Jay, I suppose, is on
his way hither. With great respect, &c.

"B. Franklin."

On Monday the 3d, Mr. Oswald came according to
appointment. He told me, he had seen and had con-
versations with Lord Shelburne, Lord Rockingham, and
Mr. Fox. That their desire of peace continued uniformly
the same, though he thought some of them were a little too
much elate3 with th I late victory in the West Indies ; and

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 139

when, observing his coolness, they asked him, if he did not
think it a very good thing; "yes," said he, "if you do
not rate it too high." He went on with the utmost frank-
ness to tell me, that the peace was absolutely necessary for
them. That the nation had been foolishly involved in four
wars, and could no longer raise money to carry them on,
so that if they continued, it would be absolutely necessary
for them to stop payment of the interest money on the
funds, which would ruin their future credit. He spoke of
stopping on all sums above one thousand pounds, and con-
tinuing to pay on those below, because the great sums
belonged to the rich, who could better bear the delay of
their interest, and the smaller sums to poorer persons, who
would be more hurt, and make more clamor, and that the
rich might be quieted by promising them interest upon
their interest. All this looked as if the matter had been
seriously thought on.

Mr. Oswald has an air of great simplicity and honesty,
yet I could hardly take this to be merely a weak confession
of their deplorable state, and thought it might be rather
intended as a kind of intimidation, by showing us that they
had still that resource in their power, which he said would
furnish five millions a year. But, he added, our enemies
may now do what they please with us ; they have the ball at
their foot, was his expression, and we hope they will show
their moderation and magnanimity. He then repeatedly
mentioned the great esteem the ministers had for me, that
they, with all the considerate people of England, looked
to, and depended on me for the means of extricating the
nation from its present desperate situation ; and that, per-
aaps, no single man had ever in his hands an opportunity
of doing so much good as I had at this present time, with

1 40 T° URN A L OF NEGO TIA TIONS \&i. 76.

much more to that purpose. He then showed me a lettei
to him from Lord Shelburne, partly, I suppose, that I might
see his Lordship's opinion of me, which, as it has some
relation to the negotiation, is here inserted. He left it
with me, requesting that I would communicate it to Mr.
Walpole.

FROM THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO RICHARD OSWALD.

" Whitehall, 21 May, 1782.

"Sir,

" It has reached me, that Mr. Walpole esteems himself
much injured by your going to Paris, and that he conceives
it was a measure of mine, intended to take the present
negotiation with the court of France out of his hands,
which he conceives to have been previously commenced
through his channel, by Mr. Fox. I must desire that you
will have the goodness to call upon Mr. Walpole, and ex-
plain to him distinctly, how very little foundation there is
for so unjust a suspicion, as I knew of no such intercourse.
Mr. Fox declares he considered what had passed between
him and Mr. Walpole, of a mere private nature, not suf-
ficiently material to mention to the King or the cabinet,
and will write to Mr. Walpole to explain this distinctly to
him.

" But if you find the least suspicion of this kind has
reached Dr. Franklin, or the Count de Vergennes, I desire
this matter may be clearly explained to both. I have too
much friendship for Dr. Franklin, and too much respect
for the character of the Count de Vergennes, with which I
am perfectly acquainted, to be so indifferent to the good
opinion of either, as to suffer them to believe me capable
of an intrigue, where I have both professed and observed a
direct opposite courve of conduct. In truth, I hold it in
such perfect contempt, that, however proud I may be to

At. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH ^REAT BRITAIN. \^\

serve the King in my present situation, or in any other,
and however anxious I may be to serve my country, I
should not hesitate a moment about retiring from any situ-
ation which required such services. But I must do the
King the justice to say, that his Majesty abhors them, and
I need not tell you, that it is my fixed principle, that no
country in any moment can be advantaged by them. I am,

with great truth and regard, &c.

"Shelburne."

In speaking further of the ministry's opinion of the great
service it might be in my power to render, Mr. Oswald
said, he had told them in one of his conversations, that
nothing was to be expected of me but consistency, nothing
unsuitable to my character, or inconsistent with my duty to
my country. I did not ask him the particular occasion of
his saying this, but thought it looked a little as if some-
thing inconsistent with my duty had been talked of or pro-
posed. Mr. Oswald also gave me a copy of a paper of
memorandums, written by Lord Shelburne, viz.

" i. That I am ready to correspond more particularly
with Dr. Franklin, if wished.

" 2. That the Enabling Act is passing, with the insertion
of Commissioners recommended by Mr. Oswald ; and, on
our part, commissioners will be named, or any character
given to Mr. Oswald, which Dr. Franklin and he may
judge conducive to a final settlement of things between
Great Britain and America; which Dr. Franklin very
properly says, requires to be treated in a very different
manner from the peace between Great Britain and France,
who have always been at enmity with each other.

"3. That an establishment for the loyalists must always
be o"\ Mr. Oswald's mind, as it is uppermost in Lord Shel-
15*

1 42 70 URN A L OF NEGO TIA TIONS [jEt. 76

burne's, besides other steps in their favor to influence the
several States to agree to a fair restoration or compensation
for whatever confiscations have taken place.

" 4. To give Lord Shelburne's letter about Mr. Walpole
to Dr. Franklin."

On perusing this paper, I recollected that a bill had been
some time since proposed in Parliament, To enable his
Majesty to conclude a Peace or Truce with the revolted
Provinces in America, which I supposed to be the Enabling
Bill mentioned, that had hitherto slept; and, not having
been passed, was perhaps the true reason why the colonies
were not mentioned in Mr. Grenville's commission. Mr.
Oswald thought it likely, and said, that the words, "inser-
tion of Commissioners, recommended by Mr. Oswald,"
related to his advising an express mention in the bill of the
Commissioners appointed by Congress to treat of peace,
instead of the vague denomination of any person or persons }
&*c. in the first draft of the bill.

As to the loyalists, I repeated what I had said to him
when first here, that their estates had been confiscated by
the laws made in particular States where the delinquents
had resided, and not by any law of Congress, who, indeed,
had no power, either to make such laws or to repeal them,
or to dispense with them, and, therefore, could give no
power to their Commissioners to treat of a restoration for
those people ; that it was an affair appertaining to each
State. That if there were justice in compensating them, it
must be due from England rather than America ; but, in
my opinion, England was not under any very great obliga-
tions to them, since it was by their misrepresentations and
bad counsels, she had been drawn into this miserable war.
And that if an account was to be brought against us for

X.T. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. \^

their losses, we should more than balance it by an account
of the ravages they had committed all along the coasts of
America.

Mr. Oswald agreed to the reasonableness of all this, and
said he had, before he came away, told the ministers, that
he thought no recompense to those people was to be ex-
pected from us; that he had, also, in consequence of our
former conversation on that subject, given it as his opinion,
that Canada should be given up to the United States, as it
would prevent the occasions of future difference, and as the
government of such a country was worth nothing, and of
no importance, if they could have there a free commerce ;
that the Marquis of Rockingham and Lord Shelburne,
though they spoke reservedly, did not seem very averse to
it, but that Mr. Fox appeared to be startled at the proposi-
tion. He was, however, not without hopes that it would
be agreed to.

We now came to another article of the note, viz. " on
our part commissioners will be named, or any character
given to Mr. Oswald, which Dr. Franklin and he may judge
conducive to a final settlement of things between Great
Britain and America."

This he said was left entirely to me, for he had no will
in the affair; he did not desire to be further concerned,
than to see it in train, he had no personal views either of
honor or profit. He had now seen and conversed with Mr.
Grenville, thought him a very sensible young gentleman,
and very capable of the business ; he did not, therefore, see
any further occasion there was for himself; but if I thought
otherwise, and conceived he might be further useful, he was
content to give his time and service, in any character or
manner I should think proper. I said, his knowledge of

144 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [^t. 7&

America, where he had lived, and with every part of which,
and of its commerce and circumstances, he was well ac-
quainted, made me think, that, in persuading the ministry
to things reasonable relating to that country, he could speak
or write with more weight than Mr. Grenville, and, there-
fore, I wished him to continue in the service ; and I asked
him, whether he would like to be joined in a general com-
mission for treating with all the powers at war with England,
or to have a special commission to himself for treating with
America only. He said, he did not choose to be concerned
in treaty with the foreign powers, for he was not sufficiently
a master of their affairs, or of the French language, which,
probably, would be used in treating; if, therefore, he
accepted of any commission, it should be that of treating
with America. I told him I would write to Lord Shelburne
on the subject ; but Mr. Grenville having some time since
despatched a courier, partly on account of the commission,
who was not yet returned, I thought it well to wait a few
days, till we could see what answer he would bring, or what
measures were taken. This he approved of.

The truth is, he appears so good and so reasonable a man,
that, though I have no objection to Mr. Grenville, I should
be loth to lose Mr. Oswald. He seems to have nothing at
heart but the good of mankind, and putting a stop to mis-
chief; the other, a young statesman, may be supposed to
have naturally a little ambition of recommending himself
as an able negotiator.

In the afternoon, M. Boeris, of Holland, called on me,
and acquainted me, that the answer had not yet been given
to th? last memorial from Russia, relating to the mediation ;
but it was thought it would be in respectful terms, to thank
her Imperial Majesty for her kind offers, and to represent

^t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ^5

the propriety of their connexion with France in endeavours
to obtain a general peace, and that they conceived it would
be still more glorious for her Majesty to employ her influ-
ence in procuring a general, than a particular pacification.
M. Boeris further informed me, that they were not well
satisfied in Holland with the conduct of the Russian court,
and suspected views of continuing the war for particular
purposes.

Tuesday, June \th. I have received another packet from
Mr. Hartley. It consisted of duplicates of former letters
and papers already inserted, and contained nothing new but
the following letter from Colonel Hartley, his brother.

FROM W. H. HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Soho Square, 24 May, 1782.

"Dear Sir,
"It is with the greatest pleasure I take up my pen to
acknowledge your remembrance of me in yours to my
brother, and to thank you for those expressions of regard
which I can assure you are mutual. My brother has desired
me to copy some letters and papers, byway of sending you
duplicates. I am particularly happy at the employment,
because the greatest object of my parliamentary life has been
to cooperate with him in his endeavours to put a period to
this destructive war, and forward the blessed work of peace.
I hope to see him again in that situation, where he can so
well serve his country with credit to himself; and while I
have the honor of being in Parliament, my attention will be
continued to piomote the effects, which will naturally flow
from those principles of freedom and universal philanthropy
you have both so much supported. While I copy his words,
my own feelings and judgment are truly in unison, and I
have b 7t to add the most ardent wish, that peace, and

I46 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

happiness may crown the honest endeavours towards so
desirable an end. I am, dear Sir, with the greatest respect
and esteem, yours sincerely,

"W. H. Hartley."

Wednesday, June $th. Mr. Oswald called again to acquaint
me, that Lord Cornwallis, being very anxious to be dis-
charged from his parole as soon as possible, had sent a
Major Ross hither to solicit it, supposing Mr. Laurens might
be here with me. Mr. Oswald told me, what I had not
heard before, that Mr. Laurens, while prisoner in the Tower,
had proposed obtaining the discharge of Lord Cornwallis
in exchange for himself, and had promised to use his utmost
endeavours to that purpose, in case he was set at liberty,
not doubting of the success. I communicated to Mr.
Oswald what had already passed between Mr. Laurens and
me, respecting Lord Cornwallis, which appears in the pre-
ceding letters ; and told him I should have made less diffi-
culty about the discharge of his parole, if Mr. Laurens had
informed me of his being set at liberty in consequence of
such an offer and promise ; and I wished him to state this
in a letter to me, that it might appear for my justification
in what I might, with Mr. Laurens, do in the affair, and
that he would procure for me from Major Ross a copy of
the parole, that I might be better acquainted with the
nature of it. He accordingly in the afternoon sent me the
following letter.

FROM RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Paris, 5 June, 1782.

" Sir,
"While Mr. Laurens was under confinement in England,
he promised, that, on condition of his being liberated upon

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 1 47

his parole, he would apply to you for an exchange in favor
of Lord Cornwallis, by a discharge of his Lordship's granted
upon the surrender of his garrison at the village of York in
Virginia ; and, in case of your being under any difficulty
in making such exchange, he undertook to write to the
Congress, and to request it of that assembly, making no
doubt of obtaining a favorable answer, without loss of time.

" This proposal, signed by Mr. Laurens's hand, I carried
and delivered, I think, in the month of December last, to
his Majesty's then secretaries of state, which was duly
attended to ; and, in consequence thereof, Mr. Laurens was
soon after set at full liberty. And though not a prisoner
under parole, yet it is to be hoped, a variation in the mode
of discharge will not be supposed of any essential difference.

"And with respect to Mr. Laurens, I am satisfied he will
consider himself as much interested in the success of this
application, as if his own discharge had been obtained under
the form, as proposed by the representation, which I deliv-
ered to the secretaries of state, and, I make no doubt, will
sincerely join my Lord Cornwallis in an acknowledgment
of your favor and good offices, in granting his Lordship a
full discharge of his parole above mentioned. I have the
honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient

humble servant,

"Richard Oswald."

«<

P. S. Major Ross has got no copy of Lord Corn-
wallis's parole. He says it was in the common form, as in
like cases.

11 Since writing the above, I recollect I was under a mis-
take, as if the proposal of exchange came first from Mr.
Laurens ; whereas, it was made by his Majesty's secretaries
of state to me, that Mr. Laurens should endeavour to pro-
cure the exchange of Lord Cornwallis, so as to be discharged
himself. Which proposal I carried to Mr. Laurens, and

148 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76

had from him the obligation above mentioned, upon which
the mode of his discharge was settled.

To this I wrote the following answer.

"R. O.

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

" Passy, 6 June, 1782.

"Sir,
" I received the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me, respecting the parole of Lord Cornwallis. You are
acquainted with what I wrote some time since to Mr. Lau-
rens. To-morrow is post day from Holland, when possibly
I may receive an answer, with a paper drawn up by him for
the purpose of discharging that parole, to be signed by us
jointly. I suppose the staying at Paris another day will
not be very inconvenient to Major Ross, and, if I do not
hear to-morrow from Mr. Laurens, I will immediately, in
compliance with your request, do what I can towards the
liberation of Lord Cornwallis. I have the honor to be,
with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

"B. Franklin."

Friday, June jth. Major Ross called upon me, to thank
me for the favorable intentions I had expressed in my letter
to Mr. Oswald, respecting Lord Cornwallis, and to assure
me, that his Lordship would for ever remember it with
gratitude, &c. I told him it was our duty to alleviate, as
much as we could, the calamities of war ; that I expected
letters from Mr. Laurens, relating to the affair, after the
receipt of which I would immediately complete it. Or, if
I did not hear from Mr. Laurens, I would speak to the
Marquu de Lafayette, get his approbation, and finish it
without further delay.

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. x^

Saturday, June 8th. I received some newspapers from
England, in one of which is the following paragraph.

From the London Evening Post, of May 30th, 1782.

" If report on the spot speak truth, Mr. Grenville, in his
first visit to Dr. Franklin, gained a considerable point of
information, as to the powers America had retained for
treating separately with Great Britain, in case her claims,
or demands, were granted.

"The treaty of February 6th, 1778, was made the basis
of this conversation; and, by the spirit and meaning of this
treaty, there is no obligation on America not to treat sepa-
rately for peace, after she is assured England will grant her
independence, and a free commerce with all the world.

"The first article of that treaty engages America and
France to be bound to each other, as long as circumstances
may require ; therefore, the granting America all she asks
of England is breaking the bond, by which the circum-
stances may bind America to France.

"The second article says, the meaning and direct end of
the alliance is, to insure the freedom and independence of
America. Surely, then, when freedom and independence
are allowed by Britain, America may, or may not, as she
chooses, put an end to the present war between England
and America, and leave France to war on through all her
mad projects of reducing the power and greatness of Eng-
land, while America feels herself possessed of what she
wishes.

"By the eighth article of the treaty, neither France nor
America can conclude peace without the assent of the other;
and they engage not to lay down their arms until the inde-
pendence of America is acknowledged, but this article does
not exclude America from entering into a separate treaty
for peace with England, and evinces, more strongly than
Vol. III.— 16

150 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mi. 76.

the former articles, that America may enter into a separate
treaty with England, when she is convinced that England
has insured to her all that she can reasonably ask. ' '

I conjecture that this must be an extract from a letter of
Mr. Grenville's ; but it carries an appearance as if he and
I had agreed in these imaginary discourses, of America's
being at liberty to make peace without France, and whereas
my whole discourse, in the strongest terms, declared our
determinations to the contrary, and the impossibility of our
acting, not only contrary to the treaty, but the duties of
gratitude and honor, of which nothing is mentioned. This
young negotiator seems to value himself on having obtained
from me a copy of the treaty. I gave it to him freely, at
his request, it being not so much a secret as he imagined,
having been printed, first in all the American papers soon
after it was made, then at London in Almon's Remem-
brancer, which I wonder he did not know ; and afterwards
in a collection of the American Constitutions, published by
order of Congress. As such imperfect accounts of our con-
versations find their way into the English papers, I must
speak to this gentleman of its impropriety.

Sunday, June gth. Dr. Bancroft being intimately ac-
quainted with Mr. Walpole, I this day gave him Lord
Shelburne's letter to Mr. Oswald, requesting he would
communicate it to that gentleman. Dr. Bancroft said, it
was believed both Russia and the Emperor wish the con-
tinuance of the war, and aimed at procuring for England a
peace with Holland, that England might be better able to
continue it against France and Spain.

The Marquis de Lafayette having proposed to call on me
to day, I kept back the discharge of Lord Cornwallis, which

<Et. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. jji

was written and ready, desiring to have his approbation of
it, as he had in a former conversation advised it. He did
not come, but late in the evening sent me a note, acquaint-
ing me, that he had been prevented, by accompanying the
Great Duke to the review, but would breakfast with me to-
morrow morning.

This dav I received a letter from Mr. Dana, dated at St.
Tetersburgh, April 29th, in which is the following passage.
" We yesterday received the news, that the States-General
had, on the 19th of this month, (N. S.) acknowledged the
independence of the United States. This event gave a
shock here, and is not well received, as they at least profess
to have flattered themselves, that the mediation would have
prevented it, and otherwise brought on a partial peace
between Britain and Holland. This resentment, I believe,
will not be productive of any ill consequences to the Dutch
republic." It is true, that while the war continues, Russia
feels a greater demand for the naval stores, and perhaps at
a higher price. But is it possible, that, for such petty in-
terests, mankind can wish to see their neighbours destroy
each other? Or has the project, lately talked of, some
foundation, that Russia and the Emperor intend driving
the Turks out of Europe, and do they therefore wish to see
France and England so weakened, as to be unable to assist
those people ?

Monday, June 10th. The Marquis de Lafayette did not
come till between eleven and twelve. He brought with
him Major Ross. After breakfast, he told me (Major Ross
being gone into another room), that he had seen Mr. Gren-
ville lately, who asked him when he should go to America.
That he had answered, " I have stayed here longer than I
should otherwise have done, that I might see whether we

152 7° URN A L OF NEGO TIA T10NS [ JEi. 76.

were to have peace or war ; but, as I see that the expecta-
tion of peace is a joke, and that you only amuse us without
any real intention of treating, I think to stay no longer,
but set out in a few days." On which Mr. Grenville as-
sured him that it was no joke, that they were very sincere
in their proposal of treating, and four or five days would
convince the Marquis of it.

The Marquis then spoke to me about a request of Major
Ross's in behalf of himself, Lord Chewton, a lieutenant-
colonel, and Lieutenant Haldane, who were aids-de-camp
to Lord Cornwallis, that they too might be set at liberty
with him. I told the Marquis, that he was better acquainted
with the custom in such cases than I, and being himself one
of the generals, to whom their parole had been given, he
had more right to discharge it than I had, and that, if he
judged it a thing proper to be done, I wished him to do it.
He went into the bureau, saying he would write something,
which he accordingly did, but it was not, as I expected, a
discharge that he was to sign, it was for me to sign. And
the Major not liking that which I had drawn for Lord
Cornwallis, because there was a clause in it, reserving to
Congress the approbation or disallowance of my act, went
away without taking it. Upon which I the next morning
wrote the following to Mr. Oswald.

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

" Passy, 11 June, 178a.

"Sir,

"I did intend to have waited on you this morning to

inquire after your health, and deliver the enclosed paper

relating to the parole of Lord Cornwallis, but being obliged

to go to Versailles, I must postpone my visit till to-morrow.

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 153

"I do not conceive that I have any authority in virtue
of my office here, to absolve that parole in any degree ; I
have, therefore, endeavoured to found it as well as I could
on the express power given me by Congress to exchange
General Burgoyne for Mr. Laurens. A reservation is made
of confirmation or disapprobation by Congress, not from
any desire to restrain the entire liberty of that general, but
because I think it decent and my duty to make such reser-
vation, and that I might otherwise be blamed as assuming a
power not given me, if I undertook to discharge absolutely
a parole given to Congress, without any authority from
them for so doing. With great esteem and respect, &c.

11 B. Franklin."

I have received no answer from Mr. Laurens. The fol-
lowing is the paper mentioned in the above letter.

The Discharge of Lord Cornwallis from his Parole.

"The Congress having, by a resolution of the 14th of
June last, empowered me to offer an exchange of General
Burgoyne for the Honorable Henry Laurens, then a prisoner
in the Tower of London, and whose liberty they much
desire to obtain, which exchange, though proposed by me,
according to the said resolution, had not been accepted or
executed, when advice was received, that General Burgoyne
was exchanged in virtue of another agreement ; and Mr.
Laurens thereupon having proposed another lieutenant-
general, viz. Lord Cornwallis, as an exchange for himself,
promising, that, if set at liberty, he would do his utmost to
obtain a confirmation of that proposal ; and Mr. Laurens
being soon after discharged, and having since urged me
earnestly, in several letters, to join with him in absolving
the parole of that general, which appears to be a thing just
and equitable in itself; and for the honor therefore of our
16*

154 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 7&

country, I do hereby, as far as in my power lies, in virtue
of the above resolution, or otherwise, absolve and discharge
the parole of Lord Cornwallis, given by him in Virginia ;
setting him at entire liberty to act in his civil or military
capacity, until the pleasure of Congress shall be known, to
whom is reserved the confirmation or disapprobation of this
discharge, in case they have made, or shall intend to make,
a different disposition.

"Given at Passy, this 9th day of June, 1782.

"B. Franklin,
"Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of
America to the Court of France. ' '

I did not well comprehend the Major's conduct in refusing
this paper. He was come express from London, to solicit
the discharge of Lord Cornwallis's parole. He had said,
that his Lordship was very anxious to obtain that discharge,
being unhappy in his present situation. One of his objec-
tions to it was, that his Lordship, with such a limited dis-
charge of his parole, could not enter into foreign service.
He declared it was not his Lordship's intention to return to
America. Yet he would not accept the paper, unless the
reservation was omitted. I did not choose to make the
alteration, and so he left it, not well pleased with me.

This day, Tuesday, June nth, I was at Versailles, and
had a good deal of conversation with M. de Rayneval, Sec-
retary to the Council. I showed him the letters I had
received by Mr. Oswald from Lord Shelburne, and related
all the consequent conversation I had with Mr. Oswald. I
related to him also the conversation I had had with Mr.
Grenville. We concluded that the reason of his courier's
not being returned, might be the formalities occasioning
delay in passing the Enabling Bill.

<Et. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 155

I went down with him to the cabinet of Count de Ver-
gennes, where all was repeated and explained. That min-
ister seemed now to be almost persuaded, that the English
court was sincere in its declarations of being desirous of
peace. We spoke of all its attempts to separate us, and of
the prudence of our holding together and treating in con-
cert. I made one remark, that, as they had shown so
strong a desire of disuniting us, by large offers to each par-
ticular power, plainly in the view of dealing more advan-
tageously with the rest, and had reluctantly agreed to make
a general treaty, it was possible, that, after making a peace
with all, they might pick out one of us to make war with
separately. Against which project I thought it would not
be amiss, if, before the treaties of peace were signed, we
who were at war against England should enter into another
treaty, engaging ourselves, that in such a case we should
again make it a common cause, and renew the general war ;
which he seemed to approve of. He read Lord Shelburne's
letter relating to Mr. Walpole, said that gentleman had
attempted to open a negotiation through the Marquis de
Castries, who had told him he was come to the wrong house,
and should go to Count de Vergennes ; but he never had
appeared ; that he was an intriguer, knew many people about
the court, and was accustomed to manage his affairs by
hidden and roundabout ways ; but, said he, "When people
have any thing to propose, that relates to my employment,
I think they should come directly to me ; my cabinet is the
place where such affairs are to be treated." On the whole
he seemed rather pleased that Mr. Walpole had not come to
him, appearing not to like him.

I learned that Mr. Jay had taken leave, on the 7th past,
of the Spanish ministers, in order to come hither, so that

I56 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

he may be daily expected ; but I hear nothing of Mr. Lau-
rens or Mr. Adams.

Wednesday, June 1 2th. I visited Mr. Oswald this morn
ing. He said he had received the paper I had sent him,
relating to the parole of Lord Cornwallis, and had, by
conversing with Major Ross, convinced him of his error in
refusing it ; that he saw I had done every thing that could
be fairly desired of me, and said every thing in the paper
that could give a weight to the temporary discharge, and
tend to prevail with the Congress to confirm and complete
it. Major Ross, coming in, made an apology for not having
accepted it at first, declared his perfect satisfaction with it,
and said, he was sure Lord Cornwallis would be very sensible
of the favor. He then mentioned the custom among mili-
tary people, that, in discharging the parole of a general,
that of his aids was discharged at the same time. I answered,
I was a stranger to the customs of the army, that I had made
the most of the authority I had for exchanging General
Burgoyne, by extending it as a foundation for the exchange
of Lord Cornwallis, but that I had no shadow of authority
for going further j that the Marquis de Lafayette, having
been present when the parole was given, and one of the
generals who received it, was, I thought, more competent
to the discharge of it than myself; and I could do nothing
in it. He went then to the Marquis, who, in the afternoon,
sent me the drafts of a limited discharge, which he should
sign, but requested my approbation of it, of which I made
no difficulty, though I observed he had put into it that it
was by my advice. He appears very prudently cautious of
doing any thing, that may seem assuming a power that he
is not vested with.

Friday, the 14M. M. Boeris called again, wishing to

Ar. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. £57

know if Mr. Grenville's courier was returned, and whether
the treaty was like to go on. I could give him no informa-
tion. He told me it was intended in Holland, in answer
to the last Russian memorial, to say, that they could not
now enter into a particular treaty with England, that they
thought it more glorious for her Imperial Majesty to be the
mediatrix in a general treaty, and wished her to name the
place. I said to him, "As you tell me their High Mighti-
nesses are not well satisfied with Russia, and had rather
avoid her mediation, would it not be better to omit the
proposition, at least of her naming the place, especially as
France, England, and America have already agreed to treat
at Paris?" He replied, it might be better, but, says he,
"we have no politicians among us." I advised him to
write and get that omitted, as I understood it would be a
week before the answer was concluded on. He did not
seem to think his writing would be of much importance.
I have observed, that his colleague, M. Vanderpierre, has a
greater opinion by far of his own influence and consequence.

Saturday •, June i$ih. Mr. Oswald came out to breakfast
with me. We afterwards took a walk in the garden, when
he told me, that Mr. Grenville's courier returned last night.
That he had received by him a letter from Mrs. Oswald,
but not a line from the ministry, nor had he heard a word
from them since his arrival, nor had he heard of any news
brought by the courier. That he should have gone to see
Mr. Grenville this morning, but he had omitted it, that
gentleman being subject to morning headaches, which pre-
vented his rising so early. I said, I supposed he would go
to Versailles, and call on me in his return. We had but
Httle farther discourse, having no new subject.

Mr. Oswald left me about noon, and soon after Mr, Gren*

1 5 8 JO URN A L OF NE G O TIA TIONS [ /Et. 761

ville came, and acquainted me with the return of his courier,
and that he had brought the full powers. That he, Mr.
Grenville, had been at Versailles, and left a copy with
Count de Vergennes. That the instrument was in the same
terms with the former, except that, after the power to treat
with the King of France, or his ministers, there was an
addition of words, importing a power to treat with the
ministers of any other Prince or State whom it might con-
cern. That Count de Vergennes had at first objected to
these general words, as not being particular enough, but
said, he would lay it before the King, and communicate it
to the ministers of the belligerent powers, and that Mr.
Grenville should hear from him on Monday. Mr. Gren-
ville added, that he had further informed Count de Ver-
gennes of his being now instructed to make a proposition
as a basis for the intended treaty, viz. the peace of 1763;
that the proposition intended to be made under his first
powers, not being then received, was now changed, and,
instead of proposing to allow the independence of America
on condition of England's being put into the situation she
was in at the peace of 1 763, he was now authorized to declare
the Independence of America previous to the treaty, as a vol-
untary act, and to propose separately as a basis the treaty
of 1 763. This also Count de Vergennes undertook to lay
before the King, and communicate to me.

Mr. Grenville then said to me, he hoped all difficulties
were now removed, and that we might proceed in the good
work. I asked him if the Enabling Bill was passed ? He
said, No. It passed the Commons, and had been once
read in the House of Lords, but was not yet completed. I
remarked, that the usual time approached for the proroga-
tion of Parliament, and possibly this business might be

X.T. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 159

omitted. He said there was no danger of that, the Parlia-
ment would not rise this year till the middle of July ; the
India affairs had put back other business which must be done,
and would require a prolongation of the session till that
time. I then observed to him, that, though we Americans
considered ourselves as a distinct independent power, or
State, yet, as the British government had always, hitherto,
affected to consider us only as rebellious subjects, and as the
Enabling Act was not yet passed, I did not think it could
be fairly supposed, that his court intended by the general
words, any other Prince or State, to include a people whom
they did not allow to be a State ; and that, therefore, I
doubted the sufficiency of his power as to treating with
America, though it might be good as to Spain and Hol-
land. He replied, that he himself had no doubt of the
sufficiency of his power, and was willing to act upon it. I
then desired to have a copy of the power, which he accord-
ingly promised me.

He wuuld have entered into conversation on the topic of
reconciliation, but I chose still to wave it, till I should find
the negotiation more certainly commenced ; and I showed
him the London paper containing the article above tran-
scribed, that he might see how our conversations were mis-
represented, and how hazardous it must be for me to make
any propositions of the kind at present. He seemed to
treat the newspapers lightly, as of no consequence ; but I
observed, that, before he had finished the reading of the
article, he t\xned to the beginning of the paper to see the
date, which made me suspect that he doubted whether it
might not have take" its rise from some of his letters.

When he left me, I went to dine with M. de Chaumont,
who had invited me to meet there Mr. Walpole, at his

1 60 7° URN A L OF NEGO TIA TIOKS [JEt. 76.

request. We shook hands, and he observed, that it was
near two years since we had seen each other. Then, step
ping aside, he thanked me for having communicated to him
Lord Shelburne's letter to Mr. Oswald; thought it odd that
Mr. Oswald himself had not spoken to him about it ; said
he had received a letter from Mr. Fox upon the affair of St.
Eustatia, in which there were some general words, express-
ing a desire of peace ; that he had mentioned this to the
Marquis de Castries, who had referred him to Count de
Vergennes, but he did not think it a sufficient authority for
him to go to that minister. It was known that he had
business with the minister of the Marine on the other affair,
and, therefore, his going to him was not taken notice of;
but, if he had gone to Count de Vergennes, minister of
Foreign Affairs, it would have occasioned speculation and
much discourse ; that he had therefore avoided it till he
should be authorized, and had written accordingly to Mr.
Fox ; but that, in the mean time, Mr. Oswald had been
chosen upon the supposition, that he, Mr. Walpole, and I
were at variance. He spoke of Mr. Oswald as an odd kind
of man, but that, indeed, his nation were generally odd
people, &c. We dined pleasantly together with the family,
and parted agreeably, without entering into any particulars
of the business. Count d'Estaing was at this dinner, and I
met him again in the evening at Madame Brillon's. There
is at present among the people much censure of Count de
Grasse's conduct, and a general wish that Count d'Estaing
had the command in America. I avoid meddling, or even
speaking on the subject, as improper for me, though I much
esteem that commander.

Sunday, the 16th. I heard nothing from Versailles. I
received a letter from Mr. Adams, acquainting me he had

JEt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. \§\

drawn upon me for a quarter's salary, which he hoped would
be the last, as he now found himself in the way of getting
some money there, though not much. But he says not a
word in answer to my late letters on public affairs, nor have
I any line from Mr. Laurens, which I wonder at. I received
also a letter from Mr. Carmichael, dated June 5th, at Mad-
rid. He speaks of Mr. Jay being on his journey, and sup-
poses he would be with me before that letter, so that I may
expect him daily. We have taken lodgings for him in
Paris.

Monday, the iph. I received a letter from Mr. Hodg-
son, acquainting me that the American prisoners at Ports-
mouth, to the number of three hundred, were all embarked
on board the transports, that each had received twenty
shillings' worth of necessaries at the expense of government,
and went on board in good humor; that contrary winds
had prevented the transports arriving in time at Plymouth,
but that the whole number there now of our people,
amounting to seven hundred, with those arrived from
Ireland, would soon be on their way home.

In the evening the Marquis de Lafayette came to see me,
and said he had seen Count de Vergennes, who was satisfied
with Mr. Grenville's powers. He asked me what I thought
of them, and I told him what I had said to Mr. Grenville
of their imperfection with respect to us. He agreed in
opinion with me. I let him know that I proposed waiting
on Count de Vergennes to-morrow.

He said he had signed the paper relating to Major Ross's

parole, and hoped Congress would not take it amiss, and

added, that, in conversation with the Major, he had asked

him why England was so backward to make propositions.

"We are afraid," says the Major, "of offering you more
Vol. III.— 17 1

1 62 y° URNAL OF NEGO TIA TIONS [Mi. 7«t

thin you expect or desire." I find myself in some per*
plexity with regard to these two negotiators. Mr. Oswald
appears to have been the choice of Lord Shelburne, Mr.
Grenville that of Mr. Secretary Fox. Lord Shelburne is
said to have lately acquired much of the King's confidence.
Mr. Fox calls himself the minister of the people, and it is
certain that his popularity is lately much increased. Lord
Shelburne seems to wish to have the management of the
treaty; Mr. Fox seems to think it in his department. I
hear that the understanding between these ministers is not
quite perfect. Mr. Grenville is clever, and seems to feel
reason as readily as Mr. Oswald, though not so ready to
own it. Mr. Oswald appears quite plain and sincere; I
sometimes a little doubt Mr. Grenville. Mr. Oswald, an
old man, seems now to have no desire but that of being
useful in doing good. Mr. Grenville, a young man, natu-
rally desirous of acquiring reputation, seems to aim at that
of being an able negotiator. Mr. Oswald does not solicit to
have any share in the business, but, submitting the matter
to Lord Shelburne and me, expresses only his willingness
to serve, if we think he may be useful, and is equally willing
to be excused, if we judge there is no occasion for him.
Mr. Grenville seems to think the whole negotiation com
mitted to him, and to have no idea of Mr. Oswald's being
concerned in it, and is, therefore, willing to extend the
expressions in his commission, so as to make them compre-
hend America, and this beyond what I think they will bear.
I imagine we might, however, go on very well with either
of them, though I should rather prefer Oswald ; but I appre-
hend difficulties if they are both employed, especially if
there is any misunderstanding between their principals. I
must, however write to Lord Shelburne, proposing some-

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ^3

thing in consequence of his offer of vesting Mr. Oswald
with any commission, which that gentleman and I should
think proper.

Tuesday ', the 18th. I found myself much indisposed with
a sudden and violent cold, attended with a feverishness and
headache. I imagined it to be an effect of the influenza, a
disorder now reigning in various parts of Europe. This
prevented my going to Versailles.

Thursday, the 20th. Weather excessively hot, and my
disorder continues, but is lessened, the headache having
left me. I am, however, not yet able to go to Versailles.

Friday ; the 21st. I received the following note from the
Marquis de Lafavette.

FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO B. FRANKLIN.

" Versailles, Thursday morning, 20 June, 1782.

" My dear Sir,
"Agreeably to your desire, I have waited upon the
Count de Vergennes, and said to him what I had in com-
mand from your Excellency. He intends taking the King's
orders this morning, and expects he will be able to propose
to Mr. Grenville a meeting for to-morrow, when he will
have time to explain himself respecting France and her
allies, that he may make an official communication both to
the King and the allied ministers. What Count de Ver-
gennes can make out of this conversation will be com-
municated by him to your Excellency, in case you are
able to come. In the other case I shall wait upon you to-
morrow evening with every information I can collect. I
have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.

"Lafayette."

In the evening the Marquis called upon me, and ac-

I64 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [/E.T. J6.

quainted me, that Mr. Grenville had been with Count de
Vergennes, but could not inform me what had passed.

Saturday, the 22a1. Messrs. Oswald and Whitefoord came
and breakfasted with me. Mr. Oswald had received no
letters or instructions. I told him I would write to Lord
Shelburne respecting him, and call on him on Monday
morning to breakfast, and show him what I proposed to
write, that it might receive such alterations as he should
judge proper.

Sunday, the 23d. In the afternoon Mr. Jay arrived, to
my great satisfaction. I proposed going with him the next
morning to Versailles, and presenting him to M. de Ver-
gennes. He informed me, that the Spanish ministers had
been much struck with the news from England, respecting
the resolutions of Parliament to discontinue the war in
America, &c, and that they had since been extremely civil
to him, and he understood intended to send instructions to
their ambassador at this court, to make the long talked of
treaty with him here.

Monday, the 24th. Wrote a note of excuse to Mr. Oswald,
promising to see him on Wednesday, and went with Mr.
Jay to Versailles. Count de Vergennes acquainted us, that
he had given to Mr. Grenville the answer to his propo-
sitions, who had immediately despatched it to his court.
He read it to us, and I shall endeavour to obtain a copy of
it. Count de Vergennes informing us, that a frigate was
about to be despatched for America, by which we might
write, and that the courier who was to carry down the de-
spatches would set out on Wednesday morning, we con-
cluded to omit coming to court on Tuesday, in order to
prepare our letters. Count de Vergennes appeared to have
some doubts about the sincerity of the British court, and

^t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAlti. 16$

the bonne foi of Mr. Grenville, but said the return of Mr.
Grenville's courier might give light. I wrote the following
letters to Mr. Secretary Livingston and Mr. Morris.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

" Passy, 25 June, 1782.

" Sir,

" I have received your respective letters of January 26th
and February 13th. The first was accompanied with a form
of a convention for the establishment of consuls. Mr. Bar-
clay having been detained these six months in Holland,
though in continual expectation of returning hither, I have
yet done nothing in that business, thinking his presence
might be of use in settling it. As soon as he arrives I shall
move the completion of it.

" The second enforces some resolutions of Congress, sent
me with it, respecting a loan of twelve millions of livres, to
be demanded of France for the current year. I had already
received the promise of six millions, together with the
clearest and most positive assurances, that it was all the
King could spare to us, that we must not expect more, that,
if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it
behoved me to take care how I accepted them, or where I
should find funds for the payment, since I could certainly
not be further assisted out of the royal treasury. Under
this declaration, with what face could I ask for another six
millions ? It would be saying, you are not to be believed,
you can spare more ; you are able to lend me twice the sum
if you were but willing. If you read my letter to Mr.
Morris of this date, I think you will be convinced how im-
proper any language, capable of such a construction, would

be to such a friend. I hope, however, that the loas Mr-
17*

1 66 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

Adams has opened in Holland for three millions of florins,
which it is said is likely to succeed, will supply the de-
ficiency.

" By the newspapers I have sent, you will see, that the
general disposition of the British nation towards us had
been changed. Two persons have been sent here by the
new ministers, to propose treating for peace. They had at
first some hopes of getting the belligerent powers to treat
separately, one after another ; but, finding that impracti-
cable, they have, after several messengers sent to and fro,
come to a resolution of treating with all together for a gen-
eral peace, and have agreed, that the place shall be Paris.
Mr. Grenville is nowhere with full powers for that purpose,
(if they can be reckoned full with regard to America, till a
certain act is completed for enabling his Majesty to treat,
&c, which has gone through the Commons, and has been
once read in the House of Lords.) I keep a very particular
journal of what passes every day in the affair, which is
transcribing, to be sent to you. I shall, therefore, need to
say no more about it in this letter, except, that though I
still think they were sincere at first in their desire of peace,
yet, since their success in the West Indies, I imagine, that
I see marks of their desiring rather to draw the negotiations
into length, that they may take the chance of what the
campaign shall produce in their favor ; and, as there are so
many interests to adjust, it will be prudent for us to sup-
pose, that even another campaign may pass before all can
be agreed. Something, too, may happen to break off the
negotiations, and we should be prepared for the worst.

"I hoped for the assistance of Mr. Adams and Mr. Lau-
rens. The first is too much engaged in Holland to come
nither, and the other declines serving; but I have now the

JEt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 167

satisfaction of being joined by Mr. Jay, who happily arrived
here from Madrid last Sunday. The Marquis de Lafayette
is of great use in our affairs here, and, as the campaign ic
not likely to be very active in North America, I wish I may
be able to prevail with him to stay a few weeks longer.
By him you will receive the journal above mentioned,
which is already pretty voluminous, and yet the negotia-
tions cannot be said to be opened.

" Ireland, you will see, has obtained all her demands
triumphantly. I meet no one from that country, who does
not express some obligations to America for their success.

"Before I received your just observations on the subject,
I had obtained from the English ministers a resolution
to exchange all our prisoners. They thought themselves
obliged to have an act of Parliament about it for authoriz-
ing the King to do it, this war being different from others,
as made by an act of Parliament declaring us rebels, and
our people being committed for high treason. I empowered
Mr. Hodgson, who was chairman of the committee that col-
lected and dispensed the charitable subscriptions for the
American prisoners, to treat and conclude on the terms of
their discharge ; and, having approved of the draft he sent
me of the agreement, I hope Congress will see fit to order a
punctual execution of it. I have long suffered with those
poor brave men, who with so much public virtue have en-
dured four or five years hard imprisonment, rather than
serve against their country. I have done all I could afford
towards making their situation more comfortable ; but their
numbers were so great, that I could do but little for each,
and that very great villain, Digges, defrauded them of
between U.ree and four hundred pounds, which he drew
from me on their account. He lately wrote me a letter, in

168 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

which he pretended he was coming to settle with me, and
to convince me, that I had been mistaken with regard to
his conduct ; but he never appeared, and I hear he is gone
to America. Beware of him, for he is very artful, and has
cheated many. I hear every day of new rogueries com-
mitted by him in England.

" The ambassador from Sweden to this court applied to
me lately to know, if I had powers that would authorize my
making a treaty with his master in behalf of the United
States. Recollecting a general power, that was formerly
given to me with the other Commissioners, I answered in
the affirmative. He seemed much pleased, and said the
King had directed him to ask the question, and charged
him to tell me, that he had so great esteem for me, that it
would be a particular satisfaction to him to have such a
transaction with me. I have perhaps some vanity in re-
peating this ; but I think, too, that it is right that Congress
should know it, and judge if any use may be made of the
reputation of a citizen for the public service. In case it
should be thought fit to employ me in that business, it will
be well to send a more particular power and proper instruc-
tions. The ambassador added, that it was a pleasure to
him to think, and he hoped it would be remembered, that
Sweden was the first power in Europe, which had volun-
tarily offered its friendship to the United States without
being solicited. This affair should be talked of as little as
possible till completed.

"I enclose another complaint from Denmark, which I
request you will lay before Congress. I am continually
pestered with complaints from French seamen, who were
with Captain Conyngham in his first cruise from Dunkirk ;
from others who were in the Icxington, the Alliance, &c,

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. i^g

being put on board prizes that were retaken, were never
afterwards able to join their respective ships, and so have
been deprived of the wages, &c. due to them. It is for our
national honor, that justice should be done them, if possible;
and I wish you to procure an order of Congress for inquiring
into their demands, and satisfying such as shall be found
just. It may be addressed to the consul.

"I enclose a note from M. de Vergennes to me, accom-
panied by a memoir relating to a Swiss, who died at Eden-
ton. If you can procure the information desired, it will
much oblige the French ambassador in Switzerland.

"I have made the addition you directed to the cipher.

I rather prefer the old one of Dumas, perhaps because I am

more used to it. I enclose several letters from that ancient

and worthy friend of our country. He is now employed as

secretary to Mr. Adams, and I must, from a long experience

of his zeal and usefulness, beg leave to recommend him

warmly to the consideration of Congress, with regard to his

appointments, which have never been equal to his merit.

As Mr. Adams writes me the good news, that he shall no

longer be obliged to draw on me for his salary, I suppose it

will be proper to direct his paying that, which shall be

allowed to M. Dumas. Be pleased to present my duty to

the Congress, and believe me to be, with great esteem and

regard,

"B. Franklin."

"TO ROBERT MORRIS.

" Passy, 25 June, 178a.

"Sir,

" For what relates to war and peace, I must refer

you to Mr. Livingston, to whom I write fully. I will only

170 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [Mr. 76.

say, that, though the English a few months since seemed
desirous of peace, I suspect they now intend to draw out
the negotiation into length, till they can see what this cam-
paign will produce. I hope our people will not be deceived
by fair words, but be on their guard, ready against every
attempt that our insidious enemies may make upon us. I

am, &c.

"B. Franklin."

Wednesday, the 26th. I sent away my letters, and went
to see Mr. Oswald. I showed him the draft of a letter to
be addressed to him instead of Lord Shelburne, respecting
the commission, or public character, he might hereafter be
vested with. This draft was founded on Lord Shelburne' s
memorandums, which Mr. Oswald had shown to me, and
this letter was intended to be communicated by him to
Lord Shelburne. Mr. Oswald liked the mode, but rather
chose that no mention should be made of his having shown
me Lord Shelburne's memorandums, though he thought
they were given to him for that purpose. So I struck that
part out, and new modelled the letter, which I sent him
the next day, as follows.

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

" Passy, 27 June, 1782.

"Sir,
"The opinion I have of your candor, probity, and good
understanding, and good will to both countries, made me
hope you would have been vested with the character of
plenipotentiary to treat with those from America. When
Mr. Grenville produced his first commission, which was
only to treat with France, I did imagine that the other to

Mt. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 171

treat with us was reserved for you, and kept only till the
Enabling Bill should be passed. Mr. Grenville has since
received a second commission, which, as he informs me,
has additional words, empowering him to treat with the
ministers of any other Prince or State whom it may concern ,
and he seems to understand, that those general words com-
prehend the United States of America. There may be no
doubt, that they may comprehend Spain and Holland; but,
as there exist various public acts, by which the government
of Britain denies us to be states, and none in which they
acknowledge us to be such, it seems hardly clear that we
could be intended at the time the commission was given,
the Enabling Act not being then passed. So that, though
I can have no objection to Mr. Grenville, nor right to make
it, if I had any, yet, as your long residence in America has
given you a knowledge of that country, its people, circum-
stances, commerce, &c, which, added to your experience
in business, may be useful to both sides in facilitating and
expediting the negotiation, I cannot but hope, that it is still
intended to vest you with the character above mentioned,
respecting the treaty with America, either separately or in
conjunction with Mr. Grenville, as to the wisdom of your
ministers may seem best. Be it as it may, I beg you would
accept this line as a testimony of the sincere esteem and

respect with which, &c.

"B. Franklin."*

* In conformity to Dr. Franklin's suggestion, previously made to Mr.
Oswald, the British ministry appointed separate commissions to negotiate
treaties of peace, as appears by the following extract from a letter written
by the Earl of Shelburne to Mr. Oswald.

" I hope to receive early assurances from you, that my confidence in the
sincerity and good faith of Dr. Franklin has not been misplaced, and that he
will concur wi*'- von in endeavouring to render effectual the great work, in

172 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [^Et. 76.

Friday, June 28M. M. de Rayneval called upon me,
and acquainted me, that the ministers had received in-
telligence from England, that, besides the orders given to
General Carleton to propose terms of reunion to America,
artful emissaries were sent over, to go through the country
and stir up the people to call on the Congress to accept
those terms, they being similar to those settling with Ire-
land ; that it would, therefore, be well for Mr. Jay and me
to write and caution Congress against these practices. He
said Count de Vergennes wished also to know what I had
written respecting the negotiation, as it would be well for
us to hold pretty near the same language. I told him, that
I did not apprehend the least danger that such emissaries
would meet with any success, or that the Congress would
make any treaty with General Carleton; that I would, how-
ever, write as he desired ; and Mr. Jay, coming in, prom-
ised the same. He said the courier would go to-morrow.
I accordingly wrote as follows to Mr. Secretary Livingston,
and to my friend Dr. Cooper.

which our hearts and wishes are so equally interested. You will observe,
that we have adopted his idea of the method to come to a general pacifica-
tion by treating separately with each party. I cannot but entertain a firm
reliance, that the appointment of the particular Commissioners will be no
less satisfactory to him. He has very lately warranted me to depend upon
that effect in the instance of your nomination, and he will not be surprised
at the choice of your colleague, Mr. Jackson, when he considers how very
conversant Mr. Jackson is with the subject of America, and how very sincere
a friend he has uniformly shown himself to be to the reestablishment of
peace and harmony between that country and this." — Whitehall, June 30th,
1782. MS.

Mr. Richard Jackson, who was associated with Mr. Oswald in the com-
mission, had been long connected with Dr. Franklin in the transaction of
Pennsylvania affairs in England, and is often mentioned in the earlier parts
of this correspondence. It is uncertain whether he accepted the appoint-
ment of commissioner. At any rate, he did not go to Paris, nor take any
part in the negotiation. — Ed.

Mr. 76. J FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 173

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

" Passy, 28 June, 1782.

"Sir,

"In mine of the 25th instant, I omitted mentioning, that,
at the repeated, earnest instances of Mr. Laurens, who had
given such expectations to the ministry in England, when
his parole or securities were discharged, as that he could
not think himself at liberty to act in public affairs, till the
parole of Lord Cornwallis was absolved by me in exchange,
I sent to that general the paper, of which the enclosed is a
copy ; and I see, by the English papers, that his Lordship,
immediately on the receipt of it, appeared at court, and has
taken his seat in the House of Peers, which he did not
before think was warrantable. My authority for doing this
appeared questionable to myself; but Mr. Laurens judged it
deducible from that respecting General Burgoyne, and, by
his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it was done, that
I ventured it, with a clause, however, as you will see,
reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of it.

" The Enabling Act is now said to be passed, but no copy
of it is yet received here, so that, as the bill first printed has
suffered alterations in passing through Parliament, and we
know not what they are, the treaty with us is not yet com-
menced. Mr. Grenville expects his courier in a few days,
with the answer of his court to a paper given him on the
part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer
understanding of the intentions of the British ministry,
which for some weeks past have appeared somewhat equivo-
cal and uncertain. It looks as if, since their late success in
the West Indies, they a little repented of the advances they

had made in their declarations respecting the acknowledg-
Voi.. III.— 18

174 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [iET. 76.

ment of our independence ; and we have pretty good in-
formation, that some of the ministers still flatter the King
with the hope of recovering his sovereignty over us, on the
same terms as are now making with Ireland. However
willing we might have been, at the commencement of this
contest, to have accepted such conditions, be assured we
can have no safety in them at present. The King hates us
most cordially. If he is once admitted to any degree of
power and government among us, however limited, it will
soon be extended by corruption, artifice, and force, till we
are reduced to absolute subjection, and that the more easily,
as, by receiving him again for our King, we shall draw upon
us the contempt of all Europe, who now admire and respect
us, and shall never again find a friend to assist us.

" There are, it is said, great divisions in the ministry on
other points as well as this, and those who aim at engross-
ing the power, flatter the King with this project of reunion,
and, it is said, have much reliance on the operations of
private agents sent into America to dispose minds there in
favor of it, and to bring about a separate treaty there with
General Carleton. I have not the least apprehension, that
Congress will give in to this scheme, it being inconsistent
with our treaties, as well as with our interest ; but I think it
will be well to watch the emissaries, and secure, or banish
immediately, such as shall be found tampering and stirring
up the people to call for it.

" The firm, united resolution of France, Spain, and
Holland, joined with ours, not to treat of a particular, but
a general peace, notwithstanding the separate tempting
offers to each, will in the end give us the command of that
peace. Every one of the other powers sees clearly its in-
terest in this, and persists in that resolution. The Con

j£t. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 175

gress, I am persuaded, are as clear-sighted as any of them,
and will not depart from the system, which has been at-
tended with so much success, and promises to make America
soon both great and happy.

"I have just received a letter from Mr. Laurens, dated at
Lyons, on his journey into the south of France for his
health. Mr. Jay will write also by this opportunity. With
great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

" B. Franklin."

TO SAMUEL COOPER.

" Passy, 28 June, 1782.
"Our public affairs are in a good situation here.

England, having tried in vain to make a separate peace
with each of the powers she is at war with, has at length
agreed to treat for a general peace with them all together ;
and at Paris. If we all continue firm in the resolution not
to separate, we shall command the terms. I have no doubt
of this steadiness here ; and though we are told, that en-
deavours are making on your side the water to induce
America to a reunion, on the terms now granting to Ire-
land, and that powers are sent to General Carleton for that
purpose, I am persuaded the danger of this project will
appear so evident, that, if offered, it will be immediately
rejected. We have no safety but in our independence;
with that we shall be respected, and soon become great and
happy. Without it, we shall be despised, lose all our friends,
and then either be cruelly oppressed by the King, who
hates, and is incapable of forgiving us, or, having all that
nation's enemies for ours, shall sink with it. I am ever,
my dear triend, yours most affectionately,

"B. Franklin."

176 JOURNAL OF NEGOTIATIONS [JEt. 76.

M. de Rayneval, who is Secretary to the Council of
State, called again in the evening. I gave him copies 01
the three preceding letters to peruse and show to Count de
Vergennes, to convince him that we held no underhand
dealings here. I own I had, at the same time, another view
in it, which was, that they should see I had been ordered to
demand further aids, and had forborne to make the de-
mands, with my reasons, hoping, that, if they could possi-
bly help us to more money, they might be induced to do it.

I had never made any visit to Count d'Aranda, the
Spanish ambassador, for reasons before mentioned. M. de
Rayneval told Mr. Jay and me this morning, that it would
be well for us to wait on him, and he had authority to as-
sure us we should be well received. We accordingly con-
cluded to wait on his Excellency the next morning.

Saturday, June 29th. We went together to the Spanish
ambassador's, who received us with great civility and polite-
ness. He spoke with Mr. Jay on the subject of the treaty
they were to make together, and mentioned in general, as
a principle, that the two powers should consider each other's
conveniency, and accommodate and compensate each other
as well as they could. That an exact compensation might,
perhaps, not be possible, but should be approached as
nearly as the nature of things would admit. "Thus," says
he, " if there is a certain thing which would be convenient
to each of us, but more convenient to one than to the other,
it should be given to the one to whom it would be most
convenient, and compensation made by giving another
thing to the other, for the same reason." I suppose he had
in view something relating to boundaries or territories, be
cause, he added, we will sit down together with maps in
our hands, and, by that means, shall see our way more

Mr. 76.] FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. ijj

clearly. I learned from him, that the expedition against
Providence had sailed, but no advice was yet received of its
success. On our going out, he took pains himself to open
the folding doors for us, which is a high compliment here ;
and told us he would return our visit (rendre son devoir)
and then fix a day with us for dining with him. I dined
with Mr. Jay and a company of Americans at his lodgings.
Saturday, July at. Mr. Grenville called on me.*

• Unfortunately, the Doctor's journal closes here.

i8»

CHAPTER IV.

Fabianism of the Ministry — Moravian Indians — Victory Medals — Wm
Temple Franklin's Salary — Sir Joseph Banks — Objections to Indemnify-
ing American Loyalists — Difficulties of Transatlantic Correspondence —
Preliminaries between France and England agreed on.

I782.

ro Henry I wonder a little at Mr. not acquaint-

Laurens, da- . , . , _

ted Passy, a mS vou whether your name was in the Com-
juiy, 1782. mission or not. I begin to suspect, from
various circumstances, that the British ministry, elated per-
haps too much by the success of Admiral Rodney, are not
in earnest to treat immediately, but rather wish delay.
They seem to hope, that further successes may enable them
to treat more advantageously; or, as some suppose, that
certain propositions to be made to Congress by General
Carleton may render a treaty here with us unnecessary. A
little bad news, which it is possible they may yet receive
from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right ;
and then we may enter seriously upon the treaty; other-
wise I conjecture it may not take place till after another
campaign. Mr. Jay is arrived here. Mr. Grenville and
Mr. Oswald continue here. Mr. Oswald has yet received
no commission ; and that of Mr. Grenville does not very

clearly comprehend us, according to British ideas; there-

178

Mt. 76.] MORAVIAN INDIANS. iyg

fore it requires explication. When I know more, you shall
have further information.

To james A letter written by you to M. Bertin, Mi-
ted Passy % n^stre d' Etat, containing an account of the
July, 1782. abominable murders committed by some of

the frontier people on the poor Moravian Indians, has
given me infinite pain and vexation. The dispensations of
Providence in this world puzzle my weak reason ; I cannot
comprehend why cruel men should have been permitted
thus to destroy their fellow creatures. Some of the Indians
may be supposed to have committed sins, but one cannot
think the little children had committed any worthy of
death. Why has a single man in England, who happens to
love blood and to hate Americans, been permitted to gratify
that bad temper by hiring German murderers, and, joining
them with his own, to destroy in a continued course of
bloody years near one hundred thousand human creatures,
many of them possessed of useful talents, virtues, and
abilities, to which he has no pretension ? It is he who has
furnished the savages with hatchets and scalping knives,
and engages them to fall upon our defenceless farmers, and
murder them with their wives and children, paying for
their scalps, of which the account kept in America already
amounts, as I have heard, to near two thousand 7

Perhaps the people of the frontiers, exasperated by the
cruelties of the Indians, have been induced to kill all Indians
that fall into their hands without distinction ; so that even
these horrid murders of our poor Moravians may be laid to
his charge. And yet this man lives, enjoys all the good
things this world can afford, and is surrounded by flatterers,
who keep even his conscience quiet by telling him he is the

j g0 ACCOUNTS WITH FRANCE. [At. 76

best of Princes ! I wonder at this, but I cannot therefore
part with the comfortable belief of a Divine Providence ;
and the more I see the impossibility, from the number and
extent of his crimes, of giving equivalent punishment to a
wicked man in this life, the more I am convinced of a
future state, in which all that here appears to be wrong
shall be set right, all that is crooked made straight. In
this faith let you and me, my dear friend, comfort our-
selves ; it is the only comfort, in the present dark scene of
things, that is allowed us.

To Robert r. The order of Congress, for liquidating the
datedgpa"sy accounts between this court and the United
ia Aug., 178a. States, was executed before it arrived. All the
accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, am-
munition, clothing, &c, furnished by government, were
brought in and examined, and a balance received, which
made the debt amount to the even sum of eighteen
millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King
is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr.
Morris. In reading it, you will discover several fresh
marks of the King's goodness towards us, amounting to the
value of near two millions. These, added to the free gifts
before made to us at different times, form an object of at
least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of
gratitude and friendship are expected. These, I hope, may
be everlasting. The constant good understanding between
France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence
of this crown towards them, afford us a well grounded hope
that our alliance may be as durable and as happy for both
nations ; there being strong reasons for our union, and no
crossing interests between us, I write fully to Mr. Morris

JEt. 76.] VICTORY MEDALS. \%\

on money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you
my letter, so that I need say the less to you on that subject.

The letter to the King was well received ; the accounts
of your rejoicings on the news of the Dauphin's birth gave
pleasure here ; as do the firm conduct of Congress in re-
fusing to treat with General Carleton, and the unanimous
resolutions of the Assemblies of different States on the same
subject. All ranks of this nation appear to be in good
humor with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe.
T understand from the Swedish ambassador, that their treaty
with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished;
our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with
Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis.

Your approbation of my idea of a medal, to perpetuate
the memory of York and Saratoga victories, gives me great
pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. I wish you
would acquaint me with what kind of a monument at York
the emblems required are to be fixed on ; whether an obe-
lisk or a column ; its dimensions ; whether any part of it is
to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether
the work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that
way which Paris affords ; and, if so, to what expense they
are to be limited. This puts me in mind of a monument I
got made here and sent to America, by order of Congress,
five years since. I have heard of its arrival, and nothing
more. It was admired here for its elegant antique sim-
plicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used in
its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall
in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has
been so long neglected ; it would, methinks, be well to in-
quire after it, and get it put up somewhere. Directions for
fixing it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The

!82 DELAYS IN NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. [<Et. 76.

inscription in the engraving is not on the monument ; it
was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a white
plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as
the Congress should think proper.*

Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England,
are sent home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will
be forwarded as soon as recovered. This eases us of a very
considerable charge.

I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the para-
graph of your letter which related to him. He is still here,
and, as there seems not so much likelihood of an active
campaign in America, he is probably more useful where he
is. His departure, however, though delayed, is not abso-
lutely laid aside.

The second changes in the ministry of England have
occasioned, or have afforded, pretences for various delays in
the negotiation for peace. Mr. Grenville had two succes-
sive imperfect commissions. He was at length recalled, and
Mr. Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him, with a com-
mission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and
Holland. Mr. Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter
from the new Secretary of State, that a commission, em-
powering him to treat with the Commissioners of Congress,
will pass the seals, and be sent him in a few days ; till he
arrives, this court will not proceed in its own negotiation.
I send the Enabling Act, as it is called. Mr. Jay will
acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanisl

* This was probably the monument ordered by Congress to be erected to
the memory of General Montgomery. Dr. Franklin was directed to procure
It in Paris, at an expense not exceeding three hundred pounds sterling. See
Journals of Congress, January 25/A, 1776. The monument was placed in
the portico of St. Paul's Church, in the city of New York. — S.

Mr. 76.] WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. Y%X

ambassador, respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I
will only mention, that my conjecture of that court's design
to coop us up within the Allegany Mountains is now mani-
fested. I hope Congress will insist on the Mississippi as
the boundary, and the free navigation of the river, from
which they could entirely exclude us.

To Robert r. You wish to know what allowance I make to
dltedgparsy, my Private secretary. My grandson, William
3 Sept., 178a. X. Franklin, came over with me, and served
me as a private secretary during the time of the Com-
missioners ; and no secretary to the commission arriving,
though we had been made to expect one, he did business
for us all, and this without any allowance for his services,
though both Mr. Lee and Mr. Deane at times mentioned
it to me as a thing proper to be done, and in justice due to
him. When I became appointed sole minister here, and
the whole business, which the Commissioners had before
divided with me, came into my hands, I was obliged to
exact more service from him, and he was indeed, by being
so long in the business, become capable of doing more. At
length, in the beginning of the year 1781, when he became
of age, considering his constant close attention to the duties
required, and his having thereby missed the opportunity of
studying the law, for which he had been intended, I deter-
mined to make him some compensation for the time past,
and fix some compensation for the time to come, till the
pleasure of Congress respecting him should be known. I
accordingly settled an account with him, allowing him from
the beginning of December, 1776, to the end of 1777, the
sum of three thousand four hundred livres ; and for the
year 1778, the sum of four thousand livres; for 1779, four

jg4 WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. [jEt. 76.

thousand eight hundred livres; and for 1780, six thousand
livres. Since that time I have allowed him at the rate of
three hundred louis per annum, being what I saw had been
allowed by Congress to the secretary of Mr. William Lee,
who could not have had, I imagine, a fourth part of the
business to go through ; since my secretary, besides the
writing and copying the papers relative to my common
ministerial transactions, has had all those occasioned by my
acting in the various employments of judge of admiralty,
consul, purchaser of goods for the public, &c. &c, besides
that of accepting the Congress bills, a business that requires
being always at home, bills coming by post, from different
ports and countries, and often requiring immediate answers,
whether good or not ; and to that end, it being necessary
to examine by the books, exactly kept of all preceding
acceptances, in order to detect double presentations, which
happen very frequently. The great number of these bills
makes almost sufficient business for one person, and the
confinement they occasion is such, that we cannot allow
ourselves a day's excursion into the country, and the want
of exercise has hurt our healths in several instances.

The Congress pay much larger salaries to some secretaries,
who, I believe, deserve them; but not more than my grand-
son does the comparatively small one I have allowed to him,
his fidelity, exactitude, and address in transacting business,
being really what one could wish in such an officer ; and
the genteel appearance a young gentleman in his station is
obliged to make, requiring at least such an income. I do
not mention the extraordinary business that has been im-
posed upon us in this embassy, as a foundation for demand-
ing higher salaries than others. I never solicited for a
public office, either for myself, or any relation, yet I nevet

Ml. 76.] CONTINGENT EXPENSES. ^5

refused one, that I was capable of executing, when public
service was in question ; and I never bargained for salary,
but contented myself with whatever my constituents were
pleased to allow me. The Congress will therefore consider
every article charged in my account, distinct from the
salary originally voted, not as what I presume to insist
upon, but as what I propose only for their consideration,
and they will allow what they think proper.

You desire an accurate estimate of those contingent ex-
penses. I enclose copies of two letters,* which passed
between Mr. Adams and me on the subject, and show the
articles of which they consist. Their amount in different
years may be found in my accounts, except the article of
house rent, which has never yet been settled ; M. de Chau-
mont, our landlord, having originally proposed to leave it
till the end of the war, and then to accept for it a piece of
American land from the Congress, such as they might judge
equivalent. If the Congress did intend all contingent
charges whatever to be included in the salary, and do not
think proper to pay on the whole so much, in that case I
would humbly suggest, that the saving may be most con-
veniently made by a diminution of the salary, leaving the
contingencies to be charged ; because they may necessarily
be very different in different years, and at different courts.

I have been more diffuse on this subject, as your letter
gave occasion for it, and it is probably the last time I shall
mention it.

To sir Joseph I have just received the very kind, friendly

Passy 0 Sep- letter vou were so good as to write to me by
tember, 1782. Dr. Broussonnet. Be assured, that I long

* See vol. ii. p. 447, note. — Ed.
Vol. III. — 19 K

1 86 SIR JOSEPH BANK'S. [JEt. 76.

earnestly for a return of those peaceful times, when I could
sit down in sweet society with my English philosophical
friends, communicating to each other new discoveries, and
proposing improvements of old ones; all tending to extend
the power of man over matter, avert or diminish the evils
he is subject to, or augment the number of his enjoy-
ments. Much more happy should I be thus employed
in your most desirable company, than in that of all the
grandees of the earth projecting plans of mischief, how-
ever necessary they may be supposed for obtaining greater
good.

I am glad to learn by the Doctor that your great
work goes on. I admire your magnanimity in the un-
dertaking, and the perseverance with which you have
prosecuted it.

I join with you most perfectly in the charming wish you
so well express, " that such measures may be taken by both
parties as may tend to the elevation of both, rather than
the destruction of either." If any thing has happened
endangering one of them, my comfort is, that I endeav-
oured earnestly to prevent it, and gave honest, faithful
advice, which, if it had been regarded, would have been
effectual. And still, if proper means are used to produce,
not only peace, but what is much more interesting, a
thorough reconciliation, a few years may heal the wounds
that have been made in our happiness, and produce a
degree of prosperity of which at present we can hardly form
a conception.

To Robert r. In my last of the 26th past, I mentioned
dated Parii tnat tne negotiation for peace had been ob-
14 Oct., 1782. structed by the want of due form in the

Mr. 76.] BASIS OF NEGOTIATIONS. \%y

English commissions appointing their plenipotentiaries.
In that for treating with us, the mentioning of our States
by their public name had been avoided, which we objected
to ; another is come, of which I send a copy enclosed. We
have now made several preliminary propositions, which the
English minister, Mr. Oswald, has approved, and sent to
his court. He thinks they will be approved there, but I
have some doubts. In a few days, however, the answer
expected will determine. By the first of these articles, the
King of Great Britain renounces, for himself and successors,
all claim and pretension to dominion or territory within
the Thirteen United States ; and the boundaries are de-
scribed as in our instructions, except that the line between
Nova Scotia and New England is to be settled by commis-
sioners after the peace. By another article, the fishery in the
American seas is to be freely exercised by the Americans,
wherever they might formerly exercise it while united with
Great Britain. By another, the citizens and subjects of
each nation are to enjoy the same protection and privileges
in each others' ports and countries, respecting commerce,
duties, &c, that are enjoyed by native subjects. The articles
are drawn up very fully by Mr. Jay, who I suppose sends you
a copy ; if not, it will go by the next opportunity. If these
articles are agreed to, I apprehend little difficulty in the
rest. Something has been mentioned about the refugees
and English debts, but not insisted on ; as we declared at
once, that, whatever confiscations had been made in America,
being in virtue of the laws of particular States, the Congress
had no authority to repeal those laws, and therefore could
give us none to stipulate for such repeal.

I have been honored with the receipt of your letters, Nos.
14 and 15. I have also received two letters from Mr. Lewi?

!88 MINISTERS' SALARIES. [^Et. 76

R. Morris, both dated the 6th of July, and one dated the
10th of August, enclosing bills for

68,290 livres,

9>756

In all 149,426 livres,
being intended for the payment of ministers' salaries for
the two first quarters of this year. But, as these bills came
so late, that all those salaries were already paid, I shall
make no use of the bills, but lay them by till further orders ;
and, the salaries of different ministers not having all the
same times of falling due, as they had different commence-
ments, I purpose to get all their accounts settled and re-
duced to the same period, and send you the state of them,
that you may be clear in future orders. I see in one of the
estimates sent me, that a quarter's salary of a minister is
reckoned at 14,513 livres, in the other it is reckoned 16,667
livres, and the bill for 9,756* livres is mentioned as intended
to pay a balance due on the remittance of the 68,290 livres.
Being unacquainted with the state of your exchange, I do
not well comprehend this, and therefore leave the whole
for the present, as I have said above. Permit me only to
hint for your consideration, whether it may not be well
hereafter to omit mention of sterling in our appointments,
since we have severed from the country to which that de-
nomination of money is peculiar; and also to order the
payment of your ministers in such a manner, that they may
know exactly what they are to receive, and not be subject
to the fluctuations of exchange. If it is that, which occa-

* This was not merely to pay a balance, but an excess on account of con-
tingencies.— Note by Mr. Livingston.

Mr. 76.] RETRIBUTION FOR THE ROYALISTS. i%g

sions the difference between 14,513 for the first quarter,
and the 16,667 f°r tne second, it is considerable. I think
we have no right to any advantage by the exchange, nor
should we be liable to any loss from it. Hitherto we have
taken 15,000 for a quarter, (subject however to the allow-
ance or disallowance of Congress,) which is lower than the
medium between those two extremes.

The different accounts given of Lord Shelburne's char-
acter, with respect to sincerity, induced the minister here
to send over M. de Rayneval, Secretary to the Council, to
converse with him, and endeavour to form by that means a
more perfect judgment of what was to be expected from the
negotiations. He was five or six days in England, saw all
the ministers, and returned quite satisfied, that they are
sincerely desirous of peace, so that the negotiations now go
on with some prospect of success. But the court and people
of England are very changeable. A little turn of fortune
in their favor sometimes turns their heads ; and I shall not
think a speedy peace to be depended on till I see the treaties
signed.

To Richard You may well remember, that in the begin-
tedWpas'sy a6 mnS of our conferences, before the other Com-
Nov., 1782.; missioners arrived, on your mentioning to me a
retribution for the Royalists, whose estates had been confis-
cated, I acquainted you that nothing of that kind could be
stipulated by us, the confiscation being made by virtue of
laws of particular States, which the Congress had no power
to contravene or dispense with, and therefore could give us
no such authority in our commission. And I gave it as
my opinion and advice, honestly and cordially, that, if a
reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made
J9*

jOO AMERICAN LOYALISTS. |"^T. 76

in our negotiations of those people ; for, they having done
infinite mischief to our properties, by wantonly burning
and destroying farm houses, villages, towns, if compensa-
tion for their losses were insisted on, we should certainly
exhibit again an account of all the ravages they had com-
mitted, which would necessarily recall to view scenes of
barbarity, that must inflame, instead of conciliating, and
tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of
extinguishing. Understanding, however, from you, that
this was a point your ministry had at heart, I wrote con-
cerning it to Congress, and I have lately received the fol-
lowing resolution, viz.

"By the United States in Congress assembled.

" September 10th, 1782.

"Resolved, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be,
and he is hereby, directed to obtain, as speedily as possible,
authentic returns of the slaves and other property, which
have been carried off or destroyed in the course of the war
by the enemy, and to transmit the same to the ministers
plenipotentiary for negotiating peace.

"Resolved, That, in the mean time, the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs inform the said ministers, that many thou
sands of slaves, and other property, to a very great amount,
have been carried off, or destroyed, by the enemy ; and
that, in the opinion of Congress, the great loss of property,
which the citizens of the United States have sustained by
the enemy, will be considered by the several States as an
insuperable bar to their making restitution or indemnifica-
tion to the former owners of property, which has been, or
may be forfeited to, or confiscated by, any of the States.'

In consequence of these resolutions and circular letters

Mt. 76.] AMERICAN LOYALISTS. mi

of the Secretary, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, then sit-
ting, passed the following act, viz.

" Whereas great damages, of the most wanton nature,
have been committed by the armies of the King of Great
Britain, or their adherents, within the territory of the
United States of North America, unwarranted by the prac-
tice of civilized nations, and only to be accounted for from
the vindictive spirit of the said King and his officers ; and
whereas an accurate account and estimate of such damages,
more especially the waste and destruction of property, may
be very useful to the people of the United States of America,
in forming a future treaty of peace, and, in the mean time,
may serve to exhibit in a true light to the nations of Europe
the conduct of the said King, his ministers, officers, and ad-
herents ; to the end, therefore, that proper measures be
taken to ascertain the damages aforesaid, which have been
done to the citizens and inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the
course of the present war within this State ; Be it enacted
by the House of Representatives of the freemen of the com-
monwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and
by the authority of the same, that in every county of this
State, which has been invaded by the armies, soldiers, or
adherents of the King of Great Britain, the Commissioners
of every such county shall immediately meet together, each
within their county, and issue directions to the assessors of
the respective townships, districts, and places within such
county, to call upon the inhabitants of every township and
place, to furnish accounts and estimates of the damages,
waste, spoil, and destruction, which have been done and
committed as aforesaid, upon the property, real or personal,
within the same township or place, since the first day of
, which was in the year of our Lord 177 , and the
same accounts and estimates to be transmitted to the Com-
missioners without delay. And, if any person or persons

\g2 AMERICAN LOYALISTS. [^t. 76.

shall refuse or neglect to make out such accounts and esti-
mates, the said assessors of the township or place shall, from
their own knowledge, and by any other reasonable and law-
ful method, take and render such an account and estimate
of all damage done or committed, as aforesaid ; Provided
always, that all such accounts and estimates, to be made
out and transmitted as aforesaid, shall contain a narrative
of the time and circumstances ; and, if in the power of the
person aggrieved, the names of the general, or other officers
or adherents, of the enemy, by whom the damage in any
case was done, or under whose orders the army, detach-
ment, party, or persons, committing the same, acted at
that time ; and also the name and condition of the person
or persons, whose property was so damaged or destroyed ;
and that all such accounts and estimates be made in current
money, upon oath or affirmation of the sufferer, or of others
having knowledge concerning the same; and that in every
case it be set forth, whether the party injured hath received
any satisfaction for his loss, and by whom the same was
given.

"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that the said Commissioners, having obtained the said
accounts and estimates from the assessor of the several
townships and places, shall proceed to inspect and register
the same in a book, to be provided for that purpose, dis-
tinguishing the districts and townships, and entering those
of each place together; and if any account and estimate be
imperfect, or not sufficiently verified and established, the
said Commissioners shall have power, and they, or any two
of them, are hereby authorized, to summon and compel any
person, whose evidence they shall think necessary, to appear
before them at a day and place appointed, to be summoned
upon oath or affirmation, concerning any damage or injury
as aforesaid ; and the said Commissioners shall, upon the
call and demand of the President or Vice-President of the

/Ex. 76.] AMERICAN LOYALISTS. ig$

Supreme Executive Council, deliver, or send, to the Secre-
tary of the said Council all or any of the original accounts
and estimates aforesaid, and shall also deliver, or send, to
the said Secretary copies of the book aforesaid, or any part
or parts thereof, upon reasonable notice. And be it further
enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all losses of negro
or mulatto slaves and servants, who have been deluded and
carried away by the enemies of the United States, and have
not been recovered or recompensed, shall be comprehended
within the accounts and estimates aforesaid ; and that the
Commissioners and assessors of any county, which had not
been invaded as aforesaid, shall nevertheless inquire after,
and procure accounts and estimates of any damages suffered
by the loss of such servants and slaves, as is herein before
directed as to other property.

"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that the charges and expenses of executing this act, as to
the pay of the said Commissioners and assessors, shall be as
in other cases ; and that witnesses shall be rewarded for
their loss of time and trouble, as witnesses summoned to
appear in the courts of quarter sessions of the peace ; and
the said charges and expenses shall be defrayed by the
Commonwealth; but paid, in the first instance, out of the
hands of the Treasurer of the county, for county rates, and
levies upon orders drawn by the Commissioners of the
proper county.1

We have not yet had time to hear what has been done by
the other Assemblies ; but I have no doubt that similar acts
will be made use of by all of them, and that the mass of
evidence produced by the execution of those acts, not only
of the enormities committed by those people, under the
direction of the British generals, but of those committed
by the British troops themselves, will form a record, that

K»

IQ4 AMERICAN LOYALISTS. [JEt. 76.

must render the British name odious in America to the latest
generations. In that authentic record will be found the
burning of the fine towns of Charlestown, near Boston ; of
Falmouth, just before winter, when the sick, the aged, the
women and children, were driven to seek shelter where they
could hardly find it ; of Norfolk, in the midst of winter ;
of New London, of Fairfield, of Esopus, &c, besides near
a hundred and fifty miles of well settled country laid waste ;
every house and barn burnt, and many hundreds of farmers,
with their wives and children, butchered and scalped.

The present British ministers, when they reflect a little,
will certainly be too equitable to suppose, that their nation
has a right to make an unjust war (which they have always
allowed this against us to be), and do all sorts of unneces-
sary mischief, unjustifiable by the practice of any individual
people, which those they make war with are to suffer with-
out claiming any satisfaction ; but that, if Britons, or their
adherents, are in return deprived of any property, it is to
be restored to them, or they are to be indemnified. The
British troops can never excuse their barbarities. They
were unprovoked. The Loyalists may say in excuse of
theirs, that they were exasperated by the loss of their estates,
and it was revenge. They have then had their revenge.
Is it right they should have both ?

Some of those people may have merit in their regard for
Britain, and who espoused her cause from affection ; these
it may become you to reward. But there are many of them
who were waverers, and were only determined to engage in
it by some occasional circumstance or appearances ; these
have not much of either merit or demerit ; and there are
others, who have abundance of demerit respecting your
country, having by their falsehoods and misrepresentations

Mr. 76.] AMERICAN LOYALISTS. jgr

brought on and encouraged the continuance of the war;
these, instead of being recompensed, should be punished.

It is usual among Christian people at war to profess always
a desire of peace ; but, if the ministers of one of the parties
choose to insist particularly on a certain article, which they
have known the others are not and cannot be empowered to
agree to, what credit can they expect should be given to
such professions?

Your ministers require, that we should receive again into
our bosom those who have been our bitterest enemies, and
restore their properties who have destroyed ours, and this,
while the wounds they have given us are still bleeding ! It
is many years since your nation expelled the Stuarts and
their adherents, and confiscated their estates. Much of
your resentment against them may by this time be abated ;
yet, if we should propose it, and insist on it as an article
of our treaty with you, that that family should be recalled
and the forfeited estates of its friends restored, would you
think us serious in our professions of earnestly desiring
peace ?

I must repeat my opinion, that it is best for you to drop
all mention of the refugees. We have proposed, indeed,
nothing but what we think best for you as well as ourselves.
But, if you will have them mentioned, let it be in an article,
in which you may provide, that they shall exhibit accounts
of their losses to the Commissioners, hereafter to be ap-
pointed, who should examine the same, together with the
accounts now preparing in America of the damages done
by them, and state the account ; and that, if a balance
appears in their favor, it shall be paid by us to you, and Dy
you divided among them as you shall think proper ; and if
the balance is found due to us, it shall be paid by you.

igb DIFFICULTIES OF CORRESPONDENCE, [iET. 76.

Give me leave, however, to advise you to prevent the
necessity of so dreadful a discussion by dropping the article,
that we may write to America and stop the inquiry.

To Robert r. I am honored by your several letters, dated
datedBPMsy, September 5th, 13th, 15th, and 18th. I be-
5 Dec, 1782. lieve that the complaints you make in them,
of my not writing, may ere now have appeared less neces-
sary, as many of my letters written before those complaints
must have since come to hand. I will nevertheless men-
tion some of the difficulties your ministers meet with, in
keeping up a regular and punctual correspondence. We
are far from the seaports, and not well informed, and often
misinformed, about the sailing of vessels. Frequently we
are told they are to sail in a week or two, and often they
lie in the ports for months after, with our letters on board,
either waiting for convoy, or for other reasons. The post-
office here is an unsafe conveyance ; many of the letters we
receive by it have evidently been opened, and doubtless the
same happens to those we send ; and, at this time particu-
larly, there is so violent a curiosity in all kinds of people
to know something relating to the negotiations, and whether
peace may be expected, or a continuance of the war, that
there are few private hands or travellers, that we can trust
with carrying our despatches to the seacoast ; and I imagine,
that they may sometimes be opened and destroyed, because
they cannot be well sealed.

Again, the observation you make, that the Congress
ministers in Europe seem to form themselves into a privy
council, transacting affairs without the privity or concur-
rence of the sovereign, may be in some respects just ; but it
fhould be considered, that, if they do not write as frequently

^!t. 76.] DIFFICULTIES OF CORRESPONDENCE, igy

as other ministers here do to their respective courts, or if,
when they write, their letters are not regularly received,
the greater distance of the seat of war, and the extreme
irregularity of conveyances may be the causes, and not a
desire of acting without the knowledge or orders of their
constituents. There is no European court, to which an
express cannot be sent from Paris in ten or fifteen days,
and from most of them answers may be obtained in that
time. There is, I imagine, no minister, who would not
think it safer to act by orders than from his own discretion ;
and yet, unless you leave more to the discretion of your
ministers in Europe than courts usually do, your affairs may
sometimes suffer extremely from the distance, which, in the
time of war especially, may make it five or six months before
the answer to a letter shall be received. I suppose the min-
ister from this court will acquaint Congress with the King's
sentiments respecting their very handsome present of a ship
of the line. People in general here are much pleased
with it.

I communicated, together with my memoir demanding a
supply of money, copies of every paragraph in your late
letters, which express so strongly the necessity of it. I have
been constant in my solicitations both directly, and through
the Marquis de Lafayette, who has employed himself dili-
gently and warmly in the business. The negotiations for
peace are, I imagine, one cause of the great delay and inde-
cision on this occasion beyond what has been usual, as the
quantum may be different if those negotiations do or do not
succeed. We have not yet learned what we may expect.
M e have been told that we shall be aided, but it cannot be
to the extent demanded ; six millions have been mentioned,

but not as a sum fixed. The minister tells me still, that he
Vol. III. — 20

igS DIFFICULTIES OF CORRESPONDENCE. [J»i. 70.

is working upon the subject, but cannot yet give a determi-
native answer. I know his good will to do the best for us
that is possible.

It is in vain for me to repeat again what I have so often
written, and what I find taken so little notice of, that there
are bounds to every thing, and that the faculties of this
nation are limited like those of all other nations. Some of
you seem to have established as maxims the suppositions,
that France has money enough for all her occasions, and all
ours besides ; and that, if she does not supply us, it is
owing to her want of will, or to my negligence. As to the
first, I am sure it is not true ; and to the second, I can only
say I should rejoice as much as any man in being able to
obtain more; and I shall also rejoice in the greater success
of those who may take my place. You desire to be very
particularly acquainted with "every step which tends to
negotiation." I am, therefore, encouraged to send you the
first part of the "Journal," which accidents, and a long,
severe illness interrupted ; but which, from notes I have by
me, may be continued if thought proper. In its present state,
it is hardly fit for the inspection of Congress, certainly not
for public view. I confide it therefore to your prudence.*

The arrival of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Laurens
has relieved me from much anxiety, which must have con-
tinued, if I had been left to finish the treaty alone ; and it
has given me the more satisfaction, as I am sure the busi-
ness has profited by their assistance.

Much of the summer has been taken up in objecting
against the powers given by Great Britain, and in removing
those objections. The not using any expressions, that

* See this Journal, supra, p. 166.

JEt. 76.] PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. 199

might imply an acknowledgment of our independence,
seemed at first industriously to be avowed. But our re-
fusing otherwise to treat, at length induced them to get
over that difficulty, and then we came to the point of
making propositions. Those made by Mr. Jay and me
before the arrival of the other gentlemen, you will find in
the paper A, which was sent by the British plenipotentiary
to London for the King's consideration. After some weeks,
an under-secretary, Mr. Strachey, arrived, with whom we
had much contestation about the boundaries and other
articles, which he proposed and we settled ; some of which
he carried to London, and returned with the propositions,
some adopted, others omitted or altered, and new ones
added, which you will see in paper B. We spent many
days in disputing, and at length agreed on and signed the
preliminaries, which you will see by this conveyance. The
British minister struggled hard for two points, that the
favors granted to the loyalists should be extended, and all
our fishery contracted. We silenced them on the first, by
threatening to produce an account of the mischief done
by those people ; and as to the second, when they told us
they could not possibly agree to it as we requested it, and
must refer it to the ministry in London, we produced a
new article to be referred at the same time, with a note of
facts in support of it, which you have, C* Apparently,

* The papers alluded to in this letter may be found in the Diplomatic
Correspondence, Vol. X. pp. 88, 94, 106. The paper marked C was drawn
up by Dr. Franklin, and is as follows.

ARTICLE PROPOSED AND READ TO THE COMMISSIONERS BEFORE
SIGNING THE PRELIMINARY ARTICLES.

" It is agreed, that his Britannic Majesty will earnestly recommend it to
his Parliament to provide for and make a compensation to the merchants
and shopkeepers of Boston, whose goods and merchandise were seized and

200 PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. [Mr. 76.

it seemed, that, to avoid the discussion of this, tney sud-
denly changed their minds, dropped the design of recurring
to London, and agreed to allow the fishery as demanded.

taken out of their stores, warehouses, and shops, by order of General Gage
and others of his commanders and officers there ; and also to the inhabit-
ants of Philadelphia, for the goods taken away by his army there ; and to
make compensation, also, for the tobacco, rice, indigo, and negroes, &c,
seized and carried off by his armies under Generals Arnold, Cornwallis,
and others, from the States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and
Georgia, and also for all vessels and cargoes, belonging to the inhabitants
of the said United States, which were stopped, seized, or taken, either in
the ports, or on the seas, by his governors, or by his ships of war, before
the declaration of war against the said States.

"And it is further agreed, that his Britannic Majesty will also earnestly
recommend it to his Parliament to make compensation for all the towns,
villages, and farms, burnt and destroyed by his troops, or adherents, in the
said United States.

FACTS.

" There existed a free commerce, upon mutual faith, between Great
Britain and America. The merchants of the former credited the merchants
and planters of the latter with great quantities of goods, on the common
expectation, that the merchants, having sold the goods, would make the
accustomed remittances ; that the planters would do the same by the labor
of their negroes, and the produce of that labor, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.

" England, before the goods were sold in America, sends an armed force,
ieizes those goods in the stores ; some even in the ships that brought them,
and carries them off; seizes, also, and carries off the tobacco, rice, and
indigo, provided by the planters to make returns, and even the negroes,
from whose labor they might hope to raise other produce for that purpose.

" Britain now demands that the debts shall, nevertheless, be paid.

" Will she, can she, justly, refuse making compensation for such seizures?

" If a draper, who had sold a piece of linen to a neighbour on credit,
should follow him, and take the linen from him by force, and then send a
bailiff to arrest him for the debt, would any court of law or equity award
the payment of the debt, without ordering a restitution of the cloth ?

" Will not the debtors in America cry out, that, if this compensation be
not made, they were betrayed by the pretended credit, and are now doubly
ruined ; first, by the enemy, and then by the negotiators at Paris, the goods
and negroes sold them being taken from them, with all they had besides, and
they are now to be obliged to pay for what they have been robbed of?"-

Mr. 76.] PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. 2OI

You will find in the preliminaries some inaccurate and
ambiguous expressions, that want explanation, and which
may be explained in the definitive treaty; and, as the
British ministry excluded our proposition relating to com-
merce, and the American prohibition of that with England
may not be understood to cease merely by our concluding
a treaty of peace, perhaps we may then, if the Congress
shall think fit to direct it, obtain some compensation for
the injuries done us, as a condition of our opening again
the trade. Every one of the present British ministry has,
while in the ministry, declared the war against us as unjust,
and nothing is clearer in reason, than that those, who in-
jure others by an unjust war, should make full reparation
They have stipulated too, in these preliminaries, that, in
evacuating our towns, they shall carry off no plunder,
which is a kind of acknowledgment that they ought not to
have done it before.

The reason given us for dropping the article relating to
commerce was, that some statutes were in the way, which
must be repealed before a treaty of that kind could be well
formed, and that this was a matter to be considered in
Parliament.

They wanted to bring their boundary down to the Ohio,
and to settle their loyalists in the Illinois country. We did
not choose such neighbours.

We communicated all the articles, as soon as they were

signed, to Count de Vergennes, (except the separate one,)

who thinks we have managed well, and told me, that we

had settled what was most apprehended as a difficulty in

the work of a general peace, by obtaining the declaration

of our independency.

December \Afth. I have this day learned, that the prin-
20*

202 PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. [At. fa

cipal preliminaries between France and England are agreed
on, to wit ;

1. France is to enjoy the right of fishing and drying on
all the west coast of Newfoundland, down to Cape Ray.
Miquelon and St. Pierre to be restored, and may be for-
tified.

2. Senegal remains to France, and Goree to be restored.
The Gambia entirely to England.

3. All the places taken from France in the East Indies
to be restored, with a certain quantity of territory round
them.

4. In the West Indies, Grenada and the Grenadines, St.
Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat, to be restored to
England ; St. Lucia to France. Dominique to remain with
France, and St. Vincent's to be neutralized.

5. No Commissioner at Dunkirk.

The points not yet quite settled are the territory round
the places in the Indies, and neutralization of St. Vincent's.
Apparently these will not create much difficulty.

Holland has yet hardly done any thing in her negotia-
tion.

Spain offers for Gibraltar to restore West Florida and the
Bahamas. An addition is talked of the Island of Guada-
loupe, which France will cede to Spain in exchange for the
other half of Hispaniola, and Spain to England, but Eng-
land, it is said, chose rather Porto Rico. Nothing yet
concluded.

As soon as I received the commission and instructions
for treating with Sweden, I waited on the ambassador here,
who told me he daily expected a courier on that subject.
Vesterday he wrote a note to acquaint me, that he would
call on me to-day, having something to communicate to

/€t. 76.] PAINE TO RA YNAL 203

me. Being obliged to go to Paris, I waited on him, when
he showed me the full powers he had just received, and I
showed him mine. We agreed to meet on Wednesday
next, exchange copies, and proceed to business. His com-
mission has some polite expressions in it, to wit ; " that
his Majesty thought it for the good of his subjects to enter
into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United
States of America, who had established their independence,
so justly merited, by their courage and constancy;" or to
that effect. I imagine this treaty will be soon completed ;
if any difficulty should arise, I shall take the advice of my
colleagues.

I thank you for the copies of Mr. Paine's letter to the
Abbe Raynal, which I have distributed into good hands.
The errors we see in histories of our times and affairs
weaken our faith in ancient history. M. Hilliard d'Auber-
teuil has here written another history of our revolution :
which, however, he modestly calls an Essay, and, fearing
that there may be errors, and wishing to have them cor-
rected, that his second edition may be more perfect, he
has brought me six sets, which he desires me to put into
such hands in America, as may be good enough to render
him and the public that service. I send them to you
for that purpose, by Captain Barney, desiring that one set
may be given to Mr. Paine, and the rest where you please.
There is a quarto set in the parcel, which please to accept
from me.

I have this day signed a common letter to you drawn up
by my colleagues, which you will receive herewith. We
have kept this vessel longer for two things, a passport
promised us from England, and a sum to send in her; but
she is likely to depart without both, being all of us im-

204 ASKS HIS NUNC DIM1TTIS. [JEt. 76.

patient that Congress should receive early intelligence
of our proceedings, and for the money we may probably
borrow a frigate.

I am now entering on my seventy-eighth year ; public
business has engrossed fifty of them ; I wish now to be, for
the little time I have left, my own master. If I live to see
this peace concluded, I shall beg leave to remind the Con-
gress of their promise then to dismiss me. I shall be happy
to sing with old Simeon, Now lett est thou thy servant depart
in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. With great
esteem, &c.

CHAPTER V.

Misunderstanding between Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin — The
Signing of the Preliminary Treaty — Suggests his Grandson for a Diplo-
matic Appointment — Mr. Jefferson appointed Minister to France — De-
finitive Treaty of Peace.

I782-I783.

To Count de I received the letter your Excellency did me

Vcrtjcnncs

dated Passy, tne nonor of writing to me on the 15th in-

17 December, stant.* The proposal of having a passport
1782.

from England was agreed to by me the more

* The letter referred to here ran as follows :

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Versailles, 15 December, 1782.
SIR,

I cannot but be surprised, that, after the explanation I have had with you,
and the promise you gave, that you would not press the application for an
English passport for the sailing of the packet Washington, you now inform
me, that you have received the passport, and that at ten o'clock to-morrow
morning your courier will set out to carry your despatches. I am at a loss,
Sir, to explain your conduct, and that of your colleagues on this occasion.
You have concluded your preliminary articles without any communication
between us, although the instructions from Congress prescribe, that nothing
shall be done without the participation of the King. You are about to hold
out a certain hope of peace to America, without even informing yourself on
the state of the negotiation on our part.

You are wise and discreet, Sir ; you perfectly understand what is due to
propriety ; y<j 1 have all your life performed your duties. I pray you to
eonsider how you propose to fulfil those, which are due to the King ? I

205

2o6 COMPLAINT OF VKRGENNES. [JEt. 76

willingly, as I at that time had hopes of obtaining some
money to send in the Washington, and the passport would
have made its transportation safer, with that of our
despatches, and of yours also, if you had thought fit to
make use of the occasion. Your Excellency objected, as 1
understood it, that the English ministers, by their letters
sent in the same ship, might convey inconvenient expec-
tations into America. It was therefore I proposed not to
press for the passport, till your preliminaries were also
agreed to. They have sent the passport without being
pressed to do it, and they have sent no letters to go under
it, and ours will prevent the inconvenience apprehended.
In a subsequent conversation, your Excellency mentioned
your intention of sending some of the King's cutters,
whence I imagined, that detaining the Washington was no
longer necessary ; and it was certainly incumbent on us to
give Congress as early an account as possible of our pro-
ceedings, who will think it extremely strange to hear of
them by other means, without a line from us. I acquainted
your Excellency, however, with our intention of despatch-
ing that ship, supposing you might possibly have something
to send by her.

Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary
to the interests of France ; and no peace is to take place
between us and England, till you have concluded yours.
Your observation is, however, apparently just, that, in not
consulting you before they were signed, we have been
guilty of neglecting a point of bienseance. But, as this was

am not desirous of enlarging these reflections ; I commit them to your own
integrity. When you shall be pleased to relieve my uncertainty, I will en-
treat the King to enable me to answer your demands. I have the honor to
be, Sir, with sincere regard, &c. De VERGENNES.

Mr. 76.] COMPLAINT OF VERGENNES. 20J

not from want of respect for the King, whom we all love
and honor, we hope it will be excused, and that the great
work, which has hitherto been so happily conducted, is so
nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his
reign, will not be ruined by a single indiscretion of ours.
And certainly the whole edifice sinks to the ground imme-
diately, if you refuse on that account to give us any
further assistance.

We have not yet despatched the ship, and I beg leave to
wait upon you on Friday for your answer.

It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than 1
am, of what I and every American owe to the King, for the
many and great benefits and favors he has bestowed upon
us. All my letters to America are proofs of this ; all tend-
ing to make the same impressions on the minds of my
countrymen, that I felt in my own. And I believe, that
no Prince was ever more beloved and respected by his own
subjects, than the King is by the people of the United
States. The English, I just now learn, flatter themselves
they have already divided us. I hope this little misunder-
standing will therefore be kept a secret, and that they will
find themselves totally mistaken.*

* FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.t

Versailles, 19 December, 1782.
SIR,

With this letter I have the honor to send you a translation of the pre-
liminary articles, which the American Plenipotentiaries have agreed to and
signed with those of Great Britain, to be made into a treaty when the
terms of peace between France and England shall be settled.

You will surely be gratified, as well as myself, with the very extensive
advantages, which our allies, the Americans, are to receive from the peace ;
felt you certainly will not be less surprised than I have been, at the conduct

f M. de la Luzerne was at this time the French minister in the United State*.— Elk

208 COMPLAINT OF VERGENNES. [JEt. 76.

To Robert When I wrote to you on the 14th, I expected

Passy, 33 De- to nave despatched the Washington immedi-

cember, 178a. ately, though without any money. A little

of the Commissioners. According to the instructions of Congress, they
ought to have done nothing without our participation. I have informed
you, that the King did not seek to influence the negotiation any further
than his offices might be necessary to his friends. The American Com-
missioners will not say that I have interfered, and much less that I have
wearied them with my curiosity. They have cautiously kept themselves at
a distance from me. Mr. Adams, one of them, coming from Holland, where
he had been received and served by our ambassador, had been in Paris
nearly three weeks, without imagining that he owed me any mark of atten-
tion, and probably I should not have seen him till this time, if I had not
caused him to be reminded of it.* Whenever I have had occasion to see
any one of them, and inquire of them briefly respecting the progress of the
negotiation, they have constantly clothed their speech in generalities, giving
me to understand that it did not go forward, and that they had no confi-
dence in the sincerity of the British ministry.

Judge of my surprise, when, on the 30th of November, Dr. Franklin in-
formed me that the articles were signed. The reservation retained on our
account does not save the infraction of the promise, which we have mutually
made, not to sign except conjointly. I owe Dr. Franklin the justice to state,
however, that on the next day he sent me a copy of the articles. He will
hardly complain that I received them without demonstrations of sensibility.
It was not till some days after, that, when this minister had come to see me,
I allowed myself to make him perceive that his proceeding in this abrupt
signature of the articles had little in it, which could be agreeable to the
King. He appeared sensible of it, and excused, in the best manner h#
could, himself and his colleagues. Our conversation was amicable.

Dr. Franklin spoke to me of his desire to send these articles to the Con-
gress, and said that for this purpose he and his colleagues had agreed to an

* Mr. Adams, in a letter to Mr. Livingston, dated November n, 1782, said, the
Commissioners had been so constantly engaged with the treaty, that he " had not
been out to Versailles nor anywhere else." He added ; " On Saturday last, the Mar-
quis de Lafayette called upon me, and told me he had been to Versailles, and that the
Count de Vergennes had said to him, that he had been informed by the returns of the
police, that I was in Paris, but not officially, and he should take it well if I would
come and see him. I went out to dine with Dr. Franklin the same day, who had just
returned from delivering his memorial, and repeated to me the same message. I said
to both, I would f o the next morning, and accordingly on Sunday the 9th I went to
make my court t» his Excellency." — Ed.

At. 76.] COMPLAINT OF VERGE NNES. 209

misunderstanding prevented it. That was, after some time,
got over, and on Friday last an order was given to furnish

exchange of passports with the English minister, for the safety of the vessels
which should be sent. I observed to him, that this form appeared to me
dangerous ; that, the articles being only provisional and dependent on the
fate of our negotiation, which was then very uncertain, I feared this appear-
ance of an intelligence with England, in connexion with the signature of
the articles, might make the people in America think a peace was con-
summated, and embarrass Congress, of whose fidelity I had no suspicion.
I added many other reasons, the force of which Dr. Franklin, and Mr.
Laurens who accompanied him, seemed to acknowledge. They spared
nothing to convince me of the confidence which we ought to have in the
fidelity of the United States, and they left me with the assurance that they
should conform to my wishes.

You may imagine my astonishment, therefore, when, on the evening of
the 15th, I received from Dr. Franklin the letter, a copy of which is herewith
enclosed. The tone of this letter seemed to me so singular, that I thought
it my duty to write the answer, which I likewise send to you. I am igno-
rant of the effect which this answer may have produced. I have not since
heard from the American Commissioners. The courier has not come for
my despatches, and I know not whether he has in reality been sent off. It
would be singular, after the intimation which I have given them, if they
should not have the curiosity to acquaint themselves with the state of our
negotiation, that they may communicate the intelligence to Congress. This
negotiation is not yet so far advanced in regard to ourselves, as that of the
United States ; not that the King, if he had shown as little delicacy in his
proceedings as the American Commissioners, might not have signed articles
with England long before them. There is no essential difficulty at present
between France and England ; but the King has been resolved that all his
allies should be satisfied, being determined to continue the war, whatever
advantage may be offered to him, if England is disposed to wrong any one
of them.

We have now only to attend to the interests of Spain and Holland. I
have reason to hope that the former will be soon arranged. The funda-
mental points are established, and little remains but to settle the forms. I
think the United States will do well to make an arrangement with Spain.
They will be neighbours. As to Holland, I fear her affairs will cause em-
barrassments and delays. The disposition of the British ministry towards
that republic appears to be any thing but favorable.

Such is the present state of things. I trust it will soon be better; but,
whatever may be the result, I think it proper that the most influential mem-
Vol. Ill —21 l

210 COMPLAINT OF VERGENNES. \Mt. 76.

me with six hundred thousand livres immediately, to send
in that ship ; and I was answered by the Count de Ver-

bers of Congress should be informed of the very irregular conduct of their

Commissioners in regard to us. You may speak of it not in the tone of

complaint. I accuse no person ; I blame no one, not even Dr. Franklin.

He has yielded too easily to the bias of his colleagues, who do not pretentf

to recognise the rules of courtesy in regard to us. All their attentions have

been taken up by the English, whom they have met in Paris. If we may

judge of the future from what has passed here under our eyes, we shall be

but poorly paid for all that we have done for the United States, and for

securing to them a national existence.

I will add nothing, in respect to the demand for money, which has been

made upon us. You may well judge, if conduct like this encourages us to

make demonstrations of our liberality. I am, &c.

De Vergennes.

There is no doubt that the lack of bienseance complained of in this note,
and to which Franklin himself thought it wise to plead guilty, gravely compro-
mised all the Commissioners, and was very near resulting in their abrupt
recall. Neither is there any doubt that it resulted mainly from a mistrust
of the good faith of the French Government on the part of Messrs. Jay and
Adams. There is no authority that I know of for adding Franklin, who
would no doubt have deemed it wise to co-operate so far as he did with his col-
leagues, were his faith in the French ministry never so profound. But there is
reason to believe that Mr. Sparks goes too far in saying, as he does in a note
to this letter, that " There is no fact in history which is now more suscep-
tible of complete demonstration, than that the suspicions of the American
Commissioners on this occasion were utterly without any foundation ; that the
French ministry, so far from interfering or meddling with the negotiation,
kept wholly aloof from it ; that they had no design whatever to secure ad-
vantages to themselves at the expense of the American claims; and that they
were really gratified at the success of the Americans in procuring so good
terms as they did. The direct proofs of these facts are abundant ; whereas the
suspicions of the Commissioners are sustained by no other evidence than
that of circumstances, inferences, conjectures and deceptive appearances."

Aside from the fact that no other event in history is attested to posterity
on any higher testimony than that of " circumstances, inferences, conjec-
tures, and deceptive appearances," Mr. Sparks was doubtless ignorant of
the existence or at least of the provisions of a secret treaty contracted by
France with Spain on the 12th April, 1779, which certainly silences French
criticism, and raises presumptions which go far to shelter the Commis-
sioners from the unqualified implications of Mr. Sparks. I am indebted t«»

Mr. 76.] COMPLAINT OF VERGENNES. 2\l

gennes, that the rest of the six millions should be paid
us quarterly in the course of the year 1783. If your drafts

Mr. Bancroft for a copy of this treaty, which has never been in print, I
believe, and from which it will answer my purpose to quote the following
articles; referring my readers who may desire a thorough review of the
whole question to Chap. viii. of Vol. x. of Mr. Bancroft's history.

" ART. 3. — Their Very Christian and Catholic Majesties renew the obliga-
tions of the Article 17 of the family compact, and hereby promise to lend
their ears to no proposition, direct or indirect, from their common enemy
(England), without communicating the same to each other, nor to sign
with the said enemy, any treaty, convention, or other act of whatever nature,
without the previous knowledge and consent of the other.

" Art. 4. — His Very Christian Majesty, in exact execution of the engage-
ments which he has contracted with the United States of N. A., has pro-
posed and required that His Catholic Majesty, from the day he shall declare
war against England, shall recognise the sovereign independence of the said
States, and engages not to lay down his arms till their independence be
recognised by the King of Great Britain ; this point to constitute the essential
basis of any negotiations for a peace which may afterwards be made. The
Catholic King has desired and desires to gratify the Very Christian King
his nephew, and secure to the United States all the advantages to which
they aspire, and which are to be secured ; but, as His Catholic Majesty has
not yet concluded with them any treaty by which their reciprocal interests
are regulated, he reserves to himself to do it, and to enter into a convention
at that time as to every thing relating to the said independence. And from
that instant the Catholic King promises not to form or conclude, nor even
mediate for, any treaty or arrangement with the said States, or in relation to
them, without the knowledge of the Very Christian King, and without con-
certing with him every thing having connexion with the aforesaid subject of
independence.

" Art. 9. — Their Very Christian and Catholic Majesties promise to make
every effort to acquire and secure all the advantages above specified, and to
continue their efforts until they have obtained the end proposed, offering
mutually not to lay down their arms, nor to make any treaty of peace, truce,
or suspension of hostilities, without having at least obtained and being
respectively assured cf the restitution of Gibraltar, and of the abolition of
the treaties relating to the fortifications of Dunkirk, or, failing in this, of
every other desired by his Very Christian Majesty.

" ART. 10. — In reference to other conquests, which the two contracting
powers may make jointly or severally, they will dispose of them according
to circumstances, for the common advantage of the alliance."

No one, we presume, will pretend that such engagements as these on the

212 UNCERTAINTY AS TO PEACE. [Mr. 7&

make it necessary, I believe we can have it advanced, at
least on paying discount. Mr. Grand has been ever since
busy collecting the proper species to send it in, and it will
go, I suppose, to-morrow or next day. I am glad to make
use of this opportunity, and wish the sum could have been
larger, as we have got a passport from England for the ship
Washington, Captain Barney, signed by the King's own
hand, the more curious, as it acknowledges us by our title
of the United States of America.

We should not, however, imagine ourselves already in
peace. The other powers are not yet agreed, and war may
still continue longer than we expect. Our preliminaries
have not yet been communicated to Parliament, and I ap-
prehend there will be great clamors against them when they

part of France were consistent with those which she had taken with the
United States, or that our government ever dreamed that a peace with Eng-
land was to be dependent upon her surrender of Gibraltar to Spain, the
country most hostile to us of any in Europe, except England. It is not
probable that the American Commissioners had any suspicion of the exist-
ence of any such convention as this ; but the relations resulting from such a
convention would reveal themselves in a thousand ways, and in time pro-
duce nearly the same suspicions and distrusts among the parties most con-
cerned, as if its provisions were actually known to them. There are some
secrets too big to keep. This was one of them.

If the existence of this treaty were known to Franklin, he was too wise
and prudent a diplomatist to refer to it in his reply to the Count de Ver-
gennes. At that supremely critical moment of our affairs he could better
afford to stand himself on the defensive than to put the King of the French
in the wrong, from whom he was daily expecting indispensable aid, and
from whom in just two days from the date of this letter from Vergennes to
Luzerne he actually did receive a new loan of six millions of francs. It is
very evident that neither the King nor his Minister of Foreign Affairs cared
to press the point against the Commissioners, and for reasons then best
known to themselves. See further upon this subject the joint letter from the
Commissioners to Robert R. Livingston, Sparks's Diplomatic Correspond-
ence of the United States, Vol. X. p. 187 ; Franklin to R. R. Livingston,
infra ; -nd Life of John Adams, by his grandson, pp. 364-376. — Ed

^T. 76.] AMERICAN SHORTCOMINGS. 2I3

appear. Hints are already thrown out, that the King has
gone beyond his powers ; and, if the new ministry do not
stand their ground, perhaps the ratification may be pre-
vented. A little more success in the West Indies this winter
may totally turn the heads of that giddy nation.

I pressed hard, therefore, for the whole sum demanded,
but was told it was impossible, the great efforts to be made
this campaign in the East and West Indies (the armies for
which are now afloat), and the enormous expense engaged
in, having much embarrassed the finances.

Our people certainly ought to do more for themselves. It
is absurd, the pretending to be lovers of liberty while they
grudge paying for the defence of it. It is said here, that
an impost of five per cent, on all goods imported, though a
most reasonable proposition, had not been agreed to by all
the States, and was therefore frustrated ; and that your
newspapers acquaint the world with this, with the non-pay-
ment of taxes by the people, and with the non-payment of
interest to the creditors of the public. The knowledge of
these things has hurt our credit, and the loan in Holland,
and would prevent our getting any thing here but from the
government. The foundation of credit abroad should be
laid at home, and certain funds should be prepared and
established beforehand, for the regular payment at least of
the interest. With sincere esteem and respect, I am, &c.

To Fiian- The letter you did me the honour of writing

Passy 11 Jan. to me *n August last, came to my hands when
r783- I lay ill of two painful disorders, which con-

* The author of the Scienza della Legislazione , four volumes of which
appeared 1780-1784. He died in 1788, in the thirty-sixth year of his age,
leaving the fifth volume unfinished. I am indebted for this letter in the text
to l..s grandson, th* Prince de Filangieri Satriano, whom I met at Naples

21*

214 CRIMINAL LAWS. \Mi. 7*

fined me near three months, and with the multiplicity of
business that followed obliged me to postpone much of my
correspondence. I have yesterday received a second letter
from you, and I now, without farther delay, sit down to
answer them both.

The two first volumes of your excellent work, which were
put into my hands by M. Pio, I perused with great pleasure.
They are also much esteemed by some very judicious per-
sons to whom I have lent them. I should have been glad
of another copy for one of those friends, who is very desirous
of procuring it ; but I suppose those you mention to have sent
to M. Pio did not arrive. I was glad to learn that you were
proceeding to consider the criminal laws. None have more
need of reformation. They are everywhere in so great dis-
order, and so much injustice is committed in the execution
of them, that I have been sometimes inclined to imagine,
less would exist in the world if there were no such laws,
and the punishment of injuries were left to private resent-
ment. I am glad therefore that you have not suffered yourself
to be discouraged by any objections or apprehensions, and
that we may soon expect the satisfaction of seeing the two
volumes on that subject which you have now under the press.

in February, 1873, and wno informed me that he was preparing a life of his
distinguished ancestor, which he expected to publish in Paris in 1874. He
also informed me that Dr. Franklin had sent his grandfather the volume
of American Constitutions ; that his grandfather returned it with commen-
taries, and that Franklin again returned it to his grandfather with com-
mentaries on his commentaries. The prince did not know what had
become of this book, the loss of which he deplored. All he remembered
of it was the curious fact developed in it by one of the commentators, that all
the leading statesmen of America seemed chiefly to be concerned in placing
restrictions upon the popular will, while the European philosophers or
democrats — in those days nearly synonymous terms — were equally zealous
\n abolishing all restrictions. — Ed.

/«T. 76.] ADVICE ON EMIGRATION. 21$

With regard to your project of removing to America,
though I am sure that a person of your knowledge, just
sentiments, and useful talents would be a valuable acqui-
sition for our country, I cannot encourage you to undertake
hastily such a voyage ; because for a man to expatriate him-
self is a serious business, and should be well considered,
especially where the distance is so great and the expense of
removing thither with a family, of returning if the country
should not suit you, will be so heavy. I have no orders or
authority of any kind to encourage strangers with expec-
tations of employment by our government, nor am I em-
powered to be at any expense in transporting them; though
our country is open, and strangers may establish themselves
there, where they soon become citizens and are respected
according to their conduct. Men know, because they feel
the inconveniences of their present situation ; but they do
not know those that may, if they change, attend the new
one. I wish, therefore, you could see that country by your-
self before you carry thither the lady with whom you pro-
pose to be united in marriage. You will then be able to
form a good judgment how far the removal is likely to be
advantageous, and may proceed on surer grounds. Eng-
land has now acknowledged our independence, and the
sovereignty of our Government ; and several States of
Europe who think a commerce with us may be beneficial to
them are preparing to send ministers to reside near the
Congress. It is possible to establish a profitable trade be-
tween the Kingdom of Naples and America. Should your
court be of that opinion, and think fit to employ some one
to visit our several States and take information of our pro-
ductions and wants, the nature of our commerce, etc., etc.,
perhaps it could not find a fitter person than yourself for

2l6 HARVEST OF DEATH. [JEt. 77.

such a mission. I would afford you all the assistance in my
power towards its due execution, and by this means your
voyage would not only be without expense to you, but
might afford you some profit.

To Mrs. Mary — The departure of my dearest friend,*
ted Passy, 27 wmcn I learn from your last letter, greatly
Jan., 1783. affects me. To meet with her once more in

this life was one of the principal motives of my proposing
to visit England again, before my return to America. The
last year carried off my friends Dr. Pringle, Dr. Fothergill,
Lord Karnes, and Lord le Despencer. This has begun to
take away the rest, and strikes the hardest. Thus the ties
I had to that country, and indeed to the world in general,
are loosened one by one, and I shall soon have no attach-
ment left to make me unwilling to follow.

I intended writing when I sent the eleven books, but I
lost the time in looking for the twelfth. I wrote with that ;
and hope it came to hand. I therein asked your counsel
about my coming to England. On reflection, I think I can,
from my knowledge of your prudence, foresee what it will
be, viz. not to come too soon, lest it should seem braving
and insulting some who ought to be respected. I shall,
therefore, omit that journey till I am near going to America,
and then just step over to take leave of my friends, and
spend a few days with you. I purpose bringing Ben with
me, and perhaps may leave him under your care.

At length we are in peace, God be praised, and long,
very long, may it continue. All wars are follies, very
expensive, and very mischievous ones. When will mankind
be convinced of this, and agree to settle their differences by

* Mrs. Stevenson, mother of Mrs. Hewson. — Ed.

Mt. 77.] A CLOUDLESS FRIENDSHIP. 2I?

arbitration ? Were they to do it, even by the cast of a die,
it would be better than by fighting and destroying each other.

Spring is coming on, when travelling will be delightful.
Can you not, when you see your children all at school,
make a little party, and take a trip hither ? I have now a
large house, delightfully situated, in which I could accom-
modate you and two or three friends, and I am but half an
hour's drive from Paris.

In looking forward, twenty-five years seem a long
period, but, in looking back, how short ! Could you
imagine, that it is now full a quarter of a century since we
were first acquainted? It was in 1757. During the greatest
part of the time, I lived in the same house with my dear
deceased friend, your mother; of course you and I con-
versed with each other much and often. It is to all our
honors, that in all that time we never had among us the
smallest misunderstanding. Our friendship has been all
clear sunshine, without the least cloud in its hemisphere.
Let me conclude by saying to you, what I have had too
frequent occasions to say to my other remaining old friends,
" The fewer we become, the more let us love one another."

To Robert r. You complain sometimes of not hearing from

datedgpassy us* ^ *s now near tnree months since any of
15 April, 1783. us have heard from America. I think our last

letters came with General de Rochambeau. There is now
a project under consideration for establishing monthly
packet boats between France and New York, which I hope
will be carried into execution ; our correspondence then
m3y be more regular and frequent.

I send herewith another copy of the treaty concluded
with Sweden. I hope, however, that you will have received

2 1 8 DEFINITIVE TREA TIES DELA YED. [JEt. 77.

the former, and that the ratification is forwarded. The
King, as the ambassador informs me, is now employed in
examining the duties payable in his ports, with a view
of lowering them in favor of America, and thereby en-
couraging and facilitating our mutual commerce.

The definitive treaties have met with great delays, partly
by the tardiness of the Dutch, but principally from the dis-
tractions in the court of England, where, for six or seven
weeks, there was properly no ministry, nor any business
effected. They have at last settled a ministry, but of such
a composition as does not promise to be lasting. The
papers will inform you who they are. It is now said, that
Mr. Oswald, who signed the preliminaries, is not to return
here, but that Mr. David Hartley comes in his stead to
settle the definitive. A Congress is also talked of, and that
some use is to be made therein of the mediation formerly
proposed of the Imperial courts. Mr. Hartley is an old
friend of mine, and a strong lover of peace, so that I hope
we shall not have much difficult discussion with him ; but
I could have been content to have finished with Mr. Oswald,
whom we always found very reasonable.

Mr. Laurens, having left Bath, mended in his health, is
daily expected at Paris, where Messieurs Jay and Adams
still continue. Mr. Jefferson has not yet arrived, nor the
Romulus, in which ship I am told he was to have taken his
passage. I have been the more impatient of this delay,
from the expectation given me of full letters by him. It
is extraordinary, that we should be so long without any
arrivals from America in any part of Europe. We have as
yet heard nothing of the reception of the preliminary articles
ir America, though it is now nearly five months since they
were signed.

*T. 77.] FRENCH FINANCES EMBARRASSED. 219

A multitude of people are continually applying to me
personally, and by letters, for information respecting the
means of transporting themselves, families, and fortunes to
America. I give no encouragement to any of the King's
subjects, as I think it would not be right in me to do it
without their sovereign's approbation ; and, indeed, few
offer from France but persons of irregular conduct and
desperate circumstances, whom we had better be without ;
but I think there will be great emigrations from England,
Ireland, and Germany. There is a great contest among the
ports, which of them shall be of those to be declared free
for the American trade. Many applications are made to
me to interest myself in the behalf of all of them \ but
having no instructions on that head, and thinking it a
matter more properly belonging to the consul, I have done
nothing in it.

Mr. Barclay is often ill, and I am afraid the settlement
of our accounts will be, in his hands, a long operation. I
shall be impatient at being detained here on that score after
the arrival of my successor. Would it not be well to join
Mr. Ridley with Mr. Barclay for that service ? He resides
in Paris, and seems active in business. I know not, indeed,
whether he would undertake it, but wish he may.

The finances here are embarrassed, and a new loan is
proposed by way of lottery, in which, it is said by some
calculators, the King will pay at the rate of seven per cent.
I mention this to furnish you with a fresh convincing proof
against cavillers of the King's generosity towards us, in
lending us six millions this year at five per cent, and of his
concern for our credit, in saving by that sum the honor of
Mr Morris's bills, while those drawn by his own officers
abroad have their payment suspended for a year after they

220 MISSED FROM COURT. [Mr. 77.

become due. You have been told, that France might help
us more liberally if she would. This last transaction is a
demonstration of the contrary.

To Count de It was my intention to pay my devoirs at

Vergennes, Tr ... T . . _ ,

dated Passy, Versailles to-morrow. I thank your Excel-
5 May, 1783. lency, nevertheless, for your kind admoni-
tion.* I omitted two of the last three days, from a mis-
taken apprehension, that, being holidays, there would be no
court. Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay are both invalids ; and,
since my last severe fit of the gout, my legs have continued
so weak, that I am hardly able to keep pace with the min-
isters who walk fast, especially in going up and down stairs.
I beg you to be assured, that whatever deficiency there
may be of strength, there is none of respect in, Sir, &c.

To David I send you enclosed the copies you desired

tedF Palsy. « °^ ^ PaPers I reac* to you yesterday.f I
May, 1783. should be happy if I could see, before I die,

* FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Versailles, 5 May, 1783.

Sir,

I have received the two letters of yesterday and to-day, which you have
done me the honor to write to me, and a copy of the three articles discussed
between the Commissioners of the United States and Mr. Hartley. You
are aware, that I shall want a sufficient time to examine them before sub-
mitting to you the observations, which may relate to our reciprocal interests.
Receive, in the mean time, my sincere thanks for this communication.

I hope to have the honor of seeing you to-morrow at Versailles. I trust

you will be able to be present with the foreign ministers. It is observed,

that the Commissioners from the United States rarely show themselves here,

and inferences are drawn from it, which I am sure their constituents would

disavow, if thsy had a knowledge of them. I have the honor to be, &c.

De Vergennes.
"I" Against privateering. — Ed.

Mr. 77.] THE ABOLITION OF PRIVATEERING. 22I

the proposed improvement of the law of nations established.
The miseries of mankind would be diminished by it, and
the happiness of millions secured and promoted. If the
practice of privateering could be profitable to any civilized
nation, it might be so to us Americans ; since we are so
situated on the globe, as that the rich commerce of Europe
with the West Indies, consisting of manufactures, sugars,
&c, is obliged to pass before our doors, which enables us
to make short and cheap cruises, while our own commerce
is in such bulky, low-priced articles, as that ten of our ships
taken by you are not equal in value to one of yours, and
you must come far from home, at a great expense, to look
for them. I hope, therefore, that this proposition, if made
by us, will appear in its true light, as having humanity only
for its motive. I do not wish to see a new Barbary rising
in America, and our long extended coast occupied by
piratical states. I fear, lest our privateering success in the
two last wars should already have given our people too
strong a relish for that most mischievous kind of gaming,
mixed blood ; and, if a stop is not now put to the practice,
mankind may hereafter be more plagued with American
corsairs, than they have been and are with the Turkish.
Try, my friend, what you can do, in procuring for your
nation the glory of being, though the greatest naval power,
the first who voluntarily relinquished the advantage that
power seems to give them, of plundering others, and
thereby impeding the mutual communications among men
of the gifts of God, and rendering miserable multitudes of
merchants and their families, artisans, and cultivators of the
earth, the most peaceable and innocent part of the human
species. With great esteem and affection, I am ever, my
dear friend, yours most sincerely.
Vol. III.— 22

222 DEFENCE OF THE COMMISSIONERS. [Mr. 77.

To Rob«rt R. * * * I shall now answer yours of March

tetedPMsy tne 26tn> May tne 9th' anc* Mav the 31st. It
aa July, 1783. gave me great pleasure to learn by the first,

that the news of peace diffused general satisfaction. I will
not now take it upon me to justify the apparent reserve,
respecting this court, at the signature, which you disap-
prove. We have touched upon it in our general letter. I do
not see, however, that they have much reason to complain
of that transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their pre-
judice, and none of the stipulations were to have force, but
by a subsequent act of their own. I suppose, indeed, that
they have not complained of it, or you would have sent us
a copy of the complaint, that we might have answered it.
I long since satisfied Count de Vergennes about it here.
We did what appeared to all of us best at the time, and,
if we have done wrong, the Congress will do right, after
hearing us, to censure us. Their nomination of five per-
sons to the service seems to mark, that they had some
dependence on our joint judgment, since one alone could
have made a treaty by direction of the French ministry as
well as twenty.

I will only add, that, with respect to myself, neither the
letter from M. de Marbois, handed us through the British
negotiators (a suspicious channel), nor the conversations
respecting the fishery, the boundaries, the royalists, &c,
recommending moderation in our demands, are of weight
sufficient in my mind to fix an opinion, that this court
wished to restrain us in obtaining any degree of advantage
we could prevail on our enemies to accord ; since those
discourses are fairly resolvable, by supposing a very natural
apprehension, that we, relying too much on the ability of
France to continue the war in our favor, and supply us

XT. 77.] FANCIES OF MR. ADAMS. 22%

constantly with money, might insist on more advantages
than the English would be willing to grant, and thereby
lose the opportunity of making peace, so necessary to ah
our friends.

1 ought not, however, to conceal from you, that one of
my colleagues* is of a very different opinion from me in
these matters. He thinks the French minister one of the
greatest enemies of our country, that he would have strait-
ened our boundaries, to prevent the growth of our people ;
contracted our fishery, to obstruct the increase of our sea-
men ; and retained the royalists among us, to keep us
divided ; that he privately opposes all our negotiations
with foreign courts, and afforded us, during the war, the
assistance we received, only to keep it alive, that we might
be so much the more weakened by it ; that to think of
gratitude to France is the greatest of follies, and that to be
influenced by it would ruin us. He makes no secret of his
having these opinions, expresses them publicly, sometimes
in presence of the English ministers, and speaks of hun-
dreds of instances which he could produce in proof of them.
None, however, have yet appeared to me, unless the con-
versations and letter above-mentioned are reckoned such.

If I were not convinced of the real inability of this court
to furnish the further supplies we asked, I should suspect
these discourses of a person in his station might have in-
fluenced the refusal ; but I think they have gone no further
than to occasion a suspicion, that we have a considerable
party of Antigallicans in America, who are not Tories, and
consequently to produce some doubts of the continuance
of our friendship. As such doubts may hereafter have a

* Mr. Adams. — Ed.

224 FREE TRADE VERSUS PROTECTION. [Mt. 77.

bad effect, I think we cannot take too much care to remove
them ; and it is therefore I write this, to put you on your
guard, (believing it my duty, though I know that I hazard
by it a mortal enmity), and to caution you respecting the
insinuations of this gentleman against this court, and the
instances he supposes of their ill will to us, which I take to
be as imaginary as I know his fancies to be, that Count de
Vergennes and myself are continually plotting against him,
and employing the news-writers of Europe to depreciate
his character, &c. But as Shakspeare says, "Trifles light
as air," &c. I am persuaded, however, that he means well
for his country, is always an honest man, often a wise one,
but sometimes, and in some things, absolutely out of his
senses.

When the commercial article, mentioned in yours of the
26th was struck out of our proposed preliminaries by the
British ministry, the reason given was, that sundry acts of
Parliament still in force were against it, and must be first
repealed, which I believe was really their intention, and
sundry bills were accordingly brought in for that purpose ;
but, new ministers with different principles succeeding, a
commercial proclamation totally different from those bills
has lately appeared. I send enclosed a copy of it. We
shall try what can be done in the Definitive Treaty towards
setting aside that proclamation ; but, if it should be per-
sisted in, it will then be a matter worthy the attentive dis-
cussion of Congress, whether it will be most prudent to
retort with a similar regulation in order to force its repeal
(which may possibly tend to bring on another quarrel), or
to let it pass without notice, and leave it to its own incon-
venience, or rather impracticability, in the execution, and
to the complaints of the West India planters, who must all

Mt. 77.] CONDUCT OF FRANCE. 22$

pay much dearer for our produce, under those restric-
tions.

I am not enough master of the course of our commerce
to give an opinion on this particular question, and it does
not behoove me to do it ; yet I have seen so much embar-
rassment and so little advantage in all the restraining and
compulsive systems, that I feel myself strongly inclined to
believe, that a State, which leaves all her ports open to all
the world upon equal terms, will, by that means, have
foreign commodities cheaper, sell its own productions
dearer, and be on the whole the most prosperous. I have
heard some merchants say, that there is ten per cent dif-
ference between Will you buy? and Will you sell? When
foreigners bring us their goods, they want to part with
them speedily, that they may purchase their cargoes and
despatch their ships, which are at constant charges in our
ports; we have then the advantage of their Will you buy?
And when they demand our produce, we have the advantage
of their Will you sell? And the concurring demands of a
number also contribute to raise our prices. Thus both those
questions are in our favor at home, against us abroad.

The employing, however, of our own ships and raising a
breed of seamen among us, though it should not be a matter
of so much private profit as some imagine, is nevertheless
of political importance, and must have weight in consider-
ing this subject.

The judgment you make of the conduct of France in the

peace, and the greater glory acquired by her moderation

than even by her arms, appears to me perfectly just. The

character of this court and nation seems, of late years, to

be considerably changed. The ideas of aggrandizement by

conquer t are out of fashion, and those of commerce are
22*

226 ALLIANCE AND BON HOMME RICHARD, [^t. 77.

more enlightened and more generous than heretofore. We
shall soon, I believe, feel something of this in our being
admitted to a greater freedom of trade with their Islands.
The wise here think France great enough ; and its ambition
at present seems to be only that of justice and magnanimity
towards other nations, fidelity and utility to its allies.

I have received no answer yet from Congress to my
request of being dismissed from their service. They should,
methinks, reflect, that if they continue me here, the faults
I may henceforth commit, through the infirmities of age,
will be rather theirs than mine. I am glad my Journal
afforded you any pleasure. I will, as you desire, endeavour
to continue it.

Mr. Barclay has in his hands the affair of the Alliance
and Bon Homme Richard. I will afford him all the assist-
ance in my power, but it is a very perplexed business.
That expedition, though for particular reasons under
American commissions and colors, was carried on at the
King's expense, and under his orders. M. de Chaumont
was the agent appointed by the Minister of Marine to make
the outfit. He was also chosen by all the captains of the
squadron, as appears by an instrument under their hands,
to be their agent, receive, sell, and divide prizes, &c.
The Crown bought two of them at public sale, and the
money, I understand, is lodged in the hands of a respon-
sible person at L' Orient. M. de Chaumont says he has
given in his accounts to the Marine, and that he has no
more to do with the affair, except to receive a balance due
to him.

I am sorry to find, that you have thoughts of quitting
the service. I do not think your place can be easily well
supplied. You mention, that an entire new arrangement,

Mr. 77.] WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. 227

with respect to foreign affairs, is under consideration. I
wish to know whether any notice is likely to be taken in it
of my grandson. He has now gone through an appren-
ticeship of near seven years in the ministerial business, and
is very capable of serving the States in that line, as possess-
ing all the requisites of knowledge, zeal, activity, language,
and address. He is well liked here, and Count de Ver-
gennes has expressed to me in warm terms his very good
opinion of him. The late Swedish ambassador, Count de
Krutz, who has gone home to be Prime Minister, desired I
would endeavour to procure his being sent to Sweden, with
a public character, assuring me, that he should be glad to
receive him there as our minister, and that he knew it
would be pleasing to the King. The present Swedish am-
bassador has also proposed the same thing to me, as you
will see by a letter of his, which I enclose. One of the
Danish ministers, M. Walterstorf, who will probably be
sent in a public character to Congress, has also expressed
his wish, that my grandson may be sent to Denmark. But
it is not my custom to solicit employments for myself, or
any of my family, and I shall not do it in this case. I only
hope, that if he is not to be employed in your new arrange-
ment, I may be informed of it as soon as possible, that,
while I have strength left for it, I may accompany him in
a tour to Italy, returning through Germany, which I think
he may make to more advantage with me than alone, and
which I have long promised to afford him, as a reward for
his faithful service, and his tender filial attachment to me.
Since our trade is laid open, and no longer a monopoly
to England, all Europe seems desirous of sharing in it, and
for that purpose to cultivate our friendship. That it may
be bett«" known everywhere, what sort of people, and what

228 THE ALGERINE PIRATES. IMt. 77.

kind of government they will have to treat with, I prevailed
with our friend, the Due de la Rochefoucauld, to translate
our book of Constitutions into French, and I presented
copies to all the foreign ministers. I send you one here-
with. They are much admired by the politicians here,
and it is thought will induce considerable emigrations of
substantial people from different parts of Europe to America.
It is particularly a matter of wonder, that, in the midst of
a cruel war raging in the bowels of our country, our sages
should have the firmness of mind to sit down calmly and
form such complete plans of government. They add con-
siderably to the reputation of the United States.

You will see by the enclosed copy of a letter I received
from Algiers, the danger two of our ships escaped last
winter. I think it not improbable that those rovers may
be privately encouraged by the English to fall upon us, and
to prevent our interference in the carrying trade ; for I
have in London heard it is a maxim among the merchants,
that, if there were no Algiers, it would be worth England' s
while to build one. I wonder, however, that the rest of
Europe do not combine to destroy those nests, and secure
commerce from their future piracies.

The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our friend
in the House of Lords, is now here as ambassador from
England. I dine with him to-day, 26th, and, if any thing
of importance occurs, I will add it in a postscript.

To the Presi- After a continued course of treating for nine

dr«s°f dated months, the English ministry have at length

Passy, 31 come to a resolution to lay aside, for the

ugus , 17 3. presentj a]j the new propositions, that have

Deen made and agreed to, their own as well as ours ; and

Mt. 77.] DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE. 220

they offer to sign again as a Definitive Treaty, the articles
of November the 30th, 1782, the ratifications of which have
already been exchanged. We have agreed to this, and on
Wednesday next, the third of September, it will be signed,
with all the definitive treaties, establishing a general peace,
which may God long continue.*

To sir Joseph Sir, — On Wednesday, the 27th instant,

Banks.t dated tne new aerostatic experiment, invented by
Passy.Aug.30, r ' J

1783. Messrs. Montgolfier of Annonay, was repeated

by M. Charles, Professor of Experimental Philosophy at
Paris. A hollow globe, twelve feet in diameter, was formed

* At last, on the 3d day of September, 1782, and after a protracted nego-
tiation of over two years, a definitive treaty of peace between England and
the United States was signed by the American Commissioners and by Mr.
Hartley, the English Commissioner, at his apartment in the H6tel de York.
On the same day, a treaty of peace between France and England was
signed at Versailles. The treaty with the United States was formally
ratified by the King of England on the 9th of April following. With this
act terminated the seven years' war of independence, and the United States
of America took their place in the family of nations. — Ed.

f On the 5th of June, I783, the brothers Montgolfier, sons of Peter
Montgolfier, a celebrated manufacturer of paper at Annonay, a town
about forty miles from Lyons, made the experiment which resulted in the
discovery of the balloon. A linen globe, of 105 feet in circumference,
was inflated over a fire fed with small bundles of chopped straw, and when
released rapidly rose to a great height, and descended, at the expiration
of ten minutes, at a distance from the place of its departure of about a
mile and a half. The news of this experiment spread rapidly over Europe,
and it attracted so much attention at Paris that M. de Faujas de Saint
Fond, a naturalist, set on foot a subscription for meeting the expense of
another experiment. The balloon this time was constructed by two
brothers of the name of Robert, under the superintendence of a M.
Charles, a professor of natural philosophy in Paris and subsequently a
member of the Academy of Sciences. The filling of the balloon, which
was made of thin silk varnished with a solution of elastic gum, and was
about thirteen feet in diameter, was commenced on the 23d of August,

22$ a THE FIRST BALLOON. [Mr. 77.

of what is called in England oiled silk, here taffetas gomme,
the silk being impregnated with a solution of gum elastic
in linseed oil, as is said. The parts were sewed together
while wet with the gum, and some of it was afterwards
passed over the seams, to render it as tight as possible.

It was afterwards filled with the inflammable air that is
produced by pouring oil of vitriol upon filings of iron, when
it was found to have a tendency upwards so strong as to be
capable of lifting a weight of thirty-nine pounds, exclusive
of its own weight, which was twenty-five pounds, and the
weight of the air contained. It was brought early in the
morning to the Champ de Mars, a field in which reviews
are sometimes made, lying between the military school and
the river. There it was held down by a cord till five in
the afternoon, when it was to be let loose. Care was taken,
before the hour, to replace what portion had been lost of
the inflammable air, or of its force, by injecting more. It
is supposed that not less than five thousand people were
assembled to see the experiment ; the Champ de Mars
being surrounded by multitudes, and vast numbers on the

1783, in the Place des Victoires. The hydrogen gas, which was used
instead of the chopped straw of the Montgolfiers, was obtained by the
action of dilute sulphuric acid upon iron filings, and was introduced
through leaden pipes ; but as the gas was not passed through cold water,
great difficulty was experienced in filling the balloon completely, and the
crowd was so great that it became necessary on the 26th to remove the
balloon to the Champs de Mars, which was done secretly in the middle
of the night to avoid the crowd. On the following day, the 27th, at five
o'clock in the afternoon, the balloon was liberated in the presence of an
immense concourse of people, among whom was Dr. FrankUn. His ob-
servations are recorded in this letter to Sir Joseph Banks, the President of
the Royal Society, and was more complete than any other account of this
experiment cf so early a date. — Ed.

Mt. 77.] THE FIRST BALLOON. 22g6

opposite side of the river. At five o'clock notice was
given to the spectators, by the firing of two cannon, that
the cord was about to be cut. And presently the globe
was seen to rise, and that as fast as a body twelve feet in
diameter, with a force only of thirty-nine pounds, could
be supposed to move the resisting air out of its way. There
was some wind, but not very strong. A little rain had wet
it, so that it shone, and made an agreeable appearance.
It diminished in apparent magnitude as it rose, till it entered
the clouds, when it seemed to me scarce bigger than an
orange, and soon after became invisible, the clouds con-
cealing it. The multitude separated, all well satisfied and
delighted with the success of the experiment, and amusing
one another with discourses of the various uses it may pos-
sibly be applied to, among which many were very extrava-
gant. But possibly it may pave the way to some discoveries
in natural philosophy of which at present we have no
conception.

A note secured from the weather had been affixed to the
globe, signifying the time and place of its departure, and
praying those who might happen to find it to send an ac-
count of its state to certain persons at Paris. No news was
heard of it till the next day, when information was received
that it fell, a little after six o'clock, at Gonesse, a place
about four leagues distant, and that it was rent open, and
some say had ice in it. It is supposed to have burst by the
elasticity of the contained air, when no longer compressed
by so heavy an atmosphere. One of thirty-eight feet
diameter is preparing by M. Montgolfier himself, at the
expense of the Academy, which is to go up in a few days.
I am told it is constructed of linen and paper, and is to be
filled with a different air, not yet made public, but cheaper

229 C THE FIRST BALLOON. [Mt. 77.

than that produced by the oil of vitriol, of which 200 Paris
pints were consumed in filling the other.

It is said that for some days after its being filled, a ball
was found to lose an eighth part of its force of levity in
twenty-four hours. Whether this was from imperfection in
the tightness of the ball or a change in the nature of the
air, experiments may easily discover. I thought it my
duty, sir, to send an early account of this extraordinary
fact to the Society which does me the honor to reckon me
among its members, and I will endeavor to make it more
perfect as I receive further information. With great re-
spect, I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant.*

• To this Sir Joseph wrote the following reply :

Soho Square, 13 Sep. 1783.

" Dear Sir, — The having it in my power to answer with precision the
numerous questions which are asked me by all sorts of people concerning
the aerostatic experiment which, such as they may be, are suggested by
every newspaper now printed here, and considered as a part of my duty
to answer, is an obligation for which I am indebted to you, and an obliga-
tion of no small extent. I lament that the vacation of the Royal Society
will not permit me to lay your paper before them as a body immediately;
but it shall be the first thing they see when they meet again, as the con-
ciseness and intelligence with which it is drawn up preclude the hopes of
anything more satisfactory being received.

" Most agreeable are the hopes you give me of continuing to communi-
cate on this most interesting subject. I consider the present day, which
has opened a road into the air, as an epoch from whence a rapid increase
of the stock of human knowledge must take its date ; and that it will have
an immediate effect upon the concerns of mankind, greater than anything
since the invention of shipping, which opened our way upon the face of
the water from land to land. If the rough effort, which has been made,
admits of the improvement that other sciences have received, we shall see
it used as a counterpoise to absolute gravity, and a broad-wheeled wagon
travelling with two only instead of eight horses, the breed of that rival

Ml. 77.] THE FIRST BALLOON. 22$ d

P.S. — Since writing the above, I am favored with youi
kind letter of the 25th. I am much obliged to you for the
care you have taken to forward the Transactions, as well
as to the Council for so readily ordering them on applica-
tion. Please to accept and present my thanks. I just now
learn that some observers say the ball was one hundred and
fifty seconds in rising, from the cutting of the cords, till
hid in the clouds ; that its height was then about five
hundred toises, but being moved out of the perpendicular
by the wind, it had made a slant so as to form a triangle,
whose base on the earth was about two hundred toises. It
is said the country people who saw it fall were frightened,
conceived from its bounding a little when it touched the
ground that there was some living animal in it, and attacked
it with stones and knives, so that it was much mangled,
but it is now brought to town and will be repaired.

The great one of M. Montgolfier is to go up, as is said,
from Versailles, in about eight or ten days. It is not a
globe, but of a different form, more convenient for pene-
trating the sir. It contains fifty thousand cubic feet, and
is supposed to have force of levity equal to fifteen hundred
pounds' weight. A philosopher here, M. Pilatre de Trosier,
has seriously applied to the Academy for leave to go up
with it, in order to make some experiments. He was com-

animal in course being diminished, and the human species increased in
proportion.

" I have thought, as soon as I return from my present banishment, of
constructing one and sending it up for the purpose of an electrical kite, a
use to which it seems particularly adapted. Be pleased to direct your
favors to Soho Square ; they are sent to me without delay wherever I am.
Believe me, your obliged, etc.,

M Joseph Banks."
Vol. III. — 23 m

229* THE FIRST BALLOON. \fci. 77.

plimented on his zeal and courage for the promotion of
science, but advised to wait till the management of those
balls was made by experiment more certain and safe. They
say the filling of it in M. Montgolfier's way will not cost more
than half a crown. One is talked of to be no feet in
diameter. Several gentlemen have ordered small ones to
be made for their amusement. One has ordered four of
fifteen feet diameter each, I know not with what purpose ;
but such is the present enthusiasm for promoting and im-
proving the discovery, that probably we shall soon make
considerable progress in the art of constructing and using
the machines. Among the pleasantries conversation pro-
duces on this subject, some suppose flying to be now in-
vented, and that since men may be supported in the air,
nothing is wanted but some light handy instrument to give
and direct motion. Some think progressive motion on
the earth may be advanced by it, and that a running foot-
man or a horse slung and suspended under such a globe,
so as to have no more of weight pressing on the earth with
their feet than perhaps eight or ten pounds, might with a
fair wind run in a straight line across countries as fast as
the wind, and over hedges, ditches, and even waters. I*
has been fancied that in time people will keep such globes
anchored in the air, to which by pulleys they may draw up
game to be preserved in the cool, and water to be frozen
when ice is wanted ; and that to get money, it will be con-
trived to give people an extensive view of the country, by
running them up in an elbow chair a mile high for a guinea,
etc., etc. A pamphlet is printing, in which we are to have
a full and perfect account of the experiments hitherto made,
etc. I will send it to you. M. Montgolfier's air to fill
the globe has hitherto been kept secret. Some suppose it

Mt. 77.] THE FIRST BALLOON. 229/

to be only common air heated by passing through the flame
of burning straw, and thereby extremely rarefied. If so,
its levity will soon be diminished by condensation, when
it comes into the cooler regions above.

CHAPTER VI.

The Fishery Calumny — Franklin requests to be relieved from his Mission —
The Demoralizing Fruits of a Depreciated Currency — Josiah Quincy, Jr. —
Thomas Hollis — Mistrust of England — The American Constitutions in
Europe — Prerogative of Government — Renews his Request to be recalled
— Asks a Foreign Appointment for William Temple Franklin.

1783.

To Charles j. I received in its time the letter you did me

Passy 5 Sep- tne nonor °f writing to me by Mr. Hartley ;
tember, 1783. and I cannot let him depart without express-
ing my satisfaction in his conduct towards us, and applauding
the prudence of that choice, which sent us a man possessed
of such a spirit of conciliation, and of all that frankness,
sincerity, and candor, which naturally produce confidence,
and thereby facilitate the most difficult negotiations. Our
countries are now happily at peace, on which I congratulate
you most cordially ; and I beg you to be assured, that as
long as I have any concern in public affairs, I shall readily
and heartily concur with you in promoting every measure
that may tend to promote the common felicity.

To David Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg
telT Passy &6 y°u wou^ assure him, that my expressions of
Sept., 1783. esteem for him are not mere professions. I
really think him a. great man, and I should not think so, if
2:j0

Mr. 77.] DELUSIONS ABOUT THE AMERICANS. 23 I

I did not believe he was at bottom, and would prove him-
self a good one. Guard him against mistaken notions of
the American people. You have deceived yourselves too
long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our
little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened
people, with respect to our political interests, than perhaps
any other under heaven. Every man among us reads, and
is so easy in his circumstances as to have leisure for con-
versations of improvement, and for acquiring information
Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are
of small extent, though monstrously magnified by your
microscopic newspapers. He who judges from them, that
we are on the point of falling into anarchy, or returning
to the obedience of Britain, is like one who, being shown
some spots in the sun, should fancy, that the whole disk
would soon be overspread with them, and that there would
be an end of daylight. The great body of intelligence
among our people, surrounds and overpowers our petty
dissensions, as the sun's great mass of fire diminishes and
destroys his spots. Do not, therefore, any longer delay
the evacuation of New York, in the vain hope of a new
revolution in your favor, if such a hope has indeed had any
effect in occasioning the delay. It is now nine months
since the evacuations were promised. You expect with
reason, that the people of New York should do your mer-
chants justice in the payment of their old debts ; consider
the injustice you do them in keeping them so long out of
their habitations, and out of their business, by which they
might have been enabled to make payment.

There is no truth more clear to me than this, that the
great interest of our two countries is a thorough reconcilia-
tion. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and inter-

232 GRANDSON BACHE. [Mr. 77.

course between us, can afford no advantage equivalent to
the mischief they will do, by keeping up ill humor, and
promoting a total alienation. Let you and me, my dear
friend, do our best towards advancing and securing that
reconciliation. We can do nothing, that will in a dying
hour afford us more solid satisfaction.

I wish you a prosperous journey, and a happy sight of
your friends.

To Mrs. I received your kind letter of the 9th past,
son, dated I am glad> that the little books are pleasing to
Passy, 7 y0U an(} y0ur children, and that the children

Sept., 1783. f I

improve by them.

My grandson Bache has been four years at school at Ge-
neva, and is but lately come home to me here. I find reason
to be satisfied with the improvement he has made in his learn-
ing. He translates common Latin readily into French, but
his English has suffered for want of use ; though I think he
would readily recover it, if he were awhile at your school
at Cheam, and at the same time be going on with his Latin
and Greek. You were once so kind as to offer to take him
under your care; would that be still convenient to you?
He is docile and of gentle manners, ready to receive and
follow good advice, and will set no bad example to your
other children. He gains every day upon my affections.

I long much to see you and yours, and my other friends
in England, but I have not yet determined on the journey.
Our definitive treaty of peace being now signed, I have
indeed less to confine me here, and might make a short
excursion without much inconvenience ; but short days
and winter are coming on, and I think I can hardly under-
take such ar. expedition before the spring of next year.

Mr. 77.] MRS. HEWSON'S PROSPECTS. 233

With regard to the future establishment of your children,
which you say you want to consult me about, I am still of
opinion, that America will afford you more chances of doing
it well than England. All the means of good education
are plenty there, the general manners are simple and pure,
temptations to vice and folly fewer, the profits of industry
in business as great and sure as in England ; and there is
one advantage more, which your command of money will
give you there, I mean the laying out a part of your fortune
in new land, now to be had extremely cheap ; but which
must be increased immensely in value, before your children
come of age, by the rapid population of the country. If
you should arrive there while I live, you know you may
depend on every assistance in my power to afford you, and
I think my children will have a pleasure too in serving their
father's friend. I do not offer it as a motive, that you will
be much esteemed and respected there ; for that you are,
and must be, everywhere ; but give me leave to flatter my-
self, that my being made happier in my last years by your
neighbourhood and society may be some inducement to
you.

I forwarded your letter to Mr. Williams. Temple is
always with me, being my secretary. He presents his
respects to you. I have been lately ill with a fit of the
gout, if that may indeed be called a disease. I rather sus-
pect it to be a remedy, since I always find my health and
vigor of mind improved after the fit is over.

To John jay, I have received a letter from a very respect-
dated Passy, akje person jn America, containing the fol-
lowing words, viz.
" It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by

234 THE FISHERY CALUMNY. [JEt. 77.

some among us, that the Court of France was at the bottom
against our obtaining the fishery and territory in that great
extent, in which both are secured to us by the treaty ; that
our minister at that court favored, or did not oppose, this
design against us; and that it was entirely owing to the
firmness, sagacity, and disinterestedness of Mr. Adams,
with whom Mr. Jay united, that we have obtained these
important advantages."

It is not my purpose to dispute any share of the honor
of that treaty, which the friends of my colleagues may be
disposed to give them ; but, having now spent fifty years
of my life in public offices and trusts, and having still one
ambition left, that of carrying the character of fidelity at
least to the grave with me, I cannot allow that I was be-
hind any of them in zeal and faithfulness. I therefore
think, that I ought not to suffer an accusation, which falls
little short of treason to my country, to pass without notice,
when the means of effectual vindication are at hand. You,
Sir, were a witness of my conduct in that affair. To you
and my other colleagues I appeal, by sending to each a similar
letter with this, and I have no doubt of your readiness to
do a brother Commissioner justice, by certificates that will
entirely destroy the effect of that accusation.*

* The replies of Messrs. Jay and Adams were as follows :

" Passy, n September, 1783.

"Sir,

" I have been favored with your letter of yesterday, and will answer it ex-
plicitly. I have no reason whatever to believe, that you were averse to our
obtaining the full extent of boundary and fishery secured to us by the treaty.
Your conduct respecting them throughout the negotiation indicated a strong,
a steady attachment to both those objects, and, in my opinion, promoted the
attainment of them.

" I remember, that, in a conversation, which M. de Rayneval, the first
Secretary of Count de Vergennes, had with you and me, in the summer of

Mr. 77.3 THE FISHERY CALUMNY. 2$$

To josiah I lament with you the many mischiefs, the

Quincy, dated • • .• .1 i.- r o .ll.

Passy, 11 inJustlce> tne corruption of manners, &c, that
Sept., 1783. attended a depreciating currency. It is some

1782, you contended for our full right to the fishery, and argued it on various
principles.

,: Your letters to me, when in Spain, considered our territory as extending
to the Mississippi, and expressed your opinion against ceding the navigation
of that river, in very strong and pointed terms.

" In short, Sir, I do not recollect the least difference in sentiment between
us respecting the boundaries or fisheries. On the contrary, we were unani-
mous and united in adhering to and insisting on them. Nor did I perceive
the least disposition in either of us to recede from our claims, or be satisfied
with less than we obtained. I have the honor to be, with great respect and

esteem, &c.

"John Jay."

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, 13 September, 1783.
SIR,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on
the 10th of this month, in which you say you have received a letter from a
very respectable person in America, containing the following words, viz.
" It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by some among us,
that the court of France was at the bottom against our obtaining the fishery
and territory in that great extent, in which both are secured to us by the
treaty ; that our minister at that court favored, or did not oppose, this design
against us, and that it was entirely owing to the firmness, sagacity, and dis-
interestedness of Mr. Adams, with whom Mr. Jay united, that we have
obtained those important advantages."

It is unnecessary for me to say any thing upon this subject, more than
to quote the words which I wrote in the evening of the 30th of November,
1782, and which have been received and read in Congress, viz. "As soon
as I arrived in Paris, I waited on Mr. Jay, and learned from him the rise
and progress of the negotiation. Nothing that has happened, since the be-
ginning of the controversy in 1761, has ever struck me more forcibly or
affected me more intimately than that entire coincidence of principles and
opinion between him and me. In about three days I went out to Passy,
and spent the evening with Dr. Franklin, and entered largely into conver-
sation with him upon the course and present state of our foreign affairs. I
told him my opinion without reserve of the policy of this court, and of the
principles, wisdom, and firmness with which Mr. Jay had conducted the
negotiation in his sickness and my absence, and that I was determined u

236 EVILS OF A DEPRECIATED CURRENCY. [Mt. 77

consolation to me, that I washed my hands of that evil by
predicting it in Congress, and proposing means, that would
have been effectual to prevent it if they had been adopted.
Subsequent operations, that I have executed, demonstrate
that my plan was practicable ; but it was unfortunately
rejected. Considering all our mistakes and mismanage-
ments, it is wonderful we have finished our affairs so well,
and so soon. Indeed, I am wrong in using that expression,
"we have finished our affairs so well." Our blunders have
been many, and they serve to manifest the hand of Provi-
dence more clearly in our favor ; so that we may much more
properly say, " These are thy doings, O Lord, and they are
marvellous in our eyes."

Mr. Storer, whom you recommended to me, is now in
England. He needed none of the advice you desired me
to give him. His behaviour here was unexceptionable, and
he gained the esteem of all that knew him.

The epitaph on my dear and much esteemed young
friend,* is too well written to be capable of improvement
by any corrections of mine. Your moderation appears in
it, since the natural affection of a parent has not induced
you to exaggerate his virtues. I shall always mourn his
loss with you, a loss not easily made up to his country.

support Mr. Jay to the utmost of my power in pursuit of the same system.

The Doctor heard me patiently and said nothing.

" The first conference we had afterwards with Mr. Oswald in considering

one point and another, Dr. Franklin turned to Mr. Jay and said, ' I am of

your opinion, and will go on with these gentlemen without consulting this

court.' He has accordingly met us in most of our conferences, and has gone

on with us in entire harmony and unanimity throughout, and has been able

and useful, both by his sagacity and reputation, in the whole negotiation."

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Sir,

John Adams.

* Josiah Quinc) , Junior. — Ed.

Mr. 77.] CALUMNIES OF JEALOUSY. 237

How differently constituted was his noble and generous
mind from that of the miserable calumniators you mention.
Having plenty of merit in himself, he was not jealous of the
appearance of merit in others, but did justice to their char-
acters with as much pleasure as these people do injury. It
is now near two years since your friendship induced you to
acquaint me with some of their accusations. I guessed
easily at the quarter from whence they came ; but conscious
of my innocence, and unwilling to disturb public opera-
tions by private resentment or contentions, I passed them
over in silence ; and I have not, till within these few days,
taken the least step towards my vindication. Informed
that the practice of abusing me continues, and that some
heavy charges are lately made against me, respecting my
conduct in the treaty, written from Paris and propagated
among you, I have demanded of all my colleagues that they
do me justice, and I have no doubt of receiving it from each
of them. I did not think it necessary to justify myself to
you, by answering the calumnies you mentioned. I knew
you did not believe them.

It was improbable, that I should at this distance combine
with anybody to urge the redemption of the paper on those
unjust terms, having no interest in such redemption. It
was impossible, that I should have traded with the public
money, since I had not traded with any money, either
separately or jointly with any other person, directly or indi-
rectly, to the value of a shilling since my being in France.
And the fishery, which it was said I had relinquished, had
not then come in question, nor had I ever dropped a syllable
to that purpose in word or writing ; but was always firm in
this principle, that, having had a common right with the
Englist to the fisheries while connected with that nation,

238 THOMAS MOLLIS. [JEt. 77.

and having contributed equally with our blood and treasure
in conquering what had been gained from the French, we
had an undoubted right, in breaking up our partnership, to
a fair division. As to the two charges of age and weakness.
I must confess the first, but I am not quite so clear in the
latter ; and perhaps my adversaries may find that they pre-
sumed a little too much upon it, when they ventured to
attack me.

But enough of these petty personalities. I quit them to
rejoice with you, in the peace God has blest us with, and
in the prosperity it gives us a prospect of. The definitive
treaty was signed the 3d instant. We are now friends with
England and with all mankind. May we never see another
war, for in my opinion there never was a good war, or a
bad peace.

To Thomas I received but lately (though sent in June)
dated Passy* Your most valuable present of the "Memoirs
5 Oct., 1783. of Thomas Hollis," who was truly, as you
describe him in your letter, "a good citizen of the world,
and a faithful friend of America." America, too, is ex-
tremely sensible of his benevolence and great beneficence
towards her, and will ever revere his memory. These
volumes are a proof of what I have sometimes had occasion
to say, in encouraging people to undertake difficult public
services, that it is prodigious the quantity of good that may
be done by one man, if he will make a business of it. It is
equally surprising to think of the very little that is done by
many; for, such is the general frivolity of employments
and amusements of the rank we call gentlemen, that every
century may have seen three successions of a set of a thou-
sand each, in every kingdom of Europe, (gentlemen too,

Mr. 77.] THOMAS HOLLIS. 2$g

of equal or superior fortune,) no one of which sets, in the
course of their lives, has done the good effected by this man
alone ! Good, not only to his own nation, and to his con-
temporaries, but to distant countries, and to late posterity;
for such must be the effect of his multiplying and dis-
tributing copies of the works of our best English writers,
on subjects the most important to the welfare of society.

I knew him personally but little. I sometimes met with
him at the Royal Society and the Society of Arts ; but he
appeared shy of my acquaintance, though he often sent me
valuable presents, such as " Hamilton's Works," "Sidney's
Works," &c, which are now among the most precious
ornaments of my library. We might possibly, if we had
been more intimate, have concerted some useful operations
together ; but he loved to do his good alone and secretly ;
and I find besides, in perusing these Memoirs, that I was a
doubtful character with him. I do not respect him less for
his error ; and I am obliged to the editors for the justice
they have done me. They have made a little mistake in
page 400, where a letter, which appeared in a London
paper, January 7th, 1768, is said to have been written by
Mr. Adams. It was written by me, and is reprinted in
Mr. Vaughan's Collection of my Political Pieces, p. 231.
This erratum is of no great importance, but may be cor-
rected in a future edition.

I see Mr. Hollis had a collection of curious medals. If
he had been still living, I should certainly have sent him
one of the medals that I have caused to be struck here. I
think the countenance of my Liberty would have pleased
him. I suppose you possess the collection, and have the
same taste. I beg you therefore to accept of one of these
medals as a mark of my respect.
Vol. III.— 24

240 FOLLY OF REPEATED WARS. [Mr. 77.

To David * * * What would you think of a prop-
tecTpas'sy 16 osition, if I should make it, of a compact
October, 1783. between England, France, and America ?
America would be as happy as the Sabine girls, if she could
be the means of uniting in perpetual peace her father and
her husband. What repeated follies are those repeated
wars ! You do not want to conquer and govern one another.
Why then should you be continually employed in injuring
md destroying one another? How many excellent things
might have been done to promote the internal welfare of
each country ; what bridges, roads, canals, and other useful
public works and institutions, tending to the common
felicity, might have been made and established with the
money and men foolishly spent during the last seven cen-
turies by our mad wars in doing one another mischief!
You are near neighbours, and each have very respectable
qualities. Learn to be quiet and to respect each other's
rights. You are all Christians. One is The Most Chris-
tian King, and the other Defender of the Faith. Manifest
the propriety of these titles by your future conduct. "By
this," says Christ, "shall all men know that ye are my
disciples, if ye love one another." "Seek peace, and
ensue it."

To the Presi- It was certainly disagreeable to the English
eress dated ministers> tnat all their treaties for peace were
Passy, 25 De- carried on under the eye of the French court.
This began to appear towards the conclusion,
when Mr. Hartley refused going to Versailles, to sign there
with the other powers our definitive treaty, and insisted on
its being done at Paris, which we in good humor complied
with, but at an earlier hour, that we might have time to

Mt. 77.] MISTRUST OF ENGLAND. 24 1

acquaint Count de Vergennes before he was to sign with
the Duke of Manchester.

With respect to the British court, we should, I think, be
constantly upon our guard, and impress strongly upon our
minds, that, though it has made peace with us, it is not in
truth reconciled either to us, or to its loss of us, but still
flatters itself with hopes, that some change in the affairs of
Europe, or some disunion among ourselves, may afford them
an opportunity of recovering their dominion, punishing
those who have most offended, and securing our future
dependence. It is easy to see by the general turn of the
ministerial newspapers (light things, indeed, as straws and
feathers, but like them they show which way the wind blows),
and by the malignant improvement their ministers make, in
all the foreign courts, of every little accident or dissension
among us, the riot of a few soldiers at Philadelphia, the
resolves of some town meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes,
&c, all which are exaggerated, to represent our government
as so many anarchies, of which the people themselves are
weary, and the Congress as having lost its influence, being
no longer respected ; I say it is easy to see from this conduct,
that they bear us no good will, and that they wish the reality
of what they are pleased to imagine. They have, too, a
numerous royal progeny to provide for, some of whom are
educated in the military line. In these circumstances we
cannot be too careful to preserve the friendships we have ac-
quired abroad, and the union we have established at home,
to secure our credit by a punctual discharge of our obliga-
tions of every kind, and our reputation by the wisdom of
our councils 5 since we know not how soon we may have a
fresh occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation.

The extravs gant misrepresentations of our political state

242 THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS. [^t. 77.

in foreign countries, made it appear necessary to give them
better information, which I thought could not be more
effectually and authentically done, than by publishing a
translation into French, now the most general language in
Europe, of the book of Constitutions, which had been
printed by order of Congress. This I accordingly got well
done, and presented two copies, handsomely bound, to
every foreign minister here, the one for himself, the other
more elegant for his Sovereign. It has been well taken,
and has afforded matter of surprise to many, who had con-
ceived mean ideas of the state of civilization in America,
and could not have expected so much political knowledge
and sagacity had existed in our wilderness. And from all
parts I have the satisfaction to hear, that our constitutions
in general are much admired. I am persuaded, that this
step will not only tend to promote the emigration to our
country of substantial people from all parts of Europe, by
the numerous copies I shall disperse, but will facilitate our
future treaties with foreign courts, who could not before
know what kind of government and people they had to treat
with. As, in doing this, I have endeavoured to further the
apparent views of Congress in the first publication, I hope
it may be approved, and the expense allowed. I send here-
with one of the copies.

To Robert The remissness of our people in paying taxes
Pa°.7y%5 Del is highly blamable j the unwillingness to pay
cember, 1783. them is still more so. I see, in some resolu-
tions of town meetings, a remonstrance against giving Con-
gress the power to take, as they call it, the people's money
out of their pockets, though only to pay the interest and prin-
cipal of debts duly contracted. They seem to mistake the

«T. 77.] GOVERNMENT PREROGATIVES. 243

point. Money, justly due from the people, is their creditors'
money, and no longer the money of the people, who, if
they withhold it, should be compelled to pay by some law.

All property, indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin,
his bow, his matchcoat, and other little acquisitions, abso-
lutely necessary for his subsistence, seems to me to be the
creature of public convention. Hence the public has the
right of regulating descents, and all other conveyances of
property, and even of limiting the quantity and the uses of it.
All the property that is necessary to a man, for the conser-
vation of the individual and the propagation of the species,
is his natural right, which none can justly deprive him of;
but all property superfluous to such purposes is the property
of the public, who, by their laws, have created it, and who
may therefore by other laws dispose of it, whenever the wel-
fare of the public shall demand such disposition. He that
does not like civil society on these terms, let him retire and
live among savages. He can have no right to the benefits of
society, who will not pay his club towards the support of it.

I am sorry for the public's sake, that you are about to
quit your office, but on personal considerations I shall con-
gratulate you ; for I cannot conceive of a more happy man,
than he, who having been long loaded with public cares,
finds himself relieved from them, and enjoying repose in
the bosom of his friends and family.

To Thomas I congratulate you very sincerely on your
dent of Con- appointment to that very honorable station,
gress, dated the Presidency of Congress. Every testimony

Pflssv 26 Dc*

tembe'r, 1783. y°u receive of the public sense of your ser-
vices and talents, gives me pleasure.
I have wril ten to you a long letter on business, in my

24»

244 DESIRE TO BE RECALLED. [Ml. 77.

quality of minister. This is a private letter, respecting my
personal concerns, which I presume to trouble you with on
the score of our ancient friendship.

In a letter of the 12th of March, 1781, I stated my age
and infirmities to the Congress, and requested they would
be pleased to recall me, that I might enjoy the little left me
of the evening of life in repose, and in the sweet society of
my friends and family. I was answered by the then Presi-
dent, that, when peace should be made, if I persisted in the
same request, it should be granted ; I acquiesced ; the pre-
liminaries were signed in November, 1782, and I then
repeated my petition.* A year is past, and I have no
answer. Undoubtedly, if the Congress should think my
continuing here necessary for the public service, I ought, as
a good citizen, to submit to their judgment and pleasure ;
but, as they may easily supply my place to advantage, that
cannot be the case. I suppose, therefore, that it is merely
the multiplicity of more important affairs, that has put my
request out of their mind. What I would then desire of
you is, to put this matter in train to be moved and an-
swered as soon as possible, that I may arrange my affairs
accordingly.

In the first letter above mentioned, to which I beg leave
to refer you, I gave a character of my grandson, William
Temple Franklin, and solicited for him the favor and
protection of Congress. I have nothing to abate of that
character; on the contrary, I think him so much improved
is to be capable of executing, with credit to himself and
advantage to the public, any employment in Europe the
Congress may think fit to honor him with. He has beep

See a letter to Robert R. Livingston, dated December 5th, 1782. — ED

Mr. 77.] WILLIAM TEMPLE ERANKLW. 345

seven years in the service, and is much esteemed by all that
know him, particularly by the minister here, who, since my
new disorder (the stone) makes my going to Versailles in-
convenient to me, transacts our business with him in the
most obliging and friendly manner. It is natural for me,
who love him, to wish to see him settled before I die, in
some employ that may probably be permanent ; and I hope
you will be so good to me, as to get that affair likewise
moved and carried through in his favor.

He has, I think, this additional merit to plead, that he
has served in my office as secretary several years, for the
small salary of three hundred louis a year, while the Con-
gress gave one thousand a year to the secretaries of other
ministers, who had not half the employ for a secretary that
I had. For it was long before a consul was sent here, and we
had all that business on our hands, with a great deal of admi-
ralty business in examining and condemning captures, taken
by our cruisers and by the French cruisers under American
commissions ; besides the constant attendance in examining
and recording the acceptances of the Congress bills of
exchange, which has been, from the immense number, very
fatiguing ; with many other extra affairs, not usually occur-
ring to other ministers, such as the care of the prisoners in
England, and the constant correspondence relating to them;
in all of which he served me as secretary, with the assist-
ance only of a clerk at low wages (fifty louis a year), so that
fc' le saving has been very considerable to the public.

CHAPTER VII.

The Usefulness of Enemies — Order of the Cincinnati — Absurdity of de-
scending Honors — The American Eagle as a National Symbol criticised —
Reasons for preferring the Native American Turkey — Oia Vanitas — Politi-
cal Disorders in England — Her Last Resource — Franklin's Notion of his
Infallibility — Mesmer and Mesmerism — The Way to make Money lent do
the most Good — Cotton Mather — The Final Ratification of the Treaty.

I784.

To John jay, I received your kind letter of the 26th past,
k i,n T„o, and immediately sent that enclosed to Mrs.

d Jan., 1704- J

Jay, whom I saw a few days since with the
children, all perfectly well. It is a happy thing, that the
little ones are so finely past the smallpox, and I congratulate
you upon it most cordially.

It is true, as you have heard, that I have the stone, but
not that I have had thoughts of being cut for it. It is as
yet very tolerable. It gives me no pain but when in a car-
riage on the pavement, or when I make some sudden quick
movement. If I can prevent its growing larger, which I
hope to do by abstemious living and gentle exercise, I can
go on pretty comfortably with it to the end of my journey,
which can now be at no great distance. I am cheerful,
enjoy the company of my friends, sleep well, have sufficient
appetite, an d my stomach performs well its functions. The

246

JEt. 78.] ORDER OF THE CINCINNATI. 2%]

latter is very material to the preservation of health. I
therefore take no drugs lest I should disorder it. You may
judge that my disease is not very grievous, since I am more
afraid of the medicines than of the malady.

It gives me pleasure to learn from you, that my friends
still retain their regard for me. I long to see them again,
but I doubt I shall hardly accomplish it. If our commis-
sion for the treaty of commerce were arrived, and we were
at liberty to treat in England, I might then come over to
you, supposing the English ministry disposed to enter into
such a treaty.

I have, as you observe, some enemies in England, but
they are my enemies as an American; I have also two or
three in America, who are my enemies as a minister ; but I
thank God there are not in the whole world any who are
my enemies as a man ; for by his grace, through a long life,
I have been enabled so to conduct myself, that there does
not exist a human being who can justly say, " Ben. Franklin
has wronged me." This, my friend, is in old age a com-
fortable reflection. You too have, or may have, your
enemies; but let not that render you unhappy. If you
make a right use of them, they will do you more good than
harm. They point out to us our faults ; they put us upon
our guard, and help us to live more correctly.

To Mrs. Sa- Your care in sending me the newspapers is
dated Passy,' very agreeable to me. I received by Captain
26 Jan., 1784. Barney those relating to the Cincinnati. My
opinion of the institution cannot be of much importance ;
I only wonder that, when the united wisdom of our nation
had, in the articles of confederation, manifested their dis-
like of establishing ranks of nobility, by authority either of

248 ORDER OF THE CINCINNA TI. [JBt. 78.

the Congress or of any particular State, a number of private
persons should think proper to distinguish themselves and
their posterity, from their fellow citizens, and form an order
of hereditary knights, in direct opposition to the solemnly
declared sense of their country ! I imagine it must be like-
wise contrary to the good sense of most of those drawn into
it by the persuasion of its projectors, who have been too
much struck with the ribands and crosses they have seen
hanging to the buttonholes of foreign officers. And I sup-
pose those, who disapprove of it, have not hitherto given it
much opposition, from a principle somewhat like that of
your good mother, relating' to punctilious persons, who are
always exacting little observances of respect ; " that, if people
can be pleased with small matters, it is a pity but they should
have them. ' '

In this view, perhaps, I should not myself, if my advice
had been asked, have objected to their wearing their riband
and badge themselves according to their fancy, though I
certainly should to the entailing it as an honor on their
posterity. For honor, worthily obtained (as that for ex-
ample of our officers), is in its nature a personal thing, and
incommunicable to any but those who had some share in
obtaining it. Thus among the Chinese, the most ancient,
and from long experience the wisest of nations, honor does
not descend, but ascends. If a man from his learning, his
wisdom, or his valor, is promoted by the Emperor to the
rank of Mandarin, his parents are immediately entitled to
all the same ceremonies of respect from the people, that
are established as due to the Mandarin himself; on the
supposition that it must have been owing to the education,
instruction, and good example afforded him by his parents,
that he was rendered capable of serving the public.

Mt. 78.] ABSURDITY OF DESCENDING HONORS. 249

This ascending honor is therefore useful to the state, as it
encourages parents to give their children a good and virtu-
ous education. But the descending honor, to a posterity who
could have no share in obtaining it, is not only groundless
and absurd, but often hurtful to that posterity, since it is
apt to make them proud, disdaining to be employed in
useful arts, and thence falling into poverty, and all the
meannesses, servility, and wretchedness attending it ; which
is the present case with much of what is called the noblesse
in Europe. Or if, to keep up the dignity of the family,
estates are entailed entire on the eldest male heir, another
pest to industry and improvement of the country is intro-
duced, which will be followed by all the odious mixture of
pride, and beggary, and idleness, that have half depopulated
and decultivated Spain ; occasioning continual extinction
of families by the discouragements of marriage, and neglect
in the improvement of estates.

I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on
with their project, would direct the badges of their order
to be worn by their fathers and mothers, instead of handing
them down to their children. It would be a good prece-
dent, and might have good effects. It would also be a kind
of obedience to the fourth commandment, in which God
enjoins us to honor our father and mother, but has nowhere
directed us to honor our children. And certainly no mode
of honoring those immediate authors of our being can be
more effectual, than that of doing praiseworthy actions,
which reflect honor on those who gave us our education ;
or more becoming, than that of manifesting, by some public
expression or token, that it is to their instruction and
example we ascribe the merit of those actions.

But the absurdity of descending honors is not a mere

250 ABSURDITY OF DESCENDING HONORS [,Et. 78.

matter of philosophical opinion ; it is capable of mathe-
matical demonstration. A man's son, for instance, is but
half of his family, the other half belonging to the family of
his wife. His son, too, marrying into another family, his
share in the grandson is but a fourth ; in the great grand-
son, by the same process, it is but an eighth ; in the next
generation a sixteenth; the next a thirty-second; the next
a sixty-fourth ; the next an hundred and twenty-eighth ;
the next a two hundred and fifty-sixth ; and the next a five
hundred and twelfth ; thus in nine generations, which will
not require more than three hundred years (no very great
antiquity for a family), our present Chevalier of the Order
of Cincinnatus's share in the then existing knight, will be
but a five hundred and twelfth part ; which, allowing the
present certain fidelity of American wives to be insured
down through all those nine generations, is so small a con-
sideration, that methinks no reasonable man would hazard
for the sake of it the disagreeable consequences of the
jealousy, envy, and ill will of his countrymen.

Let us go back with our calculation from this young
noble, the five hundred and twelfth part of the present
knight, through his nine generations, till we return to the
year of the institution. He must have had a father and
mother, they are two ; each of them had a father and
mother, they are four. Those of the next preceding gen-
eration will be eight, the next sixteen, the next thirty-two,
the next sixty-four, the next one hundred and twenty-eight,
the next two hundred and fifty-six, and the ninth in this
retrocession five hundred and twelve, who must be now
existing, and all contribute their proportion of this future
Chevalier de Cincinnatus. These, with the rest, make
together as follows ;

IB.T. 78.I ABSURDITY OF DESCENDING HONORS. 2*I

128
256
512

Total 1022

One thousand and twenty-two men and women, contributors
to the formation of one knight. And, if we are to have a
thousand of these future knights, there must be now and
hereafter existing one million and twenty-two thousand
fathers and mothers, who are to contribute to their produc-
tion, unless a part of the number are employed in making
more knights than one. Let us strike off then the twenty-
two thousand, on the supposition of this double employ,
and then consider whether, after a reasonable estimation
of the number of rogues, and fools, and scoundrels, and
prostitutes, that are mixed with, and help to make up neces-
sarily their million of predecessors, posterity will have much
reason to boast of the noble blood of the then existing set
of Chevaliers of Cincinnatus. The future genealogists,
too, of these Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of
their honor through so many generations (even supposing
honor capable in its nature of descending), will only prove
the small share of this honor, which can be justly claimed by
any one of them ; since the above simple process in arithmetic
makes it quite plain and clear, that, in proportion as the

antiquity of the family shall augment, the right to the honof
Vol. III.—2$ n

252 THE NATIONAL EAGLE CRITICISED. [^Et. 78.

of the ancestor will diminish ; and a few generations more
would reduce it to something so small as to be very near
an absolute nullity. I hope, therefore, that the Order will
drop this part of their project, and content themselves, as
the Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. Louis, and
other Orders of Europe do, with a life enjoyment of their
little badge and riband, and let the distinction die with
those who have merited it. This I imagine will give no
offence. For my own part, I shall think it a convenience,
when I go into a company where there may be faces
unknown to me, if I discover, by this badge, the persons
who merit some particular expression of my respect ; and
it will save modest virtue the trouble of calling for our
regard, by awkward roundabout intimations of having been
heretofore employed as officers in the Continental service.

The gentleman, who made the voyage to France to pro-
vide the ribands and medals, has executed his commission.
To me they seem tolerably done ; but all such things are
criticized. Some find fault with the Latin, as wanting
classical elegance and correctness ; and, since our nine
universities were not able to furnish better Latin, it was
pity, they say, that the mottos had not been in English.
Others object to the title, as not properly assumable by any
but General Washington, and a few others, who served
without pay. Others object to the bald eagle as looking
too much like a dindon, or turkey. For my own part, I
wish the bald eagle had not been chosen as the representa-
tive of our country ; he is a bird of bad moral character ;
he does not get his living honestly; you may have seen hira
perched on some dead tree, where, too lazy to fish for him-
self, he watches the labor of the fishing-hawk ; and, when
that diligent bird has at length taken a fish, and is bearing

Mr. 78.] THE NATIONAL EAGLE CRITICISED. 2XX

it to his nest for the support of his mate and young ones,
the bald eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With
all this injustice he is never in good case ; but, like those
among men who live by sharping and robbing, he is gen-
erally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank
coward ; the little kingbird, not bigger than a sparrow,
attacks him boldly and drives him out of the district. He
is therefore by no means a proper emblem for the brave
and honest Cincinnati of America, who have driven all
the kingbirds from our country; though exactly fit for
that order of knights, which the French call Chevaliers
d' Industrie.

I am, on this account, not displeased that the figure is
not known as a bald eagle, but looks more like a turkey.
For in truth, the turkey is in comparison a much more
respectable bird, and withal a true original native of
America. Eagles have been found in all countries, but the
turkey was peculiar to ours ; the first of the species seen
in Europe, being brought to France by the Jesuits from
Canada, and served up at the wedding table of Charles
the Ninth.* He is, besides, (though a little vain and silly,
it is true, but not the worse emblem for that,) a bird of
courage, and would not hesitate to attack a grenadier of
the British guards, who should presume to invade his farm-
yard with a red coat on.

I shall not enter into the criticisms made upon their Latin

* A learned friend of the Editor's has observed to him, that this is a mis
take, as Turkeys were found in great plenty by Cortes, when he invade*
and conquered Mexico, before the time of Charles the Twelfth. That this,
and their being brought to old Spain, is mentioned by Peter Martyr of
Anghiera, who was Secretary to the Council of the Indies, established im-
mediately after the discovery of America, and personally acquainted with
Columtm — W. T. F.

254 OIA VANITAS. [JEt. 78.

The gallant officers of America may not have the merit of
being great scholars, but they undoubtedly merit much, as
brave soldiers, from their country, which should therefore
not leave them merely to fame for their " virtutis pretnium"
which is one of their Latin mottos. Their "esto perpetua"
another, is an excellent wish, if they meant it for their
country; bad, if intended for their Order. The States
should not only restore to them the omnia of their first
motto,* which many of them have left and lost, but pay
them justly, and reward them generously. They should
not be suffered to remain, with all their new created
chivalry, entirely in the situation of the gentleman in the
story, which their omnia reliquit reminds me of. You
know every thing makes me recollect some story. He
had built a very fine house, and thereby much impaired
his fortune. He had a pride, however, in showing it to
his acquaintance. One of them, after viewing it all
remarked a motto over the door "OIA VANITAS."
"What," says he, "is the meaning of this OIA? it is a
word I don't understand." "I will tell you," said the
gentleman; "I had a mind to have the motto cut on a
piece of smooth marble, but there was not room for it
between the ornaments, to be put in characters large
enough to be read. I therefore made use of a contraction
anciently very common in Latin manuscripts, whereby the
m's and «'s in words are omitted, and the omission noted
by a little dash above, which you may see there; so that
the word is omnia, omnia vanitas." "O," said his
friend, "I now comprehend the meaning of your motto,
it relates to your edifice ; and signifies, that, if you have

" Qmnia reliquit servare rempublicam."

Mt. 78.] Political disorders in englAnP>. 25$

abridged your omnia, you have, nevertheless, left youi
vanitas legible at full length."

To William Your arguments, persuading me to come
te^Passy 16 once more to England, are very powerful. To
Feb. 1784. be sure, I long to see again my friends there,
whom I love abundantly; but there are difficulties and
objections of several kinds, which at present I do not see
how to get over.

I lament with you the political disorders England at
present labors under. Your papers are full of strange
accounts of anarchy and confusion in America, of which
we know nothing, while your own affairs are really in a
deplorable situation. In my humble opinion, the root of
the evil lies not so much in too long, or too unequally
chosen Parliaments, as in the enormous salaries, emoluments
and patronage of your great offices; and that you will
never be at rest till they are all abolished, and every place
of honor made at the same time, instead of a place of
profit, a place of expense and burden.

Ambition and avarice are each of them strong passions,

and when they are united in the same persons, and have

the same objects in view for their gratification, they are

too strong for public spirit and love of country, and are

apt to produce the most violent factions and contentions.

They should therefore be separated, and made to act one

against the other. Those places, to speak in our old style

(brother type), may be good for the chapel, but they are

bad for the master, as they create constant quarrels that

hinder the business. For example, here are two months

that your government has been employed in getting its form

to press ; which is not yet fit to work on, every page of it
25*

2*6 A SUGGESTION. [/St. 78

being squabbled, and the whole ready to fall into pie. The
founts too must be very scanty, or strangely out of sorts }
since your compositors cannot find either upper or lower case
letters sufficient to set the word Administration, but are
forced to be continually turning for them. However, to
return to common (though perhaps too saucy) language,
do not despair ; you have still one resource left, and that
not a bad one, since it may reunite the empire. We have
some remains of affection for you, and shall always be
ready to receive and take care of you in case of distress. So
if you have not sense and virtue enough to govern your-
selves, e'en dissolve your present old crazy constitution,
and send members to Congress.

You will say my advice "smells oi Madeira." You are
right. This foolish letter is mere chitchat between ourselves
over the second bottle. If, therefore, you show it to anybody,
(except our indulgent friends, Dagge and Lady Strahan)
I will positively solless you. Yours ever most affectionately.

To Henry I write this in great pain from the gout in

tedTpMsyfn both feet' but my y°unS friend, your son,
March, 1784. having informed me that he sets out for Lon-
don to-morrow, I could not let slip the opportunity, as
perhaps it is the only safe one that may occur before your
departure for America. I wish mine was as near. I think
I have reason to complain, that I am so long without an
answer from Congress to my request of recall. I wish
rather to die in my own country than here ; and though
the upper part of the building appears yet tolerably firm,
yet, being undermined by the stone and gout united, its
fall cannot be far distant.

You ^re so good as to offer me your friendly services

Ml. 78.] FRANKLIN'S INFALLIBILITY. 257

You cannot do me one more acceptable at present, than
that of forwarding my dismission. In all other respects,
as well as that, I shall ever look on your friendship as an
honor to me ; being with sincere and great esteem, dear
Sir, &c.

P.S. March 13. Having had a tolerable night, I find
myself something better this morning. In reading over my
letter, I perceive an omission of my thanks for your kind
assurances of never forsaking my defence, should there be
need. I apprehend that the violent antipathy of a certain
person to me may have produced some calumnies, which,
what you have seen and heard here may enable you to
refute. You will thereby exceedingly oblige one, who has
lived beyond all other ambition, than that of dying with
the fair character he has long endeavoured to deserve. As
to my infallibility, which you do not undertake to maintain,
I am too modest myself to claim it, that is, in general ;
though when we come to particulars, I, like other people,
give it up with difficulty. Steele says, that the difference
between the Church of Rome, and the Church of England
on that point, is only this ; that the one pretends to be
infallible, and the other to be never in the wrong. In this
latter sense, we are most of us Church of England men,
though few of us confess it, and express it so naturally and
frankly, as a certain lady here, who said, " I do not know
how it happens, but I meet with nobody, except myself,
that is always in the right ; Je ne trouve que moi qui a tou'
jours raison. ' ' *

* Franklin, in one of his conversations with John Adams, wittily distin-
guisned Orthodoxy from Heterodoxy by saying, " Orthodoxy is my doxy,
and heterodoxy is your doxy." — Ed.

258 ANIMAL MAGNETISM. [/Et. 78.

To Mrs. Mary You will forget me quite, my dear old friend,

Hewson, da- . c T j -^ j o

ted Passy, 19 " * ^° 110t write to you now ano- then.

March, 1784. I still exist, and still enjoy some pleasure in

that existence, though now in my seventy-ninth year. Yet
I feel the infirmities of age come on so fast, and the build-
ing to need so many repairs, that in a little time the owner
will find it cheaper to pull it down and build a new one. 1
wish, however, to see you first, but I begin to doubt the
possibility. My children join in love to you and yours,
with your affectionate friend.

To M. de la You desire my sentiments concerning the
dated Pasay cures performed by Camus and Mesmer. I

19 March, think, that, in general, maladies caused by
1784.

obstructions may be treated by electricity

with advantage. As to the animal magnetism, so much
talked of, I must doubt its existence till I can see or feel
some effect of it. None of the cures said to be performed
by it have fallen under my observation, and there being so
many disorders which cure themselves, and such a disposi-
tion in mankind to deceive themselves and one another on
these occasions, and living long has given me so frequent
opportunities of seeing certain remedies cried up as curing
every thing, and yet soon after totally laid aside as useless,
I cannot but fear that the expectation of great advantage
from this new method of treating diseases will prove a de-
lusion. That delusion may, however, and in some cases,
be of use while it lasts. There are in every great, rich
city a number of persons, who are never in health, because
they are fond of medicines, and always taking them, whereby
they derange the natural functions, and hurt their constitu-
tion If these people can be persuaded to forbear their

Mt. 78.] ANIMAL MAGNETISM. 2$g

drugs, in expectation of being cured by only the physician's
finger, or an iron rod pointing at them, they may possibly
find good effects, though they mistake the cause.*

* Mesmer enjoyed at this time the most lucrative practice of any physiciae
in Paris, and had Lafayette and Puysdgur among his paying pupils. On the
12th of March, 1784, the King named five eminent members of the medi-
cal faculty to investigate his theory and pretensions. At the request of these
gentlemen the King added to the Commission five members of the Academy
of Sciences, among whom the first named was Franklin. Besides him, Le
Roy, Lavoisier, Bailly, and Majault were named. Mesmer declined to
appear before the Commissioners, but M. Desson, one of the disciples of
Mesmer, volunteered to become the champion of his system of cure. He
read a memoir on the subject before the Commission, and undertook —

1. To demonstrate the existence of animal magnetism.

2. To communicate what he knew of it.

3. To make manifest its usefulness in the cure of disease.

Desson made a great variety of experiments, and repeatedly met with the
Commissioners for these experiments at Franklin's residence in Passy, the
Doctor's health or occupations not allowing him to attend the experiments
made elsewhere. On one occasion M. Desson attempted to magnetize the
Doctor and his two grandchildren, and some other Americans, who chanced
to be at the legation, but without edifying results.

On another occasion the Commission assembled at Passy to see a tree
magnetized, and subsequently two female invalids. The results were not
such as to sustain M. Desson's theory in the eyes of the Commissioners.

They found that the phenomena they witnessed were mainly the work of
the imagination acting usually upon a nervous system morbidly sensitive,
and that its influence is rather destructive than remedial. See Rapport des
Commissaires charges par le Roi de F Ex amen du Magnetisme animal,
Imprime par ordre du Roi a Paris, 1784.

Other authorities state that Jussieu, the eminent naturalist, declined to
sign the report, being persuaded that there was something in the phenomena
exhibited not to be fully explained by the activity of the imagination. His
name does not appear in the official report.

Mesmer 's theory was supplemented by the discovery in the following year,
1785, of magnetic somnambulism with insensibility to pain and clairvoyance,
by one of his pupils, the Marquis de Puysegur. This really great discovery
gave an importance to mesmerism which has rescued its author's name, in
borne measure, from the contempt to which the hostile report of such a board
must have consigned it. — Ed.

26o COTTON MATHER. [^Et. 78.

To Benjamin I received yours of the 15th instant, and the

Webb, dated . . . . . _,. ,

Passy, 23 memorial it enclosed. I he account they give

April, 1784. 0f your situation grieves me. I send you
herewith a bill for ten louis d'ors. I do not pretend to
five sucli a sum ; I only lend it to you. When you shall
return to your country with a good character, you cannot
fail of getting into some business, that will in time enable
you to pay all your debts. In that case, when you meet
with another honest man in similar distress, you must pay
me by lending this sum to him ; enjoining him to discharge
the debt by a like operation, when he shall be able, and
shall meet with such another opportunity. I hope it may
thus go through many hands, before it meets with a knave
that will stop its progress. This is a trick of mine for doing
a deal of good with a little money. I am not rich enough
to afford much in good works, and so am obliged to be cun-
ning and make the most of a little. With best wishes for
the success of your memorial, and your future prosperity, I
am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

To Samuel I received your kind letter, with your ex-
ted Passy 12 cellent advice to the people of the United
May, 1784. States, which I read with great pleasure, and
hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they
may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they
make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred,
the effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention
one little instance, which, though it relates to myself, will
not be quite uninteresting to you. When I was a boy, I
met with a book, entitled "Essays to do Good," which I
think was written by your father.* It had been so little

* Cotton Mather.— En.

Mt. 78.] COTTON MATHER. 26 1

regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it were
torn out ; but the remainder gave me such a turn of think
ing, as to have an influence on my conduct through life ;
for I have always set a greater value on the character of a
doer of good, than on any other kind of reputation ; and if I
have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public
owes the advantage of it to that book.

You mention your being in your seventy-eighth year ; I
am in my seventy-ninth; we are grown old together. It is
now more than sixty years since I left Boston, but I remem-
ber well both your father and grandfather, having heard
them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses.
The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of
1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania.
He received me in his library, and on my taking leave
showed me a shorter way out of the house through a narrow
passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were
still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind,
and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily,
" Stoop, stoop!" I did not understand him, till I felt my
head hit against the beam. He was a man that never
missed any occasion of giving instruction, and upon this he
said to me, "You are young, and have the world before you ;
stoop as you go through it, and you will miss ??iany hard
thumps." This advice, thus beat into my head, has
frequently been of use to me ; and I often think of it, when
I see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people
by their carrying their heads too high.

I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my
bones there. I left it in 1723 ; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753,
and 1763. In 1773 I was in England; in 1775 I had a
sight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the

262 TH& TREATY RATIFIED. [Mt. 78

enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could
not obtain my dismission from this employment here; and
now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes
however attend my dear country. Esto perpetua. It is now
blest with an excellent constitution ; may it last forever !

This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the
United States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance
to our security, and should be carefully cultivated. Britain
has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us,
and has still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it.
Accidents may increase those hopes, and encourage danger-
ous attempts. A breach between us and France would
infallibly bring the English again upon our backs ; and yet
we have some wild heads among our countrymen, who are
endeavouring to weaken that connexion ! Let us preserve
our reputation by performing our engagements ; our credit
by fulfilling our contracts ; and friends by gratitude and
kindness ; for we know not how soon we may have occasion
for all of them.

To Charles Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with
Secretary of Mr. Jay anc* myself, when the ratifications of
congress, da- the definitive treaty were exchanged. I send

ted Passy, 13

May, 1784. a copy of the English ratification to the
President.
Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been
engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed ; an
event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years
of peace, well improved, will restore and increase oui
strength ; but our future safety will depend on our union
and our virtu?. Britain will be long watching for advan-
tages, to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince

Mr. 78.] PAINFUL SUSPENSE. 26$

the world, that we are a nation to be depended on for
fidelity in treaties; if we appear negligent in paying our
debts, and ungrateful to those who have served and be-
friended us ; our reputation, and all the strength it is
capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us
will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of
success. Let us therefore beware of being lulled into a
dangerous security; and of being both enervated and im-
poverished by luxury ; of being weakened by internal con-
tentions and divisions ; of being shamefully extravagant in
contracting private debts, while we are backward in dis-
charging honorably those of the public ; of neglect in
military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores
of arms and munitions of war, to be ready on occasion ; for
all these are circumstances that give confidence to enemies,
and diffidence to friends ; and the expenses required to
prevent a war are much lighter than those that will, if not
prevented, be absolutely necessary to maintain it.

I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn
the purpose of Congress respecting my request of recall, and
that of some employment for my secretary, William Temple
Franklin. If I am kept here another winter, and as much
weakened by it as by the last, I may as well resolve to spend
the remainder of my days here ; for I shall hardly be able
to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning. During my
long absence from America, my friends are continually
diminishing by death, and my inducements to return less-
ened in proportion. But I can make no preparations either
for going conveniently, or staying comfortably here, nor
take any steps towards making some other provision for my
grands<rn, till I know what I am to expect. Be so good,
my dear friend, as to send me a little private information.
Vol. III.— 26

264 WILLIAM TEMPLE ERANKLIN. [JEr. 78.

To Mr. and I find I shall not be able to see you again as
ted Passy, 13 * intended. My best wishes, however, go with
May, 1784. VOUj that you may have a prosperous voyage
and a happy sight of your friends and families.

Mr. Jay was so kind as to offer his friendly services to
me in America. He will oblige me much by endeavouring
to forward my discharge from this employment. Repose is
now my only ambition. If, too, he should think with me,
that my grandson is qualified to serve the States as secretary
to a future minister at this court, or as Charge d* Affaires,
and will be kind enough to recommend such an appoint-
ment, it will exceedingly oblige me. I have twice men-
tioned this in my letter to Congress, but have not been
favored with any answer ; which is hard, because the sus-
pense prevents my endeavouring to promote him in some
other way. I would not, however, be importunate ; and
therefore, if Mr. Jay should use his interest without effect,
I will trouble them no more on the subject. My grandson's
acquaintance with the language, with the court and customs
here, and the particular regard M. de Vergennes has for
him, are circumstances in his favor.

God bless and protect you both.

To David I have considered the observations you did
telT Passy * me the nonor °f communicating to me, con-
june, 1784. cerning certain inaccuracies of expression, and
supposed defects of formality, in the instrument of ratifi-
cation, some of which are said to be of such a nature as to
affect the validity of the instrument.*

• The source of these objections was the following note to Mr. Hartley
from Lord Carmarthen, dated St. James, May 28,—" I received this morn-

At. 78.] STRAINING AT GNATS. 26$

The first is, "that the United States are named before his
Majesty, contrary to the established custom observed in
every treaty in which a crowned head and a republic are
the contracting parties." With respect to this, it seems to
me we should distinguish between that act in which both
join, to wit, the treaty, and that which is the act of each
separately, the ratification. It is necessary, that all the
modes of expression in the joint act should be agreed to by
both parties, though in their separate acts each party is
master of, and alone accountable for its own mode. And,
on inspecting the treaty, it will be found that his Majesty
is always regularly named before the United States. Thus
"the established custom in treaties between crowned heads
and republics," contended for on your part, is strictly
observed ; and the ratification following the treaty contains
these words. "Now know ye, that we, the United States
in Congress assembled, having seen and considered the
definitive articles aforesaid, have approved, ratified, and con-
firmed, and by these presents do approve, ratify, and confirm
the said articles, and every part and clause thereof,"
&c. Hereby all those articles, parts, and clauses, wherein
the King is named before the United States, are approved,
ratified, and confirmed, and this solemnly, under the signa-

ing the ratification of the treaty between Great Britain and the United
States of America ; and I own that it was with the greatest surprise, that I
perceived so essential a want of form as appears in the very first paragraph
of that instrument, wherein the United States are mentioned before his
Majeaty, contrary to the established custom observed in every treaty in
which a crowned head and a republic are contracting parties. The con-
clusion likewise appears extremely deficient, as it is neither signed by the
President, nor is it dated, and consequently is wanting in some of the most
essential points of form necessary towards authenticating the validity of thn
instrument." — Ed.

266 STRAINING AT GNATS. [Mr. 7&.

ture of the President of Congress, with the public seal
affixed by their order, and countersigned by their Secretary.

No declaration on this subject more determinate or more
authentic can possibly be made or given ; which, when
considered, may probably induce his Majesty's ministers to
wave the proposition of our signing a similar declaration,
or of sending back the ratification to be corrected in this
point, neither appearing to be really necessary. I will,
however, if it be still desired, transmit to Congress the ob-
servation, and the difficulty occasioned by it, and request
their orders upon it. In the mean time I may venture tc
say, that I am confident there was no intention of affront-
ing his Majesty by their order of nomination, but that it
resulted merely from that sort of complaisance, which every
nation seems to have for itself, and of that respect for its
own government, customarily so expressed in its own acts,
of which the English among the rest afford an instance,
when in the title of the King they always name Great
Britain before France.

The second objection is, " that the term definitive articles
is used instead of definitive treaty." If the words definitive
treaty had been used in the ratification instead of definitive
articles, it might have been more correct, though the differ-
ence seems not great nor of much importance, as in the
treaty itself it is called " the present definitive treaty."

The other objections are, " that the conclusion likewise
appears deficient, as it is neither signed by the President,
nor is it dated, and consequently is wanting in some of the
most essential points of form necessary towards authen-
ticating the validity of the instrument." The situation of
seals and signatures, in public instruments, differs in differ-
ent countries, though all equally valid ; for, when all the

Mt. 78.] THE COUNT BE CA MP O MANES. 267

parts of an instrument are connected by a ribband, whose
ends are secured under the impression of the seal, the sig-
nature and seal, wherever placed, are understood as re-
lating to and authenticating the whole. Our usage is, to
place them both together in the broad margin near the
beginning of the piece ; and so they stand in the present
ratification, the concluding words of which declare the in-
tention of such signing and sealing to be giving authenticity
to the whole instrument, viz. " In testi?nony whereof, We
have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto
affixed ; Witness his Excellency Thomas Mifflin, Esquire,
President;" and the date supposed to be omitted, perhaps
from its not appearing in figures, is nevertheless to be found
written in words at length, viz. " this fourteenth day of
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun-
dred and eighty-four," which made the figures unnecessary.

To the Count I have received much instruction and pleas-

de Campoma- . .. (1 . . T • .

nes * dated ure in reading your excellent writings. I wish

Passy.sjune, \\_ were in my power to make you a suit-
1784.

able return of the same kind. I embrace the

opportunity, my much esteemed friend, Mr. Carmichael,

affords me, of sending you a late collection of some of my

occasional pieces, of which, if I should live to get home, I

hope to publish another edition much larger, more correct,

and less unworthy your acceptance.

You are engaged in a great work, reforming the ancient

habitudes, removing the prejudices, and promoting the

industry of your nation. You have in the Spanish people

* An eminent Spanish statesman and writer, who held the responsible
positions of President of the Royal Academy of History, President of the
Council of Castife, and Minister of State. — Ed.
26*

268 HEREDITARY NOBILITY. [JEt. 78

good stuff to work upon, and by a steady perseverance you
will obtain perhaps a success beyond your expectation ; for
it is incredible the quantity of good that may be done in a
country by a single man, who will make a business of it,
and not suffer himself to be diverted from that purpose by
different avocations, studies, or amusements.

There are two opinions prevalent in Europe, which have
mischievous effects in diminishing national felicity : the
one, that useful labor is dishonorable ; the other, that
families may be perpetuated with estates. In America we
have neither of these prejudices, which is a great advantage
to us. You will see our ideas respecting the first, in a little
piece I send you, called Information to those who would re-
move to America. The second is mathematically demon-
strable to be an impossibility under the present rules of law
and religion. Since, though the estate may remain entire,
the family is continually dividing. For a man's son is but
half of his family, his grandson but a fourth, his great
grandson but an eighth, the next but a sixteenth of his
family ; and, by the same progression, in only nine gener-
ations the present proprietor's part in the then possessor
of the estate will be but a five hundred and twelfth, sup-
posing the fidelity of all the succeeding wives equally cer-
tain with that of those now existing ; too small a portion,
methinks, to be anxious about, so as to oppose a legal
liberty of breaking entails and dividing estates, which
would contribute so much to the prosperity of the country.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Absurdity of Duelling — Ordination denied to American Clergymen by
the English Church — The Uses and Abuses of Luxury — Overtures from
his Son — Present from King George — The Foolish Generals and the Jolly
Printers — England's Error in opposing Emigration — The Old Testament
in the New Constitution — Mirabeau — England prosecuting the War
through the Press — Replaced by Thomas Jefferson — Takes Leave of the
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I784-1785.

To Thomas It is astonishing that the murderous practice

teTpassy 17 °*" duelling* which you so justly condemn,*
July, 1784. should continue so long in vogue. Formerly,
when duels were used to determine lawsuits, from an opin-
ion that Providence would in every instance favor truth and
right with victory, they were excusable. At present, they
decide nothing. A man says something, which another
tells him is a lie. They fight ; but, whichever is killed, the
point at dispute remains unsettled. To this purpose they
have a pleasant little story here. A gentleman in a coffee-
house desired another to sit further from him. "Why so?"
"Because, Sir, you stink." " That is an affront, and you
must fight me." "I will fight you, if you insist upon it;

* In his Moral and Literary Dissertations, of which he had just presented
a copy to Dr. Franklin. — En

269

270 EPISCOPAL ORDINATION. [Mt. 78.

but I do not see how that will mend the matter. For if
you kill me, I shall stink too ; and if I kill you, you will
stink, if possible, worse than you do at present." How can
such miserable sinners as we are entertain so much pride,
as to conceit that every offence against our imagined honor
merits death ? These petty princes in their own opinion
would call that sovereign a tyrant, who should put one of
them to death for a little uncivil language, though pointed
at his sacred person ; yet every one of them makes him-
self judge in his own cause, condemns the offender with-
out a jury, and undertakes himself to be the executioner.

P.S. Our friend, Mr. Vaughan, may perhaps communi
cate to you some conjectures of mine relating to the cold
of last winter, which I sent to him in return for the obser-
vations on cold of Professor Wilson. If he should, and
you think them worthy so much notice, you may show
them to your Philosophical Society,* to which I wish all
imaginable success. Their rules appear to me excellent.

To Messrs. On receipt of your letter, acquainting me
Gant'citizens tnat tne Archbishop of Canterbury would not
of the United permit you to be ordained, unless you took
London, da- the oath of allegiance, I applied to a clergy-
ted Passy, 18 man 0f my acquaintance for information on
the subject of your obtaining ordination here.
His opinion was, that it could not be done ; and that, if it
were done, you would be required to vow obedience to the
Archbishop of Paris. I next inquired of the Pope's Nuncio.

• The Philosophical Society of Manchester, of which Dr. Percival was one
of the principal founders and ornaments. — W. T. F.

Mr. 78.] EPISCOPAL ORDINATION. 27 1

whether you might not be ordained by their Bishop in
America, powers being sent him for that purpose, if he has
them not already. The answer was, "The thing is impos-
sible, unless the gentlemen become Catholics."

This is an affair of which I know very little, and therefore
I may ask questions and propose means that are improper or
impracticable. But what is the necessity of your being con-
nected with the Church of England ? Would it not be as
well, if you were of the Church of Ireland ? The religion
is the same, though there is a different set of bishops and
archbishops. Perhaps if you were to apply to the Bishop
of Derry, who is a man of liberal sentiments, he might give
you orders as of that Church. If both Britain and Ireland
refuse you, (and I am not sure that the Bishops of Denmark
or Sweden would ordain you, unless you become Lutherans,)
what is then to be done ? Next to becoming Presbyterians,
the Episcopalian clergy of America, in my humble opinion,
cannot do better than to follow the example of the first
clergy of Scotland, soon after the conversion of that country
to Christianity. When the King had built the Cathedral
of St. Andrew's, and requested the King of Northumberland
to lend his bishops to ordain one for them, that their clergy
might not as heretofore be obliged to go to Northumber-
land for orders, and their request was refused ; they assem-
bled in the Cathedral, and, the mitre, crosier, and robes
of a bishop being laid upon the altar, they, after earnest
prayers for direction in their choice, elected one of their
own number; when the King said to him, " Arise, go to
the altar, and receive your office at the hand of God. ' ' His
brethren led him to the altar, robed him, put the crosiei
in his hand, and the mitre on his head, and he became
the first Bishop of Scotland.

2J2 COOK'S VOYAGES. [Mr. 78.

If the British Islands were sunk in the sea (and the sur-
face of this globe has suffered greater changes), you would
probably take some such method as this ; and, if they per-
sist in denying youi ordination, it is the same thing. A
hundred years hence, when people are more enlightened,
it will be wondered at, that men in America, qualified by
their learning and piety to pray for and instruct their
neighbours, should not be permitted to do it till they had
made a voyage of six thousand miles out and home, to ask
leave of a cross old gentleman at Canterbury; who seems,
by your account, to have as little regard for the souls of the
people of Maryland, as King William's Attorney-General,
Seymour, had for those of Virginia. The Reverend Com-
missary Blair, who projected the College of that Province,
and was in England to solicit benefactions and a charter,
relates, that, the Queen, in the King's absence, having
ordered Seymour to draw up the charter, which was to be
given, with two thousand pounds in money, he opposed
the grant ; saying that the nation was engaged in an ex-
pensive war, that the money was wanted for better purposes,
and he did not see the least occasion for a college in Vir-
ginia. Blair represented to him, that its intention was to
educate and qualify young men to be ministers of the Gospel,
much wanted there ; and begged Mr. Attorney would con-
sider, that the people of Virginia had souls to be saved, as
well as the people of England. "Souls /" said he, "damn
your souls. Make tobacco. ' '

To Benjamin I have received Cook's Voyages, which you

ted" pass da6 Put ^r" Oswa*d in the way of sending to me.
July, 1784. By some mistake the first volume was omitted,
and instead of ;t a duplicate sent of the third. If there is

/«T. 78.] FOOLS MAKE FEASTS. 27\

a good print of Cook, I should be glad to have it, being
personally acquainted with him. I thank you for the pam-
phlets by Mr. Estlin. Every thing you send me gives me
pleasure; to receive your account would give me more
than all.

I am told that the little pamphlet of Advice to such as
would remove to America,* is reprinted in London, with
my name to it, which I would rather had been omitted ;
but wish to see a copy, when you have an opportunity of
sending it.

Dr. Price's pamphlet of advice to America is a good
one, and will do good. You ask, "what remedy I have
for the growing luxury of my country, which gives so much
offence to all English travellers without exception." I
answer, that I think it exaggerated, and that travellers are
no good judges whether our luxury is growing or diminish-
ing. Our people are hospitable, and have indeed too much
pride in displaying upon their tables before strangers the
plenty and variety that our country affords. They have the
vanity, too, of sometimes borrowing one another's plate to
entertain more splendidly. Strangers being invited from
house to house, and meeting every day with a feast, imagine
what they see is the ordinary way of living of all the families
where they dine ; when perhaps each family lives a week
afterwards upon the remains of the dinner given. It is, I
own, a folly in our people to give such offence to English
travellers. The first part of the proverb is thereby verified,
that fools make feasts. I wish in this case the other were as
true, and wise men eat them. These travellers might, one
would think, find some fault they could more decently

* See Sparks's Works of Franklin. Vol. ii. p. 466. — Ed.

274 LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. [Mr. 78.

reproach us with, than that of our excessive civility to them
as strangers.

By the by, here is just issued an arret of Council taking
off all the duties upon the exportation of brandies, which,
it is said, will render them cheaper in America than your
rum ; in which case there is no doubt but they will be pre-
ferred, and we shall be better able to bear your restrictions
on our commerce. There are views here, by augmenting
their settlements, of being able to supply the growing people
of America with the sugar that may be wanted there. Or.
the whole, I believe England will get as little by the com-
mercial war she has begun with us, as she did by the
military.

It is wonderful how preposterously the affairs of this
world are managed. Naturally one would imagine, that
the interest of a few individuals should give way to general
interest ; but individuals manage their affairs with so much
more application, industry, and address, than the public do
theirs, that general interest most commonly gives way to
particular. We assemble parliaments and councils, to have
the benefit of their collected wisdom ; but we neces-
sarily have, at the same time, the inconvenience of their
collected passions, prejudices, and private interests. By
the help of these, artful men overpower their wisdom, and
dupe its possessors; and if we may judge by the acts.
arrets, and edicts, all the world over, for regulating com-
merce, an assembly of great men is the greatest fool upon
earth.

I have not yet, indeed, thought of a remedy for luxury.
I am not sure, that in a great state it is capable of a remedy,
nor that the evil is in itself always so great as it is repre-

&t. 78.] LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. 2?5

sented. Suppose we include in the definition of luxury ah
unnecessary expense, and then let us consider whether laws
to prevent such expense are possible to be executed in a
great country, and whether, if they could be executed, our
people generally would be happier, or even richer. Is not
the hope of being one day able to purchase and enjoy
luxuries a great spur to labor and industry? May not
luxury, therefore, produce more than it consumes, if without
such a spur people would be, as they are naturally enough
inclined to be, lazy and indolent ? To this purpose I
remember a circumstance. The skipper of a shallop, em-
ployed between Cape May and Philadelphia, had done us
some small service, for which he refused to be paid. My
wife, understanding that he had a daughter, sent her a
present of a new-fashioned cap. Three years after, this
skipper being at my house with an old farmer of Cape May,
his passenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his
daughter had been pleased with it. "But," said he, "it
proved a dear cap to our congregation." "How so?"
M When my daughter appeared with it at meeting, it was
so much admired, that all the girls resolved to get such
caps from Philadelphia ; and my wife and I computed, that
the whole could not have cost less than a hundred pounds."
" True," said the farmer, " but you do not tell all the story.
I think the cap was nevertheless an advantage to us, for it
was the first thing that put our girls upon knitting worsted
mittens for sale at Philadelphia, that they might have where-
withal to buy caps and ribbons there ; and you know that
that industry has continued, and is likely to continue and
increase to a much greater value, and answer better pur-
poses." Upon the whole, I was more reconciled to this

little piece of luxury, since not only the girls were made
Vol. III.— 27 o

276 LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. [Mr. 78.

happier by having fine caps, but the Philadelphians by the
supply of warm mittens.

In our commercial towns upon the seacoast, fortunes will
occasionally be made. Some of those who grow rich will
be prudent, live within bounds, and preserve what they
have gained for their posterity ; others, fond of showing
their wealth, will be extravagant and ruin themselves. Laws
cannot prevent this ; and perhaps it is not always an evil
to the public. A shilling spent idly by a fool, may be
picked up by a wiser person, who knows better what to do
with it. It is therefore not lost. A vain, silly fellow builds
a fine house, furnishes it richly, lives in it expensively, and
in a few years ruins himself; but the masons, carpenters,
smiths, and other honest tradesmen have been by his em-
ploy assisted in maintaining and raising their families; the
farmer has been paid for his labor, and encouraged, and
the estate is now in better hands. In some cases, indeed,
certain modes of luxury may be a public evil, in the same
manner as it is a private one. If there be a nation, for
instance, that exports its beef and linen, to pay for the im-
portation of claret and porter, while a great part of its
people live upon potatoes, and wear no shirts, wherein does
it differ from the sot, who lets his family starve, and sells
his clothes to buy drink? Our American commerce is, I
confess, a little in this way. We sell our victuals to the
Islands for rum and sugar ; the substantial necessaries of
life for superfluities. But we have plenty, and live well
nevertheless, though, by being soberer, we might be richer.

The vast quantity of forest land we have yet to clear, and
put in order for cultivation, will for a long time keep the
body of cur nation laborious and frugal. Forming an
opinion of our people and their manners by what is seen

At. 78.] LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. 277

among the inhabitants of the seaports, is judging from an
improper sample. The people of the trading towns may be
rich and luxurious, while the country possesses all the vir-
tues, that tend to promote happiness and public prosperity.
Those towns are not much regarded by the country ; they
are hardly considered as an essential part of the States ; and
the experience of the last war has shown, that their being
in the possession of the enemy did not necessarily draw on
the subjection of the country, which bravely continued to
maintain its freedom and independence notwithstanding.

It has been computed by some political arithmetician,
that, if every man and woman would work for four hours
each day on something useful, that labor would produce
sufficient to procure all the necessaries and comforts of life,
want and misery would be banished out of the world, and
the rest of the twenty-four hours might be leisure and
pleasure.

What occasions then so much want and misery? It is
the employment of men and women in works, that produce
neither the necessaries nor conveniences of life, who, with
those who do nothing, consume necessaries raised by the
laborious. To explain this.

The first elements of wealth are obtained by labor, from
the earth and waters. I have land, and raise corn. With
this, if I feed a family that does nothing, my corn will be
consumed, and at the end of the year I shall be no richei
than I was at the beginning. But if, while I feed them, I
employ them, some in spinning, others in making bricks,
&c. for building, the value of my corn will be arrested and
remain with me, and at the end of the year we may all be
better clothed and better lodged. And if, instead of em-
ploying a man I feed in making bricks, I employ him in

2j$ LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. [JEt. 78.

fiddling for me, the corn he eats is gone, and no part of his
manufacture remains to augment the wealth and conveni-
ence of the family ; I shall therefore be the poorer for this
fiddling man, unless the rest of my family work more, or
eat less, to make up the deficiency he occasions.

Look round the world and see the millions employed in
doing nothing, or in something that amounts to nothing,
when the necessaries and conveniences of life are in ques-
tion. What is the bulk of commerce, for which we fight
and destroy each other, but the toil of millions for super-
fluities, to the great hazard and loss of many lives by the
constant dangers of the sea? How much labor is spent in
building and fitting great ships, to go to China and Arabia
for tea and coffee, to the West Indies for sugar, to America
for tobacco ? These things cannot be called the necessaries
of life, for our ancestors lived very comfortably without
them.

A question may be asked ; Could all these people, now
employed in raising, making, or carrying superfluities, be
subsisted by raising necessaries ? I think they might. The
world is large, and a great part of it still uncultivated.
Many hundred millions of acres in Asia, Africa, and
America are still in forest, and a great deal even in
Europe. On a hundred acres of this forest a man might
become a substantial farmer, and a hundred thousand men,
employed in clearing each his hundred acres, would hardly
brighten a spot big enough to be visible from the moon,
unless with Herschel's telescope ; so vast are the regions
still in wood.

It is, however, some comfort to reflect, that, upon the
whole, the quantity of industry and prudence among man-
kind exceeds the quantity of idleness and folly. Hence

Mr. 78.] RECONCILIATION. 279

the increase of good buildings, farms cultivated, and popu-
lous cities filled with wealth, all over Europe, which a few
ages since were only to be found on the coast of the Medi-
terranean ; and this, notwithstanding the mad wars con-
tinually raging, by which are often destroyed in one year
the works of many years' peace. So that we may hope the
luxury of a few merchants on the coast will not be the ruin
of America.

One reflection more, and I will end this long, rambling
letter. Almost all the parts of our bodies require some
expense. The feet demand shoes ; the legs, stockings ; the
rest of the body, clothing ; and the belly, a good deal of
victuals. Our eyes, though exceedingly useful, ask, when
reasonable, only the cheap assistance of spectacles, which
could not much impair our finances. But the eyes of other
people are the eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were
blind, I should want neither fine clothes, fine houses, nor
fine furniture.

To William I received your letter of the 2 2d ultimo, and

ted "pass'y 16 am 8^ to ^n(^ tnat vou desire to revive the
August, 1784. affectionate intercourse, that formerly existed
between us. It will be very agreeable to me ; indeed,
nothing has ever hurt me so much, and affected me with
such keen sensations, as to find myself deserted in my old
age by my only son ; and not only deserted, but to find
him taking up arms against me in a cause, wherein my
good fame, fortune, and life were all at stake. You con-
ceived, you say, that your duty to your King and regard
for your country required this. I ought not to blame you
for differing in sentiment with me in public affairs. We

are men, all subject to errors. Oui opinions are not in our
27*

28o HESITATION. [JEt. 78,

own power ; they are formed and governed much by cir-
cumstances, that are often as inexplicable as they are
irresistible. Your situation was such that few would have
censured your remaining neuter, though there are natural
duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extin-
guished by them.

This is a disagreeable subject. I drop it; and we will
endeavour, as you propose, mutually to forget what has
happened relating to it, as well as we can. I send your
son over to pay his duty to you. You will find him much
improved. He is greatly esteemed and beloved in this
country, and will make his way anywhere. It is my desire,
that he should study the law, as the necessary part of knowl-
edge for a public man, and profitable if he should have
occasion to practise it. I would have you therefore put
into his hands those law-books you have, viz. Blackstone,
Coke, Bacon, Viner, &c. He will inform you, that he
received the letter sent him by Mr. Galloway, and the
paper it enclosed, safe.

On my leaving America, I deposited with that friend for
you, a chest of papers, among which was a manuscript of
nine or ten volumes, relating to manufactures, commerce,
and finance, which cost me in England about seventy
guineas; and eight quire books, containing the rough
drafts of all my letters while I lived in London. These
are missing ; I hope you have got them ; if not, they are
lost. Mr. Vaughan has published in London a volume of
what he calls my political works. He proposes a second
edition ; but, as the first was very incomplete, and you had
many things that were omitted, (for I used to send you
sometimes the rough drafts, and sometimes the printed
pieces I wrote in London,) I have directed him to apply to

Mt. 78.] PRESENT FROM KING GEORGE. 28l

you for w'yiat may be in your power to furnish him with, or
to delay his publication till I can be at home again, if that
may ever happen.

I did intend returning this year; but the Congress,
instead of giving me leave to do so, have sent me another
commission, which will keep me here at least a year longer;
and perhaps I may then be too old and feeble to bear the
voyage. I am here among a people that love and respect
me, a most amiable nation to live with ; and perhaps I
may conclude to die among them ; for my friends in
America are dying off, one after another, and I have been
so long abroad, that I should now be almost a stranger in
my own country.

I shall be glad to see you when convenient, but would
not have you come here at present. You may confide to
your son the family affairs you wished to confer upon with
me, for he is discreet ; and I trust, that you will prudently
avoid introducing him to company, that it may be im-
proper for him to be seen with. I shall hear from you by
him ; and letters to me afterwards will come safe under
cover directed to Mr. Ferdinand Grand, banker, at Paris.
Wishing you health, and more happiness than it seems you
have lately experienced, I remain your affectionate father.

To Lord I received lately the very valuable Voyage

Passy,' l 18 °f tne ^ate Captain Cook, kindly sent to me
August, 1784. by your Lordship in consideration of my
good-will in issuing orders towards the protection of that
illustrious discoverer from any interruption in his return
home by American cruisers. The reward vastly exceeds
the small merit of the action, which was no more than a
duty to mankind. I am very sensible of his Majesty's

282 STATESMEN'S WAGES. [Mt. 78.

goodness in permitting this favor to me, and I desire that
my thankful acknowledgments may be accepted.*

To William I received your kind letter of April 17th

ted Pas'sy, 19 ^ou w^l nave tne goodness to place my delay
August, 1784. in answering to the account of indisposition
and business, and excuse it. I have now that letter before
me ; and my grandson, whom you may formerly remember
a little scholar at Mr. Elphinston's, purposing to set out in
a day or two on a visit to his father in London, I sit down
to scribble a little to you, first recommending him as a
worthy young man to your civilities and counsels.

You press me much to come to England. I am not
without strong inducements to do so ; the fund of knowl-
edge you promise to communicate to me is an addition to
them, and no small one. At present it is impracticable.
But, when my grandson returns, come with him. We will
talk the matter over, and perhaps you may take me back
with you. I have a bed at your service, and will try to
make your residence, while you can stay with us, as agree-
able to you, if possible, as I am sure it will be to me.

You do not "approve the annihilation of profitable
places ; for you do not see why a statesman, who does his
business well, should not be paid for his labor as well as
any other workman." Agreed. But why more than any
other workman ? The less the salary the greater the honor.
In so great a nation, there are many rich enough to afford

* A gold medal was struck by order of the Royal Society, with particular
reference to the protection afforded to Captain Cook's vessels by the Em-
peror of Russia and the King of France. The Society bestowed upon Dr.
Franklin a compliment similar to the King's, by presenting to him one of
these medals. — S.

*r. 78.] STATESMEN'S WAGES. 283

giving their time to the public ; and there are, 1 make no
doubt, many wise and able men, who would take as much
pleasure in governing for nothing, as they do in playing
chess for nothing. It would be one of the noblest amuse-
ments. That this opinion is not chimerical, the country I
now live in affords a proof; its whole civil and criminal
law administration being done for nothing, or in some sense
for less than nothing ; since the members of its judiciary
parliaments buy their places, and do not make more than
three per cent for their money by their fees and emoluments,
while the legal interest is five ; so that in fact they give two
per cent to be allowed to govern, and all their time and
trouble into the bargain. Thus profit, one motive for de-
siring place, being abolished, there remains only ambition ;
and that being in some degree balanced by loss, you may
easily conceive, that there will not be very violent factions
and contentions for such places, nor much of the mischief
to the country, that attends your factions, which have often
occasioned wars, and overloaded you with debts impayable.

I allow you all the force of your joke upon the vagrancy
of our Congress. They have a right to sit where they
please, of which perhaps they have made too much use by
shifting too often. But they have two other rights ; those
of sitting when they please, and as long as they please, in
which methinks they have the advantage of your Parlia-
ment ; for they cannot be dissolved by the breath of a min-
ister, or sent packing as you were the other day, when it
was your earnest desire to have remained longer together.

You " fairly acknowledge, that the late war terminated

uite contrary to your expectation." Your expectation

was ill founded ; for you would not believe your old friend,

who told you repeatedly, that by those measures England

284 FOOLISH GENERALS. [/Et. 78.

would lose her colonies, as Epictetus warned in vain his
master that he would break his leg. You believed rather
the tales you heard of our poltroonery and impotence of
body and mind. Do you not remember the story you told
me of the Scotch sergeant, who met with a party of forty
American soldiers, and, though alone, disarmed them all,
and brought them in prisoners ? A story almost as improb-
able as that of the Irishman, who pretended to have alone
taken and brought in five of the enemy by surround-
ing them. And yet, my friend, sensible and judicious as
you are, but partaking of the general infatuation, yon
seemed to believe it.

The word general puts me in mind of a general, your
General Clarke, who had the folly to say in my hearing at
Sir John Pringle's, that, with a thousand British grenadiers,
he would undertake to go from one end of America to the
other, and geld all the males, partly by force and partly by
a little coaxing. It is plain he took us for a species of
animals very little superior to brutes. The Parliament too
believed the stories of another foolish general, I forget his
name, that the Yankeys never felt bold. Yankey was under-
stood to be a sort of Yahoo, and the Parliament did not
think the petitions of such creatures were fit to be received
and read in so wise an assembly. What was the conse-
quence of this monstrous pride and insolence ? You first
sent small armies to subdue us, believing them more than
sufficient, but soon found yourselves obliged to send
greater; these, whenever they ventured to penetrate our
country beyond the protection of their ships, were either
repulsed and obliged to scamper out, or were surrounded,
beaten, and taken prisoners. An American planter, who
had never seen Europe, was chosen by us to command our

At. 78.] THE TWO PRINTERS. 285

troops, and continued during the whole war. This man
sent home to you, one after another, five of your best gen-
erals baffled, their heads bare of laurels, disgraced even in
the opinion of their employers.

Your contempt of our understandings, in comparison
with your own, appeared to be not much better founded
than that of our courage, if we may judge by this circum-
stance, that, in whatever court of Europe a Yankey nego-
tiator appeared, the wise British minister was routed, put
in a passion, picked a quarrel with your friends, and was
sent home with a flea in his ear.

But after all, my dear friend, do not imagine that I am
vain enough to ascribe our success to any superiority m any
of those points. I am too well acquainted with all the
springs and levers of our machine, not to see, that our
human means were unequal to our undertaking, and that
if it had not been for the justice of our cause, and the con-
sequent interposition of Providence, in which we had faith,
we must have been ruined. If I had ever before been an
atheist, I should now have been convinced of the being
and government of a Deity ! It is he who abases the proud
and favors the humble. May we never forget his good-
ness to us, and may our future conduct manifest our
gratitude.

But let us leave these serious reflections and converse
with our usual pleasantry. I remember your observing once
to me as we sat together in the House of Commons, that
ao two journeymen printers, within your knowledge, had
met with such success in the world as ourselves. You were
then at the head of your profession, and soon afterwards
became a member of Parliament. I was an agent for a few
provinces, and now act for them all, But we have risen

2g6 THE TWO PRINTERS. [Mt. 78,

by different modes. I, as a republican printer, always
liked a form well planed down ; being averse to those over-
bearing letters that hold their heads so high, as to hinder
their neighbours from appearing. You, as a monarchist,
chose to work upon crown paper, and found it profitable ;
while I worked upon pro patria (often indeed called fools-
caf) with no less advantage. Both our heaps hold out very
well, and we seem likely to make a pretty good day's work
of it. With regard to public affairs (to continue in the
same style), it seems to me that the compositors in your
chapel do not cast off their copy well, nor perfectly under
stand imposing ; X\\€\x forms, too, are continually pestered by
the outs and doubles, that are not easy to be corrected. And
I think they were wrong in laying aside some faces, and
particularly certain head-pieces, that would have been both
useful and ornamental. But, courage ! The business may
still flourish with good management ; and the master
become as rich as any of the company.

By the way, the rapid growth and extension of the
English language in America, must become greatly advan-
tageous to the booksellers, and holders of copyrights in
England. A vast audience is assembling there for English
authors, ancient, present, and future, our people doubling
every twenty years ; and this will demand large and of
course profitable impressions of your most valuable books.
I would, therefore, if I possessed such rights, entail them,
if such a thing be practicable, upon my posterity ; for their
worth will be continually augmenting. This may look a
little like advice, and yet I have drunk no madeira these
six months.

The subject, however, leads me to another thought, which
is, that you do wrong to discourage the emigration of

Mt. 78.] THE PRINCIPLES OF TRADE. 287

Englishmen to America. In my piece on population, I
have proved, I think, that emigration does not diminish
but multiplies a nation. You will not have fewer at home
for those that go abroad ; and as every man who comes
among us, and takes up a piece of land, becomes a citizen,
and by our constitution has a voice in elections, and a
share in the government of the country, why should you be
against acquiring by this fair means a repossession of it,
and leave it to be taken by foreigners of all nations and
languages, who by their numbers may drown and stifle the
English, which otherwise would probably become in the
course of two centuries the most extensive language in the
world, the Spanish only excepted? It is a fact, that the Irish
emigrants and their children are now in possession of the
government of Pennsylvania, by their majority in the As-
sembly, as well as of a great part of the territory ; and I
remember well the first ship that brought any of them over.

To George Your excellent little work, "The Principles
ted Passy 21 °*" Trade," is too little known.* I wish you
August, 1784. would send me a copy of it by the return of
my grandson and secretary, whom I beg leave to recommend
to your civilities. I would get it translated and printed
here. And if your bookseller has any quantity of them
left, I should be glad he would send them to America. The
ideas of our people there, though rather better than those
that prevail in Europe, are not so good as they should be ;
and that piece might be of service among them.

I am sorry your favorite charity f does not go on as you

* Originally p'iblished in 1774, and written jointly by Whatley and
Franklin.— ED.

f The Foundling Hospital, of which Mr. Whatley was the Treasurer.—
Ed.

Vol. III.— 28

238 DEATH AS NECESSARY AS SLEEP. [Mr. 78.

could wish it. It is shrunk indeed by your admitting only
sixty children a year. What you have told your brethren
respecting America is true. If you find it difficult to dis-
pose of your children in England, it looks as if you had too
many people. And yet you are afraid of emigration. A
subscription is lately set on foot here to encourage and assist
mothers in nursing their infants themselves at home; the
practice of sending them to the Enfants trouves having risen
here to a monstrous excess, as, by the annual bill, it appears
they amount to near one third of the children born in Paris!
The subscription is likely to succeed, and may do a great
deal of good, though it cannot answer all the purposes of a
foundling hospital.

Your eyes must continue very good, since you can write
so small a hand without spectacles. I cannot distinguish a
letter even of large print ; but am happy in the invention
of double spectacles, which, serving for distant objects as
well as near ones, make my eyes as useful to me as ever
they were. If all the other defects and infirmities were as
easily and cheaply remedied, it would be worth while for
friends to live a good deal longer, but I look upon death to
be as necessary to our constitution as sleep. We shall rise
refreshed in the morning.

To a Friend I was glad to hear that you possessed a
dated "pals comfortable retirement, and more so that you
ai Aug., 1784. had thoughts of removing to Philadelphia, for
that it would make me very happy to have you there. Your
companions would be very acceptable to the Library, but I
hoped you would long live to enjoy their company yourself.
I agreed with you in sentiments concerning the Old Testa-
ment, and thought the clause in our constitution, which

Mr. 78.] BIBLE— MIR A BEAU. 289

required the members of Assembly to declare their belief,
that the whole of it was given by divine inspiration, had
better have been omitted. That I had opposed the clause;
but, being overpowered by numbers, and fearing more
might in future times be grafted on it, I prevailed to have
the additional clause, "that no further or more extended
profession of faith should ever be exacted." I observed to
you too, that the evil of it was the less, as no inhabitant, nor
any officer of government, except the members of Assembly,
was obliged to make the declaration.

So much for that letter ; to which I may now add, that
there are several things in the Old Testament, impossible to
be given by divine inspiration ; such as the approbation
ascribed to the angel of the Lord, of that abominably
wicked and detestable action of Jael, the wife of Heber,
the Kenite.* If the rest of the book were like that, I
should rather suppose it given by inspiration from another
quarter, and renounce the whole.

To Benjamin This will be delivered to you by Count
ted* Passy 7 Mirabeau ; son of the Marquis of that name,
Sept., 1784. author of "L' Ami des Hommes." This gentle-
man is esteemed here, and I recommend him to your civil-
ities and counsels, particularly with respect to the printing
of a piece he has written on the subject of hereditary nobility,
on occasion of the order of Cincinnati lately attempted to
be established in America, which cannot be printed here.
I find that some of the best judges think it extremely well
written, with great clearness, force, and elegance. If you
can recommend him to an honest, reasonable bookseller,

* Judges, chap. iv. — ED.

290 ANTI-REPUBLICAN PREJUDICES. [JEt. 79.

that will undertake it, you will do him service, and perhaps
some to mankind, who are too much bigoted in many
countries to that kind of imposition.

I had formerly almost resolved to trouble you with no
more letters of recommendation ; but I think you will find
this gentleman to possess talents, that may render his ac«
quaintance agreeable.

To John jay, I did hope to have heard by the last packet
8 Feb 178^' °^ y°ur naving accepted the secretaryship of
foreign affairs, but was disappointed. I write
to you now, therefore, only as a private friend ; yet I ma]'
mention respecting public affairs, that, as far as I can per
ceive, the good disposition of this court towards us con-
tinues. I wish I could say as much for the rest of the
European courts. I think that their desire of being con-
nected with us by treaties is of late much abated ; and this
I suppose is occasioned by the pains Britain takes to repre-
sent us everywhere as distracted with divisions, discontented
with our governments, the people unwilling to pay taxes,
the Congress unable to collect them, and many desiring
the restoration of the old government. The English papers
are full of this stuff, and their ministers get it copied into
the foreign papers. The moving about of the Congress
from place to place has also a bad effect, in giving color to
the reports of their being afraid of the people. I hope
they will soon settle somewhere, and, by the steadiness and
wisdom of their measures, dissipate all those mists of mis-
representation raised by the remaining malice of ancient
enemies, and establish our reputation for national justice
and prudence as they have done for courage and perse-
verance.

Mr. 79.] THE TOWN OF FXANKLIN. 29 1

It grieves me that we have not been able to discharge
our first year's payment of interest to this court, due the
beginning of last month. I hope it will be the only failure,
and that effectual measures will be taken to be exactly
punctual hereafter. The good paymaster, says the proverb,
is lord of another man s purse. The bad one, if he ever
has again occasion to borrow, must pay dearly for his care-
lessness and injustice.

You are happy in having got back safe to your country.
I should be less unhappy, if I could imagine the delay of
my conge useful to the States, or in the least degree neces-
sary. But they have many equally capable of doing all I
have to do here. The new proposed treaties are the most
important things; but two can go through them as well as
three, if indeed any are likely to be completed, which I
begin to doubt, since the new ones make little progress,
and the old ones, which wanted only the fiat of Congress,
seem now to be going rather backward ; I mean those I
had projected with Denmark and Portugal.

My grandsons are sensible of the honor of your remem-
brance, and present their respects to you and Mrs. Jay. I
add my best wishes of health and happiness to you all.

To Richard My nephew, Mr. Williams, will have the
Passy ^s h°nor °f delivering you this line. It is to
March, 1785. request from you a list of a few good books, to
the value of about twenty-five pounds, such as are most
proper to inculcate principles of sound religion and just
government. A new town in the State of Massachusetts
having done me the honor of naming itself after me,* and

* If Franklin had lived till this time and treated in like manner all thfl
towns and counties in the United States that paid him the compliment of
28*

292 MANUFACTURES. [Mr. 79.

proposing to build a steeple to their meeting-house if I
would give them a bell, I have advised the sparing them-
selves the expense of a steeple, for the present, and that
they would accept of books instead of a bell, sense being
preferable to sound. These are therefore intended as the
commencement of a little parochial library for the use of
a society of intelligent, respectable farmers, such as our
country people generally consist of. Besides your own
works, I would only mention, on the recommendation of
my sister, "Stennett's Discourse on Personal Religion,"
which may be one book of the number, if you know and
approve it.

To Benjamin We see much in parliamentary proceedings,

Vaughan, da- , , , , r .« . .

ted Passy ai anc* in PaPers ano- pamphlets, of the injury
April, 1785. the concessions to Ireland will do to the ma?iu-
facturers of England, while the people of England seem to
be forgotten, as if quite out of the question. If the Irish
can manufacture cottons, and stuffs, and silks, and linens,
and cutlery, and toys, and books, &c. &c. &c, so as to sell
them cheaper in England than the manufacturers of Eng-
land sell them, is not this good for the people of England,

taking his name, he would have found it somewhat expensive. There is no
State in the Union without its town of Franklin. Ohio has nineteen, and
twenty States have each a Franklin County. It is stated by Mr. Parton that
the name occurs on the map of the United States one hundred and thirty-six
times. These attentions, if all were acknowledged in the same way, would
have cost him the snug little sum of seventeen thousand dollars. It is a little
singular that the three men who have given their names to more of the ter-
ritory of the United States than any other should never have given it to a
single State. We have several States named after sovereigns and other
members of the former royal families of England and France, but not one
xhat bears the name of an American. The Territory of Washington is th#
nearest approach yet made to it. — Ed.

/Et. 79. J DEAR BOOKS. 293

who are not manufacturers ? And will not even the manu-
facturers themselves share the benefit? Since if cottons
are cheaper, all the other manufacturers who wear cottons
will save in that article ; and so of the rest. If books can
be had much cheaper from Ireland, (which I believe, for I
bought Blackstone there for twenty-four shillings, when it
was sold in England at four guineas,) is not this an ad-
vantage, not to English booksellers, indeed, but to English
readers, and to learning? And of all the complainants,
perhaps these booksellers are least worthy of consideration.
The catalogue you last sent me amazes me by the high
prices (said to be the lowest) affixed to each article. And
one can scarce see a new book, without observing the ex-
cessive artifices made use of to puff up a paper of verses
into a pamphlet, a pamphlet into an octavo, and an octavo
into a quarto, with scab-boardings, white-lines, sparse titles
of chapters, and exorbitant margins, to such a degree, that
the selling of paper seems now the object, and printing on
it only the pretence. I enclose the copy of a page in a
late comedy. Between every two lines there is a white
space equal to another line. You have a law, I think,
against butchers' blowing of veal to make it look fatter ;
why not one against booksellers' blowing of books to make
them look bigger? All this to yourself; you can easily
guess the reason.

My grandson is a little indisposed, but sends you two
pamphlets, "Figaro," and "LeRoy Voyageur." The first is
a play of Beaumarchais, which has had a great run here.
The other a representation of all the supposed errors of
government in this country, some of which are probably
exaggerated. It \% not publicly sold ; we shall send some
more shortly.

2g4 DEAR BOOKS. [Mr.

Enclosed in the foregoing Letter,

" Scene IV.

Sir John and Wildmorb.

Sir John.

Whither so fast ?

Wildmore.

To the Opera.

Sir John.

It is not the ?

Wildmore.

Yes it is.

Sir John.

Never on a Sunday ?

Wildmore.

Is this Sunday ?

Sir John.

Yes sure.

Wildmore.

I remember nothing ; I shall soon forget my Christian
name."

If this page was printed running on like Erasmus's Col-
.oquies, it would not have made more than five lines.

/Et. 79.] FAREWELL TO VERGENNES. 29$

To John in- I thank you much for the postscript respect-
genhouu,d«. . disorder, the stone. I have taken

ted Passy, 29 ° J

April, 1795. heretofore, and am now again taking the
remedy you mention, which is called Blackrie1 s Solvent. It
is the soap lie, with lime-water, and I believe it may have
some effect in diminishing the symptoms, and preventing
the growth of the stone, which is all I expect from it. It
does not hurt my appetite ; I sleep well, and enjoy my
friends in cheerful conversation as usual. But, as I cannot
use much exercise, I eat more sparingly than formerly, and
I drink no wine.

I admire, that you should be so timid in asking leave of
your good imperial master to make a journey for visiting a
friend. I am persuaded you would succeed, and I hope
the proposition I have repeated to you in this letter will
assist your courage, and enable you to ask and obtain.
If you come hither soon, you may, when present, get your
book finished, and be ready to proceed with me to America.
While writing this, I have received from Congress my leave
to return ; and I believe I shall be ready to embark by the
middle of July, at farthest. I shall now be free from politics
for the rest of my life. Welcome again, my dear philo-
sophical amusements !

To Count de I have the honor to acquaint your Excel -

datTd^Passy, lencv> tnat I nave at length obtained, and
3 May, 1785. yesterday received, the permission of Congress
to return to America. As my malady makes it impracti-
cable for me to pay my devoirs at Versailles personally, may
I beg the favor of you, Sir, to express respectfully for me to
his Majesty, the deep sense I have of all the inestimable
benefits his goodness has conferred on my country; a senti-

2o6 FAREWELL TO VERGENNES. [Jfc 79

ment that it will be the business of the little remainder of
life now left me, to impress equally on the minds of all my
countrymen. My sincere prayers are, that God may shower
down his blessings on the King, the Queen, their children,
and all the royal family to the latest generations !

Permit me, at the same time, to offer you my thankful
acknowledgments for the protection and countenance you
afforded me at my arrival, and your many favors during my
residence here, of which I shall always retain the most
grateful remembrance. My grandson would have had the
honor of waiting on you with this letter, but he has been
some time ill of a fever.

With the greatest esteem and respect, and best wishes for
the constant prosperity of yourself, and all your amiable
family.*

* To this note Franklin received the following reply

Translation.

"Versailles, 22 May, 1785.

"Sir,

" I have learned with much concern of your retiring and of your ap-
proaching departure for America. You cannot doubt but that the regrets
which you will leave will be proportionate to the consideration you so justly
enjoy.

" I can assure you, Sir, that the esteem the King entertains for you does
not leave you any thing to desire, and that his Majesty will learn with real
satisfaction that your fellow citizens have rewarded, in a manner worthy of
you, the important services that you have rendered.

" I beg, Sir, that you will preserve for me a share in your remembrance,
and never doubt the sincerity of the interest I take in your happiness. It is
founded on the sentiments of attachment, of which I have assured you, and
with which I have the honor to be, &c.

" De Vergennes."

It was more than a year after the peace, and on the 7th of March, 1785,
that Congress finally yielded to the Doctor's repeated requests to be recalled.
On the 10th of the same month Thomas Jefferson, who had arrived in
France in tbi preceding August, under a commission to assist Franklin and

Mr. 79.] FAREWELL TO VERGENNES. 2gy

Adams in negotiating commercial treaties with the various European
powers, was appointed the Doctor's successor as minister plenipotentiary to
the court of France.

"There appeared to me," said Mr. Jefferson,*" more respect and venera-
tion attached to the character of Franklin in France, than to that of any other
person in the same country, foreign or native. I had frequent opportunities
of knowing particularly how far these sentiments were felt by the foreign
ambassadors and ministers at the court of Versailles.

* * * "I found the ministers of France equally impressed with the
talents and integrity of Dr. Franklin. The Count de Vergennes particularly
gave me repeated and unequivocal demonstrations of his entire confidence
in him.

" The succession to Dr. Franklin at the court of France was an excellent
school of humility. On being presented to any one as the minister of
America, the commonplace question used in such cases was, ' // est vous,
Monsieur, qui remplacez le Docteur Franklin ? It is you, Sir, who replace
Dr. Franklin?' I generally answered, ' No one can replace him, Sir; I am
only his successor.' "

Again in 1818 Mr. Jefferson wrote to the late Robert Walsh, who had
questioned him in regard to Franklin's alleged subserviency to France, the
following letter :

" Monticello, December 4, 1818.

" Dear Sir,
" Yours of November 8th has been some time received ; but it is in my
power to give little satisfaction as to its inquiries. Dr. Franklin had many
political enemies, as every character must which, with decision enough to
have opinions, has energy and talent to give them effect on the feelings of
the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts. In the former they were merely of the proprietary party ;
in the latter, they did not commence till the Revolution, and then sprung
chiefly from personal animosities, which, spreading by little and little, at
length became of some extent. Dr. Lee was his principal calumniator, a
man of much malignity, who, besides enlisting his whole family in the same
hostility, was enabled, as the agent of Massachusetts to the British govern-
ment, to infuse it into that State with considerable effect. Mr. Izard, the
Doctor's enemy also, but from a pecuniary transaction, never countenanced
these charges against him. Mr. Jay, Silas Deane, Mr. Laurens, his col-
leagues also, ever maintained towards him unlimited confidence and respect.
That he would have waived the formal recognition of our independence I
never heard on any authority worthy notice. As to the fisheries, England
was urgent to retain them exclusively, France neutral, and I believe that

* Letter w-'tten from Philadelphia, February 12, 1791 ; to whom, not known. See
Jefferson's Works. Vol. III. p. 212.

298 ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [JEt. 79

had they been ultimately made a sine qua non, our Commissioners (Mr.
Adams excepted) would have relinquished them rather than have broken
off the treaty. To Mr. Adams's perseverance alone on that point I have
always understood we are indebted for their reservation. As to the charge
of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues
before named, two years of my own service with him at Paris, daily visits,
and the most friendly and confidential conversation, convince me it had not
a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that government
in the highest degree, inasmuch that it may truly be said that they were more
under his influence than he under theirs. The fact is that his temper was
so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never urging impossi-
bilities, or even things unreasonably inconvenient to them, in short, so
moderate and attentive to their difficulties, as well as to our own, that what
his enemies called subserviency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition,
which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on one side, yielding what
is just and liberal, is the more certain of obtaining liberality and justice.
Mutual confidence produces, of course, mutual influence, and this was all
which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the government of France."

This seems the most suitable place for laying before the reader some
anecdotes of Franklin which Jefferson thought worth preserving in his
diary.

ANECDOTES OF DOCTOR FRANKLIN.

Our revolutionary process, as is well known, commenced by petitions,
memorials, remonstrances, &c, from the old Congress. These were fol-
lowed by a non-importation agreement, as a pacific instrument of coercion.
While that was before us, and sundry exceptions, as of arms, ammunition,
&c, were moved from different quarters of the house, I was sitting by
Doctor Franklin, and observed to him that I thought we should except
books ; that we ought not to exclude science, even coming from an enemy.
He thought so too, and I proposed the exception, which was agreed to.
Soon after it occurred that medicine should be exempted, and I suggested
that also to the Doctor. "As to that," said he, " I will tell you a story.
When I was in London, in such a year, there was a weekly club of physi-
cians, of which Sir John Pringle was president, and I was invited by my
friend Dr. Fothergill to attend when convenient. Their rule was to propose
a thesis one week and discuss it the next. I happened there when the ques-
tion to be considered was whether physicians had, on the whole, done mos*.
good or harm ? The young members, particularly, having discussed it very
learnedly and eloquently till the subject was exhausted, one of them ob-
served to Sir John Pringle, that although it was not usual for the president
to take part in a debate, yet they were desirous to know his opinion on the
question. He said they must first tell him whether under the appellation

JEt. 79.] ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. 299

of physicians they meant to include old women ; if they did, he thought they
had done more good than harm ; otherwise, more harm than good."

The confederation of the States, while on the carpet before the old Congress,
was strenuously opposed by the smaller States, which feared being swallowed
up by the larger ones. We were long engaged in the discussion ; it produced
great heats, much ill humor, and intemperate declarations from some mem-
bers. Dr. Franklin at length brought the debate to a close with one of his
little apologues. He observed that " at the time of the union of England and
Scotland, the Duke of Argyle was most violently opposed to that measure,
and among other things predicted that, as the whale had swallowed Jonah, so
Scotland would be swallowed by England. However," said the Doctor,
"when Lord Bute came into the government, he soon brought into its ad-
ministration so many of his countrymen, that it was found in the event that
Jonah swallowed the whale." This little story produced a general laugh,
and restored good humor, and the article of difficulty was passed.

When Dr. Franklin went to France on his revolutionary mission, his
eminence as a philosopher, his venerable appearance, and the cause on
which he was sent, rendered him extremely popular. For all ranks and
conditions of men there entered warmly into the American interest. He
was, therefore, feasted and invited to all the court parties. At these he
sometimes met the old Duchess of Bourbon, who, being a chess-player of
about his force, they very generally played together. Happening once to
put her king into prize, the Doctor took it. " Ah," says she, " we do not
take kings so!" " We do in America," said the Doctor.

At one of these parties, the Emperor Joseph II., then at Paris, incog.,
under the title of Count Falkenstein, was overlooking the game in silence,
while the company was engaged in animated conversations on the American
question. " How happens it, M. le Comte," said the Duchess, "that while
we all feel so much interest in the cause of the Americans, you say nothing
for them?" " I am a King by trade," said he.

The Doctor told me at Paris the two following anecdotes of the Abbe"
Raynal. He had a party to dine with him one day at Passy, of whom one
half were Americans, the other half French, and among the last was the
Abbe. During the dinner he got on his favorite theory of the degeneracy
of animals, and even of man, in America, and urged it with his usual elo-
quence. The Doctor at length noticing the accidental stature and position
of his guests, at table, " Come," says he, " M. l'Abbe\ let us try this question
by the fact before us. We are here one half Americans, and one half
French, and it happens that the Americans have placed themselves on one
side of the table, and our French friends are on the other. Let both parties
rise, and we will see on which side nature has degenerated." It happened
that his American guests were Carmichael, Harmer, Humphreys, and others
of the finest stature and form ; while those of the other side were remarkably
Vol. III. — 29 p

300 ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [Mr. 79.

diminutive ; and the Abb£ himself particularly was a mere shrimp. He
parried the appeal, however, by a complimentary admission of exceptions,
among which the Doctor himself was a conspicuous one.

The Doctor and Silas Deane were in conversation one day at Passy, on the
numerous errors in the Abbe's " Histoire des deux Indes," when he happened
to step in. After the usual salutations, Silas Deane said to him, " The
Doctor and myself, Abbe, were just speaking of the errors of fact into which
you have been led in your history." " Oh, no, sir," said the Abbe, " that is
impossible. I took great pains not to insert a single fact for which I had
not the most unquestionable authority." " Why," says Deane, " there is
the story of Polly Baker, and the eloquent apology you have put into her
mouth, when brought before a court of Massachusetts to suffer punishment
under a law which you cite for having had a bastard. I know there never
was such a law in Massachusetts." " Be assured," said the Abbe, " you are
mistaken, and that is a true story. I do not immediately recollect the par-
ticular information on which I quote it ; but I am certain I had for it un-
questionable authority." Doctor Franklin, who had been for some time
shaking with unrestrained laughter at the Abbe's confidence in his authority
for that tale, said, " I will tell you, Abbe, the origin of that story. When
I was a printer, and editor of a newspaper, we were sometimes slack of news,
and, to amuse our customers, I used to fill up our vacant columns with anec-
dotes and fables, and fancies of my own, and this of Polly Baker is a story
of my making, on one of these occasions." The Abbe, without the least
disconcern, exclaimed, with a laugh, " Oh, very well, Doctor, I had lather
relate your stories than other men's truths."

Speaking of the propensity of deliberate bodies to waste time in
talk, Jefferson said :

" I served with General Washington in the Legislature of Virginia
before the Revolution, and, during it, with Dr. Franklin in Congress. I
never heard either of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but
the main point which was to decide the question. They laid their shoul-
ders to the great points, knowing that the little ones would follow of them-
selves. If the present Congress errs in too much talking, how can it be
otherwise in a body to which the people send 150 lawyers, whose trade it
is to question everything, yield nothing, and talk by the hour ? That 150
lawyers should do business together ought not to be expected."

TO JAMES MADISON.

July 29, 178a.
" The President' s title as proposed by the Senate was the most super-
latively ridiculous thing I ever heard of. It is a proof the more of the
justice of the character given by Dr. Franklin of my friend.* Always
an honest one, often a great one, but sometimes absolutely mad.1 I wish he

Ml. 79.] ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. yoo a

could have been here during the late scenes. If he could then have had
one fibre of aristocracy left in his frame, he would have been a proper
subject for Bedlam.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

New York, April 27, 1790.
" You will see in the newspapers which accompany this the details of
Dr. Franklin's death. The House of Representatives resolved to wear
mourning, and do it. The Senate neither resolved it nor do it."

TO JAMES MADISON.

Paris, May 25, 1788.

Speaking of the pay in those days allowed to our diplomatic repre-
sentatives in Europe, Jefferson gives the following facts in regard to the
expenses of Dr. Franklin :

" He came over while all expences were paid. He rented a house
with standing furniture, such as tables, chairs, presses, &c, and bought
all other necessaries. The latter were charged in his account, the former
was included in the article of house rent, and paid during the whole time
of his stay here ; and as the established rate of hire for furniture is from
30 to 40 per cent, per annum, the standing furniture must have been paid
for three times over during the 8 years he stayed here. His salary, too,
was 2500 guineas. When Congress reduced it to less than 2000 he re-
fused to accede to it, asked his recall, and insisted that whenever they
chose to alter the conditions on which he came out, if he did not approve
of it, they ought to replace him in America on the old conditions. He
lived plain, but as decently as his salary would allow. He saved nothing,
but avoided debt. He knew he could not do this on the reduced salary,
and therefore asked his recall with decision."

ANSWERS TO THE QUERIES OF M. SOULES.

" Doctor Franklin has been called by that title as early as 1760, within
my own knowledge. I do not know how much longer.

" His quality in France was that of Minister Plenipotentiary, and not
as ambassador. We have never appointed an ambassador. France
offered to receive one.

" I was absent from Congress from the beginning of January, 1776, to
the middle of May. Either just before I left Congress or immediately
on my return to it (I rather think it was the former) Doctor Franklin put
into my hands the draught of a plan of confederation, desiring me to
read it and tell him what I thought of it. I approved it highly. He,

1 John Adams, I Parts in italic are cipher translations.

3oo£ ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [jEt. 79.

showed it to others. Some thought as I did ; others were revolted at it.
We found it could not be passed, and the proposing it to Congress as the
subject for any vote whatever would startle many members so much that
they would suspect we had iost sight of reconciliation with Great Britain,
and that we should lose much more ground than we should gain by the
proposition. Yet, that the idea that a more firm bond of union than the
undefined one under which we then acted might be suggested and per-
mitted to grow, Dr. Franklin informed Congress that he had sketched
the outlines of an instrument which might become necessary at a future
day if the ministry continued pertinacious, and would ask leave for it to
lay on the table of Congress, that the members might in the meantime
be turning the subject in their minds, and have something more perfect
prepared by the time it should become necessary. This was agreed to
by the timid members only on condition that no entry whatever should
be made in the journals of Congress relative to this instrument. This
was to continue in force only till a reconciliation with Great Britain.
This was all that ever was done or proposed in Congress on the subject
of a confederation before June, 1776, when the proposition was regularly
made to Congress, a committee appointed to draw an instrument of Con-
federation, who accordingly drew one, very considerably differing from
the sketch of Doctor Franklin."

TO JAMES MONROE.

Aug. 38, 1785.

" I have waited to see what was the pleasure of Congress as to the
secretaryship of my office here ; that is, to see whether they proposed to
appoint a secretary of legation, or leave me to appoint a private sec-
retary. . . . The lengthy papers which often accompany the communica-
tions between the ministers here and myself and the other business of
the office absolutely require a scribe. I shall, therefore, on Mr. Short's
return from The Hague, appoint him my private secretary till Congress
shall think proper to signify their pleasure. The salary allowed Mr.
Franklin in the same office was 1000 dollars a year. I shall presume that
Mr. Short may draw the same allowance from the funds of the N. T.
here as soon as I shall have made this appointment. I shall give official
notice of it to Mr. Jay, that Congress may, if they disapprove of it, say so. . . .

" The English papers, so incessantly repeating their lies about the
tumults, the anarchy, the bankruptcies, and distresses of America, these
ideas prevail very generally in Europe. At a large table where I dined
the other day a gentleman from Switzerland expressed his apprehensions
for the fate of Doctor Franklin, as he said he had been informed he
would be received with stones by the people, who were generally dis-
satisfied with the revolution and incensed against all those who had

JEt. 79.] ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. ^OQ c

assisted in bringing it about. I told him his apprehensions were just,
and that the people of America would probably salute Dr. Franklin with
the same stones they had thrown at the Marquis Fayette. The reception
of the doctor is an object of very general attention, and will weigh in
Europe as an evidence of the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of America
with their revolution."

President Jefferson had been applied to by Dr. Benjamin Rush to
write a letter of condolence to the widow, on the death of Captain Barry.

In a letter expressing his willingness to pay any just tribute to the
memory of Captain Barry, he says :

"To what a train of attentions would this draw a President? How
difficult would it be to draw the line between that degree of merit entitled
to such a testimonial of it and that not so entitled ? If drawn in a par-
ticular case differently from what the friends of the deceased would judge
right, what offence would it give, and of the most tender kind ? How
much offence would be given by accidental inattentions or want of in-
formation? The first step into such an undertaking ought to be well
weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin the King and Convention of
France went into mourning. So did the House of Representatives
of the United States ; the Senate refused. I proposed to General Wash-
ington that the executive department should wear mourning. He de-
clined it, because he said he should not know where to draw the line
if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then Vice-President,
and I thought General Washington had his eye on him, whom he cer-
tainly did not love. I told him the world had drawn so broad a line
between himself and Dr. Franklin on the one side, and the residue of
mankind on the other, that we might wear mourning for them, and the
question still remain new and undecided as to all others. He thought it
best, however, to avoid it. On these considerations alone, however well
affected to the merit of Commodore Barry, I think it prudent not to
engage myself in a practice which may become embarrassing."

TO JAMES MONROE, IN BEHALF OF FRANKLIN'S GRANDSON.

Paris, Nov. 11, 1784.

"Can nothing be done for young Franklin? He is senible, discreet,
polite and good-humored, and fully qualified as a Secretaire d'Ambas-
sade. His grandfather has none annexed to his legation at this Court.
He is most sensibly wounded at his grandson's being superseded."

JEFFERSON TO MONROE.

Paris, July 5, 1785.

V This will be brought you by Master Franklin. He has a separate
letter of introduction to you. I have never been with him enough to un-

XOOd ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [JEt. 79.

ravel his character with certainty. Seems to be good in the main, but 640.
I see sometimes an attempt to keep himself impenetrated, which perhaps is
the effect of the old lesson of his grandfather; his understanding is good
enough for common uses, but not great enough for uncommon ones. How-
ever, ^0« will have better opportunity of knowing him. The Doctor is
extremely wounded by the inattention of Congress to his application for
Am*. He expects something to be <£?«* as a reward for his service. He
will present 587.8, a determined silence on this subject in future. Adieu.
Yours, affectionately.

" P. S. — Europe fixes an attentive eye on your reception of Doct.
Franklin. He is infinitely esteemed. Do not neglect any f*ar>& of your
approbation which ^« think 639. 1543. or proper. It will honour you
here."

FRANKLIN IN THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

" As the Confederation had made no provision for a visible head of the
government during vacations of Congress, and such a one was necessary
to superintend the executive business, to receive and communicate with
foreign ministers and nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and
extraordinary emergencies," Jefferson proposed, April 14, 1784, "the
appointment of a committee to be called the Committee of the States, to
consist of a member from each State, who should remain in session dur-
ing the recess of Congress. That the functions of Congress should be
divided into Executive and Legislative, the latter to be reserved, and the
former, by a general resolution, to be delegated to that committee. This
proposition was afterwards agreed to, a Committee appointed, who
entered on duty on the subsequent adjournment of Congress, quarrelled
very soon, split into two parties, abandoned their post, and left the gov-
ernment without any visible head until the next meeting of Congress."

Jefferson says : "I was in France when we heard of this schism and
separation of our committee, and, speaking with Dr. Franklin of this
singular disposition of men to quarrel and divide into parties, he gave
his sentiments as usual by way of apologue. He mentioned the Eddy-
stone Lighthouse in the British Channel as being built on a rock in the
mid-channel totally inaccessible in winter from the boisterous character
of that sea in that season. That therefore, for the two keepers employed
to keep up the lights, all provisions for the winter were necessarily carried
to them in autumn, as they could never be visited again till the return
of the milder season. That on the first practicable day in the spring a
boat put off to them with fresh supplies. The boatman met at the door
one of the keepers and accosted him with a ' How goes it friend ? '
'Very well.' 'How is your companion?' 'I do not know.' 'Don't
know ? Is he not here ? ' 'I can't tell.' * Have you not seen him to-

JET. 79.] ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. yyQ>e

day ? ' ' No.' ' When did you see him ? ' ' Not since last fall.' ' You
have killed him ? ' ' Not I, indeed.' They were about to lay hold of
him, as having certainly murdered his companion, but he desired them
to go upstairs and examine for themselves. They went up, and there
found the other keeper. They had quarelled it seems soon after being
left there, had divided into two parties, assigned the cares below to one,
and those above to the other, and had never spoken to or seen one
another since."

TO THE REV. WILLIAM SMITH, WHO HAD BEEN REQUESTED BY
CONGRESS TO DELIVER AN ORATION ON FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, Feb. 19, 1891.

" I feel both the wish and the duty to communicate, in compliance with
your request, whatever, within my knowledge, might render justice to
the memory of our great countryman, Dr. Franklin, in whom Philosophy
has to deplore one of its principal luminaries extinguished. But my
opportunities of knowing the interesting facts of his life have not been
equal to my desire of making them known. . . .

" I can only therefore testify in general that there appeared to me more
respect and veneration attached to the character of Dr. Franklin in
France than to that of any other person in the same country, foreign or
native. I had opportunities of knowing particularly how far these sen-
timents were felt by the foreign ambassadors and ministers at the Court
of Versailles. The fable of his capture by the Algerines, propagated by
the English newspapers, excited no uneasiness, as it was seen at once to
be a dish cooked up to the palate of their readers. But nothing could
exceed the anxiety of his diplomatic brethren on a subsequent report
of his death, which, though premature, bore some marks of authenticity.

" I found the ministers of France equally impressed with the talents
and integrity of Doctor Franklin. The Count de Vergennes particularly
gave me repeated and unequivocal demonstrations of his entire con-
fidence in him.

" When he left Passy it seemed as if the village had lost its patriarch.
On taking leave of the court, which he did by letter, the King ordered
him to be handsomely complimented, and furnished him with a litter and
mules of his own, the only kind of conveyance the state of his health
would bear.

" No greater proof of his estimation in France can be given than the
late letters of condolence on his death from the National Assembly of that
country and the community of Paris to the President of the United
States, and to Congress, and their public mourning on that event. It is,
I believe, the first instance of that homage having been paid by a public
body of one nation to a private citizen of another.

300/ ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [JEr. 79.

" His death was an affliction which was to happen to us at some time
or other. We have reason to be thankful he was so long spared ; that
the most useful life should be the longest also ; that it was protracted so
far beyond the ordinary span allotted to man as to avail us of his wisdom
in the establishment of our own freedom, and to bless him with a view
of its dawn in the east, where they seemed, till now, to have learned
everything but how to be free.

" The succession to Dr. Franklin at the court of France was an ex-
cellent school of humility. On being presented to any one as the minister
of America, the commonplace question used in such cases was ' C'est vous,
Monsieur, qui remplace le Docteur Franklin?' I generally answered,
' No one can replace him, sir; I am only his successor.'

" These small offerings to the memory of our great and dear friend,
whom time will be making greater while it is spunging us from its records,
must be accepted by you, sir, in that spirit of love and veneration for
him in which they are made ; and not according to their insignificance in
the eyes of a world who did not want this mite to fill up the measure
of his worth."

TO JAMES MADISON.

Annapolis, Mar. 16, 1784.

" I am induced to this quick reply by an alarming paragraph in it,
which is, that Mazzei is coming to Annapolis. I tremble at the idea. I
know he will be worse to me than a return of my double quotidian head-
ache. There is a resolution reported to Congress by a committee that
they will never appoint to the office of minister, charge des affaires, con-
sul, agent, &c. (describing the foreign employments), any but natives.
To this I think there will not be a dissenting vote, and it will be taken up
among the first things. Could you not by making him acquainted with
this divert him from coming here ? A consultate is his object, in which
he will assuredly fail. But his coming will be attended with evil. He is
the violent enemy of Franklin, having been some time at Paris. From
my knowledge of the man I am sure he will have employed himself in
collecting on the spot facts true or false to impeach him. You know
there are people here who, on the first idea of this, will take him to their
bosom and turn all Congress topsy-turvy. For God's sake then save us
from this confusion if you can."

When the Declaration of Independence was under the consideration
of Congress, there were two or three unlucky expressions in it which
gave offence to some members. The words " Scotch and other foreign
auxiliaries " excited the ire of a gentleman or two of that country. Severe
strictures on the conduct of the British King, in negativing our repeated
repeals of the law which permitted the importation of slaves, were dis-
approved by some Southern gentlemen whose reflections were not yet

Mt. 79.] ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. $00 g

matured to the full abhorrence of that traffic. Although the offensive
expressions were immediately yielded, these gentlemen continued their
depredations on other parts of the instrument. I was sitting by Dr.
Franklin, who perceived that I was not insensible to these mutilations.
I have made it a rule, said he, whenever in my power to avoid becoming
the draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my
lesson from an incident which I will relate to you. When I was a jour-
neyman printer, one of my companions, an apprentice hatter, having
served out his time, was about to open shop for himself; his first concern
was to have a handsome signboard, with a proper inscription. He com-
posed it in these words-: " John Thompson, Hatter, makes and sells hats
for ready money," with a figure of a hat subjoined. But he thought he
would submit it to his friends for their amendments. The first he showed
it to thought the word "Hatter" tautologous because followed by the
words "makes hats," which show he was a hatter. It was struck out.
The next observed that the word " makes " might as well be omitted,
because his customers would not care who made the hats. If good and
to their mind they would buy by whomsoever made. He struck it out.
A third said he thought the words " for ready money " were useless, as it
was not the custom of the place to sell on credit. Every one who pur-
chased expected to pay. They were parted with, and the inscription now
stood, " John Thompson sells hats." " Sells hats " ? says his next friend.
" Why, nobody will expect you to give them away. What, then, is the
use of that word"? It was stricken out, and "hats" followed it — the
rather as there was one painted on the board. So his inscription was
reduced ultimately to "John Thompson," with the figure of a hat sub-
joined.

TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Monticello, March 30, 1826.

" DEAR SIR, — I am thankful for the very interesting message and docu-
ments of which you have been so kind as to send me a copy, and will
state my recollections as to the particular passage of the message to
which you ask my attention. On the conclusion of peace, Congress,
sensible of their right to assume independence, would not condescend to
ask its acknowledgment from other nations, yet were willing, by some
of the ordinary international transactions, to receive what would imply
that acknowledgment. They appointed commissioners, therefore, to pro-
pose treaties of commerce to the principal nations of Europe. I was
then a member of Congress, was of the committee appointed to prepare
instructions for the commissioners, was, as you suppose, the draughts-
man of those actually agreed to, and was joined with your father and
Dr. Franklin to carry them into execution. But the stipulations making
part of these injunctions, which respected privateering, blockades, con-

$QOh ANECDOTES OF DR. FRANKLIN. [^Et. 79.

traband, and freedom of the fisheries, were not original conceptions
of mine. They had before been suggested by Dr. Franklin in some
of his papers in possession of the public, and had, I think, been recom-
mended in some letter of his to Congress. I happen only to have been
the inserter of them in the first public act which gave the formal sanction
of a public authority. We accordingly proposed our treaties, contain-
ing these stipulations, to the principal governments of Europe. But we
were then just emerged from a subordinate condition ; the nations had
as yet known nothing of us, and had not yet reflected on the relations
which it might be their interest to establish with us. Most of them,
therefore, listened to our propositions with coyness and reserve ; old
Frederic alone closing with us without hesitation. The negotiator of
Portugal, indeed, signed a treaty with us which his government did not
ratify, and Tuscany was near a final agreement. Becoming sensible,
however, ourselves that we should do nothing with the greater powers,
we thought it better not to hamper our country with engagements to
those of less significancy, and suffered our powers to expire without
closing any other negotiations. Austria soon after became desirous of a
treaty with us, and her ambassador pressed it often on me ; but our com-
merce with her being no object, I evaded her repeated invitations. Had
these governments been then apprised of the station we should so soon
occupy among nations, all, I believe, would have met us promptly and
with frankness. These principles would then have been established with
all, and from being the conventional law with us alone, would have slid
into their engagements with one another, and become general. These
are the facts within my recollection. They have not yet got into written
history, but their adoption by our Southern brethren will bring them into
observance, and make them, what they should be, a part of the law
of the world, and of the reformation of principles for which they will be
indebted to us. I pray you to accept the homage of my friendly and
high consideration." — ED.

CHAPTER IX.

Preparation for leaving France — The Cargo of Onions — Foundling Hos-
pitals— The Three Greenlanders — Official Salaries — American Royalists
— Elective Bishops — His Abridged Liturgy — Quits Passy — Journey to
Havre — Voyage to Southampton — Attention from English Friends —
Voyage to the United States — Arrival Home.

1785.

To Mrs. Mary I received your little letter from Dover,

ted^ass *~ wmcn gave me great pleasure, as it informed
May, 1785. me of your happy progress so far in your way
home. I hope the rest of your journey was as prosperous.*

You talk of obligations to me, when in fact I am the
person obliged. I passed a long winter, which appeared the
shortest of any I ever past. Such is the effect of pleasing
society, with friends one loves.

I have now received my permission to return, and am
making my preparations. I hope to get away in June. I
promise myself, or rather flatter myself, that I shall be
happy when at home. But, however happy that circum-
stance may make me, your joining me there will surely
make me happier, provided your change of country may

• She and her children had spent the previous winter with Franklin at
Passy.— Ed.

301

302 THE DAMNED ONIONS. [,Et. 79.

be for the advantage of your dear little family. When you
have made up your mind on the subject, let me know by a
line, that I may prepare a house for you as near me, and
otherwise as convenient for you, as possible.

My neighbours begin to come out from Paris, and replace
themselves in their Passy houses. They inquire after you,
and are sorry you are gone before they could make them-
selves known to you. M. Le Veillard, in particular, has
told me at different times, what indeed I knew long since,
C est line bien digne femme, cette Madame Hew son > une tres
aimable femme. I would not tell you this if I thought it
would make you vain ; but that is impossible ; you have too
much good sense.

So wish me a good voyage, and, when you pray at church
for all that travel by land or sea, think of your ever affec-
tionate friend.

P. S. My love to William, and Thomas, and Eliza, ana
tell them I miss their cheerful prattle. Temple being sick,
and Benjamin at Paris, I have found it very triste break-
fasting alone, and sitting alone, and without any tea in the
evening.

To Jonathan The conversations you mention respect-

Williams.da- . .. ,, rr., 1 ,

ted Passy 19 m& America are suitable. Those people speak
May, 1785. what they wish ; but she was certainly never in
a more happy situation. They are angry with us, and speak
all manner of evil of us ; but we flourish, notwithstanding
They put me in mind of a violent High Church factor,
resident in Boston, when I was a boy. He had bought
upon speculation a Connecticut cargo of onions, which he
flattered himself he might sell again to great profit, but the

X.T. 79-] MORAL REFLECTIONS. ^0%

price fell, and they lay upon hand. He was heartily vexed
with his bargain, especially when he observed they began to
grow in the store he had filled with them. He showed them
one day to a friend. " Here they are," said he, " and they
are growing too ! I damn them every day ; but I think they
are like the Presbyterians ; the more I curse them, the more
*hey grow."

To George I sent you a few lines the other day, with
ted Passy, 33 mY medallion, when I should have written
May, 1785. more, but was prevented by the coming in of
i bavard, who worried me till evening. I bore with him,
and now you are to bear with me ; for I shall probably
bavarder in answering your letter.

I am not acquainted with the saying of Alphonsus, which
you allude to as a sanctification of your rigidity, in refusing
to allow me the plea of old age, as an excuse for my want
of exactness in correspondence. What was that saying ?
You do not, it seems, feel any occasion for such an excuse,
though you are, as you say, rising seventy-five. But I am
rising (perhaps more properly falling) eighty, and I leave
the excuse with you till you arrive at that age ; perhaps you
may then be more sensible of its validity, and see fit to use
it for yourself.

I must agree with you, that the gout is bad, and that the
stone is worse. I am happy in not having them both to-
gether, and I join in your prayer, that you may live till you
die without either. But I doubt the author of the epitaph
you send me was a little mistaken, when he, speaking of the
world, says, that

" he ne'er cared a pin
What they said or may say of the mortal within."
29*

304

MORAL REFLECTIONS. [JEt. 79.

It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive
or dead, that I imagine he could not be quite exempt from
that desire ; and that at least he wished to be thought a wit,
or he would not have given himself the trouble of writing
so good an epitaph to leave behind him. Was it not as
worthy of his care that the world should say he was an
honest and a good man ? I like better the concluding sen-
timent in the old song, called " The Old Man's Wish,"
wherein, after wishing for a warm house in a country town,
an easy horse, some good authors, ingenious and cheerful
companions, a pudding on Sundays, with stout ale, and a
bottle of Burgundy, &c. &c, in separate stanzas, each
ending with this burthen,

" May I govern my passions with absolute sway,
Grow wiser and better as my strength wears away,
Without gout or stone, by a gentle decay;"

he adds,

"With a courage undaunted may I face my last day,
And, when I am gone, may the better sort say,
' In the morning when sober, in the evening when mellow,
He 's gone, and has not left behind him his fellow ;
For he governed his passions, &c.' "

But what signifies our wishing? Things happen, after all,
as they will happen. I have sung that wishing song a thou-
sand times, when I was young, and now find, at fourscore,
that the three contraries have befallen me, being subject
to the gout and the stone, and not being yet master of all
my passions. Like the proud girl in my country, who
wished and resolved not to marry a parson, nor a Presby-
terian, nor an Irishman ; and at length found herself mar-
ried to an Irish Presbyterian parson.

ALT. 79.] TRUST IN GOD. 305

Ycu see I have some reason to wish, that., in a future
state, I may not only be as well as /was, but a little better.
And I hope it ; for I, too, with your poet, trust in God.
And when I observe, that there is great frugality, as well as
wisdom, in his works, since he has been evidently sparing
both of labor and materials ; for by the various wonderful
inventions of propagation, he has provided for the con-
tinual peopling his world with plants and animals, without
being at the trouble of repeated new creations ; and by the
natural reduction of compound substances to their original
elements, capable of being employed in new compositions,
he has prevented the necessity of creating new matter ; so
that the earth, water, air, and perhaps fire, which being
compounded form wood, do, when the wood is dissolved,
return, and again become air, earth, fire, and water ; I say,
that, when I see nothing annihilated, and not even a drop
of water wasted, I cannot suspect the annihilation of souls,
or believe, that he will suffer the daily waste of millions of
minds ready made that now exist, and put himself to the
continual trouble of making new ones. Thus finding my-
self to exist in the world, I believe I shall, in some shape
or other, always exist ; and, with all the inconveniences
human life is liable to, I shall not object to a new edition
of mine ; hoping, however, that the errata of the last may
be corrected.

I return your note of children received in the Foundling
Hospital at Paris, from 1741 to 1755, inclusive; and I have
added the years succeeding, down to 1770. Those since
that period I have not been able to obtain. I have noted
in the margin the gradual increase, viz. from every tenth
child so thrown upon the public, till it comes to every
third ! Fifteen years have passed since the last account,

306 ENFANS TROUV£S. [Mt. 79.

and probably it may now amount to one half. Is it right
to encourage this monstrous deficiency of natural affection?
A surgeon I met with here excused the women of Paris, bv
saying, seriously, that they could not give suck; "Car,'*
said he, "dies ri ont point de tetons" He assured me it
was a fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how flat
they were on the breast ; " they have nothing more there,"
said he, " than I have upon the back of my hand." I have
since thought that there might be some truth in his obser-
vation, and that, possibly, nature, finding they made no use
of bubbles, has left off giving them any. Yet, since Rous-
seau pleaded, with admirable eloquence, for the rights of
children to their mother's milk, the mode has changed a
little ; and some ladies of quality now suckle their infants
and find milk enough. May the mode descend to the lower
ranks, till it becomes no longer the custom to pack their
infants away, as soon as born, to the Enfans Trouves, with
the careless observation, that the King is better able to
maintain them.

I am credibly informed, that nine-tenths of them die
there pretty soon, which is said to be a great relief to the
institution, whose funds would not otherwise be sufficient
to bring up the remainder. Except the few persons of
quality above mentioned, and the multitude who send to
the Hospital, the practice is to hire nurses in the country
to carry out the children, and take care of them there.
Here is an office for examining the health of nurses, and
giving them licenses. They come to town on certain days
of the week in companies to receive the children, and we
often meet trains of them on the road returning to the
neighbouring villages, with each a child in her arms. But
those, who are good enough to try this way of raising their

At. 79.] DESCENDING HONORS. 307

children, are often not able to pay the expense ; so that the
prisons of Paris are crowded with wretched fathers and
mothers confined pour mot's de nourrice, though it is lauda-
bly a favorite charity to pay for them, and set such prisoners
at liberty. I wish success to the new project of assisting
the poor to keep their children at home, because I think
there is no nurse like a mother (or not many), and that, if
parents did not immediately send their infants out of their
sight, they would in a few days begin to love them, and
thence be spurred to greater industry for their mainten-
ance. This is a subject you understand better than I, and,
therefore, having perhaps said too much, I drop it. I
only add to the notes a remark, from the "History of the
Academy of Sciences," much in favor of the Foundling
Institution.

The Philadelphia bank goes on, as I hear, very well.
What you call the Cincinnati Institution is no institution
of our government, but a private convention among the
officers of our late army, and so universally disliked by the
people, that it is supposed it will be dropped. It was con-
sidered as an attempt to establish something like an heredi-
tary rank or nobility. I hold with you, that it was wrong;
may I add, that all descending honors are wrong and absurd ;
that the honor of virtuous actions appertains only to him
that performs them, and is in its nature incommunicable.
If it were communicable by descent, it must also be divisi-
ble among the descendants ; and the more ancient the
family, the less would be found existing in any one branch
of it; to say nothing of the greater chance of unlucky inter-
ruptions.*

* See rupra, letter to Mrs. Bache, dated January 26th, 1784.— Ed.

308 COMFORTS OF SELF-ESTEEM. [JEt. 79.

Our constitution seems not to be well understood with
you. If the Congress were a permanent body, there would
be more reason in being jealous of giving it powers. But
its members are chosen annually, cannot be chosen more
than three years successively, nor more than three years in
seven ; and any of them may be recalled at any time, when-
ever their constituents shall be dissatisfied with their con-
duct.* They are of the people, and return again to mix
with the people, having no more durable preeminence than
the different grains of sand in an hourglass. Such an as-
sembly cannot easily become dangerous to liberty. They
are the servants of the people, sent together to do the
people's business, and promote the public welfare; their
powers must be sufficient, or their duties cannot be per-
formed. They have no profitable appointments, but a mere
payment of daily wages, such as are scarcely equivalent to
their expenses ; so that, having no chance for great places,
and enormous salaries or pensions, as in some countries,
there is no canvassing or bribing for elections.

I wish Old England were as happy in its government,
but I do not see it. Your people, however, think their
constitution the best in the world, and affect to despise ours.
It is comfortable to have a good opinion of one's self, and
of every thing that belongs to us; to think one's own
religion, king, and wife, the best of all possible wives,
kings, or religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who
Aad travelled two years in Europe under the care of some
Moravian missionaries, and had visited Germany, Denmark,
Holland, and England. When I asked them at Phila-
delphia, where they were in their way home, whether, now

* Such were the provisions of the old Articles of Confederation. — Ed.

Mt. 79.]

THE DOUBLE SPECTACLES.

309

they had seen how much more commodiously the white
people lived by the help of the arts, they would not choose
to remain among us ; their answer was, that they were
pleased with having had an opportunity of seeing so many
fine things, but they chose to live in their own country.
Which country, by the way, consisted of rock only, for the
Moravians were obliged to carry earth in their ship from
New York, for the purpose of making a cabbage garden.

By Mr. Dollond's saying, that my double spectacles can
only serve particular eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly
informed of their construction. I imagine it will be found
pretty generally true, that the same convexity of glass,
through which a man sees clearest and best at the distance
proper for reading, is not the best for greater distances. I
therefore had formerly two pair of spectacles, which I shifted
occasionally, as in travelling I sometimes read, and often
wanted to regard the prospects. Finding this change
troublesome, and not always sufficiently ready, I had the
glasses cut, and half of each kind associated in the same
circle, thus,

By this means, as I wear my spectacles constantly, I have
9nly to move my eyes up or down, as I want to see dis-

3 IO OFFICIAL SALAR Y. [JEt. 79

tinctly far or near, the proper glasses being always ready.
This I find more particularly convenient since my being in
France, the glasses that serve me best at table to see what I
eat, not being the best to see the faces of those on the other
side of the table who speak to me ; and when one's ears are
not well accustomed to the sounds of a language, a sight of
the movements in the features of him that speaks helps to
explain ; so that I understand French better by the help of
my spectacles.

My intended translator of your piece, the only one I
know who understands the subject, as well as the two
languages, (which a translator ought to do, or he cannot
make so good a translation,) is at present occupied in an
affair that prevents his undertaking it; but that will soon be
over. I thank you for the notes. I should be glad to have
another of the printed pamphlets.

We shall always be ready to take your children, if you
send them to us. I only wonder, that, since London draws
to itself, and consumes such numbers of your country
people, the country should not, to supply their places, want
and willingly receive the children you have to dispose of.
That circumstance, together with the multitude who volun-
tarily part with their freedom as men, to serve for a time
as lackeys, or for life as soldiers, in consideration of small
wages, seems to me proof that your island is over-peopled.
And yet it is afraid of emigrations !

To Thomas With respect to my continuing to charge
ted^Passy, 19 two thousand five hundred pounds sterling per
June, 1785. annum as my salary, of which you desire some
explanation, I send you, in support of that charge, the
resolution of Congress, which is in these words.

Mr. 79.] OFFICIAL SALARY. 3H

"In Congress, October 5th, 1779. Resolved, that each
of the Ministers Plenipotentiary be allowed at the rate of
two thousand five hundred pounds sterling per annum, and
each of their secretaries at the rate of one thousand pounds
sterling per annum, in full for their services and expenses
respectively. That the salary of each of the said officers be
computed from the time of his leaving his place of abode,
to enter on the duties of his office, and be continued three
months after the notice of his recall."

The several bills I afterwards received, drawn on the
Congress banker, Mr. Grand, for my salary, were all calcu-
lated on that sum, as my salary; and neither the banker
nor myself has received notice of any change respecting me.
He has accordingly, since the drawing ceased, continued to
pay me at the same rate. I have, indeed, heard, that a
resolution was passed last year, that the salaries of Plenipo-
tentiaries should be no more than two thousand pounds
sterling per annum. But the resolution, I suppose, can
relate only to such Plenipotentiaries as should be afterwards
appointed ; for I cannot conceive, that the Congress, after
promising a minister twenty-five hundred pounds a year,
and when he has thereby been encouraged to engage in a
way of living for their honor, which only that salary can
support, would think it just to diminish it a fifth, and
leave him under the difficulty of reducing his expenses pro-
portionably ; a thing scarce practicable ; the necessity of
which he might have avoided, if he had not confided in
their original promise.

But the article of salary with all the rest of my accounts

will be submitted to the judgment of Congress, together

with some other considerable articles I have not charged,

but on which I shall expect, from their equity, some con-
Vol. III.— 30

312 BALLOONING. [Mr. 79.

sideration. If, for want of knowing precisely the intention
of Congress, what expenses should be deemed public, and
what private, I have charged any article to the public,
which should be defrayed by me, their banker has my
order, as soon as the pleasure of Congress shall be made
known to him, to rectify the error, by transferring the
amount to my private account, and discharging by so much
that of the public.

To , I have just received the only letter from you

dated assy, ^^ ^ mven me pain. It informs me of

20 June, 17S5. ° r

your intention to attempt passing to England
in the car of a balloon. In the present imperfect state of
that invention, I think it much too soon to hazard a voyage
of that distance. It is said here by some of those, who
have had experience, that as yet they have not found means
to keep up a balloon more than two hours ; for that, by
now and then losing air to prevent rising too high and
bursting, and now and then discharging ballast to avoid
descending too low, these means of regulation are ex-
hausted. Besides this, all the circumstances of danger
by disappointment, in the operation of soupapes, &c. &c,
seem not to be yet well known, and therefore not easily
provided against. For on Wednesday last M. Pilatre de
Rosier, who had studied the subject as much as any man,
lost his support in the air, by the bursting of his balloon,
or by some other means we are yet unacquainted with, and
fell with his companion from the height of one thousand
toises, on the rocky coast, and were both found dashed to
pieces.

You, having lived a good life, do not fear death. But
pardon thf anxious freedom of a friend, if he tells you,

Ml. 79.] THE LATE CONTEST. 313

that, the continuance of your life being of importance to
your family and your country, though you might laudably
hazard it for their good, you have no right to risk it for a
fancy. I pray God this may reach you in time, and have
some effect towards changing your design.

To Francis I agree with you perfectly in the opinion,
ted*Passy a6 tnat> though the contest has been hurtful to
Tune, 1785. both our countries, yet the event, a separation,
is better even for yours than success. The reducing and keep-
ing us in subjection by an armed force would have cost you
more than the dominion could be worth, and our slavery
would have brought on yours. The ancient system of the
British empire was a happy one, by which the colonies
were allowed to govern and tax themselves. Had it been
wisely continued, it is hard to imagine the degree of power
and importance in the world that empire might have
arrived at. All the means of growing greatness, extent of
territory, agriculture, commerce, arts, population, were
within its own limits, and therefore at its command.

I used to consider that system as a large and beautiful
porcelain vase ; I lamented the measures that I saw likely
to break it, and strove to prevent them ; because, once
broken, I saw no probability of its being ever repaired.
My endeavours did not succeed ; we are broken, and the
parts must now do as well as they can for themselves. We
may still do well, though separated. I have great hopes
of our side, and good wishes for yours. The anarchy and
confusion you mention, as supposed to prevail among
us, exist only in your newspapers. I have authentic ac-
counts, which assure me, that no people were ever better
governed, or more content with their respective constitu

j 14 THE ROYALISTS. [JsT.79.

tions and governments, than the present Thirteen State!
of America.

A little reflection may convince any reasonable man, that
a government wherein the administrators are chosen annu-
ally by the free voice of the governed, and may also be
recalled at any time if their conduct displeases their con-
stituents, cannot be a tyrannical one, as your Loyalists
represent it ; who at the same time inconsistently desire
to return and live under it. And, among an intelligent,
enlightened people, as ours is, there must always be too
numerous and too strong a party for supporting good gov-
ernment and the laws, to suifer what is called anarchy.
This better account of our situation must be pleasing to
your humanity, and therefore I give it you.

But we differ a little in our sentiments respecting the
Loyalists (as they call themselves), and the conduct of
America towards them, which, you think, "seems actuated
by a spirit of revenge ; and that it would have been more
agreeable to policy, as well as justice, to have restored their
estates upon their taking the oaths of allegiance to the new
governments." That there should still be some resentment
against them in the breasts of those, who have had their
houses, farms, and towns so lately destroyed, and relations
scalped under the conduct of these royalists, is not wonder-
ful ; though I believe the opposition given by many to
their reestablishing among us is owing to a firm persuasion,
that there could be no reliance on their oaths ; and that
the effect of receiving those people again would be an in-
troduction of that very anarchy and confusion they falsely
reproach us with. Even the example you propose, of the
English Commonwealth's restoring the estates of the royal-
ists after t^ir being subdued, seems rather to countenance

Mr. 79.] THE LOYALISTS. 31*

and encourage our acting differently, as probably if the
power, which always accompanies property, had not been
restored to the royalists, if their estates had remained con-
fiscated, and their persons had been banished, they could
not have so much contributed to the restoration of kingly
power, and the new government of the republic might have
been more durable.

The majority of examples in your history are on the other
side of the question. All the estates in England and south
of Scotland, and most of those possessed by the descendants
of the English in Ireland, are held from ancient confisca-
tions made of the estates of Caledonians and Britons, the
original possessors in your island, or the native Irish, in
the last century only. It is but a few months since, that
your Parliament has, in a few instances, given up confisca-
tions incurred by a rebellion suppressed forty years ago.
The war against us was begun by a general act of Parlia-
ment, declaring all our estates confiscated ; and probably
one great motive to the loyalty of the royalists was the hope
of sharing in these confiscations. They have played a deep
game, staking their estates against ours ; and they have
been unsuccessful. But it is a surer game, since they had
promises to rely on from your government, of indemnifica-
tion in case of loss ; and I see your Parliament is about to
fulfil those promises. To this I have no objection, because,
though still our enemies, they are men ; they are in neces-
sity ; and I think even a hired assassin has a right to his
pay from his employer. It seems too more reasonable, that
the expense of paying these should fall upon the govern-
ment who encouraged the mischief done, rather than upon
us who suffered it ; the confiscated estates making amends

but for a very small part of that mischief. It is not, there-
30*

X\6 THE ROYALISTS. [Mt. 79.

fore, clear, that our retaining them is chargeable with
injustice.

I have hinted above, that the name loyalist was improp-
erly assumed by these people. Royalists they may perhaps
be called. But the true loyalists were the people of America,
against whom they acted. No people were ever known
more truly loyal, and universally so, to their sovereigns.
The Protestant succession in the House of Hanover was
their idol. Not a Jacobite was to be found from one end
of the Colonies to the other. They were affectionate to
the people of England, zealous and forward to assist in
her wars, by voluntary contributions of men and money,
even beyond their proportion. The King and Parliament
had frequently acknowledged this by public messages, reso«
lutions, and reimbursements. But they were equally fon<\
of what they esteemed their rights ; and, if they resisted
when those were attacked, it was a resistance in favor of a
British constitution, which every Englishman might share
in enjoying, who should come to live among them ; it
was resisting arbitrary impositions, that were contrary to
common right and to their fundamental constitutions, and
to constant ancient usage. It was indeed a resistance in
favor of the liberties of England, which might have been
endangered by success in the attempt against ours; and
therefore a great man in your Parliament* did not scruple
to declare, he rejoiced that America had resisted. I, for the
same reason, may add this very resistance to the other
instances of their loyalty. I have already said, that I think
it just you should reward those Americans, who joined
your troops in the war against their own country ; but, if

* The first Lord Chatham.— Ed.

&T. 79- J LEAVES PASS Y. 317

ever honesty could be inconsistent with policy, it is so in
this instance.

To Mrs. Mary I wrote to you the 5 th of last month, and

dated°p'ass nave smce received your kind letters of the
26 June, 1785. 8th, informing me of your welfare, and that
of the dear children, which gave me great pleasure. I
shall long to see you all again in America, where I hope to
be soon. Almost all my things are now packed up, and
will be in the barge next Wednesday, to go down the river ;
for, though I know not yet what vessel I shall go in, I would
have every thing at Havre ready to embark ; and I suppose
I shall not be here myself a fortnight longer.

I say nothing to persuade you to go with me or to follow
me ; because I know you do not usually act from persua-
sion, but from judgment ; and, as that is very sound, I
leave you to yourself. You will do what is best for you
and yours, and that will give me most pleasure. Miss
Lamotte's friends do not consent to her going to England.
I enclose her letter, by which you will see, that, though
she speaks the language prettily, she does not write it
correctly. Indeed, abundance of the French are deficient
in their own orthography. I offered her, as you desired,
the money that might be necessary for the journey.

Temple is not yet quite well, having had several returns
of his ague. Benjamin continues hearty, and has been very
serviceable in packing. They both present their respects.

If you should write me a line before my departure, direct
it to Havre de Grace. Adieu, my very dear friend, and
believe me ever yours with sincerest respect and affection.

P. S. My love to every one of the children.

318 GRANVILLE SHARP. [Mt. 79.

To Mrs. Mary By this post I have given orders to engage

telTpassy 4 a ^ne smP> now at London, to carry me and
July, 1785. my family to Philadelphia. My baggage is
already on the Seine, going down to Havre, from whence,
if the captain cannot call for us there, we shall cross the
channel, and meet him at Cowes, in the Isle of Wight.
The ship has a large, convenient cabin, with good lodging-
places. The whole to be at my disposition, and there is
plenty of room for you and yours. You may never have
so good an opportunity of passing to America, if it is your
intention. Think of it, and take your resolution ; believing
me ever your affectionate friend.

P. S. Love to the dear children. If Mr. Williams is
returned to London, he will inform you of the particulars.
If not, you may inquire of Wallace, Johnson, and Muir,
merchants, London, to be heard of at the Pennsylvania
CorTee-House, Birchin Lane. The ship is to be at Cowes
the 1st of August.

To Granville I received the books you were so kind as to
Passy' siuhr send me by Mr. Drown. Please to accept my
!785. hearty thanks. Your writings, which always

have some public good for their object, I always read with
pleasure. I am perfectly of your opinion, with respect to
the salutary law of gavelkind, and hope it may in time
be established throughout America. In six of the States,
already, the lands of intestates are divided equally among
the children, if all girls 3 but there is a double share given
to the eldest son, for which I see no more reason, than
giving such share to the eldest daughter ; and I think there
should be no distinction. Since my being last in France,

Mt. 79.] ELECTIVE BISHOPS.— NEW LITURGY. ijq

I have seen several of our eldest sons, spending idly their
fortunes by residing in Europe and neglecting their own
country ; these are from the southern States. The northern
young men stay at home, and are industrious, useful citizens ;
the more equal division of their fathers' fortunes not en-
abling them to ramble and spend their shares abroad, which
is so much the better for their country.

I like your piece on the election of bishops. There is a
fact in Holinshed's "Chronicles," the latter part relating
to Scotland, which shows, if my memory does not deceive
me, that the first bishop in that country was elected by the
clergy. I mentioned it some time past in a letter to two
young men,* who asked my advice about obtaining ordina-
tion, which had been denied them by the bishops in Eng-
land, unless they would take the oath of allegiance to the
King ; and I said, I imagine, that, unless a bishop is soon
sent over with power to consecrate others, so that we may
have no future occasion for applying to England for ordina-
tion, we may think it right, after reading your piece, to
elect also.

The Liturgy you mention was an abridgment of that
made by a noble Lord of my acquaintance, who requested
me to assist him by taking the rest of the book, viz. the
Catechism and the reading and singing Psalms. These I
abridged by retaining of the Catechism only the two ques-
tions, What is your duty to God? What is your duty to your
neighbour? with answers. The Psalms were much con-
tracted by leaving out the repetitions (of which I found
more than I could have imagined), and the imprecations,
which appeared not to suit well the Christian doctrine of

* S*e the Letter to Messrs. Weems and Gant, supra, page 270. — ED.

320 LITURGY OF CHURCH OF ENGLAND. {Mr. 79.

forgiveness of injuries, and doing good to enemies. The book
was printed for Wilkie, in St. Paul's Church Yard, but never
much noticed. Some were given away, very few sold, and
I suppose the bulk became waste paper. In the prayers
so much was retrenched, that approbation could hardly be
expected ; but I think, with you, a moderate abridgment
might not only be useful, but generally acceptable.*

* The title of the volume, alluded to in the text, is as follows : "Abridge-
ment of the Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments,
and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, according to the Use of the
Church of England ; together with the Psalter, or Psalms of David, pointed
as they are to be sung or said in Churches. London ; printed in the Year
MDCCLXXIII." The " noble Lord," mentioned as aiding in the prep-
aration of this volume, was Lord Le Despencer. The Preface is wholly
from the pen of Dr. Franklin, and runs as follows.

" Preface.

" The editor of the following abridgment of the Liturgy of the Church of
England thinks it but decent and respectful to all, more particularly to the
reverend body of clergy, who adorn the Protestant religion by their good
works, preaching, and example, that he should humbly offer some reasons
for such an undertaking. He addresses himself to the serious and discern-
ing. He professes himself to be a Protestant of the Church of England,
and holds in the highest veneration the doctrines of Jesus Christ. He is a
sincere lover of social worship, deeply sensible of its usefulness to society ;
and he aims at doing some service to religion, by proposing such abbrevia-
tions and omissions in the forms of our Liturgy (retaining every thing he
thinks essential) as might, if adopted, procure a more general attendance.
For, besides the differing sentiments of many pious and well-disposed per-
sons in some speculative points, who in general have a good opinion of our
Church, it has often been observed and complained of, that the Morning
and Evening Service, as practised in England and elsewhere, are so long,
and filled with so many repetitions, that the continued attention suitable
to so serious a duty becomes impracticable, the mind wanders, and the
fervency of devotion is slackened. Also the propriety of saying the same
prayer more than once in the same service is doubted, as the service is
thereby lengthened without apparent necessity ; our Lord having given us
a short prayer as an example, and censured the heathen for thinking to be
heard because of much speaking.

" Moreover, many pious and devout persons, whose age or infirmities

<«Et. 79.] LITURGY OF CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 32 1

I am now on the point of departing for America, where I
shall be glad occasionally to hear from you, and of your

will not suffer them to remain for hours in a cold church, especially in the
winter season, are obliged to forego the comfort and edification they would
receive by their attendance on divine service. These, by shortening the
time, would be relieved ; and the younger sort, who have had some princi-
ples of religion instilled into them, and who have been educated in a belief
of the necessity of adoring their Maker, would probably more frequently,
as well as cheerfully, attend divine service, if they were not detained so long
at any one time. Also many well disposed tradesmen, shopkeepers, artificers,
and others, whose habitations are not remote from churches, could, and
would, more frequently at least, find time to attend divine service on other
than Sundays, if the prayers were reduced into a much narrower compass.

" Formerly there were three services performed at different times of the
day, which three services are now usually joined in one. This may suit the
conveniency of the person who officiates, but is too often inconvenient and
tiresome to the congregation. If this abridgment, therefore, should ever
meet with acceptance, the well-disposed clergy, who are laudably desirous
to encourage the frequency of divine service, may promote so great and
good a purpose, by repeating it three times on a Sunday, without so much
fatigue to themselves as at present. Suppose, at nine o'clock, at eleven, and
at one in the evening ; and by preaching no more sermons than usual, of a
moderate length ; and thereby accommodate a greater number of people
with convenient hours.

" These were general reasons for wishing and proposing an abridgment.
In attempting it we do not presume to dictate even to a single Christian.
We are sensible there is a proper authority in the rulers of the Church for
ordering such matters ; and whenever the time shall come when it may be
thought not unseasonable to revise our Liturgy, there is no doubt but every
suitable improvement will be made, under the care and direction of so much
learning, wisdom, and piety, in one body of men collected. Such a work
as this must then be much better executed. In the mean time, this humble
performance may serve to show the practicability of shortening the service
near one half, without the omission of what is essentially necessary ; and we
hope, moreover, that the book may be occasionally of some use to families,
or private assemblies of Christians.

" To give now some account of particulars. We have presumed upon
this plan of abridgment to omit the First Lesson, which is taken from the
Old Testament, and retain only the Second from the New Testament ; which,
we apprehend, is more suitable to teach the so-much-to-be-revered doctrine
of Christ, and of more immediate importance to Christians ; although the

322 LITURGY OF CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [JEt. 79.

welfare; being with sincere and great esteem, dear Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant.

Old Testament is allowed by all to be an accurate and concise history, ana,
as such, may more properly be read at home.

"We do not conceive it necessary for Christians to make use of more
than one Creed. Therefore in this abridgment are omitted the Nicene
Creed, and that of St. Athanasius. Of the Apostles' Creed we have retained
the parts that are most intelligible and most essential. And as the Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, are there confessedly and avowedly a part of the belief,
it does not appear necessary after so solemn a confession, to repeat again, in
the Litany, the Son and Holy Ghost, as that part of the service is otherwise
very prolix.

" The Psalms, being a collection of Odes, written by different persons, it
riath happened that many of them are on the same subject, and repeat the
same sentiments ; such as those that complain of enemies and persecutors,
call upon God for protection, express a confidence therein, and thank him
for it when afforded. A very great part of the book consists of repetitions
of this kind, which may therefore well bear abridgment. Other parts are
merely historical, repeating the mention of facts more fully narrated in the
preceding books, and which, relating to the ancestors of the Jews, were more
interesting to them than to us. Other parts are local, and allude to places
of which we have no knowledge, and therefore do not affect us. Others are
personal, relating to the particular circumstances of David or Solomon, as
kings ; and can therefore seldom be rehearsed with any propriety by private
Christians. Others imprecate, in the most bitter terms, the vengeance of
God on our adversaries, contrary to the spirit of Christianity, which com-
mands us to love our enemies, and to pray for those that hate us, and
despitefully use us. For these reasons it is to be wished, that the same
liberty were, by the governors of our Church, allowed to the minister with
regard to the reading Psalms, as is taken by the clerk, with regard to those
that are to be sung, in directing the parts that he may judge most suitable to
be read at the time, from the present circumstances of the congregation, or
the tenor of his sermon, by saying, ' Let us read' suoh and such parts of the
Psalms named. Until this is done, our abridgment, it is hoped, will be
found to contain what may be most generally proper to be joined in by an
assembly of Christian people. The Psalms are still apportioned to the days
of the month, as heretofore, though the several parts for each day are
generally a full third shorter.

" We humbly suppose the same service contained in this abridgment
might properly serve for all the Saints' Days, Fasts, and Feasts, reading
only the Epistle and Gospel appropriated to each day of the month.

JEt. 79.] LITURGY OF CHURCH OF FNGLAND. 323

To David I cannot quit the coasts of Europe without
te" Passy \ taking leave of my ever dear friend Mr. Hart-
July, 1785. ley. We were long fellow laborers in the

" The Communion is greatly abridged, on account of its great length ;
nevertheless, it is hoped and believed, that all those parts are retained which
are material and necessary.

" Infant Baptism in Churches being performed during divine service,
would greatly add to the length of that service, if it were not abridged. We
have ventured, therefore, to leave out the less material parts.

" The Catechism, as a compendium of systematic theology, which learned
divines have written folio volumes to explain, and which, therefore, it may
be presumed, they thought scarce intelligible without such expositions, is,
perhaps, taken altogether, not so well adapvcd to the capacities of children
as might be wished. Only those plain answers, therefore, which express our
duty towards God, and our duty towards our neighbour, are retained here.
The rest is recommended to their reading and serious consideration, when
more years shall have ripened their understanding.

" The Confirmation is here shortened.

" The Commination, and all cursing of mankind, is, we think, best omitted
in this abridgment.

" The form of solemnization of Matrimony is often abbreviated by the
officiating minister, at his discretion. We have selected what appear to us
the material parts, and which, we humbly hope, will be deemed sufficient.

" The long prayers in the service for the Visitation of the Sick seem not
so proper, when the afflicted person is very weak and in distress.

" The Order for the Burial of the Dead is very solemn and moving ; never-
theless, to preserve the health and lives of the living, it appeared to us that
Jhis service ought particularly to be shortened. For numbers standing in
the open air with their hats off, often in tempestuous weather, during the
celebration, its great length is not only inconvenient, but may be dangerous
to the attendants. We hope, therefore, that our abridgment of it will be
approved by the rational and prudent.

" The Thanksgiving of women after childbirth being, when read, part of
the service of the day, we have also, in some measure, abridged that.

" Having thus stated very briefly our motives and reasons, and our manner
of proceeding in the prosecution of this work, we hope to be believed, when
we declare the rectitude of our intentions. We mean not to lessen or pre-
vent the practice of religion, but to honor and promote it. We acknowledge
the excellency of our present Liturgy, and, though we have shortened it, we
have not presumed to alter a word in the remaining text ; not even to sub-
stitute who for which in the Lord's Prayer, and elsewhere, although it would
Vol. III.— 31 Q

324 DEPARTURE FROM PASSY. [JEt. 79.

best of all works, the work of peace. I leave you still in
the field, but, having finished my day's task, I am going
home to go to bed. Wish me a good night's rest, as I do
you a pleasant evening. Adieu ! and believe me ever yours
most affectionately, B. Franklin,

in his eightieth year.

To Mrs. Me- I left Passy yesterday afternoon, and am

com, dated , _._. , _

at. Germain, nere on my waY to Havre de Grace, a sea-
tweive miles port, in order to embark for America. I make

from Paris, 13

July, 1785. use of one of the King's litters, carried by

mules, which walk steadily and easily, so that
I bear the motion very well. I am to be taken on board a
Philadelphia ship on the coast of England, (Captain Trux-
tun,) the beginning of next month. Not having written to
you since the letter, which contained a bill on Mr. Vernon,
and as I may not have another opportunity before my
arrival in Philadelphia (if it pleases God I do arrive), I
write these particulars to go by way of England, that you
may be less uneasy about me. I did my last public act in
this country just before I set out, which was signing a treaty
of amity and commerce with Prussia. I have continued to

be more correct. We respect the characters of bishops and other digni-
taries of our Church, and, with regard to the inferior clergy, we wish that
they were more equally provided for, than by that odious and vexatious, as
well as unjust method, of gathering tythes in kind, which creates animosities
and litigations, to the interruption of the good harmony and respect, which
might otherwise subsist between the rectors and their parishioners.

" And thus, conscious of upright meaning, we submit this abridgment to
the serious consideration of the prudent and dispassionate, and not to enthu-
siasts and bigots ; being convinced in our own breasts, that this shortened
method, or one of the same kind better executed, would further religion,
increase unanimity, and occasion a more frequent attendance on the worship
of God."

<**• 79] JOURNEY TO HAVRE. 325

work till late in the day ; it is time I should go home and
go to bed.

Extracts from Having stayed in France about eight years
journal. an^ a na^j I t0°k leave of the court and my

friends, and set out on my return home July
1 2th, 1785, leaving Passy with my two grandsons at four
p.m. ; arrived about eight o'clock at St. Germain. M. de
Chaumont, with his daughter Sophia, accompanied us to
Nanterre. M. Le Veillard will continue with us to Havre.
We met at St. Germain the Miss Alexanders, with Mrs.
Williams, our cousin, who had provided a lodging for me
at M. Benoit's. I found that the motion of the litter, lent
me by the Duke de Coigny, did not much incommode me.
It was one of the Queen's, carried by two very large mules,
the muleteer riding another; M. Le Veillard and my
children in a carriage. We drank tea at M. Benoit's, and
went early to bed.

Wednesday, July 13th. — Breakfast with our friends; take
leave and continue our journey ; dine at a good inn at
Meulon, and get to Mantes in the evening. A messenger
from the Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld meets us there, with
an invitation to us to stop at his house at Gaillon the next
day ; acquainting us at the same time, that he would take
no excuse ; for, being all-powerful in his archbishopric, he
would stop us nolens volens at his habitation, and not per-
mit us to lodge anywhere else. We consented. Lodged
at Mantes. Found myself very little fatigued with the
day's journey, the mules going only foot pace.

July \A,th. — Proceed early, and breakfast at Vernon.
Received a visit there from Vicomte de Tilly and his
Comtesse. Arrive at the Cardinal's without dining, about

326 JOURNEY TO HAVRE. [Mt. 79.

six in the afternoon. It is a superb ancient chateau, built
about three hundred and fifty years since ; but in fine
preservation, on an elevated situation, with an extensive
and beautiful view over a well cultivated country. The
Cardinal is Archbishop of Rouen. A long gallery contains
the pictures of all his predecessors. The chapel is elegant
in the old style, with well-painted glass windows. The
terrace magnificent. We supped early. The entertainment
was kind and cheerful. We were allowed to go early tc
bed, on account of our intention to depart early in the
morning. The Cardinal pressed us to pass another day
with him, offering to amuse us with hunting in his park ;
but the necessity we are under of being in time at Havre,
would not permit. So we took leave and retired to rest.
The Cardinal is much respected and beloved by the people
of this country, bearing in all respects an excellent char-
acter.

July \$th. — Set out about five in the morning; travelled
till ten, then stopped to breakfast, and remained in the inn
during the heat of the day. We had heard at the Cardi-
nal's that our friend Mr. Holker, of Rouen, had been out
that day as far as Port St. Antoine to meet us, expecting
us there from a letter of M. de Chaumont's. Here came
to us one of his servants, who was sent to inquire if any
accident had happened to us on the road, and was ordered
to proceed till he got intelligence. He went directly back,
and we proceeded. We passed a chain of chalk mountains,
very high, with strata of flints. The quantity that appears
to have been washed away on one side of these moun-
tains, leaving precipices of three hundred feet high, gives
an idea of extreme antiquity. It seems as if done by the
beating of the sea. We got to Rouen about five ; were most

Mt. 79.] JOURNEY TO HAVRE. 327

affectionately received by Mr. and Mrs. Holker. A great
company of genteel people at supper, which was our dinner.
The chief President of the Parliament and his lady invited
us to dine the next day ; but being preengaged with Mr.
Holker, we compounded for drinking tea. We lodge all at
Mr. Holker's.

July 16th. — A deputation from the Academy of Rouen
came with their compliments, which were delivered in
form, and a present for me by one of the directors ; being
a magical square, which, I think he said, expressed my
name. I have perused it since, but I do not comprehend
it. The Duke de Chabot's son, lately married to a Mont-
morency, and colonel of a regiment now at Rouen, was
present at the ceremony, being just come in to visit me. I
forgot to mention that I saw with pleasure in the Cardinal's
cabinet, a portrait of this young man's grandmother,
Madame la Duchesse d'Enville, who had always been our
friend, and treated us with great civilities at Paris ; a lady
of uncommon intelligence and merit.

I received here also a present of books, 3 vols. 4to., from
Dr. , with a very polite letter, which I answered.

We had a great company at dinner, and at six went in a
chair to the President's, where were assembled some gentle-
men of the robe. We drank tea there, awkwardly made,
for want of practice, very little being drunk in France. I
went to bed early ; but my company supped with a large
invited party, and were entertained with excellent singing.

July 17th. — Set out early. Mr. Holker accompanied us

some miles, when we took an affectionate leave of each

other. Dine at Yvetot, a large town, and arrive at Bolbec;

being the longest day's journey we have yet made. It is a

market town of considerable business, and seems thriving.
31*

328 JOURNEY TO HAVRE. [,Et. 79

The people well clad, and appear better fed than those of
the wine countries. A linen printer here offered to remove
to America, but I did not encourage him.

July \Zth. — Left Bolbec about ten o'clock, and arrived at
Havre at five p.m., having stopped on the road at a miser-
able inn to bait. We were very kindly received by M. and
Mde. Ruellan. The governor makes us a visit, and some
other gentlemen.

July igth. — We receive visits in form from the intend-
ant, the governor or commandant, the officers of the regi-
ment of Poitou and Picardy, the corps of engineers, and
M. Limosin.

M. Limosin proposes several vessels; all very dear. We
wait for the packet from Southampton. Dine at M. Ruel-
lan's, where we lodge. Receive the affiliation of the lodge
at Rouen.

July 20th. — Return the visits. Receive one from the
corps de marine, and one from the corps d'artillerie. M.
Houdon arrives and brings me letters. Dine at M. Limo-
sin's. Present M. and Mde. Le Mesurier and their sister,
agreeable people of Alderney (Aurigny). Kindly enter-
tained by M. Limosin and his daughter. Return the last
visits.

The packet-boat arrives, and, the captain (Jennings)
calling at our lodging, we agreed with him to carry us
and the baggage we have here for ten guineas, to land us
at Cowes. We are to depart to-morrow evening.

July 21st. — We had another visit from M. de Villeneuve,
the commandant, inviting us to dine with him to-morrow ;
but, intending to go off this evening, we could not accept
that honor.

Dine with our friendly host and hostess. Mde. Feines,

'Et. 79.] JOURNEY TO HAVRE. 329

Mde. de Clerval, and two other ladies visit M. Le Veillard
with several gentlemen.

In the evening, when we thought we were on the point
of departing, the captain of the packet comes and acquaints
us that the wind is right against us, and blows so hard that
it is impossible to get out, and we give up the project till
to-morrow.

July 2 2d. — Breakfast and take leave of some friends, and
go on board the packet at half after ten. Wind not very
fair.

July 2$d. — Buffet all night against the north-west wind,
which was full in our teeth. This continued till two o'clock
to-day, then came fair, and we stand on our course. At
seven p.m. we discover land, the Isle of Wight.

July 24th. — We had a fair wind all night, and this morn-
ing at seven o'clock, being off Cowes, the captain repre-
sented to me the difficulty of getting in there against the
flood, and proposed that we should rather run up to South-
ampton, which we did, and landed there between eight
and nine. Met my son, who had arrived from London the
evening before, with Mr. Williams and Mr. J. Alexander.
Wrote a letter to the Bishop of St. Asaph, acquainting him
with my arrival, and he came with his lady and daughter,
Miss Kitty, after dinner to see us; they talk of staying
here as long as we do. Our meeting was very affectionate.
I write letters to London, viz. to Messrs. W. J. M. and Co.,
to acquaint them with our arrival, and desire to know when
the ship will sail, to Mr. Williams. These letters went by
post before we knew of his being here. Wrote also to Mr.
B. Vaughan.

July 2$th. — The Bishop and family lodging in the same
inn, the Star, we all breakfast and dine together. I went

330 JOURNEY TO HAVRE. [JEt. 79

at noon to bathe in Martin's salt-water hot-bath, and,
floating on my back, fell asleep, and slept near an hour by
my watch, without sinking or turning ! A thing I never
did before, and should hardly have thought possible.
Water is the easiest bed that can be. Read over the writ-
ings of conveyance, &c, of my son's lands in New Jersey
and New York to my grandson. Write to M. Ruellan, M.
Limosin, M. Holker, and M. Grand. Southampton is a
very neat, pretty place. The two French gentlemen, our
friends, much pleased with it. The Bishop gives me a book
in 4to., written by Dean Paley, and the family dine with
us. Sundry friends came to see me from London ; by one
I receive a present of my friend Dr. Fothergill's works,
from Dr. Lettsom, and a book on finance from Mr. Gale.
Mr. Williams tells me the ship had fallen down to Graves-
end the 2 2d, so that she might be in the Downs the 24th,
and possibly here to-morrow ; that is on the Mother Bank,
which we can see hence. Mr. Williams brought a letter
from Mr. Nepean, secretary to Lord Townshend, addressed
to Mr. Vaughan, expressing that orders would be sent to
the custom-house at Cowes not to trouble our baggage, &c.
It is still here on board the packet that brought it over.
Mr. Alexander takes leave for London ; write by him to
Mr. Jackson, Dr. Jeffries, Dr. Lettsom, and my son-in-law
Bache, the latter to be sent by the packet.

July 26th. — Deeds signed between W. Franklin and W.
T. Franklin.

Mr. Williams having brought sundry necessaries for me,
goes down with them to Cowes, to be ready for embarking.
Captain Jennings carries down our baggage that he brought
from Havre. My dear friend, M. Le Veillard, takes leave to
go with him. Mr. Vaughan arrives from London to see me.

Mr. 79.] HOME. 33 \

July 27M. — Give a power to my son to recover what may
be due to me from the British Government. Hear from J.
Williams that the ship is come.

We all dine once more with the Bishop and family, who
kindly accept our invitation to go on board with us. We
go down in a shallop to the ship. The captain entertains
us at supper. The company stay all night.

July 28/k. — When I waked in the morning, found the
company gone, and the ship under sail.

Tuesday, September i$th. — The wind springing fair last
evening, after a calm, we found ourselves this morning at
sunrising abreast of the light-house, and between Capes May
and Henlopen. We sail into the bay very pleasantly;
water smooth, air cool, day fair and fine.

We passed Newcastle about sunset, and went on near to
Red Bank before the tide and wind failed, then came to an
anchor.

Wednesday, September 14th. — With the flood in the
morning came a light breeze, which brought us above
Gloucester Point, in full view of dear Philadelphia ! when
we again cast anchor, to wait for the health officer, who,
having made his visit and finding no sickness, gave us leave
to land.

My son-in-law came with a boat for us; we landed at
Market Street wharf, where we were received by a crowd of
people with huzzas, and accompanied with acclamations
quite to my door. Found my family well.

God be praised and thanked for all his mercies !

THE LIFE OF FRANKLIN.

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

CONTINUED.

FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND OTHER WRITINGS

IP-A-ZE^T ITT

9ROM THE TERMINATION OF HIS MISSION TO FRANCE IN 1785
UNTIL HIS DEATH, APRIL 17, 1790.

CHAPTER X.

Franklin's Reception in America — Elected President of Pennsylvania —
The Retort Courteous — A Delegate to the Federal Convention to frame
a New Constitution.

I 785-I 787.

To John jay, I have the honor to acquaint you, that I left

deiphia * 19 Paris tne I2tn of July, and, agreeably to the
Sept., 1785. permission of Congress, am returned to my
own country. Mr. Jefferson had recovered his health, and
was much esteemed and respected there. Our joint letters
have already informed you of our late proceedings, to which
I have nothing to add, except that the last act I did, as
Minister Plenipotentiary for making treaties, was to sign
with him, two days before I came away, the treaty of friend-
ship and commerce that had been agreed on with Prussia,
and which was to be carried to the Hague by Mr. Short,
there to be signed by Baron Thulemeier on the part of the
King, who, without the least hesitation, had approved and
conceded to the new humane articles proposed by Congress.
Mr. Short was also to call at London for the signature of
Mr. Adams, who I learned, when at Southampton, was well
received at the British court.

The Captain Lamb, who, in a letter of yours to Mr.

Adams, was said to be coming to us with instructions
Vol. III.— 32 335

336 PRESENTS FROM LOUIS XVI. [Mr. 79.

respecting Morocco, had not appeared, nor had we heard
any thing of him ; so nothing had been done by us in that
treaty.

I left the court of France in the same friendly disposition
towards the United States, that we have all along expe-
rienced, though concerned to find, that our credit is not
better supported in the payment of the interest money due
on our loans, which, in case of another war, must be, they
think, extremely prejudicial to us, and indeed may con-
tribute to draw on a war the sooner, by affording our
enemies the encouraging confidence, that those who take
so little care to pay, will not again find it easy to borrow.
I received from the King, at my departure, the present of
his picture set round with diamonds, usually given to min-
isters plenipotentiary, who have signed any treaties with
that court; and it is at the disposition of Congress, to
whom be pleased to present my dutiful respects.

P. S. Not caring to trust them to a common convey-
ance, I send by my late secretary, who will have the honor
of delivering them to you, all the original treaties I have
been concerned in negotiating, that were completed. Those
with Portugal and Denmark continue in suspense.

To George I am just arrived from a country, where the
dated Pha* reputation of General Washington runs very
deiphia, 20 high, and where everybody wishes to see him
in person ; but, being told that it is not likely
he ever will favor them with a visit, they hope at least for
a sight of his perfect resemblance by means of their principal
statuary, M. Houdon, whom Mr. Jefferson and myself agreed
with to come over for the purpose of taking a bust, in order

Mr. 79.] HOUDON AND WASHINGTON. 337

to make the intended statue for the State of Virginia. He
is here, but, the materials and instruments he sent down the
Seine from Paris not being arrived at Havre when we sailed,
he was obliged to leave them, and is now busied in supply-
ing himself here. As soon as that is done, he proposes to
wait on you in Virginia, as he understands there is no pros-
pect of your coming hither, which would indeed make me
very happy ; as it would give me an opportunity of con-
gratulating with you personally on the final success of your
long and painful labors, in the service of our country,
which have laid us all under eternal obligations. With the
greatest and most sincere esteem and respect, I am, deai
Sir, &c*

* Before receiving this letter, General Washington testified his own per-
sonal sense of the value of Dr. Franklin's public services in the following

letter :

" Mount Vernon, 25 September, 1785.

" Dear Sir,
"Amid the public gratulations on your safe return to America, after a
long absence and the many eminent services you have rendered it, for which
as a benefited person I feel the obligation, permit an individual to join the
public voice in expressing a sense of them ; and to assure you, that, as no
one entertains more respect for your character, so no one can salute you with
more sincerity or with greater pleasure, than I do on the occasion. With
the highest regard and greatest consideration, I am, dear Sir, &c.

" George Washington."

On the following day he wrote another letter to Franklin acknowledging
the receipt of his, and adds :

" When it suits M. Houdon to come hither I will accommodate him in
the best manner I am able, and shall endeavor to render his stay as agree-
able as I can. It would give me infinite pleasure to see you. At this place
I dare not look for it ; though to entertain you under my own roof would
be doubly gratifying. When or whether I shall ever have the satisfaction of
seeing you at Philadelphia is uncertain, as retirement from the public walks
of life has not been so productive of leisure and ease as might have been
expected."

M. Houdon profited by General Washington's invitation, and repaired

338 IMPROVEMENT IN HEALTH. [Mt. 79.

To John jay Dear Friends, — I received your very kind
dated rphna- ^etter of the 1 6th, congratulating me on my
deiphia, ai safe arrival with my grandsons ; an event that
indeed makes me very happy, being what I
have long ardently wished, and, considering the growing
infirmities of age, began almost to despair of. I am now in
the bosom of my family, and find four new little prattlers,
who cling about the knees of their grandpapa, and afford
me great pleasure. The affectionate welcome I met with
from my fellow citizens was far beyond my expectation.

I bore my voyage very well, and find myself rather better
for it, so that I have every possible reason to be satisfied
with my having undertaken and performed it. When I was
at Passy, I could not bear a wheel carriage ; and, being
discouraged in my project of descending the Seine in a boat,
by the difficulties and tediousness of its navigation in so
dry a season, I accepted the offer of one of the King's
litters, carried by large mules, which brought me well,
though in walking slowly, to Havre. Thence I went over
in a packet-boat to Southampton, where I stayed four days,
till the ship came for me to Spithead. Several of my Lon-
don friends came there to see me, particularly the good
Bishop of St. Asaph and family, who stayed with me to the
last. In short, I am now so well as to think it possible,
that I may once more have the pleasure of seeing you both
perhaps at New York, with my dear young friends (who I
hope may not have quite forgotten me) ; for I imagine, that
on the sandy road between Burlington and Amboy I could
bear an easy coach, and the rest is water. I rejoice to hear

to Mount Vernon, where he sojourned three weeks, and modelled the statue
which may now be seen in the capitol at Richmond, and copies througbaut
the world. — En.

ittr. 79.J FRANKLIN'S FRENCH. 339

that you continue well, being with true and great esteem
and affection your most obedient servant.

ToM.LeRay I make no apology for writing in English,
daud^Phnal because l know my friend SoPhy can translate

delphia, ao it for VOU.*

Immediately after my landing, I wrote to
acquaint you with my safe arrival, and the absence of your
son. He is since returned in good health, and writes to you
by this opportunity, of which he acquainted me. I just
now received your favor of August 10, with two for him.
They will be put in his hands as soon as he returns from a
hunting party, on which he is out at present with my son
Bache and some others ; but will be back here next Sunday.
I thank you for delivering the tables to Madame Le
Veillard ; but more particularly for the present you have
made to Abb6 Morellet at my request, of the doctoral
chair. He had taken a vast liking to it, and the possession

* Franklin knew the French language passably well, but he never ac-
quired a very great facility either in writing or speaking it. He learned it as
early as 1733, so that he could read it a little ; but when he visited France
in 1767 and 1769, though he was already a celebrity in Paris, and brought
letters to Madame Geoffrin from David Hume, he did not find himself ade-
quately equipped with French for circulating in Paris society. He lost no
time, when he took up his residence in France, in repairing this deficiency as
well as possible at his then advanced age, and he succeeded marvellously
in that, as in every thing to which he applied his mind. But there is a story
told at the expense of his French, which is no doubt good testimony upon
this point merely because it was current, whether authentic or not, and there
is no reason, that I know of, to question its authenticity.

At a session of the Lyceum or Academy when he was present, finding
it difficult to follow the exercises, and wishing to appear no less appre-
ciative than the rest of the audience, he said that he should applaud every
time he heard Madame de BoufHers give signs of approbation. It unfor-
tunately happened that he applauded the loudest at his own praises. — Ed.
32*

340 CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. (VEt. 79.

must give him great pleasure. The marmitc d vapeurl have
with me here. We used it at sea with great success ; though
the water we boiled was salt.

As to Finck, the maitre d' hotel, he was fairly paid in
money for every just demand he could make against us, and
we have his receipts in full. But there are knaves in the
world whom no writing can bind, and when you think you
have finished with them, they come with demands after
demands sans fin. He was continually saying of himself,
Je suis honnete homme ; je suis honnete homme. But I
always suspected he was mistaken ; and so it proves.

I hope your Princes and Princesses and Duchesses and
Marquises are not birds of passage, but will stay with you as
we did through the winter, that so you may pass it the more
agreeably.

I will mention your project of transporting wood, &c, to
some of my friends ; but I think this not the best part of
the country for such an undertaking.

To David Your newspapers are filled with accounts of
ted^Phi'iadeu distresses and miseries, that these States are
phia, 27 Oc- plunged into since their separation from
Britain. You may believe me when I tell
you, that there is no truth in those accounts. I find all
property in lands and houses augmented vastly in value ;
that of houses in towns at least fourfold. The crops have
been plentiful, and yet the produce sells high, to the great
profit of the farmer. At the same time, all imported goods
sell at low rates, some cheaper than the first cost. Work-
ing people have plenty of employ and high pay for their
labor.

These appear to me as certain signs of public prosperity.

Mr. 79.] PUBLIC HONORS. ^\

Some traders, indeed, complain that trade is dead ; but this
pretended evil is not an effect of inability in the people
to buy, pay for, and consume the usual articles of com-
merce, as far as they have occasion for them ; it is owing
merely to there being too many traders, who have crowded
hither from all parts of Europe with more goods than the
natural demand of the country requires. And what in
Europe is called the debt of America, is chiefly the debt to
these adventurers and supercargoes to their principals, with
which the settled inhabitants of America, who never paid
better for what they want and buy, have nothing to do. As
to the contentment of the inhabitants with the change of
government, methinks a stronger proof cannot be desired,
than what they have given in my reception. You know
the part I had in that change, and you see in the papers
the addresses from all ranks with which your friend was
welcomed home, and the sentiments they contain confirmed
yesterday in the choice of him for President by the Council
and new Assembly, which was unanimous, a single voice in
seventy-seven excepted.*

* The day succeeding his arrival, Franklin was waited upon with a con-
gratulatory address by the Assembly of Pennsylvania, in which, among
other things, they said :

" We are confident, Sir, that we speak the sentiments of this whole coun-
try, when we say, that your services, in the public councils and negotiations,
have not only merited the thanks of the present generation, but will be re-
corded in the pages of history, to your immortal honor. And it is particu-
larly pleasing to us, that, while we are sitting as members of the Assembly
of Pennsylvania, we have the happiness of welcoming into the State a person
who was so greatly instrumental in forming its free constitution."

The American Philosophical Society, the University of Pennsylvania, and
other public bodies, gave him similar testimonies of reverence, respect,
and gratitude, sentiments which took a more universal expression in the
following month, when he lacked but one vote of a unanimous election
as President of the State of Pennsylvania.— ED.

342 HARNESSED AGAIN. [Mr. 79.

I remember you used to wish for newspapers from Amer-
ica. Herewith I send a few, and you shall be regularly
supplied, if you can put me in a way of sending them, so
as that you may not be obliged to pay postage.

To Mrs. Mary I believe I acquainted you by a line, imme-
ted Phiiadeu diately after my arrival here, that we had a
phia, 30 oc- pleasant, and not a long passage, in which

tober, 1785. .

there was but one day, a day of violent storm,
in which I was glad you were not with us. I had the hap-
piness of finding my family well, and of being very kindly
received by my country folks.

I say nothing to persuade your coming, because I said in
a former letter, I would leave you entirely to your own
judgment, which is very good. I would only mention the
fact, that, on inquiry, I am informed the usual apprentice-
fee to a mercantile house of eminence, is from one hundred
to one hundred and fifty pounds sterling. I am plunged
again into public business, as deep as ever ; and can now
only add my love to the dear children, in which this family
all join. ' Temple is just gone to look at his lands, and Ben
is at college to complete his studies.

To John Bard I received your kind letter, which gave me
Bard dated great pleasure, as it informed me of your
Philadelphia, welfare. Your friendly congratulations are

November, ,

1785. very obliging. I had on my return some

right, as you observe, to expect repose ; and it was my
intention to avoid all public business. But I had not firm-
ness enough to resist the unanimous desire of my country
folks ; and I find myself harnessed again in their service
for another year. They engrossed the prime of my life.

Mr. 79. ] AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 343

They have eaten my flesh, and seem resolved now to pick my
bones. You are right in supposing, that I interest myself
in every thing that affects you and yours, sympathizing in
your afflictions, and rejoicing in your felicities; for our friend-
ship is ancient, and was never obscured by the least cloud

To Edward I received your kind letter of September 5th,
tedTphiikdel" informing me of the intention Mr. Dilly has
phia, 26 Nov- of printing a new edition of my writings, and
of his desire, that I would furnish him with
such additions as I may think proper. At present all my
papers and manuscripts are so mixed with other things, by
the confusions occasioned in sudden and various removals
during the late troubles, that I can hardly find any thing.
But, having nearly finished an addition to my house, which
will afford me room to put all in order, I hope soon to be
able to comply with such a request ; but I hope Mr. Dilly
will have a good understanding in the affair with Henry
and Johnson, who, having risked the former impressions,
may suppose they thereby acquired some right in the copy.
As to the "Life" proposed to be written, if it be by the
same hand who furnished a sketch to Dr. Lettsom, which he
sent me, I am afraid it will be found too full of errors for
either you or me to correct ; and, having been persuaded
by my friends, Messrs. Vaughan and M. Le Veillard, Mr.
James of this place, and some others, that such a "Life,"
written by myself, may be useful to the rising generation, I
have made some progress in it, and hope to finish it this
winter; so I cannot but wish that project of Mr. Dilly' s
biographer may be laid aside. I am nevertheless thankful
to you for your friendly offer of correcting it.

As to public affairs, it is long since I gave over all ex-

344 PROSPECTS. [^t. 8a

pectations of a commercial treaty between us and Britain;
and I think we can do as well, or better, without one than
she can. Our harvests are plenty, our produce fetches a
high price in hard money, and there are in every part
of our country incontestable marks of public felicity. We
discover, indeed, some errors in our general and particular
constitutions ; which it is no wonder they should have,
the time in which they were formed being considered.
But these we shall soon mend. The little disorders you
have heard of in some of the States, raised by a few wrong
heads, are subsiding, and will probably soon be extin-
guished. My best wishes, and those of my family, attend
you. We shall be happy to see you here, when it suits you
to visit us.

To Jonathan My reception here was, as you have heard,
tedVhiiadei- veiT honorable indeed ; but I was betrayed by
phia, 24 Feb., it, and by some remains of ambition, from
which I had imagined myself free, to accept
of the chair of government for the State of Pennsylvania,
when the proper thing for me was repose and a private life.
I hope, however, to be able to bear the fatigue for one year,
and then to retire.

I have much regretted our having so little opportunity
for conversation when we last met.* You could have given
me informations and counsels that I wanted, but we were
scarce a minute together without being broken in upon. I
am to thank you, however, for the pleasure I had after our
parting, in reading the new bookf you gave me, which ]

* At Southampton, on his way home. — ED.
f Paley's " Moral Philosophy."— W. T. F.

/Et. 8o.] THE SITUATION. 345

think generally well written and likely to do good ; though
the reading time of most people is of late so taken up with
newspapers and little periodical pamphlets, that few now-
a-days venture to attempt reading a quarto volume. I have
admired to see, that, in the last century, a folio, " Burton
on Melancholy," went through six editions in about forty
years. We have, I believe, more readers now, but not of such
large books.

You seem desirous of knowing what progress we make
here in improving our governments. We are, I think, in
the right road of improvement, for we are making experi-
ments. I do not oppose all that seem wrong, for the multi-
tude are more effectually set right by experience, than kept
from going wrong by reasoning with them. And I think
we are daily more and more enlightened ; so that I have
no doubt of our obtaining in a few years as much public
felicity, as good government is capable of affording.

Your newspapers are filled with fictitious accounts of
anarchy, confusion, distresses, and miseries we are supposed
to be involved in, as consequences of the revolution ; and
the few remaining friends of the old government among us
take pains to magnify every little inconvenience a change
in the course of commerce may have occasioned. To ob-
viate the complaints they endeavour to excite, was written
the enclosed little piece,* from which you may form a truer
idea of our situation, than your own public prints would
give you. And I can assure you, that the great body ot
our nation find themselves happy in the change, and have
not the smallest inclination to return to the domination

* P->bably the piece entitled *' The Retort Courteous." See infra, p.
J48— Ed.

346 DOMESTIC ENJOYMENTS. [JEt. 80

of Britain. There could not be a stronger proof of the
general approbation of the measures, that promoted the
change, and of the change itself, than has been given by
the Assembly and Council of this State, in the nearly
unanimous choice for their governor, of one who had been
so much concerned in those measures ; the Assembly being
themselves the unbribed choice of the people, and therefore
may be truly supposed of the same sentiments. I say nearly
unanimous, because, of between seventy and eighty votes,
there were only my own and one other in the negative.

As to my domestic circumstances, of which you kindly
desire to hear something, they are at present as happy as
I could wish them. I am surrounded by my offspring, a
dutiful and affectionate daughter in my house, with six
grandchildren, the eldest of whom you have seen, who is
now at College in the next street, finishing the learned part
of his education ; the others promising, both for parts and
good dispositions. What their conduct may be, when they
grow up and enter the important scenes of life, I shall not
live to see, and I cannot foresee. I therefore enjoy among
them the present hour, and leave the future to Providence.

He that raises a large family does, indeed, while he lives
to observe them, stand, as Watts says, a broader mark for
sorrow ; but then he stands a broader mark for pleasure too.
When we launch our little fleet of barks into the ocean,
bound to different ports, we hope for each a prosperous
voyage ; but contrary winds, hidden shoals, storms, and
enemies come in for a share in the disposition of events;
and though these occasion a mixture of disappointment,
yet, considering the risk where we can make no insurance,
we should think ourselves happy if some return with success.
My son's son. temple Franklin, whom you have also seen,

/Et. 80.] DOMESTIC ENJOYMENTS. 347

having had a fine farm of six hundred acres conveyed to
him by his father when we were at Southampton, has dropped
for the present his views of acting in the political line, and
applies himself ardently to the study and practice of agri-
culture. This is much more agreeable to me, who esteem
it the most useful, the most independent, and therefore the
noblest of employments. His lands are on navigable water,
communicating with the Delaware, and but about sixteen
miles from this city. He has associated to himself a very
skilful English farmer lately arrived here, who is to instruct
him in the business, and partakes for a term the profits ; so
that there is a great apparent probability of their success.

You will kindly expect a word or two concerning my-
self. My health and spirits continue, thanks to God, as
when you saw me. The only complaint I then had, does
not grow worse, and is tolerable. I still have enjoyment
in the company of my friends ; and, being easy in my cir-
cumstances, have many reasons to like living. But the
course of nature must soon put a period to my present
mode of existence. This I shall submit to with the less
regret, as, having seen during a long life a good deal of
this world, I feel a growing curiosity to be acquainted with
some other ; and can cheerfully, with filial confidence,
resign my spirit to the conduct of that great and good
Parent of mankind, who created it, and who has so
graciously protected and prospered me from my birth to the
present hour. Wherever I am, I hope always to retain the
pleasing remembrance of your friendship, being with sincere
and great esteem, my dear friend, yours most affectionately.

P.S. We all join in respects to Mrs. Shipley, and best

wishes for the whole amiable family.
Vol. III.— 33 a

348 THE RETORT COURTEOUS. [ALt. 80

THE RETORT COURTEOUS.

" John Oxly, pawnbroker of Bethnal Green, was indicted for assaulting

Jonathan Boldsworth on the highway, putting him in fear, and taking from

him one silver watch, value 5/. 5J. The prisoner pleaded, that, having sold

the watch to the prosecutor, and being immediately after informed by a

person who knew him, that he was not likely to pay for the same, he had

only followed him and taken the watch back again. But, it appearing on

the trial, that, presuming he had not been known when he committed the

robbery, he had afterwards sued the prosecutor for the debt, on his note of

hand, he was found guilty, death."

Old Bailey Sessions Paper, 1747.

During some years past, the British newspapers have been
filled with reflections on the inhabitants of America, for not
paying their old debts to English merchants. And from these
papers the same reflections have been translated into foreign
prints, and circulated throughout Europe ; whereby the
American character, respecting honor, probity, and justice
in commercial transactions, is made to suffer in the opinion
of strangers, which may be attended with pernicious conse-
quences.

At length we are told that the British court has taken up
the complaint, and seriously offered it as a reason for re-
fusing to evacuate the frontier posts according to treaty.
This gives a kind of authority to the charge, and makes it
now more necessary to examine the matter thoroughly ; to
inquire impartially into the conduct of both nations ; take
blame to ourselves where we have merited it ; and, where it
may be fairly done, mitigate the severity of the censures
that are so liberally bestowed upon us.

We may begin by observing, that before the war our
mercantile character was good. In proof of this (and a
stronger proof can hardly be desired), the votes of the

Mr. 80.] THE RE TOR T CO UR TE O US. 349

House of Commons in 1774-5 have recorded a petition
signed by the body of the merchants of London trading to
North America, in which they expressly set forth, not only
that the trade was profitable to the kingdom, but that the
remittances and payments were as punctually and faithfully
made, as in any other branch of commerce whatever. These
gentlemen were certainly competent judges, and as to that
point could have no interest in deceiving the government.

The making of these punctual remittances was however a
difficulty. Britain, acting on the selfish and perhaps mis-
taken principle of receiving nothing from abroad that could
be produced at home, would take no articles of our produce
that interfered with any of her own ; and what did not inter-
fere, she loaded with heavy duties. We had no mines of
gold or silver. We were therefore obliged to run the world
over, in search of something that would be received in
England. We sent our provisions and lumber to the West
Indies, where exchange was made for sugars, cotton, &c.
to remit. We brought molasses from thence, distilled it
into rum, with which we traded in Africa, and remitted
the gold dust to England. We employed ourselves in the
fisheries, and sent the fish we caught, together with quan-
tities of wheat, flour, and rice, to Spain and Portugal, from
whence the amount was remitted to England in cash or bills
of exchange. Great quantities of our rice, too, went to
Holland, Hamburg, &c, and the value of that was also
sent to Britain. Add to this, that, contenting ourselves
with paper, all the hard money we could possibly pick up
among the foreign West India Islands, was continually sent
off to Britain, not a ship going thither from America with-
out some chests of those precious metals.

Imagine this ereat machine of mutually advantageous

350 THE RETORT COURTEOUS. [Mt. 80.

commerce, going roundly on, in full train ; our ports all
busy, receiving and selling British manufactures, and equip-
ping ships for the circuitous trade, that was finally to pro-
cure the necessary remittances ; the seas covered with those
ships, and with several hundred sail of our fishermen, all
working for Britain ; and then let us consider what effect
the conduct of Britain, in 1774 and 1775 and the following
years, must naturally have on the future ability of our mer-
chants to make the payments in question.

We will not here enter into the motives of that conduct;
they are well enough known, and not to her honor. The
first step was shutting up the port of Boston by an act of
Parliament ; the next, to prohibit by another the New Eng-
land fishery. An army and a fleet were sent to enforce
these acts. Here was a stop put at once to all the mercan
tile operations of one of the greatest trading cities of
America; the fishing vessels all laid up, and the usual
remittances, by way of Spain, Portugal, and the Straits,
rendered impossible. Yet the cry was now begun against
us, These New England people do not pay their debts !

The ships of the fleet employed themselves in cruising
separately all along the coast. The marine gentry are
seldom so well contented with their pay, as not to like a
little plunder. They stopped and seized, under slight pre-
tences, the American vessels they met with, belonging to
whatever colony. This checked the commerce of them all.
Ships, loaded with cargoes destined either directly or indi-
rectly to make remittance in England, were not spared.
If the differences between the two countries had been then
accommodated, these unauthorized plunderers would have
been calhd to account, and many of their exploits must
have been found piracy. But what cured all this, set their

<Et. So.] THE RETORT COURTEOUS. 351

minds at ease, made short work, and gave full scope to their
piratical disposition, was another act of Parliament, for-
bidding any inquisition into those past facts, declaring
them all lawful, and all American property to be forfeited,
whether on sea or land, and authorizing the King's British
subjects to take, seize, sink, burn, or destroy, whatever they
could find of it. The property suddenly, and by surprise
taken from our merchants by the operation of this act, is
incomputable. And yet the cry did not diminish, These
Americans don't pay their debts /

Had the several states of America, on the publication of
this act seized all British property in their power, whether
consisting of lands in their country, ships in their harbours,
or debts in the hands of their merchants, by way of retalia-
tion, it is probable a great part of the world would have
deemed such conduct justifiable. They, it seems, thought
otherwise, and ft was done only in one or two States, and
that under particular circumstances of provocation. And
not having thus abolished all demands, the cry subsists, that
the Americans should pay their debts /

General Gage, being with his army (before the declara-
tion of open war) in peaceable possession of Boston, shut
its gates, and placed guards all around to prevent its com-
munication with the country. The inhabitants were on the
point of starving. The general, though they were evidently
at his mercy, fearing that, while they had any arms in their
hands, frantic desperation might possibly do him some
mischief, proposed to them a capitulation, in which he
stipulated, that if they would deliver up their arms, they
might leave the town with their family and goods. In faith
of this agreement, they delivered their arms. But when
they began to pack up for their departure, they were in-
33*

3 $2 THE RETORT COURTEOUS. [Mt. 80.

formed, that by the word goods, the general understood
only household goods, that is, their beds, chairs, and tables,
not merchant goods ; those he was informed they were in-
debted for to the merchants of England, and he must secure
them for the creditors. They were accordingly all seized,
to an immense value, what had been paid for not excepted.
It is to be supposed, though we have never heard of it, that
this very honorable general, when he returned home, made
a just distribution of those goods, or their value, among the
said creditors. But the cry nevertheless continued, These
Boston people do not pay their debts I

The army, having thus ruined Boston, proceeded to
different parts of the continent. They got possession of all
the capital trading towns. The troops gorged themselves
with plunder. They stopped all the trade of Philadelphia
for near a year, of Rhode Island longer, of New York near
eight years, of Charleston in South Carolina and Savannah
in Georgia, I forget how long. This continued interrup-
tion of their commerce ruined many merchants. The army
also burnt to the ground the fine towns of Falmouth and
Charlestown near Boston, New London, Fairfield, Norwalk,
Esopus, Norfolk, the chief trading town in Virginia, besides
innumerable tenements and private farm-houses. This
wanton destruction of property operated doubly to the
disabling of our merchants, who were importers from
Britain, in making their payments, by the immoderate loss
they sustained themselves, and also the loss suffered by
their country debtors, who had bought of them the British
goods, and who were now rendered unable to pay. The
debts to Britain of course remained undischarged, and the
clamour continued/ These knavish Americans will not pay us t

Many of the British debts, particularly in Virginia and

Mr. So.] THE RETORT COURTEOUS. 353

the Carolinas, arose from the sales made of negroes in those
provinces by the British Guinea merchants. These, with
all before in the country, were employed when the war
came on, in raising tobacco and rice for remittance in pay-
ment of British debts. An order arrives from England,
advised by one of their most celebrated moralists, Dr.
Johnson, in his "Taxation no Tyranny," to excite these
slaves to rise, cut the throats of their purchasers, and resort
to the British army, where they should be rewarded with
freedom. This was done, and the planters were thus de-
prived of near thirty thousand of their working people.
Yet the demand for those sold and unpaid still exists ; and
the cry continues against the Virginians and Carolinians,
that they do not pay their debts !

Virginia suffered great loss in this kind of property by
another ingenious and humane British invention. Having
the small-pox in their army while in that country, they
inoculated some of the negroes they took as prisoners be-
longing to a number of plantations, and then let them
escape, or sent them, covered with the pock, to mix with
and spread the distemper among the others of their color,
as well as among the white country people ; which occa-
sioned a great mortality of both, and certainly did not
contribute to the enabling debtors in making payment.
The war too having put a stop to the exportation of tobacco,
there was a great accumulation of several years' produce in
all the public inspecting warehouses and private stores of
the planters. Arnold, Phillips, and Cornwallis, with British
troops, then entered and overran the country, burnt all the
inspecting and other stores of tobacco, to the amount of
some hundred ship-loads ; all which might, on the return
of peace, if it had not been thus wantonly destroyed, have

354 THE RETORT COURTEOUS. [JEt. 80.

been remitted to British creditors. But these d — d Vir*
ginians, why dori t they pay their debts?

Paper money was in those times our universal currency.
But, it being the instrument with which we combated our
enemies, they resolved to deprive us of its use by depreci-
ating it ; and the most effectual means they could contrive
was to counterfeit it. The artists they employed performed
so well, that immense quantities of these counterfeits, which
issued from the British government in New York, were
circulated among the inhabitants of all the States, before
the fraud was detected. This operated considerably in de-
preciating the whole mass, first, by the vast additional
quantity, and next by the uncertainty in distinguishing the
true from the false ; and the depreciation was a loss to all
and the ruin of many. It is true our enemies gained a vast
deal of our property by the operation ; but it did not go
into the hands of our particular creditors ; so their demands
still subsisted, and we were still abused for not paying out
debts !

By the seventh article of the treaty of peace, it was
solemnly stipulated, that the King's troops, in evacuating
their posts in the United States, should not carry away
with them any negroes. In direct violation of this article,
General Carleton, in evacuating New York, carried off all
the negroes that were with his army, to the amount of
several hundreds. It is not doubted that he must have had
secret orders to justify him in this transaction ; but the
reason given out was, that, as they had quitted their mas
ters and joined the King's troops on the faith of procla-
mations promising them their liberty, the national honor
forbade returning them into slavery. The national honor
was, it seemed, pledged to both parts of a contradiction,

JEt. 80.] THE RE TOR T CO UR TEOUS. 355

and its wisdom, since it could not do it with both, chose to
keep faith rather with its old black, than its new white
friends; a circumstance demonstrating clear as daylight,
that, in making a present peace, they meditated a future
war, and hoped, that, though the promised manumission
of slaves had not been effectual in the last, in the next it
might be more successful ; and that, had the negroes heen
forsaken, no aid could be hereafter expected from those of
the color in a future invasion. The treaty however with
us was thus broken almost as soon as made, and this by the
people who charge us with breaking it by not paying per-
haps for some of the very negroes carried off in defiance
of it. Why should England observe treaties, when these
Americans do not pay their debts ?

Unreasonable, however, as this clamor appears in gen-
eral, I do not pretend, by exposing it, to justify those
debtors who are still able to pay, and refuse it on pretence
of injuries suffered by the war. Public injuries can never
discharge private obligations. Contracts between merchant
and merchant should be sacredly observed, where the ability
remains, whatever may be the madness of ministers. It is
therefore to be hoped the fourth article of the treaty of
peace, which stipulates, that no legal obstruction shall be
given to the payment of debts contracted before the war, will
be punctually carried into execution, and that every law in
every State which impedes it, may be immediately repealed.
Those laws were indeed made with honest intentions, that
the half-ruined debtor, not being too suddenly pressed by
some, might have time to arrange and recover his affairs so
as to do justice to all his creditors. But, since the inten-
tion in making those acts has been misapprehended, and
the acts wilfully misconstrued into a design of defrauding

356 THE RE TOR T COURTEOUS. [,Et. 80

them, and now made a matter of reproach to us, I think it
will be right to repeal them all. Individual Americans
may be ruined, but the country will save by the operation ;
since these unthinking, merciless creditors must be con-
tented with all that is to be had, instead of all that may
be due to them, and the accounts will be settled by in-
solvency. When all have paid that can pay, I think the
remaining British creditors, who suffered by the inability
of their ruined debtors, have some right to call upon their
own government (which by its bad projects has ruined
those debtors) for a compensation. A sum given by Par-
liament for this purpose would be more properly disposed,
than in rewarding pretended loyalists, who fomented the
war. And, the heavier the sum, the more tendency it might
have to discourage such destructive projects hereafter.

Among the merchants of Britain, trading formerly to
America, there are to my knowledge many considerate and
generous men, who never joined in this clamor, and who,
on the return of peace, though by the treaty entitled to an
immediate suit for their debts, were kindly disposed to give
their debtors reasonable time for restoring their circum-
stances, so as to be able to make payment conveniently.
These deserve the most grateful acknowledgments. And
indeed it was in their favor, and perhaps for their sakes in
favor of all other British creditors, that the law of Penn-
sylvania, though since much exclaimed against, was made,
restraining the recovery of old debts during a certain time.
For this restraint was general, respecting domestic as well
as British debts, it being thought unfair, in cases where
there was not sufficient for all, that the inhabitants, taking
advantage of their nearer situation, should swallow the
whole excluding foreign creditors from any share. And

Mt. 80.] THE RETORT COURTEOUS. 357

in cases where the favorable part of the foreign creditors
were disposed to give time, with the views abovementioned,
if others less humane and considerate were allowed to
bring immediate suits and ruin the debtor, those views
would be defeated. When this law expired in September,
1784, a new one was made, continuing for some time
longer the restraint with respect to domestic debts, but
expressly taking it away where the debt was due from citi-
zens of the State to any of the subjects of Great Britain ;
which shows clearly the disposition of the Assembly, and
that the fair intentions above ascribed to them in making
the former act, are not merely the imagination of the
writer.

Indeed, the clamor has been much augmented by num-
bers joining it, who really had no claim on our country.
Every debtor in Britain, engaged in whatever trade, when
he had no better excuse to give for delay of payment,
accused the want of returns from America. And the in-
dignation, thus excited against us, now appears so general
among the English, that one would imagine their nation,
which is so exact in expecting punctual payment from all
the rest of the world, must be at home the model of justice,
the very pattern of punctuality. Yet, if one were disposed
to recriminate, it would not be difficult to find sufficient
matter in several parts of their conduct. But this I forbear.
The two separate nations are now at peace, and there can
be no use in mutual provocations to fresh enmity. If I
have shown clearly that the present inability of many
American merchants to discharge their debts, contracted
before the war, is not so much their fault, as the fault of
the crediting nation, who, by making an unjust war on
them, obstructing their commerce, plundering and devas-

358 PROSPERITY OF THE REPUBLIC. \&t. So.

tating their country, were the cause of that inability, I have
answered the purpose of writing this paper. How far the
refusal of the British court to execute the treaty in deliver-
ing up the frontier posts, may, on account of that deficiency
of payment, be justifiable, is cheerfully submitted to the
world's impartial judgment.

To m. Le I received and read with great pleasure your
Passy, dated kind letter of October 9th. It informed me
Philadelphia, 0f your welfare, and that of the best of good

6 March, 1786. .

women, and of her amiable daughter, who I
think will tread in her steps. My effects came all in the
same ship, in good order ; and we are now drinking every
day les eaux epurees de Passy with great satisfaction, as they
kept well, and seem to be rendered more agreeable by the
long voyage.

I am here in the bosom of my family, and am not only
happy myself, but have the felicity of seeing my country so.
Be assured, that all the stories spread in the English papers
of our distresses, and confusions, and discontents with our
new governments, are as chimerical as the history of my
being in chains at Algiers. They exist only in the wishes
of our enemies. America never was in higher prosperity,
her produce abundant and bearing a good price, her work-
ing people all employed and well paid, and all property in
lands and houses of more than treble the value it bore
before the war ; and, our commerce being no longer the
monopoly of British merchants, we are furnished with all
the foreign commodities we need, at much more reasonable
rates than heretofore. So that we have no doubt of being
able to discharge more speedily the debt incurred by the
war, than at first was apprehended.

At. So.] SCIENTIFIC LABORS. 359

Our modes of collecting taxes are indeed as yet imperfect,
and we have need of more skill in financiering ; but we im-
prove in that kind of knowledge daily by experience. That
our people are contented with the revolution, with their'
new constitutions, and their foreign connexions, nothing
can afford a stronger proof, than the universally cordial
and joyous reception with which they welcomed the return
of one, that was supposed to have had a considerable share
in promoting them. All this is in answer to that part of
your letter, in which you seem to have been too much im-
pressed with some of the ideas, which those lying English
papers endeavour to inculcate concerning us.

I am astonished by what you write concerning the Prince
Eveque. If the charges against him are made good, it will
be another instance of the truth of those proverbs which
teach us, that Prodigality begets necessity, that Without
econojny no revenue is sufficient, and that // is hard for an
empty sack to stand upright.

I am glad to hear of the marriage of Mademoiselle Bril-
lon ; for every thing, that may contribute to the happiness of
that beloved family, gives me pleasure. Be pleased to offer
them my felicitations, and assure them of my best wishes.

Will you also be so good as to present my respectful com-
pliments to Madame la Duchesse d'Enville, and to M. le Due
de la Rochefoucauld ? You may communicate the political
part of this letter to that excellent man. His good heart
will rejoice to hear of the welfare of America.

I made no progress when at sea in the history you men-
tion ; * but I was not idle there, having written three pieces,
each of some length ; one on Nautical matters ; another on

* Memoirs of his own life. — ED.
Vol. III. — 34

360 FRANKLIN'S MODESTY. [JEt. 80.

Chimneys ; and a third a Description of my Vase for con-
suming smoke, with directions for using it. These are all
now printing in the Transactions of our Philosophical
Society, of which I hope soon to send you a copy.

My grandsons present their compliments. The eldest is
very busy in preparing for a country life, being to enter
upon his farm the 25th instant. It consists of about six
hundred acres, bounding on navigable water, sixteen miles
from Philadelphia. The youngest is at College, very dili-
gent in his studies. You know my situation, involved in
public cares; but they cannot make me forget, that you and
I love one another, and that I am ever, my dear friend,
yours most affectionately.

To Benjamin During our long acquaintance, you have

Rush, dated , . - , r

Philadelphia shown many instances of your regard for
March, 1786. me j yet I must now desire you to add one
more to the number, which is, that, if you publish your
ingenious discourse on the "Moral Sense," you will
totally omit and suppress that most extravagant encomium
on your friend Franklin, which hurt me exceedingly in
the unexpected hearing, and will mortify me beyond
conception, if it should appear from the press. Con-
fiding in your compliance with this earnest request, I am
ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately.*

* Dr. Rush replied to this letter as follows. " Agreeably to your request,
I have suppressed the conclusion of my oration, but I cannot bear to think
of sending it out of our State or to Europe without connecting it with
your name. I have therefore taken the liberty of inscribing it to you by a
simple dedication, of which the enclosed is a copy. And, as you have never
in the ccurse of our long acquaintance refused me a single favor, I must
earnestly insist upon your adding to my great and numerous obligations

vEt. 8o.] OCCUPATIONS AND AMUSEMENTS. 36 1

To Mrs. Mary A long winter has past, and I have not had

Hewson. da- A, , c ,. - .

ted Phiiadei- tne pleasure of a line from you, acquainting

phia, 6 May, me with your and your children's welfare, since
1786. ' ,

I left England. I suppose you have been in

Yorkshire, out of the way and knowledge of opportunities;
for I will not think that you have forgotten me.

To make me some amends, I received a few days past a
large packet from Mr. Williams, dated September, 1776,
near ten years since, containing three letters from you, one
of December 12th, 1775. This packet had been received
by Mr. Bache, after my departure for France, lay dormant
among his papers during all my absence, and has just now
broke- out upon me, like words , that had been, as somebody
says, congealed in northern air. Therein I find all the
pleasing little family history of your children; how William
had begun to spell, overcoming, by strength of memory, all
the difficulty occasioned by the common wretched alphabet,
while you were convinced of the utility of our new one ;
how Tom, genius-like, struck out new paths, and, relinquish-
ing the old names of the letters, called U bell, and P bottle;
how Eliza began to grow jolly, that is, fat and handsome,
resembling aunt Rooke, whom I used to call my lovely.
Together with all the then news of lady Blount's having
produced at length a boy; of Dolly's being well, and of
poor good Catherine's decease; of your affairs with Muir
and Atkinson, and of their contract for feeding the fish in

to you the permission, which I now solicit, to send my last as I did my firit
publication into the world under the patronage of your name." — March
\\th, 1786.

The discourse here alluded to, "On the Influence of Physical Causes on
the Moral Faculty," was delivered before the American Philosophical So-
ciety, February 27th, 1786, and published soon afterwards. — S.

362 OCCUPATIONS AND AMUSEMENTS. [/Et. 8a

the channel ; of the Vinys and their jaunt to Cambridge in
the long carriage ; of Dolly's journey to Wales with Mrs.
Scott ; of the Wilkeses, the Pearces, Elphinstones, &c. ; —
concluding with a kind of promise, that, as soon as the
ministry and Congress agreed to make peace, I should have
you with me in America. That peace has been some time
made ; but, alas ! the promise is not yet fulfilled.

I have found my family here in health, good circum-
stances, and well respected by their fellow citizens. The
companions of my youth are indeed almost all departed,
but I find an agreeable society among their children and
grandchildren. I have public business enough to preserve
me from ennui, and private amusement besides in conver-
sation, books, my garden, and cribbage. Considering our
well-furnished, plentiful market as the best of gardens, I am
turning mine, in the midst of which my house stands, intd
grass plots and gravel walks, with trees and flowering shrubs.
Cards we sometimes play here, in long winter evenings;
but it is as they play at chess, not for money, but for honor,
or the pleasure of beating one another. This will not be
quite a novelty to you, as you may remember we played
together in that manner during the winter at Passy. I have
indeed now and then a little compunction in reflecting that
I spend time so idly; but another reflection comes to re-
lieve me, whispering, "You know that the soul is immortal ;
why then should you be such a niggard of a little time, when
you have a whole eternity before you?" So, being easily
convinced, and, like other reasonable creatures, satisfied
with a small reason, when it is in favor of doing what I
have a mind to, I shuffle the cards again, and begin another
game.

As to public amusements, we have neither plays nor

Mt. 80.] BAD SPELLING. 363

operas, but we had yesterday a kind of oratorio, as you
will see by the enclosed paper ; and we have assemblies,
balls, and concerts, besides little parties at one another's
houses, in which there is sometimes dancing, and fre-
quently good music ; so that we jog on in life as pleasantly
as you do in England ; anywhere but in London, for
there you have plays performed by good actors. That,
however, is, I think, the only advantage London has over
Philadelphia.

Temple has turned his thoughts to agriculture, which he
pursues ardently, being in possession of a fine farm, that his
father lately conveyed to him. Ben is finishing his studies
at college, and continues to behave as well as when you
knew him, so that I think he will make you a good son.
His younger brothers and sisters are also promising, appear-
ing to have good tempers and dispositions, as well as good
constitutions. As to myself, I think my general health and
spirits rather better than when you saw me. The particular
malady I then complained of continues tolerable.

To Mrs. jane You need not be concerned, in writing to

te" Phliadei" me' ab°ut vour bad spelling ; for, in my opin-
phia, 4 July, i0n, as our alphabet now stands, the bad spell-
ing, or what is called so, is generally the best,
as conforming to the sound of the letters and of the words.
To give you an instance. A gentleman received a letter,
in which were these words, — Not finding Brown at horn, I
delivered your meseg to his yf. The gentleman finding it
bad spelling, and therefore not very intelligible, called his
lady to help him read it. Between them they picked out
the meaning of all but the yf, which they could not under-
stand The lady proposed calling her chambermaid, be-
34*

364 AD VICE T0 T0M PAINE. [v£r. 80.

cause Betty, says she, has the best knack at reading bad
spelling of any one I know. Betty came, and was surprised,
that neither Sir nor Madam could tell what yf was. "Why,"
says she, "yf spells wife; what else can it spell?" And,
indeed, it is a much better, as well as shorter method of
spelling wife, than doubleyou, i, ef, e, which in reality spell
doubleyifey.

There is much rejoicing in town to-day, it being the
anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, which we
signed this day ten years, and thereby hazarded lives and
fortunes. God was pleased to put a favorable end to the
contest much sooner than we had reason to expect. His
name be praised.

To I have read your manuscript with some at-

uncertain]* ' tention. By the argument it contains against
a particular Providence, though you allow a
general Providence, you strike at the foundations of all
religion. For without the belief of a Providence, that takes
cognizance of, guards, and guides, and may favor particular
persons, there is no motive to worship a Deity, to fear his
displeasure, or to pray for his protection. I will not enter
into any discussion of your principles, though you seem to
desire it. At present, I shall only give you my opinion,
that, though your reasonings are subtile, and may prevail
with some readers, you will not succeed so as to change the
general sentiments of mankind on that subject, and the con-
sequence of printing this piece will be, a great deal of odium
drawn upon yourself, mischief to you, and no benefit to

* Mr. Sparks erroneously supposed this letter was addressed to Thomas
Paine, see Moncure Conway's " Life of Thomas Paine." — Preface.

jEt. 80.] ADVICE TO TOM PAINE. 365

others. He that spits against the wind, spits in his own
face.

But, were you to succeed, do you imagine any good
would be done by it ? You yourself may find it easy to
live a virtuous life, without the assistance afforded by
religion ; you having a clear perception of the advantages
of virtue, and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a
strength of resolution sufficient to enable you to resist
common temptations. But think how great a portion of
mankind consists of weak and ignorant men and women,
and of inexperienced, inconsiderate youth of both sexes,
who have need of the motives of religion to restrain them
from vice, to support their virtue, and retain them in the
practice of it till it becomes habitual, which is the great
point for its security. And perhaps you are indebted to
her originally, that is, to your religious education, for the
habits of virtue upon which you now justly value yourself.
You might easily display your excellent talents of reasoning
upon a less hazardous subject, and thereby obtain a rank
with our most distinguished authors. For among us it is
not necessary, as among the Hottentots, that a youth, to be
raised into the company of men, should prove his manhood
by beating his mother.

I would advise you, therefore, not to attempt unchaining
the tiger, but to burn this piece before it is seen by any
other person ; whereby you will save yourself a great deal
of mortification by the enemies it may raise against you,
and perhaps a good deal of regret and repentance. If men
are so wicked with religion, what would they be if without it?
I intend this letter itself as a proof oi my friendship, and
therefore add noprofessions to it ; but subscribe simply yours,

B. Franklin.

366

COMMON PRAYER.— REFUGEES. \&i. Si.

To Alexander What you have heard of my malady is true,
SSSi 22? ''that it does not grow worse." Thanks be

Philadelphia, °

19 Feb., 1787. to God, I still enjoy pleasure in the society of
my friends and books, and much more in the prosperity of
my country, concerning which your people are continually
deceiving themselves.

I am glad the improvement of the Book of Common
Prayer* has met with your approbation, and that of good
Mrs. Baldwin. It is not yet, that I know of, received in
public practice anywhere ; but, as it is said that good mo-
tions never die, perhaps in time it may be found useful.

I read with pleasure the account you gave of the flourish-
ing state of your commerce and manufactures, and of the
plenty you have of resources to carry the nation through
all its difficulties. You have one of the finest countries in
the world, and, if you can be cured of the folly of making
war for trade, (in which wars more has been always ex-
pended than the profits of any trade can compensate,) you
may make it one of the happiest. Make the best of your
own natural advantages, instead of endeavouring to dimin-
ish those of other nations, and there is no doubt but that
you may yet prosper and flourish. Your beginning to con-
sider France no longer as a natural enemy, is a mark of
progress in the good sense of the nation, of which posterity
will find the benefit, in the rarity of wars, the diminution
of taxes, and increase of riches.

As to the refugees, whom you think we were so impolitic
in rejecting, I do not find that they are missed here, or
that anybody regrets their absence. And certainly they
must be happier where they are, under the government

* See the letter to Granville Sharp, supra, p. 319. — ED.

Mt. 8 i.] RETROSPECTION. 367

they admire; and be better received among a people,

whose cause they espoused and fought for, than among

those who cannot so soon have forgotten the destruction of

their habitations, and the spilt blood of their dearest friends

and near relations.

I often think with great pleasure on the happy days I

passed in England with my and your learned and ingenious

friends, who have left us to join the majority in the world

of spirits. Every one of them now knows more than all

of us they have left behind. It is to me a comfortable

reflection, that, since we must live for ever in a future

state, there is a sufficient stock of amusement in reserve for

us, to be found in constantly learning something new to

eternity, the present quantity of human ignorance infinitely

exceeding that of human knowledge. Adieu, my dear

friend, and believe me, in whatever world, yours most

affectionately,

B. Franklin,

in his eighty-second year.

To m. Le I have received a number of letters from

ted Phiiadet- y°u> wmcn gave me great pleasure, tho' I have
phia, 15 April, not regularly answered. When you shall con-
sider the situation of a man who had been
many years absent from home, the multiplicity of private
affairs he must consequently have to settle, the public busi-
ness of a great government to be attended to, and this
under the frequent teasing of a painful disease, you will
probably make some charitable allowance for his delay in
writing to his friends, and not charge it all as the effect of
forgetfulness and want of affection.

I nou have all your letters of the last year before
me, and snail go thro' them in order. That of March 25,

368 STILL IN HARNESS. [Mt. 8i.

announced a M. de la Villele, nephew of the late Madame
de la Frete, as intending a voyage hither, but he has not
yet appeared in these parts. If he arrives while I live, he
will be paid every attention and civility in my power to
show him.

I thank you for the trouble you have taken in selling my
forte piano and dividing the money as I desired.

The Lodge of the Nine Sisters have done me too much
honor in proposing the prize you mention.

As to the little history I promis'd you, my purpose
still continues of compleating it, and I hoped to do it
this summer, having built an addition to my house, in
which I have plac'd my library, and where I can write
without being disturb'd by the noise of the children,
but the General Assembly having lately desired my as-
sistance in a great convention to be held here in May
next for amending the Federal Constitution, I begin to
doubt whether I can make any progress in it till that busi-
ness is over.

Yours of the 23d of May did not arrive here till the 5th
of October, and this is not the only instance of the long
time letters are delayed in your seaports. It is true that
we had, as you mention, two parties in this State — one for
preserving the Constitution as it is, and the other for add-
ing an Upper House as a check to the Assembly. But
having try'd it seven years, the strongest party was for
continuing it, and since my arrival no obstruction has hap-
pened in public business, such as you had been informed
of, by the seceding of one party from the Assembly. Hav
ing served one year as President of Council, I had not
resolution enough to refuse serving another, and was again
chosen in November last, without a single dissenting voice

Mt. 8i.] HEALTH. 369

but my own. By our laws one cannot serve more than
three years, but I think I shall decline the third.

I am quite of your opinion that our independence is not
quite compleat till we have discharg'd our public debt.
This State is not behindhand in its proportion, and those
who are in arrear are actually employed in contriving means
to discharge their respective ballances, but they are not all
equally diligent in the business, nor equally successful ; the
whole will, however, be paid, I am persuaded, in a few
years.

The English have not yet delivered up the posts on our
frontiers, agreeable to treaty; the pretence is that our
merchants have not paid their debts. I was a little pro-
vok'd when I first heard this, and I wrote some remarks
upon it which I send you. They have been written near a
year, but I have not yet published them, being unwilling
to encourage any of our people who may be able to pay in
their neglect of that duty. This paper, therefore, is only
for your amusement and that of our excellent friend, the
Duke de Rochefoucauld.*

You blame me for writing three pamphlets and neglect-
ing to write the little history ; you should consider they
were written at sea, out of my own head ; the other could
not so well be written there, for want of the documents
that could only be had here.

As to my malady, concerning which you so kindly in-
quire, I have never had the least doubt of its being the stone.
I am sensible that it is grown heavier ; but on the whole it
does not give me more pain than when at Passy, and except

* The following was written in the margin : " This omitted at present foi
want of time to copy it." — ED.

3/0 PAPER MONE Y. [Mr. 81.

in standing, walking or making water, I am very little in-
commoded by it. Sitting or lying in bed I am generally
quite easy, God be thanked ; and as I live temperately,
drink no wine, and use daily the exercise of the dumb-bell,
I flatter myself that the stone is kept from augmenting so
much as it might otherwise do, and that I may still con-
tinue to find it tolerable. People who live long, who will
drink of the cup of life to the very bottom, must expect to
meet with some of the usual dregs, and when I reflect on
the number of terrible maladies human nature is subject to,
I think myself favored in having to my share only the stone
and the gout.

In yours of August 21st, you mention your having written
the 21st and 29th of June, which letters were in a paquet,
with one from the Duke de Rochefoucauld, two from M.
and Mad. Brillon, etc. I have not been so happy as to
receive these letters ; they never came to hand.

You were right in conjecturing that I wrote the remarks
on the "Thoughts concerning Executive Justice." I have no
copy of those remarks at hand, and forget how the saying
was introduced that it was better 1000 guilty persons should
escape than one innocent suffer. Your criticisms thereon
appear to be just, and I imagine you may have misappre-
hended my intention in mentioning it. I always thought,
with you, that the prejudice in Europe which supposes a
family dishonored by the punishment of one of its mem-
bers, was very absurd, it being, on the contrary, my opinion
that a rogue hanged out of a family does it more honor than
ten that live in it.

What you mention of our paper money, if you mean that
of this State, Pensilvania, is not well understood. It was
made before my arrival, and not being a legal tender can

At. 8i.] NEW HOUSES. 371

do no injustice to anybody, nor does any one here complain
of it, tho' many are justly averse to an increase of the
quantity at this time, there being a great deal of real money
in the country, and one bank in good credit. I have
myself purchased ten actions in it, which, at least, shows
my good opinion of it.

Besides the addition to my house, mentioned above, I
have been building two new houses on my front, next the
street. They are of brick, and each 24 feet wide by 45
deep, and three stories high. The affairs in dealing with
so many workmen and furnishers of materials, such as brick-
layers, carpenters, stone-cutters, painters, glaziers, lime-
burners, timber-merchants, copper-smiths, carters, laborers,
etc., etc., have added not a little to the fatiguing business I
have gone through in the last year, as mentioned above,
and strengthen in some degree my apology for being so bad
a correspondent.

Mr. Brabanzon has requested me to send him some seeds
in time to plant this spring, but his letter came to hand too
late. They will be got the ensuing autumn and sent, so as
to be ready for planting next year.

Temple and Benjamin will write to you. This letter goes
by Mr. Paine, one of our principal writers at the Revo-
lution, being the author of " Common Sense," a pamphlet
that had prodigious effects.

He does not speak French, or I should recommend him
to your civilities, as I do to those of our friend, the good
Duke.

The last letter I have had the pleasure of receiving from

you is that of Nov. 19, 1786. I cannot give you a better

idea of my present happiness in my family than in telling

you that my daughter has all the virtues of a certain good

Vol. III.— 35 8

372 CONDITION OF THE NATION. [JEt. 8i.

lady that you allow me to love ; the same tender affections
and intentions, ingenuity, industry, economy, &c, &c,
&c. Embrace that good dame for me very warmly, and th&
amiable daughter. My best wishes attend the whole family,
whom I shall never cease to love while I am

B. Franklin.

To the Duke Your friendly congratulations on my arrival
foucauicTdl- and reception here were very obliging. The
ted Phiiadei- latter was, as you have heard, extremely flat-
April, 1787. tering. The two parties in the Assembly
and Council, the constitutionists and anti-constitutionists,
joined in requesting my service as counsellor, and after-
wards in electing me as President. Of seventy-four mem-
bers in Council and Assembly, who voted by ballot, there
was in my first election but one negative, besides my own ;
and in the second, after a year's service, only my own.
And I experience, from all the principal people in the
government, every attention and assistance that can be
desired towards making the task as little burdensome to me
as possible. So I am going on very comfortably hitherto
with my second year, and I do not at present see any like-
lihood of a change ; but future events are always uncertain,
being governed by Providence or subject to chances ; and
popular favor is very precarious, being sometimes lost as
well as gained by good actions ; so I do not depend on a
continuance of my present happiness, and therefore shall
not be surprised, if, before my time of service expires,
something should happen to diminish it.

These States in general enjoy peace and plenty. There
have been some disorders in the Massachusetts and Rhode
Island governments ; those in the former are quelled for the

Mt. Si.] PAPER MONE Y. yj 3

present; those of the latter, being contentions for and
against paper money, will probably continue some time.
Maryland too is divided on the same subject, the Assembly
being for it, and the Senate against it. Each is now em-
ployed in endeavouring to gain the people to its party
against the next elections, and it is probable the Assembly
may prevail. Paper money in moderate quantities has
been found beneficial ; when more than the occasions of
commerce require, it depreciated and was mischievous ; and
the populace are apt to demand more than is necessary. In
this State we have some, and it is useful, and I do not hear
any clamor for more.

There seems to be but little thought at present in the
particular States, of mending their particular constitutions;
but the grand Federal Constitution is generally blamed as
not having given sufficient powers to Congress, the federal
head. A convention is therefore appointed to revise that
constitution, and propose a better. You will see by the
enclosed paper, that your friend is to be one in that busi-
ness, though he doubts his malady may not permit his .
giving constant attendance. I am glad to see, that you are
named as one of a General Assembly to be convened in
France. I flatter myself, that great good may accrue to
that dear nation from the deliberations of such an assembly.
I pray God to give it his blessing.

I sympathize with you and the family most sincerely, in
the great loss sustained by the decease of that excellent
woman.* It must be indeed a heavy one. My best wishes
attend those that remain, and that the happiness of your

* The Puchess d'Enville, mother of the Duke de la Rochefoucauld.—
W. T. F.

374 T0M PAINE- [&t- »«

sweet domestic society may long continue without such
another interruption.

I send herewith a volume of the Transactions of our
Philosophical Society for you, another for M. de Condorcet,
and a third for the Academy. The war had interrupted
our attempts to improve ourselves in scientific matters, but
we now begin to resume them.

The bearer of this is Mr. Paine, the author of a famous
piece, entitled "Common Sense," published here with great
effect on the minds of the people at the beginning of the
Revolution. He is an ingenious, honest man ; and as such
I beg leave to recommend him to your civilities. He car-
ries with him the model of a bridge of a new construction,
his own invention, concerning which I intended to have
recommended him to M. Peyronnet, but I hear he is no
more. You can easily procure Mr. Paine a sight of the
models and drawings of the collection appertaining to the
Fonts et Chaussees ; they must afford him useful lights on
the subject. We want a bridge over our river Schuylkill,
' and have no artist here regularly bred to that kind of archi-
tecture.

My grandsons are very sensible of the honor of your
remembrance, and desire me to present their respects.

To the Mar- Your most pleasing letter, accompanied by
teTiux C dated t^e invaluable present of your Journal,* and
Philadelphia, translation of Colonel Humphreys's poem,
came to hand but lately, though dated in June
last. I believe they have been in the West Indies. They
have given me a great deal of pleasure in the perusal, as

* Journal of Travels in America. — Ed.

Mr. 81.] ASSEMBLY OF NOTABLES. 375

every thing of yours always did. The portrait you have
made of our country and people is what in painting is
called a handsome likeness, for which we are much obliged
to you. We shall be the better for it, if we endeavour to
merit what you kindly say in our favor, and to correct what
you justly censure. I am told the Journal is translated
into English, and printed in one of the States, I know not
which, not having seen the translation.

The newspapers tell us, that you are about to have an
Assembly of Notables, to consult on improvements of your
government. It is somewhat singular, that we should be
engaged in the same project here at the same time ; but so
it is, and a convention for the purpose of revising and
amending our federal constitution is to meet at this place
next month. I hope both assemblies will be blessed with
success, and that their deliberations and counsels may pro-
mote the happiness of both nations.

In the State of Pennsylvania, government, notwithstand-
ing our parties, goes on at present very smoothly, so that I
have much less trouble in my station than was expected.
Massachusetts has lately been disturbed by some disorderly
people ; but they are now quelled. The rest of the States
go on pretty well, except some dissensions in Rhode Island
and Maryland respecting paper money. Mr. Paine, whom
you know, and who undertakes to deliver this letter to you,
can give you full information of our affairs, and therefore I
need not enlarge upon them. I beg leave to recommend
him to your civilities. I have fulfilled all your commissions
to the ladies here, who are much flattered by your kind
remembrance of them.

35*

375 tf BUILDS A NEW HOUSE. [JEt. 80.

To Mrs. Me- My Dear Sister, — I received your kind
com, dated letter of the 25th past, by our Cousin Wil-
Sept. 2i, 1786.' liams, who, besides, informs me of your wel-
fare, which gives me much pleasure. Your
grandson, having finished all the business I had to employ
him in, set out for Boston a few days before Cousin Wil-
liams arrived. I suppose he may be with you before this
time. I had begun to build two good houses next the
street instead of three old ones which I pulled down, but,
my neighbor disputing my bounds, I have been obliged to
postpone till that dispute is settled by law. In the mean-
time, the workmen and materials being ready, I have
ordered an addition to the house I live in, it being too
small for our growing family. There are a good many
hands employed, and I hope to see it covered in before
winter. I propose to have in it a long room for my library
and instruments, with two good bedchambers and two
garrets. The library is to be even with the floor of my
best old chamber, and the story under it will for the present
be employed only to hold wood, but may be made into
rooms hereafter. This addition is on the side next the river.
I hardly know how to justify building a library at an age
that will so soon oblige me to quit it ; but we are apt to for-
get that we are grown old, and building is an amusement.
I think you will do well to instruct your grandson in the
art of making that soap. It may be of use to him, and
'tis a pity it should be lost. Some knowing ones here in
matters of weather predict a hard winter. Permit me to
have the pleasure of helping to keep you warm. Lay in a
good stock of firewood, and draw upon me for the amount.
Your bill shall be paid upon sight by your affectionate
brother.

^Et. 80.] HIS TYPE FOUNDRY AT PASSY. yj^b

To m. Abw Dear Sir, — I hope soon to be in a situa-

daJd ^°hiil- tion when l can write larsely and fully to

deiphia, Nov. my friends in France without the perpetual
interruptions I now daily meet with. At
present I can only tell you that I am well,
and that I esteem you,
and l'Abbe Morellet,

and M. Cabanis, Infinitely,

and love dear Mme.
Helvetius,
Adieu. Yours most affectionately,

B. Franklin.
I received several productions of the Academy at
Auteuil, which gave me great pleasure.

To , da- Dear Sir, — I hope your gout will be of

bCd ^°86em" service to you, as I have always found mine
has been to me. I return the piece. And,
since you seem to wish for my advice, though without
asking it, I will give it. Do not publish the piece imme-
diately. Let it lie by you at least a twelvemonth, then
reconsider it, and do what you find proper. Such per-
sonal public attacks are never forgiven. You both have
children, and the animosity may be entailed to the preju-
dice of both sides. With great esteem and affection, I am
ever yours.

Printing I do hereby certify to whom it may con-

Typcsmadeat ce that tke printing types with which I

Passy, dated ° fr

Philadelphia, have furnished Mr. Francis Child, contained
"eb.25, 1786. in fifteen boxeSj marked B F No 9> 1Qf 23>

24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 38, 53, 54, 59> 6o> were made

375 ^ GRIFANAGE OF MADAME HELVETIUS. \&i. 81.

in my house at Passy, by my servants for my use, and
were never the property of any European letter- founder,
manufacturer, or merchant whatsoever.

B. Franklin,
Late Minister for the United States
at the court of France.

From Madame quelle bonheur, vous avez rependu, mon
dated ""juiy cner franKnn> dans notre petite retraitre nous
*787. nous comme toutes assemble pour lire et

relire vos charmente lettre que vous avez de ma vie inte-
rieures, de jours que vous avez passe avec nous, du bien
que vous avez rependue dans nous aine ; je ne vous quit-
toist jaimais fort en valoir mieux le lendemin ecrive moi
souvent mon cher ami, vos lettres produises presque le
meme effait sur moi par ce quelle me rapelle plus fortement
toutes vos vertues, et ces beaux caracteres, noble, et simple
que j'admire tant en vous : nous ne nous revoir done plus
dans ce monde, h'o mon cher ami, que ce soit done dans
lautre ; les detail de votre vie interieur menchante, j'aime
cette charmente Md. biche — qui ne vie que pour vous, et
qui e'est pour vous donnee plus 1' object que puisse con-
tribuee a votre bonheur ces sir enfent font surement, bon,

* Though the residence of Madame Helvetius at Auteuil was called
The Academy in honor of the savants who frequented her salon, her own
accomplishments in writing and spelling seem to have been like Beatrice's,
" having in beard but a younger brother's revenue." It is not easy to
decide from the specimen we have of their script, whether her own or Mrs.
Deborah Franklin's early education had been most neglected. So far as
we know, this is the only letter of Madame Helvetius that was ever pub-
lished as it was written The original may be seen among the Franklin
papers in the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia.

^T. 8i.] GRIFANAGE OF MADAME HELVETIUS. 'I'ltd

et emable, comme benjamin le vrai bonheur et bien dans
la fammille, et dans ses amies quand les circonstance?

comme a moi. je voye souvent mes petite etoilles et
mes toutes petites etoilles; mais je ne vie pas tout les
jours avec (elles et el faut vive tous les jours avec ce que
Ion aime), j'ai done toujours mes trois amies qui ne me
quittent pas du tout et aux quelle je Suis absolument neces-
saire comme il me les sont, ma sante n'est plus aussi bonne
que vous I je devient vielle mon cher bonne ami,

et je ment consolle par ce que me raprocher davantage
de vous, nous nous raison philosophiquement et plus tot nous
retrouverons avec tout ce que nous avons aime, moy en
mary, et vous une femme mais je croye vous qui etoist
marque dans la petite notte qui je croie d'elle, et j'ajoute
une petite redingotte faite pour moi. qui lui servira de
modelle si elle trouve cette abillement comode. Comme
j'en ait fait faire deux je lui en envoye une l'etoffe n'est
pas belle, mais e'est un des modele qui peut me plaire.

dite a bainjamin que je me recommande toujours a lui
pour les cardinal quand il viendera en france on un de ces
ami il me les aportera. je ne suis pas presse dutout;
'attenderaye, car je ne veux point ces jolie creature morte,
j'attenderaye. adieu mon cher bon ame, je vous embrace
de toutes mes forces, de toutes mon ame mille baise aussi
a vous deux petites enfents, que je connais, je croix que
vous ne puisse pas lire mon grifanage, mes amis que vous
ecrive vont encore vous parlez de moi et d'une maniere
plus comode pour vous. adieu, mon cher et bonne ami.

VlGNIVILLE HELVETIUS.

CHAPTER XI.

Freedom of Commerce — Herschel and his Discoveries — Foil/ of War —
Picture of Franklin during the Session of the Convention to frame a
New Constitution — Speech in Favor of opening the Convention daily with
Prayer — Speech against allowing Salaries to Executive Officers — Advises
the Adoption of the Constitution.

To the Abbe I received, though long after they were
ted Phiiadei- v^ritten, your very agreeable favors of October
phia.aa April, .pth, 1785, and February 9th, 1786,* with the
pieces enclosed, productions of the Auteuilf
Academy of Belles Lettres. Your kind and friendly wishes
and congratulations are extremely obliging. It gives me
an infinite pleasure to find, that I still retain a favorable
place in the remembrance of the worthy and the good,
whose delightful and instructive society I had the happiness
of enjoying while I resided in France.

But, though I could not leave that dear nation without
regret, I certainly did right in coming home. I am here
in my niche in my own house, in the bosom of my family,
my daughter and grandchildren all about me, among my

* See " Memoires de l'Abbe Morellet," Tom. I. p. 298.— Ed.

f The residence of Madame Helvetius, with whom the Abbe Morellet
Cabanis, La Roche, and other literary friends passed much of their time.—
W. T. F.
376

/Et. 8i.] FREEDOM OF COMMERCE. 377

old friends, or the sons of my friends, who equally respect
me ; and who all speak and understand the same language
with me; and you know, that, if a man desires to be useful
by the exercise of his mental faculties, he loses half their
force when in a foreign country, where he can only express
himself in a language with which he is not well acquainted.
In short, I enjoy here every opportunity of doing good,
and every thing else I could wish for, except repose ; and
that I may soon expect, either by the cessation of my office,
which cannot last more than three years, or by ceasing to
live.

I am of the same opinion with you, respecting the free-
dom of commerce, especially in countries where direct taxes
are practicable. This will be our case in time, when our
wide-extended country fills up with inhabitants. But at
present they are so widely settled, often five or six miles
distant from one another in the back country, that the col-
lection of a direct tax is almost impossible, the trouble of
the collectors' going from house to house amounting to
more than the value of the tax. Nothing can be better
expressed than your sentiments are on this point, where
you prefer liberty of trading, cultivating, manufacturing,
&c, even to civil liberty, this being affected but rarely, the
other every hour. Our debt occasioned by the war being
heavy, we are under the necessity of using imposts, and
every method we can think of, to assist in raising a revenue
to discharge it ; but in sentiment we are well disposed to
abolish duties on importation, as soon as we possibly can
afford to do so.

Whatever may be reported by the English in Europe, you
may be assured, that our people are almost unanimous in
being sat;.fied with the Revolution. Their unbounded re-

378 CAPRICE OF POLITICAL FAVOR. [JEt. 8l.

spect for all who were principally concerned in it, whether
as warriors or statesmen, and the enthusiastic joy with
which the day of the declaration of independence is every-
where annually celebrated, are indubitable proofs of this
truth. In one or two of the States there have been some
discontents on partial and local subjects ; these may have
been fomented, as the accounts of them are exaggerated,
by our ancient enemies ; but they are now nearly sup-
pressed, and the rest of the States enjoy peace and good
order, and flourish amazingly. The crops have been good
for several years past, the price of country produce high,
from foreign demand, and it fetches ready money ; rents
are high in our towns, which increase fast by new build-
ings ; laborers and artisans have high wages well paid, and
vast tracts of new land are continually clearing and rendered
fit for cultivation.

The pains you have taken to translate the congratulatory
addresses, which I received on my arrival, is a fresh proof
of the continuance of your friendship for me, which has
afforded me as much satisfaction as the addresses themselves,
and you will readily believe, that for me this is not saying
little ; for this welcome of my fellow citizens has far sur-
passed my hopes. Popular favor, not the most constant
thing in the world, stands by me. My election to the
presidency for the second year was unanimous. Will this
disposition continue the same for the third? Nothing is
more doubtful. A man, who holds a high office, finds
himself so often exposed to the danger of disobliging some
one in the fulfilment of his duty, that the resentment of
those, whom he has thus offended, being greater than the
gratitude of those whom he has served, it almost always
happens that, while he is violently attacked, he is feebly

i«T. 8 1.] REMINISCENCES. 379

defended. You will not be surprised, then, if you learn,
that I have not closed my political career with the same
eclat, with which it commenced.

I am sorry for what you tell me of the indisposition you
have experienced. I sometimes wonder, that Providence
does not protect the good from all evil and from every
suffering. This should be so in the best of worlds ; and,
since it is not so, I am piously led to believe, that, if our
world is not indeed the best, we must lay the blame on the
bad quality of the materials of which it is made. I am, my
dear friend, with sincere esteem and affection, ever yours.

To Thomas I received your very kind letter of February
don an' dat"d 27tn> toget^er with the cask of porter you have
Philadelphia, been so good as to send me. We have here
at present what the French call une assemblee des
notables, a convention composed of some of the principal
people from the several States of our confederation. They
did me the honor of dining with me last Wednesday, when
the cask was broached, and its contents met with the most
cordial reception and universal approbation. In short, the
company agreed unanimously, that it was the best porter
they had ever tasted. Accept my thanks, a poor return,
but all I can make at present.

Your letter reminds me of many happy days we have
passed together, and the dear friends with whom we passed
them ; some of whom, alas ! have left us, and we must regret
their loss, although our Hawkesworth is become an Adven-
turer in more happy regions ; and our Stanley* gone,

* John Stanley, an eminent musician and composer, became blind at the
9p> cf two years. — W. T. F.
Vol. III.— 36

380 HERSCIIEL'S DISCOVERIES, [^t. 81.

"where only his own harmony can be exceeded." You
give me joy in telling me, that you are "on the pinnacle
of content.1' Without it no situation can be happy; with
it, any. One means of becoming content with one's situa-
tion is the comparing it with a worse. Thus, when I con-
sider how many terrible diseases the human body is liable
to, I comfort myself, that only three incurable ones have
fallen to my share, viz. the gout, the stone, and old age ;
and that these have not yet deprived me of my natural
cheerfulness, my delight in books, and enjoyment of social
conversation.

I am glad to hear, that Mr. Fitzmaurice is married,
and has an amiable lady and children. It is a better plan
than that he once proposed, of getting Mrs. Wright to
make him a wax-work wife to sit at the head of his table.
For after all, wedlock is the natural state of man. A
bachelor is not a complete human being. He is like the
odd half of a pair of scissors, which has not yet found its
fellow, and therefore is not even half so useful as they might
be together.

I hardly know which to admire most ; the wonderful
discoveries made by Herschel, or the indefatigable inge-
nuity by which he has been enabled to make them. Let us
hope, my friend, that, when free from these bodily embar-
rassments, we may roam together through some of the
systems he has explored, conducted by some of our old
companions already acquainted with them. Hawkesworth
will enliven our progress with his cheerful, sensible converse,
and Stanley accompany the music of the spheres.

Mr. Watmaugh tells me, for I immediately inquired after
her, that your daughter is alive and well. I remember her
a most promising and beautiful child, and therefore do not

Mr. 81.] PERSONAL. 38!

wonder, that she is grown, as he says, a fine woman. God
bless her and you, my dear friend, and every thing that
pertains to you, is the sincere prayer of yours most affec-
tionately,

B. Franklin,

in his eighty-second year.

To George * * * You are now seventy-eight, and I
ted PhUadei- am eighty-two ; you tread fast upon my heels ;
phia, 18 May, but, though you have more strength and spirit,
you cannot come up with me till I stop, which
must now be soon ; for I am grown so old as to have buried
most of the friends of my youth, and I now often hear
persons whom I knew when children, called old Mr. such-a-
one, to distinguish them from their sons now men grown
and in business ; so that, by living twelve years beyond
David's period, I seem to have intruded myself into the
company of posterity, when I ought to have been abed and
asleep. Yet, had I gone at seventy, it would have cut off
twelve of the most active years of my life, employed too in
matters of the greatest importance ; but whether I have
been doing good or mischief is for time to discover. I
only know that I intended well, and I hope all will end
well.

Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to Dr.
Riley. I am under great obligations to him, and shall
write to him shortly. It will be a pleasure to him to know,
that my malady does not grow sensibly worse, and that is a
great point ; for it has always been so tolerable, as not to
prevent my enjoying the pleasures of society, and being
cheerful in conversation. I owe this in a great measure
to hi? good counsels.

382 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. [Mr. 81.

To Mrs. jane The Convention finished the 17th instant,
ted Phliadei- * attended the business of it five hours in
phia.aoSept., every day from the beginning, which is some-
thing more than four months. You may judge
from thence, that my health continues ; some tell me I look
better, and they suppose the daily exercise of going and
returning from the Statehouse has done me good. You will
see the Constitution we have proposed in the papers. The
forming of it so as to accommodate all the different interests
and views was a difficult task ; and perhaps, after all, it may
not be received with the same unanimity in the different
States, that the Convention have given the example of in
delivering it out for their consideration. We have, how-
ever, done our best, and it must take its chance.*

* The imperfections of the Articles of Confederation under which our
young republic was first organized, were so numerous and manifest, that, as
early as 1780, Alexander Hamilton had proposed that a Convention should
be called to make a new Constitution. It took six years, however, for this
idea to ripen. Finally a convention of delegates from the different States
was called for the second Monday of May, 1787. Of this Convention
Franklin was a member, and General Washington its President. The fruit
of its deliberations was the Constitution under which the United States have
thriven beyond the dreams of its most sanguine authors, for nearly a century.
It is to Franklin's labors on this Constitution, the importance of which
can never be overestimated, that he refers in this letter to his sister.

As the sessions of the Convention were held with closed doors, all we
know of its daily deliberations is what has been preserved by its members.
The speeches which follow in the text were copied by Mr. Madison from
Franklin's manuscript.

The first two months of the session were almost entirely spent in tedious,
and sometimes acrimonious, debates about the terms upon which the small
States like Delaware and Rhode Island should be associated with the larger
States like New York. The smaller States naturally feared that they would
be oppressed by the larger, and the larger as naturally resented the injustice
of a distribution of representative power so disproportioned to population.
It was when the chances of agreement upon this point were, or seemed to
be, at th?\r minimum, that Franklin moved that thenceforth their delibera-

Mi. 81.] CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. ^83

I agree with you perfectly in your disapprobation of war.
Abstracted from the inhumanity of it, I think it wrong in

tions should daily commence with an invocation of the assistance and bless
ing of Heaven upon them. This motion being nearly unanimously rejected,
the struggle went on, becoming daily more and more bitter and threatening.
It was in this extremity that Dr. Franklin proposed the compromise which
is, perhaps, the most ingenious novelty in the American Constitution, and
which, it was generally conceded, saved the Union, — that all States should
be equally represented in the upper house, and according to their popula-
tion in the lower house, where all money bills were to originate.

It is a curious coincidence that the policy of committing the legislative
power of the country to two separate houses, which Dr. Franklin always
opposed, should, through his rare political genius, have become the one
feature of the American Constitution which has more successfully than per-
haps any other stood the test of nearly a century's experience.

Franklin also supported an article fixing the term of the Presidency at seven
years, but making the incumbent ineligible for a second term. He opposed
vigorously a proposal to limit the suffrage to freeholders, as tending to lower
the tone, spirit, and courage of the poorer classes. He favored the clause
giving to Congress the power of impeaching the President, without which
he contended that the people would have no resource against a faithless
executive but revolution or assassination, remedies in most cases worse
than the disease, and he advocated four years' residence of a foreigner as
sufficient preparation for citizenship. It is not too much to say that to
Franklin perhaps more than to any other one man, the present Constitution
of the United States owes most of those features which have given it dura-
bility and have made it the ideal by which all other systems of government
are tested by Americans.

The following picture of Franklin, as he appeared to an intelligent visitoi
at this stage of his career, is extracted from the diary of the Rev. Manasseh
Cutler, of Hamilton, Mass., a scholar and botanist of some fame in his time.
While on a visit at Philadelphia, he waited upon Franklin. The MS. was
communicated to Mr. Sparks by Mr. Caleb Emerson, who transcribed it,
and it was first published in Sparks's " Life of Franklin," at page 520.

"jfuly 13th, 1787. — Dr. Franklin lives in Market Street. His house
stands up a court, at some distance from the street. He found him in his
garden, sitting upon a grass-plot, under a very large mulberry-tree, with
several other gentlemen and two or three ladies. When Mr. Gerry intro-
duced me, he rose from his chair, took me by the hand, expressed his joy
at seeing me, welcomed me to the city, and begged me to seat myself close
to nim. His voice was low, but his countenance open, frank, and pleasing.
36*

384 FRANKLIN'S HOME-LIFE. [JEt. 81.

point of human prudence ; for, whatever advantage one
nation would obtain from another, whether it be part of

I delivered to him my letters. After he had read them, he took me again
by the hand, and, with the usual compliments, introduced me to the other
gentlemen, who are most of them members of the Convention.

" Here we entered into a free conversation, and spent our time most
agreeably, until it was quite dark. The tea-table was spread under the
tree, and Mrs. Bache, who is the only daughter of the Doctor, and lives
with him, served it out to the company. She had three of her children
about her. They seemed to be excessively fond of their grandpapa. The
Doctor showed me a curiosity he had just received, and with which he was
much pleased. It was a snake with two heads, preserved in a large phial.
It was taken from the confluence of the Schuylkill with the Delaware, about
four miles from this city. It was about ten inches long, well-proportioned,
the heads perfect, and united to the body about one-fourth of an inch below
the extremities of the jaws. The snake was of a dark brown, approaching
to black, and the back beautifully speckled with white. The belly was
rather checkered with a reddish color and white. The Doctor supposed it
to be full grown, which I think is probable ; and he thinks it must be a sui
generis of that class of animals. He grounds his opinion of its not being
an extraordinary production, but a distinct genus, on the perfect form of the
snake, the probability of its being of some age, and there having been found a
snake entirely similar (of which the Doctor has a drawing, which he showed
us), near Lake Champlain, in the time of the late war. He mentioned the
situation of this snake, if it was travelling among bushes, and one head
should choose to go on one side of the stem of a bush, and the other
head should prefer the other side, and neither of the heads would consent
to come back, or give way to the other. He was then going to mention a
humorous matter, that had that day occurred in the Convention, in conse-
quence of his comparing the snake to America ; for he seemed to forget that
every thing in the Convention was to be kept a profound secret. But the
secrecy of Convention matters was suggested to him, which stopped him,
and deprived me of the story he was going to tell.

" After it was dark we went into the house, and he invited me into his
library, which is likewise his study. It is a very large chamber, and high-
studded. The walls are covered with book-shelves, filled with books; be-
sides these there are four large alcoves, extending two-thirds the length of
the chamber, filled in the same manner. I presume this is the largest
and by far the best private library in America. He showed us a glass ma-
chine for exhibiting the circulation of the blood in the arteries and veins of
the human body. The circulation is exhibited by the passing of a red fluid

JET. 8l.] FRANKLIN'S HOME- LIFE. 385

their territory, the liberty of commerce with them, free
passage on their rivers, &c, &c, it would be much cheaper

from a reservoir into numerous capillary tubes of glass, ramified in every
direction, and then returning in similar tubes to the reservoir, which was
done with great velocity, without any power to act visibly upon the fluid,
and had the appearance of perpetual motion. Another great curiosity was
a rolling-press, for taking the copies of letters or any other writing. A sheet
of paper is completely copied in less than two minutes ; the copy as fair as
the original, and without defacing it in the smallest degree. It is an inven-
tion of his own, extremely useful in many situations of life. He also showed
us his long, artificial arm and hand, for taking down and putting up books
on high shelves, which are out of reach ; and his great arm-chair, with
rockers, and a large fan placed over it, with which he fans himself, keeps
off the flies, &c, while he sits reading, with only a small motion of the foot ;
and many other curiosities and inventions, all his own, but of lesser note.
Over his mantel he has a prodigious number of medals, busts, and casts in
wax, or plaster of Paris, which are the effigies of the most noted characters
in Europe.

" But what the Doctor wished principally to show me was a huge volume
on botany, which indeed afforded me the greatest pleasure of any one thing
in his library. It was a single volume, but so large, that it was with great
difficulty that he was able to raise it from a low shelf, and lift it on the table.
But, with that senile ambition, which is common to old people, he insisted
on doing it himself, and would permit no person to assist him, merely to
show us how much strength he had remaining. It contained the whole of
Linnaeus's Systema Vegetabilium, with large cuts of every plant, colored from
nature. It was a feast to me, and the Doctor seemed to enjoy it as well as
myself. We spent a couple of hours in examining this volume, while the
other gentlemen amused themselves with other matters. The Doctor is
not a botanist, but lamented he did not in early life attend to this science.
He delights in Natural History, and expressed an earnest wish, that I should
pursue the plan that I had begun, and hoped this science, so much neglected
in America, would be pursued with as much ardor here as it is now in
every part of Europe. I wanted, for three months at least, to have devoted
myself entirely to this one volume ; but, fearing lest I should be tedious to
him, I shut up the volume, though he urged me to examine it longer.

" He seemed extremely fond, through the course of the visit, of dwelling
on philosophical subjects, and particularly that of Natural History ; while
!he other gentlemen were swallowed up with politics. This was a favorable
circumstance for me ; for almost the whole of his conversation was addressed
to me. and I ^'as highly delighted with the extensive knowledge he appeared

386 FOLL Y OF WAR. [Mr. 8l.

to purchase such advantage with ready money than to pay
the expense of acquiring it by war. An army is a devouring
monster, and, when you have raised it, you have, in order
to subsist it, not only the fair charges of pay, clothing, pro-
visions, arms, and ammunition, with numberless other con-
tingent and just charges to answer and satisfy, but you have
all the additional knavish charges of the numerous tribe of
contractors to defray, with those of every other dealer who
furnishes the articles wanted for your army, and takes ad-
vantage of that want to demand exorbitant prices. It seems
to me, that, if statesmen had a little more arithmetic, or
were more accustomed to calculation, wars would be much
less frequent. I am confident, that Canada might have
been purchased from France for a tenth part of the money
England spent in the conquest of it. And, if, instead of
fighting with us for the power of taxing us, she had kept us
in good humor by allowing us to dispose of our own money,
and now and then giving us a little of hers, by way of dona-
tion to colleges, or hospitals, or for cutting canals, or forti-
fying ports, she might have easily drtwn from us much more
by our occasional voluntary grants and contributions, than
ever she could by taxes. Sensible people will give a bucket
or two of water to a dry pump, that they may afterwards
get from it all they have occasion for. Her ministry were
deficient in that little point of common sense. And so

to have of every subject, the brightness of his memory, and clearness and
vivacity of all his mental faculties, notwithstanding his age. His manners
are perfectly easy, and every thing about him seems to diffuse an unrestrained
freedom and happiness. He has an incessant vein of humor, accompanied
with an uncommon vivacity, which seemed as natural and involuntary as
hb breathing. He urged me to call on him again, but my short stay would
not permit. We took our leave at ten, and I retired to my lodgings."— Ed.

Mt. 8i.] how TO BUILD FIRE-PROOF. 387

they spent one hundred millions of her money, and after
all lost what they contended for.

I lament the loss your town has suffered this year by fire.
I sometimes think men do not act like reasonable creatures,
when they build for themselves combustible dwellings, in
which they are every day obliged to use fire. In my new
buildings, I have taken a few precautions, not generally
used ; to wit, none of the wooden work of one room com-
municates with the wooden work of any other room ; and
all the floors, and even the steps of the stairs, are plastered
close to the boards, besides the plastering on the laths
under the joists. There are also trap-doors to go out
upon the roofs, that one may go out and wet the shingles
in case of a neighbouring fire. But, indeed, I think the
staircases should be stone, and the floors tiled as in Paris,
and the roofs either tiled or slated.

I sent you lately a barrel of flour, and I blame myself
for not sooner desiring you to lay in your winter's wood,
and drawing upon me for it as last year. But I have been
so busy. To avoid such neglect in future, I now make the
direction general, that you draw on me every year for the
same purpose.

SPEECH IN THE FEDERAL CONVENTION ON MOTION FOR
OPENING THE CONVENTION WITH PRAYER.

Mr. President,
The small progress we have made, after four or five
weeks' close attendance and continual reasonings with each
other, our different sentiments on almost every question,

388 PRAYER IN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES. [/Et. 8i.

several of the Inst producing as many Noes as Ayes, is,
methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the
human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own
want of political wisdom, since we have been running all
about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient his-
tory for models of government, and examined the different
forms of those republics, which, having been originally
formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no
longer exist ; and we have viewed modern states all round
Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our
circumstances.

In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in
the dark to find political truth, and scarce able to distin-
guish it when presented to us, how has it happened, Sir,
that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying
to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings?
In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were
sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for
the divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard ; —
and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were
engaged in the struggle, must have observed frequent in-
stances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To
that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of
consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future
national felicity. And have we now forgotten that power-
ful Friend ? or do we imagine we no longer need its assist-
ance ? I have lived, Sir, a long time ; and the longer I
live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that
God governs in the affairs of men. And, if a sparrow can-
not fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that
an empire can rise without his aid? We have been as-
sured, Sir, in the Sacred Writings, that " except the Lord

4&1.8I.] SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. 389

build the house, they labor in vain that build it." I
firmly believe this; and I also believe, that, without his
concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building
no better than, the builders of Babel ; we shall be divided
by our little, partial, local interests, our projects will be
confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach
and a by-word down to future ages. And, what is worse,
mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance,
despair of establishing government by human wisdom, and
leave it to chance, war, and conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move,

That henceforth prayers, imploring the assistance of
Heaven and its blessing on our deliberations, be held in
this assembly every morning before we proceed to business ;
and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested
to officiate in that service.*

SPEECH ON THE SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICERS.f

It is with reluctance that I rise to express a disappro-
bation of any one article of the plan, for which we are so

* Note by Dr. Franklin. — " The convention, except three or four persons,
thought prayers unnecessary !" — Ed.

f Franklin and Washington taught in the most eloquent way, though
unsuccessfully, the impolicy of allowing any compensation to executive
officers : they both declined to accept what the law awarded them. Frank-
lin consented to receive something less than ninety dollars to cover his
postage account while President of Pennsylvania, and in his will bequeathed
the rest to various charities, besides one thousand pounds to the creation of
% fund for the benefit of young mechanics in Boston, and another thousand
for the benefit of the mechanics of Philadelphia. This clause of his will
begins as follows :

3qo SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. [Mr. 8l.

much obliged to the honorable gentleman who laid it before
us. From its first reading, I have borne a good will to it,
and, in general, wished it success. In this particular of
salaries to the executive branch, I happen to differ ; and,
as my opinion may appear new and chimerical, it is only
from a persuasion that it is right, and from a sense of duty,
that I hazard it. The committee will judge of my reasons
when they have heard them, and their judgment may pos-
sibly change mine. I think I see inconveniences in the
appointment of salaries ; I see none in refusing them, but,
on the contrary, great advantages.

Sir, there are two passions which have a powerful in-
fluence in the affairs of men. These are ambition and
avarice ; the love of power and the love of money. Sepa-
rately, each of these has great force in prompting men to
action ; but, when united in view of the same object, they
have in many minds the most violent effects. Place before
the eyes of such men a post of honor, that shall at the same
time be a place of profit, and they will move heaven and
earth to obtain it. The vast number of such places it is,
that renders the British government so tempestuous. The
struggles for them are the true source of all those factions
which are perpetually dividing the nation, distracting its
councils, hurrying it sometimes into fruitless and mischiev-
ous wars, and often compelling a submission to dishonorable
terms of peace.

" It having been long a fixed political opinion of mine, that in a demo-
cratical State there ought to be no offices of profit, for the reasons I have
given in an article of my drawing in our Constitution ; it was my intention,
when I accepted the office of President, to devote the appointed salary to
some public uses," &c.

Some of the consequences which Franklin, in the speech in the text, pre-
dicted from a contrary policy, have already been realized. — Ed.

Mr. 81.] SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. ^\

And of what kind are the men that will strive for this
profitable preeminence, through all the bustle of cabal, the
heat of contention, the infinite mutual abuse of parties, tear-
ing to pieces the best of characters? It will not be the wise
and moderate, the lovers of peace and good order, the men
fittest for the trust. It will be the bold and the violent,
the men of strong passions and indefatigable activity in
their selfish pursuits. These will thrust themselves into
your government, and be your rulers. And these, too, will
be mistaken in the expected happiness of their situation ;
for their vanquished competitors, of the same spirit, and
from the same motives, will perpetually be endeavouring
to distress their administration, thwart their measures, and
render them odious to the people.

Besides these evils, Sir, though we may set out in the
beginning with moderate salaries, we shall find, that such
will not be of long continuance. Reasons will never be
wanting for proposed augmentations ; and there will always
be a party for giving more to the rulers, that the rulers may
be able in return to give more to them. Hence, as all
history informs us, there has been in every state and king-
dom a constant kind of warfare between the governing and
the governed ; the one striving to obtain more for its sup-
port, and the other to pay less. And this has alone occa-
sioned great convulsions, actual civil wars, ending either
in dethroning of the princes or enslaving of the people.
Generally, indeed, the ruling power carries its point, and
we see the revenues of princes constantly increasing, and
we see that they are never satisfied, but always in want of
more. The more the people are discontented with the
oppression of taxes, the greater need the prince has of

money to distribute among his partisans, and pay the troops
Vol. III.— 37 T

3Q2 SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. [IEt. 8i

that are to suppress all resistance, and enable him to plunder
at pleasure. There is scarce a king in a hundred, who would
not, if he could, follow the example of Pharaoh, — get first
all the people's money, then all their lands, and then make
them and their children servants for ever. It will be said,
that we do not propose to establish kings. I know it. But
there is a natural inclination in mankind to kingly govern-
ment. It sometimes relieves them from aristocratic domi-
nation. They had rather have one tyrant than five hundred.
It gives more of the appearance of equality among citizens :
and that they like. I am apprehensive, therefore, — per-
haps too apprehensive, — that the government of these States
may in future times end in a monarchy. But this catas-
trophe, I think, may be long delayed, if in our proposed
system we do not sow the seeds of contention, faction, and
tumult, by making our posts of honor places of profit. If
we do, I fear, that, though we employ at first a number and
not a single person, the number will in time be set aside ;
it will only nourish the foetus of a king (as the honorable
gentleman from Virginia very aptly expressed it), and a
king will the sooner be set over us.

It may be imagined by some, that this is an Utopian
idea, and that we can never find men to serve us in the
executive department, without paying them well for their
services. I conceive this to be a mistake. Some existing
facts present themselves to me, which incline me to a con-
trary opinion. The high sheriff of a county in England is
an honorable office, but it is not a profitable one. It is
rather expensive, and therefore not sought for. But yet it
is executed, and well executed, and usually by some of the
principal gentlemen of the county. In France, the office
of counsellor, or member of their judiciary parliaments, is

Mt. 8 i.] SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. 393

more honorable. It is therefore purchased at a high price;
there are indeed fees on the law proceedings, which are
divided among them, but these fees do not amount to more
than three per cent on the sum paid for the place. There-
fore, as legal interest is there at five per cent, they in fact
pay two per cent for being allowed to do the judiciary
business of the nation, which is at the same time entirely
exempt from the burthen of paying them any salaries for
their services. I do not, however, mean to recommend
this as an eligible mode for our judiciary department. I
only bring the instance to show, that the pleasure of doing
good and serving their country, and the respect such con-
duct entitles them to, are sufficient motives with some minds,
to give up a great portion of their time to the public,
without the mean inducement of pecuniary satisfaction.

Another instance is that of a respectable society, who
have made the experiment, and practised it with success,
now more than a hundred years. I mean the Quakers. It
is an established rule with them that they are not to go to
law, but in their controversies they must apply to their
monthly, quarterly, and yearly meetings. Committees of
these sit with patience to hear the parties, and spend much
time in composing their differences. In doing this, they
are supported by a sense of duty, and the respect paid to
usefulness. It is honorable to be so employed, but it was
never made profitable by salaries, fees, or perquisites. And
indeed, in all cases of public service, the less the profit the
greater the honor.

To bring the matter nearer home, have we not seen the
greatest and most important of our offices, that of general
of our armies, executed for eight years together, without the
smallest sala~v, by a patriot whom I will not now offend by

^94 MERITS OF THE CONSTITUTION. [JEt. 8l.

any other praise ; and this, through fatigues and distresses,
in common with the other brave men, his military friends
and companions, and the constant anxieties peculiar to his
station? And shall we doubt finding three or four men in
all the United States, with public spirit enough to bear sit-
ting in peaceful council, for perhaps an equal term, merely
to preside over our civil concerns, and see that our laws are
duly executed? Sir, I have a better opinion of our country.
I think we shall never be without a sufficient number of
wise and good men to undertake, and execute well and
faithfully, the office in question.

Sir, the saving of the salaries, that may at first be pro-
posed, is not an object with me. The subsequent mischiefs
of proposing them are what I apprehend. And therefore it
is that I move the amendment. If it is not seconded or
accepted, I must be contented with the satisfaction of having
delivered my opinion frankly and done my duty.

SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION, AT THE CONCLUSION OF

ITS DELIBERATIONS.

Mr. President,
I confess, that I do not entirely approve of this Consti-
tution at present; but, Sir, I am not sure I shall never
approve it ; for, having lived long, I have experienced
many instances of being obliged, by better information or
fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important
subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be other-
wise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt
I am to doubt my own judgment of others. Most men,
indeed, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves

Mr. 8i.] MERITS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 395

in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from
them, it is so far error. Steele, a Protestant, in a dedication,
tells the Pope, that the only difference between our two
churches in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrine,
is, the Romish Church is infallible, and the Church of Eng-
land is never in the wrong. But, though many private persons
think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of
their sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French
lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister, said; "But I
meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right."
' lJe ne trouve que moi qui aie toujour s raison. ' '

In these sentiments, Sir, I agree to this Constitution,
with all its faults, — if they are such ; because I think a
general government necessary for us, and there is no form
of government but what may be a blessing to the people,
if well administered ; and I believe, further, that this is
likely to be well administered for a course of years, and
can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before
it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need
despotic government, being incapable of any other. I
doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain,
may be able to make a better constitution ; for, when you
assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their
joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men all
their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion,
their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an
assembly can a perfect production be expected ? It there-
fore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so
near to perfection as it does ; and I think it will astonish
our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear, that
our counsels are confounded like those of the builders of

Babel, and that our States are on the point of separation,
37*

396 MERITS OF THE CONSTITUTION. [Mr. 8i

only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one
another's throats. Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitu-
tion, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure
that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its
errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whis-
pered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they
were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in
returning to our constituents, were to report the objections
he has had to it, and endeavour to gain partisans in support
of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and
tUereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages
resulting naturally in our favor among foreign nations, as
well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent una-
nimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any govern-
ment, in procuring and securing happiness to the people,
depends on opinion, on the general opinion of the good-
ness of that government, as well as of the wisdom and
integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, for our own
sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our pos-
terity, that we shall act heartily and unanimously in
recommending this Constitution, wherever our influence
may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours
to the means of having it well administered.

On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that
every member of the convention who may still have objec-
tions to it, would with me on this occasion doubt a little
of his own infallibility, and, to make manifest our unanimity,
put his name to this instrument.

[Then the motion was made for adding the last formula,
viz. "Done in convention by the unanimous consent."
&c; which was agreed to and added accordingly.]

CHAPTER XII.

Reelected President of Pennsylvania — Buffon — Remedy for the Stone-
Conveniences of a Revenue Tariff — The First Steamboat — Honesty of
Heretics — Franklin's Public Services — Unavailing Requests for a Settle-
ment of his Accounts — The Slave-Trade.

I787.

To Alexander I have not lost any of the principles of

Small, dated •». , ,

Philadelphia public economy you once knew me possessed
28 Sept., 1787. of; but to get the bad customs of a country
changed, and new ones, though better, introduced, it is
necessary first to remove the prejudices of the people,
enlighten their ignorance, and convince them that their
interest will be promoted by the proposed changes; and
this is not the work of a day. Our legislators are all land-
holders ; and they are not yet persuaded, that all taxes are
finally paid by the land. Besides, our country is so sparsely
settled, the habitations, particularly in the back countries,
being perhaps five or six miles distant from each other, that
the time and labor of the collector in going from house to
house, and being obliged to call often before he can recover
the tax, amounts to more than the tax is worth, and there
fore we have been forced into the mode of indirect taxes,
that is, duties on importation of goods, and excises.

I have made no attempt to introduce the Form of Prayer

397

398 ROYALIST REFUGEES. [^t. Si.

here, which you and good Mrs. Baldwin do me the honor
to approve. The things of this world take up too much of
my time, of which indeed I have too little left, to under-
take any thing like a reformation in matters of religion.
When we can sow good seed, we should however do it, and
wait, when we can do no better, with patience nature's time,
for their sprouting. Some lie many years in the ground,
and at length certain favorable seasons or circumstances
bring them forth with vigorous shoots and plentiful pro-
ductions.

Had I been at home as you wish, soon after the peace,
I might possibly have mitigated some of the severities
against the royalists, believing, as I do, that fear and error,
rather than malice, occasioned their desertion of their
country's cause, and the adoption of the King's. The
public resentment against them is now so far abated, that
none who ask leave to return are refused, and many of them
now live among us much at their ease. As to the restora-
tion of confiscated estates, it is an operation that none of
our politicians have as yet ventured to propose. They are
a sort of people, that love to fortify themselves in their pro-
jects by precedent. Perhaps they wait to see your govern-
ment restore the forfeited estates in Scotland to the Scotch,
those in Ireland to the Irish, and those in England to the
Welch.

I am glad that the distressed exiles, who remain with
you, have received, or are likely to receive, some compen-
sation for their losses, for I commiserate their situation.
It was clearly incumbent on the King to indemnify those
he had seduced by his proclamations ; but it seems not so
clearly consistent with the wisdom of Parliament to resolve
doing it for him. If some mad King should think fit, in a

Mr. 81.] FRANKLIN'S SISTER. 399

freak, to make war upon his subjects of Scotland, or upon
those of England, by the help of Scotland and Ireland, as
the Stuarts did, may he not encourage followers by the
precedent of these parliamentary gratuities, and thus set his
subjects to cutting one another's throats, first with the hope
of sharing in confiscations, and then with that of compen-
sation in case of disappointment? The council of brutes
without a fable were aware of this. Lest that fable may
perhaps not have fallen in your way, I enclose a copy of it.

To Mrs. jane I am glad you have made the provision
tedCph!iadeu against the winter, which I mentioned to you.
phia, 4 Nov., Your bill is honored. It is impossible for me
always to guess what you may want, and I
hope, therefore, that you will never be shy in letting me
know wherein I can help to make your life more comfort-
able.*

* Among Dr. Franklin's papers I have found a large number of letters
from his sister, extending through a period of nearly forty years. They are
confined chiefly to family or private affairs, but they are uniformly marked
with strong good sense, and the warmest attachment to her brother. She
was left a widow in early life, with very small means of support ; and she
was unfortunate in the sickness and loss of some of her children, and the ill
success of others. Her circumstances were made comfortable by the con-
stant kindness and generous care of her brother, who regularly remitted to
her money, and occasionally such other things as he knew she wanted. A
part of the time she resided with a married daughter, but she had a home
of her own in a house that belonged to Dr. Franklin in Boston. In her
letters to her brother, she repeatedly expresses her gratitude for his watch-
fulness over her, and for his bounty. Soon after his return from France,
she wrote; " I believe I did not tell you how thankfully I received your
gift ; but be assured, my dear brother, that there is not a day passes in which
my heart does not overflow with gratitude to you, and adoration to the
Supreme Benefactor of all mankind, who puts it in your power, not only to
make me as happy as humanity can expect to be, but enables you to diffuse
your benefits so widely. I know it is your judgment, as well as practice,

4O0 BUFFO N. [Mr. 8l.

It was my intention to decline serving another year as
President, that I might be at liberty to take a trip to
Boston in the spring ; but I submit to the unanimous voice
of my country, which has again placed me in the chair. I
have now been upwards of fifty years employed in public
offices. When I informed your good friend Dr. Cooper,
that I was ordered to France, being then seventy years old,
and observed, that the public, having as it were eaten my
flesh, seemed now resolved to pick my bones, he replied
that he approved their taste, for that the nearer the bone
the sweeter the meat. I must own, that it is no small
pleasure to me, and I suppose it will give my sister pleasure,
that, after such a long trial of me, I should be elected a
third time by my fellow citizens, without a dissenting vote
but my own, to fill the most honorable post in their power
to bestow. This universal and unbounded confidence of a
whole people flatters my vanity much more than a peerage
could do.

" Hung o'er with ribands and stuck round with strings,"

may give nominal, but not real honors.

This family are all well, as I also am, thanks to God.
We join in best wishes for you and yours.

To Count de I am honored by your letter, desiring to

BufTon, dated , , , T . . , . . .

Philadelphia, know *>y what means I am relieved in a dis-
19 Nov., 1787. order, with which you are also unfortunately

that kindness of heart should be expressed by deeds ; but, in my opinion,
words should not be excluded, (though I sometimes neglect them,) especially
when there is no opportunity to perform deeds." Similar sentiments might
be extracted from many of her letters. She was fond of reading, and fre-
quently consulted her brother as to the most suitable books which he took
pains either to recommend or furnish. — S.

Mr. 8i-1 CAUTION TO THE PRESS. ^qx

afflicted. I have tried all the noted prescriptions for
diminishing the stone without perceiving any good effect.
But observing temperance in eating, avoiding wine and
cider, and using daily the dumb bell, which exercises the
upper part of the body without much moving the parts in
contact with the stone, I think I have prevented its increase.
As the roughness of the stone lacerates a little the neck
of the bladder, I find, that, when the urine happens to be
sharp, I have much pain in making water and frequent
urgencies. For relief under this circumstance, I take, going
to bed, the bigness of a pigeon's egg of jelly of black-
berries. The receipt for making it is enclosed. While I
continue to do this every night, I am generally easy the
day following, making water pretty freely, and with long
intervals. I wish most sincerely that this simple remedy
may have the same happy effect with you. Perhaps currant
jelly, or the jelly of apples or of raspberries, may be equally
serviceable ; for I suspect the virtue of the jelly may lie
principally in the boiled sugar, which is in some degree
candied by the boiling of the jelly. Wishing you for your
own sake much more ease, and for the sake of mankind
many more years, I remain with the greatest esteem and
respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and affectionate
servant.

To the Print- The British newswriters are very assiduous in
a Evening their endeavours to blacken America. Should
Herald" we not be careful not to afford them any as-

[date uncer-
tain], sistance by censures of one another, especially

by censures not well founded ?

I lately observed, in one of your papers, the conduct of

the State of Massachusetts reflected on as being inconsistent

4Q2 ELECTRICITY. [Mt. 8l.

and absurd, as well as wicked, for attempting to raise a tax
by a Stamp Act, and for carrying on the Slave Trade.

The writer of those reflections might have considered,
that their principal objection to the Stamp Tax was, its
being imposed by a British Parliament, which had no right
to tax them ; for otherwise a tax by stamps is perhaps to be
levied with as little inconvenience as any other that can be
invented. Ireland has a Stamp Act of its own; but, should
Britain pretend to impose such a tax on the Irish people,
they would probably give a general opposition to it, and
ought not for that to be charged with inconsistence.

One or two merchants in Boston, employing ships in the
abominable African trade, may deservedly be condemned,
though they do not bring their slaves home, but sell them
in the West Indies. The State, as such, has never, that I
have heard of, given encouragement to the diabolical com-
merce ; and there have always been fewer slaves in the New
England governments than in any other British colonies.
National reflections are seldom just, and a whole people
should not be decried for the crimes of a few individuals.

To Mather It gives me much pleasure to understand,

Philadelphia tnat mv Pomts have been of service in the pro-
x Jan., 1788. tection of you and yours. I wish for your
sake, that electricity had really proved what it was at first
supposed to be, a cure for the palsy. It is, however, happy
for you, that, when old age and that malady have concurred
to enfeeble you, and to disable you for writing, you have a
daughter at hand to nurse you with filial attention, and to

* A clergyman of Boston. For some biographical anecdotes respecting
tlim, see Tuior's " Life of James Otis," pp. 155-160. — ED.

JEt. 82.] NEW CONSTITUTION. 403

be your secretary, of which I see she is very capable, by
the elegance and correctness of her writing in the letter I
am now answering. I too have a daughter, who lives with
me and is the comfort of my declining years, while my son
is estranged from me by the part he took in the late war,
and keeps aloof, residing in England, whose cause he
espoused ; whereby the old proverb is exemplified ;

" My son is my son till he gets him a wife ;
But my daughter 's my daughter all the days of her life."

I remember you had a little collection of curiosities
Please to honor with a place in it the enclosed medal, which
I got struck in Paris. The thought was much approved by
the connoisseurs there, and the engraving well executed.

To m. Le I should have proceeded in the history you
ted Phiiacufi- mention,* if I could well have avoided accept-

phia, 17 Feb., jng the chair of President for this third and
1788.

last year ; to which I was again elected by the

unani?nous voice of the Council and General Assembly in
November. If I live to see this year expire, I may enjoy
some leisure, which I promise you to employ in the work
you do me the honor to urge so earnestly.

I sent you with my last a copy of the new Constitution
proposed for the United States by the late General Con-
vention. I sent one also to our excellent friend the Duke
de la Rochefoucauld. I attended the business of the Con-
vention faithfully for four months. Enclosed you have the
last speech I made in it.f Six States have already adopted
the Constitution, and there is now little doubt of its being

* The Memoirs of his own Life. — Ed.
f Sec next preceding chapter. — Ed.

Vol. III.— 38

404 NEW CONSTITUTION. [Mr. 82.

accepted by a sufficient number to carry it into execution,
if not immediately by the whole. It has, however, met
with great opposition in some States, for we are at present
a nation of politicians. And, though there is a general dread
of giving too much power to our governors, I think we are
more in danger from too little obedience in the governed.

We shall, as you suppose, have imposts on trade, and
custom-houses, not because other nations have them, but
because we cannot at present do without them. We want
to discharge our public debt occasioned by the late war.
Direct taxes are not so easily levied on the scantily settled
inhabitants of our wide-extended country; and what is paid
in the price of merchandise is less felt by the consumer, and
less the cause of complaint. When we are out of debt we
may leave our trade free, for our ordinary charges of gov-
ernment will not be great.

Where there is a free government, and the people make
their own laws by their representatives, I see no injustice in
their obliging one another to take their own paper money.
It is no more so than compelling a man by law to take his
own note. But it is unjust to pay strangers with such
money against their will. The making of paper money
with such a sanction is however a folly, since, although you
may by law oblige a citizen to take it for his goods, you
cannot fix his prices ; and his liberty of rating them as he
pleases, which is the same thing as setting what value he
pleases on your money, defeats your sanction.

I have been concerned to hear of the troubles in the in-
ternal government of the country I love; and hope some
good may come out of them ; and that they may end with-
out mischief.

In your letter to my grandson, you asked some questions

*T. 82.] THE MEMOIRS. 405

that had an appearance as if you meditated a visit to us.
Nothing in this world would give me greater pleasure, than
to receive and embrace here the whole family; but it is too
great a happiness to be expected.

ToM.LeVei- I received but a few days since, your favor
Philadelphia'! of November 30th, 1787, in which you con-
2a April, 1788. tinue to urge me to finish the Memoirs. My
three years of service will expire in October, when a new
president must be chosen ; and I had the project of retiring
then to my grandson's estate in New Jersey, where I might
be free from the interruption of visits, in order to com
plete that work for your satisfaction ; for in this city my
time is so cut to pieces by friends and strangers, that I have
sometimes envied the prisoners in Bastille. But consider-
ing now the little remnant of life I have left, the accidents
that may happen between this and October, and your earn-
est desire, I have come to the resolution to proceed in that
work to-morrow, and continue it daily till finished, which,
if my health permits, may be in the course of the ensuing
summer. As it goes on, I will have a copy made for you,
and you may expect to receive a part by the next packet.

It is very possible, as you suppose, that all the articles of
the proposed new government will not remain unchanged,
after the first meeting of the Congress. I am of opinion
with you, that the two chambers were not necessary, and I
disliked some other articles that are in, and wished for
some that are not in the proposed plan. I nevertheless
hope it may be adopted, though I should have nothing to
do with the execution of it, being determined to quit all
public business with my present employer. At eighty-three
one certainly has a right to ambition repose.

406 ASSOCIATIONS OF HIS YOUTH. [Mt. 82

We are not ignorant, that the duties paid at the custom-
house on the importation of foreign goods are finally reim-
bursed by the consumer, but we impose them as the easiest
way of levying a tax from those consumers. If our new coun-
try was as closely inhabited as your old one, we might without
much difficulty collect a land tax, that would be sufficient
for all purposes ; but where farms are at five or six miles'
distance from each other, as they are in a great part of our
country, the going of the collectors from house to house to
demand the taxes, and being obliged to call more than once
for the same tax, makes the trouble of collecting in many
cases exceed the value of the sum collected. Things that
are practicable in one country are not always so in another,
where circumstances differ. Our duties are, however, gen-
erally so small, as to give little temptation to smuggling.

To John La- It would certainly, as you observe, be a

throp,* dated , *r t u

Philadelphia verv great pleasure to me, if I could once
31 May, 1788. again visit my native town, and walk over the
grounds I used to frequent when a boy, and where I en-
joyed many of the innocent pleasures of youth, which
would be so brought to my remembrance, and where I
might find some of my old acquaintance to converse with.
But when I consider how well I am situated here, with
every thing about me, that I can call either necessary or
convenient ; the fatigues and bad accommodations to be
met with and suffered in a land journey, and the unpleas-
antness of sea voyages, to one, who, although he has
crossed the Atlantic eight times, and made many smaller
trips, does not recollect his having ever been at sea without

* An eminent clergyman of Boston, and for many years a neighbour and
valued friend of Mrs. Mecom, the sister of Dr. Franklin.— Ed.

Mr. 82.] THE WORLD'S PROGRESS. 407

taking a firm resolution never to go to sea again ; and that,
if I were arrived in Boston, I should see but little of it, as
I could neither bear walking nor riding in a carriage over
its pebbled streets; and, above all, that I should find very
few indeed of my old friends living, it being now sixty-five
years since I left it to settle here ; — all this considered, I
say, it seems probable, though not certain, that I shall
hardly again visit that beloved place. But I enjoy the
company and conversation of its inhabitants, when any of
them are so good as to visit me ; for, besides their general
good sense, which I value, the Boston manner, turn of
phrase, and even tone of voice, and accent in pronuncia-
tion, all please, and seem to refresh and revive me.

I have been long impressed with the same sentiments you
so well express, of the growing felicity of mankind, from
the improvements in philosophy, morals, politics, and even
the conveniences of common living, and the invention and
acquisition of new and useful utensils and instruments ; so
that I have sometimes almost wished it had been my des-
tiny to be born two or three centuries hence. For inven-
tion and improvement are prolific, and beget more of their
kind. The present progress is rapid. Many of great im-
portance, now unthought of, will before that period be
produced ; and then I might not only enjoy their advan-
tages, but have my curiosity gratified in knowing what they
are to be. I see a little absurdity in what I have just
written, but it is to a friend, who will wink and let it pass,
while I mention one reason more for such a wish, which is,
that, if the art of physic shall be improved in proportion
to other arts, we may then be able to avoid diseases, and
live as long as the patriarchs in Genesis ; to which I suppose

we should have little objection.
38*

4o8 THE NEW CONSTITUTION. [Mr. 82

I am glad my dear sister has so good and kind a neigh-
bour. I sometimes suspect she may be backward in
acquainting me with circumstances in which I might be
more useful to her. If any such should occur to your
observation, your mentioning them to me will be a favor I
shall be thankful for.

ToM.LeVci- I received a few days ago your kind letter

Philadelphia, °f the 3^ °f Januarv- Tne arr^ m favor of

8 June, 1788. the non-catholiques gives pleasure here, not
only from its present advantages, but as it is a good step
towards general toleration, and to the abolishing in time
all party spirit among Christians, and the mischiefs that
have so long attended it. Thank God, the world is
growing wiser and wiser ; and as by degrees men are con-
vinced of the folly of wars for religion, for dominion, or
for commerce, they will be happier and happier.

Eight States have now agreed to the proposed new con-
stitution; there remain five who have not yet discussed it;
their appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived.
Two are to meet this month, the rest later. One more
agreeing, it will be carried into execution. Probably some
will not agree at present, but time may bring them in ; so
that we have little doubt of its becoming general, perhaps
with some corrections. As to your friend's taking a share
in the management of it, his age and infirmities render him
unfit for the business, as the business would be for him.
After the expiration of his presidentship, which will now
be in a few months, he is determined to engage no more in
public affairs, ever if required ; but his countrymen will
be too reasonable to require it. You are not so consider-
pte ; you are a hard task-master. You insist on his writing

Mr. 82.] THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 409

his life, already a long work, and at the same time would
have him continually employed in augmenting the subject,
while the time shortens in which the work is to be executed.
General Washington is the man that all our eyes are fixed
on for President, and what little influence I may have, is
devoted to him. I am, &c.

To m. Dupont I have received your favor of December 31st,
de Nemours, ^^ th extract Qf a letter, which you wish to

dated Phila- J

deiphia, 9 have translated and published here. But seven
States having, before it arrived, ratified the
new constitution, and others being daily expected to do the
same, after the fullest discussion in convention, and in all
the public papers, till everybody was tired of the argument,
it seemed too late to propose delay, and especially the delay
that must be occasioned by a revision and correction of all
the separate Constitutions. For it would take at least a
year to convince thirteen States, that the Constitutions
they have practised ever since the Revolution, without
observing any imperfections in them so great as to be worth
the trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as
to be unfit for continuation, or to be parts of a federal
government. And, when they should be so convinced, it
would probably take some years more to make the correc-
tions.

An eighth State has since acceded, and when a ninth is
added, which is now daily expected, the constitution will
be carried into execution. It is probable, however, that,
at the first meeting of the new Congress, various amend-
ments will be proposed and discussed, when I hope your
" Ouvrage sur les Principes et le Bien des R6publiques en
general," &c. &c, may be ready to put into their hands;

4I0 COMMERCIAL DICTIONARY. [Mt. 82.

and such a work from your hand I am confident, though it
may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and
produce advantages of importance.

But we must not expect, that a new government may be
formed, as a game of chess may be played, by a skilful hand,
without a fault. The players of our game are so many, their
ideas so different, their prejudices so strong and so various,
and their particular interests, independent of the general,
seeming so opposite, that not a move can be made that is
not contested ; the numerous objections confound the un-
derstanding ; the wisest must agree to some unreasonable
things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be
obtained ; and thus chance has its share in many of the
determinations, so that the play is more like tric-trac with
a box of dice.

We are much pleased with the disposition of your gov-
ernment to favor our commerce, manifested in the late
reglenient. You appear to be possessed of a truth, which
few governments are possessed of, that A must take some
of B's produce, otherwise B will not be able to pay for what
he would take of A. But there is one thing wanting to
facilitate and augment our intercourse. It is a dictionary,
explaining the names of different articles of manufacture in
the two languages. When I was in Paris, I received a large
order for a great variety of goods, particularly of the kind
called hard wares, that is, wares of iron and steel ; and
when I showed the invoice to your manufacturers, they did
not understand what kind of goods or instruments were
meant by the names; nor could any English and French
dictionary be found to explain them. So I sent to England
for one of each sort, which might serve both as explanation
and as a model, the latter being of importance likewise

/Et. 82.] RE-ELIGIBILITY OF PRESIDENTS. ^u

since people are prejudiced in favor of forms they have
been used to, though perhaps not the best. They cost me
twenty-five guineas, but were lost by the way, and, the
peace coming on, the scheme dropped. It would, however,
as I imagine, be well worth reviving, for our merchants say,
we still send to England for such goods as we want, because
there they understand our orders, and can execute them
precisely.

To the Duke Our public affairs begin to wear a more
foucauid da- quiet aspect. The disputes about the faults
ted Phiiadei- 0f the new constitution are subsided. The
I788.' first Congress will probably mend the prin-

cipal ones, and future Congresses the rest. That which
you mentioned did not pass unnoticed in the Convention.
Many, if I remember right, were for making the President
incapable of being chosen after the first four years ; but
the majority were for leaving the electors free to choose
whom they pleased ; and it was alleged, that such inca-
pacity might tend to make the President less attentive to
the duties of his office, and to the interests of the people,
than he would be if a second choice depended on their
good opinion of him. We are making experiments in poli-
tics ; what knowledge we shall gain by them will be more
certain, though perhaps we may hazard too much in thai

mode of acquiring it.

Having now finished my turn of being President, and
promising myself to engage no more in public business, I
hope to enjoy the small remains of life that are allowed me,
in the repose I have so long wished for. I purpose to em-
ploy it in completing the personal history you mention,*

* The Memoirs of his Life. — Ed,

4I2 THE LAVOISIER PORTRAIT. [Mt. 8a.

It is now brought down to my fiftieth year. What is to
follow will be of more important transactions; but it seems
to me what is done will be of more general use to young
readers, exemplifying strongly the effects of prudent and
imprudent conduct in the commencement of a life of busi-
ness.

To Madame I have a long time been disabled from
dated Phiia- writing to my dear friend, by a severe fit of
deiphia, 23 the gout, or I should sooner have returned
my thanks for her very kind present of the
portrait, which she has herself done me the honor to make
of me. It is allowed by those, who have seen it, to have
great merit as a picture in every respect ; but what par-
ticularly endears it to me is the hand that drew it. Our
English enemies, when they were in possession of this city
and my house, made a prisoner of my portrait, and carried
it off with them, leaving that of its companion, my wife, by
itself, a kind of widow. You have replaced the husband,
and the lady seems to smile as well pleased.

It is true, as you observe, that I enjoy here every thing
that a reasonable mind can desire, a sufficiency of income,
a comfortable habitation of my own building, having all
the conveniences I could imagine; a dutiful and affection-
ate daughter to nurse and take care of me, a number of
promising grandchildren, some old friends still remaining
to converse with, and more respect, distinction, and public
honors than I can possibly merit. These are the blessings
of God, and depend on his continued goodness; yet all do
not make me forget Paris, and the nine years' happiness I
enjoyed there, in the sweet society of a people whose con-
versation is instructive, whose manners are highly pleasing,

At. 82. J CHANGING HEALTH. 413

and who, above all the nations of the world, have, in the
greatest perfection, the art of making themselves beloved
by strangers. And now, even in my sleep, I find, that the
scenes of all my pleasant dreams are laid in that city, or in
its neighbourhood.

Please to present my thanks to M. Lavoisier for the
"Nomenclature Chimique" he has been so good as to send
me, (it must be a very useful book,) and assure him of my
great and sincere esteem and attachment. My best wishes
attend you both ; and I think I cannot wish you and him
greater happiness, than a long continuance of the con-
nexion.

To John in- You have always been kind enough to

fed* PhUadei" interest yourself in what relates to my health,
phia, 24 Oct., 1 ought therefore to acquaint you with what
appears to me something curious respecting
it. You may remember the cutaneous malady, I formerly
complained of, and for which you and Dr. Pringle favored
me with prescriptions and advice. It vexed me near four-
teen years, and was, the beginning of this year, as bad as
ever, covering almost my whole body, except my face and
hands ; when a fit of the gout came on, without very much
pain, but a swelling in both feet, which at last appeared
also in both knees, and then in my hands. As these swell-
ings increased and extended, the other malady diminished,
and at length disappeared entirely. Those swellings have
some time since begun to fall, and are now almost gone ;
perhaps the cutaneous disease may return, or perhaps it is
worn out. I may hereafter let you know what happens. I
am on the whole much weaker than when it began to leave
me. But possibly that may be the effect of age, for I

414 THE FIRST STEAMBOAT. [jEt. 8*

am now near eighty-three, the age of commencing de-
crepitude.

I grieve at the wars Europe is engaged in, and wish they
were ended ; for I fear even the victors will be losers.

We have no philosophical news here at present, except
that a boat moved by a steam engine rows itself against tide
in our river, and it is apprehended the construction maybe
so simplified and improved as to become generally useful.*

* Alluding to John Fitch's experiment, the germ of the modern steamer.
Shortly after Franklin's return to the United States, Fitch wrote him more
than once about his scheme for rowing boats by steam. In one of his letters,
dated October 12, 1785, he wrote:

" It is a matter, in his (the subscriber's) opinion, of the first magnitude,
not only to the United States, but to every maritime power in the world ;
and he is full in the belief, that it will answer for sea voyages as well as for
inland navigation, in particular for packets, where there may be a great
number of passengers. He is also of opinion, that fuel for a short voyage
would not exceed the weight of water for a long one, and it would produce
a constant supply of fresh water. He also believes, that the boat would
make head against the most violent tempests, and thereby escape the danger
of a lee shore ; and that the same force may be applied to a pump to free a
leaky ship of her water. What emboldens him to be thus presuming, as to
the good effects of the machine, is the almost omnipotent force by which it
is actuated, and the very simple, easy, and natural way by which the screws
or paddles are turned to answer the purpose of oars.

" I expect to return from Kentucky about the 1st of June next, and
nothing would give me more pleasure than to make an essay under your
patronage, and have your friendly assistance in introducing another useful
art into the world."

Franklin had too many cares and preoccupations at that period of his life
to investigate Fitch's patent sufficiently to appreciate all of its importance.
A man who attains a position which makes him the confidant not only of
all the inventors but of all the crack-brains of the world as well, may be
excused if the rules he is obliged to adopt in order to secure a little time to
himself, occasionally keep him in ignorance of things he would be glad to
know. It would seem, however, from the letter in the text, that Fiteh'i
invention had left a more favorable impression upon his mind than, up to
that ''me, it had left on the mind of the public generally. — Ed.

Mr. 82.] THE MEMOIRS OF HIS LIFE. 415

To Benjamin Having now finished my term in the

Vaughan^da- Presidentship, and resolving to engage no
phia, 24 Oct., more in public affairs, I hope to be a better

TT&fl

correspondent for the little time I have to live.
I am recovering from a long-continued gout, and am dili-
gently employed in writing the History of my Life, to the
doing of which the persuasions contained in your letter of
January 31st, 1783, have not a little contributed. I am
now in the year 1756, just before I was sent to England.
To shorten the work, as well as for other reasons, I omit all
facts and transactions, that may not have a tendency to
benefit the young reader, by showing him from my example,
and my success in emerging from poverty, and acquiring
some degree of wealth, power, and reputation, the advan-
tages of certain modes of conduct which I observed, and
of avoiding the errors which were prejudicial to me. If a
writer can judge properly of his own work, I fancy, on
reading over what is already done, that the book will be
found entertaining, interesting, and useful, more so than
I expected when I began it. If my present state of health
continues, I hope to finish it this winter. When done, you
shall have a manuscript copy of it, that I may obtain from
your judgment and friendship such remarks, as may con-
tribute to its improvement.

To m. Le I have been much afflicted the last summer

ted' Phiiadeu w*tn a long-continued fit of the gout, which I
phia, 24 Oct., am not quite clear of, though much better ; my
other malady is not augmented. I have lately
made great progress in the work you so urgently demand, and
have come as far as my fiftieth year. Being now free from
public business, as my term in the Presidentship is expired,
Vol. III.— 39 u

4I6 THE MEMOIRS OF HIS LIFE. [jEt. 82.

and resolving to engage in no other public employment, I
expect to have it finished in about two months, if illness or
some unforeseen interruption does not prevent. I do not
therefore send a part at this time, thinking it better to re-
tain the whole till I can view it all together and make the
proper corrections.

I am much concerned to hear the broils in your country,
but hope they will lead to its advantage. When this
fermentation is over and the troubling parts subsided, the
wine will be fine and good, and cheer the hearts of those
who drink of it.

Our affairs mend daily and are getting into good ordei
very fast. Never was any measure so thoroughly discussed
as our proposed new constitution. Many objections were
made to it in the public papers, and answers to these objec-
tions. Much party heat there was, and some violent per-
sonal abuse. I kept out of the dispute, and wrote only one
little paper on the occasion, which I enclose. You seem to
me to be too apprehensive about our President's being per-
petual. Neither he nor we have any such intention. What
danger there may be of such an event, we are all aware of,
and shall take care effectually to prevent it. The choice
is from four years to four years, the appointments will be
small ; thus we may change our President if we don't like
his conduct, and he will have less inducement to struggle
for a new election. As to the two Chambers, I am of your
opinion, that one alone would be better ; but, my dear
friend, nothing in human affairs and schemes is perfect, and
perhaps that is the case of our opinions.

It must have been a terrible tempest that devastated such
an extent of country. I have sometimes thought it might
be well to establish an office of insurance for farms against

Mr. 82.] FOLL Y OF WAR. 417

the damage that may occur to them from storms, blight,
insects, &c. A small sum paid by a number would repair
such losses and prevent much poverty and distress.

Our adventurous merchants are hitherto successful in the
East India trade. Perhaps it would be better for us if we
used none of the commodities of those countries, but since
we do use them, it is an advantage that we have them
cheaper than when they came through Britain. As to the
other merchandise she formerly supplied us with, our de-
mand is daily diminishing. Our people are more and more
sensible of the mischievous consequences of drinking rum;
the leaders of several religious sects have warned their
people against it, and the consumption has, this last year,
been less by one-third. This will affect her islands. And
the restraints she has laid on our trade have contributed
to raise a spirit of industry in families, who now manufac-
ture more than ever for themselves, that must lessen greatly
the importation.

Embrace for me Men tendrement your good dame and
children.

I regret the immense quantity of misery brought upon
mankind by this Turkish war ; and I am afraid the King
of Sweden may burn his fingers by attacking Russia. When
will princes learn arithmetic enough to calculate, if they
want pieces of one another's territory, how much cheaper
it would be to buy them, than to make war for them, even
though they were to give a hundred years' purchase? But,
if glory cannot be valued, and therefore the wars for it
cannot be subject to arithmetical calculation so as to show
their advantage or disadvantage, at least wars for trade,
which have gain for their object, may be proper subjects
for such computation ; and a trading nation, as well as a

4x3 HONESTY OF HERETICS. [\*t. 8a.

single trader, ought to calculate the probabilities of profit
and loss, before engaging in any considerable adventure.
This however nations seldom do, and we have had fre-
quent instances of their spending more money in wars
for acquiring or securing branches of commerce, than a
hundred years' profit or the full enjoyment of them can
compensate.

Remember me affectionately to good Dr. Price, and
to the honest heretic, Dr. Priestley. I do not call him
honest by way of distinction ; for I think all the heretics
I have known have been virtuous men. They have the
virtue of fortitude, or they would not venture to own
their heresy; and they cannot afford to be deficient in
any of the other virtues, as that would give advantage to
their many enemies; and they have not, like orthodox
sinners, such a number of friends to excuse or justify them.
Do not, however, mistake me. It is not to my good
friend's heresy that I impute his honesty. On the con-
trary, it is his honesty that has brought upon him the
character of heretic.

To Mrs. EHz- You tell me our poor friend Ben Kent

ridge, dated *s gone > I hope to the regions of the blessed ;
Philadelphia, or a{ ieast to some place where souls are pre-
pared for those regions. I found my hope on
this, that, though not so orthodox as you and I, he was an
honest man, and had his virtues. If he had any hypocrisy
it was of that inverted kind, with which a man is not so
bad as he seems to be. And, with regard to future bliss,
I cannot help imagining, that multitudes of the zealously
orthodox of different sects, who at the last day may flock
together in hopes of seeing each other damned, will be

Mr. 82.] WAY OF TELLING A STORY. 419

disappointed, and obliged to rest content with their own
salvation.

To Mrs. jane I am sorry you should suffer so much un-

Mecom, dated • ... , , ,

Philadelphia easiness with tears and apprehensions about
36 Nov., 1788. my health. There are in life real evils enough,
and it is a folly to afflict ourselves with imaginary ones ;
and it is time enough when the real ones arrive. I see by
the papers that to-morrow is your thanksgiving day. The
flour will arrive too late for your plum puddings, for I find
it went from hence but a few days since. I hope, however,
it will be with you before the winter shuts up your harbour.

I never see any Boston newspapers. You mention there
being often something in them to do me honor. I am
obliged to them. On the other hand, some of our papers
here are endeavouring to disgrace me. I take no notice.
My friends defend me. I have long been accustomed to
receive more blame, as well as more praise, than I have
deserved. It is the lot of every public man, and I leave
one account to balance the other.

As you observe, there was no swearing in the story of the
poker, when I told it. The late new dresser of it was, prob-
ably, the same, or perhaps akin to him, who, in relating a
dispute that happened between Queen Anne and the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, concerning a vacant mitre, which the
Queen was for bestowing on a person the Archbishop thought
unworthy, made both the Queen and the Archbishop swear
three or four thumping oaths in every sentence of the discus-
sion, and the Archbishop at last gained his point. One pres-
ent at this tale, being surprised, said, "But did the Queen
and the Archbishop swear so at one another?' ' " O no, no,

says the relator; " that is only my way of telling the story.
39*

^20 FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. [Mr. 82.

To Charles Enclosed I send a letter to the President of
Secretary of Congress for the time being, which, if you find
Congress, da- nothing improper in it, or that in regard to me

ted Philadel-
phia, ag Nov., you could wish changed or amended, I would

17881 request you to present. I rely much on your

friendly counsel, as you must be better acquainted with

persons and circumstances than I am ; and I suppose there

will be time enough before the new Congress is formed to

make any alterations you may advise, though, if presented

at all, it should be to the old one.

In the copy of my letter to Mr. Barclay you may observe,
that mention is made of some "considerable articles which
I have not charged in my accounts with Congress, but on
which I should expect from their equity some consider-
ation." That you may have some information what those
articles are, I enclose also a " Sketch of my Services to the
United States," wherein you will find mention of the extra
services I performed, that do not appertain to the office of
plenipotentiary, viz. as judge of admiralty, as consul before
the arrival of Mr. Barclay, as banker in examining and
accepting the multitude of bills of exchange, and as secre-
tary for several years, none being sent to me, though other
ministers were allowed such assistance.

I must own, I did hope, that, as it is customary in Europe
to make some liberal provision for ministers when they
return home from foreign service, the Congress would at
least have been kind enough to have shown their appro
bation of my conduct by a grant of a small tract of land in
their western country, which might have been of use and
some honor to my posterity. And I cannot but still think
they will do something of the kind for me, whenever they
shall be pleased to take my services into consideration ; as

Mr. 82.] FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. 42 1

I see by their minutes, that they have allowed Mr. Lee
handsomely for his services in England, before his appoint-
ment to France, in which services I and Mr. Bollan co
operated with him, and have had no such allowance ; and,
since his return, he has been very properly rewarded with a
good place, as well as my friend Mr. Jay; though these are
trifling compensations in comparison with what was granted
by the King to M. Gerard on his return from America.

But how different is what has happened to me. On my
return from England, in 1775, tne Congress bestowed on
me the office of postmaster-general, for which I was very
thankful. It was indeed an office I had some kind of right
to, as having previously greatly enlarged the revenue of the
post by the regulations I had contrived and established,
while I possessed it under the crown. When I was sent to
France, I left it in the hands of my son-in-law, who was to
act as my deputy. But soon after my departure, it was
taken from me, and given to Mr. Hazard. When the
English ministry formerly thought fit to deprive me of the
office, they left me, however, the privilege of receiving and
sending my letters free of postage, which is the usage when
a postmaster is not displaced for misconduct in the office ;
but, in America, I have ever since had the postage demanded
of me, which, since my return from France, has amounted
to above fifty pounds, much of it occasioned by my having
acted as minister there.

When I took my grandson, William Temple Franklin,
with me to France, I purposed, after giving him the French
language, to educate him in the study and practice of the
law. But, by the repeated expectations given me of a sec-
retary, and constant disappointments, I was induced, and
indeed obliged, to retain him with me, to assist in the

422 FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. [Mt. 8a

secretary's office, which disappointments continued till my
return, by which time, so many years of the opportunity
of his studying the law were lost, and his habits of life
become so different, that it appeared no longer advisable ;
and I then, considering him as brought up in the diplomatic
line, and well qualified by his knowledge in that branch for
the employ of a secretary at least, (in which opinion I was
not alone, for three of my colleagues, without the smallest
solicitation from me, chose him secretary of the negotiation
for treaties, which they had been empowered to do,) took
the liberty of recommending him to the Congress for their
protection. This was the only favor I ever asked of them ;
and the only answer I received was, a resolution superseding
him, and appointing Colonel Humphreys in his place ; a
gentleman, who, though he might have indeed a good deal
of military merit, certainly had none in the diplomatic line,
and had neither the French language, nor the experience,
nor the address, proper to qualify him for such an em-
ployment.

This is all to yourself only, as a private friend ; for I
have not, nor ever shall, make any public complaint ; and,
even if I could have foreseen such unkind treatment from
Congress, their refusing me thanks would not in the least
have abated my zeal for the cause, and ardor in support of
it. I know something of the nature of such changeable
assemblies, and how little successors know of the services
that have been rendered to the corps before their admission,
or feel themselves obliged by such services ; and what effect
in obliterating a sense of them, during the absence of the
servant in a distant country, the artful and reiterated
malevolent insinuations of one or two envious and malicious
persons may hav*- on the minds of members, even of the

Mt. 82.] FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SER VICES. 423

most equitable, candid, and honorable dispositions; and
therefore I will pass these reflections into oblivion.

My good friend, excuse, if you can, the trouble of this
letter ; and if the reproach thrown on republics, that
they are apt to be ungrateful \ should ever unfortunately be
verified with respect to your services, remember that you
have a right to unbosom yourself in communicating your
griefs to your ancient friend and most obedient humble
servant.

Sketch of the Services of B. Franklin to the United States

of America,

In England, he combated the Stamp Act, and his writings
in the papers against it, with his examination in Parliament,
were thought to have contributed much to its repeal.

He opposed the Duty Act; and, though he could not
prevent its passing, he obtained of Mr. Townshend an
omission of several articles, particularly salt.

In the subsequent difference he wrote and published
many papers, refuting the claim of Parliament to tax the
colonies.

He opposed all the oppressive acts.

He had two secret negotiations with the ministers foi
their repeal, of which he has written a narrative. In this
he offered payment for the destroyed tea, at his own risk,
in case they were repealed.

He was joined with Messrs. Boll an and Lee in all the

applications to government for that purpose. Printed

several pamphlets at his own considerable expense against

the then measures of government, whereby he rendered

himself obnoxious, was disgraced before the privy council,

424 FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. [JEt. 82.

deprived of a place in the postoffice of ^300 sterling a year,
and obliged to resign his agencies, viz.

of Pennsylvania .... ^500
of Massachusetts .... 400

of New Jersey 100

of Georgia 200

;£i2oo
In the whole ^1500 sterling per annum.

Orders were sent to the King's governors not to sign any
warrants on the treasury for the orders of his salaries ; and,
though he was not actually dismissed by the colonies that
employed him, yet, thinking the known malice of the
court against him rendered him less likely than others to
manage their affairs to their advantage, he judged it to be
his duty to withdraw from their service, and leave it open
for less exceptionable persons, which saved them the neces-
sity of removing him.

Returning to America, he encouraged the Revolution.
Was appointed chairman of the Committee of Safety, where
he projected the chevaux de /rise for securing Philadelphia,
then the residence of Congress.

Was sent by Congress to head-quarters near Boston with
Messrs. Harrison and Lynch, in 1775, to settle some affairs
with the northern governments and General Washington.

In the spring of 1776, was sent to Canada with Messrs
Chase and Carroll, passing the Lakes while they were not
yet free from ice. In Canada, was, with his colleagues,
instrumental in redressing sundry grievances, and thereby
reconciling the people more to our cause. He then ad-

Mt. 82.] FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. 425

vanced to General Arnold and other servants of Congress,
then in extreme necessity, ^353 in gold, out of his own
pocket, on the credit of Congress, which was of great service
at that juncture, in procuring provisions for our army.

Being at the time he was ordered on this service upwards
of seventy years of age, he suffered in his health by the
hardships of this journey; lodging in the woods, &c, in
so inclement a season ; but, being recovered, the Congress
in the same year ordered him to France. Before his
departure, he put all the money he could raise, between
three and four thousand pounds, into their hands ; which,
demonstrating his confidence, encouraged others to lend
their money in support of the cause.

He made no bargain for appointments, but was promised
by a vote, the net salary of ^500 sterling per annum, his
expense paid, and to be assisted by a secretary, who was to
have ;£iooo per annum, to include all contingencies.

When the Pennsylvania Assembly sent him to England
in 1764, on the same salary, they allowed him one year's
advance for his passage, and in consideration of the preju-
dice to his private affairs that must be occasioned by his
sudden departure and absence. He has had no such allow-
ance from Congress, was badly accommodated in a miser-
able vessel, improper for those northern seas, (and which
actually foundered in her return,) was badly fed, so that
on his arrival he had scarce strength to stand.

His services to the States as commissioner, and after-
wards as minister plenipotentiary, are known to Congress,
as may appear in his correspondence. His extra services
may not be so well known, and therefore may be here men-
tioned. No secretary ever arriving, the business was in
part before, and entirely when the other commissioners left

426 FRANKLIN'S PUBLIC SERVICES. [Mt. 82

him, executed by himself, with the help of his grandson,
who at first was only allowed clothes, board, and lodging,
and afterwards a salary, never exceeding ^300 a year,
(except while he served as secretary to the Commissioners
for peace,) by which difference in salary, continued many
years, the Congress saved, if they accept it, ^700 sterling a
year.

He served as consul entirely several years, till the arrival
of Mr. Barclay, and even after, as that gentleman was
obliged to be much and long absent in Holland, Flanders,
and England ; during which absence, what business of the
kind occurred, still came to Mr. Franklin.

He served, though without any special commission for
the purpose, as a judge of admiralty ; for, the Congress
having sent him a quantity of blank commissions for
privateers, he granted them to cruisers fitted out in the
ports of France, some of them manned by old smugglers,
who knew every creek on the coast of England, and,
running all round the island, distressed the British coasting
trade exceedingly, and raised their general insurance. One
of those privateers alone, the Black Prince, took in the
course of a year seventy-five sail ! All the papers, taken in
each prize brought in, were in virtue of an order of council
sent up to Mr. Franklin, who was to examine them, judge
of the legality of the capture, and write to the admiralty
of the port, that he found the prize good, and that the sale
might be permitted. These papers, which are very volumi-
nous, he has to produce.

He served also as merchant, to make purchases, and direct
the shipping of stores to a very great value, for which he
has charged no commission.

But the pirt of his service which was the most fatiguing

AT. 82.] FRANKLIN'S ACCOUNTS. a 27

and confining, was that of receiving and accepting, after a
due and necessary examination, the bills of exchange drawn
by Congress for interest money, to the amount of two mil-
lions and a half of livres annually ; multitudes of the bills
very small, each of which, the smallest, gave as much
trouble in examining, as the largest. And this careful exam-
ination was found absolutely necessary, from the constant
frauds attempted by presenting seconds and thirds for pay-
ment after the firsts had been discharged. As these bills
were arriving more or less by every ship and every post,
they required constant attendance. Mr. Franklin could
make no journey for exercise, as had been annually his
custom, and the confinement brought on a malady that is
likely to afflict him while he lives.

In short, though he has always been an active man, he
never went through so much business during eight years, in
any part of his life, as during those of his residence in
France; which however he did not decline till he saw
peace happily made, and found himself in the eightieth
year of his age ; when, if ever, a man has some right to
expect repose.

To the Presi- When I had the honor of being the Minister
gress,° dated °f tne United States at the court of France,
Philadelphia, Mr. Barclay, arriving there, brought me the
following resolution of Congress.

29 Nov., 1788.

"Resolved, that a commissioner be appointed by Congress
with full power and authority to liquidate, and finally to
settle, the accounts of all the servants of the United States,
who have been intrusted with the expenditure of public
money in Europe, and to commence and prosecute such
suits, causes, and actions as may be necessary for the pur-
Vol, III. — 40

428 FRANKLIN'S ACCOUNTS. [Mr. 82.

pose, or for the recovery of any property of the said United
States in the hands of any person, or persons, whatsoever.

"That the said commissioner be authorized to appoint
one or more clerks, with such allowance as he may think
reasonable.

"That the said commissioner and clerks, respectively,
take an oath before some person duly authorized to admin-
ister an oath, faithfully to execute the trust reposed in them
respectively.

" Congress proceeded to the election of a commissioner,
and, ballots being taken, Mr. Thomas Barclay was elected."

In pursuance of this resolution, and as soon as Mr. Bar-
clay was at leisure from more pressing business, I rendered
to him all my accounts, which he examined, and stated
methodically. By this statement he found a balance due
to me on the 4th of May, 1785, of 7,533 livres, 19 sols,
3 deniers, which I accordingly received of the Congress
banker; the difference between my statement and his
being only seven sols, which by mistake I had overcharged ;
about three pence half penny sterling.

At my request, however, the accounts were left open for
the consideration of Congress, and not finally settled, there
being some articles on which I desired their judgment, and
having some equitable demands, as I thought them, for
extra services, which he had not conceived himself em-
powered to allow, and therefore I did not put them in my
account. He transmitted the accounts to Congress, and
had advice of their being received. On my arrival at
Philadelphia, one of the first things I did was to despatch
my grandson, William T. Franklin, to New York, to ob-
tain a final settlement of those accounts ; he, having long
acted as my secretary, and being well acquainted with the

Ml. 82.] FRANKLIN'S ACCOUNTS. 429

transactions, was able to give an explanation of the articles,
that might seem to require explaining, if any such there
were. He returned without effecting the settlement, being
told, that it could not be made till the arrival of some
documents expected from France. What those documents
were, I have not been informed, nor can I readily con-
ceive, as all the vouchers existing there had been examined
by Mr. Barclay. And I, having been immediately after
my arrival engaged in the public business of this State,
waited in expectation of hearing from Congress, in case
any part of my accounts had been objected to.

It is now more than three years that those accounts have
been before that honorable body, and, to this day, no
notice of any such objection has been communicated to
me. But reports have, for some time past, been circulated
here, and propagated in the newspapers, that I am greatly
indebted to the United States for large sums, that had been
put into my hands, and that I avoid a settlement. This,
together with the little time one of my age may expect to
live, makes it necessary for me to request earnestly, which
I hereby do, that the Congress would be pleased, without
further delay, to examine those accounts, and if they find
therein any article or articles, which they do not under-
stand or approve, that they would cause me to be acquainted
with the same, that I may have an opportunity of offering
such explanations or reasons in support of them as may be
in my power, and then that the accounts may be finally
closed.

I hope the Congress will soon be able to attend to this
business for the satisfaction of the public, as well as in con-
descension to my request. In the mean time, if there be
no impropriety in it, 1 would desire that this letter, together

430 FRANKLIN'S ACCOUNTS. [Mi. 8z.

with another* relating to the same subject, the copy of
which is hereto annexed, may be put upon their minutes.
With every sentiment of respect and duty to Congress, I
am, Sir, &c.f

* See the letter to Mr. Barclay, dated Paris, 19 June, 1785. — Ed.

f The requests contained in this letter were never complied with. Some
months afterwards Charles Thomson, the Secretary of Congress, wrote to
him as follows.

" Dear Sir; I am sorry to inform you, that the apprehensions suggested
in my last are realized. The delegates, whom the States appointed to con-
duct the business of the Union in Congress till the meeting of the new
government, have not assembled in sufficient number to form a House.
Consequently there was no opportunity of laying your letter before them,
and getting it inserted on their minutes. I now wish to be informed what
is to be done with it ; whether you would desire it to remain among the
other papers of the late Congress, or have it returned to you. I shall wait
your orders. In the mean while accept a fresh assurance of the sincere
esteem and regard with which I am, &c." — New York, March 7th, 1789.

There is no evidence that any farther efforts were made by Dr. Franklin
to obtain justice from Congress. On the 1st of April, 1789, a sufficient
number of members had assembled to organize the Congress under the new
Constitution ; but there is no record in the Journals which shows that the
above letter to the President of the old Congress was ever laid before that
body, or that the subject was in any manner brought into consideration.
Dr. Franklin's accounts, therefore, remained unsettled till his death, not-
withstanding his repeated solicitations to have them examined, adjusted,
and closed. No allowance was ever granted for the " equitable demands
for extra services," to which he thought himself entitled, nor were the
grounds of them even made a subject of inquiry ; no vote of thanks or
approbation was passed for his long, steady, and most successful labors in
the cause of his country. These evidences of ingratitude and neglect are
humiliating, but history should speak with an impartial voice. When time
has cooled the heat of passion, and the feuds of party are forgotten, men
will be judged by their acts. As affording some explanation of the tardi-
ness of Congress in attending to Dr. Franklin's accounts, it is enough to
say, that Mr. Arthur Lee was one of the Commissioners of the Treasury by
whom those accounts were first to be examined. — S.

Mr. 84.] AN ANTI-SLA VER Y SA TIRE. 430 a

ON THE SLAVE-TRADE.*

To the Editor Sir, — Reading last night in your excellent
Galettf edCda! PaPer tne speech of Mr. Jackson in Congress
ted March 23, against their meddling with the affairs of
slavery, or attempting to mend the condition
of the slaves, it put me in mind of a similar one made
about one hundred years since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim,
a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may be seen in
Martin's account of his consulship, anno 1687. It was
against granting the petition of the sect called Erika, or
Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and
slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it ;

* Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Society for the Abolition of
Slavery, was signed to the memorial presented to the House of Represen-
tatives of the United States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them
to exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in
discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last public act.
In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several attempts were
made to justify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25, 1790,
there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written by Dr. Franklin, in
which he communicated a speech, said to have been delivered in the Divan
of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of the sect
called Erika, or Purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery.

This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one delivered
by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the arguments urged in favor of negro
slavery are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and en-
slaving of Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the
futility of the arguments in defence of the slave-trade, and of the strength
of mind and ingenuity of the author at his advanced period of life. It
furnishes, too, a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style
of other times and nations than his celebrated " Parable against Persecu-
tion." And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with
a view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the book-
stores and libraries for the work from which it was said to be extracted. —
Dr. Stuber.

This paper is dated only twenty-four days before the author's death,
which happened on the 7th of April following. — Ed.
40*

430 b AN ANTI-SLA VER Y SA TIRE. [Mt. 84,

perhaps he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its
reasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may
only show that men's interests and intellects operate and
are operated on with surprising similarity in all countries
and climates, whenever they are under similar circum-
stances. The African's speech, as translated, is as fol-
lows :

Allah Bismillah, etc. God is great, and Mahomet is
his Prophet.

Have these Erika considered the consequences of grant-
ing their petition ? If we cease our cruises against the
Christians, how shall we be furnished with the commodi-
ties their countries produce, and which are so necessary
for us ? If we forbear to make slaves of their people, who
in this hot climate are to cultivate our lands? Who are to
perform the common labors of our city, and in our fami-
lies ? Must we not then be our own slaves ? And is there
not more compassion and more favor due to us as Mussul-
men than to these Christian dogs ? We have now above
fifty thousand slaves in and near Algiers. This number,
if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, and
be gradually annihilated. If we then cease taking and
plundering the infidel ships, and making slaves of the sea-
men and passengers, our lands will become of no value
for want of cultivation ; the rents of houses in the citv
will sink one half; and the revenue of government arising
from its share of prizes be totally destroyed ! And for
what ? To gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who
would have us not only forbear making more slaves, but
even manumit those we have.

But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss ? Will
the state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the

JEt. 84.] AN ANTI-SLAVERY SATIRE. 430 £

Erika do it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do
what they think justice to the slaves, do a greater injustice
to the owners? And if we set our slaves free, what is to
be done with them ? Few of them will return to their
countries ; they know too well the greater hardships they
must there be subject to ; they will not embrace our holy
religion ; they will not adopt our manners ; our people
will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them.
Must we maintain them as beggars in our streets, or suffer
our properties to be the prey of their pillage ? For men
accustomed to slavery will not work for a livelihood when
not compelled. And what is there so pitiable in their
present condition ? Were they not slaves in their own
countries? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the
Italian states governed by despots, who hold all their sub-
jects in slavery, without exception? Even England treats
its sailors as slaves ; for they are, whenever the government
pleases, seized and confined in ships of war, condemned
not only to work, but to fight, for small wages, or a mere
subsistence, not better than our slaves are allowed by us.
Is their condition then made worse by their falling into
our hands? No; they have only exchanged one slavery
for another, and I may say a better ; for here they are
brought into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth
its light, and shines in full splendor, and they have an op-
portunity of making themselves acquainted with the true
doctrine, and thereby saving their immortal souls. Those
who remain at home have not that happiness. Sending
the slaves home then would be sending them out of light
into darkness. I repeat the question, What is to be done
with them ? I have heard it suggested that they may be
planted in the wilderness, where there is plenty of land

430 d AN ANTI-SLA VER Y SA TIRE. [^Et. 84

for them to subsist on, and where they may flourish as a
free state; but they are, I doubt, too little disposed to
labor without compulsion, as well as too ignorant to es-
tablish a good government, and the wild Arabs would soon
molest and destroy or again enslave them. While serving
us, we take care to provide them with everything, and they
are treated with humanity. The laborers in their own
country are, as I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and
clothed. Here their lives are in safety. They are not
liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one
another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own
countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now
tease us with their silly petitions, have in a fit of blind
zeal freed their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not
humanity, that moved them to the action ; it was the con-
scious burthen of a load of sins, and a hope, from the
supposed merits of so good a work, to be excused from
damnation. How grossly are they mistaken to suppose
slavery to be disallowed by the Alcoran !

Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, "Master,
treat your slaves with kindness ; Slaves, serve your masters
with cheerfulness and fidelity, ' ' clear proofs to the contrary ?
Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that sacred book
forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God has
given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful
Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as they
conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable
proposition, the manumission of Christian slaves, the
adoption of which would, by depreciating our lands and
houses, and thereby depriving so many good citizens of
their properties, create universal discontent, and provoke
insurrections, to the endangering of government and pro*

Mt. 84.] THE DROIT HAUBAINE. 430*

ducing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt but
this wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of
a whole nation of true believers to the whim of a few
Erika, and dismiss their petition.

The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came
to this resolution : " The doctrine that plundering and en-
slaving the Christians is unjust, is at best problematical ;
but that it is the interest of this state to continue the prac-
tice, is clear; therefore let the petition be rejected."
And it was rejected accordingly. And since like motives
are apt to produce in the minds of men like opinions and
resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to predict,
from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament of
England for abolishing the slave trade, to say nothing of
other legislatures, and the debates upon them will have
a similar conclusion? I am, sir, your constant reader and
humble servant, Historicus.

to — , Sir, — I received the letter you did me the

dated Phiia- konor 0f writinp- to me respecting the con-

delphia, Janu- ° r °

ary 19, 1790. struction of the eleventh article of the treaty
of commerce between France and the United States. I
was indeed one of the Commissioners for making that
treaty, but the Commissioners have no right to explain the
treaty. Its explanation is to be sought for in its own
words, and, in case it cannot be clearly found there, then
by an application to the contracting powers.

I certainly conceived that when the droit d1 aubainc*

* The droit d ' aubaine is a right in virtue of which a sovereign claims
the estate of a foreigner dying within his dominions. This right appears
to have been claimed in behalf of the French king as to some of his West
Indian possessions after the treaty of commerce with the United States, in
which that right was waived.

430/ THE DROIT &AUBAINE. [JEt. 84.

was relinquished in favor of the citizens of the United
States, the relinquishing clause was meant to extend to all
the dominions of his most Christian Majesty ; and I am
of opinion that this would not be denied, if an explanation
were requested of the court of France ; and it ought to be
done, if any difficulties arise on this subject in the French
islands, which their courts do not determine in our favor.
But, before Congress is petitioned to make such a request,
I imagine it would be proper to have the case tried in some
of the West India islands, and the petition made in con-
sequence of a determination against us. I have the honor
to be, etc.,

B. Franklin.

CHAPTER XIII.

Retirement from Public Life — Remedy for Deafness — Death of the Good
Bishop — Penalties of Old Age — Farewell to Washington — The Perils of
too Good Credit— The Slave Trade— Noah Webster— Franklin's Re-
ligious Views — Last Illness — And Death.

1789-179O.

To Alexander I have just received your kind letter of
PhUadef h?ad November 29th, and am much obliged by your
17 Feb., 1789. friendly attention in sending me the receipt,
which on occasion I may make trial of; but the stone I
have being a large one, as I find by the weight it falls with
when I turn in bed, I have no hope of its being dissoluble
by any medicine; and having been for some time past
pretty free from pain, I am afraid of tampering. I con-
gratulate you on the escape you had by avoiding the one
you mention, that was as big as a kidney bean ; had it been
retained, it might soon have become too large to pass, and
proved the cause of much pain at times, as mine has been
to me.

Having served my time of three years as president, I
have now renounced all public business, and enjoy the
otiutn cum dignitate. My friends indulge me with their

frequent visits, which I have now leisure to receive and

431

43 2 DEAFNESS.— VENTILA TION. \Mi. %\

enjoy. The Philosophical Society, and the Society for
Political Inquiries, meet at my house, which I have enlarged
by additional building, that affords me a large room for
those meetings, another over it for my library now very
considerable, and over all some lodging rooms. I have
seven promising grandchildren by my daughter, who play
with and amuse me, and she is a kind attentive nurse to me
when I am at any time indisposed ; so that I pass my time
as agreeably as at my age a man may well expect, and have
little to wish for, except a more easy exit than my malady
seems to threaten.

The deafness you complain of gives me concern, as if
great it must diminish considerably your pleasure in con-
versation. If moderate, you may remedy it easily and
readily, by putting your thumb and fingers behind your
ear, pressing it outwards, and enlarging it, as it were, with
the hollow of your hand. By an exact experiment I found,
that I could hear the tick of a watch at forty-five feet dis-
tance by this means, which was barely audible at twenty
feet without it. The experiment was made at midnight
when the house was still.

I am glad you have sent those directions respecting venti-
lation to the Edinburgh Society. I hope you have added
an account of the experience you had of it at Minorca.
If they do not print your paper, send it to me, and it shall
be in the third volume, which we are about to publish, of
our Transactions.

Mrs. Hewson joins with us in best wishes for your health
and happiness. Her eldest son has gone through his studies
at our college, and taken his degree. The youngest is still
there, and will be graduated this summer.

AT. 83.] PRINTING. 433

To Mrs. Ca- I am, as you suppose in the abovementioned
Greene da- °^ letter> much pleased to hear, that my young
ted Phiiadei- friend Ray is " smart in the farming way," and
i78g.' ' makes such substantial fences. I think agri-

culture the most honorable of all employments, being the
most independent. The farmer has no need of popular
favor, nor the favor of the great ; the success of his crops
depending only on the blessing of God upon his honest
industry. I congratulate your good spouse, that he, as well
as myself, is now free from public cares, and that he can
bend his whole attention to his farming, which will afford
him both profit and pleasure; a business which nobody
knows better how to manage with advantage.

I am too old to follow printing again myself, but loving
the business, I have brought up my grandson Benjamin to
it, and have built and furnished a printing-house for him,
which he now manages under my eye.* I have great
pleasure in the rest of my grandchildren, who are now in
number eight, and all promising, the youngest only six
months old, but shows signs of great good nature. My
friends here are numerous, and I enjoy as much of their
conversation as I can reasonably wish ; and I have as much
health and cheerfulness, as can well be expected at my age,
now eighty-three. Hitherto this long life has been tolerably
happy ; so that, if I were allowed to live it over again, I
should make no objection, only wishing for leave to do,
what authors do in a second edition of their works, correct
some of my errata. Among the felicities of my life I

* This printing establishment was left by his will to his grandson, who
tfterwards became a journalist of some note, but died young. — ED.
Vol. III.— 41 v

434 DEATH OF THE GOOD BISHOP. [Mt. 83.

reckon your friendship, which I shall remember with
pleasure as long as that life lasts.

To Miss It is only a few days since the kind letter

Louisa "ship- °*" my ^ear y°un£ friend,* dated December

ley, dated 24th, came to my hands. I had before, in the

Philadelphia, ... , . . _.

»7 April, 1789. public papers, met with the afflicting news that

* The Bishop of St. Asaph died in London, on the 9th of December,
1788. The following is the letter about it referred to in the text :

MISS CATHERINE LOUISA SHIPLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

Bolton Street, 24 December, 1788.

My dear Friend,

It is a great while since I wrote to you, and still longer since I heard from
you ; but I have now a particular pleasure in writing to one, who had long
known and loved the dear good parent I have lost. You will probably,
before you receive this, have heard of my father's death ; his illness was
short, and terminated in an apoplexy. He was seldom perfectly in his
senses for the last four days, but such constant calmness and composure
could only have attended the deathbed of a truly good man. How unlike
the ideas I had formed to myself of death, which, till now, I had only seen at a
distance, and heard of with terror. The nearer his last moment approached,
the more his ideas seemed elevated ; and, but for those whom living he had
loved with tenderness, and dying he still felt interested for, he showed no
regret at leaving this world. I believe his many virtues have called down a
blessing on his family, for we have all been supported under this severe
affliction beyond what I could have imagined ; and, though sorrow will for
a time get the better of every other sensation, I feel now that the strongest
impression left by his death is the desire of imitating his virtues in an hum-
bler sphere of life.

My dear mother's health, I hope, will not have suffered materially ; and
she has every consolation to be derived from the reflection, that, for forty-
five years, it was the study of her life to make the best of husbands happy.
He, in return, has shown that his attention to her ease and comfort did not
end with his life. He was happily preserved to us so long as to be able to
leave all his family in good circumstances. I fancy my mother, Bessy, and
I, shall live at Twyford, but at present no place is settled.

May I flatter myself, that you will still feel some affection for the family
of vour good old friend, and let me have the happiness of hearing it from

JEt. 83.] DEATH OF THE GOOD BISHOP. 435

letter contained. That excellent man has then left us!
His departure is a loss, not to his family and friends only,
but to his nation, and to the world; for he was intent on
doing good, had wisdom to devise the means, and talents
to promote them. His "Sermon before the Society for
Propagating the Gospel," and his "Speech intended to
have been spoken," are proofs of his ability as well as
humanity. Had his counsels in those pieces been attended
to by the ministers, how much bloodshed might have been
prevented, and how much expense and disgrace to the nation
avoided !

Your reflections on the constant calmness and composure
attending his death are very sensible. Such instances seem
to show, that the good sometimes enjoy in dying a foretaste
of the happy state they are about to enter.

According to the course of years, I should have quitted
this world long before him. I shall however not be long in
following. I am now in my eighty-fourth year, and the
last year has considerably enfeebled me ; so that I hardly
expect to remain another. You will then, my dear friend,
consider this as probably the last line to be received from
me, and as a taking leave. Present my best and most sincere
respects to your good mother, and love to the rest of the
family, to whom I wish all happiness.

To Richard I lately received your kind letter, enclosing
Philadelphia one fr°m Miss Kitty Shipley, informing me of
31 May, 1789. the good Bishop's decease, which afflicted me
greatly. My friends drop off one after another, when my

yourself? I shall request Dr. Price to send this letter. My mother, brother,
and sisters, beg to be aJ' Most kindly remembered. Believe me, dear Sir,
four faithful and obliged CATHERINE LOUISA SHIPLEY.

436 MEMOIRS OF HIS LIFE. [Mr. 83.

age and infirmities prevent my making new ones; and, if I
still retain the necessary activity and ability, I hardly see
among the existing generation where I could make them of
equal goodness. So that the longer I live I must expect to
be the more wretched. As we draw nearer the conclusion
of life, nature furnishes us with more helps to wean us from
it, among which one of the most powerful is the loss of
such dear friends.

I send you with this the two volumes of our Transactions,
as I forget whether you had the first before. If you had,
you will please to give this to the French Ambassador,
requesting his conveyance of it to the good Duke de la
Rochefoucauld.

To Benjamin I received your kind letter of March 4th,

tedTphUadel' anc* wisn I may be able to complete what you
phia, 3 June, so earnestly desire, the Memoirs of my Life.
But of late I am so interrupted by extreme
pain, which obliges me to have recourse to opium, that,
between the effects of both, I have but little time in which
I can write any thing. My grandson, however, is copying
what is done, which will be sent to you for your opinion by
the next vessel ; and not merely for your opinion, but for
your advice ; for I find it a difficult task to speak decently
and properly of one's own conduct; and I feel the want of
a judicious friend to encourage me in scratching out.

I have condoled sincerely with the Bishop of St. Asaph's
family. He was an excellent man. Losing our friends thus
one by one, is the tax we pay for long living; and it is
indeed a heavy one.

I have not seen the King of Prussia's posthumous works ,
what you mention makes me desirous to have them. Please

Mr. 83.] LE RAY DE CHAUMONT. 437

to mention it to your brother William, and that I request
him to add them to the books I have desired him to buy
for me.

Our new government is now in train, and seems to prom-
ise well. But events are in the hand of God.

To President I have made it a rule to myself that youi
dated phiia- Excellency should not be troubled with any
deiphia, 3 solicitations from me for favours to any even
of my nearest connections, but here is a
matter of justice in which the honour of our country is con-
cerned, and therefore I cannot refuse giving this line for
your information. Mr. Le Ray de Chaumont, father of the
young gentleman who will have the honour of waiting on
you with this, was the first in France who gave us credit,
and before the court showed us any countenance, trusted us
with 2000 barrels of gun powder, and from time to time
afterwards exerted himself to furnish the Congress with sup-
plies of various kinds, which for want of due returns, they
being of great amount, has finally much distressed him in
his circumstances. Young Mr. Chaumont has now been
here near four years soliciting a settlement of the accounts,
merely ; and though the payment of the balance would to
be sure be very acceptable, yet proposing to refer that to
the time when it shall better suit the convenience of our
government. This settlement, if the father had it to show,
would tend to quiet his creditors, and might be made use
of for that purpose ; but his son has not hitherto been able
to obtain it, and is detained in this country at an expense
that answers no end. He hopes however now that your
Excellency may by your influence prevail, to have some

settlement speedily made of those accounts, that he may
41*

438 RECOURSE TO OPIUM. [\£t. 83.

carry home to his father the statement of them ; and I the
rather hope this likewise, that we may thereby be freed from
the imputation of adding ingratitude to injustice.

To m. Le It is long since I have had the pleasure

te^ Phiiadei- °^ hearing from you, the last letter I have

phia, 5 Sept., received being dated the 21st of February;
1789.

but when I have no new letter from you, I

console myself by reading over some of the old ones, as I

have lately done those of the 1st April, 1788, and the 10th

of October, and 27th November, 1788. Every time I read

what you have written, I receive fresh pleasure. I have

already answered those last mentioned letters, and now have

before me that of the 21st of February only. I am sorry my

friend Morris failed in the attention he ought to have shown

you; but I hope you will excuse it when you consider that

an American transported from the tranquil villages of his

country and set down in the tourbillon of such a great city

must necessarily be for some days half out of his senses.

I hope you have perfectly recovered of your fall at Madame
Helvetius's, and that you now enjoy perfect health ; as to
mine, I can give you no good account. I have a long time
been afflicted with almost constant and grievous pain, to
combat which I have been obliged to have recourse to
opium, which indeed has afforded me some ease from time
to time, but then it has taken away my appetite and so im-
peded my digestion that I am become totally emaciated, so
that little remains of me but a skeleton covered with a skin.

In this situation I have not been able to continue my
Memoirs, and now I suppose I shall never finish them.
Benjamin has made a copy of what is done, for you, whicb
shall be sent by the first safe opportunity. I make no remarks

Mr. S3.] FAREWELL TO WASHINGTON. 439

to you concerning your public affairs, being too remote to
form just opinions concerning them; indeed, I wonder that
you, who are at the same distance from us, make so very
few mistakes in your judgment of our affairs. At present
we think them in a good way, the Congress are employed
in amending some of the faults supposed to be in our con-
stitution, and it is expected that in a few weeks the machine
will be in orderly motion. The piece of M. Target, which
you mention as having sent me, is not come to hand. I
am sorry to hear of the scarcity which has afflicted your
country. We have had here a most plentiful harvest of all
the productions of the earth without exception, and I sup-
pose some supplies will be sent you from hence, though the
term during which the importation was admitted was too
tfiort, considering the distance.

My family join in every affectionate sentiment respecting
you and yours, with your sincere friend.

To George My malady renders my sitting up to write
dated mphiia- rather painful to me ; but I cannot let my son-
deiphia, 16 in-law, Mr. Bache, part for New York, without
congratulating you by him on the recovery of
your health, so precious to us all, and on the growing
strength of our new government under your administration.
For my own personal ease, I should have died two years
ago ; but, though those years have been spent in excruci-
ating pain, I am pleased that I have lived them, since they
have brought me to see our present situation. I am now
finishing my eighty-fourth year, and probably with it my
career in this life ; but whatever state of existence I am
placed in hereafter, if I retain any memory of what has
passed here, I shall with it retain the esteem, rerpect, and

440 LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. [Mr. 83.

affection, with which I have long been, my dear friend,
yours most sincerely.*

To Benjamin I thank you much for your intimations of
tedUpmTadeU tne virtues of hemlock, but I ha\e tried so
phia, 2 Nov., many things with so little effect, that I am
quite discouraged, and have no longer any
faith in remedies for the stone. The palliating system is
what I am now fixed in. Opium gives me ease when I am
attacked by pain, and by the use of it I still make life at
least tolerable. Not being able, however, to bear sitting
to write, I now make use of the hand of one of my grand-
sons, dictating to him from my bed.

* To this letter Franklin received the following reply :

" New York, 23 September, 1789

"Dear Sir,

" The affectionate congratulations on the recovery of my health, and the
warm expressions of personal friendship, which were contained in your letter
of the 16th instant, claim my gratitude. And the consideration, that it was
written when you were afflicted with a painful malady, greatly increases my
obligation for it.

" Would to God, my dear Sir, that I could congratulate you upon the re-
moval of that excruciating pain, under which you labor, and that your exist-
ence might close with as much ease to yourself, as its continuance has been
beneficial to our country and useful to mankind ; or, if the united wishes of
a free people, joined with the earnest prayers of every friend to science and
humanity, could relieve the body from pains or infirmities, that you could
claim an exemption on this score. But this cannot be, and you have within
yourself the only resource to which we can confidently apply for relief, a
philosophic mind.

" If to be venerated for benevolence, if to be admired for talents, if to be

esteemed for patriotism, if to be beloved for philanthropy, can gratify the

human mind, you must have the pleasing consolation to know, that you

have not lived in vain. And I flatter myself that it will not be ranked

among the least grateful occurrences of your life to be assured, that, so long

as I retain my memory, you will be recollected with respect, veneration, and

affection by your sincere friend,

" George Washington."

Mr. 83.] ADVICE ABOUT WRITING. 44!

I wish, indeed, I had tried this method sooner ; for so, I
think, I might by this time have finished my Memoirs, in
which I have made no progress for these six months past.
I have now taken the resolution to endeavour completing
them in this way of dictating to an amanuensis. What is
already done, I now send you, with an earnest request that
you and my good friend Dr. Price would be so good as to
take the trouble of reading it, critically examining it, and
giving me your candid opinion whether I had best publish
or suppress it ; and if the first, then what parts had better
be expunged or altered. I shall rely upon your opinions,
for I am now grown so old and feeble in mind, as well as
body, that I cannot place any confidence in my own judg-
ment. In the mean time, I desire and expect that you will
not suffer any copy of it, or of any part of it, to be taken
for any purpose whatever.

You present me with a pleasing idea of the happiness I
might have enjoyed in a certain great house, and in the
conversation of its excellent owner, and his well chosen
guests, if I could have spent some more time in England.
That is now become impossible. My best wishes, however,
attend him and his amiable son, in whose promising virtues
and abilities I am persuaded the father will find much satis-
faction.

The revolution in France is truly surprising. I sincerely
wish it may end in establishing a good constitution for that
country. The mischiefs and troubles it suffers in the opera-
tion, however, give me great concern.

You request advice from me respecting your conduct and
writings, and desire me to tell you their faults. As to your
conduct, I know of nothing that looks like a fault, except
your declining to act in any public station, although you are

v»

442 ADVICE ABOUT WRITING. [^T. 83.

certainly qualified to do much public good in many you
must have had it in your power to occupy. In respect to
your writings, your language seems to me to be good and
pure, and your sentiments generally just; but your style or
composition wants perspicuity, and this I think owing prin-
cipally to a neglect of method. What I would therefore
recommend to you is, that, before you sit down to write on
any subject, you would spend some days in considering it,
putting down at the same time, in short hints, every thought
which occurs to you as proper to make a part of your
intended piece. When you have thus obtained a collection
of the thoughts, examine them carefully with this view, to
find which of them is properest to be presented first to the
mind of the reader, that he, being possessed of that, may
the more easily understand it, and be better disposed to
receive what you intend for the second ; and thus I would
have you put a figure before each thought, to mark its future
place in your composition. For so, every preceding propo-
sition preparing the mind for that which is to follow, and
the reader often anticipating it, he proceeds with ease, and
pleasure, and approbation, as seeming continually to meet
with his own thoughts. In this mode you have a better
chance for a perfect production ; because, the mind attend-
ing first to the sentiments alone, next to the method alone,
each part is likely to be better performed, and I think too
in less time.

You see I give my counsel rather bluntly, without at-
tempting to soften my manner of finding fault by any
apology, which would give some people great offence ; but
in the present situation of affairs between us, when I am
soliciting the advantage of your criticisms on a work of
mine, it is perhaps my interest that you should be a little

Mr. 83.] THE PARABLE ON PERSECUTION. 443

offended, in order to produce a greater degree of wholesome
severity. I think with you, that, if my Memoirs are to be
published, an edition of them should be printed in Eng-
land for that country, as well as here for this, and I shall
gladly leave it to your friendly management.

We have now had one session of Congress under our new
Constitution, which was conducted with, I think, a greater
degree of temper, prudence, and unanimity, than could
well have been expected, and our future prospects seem
very favorable. The harvests of the last summer have been
uncommonly plentiful and good ; yet the produce bears a
high price, from the great foreign demand. At the same
time, immense quantities of foreign goods are crowded upon
us, so as to overstock the market, and supply us with what
we want at very low prices. A spirit of industry and fru-
gality is also very generally prevailing, which, being the
most promising sign of future national felicitv, gives me
infinite satisfaction.

P.S. I have not received the Philosophical Transactions
for the two or three last years. They are usually laid by
for me at the Society's house, with my name upon them,
and remain there till called for. I shall be much obliged
to you, if you can conveniently take them up and send them
to me.

Your mention of plagiarism puts me in mind of a charge
of the same kind, which I lately saw in the "British Re-
pository," concerning the Chapter of Abraham and the
Stranger. Perhaps this is the attack your letter hints at,
in which you defended me. The truth is, as I think you
observe, that I never published that Chapter, and nevei
claimed more credit from it, than what related to the style,

444 T0° GOOD CREDIT. f^T. 83.

and the addition of the concluding threatening and prom-
ise. The publishing of it by Lord Kames, without my
consent, deprived me of a good deal of amusement, which
I used to take in reading it by heart out of my Bible, and
obtaining the remarks of the Scripturians upon it, which
were sometimes very diverting; not but that it is in itself,
on account of the importance of its moral, well worth being
made known to all mankind.* When I wrote that in the
form you now have it, I wrote also another, the hint of
which was also taken from an ancient Jewish tradition ;
but, not having the same success with it as the other, I laid
it aside, and have not seen it for thirty years past, till
within these few days a lady of my acquaintance furnished
me with a copy, which she had preserved. I think how-
ever it is not a bad one, and send it to you enclosed.

To John We are now in the full enjoyment of our
do"8 dated new government for eleven of the States, and
Philadelphia, it is generally thought that North Carolina is
about to join it. Rhode Island will probably
take longer time for consideration.

We have had a most plentiful year for the fruits of the
earth, and our people seem to be recovering fast from the
extravagance and idle habits, which the war had intro-
duced ; and to engage seriously in the country habits of
temperance, frugality, and industry, which give the most
pleasing prospect of future national felicity. Your mer-
chants, however, are, I think, imprudent in crowding in
upon us such quantities of goods for sale here, which are
not written for by ours, and are beyond the faculties of this

* See vol. i. p. 405, note. — Ed.

Mr. 83. J THE SLAVE TRADE. 445

country to consume in any reasonable time. This surplus
of goods is, therefore, to raise present money, sent to the
vendues, or auction-houses, of which we have six or seven
in and near this city ; where they are sold frequently for
less than prime cost, to the great loss of the indiscreet
adventurers. Our newspapers are doubtless to be seen at
your coffee-houses near the Exchange. In their advertise
ments you may observe the constancy and quantity of this
kind of sales ; as well as the quantity of goods imported by
our regular traders. I see in your English newspapers
frequent mention of our being out of credit with you ; to
us it appears, that we have abundantly too much, and that
your exporting merchants are rather out of their senses.

I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abo
lition of the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly
Meeting, for the year 1758, was not the first sowing of the
good seed you mention ; for I find by an old pamphlet in
my possession, that George Keith, near a hundred years
since, wrote a paper against the practice, said to be "given
forth by the appointment of the meeting held by him, at
Philip James's house, in the city of Philadelphia, about the
year 1693;" wherein a strict charge was given to Friends,
"that they should set their negroes at liberty, after some
reasonable time of service, &c. &c." And about the year
1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandy-
ford, another of your Friends in this city, against keeping
negroes in slavery; two editions of which he distributed
gratis. And about the year 1736, I printed another book
on the same subject for Benjamin Lay, who also professed
being one of your Friends, and he distributed the books
chiefly among them. By these instances it appears, that
the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of your pro-

VOL. III. — 42

446 THE FIRE OF LIBERTY. [Mt. 83.

fession, though much earlier than the time you mention,
and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is
some confirmation of Lord Bacon's observation, that a
good motion never dies ; and it may encourage us in making
such, though hopeless of their taking immediate effect.

I doubt whether I shall be able to finish my Memoirs,
and, if I finish them, whether they will be proper for pub-
lication. You seem to have too high an opinion of them,
and to expect too much from them.

I think you are right in preferring a mixed form of gov-
ernment for your country, under its present circumstances ;
and if it were possible for you to reduce the enormous sala-
ries and emoluments of great officers, which are at bottom
the source of all your violent factions, that form might be
conducted more quietly and happily; but I am afraid, that
none of your factions, when they get uppermost, will ever
have virtue enough to reduce those salaries and emoluments,
but will rather choose to enjoy them.

I hope the fire of liberty, which you mention as spreading
itself over Europe, will act upon the inestimable rights of
man, as common fire does upon gold ; purify without de-
stroying them ; so that a lover of liberty may find a country
in any part of Christendom.

I see with pleasure in the public prints, that our Society

* In enumerating the Anti-Slavery works printed by himself and others
previous to the Address of the Yearly Meeting of 1758, Franklin strangely
overlooks three letters of Whitefield, which he published in 1740, one of
which was addressed " to the inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia and North
and South Carolina, concerning their Negroes, printed and sold by Benja-
min Franklin, at the New Printing Office, near the Marhet, Philadelphia."
The people of Ge "Tgia did not permit Whitefield to forget it.

«T. 83.] ROYALISTS. 447

is still kept up and flourishes. I was an early member;
for, when Mr. Shipley sent me a list of the subscribers,
they were but seventy ; and, though I had no expectation
then of going to England, and acting with them, I sent a
contribution of twenty guineas ; in consideration of which
the Society were afterwards pleased to consider me a
member.

To Alexander I have long been of your opinion, that your

Smith, dated ■ ■ • • c ,1

Philadelphia, le£al provision for the poor is a very great
5 Nov., 1789. evil, operating as it does to the encourage-
ment of idleness. We have followed your example, and
begin now to see our error, and, I hope, shall reform it. I
find by your letters, that every man has patience enough to
bear calmly and coolly the injuries done to other people.*
You have perfectly forgiven the royalists, and you seem to
wonder, that we should still retain any resentment against
them for their joining with the savages to burn our houses,
and murder and scalp our friends, our wives, and our chil-
dren. I forget who it was that said, "We are commanded
to forgive our enemies, but we are nowhere commanded
to forgive our friends." Certain it is, however, that atro-
cious injuries done to us by our friends are naturally more
deeply resented than the same done by enemies. They
have left us, to live under the government of their King
in England and Nova Scotia. We do not miss them, nor
wish their return ; nor do we envy them their present
happiness.

The accounts you give me of the great prospects you

* Dean Swift had already said that he never knew a man who could not
bear the misfortunes of another like a Christian. — Ed.

448 HONESTY OF GOVERNMENTS. [^T. 83

have respecting your manufactures, agriculture, and com-
merce, are pleasing to me ; for I still love England and
wish it prosperity. You tell me, that the government of
France is abundantly punished for its treachery to England
in assisting us. You might also have remarked, that the
government of England had been punished for its treachery
to France in assisting the Corsicans, and in seizing her
ships in time of full peace, without any previous declaration
of war. I believe governments are pretty near equal in
honesty, and cannot with much propriety praise their own
in preference to that of their neighbours.

You do me too much honor in naming me with Timoleon.
I am like him only in retiring from my public labors ; which
indeed my stone, and other infirmities of age, have made
indispensably necessary.

I hope you are by this time returned from your visit
to your native country, and that the journey has given a
firmer consistence to your health. Mr. Penn's property in
this country, which you inquire about, is still immensely
great ; and I understand he has received ample compensa-
tion in England for the part he lost.

I think you have made a happy choice of rural amuse-
ments; the protection of the bees, and the destruction of
the hop insect. I wish success to your experiments, and
shall be glad to hear the result. Your Theory of Insects
appears the most ingenious and plausible of any, that have
hitherto been proposed by philosophers.

Our new Constitution is now established with eleven
States, and the accession of a twelfth is soon expected.
We have had one session of Congress under it, which was
conducted with remarkable prudence, and a good deal
of unanimity. Our late harvests were plentiful, and our

Mr. 83.] THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 449

produce still fetches a good price, through an abundant
foreign demand and the flourishing state of our commerce.*

* No one perhaps, save Washington, took greater interest in the adoption
of the new Federal Constitution than Franklin. He lost no opportunity, by
correspondence, by personal instance, or through the press, to commend it
to public favor. Whenever a new State acceded to it, the fact became one
of the staples of his letters to all his correspondents. When ten States had
signified their acceptance, there was a public celebration of the event in
Philadelphia, which meant, of course, a grand procession of all the trades
and professions, a dinner, — or, as it was the fashion to call such entertain-
ments, a banquet, — and an oration. James Wilson, one of the signers
of the Declaration of Independence, was the orator on this occasion.

The printing fraternity rode in the procession upon a vast wagon, upon
which they had placed a printing-press, and, as it moved along, the following
lines from the indefatigable pen of Franklin were struck off and distributed
wet to the people. Milton or Bryant would have written better verses, but
neither could have written any thing better suited to the purpose these were
iesigned to serve.

" Ye tailors ! of ancient and noble renown,
Who clothe all the people in country and town,
Remember that Adam, your master and head,
Though lord of the world, was a tailor by trade.

" Ye shoemakers ! noble from ages long past,
Have defended your rights with your awl to the last;
And cobblers so merry, not ODly stop holes,
But work night and day for the good of your soles.

" The hatters I who oft, with hands not very fair,
Fix hats on a block for a blockhead to wear,
Though charity covers a sin now and then,
You cover the heads and the sin of all men.

" And carders and spinners, and weavers attend,
And take the advice of Poor Richard your friend,
Stick close to your looms, your wheels and your card.
And you never need fear of the times being hard.

" Ye coopers ! who rattle with drivers and adz,
A lecture each day upon hoops and on heads,
The famous old ballad of Love in a Tub,
You may sing to the tune of your rub-a-dub-dub.

" Each tradesman turn out with his tools in his hand,
To cherish the arts and keep peace in the land ;
Each prentice and journeyman join in my song,
And let the brisk chorus go bounding along."

42* —Ed.

450 MEMOIRS OF BARON TRENCK. \&t. 83.

To David I received your favor of August last. Your
telT Phiiadeu kind condolences on the painful state of my

phia, 4 Dec, health are very obliging. I am thankful to
1789.

God, however, that among the numerous ills

human life is subject to, one only of any importance is fallen
to my lot ; and that so late as almost to insure that it can
be but of short duration.

The convulsions in France are attended with some dis-
agreeable circumstances ; but if by the struggle she obtains
and secures for the nation its future liberty, and a good
constitution, a few years' enjoyment of those blessings will
amply repay all the damages their acquisition may have
occasioned. God grant, that not only the love of liberty,
but a thorough knowledge of the rights of man, may per
vade all the nations of the earth, so that a philosopher mav
set his foot anywhere on its surface, and say, "This is my
country."

To Mrs. jane You tell me you are desired by an acquaint-

Mecom, dated , . • , , , ,

Philadelphia, ance to ask my opinion, whether the general
17 Dec, 1789. circumstances mentioned in the history of
Baron Trenck are founded in fact ; to which I can only
answer, that, of the greatest part of those circumstances,
the scene being laid in Germany, I must consequently be
very ignorant; but of what he says as having passed in
France, between the ministers of that country, himself, and
me, I can speak positively, that it is founded in falsehood,
and that the fact can only serve to confound, as I never saw
him in that country, nor ever knew or heard of him any-
where, till I met with the abovementioned history in print,
ii the German language, in which he ventured to relate it
as a fact, that I had, with those ministers, solicited him to

Mt. 83.] THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 451

enter into the American service. A translation of that book
into French has since been printed, but the translator has
omitted that pretended fact, probably from an apprehension,
that its being in that country known not to be true might
hurt the credit and sale of the translation.

I thank you for the sermon on Sacred Music. I have read
it with pleasure. I think it a very ingenious composition.
You will say this is natural enough, if you read what I have
formerly written on the same subject in one of my printed
letters, wherein you will find a perfect agreement of senti-
ment respecting the complex music, of late, in my opinion,
too much in vogue ; it being only pleasing to learned ears,
which can be delighted with the difficulty of execution,
instead of harmony and melody.

To Noah I received some time since your " Disserta-

tTdbph"addeu tions on the English Language." The book
phia, 26 Dec, Was not accompanied by any letter or message,
informing me to whom I am obliged for it,
but I suppose it is to yourself. It is an excellent work, and
will be greatly useful in turning the thoughts of our coun-
trymen to correct writing. Please to accept my thanks for
the great honor you have done me in its dedication. I
ought to have made this acknowledgment sooner, but much
indisposition prevented me.

I cannot but applaud your zeal for preserving the purity
of our language, both in its expressions and pronunciation,
and in correcting the popular errors several of our States
are continually falling into with respect to both. Give m«»
leave to mention some of them, though possibly they may
have already occurred to you. I wish, however, in some
future publication of yours, you would set a discounte-

452

NE OL O GISMS. [Mr. 83.

nancing mark upon them. The first I remember is the word
improved. When I left New England, in the year 1723,
this word had never been used among us, as far as I know,
but in the sense of ameliorated or made better, except once
in a very old book of Dr. Mather's, entitled " Remarkable
Providences." As that eminent man wrote a very obscure
hand, I remember that when I read that word in his book,
used instead of the word imployed, I conjectured it was an
error of the printer, who had mistaken a too short / in the
writing for an r, and a y with too short a tail for a. v;
whereby imployed was converted into improved.

But when I returned to Boston, in 1733, I found this
change had obtained favor, and was then become common ;
for I met with it often in perusing the newspapers, where it
frequently made an appearance rather ridiculous. Such, for
instance, as the advertisement of a country-house to be sold,
which had been many years improved as a tavern ; and, in
the character of a deceased country gentleman, that he had
been for more than thirty years improved as a justice of the
peace. This use of the word improved is peculiar to New
England, and not to be met with among any other speakers
of English, either on this or the other side of the water.

During my late absence in France, I find that several
other new words have been introduced into our parlia-
mentary language ; for example, I find a verb formed from
the substantive notice ; I should not have noticed this, were
it not that the gentleman, &c. Also another verb from the
substantive advocate ; The gentleman wJw advocates or has
advocated that motion, &c. Another from the substantive
progress, the most awkward and abominable of the tlnee ;
The committee, having progressed, resolved to adjourn. The
word opposed, though not a new word, I find used in a new

Mr. 83.] LA T/N, FRE JVC//, AND ENGLISH. 453

manner, as, The gentlemen who are opposed to this measure;
to which I have also myself always been opposed. If you
should happen to be of my opinion with respect to these
innovations, you will use your authority in reprobating
them.

The Latin language, long the vehicle used in distributing
knowledge among the different nations of Europe, is daily
more and more neglected ; and one of the modern tongues,
viz. the French, seems in point of universality to have sup-
plied its place. It is spoken in all the courts of Europe ;
and most of the literati, those even who do not speak it,
have acquired knowledge enough of it to enable them easily
to read the books that are written in it. This gives a con-
siderable advantage to that nation ; it enables its authors to
inculcate and spread throughout other nations such sen-
timents and opinions on important points, as are most
conducive to its interests, or which may contribute to its
reputation by promoting the common interests of mankind.
It is perhaps owing to its being written in French, that
Voltaire's treatise on "Toleration" has had so sudden ard
so great an effect on the bigotry of Europe, as almost
entirely to disarm it. The general use of the French lan-
guage has likewise a very advantageous effect on the profits
of the bookselling branch of commerce, it being well known,
that the more copies can be sold that are struck off from one
composition of types, the profits increase in a much greater
proportion than they do in making a great number of pieces
in any other kind of manufacture. And at present there
is no capital town in Europe without a French bookseller's
shop corresponding with Paris.

Our English bids fair to obtain the second place. The
great body of excellent printed sermons in our language,

454 NEGLECT OF CAPITALS. [Mr. 83.

and the freedom of our writings on political subjects, have
induced a number of divines of different sects and nations,
as well as gentlemen concerned in public affairs, to study
it ; so far at least as to read it. And if we were to en-
deavour the facilitating its progress, the study of our tongue
might become much more general. Those, who have em-
ployed some parts of their time in learning a new language,
have frequently observed, that, while their acquaintance
with it was imperfect, difficulties small in themselves oper-
ated as great ones in obstructing their progress. A book,
for example, ill printed, or a pronunciation in speaking,
not well articulated, would render a sentence unintelligible;
which, from a clear print or a distinct speaker, would have
been immediately comprehended. If therefore we would
have the benefit of seeing our language more generally
known among mankind, we should endeavour to remove all
the difficulties, however small, that discourage the learn-
ing it.

But I am sorry to observe, that, of late years, those diffi-
culties, instead of being diminished, have been augmented.
In examining the English books, that were printed between
the Restoration and the accession of George the Second,
we may observe, that all substantives were begun with a
capital, in which we imitated our mother tongue, the Ger-
man. This was more particularly useful to those, who were
not well acquainted with the English; there being such a
prodigious number of our words, that are both verbs and
substantives, and spelled in the same manner, though often
accented differently in the pronunciation.

This method has, by the fancy of printers, of late years
been laid aside, from an idea, that suppressing the capitals
shows the character to greater advantage ; those letters

Mr. 83] GRAY PRINTING. 455

prominent above the line disturbing its even regular appear-
ance. The effect of this change is so considerable, that a
learned man of France, who used to read our books, though
not perfectly acquainted with our language, in conversation
with me on the subject of our authors, attributed the greater
obscurity he found in our modern books, compared with
those of the period above mentioned, to change of style for
the worst in our writers; of which mistake I convinced him,
by marking for him each substantive with a capital in a
paragraph, which he then easily understood, though before
he could not comprehend it. This shows the inconvenience
of that pretended improvement.

From the same fondness for an even and uniform appear-
ance of characters in the line, the printers have of late
6anished also the Italic types, in which words of impor-
tance to be attended to in the sense of the sentence, and
words on which an emphasis should be put in reading, used
to be printed. And lately another fancy has induced some
printers to use the short round s, instead of the long one,
which formerly served well to distinguish a word readily by
its varied appearance. Certainly the omitting this promi-
nent letter makes the line appear more even ; but renders
it less immediately legible ; as the paring all men's noses
might smooth and level their faces, but would render their
physiognomies less distinguishable.

Add to all these improvements backwards, another
modern fancy, that grey printing is more beautiful than
black ; hence the English new books are printed in so
dim a character, as to be read with difficulty by old eyes,
unless in a very strong light and with good glasses. Who-
ever compares a volume of the "Gentleman's Magazine,"
printed between the years 1731 and 1740, with one of

456 INTERROGATION POINTS MISPLACED. [Mr. 83.

those printed in the last ten years, will be convinced of the
much greater degree of perspicuity given by black ink
than by grey. Lord Chesterfield pleasantly remarked this
difference to Faulkener, the printer of the Dublin ' ' Journal, ' '
who was vainly making encomiums on his own paper, as
the most complete of any in the world ; " But, Mr. Faulk-
ener," said my Lord, "don't you think it might be still
farther improved by using paper and ink not quite so near
of a color?" For all these reasons I cannot but wish, that
our American printers would in their editions avoid these
fancied improvements, and thereby render their works
more agreeable to foreigners in Europe, to the great advan-
tage of our bookselling commerce.

Further, to be more sensible of the advantage of clear
and distinct printing, let us consider the assistance it affords
in reading well aloud to an auditory. In so doing the eye
generally slides forward three or four words before the
voice. If the sight clearly distinguishes what the coming
words are, it gives time to order the modulation of the
voice to express them properly. But, if they are obscurely
printed, or disguised by omitting the capitals and long s's
or otherwise, the reader is apt to modulate wrong ; and,
finding he has done so, he is obliged to go back and begin
the sentence again, which lessens the pleasure of the
hearers.

This leads me to mention an old error in our mode of
printing. We are sensible, that, when a question is met
with in reading, there is a proper variation to be used in
the management of the voice. We have therefore a point
called an interrogation, affixed to the question in order to
distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its end ; so
that the reader does not discover it, till he finds he has

Mr. 84.] ERROR IN PRINTING PLA YS. 457

wrongly modulated his voice, and is therefore obliged to
begin again the sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish
printers, more sensibly, place an interrogation at the be
ginning as well as at the end of a question. We have
another error of the same kind in printing plays, where
something often occurs that is marked as spoken aside.
But the word aside is placed at the end of the speech, when
it ought to precede it, as a direction to the reader, that he
may govern his voice accordingly. The practice of our
ladies in meeting five or six together to form a little busy
party, where each is employed in some useful work while
one reads to them, is so commendable in itself, that it
deserves the attention of authors and printers to make it as
pleasing as possible, both to the reader and hearers.

After these general observations, permit me to make one
that I imagine may regard your interest. It is that your
Spelling Book is miserably printed here, so as in many
places to be scarcely legible, and on wretched paper. If
this is not attended to, and the new one lately advertised
as coming out should be preferable in these respects, it may
hurt the future sale of yours.

To Ezra I received your kind letter of January
Philadelphia, 28th,* and am glad you have at length re-
9 March, 1790. ceived the portrait of Governor Yale from

* The note from President Stiles, to which this is a reply, was dated at
Yale College, 28th January, 1790, and runs as follows :

" Sir, — We have lately received Governor Yale's portrait from his family
in London, and deposited it in the College Library, where is also deposited
one of Governor Saltonstall's. I have also long wished that we might be
honored with that of Dr. Franklin. In the course of your long life, you
may probably have become possessed of several portraits of yourself. Shall
I take too great a liberty in humbly asking a donation of one of them to

Vol. III. — 43 w

458 YALE COLLEGE. [yET. 84.

his family, and deposited it in the College Library. He
was a great and good man, and had the merit of doing
infinite service to your country by his munificence to that
institution. The honor you propose doing me by placing
mine in the same room with his, is much too great for my
deserts ; but you always had a partiality for me, and to
that it must be ascribed. I am however too much obliged
to Yale College, the first learned society that took notice
of me and adorned me with its honors, to refuse a request
that comes from it through so esteemed a friend. But I
do not think any one of the portraits you mention, as in
my possession, worthy of the situation and company you

Yale College? You obliged me with a mezzotinto picture of yourself many
years ago, which I often view with pleasure. But the canvas is more per-
manent. We wish to be possessed of the durable resemblance of the
American Patriot and Philosopher. You have merited and received all
the honors of the republic of letters; and are going to a world, where all
sublunary glories will be lost in the glories of immortality. Should you
shine throughout the intellectual and stellary universe, with the eminence
and distinguished lustre, with which you have appeared in this little detached
part of the creation, you would be, what I most fervently wish to you, Sir,
whatever may be my fate in eternity. The grand climacteric, in which I
now am, reminds me of the interesting scenes of futurity.

"You know, Sir, that I am a Christian, and would to Heaven all others
were such as I am, except my imperfections and deficiencies of moral char-
acter. As much as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his
religious sentiments. I wish to know the opinion of my venerable friend
concerning Jesus of Nazareth. He will not impute this to impertinence 01
improper curiosity, in one, who for so many years has continued to love,
estimate, and reverence his abilities and literary character, with an ardor
and affection bordering on adoration. If I have said too much, let the
request be blotted out, and be no more; and yet I shall never cease to wish
you that happy immortality, which I believe Jesus alone has purchased for
the virtuous and truly good of every religious denomination in Christendom,
and for those of every age, nation, and mythology, who reverence the
Deity, are filled with integrity, righteousness, and benevolence. Wishing
you every blessing, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant,

" Ezra Stiles."

/Et. 84.] RELIGIOUS VIEWS. 459

propose to place it in. You have an excellent artist lately
arrived. If he will undertake to make one for you, I shall
cheerfully pay the expense ; but he must not delay setting
about it, or I may slip through his fingers, for I am now in
my eighty-fifth year, and very infirm.

I send with this a very learned work, as it seems to me,
on the ancient Samaritan Coins, lately printed in Spain,
and at least curious for the beauty of the impression.
Please to accept it for your College Library. I have sub-
scribed for the Encyclopaedia now printing here, with the
intention of presenting it to the College. I shall probably
depart before the work is finished, but shall leave directions
for its continuance to the end. With this you will receive
some of the first numbers.

You desire to know something of my religion. It is the
first time I have been questioned upon it. But I cannot
take your curiosity amiss, and shall endeavour in a few
words to gratify it. Here is my creed. I believe in one
God, the creator of the universe. That he governs it by
his Providence. That he ought to be worshipped. That
the most acceptable service we render to him is doing good
to his other children. That the soul of man is immortal,
and will be treated with justice in another life respecting
its conduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental
points in all sound religion, and I regard them as you do in
whatever sect I meet with them.

As to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you par-
ticularly desire, I think his system of morals and his religion,
as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw or is like
to see ; but I apprehend it has received various corrupting
changes, and I have, with most of the present Dissenters in
England, some doubts as to his Divinity; though it is a

460 RELIGIOUS VIEWS. [^Et. 84.

question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studied
it, and think it needless to busy myself with it now, when I
expect soon an opportunity of knowing the truth with less
trouble. I see no harm, however, in its being believed, if
that belief has the good consequence, as probably it has,
of making his doctrines more respected and more observed ,
especially as I do not perceive, that the Supreme takes it
amiss, by distinguishing the unbelievers in his government
of the world with any peculiar marks of his displeasure.

I shall only add, respecting myself, that, having expe-
rienced the goodness of that Being in conducting me
prosperously through a long life, I have no doubt of its
continuance in the next, though without the smallest con-
ceit of meriting such goodness. My sentiments on this
head you will see in the copy of an old letter enclosed,*
which I wrote in answer to one from an old religionist,
whom I had relieved in a paralytic case by electricity, and
who, being afraid I should grow proud upon it, sent me his
serious though rather impertinent caution. I send you also
the copy of another letter, f which will show something of
my disposition relating to religion.

P. S. Had not your College some present of books from
the King of France ? Please to let me know, if you had
an expectation given you of more, and the nature of that
expectation ? I have a reason for the inquiry.

I confide, that you will not expose me to criticisms and
censures by publishing any part of this communication to

* I have not been able to determine which of his letters, if it has been
preserved, is here referred to. — ED.

f The letter here alluded to is probably the one supposed to have beer
written \r Thomas Paine. See supra, p. 364. — Ed.

At. 84.] COMPORTS IN AFFLICTION. 46 1

you. I have ever let others enjoy their religious senti-
ments without reflecting on them for those that appeared
to me unsupportable or even absurd. All sects here, and
we have a great variety, have experienced my good will in
assisting them with subscriptions for the building their new
places of worship ; and, as I have never opposed any of
their doctrines, I hope to go out of the world in peace with
them all.

To Mrs. jane I received your kind letter by your good
ted Phiiadei- neighbour, Captain Rich. The information
phia, 24 it contained, that you continue well, gave me,

March, 1790.

as usual, great pleasure. As to myself, I have
been quite free from pain for near three weeks past ; and
therefore not being obliged to take any laudanum, my ap-
petite has returned, and I have recovered some part of my
strength. Thus I continue to live on, while all the friends
of my youth have left me, and gone to join the majority.
I have, however, the pleasure of continued friendship and
conversation with their children and grandchildren. I do
not repine at my malady, though a severe one, when I
consider how well I am provided with every convenience
to palliate it, and to make me comfortable under it ; and
how many more horrible evils the human body is subject
to ; and what a long life of health I have been blessed with,
free from them all.

You have done well not to send me any more fish at
present. These continue good, and give me pleasure.

Do you know any thing of our sister Scott's daughter ;
whether she is still living, and where ? This family join in
love to you and yours, and to cousins Williams, with your
affectionate brother.
43*

462 EASTERN BOUNDARY QUESTION. [iET. 84

P. S. It is early in the morning, and I write in bed.
The awkward position has occasioned the crooked lines.

To Thomas I received your letter of the 31st of last past,
ted'phiiadei- relating to encroachments made on the eastern

phia, 8 April, limits of the United States by settlers under
1790.

the British government, pretending that it is

the western, and not the eastern river of the Bay of Passa-

maquoddy which was designated by the name of St. Croix,

in the treaty of peace with that nation ; and requesting of

me to communicate any facts which my memory or papers

may enable me to recollect, and which may indicate the

true river, which the commissioners on both sides had in

their view, to establish as the boundary between the two

nations.

Your letter found me under a severe fit of my malady,
which prevented my answering it sooner, or attending, in-
deed, to any kind of business. I now can assure you, that
I am perfectly clear in the remembrance that the map we
used in tracing the boundary, was brought to the treaty by
the commissioners from England, and that it was the same
that was published by Mitchell above twenty years before.
Having a copy of that map by me in loose sheets, I send
you that sheet which contains the Bay of Passamaquoddy,
where you will see that part of the boundary traced. I
remember, too, that in that part of the boundary we relied
much on the opinion of Mr. Adams, who had been con-
cerned in some former disputes concerning those terri-
tories. I think, therefore, that you may obtain still further
light from h;m.

That the map we used was Mitchell's map, Congress
were acquainted at the time, by a letter to their Secretary

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

(From a unique terra-cotta, signed Jean Martin Renaud, same size, discovered
in Paris, 1894, by Mr. George A. Lucas, and presented by him to the W. H. Hunt-
ington Collection of Americana, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Renaud was a sculptor and engraver of medals, born at Sarreguemines, Bas-
Rhin, and was still living in 1817. He exhibited at the Paris Salon, from 178710
1817, various sculptures and frames of medals, portraits of notable persons of the
period.)

&t. 84.] LAST ILLNESS. 463

for Foreign Affairs, which I suppose may be found upon
their files.*

* This letter, which was such a satisfactory test of the unabated strength
of Franklin's memory, was written during the illness which was destined to
prove his last, and only nine days before his death. He died on the 17th
of April, 1790, aged eighty-four years and three months.

The following particulars of Dr. Franklin's last illness are taken from
the edition of his Life and Writings published by William Temple Frank-
lin, in 1817.

" During the greatest part of his life Dr. Franklin had enjoyed almost un-
interrupted good health, and this he entirely attributed to his exemplary
temperance.

" In the year 1735, indeed, he had been seized with a pleurisy, which
ended in a suppuration of the left lobe of the lungs, so that he was almost
suffocated by the quantity of matter thrown up. But from this, as well as
from another attack of the same kind, he recovered so completely, that his
breathing was not in the least affected.

" As he advanced in years, however, he become subject to fits of the gout,
to which, in 1782, a nephritic colic was superadded. From this time, he
was also affected with the stone, as well as the gout; and for the last
twelve months of his life, these complaints almost entirely confined him to
his bed.

" Notwithstanding his distressed situation, neither his mental faculties noi
his natural cheerfulness ever forsook him. His memory was tenacious to
the very last ; and he seemed to be an exception to the general rule, — that
at a certain period of life the organs which are subservient to this faculty
become callous. A remarkable instance of which is, that he learned to speak
French after he had attained the age of seventy !

" In the beginning of April, 1790, he was attacked with a fever and com-
plaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following account
of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr. Jones.

" ' The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for
the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the
extremely painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of lauda-
num to mitigate his tortures — still, in the intervals of pain, he not only
amused himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with his family, and
a few friends who visited him, but was often employed in doing business of
a public as well as private nature, with various persons who waited on him
for that purpose ; and in every instance displayed, not only that readiness
and disposition of doing good, which was the distinguishing characteristic
of his life, but the f,J.'est and clearest possession of his uncommon mental

464 LAST ILLNESS. [Mr. 84.

Abilities ; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those " jeux d'esprit"
and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him.

" ' About sixteen days before his death he was seized with a feverish in-
disposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third or
fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left breast, which increased
till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and laborious breath-
ing. During this state when the severity of his pains drew forth a groan of
complaint, he would observe — that he was afraid he did not bear them as
he ought — acknowledged his grateful sense of the many blessings he had
received from that Supreme Being, who had raised him from small and low
beginnings to such high rank and consideration among men — and made no
doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a
world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this
frame of body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when
his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flat-
tering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumstion,
which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great
quantity of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had sufficient
strength to do it; but, as that failed, the organs of respiration became
gradually oppressed — a calm lethargic state succeeded — and, on the 17th
of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expired, closing a
long and useful life of eighty-four years and three months.' "

In a letter from Dr. Rush to Dr. Price, dated at Philadelphia a week after
Franklin's death, the writer says:

"The papers will inform you of the death of our late friend Dr. Franklin.
The evening of his life was marked by the same activity of his moral and
intellectual powers which distinguished its meridian. His conversation with
his family upon the subject of his dissolution was free and cheerful. A few
days before he died, he rose from his bed and begged that it might be made
up for him so that he might die in a decent manner. His daughter told
him that she hoped he would recover and live many years longer. He
calmly replied, ' / hope not.' Upon being advised to change his position
in bed, that he might breathe easy, he said, 'A dying man can do nothing
easy.'

"All orders and bodies of people have vied with each other in paying
tributes of respect to his memory."

His faithfullest of friends, dear Mrs. Hewson, writing to one of Dr.
Franklin's oldest friends in England, thus spoke of her own and the
nation's loss :

" We have lost that valued, that venerable, kind friend, whose knowledge
enlightened our minds, and whose philanthropy warmed our hearts. But we
have the consolation to think, that, if a life well spent in acts of universal
benevolence to mankind, a grateful acknowledgement of Divine favor 6

/Et. 84.] LAST ILLNESS. 465

patient submission under severe chastisement, and an humble trust in Al-
mighty mercy, can insure the happiness of a future state, our present loss is
his gain. I was the faithful witness of the closing scene, which he sustained
with that calm fortitude which characterized him through life. No repining,
no peevish expression, ever escaped him during a confinement of two years,
in which, I believe, if every moment of ease could be added together, would
not amount to two whole months. When the pain was not too violent to be
amused, he employed himself with his books, his pen, or in conversation
with his friends ; and upon every occasion displayed the clearness of his
intellect and the cheerfulness of his temper. Even when the intervals from
pain were so short, that his words were frequently interrupted, I have known
him to hold a discourse in a sublime strain of piety. I say this to you,
because I know it will give you pleasure.

" I never shall forget one day that I passed with our friend last summer.
I found him in bed in great agony ; but, when that agony abated a little, I
asked if I should read to him. He said, yet, ; and the first book I met with
was Johnson's ' Lives of the Poets.' I read the ' Life of Watts,' who was a
favorite author with Dr. Franklin ; and, instead of lulling him to sleep, it
roused him to a display of the powers of his memory and his reason. He
repeated several of Watts's ' Lyric Poems,' and descanted upon their sub-
limity in a strain worthy of them and of their pious author. It is natural
for us to wish that an attention to some ceremonies had accompanied that
religion of the heart, which I am convinced Dr. Franklin always possessed ;
but let us, who feel the benefit of them, continue to practise them, without
thinking lightly of that piety, which could support pain without a murmur,
and meet death without terror."

More than a month elapsed before William Temple Franklin announced
the decease of his grandfather to their old friend Le Veillard. It is difficult,
even at this late day, to read with composure the excuses which he then
assigned in the letter below for omitting all details of the last illness of his
illustrious relative. This young man appears nowhere to so little advantage
as in his utter inability to comprehend the nature and magnitude of his
inheritance.

WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN TO M. LE VEILLARD.

Philadelphia, 22 Mai, 1790.
Vous avez deja appris, mon cher ami, la perte que vous et moi, et tout 7e
monde a essuez dans la mort de ce bon et aimable papa. Quoique nous
l'attendions depuis longtemps, elle ne nous a pas moins choquee lorsqu'elle
est arrivee. II vous aimait bien tendrement, ainsi que toute votre famille,
et je ne doute pas que vous ne partagerez mes justes douleurs. Je comptais
vous ecrire les details de la mort par M. de Chaumont, mais l'occupation
qtl'tlle me donne pour l'arrangement de ses affaires et surtout deses papiers,

466 TRIBUTES OF RESPECT.

m'en ont empeche, et m'empeche meme a present de repondre a vos derniere
lettres, ainsi qu'a celle que Mile, votre fille a bien voulu m'ecrire, en m'en-
voyant de son ouvrage. J'ai ete on ne peut pas plus touche de cette marque
de sa condescendance et de son amitie, et je vous prie de lui en temoigner
ma reconnaissance en attendant que j'ai l'honneur de lui Ecrire, qui sera
certainement par la premiere occasion pour France. Tout paresseux que
je suis pour ecrire, sa bonte m'eveillera. Cette lettre vous arrivera par la
voie d'Angleterre. J'ai cru devoir profiter de cette occasion pour vous
apprendre que mon ayeul, entre d'autres legs, m'a laisse toutes ses papiers et
manuscrits, avec la permission d'en tirer tout le profit qui sera en mon pou-
voir. En consequence, je vous prie tres instament, mon cher ami, de ne
pas montrer a qui que ce soit, cette partie de sa vie qu'il vous a envoyee il y
a quelque terns, attendu que quelqu'un pourrait en tirer copie, et la publier,
ce qui nuirait infiniment a la publication que je compte faire, aussitot qu'il
sera possible, de sa vie entiere, et de ses autres ouvrages. Comme j'ai
l'original ici de la partie que vous avez, il ne sera pas necessaire de me Ten-
voyer, mais je vous prie toutefois de la mettre sous envellope, bien cachetee,
et a mon addresse, pour qu'en cas d'accident elle ne passe pas en d'autres
mains. Si cependant elle est necessaire pour assister celui qui doit faire
son Eloge a l'Academie, vous pouvez la preter pour cela, avec stipulation
qu'on n'en prendra pas copie. et d'autres precautions qui vous paraitront
necessaires. On n'a pas encore nomme aux emplois en Europe ; il es/
possible que j'en aurai un, ce que me mettrait a meme d'assister a la publi
cation des ouvrages de mon ayeul ; mais quand meme on ne pense pas a
moi, il est tres probable que je me resous de faire le voyage d'Europe
attendu que je suis bien persuade d'en tirer plus de benefice de la publica-
tion en le faisant en Angleterre ou en France que dans ce pays-ci.

Adieu pour cette fois; dans deux ou trois semaines j'espere pouvoir vous
ecrire directement, ainsi qu'a mes autres amis, et amies en France.

Aimez-moi, mon cher ami ; j'ai plus que jamais besoin de votre Amitie.

W. T. Franklin.

For a translation of this letter, see Vol. I. p. 38.

The mortal remains of Dr. Franklin were interred in the cemetery of
Christ Church, in Philadelphia, beside those of his wife, on the 21st day of
April, 1790. A plain marble slab covers the two graves, pursuant to the
directions of his will, with no other inscription than their names and the year
of his decease.

No funeral in America had ever before been so numerously attended,
and no customary testimonial of respect for the most illustrious dead was
lacking on this o~:asion. Dr. Smith, provost of the College of Philadelphia,
and David Rittenhouse, one of its members, were selected by the Philo-
sophical Society to prepare a suitable tribute to the memory of its founder

TRIBUTES OF RESPECT. 466a

The following extracts from Dr. Smith's address, though somewhat
extravagant in expression, no doubt faithfully interpreted the feelings of
his hearers and contemporary readers :

" At the name of Franklin everything interesting to virtue, freedom and
humanity rises to our recollection. By what eulogy shall we do justice to
his pre-eminent abilities and worth ? This would require a pre-eminence
of ability and worth like his own. * * * Those talents which have sepa-
rately entered into the composition of other eminent characters in the
various departments of life were in him united to form one great and
splendid character, and whoever in future shall be said to have deserved
well of his country, need not think himself undervalued when he shall be
compared to a Franklin in any of the talents he possessed ; but the happy
man who shall be said to equal him in his whole talents, and who shall de-
vote them to the like benevolent and beneficent purposes for the service of
his country and the happiness of mankind, can receive no farther addition
to his praise.

" Franklin, as a philosopher, might have been a Newton, as a lawgiver,
a Lycurgus ; but he was greater than either of them by uniting the talents
of both in the practical philosophy of doing good, compared to which all
the palms of speculative wisdom wither on the sight. He did not seek to
derive his eminence from the mere profession of letters, which, although
laborious, seldom elevates a man to any high rank in the public confidence
and esteem ; but he became great by applying his talents to things useful,
and accommodating his instructions to the exigences of times and the
necessities of the country."

******

" He looked forward to that era of civilized humanity when, in consist-
ence with the Constitution of the United States, there shall not be a
slave within their jurisdiction or territory. He believed that this sublime
era had already dawned, and was approaching fast to its meridian glory ;
for he believed in Divine Revelation and the beautiful analogy of history,
sacred as well as profane. He believed that human knowledge, however
improved and exalted, stood in need of illumination from on high, and
that the Divine Creator has not left mankind without such illumination and
evidence of himself, both external and internal, as may be necessary to
their present and future happiness. If I could not speak this from full
and experimental knowledge of his character, I should have considered all
the other parts of it, however splendid and beneficial to the world, as fur-
nishing but scanty materials for the present eulogium.

• An undevout philosopher is mad.'

* * * Franklin felt and believed himself immortal. His vast and capa-
cious soul was ev« ■• stretching beyond this narrow sphere of things and

466 b TRIBUTES OF RESPECT.

grasping an eternity. Hear himself, although dead, yet speaking on this
awfully delightful sul-ject. Behold here, in his own handwriting, the indu-
bitable testimony! In this temple of God,* and before this august assem-
bly, I read its contents and consecrate the precious relic to his memoiy.
It is his letter of condolence to his niece on the death of her brother, and
may be applied as a fit conclusion of our present condolence on his own
death : 'We have lost a most dear and valuable relative (and friend), but
'tis the will of God that these mortal bodies be laid aside when the soul is
to enter into real life. Existing here is scarcely to be called real life ; it is
rather an embryo state, a preparative to living, and man is not completely
born till he is dead. Why, then, should we grieve that a new child is born
among the immortals — a new member added to their happy society ?
******

" Little more was known on this subject (electricity) than Thales had dis-
covered three thousand years before, that certain bodies, such as amber and
glass, had this attractive quality. Our most indefatigable searchers into Na-
ture, who in other branches seemed to have explored her profoundest depths,
were content with what was known in former ages of electricity, without
advancing anything new of their own. Sufficient data and experiments
were wanting to reduce the doctrine and phenomena of electricity into any
rules or system, and to apply them to any beneficial purposes in life. The
great achievement which had eluded the industry and abilities of a Boyle
and a Newton was reserved for a Franklin. He was the first who fired
gunpowder, gave magnetism to needle of steel, melted metals, and killed
animals of considerable size, by means of electricity. He was the first
who informed electricians and the world in general of the power of metal-
line points in conducting the electric fluid, acknowledging at the same time,
with a candor worthy of true philosophy, that he received the first infor-
mation of this power from Mr. Thomas Hopkinson, who had used such
points, expecting by their means to procure a more powerful and concen-
trated discharge of the Leyden phial, but found the effect to be directly
contrary. It was, undoubtedly, the discovery of this wonderful power of
metalline points, in carrying off and silently dispersing the electric fluid
when accumulated, and the similarity and resemblance which he observed
between the effects of lightning and electricity, which first suggested to
him the sublime and astonishing idea of draining the clouds of their fire
and disarming the thunder of its terrors ; flattering himself at the same
time with the pleasing hopes of gratifying a desire, long before become
habitual to him, of rendering this discovery in some manner useful and
beneficial to his fellow-creatures."

* The address was pronounced in the German Lutheran Church in Philadel-
phia

MIR ABE AU ON HIS DEATH. 46?

President Stiles interpreted the sentiments of the collegiate institutions
of the city in a Latin eulogy. On motion of Mr. Madison, it was unani-
mously resolved by Congress, then sitting in New York, " that the members
should wear the customary badge of mourning for one month, as a mark
of due veneration to the memory of a citizen whose native genius was not
more an ornament to human nature than his various exertions of it have
been precious to science, to freedom, and to his country."

A more unusual, if not more flattering, homage was paid to the memory
of the deceased by the National Assembly of France.

On the morning after the news reached Paris, June nth, Mirabeau rose
and addressed the Assembly as follows :

" Franklin is dead !

" The genius, which gave freedom to America, and scattered torrents of
light upon Europe, is returned to the bosom of the Divinity.

" The sage, whom two worlds claim ; the man, disputed by the history
of the sciences and the history of empires, holds, most undoubtedly, an
elevated rank among the human species.

" Political cabinets have but too long notified the death of those who were
never great but in their funeral orations ; the etiquette of courts has but too
long sanctioned hypocritical grief. Nations ought only to mourn for their
benefactors; the representatives of free men ought never to recommend any
other than the heroes of humanity to their homage.

" The Congress hath ordered a general mourning for one month through-
out the fourteen confederated States, on account of the death of Franklin ;
and America hath thus acquitted her tribute of admiration in behalf of one
of the fathers of her Constitution.

" Would it not be worthy of you, fellow-legislators, to unite yourselves in
this religious act, to participate in this homage rendered in the face of the
universe to the rights of man, and to the philosopher who has so eminently
propagated the conquest of them throughout the world ?

" Antiquity would have elevated altars to that mortal, who for the ad-
vantage of the human race, embracing both heaven and earth in his vast
and extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and tyranny.

" Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its remembrance and its
regret to one of the greatest men who has ever served the cause of phi-
losophy and of liberty.

" I propose, that a decree do now pass, enacting, that the National
Assembly shall wear mourning during three days for Benjamin Franklin."

La Rochefoucauld and Lafayette rose immediately to second the motion
of the orator, which was adopted by acclamation. It was further resolved
that the discourse of Mirabeau should be printed, and that the President
of the Assembly, the Abbd Sicyes, should address a letter of condolence to
the Congress of the United States.
Vol. til— 44

468

RESPECT BY THE CITY OF PASSY.

" The name of Benjamin Franklin," said President Sieyes, in fulfilling
the instructions of the Assembly, " will be immortal in the records of free-
dom and philosophy ; but it is more particularly dear to a country where,
conducted by the most sublime mission, this venerable man knew how
very soon to acquire an infinite number of friends and admirers, as well by
the simplicity and sweetness of his manners, as by the purity of his prin-
riples, the extent of his knowledge, and the charms of his mind."

To this letter, in compliance with the instructions of Congress, President
Washington sent a reply, in which he said that " so peculiar and so signal
an expression of the esteem of so respectable a body for a citizen of the
United States, whose eminent and patriotic services are indelibly engraved
on the minds of his countrymen, cannot fail to be appreciated by them as it
ought to be."

Two days after the decree of the National Assembly, M. de la Rochefou-
cauld read to the " Society of 1789" a paper on the Life and Character of
Franklin. The Commune of Paris also ordered a celebration in his honor,
and invited the Abbe Fauchet to deliver a eulogy of the deceased, of which
they sent twenty-six copies to Congress. Condorcet pronounced an elabor-
ate eulogy also before the Academie des Sciences, on the 13th November.
The printers of Paris testified their sense of the loss their calling had sus-
tained by assembling in a large hall, in presence of a column surmounted
by a bust of Franklin, with a civic crown upon his head, and surrounded
by printers, cases, types, press, &c. And while one of their number de-
livered a eulogy, they printed it on the spot, and delivered copies of it to
the vast concourse attracted by the occasion.

The Council General of Passy, now one of the most attractive parts
of the city of Paris, testified its respect for Franklin's memory by giving
his name to one of its principal streets within less than a year after his
decease, the impulse, no doubt, of his old friend Le Veillard, who was
then mayor of that place. The motives for this step are officially set
forth in the following extract from the official register, which was kindly
furnished the editor by the custodian des Archives de la Bibliotheque et des
Travaux historiques, at the Hotel de Ville of Paris, in 1866 :

" On Saturday, the third of September, of the year seventeen hundred and
ninety-one, at seven o'clock in the morning. * * *

"The council-general offers no opposition to the execution of the decree
relating to the inscriptions of the names of the streets, while observing that
the old denominations be followed, with the exception of that running from
the Grande Rue to the heretofore barrier of the Ladies of St. Mary, which
not yet having received any name shall bear that of Franklin, in perpetual
remembrance *~ the inhabitants of this municipality of the long sojourn of
that eminent man in this parish."

As the register from which the foregoing is an extract was destroyed

STE.-BEUVE ON HIS DEATH.

469

with the Hotel de Ville in 1871, and as there is probably no other lecord
of this interesting deliberation now in existence save that from which I
quote, I need offer no apology for giving the authenticated record at length
in these pages.

Secretariat general, 3e Section, 3e Bureau.

PREFECTURE DU DEPARTEMENT DE LA SEINE.

Expose des motifs qui ont fait donner le nom de Franklin a une des rues

de la commune de Passy.

D'un registre depos6 aux archives de la Prefecture de la Seine, contenant
les deliberations du Conseil general de la commune de Passy et portant au
commencement la date du 3 Juillet 1791, a ite extrait ce qui suit :

L'an mil sept cent quatre-vingt-onze, le samedi trois Septembre sept
beures de relevee. * * * Le Conseil general ne s'oppose pas a ce que
Varret relatif au jour pris pour la perception et celui relatif aux inscrip-
tions des noms de rues soient executes, en observant a l'egard des rues,
que les anciennes denominations soient suivies, a l'exception de celle allant
de la grande rue a la cydevant Barriere des Dames Sainte-Marie, la-
quelle, n'ayant point encore de nom, portera celui de Franklin, pour rap-
peler a perpetuite aux habitants de cette municipality le long sejour de ce
grand homme sur la paroisse. * * * *
Signd au registre :

LEVEILLARD {Maire).

DUSSAULT et PERISEUX ( Officiers municipaux).

TOUSSAINT, GlRANDIER, DANDUMONT, HUSSON,

Harroel et Ollivier {Notables).

Certine conforme a l'original.

Le chef de la section des archives de la bibliotheque et des travaux his-
oriques. CHARLES READ.

" In withdrawing Franklin at this period," says Ste.-Beuve (" Causeries de
Lundi," vol. vii.), " and in relieving him of the two or three following years
on the earth, Providence spared him the horror of seeing those he had most
known and loved during his sojourn in France, snatched away by violent
deaths, — the 'good duke' de la Rochefoucauld, Lavoisier, his neighbor Le
Veillard, and so many others, all guillotined or massacred in the name of
the very principles they had themselves most favored and cherished. The
last thought of Franklin would then have been shrouded in funereal gloom,
and his serene soul, before that second birth for which he hoped, had ex-
perienced the extremity of bitterness." — Ed.

CHAPTER XIV.

Franklin's Last Will and Testament — His Epitaph.

1790.

I, Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia, printer, late
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America
to the Court of France, now President of the State of Penn-
sylvania, do make and declare my last will and testament as
follows.

To my son, William Franklin, late Governor of the
Jerseys, I give and devise all the lands I hold or have a
right to, in the Province of Nova Scotia, to hold to him,
his heirs and assigns for ever. I also give to him all my
books and papers, which he has in his possession, and all
debts standing against him on my account books, willing
that no payment for, nor restitution of, the same be
required of him by my executors. The part he acted
against me in the late war, which is of public notoriety,
will account for my leaving him no more of an estate he
endeavoured to deprive me of.*

* This part of Franklin's will was prepared about two years before his
death. His estate was then estimated to be fairly worth about one hundred
and fifty thousand dollars.

He never saw his son William after they separated at Southampton, In
470

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

471

Having since my return from France demolished the
three houses in Market Street, between Third and Fourth
Streets, fronting my dwelling house, and erected two new
and larger ones on the ground, and having also erected
another house on the lot which formerly was the passage to
my dwelling, and also a printing office between my dwell-
ing and the front houses ; now I do give and devise my
said dwelling house, wherein I now live,* my said three new
houses, my printing office and the lots of ground thereto
belonging ; also my small lot and house in Sixth Street,
which I bought of the widow Henmarsh ; also my pasture
ground which I have in Hickory Lane, with the buildings
thereon ; also my house and lot on the north side of Market
Street, now occupied by Mary Jacobs, together with two
houses and lots behind the same, and fronting on Pewter-
Platter Alley ; also my lot of ground in Arch Street, oppo
site the church burying ground, with the buildings thereon
erected ; also all my silver plate, pictures, and household
goods, of every kind, now in my said dwelling house, to
my daughter, Sarah Bache, and to her husband, Richard
Bache, to hold to them for and during their natural lives,
and the life of the longest liver of them. And from and
after the decease of the survivor of them, I do give,
devise, and bequeath to all children already born, or to be
born of my said daughter, and to their heirs and assigns for
ever, as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants.

1785, nor does it appear that they ever held any correspondence with each
other subsequent to that event. The ex-governor continued to reside in
London, and attained the ripe age of eighty-two years. After the war he
married a second time, but there is no evidence that he left any issue by
these nuptials. — ED.

* The dwelling-house in which Franklin died was torn down in 1812, and
the carriage-way which led to it is now called Franklin Court. — Ed.

44*

472 LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

And, if any or either of them shall happen to die under
age, and without issue, the part and share of him, her, or
them, so dying, shall go to and be equally divided among the
survivors or survivor of them. But my intention is, that,
if any or either of them should happen to die under age,
leaving issue, such issue shall inherit the part and share
that would have passed to his, her, or their parent, had he,
she, or they been living.

And, as some of my said devisees may, at the death of the
survivor of their father or mother, be of age, and others of
them under age, so as that all of them may not be of capacity
to make division, I in that case request and authorize the
judges of the Supreme Court of Judicature of Pennsyl-
vania for the time being, or any three of them, not per-
sonally interested, to appoint by writing, under their hands
and seals, three honest, intelligent, impartial men to make
the said division, and to assign and allot to each of my
devisees their respective share, which division, so made and
committed to writing under the hands and seals of the said
three men, or of any two of them, and confirmed by the
said judges, I do hereby declare shall be binding on, and
conclusive between the said devisees.

All the lands near the Ohio, and the lots near the centre
of Philadelphia, which I lately purchased of the State, I
give to my son-in-law, Richard Bache, his heirs and assigns
for ever ; I also give him the bond I have against him, of
two thousand one hundred and seventy-two pounds, five
shillings, together with the interest that shall or may accrue
thereon, and direct the same to be delivered up to him by
my executors, cancelled, requesting that, in consideration
thereof, he would immediately after my decease manumit
and set free his negro man Bob. I leave to him, also, the

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

473

money due to me from the State of Virginia for types. I
also give to him the bond of William Goddard and his
sister, and the counter bond of the late Robert Grace, and
the bond and judgment of Francis Childs, if not recovered
before my decease, or any other bonds, except the bond

due from Killan, of Delaware State, which I give to

my grandson, Benja?nin Franklin Bache. I also discharge
him, my said son-in-law, from all claim and rent of moneys
due to me, on book account or otherwise. I also give him
all my musical instruments.

The King of France's picture, set with four hundred and
eight diamonds, I give to my daughter, Sarah Bache, re-
questing, however, that she would not form any of those
diamonds into ornaments either for herself or daughters, and
thereby introduce or countenance the expensive, vain, and
useless fashion of wearing jewels in this country ; and those
immediately connected with the picture may be preserved
with the same.*

I give and devise to my dear sister, Jane Mecom, sl house
and lot I have in Unity Street, Boston, now or late under
the care of Mr. Jonathan Williams, to her and to her heirs
and assigns for ever. I also give her the yearly sum of fifty
pounds sterling, during life, to commence at my death, and
to be paid to her annually out of the interests or dividends
arising on twelve shares, which I have since my arrival at
Philadelphia purchased in the Bank of North America, and,
at her decease, I give the said twelve shares in the bank to
my daughter, Sarah Bache, and her husband, Richard

* In pursuance of the instructions and implications of this clause, Mrs.
Bache sold the outer circle of diamonds, and upon the proceeds she and her
husband made tt.e tour of Europe. The miniature is now in the custody of
Honorable W. J. Duane, of Philadelphia. — Ed.

474

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

Bache. But it is my express will and desire, that, after the
payment of the above fifty pounds sterling annually to my
said sister,* my said daughter be allowed to apply the resi-
due of the interest or dividends on those shares to her sole
and separate use, during the life of my said sister, and after-
wards the whole of the interest or dividends thereof as her
private pocket money.

I give the right I have to take up three thousand acres
of land in the State of Georgia, granted to me by the
government of that State, to my grandson, William Temple
Franklin, f his heirs and assigns for ever. I also give to my
grandson, William Temple Franklin, the bond and judgment
I have against him of four thousand pounds sterling, my
right to the same to cease upon the day of his marriage ; and
if he dies unmarried, my will is, that the same be recovered
and divided among my other grandchildren, the children
of my daughter Sarah Bache, in such manner and form as I
have herein before given to them the other parts of my estate.

The philosophical instruments I have in Philadelphia I
give to my ingenious friend, Francis Hopkinson.

To the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren
of my brother, Samuel Franklin, that may be living at the
time of my decease, I give fifty pounds sterling, to be equally
divided among them. To the children, grandchildren, and
great-grandchildren of my sister, Anne Harris, that may be
living at the time of my decease, I give fifty pounds sterling,

* Mrs. Mecom survived to enjoy her illustrious brother's liberality about
four years, when she too was gathered to her fathers, the last of seventeen
children, at the ripe age of eighty-two. — Ed.

f William Temple Franklin sailed for England soon after his grandfather's
death, and never returned to the United States. Of his career in England
little is known beyond what is set forth in the " Introductory" pages of this
work in relation to his part in the publication of his father's papers. He
died in Paris in 1823.- -En.

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

47 '5

to be equally divided among them. To the children,
grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of my brother,
James Franklin, that may be living at the time of my de-
cease, I give fifty pounds sterling, to be equally divided
among them. To the children, grandchildren, and great-
grandchildren of my sister, Sarah Davenport, that may be
living at the time of my decease, I give fifty pounds ster-
ling, to be equally divided among them. To the children,
grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of my sister, Lydia
Scott, that may be living at the time of my decease, I give
fifty pounds sterling, to be equally divided among them.
To the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of
my sister, Jane Mecom, that may be living at the time of
my decease, I give fifty pounds sterling, to be equally
divided among them.

I give to my grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache,* all the
types and printing materials, which I now have in Phila-
delphia, with the complete letter foundery, which in the
whole, I suppose to be worth near one thousand pounds ;
but if he should die under age, then I do order the same to
be sold by my executors, the survivors or survivor of them,
and the moneys thence arising to be equally divided among
all the rest of my said daughter's children, or their repre-
sentatives, each one on coming of age to take his or her
share, and the children of such of them as may die under
age to represent, and to take the share and proportion of,

* This boy, born August 12, 1769, went with his grandfather to Paris, was
some time at school at Geneva, and finally became the first publisher and editor
of the Aurora newspaper. He married Margaret Hartman Markoe, a native
of Santa Cruz, of Danish origin, and died in Philadelphia, of yellow fever,
September 10, 1798, leaving four children, two of whom died unmarried.
All the male descendants of the other two, I believe, hold positions of dis-
tinction and influence. — ED.

476 LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

the parent so dying, each one to receive his or her part of
such share as they come of age.

With regard to my books, those I had in France and
those I left in Philadelphia, being now assembled together
here, and a catalogue made of them, it is my intention
to dispose of the same as follows. My "History of the
Academy of Sciences," in sixty or seventy volumes quarto,
I give to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, of which
I have the honor to be President. My collection in folio
of Les Arts et les Metiers, I give to the American Philo-
sophical Society, established in New England, of which 1
am a member. My quarto edition of the same, Arts el
Metiers, I give to the Library Company of Philadelphia.
Such and so many of my books, as I shall mark on the said
catalogue with the name of my grandson, Benjamin Franklin
Bache, I do hereby give to him ; and such and so many
of my books, as I shall mark on the said catalogue with the
name of my grandson, William Bache, I do hereby give to
him ; and such as shall be marked with the name of Jonathan
Williams, I hereby give to my cousin of that name. The
residue and remainder of all my books, manuscripts, and
papers, I do give to my grandson William Temple Franklin.
My share in the Library Company of Philadelphia, I give
to my grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache, confiding that
he will permit his brothers and sisters to share in the use of it.

I was born in Boston, New England, and owe my first
instructions in literature to the free grammar-schools estab-
lished there. I therefore give one hundred pounds sterling*

* This one hundred pounds proved a singularly auspicious investment.
With the addition of a little to the fund from the city treasury of Boston,
its medals have rewarded the diligence and exemplary conduct of over
four thousand boys who have been found to merit them, and have no doubt

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. 477

to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivoi
of them, paid over to the managers or directors of the free
schools in my native town of Boston, to be by them, or
by those person or persons, who shall have the superin-
tendence and management of the said schools, put out to
interest, and so continued at interest for ever, which inter-
est annually shall be laid out in silver medals, and given as
honorary rewards annually by the directors of the said free
schools belonging to the said town, in such manner as to the
discretion of the selectmen of the said town shall seem meet.

Out of the salary that may remain due to me as Presi-
dent of the State, I do give the sum of two thousand pounds
to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivor
of them, paid over to such person or persons as the legis-
lature of this State by an act of Assembly shall appoint to
receive the same in trust, to be employed for making the
river Schuylkill navigable.

And what money of mine shall, at the time of my de-
cease, remain in the hands of my bankers, Messrs. Fer-
dinand Grand and Son, at Paris, or Messrs. Smith, Wright
and Gray, of London, I will that, after my debts are paid
and deducted, with the money legacies of this my will, the
same be divided into four equal parts, two of which I give
to my dear daughter, Sarah Bache, one to her son Ben-
jamin, and one to my grandson, William Temple Franklin.

During the number of years I was in business as a sta-
tioner, printer, and post-master, a great many small sums
became due for books, advertisements, postage of letters,
and other matters, which were not collected when, in 1757,

stimulated to extra exertion perhaps hundreds of thousands who were less
fortunate. The amount of this fund has more than doubled since Franklin's
death. — Fd.

478

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

I was sent by the Assembly to England as their agent, and
by subsequent appointments continued there till 1775, when
on my return, I was immediately engaged in the affairs of
Congress, and sent to France in 1776, where I remained nine
years, not returning till 1785 ; and the said debts, not being
demanded in such a length of time, are become in a man-
ner obsolete, yet are nevertheless justly due. These, as they
are stated in my great folio ledger E, I bequeath to the
contributors to the Pennsylvania Hospital, hoping that
those debtors, and the descendants of such as are deceased,
who now, as I find, make some difficulty of satisfying such
antiquated demands as just debts, may, however, be in-
duced to pay or give them as charity to that excellent
institution. I am sensible, that much must inevitably be
lost, but I hope something considerable may be recovered.
It is possible, too, that some of the parties charged may
have existing old, unsettled accounts against me ; in which
case the managers of the said hospital will allow and deduct
the amount, or pay the balance if they find it against me.*

My debts and legacies being all satisfied and paid, the
rest and residue of all my estate, real and personal, not
herein expressly disposed of, I do give and bequeath to my
son and daughter Richard and Sarah Bache.

I request my friends, Henry Hill, Esquire, John Jay, Es-
quire, Francis Hopkinson, Esquire, and Mr. Edward Duffield,
of Benfield, in Philadelphia County, to be the executors of

* This bequest did not realize the hopes and wishes of its author. After
trying seven years to get something from it, the managers of the hospital
decided formally that, as many of the bequeathed debts were small, num-
bers of them due from persons unknown, and all of them from thirty to
sixty years old, which precludes every hope of recovering as much as will
answer the demands exhibited against the decedent, the legacy be not ac-
cepted, and the ledger be returned to the Doctor's heirs. — Ed.

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

479

this my last will and testament ; and I hereby nominate
and appoint them for that purpose.

I would have my body buried with as little expense or
ceremony as may be. I revoke all former wills by me
made, declaring this only to be my last.

In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my
[seal.] hand and seal, this seventeenth day of July,

in the year of our Lord one thousand
seven hundred and eighty-eight.

B. Franklin.

Signed, sealed, published, and declared

by the above named Benjamin Franklin, for

and as his last will and testament, in the

presence of us.

Abraham Shoemaker,

John Jones,

George Moore.

CODICIL.

I, Benjamin Franklin, in the foregoing or annexed last
will and testament named, having further considered the
same, do think proper to make and publish the following
codicil or addition thereto.

It having long been a fixed political opinion of mine,
that in a democratical state, there ought to be no offices
of profit for the reasons I had given in an article of my
drawing in our Constitution, it was my intention when I
accepted the office of President, to devote the appointed
salary to some public uses. Accordingly, I had already
before I made my will in July last, given large sums of it
tc colleges, schools, building of churches, &c. ; and in that
Vol. III.— 45 x

480 LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

will I bequeathed two thousand pounds more to the State
for the purpose of making the Schuylkill navigable. But,
understanding since, that such a sum will do but little
towards accomplishing such a work, and that the project is
not likely to be undertaken for many years to come, and
having entertained another idea, that I hope may be more
extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and annul that be-
quest, and direct that the certificates I have for what
remains due to me of that salary be sold, towards raising
the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, to be disposed of
as I am now about to order.

It has been an opinion, that he who receives an estate
from his ancestors, is under some kind of obligation to
transmit the same to their posterity. This obligation does
not lie on me, who never inherited a shilling from any an-
cestor or relation. I shall, however, if it is not diminished
by some accident before my death, leave a considerable
estate among my descendants and relations. The above
observation is made merely as some apology to my family
for making bequests that do not appear to have any im-
mediate relation to their advantage.

I was born in Boston, New England, and owe my first
instructions in literature to the free grammar-schools estab-
lished there. I have, therefore, already considered these
schools in my will. But I am also under obligations to the
State of Massachusetts for having, unasked, appointed me
formerly their agent in England, with a handsome salary,
which continued some years ; and, although I accidentally
lost in their service, by transmitting Governor Hutchinson's
letters, much more than the amount of what they gave me, I
do not think that ought in the least to diminish my gratitude.

I have considered, that, among artisans, good apprentices

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. ^gl

are most likely to make good citizens, and, having myself
been bred to a manual art, printing, in my native town,
and afterwards assisted to set up my business in Philadel-
phia by kind loans of money from two friends there, which
was the foundation of my fortune, and of all the utility in
life that may be ascribed to me, I wish to be useful even
after my death, if possible, in forming and advancing other
young men, that may be serviceable to their country in both
those towns. To this end, I devote two thousand pounds
sterling, of which I give one thousand thereof to the in-
habitants of the town of Boston, in Massachusetts, and the
other thousand to the inhabitants of the city of Philadel-
phia, in trust, to and for the uses, intents, and purposes
hereinafter mentioned and declared.

The said sum of one thousand pounds sterling, if accepted
by the inhabitants of the town of Boston, shall be managed
under the direction of the selectmen, united with the min-
isters of the oldest Episcopalian, Congregational, and Pres-
byterian churches in that town, who are to let out the sum
upon interest, at five per cent per annum, to such young
married artificers, under the age of twenty-five years, as
have served an apprenticeship in the said town, and faith-
fully fulfilled the duties required in their indentures, so as
to obtain a good moral character from at least two respect-
able citizens, who are willing to become their sureties, in a
bond with the applicants, for the repayment of the moneys
so lent, with interest, according to the terms hereinafter
prescribed ; all which bonds are to be taken for Spanish
milled dollars, or the value thereof in current gold coin ;
and the managers shall keep a bound book or books, where-
in shall be entered the names of those who shall apply foi
and receive the benefits of this institution, and of theii

482

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

sureties, together with the sums lent, the dates, and other
necessary and proper records respecting the business and con-
cerns of this institution. And, as these loans are intended
to assist young married artificers in setting up their busi-
ness, they are to be proportioned by the discretion of the
managers, so as not to exceed sixty pounds sterling to one
person, nor to be less than fifteen pounds; and, if the
number of appliers so entitled should be so large as that the
sum will not suffice to afford to each as much as might
otherwise not be improper, the proportion to each shall be
diminished so as to afford to every one some assistance.
These aids may, therefore, be small at first, but, as the
capital increases by the accumulated interest, they will be
more ample. And, in order to serve as many as possible in
their turn, as well as to make the repayment of the principal
borrowed more easy, each borrower shall be obliged to pay,
with the yearly interest, one-tenth part of the principal,
which sums of principal and interest, so paid in, shall be
again let out to fresh borrowers.

And, as it is presumed that there will always be found in
Boston virtuous and benevolent citizens, willing to bestow
a part of their time in doing good to the rising generation,
by superintending and managing this institution gratis, it
is hoped, that no part of the money will at any time be dead,
or be diverted to other purposes, but be continually aug-
menting by the interest ; in which case there may, in time,
be more than the occasions in Boston shall require, and then
some may be spared to the neighbouring or other towns in
the said State of Massachusetts, who may desire to have it ;
such towns engaging to pay punctually the interest and the
portions of the principal, annually, to the inhabitants of the
town of Boston

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

433

If this plan is executed, and succeeds as projected with-
out interruption for one hundred years, the sum will then
be one hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds ; of which
I would have the managers of the donation to the town of
Boston then lay out, at their discretion, one hundred thou-
sand pounds in public works, which may be judged of most
general utility to the inhabitants, such as fortifications,
bridges, aqueducts, public buildings, baths, pavements, or
whatever may make living in the town more convenient to
its people, and render it more agreeable to strangers re-
sorting thither for health or a temporary residence. The
remaining thirty-one thousand pounds I would have con-
tinued to be let out on interest, in the manner above
directed, for another hundred years, as I hope it will have
been found that the institution has had a good effect on
the conduct of youth, and been of service to many worthy
characters and useful citizens. At the end of this second
term, if no unfortunate accident has prevented the opera-
tion, the sum will be four millions and sixty-one thousand
pounds sterling, of which I leave one million sixty-one
thousand pounds to the disposition of the inhabitants of
the town of Boston, and three millions to the disposition
of the government of the State, not presuming to carry my
views farther.

All the directions herein given, respecting the disposition
and management of the donation to the inhabitants of
Boston, I would have observed respecting that to the in-
habitants of Philadelphia, only, as Philadelphia is incor-
porated, I request the corporation of that city to undertake
the management agreeably to the said directions ; and I do
hereby vest them with full and ample powers for that pur-
pose. And, having considered that the covering a ground
45*

484 LAST WILL AXD TESTAMENT.

plat with buildings and pavements, which carry off most of
the rain and prevent its soaking into the earth and renew-
ing and purifying the springs, whence the water of the wells
must gradually grow worse, and in time be unfit for use, as
I find has happened in all old cities, I recommend that at
the end of the first hundred years, if not done before, the
corporation of the city employ a part of the hundred thou-
sand pounds in bringing, by pipes, the water of Wissahickon
Creek into the town, so as to supply the inhabitants, which
I apprehend may be done without great difficulty, the level
of the creek being much above that of the city, and may
be made higher by a dam. I also recommend making the
Schuylkill completely navigable. At the end of the second
hundred years, I would have the disposition of the four
million and sixty-one thousand pounds divided between the
inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia and the government
of Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein directed
with respect to that of the inhabitants of Boston and the
government of Massachusetts.

It is my desire that this institution should take place and
begin to operate within one year after my decease, for which
purpose due notice should be publicly given previous to the
expiration of that year, that those for whose benefit this
establishment is intended may make their respective appli-
cations. And I hereby direct my executors, the survivors
or survivor of them, within six months after my decease,
to pay over the said sum of two thousand pounds sterling
to such persons as shall be duly appointed by the selectmen
of Boston, and the corporation of Philadelphia, to receive
and take charge of their respective sums, of one thousand
pounds each, for the purposes aforesaid.

Considering the accidents to which all human affairs and

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. 485

projects are subject in such a length of time, I have,
perhaps, too much flattered myself with a vain fancy, that
these dispositions, if carried into execution, will be con-
tinued without interruption and have the effects proposed.
I hope, however, that if the inhabitants of the two cities
should not think fit to undertake the execution, they will,
at least, accept the offer of these donations as a mark of my
good will, a token of my gratitude, and a testimony of my
earnest desire to be useful to them after my departure. I
wish, indeed, that they may both undertake to endeavour
the execution of the project, because I think, that, though
unforeseen difficulties may arise, expedients will be found to
remove them, and the scheme be found practicable. If one
of them accepts the money, with the conditions, and the
other refuses, my will then is, that both sums be given to
the inhabitants of the city accepting the whole, to be applied
to the same purposes, and under the same regulations
directed for the separate parts ; and, if both refuse, the
money of course remains in the mass of my estate, and is to
be disposed of therewith according to my will made the
seventeenth day of July, 1788.*

* These bequests have failed to realize the hopes of the testator. The
conditions upon which the money was to be loaned were all practically fatal
to its success. The number of persons who are married, under twenty-five
years of age, in need of so small a sum as three hundred dollars, who
would be able and willing to produce two responsible sureties for a loan,
has, owing to the changed conditions of modern life, become very incon-
siderable. For lack of borrowers the funds, for both Boston and Phila-
delphia, have been largely invested with moneyed institutions. The first
hundred years of loans under the will terminated in Massachusetts, July 1,
1891, but, owing chiefly to some early losses, the fund did not reach at this
period to nearly the sum estimated by Franklin, either in Massachusetts
or in Pennsylvania. The total amount of the fund for Massachusetts in
July, 1891, was $391,168.68, and for Philadelphia not exceeding $100,000.

486

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

I wish to be buried by the side of my wife, if it may be,
and that a marble stone, to be made by Chambers, six feet

It was determined by the trustees of the Massachusetts fund to dis-
tribute the proceeds in 1891, but before the apportionment between the
city of Boston and the State of Massachusetts could be adjusted, the
trustees were enjoined from paying out any of it until a suit for the re-
covery of the entire fund for their own benefit by the heirs of Benjamin
Franklin in Philadelphia was heard and determined.

On September 27, 1890, a petition on behalf of Albert D. Bache, a
great-great-grandchild of the testator, was presented to the Orphans'
Court of Philadelphia County, alleging that the trust created by the said
codicil to the will was void :

(a) Because an accumulation was directed for a longer period than
was allowed by the common law.

(b) Because the legacy of the city of Philadelphia and the State of
Pennsylvania vested at a period after the testator's death beyond that
allowed by the law of this State.

(c) Because the use of the said funds during the first hundred years
after the testator's death was not a charitable use.

(d) Because the purpose contemplated by the testator had become
impossible on account of the dereliction and negligence of the trustees
in not realizing the anticipated sum.

And praying for an account.

On the 28th day of October, 1890, a demurrer on behalf of the city
of Philadelphia, trustee, was filed, setting forth :

(a) That petitioner was barred by lapse of time.

(b) That the legacy was valid.

(d) That the Orphans' Court had no jurisdiction.

On November 15, 1890, a petition similar to the Bache petition was
presented on behalf of Elizabeth D. Gillespie, administratrix d. b. n. c. t. a.
of Benjamin Franklin, deceased, to the Orphans' Court of Philadelphia
County, and on the 25th of that month a demurrer similar to the above
was filed on behalf of the city of Philadelphia, trustee. The case was
argued in the Orphans' Court, March 16, 1891. Russell Duane, George
Wharton Pepper, A. Sidney Biddle, pro petitioners. Francis E. Brewster,
F. Carroll Brewster, pro demurrant.

The opinion of the Orphans' Court was delivered May 28, 1891, by
Penrose, J. Reported in 27 Weekly Notes of Cases, 545.

On April 14, 1891, an appeal from this decision was taken by the peti-
tioners to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, where the decision of the

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

487

long, four feet wide, plain, with only a small moulding
round the upper edge, and this inscription :

Benjamin

and
Deborah

to be placed over us both.

Franklin
178-

Orphans' Court was affirmed, July 3, 1892, in an opinion by Mr. Justice
Heydrick. Reported in 150 Pa. St. Rep., 437.

On December 2, 1892, the forum of attack was changed to the Court of
Common Pleas No. 4, of Philadelphia County (as of September Term,
1892, No. 954), and a bill in equity was filed on behalf of Elizabeth D.
Gillespie, administratrix d. b. n. c. t. a. of the estates of Benjamin Franklin,
deceased, and Richard Bache, deceased, against the city of Philadelphia,
trustee.

The averments of the bill and the prayer were similar to those hereto-
fore referred to in the Orphans' Court.

On January 13, 1893, a demurrer on behalf of the city was filed, setting
forth :

(a) The bar by lapse of time.

(b) The validity of the bequest.

The demurrer was argued March 10, 1893, and sustained in an opinion
delivered by Arnold, J., April 15, 1893, Reported in 2d District Reports,

435-

No appeal was taken from this decision.

I hope I take no improper liberty in quoting the following from a
private letter of Mr. Pepper, one of the counsel for the heirs, to whom
also I am indebted for most of the foregoing particulars :

" I may add that the moral justification for the attack upon the will was
found in the fact that the city of Philadelphia had so mismanaged the
fund during the hundred years of accumulation that, instead of realizing
$631,000, as calculated by Franklin, considerably less than $100,000 was
raised. This sum was wholly insufficient to accomplish the beneficent
purposes of the testator, and the city was proceeding to use the fund for
the Philadelphia Girls' High School, which is run on principles entirely
foreign to Franklin's views in regard to the education of the masses.
As was remarked on argument, nothing would have been more dis-
pleasing to Franklin than that his fund should be devoted to an institu-

488 LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

My fine crabtree walking stick, with a gold head curiously
wrought in the form of the cap of liberty, I give to my

tion where girls were graduated in pink kid shoes and eight-buttoned
gloves. I have no actual knowledge that since the final decision the fund
has been appropriated for this use, but I am informed that such is the
fact."

In reference to the Massachusetts fund, the latest authentic informa-
tion we have may be found in a " Sketch of the Franklin Fund of the
City of Boston," by Samuel F. M. Cleary, its treasurer, read before the
Massachusetts Historical Society, October 14, 1897, from which the fol-
lowing extract is made :

" When the injunction was dissolved and the proceeds of the fund be-
came available in 1893, the trustees determined, on October 30, that the
city's share was #322,490.20. As soon as this sum was fixed, applications
for its expenditure poured in upon the trustees. There were twenty-
seven of these petitions. But it was found that under the terms of the
will only thirteen of the propositions could be legally entertained.

"After a discussion by the trustees upon the merits of these sugges-
tions, it was finally and unanimously voted, on December 28, 1893, —

" ' That the sum set apart from the general Franklin Fund, as due to
the city on July 1, 1893, — viz., $322490.20, with its accumulations, — be
paid by the treasurer of the fund in January next to the city treasurer, to
constitute a special fund for the purchase of land and for the erection
thereon of a" Franklin Trades School" and the equipment of the same ;
said expenditures to be made under the direction of such department as
may for the time being be charged by the statutes and ordinances with
the duty of erecting and furnishing public buildings in the city of Boston.
The location of and the plans for said school to be approved by the
Board of Managers of said fund.'

" Accordingly, on January 17, 1894 (Franklin's birthday), the treasurer
of the fund paid to the city treasurer of Boston the foregoing sum, with
its accumulations to that date, amounting in the whole to #329.300.48,
which is to be devoted to the erection of the Franklin Trades School.

" No land has yet been purchased and no definite plans for such build-
ing have been drawn. In the mean while the fund established for this
purpose is drawing interest in the city treasury at the rate of about six
thousand dollars annually.

" After the deduction of the city's portion from the general fund there
remained a balance of $102,455.70, which was put on interest, and will
earn interest through loans and investments until July 1, 1991, when the
principal will be divided without restrictions between the city of Boston

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

489

friend, and the friend of mankind, General Washington.
If it were a sceptre he has merited it ; and would become
it. It was a present to me from that excellent woman
Madame de Forbach, the Dowager Duchess of Deux-Ponts,
connected with some verses which should go with it.

I give my gold watch to my son-in-law, Richard Bache,
and also the gold watch chain of the thirteen United States,
which I have not yet worn. My time-piece, that stands in
my library, I give to my grandson, William Temple Frank-
lin. I give him also my Chinese gong. To my dear old
friend, Mrs. Mary Hewson, I give one of my silver tankards
marked for her use during her life, and after her decease I
give it to her daughter Eliza. I give to her son, William
Hewson, who is my godson, my new quarto Bible, Oxford
edition, to be for his family Bible, and also the botanic de-
scription of the plants in the Emperor's garden at Vienna,
in folio, with colored cuts.

And to her son, Thomas Hewson, I give a set of Spec-
tators, Tatlers, and Guardians handsomely bound.

There is an error in my will, where the bond of William
Temple Franklin is mentioned as being four thousand
pounds sterling, whereas it is but for three thousand five
hundred pounds.

and the commonwealth of Massachusetts, as provided in Franklin's be-
quest, and the fund will then cease to exist."

The trustees of the Franklin Fund for Massachusetts, appointed
March 18, 1897, are Henry L. Higginson, chairman ; Charles T. Gal-
lagher, Francis C. Welch, and Abraham Shuman, laymen, appointed by
the Court ; and Rev. Charles W. Duane, of the oldest Episcopal church,
now Christ Church, Rev. Stopford W. Brooke, of the oldest Congrega-
tional church, and Rev. Alexander K. McLennan, of the oldest Presby-
terian church in Boston, trustees ex officio under the will.

The management of the Philadelphia fund was vested by the will in
the corporation of Philadelphia. — Ed.

49Q

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

I give to my executors, to be divided equally among
those that act, the sum of sixty pounds sterling, as some
compensation for their trouble in the execution of my will;
and I request my friend, Mr. Duffield, to accept moreover
my French wayweiser, a piece of clockwork in brass, to be
fixed to the wheel of any carriage; and that my friend,
Mr. Hill, may also accept my silver cream-pot, formerly
given to me by the good Doctor Fothergill, with the motto,
Keep bright the chain. My reflecting telescope, made by
Short, which was formerly Mr. Canton's, I give to my
friend, Mr. David Rittenhouse, for the use of his ob-
servatory.

My picture, drawn by Martin, in 1767, I give to the
Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, if they shall be
pleased to do me the honor of accepting it, and placing it
in their chamber.

Since my will was made I have bought some more city
lots, near the centre part of the estate of Joseph Dean. I
would have them go with the other lots, disposed of in my
will, and I do give the same to my son-in-law, Richara
Bache, his heirs, and assigns for ever.

In addition to the annuity left to my sister in my will,
of fifty pounds sterling during her life, I now add thereto
ten pounds sterling more, in order to make the sum sixty
pounds. I give twenty guineas to my good friend and
physician, Dr. John Jones.

With regard to the separate bequests made to my daughter
Sarah, in my will, my intention is, that the same shall be
for her sole and separate use, notwithstanding her coverture,
or whether she be covert or sole ; and I do give my ex-
ecutors so much right and power therein as may be neces-
sary to render my intention effectual in that respect only.

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.

49 1

This provision for my daughter is not made out of any
disrespect I have for her husband.

And lastly, it is my desire that this, my present codicil,
be annexed to, and considered as part of, my last will and
testament to all intents and purposes.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my
[seal.] hand and seal this twenty-third day of

June, Anno Domini one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-nine.

B. Franklin.

Signed, sealed, published, and declared by
the above named Benjamin Franklin to be a
codicil to his last will and testament, in the
presence of us.

Francis Bailey,
Thomas Lang,
Abraham Shoemaker.

492 FRANKLIN'S EPITAPH.

EPITAPH WRITTEN IN 1728.

The Body

Benjamin Franklin

Printer

(Like the cover of an old book

Its contents torn out

And stript of its lettering and gilding)

Lies here, food for worms.

But the work shall not be lost

For it will (as he believed) appear once more

In a new and more elegant edition

Revised and corrected

The Author.

UNIVERSITIES, SOCIETIES, AND ACADEMIES

OF WHICH Dr. FRANKLIN WAS

AN HONORARY MEMBER.

UNIVERSITIES.
Oxford of England. St. Andrews of Scotland.

COLLEGES.
Yale, of Connecticut. Harvard, of Mass. William and Mary, of Virginia.

ACADEMIES.
Of Sciences, Paris. Of Orleans. Of Turin.

Of Sciences, Bologna. Of Madrid. Imperial Academy of St.

Petersburg.
President of Academy of Sciences, of Philadelphia.
F. R. A. of London.

SOCIETIES.
F. R. S. of London, of Edinburgh, of the Philosophical Soc. of

Manchester.
Batavian Society of Rotterdam. Royal Society of Medicine of Paris.
Am. Phil. Society of Boston. Royal Society of Gottingen.

Society of Medicine of Pennsylvania.

* The foregoing epitaph was written by Dr. Franklin for himself, when he
was only twenty-three years of age, as appears by the original (with various
corrections), found among his papers, and from which this is a faithful copy.
— W. T. F.

CHAPTER XV.

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

In the summer of 1879 the following paragraph appeared
in the Philadelphia correspondence of the Boston Watch-
man, in the course of some comment upon the life of Rev.
AVilliam Smith, D.D., first Provost of the University of
Pennsylvania ;

" Provost Smith had some pretty animated differences
with Benjamin Franklin. The descendant and author has
taken up warmly the side of his great-grandfather, and
speaks severely of Franklin, charging him with (among
other things) having usurped the credit of other men's dis-
coveries. I am led to believe that Professor Ebenezer
Kinnersley, a Baptist professor in the University, was en-
titled to not a little of the honor of the discoveries credited
to Franklin. And I have always felt that the laudation
heaped on Franklin by clergymen and religious teachers
resulted from ignorance or something else. Franklin moved
on one occasion that prayer be offered in the Convention ;
and he had a patronizing word for the Bible. But his ille-
gitimate children are a part of history ; and I am told that
his conversation, particularly in the latter part of his days,
was as impure as his life. Religion owes him nothing."

The editor of the New York Observer sent me a copy
of this paragraph, and requested me to let him know what

493

494

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

if any foundation there was for its extraordinary statements.
The paper which follows was my reply.* I make a place
for it here, because the position which the author of the
Biography cited as authority for his calumnious insinu-
ations— that of Trustee of the Pennsylvania Historical
Society — gave him peculiar facilities for propagating his
morbid inheritance of prejudice against his great-grand-
father's first and greatest earthly benefactor, of which he
rarely neglected to avail himself; also because it furnished
me with a pretext for departing a little from the general
plan of this work, which was to leave Franklin to be judged
out of his own mouth, and allows me to say something of
Franklin's character, which seems to be even more timely
and important now than when this letter was written.

" Highland Falls, Orange Co.,
May io, 1879.

u My dear Sir:

" The obvious source of the imputations about which
you ask for ' facts' is a memoir of the Rev. William Smith,
of which the first volume has just been published. The
author, who is Provost Smith's great-grandson, seems to
labor under the impression that the good fame of his great-
grandfather can only be maintained by impairing that of
his great-grandfather's best and most illustrious friend.

" Before speaking directly to your question, it is neces-
sary to explain the relations which subsisted between the
subject of this memoir and Dr. Franklin, which I can
hardly presume you to be acquainted with, for he is
scarcely noticed by the biographers of Franklin, and is
only now beginning to have a biographer of his own.

* New York Observer, June 18 to July io, 1879.

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN. 495

" Provost Smith was a Scotchman who came to this
country in the spring of 1751, and took the position of
tutor to two sons of a Colonel Martin, of Long Island,
with whom he resided till 1753. During this time he
wrote a monograph on education, which he sent to Dr.
Franklin.* This led to a correspondence and ultimately
to a personal acquaintance.

"In that paper, I may say in parenthesis, Smith be-
trayed an infirmity of temper, and an intolerance towards
those who differed with him in opinion, which he was
never fortunate enough to overcome, and which, in a very
civil letter of acknowledgment, Dr. Franklin felt obliged,
in a courteous way, to notice.

" ' For my part,' he said, ' I do not know when I have
read a piece that has so affected me, — so noble and just are
the sentiments, so warm and animated the language, — yet
as censure from your friends may be of more use than
praise, I ought to mention that I wish you had omitted not
only the quotation from the Review, which you are now
justly dissatisfied with, but all those expressions of resent-
ment against your adversaries on pages 65 and 79. In
such cases, the noblest victory is obtained by neglect and
shining on.'

"The correspondence of which this letter formed a part
led to the selection of Smith in 1754-55 as Provost of the
College of Pennsylvania, of which Franklin had drawn
the plan five years before, and of which he was the most
active trustee. Smith was about the same time admitted to
the priesthood of the Church of England. Unfortunately

* Printed in the London Review of 1749, and reflecting on the discipline
and government of the English Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.

49<5

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

for the relations of Smith and Franklin, if on no other
account, the college was much beholden to the brothers
Penn, the Proprietaries of the Colony and the largest con-
tributors to the college fund. They insisted that their es-
tates should not be taxed for the common defence against
the Indians, who, in alliance with the French, were threat-
ening the colonists on every side. It was to sustain the
claim of the colonists that the Proprietaries should share
with the rest of them the cost of defending their common
possessions that Franklin was sent to England in 1757.
Dr. Smith, on the other hand, became a fervent champion
of the Penns and of the exemption of their property from
taxation. The result was great personal unpopularity and
finally his arrest, trial, and imprisonment, ' for promoting
and publishing a false, scandalous, virulent, and seditious
libel' against the Assembly of the Province. The promi-
nence of Dr. Franklin in defeating the pretensions of the
Proprietaries naturally made him appear, in the eyes of
such an intemperate partisan as Dr. Smith, the real cause
of this public humiliation, and though till this question
arose their relations were as cordial as possible between
men of such very unequal endowments, and Smith was ac-
customed to dwell with satisfaction upon the mention of
his name ' in the same advantageous light with the name
of his much-admired friend, Doctor Franklin,' thenceforth
their paths diverged : the one took counsel from his Eng-
lish patrons in church and state, — he was suspected of
having set his heart on a bishopric, — and made himself the
somewhat servile instrument of their policy ; the other,
looking, as was his wont, more to the interests of the whole
community than to those of any individuals composing it,
however wealthy or powerful, had the courage to let the

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

497

consequences of doing his duty take care of themselves.
The alienation thus begun kept on the increase. The Pro-
vost was thrown more and more upon the defensive by the
defeat of his party, and was kept for the rest of his life
tolerably busy in unsuccessful efforts to satisfy his neigh-
bors that, in the struggle for independence which suc-
ceeded, his sympathies were not rather with the mother-
country than with the country of his adoption.

" In 1762 Dr. Smith was sent to England by the trustees
to collect money for the support of his college. He was
instructed to ask the co-operation of Dr. Franklin, then
the agent of the province in -London. He spent about
tvvo years in Great Britain, during which time he was
under the special patronage of the Penns, male and female,
was frequently and for long periods their guest, and, natu-
rally enough, became suspected of being less the public
agent of the college than the secret agent of the proprieta-
ries in their controversy with the colonists, then pending
before the Privy Council. If Franklin shared the view
which others had conceived of the Provost's real mission
in England, it would not be surprising if he did not have
that gentleman's ostensible mission much on his mind.
Dr. Smith seems to have felt or imagined a sufficient want
of co-operation to warrant a note of it in his diary. The
following paragraph from this record shows the state of
the Provost's feelings towards Dr. Franklin :

" 'An eminent Dissenter called on me and let me know
that Dr. Franklin took uncommon pains to misrepresent
our academy, before he went away, to sundry of their
people, saying that it was a narrow, bigoted institution,
put i?ito the hands of the Proprietary party as an engine
of government ; that the Dissenters had no influence in it

498

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

(though God knows all the professors but myself are of
that persuasion), with many things grievously reflecting
upon the principal persons concerned in it ; that the
country and province would readily support it if it were
not for these things ; that we have no occasion to beg, and
that my zeal proceeds from a fear of its sinking and my
losing my livelihood.'

"If Dr. Franklin assigned these reasons, they were
probably sound ones, though there is no better evidence
that Franklin ever took a single step to embarrass Dr.
Smith in his quest for aid in behalf of his college than
this, derived through a source of which we have no means
of testing the value, and preserved by one who was ready
to feed his prejudice against Franklin with the crumbs
that might fall from the table of any sort of witness. On
the contrary, Provost Stille, a partisan of the Proprietary
party and of Smith, in an account he made of Dr. Smith's
mission, derived, doubtless, from Smith himself, says that
Franklin ' was about embarking for home when Smith
arrived, but, before leaving, gave him a general introduc-
tion to his friends.'

" The strongest evidence that Franklin had made the
representations attributed to him, and that they were not
ill founded, is disclosed in a letter to the trustees of the
college from the Archbishop of Canterbury and the two
Penns, written on the eve of Smith's return to Pennsyl-
vania, cautioning the trustees against conducting the col-
lege upon a too narrowly sectarian policy, and recom-
mending them ' to make some fundamental rule or
declaration to prevent inconvenience of this kind ; in
doing of which,' they added, 'the more closely you keep
in view the plan on which the seminary was at the time of

T7IE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

499

obtaining the royal brief, and on which it has been carried
on from the beginning, so much the less cause we think
you will give for any party to be dissatisfied. ' The terms
of this letter, and the subsequent formal declaration made
by the trustees in pursuance of it, constitute a practical
admission from Smith's own patrons that the accusation
attributed to Franklin was true, whether he made it or not.

" To this preliminary explanation I will add the single
remark that I do not believe it is possible to produce a
line written by Franklin about Provost Smith to which the
most sensitive relative or friend of the latter could take
exception.

" Now for the * facts' about which you inquire.

" i. Franklin, while yet a young man, had one son not
born in wedlock. There is no authority whatever, that I
am aware of, for assuming that he ever had another. To
speak of 'his illegitimate children,' as if he had led a life
of confirmed profligacy, is an abuse of the privileges of
the press. For this youthful indiscretion, of which Wil-
liam Franklin was the fruit, the father made every possible
reparation. He gave him his name, recognized him as
his son ; educated him at the English bar ; protected him
in every way with his name and influence, only the more
tenderly because of the bar sinister upon his escutcheon ;
made him his private secretary, his companion in all his
visits and journeyings, and finally procured for him the
exalted post of governor of the Province of New Jersey.
He took all the responsibility and, as exclusively as pos-
sible, the shame of his misconduct. It requires more
virtue to properly expiate the lawless indulgence of our
passions than to resist them. Of that measure of virtue —
so rare in this world — Franklin showed himself possessed.

5oo

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

Nor did his magnanimity stop here. William repeated the
erratum of his father. A son, William Temple Franklin,
was the fruit of it. Dr. Franklin charged himself with
this grandchild's education, also appointed him his private
secretary, and finally by his will made him his literary
executor, thus practically recognizing himself as respon-
sible for the remotest fruits of his own bad example.

" 2. 'I am told,' says the Watchman's correspondent,
'that his conversation, particularly in the latter part of his
days, was as impure as his life. ' Told by whom ? Who
is a competent witness now to the conversation of Dr.
Franklin a century ago ? Certainly there is nothing in
print that justifies any such assertion, and there is every
presumption that the statement is grossly calumnious. I
doubt if a single strictly impure expression is to be found
in the whole ten volumes of Franklin's published writings
and correspondence. And when we glance over the names
of his most intimate friends, either in Europe or in
America, the absurdity of this statement becomes mani-
fest. It was while a guest of Dr. Shipley, the Bishop of
St. Asaph's at Twyford, and partly at his solicitation, that
he commenced his autobiography. Their friendship and
correspondence lasted through life, and when Franklin re-
turned from Paris at the close of his mission, his ship
touched at Southampton, and the 'Good Bishop,' as Frank-
lin used to call him, took the trouble to go down, with one
of his daughters, to visit with him during the two or three
days that his ship was detained at that port.

" Mrs. Shipley, the bishop's wife, was a niece of the
famous Earl of Peterborough, and mother of three or four
of the most notable women of that day in England. One
of them married Sir William Jones; another was the

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN. ^Q\

mother of Augustus, Francis, and Julius Charles Hare,
each famous in the world of letters. It was for her that
Flaxman made his famous illustrations of Homer, and that
Franklin wrote his amusing epitaph on her squirrel.
Amelia Shipley, the youngest of their daughters, became
the wife of Reginald Heber, afterwards the celebrated
Bishop of Calcutta, who wrote for Maria Leycester, another
member of the Hare family, those popular verses which
commence with the line ' I see them on their winding
way.'

" It was within the hallowed precincts of a family circle
so pure, so refined, so gifted, and so harmonious, that
Franklin had the distinguished privilege of being received
upon terms of exceptional intimacy soon after his arrival
in London, in 1757, and occupying the place of honor in
it to the close of his life.

"He was likewise the friend and the valued corre-
spondent of Whitefield, the famous field-preacher ; of the
Rev. Dr. Stiles, president of Yale College ; of Dr. Joseph
Priestley, the English apostle of Unitarianism, not to speak
of lay celebrities no more tolerant of loose discourse than
the most fastidious of the clergy, such as Lord Karnes ; Dr.
Coilinson, of the Royal Society; David Hume, Lord
Chatham, Turgot, the Count de Vergennes, the Duke de
Rochefoucauld ; Lavoisier, whose wife painted his portrait
and presented it to him ; John Jay, John Adams, Cotton
Mather, Josiah Quincy, George Washington, and many
others only less renowned than these. Is it not too absurd
for a flippant newsmonger at this late day, without offer-
ing a particle of evidence, or even asserting the existence
of any, presuming to criticise the conversation of one
who was the centre of such a circle of illustrious men

502

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

and women, the proudest of whom felt it an honor to be
called his friend?

"3. Precisely what the correspondent of the Watchman
means to insinuate by the remark, that ' Religion owes
Franklin nothing,' I will not risk a conjecture, nor what
religion owes to any man, however much better he may be
than Dr. Franklin was. The tenor of his remarks, how-
ever, clearly implies that Franklin was a stumbling-block
to religion. There is no subject about which it becomes
us to speak with more diffidence than of the spiritual con-
dition of our fellow-creatures. People who are most
watchful for their own faults are apt to see the most to
admire in the conduct of others. Every man's conduct is
a mirror in which we are apt to see the reflection of our
own moral nature ; it is a ' prophet of the secret of our
own heart.'

" Though the statements of the writer in the Watchman
may be of the least possible consequence, Franklin's own
views of religion are of the greatest consequence ; and as
you wish the 'facts' upon this subject, I propose, at the
risk of being a little tedious, to give you them at some
length, that you may the better judge what sort of a man
he should be who is fit to cast the first stone at Franklin.
In his autobiography, Franklin says, —

" ' My parents had early given me religious impressions,
and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dis-
senting way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubt-
ing by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in
the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation
itself. Some books against Deism fell into my hands;
they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at
Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

503

on me quite contrary to what was intended by them ; for
the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be re-
futed, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations ;
in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. '

" The practical effect of these views upon his own con-
duct, and upon the conduct of others who shared them,
did not prove satisfactory to him, and led him to doubt
whether they could be sound.

"'I grew convinced,' he adds, 'that truth, sincerity,
and integrity in dealings between man and man were of
the utmost importance to the felicity of life ; and I formed
written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book,
to practise them ever while I lived. Revelation had in-
deed no weight with me, as such; but I entertained an
opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad be-
cause they were forbidden by it, or good because it com-
manded them, yet probably those actions might be forbid-
den because they were bad for us, or commanded because
they were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the cir-
cumstances of things considered. And this persuasion,
with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel,
or accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all
together, preserved me, through this dangerous time of
youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in
among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my
father, without any wilful gross immorality or injustice,
that might have been expected from my want of religion.
I say wilful, because the instances I have mentioned had
something of necessity in them, from my youth, inex-
perience, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a
tolerable character to begin the world with ; I valued it
properly, and determined to preserve it.'

504

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

" In the year 1785, which was the year he returned from
Paris, and in the seventy-ninth year of his age, Franklin
gives a more deliberate statement of his religious experi-
ences, which is so amply confirmed by his other writings
and correspondence and by contemporary evidence that
there is no good reason that I am aware of for hesitating to
accept it as a perfectly frank and ingenuous confession. It
is too long to be cited in full, but I will quote a few pas-
sages from it.*

"'I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian;
and tho' some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the
eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared
to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented
myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday
being my studying day, I never was without some religious
principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of
the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by
his Providence ; that the most acceptable service of God
was the doing good to man ; that our souls are immortal ;
and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded,
either here or hereafter. These I esteem' d the essentials
of every religion ; and, being to be found in all the re-
ligions we had in our country, I respected them all, tho'
with different degrees of res;»ect, as I found them more or
less mix'd with other articles, which, without any tendency
to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally
to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This
respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some
good effects, indue' d me to avoid all discourse that might
tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his

* Higelow's " Life of Franklin," vol. i. p. 224.

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN. 505

own religion ; and as our province increas'd in people, and
new places of worship were continually wanted, and gen-
erally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for such
purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused.

"'Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had
still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when
rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual sub-
scription for the support of the only Presbyterian minister
or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me
sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his ad-
ministrations, and I was now and then prevail' d on to do
so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in
my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have con-
tinued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's
leisure in my course of study ; but his discourses were
chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the
peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very
dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral
principle was inculcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to
be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens.

" * At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth
chapter of Philippians, "Finally, brethren, whatsoever
things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report,
if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things.
And I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not
miss of having some morality. But he confin'd himself to
five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz. : 1. Keeping
holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the
holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship.
4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect
to God's ministers. These might be all good things ; but,
as they were not the kind of good things that I expected

506 THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them
from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching
no more. I had some years before compos'd a little
Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz.,
in 1728), entitled, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion.
I return' d to the use of this, and went no more to the
public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but
I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it ; my
present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make
apologies for them.

" ' It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and ardu-
ous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to
live without committing any fault at any time ; I would
conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or com-
pany might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew,
what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not
always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found
I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had
imagined. While my care was employ'd in guarding
against one fault, I was often surprised by another ; habit
took the advantage of inattention ; inclination was some-
times too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that
the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to
be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our
slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, and
good ones acquired and established, before we can have
any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct.
For this purpose I therefore contrived the following
method.'

"It is unnecessary to give his interesting account of this
' method' in detail, for every one is familiar with it. I
will content myself with citing his confession of depend-

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN. 507

ence upon the Fountain of Wisdom for the necessary aid
in carrying out his scheme of moral improvement, and his
statement of its results upon himself:

" ' And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom,
I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance
for obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little
prayer, which was prefix' d to my tables of examination,
for daily use :

" ' O powerful Goodness ! bountiful Father / merciful
Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my
truest interest. Strengthen my resolutions to perform what
that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other
children as the only return in my power for thy continued
favors to me.

"'I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took
from Thomson's Poems, viz. :

" ' " Father of light and life, Thou Good Supreme!
O teach me what is good ; teach me Thyself!
Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,
From every low pursuit ; and fill my soul
With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure ;
Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!"
*******

a i

On the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection
I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of
it, yet I was, by the endeavor, a better and a happier man
than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted
it j as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the
engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for ex-
cellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the en-
deavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.
" ' It may be well my posterity should be informed that

508 THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their an-
cestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life, down to his
seventy-ninth year, in which this is written. What re-
verses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Provi-
dence ; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness
enjoy' d ought to help his bearing them with more resig-
nation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued
health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution ;
to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his circum-
stances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that know-
ledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained
for him some degree of reputation among the learned ; to
Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and
the honorable employs it conferred upon him ; and to the
joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in
the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that
evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation,
which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable
even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that
some of my descendants may follow the example and reap
the benefit.

"'It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not
wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of
the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had
purposely avoided them ; for, being fully persuaded of the
utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be
serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some
time or other to publish it, I would not have anything in
it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it.
I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in
which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it,
and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice ; and I should

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

509

have called my book "The Art of Virtue," because it would
have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue,
which would have distinguished it from the mere exhorta-
tion to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the
means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal charity, who
only without showing the naked and hungry how or where
they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be
fed and clothed. — James ii. 15, 16.'

" During his first visit to London, and while yet in his
teens, Franklin was employed as a printer in setting up
the second edition of Wollaston's 'Religion of Nature.'
' Some of his reasonings,' he says in his autobiography,
' not appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little meta-
physical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was
entitled "A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleas-
ure and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I
printed a small number. It occasion' d my being more
consider' d by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some inge-
nuity, tho' he seriously expostulated with me upon the
principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear'd abomi-
nable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum.'

" Referring to this publication near the close of his life,
in a letter to Mr. Vaughan, he says, —

" ' There were only an hundred copies printed, of which
I gave a few to friends, and afterwards disliking the piece,
as conceiving it might have an ill tendency, I burnt the
rest, except one copy, the margin of which was filled with
manuscript notes by Syms, author of the Infallibility of
Human Judgment, who was at that time another of my ac-
quaintances in London. I was not nineteen years of age
when it was written. In 1730, I wrote a piece on the
other side of the question, which began with laying for its

5io

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

foundation this fact : " That almost all men in all ages and
countries, have at times made use of prayer." Thence I
reasoned, that if all things are ordained, prayer must
among the rest be ordained. But as prayer can produce
no change in things that are ordained, praying must then
be useless and an absurdity. God would therefore not
ordain praying if everything else was ordained. But pray-
ing exists, therefore all things are not ordained, etc. This
pamphlet was never printed, and the manuscript has been
long lost. The great uncertainty I found in metaphysical
reasonings disgusted me, and I quitted that kind of read-
ing and study for others more satisfactory.'

1 ' Such were the fate and effect of what I will venture to
say were the only words he ever uttered in disparagement
of the fundamental doctrines of the Christian religion.
And they were not only written but denounced by him be-
fore he was of age.

"Within a few months of his death Dr. Franklin re-
ceived an affectionate letter from the Rev. Ezra Stiles,
then President of Yale College, which closed with the fol-
lowing paragraph :

" 'You know, sir, that I am a Christian, and would to
heaven all others were such as I am, except my imperfec-
tions and deficiencies of moral character. As much as I
know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his religious
sentiments. I wish I knew the opinion of my venerable
friend concerning Jesus of Nazareth. He will not impute
this to impertinence or improper curiosity in one who for
so many years has continued to love, estimate, and rever-
ence his abilities and literary character, with an ardor and
affection bordering on adoration. If I have said too much,
let the request be blotted out and be no more ; and yet I
shall never cease to wish you that happy immortality which

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

511

I believe Jesus alone has purchased for the virtuous and
truly good of every religious denomination in Christen-
dom, and for those of every age, nation, and mythology
who reverence the Deity, are filled with integrity, right-
eousness, and benevolence. '

"To this portion of President Stiles's letter Franklin
sent the following answer, which was the latest deliberate
utterance we have from him upon that solemn subject :

" ' You desire to know something of my religion. It is
the first time I have been questioned upon it. But I
cannot take your curiosity amiss, and shall endeavor, in a
few words, to gratify it. Here is my creed : I believe in
one God, the Creator of the Universe. That he governs
it by his Providence ; that he ought to be worshipped ;
that the most acceptable service we render him is doing
good to his other children ; that the soul of man is im-
mortal, and will be treated with justice in another life,
respecting its conduct in this. These I take to be the
fundamental points in all sound religion, and I regard them
as you do in whatever sect I meet them.

" 'As to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you
particularly desire, I think his system of morals and his re-
ligion, as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw,
or is like to see ; but I apprehend it has received various
corrupting changes, and I have, with most of the present
Dissenters in England, some doubts as to his Divinity,
though it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having
never studied it, and think it needless to busy myself with
it now, when I expect soon an opportunity of knowing the
truth with less trouble. I see no harm, however, in its
being believed, if that belief has the good consequence, as
probably it has, of making his doctrines more respected

512

THE CHARACTER OE DR. FRANKLIN.

and more observed, especially as I do not perceive that the
Supreme takes it amiss by distinguishing the unbelievers in
his government of the world with any peculiar marks of
his displeasure.

"'I shall only add, respecting myself, that having ex-
perienced the goodness of that Being, in conducting me
prosperously through a long life, I have no doubt of its
continuance in the next, without the smallest conceit of
meriting such goodness.'

"Ina letter to a gentleman in Georgia, Franklin spoke
of Whitefield and of his work in the following terms: 'I
cannot forbear expressing the pleasure it gives me to see an
account of the respect paid to Mr. Whitefield's memory by
your Assembly. I knew him intimately upwards of thirty
years. His integrity, disinterestedness, and indefatigable
zeal in prosecuting every good work, I have never seen
equalled, and shall never see excelled.'

"Though apparently more of a Unitarian than of a
Trinitarian, Franklin never dogmatized upon this or any
other point of religious faith; he never made light of any
one's doctrinal views or spiritual experiences ; no persons
of whatever creed, nor however spiritually minded, ever
heard a word from the lips of Dr. Franklin which it was
unbecoming in them to listen to, or which they would
have wished unsaid. After he became of age, it does not
appear from any evidence within my knowledge that he
ever occupied a different attitude towards religion than
that which is disclosed in the following letter, a copy of
which was found among his papers, and was supposed, in-
correctly, to have been addressed to Thomas Paine :

"'I have read your manuscript with some attention.
By the argument it contains against a particular Providence,

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN. 5^

though you allow a general Providence, you strike at the
foundations of all religions. For without the belief of a
Providence that takes cognizance of, guards, and guides,
and may favor particular persons, there is no motive to
worship a Deity, to fear his displeasure, or to pray for his
protection. I will not enter into any discussion of your
principles, though you seem to desire it. At present I
shall only give you my opinion that, though your reason-
ings are subtle and may prevail with some readers, you
will not succeed se as to change the general sentiments of
mankind on that subject, and the consequence of printing
this piece will be a great deal of odium drawn on yourself,
mischief to you, and no benefit to others. He that spits
against the wind, spits in his own face.

" 'But were you to succeed, do you imagine any good
would be done by it ? You yourself may find it easy to
lead a very virtuous life without the assistance afforded by
religion ; you having a clear perception of the advantages
of virtue and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a
strength of resolution sufficient to enable you to resist
common temptations. But think how great a portion of
mankind consists of weak and ignorant men and women,
and of inconsiderate youth of both sexes, who have need
of the motives of religion to restrain them from vice, to
support their virtue and retain them in the practice of it,
till it becomes habitual, which is the great point for its
security. And perhaps you are indebted to her originally
— that is, to your religious education — for the habits of
virtue upon which you now justly value yourself. You
might easily display your excellent talents for reasoning
upon a less hazardous subject and thereby obtain a rank
among our most distinguished authors. For among us it is

514

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

not necessary, as among the Hottentots, that a youth to be
raised into the company of men, should prove his man-
hood by beating his mother.

"'I would advise you, therefore, not to attempt un-
chaining the tiger, but to burn this piece before it is seen
by any other person ; whereby you will save yourself a
great deal of mortification by the enemies it may raise
against you, and perhaps a good deal of regret and repent-
ance. If men are so wicked with religion, what would
they be if without it? I intend this letter as a proof of
my friendship, and therefore add no professions to it, but
subscribe myself,' etc.

" It is a fact that deserves to be mentioned while upon
this subject, that the first fast ever observed in the prov-
ince of Pennsylvania was proclaimed at the suggestion of
Franklin, and the proclamation was drawn by him.

"Though not an assiduous attendant of any church, he
did not wish his own conduct in that respect to be a guide
to others. Giving some advice to his daughter Sarah, in a
letter written on the eve of his departure for England, in
1764, the doctor writes, —

u ' Go constantly to church, whoever preaches. The
act of devotion in the common prayer-book is your prin-
cipal business there, and, if properly attended to, will do
more towards amending the heart than sermons generally
can do. For they were composed by men of much greater
piety and wisdom than our common composers of sermons
can pretend to be ; and therefore I wish you would never
miss the prayer days ; yet I do not mean you should despise
sermons even of the preachers you dislike, for the discourse
is often much better than the man, as sweet and clear waters
come through very dirty earth. I am the more particular

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

515

on this head as you seemed to express, a little before I
came away, some inclination to leave our church, which I
would not have you do.'

"I might leave this subject here if the correspondent
of the Watchman did not profess to have some light not
disclosed to the public derived from the archives trans-
mitted by Provost Smith to his biographer. You may say,
' Why may not Smith have left some evidence, not yet
given to the public, which may justify the unmeasured
imputations of his grandson?' Smith was a resident of
Philadelphia for the last thirty years of Franklin's life.
He was associated with him in numerous public trusts ; in
an excellent position to hear all the scandal which is sure
to be in circulation about eminent public men, and, as I
have shown, not indisposed to give to such scandal its full
value. Why may he not have known something which
has hitherto escaped the vigilance of all Franklin's biog-
raphers and the record of which his great-grandson has
inherited?

"The best way to dispose of any such impression is to
call the Provost himself to the stand, and this, fortunately,
is quite practicable. Upon Franklin's death, Provost
Smith was selected by the American Philosophical Society,
of which he was one of the vice-presidents, to pronounce
the eulogy upon its founder and most eminent member.
When this address was delivered, — on the 1st of March,
1 791, — Provost Smith had all of Dr. Franklin's life before
him, and may be presumed to have known as much about
him as he ever knew. I have made a few extracts from it
which bear particularly upon the subject of your inquiry,
and have added another in reference to a preposterous
insinuation about Franklin's unacknowledged obligations

5 16 THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

to one of his assistants for the best share of his fame as a
natural philosopher. When you shall have read these ex-
tracts, I am sure you will come to the conclusion that
Provost Smith may be a competent witness to establish
Franklin's religious character, but that he certainly cannot
now be made a competent witness to impeach it. I quote :

"'At the name of Franklin, everything interesting to
virtue, freedom, and humanity rises to our recollection.
By what eulogy shall we do justice to his pre-eminent
abilities and worth? This would require a pre-eminence
of ability and worth like his own. . . . Those talents
which have separately entered into the composition of
other eminent characters in the various departments of life
were in him united to form one great and splendid charac-
ter, and whoever in future shall be said to have deserved
well of his country need not think himself undervalued
when he shall be compared to a Franklin in any of the
talents he possessed ; but the happy man who shall be said
to equal him in his whole talents, and who shall devote them
to the like benevolent and beneficent purposes, for the service
of his country and the happiness of mankind, can receive no
further addition to his praise.

" 'Franklin, as a philosopher, might have been a New-
ton ; as a lawgiver, a Lycurgus ; but he was greater than
either of them by uniting the talents of both in the prac-
tical philosophy of doing good, cpmpared to which all the
palms of speculative wisdom wither on the sight. He did
not seek to derive his eminence from the mere profession
of letters, which, although laborious, seldom elevates a man
to any high rank in the public confidence and esteem ; but
he became great by applying his talents to things useful
and accommodating his instructions to the exigencies of
times and the necessities of the country.'

" But the provost does not mean to intimate that Frank-
lin was merely a man of good moral dispositions ; he dis-

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

517

tinctlv affirms in the next paragraph that he was a believer
in the Holy Scriptures and a model Christian :

" ' He looked forward to that era of civilized humanity
when, in consistence with the Constitution of the United
States, there shall not be a slave within their jurisdiction
or territory. He believed that this sublime era had already
dawned, and was approaching fast to its meridian glory :
for he believed in Divine Revelation and the beautiful
analogy of history, sacred as well as profane. He believed
that human knowledge, however improved and exalted,
stood in need of illumination from on high, and that the
Divine Creator has not left mankind without such illumina-
tion and evidence of himself, both external and internal,
as may be necessary to their present and future happiness.
If I could not speak this from full and experimental know-
ledge of his character, I should have considered all the other
parts of it, however splendid and beneficial to the world,
as furnishing but scanty materials for the present eulogium.

" ' " An undevout philosopher is mad."

. . . Franklin felt and believed himself immortal. His
vast and capacious soul was ever stretching beyond this
narrow sphere of things and grasping an eternity. Hear
himself, although dead, yet speaking on this awfully de-
lightful subject. Behold here, in his own handwriting, the
indubitable testimony ! In this temple of God, and be-
fore this august assembly, I read its contents and consecrate
the precious relic to his memory. It is his letter of condo-
lence to his niece on the death of her brother, and may be
applied as a fit conclusion of our present condolence on
his own death : ' We have lost a most dear and valuable
relative (and friend), but 'tis the will of God that these
mortal bodies be laid aside when the soul is to enter into
real life. Existing here is scarcely to be called real life ;
it is rather an embryo state : a preparative to living, and
man is not completely born till he is dead. Why then

5 1 8 THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

should we grieve that a new child is born among the im-
mortals,— a new member added to their happy society?
. . . Yes, thou dear departed friend and fellow-citizen,
thou art gone before us ; thy chair, thy selected car, was
first ready. We must soon follow, and we know where to
find thee. May we seek to follow thee by lives of virtue
and benevolence like thine, and then shall we surely find
thee and part with thee no more forever.'

"And now in reference to Professor Kinnersley's pre-
tensions to have made any of the discoveries credited to
Franklin. Does Provost Smith countenance any suspicion
of that kind? Not at all. Does he mention Professor
Kinnersley's name? Not at all, though he does laud
Franklin's magnanimity in acknowledging most frankly his
obligations to Hopkinson. Does he call Franklin a pre-
tender in science? So far from it, he places him before
Newton. But here is what the provost says :

"'Little more was known on this subject (electricity)
than Thales had discovered three thousand years before,
that certain bodies, such as amber and glass, had this at-
tractive quality. Our most indefatigable searchers into
nature, who in other branches seemed to have explored her
profoundest depths, were content with what was known in
former ages of electricity without advancing anything new
of their own. Sufficient data and experiments were want-
ing to reduce the phenomena of electricity into any rules
or system, and to apply them to any beneficial purposes
in life. The great achievement which had eluded the in-
dustry and abilities of a Boyle and a Newton was reserved
for a Franklin. He was the first who fired gunpowder,
gave magnetism to a needle of steel, melted metals, and
killed animals of considerable size by means of elec-
tricity. He was the first who informed electricians and
the world in general of the power of metalline points in

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

519

conducting the electric fluid, acknowledging at the same
time, with a candor worthy of true philosophy, that he re-
ceived the first information of this power from Mr. Thomas
Hopkinson, who had used such points, expecting, by their
means, to procure a more powerful and concentrated dis-
charge of the Leyden phial, but found the effect to be
directly contrary. It was, undoubtedly, the discovery of
this wonderful power of metalline points, in carrying off
and silently dispersing the electric fluid when accumulated,
and the similarity and resemblance which he observed be-
tween the effects of lightning and electricity, which first
suggested to him the sublime and astonishing idea of
draining the clouds of their fire and disarming the thunder
of its terrors; flattering himself at the same time with the
pleasing hopes of gratifying a desire, long before become
habitual to him. of rendering this discovery in some man-
ner useful and beneficial to his fellow-creatures. This ap-
pears by his notes of November 7, 1749, when enumerating
all the known particulars of resemblance between lightning
and electricity, he concludes with saying, "The electric
fluid is attracted by points. We do not know whether this
property be in lightning, but since they agree in all the par-
ticulars in which we can already compare them, it is pos-
sible that they agree likewise in this. Let the experiment
be made. ' '

"'. . . In June, 1752, he took the opportunity of an
approaching thunder-storm to walk into a field where there
was a shed convenient for his purpose. Dreading the ridi-
cule which too commonly attends unsuccessful attempts in
science, he communicated his intended experiment to no
person but his son, who assisted him in raising a kite
which he had prepared of a large silk handkerchief ex-
tended by two cross-sticks. After waiting for some time,
and almost beginning to despair of success, he drew the
first spark with his knuckle from a key suspended to the
string of the kite. Another and another succeeded, and as
the string became wet, he collected fire copiously. What

520

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

must have been his raptures on the success of this grand
experiment ; leading him to anticipate that happy and
beneficent application of the principles of electricity to the
saving of life and property, which alone would have re-
corded his name among the benefactors of mankind, even
if his discoveries of those principles could never have been
extended or applied to any other useful purpose in the
world. Similar must his raptures have been to those of a
Newton, when, by applying the laws of gravitation and
projection first to the moon, he was enabled to extend them
to the whole solar system.'

"I think that, with this testimony from the lips of Dr.
Smith himself, it is rather late for any of his descendants
to pretend to any authority whatever for uttering a word
in disparagement of Dr. Franklin, whether as a man, as a
Christian, or as a philosopher.

" I have said nothing of the general tenor of Franklin's
long life devoted to the promotion of the interests of his
fellow-creatures in a degree almost without a parallel in
history.

"I have said nothing of his incalculably valuable dis-
coveries in science, from which he never received or sought
any pecuniary returns.

" I have said nothing of his consecrating more than half
of his life to the public service without ever permitting
himself to treat office-holding as a profession or to be for
one moment a dependant upon government.

" I have said nothing of the industry, frugality, and
foresight which enabled him to provide every suitable
luxury and comfort for himself and family, generously to
assist dependent relatives, and to leave to his descendants
an estate neither too small nor too large for his fame.

"I have said nothing of his marvellous self-control; of

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

521

his abiding faith in the ultimate supremacy of the right ; of
his aversion to and successful avoidance of all contention
for personal ends ; of the respect of the best men of his
generation which he uniformly inspired ; nor of the con-
tinued increase of his fame as the proportions of his genius
and character have been more thoroughly studied and
widely known.

" I have said nothing of the fact that, though from the
nature of his employments an obvious target for malevo-
lence and detraction, his word was never impeached nor
his good faith and fairness, even towards his own or his
country's enemies, successfully questioned. I have not
specially called your attention to these features of Frank-
lin's life, because they are known and read of all men.
They are the staple and charm of every one of the innu-
merable biographies, in every tongue, which have been
consecrated to his memory. But they are none the less
the tokens by which the Christian is known and a truly
religious life made manifest to men. It is possible that
Franklin never dwelt upon any of the higher planes of
spiritual life ; and yet who shall say that he did not ? And
if not, where did he get the secret of that supernatural
wisdom which always led him to seek the good of each in
the advantage of all? What gave him in such extraor-
dinary measure the confidence of men and of nations?
Whence the mysterious vigor which crowned with uniform
success all the great enterprises of his long life, and made
him, on the whole, one of the most useful and illustrious
of men?

" A considerable familiarity with all the authentic lit.
erary remains of Franklin has led me to the following
conclusions about his religious opinions :

522

THE CHARACTER OF DR. FRANKLIN.

u i. His highest standard of duty was to do unto others
as he would have them do to him.

" 2. He was rather more of a Unitarian than a Trinita-
rian, in this respect doubtless sympathizing more com-
pletely with Dr. Priestley than with the ' Good Bishop' of
St. Asaph's.

M 3. He accepted the Bible as the safest guide to con-
duct ever written, but, like many others in our own time,
forbore to proclaim his unlimited faith in its entire inspi-
ration, rather from an unwillingness to assert what he had
not the learning or ability to prove, than from any convic-
tion that it was not inspired, or that a belief in its inspi-
ration could possibly work any harm.

" He believed in all the virtues which were sanctified by
the life and death of Jesus. If he did not practise them
all at all times, he simply failed in what no child of Adam
has succeeded in doing; to what extent, I leave those to
determine who have led less selfish lives ; who have done
more for their fellow-creatures ; who have more conscien-
tiously expiated their errors ; who have been less fre-
quently a stumbling-block to weaker brethren ; who in
their lives have more successfully illustrated the fidelity
with which prosperity and happiness wait on good works,
and on that faith in the right of which good works are
begotten.

" Yours truly,

"John Bigelow."

INDEX.

Achenwall, Gottfried, Rosengar-
ten's account of his report of con-
versation with Franklin, 510^.
Adams, John, corresponds with de
Chaumont, ii. 429.
letter to Elbridge Gerry, 435.
the Commissioners' accounts ;
correspondence with Frank-
lin, 447.
returns to the United States,

464.
unpleasant correspondence

with Vergennes, 533-539-
questioned by Mr. Franklin
for authorizing Captain Lan-
dais to disregard the orders
of the U. S. Minister, ii.

546.
declines to have Washington's
opinion quoted in his favor,

547-

Franklin's objections to export
duties, iii. 18.

his accounts, 19.

on the Commission to negoti-
ate a peace, 30.

the capitulation of Cornwallis,
35,81,84,86,88,97,136,208.

disagreement with Franklin,
223, 235.

letter to Jefferson on the con-
clusion of peace, iii. 300^.
Alexander, Miss, dedications of
books denounced, iii. 64.

Alleyne, John, on early marriages,
ii. 20.

Alliance, frigate, command of,
transferred from Captain Landais
to Commodore Jones, ii. 545.

Almanack, Poor Richard's, i. 249,

572.
American Citizen, i. 62.
American music, i. 441.
Anecdotes : the turkeys, i. 460.
the use of grandmothers, ii. 63.
the hatter, 360.
the kings in hell, 398.
the harrow, iii. 37.
the skipper's daughter and her

cap, 275.
the onions, 302.
the duel, 369.
Argus or London Review, article
on Johnson's edition of
Franklin's Works, i. 62.
letter to, by William T. Frank-
lin, 63.
Arnold, Benedict, King's confiden-
tial adviser, iii. 36^.
General, the reward of his
treachery, iii. 16, n., 47.
" Art of Thinking," Introduction

to, by Lord Karnes, i. 426.
"Art of Virtue," i. 426, 439.
Assembly of Massachusetts, their
petition to the king for the recall
of Governor Hutchinson and
Lieutenant-Governor Oliver, ii.

288.

523

524

INDEX.

Assembly of Pennsylvania commis-
sions Franklin to go to Eng-
land with their petition
against privileges claimed
by the Proprietors, i. 352.
prevails upon Governor Denny
to approve an Act taxing
the Proprietary estate in
common with the estates of
the people, 369.
resisted by the Proprietaries ;
differences arranged by
Franklin and Lord Mans-
field, 370.
sends Franklin to England
again as agent of the Colo-
nies, 446.

Autobiography of Franklin, errors
in previous editions, i. 20.
history of, 27-76. See also
Veillard and Vaughan.

Babcock, Joshua, the privilege of

being an American, ii. 97.
Bache, Benjamin Franklin, i. 28,

69 5 iii- 575-
Bache, Richard, i. 94; ii. 478.

marries Sally Franklin, i. 528,
532 ; ii. 248, 478.
Bache, Sarah, i. 69, 106; ii. 167a,

480 ; iii. 247, 477.
Bachelors, iii. 280.
Balloons, iii. 229.
Bancroft, Dr. Edward, i. 29.

his account of the scene in the
Cockpit, ii. 204; iii. 343.
Bancroft, George, Lecky's treat-
ment of Franklin "scandalous
beyond bounds," ii. 238; iii.
211.
Banks, Sir Joseph, iii. 186.

Montgolfier's balloons, 229,
letter to Franklin, 229c.

Barclay, David, i. 365*/; ii. 262,

280, 297, 309, 313, 321, 511.
Barclay, Thomas, iii. 310.
Barclay's Apology, i. 365^.
Bard, John, iii. 342.
Bartram, John, ii. 39.

his daughter's silkworms, 88.
his pension, 89.
Baskerville, John, a criticism of his
type tested by Franklin, i. 413;
ii. 262, 263.
Bassett, Nathan, maternal grand-
father of Josiah W. Leeds, was a
compiler and publisher of an
Almanac, i. 581.
Beaumarchais, ii. 446; ii. 88.
Beccaria, John Baptist, ii. 495.
Bedford, Duke of, i. 411, 533, 551.
Benezet, Anthony, i. 270; ii. 119.
Bigelow, John, i. 12.

letter to, from Robert C. Win-
throp about the Hutchinson
Letters, ii. 238.
a parallel, 238*:, n.
letter on the character of
Franklin, iii. 493.
Boeris, Mr., iii. 144, 146.
Bond, Dr. Thomas, i. 295, 329.
Boston Newsletter, i. 116.
Bouquet, Colonel, i. 448a.
Bourbon, Don Gabriel of, Franklin
acknowledges the receipt of his
version of Sallust, iii. 353.
Bowdoin, James, governing Colo-
nies by instruction, ii. 96, 248.
Boyle, Henry, iii. 36, n.
Braddock, General, arrives with
two regiments, i. 316.
Franklin provides him with

transportation, 317.
smiles at Franklin's ignorance,

325. 347. 359. 438.
Bradford, Andrew, i. 128, 130.
kept the post-office, 202.

INDEX.

525

Bradford, Andrew, his meanness,

203.
Bradford, William, gives Franklin
a letter of introduction to his son
in Philadelphia, i. 121, 190.
Bribery at elections in England,

i. 561 ; ii. 8, 10.
Brillon, Madame, ii. 491, 510.
Broglie, Prince de, presented to

Washington, hi. 53.
Brownrigg, Dr., pouring oil on the

waves, ii. 167^.
Buchan, Earl of, letter of, com-
mending a Gaelic translation of
Franklin's "Way to Wealth,"
i. 604.
Buffon, i. 61.

advises the translation of
Franklin's letters on elec-
tricity, 346; hi. 400.
Buisson, i. 19a, 19b, 28, 40, 43,

69.
Bulwer, Sir Henry, ii. 544.
Bunsen, Ernest von, his bust of

Dr. Fothergill, i. 365a.
Burgoyne, General, hi. 31, 32.
Burke, Edmund, the Committee of
Oblivion, ii. 238/, n.
exchange of prisoners, ii. 280 ;

hi. 31.
his opinion of Lord George
Germain, hi. 36^.
Burnet, Governor of New York,

sends for Franklin, i. 138, 194.
" Busy Body," i. 191.
Byles, Mather, hi. 402.

Cabanis on Franklin's Autobiog-
raphy, i. 44, 60, 112, n.
Cabanis fils, ii. 496^.
Cabbage-garden in Greenland, iii.

3°9-

Carmarthen, Lord, surprised that
the United States are men-
tioned before the King of Eng-
land in the treaty of peace, iii.
264.
Carmichael, William, ii. 510 ; iii. 14.
Franklin's resignation not ac-
cepted, 26.
Castera, J., translates the Auto-
biography, i. 28.
Charleston, Franklin establishes
one of his journeymen there in
the printing business in 1733,
i. 252.
Chastellux, Marquis de, iii. 374.
Chatham, Lord, i. 521, 527; ii. 46,
242, 252, 256, 260, 288, 290, 298,
460 ; iii. 316.
Chaumont, Le Ray de, sketch of
his house at Passy, i. 76, 113.
portrait, ii. 1.
his grandson's account of him,

384. n-
John Locke speaks of the

Hotel de Chaumont, id.
sketch of the chateau, after 480.
his embarrassments, iii. 36/,
36^, 36W, 340.
Choiseul, Due de, ii. 375, 438.
Cholmondely, Lord, iii. 67, 71.
Cincinnati, Society of, discounte-
nanced, iii. 249.
Clare, Lord, i. 538, 548 ; ii. 17.
Cockpit, the, ii. 189, 204.
Colds, catching and curing them,

ii. 1677*, 368.
Collins takes to "sotting," i. 137.
Collinson, P., presents to the Phila-
delphia Library Company
glass tubes for making elec-
trical experiments, i. 344.
reads some letters of Franklin
on electricity before the
Royal Society, 345.

526

INDEX.

Collinson, P., gave the letters to
the press, ib.
instances of his zeal in pro-
moting knowledge, ii. 26.
death, 511.
Common Prayer, abridgment of,

by Franklin, iii. 319-320, n.
Condamine, M. de la, iii. 258.
Condorcet, M. de, i. 6 ; iii. 374.

his Eloge of Franklin, i. 364c, n.
Congress, delay in settling Frank-
lin^ accounts ; presents a ship to
France ; fixes the salaries of the
Commissioners in Europe, iii. 9.
Cooper, Samuel, praise for George
III., ii. 34, 36.
apologizes for Parliamentary

legislation, 50, 73.
how a clergyman complied
with an order of Charles I.
that his proclamation au-
thorizing sport should be
read in all the churches, 95.
letters to, from Franklin, ii. 239,
392, 487, 504, 546; iii. 175.
Cornwallis, capitulation of, iii. 35.
effect of, in London, 36^.
news communicated to Frank-
lin by Vergennes, 36^.
in London, 47.

desires discharge from his
parole, 146, 147, 148, 153.
Cowper, the poet, flattered by
Franklin's commendation of his
verses, iii. 58, 59, n.
Craven Street Gazette, ii. 55.
Creerar, D. MacGregor, translates
from the Gaelic the Earl of
Buchan's letter to the heroic
Highlanders of Scotland, i. 604.
Cushing, Thomas, the right of
Parliament to lay taxes on
America "almost generally
given up," ii. 68.

Cushing, Thomas, Franklin's ac-
count of his interview in
Ireland with Lord Hills-
borough, 99.

Lord Dartmouth and the peti-
tion to the king for the re-
peal of the Stamp Act, 127.

Hutchinson Letters, 130, 132.

Franklin's interview with Lord
Dartmouth, 137,140,141,144.

the King refuses the petition,
144.

the Hutchinson Letters; re-
solves of the committee, 153,
161, i86, 189.

Franklin regrets the Boston
Tea Party, 238^, 240, 242.

congratulated on conclusion
of treaties with France, —
one of amity and commerce,
the other for a defensive
alliance, 414.
Cutler, Rev. Manasseh, picture of
Franklin's home life in Philadel-
phia, iii. 383.

Dacosta embezzles money of the T

Royal Society, i. 349, 354, 534.
D'Alembert, ii, 431.
Dalibard, i. 346.
Dallas, Alexander J., i. 94.
Dallas, Sophia B., i. 94.
Dana, Mr., ii. 541 ; iii. 151.
Danforth, Samuel, ii. 156.
Dartmouth, Lord, succeeds Hills-
borough, ii. 113.
his first levee, the Massachu-
setts petition to the king put
into his hands, 125.
memorial to, from Franklin, 334.
Deane, Silas, special agent of the
Congress in France to solicit aid
for the Colonies, ii. 370.

INDEX.

527

Dcane, Silas, recalled ; defended
by Franklin, 417.
difficulties with Arthur Lee,

418-428.
becomes an apologist of Ar-
nold, hi. 48.
Death as necessary as sleep, hi. 288.
De Foe, Daniel, i. 106, 122.
De Grasse, Count, hi. 36^.
Denham, Mr., a Quaker merchant,
sails with Franklin for Eng-
land, i. 151.
takes Franklin home to Amer-
ica with him as clerk, 167.
death of, 170.
Denny, Governor, cultivates Frank-
lin, i. 350.
De Vaux, Mme., i. 7.
Dialogue between Franklin and the

gout, ii. 515.
Diary, Franklin's, fragment of, iii.

36c, 325.
Dickinson, John, author of " Let-
ters from a Farmer in Pennsyl-
vania," i. 567.
Dubourg, M., translated Collin-
son's collection of Franklin's let-
ters into French, ii. 62.
Du Deffand, Madame, letter about
a visit from Franklin written to
Horace Walpole, ii. 375, n.
Duelling, the absurdity of, iii. 269.
Dumas, Charles W. F., asked to
ascertain confidentially the feel-
ing of foreign courts about an
alliance with America, ii. 349,

434. S08.

Dunning, Mr., ii. 192, 194, 196.

Duplessis's portrait of Franklin, i.
19*', 19^, 71.

Durand, John H., i. 7.

Durand, Monsieur, French minis-
ter to London, cultivates Frank-
lin, i. 539.

Eagle unsuited for a national sym-
bol, iii. 152.

Ecton, where Franklin's father was
born, i. 392.

Edict of a king of Prussia, ii. 163,

165.
Edinburgh Review, i. 52.
Emigration to America, iii. 360, 215,

219.
Enemies, usefulness of, iii. 247.
Engraving on china, ii. 165.
Enmities, how to cure them, i. 260.
Ephemera, the, an emblem of

human life, ii. 512.
Errata, i. 140, 156, 196, 206.
Evans, Cadwallader, i. 521.

the dry bellyache among
punch-drinkers in the West
Indies, 564.
the silkworm and silk manu-
facture recommended, ii. 42,
80, 89.
Evening Herald, to the printer of

the, iii. 401.
Examination before the House of
Commons, i. 467.
before the Privy Council, ii.

Fable of the bees, i. 156.

of the eagle and the cat, ii. 154.
Falkenstein, Count (Joseph II.),

iii. 299.
" Farmer's Letters," Franklin sus-
pected by Lord Hillsborough of
having written them, i. 566, 567.
Fauchet, Abbe, eulogy of Franklin,

iii. 468.
Filangieri, his project for emigrat-
ing to America discouraged,
iii. 213.
his grandson visited by the
editor, ii., n.

528

INDEX.

Fire Company, Union, articles of

association, i. 264, n.
Fitch, John, his experiments with

steam, iii. 414.
Folger, Abiah, mother of Benjamin

Franklin, i. 97, 102.
Folger, Francis, i. 94 ; ii. 94.
Folger, Peter, maternal grandfather

of Benjamin Franklin, i. 97.
Forbach, Madame, on children, iii.

64, 487.
Ford, Paul Leicester, i. 6.
Fothergill, Dr., advised the print-
ing of the letters of Franklin
and Mitchel on electricity, i.

345-
his gardens, 365^.

his letters to Lord Dartmouth
and Dr. Barclay, 365c

probably bore the expense of
printing Barclay's Apology,
5653, 452a.

his career, ii. 237, n., 263, 264,

297. 3°9. 32I.336.5"-
Fournier, Pierre-Simon, Works of,

i. 7.
Fox, Charles James, iii. 99, 104, 231.
Foxcroft, John, the Walpole grant,

ii. in.
France, treaties with, ii. 414.
Francis, Dr. John W., i. 55.
Franklin, Benjamin, the press and
forum of his day gave no
presage of the fame in store
for him, i. 5a.
sketch of the fortunes and mis-
fortunes of his Autobiog-
raphy, 19.
French version of it first pub-
lished in Paris, 19a.
errors in printed editions, 21.
portrait by Duplessis, 71.
memorandum of topics for
Autobiography, 77.

Franklin, Benjamin, genealogy of
his family, 90, 91, 92.

grammar schooling, 99.

assists his father as tallow-
chandler and soap-boiler,
100.

apprenticed as a printer to his
brother James, 106.

becomes a vegetarian, 111.

the books he read, 112.

Tinck, his maitre-d'hfitel, 113.

his brother establishes the New
England Courant 1x6.

his first appearance in print,
117.

made editor of the Courant,
119.

leaves Boston, 120.

arrives in Philadelphia ; sees
his future wife, 126.

boards with her parents, 130.

Governor Burnet sends for
him, 138.

abandons vegetarianism, 142.

sails for England, 150.

finds Keith to be a scoundrel,

152.

gets employment at Palmer's
printing-house, 155.

writes " Dissertation on Lib-
erty and Necessity, Pleasure
and Pain," in reply to Wol-
laston's " Religion of Na-
ture," 155.

introduced to Dr. Mandeville,

156.
Sir Hans Sloane invites him to

his house, 157.
the chapel ghost, 161.
returns to America with Mr.

Denham as his clerk, 167.
teaches swimming, 168.
sets up in the printing business

with Meredith, 173.

INDEX.

529

Franklin, Benjamin, his religious
views at that period, 178,

234-
his first customer, 181.

the Junto, 182.

starts a newspaper ; buys The
Universal Instructor in all
Arts and Sciences and Penn-
sylvania Gazette from Kei-
mer, 191.

publishes " Nature and Neces-
sity of a Paper Currency,"
200.

marries Miss Read, 205.

projects a public library, 208,
221.

project of arriving at moral
perfection, 227-248.

Poor Richard 's Almanack, 249,

572.

establishes one of his journey-
men in Charleston, 252.

studies French, Italian, Span-
ish, and Latin, 255.

revisits Boston, 257.

his son dies of small-pox, 258.

chosen clerk of the General
Assembly, 259.

appointed Deputy Postmaster-
General, 261.

plans a city police, 262.

projects a fire company, 263.

projects the Pennsylvania Phil-
osophical Society, 274.

projects a system of military
defence, 277.

how he dealt with the scruples
of the Quakers, 279-287.

invents a new stove and gives
the model to Robert Grace,
287.

projects an academy which
became the University of
Pennsylvania, 287-292.

Franklin, Benjamin, purchases Dr.
Spence 's electrical apparatus,
292.

put into the commission of the
peace, and chosen one of the
Common Council and mem-
ber of the Assembly, 293.

appointed a Commissioner to
treat with the Indians, 294.

joins with Dr. Thomas Bond in
establishing a hospital, 295.

taught how to raise the money
that built the Arch Street
Church, 298.

procures the streets to be
paved, swept, and lighted,
299-306.

appointed jointly with Mr.
William Hunter to succeed
the Postmaster-General, 307.

receives degree of A.M. from
Cambridge College, 307.

appointed one of the Commis-
sioners to confer with the
chiefs of the Six Nations,
3°8.

his plan for the union of the
Colonies, 308.

elected colonel of a regiment,

340-

electrical experiments, 343.

laughed at in the Royal So-
ciety, 345.

the account of his experiments
printed by Cave, the pub-
lisher of the Gentleman's
Magazine, 345.

criticised by Abbe Nollet, 346.

his kite experiments, 347.

chosen member of the Royal
Society and excused from
customary payments, 348.

presented with the Copley
medal, 349.

530

INDEX.

Franklin, Benjamin, commissioned
by the Assembly to present
their petition to the king
againstthe privilegesclaimed
by the Proprietors, 352.
arrives in London July 27,

1757. 364-

visits Lord Granville, 366.

interview with the Proprietaries
at Mr. T. Penn's house in
Spring Garden, 367.

arranges with Lord Mansfield,

37i-
the Assembly vote him thanks

therefor, 371.
opinion of the poets Pope and

Thomson, 375a.
disciplines Mr. Read, 375^.
letters to William Strahan,

375*. 37S<Z, 355/. 375^, 375/'.

375'-
has intermittent fever, 375/.
resides with Mrs. Stevenson in

Craven Street, 376.
visits the home of his ancestry,

391-394.
his " Interest of Great Britain

Considered," 404.
closes controversy with the

Proprietaries, 415, n.
makes a tour of inspection

of post-offices through the

Northern Colonies, 443.
defeated as a candidate for the

Assembly, 446.
is sent by the Assembly to

England as special agent of

the Colonies, 446.
examination before the House

of Commons, 467-510.
story of the rattlesnakes, i.

364^.
visits Gottingen University, i.

510a.

Franklin, Benjamin, visits France,

539-
sees the Queen of France,

542-

writes to London Chronicle
on " Causes of the American
Discontents," 552.

writes the Preface to Dickin-
son's " Letters from a Farm-
er in Pennsylvania," 567, n.

threatened with removal from
his office of Deputy Post-
master-General, ii. 12.

writes against Smuggling and
on the Laboring Poor, 16.

appointed agent for the Colony
of Georgia, 17, 64, n.

his cure for thirst, 38.

appointed agent for Massa-
chusetts and New Jersey,
64, n.

visits Wales, Ireland, Scotland,
and the North of England,

93-

elected Associe Stranger of

the French Academy, 108.

his affinity for superior people,
123, n.

his fable of the cat and the
eagle, in, 154, n.

rules by which a great empire
may be reduced to a small
one, 162, 163.

reasons for attributing the au-
thorship of the speech in-
tended to be made against
the repeal of the Massachu-
setts Bay charter to, Appen-
dix, ii. 547.

burlesque speech from the
throne for the opening of
Parliament, ii. 238/".

edict of the King of Prussia,
163.

INDEX.

531

Franklin, Benjamin, summoned to
meet the Committee on Plan-
tation Affairs at the Cockpit,
189.

dismissed from the office of
Deputy Postmaster-General,
198.

embarks for America, 252.

advises his son William to
resign his office, 255.

sends him " An Account of
Negotiations in London for
Effecting a Reconciliation
between Great Britain and
the American Colonies, 256.

his memorial to Lord Dart-
mouth, 334; returned, as it
would contribute to exas-
perate the nation, 336.

chosen delegate to the Second
Continental Congress, 342.

appointed one of three com-
missioners to invite the col-
ony of Canada to unite with
the revolted provinces, 355.

negotiations with Lord Howe
renewed in America, 361.

arrives in France as agent of
the Colonies, 371.

model letter of recommenda-
tion for a stranger, 400, 401.

police of Paris directed to
watch over his personal
safety, 412, n.

concludes treaties of amity
and commerce and for a
defensive alliance, 414.

is received by Louis XVI. ,
416.

refuses to sign a letter to M.
Grand which Lee asked him
to sign, 427.

appointed Minister Plenipo-
tentiary to France, 461.

Franklin, Benjamin, notes on the
condition of his health,

475-
appoints Commodore Jones

commander of frigate Al-
liance, ii. 545.

officers of frigate Alliance di-
rected to obey Commodore
Jones's orders, ii. 545.

orders Captain Peter Landais
to quit the Alliance frigate
immediately, ii. 545.

questions Mr. Adams about
interfering with his orders
to Commodore Jones, ii.

545-
his personal accounts while in

Paris, iii. 9, 300a.
asks to be relieved and his

grandson provided for, 10,

17, 18.
resignation not accepted, 26,

27.
fragment of his diary from

December 18, 1780, to Janu-
ary 29, 1781, 36/.
popularity in Europe, 56, n.
signs the definitive treaty of

peace, 229.
retires from French mission,

295-
Jefferson's anecdotes of, 298.

extracts from his private jour-
nal, 325.

lands again at Market Street
wharf, 331.

elected Governor of Pennsyl-
vania, 344.

member of the Convention
which adopted the Federal
Constitution, 382.

his home life, 383.

his list of his public services,
420-427.

532

INDEX.

Franklin, Benjamin, president of
the Society for the Aboli-
tion of Slavery, 30a, n.

his death, 463, n.

last will and testament, 470.

his epitaph, 492.

his character, in a letter from
the editor, 493.

statuette of, i. 7.
Franklin, Deborah, i. 375/, 375<?,

379. 38o, 384. 39i. 4°2. 4°8.
424, 428, 442, 511^, 513.

Franklin leaves it to his wife
to arrange about Sally's mar-
riage, 528, 531, 557; ii. 25,
53, 69, 90, 104, 108, 135,
167^.

letter from, to her husband,
167 d, 241.

her death, 244.
Franklin, Francis Folger, Frank-
lin's only legitimate son,
dies of small-pox, i. 258.

a lad of great promise, ii.
94.
Franklin Fund, the, iii. 479, 485.
Franklin, James, brother of Benja-
min, established as a printer
in Boston in 1717, i. 106.

establishes the New England
Courant, 115.

imprisoned by the Assembly,
118.

forbidden to publish the Cou-
rant, 119.

his brother Benjamin made
editor, ib.
Franklin, Josiah, father of Benja-
min, i. 88.

declines the overtures of Sir
William Keith to set Benja-
min up in business, 134.

presumed kinsman of Benja-
min, letters from, i. 364a.

Franklin, Sally, accompanies her
father on a tour of post-
office inspection through the
Northern Colonies, i. 443, n.,

445-
marries Richard Bache, 528.
letter from, to her father, ii.
167^.
Franklin, Samuel, i. 530.

to choose a wife, ii. 103.
Franklin, Thomas, account of, i.

90. 392, 393. 558.
Franklin, William, i. 21.

authorized to contract for
transportation for General
Braddock, 319.
has leave to resign as clerk
of the Assembly to accom-
pany his father to England,

365.

is entered at the Middle Tem-
ple, 387.

named Governor of New Jer-
sey and married, 434, n.

letter to his father, 511a.

letters from his father, 537,
546, 551; ii. 136, 152, 162,
187, 238a.

member of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel,
118.

the Boston Tea- Party, 238,
244, 245.

advised by his father to resign
his office, 255.

an account his father sent him
of negotiations effecting a
reconciliation between Great
Britain and her American
Colonies, 256.

desires to revive affectionate
intercourse with his father,
iii. 279.

death, 47, n.

INDEX.

533

Franklin, William Temple, i. 7, 19,

literary executor of his grand-
father, 37.

realizes seven thousand pounds
from a speculation, 46.

publishes Franklin's writings,

49-
exchanges the autograph for a

copy, 50.

letter to the editor of the
Argus, copied from the
American Citizen, 63.

Malo's Preface to " Corre-
spondence inedite de B.
Franklin," 611.

why retained as secretary by
his grandfather, iii. 421.

a debt to his grandfather re-
leased, 474.
Franklinists, ii. 118.
Free ships make free goods, ii. 507,

539-
Free trade, iii. 224.

French language, Franklin's knowl-
edge of, iii. 339, 453.
Fry, Elizabeth, i. 365a.

Gaelic proverbs published with a
Gaelic translation of Franklin's
"Way to Wealth," i. 604.
Galloway, Joseph, letter to, on a
repeal of the act restraining
the legal tender of money, i.
522, 532, 549, 556.
bribery at elections in Eng-
land, ii. 8, 18, 119.
financiering of the Colonial

Office, 126, 167.
the Tea-Party and the Hutch-
inson Letters, 238^, 249.
Gates, Horatio, Major-General,
capitulation of Saratoga, ii. 477.

George III., petition to, for the
removal of Hutchinson and
Oliver from the offices of
Governor and Lieutenant-
Governor of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay.ii. 228.
letters to Lord North, 397, 410,

435. n-
Georgia, Franklin appointed agent

for the Colony of, ii. 16.

Gerard's mission to the United

States, ii. 420.

Germain, Lord George, Secretary

of War, dismissed from the army

for cowardice, iii. 36^.

Gibbon, Edward, i. 84, 413.

Gibelin, Dr. Jacques, i. 19a.

Gottingen University, visited by

Franklin, i. 510a.

Gout, dialogue between the, and

Franklin, ii. 515.

Grand, Mr., Franklin declines to

sign a letter written by Arthur

Lee to, ii. 427, 475A.

Grandmothers, use of, ii. 63.

Granville, Lord, Franklin visits, i.

366.

tells Franklin that the king's

instructions are the law of

the land, and the king the

legislator of the Colonies,

366.

Greene, Mrs. Catherine, i. 435, 443 ;

i». 433-
Greene, General, iii. 36*:.
Grenville, Mr., i. 457, 551 ; iii. 100,

106, 124, 131, 135, 137, 157-
Guerchy, Du, goes home, i. 538.
Gurney, John Henry, i. 365^.
Gurney, Samuel, i. 365a.

Hall, David, i. 291, 386, 511J, 528.
Ham House, i. 365a.

534

INDEX.

Hanbury, Mr., conducts Franklin
to call on Lord Granville, i. 306.

Hancock, John, President of Con-
gress ; Franklin announces his
arrival in France, ii. 371.

Hanoverische Magazine , i. 510a.

Hare, Augustus J. C, i. vii.

Hartley, David, ii. 348, 402, 411,

431, 451.454. 455.497; "i-37-
no separate treaties to which
France is not a party, 44, 49,
51, no, in, 121, 128, 145,
220, 230, 240, 284, 340, 450.
Helvetius, Madame, i. 34; ii. 523.
Franklin in the Elysian Fields,
ii. 523 ; iii. 375c.
Herries, Farquhar & Co., bankers
in London for William T.
Franklin, i. 64.
Hessians, satire on the English

traffic in, ii. 393, 397, n., 399.
Hewson, Dr., makes the acquaint-
anceof Miss Stevenson, ii.41.
proposal of marriage, 48.
Hewson, Mrs., on her marriage,
ii. 54,91, 345, 375, 376; iii.
55, 63, 216, 232, 258, 301,
317, 318, 342, 361.
death of Franklin, 464.
Heygher, Thomas Hope, Frank-
lin's three employments that
should be protected by the law
of nations, iii. 19.
Hierocles, i. 231.

Hillsborough, Lord, made Secre-
tary of State for America,

i. 555. 556, 559- 566.
returns to Board of Trade, and

Secretary for Colonies, 18.
Franklin's mean opinion of,

»• 73-
minutes of conference with, 74.

Franklin's interview with, in

Ireland, 99.

Hillsborough, Lord, replaced by
Lord Dartmouth, 113, 116, 154,
168.

Historical review of the constitution
and government of Pennsylvania,

i. 390-
Hobart, Mr., iii. 35.
Hodgson, William, why keep a

devil? iii. 13, 161.
Hollis, Thomas Brand, iii. 238.
Holmes, Robert, brother-in-law of

Franklin, i. 131, 170.
Hopkinson, Francis, i. 277 ; ii. 48 ;

iii. 28.
Hortalez & Co., ii. 467.
Howe, Lord, i. 56 ; ii. 283, 290, 295,
297. 321. 3", 324, 327,
332.
negotiations with Franklin re-
newed in America, 361, 366,
369 ; iii. 281.
Howe, Mrs., ii. 283, 291, 293, 295,

320.
Hugo, Victor, fac-simile of his ac-
count of a visit to the resi-
dence of Franklin in Passy,
ii. after 382.
his sketch of Franklin's home
at Passy, 383.
Hume, David, i. 57, 410, 413, n.,

420.
Huntington, William H., account
of his visit to purchase the Auto-
biography, i. I9f.
Hutchinson Letters, ii. 130, 132,
158, 161.
the scene in the Cockpit in
relation to the petition of
the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay for the removal of Gov-
ernor Hutchinson, 189.
Franklin's account of the
transactions relating to the
Hutchinson Letters, 206.

INDEX.

535

Hutchinson Letters, letter of Robert
C. Winthrop, 238.
a curious historic parallel,
238a, n.
Hutton, James, about good advice
to be found in the moon, ii. 408 ;
iii. 179.

Hive, Mrs., her curious will, ii. 67.
her theory that this world is
the true hell, ib.
Importations from England dis-
couraged, ii. 36.
Infallibility of human judgment,

i. 156.
Infallibility of the Romish Church,

»• 395-
Ingenhousz, John, ii. 381 ; iii. 295,

413-
Ingersoll, Jared, what distinguishes

Connecticut religion from com-
mon religion, i. 448.

Inoculation, ii. 53 ; iii. 353.

Izard, Ralph, rebuked, ii. 408.

Jackson, Richard, i. 446, 523, 548 ;

ii. 84; iii. 21, 172.
Jackson, William, iii. 21, 22, 23.
James, Abel, to whom a part of
the Autobiography was shown
by Franklin, i. 27, 30.
Jay, John, ii. 485, 509.

letter about Franklin, iii. 12, n.,

14.
Spanish dilatoriness, 40.
Franklin desires him to come

to Paris, 58.
letters from Franklin, 233, 246,
264, 290, 335, 338.
Jefferson, Thomas, visits Franklin,
i., I. viii. 56.

Jefferson, Thomas, his account of
a manuscript Franklin left
with him and which he gave
to William Temple Franklin,
ii. 252, n.
succeeds Franklin in Paris, iii.

296.
anecdotes of Franklin, 298,
300a, 462.
Johnson, Mr., agent in London
from Connecticut, letter to Gov-
ernor Trumbull, ii, 46.
Johnson, Sir Willam, i. 537, 546.
Jones, John, executor of Franklin,

iii. 479.
Jones, John Paul, ii. 463 ; iii. go.
Jones, Sir William, ii. 124, 540, n.
Jordan, Thomas, iii. 379.
Journal de Paris, note from Le

Veillard, i. 69.
Junto established, i. 182.

history of, by Dr. Patterson,
1 85, 258.

Karnes, Lord, offers to present
Franklin with a picture of Wil-
liam Penn, i. 309, 404, 425, 433,
436 ; ii. 27, 31.
Keimer employs Franklin, i. 128,
130, 171.
starts Universal Instructor and

Pefinsy Ivania Gazette, 191.
sells it to Franklin, 191,
fails and migrates to Barba-
does, 201.
Keith, Sir William, Governor of
the province of Pennsylva-
nia, calls on Franklin, i. 131.
proposes to set him up in
business, 132.
King of Prussia, edict of, ii. 162-164.
Kinnersley, Mr., lectures on elec-
tricity, i. 33s ; iii. 518,

5y>

INDEX.

Laboulaye, Edouard, translated
selections from Franklin's
writings, i. igc.
letter announcing the discov-
ery of the Autobiography to
Bigelow, i. 19A
opinion of Franklin quoted,

72, 130.
his story of Calonne's address
to the Notables, 460.
Ladies' Magazine publishes the

Autobiography, i. 46.
Lafayette, the Marquis of, ii. 475^,
483, 484; iii. 15, 136, 151, 161,
163.
Landais, Captain Peter, ordered
by Franklin to quit the frigate
Alliance immediately. Court of
Inquiry on his return held him
to be insane, ii, 545-546.
Lathrop, John, iii. 406.
Laurens, Henry, iii. 17, 21, 23, 25,
39, 50, 58, 69, 82, 90, 115, 146,
153, 178, 256.
Lavoisier, iii. 61.
Lavoisier, Madame, iii. 412.
Lee, Arthur, "impatient for the
succession " as agent for the
Colonies, ii, 70, 143, 144, n.,
189, 195, 242, 383.
rebuked by Franklin, 418, 419,

420.
accused of stock-jobbing, 421,

Lee, Charles, Franklin gives
Thomas Paine a letter of intro-
duction to, ii. 354.

Lee, Richard Henry, ii. 144

Lee, William, ii. 153.

Leeds, Daniel, Surveyor-General
of West New Jersey and com-
piler of the first Leeds' s Almanac,
i. 581.

Leeds, Josiah W., i. 581.

Leeds, Titan, his death prophesied

by Franklin, i. 574.
Left Hand, The Petition of the, ii.

494-
Lenox, Lord George, iii. 135.
Le Ray de Chaumont, i. 113.
Letters of recommendation, ii. 399.
a model of, for an entire
stranger, 401.
Library, Philadelphia, project of, i.

222.
Light, an economical project for

diminishing the cost of, ii. 528.
Lightning conductors, Franklin
declines to defend his pointed
conductors, ii. 407.
Lith, M., how to write a letter to

a stranger, ii. 388.
Liturgy, Franklin's abridgment of,

iii. 319.
Livingston, Peter V. B., ii. 346.
Livingston, Robert R., appointed
Secretary of Foreign Affairs, iii.
42, 43, 46, 54, 165, 173, 180, 183,
187, 196, 217, 223.
Livy, i. 452.

Logan, James, gives his library to
the Philadelphia Library
founded by Franklin, i. 222.
approves of Franklin's militia
system ; gives Franklin sixty
pounds to be laid out in
lottery tickets in aid of it,
283.
secretary of William Penn,
anecdote of, 284.
London Chronicle, address of some
king of Spain extolling mon-
archy, i. 415.
Franklin's letter on causes of
American discontents, 551 , n.
Loudoun, Lord, his inefficiency
and dilatoriness, i. 352.

INDEX.

537

Louis XVI. receives the American
Commissioners, ii. 416, n.
letter from Congress to, 542.
Luzerne, M. de la, iii. 47.

letter to, from Count de Ver-
gennes complaining of the
American Plenipotentiaries
in Paris, 207.
Lytton, Lord, prophesied that the
United States will become a ter-
ror to Europe, ii. 544, n.

Macclesfield, Lord, i. 349, 355.
Madison, James, quotes Franklin's
opinion of John Adams, iii. 300.
Malo, M. Charles, publishes a col-
lection of Franklin's corre-
spondence, i. 60, 61.
Preface to "Correspondence
inedite, etc., de B. Frank-
lin," 611.
Manchester, Duke of, i. 307 ; iii.

228, 241.
Mansfield, Lord, arrangement with
Franklin for the Proprietaries to
share in the taxes with the people
of the Colonies, i. 371 ; ii. 160.
Manufactures in America, i. 564.
Marbois, M. de, iii. 222.
Maseres, Francis, iii. 313.
Massachusetts, Franklin appointed
agent of, ii. 64.
letter to Committee of Corre-
spondence of, 85, 94.
Massachusetts Bay, bill in Parlia-
ment for the repeal of the
charter of, opposed, ii. 538*';
547. (See Shipley, Jonathan.)
Mather, Samuel, the Norwegians'
claim to the discovery of America,
ii. 150 ; iii. 260.
Mauduit, Mr. ii. 190.
Mayer, Brantz, letter, i. 364^.

McKean, Thomas, President of

Congress, iii. 32.
Mecom, Mrs. Franklin's sister, i.

394. 444; "• 37-
this world's a pretty good sort

of world, 38.
Franklin's rule never to ask

for offices, never refuse nor

resign them, 66.
Franklin's return from a visit

to Wales, Ireland, Scotland,

and the North of England,

93. 247. 342; "i. 324. 363.
375a, 382, 399, 419, 450, 461.
her death, 474, n.
Meicenaries, Hessian, ii. 394,

397-

Meredith forms a partnership with
Franklin in the printing
business, i. 173.
their first customer, 181, 193.
partnership dissolved, 199.

Mesmer, iii. 258, 259.

Mifflin, Thomas, President of Con-
gress, iii. 243.

Mirabeau, address on the death of
Franklin, iii. 467.

Mitchel, Dr., one of Franklin's
letters to, on the sameness of
lightning with electricity read to
the Royal Society and laughed
at, i. 345.

Monroe, James, his reply to a re-
port that Franklin would ba
stoned when he returned to the
United States, iii. 300^.

Monroe & Co., John, i. igm.

Montgolfier brothers' balloon ex-
periments, iii. 229.

Moral perfection, Franklin's project
for, i. 227-248.

Moravians, their customs, i. 338.
Indian murders, iii. 179.

Morellet, Abbe, iii. 376.

538

INDEX.

Morris, Gouverneur, Minister to

France, i. 49.
Morris, Governor, i. 311.
Morris, Robert, free ships make
free goods, ii. 503.
appointed Superintendent of
the Finances, iii. 25, 36W,
169, 208 , 242.
Music, American, i. 441.
Musschenbroek, Dr., letter in Latin
to Franklin, i. 397.

Negotiations for a reconciliation
between the Colonies and Great
Britain, ii. 257.

Negotiations for peace with Great
Britain, journal of, iii. 66-177.

Nemours, Dupont de, iii. 409.

New England Courant, i. 116.

Newenham, Sir Edward, Irish emi-
gration to America, ii. 476.

New York Legislature threatened
with suspension, i. 525.

Nixon, William, iii. 28.

Nollet, Abbe, criticises Franklin's
electrical theories, i. 346.
refuted by M. Le Roy, of the
Royal Academy of Sciences,

347-
Non-importation agreements, ii.

34. 36, n.
Nord, Count du, in Paris, iii. 61,113.
North, Lord, the only time he lost

his self-possession, iii. 36, n.

Oliver, ii. 130, 238.

Onslow, Colonel, i. 551.

Orders of nobility, iii. 248.

Oswald representing Lord Shel-
burne, iii. 68, 72, 73, 108, 130,
138, 141, 143, 146, 148, 152, 156,
162, 170, 171, 189, 218.

Otis, James, ii. 85.
Oxen, the use of, ii. 31.

Paine, Thomas, bears a letter of
introduction from Franklin to
Richard Bache, ii. 248.
Paper money and legal tender, i.

522.
Parliamentary bribery, ii. 7, 11.
Colonies forbidden to issue

legal-tender money, 29.
influence upon, of " lying let-
ters from Boston," 45.
seeds of disunion sown, 85,
iii. 49.
Parmesan cheese, a receipt for
making, more desirable than a
transcript of any inscription on
an old stone, ii. 39.
Parsons, J., publishes English
translation of the Autobiography,
i. 46.
Partridge, Mrs. Elizabeth, iii.

418.
Pascal, Provincial Letters favorites

of Franklin, i. 112.
Passy, i. 27.
Patterson, Dr., history of the Junto,

i. 185.
Paul I. of Russia in Paris, iii. 61.
Penn Proprietors ask to have
Franklin removed from the
post-office, 342.
their perpetual pensions, 372.
the controversy with, closes,
414, n.
Penn, Springet, i. 422.
Penn, Thomas, portrait, i. 423.
Penn, William, Franklin questions
genuineness of picture of, pre-
sented by Lord Karnes, i.
400.
Pennington, Edward, i. 422.

INDEX.

539

Pepper, George Wharton, history
of the litigation instituted to have
the Franklin Fund trust declared
void, iii. 487.
Percival, Thomas, ii. 167^.

absurdity of duelling, iii. 269.
Persecution, parable on, i. 405.
Petition of the Left Hand, ii. 494.
Philosophical Society projected, i.
274.
Franklin chosen president of

it, ii. 33-
Polly Baker, iii. 360.
Poor Richard's Almanack, i. 249,

572.
Pownall, Thomas, iii. 35.

President of Congress, ii. 507.

Adams and Vergennes at log-
gerheads, 533 ; iii. 9/.

Franklin asks to be relieved
and that Congress take his
grandson, William Temple,
under its protection, 10, 29,
32, 228, 240,427.
Price, Dr., i. 19^.

declines an invitation from
Congress to become a citi-
zen of the United States and
to assist in regulating the
finances of the new govern-
ment, ii. 466, 499, 541 ; iii.
64, 291,434.

increase of England's debt by
the American war between
1775 and 1783, iii. 36^.
Priestly, Joseph, the way to decide
a perplexing question of
conduct, ii. 120.

his account of Wedderburn's
insolence to Franklin in the
Cockpit, 202, 341, 343, 347,

377. S°o ; iii- 60.
Pringle, Sir John, i. 513 ; ii. 167^.
Pringle, Sir Peter, i. 510a.

Providence, special, iii. 364.
Provincial Letters of Pascal, i. 11.
Pulteney, Mr., ii. 505.
Putters, Johann, Selbstbiographie,

i. 510a.
Puysegur, Marquis de, iii. 259.

Quakers, how Franklin dealt with
their scruples about war, i. 127,
284-287, 448a.

Querard, La France Litter aire, i.

43-

Quincy, Edmund, i. 421.

Quincy, Josiah, sent by Massachu-
setts to Pennsylvania for assist-
ance in an attack on Crown
Point, i. 314, 421; ii. 356, 456;

iii. 235.

Ralph, James, his version of the
eighteenth Psalm, i. 146.
cured of writing poetry by

Pope, 148.
sails with Franklin for Eng-
land, 150, 154.
takes Franklin's name and

teaches school, 158.
his prose more successful than

his poetry, 148-149.
gets a pension, 352.
Rattlesnakes, Franklin proposes
their export to England, i.

364^. n.
Ray, Mrs., i. 377, 435. (See Greene,

Mrs. Catherine.)
Raynal, Abbe, iii. 299.
Rayneval, M. de, iii. 73, 154, 172,

176, 189, 299.
Read, James, i. 511.
Read, Joseph, ii. 504.
Read, Mrs., death of, i. 428.
Religion, letter to his daughter
Sarah, i. 147.

540

INDEX.

Religion, what distinguishes Con-
necticut religion from com-
mon religion, 448 ; ii. 24.
letter to Ezra Stiles, iii. 457,502.
Rcnaud, medallion of Franklin,

iii. after page 492.
Renouard, Jules, publishes the
Autobiography in French in
1828, i. 68.
Repeal of the Stamp Act advised,

i. 456.
Retort courteous, the, iii. 348.
Revolution in France, iii. 441.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, portrait of

Bishop Shipley, i. vi.
Rittenhouse, David, iii. 466, 488.
Roberts, Hugh, i. 187, 421.
Robinson, G. G. J. and J., publish
English translation of the Auto-
biography, i. 46.
Rochambeau, iii. 32.
Roche, Abbe de la, iii. 525.

Franklin's drinking song, 526.
Rochefoucauld, the Marquis de la,
i. 10, 10A
eulogy of Franklin, 36 ; iii. 372,

411.
reads a paper on the life and
character of Franklin, 468.
Romilly, Sir Samuel, sees the

Autobiography in 1802, i. 51.
Rosengarten, Joseph G., Account
of Achenwall's report of conver-
sation with Franklin, i. 510^.
Ross, John, miserable condition of

England, ii. 10, 11.
Rousseau, i. 29.
Royal Society, i. 345, 348, 554.
Rules by which a great empire may
be reduced to a small one,
ii. 163, 165, 168.
dedication toWedderburn,i79.
Rush, Benjamin, ii. 372; iii. 360.
of Franklin's last illness, 464.

Sallust, translation of, ii. 353.

Sandwich, Lord, ii. 13.

Saunders, Richard, his Almanac,
i. 249, 672.

Saville, Sir George, ii. 37.

Schaumburg, Count of, ii. 395.

Schuyler, Philip, one of the Com-
missioners to Canada, ii. 355, 357.

Segur, Count de, presented by
Franklin to General Washington,
iii. 50.

Senarmont, M. Paul de, i. 19^, 19^.
letter to John Bigelow, 67.

Shaftesbury, i. 113.

Sharp, Granville, iii. 318.

Shelburne, iii. 67, 68, 73, 105, 107,
129, 131, 140.

Sheriffs of London both Americans,

"• 453-
Shipley, Amelia, wife of Bishop

Heber, ii. 124.

Shipley, Miss Catherine Louisa, iii.

434-

Shipley, Mrs. Conway, i. vii.

Shipley, Miss Georgiana, i. vii. ; ii.
121, 122, 496a, 540.

Shipley, Dr. Jonathan, Bishop of
St. Asaph, i. 19, 27, 81 ; ii. 87,
124, n., 238; 547; iii. 61,344.
his death, 434.

Shirley, Governor, i. 310, 329, 358.

Shoemaker, Abraham, executor of
Franklin, iii. 479.

Short, Samuel, i. 49.

Short, William, The House of
Representatives resolved to wear
mourning on the death of Frank-
lin ; the Senate did not, iii. 300a.

Sieyes, President of the Assemblee
Nationale, ordered to address a
letter of condolence to the Con-
gress of the United States on the
death of Franklin, iii. 467.

INDEX.

541

Silkworm culture and silk manufac-
ture in America recommended,
ii. 42.
Six Nations, Franklin a Commis-
sioner to the, i. 308.
Slave trade, iii. 430.

early efforts of the Society of
Friends for its suppression,
444, 446, n.
Sloane, Sir Hans, i. 157.
Small, Alexander, and the gout, ii.

514; iii. 366, 397, 431, 447.
Smith, Rev. William, provost of the
University of Pennsylvania,
address at the funeral of
Franklin, ii. 466.
his relations with Franklin, 494.
Smuggling, ii. 42.
Solomon's horses, ii. 32.
Soule, Mr., his opinions of Frank-
lin, iii. 300a.
Sparks, Jared, i. 12.

his theory of William T. Frank-
lin's delay in the publication
of his grandfather's papers,

i- 54-

Spectator, the, from Pimlico, i. 449.
Speech from the throne (burlesque)
on the repeal of the Stamp Act,
i. vi.
Speech intended to have been
spoken on the bill for alter-
ing the charter of the Colony
of Massachusetts Bay, com-
monly attributed to Bishop
Shipley, ii. 238/^.
Appendix, ii. 547.
Speech of Franklin at the conclu-
sion of the deliberations of the
Convention, iii. 394.
Speech of Franklin in the Federal
Convention on his motion for
opening the Convention with
prayer, iii. 387.

Speech of Franklin on the salaries
of public officers, iii. 389.

Spence, Dr., shows Franklin some
electrical experiments, i. 344.

Spotswood, Colonel, appoints
Franklin Deputy Postmaster-
General at Philadelphia, i. 261.

Stamp Act threatened, i. 457.
repealed, 511^.

Ste. Beuve on the death of Franklin,
iii. 469.

Stevens, Henry, unsuccessful effort
to acquire the Autobiography of
Franklin, i. 19^.

Stevenson, Mary, i. 376, n., 403,
407, 425, 428, 431, 432, 440,

528, 539-

how to deal with an ill-tem-
pered relative, ii. 22.

seamen's cure for thirst, 38.

makes acquaintance of Dr.
Hewson, 41, n., 44.

Franklin declines to advise
about Hewson's proposal
of marriage, 48.
Stevenson, Mrs. Margaret, Frank-
lin resides in her house, i.
376.

how Franklin lives in Paris,
ii. 450.
Stiles, Ezra, ii. 103.

Franklin's religious views, iii.

457-459-
Stirling, Lord, asked to provide a
sloop to convey the Commis-
sioners from New York to Al-
bany on their way to Canada, ii.

355-
Stormont, Lord, Franklin proposes

an exchange of prisoners, ii.

39°-
Stormont, Lord, Stormont's reply
returned as indecent, 391 ; iii.

45-

542

INDEX.

Strahan, William, letters to, from
Franklin, i. 255, 343, 375, 387 ;
EL 44, 123, 343; iii. 255, 282.

Stuber, Dr. Henry, i. 19^.

Taxation of Proprietaries, i. 341.
Tea- Party, the, effect of refusing
to take tea from England, ii.
136, 140, 161.
Tea- Party, Franklin regrets the
necessity of carrying things to
such an extremity as destroying
the tea in Boston harbor, ii.
238^.
Temple, Mr., ii. 186, 188.
Thompson, Mrs., ii. 378.
Thomson, Charles, Secretary to
Congress, letter from Franklin
enumerating measures in Parlia-
ment for coercing the submission
of the Colonies, ii. 255 ; iii. 262,
420.
Thurlow, Mr., i. 561.
Treaties with France, one for amity
and commerce, another for a de-
fensive alliance, ii. 414.
Trumbull, Governor, letter from

Mr. Johnson to, ii. 46.
Tryon, author of a book recom-
mending a vegetable diet, i.
in.
Tucker, Joslah, correspondence
with and about Franklin, i. 460-
466.
Twyford, the country-seat of

Bishop Shipley, i. 81.
Tytler, Mr., comments on Lord
Karnes's views of England's duty
toward America, i. 518.

Union Fire Company, i. 264.

Union of the Colonies, i. 453.
Unwin, Cowper's friend, iii. 59.

Valencia, silkworms of, ii. 80.
Van Home, Cornelius, i. 138.
Vaughan, Benjamin, was shown
part of Franklin's Autobi-
ography in manuscript, i. 27,
3°-3S. 36.
letter from, to Franklin ad-
vising the completion and
publication of his Autobiog-
raphy, 212; ii. 489.
luxury in America, iii. 272.
introduction of Mirabeau to,

289, 292, 415.
is promised a copy of the Au-
tobiography in manuscript
for his opinion, 436, 440.
Veillard, Le, i. 10, 12, 19^.

was shown part of the Auto-
biography in manuscript, 27,
30, 31, 32, 33, 35.
letter to Journal de Paris, 43 ;
iii- 358, 367, 403, 405, 408,
415. 438.
Vergennes, Count de, D. Hartley
takes a letter of introduction
to him from Franklin, ii.
43i-
his replies to John Adams, 535,

537-

receives letter from Congress
to the King, 542.

informs Franklin of the ca-
pitulation of Cornwallis, iii.
36^, n.

letters to and from Franklin,
7*. 95. 96- 205, 206, 220.

Franklin announces his retire-
ment from his mission, 295,
296.
Viny, Thomas, ii. 496*:.

INDEX.

543

"Virtue," Art of, i. 241-244, 405.

Voltaire and Franklin embrace

each other, ii. 431.

the advantage to his treatise

on Toleration from being

written in French, iii.

453-
Vrilliere, Due de, ii. 120.

Walpole grant, i. 337, 537, 547.
whose the merit of procuring
it, ii. in.
Walsh, Robert, i. 507.

letter to, from Jefferson about
Franklin, iii. 297.
Washington, George, i. 88.

Virginia and Maryland asked
to contribute to the support
of a mail between Phila-
delphia and Winchester,

475/; ii- 367, 375. n., 483,

502.
Franklin introduces the Count

de Segur, iii. 50.
Prince de Broglie, 53.
Houdon, the sculptor, 336,

337. 389. 437. 439. 440. 449.
487.
Jefferson never heard either
him nor Franklin speak in
Congress ten minutes at a
time, iii. 300.
Watson, Dr. Joseph, i. 145, 149,

348.
Webb, Benjamin, Franklin's

"trick" of doing much good

with very little money, iii.

260.
Webb, George, an Oxford scholar,

worked with Franklin at Kei-

mer's, i. 172, 190.
Webster, Noah, iii. 451.

Wedderburn, W., ii., 190.
Weems and Gant, Messrs., on re-
fusal by the Archbishop of Can-
terbury of ordination without
taking the oath of allegiance, iii.
270.
Weissenstein, Charles de, reply to
his attempt to corrupt the Com-
missioners, ii. 435.
Wentworth, Paul, ii. 280.
West, Benjamin, i. 531 ; ii. 53.
Wharton, Thomas, i. 562.
Whatley, George, " Principles of

Trade," iii. 287, 303, 381.
Whistle, the, ii. 491.
Whiiefield, Reverend Mr., comes
to Philadelphia, i. 265.
his extraordinary influence
in the pulpit, 268-272,
444.
Wilkes, John, riotous celebration
of his election in London,
ii. 8.
his outlawry postponed by the

King's Bench, 11.
sentenced to twenty-two
months' imprisonment and
one thousand pounds fine,

19-
Wilkie, iii. 520.

Will of Franklin, iii. 470.
Williams, Jonathan, ii. 82, 475c?.
some account of, 475*?, n., 496,
302.
Winthrop, John, ii. 157.

England's trade in Hessian
troops, 495.
Wistar, Catharine, i. 94.
Wolfe, General, i. 356.
Wright, John, early efforts of the
Society of Friends for the aboli-
tion of slavery, iii. 444.
Wright, Mrs. Patience, niece of
John Wesley, ii. 460.

544

INDEX.

Wyndham, Sir William, employs
Franklin to teach his sons to
swim, i. 168.

Xenophon's Memorabilia studied
as a model, i. 113.

Yale College, i. 307.

Yale, Governor, portrait of him
proffered to Yale College, in.

457-
Yorke, Sir Joseph, ii. 387.
Yorktown, iii. 35, 365.
Young's Satires, i. 158.

Z, petition of the letter, i. 570.

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