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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 


PRESENTED  BY 

PROF.  CHARLES  A.  KOFOID  AND 

MRS.  PRUDENCE  W.  KOFOID 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 


r 


Original  in  possesion  of  GMP.CiistLs.Esq.ArUruitonjloiuse  . 


1? 


& 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


BY 


WASHINGTON    IKYING. 


VOL.  I. 


NEW  YORK : 
G.  P.  PUTNAM  &  CO.,  321  BROADWAY, 

NEARLY     OPPOSITE     PEARL    STREET. 

1856. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1855, 

By  G.  P.  PUTNAM  &  CO., 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  c/  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 

District  of  New  York. 


John  F.  Taow, 

Printer,  Stereotyper,  and  Electrotyper, 

371  &  379  Broadway, 

Cor.  White  Street,  New  York. 


£512 


PKEFACE 


The  following  work  has  long  been  announced  as  forthcom- 
ing, to  the  great  annoyance  of  the  author.  It  was,  indeed, 
commenced  several  years  since,  but  the  prosecution  of  it 
has  been  repeatedly  interrupted  by  other  occupations,  by 
a  long  absence  in  Europe,  and  by  occasional  derangement 
of  health.  It  is  only  within  the  last  two  or  three  years 
that  I  have  been  able  to  apply  myself  to  it  steadily. 
This  is  stated  to  account  for  the  delay  in  its  publication. 
The  present  volume  treats  of  the  earlier  part  of 
Washington's  life  previous  to  the  war  of  the  Kevolution, 
giving  his  expeditions  into  the  wilderness,  his  campaigns 
on  the  frontier  in  the  old  French  war ;  and  the  other 
"  experiences,"  by  which  his  character  was  formed,  and 


VI  PREFACE. 

he  was  gradually  trained  up  and  prepared  for  his  great 
destiny. 

Though  a  biography,  and  of  course  admitting  of  fa- 
miliar anecdote,  excursive  digressions,  and  a  flexible 
texture  of  narrative,  yet,  for  the  most  part,  it  is  essen- 
tially historic.  Washington,  in  fact,  had  very  little  pri- 
vate life,  but  was  eminently  a  public  character.  All  his 
actions  and  concerns  almost  from  boyhood  were  connected 
with  the  history  of  his  country.  In  writing  his  biography, 
therefore,  I  am  obliged  to  take  glances  over  collateral 
history,  as  seen  from  his  point  of  view  and  influencing 
his  plans,  and  to  narrate  distant  transactions  apparently 
disconnected  with  his  concerns,  but  eventually  bearing 
upon  the  great  drama  in  which  he  was  the  principal  actor. 

I  have  endeavored  to  execute  my  task  with  candor 
and  fidelity ;  stating  facts  on  what  appeared  to  be  good 
authority,  and  avoiding  as  much  as  possible  all  false 
coloring  and  exaggeration.  My  work  is  founded  on  the 
correspondence  of  Washington,  which,  in  fact,  affords  the 
amplest  and  surest  groundwork  for  his  biography.  This 
I  have  consulted  as  it  exists  in  manuscript  in  the  archives 
of  the  Department  of  State,  to  which  I  have  had  full  and 
frequent  access.  I  have  also  made  frequent  use  of  "  Wash- 
ington's Writings,"  as  published  by  Mr.  Sparks  ;  a  careful 


PREFACE.  Vll 

collation  of  many  of  them  with  the  originals  having  con- 
vinced me  of  the  general  correctness  of  the  collection,  and 
of  the  safety  with  which  it  may  be  relied  npon  for  his- 
torical purposes  ;  and  I  am  happy  to  bear  this  testimony 
to  the  essential  accuracy  of  one  whom  I  consider  among 
the  greatest  benefactors  to  our  national  literature ;  and 
to  whose  writings  and  researches  I  acknowledge  myself 
largely  indebted  throughout  my  work. 

W.I. 

SUNNYSIDE,  1855. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER  L 

PAGB 


Genealogy  of  the  "Washington  Family •••      1 


CHAPTER  U. 

The  Home  of  Washington's  boyhood— His  Early  Education— Lawrence  Washington 
and  his  Campaign  in  the  West  Indies— Death  of  Washington's  Father— The 
widowed  Mother  and  her  Children — School  Exercises 18 


CHAPTER  III. 

Paternal  Conduct  of  an  Elder  Brother— The  Fairfax  Family— Washington's  Code  of 
Morals  and  Manners— Soldiers'  Tales— Their  Influence— Washington  prepares  for 
the  Navy— A  Mother's  Objections— Return  to  School— Studies  and  Exercises— A 
School-boy  Passion— The  Lowland  Beauty— Love  Ditties  at  Mount  Vernon— Visit 
to  Belvoir — Lord  Fairfax— His  Character— Fox-hunting  a  Remedy  for  Love — 
Proposition  for  a  Surveying  Expedition 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Expedition  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge— The  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah— Lord  Halifax- 
Lodge  in  the  Wilderness — Surveying — Life  in  the  Backwoods — Indians — War 
Dance— German  Settlers— Return  Home — Washington  as  Public  Surveyor— Sojourn 
at  Greenway  Court— Horses,  Hounds,  and  Books — Rugged  Experience  among  the 
Mountains 


CHAPTER  V. 

English  and  French  Claims  to  the  Ohio  Valley— Wild  State  of  the  Country— Projects  of 
Settlements— The  Ohio  Company— Eulightened  views  of  Lawrence  Washington — 

Vol.  I.— a* 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

French  Rivalry— Celeron  de  Bienville— His  Signs  of  Occupation— Hugh  Crawford 
— George  Croghan,  a  veteran  Trader,  and  Montour,  his  Interpreter— Their  Mission 
from  Pennsylvania  to  the  Ohio  Tribes — Christopher  Gist,  the  Pioneer  of  the  Yad- 
kin—Agent  of  the  Ohio  Company— His  Expedition  to  the  Frontier— Reprobate 
Traders  at  Logstown— Negotiations  with  the  Indians— Scenes  in  the  Ohio  Country 
—Diplomacy  at  Piqua— Kegs  of  Brandy  and  Rolls  of  Tobacco— Gist's  return  across 
Kentucky— A  Deserted  Home— French  Scheme— Captain  Joncaire,  a  Diplomat  of 
the  Wilderness— His  Speech  at  Logstown — The  Indians1  Land—"  Where  ?  " 43 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Preparations  for  Hostilities— Washington  appointed  District  Adjutant-general— Mount 
Vernon  a  School  of  Arms— Adjutant  Muse  a  veteran  Campaigner — Jacob  Van 
Braam  a  Master  of  Fence — 111  health  of  Washington's  brother  Lawrence — Voyage 
with  him  to  the  West  Indies— Scenes  at  Barbadoes— Tropical  Fruits— Beef-steak 
and  Tripe  Club— Return  home  of  Washington— Death  of  Lawrence 58 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Council  of  the  Ohio  Tribes  at  Logstown— Treaty  with  the  English— Gist's  Settlement- 
Speeches  of  the  Half-king  and  the  French  Commandant— French  Aggressions— 
The  Ruins  of  Piqua — Washington  sent  on  a  Mission  to  the  French  Commander — 
Jacob  Van  Braam,  his  Interpreter — Christopher  Gist,  his  Guide — Halt  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Monongahela  and  Allegany — Projected  Fort — Shingiss,  a  Delaware 
Sachem — Logstown — The  Half-king — Indian  Councils — Indian  Diplomacy — Ru- 
mors concerning  Joncaire — Indian  Escorts — The  Half-king,  Jeskakake,  and  White 
Thunder 64 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arrival  at  Venango — Captain  Joncaire — Frontier  Revelry — Discussions  over  the  Bottle 
—The  old  Diplomatist  and  the  young— The  Half-king,  Jeskakake,  and  White  Thun- 
der staggered— The  Speech-belt— Departure— La  Force,  the  wily  Commissary- 
Fort  at  French  Creek— The  Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St  Pierre,  Knight  of  St.  Louis 
— Captain  Reparti— Transactions  at  the  Fort— Attempts  to  seduce  the  Sachems- 
Mischief  brewing  on  the  Frontier — Difficulties  and  Delays  in  Parting — Descent  of 
French  Creek— Arrival  at  Venango. .  74 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Return  from  Venango— A  Tramp  on  Foot— Murdering  Town— The  Indian  Guide- 
Treachery— An  Anxious  Night— Perils  on  the  Allegany  River— Queen  Aliquippa— 
The  old  Watch -coat— Return  across  the  Blue  Ridge 


CHAPTER  X. 

Reply  of  the  Chevalier  de  St  Pierre— Trent's  Mission  to  the  Frontier— Washington  ro- 
crnits  Troops — Dinwiddie  and  the  House  of  Burgesses— Independent  Conduct  of 


CONTENTS.  XI 

PAGE 

the  Virginians— Expedients  to  gain  Recruits— Jacob  Van  Braam  in  Service— Toil- 
ful march  to  Wills1  Creek— Contrecoeur  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio— Trent's  refractory 
Troops 90 

CHAPTEE  XI. 

March  to  the  Little  Meadows — Rumors  from  the  Ohio— Correspondence  from  the  banks 
of  the  Youghiogeny— Attempt  to  descend  that  River— Alarming  Reports— Scouting 
Parties— Perilous  situation  of  the  Camp— Gist  and  La  Force— Message  from  the 
Half-king— French  Tracks— The  Jumonville  Skirmish— Treatment  of  La  Force — 
Position  at  the  Great  Meadows— Belligerent  Feelings  of  a  young  Soldier 101 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Scarcity  in  the  Camp— Death  of  Colonel  Fry— Promotions— Mackay  and  his  Inde- 
pendent Company— Major  Muse — Indian  Ceremonials— Public  Prayers  in  Camp — 
Alarms — Independence  of  an  Independent  Company — Affairs  at  the  Great  Meadows 
—Desertion  of  the  Indian  Allies— Capitulation  of  Fort  Necessity— Van  Braam  as 
an  Interpreter— Indian  Plunderers — Return  to  "Williamsburg— Vote  of  Thanks  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses— Subsequent  Fortunes  of  the  Half-king— Comments  on  the 
Affair  of  Jumonville  and  the  Conduct  of  Van  Braam 113 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Founding  of  Fort  Cumberland— Secret  Letter  of  Stobo—  The  Indian  Messenger— Project 
of  Dinwiddie— His  Perplexities— A  Taint  of  Republicanism  in  the  Colonial  Assem- 
blies— Din wid die's  Military  Measures — Washington  quits  the  Service— Overtures  of 
Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland — Washington's  dignified  Reply — Questions  of  Rank 
between  Royal  and  Provincial  Troops— Treatment  of  the  French  Prisoners— Fate 
of  La  Force — Anecdotes  of  Stobo  and  Van  Braam ....   : 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Return  to  quiet  Life— French  end  English  prepare  for  Hostilities— Plan  of  a  Campaign 
—General  Braddock — His  Character— Sir  John  St  Clair  Quartermaster-general — 
His  Tour  of  Inspection— Projected  Roads— Arrival  of  Braddock— Military  Consul- 
tations and  Plans — Commodore  Keppel  and  his  Seamen — Ships  and  Troops  at 
Alexandria— Excitement  of  Washington  -Invited  to  join  the  Staff  of  Braddock— A 
Mother's  Objections — Washington  at  Alexandria — Grand  Council  of  Governors — 
Military  Arrangements— Colonel  William  Johnson— Sir  John  St  Clair  at  Fort 
Cumberland— His  Explosions  of  Wrath— Their  Effects— Indians  to  be  enlisted- 
Captain  Jack  and  his  Band  of  Bush-beaters 136 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Washington  proclaimed  Aide-de-camp — Disappointments  at  Fredericktown— Benjamin 
Franklin  and  Braddock— Contracts— Departure  for  Wills  Creak— Rough  Roads— 
The  General  in  his  Chariot— Camp  at  Fort  Cumberland— Hugh  Morcer— Dr.  Craik 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

PAGK 

— Military  Tactics— Camp  Rules— Secretary  Peters— Indians  in  Camp— Indian 
Beauties— The  Princess  Bright  Lightning— Errand  to  "Williamsburg— Braddock's 
Opinion  of  Contractors  and  Indians— Arrival  of  Conveyances 151 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

March  from  Fort  Cumberland— The  Great  Savage  Mountain— Camp  at  the  Little  Mea- 
dows—Division of  the  Forces— Captain  Jack  and  his  Band— Scarooyadi  in  Danger 
— Illness  of  Washington— His  Halt  at  the  Youghiogeny— March  of  Braddock— The 
Great  Meadows— Lurking  Enemies— Their  Tracks— Precautions — Thicketty  Run 
— Scouts— Indian  Murders— Funeral  of  an  Indian  Warrior— Camp  on  the  Mononga- 
hela— Washington's  Arrival  there— March  for  Fort  Duquesne— The  fording  of  the 
Monongahela— The  Battle— The  Retreat— Death  of  Braddock 163 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Arrival  at  Fort  Cumberland— Letters  of  Washington  to  his  Family — Panic  of  Dunbar — 
Fortunes  of  Dr.  Hugh  Mercer— Triumph  of  the  French 185 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Costs  of  Campaigning— Measures  for  Public  Safety— Washington  in  Command— Head- 
quarters at  Winchester — Lord  Fairfax  and  his  Troop  of  Horse — Indian  Ravages — 
Panic  at  Winchester— Cause  of  the  Alarm — Operations  elsewhere— Shirley  against 
Niagara— Johnson  against  Crown  Point— Affair  at  Lake  George— Death  of  Dieskau,  190 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Reform  in  the  Militia  Laws— Discipline  of  the  Troops— Dagworthy  and  the  Question  of 
Precedence — Washington's  Journey  to  Boston — Style  of  Travelling — Conference 
with  Shirley— The  Earl  of  Loudoun— Military  Rule  for  the  Colonies— Washington 
at  New  York— Miss  Mary  Philipse 205 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Troubles  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley— Greenway  Court  and  Lord  Fairfax  in  Danger- 
Alarms  at  Winchester— Washington  appealed  to  for  Protection— Attacked  by  the 
Virginia  Press— Honored  by  the  Public— Projects  for  Defence— Suggestions  of 
Washington— The  Gentlemen  Associators— Retreat  of  the  Savages — Expedition 
against  Kittanning— Captain  Hugh  Mercer— Second  Struggle  through  the  Wilder- 
ness   218 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Founding  of  Fort  Loudoun— Washington's  Tour  of  Inspection— Inefficiency  of  the 
Militia  System — Gentlemen  Soldiers — Cross-purposes  with  Dinwiddle — Military 
Affairs  in  the  North — Delays  of  Lord  Loudoun — Activity  of  Montcalm — Loudoun 
in  Winter  Quarters. 224 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

PAGE 

Washington  vindicates  his  Conduct  to  Lord  Loudoun — His  Eeception  by  his  Lordship 
—Military  Plans — Lord  Loudoun  at  Halifax— Montcalm  on  Lake  George — His  Tri- 
umphs—Lord Loudoun's  Failures— Washington  at  Winchester — Continued  Misun- 
derstandings with  Dinwiddie — Eeturn  to  Mount  Vernon 232 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Washington  recovers  his  Health— Again  in  Command  at  Fort  Loudoun— Administra- 
tion of  Pitt— Loudoun  succeeded  by  General  Abercrombie— Military  Arrangements 
—Washington  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia  Forces— Amherst  against  Louis- 
burg— General  Wolfe— Montgomery — Capture  of  Louisburg— Abercrombie  on  Lake 
George— Death  of  Lord  Howe— Repulse  of  Abercrombie— Success  of  Bradstreet  at 
Oswego 240 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Slow  Operations— Washington  orders  out  the  Militia— Mission  to  Williamsburg— Halt 
at  Mr.  Chamberlayne's— Mrs.  Martha  Custis— A  brief  Courtship— An  Engagement 
— Return  to  Winchester— The  Rifle  Dress— Indian  Scouts — Washington  elected  to 
the  House  of  Burgesses — Tidings  of  Amherst's  Success — The  new  Road  to  Fort  Du- 
quesne — March  for  the  Fort — Indiscreet  Conduct  of  Major  Grant — Disastrous  Con- 
sequences— Washington  advances  against  Fort  Duquesne — End  of  the  Expedition 
— Washington  returns  Home — His  Marriage 251 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Plan  of  Operations  for  1T59— Investment  of  Fort  Niagara— Death  of  Prideaux— Success 
of  Sir  William  Johnson— Amherst  at  Ticonderoga— Wolfe  at  Quebec — His  Tri- 
umph and  Death— Fate  of  Montcalm— Capitulation  of  Quebec— Attempt  of  De  Levi 
to  retake  it— Arrival  of  a  British  Fleet — Last  stand  of  the  French  at  Montreal — 
Surrender  of  Canada 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Washington's  Installation  in  the  House  of  Burgesses— His  Rural  Life — Mount  Vernon 
and  its  Vicinity — Aristocratical  days  of  Virginia— Washington's  Management  of  his 
Estate — Domestic  Habits— Fox-hunting— Lord  Fairfax— Fishing  and  Duck-shoot- 
ing—The  Poacher— Lynch  Law— Aquatic  State— Life  at  Annapolis— Washington 
in  the  Dismal  Swamp 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Treaty  of  Peace— Pontiac's  War— Course  of  Public  Events— Board  of  Trade  against 
Paper  Currency— Restrictive  Policy  of  England— Navigation  Laws— Discontents  in 
New  England— Of  the  other  Colonies — Projects  to  raise  Revenue  by  Taxation — 
Blow  at  the    Independence  of  the  Judiciary— Naval  Commanders  employed  as 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


PAGH 

Custom-house  Officers— Retaliation  of  the  Colonists— Taxation  resisted  in  Boston 
—Passing  of  the  Stamp  Act— Burst  of  Opposition  in  Virginia— Speech  of  Patrick 
Henry. 297 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington's  Ideas  concerning  the  Stamp  Act— Opposition  to  it  in  the  Colonies — Por- 
tentous Ceremonies  at  Boston  and  New  York — Non-importation  Agreement  among 
the  Merchants— Washington  and  George  Mason— Dismissal  of  Grenville  from  the 
British  Cabinet — Franklin  before  the  House  of  Commons — Repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act— Joy  of  Washington— Fresh  Causes  of  Colonial  Dissensions— Circular  of  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts— Embarkation  of  Troops  for  Boston— Measures  of 
the  Bostonians 307 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Cheerful  Life  at  Mount  Vernon— Washington  and  George  Mason— Correspondence  con- 
cerning the  Non-importation  Agreement— Feeling  toward  England— Opening  of 
the  Legislative  Session— Semi-regal  State  of  Lord  Botetourt— High-toned  Proceed- 
ings of  the  House — Sympathy  with  New  England — Dissolved  by  Lord  Botetourt- 
Washington  and  the  Articles  of  Association 817 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Hood  at  Boston— The  General  Court  refuses  to  do  Business  under  Military  Sway— Re- 
sists the  Billeting  Act— Effect  of  the  Non-importation  Association— Lord  North 
premier — Duties  revoked  except  on  Tea— The  Boston  Massacre — Disuse  of  Tea — 
Conciliatory  Conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt— His  Death 825 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Expedition  of  Washington  to  the  Ohio,  in  behalf  of  Soldiers'  Claims— Uneasy  State  of 
the  Frontier— Visit  to  Fort  Pitt — George  Croghan — His  Mishaps  during  Pontiac's 
War — Washington  descends  the  Ohio— Scenes  and  Adventures  along  the  River — 
Indian  Hunting  Camp— Interview  with  an  old  Sachem  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Kena- 
wha— Return— Claims  of  Stobo  and  Van  Braam— Letter  to  Colonel  George  Muse . .  < 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Lord  Dunmore  Governor  of  Virginia— Piques  the  Pride  of  the  Virginians— Opposition 
of  the  Assembly— Corresponding  Committees— Death  of  Miss  Custis— Washing- 
ton's Guardianship  of  John  Parke  Custis— His  Opinions  as  to  Premature  Travel 
and  Premature  Marriage .• 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Lord  North's  Bill  favoring  the  Exportation  of  Teas— Ships  freighted  with  Tea  to  the 
Colonies— Sent  back  from  some  of  the  Porta— Tea  destroyed  at  Boston— Passage  of 


CONTENTS.  XV 

PAGE 

the  Boston  Port  Bill— Session  of  the  House  of  Burgesses— Splendid  Opening— Burst 
of  Indignation  at  the  Port  Bill— House  Dissolved— Eesolutions  at  the  Raleigh 
Tavern — Project  of  a  General  Congress — Washington  and  Lord  Dunmore — The 
Port  Bill  goes  into  EfFect— General  Gage  at  Boston— League  and  Covenant 846 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Washington  Chairman  of  a  Political  Meeting— Correspondence  with  Bryan  Fairfax- 
Patriotic  Resolutions— Washington's  Opinions  on  Public  Affairs — Non-importation 
Scheme — Convention  at  Williamsburg— Washington  appointed  a  Delegate  to  the 
General  Congress— Letter  from  Bryan  Fairfax— Perplexities  of  General  Gage  at 
Boston 854 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Meeting  of  the  First  Congress— Opening  Ceremonies— Eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry  and 
Henry  Lee — Declaratory  Resolution— Bill  of  Rights— State  Papers— Chatham's 
Opinions  of  Congress— Washington's  Correspondence  with  Capt.  Mackenzie — Views 
with  respect  to  Independence— Departure  of  Fairfax  for  England 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Gage's  Military  Measures— Removal  of  Gunpowder  from  the  Arsenal — Public  Agitation 
— Alarms  in  the  Country — Civil  Government  obstructed— Belligerent  Symptoms 
— Israel  Putnam  and  General  Charles  Lee,  their  Characters  and  Stories — General 
Election— Self-constituted  Congress— Hancock  President— Adjourns  to  Concord — 
Remonstrance  to  Gage — His  Perplexities — Generals  Artemas  Ward  and  Seth  Pom- 
eroy — Committee  of  Safety— Committee  of  Supplies— Restlessness  throughout  the 
Land— Independent  Companies  in  Virginia— Military  Tone  at  Mount  Vernon — 
Washington's  Military  Guests — Major  Horatio  Gates — Anecdotes  concerning  him — 
General  Charles  Lee— His  Peculiarities  and  Dogs— Washington  at  the  Richmond 
Convention— War  Speech  of  Patrick  Henry— Washington's  Military  Intentions.. .  374 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Infatuation  in  British  Councils— Colonel  Grant,  the  Braggart— Coercive  Measures— Ex- 
pedition against  the  Military  Magazine  at  Concord— Battle  of  Lexington — The  Cry 
of  Blood  through  the  Land — Old  Soldiers  of  the  French  War— John  Stark— Israel 
Putnam— Rising  of  the  Yeomanry— Measures  of  Lord  Dunmore  in  Virginia— In- 
dignation of  the  Virginians— Hugh  Mercer  and  the  Friends  of  Liberty— Arrival  of 
the  News  of  Lexington  at  Mount  Vernon— Effect  on  Bryan  Fairfax,  Gates,  and 
Washington , 1 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Enlisting  of  Troops  in  the  East— Camp  at  Boston— General  Artemas  Ward— Scheme  to 
surprise  Ticonderoga— New  Hampshire  Grants— Ethan  Allen  and  the  Greon  Moun- 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

tain  Boys— Benedict  Arnold— Affair  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point— A  Dash  at 
St  John's. 401 

CHAPTEE  XXXIX. 

Second  Session  of  Congress — John  Hancock — Petition  to  the  King— Federal  Union- 
Military  Measures— Debates  about  the  Army— Question  as  to  Commander-in-chief 
— Appointment  of  Washington— Other  Appointments— Letters  of  Washington  to 
his  Wife  and  Brother — Preparations  for  Departure . .   408 

CHAPTEE  XL. 

More  Troops  arrive  at  Boston— Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton— Proclamation 
of  Gage— Nature  of  the  American  Army— Scornful  Conduct  of  the  British  Officers 
—Project  of  the  Americans  to  seize  upon  Breed's  Hill— Putnam's  opinion  of  it — 
Sanctioned  by  Prescott— Nocturnal  March  of  the  Detachment— Fortifying  of  Bun- 
ker's Hill— Break  of  Day,  and  Astonishment  of  the  Enemy 418 

CHAPTEE  XLL- 
Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill 429 


CHAPTEE  XLII 

Departure  from  Philadelphia— Anecdotes  of  General  Schuyler— of  Lee— Tidings  of 
Bunker's  Hill— Military  Councils— Population  of  New  York— The  Johnson  Family 
— Governor  Tryon— Arrival  at  New  York— Military  Instructions  to  Schuyler — 
Arrival  at  the  Camp 442 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTEE     I. 

GENEALOGY   OF   THE   WASHINGTON   FAMILY. 

The  Washington  family  is  of  an  ancient  English  stock,  the  gene- 
alogy of  which  has  been  traced  up  to  the  century  immediately 
succeeding  the  Conquest.  At  that  time  it  was  in  possession  of 
landed  estates  and  manorial  privileges  in  the  county  of  Durham, 
such  as  were  enjoyed  only  by  those,  or  their  descendants,  who 
had  come  over  from  Normandy  with  the  Conqueror,  or  fought 
under  his  standard.  When  William  the  Conqueror  laid  waste 
the  whole  country  north  of  the  Humber,  in  punishment  of  the 
insurrection  of  the  Northumbrians,  he  apportioned  the  estates 
among  his  followers,  and  advanced  Normans  and  other  foreigners 
to  the  principal  ecclesiastical  dignities.  One  of  the  most 
wealthy  and  important  sees  was  that  of  Durham.  Hither  had 
been  transported  the  bones  of  St.  Cuthbert  from  their  original 
shrine  at  Lindisfarne,  when  it  was  ravaged  by  the  Danes.  That 
Yol.  I.  1 


2  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

saint,  says  Camden,  was  esteemed  by  princes  and  gentry  a  titular 
saint  against  the  Scots.*  His  shrine,  therefore,  had  been  held  in 
peculiar  reverence  by  the  Saxons,  and  the  see  of  Durham  en- 
dowed with  extraordinary  privileges. 

William  continued  and  increased  those  privileges.  He 
needed  a  powerful  adherent  on  this  frontier  to  keep  the  restless 
Northumbrians  in  order,  and  check  Scottish  invasion;  and  no 
doubt  considered  an  enlightened  ecclesiastic,  appointed  by  the 
crown,  a  safer  depositary  of  such  power  than  an  hereditary  noble. 

Having  placed  a  noble  and  learned  native  of  Loraine  in  the 
diocese,  therefore,  he  erected  it  into  a  palatinate,  over  which  the 
bishop,  as  Count  Palatine,  had  temporal,  as  well  as  spiritual  juris- 
diction. He  built  a  strong  castle  for  his  protection,  and  to  serve  as 
a  barrier  against  the  Northern  foe.  He  made  him  lord  high-ad- 
miral of  the  sea  and  waters  adjoining  his  palatinate, — lord  warden 
of  the  marches,  and  conservator  of  the  league  between  England 
and  Scotland.  Thenceforth,  we  are  told,  the  prelates  of  Durham 
owned  no  earthly  superior  within  their  diocese,  but  continued  for 
eenturies  to  exercise  every  right  attached  to  an  independent 
sovereign.! 

The  bishop,  as  Count  Palatine,  lived  in  almost  royal  state 
and  splendor.  He  had  his  lay  chancellor,  chamberlains,  secreta- 
ries, steward,  treasurer,  master  of  the  horse,  and  a  host  of  minor 
officers.  Still  he  was  under  feudal  obligations.  All  landed 
property  in  those  warlike  times,  implied  military  service. 
Bishops  and  abbots,  equally  with  great  barons  who  held  estates 
immediately  of  the  crown,  were  obliged,  when  required,  to  furnish 

*  Camden,  Brit,  iv.,  349. 

\  Annals  of  Roger  de  Hove  Jo:i.     Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.     Collec- 
tanea Curiosa,  vol.  ii.,  p.  83. 


GENEALOGY.  3 

the  king  with  armed  men  in  proportion  to  their  domains ;  but 
they  had  their  feudatories  under  them  to  aid  them  in  this  service. 

The  princely  prelate  of  Durham  had  his  barons  and  knights, 
who  held  estates  of  him  on  feudal  tenure,  and  were  bound  to 
serve  him  in  peace  and  war.  They  sat  occasionally  in  his  coun- 
cils, gave  martial  splendor  to  his  court,  and  were  obliged  to  have 
horse  and  weapon  ready  for  service,  for  they  lived  in  a  belligerent 
neighborhood,  disturbed  occasionally  by  civil  war,  and  often  by 
Scottish  foray.  When  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert,  the  royal 
standard  of  the  province,  was  displayed,  no  armed  feudatory  of 
the  bishop  could  refuse  to  take  the  field.* 

Some  of  these  prelates,  in  token  of  the  warlike  duties  of  their 
diocese,  engraved  on  their  seals  a  knight  on  horseback  armed  at 
all  points,  brandishing  in  one  hand  a  sword,  and  holding  forth  in 
the  other  the  arms  of  the  see.  f 

Among  the  knights  who  held  estates  in  the  palatinate  on 
these  warlike  conditions,  was  William  de  Hertburn,  the  pro- 
genitor of  the  Washingtons.  His  Norman  name  of  William 
would  seem  to  point  out  his  national  descent ;  and  the  family 
long  continued  to  have  Norman  names  of  baptism.  The  surname 
of  De  Hertburn  was  taken  from  a  village  on  the  palatinate  which 
he  held  of  the  bishop  in  knight's  fee ;  probably  the  same  now 
called  Hartburn  on  the  banks  of  the  Tees.  It  had  become  a 
custom  among  the  Norman  families  of  rank  about  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  to  take  surnames  from  their  castles  or  estates ;  it  was 
not  until  some  time  afterwards  that  surnames  became  generally 
assumed  by  the  people.J 

*  Robert  de  Graystanes,  Ang.  Sac.,  p.  746. 
f  Camden,  Brit,  iv.,  349. 

%  Lower  on  Surnames,  vol.  i.,  p.  43.     Fuller  says,  that  the  custom  of 
surnames  was  brought  from  France  in  Edward  the  Confessor's  time,  about 


4  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 

How  or  when  the  De  Hertburns  first  acquired  possession  of 
their  village  is  not  known.  They  may  have  been  companions  in 
arms  with  Robert  de  Brus  (or  Bruce)  a  noble  knight  of  Nor 
mandy,  rewarded  by  William  the  Conqueror  with  great  posses- 
sions in  the  North,  and  among  others,  with  the  lordships  of  Hert 
and  Hertness  in  the  county  of  Durham. 

The  first  actual  mention  we  find  of  the  family  is  in  the  Bol- 
den  Book,  a  record  of  all  the  lands  appertaining  to  the  diocese 
in  1183.  In  this  it  is  stated  that  William  de  Hertburn  had  ex- 
changed his  village  of  Hertburn  for  the  manor  and  village  of 
Wessyngton,  likewise  in  the  diocese ;  paying  the  bishop  a  quit- 
rent  of  four  pounds,  and  engaging  to  attend  him  with  two  grey- 
hounds in  grand  hunts,  and  to  furnish  a  man  at  arms  whenever 
military  aid  should  be  required  of  the  palatinate.* 

The  family  changed  its  surname  with  its  estate,  and  thence- 


fifty  years  before  the  Conquest;  but  did  not  become  universally  settled 
until  some  hundred  years  afterwards.  At  first  they  did  not  descend  hered- 
itarily on  the  family. — Fuller,  Church  History.     Roll  Battle  Abbey. 

*  The  Bolden  Book.  As  this  ancient  document  gives  the  first  trace  of 
the  Washington  family,  it  merits  especial  mention.  In  1183,  a  survey  was 
made  by  order  of  Bishop  de  Pusaz  of  all  the  lands  of  the  see  held  in  de- 
mesne, or  by  tenants  in  villanage.  The  record  was  entered  in  a  book 
called  the  Bolden  Buke ;  the  parish  of  Bolden  occurring  first  in  alphabeti- 
cal arrangement.  The  document  commences  in  the  following  manner: 
Incipit  liber  qui  vocatur  Bolden  Book  Anno  Dominice  Incarnationis, 
1183,  <fec. 

The  following  is  the  memorandum  in  question : — 

Willus  de  Ilerteburn  habet  Wessyngton  (excepta'  ecclesia  et  terra  ec- 
clesie  partinen)  ad  excamb.  pro  villa  de  Ilerteburn  quam  pro  hae  quietam 
clamavit :  Et  reddit  4  L.  Et  vadit  in  magna  caza  cum  2  Leporar.  Et 
quando  commune  auxilium  venerit  debet  dare  1  Militem  ad  plus  de  aux- 
ilio,  <fec. — Collectanea  Curiosa,  vol.  ii.,  p.  89. 

The  Bolden  Buke  is  a  small  folio,  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  bishop's 
auditor,  at  Durham. 


GENEALOGY.  5 

forward  assumed  that  of  De  Wessyngton.*  The  condition  of 
military  service  attached  to  its  manor  will  be  found  to  have  been 
often  exacted,  nor  was  the  service  in  the  grand  hunt  an  idle  form. 
Hunting  came  next  to  war  in  those  days,  as  the  occupation  of  the 
nobility  and  gentry.  The  clergy  engaged  in  it  equally  with  the 
laity.  The  hunting  establishment  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham  was 
on  a  princely  scale.  He  had  his  forests,  chases  and  parks,  with 
their  train  of  foresters,  rangers,  and  park  keepers.  A  grand  hunt 
was  a  splendid  pageant  in  which  all  his  barons  and  knights  at- 
tended him  with  horse  and  hound.  The  stipulations  with  the 
Seignior  of  Wessyngton  show  how  strictly  the  rights  of  the  chase 
were  defined.  All  the  game  taken  by  him  in  going  to  the  forest 
belonged  to  the  bishop ;  all  taken  on  returning  belonged  to  him- 
self.f 

Hugh  de  Pusaz  (or  De  Pudsay)  during  whose  episcopate  we 
meet  with  this  first  trace  of  the  De  Wessyngtons,  was  a  nephew 
of  king  Stephen,  and  a  prelate  of  great  pretensions ;  fond  of  ap- 
pearing with  a  train  of  ecclesiastics  and  an  armed  retinue.  When 
Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  put  every  thing  at  pawn  and  sale  to  raise 
funds  for  a  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land,  the  bishop  resolved  to  ac- 
company him.  More  wealthy  than  his  sovereign,  he  made  mag- 
nificent preparations.  Besides  ships  to  convey  his  troops  and 
retinue,  he  had  a  sumptuous  galley  for  .himself,  fitted  up  with  a 
throne  or  episcopal  chair  of  silver,  and  all  the  household,  and 
even  culinary,  utensils,  were  of  the  same  costly  material.     In  a 

*  The  name  is  probably  of  Saxon  origin.  It  existed  in  England  prior 
to  the  Conquest.  The  village  of  Wassengtone  is  mentioned  in  a  Saxon 
charter  as  granted  by  king  Edgar  in  973  to  Thorney  Abbey. — Collectanea 
Topographica,  iv.,  55. 

f  Hutchinson's  Durham  vol.  ii..  p.  489. 


b  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

word,  had  not  the  prelate  been  induced  to  stay  at  home,  and  aid 
the  king  with  his  treasures,  by  being  made  one  of  the  regents 
of  the  kingdom,  and  Earl  of  Northumberland  for  life,  the  De 
Wessyngtons  might  have  followed  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert 
to  the  Holy  wars. 

Nearly  seventy  years  afterwards  we  find  the  family  still  re- 
taining its  manorial  estate  in  the  palatinate.  The  names  of  Bondo 
de  Wessyngton  and  William  his  son  appear  on  charters  of  land, 
granted  in  1257  to  religious  houses.  Soon  after  occurred  the 
wars  of  the  barons,  in  which  the  throne  of  Henry  III.  was  shaken 
by  the  De  Mountforts.  The  chivalry  of  the  palatinate  rallied 
under  the  royal  standard.  On  the  list  of  loyal  knights  who  fought 
for  their  sovereign  in  the  disastrous  battle  of  Lewes  (1264),  in 
which  the  king  was  taken  prisoner,  we  find  the  name  of  William 
Weshington,  of  Weshington.* 

During  the  splendid  pontificate  of  Anthony  Beke  (or  Beak), 
the  knights  of  the  palatinate  had  continually  to  be  in  the  saddle, 
or  buckled  in  armor.  The  prelate  was  so  impatient  of  rest  that 
he  never  took  more  than  one  sleep,  saying  it  was  unbecoming  a 
man  to  turn  from  one  side  to  another  in  bed.  He  was  per- 
petually, when  within  his  diocese,  either  riding  from  one  manor 
to  another,  or  hunting  and  hawking.  Twice  he  assisted  Edward 
I.  with  all  his  force  in  invading  Scotland.  In  the  progress  north- 
ward with  the  king,  the  bishop  led  the  van,  marching  a  day  in 
advance  of  the  main  body,  with  a  mercenary  force,  paid  by  him- 
self, of  one  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse.  Besides  these 
he  had  his  feudatories  of  the  palatinate ;  six  bannerets  and  one 


*  This  list  of  knights  was  inserted  in  the  Bolden  Book  as  an  additional 
entry.  It  is  cited  at  full  length  by  Hutchinson. — Hist.  Durham,  vol.  i.,  p.  220. 


GENEALOGY.  7 

hundred  and  sixty  knights,  not  one  of  whom,  says  an  old  poem, 
but  surpassed  Arthur  himself,  though  endowed  with  the  charmed 
gifts  of  Merlin.*  We  presume  the  De  Wess}mgtons  were  among 
those  preux  chevaliers,  as  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  had  been 
taken  from  its  shrine  on  the  occasion,  and  of  course  all  the  armed 
force  of  the  diocese  was  bound  to  follow.  It  was  borne  in  front 
of  the  army  by  a  monk  of  Durham.  There  were  many  rich  ca- 
parisons, says  the  old  poem,  many  beautiful  pennons,  fluttering 
from  lances,  and  much  neighing  of  steeds.  The  hills  and  valleys 
were  covered  with  sumpter  horses  and  waggons  laden  with  tents 
and  provisions.  The  Bishop  of  Durham  in  his  warlike  state  ap- 
peared, we  are  told,  more  like  a  powerful  prince,  than  a  priest  or 
prelate.f 

At  the  surrender  of  the  crown  of  Scotland  by  John  Baliol, 
which  ended  this  invasion,  the  bishop  negotiated  on  the  part  of 
England.  As  a  trophy  of  the  event,  the  chair  of  Schone  used 
on  the  inauguration  of  the  Scottish  monarchs,  and  containing  the 
stone  on  which  Jacob  dreamed,  the  palladium  of  Scotland,  was 
transferred  to  England  and  deposited  in  Westminster  Abbey.  £ 

*  Onques  Artous  pour  touz  ces  charmes, 
Si  beau  prisent  ne  ot  de  Merlyn. 

Siege  of  Karlaverock  ;  an  old  Poem  in  Norman  French. 

f  Robert  de  Graystanes,  Ang.  Sac.,  p.  746,  cited  by  Hutchinson,  vol.  i. 
p.  239. 

X  An  extract  from  an  inedited  poem,  cited  by  Nicolas  in  his  translation 
of  the  Siege  of  Carlavarock,  gives  a  striking  picture  of  the  palatinate  in 
these  days  of  its  pride  and  splendor : — 

There  valour  bowed  before  tho  rotul  and  book, 

And  kneeling  knighthood  served  a  prelate  lord, 
Yet  little  deigned  he  on  such  train  to  look, 

Or  glance  of  ruth  or  pity  to  afford. 


There  time  has  hoard  the  peal  rung  out  at  night, 
Has  seen  from  every  tower  the  cressets  stream, 


8  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  we  find  the  De  Wessyngtons 
still  mingling  in  chivalrous  scenes.  The  name  of  Sir  Stephen  de 
Wessyngton  appears  on  a  list  of  knights  (nobles  chevaliers)  who 
were  to  tilt  at  a  tournament  at  Dunstable  in  1334.  He  bore  for 
his  device  a  golden  rose  on  an  azure  field.* 

He  was  soon  called  to  exercise  his  arms  on  a  sterner  field. 
In  1346,  Edward  and  his  son,  the  Black  Prince,  being  absent 
with  the  armies  in  France,  king  David  of  Scotland  invaded  North- 
umberland with  a  powerful  army.  Queen  Philippa,  who  had 
remained  in  England  as  regent,  immediately  took  the  field,  calling 
the  northern  prelates  and  nobles  to  join  her  standard.  They  all 
hastened  to  obey.  Among  the  prelates  was  Hatfield,  the  Bishop 
of  Durham.  The  sacred  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  was  again  dis- 
played, and  the  chivalry  of  the  palatinate  assisted  at,the  famous 
battle  of  Nevil's  cross,  near  Durham,  in  which  the  Scottish  army 
was  defeated  and  king  David  taken  prisoner. 

Queen  Philippa  hastened  with  a  victorious  train  to  cross  the 
sea  at  Dover,  and  join  king  Edward  in  his  camp  before  Calais, 
The  prelate  of  Durham  accompanied  her.  His  military  train 
consisted  of  three  bannerets,  forty-eight  knights,  one  hundred  and 
sixty-four  esquires,  and  eighty  archers,  on  horseback.!  They  all 
arrived  to  witness  the  surrender  of  Calais,  (1346,)  on  which  oc- 


When  the  red  bale  fire  on  yon  western  height 
Had  roused  the  warder  from  his  fitful  dream. 

Has  seen  old  Durham's  lion  banner  float 

O'er  the  proud  bulwark,  that,  with  giant  pride 

And  feet  deep  plunged  amidst  the  circling  moat, 
The  efforts  of  the  roving  Scot  defied. 

*  Collect.  Topog.  et  Genealog.  T.  iv.,  p.  395. 
f  Collier's  Eccles.  Hist,  Book  VI.,  Cent.  XIV. 


GENEALOGY.  9 

casion  queen  Philippa  distinguished  herself  by  her  noble  interfer- 
ence in  saving  the  lives  of  its  patriot  citizens. 

Such  were  the  warlike  and  stately  scenes  in  which  the  De 
Wessyngtons  were  called  to  mingle  by  their  feudal  duties  as 
knights  of  the  palatinate.  A  few  years  after  the  last  event  (1350), 
William,  at  that  time  lord  of  the  manor  of  Wessyngton,  had  li- 
cense to  settle  it  and  the  village  upon  himself,  his  wife,  and  "  his 
own  right  heirs."  He  died  in  1367,  and  his  son  and  heir, 
William,  succeeded  to  the  estate.  The  latter  is  mentioned  under 
the  name  of  Sir  William  de  Weschingtoo,  as  one  of  the  knights 
who  sat  in  the  privy  council  of  the  county  during  the  episcopate 
of  John  Fordham.*  During  this  time  the  whole  force  of  the  pa- 
latinate was  roused  to  pursue  a  foray  of  Scots,  under  Sir  William 
Douglas,  who,  having  ravaged  the  country,  were  returning  laden 
with  spoil.  It  was  a  fruit  of  the  feud  between  the  Douglases  and 
the  Percys.  The  marauders  were  overtaken  by  Hotspur  Percy, 
and  then  took  place  the  battle  of  Otterbourne,  in  which  Percy 
was  taken  prisoner  and  Douglas  slain,  f 

For  upwards  of  two  hundred  years  the  De  Wessyngtons  had 
now  sat  in  the  councils  of  the  palatinate ;  had  mingled  with  horse 
and  hound  in  the  stately  hunts  of  its  prelates,  and  followed  the 
banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  to  the  field;  but  Sir  William,  just  men- 
tioned, was  the  last  of  the  family  that  rendered  this  feudal  service. 
He  was  the  last  male  of  the  line  to  which  the  inheritance  of  the 
manor,  by  the  license  granted  to  his  father,  was  confined.  It 
passed  away  from  the  De  Wessyngtons,  after  his  death,  by  the 

.  *  Hutchinson,  vol.  ii. 
f  Theare  the  Dowglas  lost  his  life, 
And  the  Percye  was  led  away. 

Fordun.      Quoted  by  Surtees  Hist.  Durham,  voL  L 


10  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

marriage  of  his  only  daughter  and  heir,  Dionisia,  with  Sir  William 
Temple  of  Studley.  By  the  year  1 400  it  had  become  the  proper- 
ty of  the  Blaykestons.* 

But  though  the  name  of  De  Wessyngton  no  longer  figured  on 
the  chivalrous  roll  of  the  palatinate,  it  continued  for  a  time  to 
nourish  in  the  cl<  isters.  In  the  year  1416,  John  de  Wessyngton 
was  elected  prior  of  the  Benedictine  convent,  attached  to  the 
cathedral.  The  monks  of  this  convent  had  been  licensed  by 
Pope  Gregory  VII.  to  perform  the  solemn  duties  of  the  cathedral 
in  place  of  secular  clergy,  and  William  the  Conqueror  had  or- 
dained that  the  priors  of  Durham  should  enjoy  all  the  liberties, 
dignities  and  honors  of  abbots;  should  hold  their  lands  and 
churches  in  their  own  hands  and  free  disposition,  and  have  the 
abbot's  seat  on  the  left  side  of  the  choir — thus  taking  rank  of 
every  one  but  the  bishop,  f 

In  the  course  of  three  centuries  and  upwards,  which  had  since 
elapsed,  these  honors  and  privileges  had  been  subject  to  repeated 
dispute  and  encroachment,  and  the  prior  had  nearly  been  elbowed 
out  of  the  abbot's  chair  by  the  archdeacon.  John  de  Wessyngton 
was  not  a  man  to  submit  tamely  to  such  infringements  of  his 
rights.  He  forthwith  set  himself  up  as  the  champion  of  his 
priory,  and  in  a  learned  tract,  de  Juribus  et  Possessionibus  Ec- 
clesice  Dunelm,  established  the  validity  of  the  long  controverted 
claims,  and  fixed  himself  firmly  in  the  abbot's  chair.  His  success 
in  this  controversy  gained  him  much  renown  among  his  brethren 
of  the  cowl,  and  in  1426  he  presided  at  the  general  chapter  of  the 
order  of  St.  Benedict,  held  at  Northampton. 


*  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.,  p.  489. 

f  Dugdale  Monastieon  Anglicanum.     T.  i.,  p.  281.     London  ed.  1846. 


GENEALOGY.  11 

The  stout  prior  of  Durham  had  other  disputes  with  the  bishop 
and  the  secular  clergy  touching  his  ecclesiastical  functions,  in 
which  he  was  equally  victorious,  and  several  tracts  remain  in 
manuscript  in  the  dean  and  chapter's  library ;  weapons  hung  up 
in  the  church  armory  as  memorials  of  his  polemical  battles. 

Finally,  after  fighting  divers  good  fights  for  the  honor  of  his 
priory,  and  filling  the  abbot's  chair  for  thirty  years,  he  died,  to 
use  an  ancient  phrase,  "in  all  the  odor  of  sanctity,"  in  1446, 
and  was  buried  like  a  soldier  on  his  battle-field,  at  the  door  of 
the  north  aisle  of  his  church,  near  to  the  altar  of  St.  Benedict. 
On  his  tombstone  was  an  inscription  in  brass,  now  unfortunately 
obliterated,  which  may  have  set  forth  the  valiant  deeds  of  this 
Washington  of  the  cloisters.* 

By  this  time  the  primitive  stock  of  the  De  Wessyngtons  had 
separated  into  divers  branches,  holding  estates  in  various  parts 
of  England ;  some  distinguishing  themselves  in  the  learned  pro- 
fessions, others  receiving  knighthood  for  public  services.  Their 
names,  are  to  be  found  honorably  recorded  in  county  histories,  or 
engraved  on  monuments  in  time-worn  churches  and  cathedrals, 
those  garnering  places  of  English  worthies.  By  degrees  the 
seignorial  sign  of  de  disappeared  from  before  the  family  surname, 
which  also  varied  from  Wessyngton  to  Wassington,  Wasshington, 
and  finally,  to  Washington.!     A  parish  in  the  county  of  Durham 

*  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.,  passim. 

f  "  The  de  came  to  he  omitted,"  says  an  old  treatise,  "  when  English- 
men and  English  manners  began  to  prevail  upon  the  recovery  of  lost 
credit" — Restitution  of  decayed  intelligence  in  antiquities.     Lond.  1634. 

About  the  time  of  Henry  VI.,  says  another  treatise,  the  de  or  d'  was 
generally  dropped  from  surnames,  when  the  title  of  armiger,  esquier, 
amongst  the  heads  of  families,  and  generosics,  or  gentylman,  among  younger 
sons  was  substituted. — Lower  on  Surnames,  vol  i. 


12  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 

bears  the  name  as  last  written,  and  in  this  probably  the  ancient 
manor  of  Wessyngton  was  situated.  There  is  another  parish  of 
the  name  in  the  county  of  Sussex. 

The  branch  of  the  family  to  which  our  Washington  immedi- 
ately belongs  sprang  from  Laurence  Washington,  Esquire,  of 
Gray's  Inn,  son  of  John  Washington,  of  Warton  in  Lancashire. 
This  Laurence  Washington  was  for  some  time  mayor  of  North- 
ampton, and  on  the  dissolution  of  the  priories  by  Henry  VIII. 
he  received,  in  1538,  a  grant  of  the  manor  of  Sulgrave,  in  North- 
amptonshire, with  other  lands  in  the  vicinity,  all  confiscated  pro- 
perty formerly  belonging  to   the   monastery   of  St.  Andrew's. 

Sulgrave  remained  in  the  family  until  1620,  and  was  com- 
monly called  "  Washington's  manor."  * 

One  of  the  direct  descendants  of  the  grantee  of.  Sulgrave  was 


*  The  manor  of  Garsdon  in  Wiltshire  has  been  mentioned  as  the  home- 
stead of  the  ancestors  of  our  Washington.  This  is  a  mistake.  It  was  the 
residence  of  Sir  Laurence  Washington,  second  son  of  the  above-mentioned 
grantee  of  Sulgrave.  Elizabeth,  granddaughter  of  this  Sir  Laurence,  mar- 
ried Robert  Shirley,  Earl  Ferrers  and  Viscount  of  Tamworth.  Washington 
became  a  baptismal  name  among  the  Shirleys — several  of  the  Earls  Ferrers 
have  borne  it. 

The  writer  of  these  pages  visited  Sulgrave  a  few  years  since.  It  was  in 
a  quiet  rural  neighborhood,  where  the  farm  houses  were  quaint  and  anti- 
quated. A  part  only  of  the  manor  house  remained,  and  was  inhabited  by 
a  farmer.  The  Washington  crest,  in  colored  glass,  was  to  be  seen  in  a 
window  of  what  was  now  the  buttery.  A  window  on  which  the  whole 
family  arms  was  emblazoned  had  been  removed  to  the  residence  of  the  ac- 
tual proprietor  of  the  manor.  Another  relic  of  the  ancient  manor  of  the 
Washingtons  was  a  rookery  in  a  venerable  grove  hard  by.  The  rooks, 
those  stanch  adherents  to  old  family  abodes,  still  hovered  and  cawed  about 
their  hereditary  nests.  In  the  pavement  of  the  parish  church  we  were 
shown  a  stone  slab  bearing  effigies  on  plates  of  brass  of  Laurence  Wassh- 
ington,  gent.,  and  Anne  his  wife,  and  their  four  sons  and  eleven  daughters. 
The  inscription  in  black  letter  was  dated  1564. 


GENEALOGY.  13 

Sir  William  Washington,  of  Packington,  in  the  county  of  Kent. 
He  married  a  sister  of  George  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the 
unfortunate  favorite  of  Charles  I.  This  may  have  attached  the 
Sulgrave  Washingtons  to  the  Stuart  dynasty,  to  which  they  ad- 
hered loyally  and  generously  throughout  all  its  vicissitudes. 
One  of  the  family,  Lieutenant  Colonel  James  Washington,  took 
up  arms  in  the  cause  of  king  Charles,  and  lost  his  life  at  the 
siege  of  Pontefract  castle.  Another  of  the  Sulgrave  line,  Sir 
Henry  Washington,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  William,  before  men- 
tioned, exhibited  in  the  civil  wars  the  old  chivalrous  spirit 
of  the  knights  of  the  palatinate.  He  served  under  prince  Eupert 
at  the  storming  of  Bristol,  in  1643,  and  when  the  assailants  were 
beaten  off  at  every  point,  he  broke  in  with  a  handful  of  infantry 
at  a  weak  part  of  the  wall,  made  room  for  the  horse  to  follow,  and 
opened  a  path  to  victory.* 

He  distinguished  himself  still  more  in  1646,  when  elevated  to 
the  command  of  Worcester,  the  governor  having  been  captured 
by  the  enemy.  It  was  a  time  of  confusion  and  dismay.  The 
king  had  fled  from  Oxford  in  disguise  and  gone  to  the  parlia- 
mentary camp  at  Newark.  The  royal  cause  was  desperate.  In 
this  crisis  Sir  Henry  received  a  letter  from  Fairfax,  who,  with 
his  victorious  army,  was  at,  Haddington,  demanding  the  surren- 
der of  Worcester.  The  following  was  Colonel  Washington's 
reply : 

Sir, 

It  is  acknowledged  by  your  books  and  by  report  of  your  own 
quarter,  that  the  king  is  in  some  of  your  armies.  That  granted, 
it  may  be  easy  for  you  to  procure  his  Majesty's  commands  for  the 

*  Clarendon,  Book  vii. 


14  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

disposal  of  this  garrison.  Till  then  I  shall  make  good  the  trust 
reposed  in  me.  As  for  conditions,  if  I  shall  be  necessitated,  I 
shall  make  the  best  I  can.  The  worst  I  know  and  fear  not ;  if  I 
had,  the  profession  of  a  soldier  had  not  been  begun,  nor  so  long 
continued  by  your  Excellency's  humble  servant, 

Henry  Washington.* 

In  a  few  days  Colonel  Whalley  invested  the  city  with  five 
thousand  troops.  Sir  Henry  dispatched  messenger  after  messen- 
ger in  quest  of  the  king  to  know  his  pleasure.  None  of  them 
returned.  A  female  emissary  was  equally  unavailing.  Week 
after  week  elapsed,  until  nearly  three  months  had  expired.  Pro- 
visions began  to  fail.  The  city  was  in  confusion.  The  troops 
grew  insubordinate.  Yet  Sir  Henry  persisted  in  the  defence. 
General  Fairfax,  with  1,500  horse  and  foot,  was  daily  expected. 
There  was  not  powder  enough  for  an  hour's  contest  should  the 
city  be  stormed.  Still  Sir  Henry  "  awaited  his  Majesty's  com- 
mands." 

At  length  news  arrived  that  the  king  had  issued  an  order  for 
the  surrender  of  all  towns,  castles,  and  forts.  A  printed  copy  of 
the  order  was  shown  to  Sir  Henry,  and  on  the  faith  of  that  docu- 
ment he  capitulated  (19th  July,  1646)  on  honorable  terms,  won 
by  his  fortitude  and  perseverance.  Those  who  believe  in  heredi- 
tary virtues  may  see  foreshadowed  in  the  conduct  of  this  Wash- 
ington of  Worcester,  the  magnanimous  constancy  of  purpose,  the 
disposition  to  "  hope  against  hope,"  which  bore  our  Washington 
triumphantly  through  the  darkest  days  of  our  revolution. 

We  have  little  note  of  the  Sulgrave  branch  of  the  family  after 

*  Greene's  Antiquities  of  Worcester,  p.  273. 


GENEALOGY.  15 

the  death  of  Charles  I.  and  the  exile  of  his  successor.  England, 
during  the  protectorate,  became  an  uncomfortable  residence  to 
such  as  had  signalized  themselves  as  adherents  to  the  house  of 
Stuart.  In  1655,  an  attempt  at  a  general  insurrection  drew  on 
them  the  vengeance  of  Cromwell.  Many  of  their  party  who  had 
no  share  in  the  conspiracy,  yet  sought  refuge  in  other  lands,  where 
they  might  live  free  from  molestation.  This  may  have  been  the 
case  with  two  brothers,  John  and  Andrew  Washington,  great- 
grandsons  of  the  grantee  of  Sulgrave,  and  uncles  of  Sir  Henry, 
the  gallant  defender  of  Worcester.  John  had  for  some  time  re- 
sided at  South  Cave,  in  the  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire  ;#  but 
now  emigrated  with  his  brother  to  Virginia  ;  which  colony,  from 
its  allegiance  to  the  exiled  monarch  and  the  Anglican  Church  had 
become  a  favorite  resort  of  the  Cavaliers.  The  brothers  arrived 
in  Virginia  in  1657,  and  purchased  lands  in  Westmoreland 
County,  on  the  northern  neck,  between  the  Potomac  and  Rappa- 
hannock rivers.  John  married  a  Miss  Anne  Pope,  of  the  same 
county,  and  took  up  his  residence  on  Bridges  Creek,  near  where 
it  falls  into  the  Potomac.  He  became  an  extensive  planter,  and, 
in  process  of  time,  a  magistrate  and  member  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses.  Having  a  spark  of  the  old  military  fire  of  the  family, 
we  find  him,  as  Colonel  Washington,  leading  the  Virginia  forces, 
in  co-operation  with  those  of  Maryland,  against  a  band  of  Seneca 
Indians,  who  were  ravaging  the  settlements  along  the  Potomac. 
In  honor  of  his  public  services  and  private  virtues  the  parish  in 
which  he  resided  was  called  after  him,  and  still  bears  the  name 

*  South  Cave  is  near  the  Humber.  "  In  the  vicinity  is  Cave  Castle,  an 
embattled  edifice.  It  has  a  noble  collection  of  paintings,  including  a  por- 
trait of  General  Washington,  whose  ancestors  possessed  a  portion  of  the 
estate."—  Lewes,  Topog.  Diet.  vol.  i.,  p.  530. 


16  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

of  Washington.  He  lies  buried  in  a  vault  on  Bridges  Creek, 
which,  for  generations,  was  the  family  place  of  sepulture. 

The  estate  continued  in  the  family.  His  grandson  Augus- 
tine, the  father  of  our  Washington,  was  born  there  in  1694.  He 
was  twice  married;  first  (April  20th,  1715),  to  Jane,  daughter 
of  Caleb  Butler,  Esq.,  of  Westmoreland  County,  by  whom  he  had 
four  children,  of  whom  only  two,  Lawrence  and  Augustine,  sur- 
vived the  years  of  childhood ;  their  mother  died  November  24th, 
1728,  and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1730,  he  married  in  second  nuptials, 
Mary,  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Ball,  a  young  and  beautiful  girl, 
said  to  be  the  belle  of  the  Northern  Neck.  By  her  he  had  four 
sods,  George,  Samuel,  John  Augustine,  and  Charles ;  and  two 
daughters,  Elizabeth,  or  Betty,  as  she  was  commonly  called,  and 
Mildred,  who  died  in  infancy. 

George,  the  eldest,  the  subject  of  this  biography,  was  born 
on  the  22d  of  February  (11th,  0.  S. ),  1732,  in  the  homestead  on 
Bridges  Creek.  This  house  commanded  a  view  over  many 
miles  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  opposite  shore  of  Maryland. 
It  had  probably  been  purchased  with  the  property,  and  was 
one  of  the  primitive  farm-houses  of  Virginia.  The  roof  was 
steep,  and  sloped  down  into  low  projecting  eaves.  It  had  four 
rooms  on  the  ground  floor,  and  others  in  the  attic,  and  an  im- 
mense chimney  at  each  end.  Not  a  vestige  of  it  remains.  Two 
or  three  decayed  fig  trees,  with  shrubs  and  vines,  linger  about  the 
place,  and  here  and  there  a  flower  grown  wild  serves  "  to  mark 
where  a  garden  has  been."  Such  at  least,  was  the  case  a  few  years 
since  ;  but  these  may  have  likewise  passed  away.    A  stone*  marks 

*  Placed  there  by  George  W.  Custis,  E«q. 


GENEALOGY.  17 

the  site  of  the  house,  and  an  inscription  denotes  its  being  the 
birthplace  of  Washington. 

We  have  entered  with  some  minuteness  into  this  genealogical 
detail ;  tracing  the  family  step  by  step  through  the  pages  of  his- 
torical documents  for  upwards  of  six  centuries ;  and  we  have 
been  tempted  to  do  so  by  the  documentary  proofs  it  gives  of  the 
lineal  and  enduring  worth  of  the  race.  We  have  shown  that,  for 
many  generations,  and  through  a  variety  of  eventful  scenes,  it 
has  maintained  an  equality  of  fortune  and  respectability,  and 
whenever  brought  to  the  test  has  acquitted  itself  with  honor  and 
loyalty.  Hereditary  rank  may  be  an  illusion ;  but  hereditary  vir- 
tue gives  a  patent  of  innate  nobleness  beyond  all  the  blazonry  of 
the  Herald's  College. 


/ 


CHAPTER  II. 

'•'HE     HOME     OF     WASHINGTON^     BOYHOOD — HIS      EARLY      EDUCATION LAWRENCE 

WASHINGTON  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  WEST  INDIES DEATH  OF  WASHING- 
TON'S FATHER; — THE  WIDOWED  MOTHER  AND  HER  CHILDREN— SCHOOL  EX- 
ERCISES. 

Not  long  after  the  birth  of  George,  his  father  removed  to  an 
estate  in  Stafford  County,  opposite  Fredericksburg.  The  house 
was  similar  in  style  to  the  one  at  Bridges  Creek,  and  stood  on  a 
rising  ground  overlooking  a  meadow  which  bordered  the  Rappa- 
hannock. This  was  the  home  of  George's  boyhood ;  the  meadow 
was  his  play-ground,  and  the  scene  of  his  early  athletic  sports ; 
but  this  home,  like  that  in  which  he  was  born,  has  disappeared ; 
the  site  is  only  to  be  traced  by  fragments  of  bricks,  china,  and 
earthenware. 

In  those  days  the  means  of  instruction  in  Virginia  were 
limited,  and  it  was  the  custom  among  the  wealthy  planters  to  send 
their  sons  to  England  to  complete  their  education.  This  was 
done  by  Augustine  Washington  with  his  eldest  son  Lawrence, 
then  about  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  whom  he  no  doubt  considered 
the  future  head  of  the  family.  George  was  yet  in  early  child- 
hood :  as  his  intellect  dawned  he  received  the  rudiments  of  edu- 


1740.]  EARLY    EDUCATION.  19 

cation  in  the  best  establishment  for  the  purpose  that  the  neighbor- 
hood afforded.  It  was  what  was  called,  in  popular  parlance,  an 
"  old  field  school-house  •  "  humble  enough  in  its  pretensions,  and 
kept  by  one  of  his  father's  tenants  named  Hobby,  who  moreover 
was  sexton  of  the  parish.  The  instruction  doled  out  by  him 
must  have  been  of  the  simplest  kind,  reading,  writing,  and  cipher- 
ing, perhaps ;  but  George  had  the  benefit  of  mental  and  moral 
culture  at  home,  from  an  excellent  father. 

Several  traditional  anecdotes  have  been  given  to  the  world, 
somewhat  prolix  and  trite,  but  illustrative  of  the  familiar  and 
practical  manner  in  which  Augustine  Washington,  in  the  daily 
intercourse  of  domestic  life,  impressed  the  ductile  mind  of  his 
child  with  high  maxims  of  religion  and  virtue,  and  imbued  him 
with  a  spirit  of  justice  and  generosity,  and  above  all  a  scrupu- 
lous love  of  truth. 

When  George  was  about  seven  or  eight  years  old  his  brother 
Lawrence  returned  from  England,  a  well-educated  and  accom- 
plished youth.  There  was  a  difference  of  fourteen  years  in  their 
ages,  which  may  have  been  one  cause  of  the  strong  attachment 
which  took  place  between  them.  Lawrence  looked  down  with  a 
protecting  eye  upon  the  boy  whose  dawning  intelligence  and  per- 
fect rectitude  won  his  regard ;  while  George  looked  up  to  his 
manly  and  cultivated  brother  as  a  model  in  mind  and  manners. 
We  call  particular  attention  to  this  brotherly  interchange  of  af- 
fection, from  the  influence  it  had  on  all  the  future  career  of  the 
subject  of  this  memoir. 

Lawrence  Washington  had  something  of  the  old  military 
spirit  of  the  family,  and  circumstances  soon  called  it  into  action. 
Spanish  depredations  on  British  commerce  had  recently  provoked 
reprisals.       Admiral   Vernon,  commander-in-chief   in    the  West 


20  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1740. 

Indies,  had  accordingly  captured  Porto  Bello,  on  the  Isthmus  of 
Darien.  The  Spaniards  were  preparing  to  revenge  the  blow  ;■  the 
French  were  fitting  out  ships  to  aid  them.  Troops  were  em- 
barked in  England  for  another  campaign  in  the  West  Indies ;  a 
regiment  of  four  battalions  was  to  be  raised  in  the  colonies  and 
sent  to  join  them  at  Jamaica.  There  was  a  sudden  outbreak  of 
military  ardor  in  the  province ;  the  sound  of  drum  and  fife  was 
heard  in  the  villages  with  the  parade  of  recruiting  parties. 
Lawrence  "Washington,  now  twenty-two  years  of  age,  caught  the 
infection.  He  obtained  a  captain's  commission  in  the  newly 
raised  regiment,  and  embarked  with  it  for  the  West  Indies  in  1740. 
He  served  in  the  joint  expeditions  of  Admiral  Yernon  and  Gen- 
eral Wentworth,  in  the  land  forces  commanded  by  the  latter,  and 
acquired  the  friendship  and  confidence  of  both  of  those  officers. 
He  was  present  at  the  siege  of  Carthagena,  when  it  was  bom- 
barded by  the  fleet,  and  when  the  troops  attempted  to  escalade 
the  citadel.  It  was  an  ineffectual  attack ;  the  ships  could  not  get 
near  enough  to  throw  their  shells  into  the  town,  and  the  scaling 
ladders  proved  too  short.  That  part  of  the  attack,  however,  with 
which  Lawrence  was  concerned,  distinguished  itself  by  its  bravery. 
The  troops  sustained  unflinching  a  destructive  fire  for  several 
hours,  and  at  length  retired  with  honor,  their  small  force  having 
sustained  a  loss  of  about  six  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded. 

We  have  here  the  secret  of  that  martial  spirit  so  often  cited 
of  George  in  his  boyish  days.  He  had  seen  his  brother  fitted  out 
for  the  wars.  He  had  heard  by  letter  and  otherwise  of  the  war- 
like scenes  in  which  he  was  mingling.  All  his  amusements  took 
a  military  turn.  He  made  soldiers  of  his  schoolmates ;  they 
had  their  mimic  parades,  reviews,  and  sham  fights  ;  a  boy  named 


17-i-.'.]  DEATH    OF    WASHINGTON'S    FATHER.  21 

William  Bustle  was  sometimes  his  competitor,  but  George  was 
commander-in-chief  of  Hobby's  school. 

Lawrence  Washington  returned  home  in  the  autumn  of  1742, 
the  campaigns  in  the  West  Indies  being  ended,  and  Admiral 
Vernon  and  General  Wentworth  being  recalled  to  England.  It 
was  the  intention  of  Lawrence  to  rejoin  his  regiment  in  that 
country,  and  seek  promotion  in  the  army,  but  circumstances  com- 
pletely altered  his  plans.  He  formed  an  attachment  to  Anne, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Honorable  William  Fairfax,  of  Fair- 
fax County ;  his  addresses  were  well  received,  and  they  became 
engaged.  Their  nuptials  were  delayed  by  the  sudden  and  un- 
timely death  of  his  father,  which  took  place  on  the  12th  of  April, 
1743,  after  a  short  but  severe  attack  of  gout  in  the  stomach,  and 
when  but  forty-nine  years  of  age.  George  had  been  absent  from 
home  on  a  visit  during  his  father's  illness,  and  just  returned  in 
time  to  receive  a  parting  look  of  affection. 

Augustine  Washington  left  large  possessions,  distributed  by 
will  among  his  children.  To  Lawrence,  the  estate  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  with  other  real  property,  and  several  shares  in 
iron  works.  To  Augustine,  the  second  son  by  the  first  marriage, 
the  old  homestead  and  estate  in  Westmoreland.  The  children 
by  the  second  marriage  were  severally  well  provided  for,  and 
George,  when  he  became  of  age,  was  to  have  the  house  and  lands 
on  the  Rappahannock. 

In  the  month  of  July  the  marriage  of  Lawrence  with  Miss 
Fairfax  took  place.  He  now  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  foreign  ser- 
vice, and  settled  himself  on  his  estate  on  the  banks  of  the  Poto- 
mac, to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Mount  Vernon,  in  honor  of 
the  admiral. 

Augustine  took  up  his  abode  at  the  homestead  on  Bridges 


22  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1743 

Creek,  and  married  Anne,  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  William 
Aylett,  Esquire,  of  Westmoreland  County. 

George,  now  eleven  years  of  age,  and  the  other  children  of 
the  second  marriage,  had  been  left  under  the  guardianship  of  their 
mother,  to  whom  was  intrusted  the  proceeds  of  all  their  property 
until  they  should  severally  come  of  age.  She  proved  herself 
worthy  of  the  trust.  Endowed  with  plain,  direct  good  sense, 
thorough  conscientiousness,  and  prompt  decision,  she  governed 
her  family  strictly,  but  kindly,  exacting  deference  while  she  in- 
spired affection.  George,  being  her  eldest  son,  was  thought  to  be 
her  favorite,  yet  she  never  gave  him  undue  preference,  and  the 
implicit  deference  exacted  from  him  in  childhood  continued  to  be 
habitually  observed  by  him  to  the  day  of  her  death.  He  in- 
herited from  her  a  high  temper  and  a  spirit  of  command,  but  her 
early  precepts  and  example  taught  him  to  restrain  and  govern  that 
temper,  and  to  square  his  conduct  on  the  exact  principles  of  equity 
and  justice. 

Tradition  gives  an  interesting  picture  of  the  widow,  with  her 
little  flock  gathered  round  her,  as  was  her  daily  wont,  reading  to 
them  lessons  of  religion  and  morality  out  of  some  standard  work. 
Her  favorite  volume  was  Sir  Matthew  Hale's  Contemplations, 
moral  and  divine.  The  admirable  maxims  therein  contained,  for 
outward  action  as  well  as  self-government,  sank  deep  into  the 
mind  of  George,  and,  doubtless,  had  a  great  influence  in  forming 
his  character.  They  certainly  were  exemplified  in  his  conduct 
throughout  life.  This  mother's  manual,  bearing  his  mother's 
name,  Mary  Washington,  written  with  her  own  hand,  was  ever  pre- 
served by  him  with  filial  care,  and  may  still  be  seen  in  the  ar- 
chives of  Mount  Vernon.  A  precious  document!  Let  those 
who  wish  to  know  the  moral  foundation  of  his  character  consult 
its  pages. 


1746.]  SCHOOL   EXERCISES.  23 

Having  no  longer  the  benefit  of  a  father's  instructions  at 
home,  and  the  scope  of  tuition  of  Hobby,  the  sexton,  being  too 
limited  for  the  growing  wants  of  his  pupil,  Greorge  was  now  sent 
to  reside  with  Augustine  Washington,  at  Bridges  Creek,  and 
enjoy  the  benefit  of  a  superior  school  in  that  neighborhood,  kept 
by  a  Mr.  Williams.  His  education,  however,  was  plain  and  prac- 
tical. He  never  attempted  the  learned  languages,  nor  manifested 
any  inclination  for  rhetoric  or  belles-lettres.  His  object,  or  the 
object  of  his  friends,  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  fitting  him 
for  ordinary  business.  His  manuscript  school  books  still  exist, 
and  are  models  of  neatness  and  accuracy.  One  of  them,  it  is 
true,  a  ciphering  book,  preserved  in  the  library  at  Mount  Vernon, 
has  some  school-boy  attempts  at  calligraphy ;  nondescript  birds, 
executed  with  a  flourish  of  the  pen,  or  profiles  of  faces,  probably 
intended  for  those  of  his  schoolmates ;  the  rest  are  all  grave  and 
business-like.  Before  he  was  thirteen  years  of  age  he  had  copied 
into  a  volume  forms  for  all  kinds  of  mercantile  and  legal  papers ; 
bills  of  exchange,  notes  of  hand,  deeds,  bonds,  and  the  like. 
This  early  self-tuition  gave  him  throughout  life  a  lawyer's  skill  in 
drafting  documents,  and  a  merchant's  exactness  in  keeping  ac- 
counts ;  so  that  all  the  concerns  of  his  various  estates ;  his  deal- 
ings with  his  domestic  stewards  and  foreign  agents ;  his  accounts 
with  government,  and  all  his  financial  transactions  are  to  this  day 
to  be  seen  posted  up  in  books,  in  his  own  handwriting,  monuments 
of  his  method  and  unwearied  accuracy. 

He  was  a  self-disciplinarian  in  physical  as  well  as  mental  mat- 
ters, and  practised  himself  in  all  kinds  of  athletic  exercises,  such 
as  running,  leaping,  wrestling,  pitching  quoits  and  tossing  bars. 
His  frame  even  in  infancy  had  been  large  and  powerful,  and  he 
now  excelled  most  of  his  playmates  in  contests  of  agility  and 


24  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  *  [H46- 

strength.  As  a  proof  of  his  muscular  power,  a  place  is  still 
pointed  out  at  Fredericksburg,  near  the  lower  ferry,  where,  when 
a  boy,  he  flung  a  stone  across  the  Rappahannock.  In  horseman- 
ship too  he  already  excelled,  and  was  ready  to  back,  and  able  to 
manage  the  most  fiery  steed.  Traditional  anecdotes  remain  of 
his  achievements  in  this  respect. 

Above  all,  his  inherent  probity  and  the  principles  of  justice 
on  which  he  regulated  all  his  conduct,  even  at  this  early  period  of 
life,  were  soon  appreciated  by  his  schoolmates ;  he  was  referred  to 
as  an  umpire  in  their  disputes,  and  his  decisions  were  never  re- 
versed. As  he  had  formerly  been  military  chieftain,  he  was  now 
legislator  of  the  school ;  thus  displaying  in  boyhood  a  type  of  the 
future  man. 


CHAPTER  IIL 

PATERNAL  CONDUCT   OF  AX  ELDER  BROTHER THE   FAIRFAX  FAMILY WASHINGTON'S 

CODE   OF  MORALS    AND   MANNERS SOLDIERS'  TALES THEIR   INFLUENCE WASH- 
INGTON PREPARES  FOR  THE  NAVY — A  MOTHER'S  OBJECTIONS RETURN  TO  SCHOOL 

STUDIES    AND   EXERCISES A  SCHOOL-BOY  PASSION THE   LOWLAND  BEAUTY 

LOVE    DITTIES    AT    MOUNT    VERNON VISIT    TO    BELVOIR LORD    FAIRFAX HIS 

CHARACTER — FOX-HUNTING    A   REMEDY   FOR  LOVE — PROPOSITION   FOR  A  SURVEY- 
ING EXPEDITION. 

The  attachment  of  Lawrence  Washington  to  his  brother  George 
seems  to  have  acquired  additional  strength  and  tenderness  on 
their  father's  death ;  he  now  took  a  truly  paternal  interest  in  his 
concerns,  and  had  him  as  frequently  as  possible  a  guest  at  Mount 
Vernon.  Lawrence  had  deservedly  become  a  popular  and  leading 
personage  in  the  country.  He  was  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  and  Adjutant  General  of  the  district,  with  the  rank  of 
major,  and  a  regular  salary.  A  frequent  sojourn  with  him 
brought  George  into  familiar  intercourse  with  the  family  of  his 
father-in-law,  the  Hon.  William  Fairfax,  who  resided  at  a  beauti- 
ful seat  called  Belvoir,  a  few  miles  below  Mount  Vernon,  and  on 
the  same  woody  ridge  bordering  the  Potomac. 

William  Fairfax  was  a  man  of  liberal  education  and  intrinsic 
worth ;  he  had  seen  much  of  the  world,  and  his  mind  had  been  en- 

Yol.  I.— 2 


26  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [iftfefc 

riched  and  ripened  by  varied  and  adventurous  experience.  Of 
an  ancient  English  family  in  Yorkshire,  he  had  entered  the  army 
at  the  age  of  twenty-one ;  had  served  with  honor  both  in  the  East 
and  West  Indies,  and  officiated  as  governor  of  New  Providence, 
after  having  aided  in  rescuing  it  from  pirates.  For  some  years 
past  he  had  resided  in  Virginia,  to  manage  the  immense  landed 
estates  of  his  cousin,  Lord  Fairfax,  and  lived  at  Belvoir  in  the 
style  of  an  English  country  gentleman,  surrounded  by  an  intelli- 
gent and  cultivated  family  of  sons  and  daughters. 

An  intimacy  with  a  family  like  this,  in  which  the  frankness 
and  simplicity  of  rural  and  colonial  life  were  united  with  Euro- 
pean refinement,  could  not  but  have  a  beneficial  effect  in  mould- 
ing the  character  and  manners  of  a  somewhat  homebred  school- 
boy. It  was  probably  his  intercourse  with  them,  and  his 
ambition  to  acquit  himself  well  in  their  society,  that  set  him 
upon  compiling  a  code  of  morals  and  manners  which  still  exists 
in  a  manuscript  in  his  own  handwriting,  entitled  "  rules  for  be- 
havior in  company  and  conversation."  It  is  extremely  minute 
and  circumstantial.  Some  of  the  rules  for  personal  deportment 
extend  to  such  trivial  matters,  and  are  so  quaint  and  formal,  as 
almost  to  provoke  a  smile ;  but  in  the  main,  a  better  manual  of 
conduct  could  not  be  put  into  the  hands  of  a  youth.  The  whole 
code  evinces  that  rigid  propriety  and  self  control  to  which  he 
subjected  himself,  and  by  which  he  brought  all  the  impulses  of  a 
somewhat  ardent  temper  under  conscientious  government. 

Other  influences  were  brought  to  bear  on  G-eorge  during  his 
visit  at  Mount  Vernon.  His  brother  Lawrence  still  retained 
some  of  his  military  inclinations,  fostered  no  doubt  by  his  post 
of  Adjutant  General.  William  Fairfax,  as  we  have  shown,  had 
been  a  soldier,  and  in  many  trying  scenes.     Some  of  Lawrence's 


1746.]  SOLDIERS'    TALES.  27 

comrades  of  the  provincial  regiment,  who  had  served  with  him  in 
the  West  Indies,  were  occasional  visitors  at  Mount  Yernon ;  or  a 
ship  of  war,  possibly  one  of  Yernon's  old  fleet,  would  anchor  in 
the  Potomac,  and  its  officers  be  welcome  guests  at  the  tables  of 
Lawrence  and  his  father-in-law.  Thus  military  scenes  on  sea 
and  shore  would  become  the  topics  of  conversation.  The  capture 
of  Porto  Bello ;  the  bombardment  of  Carthagena ;  old  stories  of 
cruisings  in  the  East  and  "West  Indies,  and  campaigns  against  the 
pirates.  We  can  picture  to  ourselves  George,  a  grave  and  earnest 
boy,  with  an  expanding  intellect,  and  a  deep-seated  passion  for 
enterprise,  listening  to  such  conversations  with  a  kindling  spirit 
and  a  growing  desire  for  military  life.  In  this  way  most  proba- 
bly was  produced  that  desire  to  enter  the  navy  which  he  evinced 
when  about  fourteen  years  of  age.  The  opportunity  for  gratify- 
ing it  appeared  at  hand.  Ships  of  war  frequented  the  colonies, 
and  at  times,  as  we  have  hinted,  were  anchored  in  the  Potomac. 
The  inclination  was  encouraged  by  Lawrence  Washington  and 
Mr.  Fairfax.  Lawrence  retained  pleasant  recollections  of  his 
cruisings  in  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Yernon,  and  considered  the 
naval  service  a  popular  path  to  fame  and  fortune.  George  was 
at  a  suitable  age  to  enter  the  navy.  The  great  difficulty  was  to 
procure  the  assent  of  his  mother.  She  was  brought,  however,  to 
acquiesce ;  a  midshipman's  warrant  was  obtained,  and  it  is  even 
said  that  the  luggage  of  the  youth  was  actually  on  board  of  a  man 
of  war,  anchored  in  the  river  just  below  Mount  Yernon. 

At  the  eleventh  hour  the  mother's  heart  faltered.  This  was 
her  eldest  born.  A  son,  whose  strong  and  steadfast  character 
promised  to  be  a  support  to  herself  and  a  protection  to  her  other 
children.  The  thought  of  his  being  completely  severed  from  her 
and  exposed  to  the  hardships  and  perils  of  a  boisterous  profession, 


28  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [H40. 

overcame  even  her  resolute  mind,  and  at  her  urgent  remonstrances 
the  nautical  scheme  was  given  up. 

To  school,  therefore,  George  returned,  and  continued  his 
studies  for  nearly  two  years  longer,  devoting  himself  especially  to 
mathematics,  and  accomplishing  himself  in  those  branches  calcu- 
lated to  fit  him  either  for  civil  or  military  service.  Among 
these,  one  of  the  most  important  in  the  actual  state  of  the  coun- 
try was  land  surveying.  In  this  he  schooled  himself  thoroughly, 
using  the  highest  processes  of  the  art ;  making  surveys  about 
the  neighborhood,  and  keeping  regular  field  books,  some  of  which 
we  have  examined,  in  which  the  boundaries  and  measurements  of 
the  fields  surveyed  were  carefully  entered,  and  diagrams  made, 
with  a  neatness  and  exactness  as  if  the  whole  related  to  important 
land  transactions  instead  of  being  mere  school  exercises.  Thus, 
in  his  earliest  days,  there  was  perseverance  and  completeness  in 
all  his  undertakings.  Nothing  was  left  half  done,  or  done  in  a 
hurried  and  slovenly  manner.  The  habit  of  mind  thus  cultivated 
continued  throughout  life ;  so  that  however  complicated  his  tasks 
and  overwhelming  his  cares,  in  the  arduous  and  hazardous  situa- 
tions in  which  he  was  often  placed,  he  found  time  to  do  every 
thing,  and  to  do  it  well.  He  had  acquired  the  magic  of  method, 
which  of  "itself  works  wonders. 

In  one  of  these  manuscript  memorials  of  his  practical  studies 
and  exercises,  we  have  come  upon  some  documents  singularly  in 
contrast  with  all  that  we  have  just  cited,  and,  with  his  apparently 
unromantic  character.  In  a  word,  there  are  evidences  in  his  own 
handwriting,  that,  before  he  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  he  had  con- 
ceived a  passion  for  some  unknown  beauty,  so  serious  as  to  dis- 
turb his  otherwise  well-regulated  mind,  and  to  make  him  really 
unhappy.     Why  this  juvenile  attachment  was  a  source  of  unhap- 


1747.]  A    SCHOOL-BOY    PASSION.  29 

piness  we  have  no  positive  means  of  ascertaining.  Perhaps  the 
object  of  it  may  have  considered  him  a  mere  school-boy,  and 
treated  him  as  such ;  or  his  own  shyness  may  have  been  in  his 
way,  and  his  "  rules  for  behavior  and  conversation "  may  as 
yet  have  sat  awkwardly  on  him,  and  rendered  him  formal  and 
ungainly  when  he  most  sought  to  please.  Even  in  later  years  he 
was  apt  to  be  silent  and  embarrassed  in  female  society.  "  He 
was  a  very  bashful  young  man,"  said  an  old  lady,  whom  he  used 
to  visit  when  they  were  both  in  their  nonage.  "  I  used  often  to 
wish  that  he  would  talk  more." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason,  this  early  attachment 
seems  to  have  been  a  source  of  poignant  discomfort  to  him.  It 
clung  to  him  after  he  took  a  final  leave  of  school  in  the  autumn 
of  1747,  and  went  to  reside  with  his  brother  Lawrence  at  Mount 
Vernon.  Here  he  continued  his  mathematical  studies  and  his 
practice  in  surveying,  disturbed  at  times  by  recurrences  of  his 
unlucky  passion.  Though  by  no  means  of  a  poetical  tempera- 
ment, the  waste  pages  of  his  journal  betray  several  attempts  to 
pour  forth  his  amorous  sorrows  in  verse.  They  are  mere  com- 
mon-place rhymes,  such  as  lovers  at  his  age  are  apt  to  write,  in 
which  he  bewails  his  "  poor  restless  heart,  wounded  by  Cupid's 
dart,"  and  "  bleeding  for.  one  who  remains  pitiless  of  his  griefs 
and  woes." 

The  tenor  of  some  of  his  verses  induce  us  to  believe  that  he 
never  told  his  love ;  but,  as  we  have  already  surmised,  was  pre- 
vented by  his  bashfulness. 

"  Ah,  woe  is  me,  that  I  should  love  and  conceal ; 
Long  have  I  wished  and  never  dare  reveal." 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  one's  self  to  the  idea  of  the  cool  and 
sedate  Washington,  the  great  champion  of  American  liberty,  a 


30  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1747. 

woe-worn  lover  in  his  youthful  days,  "  sighing  like  furnace,"  and 
inditing  plaintive  verses  about  the  groves  of  Mount  Vernon. 
We  are  glad  of  an  opportunity,  however,  of  penetrating  to  his 
native  feelings,  and  finding  that  under  his  studied  decorum  and 
reserve  he  had  a  heart  of  flesh  throbbing  with  the  warm  impulses 
of  human  nature. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Sir  William  Fairfax,  he  was  now  an  occa- 
sional inmate  of  Belvoir.  Among  the  persons  at  present  residing 
there  was  Thomas,  Lord  Fairfax,  cousin  of  William  Fairfax,  and 
of  whose  immense  landed  property  the  latter  was  the  agent.  As 
this  nobleman  was  one  of  Washington's  earliest  friends,  and  in 
some  degree  the  founder  of  his  fortunes,  his  character  and  history 
are  worthy  of  especial  note. 

Lord  Fairfax  was  now  nearly  sixty  years  of  age,  upwards  of 
six  feet  high,  gaunt  and  raw-boned,  near-sighted,  with  light  gray 
eyes,  sharp  features  and  an  aquiline  nose.  However  ungainly  his 
present  appearance,  he  had  figured  to  advantage  in  London  life  in 
his  younger  days.  He  had  received  his  education  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Oxford,  where  he  acquitted  himself  with  credit.  He 
afterwards  held  a  commission,  and  remained  for  some  time  in  a 
regiment  of  horse  called  the  Blues.  His  title  and  connections,  of 
course,  gave  him  access  to  the  best  society,  in  which  he  acquired 
additional  currency  by  contributing  a  paper  or  two  to  Addison's 
Spectator,  then  in  great  vogue. 

In  the  height  of  his  fashionable  career,  he  became  strongly 
attached  to  a  young  lady  of  rank ;  paid  his  addresses,  and  was 
accepted.  The  wedding  day  was  fixed ;  the  wedding  dresses 
were  provided;  together  with  servants  and  equipages  for  the 
matrimonial  establishment.  Suddenly  the  lady  broke  her  en- 
gagement. She  had  been  dazzled  by  the  superior  brilliancy  of  a 
ducal  coronet. 


1747.]  LORD    FAIRFAX.  81 

It  was  a  cruel  blow,  alike  to  the  affection  and  pride  of  Lord 
Fairfax,  and  wrought  a  change  in  both  character  and  conduct. 
From  that  time  he  almost  avoided  the  sex,  and  became  shy  and 
embarrassed  in  their  society,  excepting  among  those  with  whom 
he  was  connected  or  particularly  intimate.  This  may  have  been 
among  the  reasons  which  ultimately  induced  him  to  abandon  the 
gay  world  and  bury  himself  in  the  wilds  of  America.  He  made 
a  voyage  to  Virginia  about  the  year  1739,  to  visit  his  vast 
estates  there.  These  he  inherited  from  his  mother,  Catharine, 
daughter  of  Thomas,  Lord  Culpepper,  to  whom  they  had  been 
granted  by  Charles  II.  The  original  grant  was  for  all  the  lands 
lying  between  the  Rappahannock  and  Potomac  rivers ;  meaning 
thereby,  it  is  said,  merely  the  territory  on  the  northern  neck,  east 
of  the  Blue  Ridge.  His  lordship,  however,  discovering  that  the 
Potomac  headed  in  the  Allegany  Mountains,  returned  to  England 
and  claimed  a  correspondent  definition  of  his  grant.  It  was  ar- 
ranged by  compromise ;  extending  his  domain  into  the  Allegany 
Mountains,  and  comprising,  among  other  lands,  a  great  portion 
of  the  Shenandoah  Valley. 

Lord  Fairfax  had  been  delighted  with  his  visit  to  Virginia. 
The  amenity  of  the  climate,  the  magnificence  of  the  forest  scen- 
ery, the  abundance  of  game, — all  pointed  it  out  as  a  favored 
land.  He  was  pleased,  too,  with  the  frank,  cordial  character  of 
the  Virginians,  and  their  independent  mode  of  life ;  and  returned 
to  it  with  the  resolution  of  taking  up  his  abode  there  for  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days.  His  early  disappointment  in  love  was  the 
cause  of  some  eccentricities  in  his  conduct ;  yet  he  was  amiable 
and  courteous  in  his  manners,  and  of  a  liberal  and  generous 
spirit. 

Another  inmate  of  Belvoir  at  this  time  was  George  William 


32  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1748. 

Fairfax,  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  the  eldest  son  of  the 
proprietor.  He  had  been  educated  in  England,  and  since  his  re- 
turn had  married  a  daughter  of  Colonel  Carey,  of  Hampton,  on 
James  River.  He  had  recently  brought  home  his  bride  and  her 
sister  to  his  father's  house. 

The  merits  of  Washington  were  known  and  appreciated  by 
the  Fairfax  family.  Though  not  quite  sixteen  years  of  age,  he 
no  longer  seemed  a  boy,  nor  was  he  treated  as  such.  Tall,  ath- 
letic, and  manly  for  his  years,  his  early  self-training,  and  the 
code  of  conduct  he  had  devised,  gave  a  gravity  and  decision  to 
his  conduct ;  his  frankness  and  modesty  inspired  cordial  regard, 
and  the  melancholy,  of  which  he  speaks,  may  have  produced  a  soft- 
ness in  his  manner  calculated  to  win  favor  in  ladies'  eyes. 
According  to  his  own  account,  the  female  society  by  which  he  was 
surrounded  had  a  soothing  effect  on  that  melancholy.  The 
charms  of  Miss  Carey,  the  sister  of  the  bride,  seem  even  to  have 
caused  a  slight  fluttering  in  his  bosom ;  which,  however,  was  con- 
stantly rebuked  by  the  remembrance  of  his  former  passion — so  at 
least  we  judge  from  letters  to  his  youthful  confidants,  rough 
drafts  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen  in  his  tell-tale  journal. 

To  one  whom  he  addresses  as  his  dear  friend  Robin,  he 
writes :  "  My  residence  is  at  present  at  his  lordship's,  where  I 
might,  was  my  heart  disengaged,  pass  my  time  very  pleasantly, 
as  there's  a  very  agreeable  young  lady  lives  in  the  same  house 
(Col.  George  Fairfax's  wife's  sister) ;  but  as  that's  only  adding 
fuel  to  fire,  it  makes  me  the  more  uneasy,  for  by  often  and  una- 
voidably being  in  company  with  her,  revives  my  former  passion 
for  your  Lowland  Beauty;  whereas  was  I  to  live  more  retired 
from  young  women,  I  might  in  some  measure  alleviate  my  sor- 


1748.]  THE    LOWLAND    BEAUTY.  33 

rows,  by  burying  that  chaste  and  troublesome  passion  in  the  grave 
of  oblivion,"  &c. 

Similar  avowals  he  makes  to  another  of  his  young  correspond 
ents,  whom  he  styles,  "  Dear  friend  John ;  "  as  also  to  a  female 
confidant,  styled  "  Dear  Sally,"  to  whom  he  acknowledges  that 
the  company  of  the  "  very  agreeable  young  lady,  sister-in-law  of 
Col.  George  Fairfax,"  in  a  great  measure  cheers  his  sorrow  and 
dejectedness. 

The  object  of  this  early  passion  is  not  positively  known. 
Tradition  states  that  the  "  lowland  beauty  "  was  a  Miss  Grimes, 
of  "Westmoreland,  afterwards  Mrs.  Lee,  and  mother  of  General 
Henry  Lee,  who  figured  in  revolutionary  history  as  Light  Horse 
Harry,  and  was  always  a  favorite  with  Washington,  probably 
from  the  recollections  of  his  early  tenderness  for  the  mother. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  soothing  effect  of  the  female 
society  by  which  he  was  surrounded  at  Belvoir,  the  youth  found 
a  more  effectual  remedy  for  his  love  melancholy  in  the  company 
of  Lord  Fairfax.  His  lordship  was  a  staunch  fox-hunter,  and 
kept  horses  and  hounds  in  the  English  style.  The  hunting  sea- 
son had  arrived.  The  neighborhood  abounded  with  sport ;  but 
fox-hunting  in  Virginia  required  bold  and  skilful  horsemanship. 
He  found  Washington  as  bold  as  himself  in  the  saddle,  and  as  eager 
to  follow  the  hounds.  He  forthwith  took  him  into  peculiar 
favor ;  made  him  his  hunting  companion ;  and  it  was  probably  un- 
der the  tuition  of  this  hard-riding  old  nobleman  that  the  youth 
imbibed  that  fondness  for  the  chase  for  which  he  was  afterwards 
remarked. 

Their  fox-hunting  intercourse  was  attended  with  more  impor- 
tant results.  His  lordship's  possessions  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge 
had  never  been  regularly  settled  nor  surveyed.     Lawless  intrud- 

Vol.  I.— 2* 


34  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*748. 

ers — squatters,  as  they  were  called — were  planting  themselves 
along  the  finest  streams  and  in  the  richest  valleys,  and  virtually 
taking  possession  of  the  eountry.  It  was  the  anxious  desire  of 
Lord  Fairfax  to  have  these  lands  examined,  surveyed,  and  por- 
tioned out  into  lots,  preparatory  to  ejecting  these  interlopers  or 
bringing  them  to  reasonable  terms.  In  Washington,  notwith- 
standing his  youth,  he  beheld  one  fit  for  the  task — having  noticed 
the  exercises  in  surveying  which  he  kept  up  while  at  Mount  Ver- 
non, and  the  aptness  and  exactness  with  which  every  process  was 
executed.  He  was  well  calculated,  too,  by  his  vigor  and  activity, 
his  courage  and  hardihood,  to  cope  with  the  wild  country  to  be 
surveyed,  and  with  its  still  wilder  inhabitants.  The  proposition 
had  only  to  be  offered  to  "Washington  to  be  eagerly  accepted.  It 
was  the  very  kind  of  occupation  for  which  he  had  been  diligently 
training  himself.  All  the  preparations  required  by  one  of  his 
simple  habits  were  soon  made,  and  in  a  very  few  days  he  was 
ready  for  his  first  expedition  into  the  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  IV.     . 

EXPEDITION    BEYOND    THE    BLUE    RIDGE — THE     VALLEY    OF    THE    SHENANDOAH 

LORD      HALIFAX LODGE     IN     THE     WILDERNESS SURVEYING LIFE     IN      THE 

BACKWOODS — INDIANS WAR    DANCE GERMAN     SETTLERS RETURN     HOME 

WASHINGTON     AS     PUBLIC     SURVEYOR SOJOURN       AT       GREENWAY     COURT 

HORSE5,    HOUNDS,    AND    BOOKS RUGGED    EXPERIENCE    AMONG    THE  MOUNTAINS. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  March  (1748),  and  just  after  he  had 
completed  his  sixteenth  year,  that  Washington  set  out  on  horse- 
back on  this  surveying  expedition,  in  company  with  George  Wil- 
liam Fairfax.  Their  route  lay  by  Ashley's  Gap,  a  pass  through 
the  Blue  Ridge,  that  beautiful  line  of  mountains  which,  as  yet, 
almost  formed  the  western  frontier  of  inhabited  Virginia.  Win- 
ter still  lingered  on  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  whence  melting 
snows  sent  down  torrents,  which  swelled  the  rivers  and  occasion- 
ally rendered  them  almost  impassable.  Spring,  however,  was 
softening  the  lower  parts  of  the  landscape  and  smiling  in  the 
valleys. 

They  entered  the  great  valley  of  Virginia,  where  it  is  about 
twenty-five  miles  wide ;  a  lovely  and  temperate  region,  diversified 
by  gentle  swells  and  slopes,  admirably  adapted  to  cultivation. 
The  Blue  Ridge  bounds  it  on  one  side,  the  North  Mountain,  a 


36  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1748. 

ridge  of  the  Alleganies,  on  the  other;  while  through  it  flows 
that  bright  and  abounding  river,  which,  on  account  of  its  sur- 
passing beauty,  was  named  by  the  Indians  the  Shenandoah — that 
is  to  say,  u  the  daughter  of  the  stars." 

The  first  station  of  the  travellers  was  at  a  kind  of  lodge  in 
the  wilderness,  where  the  steward  or  land-bailiff  of  Lord  Halifax 
resided,  with  such  negroes  as  were  required  for  farming  purposes, 
and  which  "Washington  terms  "his  lordship's  quarter."  It  was 
situated  not  far  from  the  Shenandoah,  and  about  twelve  miles 
from  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Winchester. 

In  a  diary  kept  with  his  usual  minuteness,  Washington  speaks 
with  delight  of  the  beauty  of  the  trees  and  the  richness  of  the 
land  in  the  neighborhood,  and  of  his  riding  through  a  noble  grove 
of  sugar  maples  on  the  banks  of  the  Shenandoah;  and  at  the 
present  day,  the  magnificence  of  the  forests  which  still  exist  in 
this  favored  region  justifies  his  eulogium. 

He  looked  around,  however,  with  an  eye  to  the  profitable 
rather  than  the  poetical.  The  gleam  of  poetry  and  romance,  in- 
spired by  his  "  lowland  beauty,"  occurs  no  more.  The  real  busi- 
ness of  life  has  commenced  with  him.  His  diary  affords  no  food 
for  fancy.  Every  thing  is  practical.  The  qualities  of  the  soil 
the  relative  value  of  sites  and  localities,  are  faithfully  recorded. 
In  these  his  early  habits  of  observation  and  his  exercises  in  sur- 
veying had  already  made  him  a  proficient. 

His  surveys  commenced  in  the  lower  part  of  the  valley,  some 
distance  above  the  junction  of  the  Shenandoah  with  the  Potomac, 
and  extended  for  many  miles  along  the  former  river.  Here  and 
there  partial  "  clearings  "  had  been  made  by  squatters  and  hardy 
pioneers,  and  their  rude  husbandry  had  produced  abundant  crops 
of  grain,  hemp,  and  tobacco;  civilization,  however,  had  hardly 


1748.] 


LIFE    IN    THE    WILDERNESS.  37 


yet  entered  the  valley,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  note  of  a  night's 
lodging  at  the  house  of  one  of  the  settlers — Captain  Hite.  near 
the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Winchester.  Here,  after  supper, 
most  of  the  company  stretched  themselves  in  backwood  style, 
before  the  fire ;  but  "Washington  •  was  shown  into  a  bed-room. 
Fatigued  with  a  hard  day's  work  at  surveying,  he  soon  undressed ; 
but  instead  of  being  nestled  between  sheets  in  a  comfortable  bed, 
as  at  the  maternal  home,  or  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  found  himself  on 
a  couch  of  matted  straw,  under  a  threadbare  blanket,  swarming 
with  unwelcome  bedfellows.  After  tossing  about  for  a  few  mo- 
ments, he  was  glad  to  put  on  his  clothes  again,  and  rejoin  his 
companions  before  the  fire. 

Such  was  his  first  experience  of  life  in  the  wilderness ;  he 
soon,  however,  accustomed  himself  to  "  rough  it,"  and  adapt  him- 
self to  fare  of  all  kinds,  though  he  generally  preferred  a  bivouac 
before  a  fire,  in  the  open  air,  to  the  accommodations  of  a  wood- 
man's cabin.  Proceeding  down  the  valley  to  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac,  they  found  that  river  so  much  swollen  by  the  rain 
which  had  fallen  among  the  Alleganies,  as  to  be  unfordable. 
To  while  away  the  time  until  it  should  subside,  they  made  an  ex- 
cursion to  examine  certain  warm  springs  in  a  valley  among  the 
mountains,  since  called  the  Berkeley  Springs.  There  they 
camped  out  at  night,  under  the  stars ;  the  diary  makes  no  com- 
plaint of  their  accommodations ;  and  their  camping-ground  is  now 
known  as  Bath,  one  of  the  favorite  watering-places  of  Virginia. 
One  of  the  warm  springs  was  subsequently  appropriated  by  Lord 
Fairfax  to  his  own  use,  and  still  bears  his  name. 

After  watching  in  vain  for  the  river  to  subside,  they  procured 
a  canoe,  on  which  they  crossed  to  the  Maryland  side ;  swimming 
their  horses.     A  weary  day's  ride  of  forty  miles  up  the  left  side 


38  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*748. 

of  the  river,  in  a  continual  rain,  and  over  what  Washington  pro- 
nounces the  worst  road  ever  trod  by  man  or  beast,  brought  them 
to  the  house  of  a  Colonel  Cresap,  opposite  the  south  branch  of 
the  Potomac,  where  they  put  up  for  the  night. 

Here  they  were  detained  three  or  four  days  by  inclement 
weather.  On  the  second  day  they  were  surprised  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  war  party  of  thirty  Indians,  bearing  a  scalp  as  a  trophy. 
A  little  liquor  procured  the  spectacle  of  a  war-dance.  A  large 
space  was  cleared,  and  a  fire  made  in  the  centre,  round  which  the 
warriors  took  their  seats.  The  principal  orator  made  a  speech, 
reciting  their  recent  exploits,  and  rousing  them  to  triumph.  One 
of  the  warriors  started  up  as  if  from  sleep,  and  began  a  series  of 
movements,  half-grotesque,  half-tragical;  the  rest  followed.  For 
music,  one  savage  drummed  on  a  deerskin,  stretched  over  a  pot 
half  filled  with  water ;  another  rattled  a  gourd,  containing  a  few 
shot,  and  decorated  with  a  horse's  tail.  Their  strange  outcries, 
and  uncouth  forms  and  garbs,  seen  by  the  glare  of  the  fire,  and 
their  whoops  and  yells,  made  them  appear  more  like  demons  than 
human  beings.  All  this  savage  gambol  was  no  novelty  to  Wash- 
ington's companions,  experienced  in  frontier  life ;  but  to  the 
youth,  fresh  from  school,  it  was  a  strange  spectacle,  which  he  sat 
contemplating  with  deep  interest,  and  carefully  noted  down  in  his 
journal.  It  will  be  found  that  he  soon  made  himself  acquainted 
with  the  savage  character,  and  became  expert  at  dealing  with  these 
inhabitants  of  the  wilderness. 

From  this  encampment  the  party  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of 
Patterson's  Creek,  where  they  recrossed  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
swimming  their  horses  as  before.  More  than  two  weeks  were 
now  passed  by  them  in  the  wild  mountainous  regions  of  Frederick 
County,  and  about  the  south  branch  of  the  Potomac,  surveying 


1748.]  CAMPING   OUT.  39 

lands  and  laying  out  lots,  camped  out  the  greater  part  of  the 
time,  and  subsisting  on  wild  turkeys  and  other  game.  Each  one 
was  his  own  cook ;  forked  sticks  served  for  spits,  and  chips  of 
wood  for  dishes.  The  weather  was  unsettled.  At  one  time  their 
tent  was  blown  down ;  at  another  they  were  driven  out  of  it  by 
smoke ;  now  they  were  drenched  with  rain,  and  now  the  straw  on 
which  Washington  was  sleeping  caught  fire,  and  he  was  awakened 
by  a  companion  just  in  time  to  escape  a  scorching. 

The  only  variety  to  this  camp  life  was  a  supper  at  the  house 
of  one  Solomon  Hedge,  Esquire,  his  majesty's  justice  of  the 
peace,  where  there  were  no  forks  at  table,  nor  any  knives,  but  such 
as  the  guests  brought  in  their  pockets.  During  their  surveys 
they  were  followed  by  numbers  of  people,  some  of  them  squatters, 
anxious,  doubtless,  to  procure  a  cheap  title  to  the  land  they  had 
appropriated;  others,  German  emigrants,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  seeking  a  new  home  in  the  wilderness.  Most  of  the 
latter  could  not  speak  English  ;  but  when  spoken  to,  answered  in 
their  native  tongue.  They  appeared  to  Washington  ignorant  as 
Indians,  and  uncouth,  but  "  merry,  and  full  of  antic  tricks." 
Such  were  the  progenitors  of  the  sturdy  yeomanry  now  inhabit- 
ing those  parts,  many  of  whom  still  preserve  their  strong  German 
characteristics. 

"  I  have  not  slept  above  three  or  four  nights  in  a  bed,"  writes 
Washington  to  one  of  his  young  friends  at  home,  "  but  after  walk- 
ing a  good  deal  all  the  day  I  have  lain  down  before  the  fire  upon 
a  little  straw  or  fodder,  or  a  bear  skin,  whichever  was  to  be  had, 
with  man,  wife,  and  children,  like  dogs  and  cats ;  and  happy  is  he 
who  gets  the  berth  nearest  the  fire." 

Having  completed  his  surveys,  he  set  forth  from  the  south 
branch  of  the   Potomac  on  his  return  homeward ;  crossed   the 


40  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1748-50. 

mountains  to  the  great  Cacapehon;  traversed  the  Shenandoah 
valley;  passed  through  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  on  the  12th  of  April 
found  himself  once  more  at  Mount  Vernon.  For  his  services  he 
received,  according  to  his  note-book,  a  doubloon  per  day  when 
actively  employed,  and  sometimes  six  pistoles.* 

The  manner  in  which  he  had  acquitted  himself  in  this  arduous 
expedition,  and  his  accounts  of  the  country  surveyed,  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  Lord  Fairfax,  who  shortly  afterwards  moved  across 
the  Blue  Bidge,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  the  place  heretofore 
noted  as  his  "  quarters."  Here  he  laid  out  a  manor,  containing 
ten  thousand  acres  of  arable  grazing  lands,  vast  meadows, 
and  noble  forests,  and  projected  a  spacious  manor  house,  giving  to 
the  place  the  name  of  Greenway  Court. 

It  was  probably  through  the  influence  of  Lord  Fairfax  that 
Washington  received  the  appointment  of  public  surveyor.  This 
conferred  authority  on  his  surveys,  and  entitled  them  to  be  re- 
corded in  the  county  offices,  and  so  invariably  correct  have  these 
surveys  been  found  that,  to  this  day,  wherever  any  of  them  stand 
on  record,  they  receive  implicit  credit. 

For  three  years  he  continued  in  this  occupation,  which  proved 
extremely  profitable,  from  the  vast  extent  of  country  to  be  sur- 
veyed and  the  very  limited  number  of  public  surveyors.  It  made 
him  acquainted,  also,  with  the  country,  the  nature  of  the  soil  in 
various  parts,  and  the  value  of  localities ;  all  which  proved  ad- 
vantageous to  him  in  his  purchases  in  after  years.  Many  of  the 
finest  parts  of  the  Shenandoah  valley  are  yet  owned  by  members 
of  the  Washington  family. 

While  thus  employed  for  months  at  a  time  surveying  the 

*  A  pistole  is  $3  60.     A  doubloon  is  double  that  sum. 


1748-50.]  GREENWAY    COURT.  41 

lands  beyond  the  Blue  Kidge,  he  was  often  an  inmate  of  Green* 
way  Court.  The  projected  manor  house  was  never  even  com- 
menced. On  a  green  knoll  overshadowed  by  trees  was  a  long 
stone  building  one  story  in  height,  with  dormer  windows,  two 
wooden  belfries,  chimneys  studded  with  swallow  and  martin  coops, 
and  a  roof  sloping  down  in  the  old  Virginia  fashion,  into  low 
projecting  eaves  that  formed  a  verandah  the  whole  length  of  the 
house.  It  was  probably  the  house  originally  occupied  by  his 
steward  or  land  agent,  but  was  now  devoted  to  hospitable  pur- 
poses, and  the  reception  of  guests.  As  to  his  lordship,  it  was 
one  of  his  many  eccentricities,  that  he  never  slept  in  the  main 
edifice,  but  lodged  apart  in  a  wooden  house  not  much  above 
twelve  feet  square.  In  a  small  building  was  his  office,  where 
quitrents  were  given,  deeds  drawn,  and  business  transacted  with 
his  tenants. 

About  the  knoll  were  out-houses  for  his  numerous  servants, 
black  and  white,  with  stables  for  saddle-horses  and  hunters,  and 
kennels  for  his  hounds,  for  his  lordship  retained  his  keen  hunt- 
ing propensities,  and  the  neighborhood  abounded  in  game. 
Indians,  half-breeds,  and  leathern-clad  woodsmen  loitered  about 
the  place,  and  partook  of  the  abundance  of  the  kitchen.  His 
lordship's  table  was  plentiful  but  plain,  and  served  in  the  English 
fashion. 

Here  Washington  had  full  opportunity,  in  the  proper  seasons, 
of  indulging  his  fondness  for  field  sports,  and  once  more  accom- 
panying his  lordship  in  the  chase.  The  conversation  of  Lord 
Fairfax,  too,  was  full  of  interest  and  instruction  to  an  inex- 
perienced youth,  from  his  cultivated  talents,  his  literary  taste, 
and  his  past  intercourse  with  the  best  society  of  'Europe,  and  its 
most  distinguished  authors.     He   had  brought  books,  too,  with 


42  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1748-50. 

him  into  the  wilderness,  and  from  "Washington's  diary  we  find 
that  during  his  sojourn  here  he  was  diligently  reading  the  history 
of  England,  and  the  essays  of  the  Spectator. 

Such  was"  Greenway  Court  in  these  its  palmy  days.  "VVe 
visited  it  recently  and  found  it  tottering  to  its  fall,  mouldering 
in  the  midst  of  a  magnificent  country,  where  nature  still  flourishes 
in  full  luxuriance  and  beauty. 

Three  or  four  years  were  thus  passed  by  Washington,  the 
greater  part  of  the  time  beyond  the  Blue  Eidge,  but  occasionally 
with  his  brother  Lawrence  at  Mount  Vernon.  His  rugged  and 
toilsome  expeditions  in  the  mountains,  among  rude  scenes  and 
rough  people,  inured  him  to  hardships,  and  made  him  apt  at  ex- 
pedients ;  while  his  intercourse  with  his  cultivated  brother,  and 
with  the  various  members  of  the  Fairfax  family,  had  a  happy 
effect  in  toning  up  his  mind  and  manners,  and  counteracting  the 
careless  and  self-indulgent  habitudes  of  the  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ENGLISH     AND     FRENCH     CLAIMS    TO     THE     OHIO     VALLEY WILD     STATE     OF    THE 

COUNTRY PROJECTS     OF     SETTLEMENTS THE     OHIO     COMPANY ENLIGHTENED 

VIEWS     OF    LAWRENCE     WASHINGTON FRENCH     RIVALRY CELERON    DE    BIEN- 
VILLE  HIS    SIGNS    OF    OCCUPATION HUGH   CRAWFORD GEORGE   CROGHAN,    A 

VETERAN     TRADER,    AND"   MONTOUR,    HIS     INTERPRETER THEIR    MISSION     FROM 

PENNSYLVANIA     TO     THE     OHIO     TRIBES CHRISTOPHER    GLST,    THE     PIONEER   OF 

THE     YADKIN AGENT     OF     THE     OHIO      COMPANY HIS     EXPEDITION     TO     THE 

FRONTIER REPROBATE     TRADERS     AT     LOGSTOWN NEGOTIATIONS      WITH     THE 

INDIANS — SCENES    IN    THE    OHIO     COUNTRY DIPLOMACY     AT    PIQUA KEGS   OK 

BRANDY    AND    ROLLS    OF   TOBACCO GIST'S    RETURN    ACROSS    KENTUCKY A    DE- 
SERTED    HOME — FRENCH     SCHEMES CAPTAIN     JONCAIRE,  A    DIPLOMAT    OF   THE 

WILDERNESS HIS   SPEECH   AT   LOGSTOWN THE    INDIANS'    LAND " WHERE?" 

During  the  time  of  Washington's  surveying  campaigns  among 
the  mountains,  a  grand  colonizing  scheme  had  been  set  on  foot, 
destined  to  enlist  him  in  hardy  enterprises,  and  in  some  degree 
to  shape  the  course  of  his  future  fortunes. 

The  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  which  had 
put  an  end  to  the  general  war  of  Europe,  had  left  undefined  the 
boundaries  between  the  British  and  French  possessions  in  Ameri- 
ca ;  a  singular  remissness,  considering  that  they  had  long  been  a 
subject  in  dispute,  and  a  cause  of  frequent  conflicts  in  the  colo- 
nies.    Immense  regions  were  still  claimed  by  both  nations,  and 


44  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

each  was  now  eager  to  forestall  the  other  by  getting  possession  of 
them,  and  strengthening  its  claim  by  occupancy. 

The  most  desirable  of  these  regions  lay  west  of  the  Allegany 
Mountains,  extending  from  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio,  and  embracing 
the  valley  of  that  river  and  its  tributary  streams.  An  immense 
territory,  possessing  a  salubrious  climate,  fertile  soil,  fine  hunting 
and  fishing  grounds,  and  facilities  by  lakes  and  rivers  for  a  vast 
internal  commerce. 

The  French  claimed  all  this  country  quite  to  the  Allegany 
mountains  by  the  right  of  discovery.  In  1673,  Padre  Marquette, 
with  his  companion,  Joliet,  of  Quebec,  both  subjects  of  the  crown 
of  France,  had  passed  down  the  Mississippi  in  a  canoe  quite  to 
the  Arkansas,  thereby,  according  to  an  alleged  maxim  in  the  law 
of  nations,  establishing  the  right  of  their  sovereign,  not  mejrely  to 
the  river  so  discovered  and  its  adjacent  lands,  but  to  all  the  coun- 
try drained  by  its  tributary  streams,  of  which  the  Ohio  was  one ; 
a  claim,  the  ramifications  of  which  might  be  spread,  like  the 
meshes  of  a  web,  over  half  the  continent. 

To  this  illimitable  claim  the  English  opposed  a  right  derived, 
at  second  hand,  from  a  traditionary  Indian  conquest.  A  treaty, 
they  said,  had  been  made  at  Lancaster,  in  1744,  between  com- 
missioners from  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  and  the 
Iroquois,  or  Six  Nations,  whereby  the  latter,  for  four  hundred 
pounds,  gave  up  all  right  and  title  to  the  land  west  of  the  Alle- 
gany Mountains,  even  to  the  Mississippi,  which  land,  according 
to  their  traditions,  had  been  conquered  by  their  forefathers. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  such  a  treaty  was  made,  and  such 
a  pretended  transfer  of  title  did  take  place,  under  the  influence 
of  spirituous  liquors ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  the  Indians  in 
question  did  not,  at  the  time,  possess  an  acre  of  the  land  con- 


INDIAN   TRADERS.  45 

veyed ;  and  that  the  tribes  actually  in  possession  scoffed  at  their 
pretensions,  and  claimed  the  country  as  their  own  from  time 
immemorial. 

Such  were  the  shadowy  foundations  of  claims  which  the  two 
nations  were  determined  to  maintain  to  the  uttermost,  and  which 
ripened  into  a  series  of  wars,  ending  in  a  loss  to  England  of  a 
great  part  of  her  American  possessions,  and  to  France  of  the 
whole. 

As  yet  in  the  region  in  question  there  was  not  a  single  white 
settlement.  Mixed  Iroquois  tribes  of  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and 
Mingoes,  had  migrated  into  it  early  in  the  century  from  the 
French  settlements  in  Canada,  and  taken  up  their  abodes  about 
the  Ohio  and  its  branches.  The  French  pretended  to  hold  them 
under  their  protection;  but  their  allegiance,  if  ever  acknow- 
ledged, had  been  sapped  of  late  years  by  the  influx  of  fur  traders 
from  Pennsylvania.  These  were  often  rough,  lawless  men ;  half 
Indians  in  dress  and  habits,  prone  to  brawls,  and  sometimes 
deadly  in  their  feuds.  They  were  generally  in  the  employ  of 
some  trader,  who,  at  the  head  of  his  retainers  and  a  string  of 
pack-horses,  would  make  his  way  over  mountains  and  through 
forests  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  establish  his  head-quarters  in 
some  Indian  town,  and  disperse  his  followers  to  traffic  among  the 
hamlets,  hunting-camps  and  wigwams,  exchanging  blankets,  gaudy 
colored  cloth,  trinketry,  powder,  shot,  and  rum,  for  valuable  furs 
and  peltry.  In  this  way  a  lucrative  trade  with  these  western 
tribes  was  springing  up  and  becoming  monopolized  by  the  Penn- 
sylvanians. 

To  secure  a  participation  in  this  trade,  and  to  gain  a  foothold 
in  this  desirable  region,  became  now  the  wish  of  some  of  the  most 
intelligent   and   enterprising    men    of  Virginia   and    Maryland, 


46  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 

among  whom  were  Lawrence  and  Augustine  Washington.  "With 
these  views  they  projected  a  scheme,  in  connection  with  John 
Hanbury,  a  wealthy  London  merchant,  to  obtain  a  grant  of  land 
from  the  British  government,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  settle- 
ments or  colonies  beyond  the  Alleganies.  Government  readily 
countenanced  a  scheme  by  which  French  encroachments  might  be 
forestalled,  and  prompt  and  quiet  possession  secured  of  the  great 
Ohio  valley.  An  association  was  accordingly  chartered  in  1749, 
by  the  name  of  "  the  Ohio  Company,"  and  five  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  was  granted  to  it  west  of  the  Alleganies ;  between 
the  Monongahela  and  Kanawha  rivers ;  though  part  of  the  land 
might  be  taken  up  north  of  the  Ohio,  should  it  be  deemed  expe- 
dient. The  company  were  to  pay  no  quitrent  for  ten  years ;  but 
they  were  to  select  two  fifths  of  their  lands  immediately ;  to  set- 
tle one  hundred  families  upon  them  within  seven  years ;  to  build 
a  fort  at  their  own  expense,  and  maintain  a  sufficient  garrison  in 
it  for  defence  against  the  Indians. 

Mr.  Thomas  Lee,  president  of  the  council  of  Virginia,  took 
the  lead  in  the  concerns  of  the  company  at  the  outset,  and  by 
many  has  been  considered  its  founder.  On  his  death,  which 
soon  took  place,  Lawrence  Washington  had  the  chief  manage- 
ment. His  enlightened  mind  and  liberal  spirit  shone  forth  in  his 
earliest  arrangements.  He  wished  to  form  the  settlements  with 
Germans  from  Pennsylvania.  Being  dissenters,  however,  they 
would  be  obliged,  on  becoming  residents  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  Virginia,  to  pay  parish  rates,  and  maintain  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England,  though  they  might  not  understand  his  lan- 
guage nor  relish,  his  doctrines.  Lawrence  sought  to  have  them 
exempted  from  this  double  tax  on  purse  and  conscience. 

"  It  has  ever  been  my  opinion,"  said  he,  "  and  I  hope  it  ever 


LIBERTY    OF    CONSCIENCE.  47 

will  be,  that  restraints  on  conscience  are  cruel  in  regard  to  those 
on  whom  they  are  imposed,  and  injurious  to  the  country  imposing 
them.  England,  Holland,  and  Prussia  I  may  quote  as  examples, 
and  much  more  Pennsylvania,  which  has  flourished  under  that 
delightful  liberty,  so  as  to  become  the  admiration  of  every  man 
who  considers  the  short  time  it  has  been  settled.  *  *  *  * 
This  colony  (Virginia)  was  greatly  settled  in  the  latter  part  of 
Charles  the  First's  time,  and  during  the  usurpation  by  the  zeal- 
ous churchmen ;  and  that  spirit,  which  was  then  brought  in,  has 
ever  since  continued ;  so  that,  except  a  few  Quakers,  we  have  no 
dissenters.  But  what  has  been  the  consequence?  We  have 
increased  by  slow  degrees,  whilst  our  neighboring  colonies,  whose 
natural  advantages  are  greatly  inferior  to  ours,  have  become 
populous." 

Such  were  the  enlightened  views  of  this  brother  of  our  Wash- 
ington, to  whom  the  latter  owed  much  of  his  moral  and  mental 
training.  The  company  proceeded  to  make  preparations  for  their 
colonizing  scheme.  Goods  were  imported  from  England  suited 
to  the  Indian  trade,  or  for  presents  to  the  chiefs.  Rewards 
were  promised  to  veteran  warriors  and  hunters  among  the  natives 
acquainted  with  the  woods  and  mountains,  for  the  best  route  to 
the  Ohio.  Before  the  company  had  received  its  charter,  how- 
ever, the  French  were  in  the  field.  Early  in  1749,  the  Marquis 
de  la  Galisonniere,  Governor  of  Canada,  despatched  Celeron  de 
Bienville,  an  intelligent  officer,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred 
men,  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  to  make  peace,  as  he  said,  between 
the  tribes  that  had  become  embroiled  with  each  other  during  the 
late  war,  and  to  renew  the  French  possession  of  the  country. 
Celeron  de  Bienville  distributed  presents  among  the  Indians, 


48  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

made  speeches  reminding  them  of  former  friendship,  and  warned 
them  not  to  trade  with  the  English. 

He  furthermore  nailed  leaden  plates  to  trees,  and  buried 
others  in  the  earth,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and  its  tribu- 
taries, bearing  inscriptions  purporting  that  all  the  lands  on  both 
sides  of  the  rivers  to  their  sources  appertained,  as  in  foregone 
times,  to  the  crown  of  France.*  The  Indians  gazed  at  these 
mysterious  plates  with  wondering  eyes,  but  surmised  their  pur- 
port. "  They  mean  to  steal  our  country  from  us,"  murmured 
they ;  and  they  determined  to  seek  protection  from  the  English. 

Celeron  finding  some  traders  from  Pennsylvania  trafficking 
among  the  Indians,  he  summoned  them  to  depart,  and  wrote  by 
them  to  James  Hamilton,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  telling  him 
the  object  of  his  errand  to  those  parts,  and  his  surprise  at  meeting 
with  English  traders  in  a  country  to  which  England  had  no  pre- 
tensions; intimating  that,  in  future,  any  intruders  of  the  kind 
would  be  rigorously  dealt  with. 

His  letter,  and  a  report  of  his  proceedings  on  the  Ohio, 
roused  the  solicitude  of  the  governor  and  council  of  Pennsylvania, 
for  the  protection  of  their  Indian  trade.  Shortly  afterwards,  one 
Hugh  Crawford,  who  had  been  trading  with  the  Miami  tribes  on 
the  Wabash,  brought  a  message  from  them,  speaking  of  the  pro- 
mises and  threats  with  which  the  French  were  endeavoring  to 
shake  their  faith,  but  assuring  the  governor  that  their  friendship 
for  the  English  "would  last  while  the  sun  and  moon  ran  round 
the  world."  This  message  was  accompanied  by  three  strings  of 
wampum . 


*  One  of  these  plates,  bearing  date  August  16,  1749,  was  found  in  re- 
cent years  afe  the  confluence  of  the  Muskingum  with  the  Ohio. 


GEORGE    CROGHAN CHRISTOPHER    GIST.  49 

G-overnor  Hamilton  knew  the  value  of  Indian  friendship,  and 
suggested  to  the  assembly  that  it  would  be  better  to  clinch  it 
with  presents,  and  that  as  soon  as  possible.  An  envoy  accord- 
ingly was  sent  off  early  in  October,  who  was  supposed  to  have 
great  influence  among  the  western  tribes.  This  was  one  G-eorge 
Croghan,  a  veteran  trader,  shrewd  and  sagacious,  who  had  been 
frequently  to  the  Ohio  country  with  pack-horses  and  follow- 
ers, and  made  himself  popular  among  the  Indians  by  dispensing 
presents  with  a  lavish  hand.  He  was  accompanied  by  Andrew 
Montour,  a  Canadian  of  half  Indian  descent,  who  was  to  act  as 
interpreter.  They  were  provided  with  a  small  present  for  the 
emergency ;  but  were  to  convoke  a  meeting  of  all  *he  tribes  at 
Logstown,  on  the  Ohio,  early  in  the  ensuing  spring,  to  receive  an 
ample  present  which  would  be  provided  by  the  assembly. 

It  was  some  time  later  in  the  same  autumn  that  the  Ohio 
company  brought  their  plans  into  operation,  and  despatched  an 
agent  to  explore  the  lands  upon  the  Ohio  and  its  branches  as  low 
as  the  Great  Falls,  take  note  of  their  fitness  for  cultivation,  of 
the  passes  of  the  mountains,  the  courses  and  bearings  of  the 
rivers,  and  the  strength  and  disposition  of  the  native  tribes.  The 
man  chosen  for  the  purpose  was  Christopher  Gist,  a  hardy  pio- 
neer, experienced  in  woodcraft  and  Indian  life,  who  had  his  home 
on  the  banks  of  the  Yadkin,  near  the  boundary  line  of  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina.  He  was  allowed  a  woodsman  or  two  for  the 
service  of  the  expedition.  He  set  out  on  the  31st  of  October, 
from  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  by  an  Indian  path  which  the 
hunters  had  pointed  out,  leading  from  Wills'  Creek,  since  called 
Cumberland  River,  to  the  Ohio.  Indian  paths  and  buffalo  tracks 
are  the  primitive  highways  of  the  wilderness.  Passing  the  Juni- 
ata, he  crossed  the  ridges  of  the  Allegany,  arrived  at  Shannopin, 

Vol.  L— 3 


50  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

a  Delaware  village  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  Ohio,  or  rather 
of  that  upper  branch  of  it,  now  called  the  Allegany,  swam  his 
horses  across  that  river,  and  descending  along  its  valley  arrived 
at  Logstown,  an  important  Indian  village  a  little  below  the  site 
of  the  present  city  of  Pittsburg.  Here  usually  resided  Tana- 
charisson,  a  Seneca  chief  of  great  note,  being  head  sachem  of  the 
mixed  tribes  who  had  migrated  to  the  Ohio  and  its  branches. 
He  was  generally  surnamed  the  half-king,  being  subordinate  to 
the  Iroquois  confederacy.  The  chief  was  absent  at  this  time,  as 
were  most  of  his  people,  it  being  the  hunting  season.  George 
Croghan,  the  envoy  from  Pennsylvania,  with  Montour  his  inter- 
preter, had  passed  through  Logstown  a  week  previously,  on  his 
way  to  the  Twightwees  and  other  tribes,  on  the  Miami  branch  of 
the  Ohio.  Scarce  any  one  was  to  be  seen  about  the  village  but 
some  of  Croghan's  rough  people,  whom  he  had  left  behind — 
"  reprobate  Indian  traders,"  as  Gist  terms  them.  They  regarded 
the  latter  with  a  jealous  eye,  suspecting  him  of  some  rivalship 
in  trade,  or  designs  on  the  Indian  lands ;  and  intimated  signifi- 
cantly that  "  he  would  never  go  home  safe." 

Gist  knew  the  meaning  of  such  hints  from  men  of  this  stamp 
in  the  lawless  depths  of  the  wilderness ;  but  quieted  their  sus- 
picions by  letting  them  know  that  he  was  on  public  business,  and 
on  good  terms  with  their  great  man,  George  Croghan,  to  whom 
he  despatched  a  letter.  He  took  his  departure  from  Logstown, 
however,  as  soon  as  possible,  preferring,  as  he  said,  the  solitude 
of  the  wilderness  to  such  company. 

At  Beaver  Creek,  a  few  miles  below  the  village,  he  left  the 
river  and  struck  into  the  interior  of  the  present  State  of  Ohio. 
Here  he  overtook  George  Croghan  at  Muskingum,  a  town  of 
Wyandots  and  Mingoes.     He  had  ordered  all  the  traders  in  his 


GIST    AT    MUSKINGUM.  51 

employ  who  were  scattered  among  the  Indian  villages,  to  rally  at 
this  town,  where  he  had  hoisted  the  English  flag  over  his  resi- 
dence, and  over  that  of  the  sachem.  This  was  in  consequence 
of  the  hostility  of  the  French  who  had  recently  captured,  in  the 
neighborhood,  three  white  men  in  the  employ  of  Frazier,  an 
Indian  trader,  and  had  carried  them  away  prisoners  to  Canada. 

Gist  was  well  received  by  the  people  of  Muskingum.  They 
were  indignant  at  the  French  violation  of  their  territories,  and 
the  capture  of  their  "  English  brothers."  They  had  not  forgotten 
the  conduct  of  Celeron  de  Bienville  in  the  previous  year,  and  the 
mysterious  plates  which  he  had  nailed  against  trees  and  sunk  in 
the  ground.  "  If  the  French  claim  the  rivers  which  run  into  the 
lakes,"  said  they,  "  those  which  run  into  the  Ohio  belong  to  us 
and  to  our  brothers  the  English."  And  they  were  anxious  that 
Gist  should  settle  among  them,  and  build  a  fort  for  their  mutual 
defence. 

A  council  of  the  nation  was  now  held,  in  which  Gist  invited 
them,  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  visit  that 
province,  where  a  large  present  of  goods  awaited  them,  sent  by 
their  father,  the  great  king,  over  the  water  to  his  Ohio  children. 
The  invitation  was  graciously  received,  but  no  answer  could  be 
given  until  a  grand  council  of  the  western  tribes  had  been  held, 
which  was  to  take  place  at  Logstown  in  the  ensuing  spring. 

Similar  results  attended  visits  made  by  Gist  and  Croghan  to 
the  Delawares  and  the  Shawnees  at  their  villages  about  the 
Scioto  River ;  all  promised  to  be  at  the  gathering  at  Logstown. 
From  the  Shawnee  village,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  the  two 
emissaries  shaped  their  course  north  two  hundred  miles,  crossed 
the  Great  Moneami,  or  Miami  River,  on  a  raft,  swimming  their 
horses ;  and  on  the  1 7th  of  February  arrived  at  the  Indian  town 
of  Piqua. 


52  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 

These  journeyings  had  carried  Gist  about  a  wide  extent  of 
country  beyond  the  Ohio.  It  was  rich  and  level,  watered  with 
streams  and  rivulets,  and  clad  with  noble  forests  of  hickory,  wal- 
nut, ash,  poplar,  sugar-maple,  and  wild  cherry  trees.  Occasion- 
ally there  were  spacious  plains  covered  with  wild  rye ;  natural 
meadows,  with  blue  grass  and  clover ;  and  buffaloes,  thirty  and 
forty  at  a  time,  grazing  on  them  as  in  a  cultivated  pasture. 
Deer,  elk,  and  wild  turkeys  abounded.  "  Nothing  is  wanted  but 
cultivation,"  said  Gist,  "  to  make  this  a  most  delightful  country." 
Cultivation  has  since  proved  the  truth  of  his  words.  The  country 
thus  described  is  the  present  State  of  Ohio. 

Piqua,  where  Gist  and  Croghan  had  arrived,  was  the  princi- 
pal town  of  the  Twightwees  or  Miamis ;  the  most  powerful  con- 
federacy of  the  West,  combining  four  tribes,  and  extending  its 
influence  even  beyond  the  Mississippi.  A  king  or  sachem  of  one 
or  other  of  the  different  tribes  presided  over  the  whole.  The 
head  chief  at  present  was  the  king  of  the  Piankeshas. 

At  this  town  Croghan  formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  in  the  name 
of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  with  two  of  the  Miami  tribes. 
And  Gist  was  promised  by  the  king  of  the  Piankeshas  that  the 
chiefs  of  the  various  tribes  would  attend  the  meeting  at  Logstown 
to  make  a  treaty  with  Virginia. 

In  the  height  of  these  demonstrations  of  friendship,  two  Otta- 
was  entered  the  council-house,  announcing  themselves  as  envoys 
from  the  French  Governor  of  Canada  to  seek  a  renewal  of  ancient 
alliance.  They  were  received  with  all  due  ceremonial ;  for  none 
are  more  ceremonious  than  the  Indians.  The  French  colors  were 
set  up  beside  the  English,  and  the  ambassadors  opened  their  mis- 
sion. "  Your  father,  the  French  king,"  said  they,  "  remembering 
his  children  on  the  Ohio,  has  sent  them  these  two  kegs  of  milk," 


DIPLOMACY   AT    PIQUA.  53 

here,  with  great  solemnity,  they  deposited  two  kegs  of  brandy, — . 
"  and  this  tobacco ;  " — here  they  deposited  a  roll  ten  pounds  in 
weight.  "  He  has  made  a  clean  road  for  you  to  come  and  see  him 
and  his  officers ;  and  urges  you  to  come,  assuring  you  that  all 
past  differences  will  be  forgotten." 

The  Piankesha  chief  replied  in  the  same  figurative  style. 
"  It  is  true  our  father  has  sent  for  us  several  times,  and  has  said 
the  road  was  clear ;  but  I  understand  it  is  not  clear — it  is  foul 
and  bloody,  and  the  French  have  made  it  so.  We  have  cleared  a 
road  for  our  brothers,  the  English;  the  French  have  made  it 
bad,  and  have  taken  some  of  our  brothers  prisoners.  This  we 
consider  as  done  to  ourselves."  So  saying,  he  turned  his  back 
upon  the  ambassadors,  and  stalked  out  of  the  council-house. 

In  the  end  the  ambassadors  were  assured  that  the  tribes  of 
the  Ohio  and  the  Six  Nations  were  hand  in  hand  with  their 
brothers,  the  English ;  and  should  war  ensue  with  the  French, 
they  were  ready  to  meet  it. 

So  the  French  colors  were  taken  down ;  the  "  kegs  of  milk  " 
and  roll  of  tobacco  were  rejected ;  the  grand  council  broke  up 
with  a  war-dance,  and  the  ambassadors  departed,  weeping  and 
howling,  and  predicting  ruin  to  the  Miamis. 

When  Grist  returned  to  the  Shawnee  town,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Scioto,  and  reported  to  his  Indian  friends  there  the  alliance 
he  had  formed  with  the  Miami  confederacy,  there  was  great  feast- 
ing and  speech-making,  and  firing  of  guns.  He  had  now  happily 
accomplished  the  chief  object  of  his  mission — nothing  remained 
but  to  descend  the  Ohio  to  the  Great  Falls.  This,  however,  he 
was  cautioned  not  to  do.  A  large  party  of  Indians,  allies  of 
the  French,  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  who  might  kill 
or  capture  him.     He  crossed  the  river,  attended  only  by  a  lad  as 


54  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

a  travelling  companion  and  aid,  and  proceeded  cautiously  down 
the  east  side  until  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  Falls.  Here  he 
came  upon  traps  newly  set,  and  Indian  footprints  not  a  day  old; 
and  heard  the  distant  report  of  guns.  The  story  of  Indian 
hunters  then  was  true.  He  was  in  a  dangerous  neighborhood. 
The  savages  might  come  upon  the  tracks  of  his  horses,  or  hear 
the  bells  put  about  their  necks,  when  turned  loose  in  the  wilder- 
ness to  graze. 

Abandoning  all  idea,  therefore,  of  visiting  the  Falls,  and  con- 
tenting himself  with  the  information  concerning  them  which  he 
had  received  from  others,  he  shaped  his  course  on  the  18th  of 
March  for  the  Cuttawa,  or  Kentucky  River.  From  the  top  of  a 
mountain  in  the  vicinity  he  had  a  view  to  the  southwest  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  reach,  over  a  vast  woodland  country  in  the  fresh 
garniture  of  spring,  and  watered  by  abundant  streams;  but  as 
yet  only  the  hunting-ground  of  savage  tribes,  and  the  scene  of 
their  sanguinary  combats.  In  a  word,  Kentucky  lay  spread  out 
before  him  in  all  its  wild  magnificence ;  long  before  it  was  beheld 
by  Daniel  Boone. 

For  six  weeks  was  this  hardy  pioneer  making  his  toilful  way 
up  the  valley  of  the  Cuttawa,  or  Kentucky  River,  to  the  banks  of 
the  Blue  Stone ;  often  checked  by  precipices,  and  obliged  to  seek 
fords  at  the  heads  of  tributary  streams ;  and  happy  when  he  could 
find  a  buffalo  path  broken  through  the  tangled  forests,  or  worn 
into  the  everlasting  rocks. 

On  the  1st  of  May  he  climbed  a  rock  sixty  feet  high,  crown- 
ing a  lofty  mountain,  and  had  a  distant  view  of  the  great  Kan- 
awha, breaking  its  way  through  a  vast  sierra  ;  crossing  that  river 
on  a  raft  of  his  own  construction,  he  had  many  more  weary  days 
before  him,  before  he  reached  his  frontier  abode  on  the  banks  of 


CAPTAIN    JONCAIRE.  55 

the  Yadkin.  He  arrived  there  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  but 
there  was  no  one  to  welcome  the  wanderer  home.  There  had  been 
an  Indian  massacre  in  the  neighborhood,  and  he  found  his  house 
silent  and  deserted.  His  heart  -sank  within  him,  until  an  old 
man  whom  he  met  near  the  place  assured  him  his  family  were 
safe,  having  fled  for  refuge  to  a  settlement  thirty-five  miles  off,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Roanoke.  There  he  rejoined  them  on  the  fol- 
lowing day. 

While  Gist  had  been  making  his  painful  way  homeward,  the 
two  Ottawa  ambassadors  had  returned  to  Fort  Sandusky,  bringing 
word  to  the  French  that  their  flag  had  been  struck  in  the  coun- 
cil-house at  Piqua,  and  their  friendship  rejected  and  their  hos- 
tility defied  by  the  Miamis.  They  informed  them  also  of  the 
gathering  of  the  western  tribes  that  was  to  take  place  at  Logs- 
town,  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  Virginians. 

It  was  a  great  object  with  the  French  to  prevent  this  treaty, 
and  to  spirit  up  the  Ohio  Indians  against  the  English.  This  they 
hoped  to  effect  through  the  agency  of  one  Captain  Joncaire,  a 
veteran  diplomatist  of  the  wilderness,  whose  character  and  story 
deserve  a  passing  notice. 

He  had  been  taken  prisoner  when  quite  young  by  the  Iro- 
quois, and  adopted  into  one  of  their  tribes.  This  was  the  making 
of  his  fortune.  He  had  grown  up  among  them,  acquired  their 
language,  adapted  himself  to  their  habits,  and  was  considered  by 
them  as  one  of  themselves.  On  returning  to  civilized  life  he  be- 
came a  prime  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Canadian  govern- 
ment, for  managing  and  cajoling  the  Indians.  Sometimes  he  was 
an  ambassador  to  the  Iroquois ;  sometimes  a  mediator  between 
the  jarring  tribes ;  sometimes  a  leader  of  their  warriors  when 
employed  by  the  French.     When  in  1728  the  Delawares  and 


56  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Shawnees  migrated  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  Joncaire  was  the 
agent  who  followed  them,  and  prevailed  on  them  to  consider  them- 
selves under  French  protection.  When  the  French  wanted  to 
get  a  commanding  site  for  a  post  on  the  Iroquois  lands,  near 
Niagara,  Joncaire  was  the  man  to  manage  it.  He  craved  a  situa- 
tion where  he  might  put  up  a  wigwam,  and  dwell  among  his  Iro- 
quois brethren.  It  was  granted  of  course,  "  for  was  he  not  a  son 
of  the  tribe — was  he  not  one  of  themselves  ?  "  By  degrees  his 
wigwam  grew  into  an  important  trading  post ;  ultimately  it  be- 
came Fort  Niagara.  Years  and  years  had  elapsed;  he  had 
grown  gray  in  Indian  diplomacy,  and  was  now  sent  once  more  to 
maintain  French  sovereignty  over  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 

He  appeared  at  Logstown  accompanied  by  another  French- 
man, and  forty  Iroquois  warriors.  He  found  an  assemblage  of 
the  western  tribes,  feasting  and  rejoicing,  and  firing  of  guns,  for 
George  Croghan  and  Montour  the  interpreter  were  there,  and  had 
been  distributing  presents  on  behalf  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Joncaire  was  said  to  have  the  wit  of  a  Frenchman,  and  the 
eloquence  of  an  Iroquois.  He  made  an  animated  speech  to  the 
chiefs  in  their  own  tongue,  the  gist  of  which  was  that  their  father 
Onontio  (that  is  to  say,  the  Governor  of  Canada)  desired  his 
children  of  the  Ohio  to  turn  away  the  Indian  traders,  and  never 
to  deal  with  them  again  on  pain  of  his  displeasure ;  so  saying,  he 
laid  down  a  wampum  belt  of  uncommon  size,  by  way  of  emphasis 
to  his  message. 

For  once  his  eloquence  was  of  no  avail ;  a  chief  rose  indig- 
nantly, shook  his  finger  in  his  face,  and  stamping  on  the  ground, 
"  This  is  our  land,"  said  he.  "  What  right  has  Onontio  here  ? 
The  English  are  our  brothers.     They  shall  live  among  us  as  long 


THE   INDIANS'    LAND.  57 

as  one  of  us  is  alive.  "We  will  trade  with  them,  and  not  with 
you ;  "  and  so  saying  he  rejected  the  belt  of  wampum. 

Joncaire  returned  to  an  advanced  post  recently  established  on 
the  upper  part  of  the  river,  whence  he  wrote  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania:  M  The  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere,  Governor  of  New 
France,  having  ordered  me  to  watch  that  the  English  make  no 
treaty  in  the  Ohio  country,  I  have  signified  to  the  traders  of  your 
government  to  retire.  You  are  not  ignorant  that  all  these  lands 
belong  to  the  King  of  France,  and  that  the  English  have  no  right 
to  trade  in  them."  He  concluded  by  reiterating  the  threat  made 
two  years  previously  by  Celeron  de  Bienville  against  all  intruding 
fur  traders. 

In  the  mean  time,  in  the  face  of  all  these  protests  and  me- 
naces, Mr.  Gist,  under  sanction  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  pro- 
ceeded in  the  same  year  to  survey  the  lands  within  the  grant  of 
the  Ohio  company,  lying  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio  river,  as 
far  down  as  the  great  Kanawha.  An  old  Delaware  sachem,  meet- 
ing him  while  thus  employed,  propounded  a  somewhat  puzzling 
question.  "  The  French,"  said  he,  "  claim  all  the  land  on  one 
side  of  the  Ohio,  the  English  claim  all  the  land  on  the  other  side 
— now  where  does  the  Indians'  land  lie  ?  " 

Poor  savages  !  Between  their  "  fathers,"  the  French,  and 
their  "  brothers,"  the  English,  they  were  in  a  fair  way  of  being 
most  lovingly  shared  out  of  the  whole  country. 

Vol.  I.— 3* 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PREPARATIONS  FOR  HOSTILITIES WASHINGTON  APPOINTED  DISTRICT  ADJUTANT  GEN- 
ERAL  MOUNT  VERNON  A  SCHOOL  OF  ARMS — ADJUTANT  MUSE  A  VETERAN  CAM- 
PAIGNER  JACOB  VAN  BRAAM  THE  MASTER  OF  FENCE ILL  HEALTH  OF  WASH- 
INGTON'S   BROTHER   LAWRENCE VOYAGE    WITH    HIM    TO    THE    WEST    INDIES 

SCENES    AT    BARBADOES TROPICAL     FRUITS — BEEFSTEAK    AND     TRIPE     CLUB 

RETURN  HOME  OF  WASHINGTON DEATH  OF  LAWRENCE. 

The  French  now  prepared  for  hostile  contingencies.  They 
launched  an  armed  vessel  of  unusual  size  on  Lake  Ontario ;  for- 
tified their  trading  house  at  Niagara ;  strengthened  their  outposts, 
and  advanced  others  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio.  A  stir  of 
warlike  preparation  was  likewise  to  be  observed  among  the 
British  colonies.  It  was  evident  that  the  adverse  claims  to  the 
disputed  territories,  if  pushed  home,  could  only  be  settled  by  the 
stern  arbitrament  of  the  sword. 

In  Virginia,  especially,  the  war  spirit  was  manifest.  The 
province  was  divided  into  military  districts,  each  having  an  adju- 
tant-general, with  the  rank  of  major,  and  the  pay  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  pounds  a  year,  whose  duty  was  to  attend  to  the 
organization  and  equipment  of  the  militia. 

Such  an  appointment  was  sought  by  Lawrence  Washingtou 


1751.]  MOUNT    VERNON    A    SCHOOL    OF   ARMS.  59 

for  his  brother  George.  It  shows  what  must  have  been  the  matu- 
rity of  mind  of  the  latter,  and  the  confidence  inspired  by  his 
judicious  conduct  and  aptness  for  business,  that  the  post  should 
not  only  be  sought  for  him,  but  readily  obtained ;  though  he  was 
yet  but  nineteen  years  of  age.  He  proved  himself  worthy  of  the 
appointment. 

He  now  set  about  preparing  himself,  with  his  usual  method 
and  assiduity,  for  his  new  duties.  Virginia  had  among  its  float- 
ing population  some  military  relics  of  the  late  Spanish  war. 
Among  these  was  a  certain  Adjutant  Muse,  a  Westmoreland 
volunteer,  who  had  served  with  Lawrence  Washington  in  the  cam- 
paigns in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  been  with  him  in  the  attack  on 
Carthagena.  He  now  undertook  to  instruct  his  brother  George 
in  the  art  of  war ;  lent  him  treatises  on  military  tactics ;  put  him 
through  the  manual  exercise,  and  gave  him  some  idea  of  evolu- 
tions in  the  field.  Another  of  Lawrence's  campaigning  comrades 
was  Jacob  Van  Braam,  a  Dutchman  by  birth ;  a  soldier  of  fortune 
of  the  Dalgetty  order ;  who  had  been  in  the  British  army,  but 
was  now  out  of  service,  and,  professing  to  be  a  complete  master 
of  fence,  recruited  his  slender  purse  in  this  time  of  military  ex- 
citement, by  giving  the  Virginian  youth  lessons  in  the  sword 
exercise. 

Under  the  instructions  of  these  veterans  Mount  Vernon,  from 
being  a  quiet  rural  retreat,  where  Washington,  three  years  pre- 
viously, had  indited  love  ditties  to  his  "  lowland  beauty,"  was 
suddenly  transformed  into  a  school  of  arms,  as  he  practised  the 
manual  exercise  with  Adjutant  Muse,  or  took  lessons  on  the 
broadsword  from  Van  Braam. 

His  martial  studies,  however,  were  interrupted  for  a  time  by 
the  critical  state  of  his  brother's  health.     The  constitution  of 


60  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1751. 


Lawrence  had  always  been  delicate,  and  he  had  been  obliged  re- 
peatedly to  travel  for  a  change  of  air.  There  were  now  pulmo- 
nary symptoms  of  a  threatening  nature,  and  by  advice  of  his  phy- 
sicians he  determined  to  pass  a  winter  in  the  West  Indies,  taking 
with  him  his  favorite  brother  George  as  a  companion. 

They  accordingly  sailed  for  Barbadoes  on  the  28th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1751.  George  kept  a  journal  of  the  voyage  with  logbook 
brevity;  recording  the  wind  and  weather,  but  no  events  worth 
citation.  They  landed  at  Barbadoes  on  the  3d  of  November. 
The  resident  physician  of  the  place  gave  a  favorable  report  of 
Lawrence's  case,  and  held  out  hopes  of  a  cure.  The  brothers 
were  delighted  with  the  aspect  of  the  country,  as  they  drove  out 
in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  and  beheld  on  all  sides  fields  of  sugar 
cane,  and  Indian  corn,  and  groves  of  tropical  trees,  in  full  fruit 
and  foliage. 

They  took  up  their  abode  at  a  house  pleasantly  situated  about 
a  mile  from  town,  commanding  an  extensive  prospect  of  sea  and 
land,  including  Carlyle  bay  and  its  shipping,  and  beloDging  to 
Captain  Crofton,  commander  of  James  Fort. 

Barbadoes  had  its  theatre,  at  which  Washington  witnessed 
for  the  first  time  a  dramatic  representation,  a  species  of  amuse- 
ment of  which  he  afterwards  became  fond.  It  was  in  the  pres- 
ent instance  the  doleful  tragedy  of  George  Barnwell.  "  The 
character  of  Barnwell,  and  several  others,"  notes  he  in  his  jour- 
nal, "  were  said  to  be  well  performed.  There  was  music  adapted 
and  regularly  conducted."     A  safe  but  abstemious  criticism. 

Among  the  hospitalities  of  the  place  the  brothers  were  invited 
to  the  house  of  a  Judge  Maynards,  to  dine  with  an  association  of 
the  first  people  of  the  place,  who  met  at  each  other's  house  alter- 
nately every  Saturday,  under  the  incontestably  English  title  of 


1751.]  SCENES   AT    BARBADOES.  61 

"The  Beefsteak  and  Tripe  Club."  Washington  notes  with 
admiration  the  profusion  of  tropical  fruits  with  which  the  table 
was  loaded,  "  the  granadilla,  sapadella,  pomegranate,  sweet 
orange,  water-lemon,  forbidden  fruit,  and  guava."  The  homely 
prosaic  beefsteak  and  tripe  must  have  contrasted  strangely, 
though  sturdily,  with  these  magnificent  poetical  fruits  of  the 
tropics.  But  John  Bull  is  faithful  to  his  native  habits  and  na- 
tive dishes,  whatever  may  be  the  country  or  clime,  and  would  set 
up  a  chop-house  at  the  very  gates  of  paradise. 

The  brothers  had  scarcely  been  a  fortnight  at  the  island  when 
George  was  taken  down  by  a  severe  attack  of  small-pox.  Skil- 
ful medical  treatment,  with  the  kind  attentions  of  friends,  and 
especially  of  his  brother,  restored  him  to  health  in  about  three 
weeks ;  but  his  face  always  remained  slightly  marked. 

After  his  recovery  he  made  excursions  about  the  island,  no- 
ticing its  soil,  productions,  fortifications,  public  works,  and  the 
manners  of  its  inhabitants.  While  admiring  the  productiveness 
of  the  sugar  plantations,  he  was  shocked  at  the  spendthrift  habits 
of  the  planters,  and  their  utter  want  of  management. 

"  How  wonderful,"  writes  he,  "  that  such  people  should  be 
in  debt,  and  not  be  able  to  indulge  themselves  in  all  the  luxuries, 
as  well  as  the  necessaries  of  life.  Yet  so  it  happens.  Estates 
are  often  alienated  for  debts.  How  persons  coming  to  estates  of 
two,  three,  and  four  hundred  acres  can  want,  is  to  me  most  won- 
derful." How  much  does  this  wonder  speak  for  his  own  scrupu- 
lous principle  of  always  living  within  compass. 

The  residence  at  Barbadoes  failed  to  have  the  anticipated 
effect  on  the  health  of  Lawrence,  and  he  determined  to  seek  the 
sweet  climate  of  Bermuda  in  the  spring.  He  felt  the  absence 
from  his  wife,  and  it  was  arranged  that  George  should  return  to 


62  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1752. 

Virginia,  and  bring  her  out  to  meet  him  at  that  island.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  22d  of  December,  George  set  sail  in  the  Industry, 
bound  to  Virginia,  where  he  arrived  on  the  1st  February,  1752, 
after  five  weeks  of  stormy  winter  seafaring. 

Lawrence  remained  through  the  winter  at  Barbadoes;  but 
the  very  mildness  of  the  climate  relaxed  and  enervated  him.  He 
felt  the  want  of  the  bracing  winter  weather  to  which  he  had  been 
accustomed.  Even  the  invariable  beauty  of  the  climate;  the 
perpetual  summer,  wearied  the  restless  invalid.  "  This  is  the 
finest  island  of  the  "West  Indies,"  said  he ;  "  but  I  own  no  place 
can  please  me  without  a  change  of  seasons.  We  soon  tire  of  the 
same  prospect."  A  consolatory  truth  for  the  inhabitants  of  more 
capricious  climes. 

Still  some  of  the  worst  symptoms  of  his  disorder  had  disap- 
peared, and  he  seemed  to  be  slowly  recovering ;  but  the  nervous 
restlessness  and  desire  of  change,  often  incidental  to  his  malady, 
had  taken  hold  of  him,  and  early  in  March  he  hastened  to  Ber- 
muda. He  had  come  too  soon.  The  keen  air  of  early  spring 
brought  on  an  aggravated  return  of  his  worst  symptoms.  "  I 
have  now  got  to  my  last  refuge,"  writes  he  to  a  friend,  "  where  I 
must  receive  my  final  sentence,  which  at  present  Dr.  Forbes  will 
not  pronounce.  He  leaves  me,  however,  I  think,  like  a  criminal 
condemned,  though  not  without  hopes  of  reprieve.  But  this  I 
am  to  obtain  by  meritoriously  abstaining  from  flesh  of  every  sort, 
all  strong  liquors,  and  by  riding  as  much  as  I  can  bear.  These 
are  the  only  terms  on  which  I  am  to  hope  for  life." 

He  was  now  afflicted  with  painful  indecision,  and  his  letters 
perplexed  his  family,  leaving  them  uncertain  as  to  his  move- 
ments, and  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  At  one  time  he  talked  of  re- 
maining a  year  at  Bermuda,  and  wrote  to  his  wife  to  come  out 


1*752.]  DEATH    OF    LAWKENCE.  63 

with  George  and  rejoin  him  there;  but  the  very  same  letter 
shows  his  irresolution  and  uncertainty,  for  he  leaves  her  coming 
to  the  decision  of  herself  and  friends.  As  to  his  own  movements, 
he  says,  "Six  weeks  will  determine  me  what  to  resolve  on. 
Forbes  advises  the  south  of  France,  or  else,  Barbadoes."  The 
very  next  letter,  written  shortly  afterwards  in  a  moment  of  de- 
spondency, talks  of  the  possibility  of  "  hurrying  home  to  his 
grave ! " 

The  last  was  no  empty  foreboding.  He  did  indeed  hasten 
back,  and  just  reached  Mount  Yernon  in  time  to  die  under  his 
own  roof,  surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends,  and  attended  in 
his  last  moments  by  that  brother  on  whose  manly  affection  his 
heart  seemed  to  repose.  His  death  took  place  on  the  26th  July, 
1752,  when  but  thirty-four  years  of  age.  He  was  a  noble-spirit- 
ed, pure-minded,  accomplished  gentleman ;  honored  by  the  public, 
and  beloved  by  his  friends.  The  paternal  care  ever  manifested 
by  him  for  his  youthful  brother,  George,  and  the  influence  his 
own  character  and  conduct  must  have  had  upon  him  in  his  ductile 
years,  should  link  their  memories  together  in  history,  and  endear 
the  name  of  Lawrence  Washington  to  every  American. 

Lawrence  left  a  wife  and  an  infant  daughter  to  inherit  his 
ample  estates.  In  case  his  daughter  should  die  without  issue,  the 
estate  of  Mount  Yernon,  and  other  lands  specified  in  his  will, 
were  to  be  enjoyed  by  her  mother  during  her  lifetime,  and  at 
her  death  to  be  inherited  by  his  brother  George.  The  latter  was 
appointed  one  of  the  executors  of  the  will ;  but  such  was  the  im- 
plicit confidence  reposed  in  his  judgment  and  integrity,  that, 
although  he  was  but  twenty  years  of  age,  the  management  of  the 
affairs  of  the  deceased  were  soon  devolved  upon  him  almost 
entirely.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  they  were  managed  with  con- 
summate skill  and  scrupulous  fidelity. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

COUNCIL   OF  THE   OHIO   TRIBES   AT  LOGSTOWN TREATY  WITH   THE   ENGLISH GISt's 

SETTLEMENT — SPEECHES   OF    THE    HALF-KING   AND    THE    FRENCH    COMMANDANT 

FRENCH      AGGRESSIONS THE     RUINS    OF    PIQUA WASHINGTON    SENT     ON     A 

MISSION  TO   THE    FRENCH   COMMANDER JACOB    VAN   BRAAM,    HIS    INTERPRETER 

CHRISTOPHER   GIST,  HIS   GUIDE HALT  AT  THE   CONFLUENCE   OF   THE   MONON- 

GAHELA   AND   ALLEGANY PROJECTED    FORT — SHINGISS,    A    DELAWARE    SACHEM 

LOGSTOWN THE    HALF  KING INDIAN    COUNCILS INDIAN    DIPLOMACY RU- 
MORS  CONCERNING    JONOAIRE INDIAN    ESCORTS THE    HALF-KING,    JESKAKAKE 

AND   WHITE  THUNDER. 

The  meeting  of  the  Ohio  tribes,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  Min- 
goes,  to  form  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Virginia,  took  place  at 
Logstown,  at  the  appointed  time.  The  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
declined  to  attend.  "It  is  not  our  custom,"  said  they  proudly, 
"to  meet  to  treat  of  affairs  in  the  woods  and  weeds.  If  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  wants  to  speak  with  us,  and  deliver  us  a 
present  from  our  father  (the  King),  we  will  meet  him  at  Albany, 
where  we  expect  the  Governor  of  New  York  will  be  present."  * 

At  Logstown,  Colonel  Fry  and  two  other  commissioners  from 
Virginia,  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  tribes  above  named ;  by 

*  Letter  of  CoL  Johnson  to  Gov.  Clinton.— Doc.  Hist.  N.  Y.  ii.,  624. 


17o2.]       THE  HALF-KING  AND  THE  FRENCH  COMMANDANT.      65 

which  the  latter  engaged  not  to  molest  any  English  settlers  south 
of  the  Ohio.  Tanacharisson,  the  half -king,  now  advised  that  his 
brothers  of  Virginia  should  build  a  strong  house  at  the  fork  of 
the  Monongahela,  to  resist  the  designs  of  the  French.  Mr.  Gist 
was  accordingly  instructed  to  lay  out  a  town  and  build  a  fort  at 
Chartier's  Creek,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Ohio,  a  little  below  the 
site  of  the  present  city  of  Pittsburg.  He  commenced  a  settle- 
ment, also,  in  a  valley  just  beyond  Laurel  Hill,  not  far  from  the 
Youghiogeny,  and  prevailed  on  eleven  families  to  join  him.  The 
Ohio  Company,  about  the  same  time,  established  a  trading  post, 
well  stocked  with  English  goods,  at  Wills'  Creek  (now  Cumber- 
land River). 

The  Ohio  tribes  were  greatly  incensed  at  the  aggressions  of 
the  French,  who  were  erecting  posts  within  their  territories,  and 
sent  deputations  to  remonstrate,  but  without  effect.  The  half- 
king,  as  chief  of  the  western  tribes,  repaired  to  the  French  post 
on  Lake  Erie,  where  he  made  his  complaint  in  person. 

"  Fathers,"  said  he,  "  you  are  the  disturbers  of  this  land  by 
building  towns,  and  taking  the  country  from  us  by  fraud  and 
force.  We  kindled  a  fire  a  long  time  since  at  Montreal,  where 
we  desired  you  to  stay  and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our 
land.  I  now  advise  you  to  return  to  that  place,  for  this  land  is 
ours. 

"  If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers 
the  English,  we  should  have  traded  with  you  as  we  do  with  them ; 
but  that  you  should  come  and  build  houses  on  our  land,  and  take 
it  by  force,  is  what  we  cannot  submit  to.  Both  you  and  the 
English  are  white.  We  live  in  a  country  between  you  both ;  the 
land  belongs  to  neither  of  you.  The  Great  Being  allotted  it  to 
us  as  a  residence.     So,  fathers,  I  desire  you,  as  I  have  desired 


66  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1752 

our  brothers  the  English,  to  withdraw,  for  I  will  keep  you  both 
at  arm's  length.  Whichever  most  regards  this  request,  that  side 
will  we  stand  by  and  consider  friends.  Our  brothers  the  English 
have  heard  this,  and  I  now  come  to  tell  it  to  you,  for  I  am  not 
afraid  to  order  you  off  this  land." 

"  Child,"  replied  the  French  commandant,  "  you  talk  foolish- 
ly. You  say  this  land  belongs  to  you ;  there  is  not  the  black  of 
my  nail  yours.  It  is  my  land,  and  I  will  have  it,  let  who  will 
stand  up  against  me.  I  am  not  afraid  of  flies  and  mosquitoes, 
for  as  such  I  consider  the  Indians.  I  tell  you  that  down  the 
river  I  will  go,  and  build  upon  it.  If  it  were  blocked  up  I  have 
forces  sufficient  to  burst  it  open  and  trample  down  all  who  oppose 
me.  My  force  is  as  the  sand  upon  the  sea-shore.  Therefore 
here  is  your  wampum ;  I  fling  it  at  you." 

Tanacharisson  returned,  wounded  at  heart,  both  by  the  lan- 
guage and  the  haughty  manner  of  the  French  commandant.  He 
saw  the  ruin  impending  over  his  race,  but  looked  with  hope  and 
trust  to  the  English  as  the  power  least  disposed  to  wrong  the  red 
man. 

French  influence  was  successful  in  other  quarters.  Some  of 
the  Indians  who  had  been  friendly  to  the  English  showed  signs 
of  alienation.  Others  menaced  hostilities.  There  were  reports 
that  the  French  were  ascending  the  Mississippi  from  Louisiana. 
France,  it  was  said,  intended  to  connect  Louisiana  and  Canada 
by  a  chain  of  military  posts,  and  hem  the  English  within  the 
Allegany  Mountains. 

The  Ohio  Company  complained  loudly  to  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Virginia,  the  Hon.  Robert  Dinwiddie,  of  the  hostile 
conduct  of  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies.  They  found  in 
Dinwiddie  a  ready  listener ;  he  was  a  stockholder  in  the  com- 
pany. 


1753.] 


MISSION   TO   THE    FRENCH    COMMANDER.  67 


A  commissioner,  Captain  William  Trent,  was  sent  to  expostu- 
late with  the  French  commander  on  the  Ohio  for  his  aggressions 
on  the  territory  of  his  Britannic  majesty;  he  bore  presents  also 
of  guns,  powder,  shot,  and  clothing  for  the  friendly  Indians. 

Trent  was  not  a  man  of  the  true  spirit  for  a  mission  to  the 
frontier.  He  stopped  a  short  time  at  Logstown,  though  the  French 
were  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  further  up  the  river,  and  direct- 
ed his  course  to  Piqua,  the  great  town  of  the  Twightwees,  where 
Grist  and  Croghan  had  been  so  well  received  by  the  Miamis,  and 
the  French  flag  struck  in  the  council  house.  All  now  was  re- 
versed. The  place  had  been  attacked  by  the  French  and  Indians ; 
the  Miamis  defeated  with  great  loss ;  the  English  traders  taken 
prisoners ;  the  Piankesha  chief,  who  had  so  proudly  turned  his 
back  upon  the  Ottawa  ambassadors,  had  been  sacrificed  by  the 
hostile  savages,  and  the  French  flag  hoisted  in  triumph  on  the  ruins 
of  the  town.  The  whole  aspect  of  affairs  was  so  threatening  on 
the  frontier,  that  Trent  lost  heart,  and  returned  home  without 
accomplishing  his  errand. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  now  looked  round  for  a  person  more 
fitted  to  fulfil  a  mission  which  required  physical  strength  and 
moral  energy ;  a  courage  to  cope  with  savages,  and  a  sagacity  to 
negotiate  with  white  men.  Washington  was  pointed  out  as  pos- 
sessed of  those  requisites.  It  is  true  he  was  not  yet  twenty-two 
years  of  age,  but  public  confidence  in  his  judgment  and  abilities 
had  been  manifested  a  second  time,  by  renewing  his  appointment 
of  adjutant-general,  and  assigning  him  the  northern  division. 
He  was  acquainted  too  with  the  matters  in  litigation,  having  been 
in  the  bosom  councils  of  his  deceased  brother.  His  woodland 
experience  fitted  him  for  an  expedition  through  the  wilderness ; 
and  his  great  discretion  and  self-command  for  a  negotiation  with 


68  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

wily  commanders  and  fickle  savages.  He  was  accordingly  chosen 
for  the  expedition. 

By  his  letter  of  instructions  he  was  directed  to  repair  to 
Logstown,  and  hold  a  communication  with  Tanacharisson,  Mona- 
catoocha,  alias  Scarooyadi,  the  next  in  command,  and  the  other 
sachems  of  the  mixed  tribes  friendly  to  the  English ;  inform 
them  of  the  purport  of  his  errand,  and  request  an  escort  to  the 
head-quarters  of  the  French  commander.  To  that  commander 
he  was  to  deliver  his  credentials,  and  the  letter  of  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  and  demand  an  answer  in  the  name  of  his  Britannic 
majesty ;  hut  not  to  wait  for  it  beyond  a  week.  On  receiving  it, 
he  was  to  request  a  sufficient  escort  to  protect  him  on  his  return. 

He  was,  moreover,  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  numbers  and 
force  of  the  French  stationed  on  the  Ohio  and  in  its  vicinity ; 
their  capability  of  being  reinforced  from  Canada ;  the  forts  they 
had  erected ;  where  situated,  how  garrisoned ;  the  object  of  their 
advancing  into  those  parts,  and  how  they  were  likely  to  be  sup- 
ported. 

"Washington  set  off  from  Williamsburg  on  the  30th  of  October 
(1753),  the  very  day  on  which  he  received  his  credentials.  At 
Fredericksburg  he  engaged  his  old  "  master  of  fence,"  Jacob 
Van  Braam,  to  accompany  him  as  interpreter ;  though  it  would 
appear  from  subsequent  circumstances,  that  the  veteran  swords- 
man was  but  indifferently  versed  either  in  French  or  English. 

Having  provided  himself  at  Alexandria  with  necessaries  for 
the  journey,  he  proceeded  to  Winchester,  then  on  the  frontier, 
where  he  procured  horses,  tents,  and  other  travelling  equipments, 
and  then  pushed  on  by  a  road  newly  opened  to  Wills'  Creek 
(Cumberland  River),  where  he  arrived  on  the  14th  of  November. 

Here  he  met  with  Mr.  Grist,  the  intrepid  pioneer,  who  had  ex- 


1753.]  THE    FORK    OF    THE    OHIO.  69 

plored  the  Ohio  in  the  employ  of  the  company,  and  whom  he  en- 
gaged to  accompany  and  pilot  him  in  the  present  expedition. 
He  secured  the  services  also  of  one  John  Davidson  as  Indian 
interpreter,  and  of  four  frontiersmen,  two  of  whom  were  Indian 
traders.  With  this  little  band,  and  his  swordsman  and  in- 
terpreter, Jacob  Yan  Braam,  he  set  forth  on  the  15th  of  Novem- 
ber, through  a  wild  country,  rendered  almost  impassable  by  recent 
storms  of  rain  and  snow. 

At  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  on  the  Monongahela,  he  found 
John  Frazier  the  Indian  trader,  some  of  whose  people,  as  here- 
tofore stated,  had  been  sent  off  prisoners  to  Canada.  Frazier 
himself  had  recently  been  ejected  by  the  French  from  the  Indian 
village  of  Yenango,  where  he  had  a  gunsmith's  establishment. 
According  to  his  account  the  French  general  who  had  commanded 
on  this  frontier  was  dead,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  forces  were 
retired  into  winter  quarters. 

As  the  rivers  were  all  swollen  so  that  the  horses  had  to  swim 
them,  Washington  sent  all  the  baggage  down  the  Monongahela 
in  a  canoe  under  care  of  two  of  the  men,  who  had  orders  to  meet 
him  at  the  confluence  of  that  river  with  the  Allegany,  where 
their  united  waters  form  the  Ohio. 

"  As  I  got  down  before  the  canoe,"  writes  he  in  his  journal, 
"  I  spent  some  time  in  viewing  the  rivers,  and  the  land  at  the 
Fork,  which  I  think  extremely  well  situated  for  a  fort,  as  it  has 
the  absolute  command  of  both  rivers.  The  land  at  the  point  is 
twenty  or  twenty-five  feet  above  the  common  surface  of  the  water, 
and  a  considerable  bottom  of  flat,  well  timbered  land  all  around 
it,  very  convenient  for  building.  The  rivers  are  each  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  or  more  across,  and  run  here  very  nearly  at  right 
angles ;    Allegany  bearing    north-east,   and  Monongahela  south- 


70  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

east.  The  former  of  these  two  is  a  very  rapid  and  swift-running 
water,  the  other  deep  and  still,  without  any  perceptible  fall." 
The  Ohio  company  had  intended  to  build  a  fort  about  two  miles 
from  this  place,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  river;  but  Washing- 
ton gave  the  fork  the  decided  preference.  French  engineers  of 
experience  proved  the  accuracy  of  his  military  eye,  by  subse- 
quently choosing  it  for  the  site  of  Fort  Duquesne,  noted  in  fron- 
tier history. 

In  this  neighborhood  lived  Shingiss,  the  king  or  chief  sachem 
of  the  Delawares.  "Washington  visited  him  at  his  village,  to  in- 
vite him  to  the  council  at  Logstown.  He  was  one  of  the  greatest 
warriors  of  his  tribe,  and  subsequently  took  up  the  hatchet  at 
various  times  against  the  English,  though  now  he  seemed  favor- 
ably disposed,  and  readily  accepted  the  invitation. 

They  arrived  at  Logstown  after  sunset  on  the  24th  of  Novem- 
ber. The  half-king  was  absent  at  his  hunting  lodge  on  Beaver 
Creek,  about  fifteen  miles  distant ;  but  Washington  had  runners 
sent  out  to  invite  him  and  all  the  other  chiefs  to  a  grand  talk  on 
the  following  day. 

In  the  morning  four  French  deserters  came  into  the  village. 
They  had  deserted  from  a  company  of  one  hundred  men,  sent  up 
from  New  Orleans  with  eight  canoes  laden  with  provisions. 
Washington  drew  from  them  an  account  of  the  French  force  at 
New  Orleans,  and  of  the  forts  along  the  Mississippi,  and  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Wabash,  by  which  they  kept  up  a  communication 
with  the  lakes ;  all  which  he  carefully  noted  down.  The  deserters 
were  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia,  conducted  by  a  Pennsylvania 
trader. 

About  three  o'clock  the  half-king  arrived.  Washington  had 
a  private  conversation  with  him  in  his  tent,  through  Davidson, 


1753.] 


INDIAN    COUNCILS.  71 


the  interpreter.  He  found  him  intelligent,  patriotic,  and  proudly- 
tenacious  of  his  territorial  rights.  "We  have  already  cited  from 
Washington's  papers,  the  account  given  by  this  chief  in  this  con- 
versation, of  his  interview  with  the  late  French  commander.  He 
stated,  moreover,  that  the  French  had  built  two  forts,  differing  in 
size,  but  on  the  same  model,  a  plan  of  which  he  gave,  of  his  own 
drawing.  The  largest  was  on  Lake  Erie,  the  other  on  French 
Creek,  fifteen  miles  apart,  with  a  waggon  road  between  them.  The 
nearest  and  levellest  way  to  them  was  now  impassable,  lying  through 
large  and  miry  savannas ;  they  would  have,  therefore,  to  go  by 
Venango,  and  it  would  take  five  or  six  sleeps  (or  days)  of  good 
travelling  to  reach  the  nearest  fort. 

On  the  following  morning  at  nine  o'clock,  the  chiefs  assembled 
at  the  council  house ;  where  Washington,  according  to  his  instruc- 
tions, informed  them  that  he  was  sent  by  their  brother,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  to  deliver  to  the  French  commandant  a  letter 
of  great  importance,  both  to  their  brothers  the  English  and  to 
themselves ;  and  that  he  was  to  ask  their  advice  and  assistance, 
and  some  of  their  young  men  to  accompany  and  provide  for  him 
on  the  way,  and  be  his  safeguard  against  the  "  French  Indians  " 
who  had  taken  up  the  hatchet.  He  concluded  by  presenting  the 
indispensable  document  in  Indian  diplomacy  a  string  of  wampum. 

The  chiefs,  according  to  etiquette,  sat  for  some  moments 
silent  after  he  had  concluded,  as  if  ruminating  on  what  had  been 
said,  or  to  give  him  time  for  further  remark. 

The  half-king  then  rose  and  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  tribes,  as- 
suring him  that  they  considered  the  English  and  themselves 
brothers,  and  one  people ;  and  that  they  intended  to  return  the 
French  the  "speech-belts,"  or  wampums,  which  the  latter  had 
sent  them.     This,  in  Indian  diplomacy,  is  a  renunciation  of  all 


72  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

friendly  relations.  An  escort  would  be  furnished  to  Washington 
composed  of  Mingoes,  Shannoahs,  and  Delawares,  in  token  of  the 
love  and  loyalty  of  those  several  tribes ;  but  three  days  would 
be  required  to  prepare  for  the  journey. 

"Washington  remonstrated  against  such  delay;  but  was  in- 
formed, that  an  affair  of  such  moment,  where  three  speech-belts 
were  to  be  given  up,  was  not  to  be  entered  into  without  due  con- 
sideration. Besides,  the  young  men  who  were  to  form  the  escort 
were  absent  hunting,  and  the  half-king  could  not  suffer  the  party 
to  go  without  sufficient  protection.  His  own  French  speech-belt, 
also,  was  at  his  hunting  lodge,  where  he  must  go  in  quest  of  it. 
Moreover,  the  Shannoah  chiefs  were  yet  absent  and  must  be  waited 
for.  In  short,  "Washington  had  his  first  lesson  in  Indian 
diplomacy,  which  for  punctilio,  ceremonial,  and  secret  manoeuv- 
ring, is  equal  at  least  to  that  of  civilized  life.  He  soon  found  that 
to  urge  a  more  speedy  departure  would  be  offensive  to  Indian 
dignity  and  decorum,  so  he  was  fain  to  await  the  gathering  to- 
gether of  the  different  chiefs  with  their  speech-belts. 

In  fact  there  was  some  reason  for  all  this  caution.  Tidings 
had  reached  the  sachems  that  Captain  Joncaire  had  called  a  meet- 
ing at  Venango,  of  the  Mingoes,  Delawares,  and  other  tribes,  and 
made  them  a  speech,  informing  them  that  the  French,  for  the 
present,  had  gone  into  winter  quarters,  but  intended  to  descend 
the  river  in  great  force,  and  fight  the  English  in  the  spring. 
He  had  advised  them,  therefore,  to  stand  aloof,  for  should  they 
interfere,  the  French  and  English  would  join,  cut  them  all  off, 
and  divide  their  land  between  them. 

With  these  rumors  preying  on  their  minds,  the  half-king  and 
three  other  chiefs  waited  on  Washington  in  his  tent  in  the  even- 
ing, and  after  representing  that  they  had  complied  with  all  the 


1753.]  THE    SACHEMS.  73 

requisitions  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  endeavored  to  draw 
from  the  youthful  ambassador  the  true  purport  of  his  mission  to 
the  French  commandant.  Washington  had  anticipated  an  in- 
quiry of  the  kind,  knowing  how  natural  it  was  that  these  poor 
people  should  regard,  with  anxiety  and  distrust,  every  movement 
of  two  formidable  powers  thus  pressing  upon  them  from  opposite 
sides ;  he  managed,  however,  to  answer  them  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  allay  their  solicitude  without  transcending  the  bounds  of  diplo- 
matic secrecy. 

After  a  day  or  two  more  of  delay  and  further  consultations 
in  the  council  house,  the  chiefs  determined  that  but  three  of  their 
number  should  accompany  the  mission,  as  a  greater  number  might 
awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  French.  Accordingly,  on  the  30th 
of  November,  "Washington  set  out  for  the  French  post,  having  his 
usual  party  augmented  by  an  Indian  hunter,  and  being  accom- 
panied by  the  half-king,  an  old  Shannoah  sachem  named  Jes- 
kakake,  and  another  chief,  sometimes  called  Belt  of  Wampum, 
from  being  the  keeper  of  the  speech-belts,  but  generally  bearing 
the  sounding  appellation  of  White  Thunder. 

Vol.  I.— 4 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ARRIVAL     AT     VENANGO CAPTAIN      JONCAIRE FRONTIER      REVELRY DIS0USSION9 

OVER  THE   BOTTLE THE   OLD   DIPLOMATIST  AND  THE  YOUNG THE   HALF-KING, 

JESKAKAKE,  AND  WHITE  THUNDER  STAGGERED THE  SPEECH-BELT — DEPART- 
URE  LA  FORCE,  THE  WILY  COMMISSARY FORT  AT  FRENCH  CREEK — THE  CHE- 
VALIER LEGARDEUR  DE  ST.  PIERRE,  KNIGHT   OF   ST.  LOUIS— CAPTAIN   REPARTI — 

TRANSACTIONS   AT   THE    FORT ATTEMPTS   TO   SEDUCE   THE    SACHEMS MISCHIEF 

BREWING  ON  THE  FRONTIER DIFFICULTIES  AND  DELAYS  IN  PARTING DE- 
SCENT  OF  FRENCH   CREEK ARRIVAL  AT   VENANGO. 

Although  the  distance  to  Venango,  by  the  route  taken,  was  not 
above  seventy  miles,  yet  such  was  the  inclemency  of  the  weather 
and  the  difficulty  of  travelling,  that  Washington  and  his  party  did 
not  arrive  there  until  the  4th  of  December.  The  French  colors 
were  flying  at  a  house  whence  John  Frazier,  the  English  trader, 
had  been  driven.  Washington  repaired  thither,  and  inquired  of 
three  French  officers  whom  he  saw  there  where  the  commandant 
resided.  One  of  them  promptly  replied  that  he  "  had  the  com- 
mand of  the  Ohio."  It  was,  in  fact,  the  redoubtable  Captain 
Joncaire,  the  veteran  intriguer  of  the  frontier.  On  being  ap- 
prised, however,  of  the  nature  of  Washington's  errand,  he 
informed  him  that  there  was  a  general  officer  at  the  next  fort, 
where  he  advised  him  to  apply  for  an  answer  to  the  letter  of 
which  he  was  the  bearer. 


1753.]  FRONTIER    REVELRY.  75 

In  the  mean  time,  he  invited  Washington  and  his  party  to  a 
supper  at  head  quarters.  It  proved  a  jovial  one,  for  Joncaire  ap- 
pears to  have  been  somewhat  of  a  boon  companion,  and  there  is 
always  ready  though  rough  hospitality  in  the  wilderness.  It  is 
true,  "Washington,  for  so  young  a  man,  may  not  have  had  the 
most  convivial  air,  but  there  may  have  been  a  moist  look  of  pro- 
mise in  the  old  soldier  Yan  Braam. 

Joncaire  and  his  brother  officers  pushed  the  bottle  briskly. 
"  The  wine,"  says  "Washington,  "  as  they  dosed  themselves  pretty 
plentifully  with  it,  soon  banished  the  restraint  which  at  first  ap- 
peared in  their  conversation,  and  gave  a  license  to  their  tongues 
to  reveal  their  sentiments  more  freely.  They  told  me  that  it  was 
their  absolute  design  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio,  and  by  G- — 
they  would  do  it ;  for  that  although  they  were  sensible  the  Eng- 
lish could  raise  two  men  for  their  one,  yet  they  knew  their  mo- 
tions were  too  slow  and  dilatory  to  prevent  any  undertaking. 
They  pretend  to  have  an  undoubted  right  to  the  river  from  a 
discovery  made  by  one  La  Salle  sixty  years  ago,  and  the  rise  of 
this  expedition  is  to  prevent  our  settling  on  the  river  or  the 
waters  of  it,  as  they  heard  of  some  families  moving  out  in  order 
thereto." 

Washington  retained  his  sobriety  and  his  composure  through- 
out all  the  rodomontade  and  bacchanalian  outbreak  of  the  mer- 
curial Frenchmen;  leaving  the  task  of  pledging  them  to  his 
master  of  fence,  Yan  Braam,  who  was  not  a  man  to  flinch  from 
potations.  He  took  careful  note,  however,  of  all  their  revelations, 
and  collected  a  variety  of  information  concerning  the  French 
forces ;  how  and  where  they  were  distributed ;  the  situations  and 
distances  of  their  forts,  and  their  means  and  mode  of  obtaining 
supplies.     If  the  veteran  diplomatist  of  the  wilderness  had  in- 


76  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

tended  this  revel  for  a  snare,  he  was  completely  foiled  by  his 
youthful  competitor. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  no  travelling  on  account  of 
excessive  rain.  Joncaire,  in  the  mean  time,  having  discovered 
that  the  half-king  was  with  the  mission,  expressed  his  sur- 
prise that  he  had  not  accompanied  it  to  his  quarters  on  the  pre- 
ceding day.  Washington,  in  truth,  had  feared  to  trust  the  sa- 
chem within  the  reach  of  the  politic  Frenchman.  Nothing  would 
do  now  but  Joncaire  must  have  the  sachems  at  head-quarters. 
Here  his  diplomacy  was  triumphant.  He  received  them  with  open 
arms.  He  was  enraptured  to  see  them.  His  Indian  brothers ! 
How  could  they  be  so  near  without  coming  to  visit  him? 
He  made  them  presents ;  but,  above  all,  plied  them  so  potently 
with  liquor,  that  the  poor  half-king,  Jeskakake,  and  White 
Thunder  forgot  all  about  their  wrongs,  their  speeches,  their 
speech-belts,  and  all  the  business  they  had  come  upon ;  paid  no  heed 
to  the  repeated  cautions  of  their  English  friends,  and  were  soon 
in  a  complete  state  of  frantic  extravagance  or  drunken  oblivion. 

The  next  day  the  half-king  made  his  appearance  at  Washing- 
ton's tent,  perfectly  sober  and  very  much  creitfallen.  He  de- 
clared, however,  that  he  still  intended  to  make  his  speech  to  the 
French,  and  offered  to  rehearse  it  on  the  spot ;  but  Washington 
advised  him  not  to  waste  his  ammunition  on  inferior  game  like 
Joncaire  and  his  comrades,  but  to  reserve  it  for  the  command- 
ant. The  sachem  was  not  to  be  persuaded.  Here,  he  said,  was 
the  place  of  the  council  fire,  where  they  were  accustomed  to 
transact  their  business  with  the  French ;  and  as  to  Joncaire,  he 
had  all  the  management  of  French  affairs  with  the  Indians. 

Washington  was  fain  to  attend  the  council  fire  and  listen  to 
the  speech.     It  was  much  the  same  in  purport  as  that  which  he 


1753.]  LA   FORCE,    THE    WILY    COMMISSARY.  77 

Lad  made  to  the  French  general,  and  he  ended  by  offering  to 
return  the  French  speech-belt ;  but  this  Joncaire  refused  to  re- 
ceive, telling  him  to  carry  it  to  the  commander  at  the  fort. 

All  that  day  and  the  next  was  the  party  kept  at  Yenango  by 
the  stratagems  of  Joncaire  and  his  emissaries  to  detain  and  se- 
duce the  sachems.  It  was  not  until  12  o'clock  on  the  7th  of  De- 
cember, that  Washington  was  able  to  extricate  them  out  of  their 
clutches  and  commence  his  journey. 

A  French  commissary  by  the  name  of  La  Force,  and  three 
soldiers,  set  off  in  company  with  him.  La  Force  went  as  if  on 
ordinary  business,  but  he  proved  one  of  the  most  active,  daring, 
and  mischief-making  of  those  anomalous  agents  employed  by  the 
French  among  the  Indian  tribes.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  at 
the  bottom  of  many  of  the  perplexities  experienced  by  Washing- 
ton at  Yenango,  and  now  travelled  with  him  for  the  prosecution 
of  his  wiles.  He  will  be  found,  hereafter,  acting  a  more  promi- 
nent part,  and  ultimately  reaping  the  fruit  of  his  evil  doings. 

After  four  days  of  weary  travel  through  snow  and  rain,  and 
mire  and  swamp,  the  party  reached  the  fort.  It  was  situated  on 
a  kind  of  island  on  the  west  fork  of  French  Creek,  about  fifteen 
miles  south  of  Lake  Erie,  and  consisted  of  four  houses,  forming  a 
hollow  square,  defended  by  bastions  made  of  pallisades  twelve 
feet  high,  picketed,  and  pierced  for  cannon  and  small  arms. 
Within  the  bastions  were  a  guard-house,  chapel,  and  other  build- 
ings, and  outside  were  stables,  a  smith's  forge,  and  log-houses 
covered  with  bark,  for  the  soldiers. 

On  the  death  of  the  late  general,  the  fort  had  remained  in 
charge  of  one  Captain  Reparti  until  within  a  week  past,  when  the 
Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre  had  arrived,  and  taken  com- 
mand. 


78  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

The  reception  of  Washington  at  the  fort  was  very  different 
from  the  unceremonious  one  experienced  at  the  outpost  of  Jon- 
caire  and  his  convivial  messmates.  When  he  presented  himself 
at  the  gate,  accompanied  by  his  interpreter,  Yan  Braam,  he  was 
met  by  the  officer  second  in  command  and  conducted  in  due  mili- 
tary form  to  his  superior ;  an  ancient  and  silver-haired  chevalier 
of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis,  courteous  but  ceremonious ; 
mingling  the  polish  of  the  French  gentleman  of  the  old  school 
with  the  precision  of  the  soldier. 

Having  announced  his  errand  through  his  interpreter,  Van 
Braam,  Washington  offered  his  credentials  and  the  letter  of  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie,  and  was  disposed  to  proceed  at  once  to  busi- 
ness with  the  prompt  frankness  of  a  young  man  unhackneyed  in 
diplomacy.  The  chevalier,  however,  politely  requested  him  to 
retain  the  documents  in  his  possession  until  his  predecessor,  Cap- 
tain Reparti,  should  arrive,  who  was  hourly  expected  from  the 
next  post. 

At  two  o'clock  the  captain  arrived.  The  letter  and  its  accom- 
panying documents  were  then  offered  again,  and  received  in  due 
form,  and  the  chevalier  and  his  officers  retired  with  them  into  a 
private  apartment,  where  the  captain,  who  understood  a  little 
English,  officiated  as  translator.  The  translation  being  finished, 
Washington  was  requested  to  walk  in  and  bring  his  translator 
Yan  Braam,  with  him,  to  peruse  and  correct  it,  which  he  did. 

In  this  letter,  Dinwiddie  complained  of  the  intrusion  of 
French  forces  into  the  Ohio  country,  erecting  forts  and  making 
settlements  in  the  western  parts  of  the  colony  of  Yirginia,  so  no« 
toriously  known  to  be  the  property  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 
He  inquired  by  whose  authority  and  instructions  the  French 
Commander-general   had   marched  this  force  from  Canada,  and 


1753.]  TRANSACTIONS    AT    THE    FORT.  79 

made  this  invasion;  intimating  that  his  own  action  would  be 
regulated  by  the  answer  he  should  receive,  and  the  tenor  of  the 
commission  with  which  he  was  honored.  At  the  same  time  he 
required  of  the  commandant  his  peaceable  departure,  and  that  he 
would  forbear  to  prosecute  a  purpose  "  so  interruptive  of  the  har- 
mony and  good  understanding  which  his  majesty  was  desirous  to 
continue  and  cultivate  with  the  most  catholic  king." 

The  latter  part  of  the  letter  related  to  the  youthful  envoy. 
"  I  persuade  myself  you  will  receive  and  entertain  Major  Wash- 
ington with  the  candor  and  politeness  natural  to  your  nation,  and 
it  will  give  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  if  you  can  return  him  with 
an  answer  suitable  to  my  wishes  for  a  long  and  lasting  peace  be- 
tween us." 

The  two  following  days  were  consumed  in  councils  of  the 
chevalier  and  his  officers  over  the  letter  and  the  necessary  reply. 
Washington  occupied  himself  in  the  mean  time  in  observing  and 
taking  notes  of  the  plan,  dimensions,  and  strength  of  the  fort, 
and  of  every  thing  about  it.  He  gave  orders  to  his  people,  also, 
to  take  an  exact  account  of  the  canoes  in  readiness,  and  others  in 
the  process  of  construction,  for  the  conveyance  of  troops  down  the 
river  in  the  ensuing  spring. 

As  the  weather  continued  stormy,  with  much  snow,  and  the 
horses  were  daily  losing  strength,  he  sent  them  down,  unladen,  to 
Venango,  to  await  his  return  by  water.  In  the  mean  time,  he 
discovered  that  busy  intrigues  were  going  on  to  induce  the  half- 
king  and  the  other  sachems  to  abandon  him,  and  renounce  all 
friendship  with  the  English.  Upon  learning  this,  he  urged  the 
chiefs  to  deliver  up  their  "  speech-belts  "  immediately,  as  they  had 
promised,  thereby  shaking  off  all  dependence  upon  the  French. 
They  accordingly  pressed  for  an  audience  that  very  evening.     A 


80  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [175& 

private  one  was  at  length  granted  them  by  the  commander,  in 
presence  of  one  or  two  of  his  officers.  The  half-king  reported  the 
result  of  it  to  Washington.  The  venerable  but  astute  chevalier 
cautiously  evaded  the  acceptance  of  the  proffered  wampum ;  made 
many  professions  of  love  and  friendship,  and  said  he  wished  to 
live  in  peace  and  trade  amicably  with  the  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  in 
proof  of  which  he  would  send  down  some  goods  immediately  for 
them  to  Logstown. 

As  Washington  understood,  privately,  that  an  officer  was  to 
accompany  the  man  employed  to  convey  these  goods,  he  suspected 
that  the  real  design  was  to  arrest  and  bring  off  all  straggling 
English  traders  they  might  meet  with.  What  strengthened  this 
opinion  was  a  frank  avowal  which  had  been  made  to  him  by  the 
chevalier,  that  he  had  orders  to  capture  every  British  subject  who 
should  attempt  to  trade  upon  the  Ohio  or  its  waters. 

Captain  Reparti,  also,  in  reply  to  his  inquiry  as  to  what  had 
been  done  with  two  Pennsylvania  traders,  who  had  been  taken 
with  all  their  goods,  informed  him  that  they  had  been  sent  to 
Canada,  but  had  since  returned  home.  He  had  stated,  further- 
more, that  during  the  time  he  held  command,  a  white  boy  had 
been  carried  captive  past  the  fort  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  had 
with  them,  also,  two  or  three  white  men's  scalps. 

All  these  circumstances  showed  him  the  mischief  that  was 
brewing  in  these  parts,  and  the  treachery  and  violence  that  per- 
vaded the  frontier,  and  made  him  the  more  solicitous  to  accom- 
plish his  mission  successfully,  and  conduct  his  little  band  in  safety 
out  of  a  wily  neighborhood. 

On  the  evening  of  the  14th,  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Pierre  de- 
livered to  Washington  his  sealed  reply  to  the  letter  of  Governor 
Dinwiddie.  The  purport  of  previous  conversations  with  the  cheva- 


1753.] 


ATTEMPTS  TO  SEDUCE  THE  SACHEMS.        81 


lier.  and  the  whole  complexion  of  affairs  on  the  frontier,  left  no 
doubt  of  the  nature  of  that  reply. 

The  business  of  his  mission  being  accomplished,  Washington 
prepared  on  the  15th  to  return  by  water  to  Venango;  but  a 
secret  influence  was  at  work  which  retarded  every  movement. 

"  The  commandant,"  writes  he,  "  ordered  a  plentiful  store  of 
liquor  and  provisions  to  be  put  on  board  our  canoes,  and  appeared 
to  be  extremely  complaisant,  though  he  was  exerting  every  arti- 
fice which  he  could  invent  to  set  our  Indians  at  variance  with  us, 
to  prevent  their  going  until  after  our  departure;  presents,  re- 
wards, and  every  thing  which  could  be  suggested  by  him  or  his 
officers.  I  cannot  say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered  so  much 
anxiety  as  I  did  in  this  affair.  I  saw  that  every  stratagem  which 
the  most  fruitful  brain  could  invent  was  practised  to  win  the 
half-king  to  their  interests,  and  that  leaving  him  there  was  giving 
them  the  opportunity  they  aimed  at.  I  went  to  the  half-king, 
and  pressed  him  in  the  strongest  terms  to  go ;  he  told  me  that 
the  commandant  would  not  discharge  him  until  the  morning.  I 
then  went  to  the  commandant  and  desired  him  to  do  their  busi- 
ness, and  complained  to  him  of  ill  treatment ;  for,  keeping  them, 
as  they  were  a  part  of  my  company,  was  detaining  me.  This  he 
promised  not  to  do,  but  to  forward  my  journey  as  much  as  he 
could.  He  protested  he  did  not  keep  them,  but  was  ignorant  of 
the  cause  of  their  stay ;  though  I  soon  found  it  out.  He  had 
promised  them  a  present  of  guns  if  they  would  wait  until  the 
morning.  As  I  was  very  much  pressed  by  the  Indians  to  wait 
this  day  for  them,  I  consented,  on  the  promise  that  nothing 
should  hinder  them  in  the  morning." 

The  next  morning  (16th)  the  French,  in  fulfilment  of  their 
promise,  had  to  give  the  present  of  guns.     They  then  endeavored 

Vol.  I.— 4* 


82  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

to  detaiu  the  sachems  with  liquor,  which  at  any  other  time  might 
have  prevailed,  but  Washington  reminded  the  half-king  that  his 
royal  word  was  pledged  to  depart,  and  urged  it  upon  him  so 
closely  that  exerting  unwonted  resolution  and  self-denial,  he  turned 
his  back  upon  the  liquor  and  embarked. 

It  was  rough  and  laborious  navigation.  French  Creek  was 
swollen  and  turbulent,  and  full  of  floating  ice.  The  frail  canoes 
were  several  times  in  danger  of  being  staved  to  pieces  against 
rocks.  Often  the  voyagers  had  to  leap  out  and  remain  in  the 
water  half  an  hour  at  a  time,  drawing  the  canoes  over  shoals,  and 
at  one  place  to  carry  them  a  quarter  of  a  mile  across  a  neck  of 
land,  the  river  being  completely  dammed  by  ice.  It  was  not  un- 
til the  22d  that  they  reached  Venango. 

Here  Washington  was  obliged,  most  unwillingly,  to  part  com 
pany  with  the  sachems.  White  Thunder  had  hurt  himself  and 
was  ill  and  unable  to  walk,  and  the  others  determined  to  remain 
at  Venango  for  a  day  or  two  and  convey  him  down  the  river  in  a 
canoe.  There  was  danger  that  the  smooth-tongued  and  convivial 
Joncaire  would  avail  himself  of  the  interval  to  ply  the  poor  mon- 
archs  of  the  woods  with  flattery  and  liquor.  Washington  en- 
deavored to  put  the  worthy  half-king  on  his  guard,  knowing  that 
he  had  once  before  shown  himself  but  little  proof  against  the 
seductions  of  the  bottle.  The  sachem,  however,  desired  him  not 
to  be  concerned ;  he  knew  the  French  too  well  for  any  thing  to 
engage  him  in  their  favor ;  nothing  should  shake  his  faith  to  his 
English  brothers ;  and  it  will  be  found  that  in  these  assurances 
he  was  sincere. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RETURN     FROM     VENANGO A    TRAMP    ON    FOOT MURDERING   TOWN THE   INDIAN 

GUIDE TREACHERY AN     ANXIOUS     NIGHT PERILS    ON  THE   ALLEGANY    RIVER 

QUEEN  ALIQUIPPA THE   OLD   WATCH-COAT — RETURN  ACROSS  THE  BLUE  RIDGE. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  Washington  and  his  little  party  set 
out  by  land  from  Venango  on  their  route  homeward.  They  had 
a  long  winter's  journey  before  them,  through  a  wilderness  beset 
with  dangers  and  difficulties.  The  packhorses,  laden  with  tents, 
baggage,  and  provisions,  were  completely  jaded;  it  was  feared 
they  would  give  out.  Washington  dismounted,  gave  up  his  sad- 
dle-horse to  aid  in  transporting  the  baggage,  and  requested  his 
companions  to  do  the  same.  None  but  the  drivers  remained  in 
the  saddle.  He  now  equipped  himself  in  an  Indian  hunting-dress, 
and  with  Yan  Braam,  Grist,  and  John  Davidson,  the  Indian  in- 
terpreter, proceeded  on  foot. 

The  cold  increased.  There  was  deep  snow  that  froze  as  it 
fell.  The  horses  grew  less  and  less  capable  of  travellings  For 
three  days  they  toiled  on  slowly  and  wearily.  Washington  was 
impatient  to  accomplish  his  journey,  and  make  his  report  to  the 
governor;  he  determined,  therefore,  to  hasten  some  distance  in 


84  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [IY53. 

advance  of  the  party,  and  then  strike  for  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio 
by  the  nearest  course  directly  through  the  woods.  He  accord- 
ingly put  the  cavalcade  under  the  command  of  Yan  Braam,  and 
furnished  him  with  money  for  expenses;  then  disencumbering 
himself  of  all  superfluous  clothing,  buckling  himself  up  in  a 
watch-coat,  strapping  his  pack  on  his  shoulders,  containing  his 
papers  and  provisions,  and  taking  gun  in  hand,  he  left  the  horse3 
to  flounder  on,  and  struck  manfully  ahead,  accompanied  only  by 
Mr.  Grist,  who  had  equipped  himself  in  like  manner. 

At  night  they  lit  a  fire,  and  "  camped  "  by  it  in  the  woods. 
At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  were  again  on  foot,  and 
pressed  forward  until  they  struck  the  south-east  fork  of  Beaver 
Creek,  at  a  place  bearing  the  sinister  name  of  Murdering  Town ; 
probably  the  scene  of  some  Indian  massacre. 

Here  Washington,  in  planning  his  route,  had  intended  to 
le.ive  the  regular  path,  and  strike  through  the  woods  for  Shanno- 
pius  Town,  two  or  three  miles  above  the  fork  of  the  Ohio,  where 
he  hoped  to  be  able  to  cross  the  Allegany  River  on  the  ice. 

At  Murdering  Town  he  found  a  party  of  Indians,  who  appeared 
to  have  known  of  his  coming,  and  to  have  been  waiting  for  him. 
One  of  them  accosted  Mr.  Grist,  and  expressed  great  joy  at  seeing 
him.  The  wary  woodsman  regarded  him  narrowly,  and  thought 
he  had  seen  him  at  Joncaire's.  If  so,  he  and  his  comrades  were 
in  the  French  interest,  and  their  lying  in  wait  boded  no  good. 
The  Indian  was  very  curious  in  his  inquiries  as  to  when  they  had 
left  Venango ;  how  they  came  to  be  travelling  on  foot ;  where 
they  had  left  their  horses,  and  when  it  was  probable  the  latter 
would  reach  this  place.  All  these  questions  increased  the  dis- 
trust of  Gist,  and  rendered  him  extremely  cautious  in  reply. 

The  route  hence  to  Shannopins  Town  lay  through  a  trackless 


1753.]  THE   INDIAN    GUIDE.  85 

wild,  of  which  the  travellers  knew  nothing;  after  some  consulta- 
tion, therefore,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  engage  one  of  the  In- 
dians as  a  guide.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with  alacrity, 
took  Washington's  pack  upon  his  back,  and  led  the  way  by  what 
he  said  was  the  most  direct  course.  After  travelling  briskly  for 
eight  or  ten  miles  Washington  became  fatigued,  and  his  feet 
were  chafed ;  he  thought,  too,  they  were  taking  a  direction  too 
much  to  the  north-east;  he  came  to  a  halt,  therefore,  and 
determined  to  light  a  fire,  make  a  shelter  of  the  bark  and 
branches  of  trees,  and  encamp  there  for  the  night.  The  Indian 
demurred ;  he  offered,  as  Washington  was  fatigued,  to  carry  his 
gun,  but  the  latter  was  too  wary  to  part  with  his  weapon.  The 
Indian  now  grew  churlish.  There  were  Ottawa  Indians  in  the 
woods,  he  said,  who  might  be  attracted  by  their  fire,  and  surprise 
and  scalp  them ;  he  urged,  therefore,  that  they  should  continue 
on :  he  would  take  them  to  his  cabin,  where  they  would  be  safe. 

Mr.  Gist's  suspicions  increased,  but  he  said  nothing.  Wash- 
ington's also  were  awakened.  They  proceeded  some  distance  fur- 
ther :  the  guide  paused  and  listened.  He  had  heard,  he  said, 
the  report  of  a  gun  toward  the  north ;  it  must  be  from  his  cabin ; 
he  accordingly  turned  his  steps  in  that  direction. 

Washington  began  to  apprehend  an  ambuscade  of  savages. 
He  knew  the  hostility  of  many  of  them  to  the  English,  and  what 
a  desirable  trophy  was  the  scalp  of  a  white  man.  The  Indian 
still  kept  on  toward  the  north ;  he  pretended  to  hear  two  whoops 
— they  were  from  his  cabin — it  could  not  be  far  off. 

They  went  on  two  miles  further,  when  Washington  signified 
his  determination  to  encamp  at  the  first  water  they  should  find. 
The  guide  said  nothing,  but  kept  doggedly  on.  After  a  little 
while  they  arrived  at  an  opening  in  the  woods,  and  emerging 


86  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

from  the  deep  shadows  in  which  they  had  been  travelling,  found 
themselves  in  a  clear  meadow,  rendered  still  more  light  by 
the  glare  of  the  snow  upon  the  ground.  Scarcely  had  they 
emerged  when  the  Indian,  who  was  about  fifteen  paces  ahead, 
suddenly  turned,  levelled  his  gun,  and  fired.  Washington  was 
startled  for  an  instant,  but,  feeling  that  he  was  not  wounded,  de- 
manded quickly  of  Mr.  Gist  if  he  was  shot.  The  latter  answered 
in  the  negative.  The  Indian  in  the  mean  time  had  run  forward, 
and  screened  himself  behind  a  large  white  oak,  where  he  was  re- 
loading his  gun.  They  overtook,  and  seized  him.  Grist  would 
have  put  him  to  death  on  the  spot,  but  Washington  humanely 
prevented  him.  They  permitted  him  to  finish  the  loading  of  his 
gun  5  but,  after  he  had  put  in  the  ball,  took  the  weapon  from  him, 
and  let  him  see  that  he  was  under  guard. 

Arriving  at  a  small  stream  they  ordered  the  Indian  to  make 
a  fire,  and  took  turns  to  watch  over  the  guns.  While  he  was 
thus  occupied,  Gist,  a  veteran  woodsman,  and  accustomed  to  hold 
the  life  of  an  Indian  rather  cheap,  was  somewhat  incommoded  by 
the  scruples  of  his  youthful  commander,  which  might  enable  the 
savage  to  carry  out  some  scheme  of  treachery.  He  observed  to 
Washington  that,  since  he  would  not  suffer  the  Indian  to  be 
killed,  they  must  manage  to  get  him  out  of  the  way,  and  then 
decamp  with  all  speed,  and  travel  all  night  to  leave  this  perfidious 
neighborhood  behind  them ;  but  first  it  was  necessary  to  blind 
the  guide  as  to  their  intentions.  He  accordingly  addressed  him 
in  a  friendly  tone,  and  adverting  to  the  late  circumstance,  pre- 
tended to  suppose  that  he  had  lost  his  way,  and  fired  his  gun 
merely  as  a  signal.  The  Indian,  whether  deceived  or  not,  readily 
chimed  in  with  the  explanation.  He  said  he  now  knew  the  way 
to  his  cabin,  which  was  at  no  great  distance.     "  Well  then,"  re- 


1753.]  AN   ANXIOUS    NIGHT.  87 

plied  Grist,  "  you  can  go  home,  and  as  we  are  tired  we  will  re- 
main here  for  the  night,  and  follow  your  track  at  daylight.  In 
the  mean  time  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for  you,  and  you  must  give 
us  some  meat  in  the  morning." 

Whatever  might  have  been  the  original  designs  of  the  savage, 
he  was  evidently  glad  to  get  off.  Gist  followed  him  cautiously 
for  a  distance,  and  listened  until  the  sound  of  his  footsteps  died 
away  j  returning  then  to  Washington,  they  proceeded  about  half 
a  mile,  made  another  fire,  set  their  compass  and  fixed  their  course 
by  the  light  of  it,  then  leaving  it  burning,  pushed  forward,  and 
travelled  as  fast  as  possible  all  night,  so  as  to  gain  a  fair  start 
should  any  one  pursue  them  at  daylight.  Continuing  on  the 
next  day  they  never  relaxed  their  speed  until  nightfall,  when  they 
arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Allegany  River,  about  two  miles 
above  Shannopins  Town. 

Washington  had  expected  to  find  the  river  frozen  completely 
over;  it  was  so  only  for  about  fifty  yards  from  either  shore, 
while  great  quantities  of  broken  ice  were  driving  down  the  main 
channel.  Trusting  that  he  had  out-travelled  pursuit,  he  encamped 
on  the  border  of  the  river  ;  still  it  was  an  anxious  night,  and  he 
was  up  at  daybreak  to  devise  some  means  of  reaching  the  oppo- 
site bank.  No  other  mode  presented  itself  than  by  a  raft,  and 
to  construct  this  they  had  but  one  poor  hatchet.  With  this  they 
set  resolutely  to  work  and  labored  all  day,  but  the  sun  went  down 
before  their  raft  was  finished.  They  launched  it,  however,  and 
getting  on  board,  endeavored  to  propel  it  across  with  setting  poles. 
Before  they  were  half  way  over  the  raft  became  jammed  between 
cakes  of  ice,  and  they  were  in  imminent  peril.  Washington 
planted  his  pole  on  the  bottom  of  the  stream,  and  leaned  against 
it  with  all  his  might,  to  stay  the  raft  until  the  ice  should  pass 


88  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1753. 

by.  The  rapid  current  forced  the  ice  against  the  pole  with  such 
violence  that  he  was  jerked  into  the  water,  where  it  was  at  least 
ten  feet  deep,  and  only  saved  himself  from  being  swept  away 
and  drowned  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  raft  logs. 

It  was  now  impossible  with  all  their  exertions  to  get  to 
either  shore ;  abandoning  the  raft  therefore,  they  got  upon  an 
island,  near  which  they  were  drifting.  Here  they  passed  the  night 
exposed  to  intense  cold,  by  which  the  hands  and  feet  of  Mr.  Grist 
were  frozen.  In  the  morning  they  found  the  drift  ice  wedged  so 
closely  together,  that  they  succeeded  in  getting  from  the  island 
to  the  opposite  side  of  the  river ;  and  before  night  were  in  com- 
fortable quarters  at  the  house  of  Frazier,  the  Indian  trader,  at 
the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek  on  the  Monongahela. 

Here  they  learned  from  a  war  party  of  Indians  that  a  band  of 
Ottawas,  a  tribe  in  the  interest  of  the  French,  had  massacred  a 
whole  family  of  whites  on  the  banks  of  the  great  Kanawha  River. 

At  Frazier's  they  were  detained  two  or  three  days  endeavor- 
ing to  procure  horses.  In  this  interval  Washington  had  again 
occasion  to  exercise  Indian  diplomacy.  About  three  miles  dis- 
tant, at  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogeny  River,  dwelt  a  female  sa- 
chem, Queen  Aliquippa,  as  the  English  called  her,  whose  sove- 
reign dignity  had  been  aggrieved,  that  the  party  on  their  way  to 
the  Ohio,  had  passed  near  her  royal  wigwam  without  paying  their 
respects  to  her. 

Aware  of  the  importance,  at  this  critical  juncture,  of  securing 
the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  Washington  availed  himself  of  the 
interruption  of  his  journey,  to  pay  a  visit  of  ceremony  to  this 
native  princess.  Whatever  anger  she  may  have  felt  at  past  neg- 
lect, it  was  readily  appeased  by  a  present  of  his  old  watch-coat ; 
and  her  good  graces  were  completely  secured  by  a  bottle  of  rum, 


1754.]  REPORT    TO    THE    GOVERNOR.  89 

which,  he  intimates,  appeared  to  be  peculiarly  acceptable  to  her 
majesty. 

Leaving  Frazier's  on  the  1st  of  January,  they  arrived  on  the 
2d  at  the  residence  of  Mr.  Gist,  on  the  Monongahela.  Here  they 
separated,  and  Washington  having  purchased  a  horse,  continued 
his  homeward  course,  passing  horses  laden  with  materials  and 
stores  for  the  fort  at  the  fork  of  the  Ohio,  and  families  going  out 
to  settle  there. 

Having  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge  and  stopped  one  day  at  Bel- 
voir  to  rest,  he  reached  Williamsburg  on  the  16th  of  January, 
where  he  delivered  to  G-overnor  Dinwiddie  the  letter  of  the  French 
commandant,  and  made  him  a  full  report  of  the  events  of  his 
mission. 

We  have  been  minute  in  our  account  of  thi3  expedition  as  it 
was  an  early  test  and  development  of  the  various  talents  and  char- 
acteristics of  Washington. 

The  prudence,  sagacity,  resolution,  firmness,  and  self-devotion 
manifested  by  him  throughout ;  his  admirable  tact  and  self-pos- 
session in  treating  with  fickle  savages  and  crafty  white  men  ;  the 
soldier's  eye  with  which  he  had  noticed  the  commanding  and  de- 
fensible points  of  the  country,  and  every  thing  that  would  bear 
upon  military  operations ;  and  the  hardihood  with  which  he  had 
acquitted  himself  during  a  wintry  tramp  through  the  wilderness, 
through  constant  storms  of  rain  and  snow ;  often  sleeping  on  the 
ground  without  a  tent  in  the  open  air,  and  in  danger  from  treach- 
erous foes, — all  pointed  him  out,  not  merely  to  the  governor,  but  to 
the  public  at  large,  as  one  eminently  fitted,  notwithstanding  his 
youth,  for  important  trusts  involving  civil  as  well  as  military  duties 
It  is  an  expedition  that  may  be  considered  the  foundation  of  his 
fortunes.     From  that  moment  he  was  the  rising  hope  of  Virginia 


CHAPTER  X. 

REPLY   OF  THE   CHEVALIER   DE  ST.    PIERRE TRENT'S    MISSION   TO   THE   FRONTIER — 

WASHINGTON   RECRUITS   TROOPS DINWIDDLE   AND   THE  HOUSE   OF  BURGESSES 

INDEPENDENT   CONDUCT   OF  THE  VIRGINIANS — EXPEDIENTS  TO  GAIN  RECRULTS 

JACOB    VAN   BRAAM    IN    SERVICE TOILFUL   MARCH  TO   WILLS'  CREEK CONTRE- 

0O2UR   AT   THE   FORK   OF   THE    OHIO — TRENT'S   REFRACTORY  TROOPS. 

The  reply  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Pierre  was  such  as  might  have 
been  expected  from  that  courteous,  but  wary  commander.  He 
should  transmit,  he  said,  the  letter  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  his 
general,  the  Marquis  du  Quesne,  "  to  whom,"  observed  he,  "  it 
better  belongs  than  to  me  to  set  forth  the  evidence  and  reality  of 
the  rights  of  the  king,  my  master,  upon  the  lands  situated  along 
the  river  Ohio,  and  to  contest  the  pretensions  of  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  thereto.  His  answer  shall  be  a  law  to  me.  *  # 
*  *  *  As  to  the  summons  you  send  me  to  retire,  I  do  not 
think  myself  obliged  to  obey  it.  Whatever  may  be  your  instruc- 
tions, I  am  here  by  virtue  of  the  orders  of  my  general ;  and  I 
entreat  you,  sir,  not  to  doubt  one  moment  but  that  I  am  deter- 
mined to  conform  myself  to  them  with  all  the  exactness  and  reso- 
lution which  can  be  expected  from  the  best  officer."  #  #  #  # 
"  I  made  it  my  particular  care,"  adds  he,  "  to  receive  Mr. 


1754.]  TRENT'S   MISSION    TO    THE    FRONTIER.  91 

Washington  with  a  distinction  suitable  to  your  dignity,  as  well  as 
his  own  quality  and  great  merit.  I  natter  myself  that  he  will  do 
me  this  justice  before  you,  sir,  and  that  he  will  signify  to  you,  in 
the  manner  I  do  myself,  the  profound  respect  with  which  I  am, 
sir,"  <fcc* 

This  soldier-like  and  punctilious  letter  of  the  chevalier  was 
considered  evasive,  and  only  intended  to  gain  time.  The  infor- 
mation given  by  Washington  of  what  he  had  observed  on  the 
frontier  convinced  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  his  council  that  the 
French  were  preparing  to  descend  the  Ohio  in  the  spring,  and 
take  military  possession  of  the  country.  Washington's  journal 
was  printed,  and  widely  promulgated  throughout  the  colonies  and 
England,  and  awakened  the  nation  to  a  sense  of  the  impending 
danger,  and  the  necessity  of  prompt  measures  to  anticipate  the 
French  movements. 

Captain  Trent  was  despatched  to  the  frontier,  commissioned 
to  raise  a  company  of  one  hundred  men,  march  with  all  speed  to 
the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and  finish  as  soon  as  possible  the  fort  com- 
menced there  by  the  Ohio  Company.  He  was  enjoined  to  act 
only  on  the  defensive,  but  to  capture  or  destroy  whoever  should 
oppose  the  construction  of  the  works,  or  disturb  the  settlements. 
The  choice  of  Captain  Trent  for  this  service,  notwithstanding  his 
late  inemcient  expedition,  was  probably  owing  to  his  being 
brother-in-law  to  George  Croghan,  who  had  grown  to  be  quite  a 
personage  of  consequence  on  the  frontier,  where  he  had  an  estab- 
lishment or  trading-house,  and  was  supposed  to  have  great  influ- 
ence among  the  western  tribes,  so  as  to  be  able  at  any  time  to 
persuade  many  of  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet. 

*  London  Mag.,  June,  1754. 


92  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Washington  was  empowered  to  raise  a  company  of  like  force 
at  Alexandria ;  to  procure  and  forward  munitions  and  supplies 
for  the  projected  fort  at  the  Fork,  and  ultimately  to  have  com- 
mand of  both  companies.  When  on  the  frontier  he  was  to  take 
council  of  G-eorge  Croghan  and  Andrew  Montour  the  interpreter, 
in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Indians,  they  being  esteemed  perfect 
oracles  in  that  department. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  in  the  mean  time  called  upon  the  gover- 
nors of  the  other  provinces  to  make  common  cause  against  the 
foe  j  he  endeavored,  also,  to  effect  alliances  with  the  Indian  tribes 
of  the  south,  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees,  by  way  of  counter- 
balancing the  Ghippewas  and  Ottawas,  who  were  devoted  to  the 
French. 

The  colonies,  however,  felt  as  yet  too  much  like  isolated  terri- 
tories ;  the  spirit  of  union  was  wanting.  Some  pleaded  a  want 
of  military  funds ;  some  questioned  the  justice  of  the  cause ; 
some  declined  taking  any  hostile  step  that  might  involve  them  in 
a  war,  unless  they  should  have  direct  orders  from  the  crown. 

Dinwiddie  convened  the  House  of  Burgesses  to  devise  measures 
for  the  public  security.  Here  his  high  idea  of  prerogative  and 
of  gubernatorial  dignity  met  with  a  grievous  countercheck  from 
the  dawning  spirit  of  independence.  High  as  were  the  powers 
vested  in  the  colonial  government  of  Virginia,  of  which,  though 
but  lieutenant-governor,  he  had  the  actual  control ;  they  were 
counterbalanced  by  the  power  inherent  in  the  people,  growing  out 
of  their  situation  and  circumstances,  and  acting  through  their 
representatives. 

There  was  no  turbulent  factious  opposition  to  government  in 
Virginia ;  no  "  fierce  democracy,"  the  rank  growth  of  crowded 
cities,  and  a  fermenting  populace ;  but  there  was  the  independence 


1754.]  DOUBTS   OF   THE    BURGESSES.  93 

of  men,  living  apart  in  patriarchal  style  on  their  own  rural  do- 
mains; surrounded  by  their  families,  dependants  and  slaves, 
among  whom  their  will  was  law, — and  there  was  the  individuality 
in  character  and  action  of  men  prone  to  nurture  peculiar  notions 
and  habits  of  thinking,  in  the  thoughtful  solitariness  of  country 
life. 

When  Dinwiddie  propounded  his  scheme  of  operations  on  the 
Ohio,  some  of  the  burgesses  had  the  hardihood  to  doubt  the 
claims  of  the  king  to  the  disputed  territory ;  a  doubt  which  the 
governor  reprobated  as  savoring  strongly  of  a  most  disloyal 
French  spirit ;  he  fired,  as  he  says,  at  the  thought  "  that  an  Eng- 
lish legislature  should  presume  to  doubt  the  right  of  his  majesty 
to  the  interior  parts  of  this  continent,  the  back  part  of  his 
dominions  ! " 

Others  demurred  to  any  grant  of  means  for  military  purposes 
which  might  be  construed  into  an  act  of  hostility.  To  meet  this 
scruple  it  was  suggested  that  the  grant  might  be  made  for  the 
purpose  of  encouraging  and  protecting  all  settlers  on  the  waters 
of  the  Mississippi.  And  under  this  specious  plea  ten  thousand 
pounds  were  grudgingly  voted ;  but  even  this  moderate  sum  was 
not  put  at  the  absolute  disposition  of  the  governor.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed  with  whom  he  was  to  confer  as  to  its  appro- 
priation. 

This  precaution  Dinwiddie  considered  an  insulting  invasion 
of  the  right  he  possessed  as  governor  to  control  the  purse  as  well 
as  the  sword;  and  he  complained  bitterly  of  the  assembly,  as 
deeply  tinctured  with  a  republican  way  of  thinking,  and  disposed 
to  encroach  on  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  "which  he  feared 
would  render  them  more  and  more  difficult  to  be  brought  to 
order?'1 


94  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Ways  and  means  being  provided,  Governor  Dinwiddie  aug- 
mented the  number  of  troops  to  be  enlisted  to  three  hundred, 
divided  into  six  companies.  The  command  of  the  whole,  as 
before,  was  offered  to  Washington,  but  he  shrank  from  it,  as  a 
charge  too  great  for  his  youth  and  inexperience.  It  was  given, 
therefore,  to  Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  an  English  gentleman  of  worth 
and  education,  and  Washington  was  made  second  in  command, 
with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel. 

The  recruiting,  at  first,  went  on  slowly.  Those  who  offered 
to  enlist,  says  Washington,  were  for  the  most  part  loose  idle  per- 
sons without  house  or  home,  some  without  shoes  or  stockings, 
some  shirtless,  and  many  without  coat  or  waistcoat. 

He  was  young  in  the  recruiting  service,  or  he  would  have 
known  that  such  is  generally  the  stuff  of  which  armies  are  made. 
In  this  country  especially  it  has  always  been  difficult  to  enlist  the 
active  yeomanry  by  holding  out  merely  the  pay  of  a  soldier.  The 
means  of  subsistence  are  too  easily  obtained  by  the  industrious, 
for  them  to  give  up  home  and  personal  independence  for  a  mere 
daily  support.  Some  may  be  tempted  by  a  love  of  adventure ; 
but  in  general,  they  require  some  prospect  of  ultimate  advantage 
that  may  "  better  their  condition." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  became  sensible  of  this,  and  resorted  to 
an  expedient  rising  out  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country, 
which  has  since  been  frequently  adopted,  and  always  with  efficacy. 
He  proclaimed  a  bounty  of  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land 
on  the  Ohio  River,  to  be  divided  among  the  officers  and  soldiers 
who  should  engage  in  this  expedition ;  one  thousand  to  be  laid 
off  contiguous  to  the  fort  at  the  fork,  for  the  use  of  the  garrison. 
This  was  a  tempting  bait  to  the  sons  of  farmers,  who  readily 


1754.]  CAPTAIN    ADAM    STEPHENS.  95 

enlisted  in  the  hope  of  having,  at  the  end  of  a  short  campaign,  a 
snug  farm  of  their  own  in  this  land  of  promise. 

It  was  a  more  difficult  matter  to  get  officers  than  soldiers. 
Very  few  of  those  appointed  made  their  appearance ;  one  of  the 
captains  had  been  promoted;  two  declined;  "Washington  found 
himself  left,  almost  alone,  to  manage  a  number  of  self-willed, 
undisciplined  recruits.  Happily  he  had  with  him,  in  the  rank  of 
lieutenant,  that  soldier  of  fortune,  Jacob  Yan  Braam,  his  old 
"  master  of  fence,"  and  travelling  interpreter. 

In  his  emergency  he  forthwith  nominated  him  captain,  and 
wrote  to  the  governor  to  confirm  the  appointment,  representing 
him  as  the  oldest  lieutenant,  and  an  experienced  officer. 

On  the  2d  of  April  "Washington  set  off  from  Alexandria  for 
the  new  fort,  at  the  fork  of  the  Ohio.  He  had  but  two  com- 
panies with  him,  amounting  to  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men ; 
the  remainder  of  the  regiment  was  to  follow  under  Colonel  Fry 
with  the  artillery,  which  was  to  be  conveyed  up  the  Potomac. 
While  on  the  march  he  was  joined  by  a  detachment  under  Cap- 
tain Adam  Stephens,  an  officer  destined  to  serve  with  him  at 
distant  periods  of  his  military  career. 

At  "Winchester  he  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  conveyances 
by  gentle  means,  and  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  avail  himself  of 
the  militia  law  of  Virginia,  and  impress  horses  and  waggons  for 
service ;  giving  the  owners  orders  on  government  for  their  ap- 
praised value.  Even  then,  out  of  a  great  number  impressed,  he 
obtained  but  ten,  after  waiting  a  week ;  these,  too,  were  grudg- 
ingly furnished  by  farmers  with  their  worst  horses,  so  that  in 
steep  and  difficult  passes  they  were  incompetent  to  the  draught, 
and  the  soldiers  had  continually  to  put  their  shoulders  to  the 
wheels. 


96  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Thus  slenderly  fitted  out,  "Washington  and  his  little  force 
made  their  way  toilfully  across  the  mountains,  having  to  prepare 
the  roads  as  they  went  for  the  transportation  of  the  cannon,  which 
were  to  follow  on  with  the  other  division  under  Colonel  Fry. 
They  cheered  themselves  with  the  thoughts  that  this  hard  work 
would  cease  when  they  should  arrive  at  the  company's  trading- 
post  and  store-house  at  Wills'  Creek,  where  Captain  Trent  was 
to  have  packhorses  in  readiness,  with  which  they  might  make  the 
rest  of  the  way  by  light  stages.  Before  arriving  there  they  were 
startled  by  a  rumor  that  Trent  and  all  his  men  had  been  captured 
by  the  French.  With  regard  to  Trent,  the  news  soon  proved  to 
be  false,  for  they  found  him  at  Wills'  Creek  on  the  20th  of  April. 
With  regard  to  his  men  there  was  still  an  uncertainty.  He  had 
recently  left  them  at  the  fork  of  the  Ohio,  busily  at  work  on  the 
fort,  under  the  command  of  his  lieutenant,  Frazier,  late  Indian 
trader  and  gunsmith,  but  now  a  provincial  officer.  If  the  men 
had  been  captured,  it  must  have  been  since  the  captain's  departure. 
Washington  was  eager  to  press  forward  and  ascertain  the  truth, 
but  it  was  impossible.  Trent,  inefficient  as  usual,  had  failed  to 
provide  packhorses.  It  was  necessary  to  send  to  Winchester, 
forty  miles  distant,  for  baggage  waggons,  and  await  their  arrival. 
All  uncertainty  as  to  the  fate  of  the  men,  however,  was  brought 
to  a  close  by  their  arrival,  on  the  25th,  conducted  by  an  ensign, 
and  bringing  with  them  their  working  implements.  The  French 
might  well  boast  that  they  had  again  been  too  quick  for  the 
English.  Captain  Contrecoeur,  an  alert  officer,  had  embarked 
about  a  thousand  men  with  field-pieces,  in  a  fleet  of  sixty  batteaux 
and  three  hundred  canoes,  dropped  down  the  river  from  Venango, 
and  suddenly  made  his  appearance  before  the  fort,  on  which  the 
men  were  working,  and  which  was  not  half  completed.     Landing, 


1754.]  CATASTROPHE   AT    THE-  FORT.  97 

drawing  up  his  men,  and  planting  his  artillery,  he  summoned  the 
fort  to  surrender,  allowing  one  hour  for  a  written  reply. 

What  was  to  be  done !  the  whole  garrison  did  not  exceed 
fifty  men.  -  Captain  Trent  was  absent  at  Wills'  Creek ;  Frazier, 
his  lieutenant,  was  at  his  own  residence  at  Turtle  Creek,  ten  miles 
distant.  There  was  no  officer  to  reply  but  a  young  ensign  of  the 
name  of  Ward.  In  his  perplexity  he  turned  for  counsel  to 
Tanacharisson,  the  half-king,  who  was  present  in  the  fort.  The 
chief  advised  the  ensign  to  plead  insufficiency  of  rank  and  powers, 
and  crave  delay  until  the  arrival  of  his  superior  officer.  The 
ensign  repaired  to  the  French  camp  to  offer  this  excuse  in  person, 
and  was  accompanied  by  the  half-king.  They  were  courteously 
received,  but  Contrecoeur  was  inflexible.  There  must  be  instant 
surrender,  or  he  would  take  forcible  possession.  All  that  the 
ensign  could  obtain  was  permission  to  depart  with  his  men,  taking 
with  them  their  working  tools.  The  capitulation  ended.  Con- 
trecoeur, with  true  French  gayety,  invited  the  ensign  to  sup  with 
him  •  treated  him  with  the  utmost  politeness,  and  wished  him  a 
pleasant  journey,  as  he  set  off  the  next  morning  with  his  men 
laden  with  their  working  tools. 

Such  was  the  ensign's  story.  He  was  accompanied  by  two 
Indian  warriors,  sent  by  the  half-king  to  ascertain  where  the  de- 
tachment was,  what  was  its  strength,  and  when  it  might  be  ex- 
pected at  the  Ohio.  They  bore  a  speech  from  that  sachem  to 
Washington,  and  another,  with  a  belt  of  wampum  for  the  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia.  In  these  he  plighted  his  steadfast  faith  to  the 
English,  and  claimed  assistance  from  his  brothers  of  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania. 

One  of  these  warriors  Washington  forwarded  on  with  the 
speech  and  wampum  to  Governor  Dinwiddie.     The  other  he  pre- 

Vol.  L— i 


98  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

vailed  on  to  return  to  the  half-king,  bearing  a  speech  from  him, 
addressed  to  the  "  Sachems,  warriors  of  the  Six  United  Nations, 
Shannoahs  and  Delawares,  our  friends  and  brethren."  In  this  he 
informed  them  that  he  was  on  the  advance  with  a  part  of  the 
army,  to  clear  the  road  for  a  greater  force  coming  with  guns, 
ammunition,  and  provisions ;  and  he  invited  the  half-king  and 
another  sachem  to  meet  him  on  the  road  as  soon  as  possible  to 
hold  a  council. 

In  fact,  his  situation  was  arduous  in  the  extreme.  Regarding 
the  conduct  of  the  French  in  the  recent  occurrence  an  overt  act  of 
war,  he  found  himself  thrown  with  a  handful  of  raw  recruits  far 
on  a  hostile  frontier,  in  the  midst  of  a  wilderness,  with  an  enemy 
at  hand  greatly  superior  in  number  and  discipline ;  provided  with 
artillery,  and  all  the  munitions  of  war,  and  within  reach  of  con- 
stant supplies  and  reinforcements.  Beside  the  French  that  had 
come  from  Venango,  he  had  received  credible  accounts  of  another 
party  ascending  the  Ohio ;  and  of  six  hundred  Chippewas  and 
Ottawas  marching  down  Scioto  Creek  to  join  the  hostile  camp. 
Still,  notwithstanding  the  accumulating  danger,  it  would  not  do 
to  fall  back,  nor  show  signs  of  apprehension.  His  Indian  allies 
in  such  case  might  desert  him.  The  soldiery,  too,  might  grow 
restless  and  dissatisfied.  He  was  already  annoyed  by  Captain 
Trent's  men,  who,  having  enlisted  as  volunteers,  considered  them- 
selves exempt  from  the  rigor  of  martial  law ;  and  by  their  exam- 
ple of  loose  and  refractory  conduct,  threatened  to  destroy  the 
subordination  of  his  own  troops. 

In  this  dilemma  he  called  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was 
determined  to  proceed  to  the  Ohio  Company  store-houses,  at  the 
mouth  of  Redstone  Creek;  fortify  themselves  there,  and  wait 
for  reinforcements.     Here  they  might  keep  up  a  vigilant  watch 


1754]  LEGISLATIVE    CROSS-PURPOSES.  99 

upon  the  enemy,  and  get  notice  of  any  hostile  movement  in  time 
for  defence,  or  retreat ;  and  should  they  be  reinforced  sufficiently 
to  enable  them  to  attack  the  fort,  they  could  easily  drop  down 
the  river  with  their  artillery. 

With  these  alternatives  in  view,  Washington  detached  sixty 
men  in  advance  to  make  a  road ;  and  at  the  same  time  wrote  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie  for  mortars  and  grenadoes,  and  cannon  of 
heavy  metal. 

Aware  that  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  was  in  session, 
and  that  the  Maryland  Assembly  would  also  meet  in  the  course 
of  a  few  days,  he  wrote  directly  to  the  governors  of  those  pro- 
vinces, acquainting  them  with  the  hostile  acts  of  the  French,  and 
with  his  perilous  situation ;  and  endeavoring  to  rouse  them  to  co- 
operation in  the  common  cause.  We  will  here  note  in  advance 
that  his  letter  was  laid  before  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  a  bill  was  about  to  be  passed  making  appropriations  for  the 
service  of  the  king ;  but  it  fell  through,  in  consequence  of  a  disa- 
greement between  the  Assembly  and  the  governor  as  to  the  mode 
in  which  the  money  should  be  raised ;  and  so  no  assistance  was 
furnished  to  Washington  from  that  quarter.  The  youthful  com- 
mander had  here  a  foretaste,  in  these  his  incipient  campaigns,  of 
the  perils  and  perplexities  which  awaited  him  from  enemies  in 
the  field,  and  lax  friends  in  legislative  councils  in  the  grander 
operations  of  his  future  years.  Before  setting  off  for  Redstone 
Creek,  he  discharged  Trent's  refractory  men  from  his  detach- 
ment, ordering  them  to  await  Colonel  Fry's  commands;  they, 
however,  in  the  true  spirit  of  volunteers  from  the  backwoods, 
dispersed  to  their  several  homes. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  observe,  in  this  place,  that  both  Captain 
Trent  and  Lieutenant  Frazier  were  severely  censured  for  being 


100  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

absent  from  their  post  at  the  time  of  the  French  summons. 
"  Trent's  behavior,"  said  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  "  has  been  very  tardy,  and  has  convinced  the  world 
of  what  they  before  suspected — his  great  timidity.  Lieutenant 
Frazier,  though  not  altogether  blameless,  is  much  more  excusable, 
for  he  would  not  accept  of  the  commission  until  he  had  a  promise 
from  his  captain  that  he  should  not  reside  at  the  fort,  nor  visit 
it  above  once  a  week,  or  as  he  saw  necessity."  In  fact,  Wash- 
ington subsequently  recommended  Frazier  for  the  office  of  adju- 
tant. 


CHAPTER  XL 

MARCH    TO    THE    LITTLE     MEADOWS RUMORS     FROM     THE    OHIO CORRESPONDENCE 

FROM  THE  BANKS  OF  THE  YOUGHIOGENY ATTEMPT  TO    DESCEND   THAT   RIVER — 

ALARMING    REPORTS — SCOUTING   PARTIES PERILOUS   SITUATION  OF  THE  CAMP — 

GIST  AND  LA    FORCE — MESSAGE    FROM    THE    HALF-KING — FRENCH    TRACKS THE 

JUMONVILLE     SKIRMISH TREATMENT    OF    LA    FORCE POSITION   AT    THE    GREAT 

MEADOWS BELLIGERENT  FEELINGS  OF  A  YOUNG  SOLDIER. 

On  the  29th  of  April  Washington  set  out  from  Wills'  Creek  at 
the  head  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men.  He  soon  overtook  those 
sent  in  advance  to  work  the  road ;  they  had  made  but  little  pro- 
gress. It  was  a  difficult  task  to  break  a  road  through  the  wil- 
derness sufficient  for  the  artillery  coming  on  with  Colonel  Fry's 
division.  All  hands  were  now  set  to  work,  but  with  all  their 
labor  they  could  not  accomplish  more  than  four  miles  a  day. 
They  were  toiling  through  Savage  Mountain  and  that  dreary 
forest  region  beyond  it,  since  bearing  the  sinister  name  of  "  The 
Shades  of  Death."  On  the  9th  of  May  they  were  not  further 
than  twenty  miles  from  Wills'  Creek,  at  a  place  called  the  Little 
Meadows. 

Every  day  came  gloomy  accounts  from  the  Ohio;  brought 
chiefly  by  traders,  who,  with  packhorses  bearing  their  effects, 
were  retreating  to  the  more  settled  parts  of  the  country.     Some 


102  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

exaggerated  the  number  of  the  French,  as  if  strongly  reinforced. 
All  represented  them  as  diligently  at  work  constructing  a  fort. 
By  their  account  Washington  perceived  the  French  had  chosen 
the  very  place  which  he  had  noted  in  his  journal  as  best  fitted  for 
the  purpose. 

One  of  the  traders  gave  information  concerning  La  Force  the 
French  emissary,  who  had  beset  Washington  when  on  his  mission 
to  the  frontier,  and  acted,  as  he  thought,  the  part  of  a  spy.  He 
had  been  at  Gist's  new  settlement  beyond  Laurel  Hill,  and  was 
prowling  about  the  country  with  four  soldiers  at  his  heels  on  a 
pretended  hunt  after  deserters.  Washington  suspected  him  to  be 
on  a  reconnoitering  expedition. 

It  was  reported,  moreover,  that  the  French  were  lavishing 
presents  on  the  Indians  about  the  lower  part  of  the  river,  to  draw 
them  to  their  standard.  Among  all  these  flying  reports  and  alarms 
Washington  was  gratified  to  learn  that  the  half-king  was  on  his 
way  to  meet  him  at  the  head  of  fifty  warriors. 

After  infinite  toil  through  swamps  and  forests,  and  over  rug- 
ged mountains,  the  detachment  arrived  at  the  Youghiogeny  River, 
where  they  were  detained  some  days  constructing  a  bridge  to 
cross  it. 

This  gave  Washington  leisure  to  correspond  with  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  concerning  matters  which  had  deeply  annoyed  him. 
By  an  ill-judged  economy  of  the  Virginia  government  at  this 
critical  juncture,  its  provincial  officers  received  less  pay  than  that 
allowed  in  the  regular  army.  It  is  true  the  regular  officers  were 
obliged  to  furnish  their  own  table,  but  their  superior  pay  enabled 
them  to  do  it  luxuriously ;  whereas  the  provincials  were  obliged 
to  do  hard  duty  on  salt  provisions  and  water.  The  provincial 
officers  resented  this  inferiority  of  pay  as  an  indignity,  and  de- 


1754]  Washington's  motives  of  action.  103 

clared  that  nothing  prevented  them  from  throwing  up  their  com- 
missions but  unwillingness  to  recede  before  approaching  danger. 

Washington  shared  deeply  this  feeling.  "  Let  him  serve  volun- 
tarily, and  he  would  with  the  greatest  pleasure  in  life  devote  his 
services  to  the  expedition — but  to  be  slaving  through  woods,  rocks, 
and  mountains,  for  the  shadow  of  pay — "  writes  he,  "  I  would 
rather  toil  like  a  day  laborer  for  a  maintenance,  if  reduced  to  the 
necessity,  than  serve  on  such  ignoble  terms."  Parity  of  pay  was 
indispensable  to  the  dignity  of  the  service. 

Other  instances  of  false  economy  were  pointed  out  by  him, 
forming  so  many  drags  upon  the  expedition,  that  he  quite  de- 
spaired of  success.  "  Be  the  consequence  what  it  will,  however," 
adds  he,  "  I  am  determined  not  to  leave  the  regiment,  but  to  be 
among  the  last  men  that  leave  the  Ohio ;  even  if  I  serve  as  a 
private  volunteer,  which  I  greatly  prefer  to  the  establishment  we 
are  upon.  *  *  *  *  I  have  a  constitution  hardy  enough  to 
encounter  and  undergo  the  most  severe  trials,  and  I  flatter  myself 
resolution  to  face  what  any  man  dares,  as  shall  be  proved  when  it 
comes  to  the  test." 

And  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  Colonel  Fairfax — "  For  my  own 
part,"  writes  he,  "  it  ia  a  matter  almost  indifferent  whether  I 
serve  for  full  pay  or  as  a  generous  volunteer  ;  indeed,  did  my  cir- 
cumstances correspond  with  my  inclinations,  I  should  not  hesitate 
a  moment  to  prefer  the  latter ;  for  the  motives  that  have  led  me 
here  are  pure  and  noble.  I  had  no  view  of  acquisition  but 
that  of  honor,  by  serving  faithfully  my  Icing  and  country.11 

Such  were  the  noble  impulses  of  "Washington  at  the  age  of 
twenty-two,  and  such  continued  to  actuate  him  throughout  life. 
We  have  put  the  latter  part  of  the  quotation  in  italics,  as  appli- 
cable to  the  motives  which  in  after  life  carried  him  into  the  Revo- 
lution. 


104  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754 

While  the  bridge  over  the  Youghiogeny  was  in  the  course  of 
construction,  the  Indians  assured  Washington  he  would  never  be 
able  to  open  a  waggon-road  across  the  mountains  to  Redstone 
Creek ;  he  embarked  therefore  in  a  canoe  with  a  lieutenant,  three 
soldiers,  and  an  Indian  guide,  to  try  whether  it  was  possible  to 
descend  the  river.  They  had  not  descended  above  ten  miles  be- 
fore the  Indian  refused  to  go  further.  Washington  soon  ascer- 
tained the  reason.  "  Indians,"  said  he,  "  expect  presents — noth- 
ing can  be  done  without  them.  The  French  take  this  method. 
If  you  want  one  or  more  to  conduct  a  party,  to  discover  the  coun- 
try, to  hunt,  or  for  any  particular  purpose,  they  must  be  bought ; 
their  friendship  is  not  so  warm  as  to  prompt  them  to  these  ser- 
vices gratis."  The  Indian  guide  in  the  present  instance,  was 
propitiated  by  the  promise  of  one  of  Washington's  ruffled  shirts, 
and  a  watch-coat. 

The  river  was  bordered  by  mountains  and  obstructed  by  rocks 
and  rapids.  Indians  might  thread  such  a  labyrinth  in  their  light 
canoes,  but  it  would  never  admit  the  transportation  of  troops  and 
military  stores.  Washington  kept  on  for  thirty  miles,  until  he 
came  to  a  place  where  the  river  fell  nearly  forty  feet  in  the  space 
of  fifty  yards.  There  he  ceased  to  explore,  and  returned  to 
camp,  resolving  to  continue  forward  by  land.  y 

On  the  23d  Indian  scouts  brought  word  that  the  French  were 
not  above  eight  hundred  strong,  and  that  about  half  their  num- 
ber had  been  detached  at  night  on  a  secret  expedition.  Close 
upon  this  report  came  a  message  from  the  half-king,  addressed 
"  to  the  first  of  his  majesty's  officers  whom  it  may  concern." 

"  It  is  reported,"  said  he,  "  that  the  French  army  is  coming 
to  meet  Major  Washington.  Be  on  your  guard  against  them,  my 
brethren,  for  they  intend  to  strike  the  first  English  they  shall  see, 


1754.J  LUKKIKG   FOES.  105 

They  have  been  on  their  march  two  days.  I  know  not  their  num- 
ber. The  half-king  and  the  rest  of  the  chiefs  will  be  with  you 
in  live  days  to  hold  a  council." 

In  the  evening  Washington  was  told  that  the  French  were 
crossing  the  ford  of  the  Youghiogeny  about  eighteen  miles  distant. 
He  now  hastened  to  take  a  position  in  a  place  called  the  Great 
Meadows,  where  he  caused  the  bushes  to  be  cleared  away,  made  an 
intrenchment,  and  prepared  what  he  termed  "  a  charming  field 
for  an  encounter." 

A  party  of  scouts  were  mounted  on  waggon  horses,  and  sent 
out  to  reconnoitre.  They  returned  without  having  seen  an 
enemy.  A  sensitiveness  prevailed  in  the  camp.  They  were  sur- 
rounded by  forests,  threatened  by  unseen  foes,  and  hourly  in 
danger  of  surprise.  There  was  an  alarm  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
night.  The  sentries  fired  upon  what  they  took  to  be  prowling 
foes.  The  troops  sprang  to  arms,  and  remained  on  the  alert  un- 
til daybreak.  Not  an  enemy  was  to  be  seen.  The  roll  was 
called.     Six  men  were  missing,  who  had  deserted. 

On  the  25th  Mr.  Gist  arrived  from  his  place,  about  fifteen 
miles  distant.  La  Force  had  been  there  at  noon  on  the  previous 
day,  with  a  detachment  of  fifty  men,  and  Gist  had  since  come 
upon  their  track  within  five  miles  of  the  camp.  Washington 
considered  La  Force  a  bold,  enterprising  man,  subtle  and  danger- 
ous; one  to  be  particularly  guarded  against.  He  detached 
seventy-five  men  in  pursuit  of  him  and  his  prowling  band. 

About  nine  o'clock  at  night  came  an  Indian  messenger  from 
the  half-king,  who  was  encamped  with  several  of  his  people  about 
six  miles  off.  The  chief  had  seen  tracks  of  two  Frenchmen,  and 
was  convinced  their  whole  body  must  be  in  ambush  near  by. 

Washington  considered  this  the  force  which  had  been  hover- 

Vol.  I.— 5* 


106  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

ing  about  him  for  several  days,  and  determined  to  forestall  their 
hostile  designs.  Leaving  a  guard  with  the  baggage  and  ammu- 
nition, he  set  out  before  ten  o'clock,  with  forty  men,  to  join  his 
Indian  ally.  They  groped  their  way  in  single  file,  by  footpaths 
through  the  woods,  in  a  heavy  rain  and  murky  darkness,  tripping 
occasionally  and  stumbling  over  each  other,  sometimes  losing  the 
track  for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  so  that  it  was  near  sunrise 
when  they  reached  the  camp  of  the  half-king. 

That  chieftain  received  the  youthful  commander  with  great 
demonstrations  of  friendship,  and  engaged  to  go  hand  in  hand 
with  him  against  the  lurking  enemy.  He  set  out  accordingly, 
accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  warriors  and  his  associate  sachem 
Scarooyadi  or  Monacatoocha,  and  conducted  Washington  to  the 
tracks  which  he  had  discovered.  Upon  these  he  put  two  of  his 
Indians.  They  followed  them  up  like  hounds,  and  brought  back 
word  that  they  had  traced  them  to  a  low  bottom  surrounded  by 
rocks  and  trees,  where  the  French  were  encamped,  having  built  a 
few  cabins  for  shelter  from  the  rain. 

A  plan  was  now  concerted  to  come  upon  them  by  surprise ; 
"Washington  with  his  men  on  the  right;  the  half-king  with  his 
warriors  on  the  left ;  all  as  silently  as  possible.  Washington  was 
the  first  upon  the  ground.  As  he  advanced  from  among  the 
rocks  and  trees  at  the  head  of  his  men,  the  French  caught  sight 
of  him  and  ran  to  their  arms.  A  sharp  firing  instantly  took 
place,  and  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  for  about  fifteen  minutes. 
Washington  and  his  party  were  most  exposed  and  received  all  the 
enemy's  fire.  The  balls  whistled  around  him;  one  man  was 
killed  close  by  him,  and  three  others  wounded.  The  French  at 
length,  having  lost  several  of  their  number,  gave  way  and  ran. 
They  were  soon  overtaken ;  twenty-one  were  captured,  and  but 


1754.]  SKIRMISH    WITH    JUMONVILLE.  107 

one  escaped,  a  Canadian,  who  carried  the  tidings  of  the  affair  to 
the  fort  on  the  Ohio.  The  Indians  would  have  massacred  the 
prisoners  had  not  Washington  prevented  them.  Ten  of  the 
French  had  fallen  in  the  skirmish,  and  one  been  wounded. 
Washington's  loss  was  the  one  killed  and  three  wounded  which 
we  have  mentioned.  He  had  been  in  the  hottest  fire,  and  having 
for  the  first  time  heard  balls  whistle  about  him,  considered  his 
escape  miraculous.  Jumonville,  the  French  leader,  had  been  shot 
through  the  head  at  the  first  fire.  He  was  a  young  officer  of 
merit,  and  his  fate  was  made  the  subject  of  lamentation  in  prose 
and  verse — chiefly  through  political  motives. 

Of  the  twenty-one  prisoners  the  two  most  important  were  an 
officer  of  some  consequence  named  Drouillon,  and  the  subtle  and 
redoubtable  La  Force.  As  Washington  considered  the  latter  an 
arch  mischief-maker,  he  was  rejoiced  to  have  him  in  his  power. 
La  Force  and  his  companion  would  fain  have  assumed  the  sacred 
character  of  ambassadors,  pretending  they  were  coming  with  a 
summons  to  him  to  depart  from  the  territories  belonging  to  the 
crown  of  France. 

Unluckily  for  their  pretensions,  a  letter  of  instructions,  found 
on  Jumonville,  betrayed  their  real  errand,  which  was  to  inform 
themselves  of  the  roads,  rivers,  and  other  features  of  the  country 
as  far  as  the  Potomac ;  to  send  back  from  time  to  time,  by  fleet 
messengers,  all  the  information  they  could  collect,  and  to  give 
word  of  the  day  on  which  they  intended  to  serve  the  summons. 

Their  conduct  had  been  conformable.  Instead  of  coming  in  a 
direct  and  open  manner  to  his  encampment,  when  they  had  ascer- 
tained where  it  was,  and  delivering  their  summons,  as  they  would 
have  done  had  their  designs  been  frank  and  loyal,  they  had  moved 
back  two  miles,  to  one  of  the  most  secret  retirements,  better  for 


108  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754 

a  deserter  than  an  ambassador  to  encamp  in,  and  staid  there, 
within  five  miles  of  his  camp,  sending  spies  to  reconnoitre  it,  and 
despatching  messengers  to  Contrecceur  to  inform  him  of  its  posi- 
tion and  numerical  strength,  to  the  end,  no  doubt,  that  he  might 
send  a  sufiicient  detachment  to  enforce  the  summons  as  soon  as  it 
should  be  given.  In  fact,  the  footprints  which  had  first  led  to 
the  discovery  of  the  French  lurking-place,  were  those  of  two 
"  runners  "  or  swift  messengers,  sent  by  Jumonville  to  the  fort  on 
the  Ohio. 

It  would  seem  that  La  Force,  after  all,  was  but  an  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  his  commanding  officers,  and  not  in  their  full  con- 
fidence ;  for  when  the  commission  and  instructions  found  on  Ju- 
monville were  read  before  him,  he  professed  not  to  have  seen  them 
before,  and  acknowledged,  with  somewhat  of  an  air  of  ingenuous- 
ness, that  he  believed  they  had  a  hostile  tendency.* 

Upon  the  whole,  it  was  the  opinion  of  Washington  and  his 
officers  that  the  summons,  on  which  so  much  stress  was  laid,  was 
a  mere  specious  pretext  to  mask  their  real  designs  and  be  used  as 
occasion  might  require.  "  That  they  were  spies  rather  than  any 
thing  else,"  and  were  to  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 

The  half-king  joined  heartily  in  this  opinion;  indeed,  had 
the  fate  of  the  prisoners  been  in  his  hands,  neither  diplomacy  nor 
any  thing  else  would  have  been  of  avail.  "  They  came  with  hos- 
tile intentions,"  he  said ;  "  they  had  bad  hearts,  and  if  his  English 
brothers  were  so  foolish  as  to  let  them  go,  he  would  never  aid  in 
taking  another  Frenchman." 

The  prisoners  were  accordingly  conducted  to  the  camp  at  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  sent  on  the  following  day  (29th),  under  a 

*  Washington's  letter  to  Dinwiddie,  29th  May,  1154. 


1764.]  TREATMENT   OE   PRISONERS.  109 

strong  escort  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  then  at  Winchester.  Wash* 
ington  had  treated  them  with  great  courtesy;  had  furnished 
Drouillon  and  La  Force  with  clothing  from  his  own  scanty  stock, 
and,  at  their  request,  given  them  letters  to  the  governor,  bespeak- 
ing for  them  "  the  respect  and  favor  due  to  their  character  and 
personal  merit." 

A  sense  of  duty,  however,  obliged  him,  in  his  general  de- 
spatch, to  put  the  governor  on  his  guard  against  La  Force.  "  I 
really  think,  if  released,  he  would  do  more  to  our  disservice  than 
fifty  other  men,  as  he  is  a  person  whose  active  spirit  leads  him 
into  all  parties,  and  has  brought  him  acquainted  with  all  parts 
of  the  country.  Add  to  this  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  Indian 
tongue,  and  great  influence  with  the  Indians." 

After  the  departure  of  the  prisoners,  he  wrote  again  respect- 
ing them :  "I  have  still  stronger  presumption,  indeed  almost 
confirmation,  that  they  were  sent  as  spies,  and  were  ordered  to 
wait  near  us  till  they  were  fully  informed  of  our  intentions,  situ- 
ation, and  strength,  and  were  to  have  acquainted  their  commander 
therewith,  and  to  have  been  lurking  here  for  reinforcements  before 
they  served  the  summons,  if  served  at  all. 

"  I  doubt  not  but  they  will  endeavor  to  amuse  you  with  many 
smooth  stories,  as  they  did  me ;  but  they  were  confuted  in  them 
all,  and,  by  circumstances  too  plain  to  be  denied,  almost  made 
ashamed  of  their  assertions. 

"  I  have  heard  since  they  went  away,  they  should  say  they 
called  on  us  not  to  fire ;  but  that  I  know  to  be  false,  for  I  was  the 
first  man  that  approached  them,  and  the  first  whom  they  saw,  and 
immediately  they  ran  to  their  arms,  and  fired  briskly  till  they 
were  defeated."  ****«!  fancy  they  will  have  the  as- 
surance of  asking  the  privileges  due  to  an  embassy,  when  in  strict 
justice  they  ought  to  be  hanged  as  spies  of  the  worst  sort." 


110  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754, 

The  situation  of  Washington  was  now  extremely  perilous. 
Contrecoeur,  it  was  said,  had  nearly  a  thousand  men  with  him  at 
the  fort,  beside  Indian  allies ;  and  reinforcements  were  on  the 
way  to  join  him.  The  messengers  sent  by  Jumonville,  previous 
to  the  late  affair,  must  have  apprised  him  of  the  weakness  of  the 
eDcampment  on  the  Great  Meadows.  Washington  hastened  to 
strengthen  it.  He  wrote  by  express  also  to  Colonel  Fry,  who  lay 
ill  at  Wills'  Creek,  urging  instant  reinforcements ;  but  declaring 
his  resolution  to  "  fight  with  very  unequal  numbers  rather  than 
give  up  one  inch  of  what  he  had  gained." 

The  half-king  was  full  of  fight.  He  sent  the  scalps  of  the 
Frenchmen  slain  in  the  late  skirmish,  accompanied  by  black 
wampum  and  hatchets,  to  all  his  allies,  summoning  them  to  take 
up  arms  and  join  him  at  Redstone  Creek,  "  for  their  brothers,  the 
English,  had  now  begun  in  earnest."  It  is  said  he  would  even 
have  sent  the  scalps  of  the  prisoners  had  not  Washington  inter- 
fered.* He  went  off^for  his  home,  promising  to  send  down  the 
river  for  all  the  Mingoes  and  Shawnees,  and  to  be  back  at  the 
camp  on  the  30th,  with  thirty  or  forty  warriors,  accompanied  by 
their  wives  and  children.  To  assist  him  in  the  transportation  of 
his  people  and  their  effects  thirty  men  were  detached,  and  twenty 
horses. 

"  I  shall  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked,"  writes  Washington 
to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  on  the  29th,  "  and  by  unequal  numbers, 
which  I  must  withstand,  if  there  are  five  to  one,  for  I  fear  the 
consequence  will  be  that  we  shall  lose  the  Indians  if  we  suffer 
ourselves  to  be  driven  back.  Your  honor  may  depend  I  will  not 
be  surprised,  let  them  come  at  what  hour  they  will,  and  this  is  as 

*  Letter  from  Virginia. — London  Mag.,  1754. 


1754.]  MIL1TAKY    EXCITEMENT.  ill 

much  as  I  can  promise;  but  my  best  endeavors  shall  not  be 
wanting  to  effect  more.  I  doubt  not,  if  you  hear  I  am  beaten, 
but  you  will  hear  at  the  same  time  that  we  have  done  our  duty 
in  fighting  as  long  as  there  is  a  shadow  of  hope." 

The  fact  is,  that  Washington  was  in  a  high  state  of  military 
excitement.  He  was  a  young  soldier ;  had  been  for  the  first  time 
in  action,  and  been  successful.  The  letters  we  have  already 
quoted  show,  in  some  degree,  the  fervor  of  his  mind,  and  his 
readiness  to  brave  the  worst ;  but  a  short  letter,  written  to  one 
of  his  brothers,  on  the  31st,  lays  open  the  recesses  of  his  heart. 

"  We  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked  by  superior  force ;  but 
if  they  forbear  but  one  day  longer  we  shall  be  prepared  for  them. 
*  #  *  *  -yye  bave  alrea(iy  g0t  intrenchments,  and  are  about 
a  palisade,  which,  I  hope,  will  be  finished  to-day.  The  Mhigoes 
have  struck  the  French,  and,  I  hope,  will  give  a  good  blow 
before  they  have  done.  I  expect  forty  odd  of  them  here  to-night, 
which,  with  our  fort,  and  some  reinforcements  from  Colonel  Fry, 
will  enable  us  to  exert  our  noble  courage  with  spirit." 

Alluding  in  a  postscript  to  the  late  affair,  he  adds :  "  I  fortu- 
nately escaped  without  any  wound ;  for  the  right  wing,  where  I 
stood,  was  exposed  to,  and  received,  all  the  enemy's  fire ;  and  it 
was  the  part  where  the  man  was  killed  and  the  rest  wounded.  / 
heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and,  believe  me,  there  is  something 
charming  in  the  sound." 

This  rodomontade,  as  Horace  Walpole  terms  it,  reached  the 
ears  of  George  II.  "  He  would  not  say  so,"  observed  the  king, 
dryly,  "  if  he  had  been  used  to  hear  many."  * 

*  This  anecdote  has  hitherto  rested  on  the  authority  of  Horace  Wal- 
pole, who  gives  it  in  his  memoirs  of  George  II.,  and  in  his  correspondence. 
He  cites  the  rodomontade  as  contained  in  the  express  despatched  by  Wash- 


112  LIKE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Washington  himself  thought  so  when  more  experienced  in 
warfare.  Being  asked,  many  years  afterwards,  whether  he  really 
had  made  such  a  speech  about  the  whistling  of  bullets,  "  If  I  said 
so,"  replied  he  quietly,  "  it  was  when  I  was  young."  *  He  was, 
indeed,  but  twenty-two  years  old  when  he  said  it;  it  was  just 
after  his  first  battle ;  he  was  flushed  with  success,  and  was  writ- 
ing to  a  brother. 

iugton,  whom  he  pronounces  a  "bravo  braggart."  As  no  despatch  of 
Washington  contains  any  rodomontade  of  the  kind ;  as  it  is  quite  at  vari- 
ance with  the  general  tenor  of  his  character ;  and  as  Horace  Walpole  is 
well  known  to  have  been  a  "  great  gossip  dealer,"  apt  to  catch  up  any  idle 
rumor  that  would  give  piquancy  to  a  paragraph,  the  story  has  been  held 
in  great  distrust.  We  met  with  the  letter  recently,  however,  in  a  column 
of  the  London  Magazine  for  1754,  page  370,  into  which  it  must  have  found 
its  way  not  long  after  it  was  written. 

*  Gordon,  Hist.  Am.  War,  vol.  ii.,  p.  203. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

scarcity  in  the  oamp — death  of  colonel  fry — promotions — mackay  and  his 

independent  company major  muse indian  ceremonials public  prayers 

in  camp alarms independence  of  an  independent  company affairs 

at  the  great  meadows desertion  of  the  indian  allies capitulation  of 

foht  necessity van  braam  as  an  interpreter — indian  plunderers re- 
turn to  williamsburg vote  of  thanks  of  the  house  of  burgesses sub- 
sequent fortunes  of  the  half-king comments  on  the  affair  of  jumon- 

ville  and  the  conduct  of  van  braam. 

Scarcity  began  to  prevail  in  the  camp.  Contracts  had  been 
made  with  George  Croghan  for  flour,  of  which  he  had  large  quan- 
tities at  his  frontier  establishment ;  for  he  was  now  trading  with 
the  army  as  well  as  with  the  Indians.  None,  however,  made  its 
appearance.  There  was  mismanagement  in  the  commissariat. 
At  one  time  the  troops  were  six  days  without  flour ;  and  even  then 
had  only  a  casual  supply  from  an  Ohio  trader.  In  this  time  of 
scarcity  the  half-king,  his  fellow  sachem,  Scarooyadi,  and  thirty 
or  forty  warriors,  arrived,  bringing  with  them  their  wives  and 
children — so  many  more  hungry  mouths  to  be  supplied.  "Wash- 
ington wrote  urgently  to  Croghan  to  send  forward  all  the  flour  he 
could  furnish. 

News  came  of  the  death  of  Colonel  Fry  at  Wills'  Creek,  and 


114  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

that  he  was  to  be  succeeded  in  the  command  of  the  expedition 
by  Colonel  Innes  of  North  Carolina,  who  was  actually  at  Win- 
chester with  three  hundred  and  fifty  North  Carolina  troops. 
Washington,  who  felt  the  increasing  responsibilities  and  difficul- 
ties of  his  situation,  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of  being  under  the 
command  of  an  experienced  officer,  who  had  served  in  company 
with  his  brother  Lawrence  at  the  siege  of  Carthagena.  The 
colonel,  however,  never  came  to  the  camp,  nor  did  the  North 
Carolina  troops  render  any  service  in  the  campaign — the  fortunes 
of  which  might  otherwise  have  been  very  different. 

By  the  death  of  Fry,  the  command  of  the  regiment  de- 
volved on  Washington.  Finding  a  blank  major's  commission 
among  Fry's  papers,  he  gave  it  to  Captain  Adam  Stephens,  who 
had  conducted  himself  with  spirit.  As  there  would  necessarily 
be  other  changes,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  in  behalf  of 
Jacob  Van  Braam.  "  He  has  acted  as  captain  ever  since  we  left 
Alexandria,  He  is  an  experienced  officer,  and  worthy  of  the 
command  he  has  enjoyed." 

The  palisaded  fort  was  now  completed,  and  was  named  Fort 
Necessity,  from  the  pinching  famine  that  had  prevailed  during 
its  construction.  The  scanty  force  in  camp  was  augmented  to 
three  hundred,  by  the  arrival  from  Wills'  Creek  of  the  men  who 
had  been  under  Colonel  Fry.  With  them  came  the  surgeon  of 
the  regiment,  Dr.  James  Craik,  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  and  one 
destined  to  become  a  faithful  and  confidential  friend  of  Washing- 
ton for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

A  letter  from  Governor  Dinwiddie  announced,  however,  that 
Captain  Mackay  would  soon  arrive  with  an  independent  company 
of  one  hundred  men,  from  South  Carolina. 

The  title  of  independent  company  had  a  sound  ominous  of 


1754.]  INDEPENDENT    COMPANIES.  115 

trouble.  Troops  of  the  kind,  raised  in  the  colonies,  under  direc- 
tion of  the  governors,  were  paid  by  the  Crown,  and  the  officers 
had  king's  commissions;  such,  doubtless,  had  Captain  Mackay. 
"  I  should  have  been  particularly  obliged,"  writes  Washington  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  "  if  you  had  declared  whether  he  was  under 
my  command,  or  independent  of  it.  I  hope  he  will  have  more 
sense  than  to  insist  upon  any  unreasonable  distinction,  because  he 
and  his  officers  have  commissions  from  his  majesty.  Let  him 
consider,  though  we  are  greatly  inferior  in  respect  to  advantages 
of  profit,  yet  we  have  the  same  spirit  to  serve  our  gracious  king 
as  they  have,  and  are  as  ready  and  willing  to  sacrifice  our  lives 
for  our  country's  good.  And  here,  once  more,  and  for  the  last 
time,  I  must  say,  that  it  will  be  a  circumstance  which  will  act 
upon  some  officers  of  this  regiment,  above  all  measure,  to  be 
obliged  to  serve  upon  such  different  terms,  when  their  lives,  their 
fortunes,  and  their  operations  are  equally,  and,  I  dare  say,  as 
effectually  exposed  as  those  of  others,  who  are  happy  enough  to 
have  the  king's  commission." 

On  the  9th  arrived  Washington's  early  instructor  in  military 
tactics,  Adjutant  Muse,  recently  appointed  a  major  in  the  regi- 
ment. He  was  accompanied  by  Montour,  the  Indian  interpreter, 
now  a  provincial  captain,  and  brought  with  him  nine  swivels,  and 
a  small  supply  of  powder  and  ball.  Fifty  or  sixty  horses  were 
forthwith  sent  to  Wills'  Creek,  to  bring  on  further  supplies,  and 
Mr.  Gist  was  urged  to  hasten  forward  the  artillery. 

Major  Muse  was  likewise  the  bearer  of  a  belt  of  wampum  and 
a  speech,  from  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  the  half-king ;  with  medals 
for  the  chiefs,  and  goods  for  presents  among  the  friendly  Indians, 
a  measure  which  had  been  suggested  by  Washington.  They 
were  distributed  with  that  grand  ceremonial  so  dear  to  the  red 


116  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*754 

man.  The  chiefs  assembled,  painted  and  decorated  in  all  their 
savage  finery ;  Washington  wore  a  medal  sent  to  him  by  the  gov- 
ernor for  such  occasions.  The  wampum  and  speech  having  been 
delivered,  he  advanced,  and  with  all  due  solemnity,  decorated  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  with  the  medals,  which  they  were  to  wear  in 
remembrance  of  their  father  the  King  of  England. 

Among  the  warriors  thus  decorated  was  a  son  of  Queen  Ali- 
quippa,  the  savage  princess  whose  good  graces  Washington  had 
secured  in  the  preceding  year,  by  the  present  of  an  old  watch- 
coat,  and  whose  friendship  was  important,  her  town  being  at  no 
great  distance  from  the  French  fort.  She  had  requested  that  her 
son  might  be  admitted  into  the  war  councils  of  the  camp,  and  re- 
ceive an  English  name.  The  name  of  Fairfax  was  accordingly 
given  to  him,  in  the  customary  Indian  form  ;  the  half-king  being 
desirous  of  like  distinction,  received  the  name  of  Dinwiddie.  The 
sachems  returned  the  compliment  in  kind,  by  giving  Washington 
the  name  of  Connotaucarius ;  the  meaning  of  which  is  not  ex- 
plained. 

William  Fairfax,  Washington's  paternal  adviser,  had  recently 
counselled  him  by  letter,  to  have  public  prayers  in  his  camp ;  es- 
pecially when  there  were  Indian  families  there  ;  this  was  accord- 
ingly done  at  the  encampment  in  the  Great  Meadows,  and  it  cer- 
tainly was  not  one  of  the  least  striking  pictures  presented  in  this 
wild  campaign — the  youthful  commander,  presiding  with  calm 
seriousness  over  a  motley  assemblage  of  half-equipped  soldiery, 
leathern-clad  hunters  and  woodsmen,  and  painted  savages  with 
their  wives  and  children,  and  uniting  them  all  in  solemn  devotion 
by  his  own  example  and  demeanor. 

On  the  10th  there  was  agitation  in  the  camp.  Scouts  hurried 
in  with  word,  as  Washington  understood  them,  that  a  party  of 


1754.]  ALARMS.  117 

ninety  Frenchmen  were  approaching.  He  instantly  ordered  out 
a  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  best  men ;  put  himself  at  their  head, 
and  leaving  Major  Muse  with  the  rest,  to  man  the  fort  and  mount 
the  swivels,  sallied  forth  "  in  the  full  hope "  as  he  afterwards 
wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  "  of  procuring  him  another  present 
of  French  prisoners." 

It  was  another  effervescence  of  his  youthful  military  ardor, 
and  doomed  to  disappointment.  The  report  of  the  scouts  had 
been  either  exaggerated  or  misunderstood.  The  ninety  French- 
men in  military  array  dwindled  down  into  nine  French  deserters. 

According  to  their  account,  the  fort  at  the  fork  was  com- 
pleted, and  named  Duquesne,  in  honor  of  the  Governor  of  Canada. 
It  was  proof  against  all  attack,  excepting  with  bombs,  on  the 
land  side.  The  garrison  did  not  exceed  five  hundred,.but  two 
hundred  more  were  hourly  expected,  and  nine  hundred  in  the 
course  of  a  fortnight. 

Washington's  suspicions  with  respect  to  La  Force's  party 
were  justified  by  the  report  of  these  deserters  ;  they  had  been  sent 
out  as  spies,  and  were  to  show  the  summons  if  discovered  or  over- 
powered. The  French  commander,  they  added,  had  been  blamed 
for  sending  out  so  small  a  party. 

On  the  same  day  Captain  Mackay  arrived,  with  his  independ- 
ent company  of  South  Carolinians.  The  cross-purposes  which 
Washington  had  apprehended,  soon  manifested  themselves.  The 
captain  was  civil  and  well  disposed,  but  full  of  formalities  and 
points  of  etiquette.  Holding  a  commission  direct  from  the  king, 
he  could  not  bring  himself  to  acknowledge  a  provincial  officer  as 
his  superior.  He  encamped  separately,  kept  separate  guards, 
would  not  agree  that  Washington  should  assign  any  rallying 
place  tor  his  men  in  case  of  alarm,  and  objected  to  receive  from 


118  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

him  the  parole  and  countersign,  though  necessary  for  their  com- 
mon safety. 

Washington  conducted  himself  with  circumspection,  avoiding 
every  thing  that  might  call  up  a  question  of  command,  and  rea- 
soning calmly  whenever  such  question  occurred ;  but  he  urged  the 
governor  by  letter,  to  prescribe  their  relative  rank  and  authority. 
"  He  thinks  you  have  not  a  power  to  give  commissions  that  will 
command  him.  If  so,  I  can  very  confidently  say  that  his  absence 
would  tend  to  the  public  advantage." 

On  the  11th  of  June,  Washington  resumed  the  laborious 
march  for  Redstone  Creek.  As  Captain  Mackay  could  not 
oblige  his  men  to  work  on  the  road  unless  they  were  allowed  a 
shilling  sterling  a  day ;  and  as  Washington  did  not  choose  to  pay 
this,  nor  to  suffer  them  to  march  at  their  ease  while  his  own  faith- 
ful soldiers  were  laboriously  employed ;  he  left  the  captain  and 
his  Independent  company  as  a  guard  at  Fojt  Necessity,  and  un- 
dertook to  complete  the  military  road  with  his  own  men. 

Accordingly,  he  and  his  Virginia  troops  toiled  forward  through 
the  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains,  working  on  the  road  as  they 
went.  Scouts  were  sent  out  in  all  directions,  to  prevent  surprise. 
While  on  the  march  he  was  continually  beset  by  sachems,  with 
their  tedious  ceremonials  and  speeches,  all  to  very  little  purpose. 
Some  of  these  chiefs  were  secretly  in  the  French  interest ;  few 
rendered  any  real  assistance,  and  all  expected  presents. 

At  Grist's  establishment,  about  thirteen  miles  from  Fort  Ne- 
cessity, Washington  received  certain  intelligence  that  ample  rein- 
forcements had  arrived  at  Fort  Duquesne,  and  a  large  force  would 
instantly  be  detached  against  him.  Coming  to  a  halt,  he  began 
to  throw  up  intrenchments,  calling  in  two  foraging  parties,  and 
sending  word  to  Captain  Mackay  to  join  him  with  all  speed.     The 


1754.] 


RETREAT    TO    THE    GREAT    MEADOWS.  119 


captain  and  his  company  arrived  in  the  evening;  the  foraging 
parties  the  next  morning.  A  council  of  war  was  held,  in  which 
the  idea  of  awaiting  the  enemy  at  this  place  was  unanimously 
abandoned. 

A  rapid  and  toilsome  retreat  ensued.  There  was  a  deficiency 
of  horses.  Washington  gave  up  his  own  to  aid  in  transporting 
the  military  munitions,  leaving  his  baggage  to  be  brought  on  by 
soldiers,  whom  he  paid  liberally.  The  other  officers  followed  his 
example.  The  weather  was  sultry ;  the  roads  were  rough  ;  pro- 
visions were  scanty,  and  the  men  dispirited  by  hunger.  The 
Virginian  soldiers  took  turns  to  drag  the  swivels,  but  felt  almost 
insulted  by  the  conduct  of  the  South  Carolinians,  who,  piquing 
themselves  upon  their  assumed  privileges  as  "  king's  soldiers," 
sauntered  along  at  their  ease ;  refusing  to  act  as  pioneers,  or  par- 
ticipate in  the  extra  labors  incident  to  a  hurried  retreat. 

On  the  1st  of  July  they  reached  the  Great  Meadows.  Here 
the  Virginians,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  hunger,  and  vexation,  de- 
clared they  would  carry  the  baggage  and  drag  the  swivels  no  fur- 
ther. Contrary  to  his  original  intentions,  therefore,  Washington 
determined  to  halt  here  for  the  present,  and  fortify,  sending  off 
expresses  to  hasten  supplies  and  reinforcements  from  Wills' 
Creek,  where  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  two  independent  com- 
panies from  New  York,  were  by  this  time  arrived. 

The  retreat  to  the  Great  Meadows  had  not  been  in  the  least 
too  precipitate.  Captain  de  Villiers,  a  brother-in-law  of  Jumon- 
ville,  had  actually  sallied  forth  from  Fort  Duquesne  at  the  head 
of  upwards  of  five  hundred  French,  and  several  hundred  Indians, 
eager  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  relative.  Arriving  about  dawn 
of  day  at  Gist's  plantation,  he  surrounded  the  works  which  Wash- 
ington had  hastily  thrown  up  there,  and  fired  into  them.    Finding 


-120  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

them  deserted,  he  concluded  that  those  of  whom  he  came  in  search 
had  made  good  their  retreat  to  the  settlements,  and  it  was  too  late 
to  pursue  them.  He  was  on  the  point  of  returning  to  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  when  a  deserter  arrived,  who  gave  word  that  Washington 
had  come  to  a  halt  in  the  Great  Meadows,  where  his  troops  were 
in  a  starving  condition;  for  his  own  part,  he  added,  hearing 
that  the  French  were  coming,  he  had  deserted  to  them  to  escape 
starvation. 

De  Villiers  ordered  the  fellow  into  confinement ;  to  be  rewarded 
if  his  words  proved  true,  otherwise  to  be  hanged.  He  then 
pushed  forward  for  the  Great  Meadows.* 

In  the  mean  time  Washington  had  exerted  himself  to  enlarge 
and  strengthen  Fort  Necessity,  nothing  of  which  had  been  done 
by  Captain  Mackay  and  his  men,  while  encamped  there.  The 
fort  was  about  a  hundred  feet  square,  protected  by  trenches  and 
palisades.  It  stood  on  the  margin  of  a  small  stream,  nearly  in 
the  centre  of  the  Great  Meadows,  which  is  a  grassy  plain,  per- 
fectly level,  surrounded  by  wooded  hills  of  a  moderate  height, 
and  at  that  place  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide.  Wash- 
ington asked  no  assistance  from  the  South  Carolina  troops,  but 
set  to  work  with  his  Virginians,  animating  them  by  word  and  ex- 
ample; sharing  in  the  labor  of  felling  trees,  hewing  off  the 
branches,  and  rolling  up  the  trunks  to  form  a  breastwork. 

At  this  critical  juncture  he  was  deserted  by  his  Indian  allies. 
They  were  disheartened  at  the  scanty  preparations  ,  for  defence 
against  a  superior  force,  and  offended  at  being  subjected  to  mili- 
tary command.  The  half-king  thought  he  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently consulted,  and  that  his  advice  had  not  been  sufficiently 

*  Hazard's  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iv.,  p.  22. 


1754.]  ATTACK   ON   FORT    NECESSITY.  121 

followed  ;  such,  at  least,  were  some  of  the  reasons  which  he  sub- 
sequently gave  for  abandoning  the  youthful  commander  on  the  ap- 
proach of  danger.  The  true  reason  was  a  desire  to  put  his  wife 
and  children  in  a  place  of  safety.  Most  of  his  warriors  followed 
his  example ;  very  few,  and  those  probably  who  had  no  families 
at  risk,  remained  in  the  camp. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  3d,  while  Washington  and  his 
men  were  working  on  the  fort,  a  sentinel  came  in  wounded 
and  bleeding,  having  been  fired  upon.  Scouts  brought  word 
shortly  afterwards  that  the  French  were  in  force,  about  four  miles 
off.  Washington  drew  up  his  men  on  level  ground  outside  of 
the  works,  to  await  their  attack.  About  1 1  o'clock  there  was  a 
firing  of  musketry  from  among  trees  on  rising  ground,  but  so  dis- 
tant as  to  do  no  harm;  suspecting  this  to  be  a  stratagem  designed 
to  draw  his  men  into  the  woods,  he  ordered  them  to  keep  quiet, 
and  refrain  from  firing  until  the  foe  should  show  themselves,  and 
draw  near. 

The  firing  was  kept  up,  but  still  under  cover.  He  now  fell 
back  with  his  men  into  the  trenches,  ordering  them  to  fire  when- 
ever they  could  get  sight  of  an  enemy.  In  this  way  there  was 
skirmishing  throughout  the  day;  the  French  and  Indians  advan- 
cing as  near  as  the  covert  of  the  woods  would  permit,  which  in  the 
nearest  place  was  sixty  yards,  but  never  into  open  sight.  In  the 
meanwhile  the  rain  fell  in  torrents ;  the  harassed  and  jaded 
troops  were  half  drowned  in  their  trenches,  and  many  of  their 
muskets  were  rendered  unfit  for  use. 

About  eight  at  night  the  French  requested  a  parley.  Wash- 
ington hesitated.  It  might  be  a  stratagem  to  gain  admittance 
for  a  spy  into  the  fort.  The  request  was  repeated,  with  the  ad- 
dition that  an  officer  might  be  sent  to  treat  with  them,  under  their 

Vol.  I.— 6 


122  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1>754. 

parole  for  his  safety.  Unfortunately  the  Chevalier  de  Pey- 
rouney,  engineer  of  the  regiment,  and  the  only  one  who  could 
speak  French  correctly,  was  wounded  and  disabled.  Washing- 
ton had  to  send,  therefore,  his  ancient  swordsman  and  interpreter, 
Jacob  Yan  Braam.  The  captain  returned  twice  with  separate 
terms,  in  which  the  garrison  was  required  to  surrender;  both  were 
rejected.  He  returned  a  third  time,  with  written  articles  of 
capitulation.  They  were  in  French.  As  no  implements  for  writ- 
ing were  at  hand,  Yan  Braam  undertook  to  translate  them  by 
word  of  mouth.  A  candle  was  brought,  and  held  close  to  the 
paper  while  he  read.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents ;  it  was  difficult 
to  keep  the  light  from  being  extinguished.  The  captain  rendered 
the  capitulation,  article  by  article,  in  mongrel  English,  while 
Washington  and  his  officers  stood  listening,  endeavoring  to  disen- 
tangle the  meaning.  One  article  stipulated  that  on  surrendering 
the  fort  they  should  leave  all  their  military  stores,  munitions,  and 
artillery  in  possession  of  the  French.  This  was  objected  to,  and 
was  readily  modified. 

The  main  articles,  as  Washington  and  his  officers  understood 
them,  were,  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  return  to  the  settle- 
ments without  molestation  from  French  or  Indians.  That  they 
should  march  out  of  the  fort  with  the  honors  of  war,  drums  beat- 
ing and  colors  flying,  and  with  all  their  effects  and  military  stores 
excepting  the  artillery,  which  should  be  destroyed.  That  they 
should  be  allowed  to  deposit  their  effects  in  some  secret  place, 
and  leave  a  guard  to  protect  them  until  they  could  send  horses 
to  bring  them  away ;  their  horses  having  been  nearly  all  killed  or 
lost  during  the  action.  That  they  should  give  their  word  of  honor 
not  to  attempt  any  buildings  or  improvements  on  the  lands  of  his 
most    Christian   Majesty,   for  the  space  of  a   year.      That  the 


1754]  INDIAN   PLUNDERERS.  123 

prisoners  taken  in  the  skirmish  of  Jumonville  should  be  restored, 
and  until  their  delivery  Captain  Van  Braam  and  Captain  Stobo 
should  remain  with  the  French  as  hostages.* 

The  next  morning  accordingly,  Washington  and  his  men 
marched  out  of  their  forlorn  fortress  with  the  honors  of  war, 
bearing  with  them  their  regimental  colors,  but  leaving  behind  a 
large  flag,  too  cumbrous  to  be  transported.  Scarcely  had  they 
begun  their  march,  however,  when,  in  defiance  of  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  they  were  beset  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  allies  of 
the  French,  who  began  plundering  the  baggage,  and  committing 
other  irregularities.  Seeing  that  the  French  did  not,  or  could 
not,  prevent  them,  and  that  all  the  baggage  which  could  not  be 
transported  on  the  shoulders  of  his  troops  would  fall  into  the 
hands  of  these  savages,  Washington  ordered  it  to  be  destroyed,  as 
well  as  the  artillery,  gunpowder,  and  other  military  stores.  All 
this  detained  him  until  ten  o'clock,  when  he  set  out  on  his  melan- 
choly march.  He  had  not  proceeded  above  a  mile  when  two  or 
three  of  the  wounded  men  were  reported  to  be  missing.  He  imme- 
diately detached  a  few  men  back  in  quest  of  them,  and  continued 
on  until  three  miles  from  Fort  Necessity,  where  he  encamped  for 
the  night,  and  was  rejoined  by  the  stragglers. 
,  In  this  affair,  out  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  consisting  of  three 
hundred  and  five  men,  officers  included,  twelve  had  been  killed, 
and  forty-three  wounded.      The  number  killed  and  wounded  in 


*  Horace  Walpole,  in  a  flippant  notice  of  this  capitulation,  says :  "  The 
French  have  tied  up  the  hands  of  an  excellent  fanfaron,  a  Major  Washing- 
ton, whom  they  took  and  engaged  not  to  serve  for  one  year."  (Correspon- 
dence, vol.  iii.,  p.  73.)  Walpole,  at  this  early  date,  seems  to  have  consid- 
ered Washington  a  perfect  fire-eater. 


124  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

Captain  Mackay's  company  is  not  known.  The  loss  of  the 
French  and  Indians  is  supposed  to  have  been  much  greater. 

In  the  following  days'  inarch  the  troops  seemed  jaded  and 
disheartened ;  they  were  encumbered  and  delayed  by  the  wounded ; 
provisions  were  scanty,  and  they  had  seventy  weary  miles  to  ac- 
complish before  they  could  meet  with  supplies.  Washington, 
however,  encouraged  them  by  his  own  steadfast  and  cheerful 
demeanor,  and  by  sharing  all  their  toils  and  privations ;  and  at 
length  conducted  them  in  safety  to  Wills'  Creek,  where  they  found 
ample  provisions  in  the  military  magazines.  Leaving  them  here 
to  recover  their  strength,  he  proceeded  with  Captain  Mackay  to 
Williamsburg,  to  make  his  military  report  to  the  governor. 

A  copy  of  the  capitulation  was  subsequently  laid  before  the 
Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  with  explanations.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  unfortunate  result  of  the  campaign,  the  conduct  of  Wash- 
ington and  his  officers  was  properly  appreciated,  and  they  received 
a  vote  of  thanks  for  their  bravery,  and  gallant  defence  of  their 
country.  Three  hundred  pistoles  (nearly  eleven  hundred  dollars) 
also  were  voted  to  be  distributed  among  the  privates  who  had 
been  in  action. 

From  the  vote  of  thanks,  two  officers  were  excepted ;  Major 
Muse,  who  was  charged  with  cowardice,  and  Washington's  unfor- 
tunate master  of  fence  and  blundering  interpreter,  Jacob  Yan 
Braain,  who  was  accused  of  treachery,  in  purposely  misinterpreting 
the  articles  of  capitulation. 

In  concluding  this  chapter,  we  will  anticipate  dates  to  record 
the  fortunes  of  the  half-king  after  his  withdrawal  from  the  camp. 
He  and  several  of  his  warriors,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
retreated  to  Augkquick,  in  the  back  part  of  Pennsylvania,  where 
George  Croghan  had  an  agency,  and  was  allowed  money  from 


1754.]  FATE    OF    THE   HALF-KING.  125 

time  to  time  for  the  maintenance  of  Indian  allies.  By  the  by, 
Washington,  in  his  letter  to  William  Fairfax,  expressed  himself 
much  disappointed  in  Croghan  and  Montour,  who  proved,  he  said, 
to  be  great  pretenders,  and  by  vainly  boasting  of  their  interest 
with  the  Indians,  involved  the  country  in  great  calamity,  causing 
dependence  to  be  placed  where  there  was  none."  *  For,  with  all 
their  boast,  they  never  could  induce  above  thirty  fighting  men  to 
join  the  camp,  and  not  more  than  half  of  those  rendered  any 
service. 

As  to  the  half-king,  he  expressed  himself  perfectly  disgusted 
with  the  white  man's  mode  of  warfare.  The  French,  he  said, 
were  cowards ';  the  English,  fools.  Washington  was  a  good  man, 
but  wanted  experience :  he  would  not  take  advice  of  the  Indians, 
and  was  always  driving  them  to  fight  according  to  his  own  no- 
tions. For  this  reason  he  (the  half-king)  had  carried  off  his  wife 
and  children  to  a  place  of  safety. 

After  a  time  the  chieftain  fell  dangerously  ill,  and  a  conjurer 
or."  medicine  man "  was  summoned  to  inquire  into  the  cause  or 
nature  of  his  malady.  He  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  French 
had  bewitched  him,  in  revenge  for  the  great  blow  he  had  struck 
them  in  the  affair  of  Jumonville ;  for  the  Indians  gave  him  the 
whole  credit  of  that  success,  he  having  sent  round  the  French 
scalps  as  trophies.  In  the  opinion  of  the  conjurer  all  the  friends 
of  the  chieftain  concurred,  and  on  his  death,  which  took  place 
shortly  afterwards,  there  was  great  lamentation,  mingled  with 
threats  of  immediate  vengeance.  The  foregoing  particulars  are 
gathered  from  a  letter  written  by  John  Harris,  an  Indian  trader, 
to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  request  of  the  half-king's 

*  Letter  to  W.  Fairfax,  Aug.  11th,  1754. 


126  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


LH54. 


friend  and  fellow  sachem,  Manacatoocha,  otherwise  called  Scaroo- 
yadi.  "  I  humbly  presume,"  concludes  John  Harris,  "  that  his 
death  is  a  very  great  loss,  especially  at  this  critical  time."  * 


NOTE. 

"We  have  been  thus  particular  in  tracing  the  affair  of  the  Great 
Meadows,  step  by  step,  guided  by  the  statements  of  Washington  him- 
self and  of  one  of  his  officers,  present  in  the  engagement,  because  it  is 
another  of  the  events  in  the  early  stage  of  his  military  career,  before  the 
justice  and  magnanimity  of  his  character  were  sufficiently  established, 
which  have  been  subject  to  misrepresentation.  When  the  articles  of 
capitulation  came  to  be  correctly  translated  and  published,  there  were 
passages  in  them  derogatory  to  the  honor  of  Washington  and  his 
troops,  and  which,  it  would  seem,  had  purposely  been  inserted  for 
their  humiliation  by  the  French  commander ;  but  which,  they  protest- 
ed, had  never  been  rightly  translated  by  Yan  Braam.  For  instance, 
in  the  written  articles,  they  were  made  to  stipulate  that  for  the  space 
of  a  year,  they  would  not  work  on  any  establishment  beyond  the 
mountains ;  whereas  it  had  been  translated  by  Van  Braam  "  on  any 
establishment  on  the  lands  of  the  Icing  of  France"  which  was  quite 
another  thing,  as  most  of  the  land  beyond  the  mountains  was  consid- 
ered by  them  as  belonging  to  the  British  crown.  There  were  other 
points,  of  minor  importance,  relative  to  the  disposition  of  the  artillery; 
but  the  most  startling  and  objectionable  one  was  that  concerning  the 
previous  skirmish  in  the  Great  Meadows.  This  was  mentioned  in  the 
written  articles  as  Vassassinat  du  Sieur  de  Jumonville,  that  is  to  say, 
the  murder  of  De  Jumonville  ;  an  expression  from  which  Washington 
and  his  officers  would  have  revolted  with  scorn  and  indignation ;  and 
which,  if  truly  translated,  would  in  all  probability  have  caused  the 
capitulation  to  be  sent  back  instantly  to  the  French  commander.  On 
the  contrary,  they  declared  it  had  been  translated  to  them  by  Yan 
Braam  the  death  of  De  Jumonville. 

M.  de  Villiers,  in  his  account  of  this  transaction  to  the  French 
government,  avails  himself  of  these  passages  in  the  capitulation  to  cast 
a  slur  on  the  conduct  of  Washington.    He  says,  "  We  made  the  Eng- 

*  Pennsylvania  Archives,  vol.  ii.,  p.  178. 


1754.]  STATEMENT    OF   DE   VILLIERS.  127 

lish  consent  to  sign  that  they  had  assassinated  my  brother  in  his 
camp." — "We  caused  them  to  abandon  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
king. — "We  obliged  them  to  leave  their  cannon,  which  consisted 
of  nine  pieces,  &c."  He  further  adds:  "The  English,  struck  with 
panic,  took  to  flight,  and  left  their  flag  and  one  of  their  colors."  "We 
have  shown  that  the  flag  left  was  the  unwieldy  one  belonging  to  the 
fort ;  too  cumbrous  to  be  transported  by  troops  who  could  not  carry 
their  own  necessary  baggage.  The  regimental  colors,  as  honorable 
symbols,  were  scrupulously  carried  off  by  Washington,  and  retained  by 
him  in  after  years. 

M.  de  Villiers  adds  another  incident  intended  to  degrade  his 
enemy.  He  says,  "  One  of  my  Indians  took  ten  Englishmen,  whom 
he  brought  to  me,  and  whom  I  sent  back  by  another."  These,  doubt- 
less, were  the  men  detached  by  Washington  in  quest  of  the  wounded 
loiterers ;  and  who,  understanding  neither  French  nor  Indian,  found  a 
difficulty  in  explaining  their  peaceful  errand.  That  they  were  cap- 
tured by  the  Indian  seems  too  much  of  a  gasconade. 

The  public  opinion  at  the  time  was  that  Van  Braam  had  been 
suborned  by  De  Villiers  to  soften  the  offensive  articles  of  the  capitula- 
tion in  translating  them,  so  that  they  should  not  wound  the  pride  nor 
awaken  the  scruples  of  Washington  and  his  officers,  yet  should  stand 
on  record  against  them.  It  is  not  probable  that  a  French  officer  of 
De  Villiers'  rank  would  practise  such  a  base  perfidy,  nor  does  the  sub- 
sequent treatment  experienced  by  Van  Braam  from  the  French  cor- 
roborate the  charge.  It  is  more  than  probable  the  inaccuracy  of 
translation  originated  in  his  ignorance  of  the  precise  weight  and  value 
of  words  in  the  two  languages,  neither  of  which  was  native  to  him, 
and  between  which  he  was  the  blundering  agent  of  exchange. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOUNDING  OF  FORT  CUMBERLAND SECRET  LETTER  OF  STOBO THE  INDIAN  MES- 
SENGER  PROJECT  OF  DINWIDDLE HIS  PERPLEXITIES A  TAINT  OF  REPUBLI- 
CANISM   IN    THE    COLONIAL    ASSEMBLIES DINWIDDIe's    MILITARY    MEASURES 

WASHINGTON      QUITS      THE     SERVICE OVERTURES    OF    GOVERNOR     SnARPE,     OF 

MARYLAND WASHINGTON'S    DIGNIFIED   REPLY— QUESTIONS  OF  RANK   BETWEEN 

ROYAL    AND    PROVINCIAL    TROOPS TREATMENT    OF    THE    FRENCH    PRISONERS 

FATE   OF   LA   FORCE ANECDOTES   OF   STOUO   AND    VAN   BRAAM. 

Early  in  August  Washington  rejoined  his  regiment,  which  had 
arrived  at  Alexandria  by  the  way  of  Winchester.  Letters  from 
Governor  Dinwiddie  urged  him  to  recruit  it  to  the  former  number 
of  three  hundred  men,  and  join  Colonel  Innes  at  Wills'  Creek, 
where  that  officer  was  stationed  with  Mackay's  independent  com- 
pany of  South  Carolinians,  and  two  independent  companies  from 
New  York ;  and  had  been  employed  in  erecting  a  work  to  serve 
as  a  frontier  post  and  rallying  point ;  which  work  received  the 
name  of  Fort  Cumberland,  in  honor  of  the  Duke  of  Cumberland, 
captain-general  of  the  British  army. 

In  the  mean  time  the  French,  elated  by  their  recent  triumph, 
and  thinking  no  danger  a(t  hand,  relaxed  their  vigilance  at  Fort 
Duquesne.  Stobo,  who  was  a  kind  of  prisoner  at  large  there, 
found  means  to  send  a  letter  secretly  by  an  Indian,  dated  July 


1754.]  LETTER    OF    STOBO.  129 

28,  and  directed  to  the  commander  of  the  English  troops.  It  was 
accompanied  by  a  plan  of  the  fbrt.  "  There  are  two  hundred 
men  here,"  writes  he,  "  and  two  hundred  expected ;  the  rest  have 
gone  off  in  detachments  to  the  amount  of  one  thousand,  besides 
Indians.  None  lodge  in  the  fort  but  Contrecoeur  and  the  guard, 
consisting  of  forty  men  and  five  officers ;  the  rest  lodge  in  bark 
cabins  around  the  fort.  The  Indians  have  access  day  and  night, 
and  come  and  go  when  they  please.  If  one  hundred  trusty 
Shawnees,  Mingoes,  and  Delawares  were  picked  out,  they  might 
surprise  the  fort,  lodging  themselves  under  the  palisades  by  day, 
and  at  night  secure  the  guard  with  their  tomahawks,  shut  the 
sally-gate,  and  the  fort  is  ours." 

One  part  of  Stobo's  letter  breathes  a  loyal  and  generous 
spirit  of  self-devotion.  Alluding  to  the  danger  in  which  he 
and  Van  Braam,  his  fellow-hostage,  might  be  involved,  he  says, 
"  Consider  the  good  of  the  expedition  without  regard  to  us. 
When  we  engaged  to  serve  the  country  it  was  expected  we  were 
to  do  it  with  our  lives.  For  my  part,  I  would  die  a  hundred 
deaths  to  have  the  pleasure  of  possessing  this  fort  but  one  day. 
They  are  so  vain  of  their  success  at  the  Meadows  it  is  worse  than 
death  to  hear  them.     Haste  to  strike."  * 

The  Indian  messenger  carried  the  letter  to  Aughquick  and 
delivered  it  into  the  hands  of  George  Croghan.  The  Indian 
chiefs  who  were  with  him  insisted  upon  his  opening  it.  He  did 
so,  but  on  finding  the  tenor  of  it,  transmitted  it  to  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  secret  information  communicated  by 
Stobo,  may  have  been  the  cause  of  a  project  suddenly  conceived 
by  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  a  detachment  which,  by  a  forced 

*  Hazard's  Register  of  Penn.,  iv.,  329. 
Vol.  I.— G* 


130  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

march  across  the  mountains,  might  descend  upon  the  French  and 
take  Fort  Ducpiesne  at  a  single  blow;  or,  failing  that,  might 
build  a  rival  fort  in  its  vicinity.  He  accordingly  wrote  to 
Washington  to  march  forthwith  for  Wills'  Creek,  with  such  com- 
panies as  were  complete,  leaving  orders  with  the  officers  to  follow 
as  soon  as  they  should  have  enlisted  men  sufficient  to  make  up 
their  companies.  "  The  season  of  the  year,"  added  he,  "  calls  for 
despatch.  I  depend  upon  your  usual  diligence  and  spirit  to  en- 
courage your  people  to  be  active  on  this  occasion." 

The  ignorance  of  Dinwiddie  in  military  affairs,  and  his  want 
of  forecast,  led  him  perpetually  into  blunders.  Washington  saw 
the  rashness  of  an  attempt  to  dispossess  the  French  with  a  force 
so  inferior  that  it  could  be  harassed  and  driven  from  place  to 
place  at  their  pleasure.  Before  the  troops  could  be  collected, 
and  munitions  of  war  provided,  the  season  would  be  too  far  ad- 
vanced. There  would  be  no  forage  for  the  horses  ;  the  streams 
would  be  swollen  and  unfordable ;  the  mountains  rendered  impas- 
sable by  snow,  and  frost,  and  slippery  roads.  The  men,  too,  un- 
used to  campaigning  on  the  frontier,  would  not  be  able  to  endure 
a  winter  in  the  wilderness,  with  no  better  shelter  than  a  tent ; 
especially  in  their  present  condition,  destitute  of  almost  every 
thing.  Such  are  a  few  of  the  cogent  reasons  urged  by  Washing- 
ton in  a  letter  to  his  friend  William  Fairfax,  then  in  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  which  no  doubt  was  shown  to  Governor  Dinwiddie, 
and  probably  had  an  effect  in  causing  the  rash  project  to  be 
abandoned. 

The  governor,  in  truth,  was  sorely  perplexed  about  this  time 
by  contradictions  and  cross-purposes,  both  in  military  and  civil 
affairs.  A  body  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  North  Carolinian 
troops  had  been  enlisted  at  high  pay,  and  were  to  form  the  chief 


1754.]  REPUBLICANISM   IN   THE   ASSEMBLIES.  131 

reinforcement  of  Colonel  Innes  at  Wills'  Creek.  By  the  time 
they  reached  Winchester,  however,  the  provincial  military  chest 
was  exhausted,  and  future  pay  seemed  uncertain ;  whereupon  they 
refused  to  serve  any  longer,  disbanded  themselves  tumultuously, 
and  set  off  for  their  homes  without  taking  leave. 

The  governor  found  the  House  of  Burgesses  equally  unmanage- 
able. His  demands  for  supplies  were  resisted  on  what  he  consid- 
ered presumptuous  pretexts ;  or  granted  sparingly,  under  mortify- 
ing restrictions.  His  high  Tory  notions  were  outraged  by  such 
republican  conduct.  "  There  appears  to  me,"  said  he,  "  an  in- 
fatuation in  all  the  assemblies  in  this  part  of  the  world." 
In  a  letter  to  the  Board  of  Trade  he  declared  that  the  only  way 
effectually  to  check  the  progress  of  the  French,  would  be  an  act 
of  parliament  requiring  the  colonies  to  contribute  to  the  common 
cause,  independently  of  assemblies  ;  and  in  another,  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  he  urged  the  policy  of  compelling  the  colonies  to 
their  duty  to  the  king  by  a  general  poll-tax  of  two  and  sixpence 
a  head.  The  worthy  governor  would  have  made  a  fitting  coun- 
sellor for  the  Stuart  dynasty.  Subsequent  events  have  shown 
how  little  his  policy  was  suited  to  compete  with  the  dawning 
republicanism  of  America. 

In  the  month  of  October  the  House  of  Burgesses  made  a 
grant  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  for  the  public  service ;  and  ten 
thousand  more  were  sent  out  from  England,  beside  a  supply  of 
firearms.  The  governor  now  applied  himself  to  military  matters 
with  renewed  spirit ;  increased  the  actual  force  to  ten  companies ; 
and,  as  there  had  been  difficulties  among  the  different  kinds  of 
troops  with  regard  to  precedence,  he  reduced  them  all  to  inde- 
pendent companies;  so  that  there  would  be  no  officer  in  a  Vir- 
ginia regiment  above  the  rank  of  captain. 


132  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1754 

This  shrewd  measure,  upon  which  Dinwiddie  secretly  prided 
himself  as  calculated  to  put  an  end  to  the  difficulties  in  question, 
immediately  drove  "Washington  out  of  the  service ;  considering  it 
derogatory  to  his  character  to  accept  a  lower  commission  than 
that  under  which  his  conduct  had  gained  him  a  vote  of  thanks 
from  the  Legislature. 

Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  appointed  by  the  king  com- 
mander-in-chief of  all  the  forces  engaged  against  the  French, 
sought  to  secure  his  valuable  services,  and  authorized  Colonel 
Fitzhugh,  whom  he  had  placed  in  temporary  command  of  the 
army,  to  write  to  him  to  that  effect.  The  reply  of  Washington 
(15th  Nov.)  is  full  of  dignity  and  spirit,  and  shows  how  deeply 
he  felt  his  military  degradation. 

"  You  make  mention,"  says  he,  "  of  my  continuing  in  the  ser- 
vice and  retaining  my  colonel's  commission.  This  idea  has  filled 
me  with  surprise ;  for  if  you  think  me  capable  of  holding  a  com- 
mission that  has  neither  rank  nor  emolument  annexed  to  it,  you 
must  maintain  a  very  contemptible  opinion  of  my  weakness,  and 
believe  me  more  empty  than  the  commission  itself."  After  inti- 
mating a  suspicion  that  the  project  of  reducing  the  regiment  into 
independent  companies,  and  thereby  throwing  out  the  higher  offi- 
cers, was  "  generated  and  hatched  at  "Wills'  Creek," — in  other 
words,  was  an  expedient  of  Governor  Dinwiddie,  instead  of  being 
a  peremptory  order  from  England,  he  adds,  "  Ingenuous  treat- 
ment and  plain  dealing  I  at  least  expected.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
the  project  will  answer ;  it  shall  meet  with  my  acquiescence  in 
every  thing  except  personal  services.  I  herewith  inclose  Gov- 
ernor Sharpe's  letter,  which  I  beg  you  will  return  to  him  with 
my  acknowledgments  for  the  favor  he  intended  me.  Assure 
him,  sir,  as  you  truly  may,  of  my  reluctance  to  quit  the  service, 


1754]  QUESTIONS    OF    RANK.  133 

and  the  pleasure  I  should  have  received  in  attending  his  for- 
tunes. Inform  him,  also,  that  it  was  to  obey  the  call  of  honor 
and  the  advice  of  my  friends  that  I  declined  it,  and  not  to  gratify 
any  desire  I  had  to  leave  the  military  line.  My  feelings  are 
strongly  bent  to  arms." 

Even  had  Washington  hesitated  to  take  this  step,  it  would 
have  been  forced  upon  him  by  a  further  regulation  of  government, 
in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  winter,  settling  the  rank  of  officers  of 
his  majesty's  forces  when  joined  or  serving  with  the  provincial 
forces  in  North  America,  "which  directed  that  all  such  as  were 
commissioned  by  the  king,  or  by  his  general  commander-in-chief 
in  North  America,  should  take  rank  of  all  officers  commissioned  by 
the  governors  of  the  respective  provinces.  And  further,  that  the 
general  and  field  officers  of  the  provincial  troops  should  have  no 
rank  when  serving  with  the  general  and  field  officers  commissioned 
by  the  crown ;  but  that  all  captains  and  other  inferior  officers  of 
the  royal  troops  should  take  rank  over  provincial  officers  of  the 
same  grade,  having  older  commissions." 

These  regulations,  originating  in  that  supercilious  assumption 
of  superiority  which  sometimes  overruns  and  degrades  true  Brit- 
ish pride,  would  have  been  spurned  by  Washington,  as  insulting 
to  the  character  and  conduct  of  his  high-minded  brethren  of  the 
colonies.  How  much  did  this  open  disparagement  of  colonial 
honor  and  understanding,  contribute  to  wean  from  England  the 
affection  of  her  American  subjects,  and  prepare  the  way  for  their 
ultimate  assertion  of  independence. 

Another  cause  of  vexation  to  Washington  was  the  refusal  of 
Governor  Dinwiddie  to  give  up  the  French  prisoners,  taken  in  the 
affair  of  De  Jumonville,  in  fulfilment  of  the  articles  of  capitula- 
tion.    His  plea  was,  that  since  the  capitulation,  the  French  had 


134  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1754. 

taken  several  British  subjects,  and  sent  them  prisoners  to  Canada ; 
he  considered  himself  justifiable  in  detaining  those  Frenchmen 
which  he  had  in  his  custody.  He  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  however, 
offering  to  return  the  officer  Drouillon,  and  the  two  cadets,  in  ex- 
change for  Captains  Stobo  and  Van  Braam,  whom  the  French 
held  as  hostages ;  but  his  offer  was  treated  with  merited  disre- 
gard. "Washington  felt  deeply  mortified  by  this  obtuseness  of  the 
governor  on  a  point  of  military  punctilio  and  honorable  faith,  but 
his  remonstrances  were  unavailing. 

The  French  prisoners  were  clothed  and  maintained  at  the  pub- 
lic expense,  and  Drouillon  and  the  cadets  were  allowed  to  go  at 
large  ;  the  private  soldiers  were  kept  in  confinement.  La  Force, 
also,  not  having  acted  in  a  military  capacity,  and  having  offended 
against  the  peace  and  security  of  the  frontier,  by  his  intrigues 
among  the  Indians,  was  kept  in  close  durance.  Washington,  who 
knew  nothing  of  this,  was  shocked  on  visiting  Williamsburg,  to 
learn  that  La  Force  was  in  prison.  He  expostulated  with  the 
governor  on  the  subject,  but  without  effect;  Dinwiddie  was  at  all 
times  pertinacious,  but  particularly  so  when  he  felt  himself  to  be 
a  little  in  the  wrong. 

As  we  shall  have  no  further  occasion  to  mention  La  Force,  in 
connection  with  the  subject  of  this  work,  we  will  anticipate  a 
page  of  his  fortunes.  After  remaining  two  years  in  confinement 
he  succeeded  in  breaking  out  of  prison,  and  escaping  into  the 
country.  An  alarm  was  given,  and  circulated  far  and  wide,  for 
such  was  the  opinion  of  his  personal  strength,  desperate  courage, 
wily  cunning,  and  great  influence  over  the  Indians,  that  the  most 
mischievous  results  were  apprehended  should  he  regain  the  fron- 
tier. In  the  mean  time  he  was  wandering  about  the  country 
ignorant  of  the  roads,  and  fearing  to  make  inquiries,  lest  his 


1754.]  LA   FORCE STOBO    AND    VAN   BRAAM.  135 

foreign  tongue  should  betray  him.  He  reached  King  and  Queen 
Court  House,  about  thirty  miles  from  Williamsburg,  when  a  coun- 
tryman was  struck  with  his  foreign  air  and  aspect.  La  Force 
ventured  to  put  a  question  as  to  the  distance  and  direction  of 
Fort  Duquesne,  and  his  broken  English  convinced  the  countryman 
of  his  being  the  French  prisoner,  whose  escape  had  been  noised 
about  the  country.  Watching  an  opportunity  he  seized  him,  and 
regardless  of  offers  of  great  bribes,  conducted  him  back  to  the 
prison  of  Williamsburg,  where  he  was  secured  with  double  irons, 
and  chained  to  the  floor  of  his  dungeon. 

The  refusal  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  fulfil  the  article  of  the 
capitulation  respecting  the  prisoners,  and  the  rigorous  treatment 
of  La  Force,  operated  hardly  upon  the  hostages,  Stobo  and  Van 
Braam,  who,  in  retaliation,  were  confined  in  prison  in  Quebec, 
though  otherwise  treated  with  kindness.  They,  also,  by  extraor- 
dinary efforts,  succeeded  in  breaking  prison,  but  found  it  more 
difficult  to  evade  the  sentries  of  a  fortified  place.  Stobo  managed 
to  escape  into  the  country ;  but  the  luckless  Yan  Braam  sought 
concealment  under  an  arch  of  a  causeway  leading  from  the  for- 
tress. Here  he  remained  until  nearly  exhausted  by  hunger. 
Seeing  the  Governor  of  Canada  passing  by,  and  despairing  of 
being  able  to  effect  his  escape,  he  came  forth  from  his  hiding 
place,  and  surrendered  himself,  invoking  his  clemency.  He  was 
remanded  to  prison,  but  experienced  no  additional  severity.  He 
was  subsequently  shipped  by  the  governor  from  Quebec  to  Eng- 
land, and  never  returned  to  Virginia.  It  is  this  treatment  of 
Yan  Braam,  more  than  any  thing  else,  which  convinces  us  that 
the  suspicion  of  his  being  in  collusion  with  the  French  in  regard 
to  the  misinterpretation  of  the  articles  of  capitulation,  was 
groundless.     He  was  simply  a  blunderer. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

RETURN     TO     QUIET     LIFE FRENCH    AND     ENGLISH    PREPARE    FOR     HOSTILITIES — 

PLAN   OF   A   CAMPAIGN GENERAL   BRADDOCK HIS    CHARACTER SIR    JOHN    ST. 

CLAIR,     QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL HIS       TOUR       OF       INSPECTION PROJECTED 

ROADS ARRIVAL     OF     BRADDOCK — MILITARY     CONSULTATIONS      AND     TLANS — 

COMMODORE   KEPPEL   AND    HIS    SEAMEN — SHIPS   AND    TROOPS    AT    ALEXANDRIA 

EXCITEMENT    OF   WASHINGTON— INVITED    TO   JOIN    THE   STAFF    OF    BRADDOCK 

A    MOTHER'S    OBJECTIONS WASHINGTON    AT    ALEXANDRIA GRAND    COUNCIL 

OF     GOVERNORS MILITARY     ARRANGEMENTS COLONEL     WILLIAM     JOHNSON 

SIR    JOHN     ST.    CLAIR    AT    FORT    CUMBERLAND HIS    EXPLOSIONS    OF    WRATH 

THEIR   EFFECTS INDIANS    TO    BE    ENLISTED CAPTAIN    JACK    AND    HIS    BAND    OF 

BUSH-BEATERS. 

Having  resigned  his  commission,  and  disengaged  himself  from 
public  affairs,  Washington's  first  care  was  to  visit  his  mother, 
inquire  into  the  state  of  domestic  concerns,  and  attend  to  the 
welfare  of  his  brothers  and  sisters.  In  these  matters  he  was  ever 
his  mother's  adjunct  and  counsellor,  discharging  faithfully  the 
duties  of  an  eldest  son,  who  should  consider  himself  a  second 
father  to  the  family. 

He  now  took  up  his  abode  at  Mount  Yernon,  and  prepared  to 
engage  in  those  agricultural  pursuits,  for  which,  even  in  his  youth- 
ful days,  he  had  as  keen  a  relish  as  for  the  profession  of  arms. 


1755.]  MILITARY    PREPARATIONS.  137 

Scarcely  had  he  entered  upon  his  rural  occupations,  however, 
when  the  service  of  his  country  once  more  called  him  to  the 
field. 

The  disastrous  affair  at  the .  Great  Meadows,  and  the  other 
acts  of  French  hostility  on  the  Ohio,  had  roused  the  attention  of 
the  British  ministry.  Their  ambassador  at  Paris  was  instructed 
to  complain  of  those  violations  of  the  peace.  The  court  of 
Versailles  amused  him  with  general  assurances  of  amity,  and  a 
strict  adherence  to  treaties.  Their  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
St.  James,  the  Marquis  de  Mirepoix,  on  the  faith  of  his  instruc- 
tions, gave  the  same  assurances.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
French  ships  were  fitted  out,  and  troops  embarked,  to  carry  out 
the  schemes  of  the  government  in  America.  So  profound  was 
the  dissimulation  of  the  court  of  Versailles,  that  even  their  own 
ambassador  is  said  to  have  been  kept  in  ignorance  of  their  real 
designs,  and  of  the  hostile  game  they  were  playing,  while  he  was 
exerting  himself  in  good  faith,  to  lull  the  suspicions  of  England, 
and  maintain  the  international  peace.  When  his  eyes,  however, 
were  opened,  he  returned  indignantly  to  France,  and  upbraided 
the  cabinet  with  the  duplicity  of  which  he  had  been  made  the  un- 
conscious instrument. 

The  British  government  now  prepared  for  military  operations 
in  America ;  none  of  them  professedly  aggressive,  but  rather  to 
resist  and  counteract  aggressions.  A  plan  of  campaign  was  de- 
vised for  1755,  having  four  objects. 

To  eject  the  French  from  lands  which  they  held  unjustly,  in 
the  province  of  Nova  Scotia. 

To  dislodge  them  from  a  fortress  which  they  had  erected  at 
Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain,  within  what  was  claimed  as 
British  territory. 


138  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON".  [1755. 

To  dispossess  them  of  the  fort  which  they  had  constructed  at 
Niagara,  between  Lake  Ontario  and  Lake  Erie. 

To  drive  them  from  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  recover  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 

The  Duke  of  Cumberland,  captain-general  of  the  British 
army,  had  the  organization  of  this  campaign;  and  through  his 
patronage,  Major-general  Edward  Braddock  was  intrusted  with 
the  execution  of  it,  being  appointed  generalissimo  of  all  the  forces 
in  the  colonies. 

Braddock  was  a  veteran  in  service,  and  had  been  upwards  of 
forty  years  in  the  guards,  that  school  of  exact  discipline  and 
technical  punctilio.  Cumberland,  who  held  a  commission  in  the 
guards,  and  was  bigoted  to  its  routine,  may  have  considered 
Braddock  fitted,  by  his  skill  and  preciseness  as  a  tactician,  for  a 
command  in  a  new  country,  inexperienced  in  military  science, 
to  bring  its  raw  levies  into  order,  and  to  settle  those  questions  of 
rank  and  etiquette  apt  to  arise  where  regular  and  provincial  troops 
are  to  act  together. 

The  result  proved  the  error  of  such  an  opinion.  Braddock 
was  a  brave  and  experienced  officer  ;  but  his  experience  was  that 
of  routine,  and  rendered  him  pragmatical  and  obstinate,  impatient 
of  novel  expedients  "  not  laid  down  in  the  books,"  but  dictated 
by  emergencies  in  a  "  new  country,"  and  his  military  precision, 
which  would  have  been  brilliant  on  parade,  was  a  constant 
obstacle  to  alert  action  in  the  wilderness.* 


*  Horace  Walpole,  in  his  letters,  relates  some  anecdotes  of  Braddock, 
which  give  a  familiar  picture  of  him  in  the  fashionable  life  in  which  he  had 
mingled  in  London,  and  are  of  value,  as  letting  us  into  the  private  charac- 
ter of  a  man  whose  name  has  become  proverbial  in  American  history. 
"  Braddock,"  says  Walpole,  "  is  a  very  Iroquois  in  disposition.     He  had  a 


1755.]  ST.    CLAIR'S   TOUR    OF   INSPECTION.  139 

Braddock  was  to  lead  in  person  the  grand  enterprise  of  the 
campaign,  that  destined  for  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  it  was  the  enterprise  in  which  Washington  became  en- 
listed, and,  therefore,  claims  our  especial  attention. 

Prior  to  the  arrival  of  Braddock,  came  out  from  EDgland 
Lieutenant-colonel  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  deputy  quartermaster- 
general,  eager  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the  field  of  oper- 
ations. He  made  a  tour  of  inspection,  in  company  with  Governor 
Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  and  appears  to  have  been  dismayed  at  sight 
of  the  impracticable  wilderness,  the  region  of  Washington's  cam- 
paign. From  Fort  Cumberland,  he  wrote  in  February  to  Gov- 
ernor Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  have  the  road  cut,  or  repaired, 
toward  the  head  of  the  river  Youghiogeny,  and  another  opened 
from  Philadelphia  for  the  transportation  of  supplies.  "  No 
general,"  writes  he,  "  will  advance  with  an  army  without  hav- 
ing a  communication  open  to  the  provinces  in  his  rear,  both 
for  the  security  of  retreat,  and  to  facilitate  the  transport  of  pro- 
visions, the  supplying  of  which  must  greatly  depend  on  your  pro- 


sister,  who,  having  gamed  away  all  her  little  fortune  at  Bath,  hanged  her- 
self with  a  truly  English  deliberation,  leaving  a  note  on  the  table  with 
these  lines :  '  To  die  is  landing  on  some  silent  shore,'  <fec.  When  Braddock 
was  told  of  it,  he  only  said :  '  Poor  Fanny !  I  always  thought  she  would 
play  till  she  would  be  forced  to  tuck  herself  up.'  " 

Braddock  himself  had  been  somewhat  of  a  spendthrift.  He  was  touchy 
also,  and  punctilious.  "  He  once  had  a  duel,"  says  Walpole,  "  with  Colonel 
Glumley,  Lady  Bath's  brother,  who  had  been  his  great  friend.  As  they 
were  going  to  engage,  Glumley,  who  had  good  humor  and  wit  (Braddock 
had  the  latter)  said  :  '  Braddock,  you  are  a  poor  dog !  here,  take  my  purse, 
if  you  kill  me  you  will  be  forced  to  run  away,  and  then  you  will  not  have 
a  shilling  to  support  you.'  Braddock  refused  the  purse,  insisted  on  the 
duel,  was  disarmed,  and  would  not  even  ask  for  his  life." 

*  Colonial  Records,  vi.,  300. 


140  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

Unfortunately  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  had  no  money  at 
his  command,  and  was  obliged,  for  expenses,  to  apply  to  his 
Assembly,  "  a  set  of  men,"  writes  he,  "  quite  unacquainted  with 
every  kind  of  military  service,  and  exceedingly  unwilling  to  part 
with  money  on  any  terms."  However,  by  dint  of  exertions,  he 
procured  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  explore  the  coun- 
try, and  survey  and  lay  out  the  roads  required.  At  the  head  of 
the  commission  was  George  Croghan,  the  Indian  trader,  whose 
mission  to  the  Twightwees  we  have  already  spoken  of.  Times 
had  gone  hard  with  Croghan.  The  French  had  seized  great 
quantities  of  his  goods.  The  Indians,  with  whom  he  traded,  had 
failed  to  pay  their  debts,  and  he  had  become  a  bankrupt.  Being 
an  efficient  agent  on  the  frontier,  and  among  the  Indians,  he  still 
enjoyed  the  patronage  of  the  Pennsylvania  government. 

When  Sir  John  St.  Clair  had  finished  his  tour  of  inspection, 
he  descended  Wills'  Creek  and  the  Potomac  for  two  hundred 
miles  in  a  canoe  to  Alexandria,  and  repaired  to  Virginia  to  meet 
General  Braddock.  The  latter  had  landed  on  the  20th  of 
February  at  Hampton,  in  Virginia,  and  proceeded  to  Williams- 
burg to  consult  with  Governor  Dinwiddie.  Shortly  afterwards 
he  was  joined  there  by  Commodore  Keppel,  whose  squadron  of 
two  ships-of-war,  and  several  transports,  had  anchored  in  the 
Chesapeake.  On  board  of  these  ships  were  two  prime  regiments 
of  about  five  hundred  men  each ;  one  commanded  by  Sir  Peter 
Halket,  the  other  by  Colonel  Dunbar;  together  with  a  train  of 
artillery,  and  the  necessary  munitions  of  war.  The  regiments 
were  to  be  augmented  to  seven  hundred  men,  each  by  men 
selected  by  Sir  John  St,  Clair  from  Virginia  companies  recently 
raised. 

Alexandria  was  fixed  upon  as  the  place  where  the  troops 


1755.]  INDIAN    ALLIES.  141 

should  disembark,  and  encamp.  The  ships  were  accordingly 
ordered  up  to  that  place,  and  the  levies  directed  to  repair 
thither. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  included  the  use  of  Indian  allies. 
Governor  Dinwiddie  had  already  sent  Mr.  Gist,  son  of  the  pioneer, 
"Washington's  guide  in  1753,  to  engage  theCherokees  and  Cataw- 
bas,  the  bravest  of  the  Southern  tribes,  who  he  had  no  doubt 
would  take  up  the  hatchet  for  the  English,  peace  being  first  con- 
cluded, through  the  mediation  of  his  government,  between  them 
and  the  Six  Nations ;  and  he  gave  Braddock  reason  to  expect  at 
least  four  hundred  Indians  to  join  him  at  Fort  Cumberland.  He 
laid  before  him  also  contracts  that  he  had  made  for  cattle,  and 
promises  that  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  had  made  of  flour ; 
these,  with  other  supplies,  and  a  thousand  barrels  of  beef  on 
board  of  the  transports,  would  furnish  six  months'  provisions  for 
four  thousand  men. 

General  Braddock  apprehended  difficulty  in  procuring  wag- 
gons and  horses  sufficient  to  attend  him  in  his  march.  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  in  the  course  of  his  tour  of  inspection,  had  met  with  two 
Dutch  settlers,  at  the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  who  engaged  to 
furnish  two  hundred  waggons,  and  fifteen  hundred  carrying 
horses,  to  be  at  Fort  Cumberland  early  in  May. 

Governor  Sharpe  was  to  furnish  above  a  hundred  waggons  for 
the*transportation  of  stores,  on  the  Maryland  side  of  the  Poto- 
mac. 

Keppel  furnished  four  cannons  from  his  ships,  for  the  attack 
on  Fort  Duquesne,  and  thirty  picked  seamen  to  assist  in  dragging 
them  over  the  mountains ;  for  "  soldiers,"  said  he,  "  cannot  be 
as  well  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  purchases,  and  making  use 
of  tackles,  as  seamen."     They  were  to  aid  also  in  passing  the 


142  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

troops  and  artillery  on  floats  or  in  boats,  across  the  rivers,  and 
Were  under  the  command  of  a  midshipman  and  lieutenant.* 

"  Every  thing,"  writes  Captain  Robert  Orme,  one  of  the 
general's  aides-de-camp,  "  seemed  to  promise  so  far  the  greatest 
success.  The  transports  were  all  arrived  safe,  and  the  men  in 
health.  Provisions,  Indians,  carriages,  and  horses,  were  already 
provided ;  at  least  were  to  be  esteemed  so,  considering  the  au- 
thorities on  which  they  were  promised  to  the  general." 

Trusting  to  these  arrangements,  Braddock  proceeded  to  Alex- 
andria. The  troops  had  all  been  disembarked  before  his  arrival, 
and  the  Virginia  levies  selected  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  to  join  the 
regiments  of  regulars,  were  arrived.  There  were  beside  two  compa- 
nies of  hatchet  men,  or  carpenters ;  six  of  rangers  ;  and  one  troop 
of  light  horse.  The  levies,  having  been  clothed,  were  ordered  to 
march  immediately  for  Winchester,  to  be  armed,  and  the  general 
gave  them  in  charge  of  an  ensign  of  the  44th,  "  to  make  them  as 
like  soldiers  as  possible."  f  The  light  horse  were  retained  by  the 
general  as  his  escort  and  body  guard. 

The  din  and  stir  of  warlike  preparation  disturbed  the  quiet 
of  Mount  Yernon.  Washington  looked  down  from  his  rural  re- 
treat upon  the  ships  of  war  and  transports,  as  they  passed  up  the 
Potomac,  with  the  array  of  arms  gleaming  along  their  decks. 
The  booming  of  cannon  echoed  among  his  groves.  Alexandria 
was  but  a  few  miles  distant.  Occasionally  he  mounted  his  horse, 
and  rode  to  that  place ;  it  was  like  a  garrisoned  town,  teeming 
with  troops,  and  resounding  with  the  drum  and  fife.  A  brilliant 
campaign  was  about  to  open  under  the  auspices  of  an  experienced 
general,  and  with  all  the  means  and  appurtenances  of  European 

*  Keppel's  Life  of  Keppel,  p.  205. 
f  Orme's  Journal. 


1755.]  A   SITUATION    IN    THE    STAFF.  143 

warfare.  How  different  from  the  starveling  expeditions  he  had 
hitherto  been  doomed  to  conduct  !  What  an  opportunity  to  efface 
the  memory  of  his  recent  disaster  !  All  his  thoughts  of  rural  life 
were  put  to  flight.  The  military  part  of  his  character  was  again 
in  the  ascendant ;  his  great  desire  was  to  join  the  expedition  as  a 
volunteer. 

It  was  reported  to  General  Braddock.  The  latter  was  ap- 
prised by  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  others,  of  Washington's  per- 
sonal merits,  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  his  experience  in 
frontier  service.  The  consequence  was,  a  letter  from  Captain 
Robert  Orme,  one  of  Braddock's  aides-de-camp,  written  by  the 
general's  order,  inviting  Washington  to  join  his  staff;  the  letter 
concluded  with  frank  and  cordial  expressions  of  esteem  on  the 
part  of  Orme,  which  were  warmly  reciprocated,  and  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  soldierlike  friendship  between  them. 

A  volunteer  situation  on  the  staff  of  General  Braddock  offered 
no  emolument  nor  command,  and  would  be  attended  with  con- 
siderable expense,  beside  a  sacrifice  of  his  private  interests,  hav- 
ing no  person  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  to  take  charge  of  his 
affairs  in  his  absence ;  still  he  did  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  ac- 
cept the  invitation.  In  the  position  offered  to  him,  all  the  ques- 
tions of  military  rank  which  had  hitherto  annoyed  him,  would  be 
obviated.  He  could  indulge  his  passion  for  arms  without  any 
"  sacrifice  of  dignity,  and  he  looked  forward  with  high  anticipation 
to  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  military  experience  in  a  corps  well 
organized,  and  thoroughly  disciplined,  and  in  the  family  of  a 
commander  of  acknowledged  skill  as  a  tactician. 

His  mother  heard  with  concern  of  another  projected  expe- 
dition into  the  wilderness.  Hurrying  to  Mount  Vernon,  she 
entreated  him  not  again  to  expose  himself  to  the  hardships  and 


144  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

perils  of  these  frontier  campaigns.  She  doubtless  felt  the  value 
of  his  presence  at  home,  to  manage  and  protect  the  complicated 
interests  of  the  domestic  connection,  and  had  watched  with  solici- 
tude over  his  adventurous  campaigning,  where  so  much  family 
welfare  was  at  hazard.  However  much  a  mother's  pride  may 
have  been  gratified  by  his  early  advancement  and  renown,  she 
had  rejoiced  on  his  return  to  the  safer  walks  of  peaceful  life.  She 
was  thoroughly  practical  and  prosaic  in  her  notions ;  and  not  to 
be  dazzled  by  military  glory.  The  passion  for  arms  which  min- 
gled with  the  more  sober  elements  of  Washington's  character, 
would  seem  to  have  been  inherited  from  his  father's  side  of  the 
house ;  it  was,  in  fact,  the  old  chivalrous  spirit  of  the  De  Wes- 
syngtons. 

His  mother  had  once  prevented  him  from  entering  the  navy, 
when  a  gallant  frigate  was  at  hand,  anchored  in  the  waters  of  the 
Potomac ;  with  all  his  deference  for  her,  which  he  retained  through 
life,  he  could  not  resist  the  appeal  to  his  martial  sympathies,  which 
called  him  to  the  head-quarters  of  General  Braddock  at  Alexandria. 
His  arrival  was  hailed  by  his  young  associates,  Captains  Orme 
and  Morris,  the  general's  aides-de-camp,  who  at  once  received  him 
into  frank  companionship,  and  a  cordial  intimacy  commenced  be- 
tween them,  that  continued  throughout  the  campaign. 

He  experienced  a  courteous  reception  from  the  general,  who 
expressed  in  flattering  terms  the  impression  he  had  received  of 
his  merits.  Washington  soon  appreciated  the  character  of  the 
general.  He  found  him  stately  and  somewhat  haughty,  exact  in 
matters  of  military  etiquette  and  discipline,  positive  in  giving  an 
opinion,  and  obstinate  in  maintaining  it ;  but  of  an  honorable  and 
generous,  though  somewhat  irritable  nature. 

There  were  at  that  time  four  governors,  beside  Dinwiddie, 


1755.] 


GRAND    COUNCIL   OF    WAR.  145 


assembled  at  Alexandria,  at  Braddock's  request,  to  concert  a  plan 
of  military  operations ;  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massachusetts ; 
Lieutenant-governor  Delancey,  of  New  York;  Lieutenant-gov- 
ernor Sharpe,  of  Maryland;  Lieutenant-governor  Morris,  of 
Pennsylvania.  Washington  was  presented  to  them  in  a  manner 
that  showed  how  well  his  merits  were  already  appreciated. 
Shirley  seems  particularly  to  have  struck  him  as  the  model  of 
a  gentleman  and  statesman.  He  was  originally  a  lawyer,  and 
had  risen  not  more  by  his  talents,  than  by  his  implicit  devotion  to 
the  crown.     His  son  "William  was  military  secretary  to  Braddock. 

A  grand  council  was  held  on  the  14th  of  April,  composed  of 
General  Braddock,  Commodore  Keppel,  and  the  governors,  at 
which  the  general's  commission  was  read,  as  were  his  instructions 
from  the  king,  relating  to  a  common  fund,  to  be  established  by  the 
several  colonies,  toward  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  campaign. 

The  governors  were  prepared  to  answer  on  this  head,  letters 
to  the  same  purport  having  been  addressed  to  them  by  Sir  Thomas 
Robinson,  one  of  the  king's  secretaries  of  state,  in  the  preceding 
month  of  October.  They  informed  Braddock  that  they  had  ap- 
plied to  their  respective  Assemblies  for  the  establishment  of  such 
a  fund,  but  in  vain,  and  gave  it  as  their  unanimous  opinion,  that 
such  a  fund  could  never  be  established  in  the  colonies  without  the 
aid  of  Parliament.  They  had  found  it  impracticable,  also,  to 
obtain  from  their  respective  governments  the  proportions  expected 
from  them  by  the  crown,  toward  military  expenses  in  America ; 
and  suggested  that  ministers  should  find  out  some  mode  of  com- 
pelling them  to  do  it ;  and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  general 
should  make  use  of  his  credit  upon  government,  for  current  ex- 
penses, lest  the  expedition  should  come  to  a  stand.* 

*  Colonial  Records,  vol  \\.,  p.  366. 

Yol.  I.-7 


146  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  -  [1755. 

In  discussing  the  campaign,  the  governors  were  of  opinion 
that  New  York  should  be  made  the  centre  of  operations,  as  it 
afforded  easy  access  by  water  to  the  heart  of  the  French  posses- 
sions in  Canada.  Braddock,  however,  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to 
depart  from  his  instructions,  which  specified  the  recent  establish- 
ments of  the  French  on  the  Ohio  as  the  objects  of  his  expedition. 

Niagara  and  Crown  Point  were  to  be  attacked  about  the  same 
time  with  Fort  Duquesne,  the  former  by  Governor  Shirley,  with 
his  own  and  Sir  William  Pepperell's  regiments,  and  some  New 
York  companies ;  the  latter  by  Colonel  William  Johnson,  sole 
manager  and  director  of  Indian  affairs;  a  personage  worthy  of 
especial  note. 

He  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  had  come  out  to  this  country 
in  1734,  to  manage  the  landed  estates  owned  by  his  uncle, 
Commodore  Sir  Peter  Warren,  in  the  Mohawk  country.  He  had 
resided  ever  since  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Mohawk  River,  in  the 
province  of  New  York.  By  his  agency,  and  his  dealings  with 
the  native  tribes,  he  had  acquired  great  wealth,  and  become  a 
kind  of  potentate  in  the  Indian  country.  His  influence  over  the 
Six  Nations  was  said  to  be  unbounded ;  and  it  was  principally 
with  the  aid  of  a  large  force  of  their  warriors  that  it  was  expect- 
ed he  would  accomplish  his  part  of  the  campaign.  The  end  of 
June,  "  nearly  in  July,"  was  fixed  upon  as  the  time  when  the 
several  attacks  upon  Forts  Duquesne,  Niagara,  and  Crown  Point, 
should  be  carried  into  execution,  and  Braddock  anticipated  an 
easy  accomplishment  of  his  plans. 

The  expulsion  of  the  French  from  the  lands  wrongfully  held 
by  them  in  Nova  Scotia,  was  to  be  assigned  to  Colonel  Lawrence, 
Lieutenant-governor  of  that  province ;  we  will  briefly  add,  in  an- 
ticipation, that  it  was  effected  by  him,  with  the  aid  of  troops  from 


1755.]  THREATS   OF   SIR   JOHN    ST.    CLAIR.  147 

Massachusetts  and  elsewhere,  led  by  Lieutenant-colonel  Monck- 
ton. 

The  business  of  the  Congress  being  finished,  General  Brad- 
dock  would  have  set  out  for  Fredericktown,  in  Maryland,  but  few 
waggons  or  teams  had  yet  come  to  remove  the  artillery.  Wash- 
ington had  looked  with  wonder  and  dismay  at  the  huge  parapher- 
nalia of  war,  and  the  world  of  superfluities  to  be  transported 
across  the  mountains,  recollecting  the  difficulties  he  had  experi- 
enced in  getting  over  them  with  his  nine  swivels  and  scanty 
supplies.  "  If  our  march  is  to  be  regulated  by  the  slow  move- 
ments of  the  train,"  said  he,  "  it  will  be  tedious,  very  tedious, 
indeed."  His  predictions  excited  a  sarcastic  smile  in  Braddock, 
as  betraying  the  limited  notions  of  a  young  provincial  officer,  lit- 
tle acquainted  with  the  march  of  armies. 

In  the  mean  while,  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  who  had  returned  to  the 
frontier,  was  storming  at  the  camp  at  Fort  Cumberland.  The  road 
required  of  the  Pennsylvania  government  had  not  been  commenced. 
George  Croghan  and  the  other  commissioners  were  but  just  ar- 
rived in  camp.  Sir  John,  according  to  Croghan,  received  them  in 
a  very  disagreeable  manner ;  would  not  look  at  their  draughts,  nor 
suffer  any  representations  to  be  made  to  him  in  regard  to  the 
province,  "  but  stormed  like  a  lion  rampant ;  "  declaring  that  the 
want  of  the  road  and  of  the  provisions  promised  by  Pennsylvania 
had  retarded  the  expedition,  and  might  cost  them  their  lives  from 
the  fresh  numbers  of  French  that  might  be  poured  into  the  coun- 
try.— "  That  instead  of  marching  to  the  Ohio,  he  would  in  nine 
days  march  his  army  into  Cumberland  County  to  cut  the  roads, 
press  horses,  waggons,  &c. — That  he  would  not  suffer  a  soldier  to 
handle  an  axe,  but  by  fire  and  sword  oblige  the  inhabitants  to  do 
it.     *     *     *     That  he  would  kill  all  kinds  of  cattle,  and  carry 


148  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

away  the  horses,  burn  the  houses,  &c. ;  and  that  if  the  French 
defeated  them,  by  the  delays  of  Pennsylvania,  he  would,  with  his 
Bword  drawn,  pass  through  the  province  and  treat  the  inhabitants 
as  a  parcel  of  traitors  to  his  master.  That  he  would  write  to 
England  by  a  man-of-war ;  shake  Mr.  Penn's  proprietaryship,  and 
represent  Pennsylvania  as  a  disaffected  province.  *  *  *  * 
He  told  us  to  go  to  the  general,  if  we  pleased,  who  would  give 
us  ten  had  words  for  one  that  lie  had  given?'1 

The  explosive  wrath  of  Sir  John,  which  was  not  to  be  ap- 
peased, shook  the  souls  of  the  commissioners,  and  they  wrote  to 
Governor  Morris,  urging  that  people  might  be  set  at  work  upon 
the  road,  if  the  Assembly  had  made  provision  for  opening  it ;  and 
that  flour  might  be  sent  without  delay  to  the  mouth  of  Canoco- 
cheague  Eiver,  "  as  being  the  only  remedy  left  to  prevent  these 
threatened  mischiefs."  * 

In  reply,  Mr.  Eichard  Peters,  Governor  Morris's  secretary, 
wrote  in  his  name :  "  Get  a  number  of  hands  immediately,  and 
further  the  work  by  all  possible  methods.  Your  expenses  will 
be  paid  at  the  next  sitting  of  Assembly.  Do  your  duty,  and 
oblige  the  general  and  quartermaster  if  possible.  Finish  the 
road  that  will  be  wanted  first,  and  then  proceed  to  any  other  that 
may  be  thought  necessary." 

An  additional  commission,  of  a  different  kind,  was  intrusted 
to  George  Croghan.  Governor  Morris  by  letter  requested  him  to 
convene  at  Aughquick,  in  Pennsylvania,  as  many  warriors  as 
possible  of  the  mixed  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  distribute  among  them 
wampum  belts  sent  for  the  purpose,  and  engage  them  to  meet 
General  Braddock  when  on  the  march,  and  render  him  all  the 
assistance  in  their  power. 

*  Colonial  Records,  vol.  vi.,  p.  368. 


1755.]  CAPTAIN  JACK   AND   HIS  BAND.  149 

In  reply,  Croghan  engaged  to  enlist  a  strong  body  of  Indians, 
being  sure  of  the  influence  of  Scarooyadi,  successor  to  the  half- 
king,  and  of  his  adjunct,  White  Thunder,  keeper  of  the  speech- 
belts.*  At  the  instance  of  Governor  Morris,  Croghan  secured 
the  services  of  another  kind  of  force.  This  was  a  band  of  hunt- 
ers, resolute  men,  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  inured 
to  hardships.  They  were  under  the  command  of  Captain  Jack, 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of  Pennsylvania ;  a  com- 
plete hero  of  the  wilderness.  He  had  been  for  many  years  a  cap- 
tive among  the  Indians;  and,  having  learnt  their  ways,  had 
formed  this  association  for  the  protection  of  the  settlements, 
receiving  a  commission  of  captain  from  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  band  had  become  famous  for  its  exploits,  and  was  a 
terror  to  the  Indians.  Captain  Jack  was  at  present  protecting 
the  settlements  on  the  Canococheague ;  but  promised  to  march  by 
a  circuitous  route  and  join  Braddock  with  his  hunters.  "  They 
require  no  shelter  for  the  night,"  writes  Croghan;  "  they  ask  no 
pay.  If  the  whole  army  was  composed  of  such  men  there  would 
be  no  cause  of  apprehension.  I  shall  be  with  them  in  time  for 
duty."  f 

NOTE. 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter,  dated  August,  1750,  gives  one  of 
the  stories  relative  to  this  individual : 

"The  'Black  Hunter,'  the  'Black  Rifle,'  the  'Wild  Hunter  of 
Juniata,'  is  a  white  man ;  his  history  is  this :  He  entered  the  woods 
with  a  few  enterprising  companions ;  built  his  cabin ;  cleared  a  little 
land,  and  amused  himself  with  the  pleasures  of  fishing  and  hunting. 
He  felt  happy,  for  then  he  had  not  a  care.  But  on  an  evening,  when 
he  returned  from  a  day  of  sport,  he  found  his  cabin  burnt,  his  wife 


*  Colonial  Records,  voL  vi.,  p.  375. 

f  Hazard's  Register  of  Penn.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  416. 


150  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

and  children  murdered.  From  that  moment  he  forsakes  civilized 
man  ;  hunts  out  caves,  in  which  he  lives ;  protects  the  frontier  inhab- 
itants from  the  Indians;  and  seizes  every  opportunity  of  revenge 
that  offers.  He  lives  the  terror  of  the  Indians  and  the  consolation  of 
the  whites.  On  one  occasion,  near  Juniata,  in  the  middle  of  a  dark 
night,  a  family  were  suddenly  awaked  from  sleep  by  the  report  of  a 
gun ;  they  jump  from  their  huts,  and  by  the  glimmering  light  from 
the  chimney  saw  an  Indian  fall  to  rise  no  more.  The  open  door  ex- 
posed to  view  the  wild  hunter.  c  I  have  saved  your  lives,'  he  cried, 
then  turned  and  was  buried  in  the  gloom  of  night." — Hazard's  Register 
ofPenn.,  vol.  iv.,  389. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WASHINGTON  PROCLAIMED  AIDE-DE-CAMP DISAPPOINTMENTS  AT  FREDERICKTOWN — 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  AND  BRADDOCK— -CONTRACTS — DEPARTURE  FOR  WILLS' 
CREEK — ROUGH  ROADS — THE  GENERAL  IN  HIS  CHARIOT — CAMP  AT  FORT  CUM- 
BERLAND— HUGH     MERCER DR.      CRAIK — MILITARY     TACTICS CAMP     RULES 

8ECRETARY     PETERS INDIANS     IN     CAMP INDIAN     BEAUTIES THE     PRINCESS 

BRIGHT     LIGHTNING — ERRAND     TO     WILLIAMSBURG BRADDOCK's     OPINION     OF 

CONTRACTORS   AND   INDIANS — ARRIVAL   OF   CONVEYANCES. 

General  Braddock  set  out  from  Alexandria  on  the  20th  of 
April.  Washington  remained  behind  a  few  days  to  arrange  his 
affairs,  and  then  rejoined  him  at  Fredericktown,  in  Maryland, 
where,  on  the  10th  of  May,  he  was  proclaimed  one  of  the  gener- 
al's aides-de-camp.  The  troubles  of  Braddock  had  already  com  - 
menced.  The  Virginian  contractors  failed  to  fulfil  their  engage- 
ments ;  of  all  the  immense  means  of  transportation  so  confidently 
promised,  but  fifteen  waggons  and  a  hundred  draft-horses  had 
arrived,  and  there  was  no  prospect  of  more.  There  was  equal 
disappointment  in  provisions,  both  as  to  quantity  and  quality; 
and  he  had  to  send  round  the  country  to  buy  cattle  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  troops. 

Fortunately,  while  the  general  was  venting  his  spleen  in  ana- 


152  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

themas  against  army  contractors,  Benjamin  Franklin  arrived  at 
Fredericktown.  That  eminent  man,  then  about  forty-nine  years  of 
age,  had  been  for  many  years  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assem- 
bly, and  was  now  postmaster-general  for  America.  The  Assembly 
understood  that  Braddock  was  incensed  against  them,  supposing 
them  adverse  to  the  service  of  the  war.  They  had  procured  Frank- 
lin to  wait  upon  him,  not  as  if  sent  by  them,  but  as  if  he  came 
in  his  capacity  of  postmaster-general,  to  arrange  for  the  sure  and 
speedy  transmission  of  despatches  between  the  commander-in- 
chief  and  the  governors  of  the  provinces. 

He  was  well  received,  and  became  a  daily  guest  at  the  gener- 
al's table.  In  his  autobiography,  he  gives  us  an  instance  of  the 
blind  confidence  and  fatal  prejudices  by  which  Braddock  was  de- 
luded throughout  this  expedition.  "  In  conversation  with  him 
one  day,"  writes  Franklin,  "  he  was  giving  me  some  account  of 
his  intended  progress.  '  After  taking  Fort  Duquesne,'  said  he,  1 1 
am  to  proceed  to  Niagara ;  and,  having  taken  that,  to  Frontenac, 
if  the  season  will  allow  time ;  and  I  suppose  it  will,  for  Duquesne 
can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or  four  days :  and  then  I  can 
see  nothing  that  can  obstruct  my  march  to  Niagara.' 

"  Having  before  revolved  in  my  mind,"  continues  Franklin, 
"  the  long  line  his  army  must  make  in  their  march  by  a  very  nar- 
row road,  to  be  cut  for  them,  through  the  woods  and  bushes,  and 
also  what  I  had  heard  of  a  former  defeat  of  fifteen  hundred 
French,  who  invaded  the  Illinois  country,  I  had  conceived  some 
doubts  and  some  fears  for  the  event  of  the  campaign;  but  I 
ventured  only  to  say,  '  To  be  sure,  sir,  if  you  arrive  well  before 
Duquesne  with  these  fine  troops,  so  well  provided  with  artillery, 
the  fort,  though  completely  fortified,  and  assisted  with  a  very 
strong  garrison,  can  probably  make  but  a  short  resistance.     The 


1755.]  BRADDOCK   AND    FRANKLIN.  153 

only  danger  I  apprehend- of  obstruction  to  your  march,  is  from 
the  ambuscades  of  the  Indians,  who,  by  constant  practice,  are 
dexterous  in  laying  and  executing  them ;  and  the  slender  line, 
nearly  four  miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make,  may  expose 
it  to  be  attacked  by  surprise  on  its  flanks,  and  to  be  cut  like 
thread  into  several  pieces,  which,  from  their  distance,  cannot  come 
up  in  time  to  support  one  another.' 

"  He  smiled  at  my  ignorance,  and  replied :  '  These  savages 
may  indeed  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  raw  American  militia,  but 
upon  the  king's  regular  and  disciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossible 
they  should  make  an  impression.'  I  was  conscious  of  an  impro- 
priety in  my  disputing  with  a  military  man  in  matters  of  his  pro- 
fession, and  said  no  more."  # 

As  the  whole  delay  of  the  army  was  caused  by  the  want  of 
conveyances,  Franklin  observed  one  day  to  the  general  that  it 
was  a  pity  the  troops  had  not  been  landed  in  Pennsylvania,  where 
almost  every  farmer  had  his  waggon.  "  Then,  sir,"  replied  Brad- 
dock,  "  you  who  are  a  man  of  interest  there  can  probably  pro- 
cure them  for  me,  and  I  beg  you  will."  Franklin  consented.  An 
instrument  in  writing  was  drawn  up,  empowering  him  to  contract 
for  one  hundred  and  fifty  waggons,  with  four  horses  to  each  waggon, 
and  fifteen  hundred  saddle  or  packhorses  for  the  service  of  his  ma- 
jesty's forces,  to  be  at  Wills'  Creek  on  or  before  the  20th  of  May, 
and  he  promptly  departed  for  Lancaster  to  execute  the  commission. 

After  his  departure,  Braddock,  attended  by  his  staff,  and  his 
guard  of  light  horse,  set  off  for  Wills'  Creek  by  the  way  of  Win- 
chester, the  road  along  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac  not  being 
yet  made.     "  This  gave  him,"  writes  Washington,   "  a  good  op- 

*  Autobiography  of  Franklin.     Sparks'  Edition,  p.  190. 
Vol.  I —7* 


154  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

portunity  to  see  the  absurdity  of  the  route,  and  of  damning  it 
very  heartily."  * 

Three  of  Washington's  horses  were  knocked  up  before  they 
reached  Winchester,  and  he  had  to  purchase  others.  This  was  a 
severe  drain  of  his  campaigning  purse ;  fortunately  he  was  in  the 
neighborhood  of  G-reenway  Court,  and  was  enabled  to  replenish  it 
by  a  loan  from  his  old  friend  Lord  Fairfax. 

The  discomforts  of  the  rough  road  were  increased  with  tho 
general,  by  his  travelling  with  some  degree  of  state  in  a  chariot 
which  he  had  purchased  of  Governor  Sharpe.  In  this  he  dashed 
by  Dunbar's  division  of  the  troops,  which  he  overtook  near  Wills' 
Creek ;  his  body  guard  of  light  horse  galloping  on  each  side  of 
his  chariot,  and  his  staff  accompanying  him ;  the  drums  beating 
the  Grenadier's  march  as  he  passed.  In  this  style,  too,  he  arrived 
at  Fort  Cumberland,  amid  a  thundering  salute  of  seventeen 
guns.f 

By  this  time  the  general  discovered  that  he  was  not  in  a 
region  fitted  for  such  display,  and  his  travelling  chariot  was 
abandoned  at  Fort  Cumberland;  otherwise  it  would  soon  have 
become  a  wreck  among  the  mountains  beyond. 

By  the  19th  of  May,  the  forces  were  assembled  at  Fort  Cum- 
berland. The  two  royal  regiments,  originally  one  thousand  strong, 
now  increased  to  fourteen  hundred,  by  men  chosen  from  the 
Maryland  and  Virginia  levies.  Two  provincial  companies  of 
carpenters,  or  pioneers,  thirty  men  each,  with  subalterns  and  cap- 
tains. A  company  of  guides,  composed  of  a  captain,  two  aids, 
and  ten  men.     The  troop  of  Virginia  light  horse,  commanded  by 

*  Draft  of  a  letter,  among  Washington's  papers,  addressed  to  Major  John 
Carlyle. 

f  Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment. 


BETWEEN    WILLS'  CREEK  4  MONONGAHELA  RIVER, 


J-mn  the  3f«p  in  Cap1  Orme's  ,7bu 


UmMp&iuUfS. 


1*755.] 


HUGH   MERCER.  155 


Captain  Stewart;  the  detachment  of  thirty  sailors  with  their 
officers,  and  the' remnants  of  two  independent  companies  from 
New  York,  one  of  which  was  commanded  by  Captain  Horatio 
Gates,  of  whom  we  shall  have  to  speak  much  hereafter,  in  the 
course  of  this  biography. 

Another  person  in  camp,  of  subsequent  notoriety,  and  who 
became  a  warm  friend  of  "Washington,  was  Dr.  Hugh  Mercer,  a 
Scotchman,  about  thirty-three  years  of  age.  About  ten  years 
previously  he  had  served  as  assistant  surgeon  in  the  forces  of 
Charles  Edward,  and  followed  his  standard  to  the  disastrous 
field  of  Culloden.  After  the  defeat  of  the  "  chevalier,"  Mercer 
had  escaped  by  the  way  of  Inverness  to  America,  and  taken  up 
his  residence  in  Virginia.  He  was  now  with  the  Virginia  troops, 
rallying  under  the  standard  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  in  an  ex- 
pedition led  by  a  general  who  had  aided  to  drive  the  chevalier 
from  Scotland.* 

Another  young  Scotchman  in  the  camp  was  Dr.  James  Craik, 
who  had  become  strongly  attached  to  Washington,  being  about 
the  same  age,  and  having  been  with  him  in  the  affair  of  the  Great 
Meadows,  serving  as  surgeon  in  the  Virginia  regiment,  to  which 
he  still  belonged. 

At  Fort  Cumberland,  "Washington  had  an  opportunity  of  see- 
ing a  force  encamped  according  to  the  plan  approved  of  by  the 
council  of  war ;  and  military  tactics,  enforced  with  all  the  preci- 
sion of  a  martinet. 

The  roll  of  each  company  was  called  over  morning,  noon,  and 
night.     There  was  strict  examination  of  arms  and  accoutrements; 

*  Braddock  had  been  an  officer  under  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  in  hia 
campaign  against  Charles  Edward. 


156  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

the  commanding  officer  of  each  company  being  answerable  for 
their  being  kept  in  good  order. 

The  general  was  very  particular  in  regard  to  the  appearance 
and  drill  of  the  Virginia  recruits  and  companies,  whom  he  had 
put  under  the  rigorous  discipline  of  Ensign  Allen.  "  They  per- 
formed their  evolutions  and  firings,  as  well  as  could  be  expected," 
writes  Captain  Orme,  "  but  their  languid,  spiritless,  and  un- 
soldier-like  appearance,  considered  with  the  lowness  and  ignorance 
of  most  of  their  officers,  gave  little  hopes  of  their  future  good 
behavior."*  He  doubtless  echoed  the  opinion  of  the  general; 
how  completely  were  both  to  be  undeceived  as  to  their  estimate 
of  these  troops  I 

The  general  held  a  levee  in  his  tent  every  morning,  from  ten 
to  eleven.  He  was  strict  as  to  the  morals  of  the  camp.  Drunk- 
enness was  severely  punished.  A  soldier  convicted  of  theft  was 
sentenced  to  receive  one  thousand  lashes,  and  to  be  drummed  out 
of  his  regiment.  Part  of  the  first  part  of  the  sentence  was  re- 
mitted. Divine  service  was  performed  every  Sunday,  at  the  head 
of  the  colors  of  each  regiment,  by  the  chaplain.  There  was  the 
funeral  of  a  captain  who  died  at  this  encampment.  A  captain's 
guard  marched  before  the  corpse,  the  captain  of  it  in  the  rear, 
the  firelocks  reversed,  the  drums  beating  the  dead  march.  When 
near  the  grave,  the  guard  formed  two  lines,  facing  each  other ; 
rested  on  their  arms,  muzzles  downwards,  and  leaned  their  faces 
on  the  butts.  The  corpse  was  carried  between  them,  the  sword 
and  sash  on  the  coffin,  and  the  officers  following  two  and  two. 
After  the  chaplain  of  the  regiment  had  read  the  service,  the 
guard  fired  three  volleys  over  the  grave,  and  returned,  f 

*  Orme's  Journal. 

\  Orme's  Journal.     Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment 


1755.] 


SECRETARY    PETERS.  157 


Braddock's  camp,  in  a  word,  was  a  complete  study  for  Wash- 
ington, during  the  halt  at  Fort  Cumberland,  where  he  had  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  military  routine  in  its  strictest  forms.  He 
had  a  specimen,  too,  of  convivial  life  in  the  camp,  which  the  gen- 
eral endeavored  to  maintain,  even  in  the  wilderness,  keeping  a 
hospitable  table  ;  for  he  is  said  to  have  been  somewhat  of  a  ton 
vivant,  and  to  have  had  with  him  "  two  good  cooks,  who  could 
make  an  excellent  ragout  out  of  a  pair  of  boots,  had  they  but 
materials  to  toss  them  up  with."  * 

There  was  great  detention  at  the  fort,  caused  by  the  want  of 
forage  and  supplies,  the  road  not  having  been  finished  from  Phila- 
delphia. Mr.  Richard  Peters,  the  secretary  of  Governor  Morris, 
was  in  camp,  to  attend  to  the  matter.  He  had  to  bear  the  brunt 
of  Braddock's  complaints.  The  general  declared  he  would  not 
stir  from  Wills'  Creek  until  he  had  the  governor's  assurance  that 
the  road  would  be  opened  in  time.  Mr.  Peters  requested  guards 
to  protect  the  men  while  at  work,  from  attacks  by  the  Indians. 
Braddock  swore  he  would  not  furnish  guards  for  the  woodcutters, 
— "  let  Pennsylvania  do  it ! "  He  scoffed  at  the  talk  about  danger 
from  Indians.  Peters  endeavored  to  make  him  sensible  of  the 
peril  which  threatened  him  in  this  respect.  Should  an  army  of 
them,  led  by  French  officers,  beset  him  in  his  march,  he  would  not 
be  able,  with  all  his  strength  and  military  skill,  to  reach  Fort 
Duquesne  without  a  body  of  rangers,  as  well  on  foot  as  horseback. 
The  general,  however,  "  despised  his  observations."  f  Still, 
guards  had  ultimately  to  be  provided,  or  the  work  on  the  road 
would  have  been  abandoned. 

Braddock,  in  fact,  was  completely  chagrined  and  disappointed 

•  *  Preface  to  Winthrop  Sargent's  Introductory  Memoir, 
f  Colonial  Records,  vi.,  396. 


158  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

about  the  Indians.  The  Cherokees  and  Catawbas,  whom  Din- 
widdie  had  given  him  reason  to  expect  in  such  numbers,  never 
arrived. 

George  Croghan  reached  the  camp  with  but  about  fifty  warriors, 
whom  he  had  brought  from  Aughquick.  At  the  general's  request 
he  sent  a  messenger  to  invite  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  from 
the  Ohio,  who  returned  with  two  chiefs  of  the  former  tribe. 
Among  the  sachems  thus  assembled  were  some  of  Washington's 
former  allies;  Scarooyadi,  alias,  Monacatoocha,  successor  to  the 
half-king;  White  Thunder,  the  keeper  of  the  speech-belts,  and 
Silver  Heels,  so  called,  probably,  from  being  swift  of  foot. 

Notwithstanding  his  secret  contempt  for  the  Indians,  Brad- 
dock,  agreeably  to  his  instructions,  treated  them  with  great  cere- 
mony. A  grand  council  was  held  in  his  tent,  where  all  his  officers 
attended.  The  chiefs,  and  all  the  warriors,  came  painted  and 
decorated  for  war.  They  were  received  with  military  honors,  the 
guards  resting  on  their  fire-arms.  The  general  made  them  a 
speech  through  his  interpreter,  expressing  the  grief  of  their  father, 
the  great  king  of  England,  at  the  death  of  the  half-king,  and 
made  them  presents  to  console  them.  They  in  return  promised 
their  aid  as  guides  and  scouts,  and  declared  eternal  enmity  to  the 
French,  following  the  declaration  with  the  war  song,  "  making  a 
terrible  noise. " 

The  general,  to  regale  and  astonish  them,  ordered  all  the  ar- 
tillery to  be  fired,  "  the  drums  and  fifes  playing  and  beating  the 
point  of  war ; "  the  fete  ended  by  their  feasting,  in  their  own 
camp,  on  a  bullock  which  the  general  had  given  them,  following 
up  their  repast  by  dancing  the  war  dance  round  a  fire,  to  the 
sound  of  their  uncouth  drums  and  rattles,  "making  night 
hideous,"  by  howls  and  yellings. 


1755.]  '  INDIAN    BEAUTIES.  159 

"  I  have  engaged  between  forty  and  fifty  Indians  from  the 
frontiers  of  your  province  to  go  over  the  mountains  with  me," 
writes  Braddock  to  Governor  Morris,  "  and  shall  take  Croghan 
and  Montour  into  service."  Croghan  was,  in  effect,  put  in  com- 
mand of  the  Indians,  and  a  warrant  given  to  him  of  captain. 

For  a  time  all  went  well.  The  Indians  had  their  separate 
camp,  where  they  passed  half  the  night  singing,  dancing,  and 
howling.  The  British  were  amused  by  their  strange  ceremonies, 
their  savage  antics,  and  savage  decorations.  The  Indians,  on  the 
other  hand,  loitered  by  day  about  the  English  camp,  fiercely 
painted  and  arrayed,  gazing  with  silent  admiration  at  the  parade 
of  the  troops,  their  marchings  and  evolutions ;  and  delighted  with 
the  horse-races,  with  which  the  young  oflicers  recreated  them- 
selves. 

Unluckily  the  warriors  had  brought  their  families  with  them 
to  Wills'  Creek,  and  the  women  were  even  fonder  than  the  men 
of  loitering  about  the  British  camp.  They  were  not  destitute  of 
attractions ;  for  the  young  squaws  resemble  the  gypsies,  having 
seductive  forms,  small  hands  and  feet,  and  soft  voices.  Among 
those  who  visited  the  camp  was  one  who  no  doubt  passed  for  an 
Indian  princess.  She  was  the  daughter  of  the  sachem,  White 
Thunder,  and  bore  the  dazzling  name  of  Bright  Lightning.* 
The  charms  of  these  wild-wood  beauties  were  soon  acknowledged. 
"  The  squaws,"  writes  Secretary  Peters,  "  bring  in  money  plenty; 
the  oflicers  are  scandalously  fond  of  them."  f 

The  jealousy  of  the  warriors  was  aroused;  some  of  them  be- 
came furious.     To  prevent  discord,  the  squaws  were  forbidden  to 

*  Seamen's  Journal. 

f  Letter  of  Peters  to  Governor  Morris. 


160  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

come  into  the  British  camp.  This  did  not  prevent  their  being 
sought  elsewhere.  It  was  ultimately  found  necessary,  for  the 
sake  of  quiet,  to  send  Bright  Lightning,  with  all  the  other  women 
and  children,  back  to  Aughquick.  White  Thunder,  and  several 
of  the  warriors,  accompanied  them  for  their  protection. 

As  to  the  three  Delaware  chiefs,  they  returned  to  the  Ohio, 
promising  the  general  they  would  collect  their  warriors  together, 
and  meet  him  on  his  march.  They  never  kept  their  word. 
"  These  people  are  villains,  and  always  side  with  the  strongest," 
says  a  shrewd  journalist  of  the  expedition. 

During  the  halt  of  the  troops  at  "Wills'  Creek,  Washington 
had  been  sent  to  Williamsburg  to  bring  on  four  thousand  pounds 
for  the  military  chest.  He  returned,  after  a  fortnight's  absence, 
escorted  from  Winchester  by  eight  men,  "  which  eight  men," 
writes  he,  "were  two  days  assembling,  but  I  believe  would  not 
have  been  more  than  as  many  seconds  dispersing  if  I  had  been 
attacked." 

He  found  the  general  out  of  all  patience  and  temper  at  the 
delays  and  disappointments  in  regard  to  horses,  waggons,  and 
forage,  making  no  allowances  for  the  difficulties  incident  to  a  new 
country,  and  to  the  novel  and  great  demands  upon  its  scanty  and 
scattered  resources.  He  accused  the  army  contractors  of  want 
of  faith,  honor,  and  honesty;  and  in  his  moments  of  passion, 
which  were  many,  extended  the  stigma  to  the  whole  country. 
This  stung  the  patriotic  sensibility  of  Washington,  and  overcame 
his  usual  self-command,  and  the  proud  and  passionate  commander 
was  occasionally  surprised  by  a  well-merited  rebuke  from  his 
aide-de-camp.  "  We  have  frequent  disputes  on  this  head,"  writes 
Washington,  "  which  are  maintained  with  warmth  on  both  sides, 
especially  on  his,  as  he  is  incapable  of  arguing  without  it,  or  of 


\.1>.  1/55. 


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.SarcrentsmstcfBr-cutcieCtcs  JSxp Phi  fa  fXoo. 


17oo]  ARRIVAL   OF   CONVEYANCES.  161 

giving  up  any  point  he  asserts,  be  it  ever  so  incompatible  with 
reason  or  common  sense." 

The  same  pertinacity  was  maintained  with  respect  to  the  In- 
dians. George  Croghan  informed  Washington  that  the  sachems 
considered  themselves  treated  with  slight,  in  never  being  con- 
sulted in  war  matters.  That  he  himself  had  repeatedly  offered 
the  services  of  the  warriors  under  his  command  as  scouts  and 
outguards,  but  his  offers  had  been  rejected.  Washington  ven- 
tured to  interfere,  and  to  urge  their  importance  for  such  purposes, 
especially  now  when  they  were  approaching  the  stronghold  of  the 
enemy.  As  usual,  the  general  remained  bigoted  in  his  belief  of 
the  all-sufficiency  of  well-disciplined  troops. 

Either  from  disgust  thus  caused,  or  from  being  actually  dis- 
missed, the  warriors  began  to  disappear  from  the  camp.  It  is 
said  that  Colonel  Innes,  who  was  to  remain  in  command  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  advised  the  dismissal  of  all  but  a  few  to  serve  as 
guides ;  certain  it  is,  before  Braddock  recommenced  his  march, 
none  remained  to  accompany  him  but  Scarooyadi,  and  eight  of 
his  warriors.* 

Seeing  the  general's  impatience  at  the  non-arrival  of  convey- 
ances, Washington  again  represented  to  him  the  difficulties  he 
would  encounter  in  attempting  to  traverse  the  mountains  with 
such  a  train  of  wheel-carriages,  assuring  him  it  would  be  the 
most  arduous  part  of  the  campaign ;  and  recommended,  from  his 

*  Braddock's  own  secretary,  William  Shirley,  was  disaffected  to  him. 
"Writing  about  him  to  Governor  Morris,  he  satirically  observes :  "  We  have 
a  general  most  judiciously  chosen  for  being  disqualified  for  the  service  he 
is  employed  in,  in  almost  every  respect."  And  of  the  secondary  officers : 
"  As  to  them,  I  don't  think  we  have  much  to  boast.  Some  are  insolent  and 
ignorant ;  others  capable,  but  rather  aiming  at  showing  their  own  abilities 
than  making  a  proper  use  of  them." — Colonial  Records,  vi.,  405. 


162  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

own  experience,  the  substitution,  as  much  as  possible,  of  pack- 
horses.  Braddock,  however,  had  not  been  sufficiently  harassed 
by  frontier  campaigning  to  depart  from  his  European  modes,  or 
to  be  swayed  in  his  military  operations  by  so  green  a  counsellor. 

At  length  the  general  was  relieved  from  present  perplexities 
by  the  arrival  of  the  horses  and  waggons  which  Franklin  had  un- 
dertaken to  procure.  That  eminent  man,  with  his  characteristic 
promptness  and  unwearied  exertions,  and  by  his  great  personal 
popularity,  had  obtained  them  from  the  reluctant  Pennsylvania 
farmers,  being  obliged  to  pledge  his  own  responsibility  for  their 
being  fully  remunerated.  He  performed  this  laborious  task  out 
of  pure  zeal  for  the  public  service,  neither  expecting  nor  receiving 
emolument ;  and,  in  fact,  experiencing  subsequently  great  delay 
and  embarrassment  before  he  was  relieved  from  the  pecuniary  re- 
sponsibilities thus  patriotically  incurred. 

The  arrival  of  the  conveyances  put  Braddock  in  good  humor 
with  Pennsylvania.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Morris,  he  alludes  to 
the  threat  of  Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  go  through  that  province  with 
a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  "  He  is  ashamed  of  his  having  talked 
to  you  in  the  manner  he  did."  Still  the  general  made  Franklin's 
contract  for  waggons  the  sole  instance  in  which  he  had  not  expe- 
rienced deceit  and  villany.  "  I  hope,  however,  in  spite  of  all 
this,"  adds  he,  "  that  we  shall  pass  a  merry  Christmas  together." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MARCH    FROM   FORT   CUMBERLAND THE    GREAT    SAVAGE  MOUNTAIN— CAMP   AT  THE 

LITTLE  MEADOWS DIVISION   OF  THE  FORCES CAPTAIN   JACK   AND   HIS   BAND— 

8CAROOYADI   IN   DANGER — ILLNESS   OF  "WASHINGTON — HIS  HALT  AT  THE  YOUGHIO- 

GENT MARCH    OF    BRADDOCK — THE    GREAT    MEADOWS — LURKING    ENEMIES 

THEIR   TRACKS PRECAUTIONS THICKETTT    RUN SCOUTS — INDIAN    MURDERS 

FUNERAL  OF  AN  INDIAN  WARRIOR CAMP  ON  THE  MONONGAHELA WASHINGTON'S 

ARRIVAL   THERE — MARCH   FOR   FORT   DUQUESNE THE   FORDING   OF  THE  MONON- 
GAHELA  THE   BATTLE THE   RETREAT DEATH   OF   BRADDOCK. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  Braddock  set  off  from  Fort  Cumberland 
with  his  aides-de-camp,  and  others  of  his  staff,  and  his  body  guard 
of  light  horse.  Sir  Peter  Halket,  with  his  brigade,  had  marched 
three  days  previously ;  and  a  detachment  of  six  hundred  men, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Chapman,  and  the  supervision  of 
Sir  John  St.  Clair,  had  been  employed  upwards  of  ten  days  in 
cutting  down  trees,  removing  rocks,  and  opening  a  road. 

The  march  over  the  mountains  proved,  as  "Washington  had 
foretold,  a  "  tremendous  undertaking."  It  was  with  difficulty 
the  heavily  laden  waggons  could  be  dragged  up  the  steep  and 
rugged  roads,  newly  made,  or  imperfectly  repaired.  Often  they 
extended  for  three  or  four  miles  in  a  straggling  and  broken  line, 
with  the  soldiers  so  dispersed,  in  guarding  them,  that  an  attack 


164  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

on  any  side  would  have  thrown  the  whole  in  confusion.  It  was 
the  dreary  region  of  the  great  Savage  Mountain,  and  the  "  Shades 
of  Death  "  that  was  again  made  to  echo  with  the  din  of  arms. 

What  outraged  Washington's  notions  of  the  abstemious  fru- 
gality suitable  to  campaigning  in  the  "  backwoods,"  was  the  great 
number  of  horses  and  waggons  required  by  the  officers  for  the 
transportation  of  their  baggage,  camp  equipage,  and  a  thousand 
articles  of  artificial  necessity.  Simple  himself  in  his  tastes  and 
habits,  and  manfully  indifferent  to  personal  indulgences,  he  al- 
most doubted  whether  such  sybarites  in  the  camp  could  be  efficient 
in  the  field. 

By  the  time  the  advanced  corps  had  struggled  over  two 
mountains,  and  through  the  intervening  forest,  and  reached  (1  6th 
June)  the  Little  Meadows,  where  Sir  John  St.  Clair  had  made  a 
temporary  camp,  General  Braddock  had  become  aware  of  the  dif- 
ference between  campaigning  in  a  new  country,  or  on  the  old  v,  ell 
beaten  battle-grounds  of  Europe.  He  now,  of  his  own  accord, 
turned  to  Washington  for  advice,  though  it  must  have  been  a  sore 
trial  to  his  pride  to  seek  it  of  so  young  a  man ;  but  he  had  by 
this  time  sufficient  proof  of  his  sagacity,  and  his  knowledge  of  the 
frontier. 

Thus  unexpectedly  called  on,  Washington  gave  his  counsel 
with  becoming  modesty,  but  with  his  accustomed  clearness. 
There  was  just  now  an  opportunity  to  strike  an  effective  blow  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  but  it  might  be  lost  by  delay.  The  garrison, 
according  to  credible  reports,  was  weak;  large  reinforcements 
and  supplies,  which  were  on  their  way,  would  be  detained  by  the 
drought,  which  rendered  the  river  by  which  they  must  come  low 
and  unnavigable.  The  blow  must  be  struck  before  they  could 
arrive.     He  advised  the  general,  therefore,  to  divide  his  forces ; 


1755.]  CAPTAIN   JACK   AND   HIS   BAND.  165 

leave  one  part  to  come  on  with  the  stores  and  baggage,  and  all  the 
cumbrous  appurtenances  of  an  army,  and  to  throw  himself  in  the  ad- 
vance with  the  other  part,  composed  of  his  choicest  troops,  light- 
ened of  every  thing  superfluous  that  might  impede  a  rapid  march. 

His  advice  was  adopted.  Twelve  hundred  men,  selected  out 
of  all  the  companies,  and  furnished  with  ten  field-pieces,  were  to 
form  the  first  division,  their  provisions,  and  other  necessaries,  to 
be  carried  on  packhorses.  The  second  division,  with  all  the 
stores,  munitions,  and  heavy  baggage,  was  to  be  brought  on  by 
Colonel  Dunbar. 

The  least  practicable  part  of  the  arrangement  was  with  regard 
to  the  officers  of  the  advance.  Washington  had  urged  a  retrench- 
ment of  their  baggage  and  camp  equipage,  that  as  many  of  their 
horses  as  possible  might  be  used  as  packhorses.  Here  was  the 
difficulty.  Brought  up,  many  of  them,  in  fashionable  and  luxu- 
rious life,  or  the  loitering  indulgence  of  country  quarters,  they 
were  so  encumbered  with  what  they  considered  indispensable 
necessaries,  that  out  of  two  hundred  and  twelve  horses  generally 
appropriated  to  their  use,  not  more  than  a  dozen  could  be  spared 
by  them  for  the  public  service.  "Washington,  in  his  own  case, 
acted  up  to  the  advice  he  had  given.  He  retained  no  more  cloth- 
ing and  effects  with  him  than  would  about  half  fill  a  portmanteau, 
and  gave  up  his  best  steed  as  a  packhorse, — which  he  never  heard 
of  afterwards.* 

During  the  halt  at  the  Little  Meadows,  Captain  Jack  and  his 
band  of  forest  rangers,  whom  Croghan  had  engaged  at  Governor 
Morris's  suggestion,  made  their  appearance  in  the  camp ;  armed 
and  equipped  with  rifle,  knife,  hunting-shirts,  leggings  and  moc- 

*  Letter  to  J.  Augustine  Washington.     Sparks,  ii.,  81. 


166  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1156. 

casins,  and  looking  almost  like  a  band  of  Indians  as  they  issued 
from  the  woods. 

The  captain  asked  an  interview  with  the  general,  by  whom,  it 
would  seem,  he  was  not  expected.  Braddock  received  him  in  his 
tent,  in  his  usual  stiff  and  stately  manner.  The  "  Black  Rifle  " 
spoke  of  himself  and  his  followers  as  men  inured  to  hardships, 
and  accustomed  to  deal  with  Indians,  who  preferred  stealth  and 
stratagem  to  open  warfare.  He  requested  his  company  should  be 
employed  as  a  reconnoitering  party,  to  beat  up  the  Indians  in  their 
lurking-places  and  ambuscades. 

Braddock,  who  had  a  sovereign  contempt  for  the  chivalry  of 
the  woods,  and  despised  their  boasted  strategy,  replied  to  the  hero 
of  the  Pennsylvania  settlements  in  a  manner  to  which  he  had  not 
been  accustomed.  "  There  was  time  enough,"  he  said,  "  for 
making  arrangements ;  and  he  had  experienced  troops,  on  whom 
he  could  completely  rely  for  all  purposes." 

Captain  Jack  withdrew,  indignant  at  so  haughty  a  reception, 
and  informed  his  leathern-clad  followers  of  his  rebuff.  They  forth- 
with shouldered  their  rifles,  turned  their  backs  upon  the  camp, 
and,  headed  by'the  captain,  departed  in  Indian  file  through  the 
woods,  for  the  usual  scenes  of  their  exploits,  where  men  knew 
their  value,  the  banks  of  the  Juniata  or  the  Conococheague.* 

On  the  19th  of  June  Braddock's  first  division  set  out,  with  less 
than  thirty  carriages,  including  those  that  transported  ammunition 
for  the  artillery,  all  strongly  horsed.  The  Indians  marched  with 
the  advanced  party.     In  the  course  of  the  day,  Scarooyadi  and 

*  On  the  Conococheague  and  Juniata  is  left  the  history  of  their  ex- 
ploits. At  one  time  you  may  hear  of  the  band  near  Fort  Augusta,  next  at 
Fort  Franklin,  then  at  Loudon,  then  at  Juniata, — rapid  were  the  movements 
of  this  hardy  band. — Hazard's  Beg.  Penn.,  iv.,  390;  also,  v.,  194. 


1755.]  A   SCIENTIFIC    MARCH.  167 

his  son  being  at  a  small  distance  from  the  line  of  march,  was 
surrounded  and  taken  by  some  French  and  Indians.  His  son 
escaped,  and  brought  intelligence  to  his  warriors ;  they  hastened 
to  rescue  or  revenge  him,  but  found  him  tied  to  a  tree.  The 
French  had  been  disposed  to  shoot  him,  but  their  savage  allies 
declared  they  would  abandon  them  should  they  do  so ;  having 
some  tie  of  friendship  or  kindred  with  the  chieftain,  who  thus 
rejoined  the  troops  unharmed. 

Washington  was  disappointed  in  his  anticipations  of  a  rapid 
march.  The  general,  though  he  had  adopted  his  advice  in  the 
main,  could  not  carry  it  out  in  detail  His  military  education 
was  in  the  way ;  bigoted  to  the  regular  and  elaborate  tactics  of 
Europe,  he  could  not  stoop  to  the  make-shift  expedients  of  a  new 
country,  where  every  difficulty  is  encountered  and  mastered  in  a 
rough-and-ready  style.  "  I  found,"  said  Washington,  "  that  in- 
stead of  pushing  on  with  vigor,  without  regarding  a  little  rough 
road,  they  were  halting  to  level  every  mole  hill,  and  to  erect 
bridges  over  every  brook,  by  which  means  we  were  four  days  in 
getting  twelve  miles." 

For  several  days  Washington  had  suffered  from  fever,  accom- 
panied by  intense  headache,  and  his  illness  increased  in  violence 
to  such  a  degree  that  he  was  unable  to  ride,  and  had  to  be  con- 
veyed for  a  part  of  the  time  in  a  covered  waggon.  His  illness 
continued  without  intermission  until  the  23d,  "  when  I  was  re- 
lieved," says  he,  "  by  the  general's  absolutely  ordering  the  phy- 
sician to  give  me  Dr.  James's  powders ;  one  of  the  most  excel- 
lent medicines  in  the  world.  It  gave  me  immediate  relief,  and 
removed  my  fever  and  other  complaints  in  four  days'  time." 

He  was  still  unable  to  bear  the  jolting  of  the  waggon,  but  it 
needed  another  interposition  of  the  kindly-intended  authority  of 


168  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

General  Braddock,  to  bring  him  to  a  halt  at  the  great  crossings 
of  the  Youghiogeny.  There  the  general  assigned  him  a  guard, 
provided  him  with  necessaries,  and  requested  him  to  remain,  un- 
der care  of  his  physician,  Dr.  Craik,  until  the  arrival  of  Colonel 
Dunbar's  detachment,  which  was  two  days'  march  in  the  rear ; 
giving  him  his  word  of  honor  that  he  should,  at  all  events,  be 
enabled  to  rejoin  the  main  division  before  it  reached  the  French 
fort.* 

This  kind  solicitude  on  the  part  of  Braddock,  shows  the  real 
estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  that  officer.  Doctor  Craik 
backed  the  general's  orders,  by  declaring  that  should  Washington 
persevere  in  his  attempts  to  go  on  in  the  condition  he  then  was, 
his  life  would  be  in  danger.  Orme  also  joined  his  entreaties,  and 
promised,  if  he  would  remain,  he  would  keep  him  informed  by 
letter  of  every  occurrence  of  moment. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  kind  assurances  of  Braddock  and  his 
aide-de-camp  Orme,  it  was  with  gloomy  feelings  that  Washington 
saw  the  troops  depart;  fearful  he  might  not  be  able  to  rejoin 
them  in  time  for  the  attack  upon  the  fort,  which,  he  assured  his 
brother  aide-de-camp,  he  would  not  miss  for  five  hundred  pounds. 

Leaving  Washington  at  the  Youghiogeny,  we  will  follow  the 
march  of  Braddock.  In  the  course  of  the  first  day  (June  24th), 
he  came  to  a  deserted  Indian  camp ;  judging  from  the  number  of 
wigwams,  there  must  have  been  about  one  hundred  and  seventy 
warriors.  Some  of  the  trees  about  it  had  been  stripped,  and 
painted  with  threats,  and  bravadoes,  and  scurrilous  taunts  writ- 
ten on  them  in  the  French  language,  showing  that  there  were 
white  men  with  the  savages. 

*  Letter  to  John  Augustine  Washington.     Sparks,  ii.,  80. 


1755.]  DESERTED   INDIAN    CAMP.  169 

The  next  morning  at  daybreak,  three  men  venturing  beyond 
the  sentinels  were  shot  and  scalped;  parties  were  immediately 
sent  out  to  scour  the  woods,  and  drive  in  the  stray  horses. 

The  day's  march  passed  by  the  Great  Meadows  and  Fort 
Necessity,  the  scene  of  Washington's  capitulation.  Several  In- 
dians were  seen  hovering  in  the  woods,  and  the  light  horse  and 
Indian  allies  were  sent  out  to  surround  them,  but  did  not  suc- 
ceed. In  crossing  a  mountain  beyond  the  Great  Meadows,  the 
carriages  had  to  be  lowered  with  the  assistance  of  the  sailors,  by 
means  of  tackle.  The  camp  for  the  night  was  about  two  miles 
beyond  Fort  Necessity.  Several  French  and  Indians  endeavored 
to  reconnoitre  it,  but  were  fired  upon  by  the  advanced  sentinels. 

The  following  day  (26th)  there  was  a  laborious  march  of  but 
four  miles,  owing  to  the  difficulties  of  the  road.  The  evening 
halt  was  at  another  deserted  Indian  camp,  strongly  posted  on  a 
high  rock,  with  a  steep  and  narrow  ascent ;  it  had  a  spring  in 
the  middle,  and  stood  at  the  termination  of  the  Indian  path  to 
the  Monbngahela.  By  this  pass  the  party  had  come  which  at- 
tacked Washington  the  year  before,  in  the  Great  Meadows.  The 
Indians  and  French  too,  who  were  hovering  about  the  army,  had 
just  left  this  camp.  The  fires  they  had  left  were  yet  burning. 
The  French  had  inscribed  their  names  on  some  of  the  trees  with 
insulting  bravadoes,  and  the  Indians  had  designated  in  triumph 
the  scalps  they  had  taken  two  days  previously.  A  party  was  sent 
out  with  guides,  to  follow  their  tracks  and  fall  on  them  in  the 
night,  but  again  without  success.  In  fact,  it  was  the  Indian 
boast,  that  throughout  this  march  of  Braddock,  they  saw  him 
every  day  from  the  mountains,  and  expected  to  be  able  to  shoot 
down  his  soldiers  "  like  pigeons." 

The  march  continued  to  be  toilful  and  difficult ;  on  one  day 

Vol.  I.— 8 


170  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755 

it  did  not  exceed  two  miles,  having  to  cut  a  passage  over  a  moun- 
tain. In  cleaning  their  guns  the  men  were  ordered  to  draw  the 
charge,  instead  of  firing  it  off.  No  fire  was  to  be  lighted  in  front 
of  the  pickets.  At  night  the  men  were  to  take  their  arms  into 
the  tents  with  them. 

Further  on  the  precautions  became  still  greater.  On  the  ad- 
vanced pickets  the  men  were  in  two  divisions,  relieving  each 
other  every  two  hours.  Half  remained  on  guard  with  fixed 
bayonets,  the  other  half  lay  down  by  their  arms.  The  picket 
sentinels  were  doubled. 

On  the  4th  of  July  they  encamped  at  Thicketty  Run.  The 
country  was  less  mountainous  and  rocky,  and  the  woods,  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  white  pine,  were  more  open.  The  general  now  sup- 
posed himself  to  be  within  thirty  miles  of  Fort  Duquesne.  Ever 
since  his  halt  at  the  deserted  camp  on  the  rock  beyond  the  Great 
Meadows,  he  had  endeavored  to  prevail  upon  the  Croghan  In- 
dians to  scout  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  and  bring  him  intelli- 
gence, but  never  could  succeed.  They  had  probably  been  deterred 
by  the  number  of  French  and  Indian  tracks,  and  by  the  recent 
capture  of  Scarooyadi.  This  day,  however,  two  consented  to 
reconnoitre ;  and  shortly  after  their  departure,  Christopher  Gist, 
the  resolute  pioneer,  who  acted  as  guide  to  the  general,  likewise 
set  off  as  a  scout. 

The  Indians  returned  on  the  6th.  They  had  been  close  to 
Fort  Duquesne.  There  were  no  additional  works  there ;  they 
saw  a  few  boats  under  the  fort,  and  one  with  a  white  flag  coming 
down  the  Ohio ;  but  there  were  few  men  to  be  seen,  and  few 
tracks  of  any.  They  came  upon  an  unfortunate  officer,  shooting 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  fort,  and  brought  a  scalp  as  a 
trophy  of  his  fate.     None  of  the  passes  between  the  camp  and 


1155.}  OBSEQUIES   OF    AN    INDIAN   WARRIOR.  171 

fort  were  occupied ;  they  believed  there  were  few  men  abroad  re* 
connoitering. 

Gist  returned  soon  after  them.  His  account  corroborated 
theirs ;  but  he  had  seen  a  smoke  in  a  valley  between  the  camp 
and  the  fort,  made  probably  by  some  scouting  party.  He  had 
intended  to  prowl  about  the  fort  at  night,  but  had  been  discovered 
and  pursued  by  two  Indians,  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life. 

On  the  same  day,  during  the  march,  three  or  four  men  loi- 
tering in  the  rear  of  the  grenadiers  were  killed  and  scalped. 
Several  of  the  grenadiers  set  off  to  take  revenge.  They  came 
upon  a  party  of  Indians,  who  held  up  boughs  and  grounded  their 
arms,  the  concerted  sign  of  amity.  Not  perceiving  or  under- 
standing it,  the  grenadiers  fired  upon  them,  and  one  fell.  It 
proved  to  be  the  son  of  Scarooyadi.  Aware  too  late  of  their 
error,  the  grenadiers  brought  the  body  to  the  camp.  The  con- 
duct of  Braddock  was  admirable  on  the  occasion.  He  sent  for 
the  father  and  the  other  Indians,  and  condoled  with  them  on  the 
lamentable  occurrence ;  making  them  the  customary  presents  of 
expiation.  But  what  was  more  to  the  point,  he  caused  the  youth 
to  be  buried  with  the  honors  of  war ;  at  his  request  the  officers 
attended  the  funeral,  and  a  volley  was  fired  over  the  grave. 

These  soldierlike  tributes  of  respect  to  the  deceased,  and  sympa- 
thy with  the  survivors,  soothed  the  feelings  and  gratified  the 
pride  of  the  father,  and  attached  him  more  firmly  to  the  service. 
We  are  glad  to  record  an  anecdote  so  contrary  to  the  general  con- 
tempt for  the  Indians  with  which  Braddock  stands  charged.  It 
speaks  well  for  the  real  kindness  of  his  heart. 

We  will  return  now  to  Washington  in  his  sick  encampment 
on  the  banks  of  the  Youghiogeny  where  he  was  left  repining  at 
the  departure  of  the  troops  without  him.     To  add  to  his  annoy- 


172  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

ances,  his  servant,  John  Alton,  a  faithful  Welshman,  was  taken 
ill  with  the  same  malady,  and  unable  to  render  him  any  services. 
Letters  from  his  fellow  aides-de-camp  showed  him  the  kind  solici- 
tude that  was  felt  concerning  him.  At  the  general's  desire,  Cap- 
tain Morris  wrote  to  him,  informing  him  of  their  intended  halts. 

"  It  is  the  desire  of  every  individual  in  the  family,"  adds  he, 
"  and  the  general's  positive  commands  to  you,  not  to  stir,  but  by 
the  advice  of  the  person  [Dr.  Craik]  under  whose  care  you  are, 
till  you  are  better,  which  we  all  hope  will  be  very  soon." 

Orme,  too,  according  to  promise,  kept  him  informed  of  the 
incidents  of  the  march ;  the  frequent  night  alarms,  and  occasional 
scalping  parties.  The  night  alarms  Washington  considered  mere 
feints,  designed  to  harass  the  men  and  retard  the  march;  the 
enemy,  he  was  sure,  had  not  sufficient  force  for  a  serious  attack ; 
and  he  was  glad  to  learn  from  Orme  that  the  men  were  in  high 
spirits  and  confident  of  success. 

He  now  considered  himself  sufficiently  recovered  to  rejoin  the 
troops,  and  his  only  anxiety  was  that  he  should  not  be  able  to  do 
it  in  time  for  the  great  blow.  He  was  rejoiced,  therefore,  on  the 
3d  of  July,  by  the  arrival  of  an  advanced  party  of  one  hundred 
men  convoying  provisions.  Being  still  too  weak  to  mount  his 
horse,  he  set  off  with  the  escort  in  a  covered  waggon ;  and  after 
a  most  fatiguing  journey,  over  mountain  and  through  forest, 
reached  Braddock's  camp  on  the  8th  of  July.  It  was  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Monongahela,  about  two  miles  from  the  river, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town  of  Queen  Aliquippa,  and  about 
fifteen  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne. 

In  consequence  of  adhering  to  technical  rules  and  military 
forms,  General  Braddock  had  consumed  a  month  in  marching 
little  more  than  a  hundred  miles.     The  tardiness  of  his  progress 


1755.]  A.RRIVAL   AT    THE    CAMP.  173 

was  regarded  with  surprise  and  impatience  even  in  Europe ;  where 
his  patron,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  was  watching  the  events  of 
the  campaign  he  had  planned.  "  The  Duke,"  writes  Horace  Wal- 
pole,  "  is  much  dissatisfied  at  the  slowness  of  General  Braddock, 
who  does  not  march  as  if  he  was  at  all  impatient  to  be 
scalped."  The  insinuation  of  the  satirical  wit  was  unmerited. 
Braddock  was  a  stranger  to  fear ;  but  in  his  movements  he  was 
fettered  by  system. 

Washington  was  warmly  received  on  his  arrival,  especially  by 
his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Morris  and  Orme.  He  was  just  in  time, 
for  the  attack  upon  Fort  Duquesne  was  to  be  made  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  neighboring  country  had  been  reconnoitered  to 
determine  upon  a  plan  of  attack.  The  fort  stood  on  the  same 
side  of  the  Monongahela  with  the  camp  ;  but  there  was  a  narrow 
pass  between  them  of  about  two  miles,  with  the  river  on  the  left 
and  a  very  high  mountain  on  the  right,  and  in  its  present  state 
quite  impassable  for  carriages.  The  route  determined  on  was  to 
cross  the  Monongahela  by  a  ford  immediately  opposite  to  the 
camp ;  proceed  along  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  for  about  five 
miles,  then  recross  by  another  ford  to  the  eastern  side,  and 
push  on  to  the  fort.  The  river  at  these  fords  was  shallow,  and 
the  banks  were  not  steep. 

According  to  the  plan  of  arrangement,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gage,  with  the  advance,  was  to  cross  the  river  before  daybreak, 
march  to  the  second  ford,  and  recrossing  there,  take  post  to 
secure  the  passage  of  the  main  force.  The  advance  was  to  be 
composed  of  two  companies  of  grenadiers,  one  hundred  and  sixty 
infantry,  the  independent  company  of  Captain  Horatio  Gates,  and 
two  six  pounders. 

"Washington,  who  had  already  seen  enough  of  regular  troops 


174  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1155. 


to  doubt  their  infallibility  in  wild  bush-fighting,  and  who  knew 
the  dangerous  nature  of  the  ground  they  were  to  traverse,  ven- 
tured to  suggest,  that  on  the  following  day  the  Virginia  rangers, 
being  accustomed  to  the  country  and  to  Indian  warfare,  might  be 
thrown  in  the  advance.  The  proposition  drew  an  angry  reply 
from  the  general,  indignant,  very  probably,  that  a  young  provin- 
cial officer  should  presume  to  school  a  veteran  like  himself. 

Early  next  morning  (July  9th),  before  daylight,  Colonel  Gage 
crossed  with  the  advance.  He  was  followed,  at  some  distance,  by 
Sir  John  St.  Clair,  quartermaster-general,  with  a  working  party 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  make  roads  for  the  artillery  and 
baggage.  They  had  with  them  their  waggons  of  tools,  and  two 
six  pounders.  A  party  of  about  thirty  savages  rushed  out  of  the 
woods  as  Colonel  Gage  advanced,  but  were  put  to  flight  before 
they  had  done  any  harm. 

By  sunrise  the  main  body  turned  out  in  full  uniform.  At  the 
beating  of  the  general,  their  arms,  which  had  been  cleaned  the 
night  before,  were  charged  with  fresh  cartridges.  The  officers 
were  perfectly  equipped.  All  looked  as  if  arrayed  for  a  fete, 
rather  than  a  battle.  Washington,  who  was  still  weak  and  un- 
well, mounted  his  horse,  and  joined  the  staff  of  the  general,  who 
was  scrutinizing  every  thing  with  the  eye  of  a  martinet.  As  it 
was  supposed  the  enemy  would  be  on  the  watch  for  the  crossing 
of  the  troops,  it  had  been  agreed  that  they  should  do  it  in  the 
greatest  order,  with  bayonets  fixed,  colors  flying,  and  drums  and 
fifes  beating  and  playing.*  They  accordingly  made  a  gallant  ap- 
pearance as  they  forded  the  Monongahela,  and  wound  along  its 
banks,  and  through  the  open  forests,  gleaming  and  glittering  in 

*  Orme's  Journal. 


1755.]  CROSSING   THE    FORDS.  175 

morning  sunshine,  and  stepping  buoyantly  to  the  Grenadier's 
March. 

Washington,  with  his  keen  and  youthful  relish  for  military 
affairs,  was  delighted  with  their  perfect  order  and  equipment,  so 
different  from  the  rough  bush-fighters,  to  which  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed. Roused  to  new  life,  he  forgot  his  recent  ailments,  and 
broke  forth  in  expressions  of  enjoyment  and  admiration,  as  he 
rode  in  company  with  his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Orme  and  Morris. 
Often,  in  after  life,  he  used  to  speak  of  the  effect  upon  him  of 
the  first  sight  of  a  well-disciplined  European  army,  marching  in 
high  confidence  and  bright  array,  on  the  eve  of  a  battle. 

About  noon  they  reached  the  second  ford.  Gage,  with  the  ad- 
vance, was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Monongahela,  posted  ac- 
cording to  orders ;  but  the  river  bank  had  not  been  sufficiently 
sloped.  The  artillery  and  baggage  drew  up  along  the  beach  and 
halted  until  one,  when  the  second  crossing  took  place,  drums 
beating,  fifes  playing,  and  colors  flying,  as  before.  "When  all 
had  passed,  there  was  again  a  halt  close  by  a  small  stream  called 
Frazier's  Run,  until  the  general  arranged  the  order  of  march. 

First  went  the  advance,  under  Gage,  preceded  by  the  engineers 
and  guides,  and  six  light  horsemen. 

Then,  Sir  John  St.  Clair  and  the  working  party,  with  their 
waggons  and  the  two  six  pounders.  On  each  side  were  thrown 
out  four  flanking  parties. 

Then,  at  some  distance,  the  general  was  to  follow  with  the 
main  body,  the  artillery  and  baggage  preceded  and  flanked  by 
light  horse  and  squads  of  infantry;  while  the  Virginian,  and 
other  provincial  troops,  were  to  form  the  rear  guard. 

The  ground  before  them  was  level  until  about  half  a  mile 


176  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

from  the  river,  where  a  rising  ground,  covered  with  long  grass, 
low  bushes,  and  scattered  trees,  sloped  gently  up  to  a  range  of  hills. 
The  whole  country,  generally  speaking,  was  a  forest,  with  no  clear 
opening  but  the  road,  which  was  about  twelve  feet  wide,  and 
flanked  by  two  ravines,  concealed  by  trees  and  thickets. 

Had  Braddock  been  schooled  in  the  warfare  of  the  woods,  or 
had  he  adopted  the  suggestions  of  Washington,  which  he  rejected 
so  impatiently,  he  would  have  thrown  out  Indian  scouts  or  Vir- 
ginia rangers  in  the  advance,  and  on  the  flanks,  to  beat  up  the 
woods  and  ravines ;  but,  as  has  been  sarcastically  observed,  he 
suffered  his  troops  to  march  forward  through  the  centre  of  the 
plain,  with  merely  their  usual  guides  and  flanking  parties,  "  as  if 
in  a  review  in  St.  James'  Park." 

It  was  now  near  two  o'clock.  The  advanced  party  and  the 
working  party  had  crossed  the  plain  and  were  ascending  the  ris- 
ing ground.  Braddock  was  about  to  follow  with  the  main  body 
and  had  given  the  word  to  march,  when  he  heard  an  excessively 
quick  and  heavy  firing  in  front.  Washington,  who  was  with  the 
general,  surmised  that  the  evil  he  had  apprehended  had  come  to 
pass.  For  want  of  scouting  parties  ahead  the  advance  parties 
were  suddenly  and  warmly  attacked.  Braddock  ordered  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Burton  to  hasten  to  their  assistance  with  the  van- 
guard of  the  main  body,  eight  hundred  strong.  The  residue,  four 
hundred,  were  halted,  and  posted  to  protect  the  artillery  and  bag- 
gage. 

The  firing  continued,  with  fearful  yelling.  There  was  a  terri- 
ble uproar.  By  the  general's  orders  an  aide-de-camp  spurred 
forward  to  bring  him  an  account  of  the  nature  of  the  attack. 
Without  waiting  for  his  return  the  general  himself,  finding  the 


1755.]  BUSH-FIGHTING.  177 

turmoil  increase,  moved  forward,  leaving  Sir  Peter  Halket  with 
the  command  of  the  baggage.* 

The  van  of  the  advance  had  indeed  been  taken  by  surprise. 
It  was  composed  of  two  companies  of  carpenters  or  pioneers  to 
cut  the  road,  and  two  flank  companies  of  grenadiers  to  protect 
them.  Suddenly  the  engineer  who  preceded  them  to  mark  out 
the  road  gave  the  alarm,  "  French  and  Indians  !"  A  body  of  them 
was  approaching  rapidly,  cheered  on  by  a  Frenchman  in  gaily 
fringed  hunting-shirt,  whose  gorget  showed  him  to  be  an  officer. 
There  was  sharp  firing  on  both  sides  at  first.  Several  of  the 
enemy  fell ;  among  them  their  leader ;  but  a  murderous  fire  broke 
out  from  among  trees  and  a  ravine  on  the  right,  and  the  woods 
resounded  with  unearthly  whoops  and  yellings.  The  Indian  rifle 
was  at  work,  levelled  by  unseen  hands.  Most  of  the  grenadiers 
and  many  of  the  pioneers  were  shot  down.  The  survivors  were 
driven  in  on  the  advance. 

Gage  ordered  his  men  to  fix  bayonets  and  form  in  order  of 
battle.  They  did  so  in  hurry  and  trepidation.  He  would  have 
scaled  a  hill  on  the  right  whence  there  was  the  severest  firing. 
Not  a  platoon  would  quit  the  line  of  march.  They  were  more 
dismayed  by  the  yells  than  by  the  rifles  of  the  unseen  savages. 
The  latter  extended  themselves  along  the  hill  and  in  the 
ravines;  but  their  whereabouts  was  only  known  by  their  de- 
moniac cries  and  the  puffs  of  smoke  from  their  rifles.  The 
soldiers  fired  wherever  they  saw  the  smoke.  Their  officers  tried 
in  vain  to  restrain  them  until  they  should  see  their  foe.  All 
orders  were  unheeded;  in  their  fright  they  shot  at  random,  kill- 
ing some  of  their  own  flanking  parties,  and  of  the  vanguard,  as 
they  came  running  in.     The  covert  fire  grew  more  intense.     In  a 

*  Orme's  Journal. 
Vol.  I.— 8* 


178  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

short  time  most  of  the  officers  and  many  of  the  men  of  the  ad- 
vance were  killed  or  wounded.  Colonel  Gage  himself  received  a 
wound.  The  advance  fell  back  in  dismay  upon  Sir  John  St. 
Clair's  corps,  which  was  equally  dismayed.  The  cannon  belonging 
to  it  were  deserted. 

Colonel  Burton  had  come  up  with  the  reinforcement,  and  was 
forming  his  men  to  face  the  rising  ground  on  the  right,  when 
both  of  the  advanced  detachments  fell  back  upon  him,  and  all  now 
was  confusion. 

By  this  time  the  general  was  upon  the  ground.  He  tried  to 
rally  the  men.  "  They  would  fight,"  they  said,  "  if  they  could 
see  their  enemy ;  but  it  was  useless  to  fire  at  trees  and  bushes, 
and  they  could  not  stand  to  be  shot  down  by  an  invisible  foe." 

The  colors  were  advanced  in  different  places  to  separate  the 
men  of  the  two  regiments.  The  general  ordered  the  officers  to 
form  the  men,  tell  them  off  into  small  divisions,  and  advance  with 
them;  but  the  soldiers  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  either  by 
threats  or  entreaties.  The  Virginia  troops,  accustomed  to  the 
Indian  mode  of  fighting,  scattered  themselves,  and  took  post  be- 
hind trees,  where  they  could  pick  off  the  lurking  foe.  In  this 
way  they,  in  some  degree,  protected  the  regulars.  Washington 
advised  General  Braddock  to  adopt  the  same  plan  with  the  regu- 
lars; but  he  persisted  in  forming  them  into  platoons;  conse- 
quently they  were  cut  down  from  behind  logs  and  trees  as  fast  as 
they  could  advance.  Several  attempted  to  take  to  the  trees, 
without  orders,  but  the  general  stormed  at  them,  called  them  cow- 
ards, and  even  struck  them  with  the  flat  of  his  sword.  Several 
of  the  Virginians,  who  had  taken  post  and  were  doing  good  ser- 
vice in  this  manner,  were  slain  by  the  fire  of  the  regulars,  directed 
wherever  a  smoke  appeared  among  the  trees. 


1755.]  WASHINGTON   IN    ACTION.  179 

The  officers  behaved  with  consummate  bravery ;  and  Wash- 
ington beheld  with  admiration  those  who,  in  camp  or  on  the 
march,  had  appeared  to  him  to  have  an  almost  effeminate  regard 
for  personal  ease  and  convenience,  now  exposing  themselves  to 
imminent  death,  with  a  courage  that  kindled  with  the  thick- 
ening horrors.  In  the  vain  hope  of  inspiriting  the  men  to  drive 
off  the  enemy  from  the  flanks  and  regain  the  cannon,  they  would 
dash  forward  singly  or  in  groups.  They  were  invariably  shot 
down ;  for  the  Indians  aimed  from  their  coverts  at  every  one  on 
horseback,  or  who  appeared  to  have  command. 

Some  were  killed  by  random  shot  of  their  own  men,  who, 
crowded  in  masses,  fired  with  affrighted  rapidity,  but  without  aim. 
Soldiers  in  the  front  ranks  were  killed  by  those  in  the  rear.  Be- 
tween friend  and  foe,  the  slaughter  of  the  officers  was  terrible. 
All  this  while  the  woods  resounded  with  the  unearthly  yellings  of 
the  savages,  and  now  and  then  one  of  them,  hideously  painted,  and 
ruffling  with  feathered  crest,  would  rush  forth  to  scalp  an  officer 
who  had  fallen,  or  seize  a  horse  galloping  wildly  without  a  rider. 

Throughout  this  disastrous  day,  "Washington  distinguished 
himself  by  his  courage  and  presence  of  mind.  His  brother  aids, 
Orme  and  Morris,  were  wounded  and  disabled  early  in  the  action, 
and  the  whole  duty  of  carrying  the  orders  of  the  general  de- 
volved on  him.  His  danger  was  imminent  and  incessant.  He 
was  in  every  part  of  the  field,  a  conspicuous  mark  for  the  murder- 
ous rifle.  Two  horses  were  shot  under  him.  Four  bullets  passed 
through  his  coat.  His  escape  without  a  wound  was  almost  mira- 
culous. Dr.  Craik,  who  was  on  the  field  attending  to  the  wound- 
ed, watched  him  with  anxiety  as  he  rode  about  in  the  most 
exposed  manner,  and  used  to  say  that  he  expected  every  moment 
to  see  him  fall.     At  one  time  he  was  sent  to  the  main  body  to 


180  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

bring  the  artillery  into  action.  All  there  was  likewise  in  confu- 
sion ;  for  the  Indians  had  extended  themselves  along  the  ravine 
so  as  to  flank  the  reserve  and  carry  slaughter  into  the  ranks.  Sir 
Peter  Halket  had  been  shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  regiment. 
The  men  who  should  have  served  the  guns  were  paralyzed.  Had 
they  raked  the  ravines  with  grapeshot  the  day  might  have  been 
saved.  In  his  ardor  Washington  sprang  from  his  horse ;  wheeled 
and  pointed  a  brass  field-piece  with  his  own  hand,  and  directed  an 
effective  discharge  into  the  woods;  but  neither  his  efforts  nor 
example  were  of  avail.     The  men  could  not  be  kept  to  the  guns. 

Braddock  still  remained  in  the  centre  of  the  field,  in  the  des- 
perate hope  of  retrieving  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  The  Virginia 
rangers,  who  had  been  most  efficient  in  covering  his  position, 
were  nearly  all  killed  or  wounded.  His  secretary,  Shirley,  had 
fallen  by  his  side.  Many  of  his  officers  had  been  slain  within  his 
sight,  and  many  of  his  guard  of  Virginia  light  horse.  Five 
horses  had  been  killed  under  him ;  still  he  kept  his  ground,  vainly 
endeavoring  to  check  the  flight  of  his  men,  or  at  least  to  effect 
their  retreat  in  good  order.  At  length  a  bullet  passed  through 
his  right  arm,  and  lodged  itself  in  his  lungs.  He  fell  from  his 
horse,  but  was  caught  by  Captain  Stewart  of  the  Virginia  guards, 
who,  with  the  assistance  of  another  American,  and  a  servant, 
placed  him  in  a  tumbril.  It  was  with  much  difficulty  they  got 
him  out  of  the  field — in  his  despair  he  desired  to  be  left  there.* 

The  rout  now  became  complete.  Baggage,  stores,  artillery, 
every  thing  was  abandoned.  The  waggoners  took  each  a  horse 
out  of  his  team,  and  fled.  The  officers  were  swept  off  with  the 
men  in  this  headlong  flight.     It  was  rendered  more  precipitate 

*  Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment 


^55.]  THE    RETREAT.  181 

by  the  shouts  and  yells  of  the  savages,  numbers  of  whom  rushed 
forth  from  their  coverts,  and  pursued  the  fugitives  to  the  river 
side,  killing  several  as  they  dashed  across  in  tumultuous  confu- 
sion. Fortunately  for  the  latter,  the  victors  gave  up  the  pursuit 
in  their  eagerness  to  collect  the  spoil. 

The  shattered  army  continued  its  flight  after  it  had  crossed 
the  Monongahela,  a  wretched  wreck  of  the  brilliant  little  force 
that  had  recently  gleamed  along  its  banks,  confident  of  victory. 
Out  of  eighty-six  officers,  twenty-six  had  been  killed,  and  thirty- 
six  wounded.  The  number  of  rank  and  file  killed  and  wounded 
was  upwards  of  seven  hundred.  The  Virginia  corps  had  suffered 
the  most ;  one  company  had  been  almost  annihilated,  another, 
beside  those  killed  and  wounded  in  the  ranks,  had  lost  all  its 
officers,  even  to  the  corporal. 

About  a  hundred  men  were  brought  to  a  halt  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  from  the  ford  of  the  river.  Here  was  Braddock,  with 
his  wounded  aides-de-camp  and  some  of  his  officers ;  Dr.  Craik 
dressing  his  wounds,  and  Washington  attending  him  with  faithful 
assiduity.  Braddock  was  still  able  to  give  orders,  and  had  a 
faint  hope  of  being  able  to  keep  possession  of  the  ground  until  re- 
inforced. Most  of  the  men  were  stationed  in  a  very  advantageous 
spot  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  road ;  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Burton  posted  out  small  parties  and  sentinels.  Before  an 
hour  had  elapsed  most  of  the  men  had  stolen  off.  Being  thus 
deserted,  Braddock  and  his  officers  continued  their  retreat ;  he 
would  have  mounted  his  horse  but  was  unable,  and  had  to  be  car- 
ried by  soldiers.  Orme  and  Morris  were  placed  on  litters  borne 
by  horses.  They  were  subsequently  joined  by  Colonel  Gage  with 
eighty  men  whom  he  had  rallied. 

Washington,   in  the  mean    time,  notwithstanding  his  weak 


182  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

Btate,  being  found  most  efficient  in  frontier  service,  was  sent  to 
Colonel  Dunbar's  camp,  forty  miles  distant,  with  orders  for  him 
to  hurry  forward  provisions,  hospital  stores,  and  waggons  for  the 
wounded,  under  the  escort  of  two  grenadier  companies.  It  was  a 
hard  and  a  melancholy  ride  throughout  the  night  and  the  following 
day.  The  tidings  of  the  defeat  preceded  him,  borne  by  the  wag- 
goners, who  had  mounted  their  horses,  on  Braddock's  fall,  and  fled 
from  the  field  of  battle.  They  had  arrived,  haggard,  at  Dunbar's 
camp  at  mid-day ;  the  Indian  yells  still  ringing  in  their  ears. 
"  All  was  lost !  "  they  cried.  "  Braddock  was  killed !  They  had 
seen  wounded  officers  borne  off  from  the  field  in  bloody  sheets ! 
The  troops  were  all  cut  to  pieces  !  "  A  panic  fell  upon  the  camp. 
The  drums  beat  to  arms.  Many  of  the  soldiers,  waggoners  and 
attendants,  took  to  flight ;  but  most  of  them  were  forced  back  by 
the  sentinels. 

Washington  arrived  at  the  camp  in  the  evening,  and  found 
the  agitation  still  prevailing.  The  orders  which  he  brought  were 
executed  during  the  night,  and  he  was  in  the  saddle  early  in  the 
morning  accompany iog  the  convoy  of  supplies.  At  Grist's  planta- 
tion, about  thirteen  miles  off,  he  met  G-age  and  his  scanty  force 
escorting  Braddock  and  his  wounded  officers.  Captain  Stewart 
and  a  sad  remnant  of  the  Virginia  light  horse  still  accompanied 
the  general  as  his  guard.  The  captain  had  been  unremitting 
in  his  attentions  to  him  during  the  retreat.  There  was  a  halt 
of  one  day  at  Dunbar's  camp  for  the  repose  and  relief  of  the 
wounded.  On  the  13th  they  resumed  their  melancholy  march, 
and  that  night  reached  the  Great  Meadows. 

The  proud  spirit  of  Braddock  was  broken  by  his  defeat.  He 
remained  silent  the  first  evening  after  the  battle,  only  ejaculating 
at  night,  "  who  would  have  thought  it  1 "     He  was  equally  silent 


1755.]  DEATH    OF    BRADDOCK.  183 

the  following  day ;  yet  hope  still  seemed  to  linger  in  his  breast, 
from  another  ejaculation :  "  We  shall  better  know  how  to  deal 
with  them  another  time  !  "  * 

He  was  grateful  for  the  attentions  paid  to  him  by  Captain 
Stewart  and  Washington,  and  more  than  once,  it  is  said,  expressed 
his  admiration  of  the  gallantry  displayed  by  the  Virginians  in 
the  action.  It  is  said,  moreover,  that  in  his  last  moments,  he 
apologized  to  Washington  for  the  petulance  with  which  he  had 
rejected  his  advice,  and  bequeathed  to  him  his  favorite  charger 
and  his  faithful  servant,  Bishop,  who  had  helped  to  convey  him 
from  the  field. 

Some  of  these  facts,  it  is  true,  rest  on  tradition,  yet  we  are  will- 
ing to  believe  them,  as  they  impart  a  gleam  of  just  and  generous 
feeling  to  his  closing  scene.  He  died  on  the  night  of  the  13th, 
at  the  Great  Meadows,  the  place  of  Washington's  discomfiture  in 
the  previous  year.  His  obsequies  were  performed  before  break 
of  day.  The  chaplain  having  been  wounded,  Washington  read 
the  funeral  service.  All  was  done  in  sadness,  and  without  parade, 
so  as  not  to  attract  the  attention  of  lurking  savages,  who  might 
discover,  and  outrage  his  grave.  It  is  doubtful  even  whether  a 
volley  was  fired  over  it,  that  last  military  honor  which  he  had 
recently  paid  to  the  remains  of  an  Indian  warrior.  The  place  of 
his  sepulture,  however,  is  still  known,  and  pointed  out. 

Reproach  spared  him  not,  even  when  in  his  grave.  The  fail- 
ure of  the  expedition  was  attributed  both  in  England  and  Amer- 


*  Captain  Orme,  who  gave  these  particulars  to  Dr.  Franklin,  says  that 
Braddock  "  died  a  few  minutes  after."  This,  according  to  his  account,  wae 
on  the  second  day ;  whereas  the  general  survived  upwards  of  four  days. 
Orme,  being  conveyed  on  a  litter  at  some  distance  from  the  general,  could 
only  speak  of  his  moods  from  hearsay. 


184  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

ica  to  his  obstinacy,  his  technical  pedantry,  and  his  military  con- 
ceit. He  had  been  continually  warned  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
ambush  and  surprise,  but  without  avail.  Had  he  taken  the 
advice  urged  on  him  by  Washington  and  others  to  employ  scout- 
ing parties  of  Indians  and  rangers,  he  would  never  have  been  so 
signally  surprised  and  defeated. 

Still  his  dauntless  conduct  on  the  field  of  battle  shows  him  to 
have  been  a  man  of  fearless  spirit ;  and  he  was  universally  al- 
lowed to  be  an  accomplished  disciplinarian.  His  melancholy  end, 
too,  disarms  censure  of  its  asperity.  Whatever  may  have  been 
his  faults  and  errors,  he,  in  a  manner,  expiated  them  by  the 
hardest  lot  that  can  befall  a  brave  soldier,  ambitious  of  renown — 
an  unhonored  grave  in  a  strange  land ;  a  memory  clouded  by  mis- 
fortune, and  a  name  for  ever  coupled  with  defeat. 

NOTE. 

In  narrating  the  expedition  of  Braddock,  Ave  have  frequently  cited 
the  Journals  of  Captain  Orme  and  of  the  "  Seamen's  Detachment ;  " 
they  were  procured  in  England  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  K.  Ingersoll, 
while  Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and  recently  published  by 
the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania :  ably  edited,  and  illustrated 
with  an  admirable  Introductory  Memoir  by  Winthrop  Sargent,  Esq., 
member  of  that  Society. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

ARRIVAL   AT   FORT   CUMBERLAND LETTERS   OF   WASHINGTON  TO  HIS  FAMILY — PANIC 

OF   DUNBAR FORTUNES   OF   DR.    HUGH   MERCER — TRIUMPH   OF   THE   FRENCH. 

The  obsequies  of  the  unfortunate  Braddock  being  finished,  the 
escort  continued  its  retreat  with  the  sick  and  wounded.  Wash- 
ington, assisted  by  Dr.  Craik,  watched  with  assiduity  oyer  his 
comrades,  Ornie  and  Morris.  As  the  horses  which  bore  their 
litters  were  nearly  knocked  up,  he  despatched  messengers  to  the 
commander  of  Fort  Cumberland  requesting  that  others  might  be 
sent  on,  and  that  comfortable  quarters  might  be  prepared  for  the 
reception  of  those  officers. 

On  the  17th,  the  sad  cavalcade  reached  the  fort,  and  were  re- 
lieved from  the  incessant  apprehension  of  pursuit.  Here,  too, 
flying  reports  had  preceded  them,  brought  by  fugitives  from  the 
battle  ;  who,  with  the  disposition  usual  in  such  cases  to  exagger- 
ate, had  represented  the  whole  army  as  massacred.  Fearing 
these  reports  might  reach  home,  and  affect  his  family,  "Washing- 
ton wrote  to  his  mother,  and  his  brother,  John  Augustine,  appris- 
ing them  of  his  safety.  "  The  Virginia  troops,"  says  he,  in  a 
letter  to  his  mother,  "  showed  a  good  deal  of  bravery,  and  were 


186  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755, 

nearly  all  killed.  *  *  *  The  dastardly  behavior  of  those 
they  called  regulars  exposed  all  others,  that  were  ordered  to  do 
their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death ;  and,  at  last,  in  despite  of  all 
the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrary,  they  ran,  as  sheep  pur- 
sued by  dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to  rally  them." 

To  his  brother,  he  writes :  "  As  I  have  heard,  since  my  arrival 
at  this  place,  a  circumstantial  account  of  my  death  and  dying 
speech,  I  take  this  early  opportunity  of  contradicting  the  first, 
and  of  assuring  you  that  I  have  not  composed  the  latter.  But, 
by  the  all-powerful  dispensations  of  Providence,  I  have  been  pro- 
tected beyond  all  human  probability,  or  expectation ;  for  I  had 
four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot  under  me,  yet 
escaped  unhurt,  though  death  was  levelling  my  companions  on 
every  side  of  me  ! 

"  We  have  been  most  scandalously  beaten  by  a  trifling  body 
of  men,  but  fatigue  and  want  of  time  prevent  me  from  giving 
you  any  of  the  details,  until  I  have  the  happiness  of  seeing 
you  at  Mount  Yernon,  which  I  now  most  earnestly  wish  for, 
since  we  are  driven  in  thus  far.  A  feeble  state  of  health  obliges 
me  to  halt  here  for  two  or  three  days  to  recover  a  little  strength, 
that  I  may  thereby  be  enabled  to  proceed  homeward  with  more 
ease." 

Dunbar  arrived  shortly  afterward  with  the  remainder  of  the 
army.  No  one  seems  to  have  shared  more  largely  in  the  panic 
of  the  vulgar  than  that  officer.  From  the  moment  he  received 
tidings  of  the  defeat,  his  camp  became  a  scene  of  confusion.  All 
the  ammunition,  stores,  and  artillery  were  destroyed,  to  prevent, 
it  was  said,  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy;  but,  as  it 
was  afterwards  alleged,  to  relieve  the  terror-stricken  commander 


1755.] 


FORTUNES    OF    HUGH    MERCER.  187 


from  all  incumbrances,  and  furnish  him  with  more  horses  in  his 
flight  toward  the  settlements.* 

At  Cumberland  his  forces  amounted  to  fifteen  hundred  effec- 
tive men ;  enough  for  a  brave  stand  to  protect  the  frontier,  and 
recover  some  of  the  lost  honor ;  but  he  merely  paused  to  leave  the 
sick  and  wounded  under  care  of  two  Yirginia  and  Maryland  com- 
panies, and  some  of  the  train,  and  then  continued  his  hasty 
march,  or  rather  flight,  through  the  country,  not  thinking  himself 
safe,  as  was  sneeringly  intimated,  until  he  arrived  in  Philadel- 
phia, where  the  inhabitants  could  protect  him. 

Among  the  wounded  survivors  of  the  defeat,  who  found  their 
way  to  Fort  Cumberland,  was  Washington's  friend  and  neighbor, 
Dr.  Hugh  Mercer.  He  had  received  a  severe  wound  in  the 
shoulder,  and  being  unable  to  keep  up  with  the  fugitives,  con- 
cealed himself  behind  a  fallen  tree.  Thence  he  was  a  sad  witness 
of  a  demoniac  scene,  which  followed  the  defeat.  The  field  was 
strewed  with  the  dead  and  dying,  and  among  them  several  gallant 
officers.  White  man  and  red  man  vied  with  each  other  in  strip- 
ping and  plundering  them ;  those  who  were  still  alive  were  des- 
patched by  the  merciless  tomahawk,  and  all  were  scalped. 
When  the  plunder  and  massacre  were  finished,  the  victors  set  out 
for  the  fort,  laden  with  booty,  the  savages  bearing  aloft  the  scalps 
as  trophies,  and  making  the  forest  ring  with  their  yells  of  tri- 
umph. Mercer  then  set  out  on  a  lonely  struggle  through  the 
wilderness,  guiding  himself  by  the  stars  and  the  course  of  the 
streams,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Cumberland,  almost  exhausted  by 
sickness,  famine,  and  fatigue.  We  shall  have  to  speak  hereafter 
of  his  services  when  under  the  standard  of  Washington,  and  his 
heroic  death  on  a  more  successful  field  of  action. 

*  Franklin's  Autobiography. 


188  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1155, 

The  true  reason  why  the  enemy  did  not  pursue  the  retreating 
army  was  not  known  until  some  time  afterwards,  and  added  to  the 
disgrace  of  the  defeat.  They  were  not  the  main  force  of  the 
French,  but  a  mere  detachment  of  72  regulars,  146  Canadians, 
and  637  Indians,  855  in  all,  led  by  Captain  de  Beaujeu.  De 
Contrecceur,  the  commander  of  Fort  Duquesne,  had  received  in- 
formation, through  his  scouts,  that  the  English,  three  thousand 
strong,  were  within  six  leagues  of  his  fort.  Despairing  of  mak- 
ing an  effectual  defence  against  such  a  superior  force,  he 
was  balancing  in  his  mind  whether  to  abandon  his  fort  without 
awaiting  their  arrival,  or  to  capitulate  on  honorable  terms.  In 
this  dilemma  Beaujeu  prevailed  on  him  to  let  him  sally  forth  with 
a  detachment  to  form  an  ambush,  and  give  check  to  the  enemy. 
De  Beaujeu  was  to  have  taken  post  at  the  river,  and  disputed  the 
passage  at  the  ford.  For  that  purpose  he  was  hurrying  forward 
when  discovered  by  the  pioneers  of  Gage's  advance  party.  He 
was  a  gallant  officer,  and  fell  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight.  The 
whole  number  of  killed  and  wounded  of  French  and  Indians,  did 
not  exceed  seventy. 

Such  was  the  scanty  force  which  the  imagination  of  the 
panic-stricken  army  had  magnified  into  a  great  host,  and  from 
which  they  had  fled  in  breathless  terror,  abandoning  the  whole 
frontier.  No  one  could  be  more  surprised  than  the  French  com- 
mander himself,  when  the  ambuscading  party  returned  in  triumph 
with  a  long  train  of  packhorses  laden  with  booty,  the  savages  un- 
couthly  clad  in  the  garments  of  the  slain,  grenadier  caps,  officers', 
gold-laced  coats,  and  glittering  epaulettes ;  flourishing  swords  and 
sabres,  or  firing  off  muskets,  and  uttering  fiendlike  yells  of  vic- 
tory. But  when  De  Contrecceur  was  informed  of  the  utter  rout 
and  destruction  of  the  much  dreaded  British  army,  his  joy  was 


1"755.]  EFFECT  OF  THE  DEFEAT.  189 

complete.     He  ordered  the  guns  of  the  fort  to  be  fired  in  tri- 
umph, and  sent  out  troops  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives. 

The  affair  of  Braddock  remains  a  memorable  event  in  Ameri- 
can history,  and  has  been  characterized  as  "  the  most  extraordi- 
nary victory  ever  obtained,  and  the  farthest  flight  ever  made." 
It  struck  a  fatal  blow  to  the  deference  for  British  prowess, 
which  once  amounted  almost  to  bigotry,  throughout  the  prov- 
inces. «  This  whole  transaction,"  observes  Franklin,  in  his  au- 
tobiography, "  gave  us  the  first  suspicion  that  our  exalted  ideas 
of  the  prowess  of  British  regular  troops  had  not  been  well 
founded." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

COSTS    OF   CAMPAIGNING MEASURES    FOR    PUBLIC    SAFETY WASHINGTON    IN    COM- 
MAND  HEAD-QUARTERS   AT   WINCHESTER LORD    FAIRFAX   AND   HIS    TROOP    OF 

HORSE INDIAN   RAVAGES PANIC  AT    WINCHESTER CAUSE    OF    THE    ALARM 

OPERATIONS  ELSEWHERE SHIRLEY  AGAINST  NIAGARA JOHNSON  AGAINST  CROWN 

POINT AFFAIR   AT   LAKE   GEORGE DEATH   OF   DIESKAU. 

Washington  arrived  at  Mount  Yernon  on  the  26th  of  July,  still 
in  feeble  condition  from  his  long  illness.  His  campaigning,  thus 
far,  had  trenched  upon  his  private  fortune,  and  impaired  one  of 
the  best  of  constitutions. 

In  a  letter  to  his  brother  Augustine,  then  a  member  of 
Assembly  at  Williamsburg,  he  casts  up  the  result  of  his  frontier 
experience.  "I  was  employed,"  writes  he,  "to  go  a  journey  in 
the  winter,  when  I  believe  few  or  none  would  have  undertaken  it, 
and  what  did  I  get  by  it  ? — my  expenses  borne  !  I  was  then  ap- 
pointed, with  trifling  pay,  to  conduct  a  handful  of  men  to  the 
Ohio.  What  did  I  get  by  that  ?  Why,  after  putting  myself  to 
a  considerable  expense  in  equipping  and  providing  necessaries  for 
the  campaign,  I  went  but,  was  soundly  beaten,  and  lost  all ! 
Came  in,  and  had  my  commission  taken  from  me  ;  or,  in  other 
words,  my  command  reduced,  under  pretence  of  an  order  from 
home    (England).     I  then  went  out  a  volunteer  with   General 


1755.]  MEASURES   FOR    PUBLIC    SAFETY.  191 

Braddock,  and  lost  all  my  horses,  and  many  other  things.  But 
this  being  a  voluntary  act,  I  ought  not  to  have  mentioned  it ;  nor 
should  I  have  done  it,  were  it  not  to  show  that  I  have  been  on 
the  losing  order  ever  since  I  entered  the  service,  which  is  now 
nearly  two  years." 

What  a  striking  lesson  is  furnished  by  this  brief  summary  ! 
How  little  was  he  aware  of  the  vast  advantages  he  was  acquiring 
in  this  school  of  bitter  experience  !  "  In  the  hand  of  heaven  he 
stood,"  to  be  shaped  and  trained  for  its  great  purpose ;  and 
every  trial  and  vicissitude  of  his  early  life,  but  fitted  him  to  cope 
with  one  or  other  of  the  varied  and  multifarious  duties  of  his 
future  destiny. 

But  though,  under  the  saddening  influence  of  debility  and 
defeat,  he  might  count  the  cost  of  his  campaigning,  the  martial 
spirit  still  burned  within  him.  His  connection  with  the  army,  it 
is  true,  had  ceased  at  the  death  of  Braddock,  but  his  military 
duties  continued  as  adjutant-general  of  the  northern  division  of 
the  province,  and  he  immediately  issued  orders  for  the  county 
lieutenants  to  hold  the  militia  in  readiness  for  parade  and  exercise, 
foreseeing  that,  in  the  present  defenceless  state  of  the  frontier, 
there  would  be  need  of  their  services. 

Tidings  of  the  rout  and  retreat  of  the  army  had  circulated 
far  and  near,  and  spread  consternation  throughout  the  country. 
Immediate  incursions  both  of  French  and  Indians  were  appre- 
hended ;  and  volunteer  companies  began  to  form,  for  the  purpose 
of  marching  across  the  mountains  to  the  scene  of  danger.  It 
was  intimated  to  Washington  that  his  services  would  again  be 
wanted  on  the  frontier.  He  declared  instantly  that  he  was  ready 
to  serve  his  country  to  the  extent  of  his  powers ;  but  never  on 
the  same  terms  as  heretofore. 


192  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

On  the  4th  of  August,  Governor  Dinwiddie  convened  the  As- 
sembly to  devise  measures  for  the  public  safety.  The  sense  of 
danger  had  quickened  the  slow  patriotism  of  the  burgesses ;  they 
no  longer  held  back  supplies ;  forty  thousand  pounds  were 
promptly  voted,  and  orders  issued  for  the  raising  of  a  regiment 
of  one  thousand  men. 

Washington's  friends  urged  him  to  present  himself  at  "Wil- 
liamsburg as  a  candidate  for  the  command  ;  they  were  confident 
of  his  success,  notwithstanding  that  strong  interest  was  making 
for  the  governor's  favorite,  Colonel  Innes. 

With  mingled  modesty  and  pride,  Washington  declined  to  be 
a  solicitor.  The  only  terms,  he  said,  on  which  he  would  accept  a 
command,  were  a  certainty  as  to  rank  and  emoluments,  a  right  to 
appoint  his  field  oflicers,  and  the  supply  of  a  sufficient  military 
chest ;  but  to  solicit  the  command,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  make 
stipulations,  would  be  a  little  incongruous,  and  carry  with  it  the 
face  of  self-sufficiency.  "If,"  added  he,  "the  command  should 
be  offered  to  me,  the  case  will  then  be  altered,  as  I  should  be  at 
liberty  to  make  such  objections  as  reason,  and  my  small  experience, 
have  pointed  out." 

While  this  was  in  agitation,  he  received  letters  from  his 
mother,  again  imploring  him  not  to  risk  himself  in  these  frontier 
wars.  His  answer  was  characteristic,  blending  the  filial  deference 
with  which  he  was  accustomed  from  childhood  to  treat  her,  with 
a  calm  patriotism  of  the  Roman  stamp. 

"  Honored  Madam :  If  it  is  in  my  power  to  avoid  going  to 
the  Ohio  again,  I  shall ;  but  if  the  command  is  pressed  upon  me 
by  the  general  voice  of  the  country,  and  offered  upon  such  terms 
as  cannot  be  objected  against,  it  would  reflect  dishonor  on  me  to 
refuse  it ;  and  that,  I  am  sure,  must,  and  ought,  to  give  you  greater 


1755.] 


WASHINGTON   IN    COMMAND.  193 


uneasiness,  than  my  going  in  an  honorable  command.  Upon  no 
other  terms  will  I  accept  it.  At  present  I  have  no  proposals 
made  to  me,  nor  have  I  any  advice  of  such  an  intention,  except 
from  private  hands." 

On  the  very  day  that  this  letter  was  despatched  (Aug.  14), 
he  received  intelligence  of  his  appointment  to  the  command  on 
the  terms  specified  in  his  letters  to  his  friends.  His  commission 
nominated  him  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  raised,  or  to 
be  raised  in  the  colony.  The  Assembly  also  voted  three  hundred 
pounds  to  him,  and  proportionate  sums  to  the  other  officers,  and 
to  the  privates  of  the  Virginia  companies,  in  consideration  of 
their  gallant  conduct,  and  their  losses  in  the  late  battle. 

The  officers  next  in  command  under  him  were  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Adam  Stephens,  and  Major  Andrew  Lewis.  The  former, 
it  will  be  recollected,  had  been  with  him  in  the  unfortunate  affair 
at  the  Great  Meadows ;  his  advance  in  rank  shows  that  his  con- 
duct had  been  meritorious. 

The  appointment  of  Washington  to  his  present  station  was 
the  more  gratifying  and  honorable  from  being  a  popular  one,  made 
in  deference  to  public  sentiment ;  to  which  Governor  Dinwiddie 
was  obliged  to  sacrifice  his  strong  inclination  in  favor  of  Colonel 
Innes.  It  is  thought  that  the  governor  never  afterwards  regarded 
Washington  with  a  friendly  eye.  His  conduct  towards  him  sub- 
sequently was  on  various  occasions  cold  and  ungracious.* 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  early  popularity  of  Washington 
was  not  the  result  of  brilliant  achievements  nor  signal  success ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  rose  among  trials  and  reverses,  and  may  almost 
be  said  to  have  been  the  fruit  of  defeats.     It  remains  an  honora- 

*  Sparks'  "Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  ii.,  p.  161,  note. 
Vol.  I— 9 


194  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1155. 

ble  testimony  of  Virginian  intelligence,  that  the  sterling,  endur- 
ing, but  undazzling  qualities  of  Washington  were  thus  early 
discerned  and  appreciated,  though  only  heralded  by  misfortunes. 
The  admirable  manner  in  which  he  had  conducted  himself  under 
these  misfortunes,  and  the  sagacity  and  practical  wisdom  he  had 
displayed  on  all  occasions,  were  universally  acknowledged ;  and 
it  was  observed  that,  had  his  modest  counsels  been  adopted  by 
the  unfortunate  Braddock,  a  totally  different  result  might  have 
attended  the  late  campaign. 

An  instance  of  this  high  appreciation  of  his  merits  occurs  in  a 
sermon  preached  on  the  17th  of  August  by  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Davis,  wherein  he  cites  him  as  "that  heroic  youth,  Colonel 
Washington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hitherto 
preserved  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  important  service  to 
his  country."  The  expressions  of  the  worthy  clergyman  may 
have  been  deemed  enthusiastic  at  the  time ;  viewed  in  connection 
with  subsequent  events  they  appear  almost  prophetic. 

Having  held  a  conference  with  Governor  Dinwiddie  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, and  received  his  instructions,  Washington  repaired,  on 
the  1 4th  of  September,  to  Winchester,  where  he  fixed  his  head- 
quarters. It  was  a  place  as  yet  of  trifling  magnitude,  but  im- 
portant from  its  position ;  being  a  central  point  where  the  main 
roads  met,  leading  from  north  to  south,  and  east  to  west,  and 
commanding  the  channels  of  traffic  and  communication  between 
some  of  the  most  important  colonies  and  a  great  extent  of 
frontier. 

Here  he  was  brought  into  frequent  and  cordial  communication 
with  his  old  friend  Lord  Fairfax.  The  stir  of  war  had  revived  a 
spark  of  that  military  fire  which  animated  the  veteran  nobleman 
in  the  days  of  his  youth,  when  an  officer  in  the  cavalry  regiment 


H55.]  LOKD   FAIKFAX   AND   HIS   TKOOP.  195 

of  the  Blues.  He  was  lord-lieutenant  of  the  county.  Greenway 
Court  was  his  headquarters.  He  had  organized  a  troop  of  horse, 
which  occasionally  was  exercised  about  the  lawn  of  his  domain, 
and  he  was  now  as  prompt  to  mount  his  steed  for  a  cavalry  parade 
as  he  ever  was  for  a  fox  chase.  The  arrival  of  Washington  fre- 
quently brought  the  old  nobleman  to  Winchester  to  aid  the  young 
commander  with  his  counsels  or  his  sword. 

His  services  were  soon  put  in  requisition.  Washington,  hav- 
ing visited  the  frontier  posts,  established  recruiting  places,  and 
taken  other  measures  of  security,  had  set  off  for  Williamsburg  on 
military  business,  when  an  express  arrived  at  Winchester  from 
Colonel  Stephens,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Cumberland,  giving 
the  alarm  that  a  body  of  Indians  were  ravaging  the  country, 
burning  the  houses,  and  slaughtering  the  inhabitants.  The  ex- 
press was  instantly  forwarded  after  Washington;  in  the  mean 
time,  Lord  Fairfax  sent  out  orders  for  the  militia  of  Fairfax  and 
Prince  William  counties  to  arm  and  hasten  to  the  defence  of 
Winchester,  where  all  was  confusion  and  affright.  One  fearful 
account  followed  another.  The  whole  country  beyond  it  was  said 
to  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  savages.  They  had  blockaded  the 
rangers  in  the  little  fortresses  or  outposts  provided  for  the  protec- 
tion of  neighborhoods.  They  were  advancing  upon  Winchester 
with  fire,  tomahawk,  and  scalping-knife.  The  country  people 
were  flocking  into  the  town  for  safety — the  townspeople  were 
moving  off  to  the  settlements  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  beau- 
tiful valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  likely  to  become  a  scene  of 
savage  desolation. 

In  the  height  of  the  confusion  Washington  rode  into  the  town 
He  had  been  overtaken  by  Colonel  Stephens'  express.  His  pre. 
sence  inspired  some  degree  of  confidence,  and  he  succeeded  in 


196  ,  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

stopping  most  of  the  fugitives.  He  would  have  taken  the  field  at 
once  against  the  savages,  believing  their  numbers  to  be  few ;  but 
not  more  than  twenty-five  of  the  militia  could  be  mustered  for  the 
service.  The  rest  refused  to  stir — they  would  rather  die  with 
their  wives  and  children. 

Expresses  were  sent  off  to  hurry  up  the  militia  ordered  out 
by  Lord  Fairfax.  Scouts  were  ordered  out  to  discover  the  num- 
ber of  the  foe,  and  convey  assurances  of  succor  to  the  rangers  said 
to  be  blocked  up  in  the  fortresses,  though  Washington  suspected 
the  latter  to  be  "  more  encompassed  by  fear  than  by  the  enemy." 
Smiths  were  set  to  work  to  furbish  up  and  repair  such  firearms  as 
were  in  the  place,  and  waggons  were  sent  off  for  musket  balls, 
flints,  and  provisions. 

Instead,  however,  of  animated  co-operation,  Washington  was 
encountered  by  difficulties  at  every  step.  The  waggons  in  ques- 
tion had  to  be  impressed,  and  the  waggoners  compelled  by  force 
to  assist.  "  No  orders,"  writes  he,  "  are  obeyed,  but  such  as  a 
party  of  soldiers  or  my  own  drawn  sword  enforces.  Without 
this,  not  a  single  horse,  for  the  most  earnest  occasion,  can  be  had, 
— to  such  a  pitch  has  the  insolence  of  these  people  arrived,  by 
having  every  point  hitherto  submitted  to  them.  However,  I  have 
given  up  none,  where  his  majesty's  service  requires  the  contrary, 
and  where  my  proceedings  are  justified  by  my  instructions ;  nor 
will  I,  unless  they  execute  what  they  threaten — that  is,  blow  out 
our  brains." 

One  is  tempted  to  smile  at  this  tirade  about  the  "  insolence 
of  the  people,"  and  this  zeal  for  "his  majesty's  service,"  on  the 
part  of  Washington ;  but  he  was  as  yet  a  young  man  and  a  young 
officer ;  loyal  to  his  sovereign,  and  with  high  notions  of  military 
authority,  which  he  had  acquired  in  the  camp  of  Braddock. 


1755.] 


PxVNIC    AT    WINCHESTER.  197 


What  he  thus  terms  insolence  was  the  dawning  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence, which  he  was  afterwards  the  foremost  to  cherish  and 
promote ;  and  which,  in  the  present  instance,  had  been  provoked 
by  the  rough  treatment  from  the  military,  which  the  waggoners 
and  others  of  the  yeomanry  had  experienced  when  employed  in 
Braddock's  campaign,  and  by  the  neglect  to  pay  them  for  their 
services.  Much  of  Washington's  difficulties  also  arose,  doubtless- 
ly, from  the  inefficiency  of  the  military  laws,  for  an  amendment 
of  which  he  had  in  vain  made  repeated  applications  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie. 

In  the  mean  time  the  panic  and  confusion  increased.  On 
Sunday  an  express  hurried  into  town,  breathless  with  haste  and 
terror.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were  but  twelve  miles  off;  they 
had  attacked  the  house  of  Isaac  Julian ;  the  inhabitants  were  fly- 
ing for  their  lives.  Washington  immediately  ordered  the  town 
guards  to  be  strengthened;  armed  some  recruits  who  had  just 
arrived,  and  sent  out  two  scouts  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy.  It 
was  a  sleepless  night  in  Winchester.  Horror  increased  with  the 
dawn ;  before  the  men  could  be  paraded  a  second  express  arrived, 
ten  times  more  terrified  than  the  former.  The  Indians  were 
within  four  miles  of  the  town,  killing  and  destroying  all  before 
them.  He  had  heard  the  constant  firing  of  the  savages  and  the 
shrieks  of  their  victims. 

The  terror  of  Winchester  now  passed  all  bounds.  Washing- 
ton put  himself  at  the  head  of  about  forty  men,  militia  and  re- 
cruits, and  pushed  for  the  scene  of  carnage. 

The  result  is  almost  too  ludicrous  for  record.  The  whole 
cause  of  the  alarm  proved  to  be  three  drunken  troopers,  carous- 
ing, hallooing,  uttering  the  most  unheard  of  imprecations,  and  ever 
and  anon  firing  oft7  their  pistols.     Washington  interrupted  them 


198  »  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

in  the  midst  of  their  revel  and  blasphemy,  and  conducted  them 
prisoners  to  town. 

The  reported  attack  on  the  house  of  Isaac  Julian  proved 
equally  an  absurd  exaggeration.  The  ferocious  party  of  Indians 
turned  out  to  be  a  mulatto  and  a  negro  in  quest  of  cattle.  They 
had  been  seen  by  a  child  of  Julian,  who  alarmed  his  father,  who 
alarmed  the  neighborhood. 

"  These  circumstances,"  says  Washington,  "  show  what  a 
panio  prevails  among  the  people ;  how  much  they  are  all  alarmed 
at  the  most  usual  and  customary  cries ;  and  yet  how  impossible  it 
is  to  get  them  to  act  in  any  respect  for  their  common  safety." 

They  certainly  present  a  lively  picture  of  the  feverish  state 
of  a  frontier  community,  hourly  in  danger  of  Indian  ravage  and 
butchery ;  than  which  no  kind  of  warfare  is  more  fraught  with 
real  and  imaginary  horrors. 

The  alarm  thus  originating  had  spread  throughout  the  coun- 
try. A  captain,  who  arrived  with  recruits  from  Alexandria, 
reported  that  he  had  found  the  road  across  the  Blue  Ridge  ob- 
structed by  crowds  of  people  flying  for  their  lives,  whom  he  en- 
deavored in  vain  to  stop.  They  declared  that  Winchester  was  in 
flames ! 

At  length  the  band  of  Indians,  whose  ravages  had  produced 
this  consternation  throughout  the  land,  and  whose  numbers  did 
not  exceed  one  hundred  and  fifty,  being  satiated  with  carnage, 
conflagration,  and  plunder,  retreated,  bearing  off  spoils  and  cap- 
tives. Intelligent  scouts  sent  out  by  Washington,  followed  their 
traces,  and  brought  back  certain  intelligence  that  they  had  re- 
crossed  the  Allegany  Mountains  and  returned  to  their  homes  on 
the  Ohio.  This  report  allayed  the  public  panic  and  restored 
temporary  quiet  to  the  harassed  frontier. 


1755.]  GOOD    FAITH    OF    SCAROOYADI.  199 

Most  of  the  Indians  engaged  in  these  ravages  were  Dclawares 
and  Shawnees,  who,  since  Braddock's  defeat,  had  been  gained 
over  by  the  French.  A  principal  instigator  was  said  to  be 
Washington's  old  acquaintance,  Shengis,  and  a  reward  was 
offered  for  his  head. 

Scarooyadi,  successor  to  the  half-king,  remained  true  to  the 
English,  and  vindicated  his  people  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  from  the  charge  of  having  had  any  share  in  the  late 
massacres.  As  to  the  defeat  at  the  Monongahela,  "  it  was  ow- 
ing," he  said,  "  to  the  pride  and  ignorance  of  that  great  general 
(Braddock)  that  came  from  England.  He  is  now  dead ;  but  he 
was  a  bad  man  when  he  was  alive.  He  looked  upon  us  as  dogs, 
and  would  never  hear  any  thing  that  was  said  to  him.  We  often 
endeavored  to  advise  him,  and  tell  him  of  the  danger  he  was  in 
with  his  soldiers ;  but  he  never  appeared  pleased  with  us,  and 
that  was  the  reason  that  a  great  many  of  our  warriors  left  him."  * 

Scarooyadi  was  ready  with  his  warriors  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  again  with  their  English  brothers  against  the  French. 
"  Let  us  unite  our  strength,"  said  he ;  "  you  are  numerous,  and 
all  the  English  governors  along  your  sea-shore  can  raise  men 
enough ;  but  don't  let  those  that  come  from  over  the  great  seas 
be  concerned  any  more.  They  art  unfit  to  fight  in  the  woods. 
Let  us  go  ourselves — we  that  came  out  of  this  ground." 

No  one  felt  more  strongly  than  Washington  the  importance, 
at  this  trying  juncture,  of  securing  the  assistance  of  these  forest 
warriors.  "  It  is  in  their  power,"  said  he,  "  to  be  of  infinite  use 
to  us ;  and  without  Indians,  we  shall  never  be  able  to  cope  with 
these  cruel  foes  to  our  country."  f 

*  Hazard's  Register  of  Penn.,  v.,  p.  252,  266. 
f  Letter  to  Dinwiddie. 


200  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

Washington  had  now  time  to  inform  himself  of  the  fate  of 
the  other  enterprises  included  in  this  year's  plan  of  military 
operations.  "We  shall  briefly  dispose  of  them,  for  the  sake  of  car- 
rying on  the  general  course  of  events.  The  history  of  Washing- 
ton is  linked  with  the  history  of  the  colonies.  The  defeat  of 
Braddock  paralyzed  the  expedition  against  Niagara.  Many  of 
General  Shirley's  troops,  which  were  assembled  at  Albany,  struck 
with  the  consternation  which  it  caused  throughout  the  country, 
deserted.  Most  of  the  batteau  men,  who  were  to  transport  stores 
by  various  streams,  returned  home.  It  was  near  the  end  of  Au- 
gust before  Shirley  was  in  force  at  Oswego.  Time  was  lost  in 
building  boats  for  the  lake.  Storms  and  head  winds  ensued ; 
then  sickness :  military  incapacity  in  the  general  completed  the 
list  of  impediments.  Deferring  the  completion  of  the  enterprise 
until  the  following  year,  Shirley  returned  to  Albany  with  the 
main  part  of  his  forces  in  October,  leaving  about  seven  hundred 
men  to  garrison  the  fortifications  he  had  commenced  at  Oswego. 

To  General  William  Johnson,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  been 
confided  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain. 
Preparations  were  made  for  it  in  Albany,  whence  the  troops  were 
to  march,  and  the  artillery,  ammunition,  and  stores  to  be  con- 
veyed up  the  Hudson  to  the  carrying-place  between  that  river 
and  Lake  St.  Sacrament,  as  it  was  termed  by  the  French,  but 
Lake  George,  as  Johnson  named  it,  in  honor  of  his  sovereign. 
At  the  carrying-place  a  fort  was  commenced,  subsequently  called 
Fort  Edward.  Part  of  the  troops  remained  under  General  Ly- 
man, to  complete  and  garrison  it;  the  main  force  proceeded 
under  General  Johnson  to  Lake  George,  the  plan  being  to  descend 
that  lake  to  its  outlet  at  Ticonderoga,  in  Lake  Champlain.  Hav- 
ing to  attend  the  arrival  of  batteaux  forwarded  for  the  purpose 


1755]  JOHNSON   ON   LAKE   GEORGE.  201 

from  Albany  by  the  carrying-place,  Johnson  encamped  at  the 
south  end  of  the  lake.  He  had  with  him  between  five  and  six 
thousand  troops  of  New  York  and  New  England,  and  a  host  of 
Mohawk  warriors,  loyally  devoted  to  him. 

It  so  happened  that  a  French  force  of  upwards  of  three  thou- 
sand men,  under  the  Baron  de  Dieskau,  an  old  general  of  high 
reputation,  had  recently  arrived  at  Quebec,  destined  against  Os- 
wego. The  baron  had  proceeded  to  Montreal,  and  sent  forward 
thence  seven  hundred  of  his  troops,  when  news  arrived  of  the  army 
gathering  on  Lake  George  for  the  attack  on  Crown  Point,  perhaps 
for  an  inroad  into  Canada.  The  public  were  in  consternation ; 
yielding  to  their  importunities,  the  baron  took  post  at  Crown 
Point  for  its  defence.  Beside  his  regular  troops,  he  had  with 
him  eight  hundred  Canadians,  and  seven  hundred  Indians  of  dif- 
ferent tribes.  The  latter  were  under  the  general  command 
of  the  Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,  the  veteran  officer  to 
whom  Washington  had  delivered  the  despatches  of  Governor  Din- 
widdie  on  his  diplomatic  mission  to  the  frontier.  The  chevalier 
was  a  man  of  great  influence  among  the  Indians. 

In  the  mean  time  Johnson  remained  encamped  at  the  south 
end  of  Lake  George,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  batteaux.  The 
camp  was  protected  in  the  rear  by  the  lake,  in  front  by  a  bulwark 
of  felled  trees ;  and  was  flanked  by  thickly  wooded  swamps. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  the  Indian  scouts  brought  word 
that  they  had  discovered  three  large  roads  made  through  the  for- 
ests toward  Fort  Edward.  An  attack  on  that  post  was  appre- 
hended. Adams,  a  hardy  waggoner,  rode  express  with  orders  to 
the  commander  to  draw  all  the  troops  within  the  works.  About 
midnight  came  other  scouts.  They  had  seen  the  French  within 
four  miles  of  the  carrying-place.    They  had  heard  the  report  of  a 

Vol.  I.— 9* 


202  LIFE    OF  WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

musket,  and  the  voice  of  a  man  crying  for  mercy,  supposed  to  be 
the  unfortunate  Adams.  In  the  morning  Colonel  Williams  was 
detached  with  one  thousand  men,  and  two  hundred  Indians,  to 
intercept  the  enemy  in  their  retreat. 

Within  two  hours  after  their  departure  a  heavy  fire  of  mus- 
ketry, in  the  midst  of  the  forest,  about  three  or  four  miles  off, 
told  of  a  warm  encounter.  The  drums  beat  to  arms ;  all  were 
at  their  posts.  The  firing  grew  sharper  and  sharper,  and  nearer 
and  nearer.  The  detachment  under  Williams  was  evidently  re- 
treating. Colonel  Cole  was  sent  with  three  hundred  men  to  cover 
their  retreat.  The  breastwork  of  trees  was  manned.  Some 
heavy  cannon  were  dragged  up  to  strengthen  the  front.  A  num- 
ber of  men  were  stationed  with  a  field-piece  on  an  eminence  on 
the  left  flank. 

In  a  short  time  fugitives  made  their  appearance ;  first  singly, 
then  in  masses,  flying  in  confusion,  with  a  rattling  fire  behind 
them,  and  the  horrible  Indian  war-whoop.  Consternation  seized 
upon  the  camp,  especially  when  the  French  emerged  from  the  for- 
est in  battle  array,  led  by  the  Baron  Dieskau,  the  gallant  com- 
mander of  Crown  Point.  Had  all  his  troops  been  as  daring  as 
himself,  the  camp  might  have  been  carried  by  assault ;  but  the 
Canadians  and  Indians  held  back,  posted  themselves  behind  trees, 
and  took  to  bush-fighting. 

The  baron  was  left  with  his  regulars  (two  hundred  grenadiers) 
in  front  of  the  camp.  He  kept  up  a  fire  by  platoons,  but  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  do  much  mischief;  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
fired  from  their  coverts.  The  artillery  played  on  them  in  return. 
The  camp,  having  recovered  from  its  panic,  opened  a  fire  of  mus- 
ketry. The  engagement  became  general.  The  French  grenadiers 
stood  their  ground  bravely  for  a  long  time,  but  were  dreadfully 


1755.]  DEATH    OF   DIESKAU.  203 

cut  up  by  the  artillery  and  small  arms.  The  action  slackened 
on  the  part  of  the  French,  until,  after  a  long  contest,  they  gave 
way.  Johnson's  men  and  the  Indians  then  leaped  over  the 
breastwork,  and  a  chance  medley  fight  ensued,  that  ended  in  the 
slaughter,  rout,  or  capture  of  the  enemy. 

The  Baron  de  Dieskau  had  been  disabled  by  a  wound  in  the 
leg.  One  of  his  men,  who  endeavored  to  assist  him,  was  shot 
down  by  his  side.  The  baron,  left  alone  in  the  retreat,  was 
found  by  the  pursuers  leaning  against  the  stump  of  a  tree.  As 
they  approached,  he  felt  for  his  watch  to  insure  kind  treatment 
by  delivering  it  up.  A  soldier,  thinking  he  was  drawing  forth  a 
pistol  to  defend  himself,  shot  him  through  the  hips.  He  was 
conveyed  a  prisoner  to  the  camp,  but  ultimately  died  of  his 
wounds. 

The  baron  had  really  set  off  from  Crown  Point  to  surprise 
Fort  Edward,  and,  if  successful,  to  push  on  to  Albany  and  Sche- 
nectady ;  lay  them  in  ashes,  and  cut  off  all  communication  with 
Oswego.  The  Canadians  and  Indians,  however,  refused  to  attack 
the  fort,  fearful  of  its  cannon ;  he  had  changed  his  plan,  there- 
fore, and  determined  to  surprise  the  camp.  In  the  encounter 
with  the  detachment  under  Williams,  the  brave  Chevalier  Legar- 
deur  de  St.  Pierre  lost  his  life.  On  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
Hendrick,  a  famous  old  Mohawk  sachem,  grand  ally  of  General 
Johnson,  was  slain. 

Johnson  himself  received  a  slight  wound  early  in  the  action, 
and  retired  to  his  tent.  He  did  not  follow  up  the  victory  as  he 
should  have  done,  alleging  that  it  was  first  necessary  to  build  a 
strong  fort  at  his  encampment,  by  way  of  keeping  up  a  communi- 
cation with  Albany,  and  by  the  time  this  was  completed,  it 
would  be  too  late  to  advance  against  Crown  Point.     He  accord- 


204  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*755. 

ingly  erected  a  stockaded  fort,  which  received  the  name  of  Wil- 
liam Henry ;  and  having  garrisoned  it,  returned  to  Albany.  His 
services,  although  they  gained  him  no  laurel- wreath,  were  re- 
warded by  government  with  five  thousand  pounds,  and  a  baro- 
netcy ;  and  he  was  made  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs.* 

*  Johnson's  Letter  to  the  Colonial  Governors,  Sept.  9th,  1753.    London 
Mag.,  1755.,  p.  544.     Holmes'  Am.  Annals,  voL  ii.,  p.  63.     4th  edit.,  1829. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

REFORM  IX  THE  MILITIA  LAWS — DISCIPLINE   OF  THE   TROOPS DAGWORTHY  AND    THE 

QUESTION     OF    PRECEDENCE WASHINGTON'S    JOURNEY    TO     BOSTON STYLE    OF 

TRAVELLING— CONFERENCE   WITH   SHIRLEY THE   EARL  OF  LOUDOUN MILITARY 

RULE   FOR   THE   COLONICS WASHINGTON    AT   NEW  YORK MISS   MARY  PHILIP8E. 

Mortifying  experience  had  convinced  Washington  of  the  ineffi- 
ciency of  the  militia  laws,  and  he  now  set  about  effecting  a  refor- 
mation. Through  his  great  and  persevering  efforts,  an  act  was 
passed  in  the  Virginia  Legislature  giving  prompt  operation  to 
courts-martial ;  punishing  insubordination,  mutiny  and  desertion 
with  adequate  severity;  strengthening  the  authority  of  a  com- 
mander, so  as  to  enable  him  to  enforce  order  and  discipline 
among  officers  as  well  as  privates ;  and  to  avail  himself,  in  time  of 
emergency,  and  for  the  common  safety,  of  the  means  and  services 
of  individuals. 

This  being  effected,  he  proceeded  to  fill  up  his  companies,  and 
to  enforce  this  newly  defined  authority  within  his  camp.  All 
gaming,  drinking,  quarrelling,  swearing,  and  similar  excesses, 
were  prohibited  under  severe  penalties. 

In  disciplining  his  men,  they  were  instructed  not  merely  in 
ordinary  and  regular  tactics,  but  in  all  the  strategy  of  Indian 


206  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1755. 

warfare,  and  what  is  called  "  bush-fighting," — a  knowledge  indis- 
pensable in  the  wild  wars  of  the  wilderness.  Stockaded  forts, 
too,  were  constructed  at  various  points,  as  places  of  refuge  and 
defence,  in  exposed  neighborhoods.  Under  shelter  of  these,  the 
inhabitants  began  to  return  to  their  deserted  homes.  A  shorter 
and  better  road,  also,  was  opened  by  him  between  Winchester  and 
Cumberland,  for  the  transmission  of  reinforcements  and  supplies. 

His  exertions,  however,  were  impeded  by  one  of  those  ques- 
tions of  precedence,  which  had  so  often  annoyed  him,  arising 
from  the  difference  between  crown  and  provincial  commissions. 
Maryland  having  by  a  scanty  appropriation  raised  a  small  militia 
force,  stationed  Captain  Dagworthy,  with  a  company  of  thirty 
men,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  which  stood  within  the  boundaries  of 
that  province.  Dagworthy  had  served  in  Canada  in  the  preced- 
ing war,  and  had  received  a  king's  commission.  This  he  had 
since  commuted  for  half-pay,  and,  of  course,  had  virtually  parted 
with  its  privileges.  He  was  nothing  more,  therefore,  than  a  Ma- 
ryland provincial  captain,  at  the  head  of  thirty  men.  He  now, 
however,  assumed  to  act  under  his  royal  commission,  and  refused 
to  obey  the  orders  of  any  officer,  however  high  his  rank,  who 
merely  held  his  commission  from  a  governor.  Nay,  when  Gover- 
nor, or  rather  Colonel  Innes,  who  commanded  at  the  fort,  was 
called  away  to  North  Carolina  by  his  private  affairs,  the  captain 
took  upon  himself  the  command,  and  insisted  upon  it  as  his  right. 

Parties  instantly  arose,  and  quarrels  ensued  among  the  inferior 
officers  ;  grave  questions  were  agitated  between  the  Governors  of 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  as  to  the  fort  itself;  the  former  claiming 
it  as  within  his  province,  the  latter  insisting  that,  as  it  had  been 
built  according  to  orders  sent  by  the  king,  it  was  the  king's  fort, 
and  could  not  be  subject  to  the  authority  of  Maryland. 


1756.]  JOURNEY    TO    BOSTON.  207 

Washington  refrained  from  mingling  in  this  dispute  ;  but  in- 
timated that  if  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  Virginia 
must  yield  precedence  to  a  Maryland  captain  of  thirty  men,  he 
should  have  to  resign  his  commission,  as  he  had  been  compelled 
to  do  before,  by  a  question  of  military  rank. 

So  difficult  was  it,  however,  to  settle  these  disputes  of  prece- 
dence, especially  where  the  claims  of  two  governors  came  in  col- 
lision, that  it  was  determined  to  refer  the  matter  to  Major-Gen- 
eral  Shirley,  who  had  succeeded  Braddock  in  the  general  com- 
mand of  the  colonies.  For  this  purpose  Washington  was  to  go 
to  Boston,  obtain  a  decision  from  Shirley  of  the  point  in  dispute, 
and  a  general  regulation,  by  which  these  difficulties  could  be  pre- 
vented in  future.  It  was  thought,  also,  that  in  a  conference  with 
the  commander-in-chief  he  might  inform  himself  of  the  military 
measures  in  contemplation. 

Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  February  (1756),  leaving  Colonel 
Adam  Stephens  in  command  of  the  troops,  Washington  set  out 
on  his  mission,  accompanied  by  his  aide-de-camp,  Captain 
George  Mercer  of  Virginia,  and  Captain  Stewart  of  the  Virginia 
light  horse ;  the  officer  who  had  taken  care  of  General  Braddock 
in  his  last  moments. 

In  those  days  the  conveniences  of  travelling,  even  between  our 
main  cities,  were  few,  and  the  roads  execrable.  The  party,  there- 
fore, travelled  in  Virginia  style,  on  horseback,  attended  by  their 
black  servants  in  livery.*     In  this  way  they  accomplished  a  jour- 

*  We  have  hitherto  treated  of  "Washington  in  his  campaigns  in  the 
■wilderness,  frugal  and  scanty  in  his  equipments,  often,  very  probably,  in 
little  better  than  hunter's  garb.  His  present  excursion  through  some  of  the 
Atlantic  cities  presents  him  in  a  different  aspect.  His  recent  intercourse 
with  young  British  officers,  had  probably  elevated  his  notions  as  to  style  in 
dress  and  appearance  ;  at  least  we  are  inclined  to  suspect  so  from  the  fol- 


208  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

ney  of  five  hundred  miles  in  the  depth  of  winter ;  stopping  for 
some  days  at  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Those  cities  were 
then  comparatively  small,  and  the  arrival  of  a  party  of  young 
Southern  officers  attracted  attention.  The  late  disastrous  battle 
was  still  the  theme  of  every  tongue,  and  the  honorable  way  in 
which  these  young  officers  had  acquitted  themselves  in  it,  made 
them  objects  of  universal  interest.  Washington's  fame,  especially, 
had  gone  before  him  ;  having  been  spread  by  the  officers  who  had 
served  with  him,  and  by  the  public  honors  decreed  him  by  the 
Virginia  Legislature.  "  Your  name,"  wrote  his  former  fellow- 
campaigner,  Gist,  in  a  letter  dated  in  the  preceding  autumn,  "  is 
more  talked  of  in  Philadelphia  than  that  of  any  other  person  in 
the  army,  and  every  body  seems  willing  to  venture  under  your 
command." 

With  these  prepossessions  in  his  favor,  when  we  consider 
Washington's  noble  person  and  demeanor,  his  consummate  horse- 
manship, the  admirable  horses  he  was  accustomed  to  ride,  and  the 
aristocratical  style  of  his  equipments,  we  may  imagine  the  effect 
produced  by  himself  and  his  little  cavalcade,  as  they  clattered 

lowing  aristocratical  order  for  clothes,  sent  shortly  before  the  time  in  ques- 
tion, to  his  correspondent  in  London. 

"2  complete  livery  suits  for  servants;  -with  a  spare  cloak,  and  all  other 
necessary  trimmings  for  two  suits  more.  I  would  have  you  choose  the 
livery  by  our  arms,  only  as  the  field  of  the  arms  is  white,  I  think  the 
clothes  had  better  not  be  quite  so,  but  nearly  like  the  inclosed.  The  trim- 
mings and  facings  of  scarlet,  and  a  scarlet  waistcoat.  If  livery  lace  is  not 
quite  disused,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  the  cloaks  laced.  I  like  that  fashion 
best,  and  two  silver-laced  hats  for  the  above  servants. 

"  1  set  of  horse  furniture,  with  livery  lace,  with  the  Washington  crest 
on  the  housings,  <fec.  The  cloak  to  be  of  the  same  piece  and  color  of  the 
clothes. 

"  3  gold  and  scarlet  sword-knots.  8  silver  and  blue  do.  1  fashionable 
gold-laced  hat" 


1756.]  ORDER    RESPECTING   DAGWORTHY.  209 

through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  and  New  York,  and  Boston. 
It  is  needless  to  say,  their  sojourn  in  each  city  was  a  continual 
fete. 

The  mission  to  General  Shirley  was  entirely  successful  as  to 
the  question  of  rank.  A  written  order  from  the  commander-in- 
chief  determined  that  Dagworthy  was  entitled  to  the  rank  of  a 
provincial  captain,  only,  and,  of  course,  must  on  all  occasions 
give  precedence  to  Colonel  Washington,  as  a  provincial  field 
officer.  The  latter  was  disappointed,  however,  in  the  hope  of 
getting  himself  and  his  officers  put  upon  the  regular  establish- 
ment, with  commissions  from  the  king,  and  had  to  remain  sub- 
jected to  mortifying  questions  of  rank  and  etiquette,  when  serving 
in  company  with  regular  troops. 

From  General  Shirley  he  learnt  that  the  main  objects  of  the 
ensuing  campaign  would  be  the  reduction  of  Fort  Niagara,  so  as 
to  cut  off  the  communication  between  Canada  and  Louisiana,  the 
capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  as  a  measure  of  safety 
for  New  York,  the  besieging  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and  the  menacing 
of  Quebec  by  a  body  of  troops  which  were  to  advance  by  the 
Kennebec  River. 

The  official  career  of  General  Shirley  was  drawing  to  a  close. 
Though  a  man  of  good  parts,  he  had  always,  until  recently,  acted 
in  a  civil  capacity,  and  proved  incompetent  to  conduct  military 
operations.  He  was  recalled  to  England,  and  was  to  be  super- 
seded by  General  Abercrombie,  who  was  coming  out  with  two 
regiments. 

The  general  command  in  America,  however,  was  to  be  held 
by  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  who  was  invested  with  powers  almost 
equal  to  those  of  a  viceroy,  being  placed  above  all  the  colonial  gov- 
ernors.    These  might  claim  to  be  civil  and  military  representa- 


210  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1756. 


tives  of  their  sovereign  within  their  respective  colonies ;  but,  even 
there,  were  bound  to  defer  and  yield  precedence  to  this  their 
official  superior.  This  was  part  of  a  plan  devised  long  since,  but 
now  first  brought  into  operation,  by  which  the  ministry  hoped  to 
unite  the  colonies  under  military  rule,  and  oblige  the  Assemblies, 
magistrates,  and  people  to  furnish  quarters  and  provide  a  general 
fund  subject  to  the  control  of  this  military  dictator. 

Beside  his  general  command,  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  was  to  be 
governor  of  Virginia  and  colonel  of  a  royal  American  regiment 
of  four  battalions,  to  be  raised  in  the  colonies,  but  furnished  with 
officers  who,  like  himself,  had  seen  foreign  service.  The  cam- 
paign would  open  on  his  arrival,  which,  it  was  expected,  would  be 
early  in  the  spring ;  and  brilliant  results  were  anticipated. 

"Washington  remained  ten  days  in  Boston,  attending,  with 
great  interest,  the  meetings  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  in 
which  the  plan  of  military  operations  was  ably  discussed;  and 
receiving  the  most  hospitable  attentions  from  the  polite  and  intel- 
ligent society  of  the  place,  after  which  he  returned  to  New  York* 

Tradition  gives  very  different  motives  from  those  of  business 
for  his  two  sojourns  in  the  latter  city.  He  found  there  an  early 
friend  and  school-mate,  Beverly  Robinson,  son  of  John  Robinson, 
speaker  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  He  was  living  hap- 
pily and  prosperously  with  a  young  and  wealthy  bride,  having 
married  one  of  the  nieces  and  heiresses  of  Mr.  Adolphus  Philipse, 
a  rich  landholder,  whose  manor-house  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson.  At  the  house  of  Mr.  Beverly  Robinson, 
where  Washington  was  an  honored  guest,  he  met  Miss  Mary 
Philipse,  sister  of  and  co-heiress  with  Mrs.  Robinson,  a  young 
lady  whose  personal  attractions  are  said  to  have  rivalled  her 
reputed  wealth. 


1756.]  MISS    MARY    PHILIPSE.  211 

We  have  already  given  an  instance  of  Washington's  early 
sensibility  to  female  charms.  A  life,  however,  of  constant  activi- 
ty and  care,  passed  for  the  most  part  in  the  wilderness  and  on  the 
frontier,  far  from  female  society,  had  left  little  mood  or  leisure 
for  the  indulgence  of  the  tender  sentiment ;  but  made  him  more 
sensible,  in  the  present  brief  interval  of  gay  and  social  life,  to  the 
attractions  of  an  elegant  woman,  brought  up  in  the  polite  circle 
of  New  York. 

That  he  was  an  open  admirer  of  Miss  Philipse  is  an  historical 
fact ;  that  he  sought  her  hand,  but  was  refused,  is  traditional,  and 
not  very  probable.  His  military  rank,  his  early  laurels  and  dis- 
tinguished presence,  were  all  calculated  to  win  favor  in  female 
eyes;  but  his  sojourn  in  New  York  was  brief;  he  may  have  been 
diffident  in  urging  his  suit  with  a  lady  accustomed  to  the  homage 
of  society  and  surrounded  by  admirers.  The  most  probable  ver- 
sion of  the  story  is,  that  he  was  called  away  by  his  public  duties 
before  he  had  made  sufficient  approaches  in  his  siege  of  the  lady's 
heart  to  warrant  a  summons  to  surrender.  In  the  latter  part  of 
March  we  find  him  at  Williamsburg  attending  the  opening  of  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  eager  to  promote  measures  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  frontier  and  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne,  the  leading 
object  of  his  ambition.  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  were  erect- 
ing forts  for  the  defence  of  their  own  borders,  but  showed  no 
disposition  to  co-operate  with  Virginia  in  the  field ;  and  artillery, 
artillerymen,  and  engineers  were  wanting  for  an  attack  on  fortified 
places.  Washington  urged,  therefore,  an  augmentation  of  the 
provincial  forces,  and  various  improvements  in  the  militia  laws. 

While  thus  engaged,  he  received  a  letter  from  a  friend  and 
confidant  in  New  York,  warning  him  to  hasten  back  to  that  city 
before  it  was  too  late,  as  Captain  Morris,  who  had  been  his  fellow 


212  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [175ft. 

aide-de-camp  under  Braddock,  was  laying  close  siege  to  Miss 
Philipse.  Sterner  alarms,  however,  summoned  him  in  another 
direction.  Expresses  from  Winchester  brought  word  that  the 
French  had  made  another  sortie  from  Fort  Duquesne,  accompa- 
nied by  a  band  of  savages,  and  were  spreading  terror  and  desola- 
tion through  the  country.  In  this  moment  of  exigency  all  softer 
claims  were  forgotten ;  Washington  repaired  in  all  haste  to  his 
post  at  Winchester,  and  Captain  Morris  was  left  to  urge  his  suit 
unrivalled  and  carry  off  the  prize. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

TROUBLES   IN   THE    SHENANDOAH   VALLEY GREENWAY   COURT    AND    LORD   FAIRFAX 

IN  DANGER ALARMS  AT  WINCHESTER WASHINGTON  APPEALED  TO  FOR  PRO- 
TECTION  ATTACKED  BY  THE  VIRGINIA  PRESS — HONORED  BY  THE  PUBLIC- 
PROJECTS   FOR   DEFENCE — SUGGESTIONS   OF   WASHINGTON THE   GENTLEMEN   AS- 

SOCIATORS RETREAT    OF    THE    SAVAGES EXPEDITION    AGAINST    KITTiNNING 

CAPTAIN  HUGH   MERCER SECOND   STRUGGLE   THROUGH   THE   WILDERNESS. 

Report  had  not  exaggerated  the  troubles  of  the  frontier.  It  was 
marauded  by  merciless  bands  of  savages,  led,  in  some  instances, 
by  Frenchmen.  Travellers  were  murdered,  farm-houses  burnt 
down,  families  butchered,  and  even  stockaded  forts,  or  houses  of 
refuge,  attacked  in  open  day.  The  marauders  had  crossed  the 
mountains  and  penetrated  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah;  and 
several  persons  had  fallen  beneath  the  tomahawk  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Winchester. 

Washington's  old  friend,  Lord  Fairfax,  found  himself  no 
longer  safe  in  his  rural  abode.  Greenway  Court  was  in  the  midst 
of  a  woodland  region,  affording  a  covert  approach  for  the  stealthy 
savage.  His  lordship  was  considered  a  great  chief,  whose  scalp 
would  be  an  inestimable  trophy  for  an  Indian  warrior.  Fears 
were  entertained,  therefore,  by  his  friends,  that  an  attempt  would 
be  made  to  surprise  him  in  his  green-wood  castle.  His  nephew, 
Colonel  Martin,  of  the  militia,  who  resided  with  him,  suggested 


214  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1756 

the  expediency  of  a  removal  to  the  lower  settlements,  beyond  the 
Blue  Ridge.  The  high-spirited  old  nobleman  demurred ;  his 
heart  cleaved  to  the  home  which  he  had  formed  for  himself  in  the 
wilderness.  "  I  am  an  old  man,"  said  he,  "  and  it  is  of  little  im- 
portance whether  I  fall  by  the  tomahawk  or  die  of  disease  and  old 
age ;  but  you  are  young,  and,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  have  many  years 
before  you,  therefore  decide  for  us  both ;  my  only  fear  is,  that  if 
we  retire,  the  whole  district  will  break  up  and  take  to  flight ;  and 
this  fine  country,  which  I  have  been  at  such  cost  and  trouble  to 
improve,  will  again  become  a  wilderness." 

Colonel  Martin  took  but  a  short  time  to  deliberate.  He  knew 
the  fearless  character  of  his  uncle,  and  perceived  what  was  his 
inclination.  He  considered  that  his  lordship  had  numerous  re- 
tainers, white  and  black,  with  hardy  huntsmen  and  foresters  to 
rally  round  him,  and  that  Greenway  Court  was  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  Winchester ;  he  decided,  therefore,  that  they  should 
remain  and  abide  the  course  of  events. 

"Washington,  on  his  arrival  at  Winchester,  found  the  inhabi- 
tants in  great  dismay.  He  resolved  immediately  to  organize  a 
force,  composed  partly  of  troops  from  Fort  Cumberland,  partly 
of  militia  from  Winchester  and  its  vicinity,  to  put  himself  at  its 
head,  and  "  scour  the  woods  and  suspected  places  in  all  the  moun- 
tains and  valleys  of  this  part  of  the  frontier,  in  quest  of  the  In- 
dians and  their  more  cruel  associates." 

He  accordingly  despatched  an  express  to  Fort  Cumberland 
with  orders  for  a  detachment  from  the  garrison ;  "  but  how,"  said 
he,  "  are  men  to  be  raised  at  Winchester,  since  orders  are  no 
longer  regarded  in  the  county  ?  " 

Lord  Fairfax,  and  other  militia  officers  with  whom  he  consult- 
ed, advised  that  each  captain  should  call  a  private  muster  of  his 


1Y56.]  WINCHESTER    IN    TERROR.  215 

men,  and  read  before  them  an  address,  or  "  exhortation  "  as  it  was 
called,  being  an  appeal  to  their  patriotism  and  fears,  and  a  sum- 
mons to  assemble  on  the  15th  of  April  to  enroll  themselves  for 
the  projected  mountain  foray. 

This  measure  was  adopted ;  the  private  musterings  occurred  ; 
the  exhortation  was  read ;  the  time  and  place  of  assemblage  ap- 
pointed ;  but,  when  the  day  of  enrolment  arrived,  not  more  than 
fifteen  men  appeared  upon  the  ground.  In  the  mean  time  the 
express  returned  with  sad  accounts  from  Fort  Cumberland.  No 
troops  could  be  furnished  from  that  quarter.  The  garrison  was 
scarcely  strong  enough  for  self-defence,  having  sent  out  detach- 
ments in  different  directions.  The  express  had  narrowly  escaped 
with  his  life,  having  been  fired  upon  repeatedly,  his  horse  shot 
under  him,  and  his  clothes  riddled  with  bullets.  The  roads,  he 
said,  were  infested  by  savages ;  none  but  hunters,  who  knew  how 
to  thread  the  forests  at  night,  could  travel  with  safety. 

Horrors  accumulated  at  Winchester.  Every  hour  brought  its 
tale  of  terror,  true  or  false,  of  houses  burnt,  families  massacred, 
or  beleaguered  and  famishing  in  stockaded  forts.  The  danger 
approached.  A  scouting  party  had  been  attacked  in  the  Warm 
Spring  Mountain,  about  twenty  miles  distant,  by  a  large  body  of 
French  and  Indians,  mostly  on  horseback.  The  captain  of  the 
scouting  party  and  several  of  his  men  had  been  slain,  and  the  rest 
put  to  flight. 

An  attack  on  Winchester  was  apprehended,  and  the  terrors  of 
the  people  rose  to  agony.  They  now  turned  to  Washington  as 
their  main  hope.  The  women  surrounded  him,  holding  up  their 
children,  and  imploring  him  with  tears  and  cries  to  save  them 
from  the  savages.  The  youthful  commander  looked  round  on  the 
suppliant  crowd  with  a  countenance  beaming  with  pity,  and  a 


216  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*756. 

heart  wrung  with  anguish.  A  letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie 
shows  the  conflict  of  his  feelings.  "  I  am  too  little  acquainted 
with  pathetic  language  to  attempt  a  description  of  these  people's 
distresses.  But  what  can  I  do  ?  I  see  their  situation ;  I  know 
their  danger,  and  participate  their  sufferings,  without  having  it 
in  my  power  to  give  them  further  relief  than  uncertain  promises." 
— "  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving  petitions 
of  the  men,  melt  me  into  such  deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  de- 
clare, if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing 
sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  provided  that  would  contribute 
to  the  people's  ease." 

The  unstudied  eloquence  of  this  letter  drew  from  the  governor 
an  instant  order  for  a  militia  force  from  the  upper  counties  to  his 
assistance;  but  the  Virginia  newspapers,  in  descanting  on  the 
frontier  troubles,  threw  discredit  on  the  army  and  its  officers, 
and  attached  blame  to  its  commander.  Stung  to  the  quick  by 
this  injustice,  Washington  publicly  declared  that  nothing  but  the 
imminent  danger  of  the  times  prevented  him  from  instantly  re- 
signing a  command  from  which  he  could  never  reap  either  honor 
or  benefit.  His  sensitiveness  called  forth  strong  letters  from  his 
friends,  assuring  him  of  the  high  sense  entertained  at  the  seat  of 
government,  and  elsewhere,  of  his  merits  and  services.  "  Your 
good  health  and  fortune  are  the  toast  of  every  table,"  wrote  his 
early  friend,  Colonel  Fairfax,  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  gov- 
ernor's council.  "  Your  endeavors  in  the  service  and  defence  of 
your  country  must  redound  to  your  honor." 

"  Our  hopes,  dear  George,"  wrote  Mr.  Robinson,  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  "  are  all  fixed  on  you  for  bringing 
our  affairs  to  a  happy  issue.  Consider  what  fatal  consequences 
to  your  country  your  resigning  the  command  at  this  time  may 


1*756.]  SCANTY    RELIEF.  217 

be,  especially  as  there  is  no  doubt  most  of  the  officers  will  follow 
your  example." 

In  fact,  the  situation  and  services  of  the  youthful  commander, 
shut  up  in  a  frontier  town,  destitute  of  forces,  surrounded  by  sav- 
age foes,  gallantly,  though  despairingly,  devoting  himself  to  the 
safety  of  a  suffering  people,  were  properly  understood  throughout 
the  country,  and  excited  a  glow  of  enthusiasm  in  his  favor.  The 
Legislature,  too,  began  at  length  to  act,  but  timidly  and  ineffi- 
ciently. "  The  country  knows  her  danger,"  writes  one  of  the 
members,  "  but  such  is  her  parsimony  that  she  is  willing  to  wait 
for  the  rains  to  wet  the  powder,  and  the  rats  to  eat  the  bow- 
strings of  the  enemy,  rather  than  attempt  to  drive  them  from  her 
frontiers." 

The  measure  of  relief  voted  by  the  Assembly  was  an  addi- 
tional appropriation  of  twenty  thousand  pounds,  and  an  increase 
of  the  provincial  force  to  fifteen  hundred  men.  With  this,  it  was 
proposed  to  erect  and  garrison  a  chain  of  frontier  forts,  extend- 
ing through  the  ranges  of  the  Allegany  Mountains,  from  the  Po- 
tomac to  the  borders  of  North  Carolina ;  a  distance  of  between 
three  and  four  hundred  miles.  This  was  one  of  the  inconsiderate 
projects  devised  by  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

Washington,  in  letters  to  the  governor  and  to  the  speaker  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses,  urged  the  impolicy  of  such  a  plan,  with 
their  actual  force  and  means.  The  forts,  he  observed,  ought  to 
be  within  fifteen  or  eighteen  miles  of  each  other,  that  their  spies 
might  be  able  to  keep  watch  over  the  intervening  country,  other- 
wise the  Indians  would  pass  between  them  unperceived,  effect 
their  ravages,  and  escape  to  the  mountains,  swamps,  and  ravines, 
befoYe  the  troops  from  the  forts  could  be  assembled  to  pursue 
them.    They  ought  each  to  be  garrisoned  with  eighty  or  a  hundred 

Yol.  T.— 10 


218  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

men,  so  as  to  afford  detachments  of  sufficient  strength,  without 
leaving  the  garrison  too  weak;  for  the  Indians  are  the  most 
stealthy  and  patient  of  spies  and  lurkers ;  will  lie  in  wait  for 
days  together  about  small  forts  of  the  kind,  and,  if  they  find,  by 
some  chance  prisoner,  that  the  garrison  is  actually  weak,  will 
first  surprise  and  cut  off  its  scouting  parties,  and  then  attack  the 
fort  itself.  It  was  evident,  therefore,  observed  he,  that  to  garri- 
son properly  such  a  line  of  forts,  would  require,  at  least,  two 
thousand  men.  And  even  then,  a  line  of  such  extent  might  be 
broken  through  at  one  end  before  the  other  end  could  yield  as- 
sistance. Feint  attacks,  also,  might  be  made  at  one  point,  while 
the  real  attack  was  made  at  another,  quite  distant ;  and  the  coun- 
try be  overrun  before  its  widely-posted  defenders  could  be  alarmed 
and  concentrated.  Then  must  be  taken  into  consideration  the 
immense  cost  of  building  so  many  forts,  and  the  constant  and  con- 
suming expense  of  supplies  and  transportation. 

His  idea  of  a  defensive  plan  was  to  build  a  strong  fort  at  Win- 
chester, the  central  point,  where  all  the  main  roads  met  of  a  wide 
range  of  scattered  settlements,  where  tidings  could  soonest  be  col- 
lected from  every  quarter,  and  whence  reinforcements  and  supplies 
could  most  readily  be  forwarded.  It  was  to  be  a  grand  deposit 
of  military  stores,  a  residence  for  commanding  officers,  a  place  of 
refuge  for  the  women  and  childre.i  in  time  of  alarm,  when  the 
men  had  suddenly  to  take  the  field ;  in  a  word,  it  was  to  be  the 
citadel  of  the  frontier. 

Beside  this,  he  would  have  three  or  four  large  fortresses 
erected  at  convenient  distances  upon  the  frontiers,  with  powerful 
garrisons,  so  as  to  be  able  to  throw  out,  in  constant  succession, 
strong  scouting  parties,  to  range  the  country.  Fort  Cumberland 
he  condemned  as  being  out  of  the  province,  and  out  of  the  track 


1756.]  MILITARY    REFORMS.  219 

of  Indian  incursions  ;  insomuch  that  it  seldom  received  an  alarm 
until  all  the  mischief  had  been  effected. 

His  representations  with  respect  to  military  laws  and  regula- 
tions were  equally  cogent.  In  the  late  act  of  the  Assembly  for 
raising  a  regiment,  it  was  provided  that,  in  cases  of  emergency,  if 
recruits  should  not  offer  in  sufficient  number,  the  militia  might  be 
drafted  to  supply  the  deficiencies,  but  only  to  serve  until  Decem- 
ber, and  not  to  be  marched  out  of  the  province.  In  this  case, 
said  he,  before  they  have  entered  upon  service,  or  got  the  least 
smattering  of  duty,  they  will  claim  a  discharge ;  if  they  are  pur- 
suing an  enemy  who  has  committed  the  most  unheard-of  cruelties, 
he  has  only  to  step  across  the  Potomac,  and  he  is  safe.  Then  as 
to  the  limits  of  service,  they  might  just  as  easily  have  been  en- 
listed for  seventeen  months,  as  seven.  They  would  then  have 
been  seasoned  as  well  as  disciplined;  "for  we  find  by  experience," 
says  he,  "  that  our  poor  ragged  soldiers  would  kill  the  most  active 
militia  in  five  days'  marching." 

Then,  as  to  punishments  :  death,  it  was  true, iad  been  decreed 
for  mutiny  and  desertion ;  but  there  was  no  punishment  for  cow- 
ardice ;  for  holding  correspondence  with  the  enemy ;  for  quitting,  or 
sleeping  on  one's  post ;  all  capital  offences,  according  to  the  military 
codes  of  Europe  Neither  were  there  provisions  for  quartering  or 
billeting  soldiers,  or  impressing  waggons  and  other  conveyances, 
in  times  of  exigency.  To  crown  all,  no  court-martial  could  sit 
out  of  Virginia ;  a  most  embarrassing  regulation,  when  troops 
were  fifty  or  a  hundred  miles  beyond  the  frontier.  He  earnestly 
suggested  amendments  on  all  these  points,  as  well  as  with  regard 
to  the  soldiers'  pay;  which  was  less  than  that  of  the  regular 
troops,  or  the  troops  of  most  of  the  other  provinces. 

All  these  suggestions,  showing  at  this  youthful  age  that  fore- 


220  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

thought  and  circumspection  which  distinguished  him  throughout 
life,  were  repeatedly  and  eloquently  urged  upon  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  with  very  little  effect.  The  plan  of  a  frontier  line  of 
twenty-three  forts  was  persisted  in.  Fort  Cumberland  was  per- 
tinaciously kept  up  at  a  great  and  useless  expense  of  men  and 
money,  and  the  militia  laws  remained  lax  and  inefficient.  It  was 
decreed,  however,  that  the  great  central  fort  at  Winchester 
recommended  by  Washington,  should  be  erected. 

In  the  height  of  the  alarm,  a  company  of  one  hundred  gentle 
men,  mounted  and  equipped,  volunteered  their  services  to  repaii 
to  the  frontier.  They  were  headed  by  Peyton  Randolph,  attor- 
ney-general, a  man  deservedly  popular  throughout  the  province. 
Their  offer  was  gladly  accepted.  They  were  denominated  the 
"Gentlemen  Associators,"  and  great  expectations,  of  course, 
were  entertained  from  their  gallantry  and  devotion.  They  were 
empowered,  also,  to  aid  with  their  judgment  in  the  selection  of 
places  for  frontier  forts. 

The  "  Gentlemen  Associators,"  like  all  gentlemen  associators 
in  similar  emergencies,  turned  out  with  great  zeal  and  spirit,  and 
immense  popular  effect,  but  wasted  their  fire  in  preparation,  and 
on  the  march.  Washington,  who  well  understood  the  value  of 
such  aid,  observed  dryly  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  "  I 
am  heartily  glad  that  you  have  fixed  upon  these  gentlemen  to 
point  out  the  places  for  erecting  forts,  but  regret  to  find  their 
motions  so  slow."  There  is  no  doubt  that  they  would  have  con- 
ducted themselves  gallantly,  had  they  been  put  to  the  test ;  but 
before  they  arrived  near  the  scene  of  danger  the  alarm  was  over. 
About  the  beginning  of  May,  scouts  brought  in  word  that  the 
tracks  of  the  marauding  savages  tended  toward  Fort  Duquesne, 
as  if  on  the  return.     In  a  little  while  it  was  ascertained  that  they 


H5fi.]  EXPEDITION    AGAINST    KITTANNING.  221 

had  recrossed  the  Allegany  Mountain  to  the  Ohio  in  such  num- 
bers as  to  leave  a  beaten  track,  equal  to  that  made  in  the  preced- 
ing year  by  the  army  of  Braddock. 

The  repeated  inroads  of  the  savages  called  for  an  effectual 
and  permanent  check.  The  idea  of  being  constantly  subject  to 
the  irruptions  of  a  deadly  foe,  that  moved  with  stealth  and  mys- 
tery, and  was  only  to  be  traced  by  its  ravages,  and  counted  by  its 
footprints,  discouraged  all  settlement  of  the  country.  The  beau- 
tiful valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  fast  becoming  a  deserted  and 
a  silent  place.  Her  people,  for  the  most  part,  had  fled  to  the 
older  settlements  south  of  the  mountains,  and  the  Blue  Ridge 
was  likely  soon  to  become  virtually  the  frontier  line  of  the  pro- 
vince. 

We  have  to  record  one  signal  act  of  retaliation  on  the  per- 
fidious tribes  of  the  Ohio,  in  which  a  person  whose  name  subse- 
quently became  dear  to  Americans,  was  concerned.  Prisoners 
who  had  escaped  from  the  savages  reported  that  Shingis,  Wash- 
ington's faithless  ally,  and  another  sachem,  called  Captain  Jacobs, 
were  the  two  heads  of  the  hostile  bands  that  had  desolated  the 
frontier.  That  they  lived  at  Kittanning,  an  Indian  town,  about 
forty  miles  above  Fort  Duquesne ;  at  which  their  warriors  were 
fitted  out  for  incursions,  and  whither  they  returned  with  their 
prisoners  and  plunder.  Captain  Jacobs  was  a  daring  fellow,  and 
scoffed  at  palisadoed  forts.  "  He  could  take  any  fort,"  he  said, 
"  that  would  catch  fire." 

A  party  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  provincials,  resolute  men, 
undertook  to  surprise,  and  destroy  this  savage  nest.  It  was 
commanded  by  Colonel  John  Armstrong ;  and  with  him  went 
Doctor,  now  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  eager  to  revenge  the  savage 
atrocities  of  which  he  had  been  a  witness  at  the  defeat  of  Brad- 
dock. 


222  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*756. 

Armstrong  led  his  men  rapidly,  but  secretly,  over  mountain, 
and  through  forest,  until,  after  a  long  and  perilous  march,  they 
reached  the  Allegany.  It  was  a  moonlight  night  when  they  arrived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Kittanning.  They  were  guided  to  the 
village  by  whoops  and  yells,  and  the  sound  of  the  Indian  drum. 
The  warriors  were  celebrating  their  exploits  by  the  triumphant 
scalp-dance.  After  a  while  the  revel  ceased,  and  a  number  of 
fires  appeared  here  and  there  in  a  corn-field.  They  were  made 
by  such  of  the  Indians  as  slept  in  the  open  air,  and  were  intended 
to  drive  off  the  gnats.  Armstrong  and  his  men  lay  down  "  quiet 
and  hush,"  observing  every  thing  narrowly,  and  waiting  until  the 
moon  should  set,  and  the  warriors  be  asleep.  At  length  the 
moon  went  down,  the  fires  burned  low ;  all  was  quiet.  Arm- 
strong now  roused  his  men,  some  of  whom,  wearied  by  their  long 
march,  had  fallen  asleep.  He  divided  his  forces ;  part  were  to 
attack  the  warriors  in  the  corn-field,  part  were  despatched  to  the 
houses,  which  were  dimly  seen  by  the  first  streak  of  day.  There 
was  sharp  firing  in  both  quarters,  for  the  Indians,  though  taken 
by  surprise,  fought  bravely,  inspired  by  the  war-whoop  of  their 
chief,  Captain  Jacobs.  The  women  and  children  fled  to  the  woods. 
Several  of  the  provincials  were  killed  and  wounded.  Captain 
Hugh  Mercer  received  a  wound  in  the  arm,  and  was  taken  to  the 
top  of  a  hill.  The  fierce  chieftain,  Captain  Jacobs,  was  besieged 
in  his  house,  which  had  port-holes ;  whence  he  and  his  warriors 
made  havoc  among  the  assailants.  The  adjoining  houses  were  set 
on  fire.  The  chief  was  summoned  to  surrender  himself.  He  re- 
plied he  was  a  man,  and  would  not  be  a  prisoner.  He  was  told 
he  would  be  burnt.  His  reply  was,  "  he  would  kill  four  or  five 
before  he  died."  The  flames  and  smoke  approached.  "  One  of 
the  besieged  warriors,  to  show  his  manhood,  began  to  sing.     A 


1756.]  BURNING    OF    KITTANNING.  223 

squaw  at  the  same  time  was  heard  to  cry,  but  was  severely  re- 
buked by  the  men."  * 

In  the  end,  the  warriors  were  driven  out  by  the  flames ;  some 
escaped,  and  some  were  shot.  Among  the  latter  was  Captain 
Jacobs,  and  his  gigantic  son,  said  to  be  seven  feet  high.  Fire 
was  now  set  to  all  the  houses,  thirty  in  number.  "  During  the 
burning  of  the  houses,"  says  Colonel  Armstrong,  "  we  were  agree- 
ably entertained  with  a  quick  succession  of  charged  guns, 
gradually  firing  off  as  reached  by  the  fire,  but  much  more  so 
with  the  vast  explosion  of  sundry  bags,  and  large  kegs  of  powder, 
wherewith  almost  every  house  abounded."  The  colonel  was  in  a 
strange  condition  to  enjoy  such  an  entertainment,  having  received 
a  wound  from  a  large  musket-ball  in  the  shoulder. 

The  object  of  the  expedition  was  accomplished.  Thirty  or 
forty  of  the  warriors  were  slain ;  their  stronghold  was  a  smoking 
ruin.  There  was  danger  of  the  victors  being  cut  off  by  a  detach- 
ment from  Fort  Duquesne.  They  made  the  best  of  their  way, 
therefore,  to  their  horses,  which  had  been  left  at  a  distance,  and 
set  off  rapidly  on  their  march  homewards. 

Captain  Hugh  Mercer  was  again  left  behind,  wounded.  He 
had  another  long,  solitary,  and  painful  struggle  through  the  wil- 
derness, and  again  reached  Fort  Cumberland  sick,  weary,  and 
'half  famished.  Heaven  reserved  him  to  illustrate  a  more  distin- 
guished page  in  American  history,  f 

*  Letter  from  Col.  Armstrong. 
f  Colonial  Register,  vii.,  251. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

FOUNDING   OF  FORT   LOUDOUN WASHINGTON'S  TOUR   OF  INSPECTION INEFFICIENCY 

OF    THE   MILITIA   SYSTEM — GENTLEMEN    SOLDIERS CROSS-PURPOSES   WITH   DIN- 

WIDDIE MILITARY   AFFAIRS   IN   THE   NORTH — DELAYS   OF  LORD    LOUDOUN AC- 
TIVITY  OF  MONTCALM LOUDOUN  IN  WINTER  QUARTERS. 

Throughout  the  summer  of  1756,  Washington  exerted  himself 
diligently  in  carrying  out  measures  determined  upon  for  frontier 
security.  The  great  fortress  at  Winchester  was  commenced,  and 
the  work  urged  forward  as  expeditiously  as  the  delays  and  per- 
plexities incident  to  a  badly  organized  service  would  permit.  It 
received  the  name  of  Fort  Loudoun,  in  honor  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  whose  arrival  in  Virginia  was  hopefully  anticipated. 

As  to  the  sites  of  the  frontier  posts,  they  were  decided  upon 
by  Washington  and  his  officers,  after  frequent  and  long  consulta- 
tions ;  parties  were  sent  out  to  work  on  them,  and  men  recruited, 
and  militia  drafted,  to  garrison  them.  Washington  visited  occa- 
sionally such  as  were  in  progress,  and  near  at  hand.  It  was  a 
service  of  some  peril,  for  the  mountains  and  forests  were  still  in- 
fested by  prowling  savages,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of 
these  new  forts.  At  one  time  when  he  was  reconnoitering  a  wild 
part  of  the  country,  attended  merely  by  a  servant  and  a  guide, 


1756.]  INEFFICIENCY    OF    THE    MILITIA.  225 

two  men  were  murdered  by  the  Indians  in  a  solitary  defile  shortly 
after  he  had  passed  through  it. 

In  the  autumn,  he  made  a  tour  of  inspection  along  the  whole 
line,  accompanied  by  his  friend,  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  who  had 
recovered  from  his  recent  wounds.  This  tour  furnished  repeated 
proofs  of  the  inefficiency  of  the  militia  system.  In  one  place  he 
attempted  to  raise  a  force  with  which  to  scour  a  region  infested 
by  roving  bands  of  savages.  After  waiting  several  days,  but  five 
men  answered  to  his  summons.  In  another  place,  where  three 
companies  had  been  ordered  to  the  relief  of  a  fort,  attacked  by 
the  Indians,  all  that  could  be  mustered  were  a  captain,  a  lieuten- 
ant, and  seven  or  eight  men. 

"When  the  militia  were  drafted,  and  appeared  under  arms,  the 
case  was  not  much  better.  It  was  now  late  in  the  autumn; 
their  term  of  service,  by  the  act  of  the  Legislature,  expired  in 
December, — half  of  the  time,  therefore,  was  lost  in  marching  out 
and  home.  Their  waste  of  provisions  was  enormous.  To  be  put 
on  allowance,  like  other  soldiers,  they  considered  an  indignity. 
They  would  sooner  starve  than  carry  a  few  days'  provisions  on 
their  backs.  On  the  march,  when  breakfast  was  wanted,  they 
would  knock  down  the  first  beeves  they  met  with,  and,  after  regal- 
ing themselves,  march  on  till  dinner,  when  they  would  take  the 
same  method  ;  and  so  for  supper,  to  the  great  oppression  of  the 
people.  For  the  want  of  proper  military  laws,  they  were  obsti- 
nate, self-willed,  and  perverse.  Every  individual  had  his  own 
crude  notion  of  things,  and  would  undertake  to  direct.  If  his 
advice  were  neglected,  he  would  think  himself  slighted,  abused, 
and  injured,  and,  to  redress  himself,  would  depart  for  his  home. 

The  garrisons  were  weak  for  want  of  men,  but  more  so  from 
indolence  and  irregularity.     None  were  in  a  posture  of  defence ; 

Vol.  I.— 10* 


226  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

few  but  might  be  surprised  with  the  greatest  ease.  At  one  fort, 
the  Indians  rushed  from  their  lurking-place,  pounced  upon  sev- 
eral children  playing  under  the  walls,  and  bore  them  off  before 
they  were  discovered.  Another  fort  was  surprised,  and  many  of 
the  people  massacred  in  the  same  manner.  In  the  course  of -his 
tour,  as  he  and  his  party  approached  a  fort,  he  heard  a  quick 
firing  for  several  minutes ;  concluding  that  it  was  attacked,  they 
hastened  to  its  relief,  but  found  the  garrison  were  merely  amus- 
ing themselves  firing  at  a  mark,  or  for  wagers.  Id  this  way  they 
would  waste  their  ammunition  as  freely  as  they  did  their  pro- 
visions. In  the  mean  time,  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were 
in  a  wretched  situation,  feeling  the  little  dependence  to  be  put  on 
militia,  who  were  slow  in  coming  to  their  assistance,  indifferent 
about  their  preservation,  unwilling  to  continue,  and  regardless  of 
every  thing  but  of  their  own  ease.  In  short,  they  were  so  appre- 
hensive of  approaching  ruin,  that  the  whole  back  country  was  in  a 
general  motion  towards  the  southern  colonies. 

From  the  Catawba,  he  was  escorted  along  a  range  of  forts  by 
a  colonel,  and  about  thirty  men,  chiefly  officers.  "  With  this 
small  company  of  irregulars,"  says  he,  "  with  whom  order,  regu- 
larity, circumspection,  and  vigilance  were  matters  of  derision  and 
contempt,  we  set  out,  and,  by  the  protection  of  Providence, 
reached  Augusta  court-house  in  seven  days,  without  meeting  the 
enemy ;  otherwise,  we  must  have  fallen  a  sacrifice,  through  the 
indiscretion  of  these  whooping,  hallooing,  gentlemen  soldiers ! " 

How  lively  a  picture  does  this  give  of  the  militia  system  at 
all  times,  when  not  subjected  to  strict  military  law. 

What  rendered  this  year's  service  peculiarly  irksome  and  em- 
barrassing to  Washington,  was  the  nature  of  his  correspondence 
with  Governor  Dinwiddie.      That   gentleman,  either   from   the 


1*756.]  CROSS-PURPOSES.  227 

natural  hurry  and  confusion  of  his  mind,  or  from  a  real  dispo- 
sition to  perplex,  was  extremely  ambiguous  and  unsatisfactory  in 
most  of  his  orders  and  replies.  "  So  much  am  I  kept  in  the 
dark,"  says  Washington,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  that  I  do  not 
know  whether  to  prepare  for  the  offensive  or  defensive.  What 
would  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  one,  would  be  quite  useless 
for  the  other."  And  again :  "  The  orders  I  receive  are  full  of 
ambiguity.  I  am  left  like  a  wanderer  in  the  wilderness,  to  pro- 
ceed at  hazard.  I  am  answerable  for  consequences,  and  blamed, 
without  the  privilege  of  defence." 

In  nothing  was  this  disposition  to  perplex  more  apparent 
than  in  the  governor's  replies  respecting  Fort  Cumberland. 
Washington  had  repeatedly  urged  the  abandonment  of  this  fort 
as  a  place  of  frontier  deposit,  being  within  the  bounds  of  another 
province,  and  out  of  the  track  of  Indian  incursion ;  so  that  often 
the  alarm  would  not  reach  there  until  after  the  mischief  had  been 
effected.  He  applied,  at  length,  for  particular  and  positive  direc- 
tions from  the  governor  on  this  head.  "  The  following,"  says 
he,  "  is  an  exact  copy  of  his  answer : — '  Fort  Cumberland  is  a 
Icing's  fort,  and  built  chiefly  at  the  charge  of  the  colony,  there- 
fore properly  under  our  direction  until  a  new  governor  is  ap- 
pointed.' Now,  whether  I  am  to  understand  this  aye  or  no  to 
the  plain  simple  question  asked,  Is  the  fort  to  be  continued  or 
removed  ?  I  know  not.  But  in  all  important  matters  I  am  di- 
rected in  this  ambiguous  and  uncertain  way." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  subsequently  made  himself  explicit  on 
this  point.  Taking  offence  at  some  of  Washington's  comments 
on  the  military  affairs  of  the  frontier,  he  made  the  stand  of  a  self- 
willed  and  obstinate  man,  in  the  case  of  Fort  Cumberland ;  and 
represented  it  in  such  light  to  Lord  Loudoun,  as  to  draw  from 


228  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

his  lordship  an  order  that  it  should  be  kept  up :  and  an  implied 
censure  of  the  conduct  of  Washington  in  slighting  a  post  of  such 
paramount  importance.  "  I  cannot  agree  with  Colonel  Washing- 
ton," writes  his  lordship,  "  in  not  drawing  in  the  posts  from  the 
stockade  forts,  in  order  to  defend  that  advanced  one ;  and  I 
should  imagine  much  more  of  the  frontier  will  be  exposed  by  re- 
tiring your  advanced  posts  near  Winchester,  where  I  understand 
he  is  retired ;  for,  from  your  letter,  I  take  it  for  granted  he  has 
before  this  executed  his  plan,  without  waiting  for  any  advice.  If 
he  leaves  any  of  the  great  quantity  of  stores  behind,  it  will  be 
very  unfortunate,  and  he  ought  to  consider  that  it  must  lie  at  his 
own  door." 

Thus  powerfully  supported,  Dinwiddie  went  so  far  as  to  order 
that  the  garrisons  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  stockades  and 
small  frontier  forts,  and  most  of  the  troops  from  Winchester,  to 
strengthen  Fort  Cumberland,  which  was  now  to  become  head- 
quarters ;  thus  weakening  the  most  important  points  and  places, 
to  concentrate  a  force  where  it  was  not  wanted,  and  would  be  out 
of  the  way  in  most  cases  of  alarm.  By  these  meddlesome  moves, 
made  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  from  a  distance,  without  knowing 
any  thing  of  the  game,  all  previous  arrangements  were  reversed, 
every  thing  was  thrown  into  confusion,  and  enormous  losses  and 
expenses  were  incurred. 

"  Whence  it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly  ignorant,"  writes 
Washington  to  Mr.  Speaker  Robinson,  "  but  my  strongest  repre- 
sentations of  matters  relative  to  the  frontiers  are  disregarded  as 
idle  and  frivolous ;  my  propositions  and  measures  as  partial  and 
selfish;  and  all  my  sincerest  endeavors  for  the  service  of  my 
country  are  perverted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders  are 
dark  and  uncertain ;  to-day  approved,  to-morrow  disapproved." 


1756.]  MILITARY    AFFAIRS    IN    THE    NORTH.  229 

Whence  all  this  contradiction  and  embarrassment  arose  has 
since  been  explained,  and  with  apparent  reason.  Governor  Din- 
widdie  had  never  recovered  from  the  pique  caused  by  the  popular 
elevation  of  Washington  to  the  command  in  preference  to  his  fa- 
vorite, Colonel  limes.  His  irritation  was  kept  alive  by  a  little 
Scottish  faction,  who  were  desirous  of  disgusting  Washington 
with  the  service,  so  as  to  induce  him  to  resign,  and  make 
way  for  his  rival.  They  might  have  carried  their  point  during 
the  panic  at  Winchester,  had  not  his  patriotism  and  his  sympa- 
thy with  the  public  distress  been  more  powerful  than  his  self-love. 
He  determined,  he  said,  to  bear  up  under  these  embarrassments 
in  the  hope  of  better  regulations  when  Lord  Loudoun  should 
arrive ;  to  whom  he  looked  for  the  future  fate  of  Virginia. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  on  the  Virginia  frontier, 
military  affairs  went  on  tardily  and  heavily  at  the  north.  The 
campaign  against  Canada,  which  was  to  have  opened  early  in  the 
year,  hung  fire.  The  armament  coming  out  for  the  purpose, 
under  Lord  Loudoun,  was  delayed  through  the  want  of  energy 
and  union  in  the  British  cabinet.  General  Abercrombie,  who 
was  to  be  next  in  command  to  his  lordship,  and  to  succeed  to 
General  Shirley,  set  sail  in  advance  for  New  York  with  two  regi- 
ments, but  did  not  reach  Albany,  the  head-quarters  of  military 
operation,  until  the  25th  of  June.  He  billeted  his  soldiers 
upon  the  town,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  inhabitants,  and  talked 
of  ditching  and  stockading  it,  but  postponed  all  exterior  enter- 
prises until  the  arrival  of  Lord  Loudoun ;  then  the  campaign  was 
to  open  in  earnest. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  came  word  that  the  forts  Ontario  and 
Oswego,  on  each  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Oswego  River,  were 
menaced  by  the  French.     They  had  been  imperfectly  constructed 


230  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1756. 

by  Shirley,  and  were  insufficiently  garrisoned,  yet  contained  a 
great  amount  of  military  and  naval  stores,  and  protected  the  ves- 
sels which  cruised  on  Lake  Ontario. 

Major-general  Webb  was  ordered  by  Abercrombie  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  march  with  one  regiment  to  the  relief  of 
these  forts,  but  received  no  further  orders.  Every  thing  awaited 
the  arrival  at  Albany  of  Lord  Loudoun,  which  at  length  took 
place,  on  the  29th  of  July.  There  were  now  at  least  ten  thou- 
sand troops,  regulars  and  provincials,  loitering  in  an  idle  camp  at 
Albany,  yet  relief  to  Oswego  was  still  delayed.  Lord  Loudoun 
was  in  favor  of  it,  but  the  governments  of  New  York  and  New 
England  urged  the  immediate  reduction  of  Crown  Point,  as  neces- 
sary for  the  security  of  their  frontier.  After  much  debate,  it 
was  agreed  that  General  Webb  should  march  to  the  relief  of  Os- 
wego. He  left  Albany  on  the  12th  of  August,  but  had  scarce 
reached  the  carrying-place,  between  the  Mohawk  River  and  Wood 
Creek,  when  he  received  news  that  Oswego  was  reduced,  and  its 
garrison  captured.  While  the  British  commanders  had  debated, 
Field-marshal  the  Marquis  De  Montcalm,'  newly  arrived  from 
France,  had  acted.  He  was  a  different  kind  of  soldier  from 
Abercrombie  or  Loudoun.  A  capacious  mind  and  enterprising 
spirit  animated  a  small,  but  active  and  untiring  frame.  Quick  in 
thought,  quick  in  speech,  quicker  still  in  action,  he  comprehended 
every  thing  at  a  glance,  and  moved  from  point  to  point  of  the 
province  with  a  celerity  and  secrecy  that  completely  baffled  his 
slow  and  pondering  antagonists.  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga 
were  visited,  and  steps  taken  to  strengthen  their  works,  and  pro- 
vide for  their  security ;  then  hastening  to  Montreal,  he  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  force  of  regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians ; 
ascended  the  St.   Lawrence  to  Lake  Ontario;    blocked  up  the 


1756.]  LOUDOUN   IN    WINTER    QUARTERS.  231 

mouth  of  the  Oswego  by  his  vessels,  landed  his  guns,  and  be- 
sieged the  two  forts  ;  drove  the  garrison  out  of  one  into  the 
other ;  killed  the  commander,  Colonel  Mercer,  and  compelled  the 
garrisons  to  surrender  prisoners  of  war.  With  the  forts  was 
taken  an  immense  amount  of  military  stores,  ammunition,  and 
provisions ;  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  cannon,  fourteen  mor- 
tars, six  vessels  of  war,  a  vast  number  of  batteaux,  and  three 
chests  of  money.  His  blow  achieved,  Montcalm  returned  in  tri- 
umph to  Montreal,  and  sent  the  colors  of  the  captured  forts  to  be 
hung  up  as  trophies  in  the  Canadian  churches. 

The  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  for  Lord  Loudoun  to 
enter  upon  any  great  military  enterprise ;  he  postponed,  there- 
fore, the  great  northern  campaign,  so  much  talked  of  and  de- 
bated, until  the  following  year ;  and  having  taken  measures  for 
the  protection  of  his  frontiers,  and  for  more  active  operations  in 
the  spring,  returned  to  New  York,  hung  up  his  sword,  and  went 
into  comfortable  winter -quarters. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

WASHINGTON    VINDICATES   IIIS   CONDUCT   TO   LORD   LOUDOUN — HIS  RECEPTION  BY  IH3 

LORDSHIP — MILITARY     PLANS LORD     LOUDOUN     AT     HALIFAX MONTCALM      ON 

LAKE    GEORGE HIS    TRIUMPHS LORD     LOUDOUN'S    FAILURES — WASHINGTON    AT 

WINCHESTER — CONTINUED    MISUNDERSTANDINGS   WITH    DINWIDDIE RETURN    TO 

MOUNT    VERNON. 

Circumstances  had  led  Washington  to  think  that  Lord  Loudoun 
"  had  received  impressions  to  his  prejudice  by  false  representations 
of  facts,"  and  that  a  wrong  idea  prevailed  at  head-quarters  re- 
specting the  state  of  military  affairs  in  Virginia.  He  was  anx- 
ious, therefore,  for  an  opportunity  of  placing  all  these  matters  m 
a  proper  light ;  and,  understanding  that  there  was  to  be  a  meet- 
ing in  Philadelphia  in  the  month  of  March,  between  Lord  Lou- 
doun and  the  southern  governors,  to  consult  about  measures  of 
defence  for  their  respective  provinces,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie  for  permission  to  attend  it. 

11 1  cannot  conceive,"  writes  Dinwiddie  in  reply,  "  what  ser- 
vice you  can  be  of  in  going  there,  as  the  plan  concerted  will,  in 
course,  be  communicated  to  you  and  the  other  officers.  However, 
as  you  seem  so  earnest  to  go,  I  now  give  you  leave." 

This  ungracious  reply  seemed  to  warrant  the  suspicions  enter- 
tained by  some  of  Washington's  friends,  that  it  was  the  busy  pen 


1757.]  LETTER    TO   LORD    LOUDOUN.  233 

of  Governor  Dinwiddie  which  had  given  the  "  false  representation 
of  facts,"  to  Lord  Loudoun.  About  a  month,  therefore,  before 
the  time  of  the  meeting,  Washington  addressed  a  long  letter  to 
his  lordship,  explanatory  of  military  affairs  in  the  quarter  where 
he  had  commanded.  In  this  he  set  forth  the  various  defects  in 
the  militia  laws  of  Virginia ;  the  errors  in  its  system  of  defence, 
and  the  inevitable  confusion  which  had  thence  resulted. 

Adverting  to  his  own  conduct :  "  The  orders  I  receive,"  said 
he,  "  are  full  of  ambiguity.  I  am  left  like  a  wanderer  in  the 
wilderness  to  proceed  at  hazard.  I  am  answerable  for  conse- 
quences, and  blamed,  without  the  privilege  of  defence.  ***** 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if,  under  such  peculiar  circumstances, 
I  should  be  sick  of  a  service  which  promises  so  little  of  a  soldier's 
reward. 

"  I  have  long  been  satisfied  of  the  impossibility  of  continuing 
in  this  service,  without  loss  of  honor.  Indeed,  I  was  fully  con- 
vinced of  it  before  I  accepted  the  command  the  second  time,  see- 
ing the  cloudy  prospect  before  me ;  and  I  did,  for  this  reason,  re- 
ject the  offer,  until  I  was  ashamed  any  longer  to  refuse,  not 
caring  to  expose  my  character  to  public  censure.  The  solicitations 
of  the  country  overcame  my  objections,  and  induced  me  to  accept 
it.  Another  reason  has  of  late  operated  to  continue  me  in  the 
service  until  now,  and  that  is,  the  dawn  of  hope  that  arose,  when 
I  heard  your  lordship  was  destined,  by  his  majesty,  for  the  im- 
portant command  of  his  armies  in  America,  and  appointed  to  the 
government  of  his  dominion  of  Virginia.  Hence  it  was,  that  I 
drew  my  hopes,  and  fondly  pronounced  your  lordship  our  patron. 
Although  I  have  not  the  honor  to  be  known  to  your  lordship,  yet 
your  name  was  familiar  to  my  ear,  on  account  of  the  important 
services  rendered  to  his  majesty  in  other  parts  of  the  world." 


234  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1757. 


The  manner  in  which  Washington  was  received  by  Lord 
Loudoun  on  arriving  in  Philadelphia,  showed  him  at  once,  that 
his  long,  explanatory  letter  had  produced  the  desired  effect,  and 
that  his  character  and  conduct  were  justly  appreciated.  During 
his  sojourn  in  Philadelphia  he  was  frequently  consulted  on  points 
of  frontier  service,  and  his  advice  was  generally  adopted.  On 
one  point  it  failed.  He  advised  that  an  attack  should  be  made  on 
Fort  Duquesne,  simultaneous  with  the  attempts  on  Canada.  At 
such  time  a  great  part  of  the  garrison  would  be  drawn  away  to 
aid  in  the  defence  of  that  province,  and  a  blow  might  be  struck 
more  likely  to  insure  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  southern  fron- 
tier, than  all  its  forts  and  defences. 

Lord  Loudoun,  however,  was  not  to  be  convinced,  or  at  least 
persuaded.  According  to  his  plan,  the  middle  and  southern 
provinces  were  to  maintain  a  merely  defensive  warfare ;  and  as 
Virginia  would  be  required  to  send  four  hundred  of  her  troops  to 
the  aid  of  South  Carolina,  she  would,  in  fact,  be  left  weaker  than 
before. 

"Washington  was  also  disappointed  a  second  time,  in  the  hope 
of  having  his  regiment  placed  on  the  same  footing  as  the  regular 
army,  and  of  obtaining  a  king's  commission ;  the  latter  he  was 
destined  never  to  hold. 

His  representations  with  respect  to  Fort  Cumberland  had  the 
desired  effect  in  counteracting  the  mischievous  intermeddling  of 
Dinwiddie.  The  Virginia  troops  and  stores  were  ordered  to  be 
again  removed  to  Fort  Loudoun,  at  Winchester,  which  once  more 
became  head-quarters,  while  Fort  Cumberland  was  left  to  be  occu- 
pied by  a  Maryland  garrison.  Washington  was  instructed,  like- 
wise, to  correspond  and  co-operate,  in  military  affairs,  with  Colo- 
nel Stanwix,  who  was  stationed  on  the  Pennsylvania  frontier,  with 


1757.] 


MONTCALM    ON    LAKE    GEORGE.  235 


five  hundred  men  from  the  Royal  American  regiment,  and  to  whom 
he  would  be,  in  some  measure,  subordinate.  This  proved  a  cor- 
respondence of  friendship,  as  well  as  duty;  Colonel  Stanwix  being 
a  gentleman  of  high  moral  worth,  as  well  as  great  ability  in  mili- 
tary affairs. 

The  great  plan  of  operations  at  the  north  was  again  doomed 
to  failure.  The  reduction  of  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain, 
which  had  long  been  meditated,  was  laid  aside,  and  the  capture  of 
Louisburg  substituted,  as  an  acquisition  of  far  greater  impor- 
tance. This  was  a  place  of  great  consequence,  situated  on  the 
isle  of  Cape  Breton,  and  strongly  fortified.  It  commanded  the 
fisheries  of  Newfoundland,  overawed  New  England,  and  was  a 
main  bulwark  to  Acadia. 

In  the  course  of  July,  Lord  Loudoun  set  sail  for  Halifax 
with  all  the  troops  he  could  collect,  amounting  to  about  six  thou- 
sand men,  to  join  with  Admiral  Holbourne,  who  had  just  arrived 
at  that  port  with  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  a  fire-ship,  bomb-ketch, 
and  fleet  of  transports,  having  on  board  six  thousand  men.  "With 
this  united  force  Lord  Loudoun  anticipated  the  certain  capture  of 
Louisburg. 

Scarce  had  the  tidings  of  his  lordship's  departure  reached 
Canada,  when  the  active  Montcalm  again  took  the  field,  to  follow 
up  the  successes  of  the  preceding  year.  Fort  "William  Henry, 
which  Sir  Wm,  Johnson  had  erected  on  the  southern  shore  of 
Lake  George,  was  now  his  object ;  it  commanded  the  lake,  and 
was  an  important  protection  to  the  British  frontier.  A  brave  old 
officer,  Colonel  Monro,  with  about  five  hundred  men,  formed  the 
garrison ;  more  than  three  times  that  number  of  militia  were  in- 
trenched near  by.  Montcalm  had,  early  in  the  season,  made  three 
ineffectual  attempts  upon  the  fort ;  he  now  trusted  to  be  more  sue- 


236  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1757. 

cessful.  Collecting  his  forces  from  Crown  Point,  Ticonderoga, 
and  the  adjacent  posts,  with  a  considerable  number  of  Canadians 
and  Indians,  altogether  nearly  eight  thousand  men,  he  advanced 
up  the  lake,  on  the  1st  of  August,  in  a  fleet  of  boats,  with  swarms 
of  Indian  canoes  in  the  advance.  The  fort  came  near  being  sur- 
prised ;  but  the  troops  encamped  without  it,  abandoned  their  tents 
and  hurried  within  the  works.  A  summons  to  surrender  was 
answered  by  a  brave  defiance.  Montcalm  invested  the  fort,  made 
his  approaches,  and  battered  it  with  his  artillery.  For  five  days 
its  veteran  commander  kept  up  a  vigorous  defence,  trusting  to  re- 
ceive assistance  from  General  Webb,  who  had  failed  to  relieve 
Fort  Oswego  in  the  preceding  year,  and  who  was  now  at  Fort 
Edward,  about  fifteen  miles  distant,  with  upwards  of  five  thou- 
sand men.  Instead  of  this,  Webb,  who  overrated  the  French 
forces,  sent  him  a  letter,  advising  him  to  capitulate.  The  letter 
was  intercepted  by  Montcalm,  but  still  forwarded  to  Monro.  The 
obstinate  old  soldier,  however,  persisted  in  his  defence,  until  most 
of  his  cannon  were  burst,  and  his  ammunition  expended.  At 
length,  in  the  month  of  August,  he  hung  out  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
obtained  honorable  terms  from  an  enemy  who  knew  how  to  appre- 
ciate his  valor.  Montcalm  demolished  the  fort,  carried  off  all  the 
artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  with  vessels  employed  in  the  navi- 
gation of  the  lake ;  and  having  thus  completed  his  destruction  of 
the  British  defences  on  this  frontier,  returned  once  more  in  tri- 
umph with  the  spoils  of  victory,  to  hang  up  fresh  trophies  in  the 
churches  of  Canada. 

Lord  Loudoun,  in  the  mean  time,  formed  his  junction  with 
Admiral  Holbourne  at  Halifax,  and  the  troops  were  embarked  with 
all  diligence  on  board  of  the  transports.  Unfortunately,  the 
French  were  again  too  quick  for  them.     Admiral  de  Bois  de  la 


1757.]  .  DISASTERS    AT    LOUISBURG.  237 

Mothe  had  arrived  at  Louisburg,  with  a  large  naval  and  land 
force ;  it  was  ascertained  that  he  had  seventeen  ships  of  the  line, 
and  three  frigates,  quietly  moored  in  the  harbor ;  that  the  place 
was  well  fortified  and  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition, 
and  garrisoned  with  six  thousand  regular  troops,  three  thousand 
natives,  and  thirteen  hundred  Indians. 

Some  hot-heads  would  have  urged  an  attempt  against  all  such 
array  of  force,  but  Lord  Loudoun  was  aware  of  the  probability 
of  defeat,  and  the  disgrace  and  ruin  that  it  would  bring  upon 
British  arms  in  America.  He  wisely,  though  ingloriously,  re- 
turned to  New  York.  Admiral  Holbourne  made  a  silly  demon- 
stration of  his  fleet  off  the  harbor  of  Louisburg,  approaching 
within  two  miles  of  the  batteries,  but  retired  on  seeing  the  French 
admiral  preparing  to  unmoor.  He  afterwards  returned  with  a 
reinforcement  of  four  ships  of  the  line;  cruised  before  Louisburg, 
endeavoring  to  draw  the  enemy  to  an  engagement,  which  De  la 
Mothe  had  the  wisdom  to  decline ;  was  overtaken  by  a  hurricane, 
in  which  one  of  his  ships  was  lost,  eleven  were  dismasted,  others 
had  to  throw  their  guns  overboard,  and  all  returned  in  a  shattered 
condition  to  England.  Thus  ended  the  northern  campaign  by 
land  and  sea,  a  subject  of  great  mortification  to  the  nation,  and 
ridicule  and  triumph  to  the  enemy. 

During  these  unfortunate  operations  to  the  north,  Washington 
was  stationed  at  Winchester,  shorn  of  part  of  his  force  by  the 
detachment  to  South  Carolina,  and  left  with  seven  hundred  men 
to  defend  a  frontier  of  more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in 
extent.  The  capture  and  demolition  of  Oswego  by  Montcalm 
had  produced  a  disastrous  effect.  The  whole  country  of  the  five 
nations  was  abandoned  to  the  French.  The  frontiers  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Maryland,  and  Virginia  were  harassed  by  repeated  inroads 


238  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*757 

of  French  and  Indians,  and  Washington  had  the  mortification  to 
see  the  noble  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  almost  deserted  by  its  in- 
habitants, and  fast  relapsing  into  a  wilderness. 

The  year  wore  away  on  his  part  in  the  harassing  service  of 
defending  a  wide  frontier  with  an  insufficient  and  badly  organized 
force,  and  the  vexations  he  experienced  were  heightened  by  con- 
tinual misunderstandings  with  Governor  Dinwiddie.  From  the 
ungracious  tenor  of  several  of  that  gentleman's  letters,  and  from 
private  information,  he  was  led  to  believe  that  some  secret  enemy 
had  been  making  false  representations  of  his  motives  and  con- 
duct, and  prejudicing  the  governor  against  him.  He  vindicated 
himself  warmly  from  the  alleged  aspersions,  proudly  appealing  to 
the  whole  course  of  his  public  career  in  proof  of  their  falsity. 
"  It  is  uncertain,"  said  he,  "  in  what  light  my  services  may  have 
appeared  to  your  honor ;  but  this  I  know,  and  it  is  the  highest 
consolation  I  am  capable  of  feeling,  that  no  man  that  ever  was 
employed  in  a  public  capacity  has  endeavored  to  discharge  the 
trust  reposed  in  him  with  greater  honesty  and  more  zeal  for  the 
country's  interest  than  I  have  done;  and  if  there  is  any  person 
living  who  can  say,  with  justice,  that  I  have  offered  any  inten- 
tional wrong  to  the  public,  I  will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  most 
ignominious  punishment  that  an  injured  people  ought  to  inflict. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  hard  to  have  my  character  arraigned, 
and  my  actions  condemned,  without  a  hearing." 

His  magnanimous  appeal  had  but  little  effect.  Dinwiddie  was 
evidently  actuated  by  the  petty  pique  of  a  narrow  and  illiberal 
mind,  impatient  of  contradiction,  even  when  in  error.  He  took 
advantage  of  his  official  station  to  vent  his  spleen  and  gratify  his 
petulance  in  a  variety  of  ways  incompatible  with  the  courtesy  of 
a  gentleman.     It  may  excite  a  grave  smile  at  the  present  day  to 


1758.]  OFFICIAL    CENSORIOUSNESS.  239 

find  Washington  charged  by  this  very  small-minded  man  with 
looseness  in  his  way  of  writing  to  him ;  with  remissness  in  his  duty 
towards  him ;  and  even  with  impertinence  in  the  able  and  eloquent 
representations  which  he  felt  compelled  to  make  of  disastrous  mis- 
management in  military  affairs ;  and  still  more,  to  find  his  rea- 
sonable request,  after  a  long  course  of  severe  duty,  for  a  tempora- 
ry leave  of  absence  to  attend  to  his  private  concerns  peremptorily 
refused,  and  that  with  as  little  courtesy  as  though  he  were  a  mere 
subaltern  seeking  to  absent  himself  on  a  party  of  pleasure. 

The  multiplied  vexations  which  Washington  had  latterly  ex- 
perienced from  this  man,  had  preyed  upon  his  spirits,  and  con- 
tributed, with  his  incessant  toils  and  anxieties,  to  undermine  his 
health.  For  some  time  he  struggled  with  repeated  attacks  of 
dysentery  and  fever,  and  continued  in  the  exercise  of  his  duties ; 
but  the  increased  violence  of  his  malady,  and  the  urgent  advice 
of  his  friend  Dr.  Craik,  the  army  surgeon,  induced  him  to 
relinquish  his  post  towards  the  end  of  the  year  and  retire  to 
Mount  Yernon. 

The  administration  of  Dinwiddie,  however,  was  now  at  an 
end.  He  set  sail  for  England  in  January,  1758,  very  little  re- 
gretted, excepting  by  his  immediate  hangers-on,  and  leaving  a 
character  overshadowed  by  the  imputation  of  avarice  and  extor- 
tion in  the  exaction  of  illegal  fees,  and  of  downright  delinquency 
in  regard  to  large  sums  transmitted  to  him  by  government  to  be 
paid  over  to  the  province  in  indemnification  of  its  extra  expenses ; 
for  the  disposition  of  which  sums  he  failed  to  render  an  account. 

He  was  evidently  a  sordid,  narrow-minded,  and  somewhat  ar- 
rogant man ;  bustling  rather  than  active ;  prone  to  meddle  with 
matters  of  which  he  was  profoundly  ignorant,  and  absurdly  un- 
willing to  have  his  ignorance  enlightened. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

WASHINGTON  RECOVERS  HIS  HEALTH AGAIN  IN  COMMAND  AT  FORT  LOUDOUN AD- 
MINISTRATION   OF    PITT LOUDOUN     SUCCEEDED    BY    GENERAL     ABERCROMBIE 

MILITARY  ARRANGEMENTS WASHINGTON  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  VIRGINIA 

FORCES — AMHERST     AGAINST      LOUISBURG GENERAL     WOLFE MONTGOMERY 

CAPTURE    OF    LOUISBURG — ABERCROMBIE    ON   LAKE     GEORGE — DEATH    OF    LORD 
HOWE — REPULSE  OF  ABERCROMBIE — SUCCESS  OF  BRADSTREET  AT  OSWEGO. 

For  several  months  Washington  was  afflicted  by  returns  of  his 
malady,  accompanied  by  symptoms  indicative,  as  he  thought,  of 
a  decline.  "  My  constitution,"  writes  he  to  his  friend  Colonel 
Stanwix,  "  is  much  impaired,  and  nothing  can  retrieve  it  but  the 
greatest  care  and  the  most  circumspect  course  of  life.  This  being 
the  case,  as  I  have  now  no  prospect  left  of  preferment  in  the  mili- 
tary way,  and  despair  of  rendering  that  immediate  service  which 
my  country  may  require  from  the  person  commanding  its  troops, 
I  have  thoughts  of  quitting  my  command  and  retiring  from  all 
public  business,  leaving  my  post  to  be  filled  by  some  other  person 
more  capable  of  the  task,  and  who  may,  perhaps,  have  his  endea- 
vors crowned  with  better  success  than  mine  have  been." 

A  gradual  improvement  in  his  health,  and  a  change  in  his 
prospects,  encouraged  him  to  continue  in  what  really  was  his 
favorite  career,  and  at  the  beginning  of  April  he  was  again  in 


1758.]  ADMINISTRATION    OF    PITT.  241 

command  at  Fort  Loudoun.  Mr.  Francis  Fauquier  had  been 
appointed  successor  to  Dinwiddie,  and,  until  he  should  arrive, 
Mr.  John  Blair,  president  of  the  council,  had,  from  his  office, 
charge  of  the  government.  In  the  latter  "Washington  had  a  friend 
who  appreciated  his  character  and  services,  and  was  disposed  to 
carry  out  his  plans. 

The  general  aspect  of  affairs,  also,  was  more  animating.  Un- 
der the  able  and  intrepid  administration  of  William  Pitt,  who 
had  control  of  the  British  cabinet,  an  effort  was  made  to  retrieve 
the  disgraces  of  the  late  American  campaign,  and  to  carry  on  the 
war  with  greater  vigor.  The  instructions  for  a  common  fund 
were  discontinued ;  there  was  no  more  talk  of  taxation  by  Parlia- 
ment. Lord  Loudoun,  from  whom  so  much  had  been  anticipated, 
had  disappointed  by  his  inactivity,  and  been  relieved  from  a  com- 
mand in  which  he  had  attempted  much  and  done  so  little.  His 
friends  alleged  that  his  inactivity  was  owing  to  a  want  of  unanimi- 
ty and  co-operation  in  the  colonial  governments,  which  paralyzed 
all  his  well  meant  efforts.  Franklin,  it  is  probable,  probed  the 
matter  with  his  usual  sagacity  when  he  characterized  him  as  a 
man  "  entirely  made  up  of  indecision." — "  Like  St.  George  on  the 
signs,  he  was  always  on  horseback,  but  never  rode  on." 

On  the  return  of  his  lordship  to  England,  the  general  com- 
mand in  America  devolved  on  Major-general  Abercrombie,  and 
the  forces  were  divided  into  three  detached  bodies ;  one,  under 
Major-general  Amherst,  was  to  operate  in  the  north  with  the  fleet 
under  Boscawen,  for  the  reduction  of  Louisburg  and  the  island  of 
Cape  Breton ;  another,  under  Abercrombie  himself,  was  to  pro- 
ceed against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  on  Lake  Champlain ; 
and  the  third,  under  Brigadier-general  Forbes,  who  had  the 
charge  of  the  middle  and  southern  colonies,  was  to  undertake  the 

Yot,  T.— 11 


242  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne.  The  colonial  troops  were  to  be  sup- 
plied, like  the  regulars,  with  arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  pro- 
visions, at  the  expense  of  government,  but  clothed  and  paid  by 
the  colonies ;  for  which  the  king  would  recommend  to  Parliament 
a  proper  compensation.  The  provincial  officers  appointed  by  the 
governors,  and  of  no  higher  rank  than  colonel,  were  to  be  equal 
in  command,  when  united  in  service  with  those  who  held  direct 
from  the  king,  according  to  the  date  of  their  commissions.  By 
these  wise  provisions  of  Mr.  Pitt  a  fertile  cause  of  heartburnings 
and  dissensions  was  removed. 

It  was  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  Washington  saw  his  fa 
vorite  measure  at  last  adopted,  the  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne , 
and  he  resolved  to  continue  in  the  service  until  that  object  was 
accomplished.  In  a  letter  to  Stanwix,  who  was  now  a  brigadier 
general,  he  modestly  requested  to  be  mentioned  in  favorable  terms 
to  General  Forbes,  "  not,"  said  he,  il  as  a  person  who  would  de- 
pend upon  him  for  further  recommendation  to  military  prefer- 
ment (for  I  have  long  conquered  all  such  inclinations,  and  shall 
serve  this  campaign  merely  for  the  purpose  of  affording  my  best 
endeavors  to  bring  matters  to  a  conclusion),  but  as  a  person  who 
would  gladly  be  distinguished  in  some  measure  from  the  common 
run  of  provincial  officers,  as  I  understand  there  will  be  a  motley 
herd  of  us."  He  had  the  satisfaction  subsequently  of  enjoying 
the  fullest  confidence  of  General  Forbes,  who  knew  too  well  the 
sound  judgment  and  practical  ability  evinced  by  him  in  the  un- 
fortunate campaign  of  Braddock  not  to  be  desirous  of  availing 
himself  of  his  counsels. 

"Washington  still  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia 
troops,  now  augmented,  by  an  act  of  the  Assembly,  to  two  regi- 
ments of  one  thousand  men  each ;  one  led  by  himself,  the  other 


1768.]  LETTER    TO    HALKET.  243 

by  Colonel  Byrd ;  the  whole  destined  to  make  a  part  of  the  army 
of  General  Forbes  in  the  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne. 

Of  the  animation  which  he  felt  at  the  prospect  of  serving  in 
this  long-desired  campaign,  and  revisiting  with  an  effective  force 
the  scene  of  past  disasters,  we  have  a  proof  in  a  short  letter, 
written  during  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  to  Major  Francis 
Halket,  his  former  companion  in  arms. 

"  My  dear  Halket : — Are  we  to  have  you  once  more  among 
us  ?  And  shall  we  revisit  together  a  hapless  spot,  that  proved  so 
fatal  to  many  of  our  former  brave  companions  ?  Yes  ;  and  I  re- 
joice at  it,  hoping  it  will  now  be  in  our  power  to  testify  a  just 
abhorrence  of  the  cruel  butcheries  exercised  on  our  friends  in 
the  unfortunate  day  of  General  Braddock's  defeat;  and,  more- 
over, to  show  our  enemies,  that  we  can  practise  all  that  lenity  of 
which  they  only  boast,  without  affording  any  adequate  proof." 

Before  we  proceed,  to  narrate  the  expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne, however,  we  will  briefly  notice  the  conduct  of  the  two 
other  expeditions,  which  formed  important  parts  in  the  plan  of 
military  operations  for  the  year.  And  first,  of  that  against  Lou- 
isburg  and  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton. 

Major-general  Amherst,  who  conducted  this  expedition,  em- 
barked with  between  ten  and  twelve  thousand  men,  in  the  fleet  of 
Admiral  Boscawen,  and  set  sail  about  the  end  of  May,  from  Hali- 
fax, in  Nova  Scotia.  Along  with  him  went  Brigadier-general 
James  Wolfe,  an  officer  young  in  years,  but  a  veteran  in  military 
experience,  and  destined  to  gain  an  almost  romantic  celebrity. 
He  may  almost  be  said  to  have  been  born  in  the  camp,  for  he  was 
the  son  of  Major-general  Wolfe,  a  veteran  officer  of  merit,  and 
when  a  lad  had  witnessed  the  battles  of  Dettingen  and  Fontenoy. 
While  a  mere  youth  he  had  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of 


244  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [IT 58. 

Laffeldt,  in  the  Netherlands;  and  now,  after  having  been  eighteen 
years  in  the  service,  he  was  but  thirty-one  years  of  age.  In 
America,  however,  he  was  to  win  his  lasting  laurels. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  the  fleet  arrived  at  the  Bay  of  Gabarus, 
about  seven  miles  to  the  west  of  Louisburg.  The  latter  place 
was  garrisoned  by  two  thousand  five  hundred  regulars,  and  three 
hundred  militia,  and  subsequently  reinforced  by  upwards  of  four 
hundred  Canadians  and  Indians.  In  the  harbor  were  six  ships- 
of-the-line,  and  five  frigates ;  three  of  which  were  sunk  across  the 
mouth.  For  several  days  the  troops  were  prevented  from  landing 
by  boisterous  weather,  and  a  heavy  surf.  The  French  improved 
that  time  to  strengthen  a  chain  of  forts  along  the  shore,  deepen- 
ing trenches,  and  constructing  batteries. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  preparations  for  landing  were  made  be- 
fore daybreak.  The  troops  were  embarked  in  boats  in  three  divi- 
sions, under  Brigadiers  Wolfe,  Whetmore,  and  Laurens.  The 
landing  was  to  be  attempted  west  of  the  harbor,  at  a  place  feebly 
secured.  Several  frigates  and  sloops  previously  scoured  the  beach 
with  their  shot,  after  which  Wolfe  pulled  for  shore  with  his  divi- 
sions ;  the  other  two  divisions  distracting  the  attention  of  the 
enemy,  by  making  a  show  of  landing  in  other  parts.  The  surf 
still  ran  high,  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry 
from  their  batteries,  many  boats  were  upset,  many  men  slain,  but 
Wolfe  pushed  forward,  sprang  into  the  water  when  the  boats 
grounded,  dashed  through  the  surf  with  his  men,  stormed  the 
enemy's  breastworks  and  batteries,  and  drove  them  from  the  shore. 
Among  the  subalterns  who  stood  by  Wolfe  on  this  occasion,  was 
an  Irish  youth,  twenty- one  years  of  age,  named  Richard  Mont- 
gomery, whom,  for  his  gallantry,  Wolfe  promoted  to  a  lieutenancy, 
and  who  was  destined,  in  after  years,  to  gain  an  imperishable  re- 


1758.] 


CAPTURE   OF    LOUISBURG.  245 


nown.  The  other  divisions  effected  a  landing  after  a  severe  con 
flict ;  artillery  and  stores  were  brought  on  shore,  and  Louisburg 
was  formally  invested. 

The  weather  continued  boisterous  ;  the  heavy  cannon,  and  the 
various  munitions  necessary  for  a  siege,  were  landed  with  difficulty. 
Amherst,  moreover,  was  a  cautious  man,  and  made  his  approaches 
slowly,  securing  his  camp  by  redoubts  and  epaulements.  The 
Chevalier  Drucour,  who  commanded  at  Louisburg,  called  in  his 
outposts,  and  prepared  for  a  desperate  defence;  keeping  up  a 
heavy  fire  from  his  batteries,  and  from  the  ships  in  the  harbor. 

Wolfe,  with  a  strong  detachment,  surprised  at  night,  and  took 
possession  of  Light  House  Point,  on  the  north-east  side  of  the 
entrance  to  the  harbor.  Here  he  threw  up  batteries  in  addition 
to  those  already  there,  from  which  he  was  enabled  greatly  to  annoy 
both  town  and  shipping,  as  well  as  to  aid  Amherst  in  his  slow, 
but  regular  and  sure  approaches. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  the  three  largest  of  the  enemy's  ships 
were  set  on  fire  by  a  bombshell.  On  the  night  of  the  25th  two 
other  of  the  ships  were  boarded,  sword  in  hand,  from  boats  of  the 
squadron;  one  being  aground,  was  burnt,  the  other  was  towed 
out  of  the  harbor  in  triumph.  The  brave  Drucour  kept  up  the 
defence  until  all  the  ships  were  either  taken  or  destroyed ;  forty, 
out  of  fifty-two  pieces  of  cannon  dismounted,  and  his  works  mere 
heaps  of  ruins.  When  driven  to  capitulate,  he  refused  the  terms 
proposed,  as  being  too  severe,  and,  when  threatened  with  a  gen- 
eral assault,  by  sea  and  land,  determined  to  abide  it,  rather  than 
submit  to  what  he  considered  a  humiliation.  The  prayers  and 
petitions  of  the  inhabitants,  however,  overcame  his  obstinacy. 
The  place  was  surrendered,  and  he  and  his  garrison  became  prison- 
ers of  war.     Captain  Amherst,   brother  to  the  general,  carried 


246  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1758. 


home  the  news  to  England,  with  eleven  pair  of  colors,  taken  at 
Louisburg.  There  were  rejoicings  throughout  the  kingdom. 
The  colors  were  borne  in  triumph  through  the  streets  of  London, 
with  a  parade  of  horse  and  foot,  kettle  drums  and  trumpets, 
and  the  thunder  of  artillery,  and  were  put  up  as  trophies  in  St. 
Paul's  Cathedral. 

Boscawen,  who  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  received  a 
unanimous  vote  of  praise  from  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the 
youthful  "Wolfe,  who  returned  shortly  after  the  victory  to  Eng- 
land, was  hailed  as  the  hero  of  the  enterprise. 

We  have  disposed  of  one  of  the  three  great  expeditions  con- 
templated in  the  plan  of  the  year's  campaign.  The  second  was 
that  against  the  French  forts  on  Lakes  George  and  Champlain. 
At  the  beginning  of  July,  Abercrombie  was  encamped  on  the 
borders  of  Lake  George,  with  between  six  and  seven  thousand 
regulars,  and  upwards  of  nine  thousand  provincials,  from  New 
England,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey.  Major  Israel  Putnam,  of 
Connecticut,  who  had  served  on  this  lake,  under  Sir  William 
Johnson,  in  the  campaign  in  which  Dieskau  was  defeated  and 
slain,  had  been  detached  with  a  scouting  party  to  reconnoitre  the 
neighborhood.  After  his  return  and  report,  Abercrombie  pre- 
pared to  proceed  against  Ticonderoga,  situated  on  a  tongue  of 
land  in  Lake  Champlain,  at  the  mouth  of  the  strait  communica- 
ting with  Lake  George. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  the  forces  were  embarked  in  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  whale-boats,  and  nine  hundred  batteaux,  with  the 
artillery  on  rafts.  The  vast  flotilla  proceeded  slowly  down  the 
lake,  with  banners  and  pennons  fluttering  in  the  summer  breeze ; 
arms  glittering  in  the  sunshine,  and  martial  music  echoing  along 
the  wood-clad  mountains.     With  Abercrombie  went  Lord  Howe, 


1758.]  DEATH    OF    LORD    HOWE.  247 

a  young  nobleman  brave  and  enterprising,  full  of  martial  enthu- 
siasm, and  endeared  to  the  soldiery  by  the  generosity  of  his  dis- 
position, and  the  sweetness  of  his  manners. 

On  the  first  night  they  bivouacked  for  some  hours  at  Sabbath- 
day  Point,  but  re-embarked  before  midnight.  The  next  day 
they  landed  on  a  point  on  the  western  shore,  just  at  the  entrance 
of  the  strait  leading  to  Lake  Champlain.  Here  they  were  formed 
into  three  columns,  and  pushed  forward. 

They  soon  came  upon  the  enemy's  advanced  guard,  a  battalion 
encamped  behind  a  log  breastwork.  The  French  set  fire  to  their 
camp,  and  retreated.  The  columns  kept  their  form,  and  pressed 
forward,  but,  through  ignorance  of  their  guides,  became  bewil- 
dered in  a  dense  forest,  fell  into  confusion,  and  blundered  upon 
each  other. 

Lord  Howe  urged  on  with  the  van  of  the  right  centre  column. 
Putnam,  who  was  with  him,  and  more  experienced  in  forest  war- 
fare, endeavored  in  vain  to  inspire  him  with  caution.  After  a 
time  they  came  upon  a  detachment  of  the  retreating  foe,  who, 
like  themselves,  had  lost  their  way.  A  severe  conflict  ensued. 
Lord  Howe,  who  gallantly  led  the  van,  was  killed  at  the  onset. 
His  fall  gave  new  ardor  to  his  troops.  The  enemy  were  routed, 
some  slain,  some  drowned,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  taken 
prisoners,  including  five  oflicers.  Nothing  further  was  done  that 
day.  The  death  of  Lord  Howe  more  than  counterbalanced  the 
defeat  of  the  enemy.  His  loss  was  bewailed  not  merely  by  the 
army,  but  by  the  American  people  5  for  it  is  singular  how  much 
this  young  nobleman,  in  a  short  time,  had  made  himself  beloved. 
The  point  near  which  the  troops  had  landed  still  bears  his  name ; 
the  place  where  he  fell  is  still  pointed  out ;  and  Massachusetts 
voted  him  a  monument  in  Westminster  Abbey. 


248  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

With  Lord  Howe  expired  the  master  spirit  of  the  enterprise. 
Abercrombie  fell  back  to  the  landing-place.  The  next  day  he 
sent  out  a  strong  detachment  of  regulars,  royal  provincials,  and 
batteaux  men,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Bradstreet,  of  New 
York,  to  secure  a  saw-mill,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned. 
This  done,  he  followed  on  the  same  evening  with  the  main  forces, 
and  took  post  at  the  mill,  within  two  miles  of  the  fort.  Here 
he  was  joined  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  between  four  and 
five  hundred  savage  warriors  from  the  Mohawk  River. 

Montcalm  had  called  in  all  his  forces,  between  three  and  four 
thousand  men,  and  was  strongly  posted  behind  deep  intrench- 
ments  and  breastworks  eight  feet  high ;  with  an  abatis,  or  felled 
trees,  in  front  of  his  lines,  presenting  a  horrid  barrier,  with  their 
jagged  boughs  pointing  outward.  Abercrombie  was  deceived  as 
to  the  strength  of  the  French  works ;  his  engineers  persuaded  him 
they  were  formidable  only  in  appearance,  but  really  weak  and 
flimsy.  Without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his  cannon,  and 
against  the  opinion  of  his  most  judicious  officers,  he  gave  orders 
to  storm  the  works.  Never  were  rash  orders  more  gallantly 
obeyed.  The  men  rushed  forward  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  at- 
tempted to  force  their  way  through,  or  scramble  over  the  abatis, 
under  a  sheeted  fire  of  swivels  and  musketry.  In  the  desperation 
of  the  moment,  the  officers  even  tried  to  cut  their  way  through 
with  their  swords.  Some  even  reached  the  parapet,  where  they 
were  shot  down.  The  breastwork  was  too  high  to  be  surmounted, 
and  gave  a  secure  covert  to  the  enemy.  Repeated  assaults  were 
made,  and  as  often  repelled,  with  dreadful  havoc.  The  Iroquois 
warriors,  who  had  arrived  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  took  no 
part,  it  is  said,  in  this  fierce  conflict,  but  stood  aloof  as  uncon- 
cerned spectators  of  the  bloody  strife  of  white  men. 


1758.]  FAILUKE    OF   ABERCROMBIE.  249 

After  foar  hours  of  desperate  and  fruitless  fighting,  Aber- 
crombie,  who  had  all  the  time  remained  aloof  at  the  saw-mills, 
gave  up  the  ill-judged  attempt,  and  withdrew  once  more  to  the 
landing-place,  with  the  loss  of  nearly  two  thousand  in  killed  and 
wounded.  Had  not  the  vastly  inferior  force  of  Montcalm  pre- 
vented him  from  sallying  beyond  his  trenches,  the  retreat  of  the 
British  might  have  been  pushed  to  a  headlong  and  disastrous 
flight. 

Abercrombie  had  still  nearly  four  times  the  number  of  the 
enemy,  with  cannon,  and  all  the  means  of  carrying  on  a  siege, 
with  every  prospect  of  success ;  but  the  failure  of  this  rash  as- 
sault seems  completely  to  have  dismayed  him.  The  next  day  he 
re-embarked  all  his  troops,  and  returned  across  that  lake  wher^ 
his  disgraced  banners  had  recently  waved  so  proudly. 

While  the  general  was  planning  fortifications  on  Lake  George, 
Colonel  Bradstreet  obtained  permission  to  carry  into  effect  an 
expedition  which  he  had  for  some  time  meditated,  and  which  had 
been  a  favored  project  with  the  lamented  Howe.  This  was  to  re- 
duce Fort  Frontenac,  the  stronghold  of  the  French  on  the  north 
side  of  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  commanding  the  mouth  of 
the  St.  Lawrence.  This  post  was  a  central  point  of  Indian  trade, 
where  the  tribes  resorted  from  all  parts  of  a  vast  interior ;  some- 
times a  distance  of  a  thousand  miles,  to  traffic  away  their  peltries 
with  the  fur- traders.  It  was,  moreover,  a  magazine  for  the  more 
southern  posts,  among  which  was  Fort  Duquesne  on  the  Ohio. 

Bradstreet  was  an  oflicer  of  spirit.  Pushing  his  way  along 
the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  and  by  the  Oneida,  where  he  was 
joined  by  several  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  he  arrived  at  Os- 
wego in  August,  with  nearly  three  thousand  men ;  the  greater 
part  of  them  provincial  troops  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts. 

Vol.  L— 11* 


250  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1758. 

Embarking  at  Oswego  in  open  boats,  he  crossed  Lake  Ontario, 
and  landed  within  a  mile  of  Frontenac.  The  fort  mounted  sixty 
guns,  and  several  mortars,  yet  though  a  place  of  such  importance, 
the  garrison  consisted  of  merely  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  and  a 
few  Indians.  These  either  fled,  or  surrendered  at  discretion. 
In  the  fort  was  an  immense  amount  of  merchandise  and  military 
stores ;  part  of  the  latter  intended  for  the  supply  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  In  the  harbor  were  nine  armed  vessels,  some  of  them 
carrying  eighteen  guns ;  the  whole  of  the  enemy's  shipping  on  the 
lake.  Two  of  these  Colonel  Bradstreet  freighted  with  part  of 
the  spoils  of  the  fort,  the  others  he  destroyed ;  then  having  dis- 
mantled the  fortifications,  and  laid  waste  every  thing  which  he 
could  not  carry  away,  he  recrossed  the  lake  to  Oswego,  and  re- 
turned with  his  troops  to  the  army  on  Lake  George. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

SLOW  OPERATIONS WASHINGTON  ORDERS  OUT  THE  MILITIA MISSION  TO  WILLIAMS- 
BURG  HALT  AT  MR.  CHAMBERLAYNE's — MRS.  MARTHA  CUSTIS — A  BRIEF  COURT- 
SHIP  AN   ENGAGEMENT RETURN   TO   WINCHESTER THE  RIFLE  DRESS INDIAN 

SCOUTS WASHINGTON   ELECTED   TO   THE   HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES — TIDINGS  OF  AM- 

HERST'S   SUCCESS THE   NEW   ROAD   TO   FORT   DUQUESNE MARCH  FOR  THE  FORT 

INDISCREET  CONDUCT   OF  MAJOR   GRANT DISASTROUS  CONSEQUENCES — WASH- 
INGTON    ADVANCES      AGAINST     FORT     DUQUESNE — END     OF    THE    EXPEDITION 

WASHINGTON   RETURNS   HOME HIS   MARRIAGE. 

Operations  went  on  slowly  in  that  part  of  the  year's  campaign 
in  which  "Washington  was  immediately  engaged — the  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne.  Brigadier-general  Forbes,  who  was 
commander-in-chief,  was  detained  at  Philadelphia  by  those  delays 
and  cross-purposes  incident  to  military  affairs  in  a  new  country. 
Colonel  Bouquet,  who  was  to  command  the  advanced  division, 
took  his  station,  with  a  corps  of  regulars,  at  Baystown,  in  the 
centre  of  Pennsylvania.  There  slowly  assembled  troops  from  vari- 
ous parts.  Three  thousand  Pennsylvanians,  twelve  hundred  and 
fifty  South  Carolinians,  and  a  few  hundred  men  from  elsewhere. 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  gathered  together  his  scattered 
regiment  at  Winchester,  some  from  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
miles,  and  diligently  disciplined  his  recruits.     He  had  two  Vir- 


252  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1758* 

ginia  regiments  under  him,  amounting,  when  complete,  to  about 
nineteen  hundred  men.  Seven  hundred  Indian  warriors,  also, 
came  lagging  into  his  camp,  lured  by  the  prospect  of  a  successful 
campaign. 

The  president  of  the  council  had  given  Washington  a  discre- 
tionary power  in  the  present  juncture  to  order  out  militia  for  the 
purpose  of  garrisoning  the  fort  in  the  absence  of  the  regular 
troops.  Washington  exercised  the  power  with  extreme  reluc- 
tance. He  considered  it,  he  said,  an  affair  of  too  important  and 
delicate  a  nature  for  him  to  manage,  and  apprehended  the  discon- 
tent it  might  occasion.  In  fact,  his  sympathies  were  always  with 
the  husbandmen  and  the  laborers  of  the  soil,  and  he  deplored  the 
evils  imposed  upon  them  by  arbitrary  drafts  for  military  service ; 
a  scruple  not  often  indulged  by  youthful  commanders. 

The  force  thus  assembling  was  in  want  of  arms,  tents,  field- 
equipage,  and  almost  every  requisite.  Washington  had  made 
repeated  representations,  by  letter,  of  the  destitute  state  of  the 
Virginia  troops,  but  without  avail ;  he  was  now  ordered  by  Sir 
John  St.  Clair,  the  quartermaster-general  of  the  forces,  under 
General  Forbes,  to  repair  to  Williamsburg,  and  lay  the  state  of 
the  case  before  the  council.  He  set  off  promptly  on  horseback7 
attended  by  Bishop,  the  well-trained  military  servant,  who  had 
served  the  late  General  Braddock.  It  proved  an  eventful  jour- 
ney, though  not  in  a  military  point  of  view.  In  crossing  a  ferry 
of  the  Pamunkey,  a  branch  of  York  Biver,  he  fell  in  company 
with  a  Mr.  Chamberlayne,  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
who,  in  the  spirit  of  Virginian  hospitality?  claimed  him  as  a 
guest.  It  was  with  difficulty  Washington  could  be  prevailed  on 
to  halt  for  dinner,  so  impatient  was  he  to  arrive  at  Williamsburg, 
and  accomplish  his  mission. 


1758.]  MRS.    MARTHA    CUSTIS.  253 

Among  the  guests  at  Mr.  Chamberlayne's  was  a  young  and 
blooming  widow,  Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  daughter  of  Mr.  John 
Dandridge,  both  patrician  names  in  the  province.  Her  husband, 
John  Parke  Custis,  had  been  dead  about  three  years,  leaving  her 
with  two  young  children,  and  a  large  fortune.  She  is  represented 
as  being  rather  below  the  middle  size,  but  extremely  well  shaped, 
with  an  agreeable  countenance,  dark  hazel  eyes  and  hair,  and 
those  frank,  engaging  manners,  so  captivating  in  Southern  women. 
We  are  not  informed  whether  Washington  had  met  with  her  be- 
fore ;  probably  not  during  her  widowhood,  as  during  that  time  he 
had  been  almost  continually  on  the  frontier.  We  have  shown 
that,  with  all  his  gravity  and  reserve,  he  was  quickly  susceptible 
to  female  charms  ;  and  they  may  have  had  a  greater  effect  upon 
him  when  thus  casually  encountered  in  fleeting  moments  snatched 
from  the  cares  and  perplexities  and  rude  scenes  of  frontier  war- 
fare. At  any  rate,  his  heart  appears  to  have  been  taken  by  sur- 
prise. 

The  dinner,  which  in  those  days  was  an  earlier  meal  than  at 
present,  seemed  all  too  short.  The  afternoon  passed  away  like  a 
dream.  Bishop  was  punctual  to  the  orders  he  had  received  on 
halting ;  the  horses  pawed  at  the  door ;  but  for  once  Washington 
loitered  in  the  path  of  duty.  The  horses  were  countermanded, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  next  morning  that  he  was  again  in  the 
saddle,  spurring  for  Williamsburg.  Happily  the  White  House, 
the  residence  of  Mrs.  Custis,  was  in  New  Kent  County,  at  no 
great  distance  from  that  city,  so  that  he  had  opportunities  of  vis- 
iting her  in  the  intervals  of  business.  His  time  for  courtship, 
however,  was  brief.  Military  duties  called  him  back  almost  im- 
mediately to  Winchester;  but  he  feared,  should  he  leave  the 
matter  in  suspense,  some  more  enterprising  rival  might  supplant 


254  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1758. 


him  during  his  absence,  as  in  the  case  of  Miss  Philipse,  at  New 
York.  He  improved,  therefore,  his  brief  opportunity  to  the  ut- 
most. The  blooming  widow  had  many  suitors,  but  Washington 
was  graced  with  that  renown  so  ennobling  in  the  eyes  of  woman. 
In  a  word,  before  they  separated,  they  had  mutually  plighted  their 
faith,  and  the  marriage  was  to  take  place  as  soon  as  the  campaign 
against  Fort  Duquesne  was  at  an  end. 

Before  returning  to  Winchester,  Washington  was  obliged  to 
hold  conferences  with  Sir  John  St.  Clair  and  Colonel  Bouquet, 
at  an  intermediate  rendezvous,  to  give  them  information  re- 
specting the  frontiers,  and  arrange  about  the  marching  of  his 
troops.  His  constant  word  to  them  was  forward!  forward! 
For  the  precious  time  for  action  was  slipping  away,  and  he  feared 
their  Indian  allies,  so  important  to  their  security  while  on  the 
march,  might,  with  their  usual  fickleness,  lose  patience,  and  return 
home. 

On  arriving  at  Winchester,  he  found  his  troops  restless  and 
discontented  from  prolonged  inaction.  The  inhabitants  impa- 
tient of  the  burdens  imposed  on  them,  and  of  the  disturbances 
of  an  idle  camp ;  while  the  Indians,  as  he  apprehended,  had  de- 
serted outright.  It  was  a  great  relief,  therefore,  when  he  received 
orders  from  the  commander-in-chief  to  repair  to  Fort  Cumber- 
land. He  arrived  there  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  proceeded  to 
open  a  road  between  that  post  and  head-quarters,  at  Raystown, 
thirty  miles  distant,  where  Colonel  Bouquet  was  stationed. 

His  troops  were  scantily  supplied  with  regimental  clothing. 
The  weather  was  oppressively  warm.  He  now  conceived  the 
idea  of  equipping  them  in  the  light  Indian  hunting  garb, 
and  even  of  adopting  it  himself.  Two  companies  were  accord- 
ingly equipped  in  this  style,  and  sent  under  the  command  of  Ma- 


1758.]  THE    RIFLE    DRESS.  255 

jor  Lewis  to  head-quarters.  "  It  is  an  unbecoming  dress,  I  own, 
for  an  officer,"  writes  Washington,  "  but  convenience  rather  than 
show,  I  think,  should  be  consulted.  The  reduction  of  bat-horses 
alone  would  be  sufficient  to  recommend  it ;  for  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  less  baggage  would  be  required." 

The  experiment  was  successful.  "  The  dress  takes  very  well 
here,"  writes  Colonel  Bouquet ;  "  and,  thank  G-od,  we  see  nothing 
but  shirts  and  blankets.  *  *  *  Their  dress  should  be  one 
pattern  for  this  expedition."  Such  was  probably  the  origin  of 
the  American  rifle  dress,  afterwards  so  much  worn  in  warfare, 
and  modelled  on  the  Indian  costume. 

The  army  was  now  annoyed  by  scouting  parties  of  Indians 
hovering  about  the  neighborhood.  Expresses  passing  between 
the  posts  were  fired  upon ;  a  waggoner  was  shot  down.  Wash- 
ington sent  out  counter-parties  of  Cherokees.  Colonel  Bouquet 
required  that  each  party  should  be  accompanied  by  an  officer  and 
a  number  of  white  men.  Washington  complied  with  the  order, 
though  he  considered  them  an  encumbrance  rather  than  an  ad- 
vantage. "  Small  parties  of  Indians,"  said  he,  "  will  more  effec- 
tually harass  the  enemy  by  keeping  them  under  continual  alarms, 
than  any  parties  of  white  men  can  do.  For  small  parties  of  the 
latter  are  not  equal  to  the  task,  not  being  so  dexterous  at  skulk- 
ing as  Indians ;  and  large  parties  will  be  discovered  by  their 
spies  early  enough  to  have  a  superior  force  opposed  to  them." 
With  all  his  efforts,  however,  he  was  never  able  fully  to  make 
the  officers  of  the  regular  army  appreciate  the  importance  of  In- 
dian allies  in  these  campaigns  in  the  wilderness. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  earnestly  discountenanced  a  propo- 
sition of  Colonel  Bouquet,  to  make  an  irruption  into  the  enemy's 
country  with  a  strong  party  of  regulars.     Such  a  detachment,  he 


256  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1758 

observed,  could  not  be  sent  without  a  cumbersome  train  of  sup- 
plies, which  would  discover  it  to  the  enemy,  who  must  at  that 
time  be  collecting  his  whole  force  at  Fort  Duquesne ;  the  enter- 
prise, therefore,  would  be  likely  to  terminate  in  a  miscarriage,  if 
not  in  the  destruction  of  the  party.  "We  shall  see  that  his  opinion 
was  oracular. 

As  Washington  intended  to  retire  from  military  life  at  the 
close  of  this  campaign,  he  had  proposed  himself  to  the  electors  of 
Frederick  County  as  their  representative  in  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses. The  election  was  coming  on  at  Winchester ;  his  friends 
pressed  him  to  attend  it,  and  Colonel  Bouquet  gave  him  leave  of 
absence ;  but  he  declined  to  absent  himself  from  his  post  for  the 
promotion  of  his  political  interests.  There  were  three  competi* 
tors  in  the  field,  yet  so  high  was  the  public  opinion  of  his  merit, 
that,  though  Winchester  had  been  his  head-quarters  for  two  or 
three  years  past,  and  he  had  occasionally  enforced  martial  law 
with  a  rigorous  hand,  he  was  elected  by  a  large  majority. 
The  election  was  carried  on  somewhat  in  the  English  style. 
There  was  much  eating  and  drinking  at  the  expense  of  the  candi- 
date. Washington  appeared  on  the  hustings  by  proxy,  and  his 
representative  was  chaired  about  the  town  with  enthusiastic  ap- 
plause and  huzzaing  for  Colonel  Washington. 

On  the  21st  of  July  arrived  tidings  of  the  brilliant  success  of 
that  part  of  the  scheme  of  the  year's  campaign  conducted  by 
General  Amherst  and  Admiral  Boscawen,  who  had  reduced  the 
strong  town  of  Louisburg  and  gained  possession  of  the  Island 
of  Cape  Breton.  This  intelligence  increased  Washington's  impa- 
tience at  the  delays  of  the  expedition  with  which  he  was  connect- 
ed.  He  wished  to  rival  these  successes  by  a  brilliant  blow  in  the 
south.     Perhaps  a  desire  for  personal  distinction  in  the  eyes  of 


1758.]  A    NEW    ROAD   TO    FORT    DUQUESNE.  257 

the  lady  of  his  choice  may  have  been  at  the  bottom  of  this  impa- 
tience ;  for  we  are  told  that  he  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence 
with  her  throughout  the  campaign. 

Understanding  that  the  commander-in-chief  had  some  thoughts 
of  throwing  a  body  of  light  troops  in  the  advance,  he  wrote  to  Colo- 
nel Bouquet,  earnestly  soliciting  his  influence  to  have  himself  and 
his  Virginia  regiment  included  in  the  detachment.  "  If  any  argu- 
ment is  needed  to  obtain  this  favor,"  said  he,  u  I  hope,  without 
vanity,  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that  from  long  intimacy  with 
these  woods,  and  frequent  scouting  in  them,  my  men  are  at  least 
as  well  acquainted  with  all  the  passes  and  difficulties  as  any 
troops  that  will  be  employed." 

He  soon  learnt  to  his  surprise,  however,  that  the  road  to 
which  his  men  were  accustomed,  and  which  had  been  worked  by 
Braddock's  troops  in  his  campaign,  was  not  to  be  taken  in  the 
present  expedition,  but  a  new  one  opened  through  the  heart  of 
Pennsylvania,  from  Raystown  to  Fort  Duquesne,  on  the  track 
generally  taken  by  the  northern  traders.  He  instantly  com- 
menced long  and  repeated  remonstrances  on  the  subject ;  repre- 
senting that  Braddock's  road,  from  recent  examination,  only 
needed  partial  repairs,  and  showing  by  clear  calculation  that  an 
army  could  reach  Fort  Duquesne  by  that  route  in  thirty-four 
days,  so  that  the  whole  campaign  might  be  effected  by  the  middle 
of  October  ;  whereas  the  extreme  labor  of  opening  a  new  road 
across  mountains,  swamps,  and  through  a  densely  wooded  country, 
would  detain  them  so  late,  that  the  season  would  be  over  before 
they  could  reach  the  scene  of  action.  His  representations  were 
of  no  avail.  The  officers  of  the  regular  service  had  received  a 
fearful  idea  of  Braddock's  road  from  his  own  despatches,  wherein 
he  had  described  it  as  lying  "  across  mountains  and  rocks  of  an 


258  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*758. 

excessive  height,  vastly  steep,  and  divided  by  torrents  and  rivers," 
whereas  the  Pennsylvania  traders,  who  were  anxious  for  the  open- 
ing of  the  new  road  through  their  province,  described  the  country 
through  which  it  would  pass  as  less  difficult,  and  its  streams  less 
subject  to  inundation;  above  all,  it  was  a  direct  line,  and  fifty  miles 
nearer.  This  route,  therefore,  to  the  great  regret  of  Washington 
and  the  indignation  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  was  definitively 
adopted,  and  sixteen  hundred  men  were  immediately  thrown  in 
the  advance  from  Raystown  to  work  upon  it. 

The  first  of  September  found  Washington  still  encamped  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  his  troops  sickly  and  dispirited,  and  the  bril- 
liant expedition  which  he  had  anticipated,  dwindling  down  into  a 
tedious  operation  of  road-making.  In  the  mean  time,  his  scouts 
brought  him  word  that  the  whole  force  at  Fort  Duquesne  on  the 
13th  of  August,  Indians  included,  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred 
men :  had  an  early  campaign  been  pressed  forward,  as  he  recom- 
mended, the  place  by  this  time  would  have  been  captured.  At 
length,  in  the  month  of  September,  he  received  orders  from  Gen- 
eral Forbes  to  join  him  with  his  troops  at  Raystown,  where  he 
had  just  arrived,  having  been  detained  by  severe  illness.  He  was 
received  by  the  general  with  the  highest  marks  of  respect.  On 
all  occasions,  both  in  private  and  at  councils  of  war,  that  com- 
mander treated  his  opinions  with  the  greatest  deference.  He, 
moreover,  adopted  a  plan  drawn  out  by  Washington  for  the  march 
of  the  army ;  and  an  order  of  battle  which  still  exists,  furnishing 
a  proof  of  his  skill  in  frontier  warfare. 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  September ;  yet  the  great  body  of 
men  engaged  in  opening  the  new  military  road,  after  incredible 
toil,  had  not  advanced  above  forty-five  miles,  to  a  place  called 
Loyal  Hannan,  a  little  beyond  Laurel  Hill.     Colonel  Bouquet, 


1758.] 


FOOLHARDINESS    OF    GRANT.  259 


who  commanded  the  division  of  nearly  two  thousand  men  sent 
forward  to  open  this  road,  had  halted  at  Loyal  Hannan  to  establish 
a  military  post  and  deposit. 

He  was  upwards  of  fifty  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
was  tempted  to  adopt  the  measure,  so  strongly  discountenanced 
by  Washington,  of  sending  a  party  on  a  foray  into  the  enemy's 
country.  He  accordingly  detached  Major  Grant  with  eight  hun- 
dred picked  men,  some  of  them  Highlanders,  others,  in  Indian 
garb,  the  part  of  Washington's  Virginian  regiment  sent  forward 
by  him  from  Cumberland  under  command  of  Major  Lewis. 

The  instructions  given  to  Major  Grant  were  merely  to  recon- 
noitre the  country  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
ascertain  the  strength  and  position  of  the  enemy.  He  conducted 
the  enterprise  with  the  foolhardiness  of  a  man  eager  for  personal 
notoriety.  His  whole  object  seems  to  have  been  by  open  bravado 
to  provoke  an  action.  The  enemy  were  apprised,  through  their 
scouts,  of  his  approach,  but  suffered  him  to  advance  unmolested. 
Arriving  at  night  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort,  he  posted  his 
men  on  a  hill,  and  sent  out  a  party  of  observation,  who  set  fire  to 
a  log  house  near  the  walls  and  returned  to  the  encampment.  As 
if  this  were  not  sufficient  to  put  the  enemy  on  the  alert,  he  or- 
dered the  reveille  to  be  beaten  in  the  morning  in  several  places ; 
then,  posting  Major  Lewis  with  his  provincial  troops  at  a  distance 
in  the  rear  to  protect  the  baggage,  he  marshalled  his  regulars  in 
battle  array,  and  sent  an  engineer,  with  a  covering  party,  to  take 
a  plan  of  the  works  in  full  view  of  the  garrison. 

Not  a  gun  was  fired  by  the  fort ;  the  silence  which  was  main- 
tained was  mistaken  for  fear,  and  increased  the  arrogance  and 
blind  security  of  the  British  commander.  At  length,  when  he 
was  thrown  off  his  guard,  there  was  a  sudden  sally  of  the  garri- 


260  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1758 


son,  and  an  attack  on  the  flanks  by  Indians  hid  in  ambush.  A 
scene  now  occurred  similar  to  that  at  the  defeat  of  Braddock. 
The  British  officers  marshalled  their  men  according  to  European 
tactics,  and  the  Highlanders  for  some  time  stood  their  ground 
bravely ;  but  the  destructive  fire  and  horrid  yells  of  the  Indians 
soon  produced  panic  and  confusion.  Major  Lewis,  at  the  first 
noise  of  the  attack,  left  Captain  Bullitt,  with  fifty  Virginians,  to 
guard  the  baggage,  and  hastened  with  the  main  part  of  his  men 
to  the  scene  of  action.  The  contest  was  kept  up  for  some  time, 
but  the  confusion  was  irretrievable.  The  Indians  sallied  from 
their  concealment,  and  attacked  with  the  tomahawk  and  scalping- 
knife.  Lewis  fought  hand  to  hand  with  an  Indian  brave,  whom 
he  laid  dead  at  his  feet,  but  was  surrounded  by  others,  and  only 
saved  his  life  by  surrendering  himself  to  a  French  officer.  Major 
Grant  surrendered  himself  in  like  manner.  The  whole  detach- 
ment was  put  to  the  rout  with  dreadful  carnage. 

Captain  Bullitt  rallied  several  of  the  fugitives,  and  prepared 
to  make  a  forlorn  stand,  as  the  only  chance  where  the  enemy  was 
overwhelming  and  merciless.  Despatching  the  most  valuable 
baggage  with  the  strongest  horses,  he  made  a  barricade  with  the 
baggage  waggons,  behind  which  he  posted  his  men,  giving  them 
orders  how  they  were  to  act.  All  this  was  the  thought  and  the 
work  almost  of  a  moment,  for  the  savages,  having  finished  the 
havoc  and  plunder  of  the  field  of  battle,  were  hastening  in  pursuit 
of  the  fugitives.  Bullitt  suffered  them  to  come  near,  when,  on  a 
concerted  signal,  a  destructive  fire  was  opened  from  behind  the  bag- 
gage waggons.  They  were  checked  for  a  time ;  but  were  again 
pressing  forward  in  greater  numbers,  when  Bullitt  and  his  men 
held  out  the  signal  of  capitulation,  and  advanced  as  if  to  surrender. 
When  within  eight  yards  of  the  enemy,  they  suddenly  levelled 


1758.]  bullitt's  retreat.  261 

their  arms,  poured  a  most  effective  volley,  and  then  charged  with 
the  bayonet.  The  Indians  fled  in  dismay,  and  Bullitt  took  ad- 
vantage of  this  check  to  retreat  with  all  speed,  collecting  the 
wounded  and  the  scattered  fugitives  as  he  advanced.  The  routed 
detachment  came  back  in  fragments  to  Colonel  Bouquet's  camp  at 
Loyal  Hannan,  with  the  loss  of  twenty-one  officers  and  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy-three  privates  killed  and  taken.  The  Highland- 
ers and  the  Virginians  were  those  that  fought  the  best  and  suf- 
fered the  most  in  this  bloody  battle.  Washington's  regiment  lost 
six  officers  and  sixty-two  privates. 

If  Washington  could  have  taken  any  pride  in  seeing  his  pre- 
sages of  misfortune  verified,  he  might  have  been  gratified  by  the 
result  of  this  rash  "  irruption  into  the  enemy's  country,"  which 
was  exactly  what  he  had  predicted.  In  his  letters  to  Governor 
Fauquier,  however,  he  bears  lightly  on  the  error  of  Col  Bouquet. 
"From  all  accounts  I  can  collect,"  says  he,  "  it  appears  very  clear 
that  this  was  a  very  ill-concerted,  or  a  very  ill- executed  plan,  per- 
haps both ;  but  it  seems  to  be  generally  acknowledged  that  Major 
Grant  exceeded  his  orders,  and  that  no  disposition  was  made  for 
engaging." 

Washington,  who  was  at  Raystown  when  the  disastrous  news 
arrived,  was  publicly  complimented  by  General  Forbes,  on  the 
gallant  conduct  of  his  Virginian  troops,  and  Bullitt's  behavior  was 
"a  matter  of  great  admiration."  The  latter  was  soon  after  re- 
warded with  a  major's  commission. 

As  a  further  mark  of  the  high  opinion  now  entertained  of 
provincial  troops  for  frontier  service,  Washington  was  given  the 
command  of  a  division,  partly  composed  of  his  own  men,  to  keep 
in  the  advance  of  the  main  body,  clear  the  roads,  throw  out  scout- 
ing parties,  and  repel  Indian  attacks. 


262  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1758. 


It  was  the  5th  of  November  before  the  whole  army  assembled 
at  Loyal  Hannan.  "Winter  was  now  at  hand,  and  upwards  of 
fifty  miles  of  wilderness  were  yet  to  be  traversed,  by  a  road  not 
yet  formed,  before  they  could  reach  Fort  Duquesne.  Again, 
Washington's  predictions  seemed  likely  to  be  verified,  and  the 
expedition  to  be  defeated  by  delay ;  for  in  a  council  of  war  it  was 
determined  to  be  impracticable  to  advance  further  with  the  army 
that  season.  Three  prisoners,  however,  who  were  brought  in, 
gave  such  an  account  of  the  weak  state  of  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Duquesne,  its  want  of  provisions,  and  the  defection  of  the  Indians, 
that  it  was  determined  to  push  forward.  The  march  was  ac- 
cordingly resumed,  but  without  tents  or  baggage,  and  with  only 
a  light  train  of  artillery. 

Washington  still  kept  the  advance.  After  leaving  Loyal 
Hannan,  the  road  presented  traces  of  the  late  defeat  of  Grant ; 
being  strewed  with  human  bones,  the  sad  relics  of  fugitives  cut 
down  by  the  Indians,  or  of  wounded  soldiers  who  had  died  on  the 
retreat ;  they  lay  mouldering  in  various  stages  of  decay,  mingled 
with  the  bones  of  horses  and  of  oxen.  As  they  approached  Fort 
Duquesne  these  mementoes  of  former  disasters  became  more  fre- 
quent ;  and  the  bones  of  those  massacred  in  the  defeat  of  Brad- 
dock,  still  lay  scattered  about  the  battle  field,  whitening  in  the 
sun. 

At  length  the  army  arrived  in  sight  of  Fort  Duquesne,  advan- 
cing with  great  precaution,  and  expecting  a  vigorous  defence ;  but 
that  formidable  fortress,  the  terror  and  scourge  of  the  frontier, 
and  the  object  of  such  warlike  enterprise,  fell  without  a  blow. 
The  recent  successes  of  the  English  forces  in  Canada,  particu- 
larly the  capture  and  destruction  of  Fort  Frontenac,  had  left 
the    garrison    without    hope    of    reinforcements    and   supplies. 


1768.]  FORT   DUQUESNE    ABANDONED.  263 

The  whole  force,  at  the  time,  did  not  exceed  five  hundred  men, 
and  the  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted.  The  commander, 
therefore,  waited  only  until  the  English  army  was  within  one 
day's  march,  when  he  embarked  his  troops  at  night  in  batteaux, 
blew  up  his  magazines,  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  retreated  down  the 
Ohio,  by  the  light  of  the  flames.  On  the  25th  of  November, 
"Washington,  with  the  advanced  guard,  marched  in,  and  planted 
the  British  flag  on  the  yet  smoking  ruins. 

One  of  the  first  offices  of  the  army  was  to  collect  and  bury, 
in  one  common  tomb,  the  bones  of  their  fellow-soldiers  who  had 
fallen  in  the  battles  of  Braddock  and  Grant.  In  this  pious  duty 
it  is  said  every  one  joined,  from  the  general  down  to  the  private 
soldier ;  and  some  veterans  assisted,  with  heavy  hearts  and  fre- 
quent ejaculations  of  poignant  feeling,  who  had  been  present  in 
the  scenes  of  defeat  and  carnage. 

The  ruins  of  the  fortress  were  now  put  in  a  defensible  state, 
and  garrisoned  by  two  hundred  men  from  Washington's  regiment ; 
the  name  was  changed  to  that  of  Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  illus- 
trious British  minister,  whose  measures  had  given  vigor  and  effect 
to  this  year's  campaign ;  it  has  since  been  modified  into  Pittsburg, 
and  designates  one  of  the  most  busy  and  populous  cities  of  the 
interior. 

The  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne  terminated,  as  "Washington 
had  foreseen,  the  troubles  and  dangers  of  the  southern  frontier. 
The  French  domination  of  the  Ohio  was  at  an  end ;  the  Indians, 
as  usual,  paid  homage  to  the  conquering  power,  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  was  concluded  with  all  the  tribes  between  the  Ohio  and  the 
lakes. 

With  this  campaign  ended,  for  the  present,  the  military  career 
of  Washington.     His  great  object  was  attained,  the  restoration 


264  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [H59. 

of  quiet  and  security  to  his  native  province ;  and,  having  aban- 
doned all  hope  of  attaining  rank  in  the  regular  army,  and  his 
health  being  much  impaired,  he  gave  up  his  commission  at  the 
close  of  the  year,  and  retired  from  the  service,  followed  by  the 
applause  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  and  the  gratitude  and  admiration 
of  all  his  countrymen. 

His  marriage  with  Mrs.  Custis  took  place  shortly  after  his 
return.  It  was  celebrated  on  the  6th  of  January,  1759,  at  the 
White  House,  the  residence  of  the  bride,  in  the  good  old  hos- 
pitable style  of  Virginia,  amid  a  joyous  assemblage  of  relatives 
and  friends. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

PLAN    OF   OPERATIONS   FOR    1*759 INVESTMENT   OF  FORT  NIAGARA DEATH  OF  PRI- 

DEAUX SUCCESS  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON AMHERST  AT  TICONDEROGA WOLFE 

AT  QUEBEC — HIS  TRIUMPH  AND  DEATH — FATE  OF  MONTCALM— -CAPITULATION  OF 
QUEBEC ATTEMPT  OF  DE  LEVI  TO  RETAKE  IT ARRIVAL  OF  A  BRITISH  FLEET- 
LAST  STAND   OF  THE   FRENCH   AT   MONTREAL SURRENDER   OF   CANADA. 

Before  following  "Washington  into  the  retirement  of  domestic 
life,  we  think  it  proper  to  notice  the  events  which  closed  the 
great  struggle  between  England  and  France  for  empire  in  Amer- 
ica. In  that  struggle  he  had  first  become  practised  in  arms,  and 
schooled  in  the  ways  of  the  world ;  and  its  results  will  be  found 
connected  with  the  history  of  his  later  years. 

General  Abercrombie  had  been  superseded  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  forces  in  America  by  Major-general  Amherst,  who 
had  gained  great  favor  by  the  reduction  of  Louisburg.  Accord- 
ing to  the  plan  of  operations  for  1759,  General  Wolfe,  who  had 
risen  to  fame  by  his  gallant  conduct  in  the  same  affair,  was  to 
ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  in  a  fleet  of  ships  of  war,  with  eight 
thousand  men,  as  soon  as  the  river  should  be  free  of  ice,  and  lay 
siege  to  Quebec,  the  capital  of  Canada.  General  Amherst,  in 
the  mean  time,  was  to  advance,  as  Abercrombie  had  done,  by 
Lake  George,  against  Ticonderoga   and  Crown  Point;    reduce 

Vol.  I.— 12 


266  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

those  forts,  cross  Lake  Champlain,  push  on  to  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  co-operate  with  Wolfe. 

A  third  expedition,  under  Brigadier-general  Prideaux,  aided 
by  Sir  William  Johnson  and  his  Indian  warriors,  was  to  attack 
Fort  Niagara,  which  controlled  the  whole  country  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, and  commanded  the  navigation  of  the  great  lakes,  and  the 
intercourse  between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  Having  reduced  this 
fort,  he  was  to  traverse  Lake  Ontario,  descend  the  St.  Lawrence, 
capture  Montreal,  and  join  his  forces  with  those  of  Amherst. 

The  last  mentioned  expedition  was  the  first  executed.  Gen- 
eral Prideaux  embarked  at  Oswego  on  the  first  of  July,  with  a 
large  body  of  troops,  regulars  and  provincials, — the  latter  partly 
from  New  York.  He  was  accompanied  by  Sir  William  Johnson, 
and  his  Indian  braves  of  the  Mohawk.  Landing  at  an  inlet  of 
Lake  Ontario,  within  a  few  miles  of  Fort  Niagara,  he  advanced, 
without  being  opposed,  and  proceeded  to  invest  it.  The  garrison, 
six  hundred  strong,  made  a  resolute  defence.  The  siege  was  car- 
ried on  by  regular  approaches,  but  pressed  with  vigor.  On  the 
20th  of  July,  Prideaux,  in  visiting  his  trenches,  was  killed  by  the 
bursting  of  a  cohorn.  Informed  by  express  of  this  misfortune, 
General  Amherst  detached  from  the  main  army  Brigadier-general 
Gage,  the  oflicer  who  had  led  Braddock's  advance,  to  take  the 
command. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  siege  had  been  conducted  by  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  with  courage  and  sagacity.  He  was  destitute  of 
military  science,  but  had  a  natural  aptness  for  warfare,  especially 
for  the  rough  kind  carried  on  in  the  wilderness.  Being  informed 
by  his  scouts  that  twelve  hundred  regular  troops,  drawn  from 
Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presque  Isle,  and  led  by  D'Aubry,  with  a 
number  of  Indian  auxiliaries,  were  hastening  to  the  rescue,  he 


1759.]  FORT    NIAGARA    TAKEN.  267 

detached  a  force  of  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  with  some  of 
his  Mohawk  warriors,  to  intercept  them.  They  came  in  sight  of 
each  other  on  the  road,  between  Niagara  Falls  and  the  fort, 
within  the  thundering  sound  of  the  one,  and  the  distant  view  of 
the  other.  Johnson's  "  braves  "  advanced  to  have  a  parley  with 
the  hostile  redskins.  The  latter  received  them  with  a  war-whoop, 
and  Frenchman  and  savage  made  an  impetuous  onset.  Johnson's 
regulars  and  provincials  stood  their  ground  firmly,  while  his  red 
warriors  fell  on  the  flanks  of  the  enemy.  After  a  sharp  conflict, 
the  French  were  broken,  routed,  and  pursued  through  the  woods, 
with  great  carnage.  Among  the  prisoners  taken  were  seventeen 
officers.  The  next  day  Sir  William  Johnson  sent  a  trumpet, 
summoning  the  garrison  to  surrender,  to  spare  the  effusion  of 
blood,  and  prevent  outrages  by  the  Indians.  They  had  no  alter- 
native ;  were  permitted  to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war,  and 
were  protected  by  Sir  William  from  his  Indian  allies.  Thus  was 
secured  the  key  to  the  communication  between  Lakes  Ontario  and 
Erie,  and  to  the  vast  interior  region  connected  with  them.  The 
blow  alarmed  the  French  for  the  safety  of  Montreal,  and  De 
Levi,  the  second  in  command  of  their  Canadian  forces,  hastened 
up  from  before  Quebec,  and  took  post  at  the  fort  of  Oswegatchie 
(now  Ogdensburg),  to  defend  the  passes  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

We  now  proceed  to  notice  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point.  In  the  month  of  July,  General  Amherst  em- 
barked with  nearly  twelve  thousand  men,  at  the  upper  part  of 
Lake  George,  and  proceeded  down  it,  as  Abercrombie  had  done 
in  the  preceding  year,  in  a  vast  fleet  of  whale-boats,  batteaux, 
and  rafts,  and  all  the  glitter  and  parade  of  war.  On  the  22d, 
ihe  army  debarked  at  the  lower  part  of  the  lake,  and  advanced 


268  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

toward  Ticonderoga.  After  a  slight  skirmish  with  the  advanced 
guard,  they  secured  the  old  post  at  the  saw-mill. 

Montcalm  was  no  longer  in  the  fort ;  he  was  absent  for  the 
protection  of  Quebec.  The  garrison  did  not  exceed  four  hundred 
men.  Bourlamarque,  a  brave  officer,  who  commanded,  at  first 
seemed  disposed  to  make  defence ;  but,  against  such  overwhelm- 
ing force,  it  would  have  been  madness.  Dismantling  the  fortifica- 
tions, therefore,  he  abandoned  them,  as  he  did  likewise  those  at 
Crown  Point,  and  retreated  down  the  lake,  to  assemble  forces, 
and  make  a  stand  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  for  the  protection  of 
Montreal  and  the  province. 

Instead  of  following  him  up,  and  hastening  to  co-operate  with 
Wolfe,  General  Amherst  proceeded  to  repair  the  works  at  Ticon- 
deroga, and  erect  a  new  fort  at  Crown  Point,  though  neither  were 
in  present  danger  of  being  attacked,  nor  would  be  of  use  if 
Canada  were  conquered.  Amherst,  however,  was  one  of  those 
cautious  men,  who,  in  seeking  to  be  sure,  are  apt  to  be  fatally 
slow.  His  delay  enabled  the  enemy  to  rally  their  forces  at  Isle 
Aux  Noix,  and  call  in  Canadian  reinforcements,  while  it  deprived 
Wolfe  of  that  co-operation  which,  it  will  be  shown,  was  most  es- 
sential to  the  general  success  of  the  campaign. 

Wolfe,  with  his  eight  thousand  men,  ascended  the  St.  Law- 
rence in  the  fleet,  in  the  month  of  June.  With  him  came  Brig- 
adiers, Monckton,  Townshend  and  Murray,  youthful  and  brave  like 
himself,  and  like  himself,  already  schooled  in  arms.  Monckton, 
it  will  be  recollected,  had  signalized  himself,  when  a  colonel,  in 
the  expedition  in  1755,  in  which  the  French  were  driven  from 
Nova  Scotia.  The  grenadiers  of  the  army  were  commanded  by 
Colonel  Guy  Carleton,  and  part  of  the  light  infantry  by  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel William  Howe,  both  destined  to  celebrity  in  after 


1759.]  WOLFE    BEFORE    QUEBEC.  269 

years,  in  the  annals  of  the  American  Revolution.  Colonel  Howe 
was  brother  of  the  gallant  Lord  Howe,  whose  fall  in  the  preced- 
ing year  was  so  generally  lamented.  Among  the  officers  of  the 
fleet,  was  Jervis,  the  future  admiral,  and  ultimately  Earl  St. 
Vincent;  and  the  master  of  one  of  the  ships,  was  James  Cook, 
afterwards  renowned  as  a  discoverer. 

About  the  end  of  June,  the  troops  debarked  on  the  large, 
populous,  and  well-cultivated  Isle  of  Orleans,  a  little  below 
Quebec,  and  encamped  in  its  fertile  fields.  Quebec,  the  citadel 
of  Canada,  was  strong  by  nature.  It  was  built  round  the  point 
of  a  rocky  promontory,  and  flanked  by  precipices.  The  crystal 
current  of  the  St.  Lawrence  swept  by  it  on  the  right,  and  the 
river  St.  Charles  flowed  along  on  the  left,  before  mingling  with 
that  mighty  stream.  The  place  was  tolerably  fortified,  but  art 
had  not  yet  rendered  it,  as  at  the  present  day,  impregnable. 

Montcalm  commanded  the  post.  His  troops  were  more 
numerous  than  the  assailants ;  but  the  greater  part  were  Cana- 
dians, many  of  them  inhabitants  of  Quebec ;  and  he  had  a  host 
of  savages.  His  forces  were  drawn  out  along  the  northern  shore 
below  the  city,  from  the  river  St.  Charles  to  the  Falls  of  Mont- 
morency, and  their  position  was  secured  by  deep  intrenchments. 

The  night  after  the  debarkation  of  Wolfe's  troops  a  furious 
storm  caused  great  damage  to  the  transports,  and  sank  some  of 
the  small  craft.  "While  it  was  still  raging,  a  number  of  fire-ships, 
sent  to  destroy  the  fleet,  came  driving  down.  They  were  boarded 
intrepidly  by  the  British  seamen,  and  towed  out  of  the  way  of 
doing  harm.  After  much  resistance,  Wolf  established  batteries 
at  the  west  point  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and  at  Point  Levi,  on 
the  right  (or  south)  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  within  cannon 
range   of  the  city.     Colonel  Guy  Carleton,  commander  at  the 


270  LIFE    OF    "WASHINGTON.  [175a 

former  battery ;  Brigadier  Monckton  at  the  latter.  From  Point 
Levi  bombshells  and  red-hot  shot  were  discharged ;  many  houses 
were  set  on  fire  in  the  upper  town,  the  lower  town  was  reduced  to 
rubbish.;  the  main  fort,  however,  remained  unharmed. 

Anxious  for  a  decisive  action,  Wolfe,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
crossed  over  in  boats  from  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  to  the  north  bank 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  encamped  below  the  Montmorency.  It 
was  an  ill-judged  position,  for  there  was  still  that  tumultuous 
stream,  with  its  rocky  banks,  between  him  and  the  camp  of  Mont- 
calm ;  but  the  ground  he  had  chosen  was  higher  than  that  occu- 
pied by  the  latter,  and  the  Montmorency  had  a  ford  below  the 
falls,  passable  at  low  tide.  Another  ford  was  discovered,  three 
miles  within  land,  but  the  banks  were  steep,  and  shagged  with 
forest.  At  both  fords  the  vigilant  Montcalm  had  thrown  up 
breastworks,  and  posted  troops. 

On  the  18th  of  July,  Wolfe  made  a  reconnoitring  expedition 
up  the  river,  with  two  armed  sloops,  and  two  transports  with 
troops.  He  passed  Quebec  unharmed,  and  carefully  noted  the 
shores  above  it.  Rugged  cliffs  rose  almost  from  the  water's  edge. 
Above  them,  he  was  told,  was  an  extent  of  level  ground,  called 
the  Plains  of  Abraham,  by  which  the  upper  town  might  be  ap- 
proached on  its  weakest  side ;  but  how  was  that  plain  to  be  at- 
tained, when  the  cliffs,  for  the  most  part,  were  inaccessible,  and 
every  practicable  place  fortified  ? 

He  returned  to  Montmorency  disappointed,  and  resolved  to 
attack  Montcalm  in  his  camp,  however  difficult  to  be  approached, 
and  however  strongly  posted.  Townshend  and  Murray,  with  their 
brigades,  were  to  cross  the  Montmorency  at  low  tide,  below  the 
falls,  and  storm  the  redoubt  thrown  up  in  front  of  the  ford. 
^Jonckton,  at  the  same  time,  was  to  cross,  with  part  of  his  brigade, 


1759.] 


WOLFE    AT    THE    FALLS    OF    MONTMORENCY.  271 


in  boats  from  Point  Levi.  The  ship  Centurion,  stationed  in  the 
channel,  was  to  check  the  fire  of  a  battery  which  commanded  the 
ford ;  a  train  of  artillery,  planted  on  an  eminence,  was  to  enfilade 
the  enemy's  intrenchments ;  and  two  armed,  flat-bottomed  boats, 
were  to  be  run  on  shore,  near  the  redoubt,  and  favor  the  crossing 
of  the  troops. 

As  usual,  in  complicated  orders,  part  were  misunderstood,  or 
neglected,  and  confusion  was  the  consequence.  Many  of  the  boats 
from  Point  Levi  ran  aground  on  a  shallow  in  the  river,  where 
they  were  exposed  to  a  severe  fire  of  shot  and  shells.  Wolfe, 
who  was  on  the  shore,  directing  every  thing,  endeavored  to  stop 
his  impatient  troops  until  the  boats  could  be  got  afloat,  and  the 
men  landed.  Thirteen  companies  of  grenadiers,  and  two  hun- 
dred provincials  were  the  first  to  land.  Without  waiting  for 
Brigadier  Monckton  and  his  regiments ;  without  waiting  for  the 
co-operation  of  the  troops  under  Townshend;  without  waiting 
even  to  be  drawn  up  in  form,  the  grenadiers  rushed  impetuously 
towards  the  enemy's  intrenchments.  A  sheeted  fire  mowed  them 
down,  and  drove  them  to  take  shelter  behind  the  redoubt,  near 
the  ford,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned.  Here  they  remained, 
unable  to  form  under  the  galling  fire  to  which  they  were  exposed, 
whenever  they  ventured  from  their  covert.  Monckton's  brigade 
at  length  was  landed,  drawn  up  in  order,  and  advanced  to  their 
relief,  driving  back  the  enemy.  Thus  protected,  the  grenadiers 
retreated  as  precipitately  as  they  had  advanced,  leaving  many  of 
their  comrades  wounded  on  the  field,  who  were  massacred  and 
scalped  in  their  sight,  by  the  savages.  The  delay  thus  caused 
was  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  The  day  was  advanced ;  the  weather 
became  stormy ;  the  tide  began  to  make  ;  at  a  later  hour,  retreat, 
in  case  of  a  second  repulse,  would  be  impossible.     Wolfe,  there- 


272  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

fore,  gave  up  the  attack,  and  withdrew  across  the  river,  having 
lost  upwards  of  four  hundred  men,  through  this  headlong  impet- 
uosity of  the  grenadiers.  The  two  vessels  which  had  been  run 
aground,  were  set  on  fire,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.* 

Brigadier  Murray  was  now  detached  with  twelve  hundred  men, 
in  transports,  to  ascend  above  the  town,  and  co-operate  with  Rear- 
admiral  Holmes,  in  destroying  the  enemy's  shipping,  and  making 
descents  upon  the  north  shore.  The  shipping  were  safe  from  at- 
tack ;  some  stores  and  ammunition  were  destroyed ;  some  prison- 
ers taken,  and  Murray  returned  with  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
Fort  Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown  Point,  and  that  Amherst 
was  preparing  to  attack  the  Isle  Aux  Noix. 

Wolfe,  of  a  delicate  constitution  and  sensitive  nature,  had 
been  deeply  mortified  by  the  severe  check  sustained  at  the  Falls 
of  Montmorency,  fancying  himself  disgraced ;  and  these  successes 
of  his  fellow-commanders  in  other  parts  increased  his  self-upbraid- 
ing. The  difficulties  multiplying  around  him,  and  the  delay  of 
General  Amherst  in  hastening  to  his  aid,  preyed  incessantly  on 
his  spirits ;  he  was  dejected  even  to  despondency,  and  declared  he 
would  never  return  without  success,  to  be  exposed,  like  other  un- 
fortunate commanders,  to  the  sneers  and  reproaches  of  the  popu- 
lace. The  agitation  of  his  mind,  and  his  acute  sensibility, 
brought  on  a  fever,  which  for  some  time  incapacitated  him  from 
taking  the  field. 

In  the  midst  of  his  illness  he  called  a  council  of  war,  in  which 
the  whole  plan  of  operations  was  altered.  It  was  determined  to 
convey  troops  above  the  town,  and  endeavor  to  make  a  diversion 
in  that  direction,  or  draw  Montcalm  into  the  open  field.     Before 

*  Wolfe's  Letter  to  Pitt,  Sept.  2d,  1759. 


1759.]  WOLFE    BEFORE    THE   BATTLE.  273 

carrying  this  plan  into  effect,  Wolfe  again  reconnoitred  the  town 
in  company  with  Admiral  Saunders,  but  nothing  better  suggested 
itself. 

The  brief  Canadian  summer  was  over;  they  were  in  the 
month  of  September.  The  camp  at  Montmorency  was  broken  up. 
The  troops  were  transported  to  Point  Levi,  leaving  a  sufficient 
number  to  man  the  batteries  on  the  Isle  of  Orleans.  On  the  fifth 
and  sixth  of  September  the  embarkation  took  place  above  Point 
Levi,  in  transports  which  had  been  sent  up  for  the  purpose. 
Montcalm  detached  De  Bougainville  with  fifteen  hundred  men  to 
keep  along  the  north  shore  above  the  town,  watch  the  move- 
ments of  the  squadron,  and  prevent  a  landing.  To  deceive  him, 
Admiral  Holmes  moved  with  the  ships  of  war  three  leagues  be- 
yond the  place  where  the  landing  was  to  be  attempted.  He  was 
to  drop  down,  however,  in  the  night,  and  protect  the  landing. 
Cook,  the  future  discoverer,  also,  was  employed  with  others  to 
sound  the  river  and  place  buoys  opposite  the  camp  of  Montcalm, 
as  if  an  attack  were  meditated  in  that  quarter. 

Wolfe  was  still  suffering  under  the  effects  of  his  late  fever. 
"  My  constitution,"  writes  he  to  a  friend,  "  is  entirely  ruined, 
without  the  consolation  of  having  done  any  considerable  service 
to  the  state,  and  without  any  prospect  of  it."  Still  he  was  unre- 
mitting in  his  exertions,  seeking  to  wipe  out  the  fancied  disgrace 
incurred  at  the  Falls  of  Montmorency.  It  was  in  this  mood  he  is 
said  to  have  composed  and  sung  at  his  evening  mess  that  little 
campaigning  song  still  linked  with  his  name : 

Why,  soldiers,  why 
Should  we  be  melancholy,  boys  ? 
Why,  soldiers,  why  ? 
Whose  business  'tis  to  die  I 
Vot.  I.— 12* 


274  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

Even  when  embarked  in  his  midnight  enterprise,  the  presenti- 
ment of  death  seems  to  have  cast  its  shadow  over  him.  A  mid- 
shipman who  was  present,*  used  to  relate,  that  as  Wolfe  sat 
among  his  officers,  and  the  boats  floated  down  silently  with  the 
current,  he  recited,  in  low  and  touching  tones,  Gray's  Elegy  in  a 
country  churchyard,  then  just  published.  One  stanza  may  espe- 
cially have  accorded  with  his  melancholy  mood. 

"  The  boast  of  heraldry,  the  pomp  of  power, 

And  all  that  beauty,  all  that  wealth  e'er  gave, 
Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour. 
The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

"  Now, gentlemen,"  said  he,  when  he  had  finished,  "  I  would 
rather  be  the  author  of  that  poem  than  take  Quebec." 

The  descent  was  made  in  flat-bottomed  boats,  past  midnight, 
on  the  13th  of  September.  They  dropped  down  silently  with  the 
swift  current.  "  Qui  va  la  ?  "  (who  goes  there  ?)  cried  a  sentinel 
from  the  shore.  u  La  France"  replied  a  captain  in  the  first 
boat,  who  understood  the  French  language.  "  A  quel  regi- 
ment ?  "  was  the  demand.  (<*De  la  Heine"  (the  queen's),  replied 
the  captain,  knowing  that  regiment  was  in  De  Bougainville's  de- 
tachment. Fortunately,  a  convoy  of  provisions  was  expected  down 
from  De  Bougainville's,  which  the  sentinel  supposed  this  to  be. 
" Passe"  cried  he,  and  the  boats  glided  on  without  further  chal- 
lenge. The  landing  took  place  in  a  cove  near  Cape  Diamond,  which 
still  bears  Wolfe's  name.  He  had  marked  it  in  reconnoitering,  and 
saw  that  a  cragged  path  straggled  up  from  it  to  the  Heights  of 
Abraham,  which  might  be  climbed,  though  with  difficulty,  and  that 
it  appeared  to  be  slightly  guarded  at  top.     Wolfe  was  among  the 

*  Afterwards  Professor  John    Robison,  of  Edinburgh. 


1759.]  WOLFE    ON    THE    PLAINS   OF    ABRAHAM.  275 

firs'-  that  landed  and  ascended  up  the  steep  and  narrow  path, 
where  not  more  than  two  could  go  abreast,  and  which  had  been 
broken  up  by  cross  ditches.  Colonel  Howe,  at  the  same  time, 
with  the  light  infantry  and  Highlanders,  scrambled  up  the  woody 
precipices,  helping  themselves  by  the  roots  and  branches,  and 
putting  to  flight  a  sergeant's  guard  posted  at  the  summit.  Wolfe 
drew  up  the  men  in  order  as  they  mounted ;  and  by  the  break  of 
day  found  himself  in  possession  of  the  fateful  Plains  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  was  thunderstruck  when  word  was  brought  to  him 
in  his  camp  that  the  English  were  on  the  heights  threatening  the 
weakest  part  of  the  town.  Abandoning  his  intrenchments,  he  has- 
tened across  the  river  St.  Charles  and  ascended  the  heights,  which 
slope  up  gradually  from  its  banks.  His  force  was  equal  in  num- 
ber to  that  of  the  English,  but  a  great  part  was  made  up  of  colony 
troops  and  savages.  When  he  saw  the  formidable  host  of  regu- 
lars he  had  to  contend  with,  he  sent  off  swift  messengers  to  summon 
De  Bougainville  with  his  detachment  to  his  aid ;  and  De  Vau- 
dreuil  to  reinforce  him  with  fifteen  hundred  men  from  the  camp. 
In  the  mean  time  he  prepared  to  flank  the  left  of  the  English  line 
and  force  them  to  the  opposite  precipices.  Wolfe  saw  his  aim, 
and  sent  Brigadier  Townshend  to  counteract  him  with  a  regiment 
which  was  formed  en  jpotence,  and  supported  by  two  battalions, 
presenting  on  the  left  a  double  front. 

The  French,  in  their  haste,  thinking  they  were  to  repel  a  mere 
scouting  party,  had  brought  but  three  light  field-pieces  with  them , 
the  English  had  but  a  single  gun,  which  the  sailors  had  dragged 
up  the  heights.  With  these  they  cannonaded  each  other  for  a 
time,  Montcalm  still  waiting  for  the  aid  he  had  summoned.  At 
length,  about  nine  o'clock,  losing  all  patience,  he  led  on  his  dis- 
ciplined troops  to  a  close  conflict  with  small  arms,  the  Indians  to 


276  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

support  them  by  a  galling  fire  from  thickets  and  corn-fields.  The 
French  advanced  gallantly,  but  irregularly;  firing  rapidly,  but 
with  little  effect.  The  English  reserved  their  fire  until  their  as- 
sailants were  within  forty  yards,  and  then  delivered  it  in  deadly 
volleys.  They  suffered,  however,  from  the  lurking  savages,  who 
singled  out  the  officers.  Wolfe,  who  was  in  front  of  the  line,  a 
conspicuous  mark,  was  wounded  by  a  ball  in  the  wrist.  He  bound 
his  handkerchief  round  the  wouud  and  led  on  the  grenadiers,  with 
fixed  bayonets,  to  charge  the  foe,  who  began  to  waver.  Another 
ball  struck  him  in  the  breast.  He  felt  the  wound  to  be  mortal, 
and  feared  his  fall  might  dishearten  the  troops.  Leaning  on  a 
lieutenant  for  support ;  "  Let  not  my  brave  fellows  see  me  drop," 
said  he  faintly.  He  was  borne  off  to  the  rear ;  water  was  brought 
to  quench  his  thirst,  and  he  was  asked  if  he  would  have  a  sur- 
geon. "It  is  needless,"  he  replied;  "it  is  all  over  with  me." 
He  desired  those  about  him  to  lay  him  down.  The  lieutenant 
seated  himself  on  the  ground,  and  supported  him  in  his  arms. 
"  They  run  !  they  run  !  see  how  they  run  !  "  cried  one  of  the  at- 
tendants. "  Who  run  ?  "  demanded  Wolfe,  earnestly,  like  one 
aroused  from  sleep.  "  The  enemy,  sir ;  they  give  way  every 
where."  The  spirit  of  the  expiring  hero  flashed  up.  "  Go,  one 
of  you,  my  lads,  to  Colonel  Burton ;  tell  him  to  march  Webb's 
regiment  with  all  speed  down  to  Charles'  River,  to  cut  off  the  re- 
treat by  the  bridge."  Then  turning  on  his  side ;  "  Now,  God  be 
praised,  I  will  die  in  peace  !  "  said  he,  and  expired,* — soothed  in 
his  last  moments  by  the  idea  that  victory  would  obliterate  the 
imagined  disgrace  at  Montmorency. 

Brigadier  Murray  had  indeed  broken  the  centre  of  the  enemy, 

*  Hist.  Jour,  of  Capt.  John  Knox,  vol.  i.,  p.  79. 


1759.]  DEATH    OF    MONTCALM.  277 

and  the  Highlanders  were  making  deadly  havoc  with  their  clay- 
mores, driving  the  French  into  the  town  or  down  to  their  works 
on  the  river  St.  Charles.  Monckton,  the  first  brigadier,  was  dis- 
abled by  a  wound  in  the  lungs,  and  the  command  devolved  on 
Townshend,  who  hastened  to  re-form  the  troops  of  the  centre,  dis- 
ordered in  pursuing  the  enemy.  By  this  time  De  Bougainville 
appeared  at  a  distance  in  the  rear,  advancing  with  two  thousand 
fresh  troops ,  but  he  arrived  too  late  to  retrieve  the  day.  The 
gallant  Montcalm  had  received  his  death-wound  near  St.  John's 
Gate,  while  endeavoring  to  rally  his  flying  troops,  and  had  been 
borne  into  the  town. 

Townshend  advanced  with  a  force  to  receive  De  Bougainville  ; 
but  the  latter  avoided  a  combat,  and  retired  into  woods  and 
swamps,  where  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to  follow  him.  The 
English  had  obtained  a  complete  victory ;  slain  about  five  hun- 
dred of  the  enemy ;  taken  above  a  thousand  prisoners,  and  among 
them  several  officers ;  and  had  a  strong  position  on  the  Plains  of 
Abraham,  which  they  hastened  to  fortify  with  redoubts  and 
artillery,  drawn  up  the  heights. 

The  brave  Montcalm  wrote  a  letter  to  General  Townshend, 
recommending  the  prisoners  to  British  humanity.  When  told  by 
his  surgeon  that  he  could  not  survive  above  a  few  hours ;  "  So 
much  the  better,"  replied  he ;  "I  shall  not  live  to  see  the  sur- 
render of  Quebec."  To  De  Ramsey,  the  French  king's  lieu- 
tenant, who  commanded  the  garrison,  he  consigned  the  defence 
of  the  city.  "  To  your  keeping,"  said  he,  "I  commend  the  honor 
of  France.  I'll  neither  give  orders,  nor  interfere  any  further. 
I  have  business  to  attend  to  of  greater  moment  than  your  ruined 
garrison,  and  this  wretched  country.  My  time  is  short, — I 
shall  pass  this  night  with  God,  and  prepare  myself  for  death. 


278  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759. 

I  wish  you  all  comfort ;  and  to  be  happily  extricated  from  your 
present  perplexities."  He  then  called  for  his  chaplain,  who,  with 
the  bishop  of  the  colony,  remained  with  him  through  the  night. 
He  expired  early  in  the  morning,  dying  like  a  brave  soldier  and 
a  devout  Catholic.  Never  did  two  worthier  foes  mingle  their 
life  blood  on  the  battle-field  than  Wolfe  and  Montcalm.* 

Preparations  were  now  made  by  the  army  and  the  fleet  to 
make  an  attack  on  both  upper  and  lower  town  ;  but  the  spirit  of 
the  garrison  was  broken,  and  the  inhabitants  were  clamorous  for 
the  safety  of  their  wives  and  children.  On  the  17th  of  Septem- 
ber, Quebec  capitulated,  and  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Brit- 
ish, who  hastened  to  put  it  in  a  complete  posture  of  defence.  A 
garrison  of  six  thousand  effective  men  was  placed  in  it,  under 
the  command  of  Brigadier-general.  Murray,  and  victualled  from 
the  fleet.  General  Townshend  embarked  with  Admiral  Saunders, 
and  returned  to  England ;  and  the  wounded  General  Monckton 
was  conveyed  to  New  York,  of  which  he  afterwards  became  gov- 
ernor. 

Had  Amherst  followed  up  his  success  at  Ticonderoga  the 
preceding  summer,  the  year's  campaign  would  have  ended,  as  had 
been  projected,  in  the  subjugation  of  Canada.  His  cautious  delay 
gave  De  Levi,  the  successor  of  Montcalm,  time  to  rally,  concen- 
trate the  scattered  French  forces,  and  struggle  for  the  salvation 
of  the  province. 

In  the  following  spring,  as  soon  as  the  river  St.  Lawrence 
opened,  he  approached  Quebec,  and  landed  at  Point  au  Tremble, 
about  twelve  miles  off.  The  garrison  had  suffered  dreadfully 
during  the  winter  from  excessive  cold,  want  of  vegetables  and  of 

*  Knox;  Hist  Jour.,  vol.  i.,  p.  11. 


1759.]  EXPEDITION    AGAINST    MONTREAL.  279 

fresh  provisions.  Many  had  died  of  scurvy,  and  many  more  were 
ill.  Murray,  sanguine  and  injudicious,  on  hearing  that  De  Levi 
was  advancing  with  ten  thousand  men,  and  five  hundred  Indians, 
sallied  out  with  his  diminished  forces  of  not  more  than  three 
thousand.  English  soldiers,  he  boasted,  were  habituated  to  vic- 
tory ;  he  had  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  and  stood  a  better  chance 
in  the  field  than  cooped  up  in  a  wretched  fortification.  If  de- 
feated, he  would  defend  the  place  to  the  last  extremity,  and  then 
retreat  to  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and  wait  for  reinforcements.  More 
brave  than  discreet,  he  attacked  the  vanguard  of  the  enemy ;  the 
battle  which  took  place  was  fierce  and  sanguinary.  Murray's  troops 
had  caught  his  own  headlong  valor,  and  fought  until  near  a  third 
of  their  number  were  slain.  They  were  at  length  driven  back 
into  the  town,  leaving  their  boasted  train  of  artillery  on  the  field. 
De  Levi  opened  trenches  before  the  town  the  very  evening  of 
the  battle.  Three  French  ships,  which  had  descended  the  river, 
furnished  him  with  cannon,  mortars,  and  ammunition.  By  the 
11th  of  May,  he  had  one  bomb  battery,  and  three  batteries  of 
cannon.  Murray,  equally  alert  within  the  walls,  strengthened 
his  defences,  and  kept  up  a  vigorous  fire.  His  garrison  was 
now  reduced  to  two  hundred  and  twenty  effective  men,  and  he 
himself,  with  all  his  vaunting  spirit,  was  driven  almost  to  despair, 
when  a  British  fleet  arrived  in  the  river.  The  whole  scene  was 
now  reversed.  One  of  the  French  frigates  was  driven  on  the 
rocks  above  Cape  Diamond;  another  ran  on  shore,  and  was 
burnt ;  the  rest  of  their  vessels  were  either  taken,  or  destroyed. 
The  besieging  army  retreated  in  the  night,  leaving  provisions, 
implements,  and  artillery  behind  them ;  and  so  rapid  was  their 
flight,  that  Murray,  who  sallied  forth  on  the  following  day,  could 
not  overtake  them. 


280  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1Y59. 

A  last  stand  for  the  preservation  of  the  colony  was  now  made 
by  the  French  at  Montreal,  where  De  Vaudreuil  fixed  his  head- 
quarters, fortified  himself,  and  called  in  all  possible  aid,  Canadian 
and  Indian. 

The  cautious,  but  tardy  Amherst  was  now  in  the  field  to 
carry  out  the  plan  in  which  he  had  fallen  short  in  the  previous 
year.  He  sent  orders  to  General  Murray  to  advance  by  water 
against  Montreal,  with  all  the  force  that  could  be  spared  from 
Quebec ;  he  detached  a  body  of  troops  under  Colonel  Haviland 
from  Crown  Point,  to  cross  Lake  Champlain,  take  possession  of 
the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and  push  on  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  while  he 
took  the  roundabout  way  with  his  main  army  by  the  Mohawk  and 
Oneida  rivers  to  Lake  Ontario;  thence  to  descend  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  Montreal. 

Murray,  according  to  orders,  embarked  his  troops  in  a  great 
number  of  small  vessels,  and  ascended  the  river  in  characteristic 
style,  publishing  manifestoes  in  the  Canadian  villages,  disarming 
the  inhabitants,  and  exacting  the  oath  of  neutrality.  He  looked 
forward  to  new  laurels  at  Montreal,  but  the  slow  and  sure  Am- 
herst had  anticipated  him.  That  worthy  general,  after  delaying 
on  Lake  Ontario  to  send  out  cruisers,  and  stopping  to  repair 
petty  forts  on  the  upper  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  had 
been  deserted  by  their  garrisons,  or  surrendered  without  firing  a 
gun,  arrived  on  the  6th  of  September  at  the  island  of  Montreal, 
routed  some  light  skirmishing  parties,  and  presented  himself  be- 
fore the  town.  Yaudreuil  found  himself  threatened  by  an  army 
of  nearly  ten  thousand  men,  and  a  host  of  Indians ;  for  Amherst 
had  called  in  the  aid  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  his  Mohawk 
braves.  To  withstand  a  siege  in  an  almost  open  town  against 
such  superior  force,  was  out  of  the  question ;  especially  as  Mur- 


1759.]  SURRENDER   OF   CANADA.  281 

ray  from  Quebec,  and  Haviland  from  Crown  Point,  were  at  hand 
with  additional  troops.  A  capitulation  accordingly  took  place  on 
the  8th  of  September,  including  the  surrender  not  merely  of 
Montreal,  but  of  all  Canada. 

Thus  ended  the  contest  between  France  and  England  for  do- 
minion in  America,  in  which,  as  has  been  said,  the  first  gun  was 
fired  in  Washington's  encounter  with  De  Jumonville.  A  French 
statesman  and  diplomatist  consoled  himself  by  the  persuasion 
that  it  would  be  a  fatal  triumph  to  England.  It  would  remove 
the  only  check  by  which  her  colonies  were  kept  in  awe.  "  They 
will  no  longer  need  her  protection,"  said  he ;  "  she  will  call  on 
them  to  contribute  toward  supporting  the  burdens  they  have 
helped  to  bring  on  her,  and  they  will  answer  by  striking  off  all 
dependence"  * 

*  Count  de  Vergennes,  French  ambassador  at  Constantinople. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Washington's  installation  in  the  house  of  burgesses — his  rural  life — 
mount  vernon  and  its  vicinity aristocratic  a  l  days  of  virginia wash- 
ington's management  of  his   estate domestic  habits fox-hunting 

lord  fairfax — fishing  and  duck-shooting the  poacher — lynch  law 

'  aquatic  state life  at  annapolis washington  in  the  dismal  swamp. 

For  three  months  after  his  marriage,  Washington  resided  with 
his  bride  at  the  "  White  House."  During  his  sojourn  there,  he 
repaired  to  Williamsburg,  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses. By  a  vote  of  the  House,  it  had  been  determined  to  greet 
his  instalment  by  a  signal  testimonial  of  respect.  Accordingly, 
as  soon  as  he  took  his  seat,  Mr.  Robinson,  the  Speaker,  in 
eloquent  language,  dictated  by  the  warmth  of  private  friendship, 
returned  thanks,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  for  the  distinguished 
military  services  he  had  rendered  to  his  country. 

Washington  rose  to  reply;  blushed — stammered — trembled, 
and  could  not  utter  a  word.  "  Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington,"  said 
the  Speaker,  with  a  smile ;  "  your  modesty  equals  your  valor, 
and  that  surpasses  the  power  of  any  language  I  possess." 

Such  was  Washington's  first  launch  into  civil  life,  in  which 
he  was  to  be  distinguished  by  the  same  judgment,  devotion,  cour- 


[1759.  RURAL    LIFE.  283 

age,  and  magnanimity  exhibited  in  his  military  career.  He  at- 
tended the  House  frequently  during  the  remainder  of  the  session, 
after  which  he  conducted  his  bride  to  his  favorite  abode  of  Mount 
Vernon. 

Mr.  Custis,  the  first  husband  of  Mrs.  Washington,  had  left 
large  landed  property,  and  forty-five  thousand  pounds  sterling  in 
money.  One  third  fell  to  his  widow  in  her  own  right;  two 
thirds  were  inherited  equally  by  her  two  children, — a  boy  of  six, 
and  a  girl  of  four  years  of  age.  By  a  decree  of  the  General 
Court,  "Washington  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  property 
inherited  by  the  children;  a  sacred  and  delicate  trust,  which  he 
discharged  in  the  most  faithful  and  judicious  manner ;  becoming 
more  like  a  parent,  than  a  mere  guardian  to  them. 

From  a  letter  to  his  correspondent  in  England,  it  would  ap- 
pear that  he  had  long  entertained  a  desire  to  visit  that  country. 
Had  he  done  so,  his  acknowledged  merit  and  military  services 
would  have  insured  him  a  distinguished  reception ;  and  it  has 
been  intimated,  that  the  signal  favor  of  government  might  have 
changed  the  current  of  his  career.  We  believe  him,  however,  to 
have  been  too  pure  a  patriot,  and  too  clearly  possessed  of  the  true 
interests  of  his  country,  to  be  diverted  from  the  course  which  he 
ultimately  adopted.  His  marriage,  at  any  rate,  had  put  an  end 
to  all  travelling  inclinations.  In  his  letter  from  Mount  Ver- 
non, he  writes :  "  I  am  now,  I  believe,  fixed  in  this  seat,  with  an 
agreeable  partner  for  life,  and  I  hope  to  find  more  happiness  in 
retirement  than  I  ever  experienced  in  the  wide  and  bustling 
world." 

This  was  no  Utopian  dream  transiently  indulged,  amid  the 
charms  of  novelty.  It  was  a  deliberate  purpose  with  him,  the 
result   of  innate   and   enduring   inclinations.      Throughout  the 


284  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759-63. 

whole  course  of  his  career,  agricultural  life  appears  to  have  been 
his  beau  ideal  of  existence,  which  haunted  his  thoughts  even 
amid  the  stern  duties  of  the  field,  and  to  which  he  recurred 
with  unflagging  interest  whenever  enabled  to  indulge  his  natural 
bias. 

Mount  Vernon  was  his  harbor  of  repose,  where  he  repeatedly 
furled  his  sail,  and  fancied  himself  anchored  for  life.  No  impulse 
of  ambition  tempted  him  thence;  nothing  but  the  call  of  his 
country,  and  his  devotion  to  the  public  good.  The  place  was  en- 
deared to  him  by  the  remembrance  of  his  brother  Lawrence,  and 
of  the  happy  days  he  had  passed  here  with  that  brother  in  the 
days  of  boyhood ;  but  it  was  a  delightful  place  in  itself,  and  well 
calculated  to  inspire  the  rural  feeling. 

The  mansion  was  beautifully  situated  on  a  swelling  height, 
crowned  with  wood,  and  commanding  a  magnificent  view  up  and 
down  the  Potomac.  The  grounds  immediately  about  it  were  laid 
out  somewhat  in  the  English  taste.  The  estate  was  apportioned 
into  separate  farms,  devoted  to  different  kinds  of  culture,  each 
having  its  allotted  laborers.  Much,  however,  was  still  covered 
with  wild  woods,  seamed  with  deep  dells  and  runs  of  water,  and 
indented  with  inlets ;  haunts  of  deer,  and  lurking-places  of  foxes. 
The  whole  woody  region  along  the  Potomac  from  Mount  Yernon 
to  Belvoir,  and  far  beyond,  with  its  range  of  forests  and  hills, 
and  picturesque  promontories,  afforded  sport  of  various  kinds, 
and  was  a  noble  hunting-ground.  Washington  had  hunted 
through  it  with  old  Lord  Fairfax  in  his  stripling  days ;  we  do 
not  wonder  that  his  feelings  throughout  life  incessantly  reverted 
to  it. 

u  No  estate  in  United  America,"  observes  he,  in  one  of  his 
letters,    "  is  more  pleasantly  situated.     In  a  high  and  healthy 


175U-63.]         ARISTOCRATICAL    DAYS    OF    VIRGINIA.  285 

country ;  in  a  latitude  between  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold ; 
on  one  of  the  finest  rivers  in  the  world ;  a  river  well  stocked  with 
various  kinds  of  fish  at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  and  in  the  spring 
with  shad,  herrings,  bass,  carp,  sturgeon,  &c,  in  great  abundance. 
The  borders  of  the  estate  are  washed  by  more  than  ten  miles  of 
tide  water ;  several  valuable  fisheries  appertain  to  it :  the  whole 
shore,  in  fact,  is  one  entire  fishery." 

These  were,  as  yet,  the  aristocratical  days  of  Virginia.  The 
estates  were  large,  and  continued  in  the  same  families  by  entails. 
Many  of  the  wealthy  planters  were  connected  with  old  families 
in  England.  The  young  men,  especially  the  elder  sons,  were 
often  sent  to  finish  their  education  there,  and  on  their  return 
brought  out  the  tastes  and  habits  of  the  mother  country.  The 
governors  of  Virginia  were  from  the  higher  ranks  of  society,  and 
maintained  a  corresponding  state.  The  "  established,"  or  Epis- 
copal church,  predominated  throughout  the  "  ancient  dominion," 
as  it  was  termed ;  each  county  was  divided  into  parishes,  as  in 
England, — each  with  its  parochial  church,  its  parsonage,  and 
glebe.  Washington  was  vestryman  of  two  parishes,  Fairfax  and 
Truro ;  the  parochial  church  of  the  former  was  at  Alexandria, 
ten  miles  from  Mount  Vernon ;  of  the  latter,  at  Pohick,  about 
seven  miles.  The  church  at  Pohick  was  rebuilt  on  a  plan  of  his 
own,  and  in  a  great  measure  at  his  expense.  At  one  or  other  of 
these  churches  he  attended  every  Sunday,  when  the  weather  and 
the  roads  permitted.  His  demeanor  was  reverential  and  de- 
vout. Mrs.  "Washington  knelt  during  the  prayers;  he  always 
stood,  as  was  the  custom  at  that  time.  Both  were  communi- 
cants. 

Among  his  occasional  visitors  and  associates  were  Captain 
Hugh  Mercer  and  Dr.  Craik ;  the  former,  after  his  narrow  escapes 


286  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1759-63. 


from  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  was  quietly  settled  at 
Fredericksburg ;  the  latter,  after  the  campaigns  on  the  frontier 
were  over,  had  taken  up  his  residence  at  Alexandria,  and  was 
now  Washington's  family  physician.  Both  were  drawn  to  him 
by  campaigning  ties  and  recollections,  and  were  ever  welcome  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

A  style  of  living  prevailed  among  the  opulent  Virginian  fami- 
lies in  those  days  that  has  long  since  faded  away.  The  houses 
were  spacious,  commodious,  liberal  in  all  their  appointments,  and 
fitted  to  cope  with  the  free-handed,  open-hearted  hospitality  of 
the  owners.  Nothing  was  more  common  than  to  see  handsome 
services  of  plate,  elegant  equipages,  and  superb  carriage  horses — 
all  imported  from  England. 

The  Virginians  have  always  been  noted  for  their  love  of 
horses;  a  manly  passion  which,  in  those  days  of  opulence,  they 
indulged  without  regard  to  expense.  The  rich  planters  vied  with 
each  other  in  their  studs,  importing  the  best  English  stocks. 
Mention  is  made  of  one  of  the  Randolphs  of  Tuckahoe,  who  built 
a  stable  for  his  favorite  dapple-gray  horse,  Shakespeare,  with  a 
recess  for  the  bed  of  the  negro  groom,  who  always  slept  beside 
him  at  night. 

Washington,  by  his  marriage,  had  added  above  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  to  his  already  considerable  fortune,  and  was 
enabled  to  live  in  ample  and  dignified  style.  His  intimacy  with 
the  Fairfaxes,  and  his  intercourse  with  British  officers  of  rank, 
had  perhaps  had  their  influence  on  his  mode  of  living.  He  had 
his  chariot  and  four,  with  black  postilions  in  livery,  for  the  use  of 
Mrs.  Washington  and  her  lady  visitors.  As  for  himself,  he  al- 
ways appeared  on  horseback.  His  stable  was  well  filled  and  ad- 
mirably regulated.     His  stud  was  thoroughbred  and  in  excellent  ■ 


1759-63.]  A    VIRGINIAN    MANSION-HOUSE.  287 

order.  His  household  books  contain  registers  of  the  names,  ages, 
and  marks  of  his  various  horses ;  such  as  Ajax,  Blueskin,  Valiant, 
Magnolia  (an  Arab),  &c.  Also  his  dogs,  chiefly  fox-hounds, 
Vulcan,  Singer,  Ringwood,  Sweetlips,  Forrester,  Music,  Rock- 
wood,  Truelove,  &c* 

A  large  Virginia  estate,  in  those  days,  was  a  little  empire. 
The  mansion-house  was  the  seat  of  government,  with  its  numerous 
dependencies,  such  as  kitchens,  smoke-house,  workshops  and 
stables.  In  this  mansion  the  planter  ruled  supreme ;  his  steward 
or  overseer  was  his  prime  minister  and  executive  officer ;  he  had 
his  legion  of  house  negroes  for  domestic  service,  and  his  host  of 
field  negroes  for  the  culture  of  tobacco,  Indian  corn,  and  other 
crops,  and  for  other  out  of  door  labor.  Their  quarter  formed  a 
kind  of  hamlet  apart,  composed  of  various  huts,  with  little  gar- 
dens and  poultry  yards,  all  well  stocked,  and  swarms  of  little  ne- 
groes gambolling  in  the  sunshine.  Then  there  were  large  wooden 
edifices  for  curing  tobacco,  the  staple  and  most  profitable  produc- 
tion, and  mills  for  grinding  wheat  and  Indian  corn,  of  which  large 
fields  were  cultivated  for  the  supply  of  the  family  and  the  main- 
tenance of  the  negroes. 

*  la  one  of  his  letter-books  we  find  orders  on  his  London  agent  for 
riding  equipments.     For  example : 

1  Man's  riding-saddle,  hogskin  seat,  large  plated  stirrups  and  every 
thing  complete.     Double  reined  bridle  and  Pelham  bit,  plated. 

A  very  neat  and  fashionable  Newmarket  saddle-cloth. 

A  large  and  best  portmanteau,  saddle,  bridle,  and  pillion. 

Cloak-bag  surcingle ;  checked  saddle-cloth,  holsters,  <fcc. 

A  riding-frock  of  a  handsome  drab-colored  broadcloth,  with  plain  double 
gilt  buttons. 

A  riding  waistcoat  of  superfine  scarlet  cloth  and  gold  lace,  with  buttons 
like  those  of  the  coat. 

A  blue  surtout  coat. 

A  neat  switch  whip,  silver  cap. 

Black  velvet  cap  for  servant. 


288  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759-63. 

Among  the  slaves  were  artificers  of  all  kinds,  tailors,  shoe- 
makers,  carpenters,  smiths,  wheelwrights,  and  so  forth ;  so  that  a 
plantation  produced  every  thing  within  itself  for  ordinary  use :  as 
to  articles  of  fashion  and  elegance,  luxuries,  and  expensive  cloth- 
ing, they  were  imported  from  London ;  for  the  planters  on  the 
main  rivers,  especially  the  Potomac,  carried  on  an  immediate 
trade  with  England.  Their  tobacco  was  put  up  by  their  own  ne- 
groes, bore  their  own  marks,  was  shipped  on  board  of  vessels 
which  came  up  the  rivers  for  the  purpose,  and  consigned  to  some 
agent  in  Liverpool  or  Bristol,  with  whom  the  planter  kept  an 
account. 

The  Virginia  planters  were  prone  to  leave  the  care  of  their 
estates  too  much  to  their  overseers,  and  to  think  personal  labor  a 
degradation.  Washington  carried  into  his  rural  affairs  the  same 
method,  activity,  and  circumspection  that  had  distinguished  him 
in  military  life.  He  kept  his  own  accounts,  posted  up  his  books 
and  balanced  them  with  mercantile  exactness.  We  have  exam- 
ined them  as  well  as  his  diaries  recording  his  daily  occupations, 
and  his  letter-books,  containing  entries  of  shipments  of  tobacco, 
and  correspondence  with  his  London  agents.  They  are  monu- 
ments of  his  business  habits.* 

*  The  following  letter  of  Washington  to  his  London  correspondents  will 
give  an  idea  of  the  early  intercourse  of  the  Virginia  planters  with  the  mo- 
ther country. 

"  Our  goods  by  the  Liberty,  Capt.  Walker,  came  to  hand  in  good  order 
and  soon  after  his  arrival,  as  they  generally  do  when  shipped  in  a  vessel  to 
this  river  [the  Potomac],  and  scarce  ever  when  they  go  to  any  others;  for 
it  don't  often  happen  that  a  vessel  bound  to  one  river  has  goods  of  any  con- 
sequence to  another ;  and  the  masters,  in  these  cases,  keep  the  packages  till 
an  accidental  conveyance  offers,  and  for  want  of  better  opportunities  fre- 
quently commit  them  to  boatmen  who  care  very  little  for  the  goods  so 
they  get  their  freight,  and  often  land  them  wherever  it  suits  their  conveni- 


1759-63.]  DAILY  HABITS.  289 

The  products  of  his  estate  also  became  so  noted  for  the  faith- 
fulness, as  to  quality  and  quantity,  with  which  they  were  put  up, 
that  it  is  said  any  barrel  of  flour  that  bore  the  brand  of  George 
Washington,  Mount  Vernon,  was  exempted  from  the  customary 
inspection  in  the  West  India  ports.* 

He  was  an  early  riser,  often  before  daybreak  in  the  winter 
when  the  nights  were  long.  On  such  occasions  he  lit  his  own 
fire  and  wrote  or  read  by  candle-light.  He  breakfasted  at  seven 
in  summer,  at  eight  in  winter.  Two  small  cups  of  tea  and  three 
or  four  cakes  of  Indian  meal  (called  hoe  cakes),  formed  his  frugal 
repast.  Immediately  after  breakfast  he  mounted  his  horse  and 
visited  those  parts  of  the  estate  where  any  work  was  going  on, 
seeing  to  every  thing  with  his  own  eyes,  and  often  aiding  with  his 
own  hand. 

Dinner  was  served  at  two  o'clock.  He  ate  heartily,  but  was 
no  epicure,  nor  critical  about  his  food.  His  beverage  was  small 
beer  or  cider,  and  two  glasses  of  old  Madeira.  He  took  tea,  of 
which  he  was  very  fond,  early  in  the  evening,  and  retired  for  the 
night  about  nine  o'clock. 

If  confined  to  the  house  by  bad  weather,  he  took  that  occasion 
to  arrange  his  papers,  post  up  his  accounts,  or  write  letters ;  pass- 
ing part  of  the  time  in  reading,  and  occasionally  reading  aloud  to 
the  family. 

He  treated  his  negroes  with  kindness ;  attended  to  their  com- 
forts; was  particularly  careful  of  them  in  sickness;    but  never 

ence,  not  where  they  have  engaged  to  do  so.  *  *  *  *  A  ship  from 
Loudon  to  Virginia  may  be  in  Rappahannock  or  any  of  the  other  rivers 
three  months  before  I  know  any  thing  of  their  arrival,  and  may  make 
twenty  voyages  without  my  seeing  or  even  hearing  of  the  captain." 

*  Speech  of  the  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  on  laying  the  corner-stone  of 
Washington's  Monument. 

Vol.  L— 13 


290  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759-63. 

tolerated  idleness,  and  exacted  a  faithful  performance  of  all  their 
allotted  tasks.  He  had  a  quick  eye  at  calculating  each  man's 
capabilities.  An  entry  in  his  diary  gives  a  curious  instance  of  this. 
Four  of  his  negroes,  employed  as  carpenters,  were  hewing  and 
shaping  timber.  It  appeared  to  him,  in  noticing  the  amount  of 
work  accomplished  between  two  succeeding  mornings,  that  they 
loitered  at  their  labor.  Sitting  down  quietly  he  timed  their 
operations ;  how  long  it  took  them  to  get  their  cross-cut  saw  and 
other  implements  ready ;  how  long  to  clear  away  the  branches 
from  the  trunk  of  a  fallen  tree ;  how  long  to  hew  and  saw  it ; 
what  time  was  expended  in  considering  and  consulting,  and  after 
all,  how  much  work  was  effected  during  the  time  he  looked  on. 
From  this  he  made  his  computation  how  much  they  could  execute 
in  the  course  of  a  day,  working  entirely  at  their  ease. 

At  another  time  we  find  him  working  for  a  part  of  two  days 
with  Peter,  his  smith,  to  make  a  plough  on  a  new  invention  of  his 
own.  This,  after  two  or  three  failures,  he  accomplished.  Then, 
with  less  than  his  usual  judgment,  he  put  his  two  chariot  horses 
to  the  plough,  and  ran  a  great  risk  of  spoiling  them,  in  giving  his 
new  invention  a  trial  over  ground  thickly  swarded. 

Anon,  during  a  thunderstorm,  a  frightened  negro  alarms  the 
house  with  word  that  the  mill  is  giving  way,  upon  which  there  is 
a  general  turn  out  of  all  the  forces,  with  Washington  at  their 
head,  wheeling  and  shovelling  gravel,  during  a  pelting  rain,  to 
check  the  rushing  water. 

Washington  delighted  in  the  chase.  In  the  hunting  season, 
when  he  rode  out  early  in  the  morning  to  visit  distant  parts  of 
the  estate,  where  work  was  going  on,  he  often  took  some  of  the 
dogs  with  him  for  the  chance  of  starting  a  fox,  which  he  occasion- 
ally did,  though  he  was  not  always  successful  in  killing  him.     He 


1759-63.]  FOX-HUNTING.  291 

was  a  bold  rider  and  an  admirable  horseman,  though  he  never 
claimed  the  merit  of  being  an  accomplished  fox-hunter.  In  the 
height  of  the  season,  however,  he  would  be  out  with  the  fox- 
hounds two  or  three  times  a  week,  accompanied  by  his  guests  at 
Mount  Vernon  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  neighborhood,  especially 
the  Fairfaxes  of  Belvoir,  of  which  estate  his  friend  Greorge  Wil- 
liam Fairfax  was  now  the  proprietor.  On  such  occasions  there 
would  be  a  hunting  dinner  at  one  or  other  of  those  establishments, 
at  which  convivial  repasts  Washington  is  said  to  have  enjoyed 
himself  with  unwonted  hilarity. 

Now  and  then  his  old  friend  and  instructor  in  the  noble  art 
of  venery,  Lord  Fairfax,  would  be  on  a  visit  to  his  relatives  at 
Belvoir,  and  then  the  hunting  was  kept  up  with  unusual  spirit.* 

His  lordship,  however,  since  the  alarms  of  Indian  war  had 
ceased,  lived  almost  entirely  at  Greenway  Court,  where  Wash- 
ington was  occasionally  a  guest,  when  called  by  public  business  to 
Winchester.  Lord  Fairfax  had  made  himself  a  favorite  through- 
out the  neighborhood.  As  lord-lieutenant  and  custos  rotulorum 
of  Frederick  County,  he  presided  at  county  courts  held  at  Win- 
chester, where,  during  the  sessions,  he  kept  open  table.  He  act- 
ed also  as  surveyor  and  overseer  of  the  public  roads  and  highways, 

*  Hunting  memoranda  from  "Washington's  journal,  Mount  Vernon. 

Nov.  22. — Hunting  with  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  brother,  and  Colonel  Fair- 
fax. 

Nov.  25. — Mr.  Bryan  Fairfax,  Mr.  Grayson,  and  Phil.  Alexander  came 
here  by  sunrise.  Hunted  and  catched  a  fox  with  these,  Lord  Fairfax,  his 
brother,  and  Col.  Fairfax, — all  of  whom,  with  Mr.  Fairfax  and  Mr.  Wilson  of 
England,  dined  here.  26th  and  29th. — Hunted  again  with  the  same  com- 
pany. 

Dec.  5. — Fox-hunting  with  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  brother,  and  Colonel 
Fairfax.  Started  a  fox  and  lost  it.  Dined  at  Belvoir,  and  returned  in  the 
evening. 


292  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1T59-63. 

and  was  unremitted  in  his  exertions  and  plans  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  country.  Hunting,  however,  was  his  passion. 
When  the  sport  was  poor  near  home,  he  would  take  his  hounds 
to  a  distant  part  of  the  country,  establish  himself  at  an  inn,  and 
keep  open  house  and  open  table  to  every  person  of  good  character 
and  respectable  appearance  who  chose  to  join  him  in  following 
the  hounds. 

It  was  probably  in  quest  of  sport  of  the  kind  that  he  now  and 
then,  in  the  hunting  season,  revisited  his  old  haunts  and  former 
companions  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  and  then  the  beautiful 
woodland  region  about  Belvoir  and  Mount  Vernon  was  sure  to 
ring  at  early  morn  with  the  inspiring  music  of  the  hound. 

The  waters  of  the  Potomac  also  afforded  occasional  amuse- 
ment in  fishing  and  shooting.  The  fishing  was  sometimes  on  a 
grand  scale,  when  the  herrings  came  up  the  river  in  shoals,  and 
the  negroes  of  Mount  Vernon  were  marshalled  forth  to  draw  the 
seine,  which  was  generally  done  with  great  success.  Canvas-back 
ducks  abounded  at  the  proper  season,  and  the  shooting  of  them 
was  one  of  Washington's  favorite  recreations.  The  river  border 
of  his  domain,  however,  was  somewhat  subject  to  invasion.  An 
oysterman  once  anchored  his  craft  at  the  landing-place,  and  dis- 
turbed the  quiet  of  the  neighborhood  by  the  insolent  and  disor- 
derly conduct  of  himself  and  crew.  It  took  a  campaign  of  three 
days  to  expel  these  invaders  from  the  premises. 

A  more  summary  course  was  pursued  with  another  interloper. 
This  was  a  vagabond  who  infested  the  creeks  and  inlets  which 
bordered  the  estate,  lurking  in  a  canoe  among  the  reeds  and 
bushes,  and  making  great  havoc  among  the  canvas-back  ducks. 
He  had  been  warned  off  repeatedly,  but  without  effect.  As 
Washington  was  one  day  riding  about  the  estate  he  heard  the 


1769-63.]  AQUATIC    RECREATIONS.  293 

report  of  a  gun  from  the  margin  of  the  river.  Spurring  in  that 
direction  he  dashed  through  the  bushes  and  came  upon  the  cul- 
prit just  as  he  was  pushing  his  canoe  from  shore.  The  latter 
raised  his  gun  with  a  menacing  look ;  but  Washington  rode  into 
the  stream,  seized  the  painter  of  the  canoe,  drew  it  to  shore, 
sprang  from  his  horse,  wrested  the  gun  from  the  hands  of  the 
astonished  delinquent,  and  inflicted  on  him  a  lesson  in  "  Lynch 
law"  that  effectually  cured  him  of  all  inclination  to  trespass 
again  on  these  forbidden  shores. 

The  Potomac,  in  the  palmy  days  of  Virginia,  was  occasionally 
the  scene  of  a  little  aquatic  state  and  ostentation  among  the  rich 
planters  who  resided  on  its  banks.  They  had  beautiful  barges, 
which,  like  their  land  equipages,  were  imported  from  England ; 
and  mention  is  made  of  a  Mr.  Digges  who  always  received  Wash- 
ington in  his  barge,  rowed  by  six  negroes,  arrayed  in  a  kind  of 
uniform  of  check  shirts  and  black  velvet  caps.  At  one  time, 
according  to  notes  in  Washington's  diary,  the  whole  neigh- 
borhood is  thrown  into  a  paroxysm  of  festivity,  by  the  an- 
choring of  a  British  frigate  (the  Boston)  in  the  river,  just  in 
front  of  the  hospitable  mansion  of  the  Fairfaxes.  A  succes- 
sion of  dinners  and  breakfasts  takes  place  at  Mount  Yernon  and 
Belvoir,  with  occasional  tea  parties  on  board  of  the  frigate. 
The  commander,  Sir  Thomas  Adams,  his  officers,  and  his  mid- 
shipmen, are  cherished  guests,  and  have  the  freedom  of  both  es- 
tablishments. 

Occasionally  he  and  Mrs.  Washington  would  pay  a  visit  to 
Annapolis,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  government  of  Maryland, 
and  partake  of  the  gayeties  which  prevailed  during  the  session  of 
the  legislature.  The  society  of  these  seats  of  provincial  govern- 
ments was  always  polite  and  fashionable,  and  more  exclusive  than 


294  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1759-63. 

in  these  republican  days,  being,  in  a  manner,  the  outposts  of  the 
English  aristocracy,  where  all  places  of  dignity  or  profit  were 
secured  for  younger  sons,  and  poor,  but  proud  relatives.  During 
the  session  of  the  Legislature,  dinners  and  balls  abounded,  and 
there  were  occasional  attempts  at  theatricals.  The  latter  was  an 
amusement  for  which  Washington  always  had  a  relish,  though  he 
never  had  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  it  effectually.  Neither  was 
he  disinclined  to  mingle  in  the  dance,  and  we  remember  to  have 
heard  venerable  ladies,  who  had  been  belles  in  his  day,  pride 
themselves  on  having  had  him  for  a  partner,  though,  they  added, 
he  was  apt  to  be  a  ceremonious  and  grave  one.* 

In  this  round  of  rural  occupation,  rural  amusements,  and 
social  intercourse,  Washington  passed  several  tranquil  years,  the 
halcyon  season  of  his  life.  His  already  established  reputation 
drew  many  visitors  to  Mount  Vernon ;  some  of  his  early  com- 
panions in  arms  were  his  occasional  guests,  and  his  friendships  and 
connections  linked  him  with  some  of  the  most  prominent  and 
worthy  people  of  the  country,  who  were  sure  to  be  received  with 
cordial,  but  simple  and  unpretending  hospitality.  His  marriage 
was  unblessed  with  children ;  but  those  of  Mrs.  Washington  ex- 
perienced from  him  parental  care  and  affection,  and  the  formation 


*  We  have  had  an  amusing  picture  of  Annapolis,  as  it  was  at  this  pe- 
riod, furnished  to  us,  some  years  since  by  an  octogenarian  who  had  resided 
there  in  his  boyhood.  "  In  those  parts  of  the  country,"  said  he,  "  where 
the  roads  were  too  rough  for  carriages,  the  ladies  used  to  ride  on  ponies, 
followed  by  black  servants  on  horseback ;  in  this  way  his  mother,  then  ad- 
vanced in  life,  used  to  travel,  in  a  scarlet  cloth  riding  habit,  which  she 
had  procured  from  England.  Nay,  in  this  way,  on  emergencies,"  he  added, 
"  the  young  ladies  from  the  country  used  to  come  to  the  balls  at  Annapolis, 
riding  with  their  hoops  arranged  'fore  and  aft'  like  lateen  sails;  and  after 
dancing  all  night,  would  ride  home  again  in  the  morning." 


1759-63.]  DISMAL   SWAMP.  295 

of  their  minds  and  manners  was  one  of  the  dearest  objects  of  his 
attention.  His  domestic  concerns  and  social  enjoyments,  how- 
ever, were  not  permitted  to  interfere  with  his  public  duties.  He 
was  active  by  nature,  and  eminently  a  man  of  business  by  habit. 
As  judge  of  the  county  court,  and  member  of  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses, he  had  numerous  calls  upon  his  time  and  thoughts,  and 
was  often  drawn  from  home ;  for  whatever  trust  he  undertook,  he 
was  sure  to  fulfil  with  scrupulous  exactness. 

About  this  time  we  find  him  engaged,  with  other  men  of  enter- 
prise, in  a  project  to  drain  the  great  Dismal  Swamp,  and  render 
it  capable  of  cultivation.  This  vast  morass  was  about  thirty 
miles  long,  and  ten  miles  wide,  and  its  interior  but  little  known. 
With  his  usual  zeal  and  hardihood  he  explored  it  on  horseback 
and  on  foot.  In  many  parts  it  was  covered  with  dark  and  gloomy 
woods  of  cedar,  cypress,  and  hemlock,  or  deciduous  trees,  the 
branches  of  which  were  hung  with  long  drooping  moss.  Other 
parts  were  almost  inaccessible,  from  the  density  of  brakes  and 
thickets,  entangled  with  vines,  briers,  and  creeping  plants,  and  in- 
tersected by  creeks  and  standing  pools.  Occasionally  the  soil, 
composed  of  dead  vegetable  fibre,  was  over  his  horse's  fetlocks, 
and  sometimes  he  had  to  dismount  and  make  his  way  on  foot 
over  a  quaking  bog  that  shook  beneath  his  tread. 

In  the  centre  of  the  morass  he  came  to  a  great  piece  of  water, 
six  miles  long,  and  three  broad,  called  Drummond's  Pond,  but 
more  poetically  celebrated  as  the  Lake  of  the  Dismal  Swamp.  It 
was  more  elevated  than  any  other  part  of  the  swamp,  and  capable 
of  feeding  canals,  by  which  the  whole  might  be  traversed.  Hav- 
ing made  the  circuit  of  it,  and  noted  all  its  characteristics,  he 
encamped  for  the  night  upon  the  firm  land  which  bordered  it,  and 
finished  his  explorations  on  the  following  day. 


296  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  17-59-63.] 

In  the  ensuing  session  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  the  asso- 
ciation in  behalf  of  which  he  had  acted,  was  chartered  under  the 
name  of  the  Dismal  Swamp  Company ;  and  to  his  observations 
and  forecast  may  be  traced  the  subsequent  improvement  and  pros- 
perity of  that  once  desolate  region. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

TREATY   OF  PEACE — PONTIAc's  WAR COURSE  OF  PUBLIC  EVENTS BOARD   OF  TRADE 

AGAINST    PAPER    CURRENCY RESTRICTIVE    POLICY    OF    ENGLAND — NAVIGATION 

LAWS DISCONTENTS   IN   NEW  ENGLAND— OF  THE    OTHER    COLONIES PROJECTS 

TO    RAISE    REVENUE    BY    TAXATION BLOW    AT    THE     INDEPENDENCE    OF     THE 

JUDICIARY NAVAL  COMMANDERS   EMPLOYED   AS   CUSTOM-HOUSE   OFFICERS RE- 
TALIATION  OF    THE    COLONISTS TAXATION    RESISTED    IN    BOSTON — PASSING    OF 

THE     STAMP    ACT BURST    OF    OPPOSITION    IN    VIRGINIA SPEECH    OF    PATRICK 

HENRY. 

Tidings  of  peace  gladdened  the  colonies  in  the  spring  of  1763 
The  definitive  treaty  between  England  and  France  had  been 
signed  at  Fontainbleau.  Now,  it  was  trusted,  there  would  be  an 
end  to  those  horrid  ravages  that  had  desolated  the  interior  of  the 
country.  "  The  desert  and  the  silent  place  would  rejoice,  and  the 
wilderness  would  blossom  like  the  rose." 

The  month  of  May  proved  the  fallacy  of  such  hopes.  In 
that  month  the  famous  insurrection  of  the  Indian  tribes  broke 
out,  which,  from  the  name  of  the  chief  who  was  its  prime  mover 
and  master  spirit,  is  commonly  called  Pontiac's  war.  The  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees,  and  other  of  those  emigrant  tribes  of  the 
Ohio,  among  whom  "Washington  had  mingled,  were  foremost  in 
this  conspiracy.     Some  of  the  chiefs  who  had  been  his  allies,  had 

now  taken  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English.    The  plot  was  deep 
Vol.  L— 13* 


298  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1763. 

laid,  and  conducted  with  Indian  craft  and  secrecy.  At  a  con- 
certed time  an  attack  was  made  upon  all  the  posts  from  Detroit 
to  Fort  Pitt  (late  Fort  Duquesne).  Several  of  the  small  stock- 
aded forts,  the  places  of  refuge  of  woodland  neighborhoods,  were 
surprised  and  sacked  with  remorseless  butchery.  The  frontiers 
of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  were  laid  waste ;  traders 
in  the  wilderness  were  plundered  and  slain ;  hamlets  and  farm- 
houses were  wrapped  in  flames,  and  their  inhabitants  massacred. 
Shingis,  with  his  Delaware  warriors,  blockaded  Fort  Pitt,  which, 
for  some  time,  was  in  imminent  danger.  Detroit,  also,  came  near 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  savages.  It  needed  all  the  influence 
of  Sir  William  Johnson,  that  potentate  in  savage  life,  to  keep 
the  Six  Nations  from  joining  this  formidable  conspiracy ;  had 
they  done  so,  the  triumph  of  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife 
would  have  been  complete ;  as  it  was,  a  considerable  time  elapsed 
before  the  frontier  was  restored  to  tolerable  tranquillity. 

Fortunately,  Washington's  retirement  from  the  army  prevented 
his  being  entangled  in  this  savage  war,  which  raged  throughout 
the  regions  he  had  repeatedly  visited,  or  rather  his  active  spirit 
had  been  diverted  into  a  more  peaceful  channel,  for  he  was  at 
this  time  occupied  in  the  enterprise  just  noticed,  for  draining  the 
great  Dismal  Swamp. 

Public  events  were  now  taking  a  tendency  which,  without  any 
political  aspiration  or  forethought  of  his  own,  was  destined  grad- 
ually to  bear  him  away  from  his  quiet  home  and  individual  pur- 
suits, and  launch  him  upon  a  grander  and  wider  sphere  of  action 
than  any  in  which  he  had  hitherto  been  engaged. 

The  prediction  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes  was  in  the  process  of 
fulfilment.  The  recent  war  of  Great  Britain  for  dominion  in 
America,  though  crowned  with  success,  had  engendered  a  progeny 


1763.]  RESTRICTIVE    POLICY    OF    ENGLAND.  299 

of  discontents  in  her  colonies.  Washington  was  among  the  first 
to  perceive  its  bitter  fruits.  British  merchants  had  complained 
loudly  of  losses  sustained  by  the  depreciation  of  the  colonial 
paper,  issued  during  the  late  war,  in  times  of  emergency,  and  had 
addressed  a  memorial  on  the  subject  to  the  Board  of  Trade. 
Scarce  was  peace  concluded,  when  an  order  from  the  board  de- 
clared that  no  paper,  issued  by  colonial  Assemblies,  should  thence- 
forward be  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts.  Washington 
deprecated  this  "  stir  of  the  merchants  "  as  peculiarly  ill-timed ; 
and  expressed  an  apprehension  that  the  orders  in  question  "  would 
set  the  whole  country  in  flames." 

We  do  not  profess,  in  this  personal  memoir,  to  enter  into  a 
wide  scope  of  general  history,  but  shall  content  ourselves  with  a 
glance  at  the  circumstances  and  events  which  gradually  kindled 
the  conflagration  thus  apprehended  by  the  anxious  mind  of  Wash- 
ington. 

Whatever  might  be  the  natural  affection  of  the  colonies  for 
the  mother  country, — and  there  are  abundant  evidences  to  prove 
that  it  was  deep-rooted  and  strong, — it  had  never  been  properly 
reciprocated.  They  yearned  to  be  considered  as  children ;  they 
were  treated  by  her  as  changelings.  Burke  testifies  that  her 
policy  toward  them  from  the  beginning  had  been  purely  commer- 
cial, and  her  commercial  policy  wholly  restrictive.  "  It  was  tho 
system  of  a  monopoly." 

Her  navigation  laws  had  shut  their  ports  against  foreign  ves- 
sels ;  obliged  them  to  export  their  productions  only  to  countries 
belonging  to  the  British  crown ;  to  import  European  goods  solely 
from  England,  and  in  English  ships ;  and  had  subjected  the  trado 
between  the  colonies  to  duties.  All  manufactures,  too,  in  tho 
colonies  that  might  interfere  with  those  of  the  mother  country 


300  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1763. 

had  been  either  totally  prohibited,  or  subjected  to  intolerable  re- 
straints. 

The  acts  of  Parliament,  imposing  these  prohibitions  and  re- 
strictions, had  at  various  times  produced  sore  discontent  and 
opposition  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  especially  among  those  of 
New  England.  The  interests  of  these  last  were  chiefly  commercial, 
and  among  them  the  republican  spirit  predominated.  They  had 
sprung  into  existence  during  that  part  of  the  reign  of  James  I. 
when  disputes  ran  high  about  kingly  prerogative  and  popular 
privilege. 

The  Pilgrims,  as  they  styled  themselves,  who  founded  Ply- 
mouth Colony  in  1620,  had  been  incensed  while  in  England  by 
what  they  stigmatized  as  the  oppressions  of  the  monarchy,  and 
the  established  church.  They  had  sought  the  wilds  of  America 
for  the  indulgence  of  freedom  of  opinion;  and  had  brought  with 
them  the  spirit  of  independence  and  self-government.  Those 
who  followed  them  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  were  imbued  with 
the  same  spirit,  and  gave  a  lasting  character  to  the  people  of  New 
England. 

Other  colonies,  having  been  formed  under  other  circumstances, 
might  be  inclined  toward  a  monarchical  government,  and  disposed 
to  acquiesce  in  its  exactions ;  but  the  republican  spirit  was  ever 
alive  in  New  England,  watching  over  "natural  and  chartered 
rights,"  and  prompt  to  defend  them  against  any  infringement. 
Its  example  and  instigation  had  gradually  an  effect  on  the  other 
colonies;  a  general  impatience  was  evinced  from  time  to  time 
of  parliamentary  interference  in  colonial  affairs,  and  a  disposition 
in  the  various  provincial  Legislatures  to  think  and  act  for  them- 
selves in  matters  of  civil  and  religious,  as  well  as  commercial 
polity. 


1763.]  KEVENUE   BY    TAXATION.  301 

There  was  nothing,  however,  to  which  the  jealous  sensibilities 
of  the  colonies  were  more  alive  than  to  any  attempt  of  the 
mother  country  to  draw  a  revenue  from  them  by  taxation.  From 
the  earliest  period  of  their  existence,  they  had- maintained  the  prin- 
ciple that  they  could  only  be  taxed  by  a  Legislature  in  which  they 
were  represented.  Sir  Kobert  Walpole,  when  at  the  head  of  the 
British  government,  was  aware  of  their  jealous  sensibility  on  this 
point,  and  cautious  of  provoking  it.  When  American  taxation 
was  suggested,  "  it  must  be  a  bolder  man  than  himself,"  he  re- 
plied, "  and  one  less  friendly  to  commerce,  who  should  venture 
on  such  an  expedient.  For  his  part,  he  would  encourage  the  trade 
of  the  colonies  to  the  utmost ;  one  half  of  the  profits  would  be 
sure  to  come  into  the  royal  exchequer  through  the  increased  de- 
mand for  British  manufactures.  This"  said  he,  sagaciously, 
"  is  taxing  them  more  agreeably  to  their  own  constitution  and 
laws." 

Subsequent  ministers  adopted  a  widely  different  policy.  Dur- 
ing the  progress  of  the  French  war,  various  projects  were  dis- 
cussed in  England  with  re'gard  to  the  colonies,  which  were  to  be 
carried  into  effect  on  the  return  of  peace.  The  open  avowal  of 
some  of  these  plans,  and  vague  rumors  of  others,  more  than  ever 
irritated  the  jealous  feelings  of  the  colonists,  and  put  the  dragon 
spirit  of  New  England  on  the  alert. 

In  1760,  there  was  an  attempt  in  Boston  to  collect  duties  on 
foreign  sugar  and  molasses  imported  into  the  colonies.  Writs  of 
assistance  were  applied  for  by  the  custom-house  officers,  authoriz- 
ing them  to  break  'open  ships,  stores,  and  private  dwellings,  w 
quest  of  articles  that  had  paid  no  duty ;  and  to  call  the  assistance 
of  others  in  the  discharge  of  their  odious  task.  The  merchants 
opposed  the  execution   of  the   writ   on  constitutional  grounds. 


302  LIFE    OIT    WASHINGTON.  [1*763. 

The  question  was  argued  in  court,  where  James  Otis  spoke  so  elo- 
quently in  vindication  of  American  rights,  that  all  his  hearers 
went  away  ready  to  take  arms  against  writs  of  assistance.  "  Then 
and  there,"  says  John  Adams,  who  was  present,  "  was  the  first 
scene  of  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain. 
Then  and  there  American  Independence  was  born." 

Another  ministerial  measure  was  to  instruct  the  provincial 
governors  to  commission  judges.  Not  as  theretofore  "  during 
good  behavior,"  but  "  during  the  king's  pleasure."  New  York 
was  the  first  to  resent  this  blow  at  the  independence  of  the  ju- 
diciary. The  lawyers  appealed  to  the  public  through  the  press 
against  an  act  which  subjected  the  halls  of  justice  to  the  preroga- 
tive. Their  appeals  were  felt  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  province, 
and  awakened  a  general  spirit  of  resistance. 

Thus  matters  stood  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  One  of  the 
first  measures  of  ministers,  on  the  return  of  peace,  was  to  enjoin 
on  all  naval  officers  stationed  on  the  coasts  of  the  American  colo- 
nies the  performance,  under  oath,  of  the  duties  of  custom-house 
officers,  for  the  suppression  of  smuggling.  This  fell  ruinously 
upon  a  clandestine  trade  which  had  long  been  connived  at  be- 
tween the  English  and  Spanish  colonies,  profitable  to  both,  but 
especially  to  the  former,  and  beneficial  to  the  mother  country, 
opening  a  market  to  her  manufactures. 

"  Men-of-war,"  says  Burke,  "  were  for  the  first  time  armed 
with  the  regular  commissions  of  custom-house  officers,  invested 
the  coasts,  and  gave  the  collection  of  revenue  the  air  of  hostile 
contribution.  *  *  *  *  They  fell  so  indiscriminately  on  all 
sorts  of  contraband,  or  supposed  contraband,  that  some  of  the 
most  valuable  branches  of  trade  were  driven  violently  from  our 


1764.]  PAPER   CHAINS   ON    THE    COLONIES.  303 

ports,  which  caused  an  universal  consternation  throughout  the 
colonies."  # 

As  a  measure  of  retaliation,  the  colonists  resolved  not  to  pur- 
chase British  fabrics,  but  to  clothe  themselves  as  much  as  possi- 
ble in  home  manufactures.  The  demand  for  British  goods  in 
Boston  alone  was  diminished  upwards  of  £10,000  sterling  in  the 
course  of  a  year. 

In  1764,  George  Grrenville,  now  at  the  head  of  government, 
ventured  upon  the  policy  from  which  Walpole  had  so  wisely 
abstained.  Early  in  March  the  eventful  question  was  debated, 
u  whether  they  had  a  right  to  tax  America."  It  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative.  Next  followed  a  resolution,  declaring  it  proper 
to  charge  certain  stamp  duties  in  the  colonies  and  plantations, 
but  no  immediate  step  was  taken  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Mr. 
Grenville,  however,  gave  notice  to  the  American  agents  in  Lon- 
don, that  he  should  introduce  such  a  measure  on  the  ensuing 
session  of  Parliament.  In  the  mean  time  Parliament  perpetu- 
ated certain  duties  on  sugar  and  molasses — heretofore  subjects 
of  complaint  and  opposition — now  reduced  and  modified  so  as  to 
discourage  smuggling,  and  thereby  to  render  them  more  pro- 
ductive. Duties,  also,  were  imposed  on  other  articles  of  foreign 
produce  or  manufacture  imported  into  the  colonies.  To  recon- 
cile the  latter  to  these  impositions,  it  was  stated  that  the  revenue 
thus  raised  was  to  be  appropriated  to  their  protection  and  secu- 
rity ;  in  other  words,  to  the  support  of  a  standing  army,  intended 
to  be  quartered  upon  them. 

We  have  here  briefly  stated  but  a  part  of  what  Burke  terms 
an  "  infinite  variety  of  paper  chains,"  extending  through  no  less 

*  Burke  on  the  state  of  the  nation. 


304  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1*765. 


than  twenty-nine  acts   of  Parliament,   from   1660   to    1764,  by 
which  the  colonies  had  been  held  in  thraldom. 

The  New  Englanders  were  the  first  to  take  the  field  against  the 
project  of  taxation.  They  denounced  it  as  a  violation  of  their 
rights  as  freemen ;  of  their  chartered  rights,  by  which  they  were  to 
tax  themselves  for  their  support  and  defence ;  of  their  rights  as 
British  subjects,  who  ought  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  themselves  or 
their  representatives.  They  sent  petitions  and  remonstrances  on 
the  subject  to  the  king,  the  lords  and  the  commons,  in  which 
they  were  seconded  by  New  York  and  Virginia.  Franklin 
appeared  in  London  at  the  head  of  agents  from  Pennsylvania, 
Connecticut  and  South  Carolina,  to  deprecate,  in  person,  measures 
so  fraught  with  mischief.  The  most  eloquent  arguments,  were 
used  by  British  orators  and  statesmen  to  dissuade  Grrenville  from 
enforcing  them.  He  was  warned  of  the  sturdy  independence  of 
the  colonists,  and  the  spirit  of  resistance  he  might  provoke.  All 
was  in  vain.  G-renville,  "great  in  daring  and  little  in  views," 
says  Horace  Walpole,  "  was  charmed  to  have  an  untrodden  field 
before  him  of  calculation  and  experiment."  In  March,  1765,  the 
act  was  passed,  according  to  which  all  instruments  in  writing 
were  to  be  executed  on  stamped  paper,  to  be  purchased  from  the 
agents  of  the  British  government.  What  was  more :  all  offences 
against  the  act  could  be  tried  in  any  royal,  marine  or  admiralty 
court  throughout  the  colonies,  however  distant  from  the  place 
where  the  offence  had  been  committed  ;  thus  interfering  with  that 
most  inestimable  right,  a  trial  by  jury. 

It  was  an  ominous  sign  that  the  first  burst  of  opposition  to  this 
act  should  take  place  in  Virginia.  That  colony  had  hitherto  been 
slow  to  accord  with  the  republican  spirit  of  New  England.  Founded 
at  an  earlier  period  of  the  reign  of  James  I.,  before  kingly  pre 


H65.] 


RESOLUTIONS    OF   PATRICK    HENRY.  305 


rogative  and  ecclesiastical  supremacy  had  been  made  matters  of 
doubt  and  fierce  dispute,  it  had  grown  up  in  loyal  attachment  to 
king,  church,  and  constitution ;  was  aristocratical  in  its  tastes  and 
habits,  and  had  been  remarked  above  all  the  other  colonies  for  its 
sympathies  with  the  mother  country.  Moreover,  it  had  not  so 
many  pecuniary  interests  involved  in  these  questions  as  had  the 
people  of  New  England,  being  an  agricultural  rather  than  a  com- 
mercial province  ;  but  the  Virginians  are  of  a  quick  and  generous 
spirit,  readily  aroused  on  all  points  of  honorable  pride,  and  they 
resented  the  stamp  act  as  an  outrage  on  their  rights. 

"Washington  occupied  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
when,  on  the  29th  of  May,  the  stamp  act  became  a  subject  of 
discussion.  We  have  seen  no  previous  opinions  of  his  on  the 
subject.  His  correspondence  hitherto  had  not  turned  on  political 
or  speculative  themes;  being  engrossed  by  either  military  or 
agricultural  matters,  and  evincing  little  anticipation  of  the  vortex 
of  public  duties  into  which  he  was  about  to  be  drawn.  All  his 
previous  conduct  and  writings  show  a  loyal  devotion  to  the 
crown,  with  a  patriotic  attachment  to  his  country.  It  is  probable 
that  on  the  present  occasion  that  latent  patriotism  received  its 
first  electric  shock. 

Among  the  Burgesses  sat  Patrick  Henry,  a  young  lawyer  who 
had  recently  distinguished  himself  by  pleading  against  the  exer- 
cise of  the  royal  prerogative  in  church  matters,  and  who  was  now 
for  the  first  time  a  member  of  the  House.  Rising  in  his  place, 
he  introduced  his  celebrated  resolutions,  declaring  that  the 
General  Assembly  of  Virginia  had  the  exclusive  right  and  power 
to  lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants,  and  that  who- 
ever maintained  the  contrary  should  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  the 
colony. 


306  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1765. 

The  speaker,  Mr.  Robinson,  objected  to  the  resolutions,  as 
inflammatory.  Henry  vindicated  them,  as  justified  by  the  nature 
of  the  case ;  went  into  an  able  and  constitutional  discussion  of 
colonial  rights,  and  an  eloquent  exposition  of  the  manner  in 
which  they  had  been  assailed ;  wound  up  by  one  of  those  daring 
flights  of  declamation  for  which  he  was  remarkable,  and  startled 
the  House  by  a  warning  flash  from  history :  "  Caesar  had  his 
Brutus ;  Charles  his  Cromwell,  and  George  the  Third — ('  Treason ! 
treason ! '  resounded  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Chair) — may 
profit  by  their  examples,"  added  Henry.  "  Sir,  if  this  be  treason 
(bowing  to  the  speaker),  make  the  most  of  it !  " 

The  resolutions  were  modified,  to  accommodate  them  to  the 
scruples  of  the  speaker  and  some  of  the  members,  but  their  spirit 
was  retained.  The  Lieutenant-governor  (Fauquier),  startled  by 
this  patriotic  outbreak,  dissolved  the  Assembly,  and  issued  writs 
for  a  new  election ;  but  the  clarion  had  sounded.  "  The  resolves 
of  the  Assembly  of  Virginia,"  says  a  correspondent  of  the  min- 
istry, "  gave  the  signal  for  a  general  outcry  over  the  continent. 
The  movers  and  supporters  of  them  were  applauded  as  the  pro- 
tectors and  assertors  of  American  liberty.  * 


*  Letter  to  Secretary  Conway,  New  York,  Sept.  23. — Parliamentary 
Register. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington's  ideas  concerning  the  stamp  act — opposition  to  rr  in  the 

COLONIES — PORTENTOUS     CEREMONIES    AT    BOSTON    AND     NEW    YORK NON-IM- 
PORTATION   AGREEMENT    AMONG    THE    MERCHANTS — WASHINGTON    AND    GEORGE 

MASON DISMISSAL    OF    GRENVILLE    FROM    THE     BRITISH     CABINET — FRANKLIN 

BEFORE     THE     HOUSE    OF    COMMONS REPEAL    OF    THE     STAMP     ACT JOY    OF 

WASHINGTON FRESH    CAUSES    OF    COLONIAL    DISSENSIONS CIRCULAR    OF    THE 

GENERAL    COURT   OF    MASSACHUSETTS EMBARKATION    OF    TROOPS    FOR    BOSTON 

MEASURES   OF  THE   BOSTONIANS. 

Washington  returned  to  Mount  Vernon  full  of  anxious  thoughts 
inspired  by  the  political  events  of  the  clay,  and  the  legislative 
scene  which  he  witnessed.  His  recent  letters  had  spoken  of  the 
state  of  peaceful  tranquillity  in  which  he  was  living ;  those  now 
written  from  his  rural  home  show  that  he  fully  participated  in 
the  popular  feeling,  and  that  while  he  had  a  presentiment  of  an 
arduous  struggle,  his  patriotic  mind  was  revolving  means  of 
coping  with  it.  Such  is  the  tenor  of  a  letter  written  to  his  wife's 
uncle,  Francis  Dandridge,  then  in  London.  "  The  stamp  act," 
said  he,  "  engrosses  the  conversation  of  the  speculative  part  of  the 
colonists,  who  look  upon  this  unconstitutional  method  of  taxation 
as  a  direful  attack  upon  their  liberties,  and  loudly  exclaim  against 
the  violation.     What  may  be  the  result  of  this,  and  of  some  other 


308  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*765. 

(I  think  I  may  add  ill-judged)  measures,  I  will  not  undertake  to 
determine ;  but  this  I  may  venture  to  affirm,  that  the  advantage 
accruing  to  the  mother  country  will  fall  greatly  short  of  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  ministry ;  for  certain  it  is,  that  our  whole  sub- 
stance already  in  a  manner  flows  to  Great  Britain,  and  that  what- 
soever contributes  to  lessen  our  importations  must  be  hurtful  to 
her  manufactures.  The  eyes  of  our  people  already  begin  to  be 
opened ;  and  they  will  perceive,  that  many  luxuries,  for  which  we 
lavish  our  substance  in  Great  Britain,  can  well  be  dispensed  with. 
This,  consequently,  will  introduce  frugality,  and  be  a  necessary 
incitement  to  industry.  *  *  *  #  *  *  As  to  the  stamp 
act,  regarded  in  a  single  view,  one  of  the  first  bad  consequences 
attending  it,  is,  that  our  courts  of  judicature  must  inevitably  be 
shut  up ;  for  it  is  impossible,  or  next  to  impossible,  under  our 
present  circumstances,  that  the  act  of  Parliament  can  be  com- 
plied with,  were  we  ever  so  willing  to  enforce  its  execution.  And 
not  to  say  (which  alone  would  be  sufficient)  that  we  have  not 
money  enough  to  pay  for  the  stamps,  there  are  many  other  cogent 
reasons  which  prove  that  it  would  be  ineffectual." 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  to  his  agents  in  London,  of  ample 
length  and  minute  in  all  its  details,  shows  that,  while  deeply  in- 
terested in  the  course  of  public  affairs,  his  practical  mind  was  ena- 
bled thoroughly  and  ably  to  manage  the  financial  concerns  of  his 
estate  and  of  the  estate  of  Mrs.  Washington's  son,  John  Parke  Cus- 
tis,  towards  whom  he  acted  the  part  of  a  faithful  and  affectionate 
guardian.  In  those  days,  Virginia  planters  were  still  in  direct 
and  frequent  correspondence  with  their  London  factors;  and 
Washington's  letters  respecting  his  shipments  of  tobacco,  and  the 
returns  required  in  various  articles  for  household  and  personal 
use,  are  perfect  models  for  a  man  of  business.     And  this  may  be 


1765.]  POPULAR    AGITATION.  309 

remarked  throughout  his  whole  career,  that  no  pressure  of 
events  nor  multiplicity  of  cares  prevented  a  clear,  steadfast,  under- 
current of  attention  to  domestic  affairs,  and  the  interest  and  well- 
being  of  all  dependent  upon  him. 

In  the  mean  time,  from  his  quiet  abode  at  Mount  Vernon,  he 
seemed  to  hear  the  patriotic  voice  of  Patrick  Henry,  which  had 
startled  the  House  of  Burgesses,  echoing  throughout  the  land, 
and  rousing  one  legislative  body  after  another  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  that  of  Virginia.  At  the  instigation  of  the  General 
Court  or  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  a  Congress  was  held  in  New 
York  in  October,  composed  of  delegates  from  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylva- 
nia, Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina.  In  this  they  de- 
nounced the  acts  of  Parliament  imposing  taxes  on  them  without 
their  consent,  and  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  ad- 
miralty, as  violations  of  their  rights  and  liberties  as  natural  born 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  prepared  an  address  to  the  king, 
and  a  petition  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  praying  for  redress. 
Similar  petitions  were  forwarded  to  England  by  the  colonies  not 
represented  in  the  Congress. 

The  very  preparations  for  enforcing  the  stamp  act  called  forth 
popular  tumults  in  various  places.  In  Boston  the  stamp  distri- 
butor was  hanged  in  effigy ;  his  windows  were  broken ;  a  house 
intended  for  a  stamp  office  was  pulled  down,  and  the  eSigy  burnt 
in  a  bonfire  made  of  the  fragments.  The  lieutenant-governor,  chief 
justice,  and  sheriff,  attempting  to  allay  the  tumult,  were  pelted. 
The  stamp  officer  thought  himself  happy  to  be  hanged  merely  in 
effigy,  and  next  day  publicly  renounced  the  perilous  office. 

Various  were  the  proceedings  in  other  places,  all  manifesting 
public  scorn  and  defiance  of  the  act.     In  Virginia,  Mr.  George 


310  LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [1765. 

Mercer  had  been  appointed  distributor  of  stamps,  but  on  his  arrival 
at  Williamsburg  publicly  declined  officiating.  It  was  a  fresh  tri- 
umph to  the  popular  cause.  The  bells  were  rung  for  joy ;  the 
town  was  illuminated,  and  Mercer  was  hailed  with  acclamations 
of  the  people.* 

The  1st  of  November,  the  day  when  the  act  was  to  go  into 
operation,  was  ushered  in  with  portentous  solemnities.  There 
was  great  tolling  of  bells  and  burning  of  effigies  in  the  New  Eng- 
land colonies.  At  Boston  the  ships  displayed  their  colors  but 
half-mast  high.  Many  shops  were  shut;  funeral  knells  resounded 
from  the  steeples,  and  there  was  a  grand  auto-da-fe,  in  which  the 
promoters  of  the  act  were  paraded,  and  suffered  martyrdom  in 
effigy. 

At  New  York  the  printed  act  was  carried  about  the  streets 
on  a  pole,  surmounted  by  a  death's  head,  with  a  scroll  bearing  the 
inscription,  "  The  folly  of  England  and  ruin  of  America."  Col- 
den,  the  lieutenant-governor,  who  acquired  considerable  odium  by 
recommending  to  government  the  taxation  of  the  colonies,  the  insti- 
tution of  hereditary  Assemblies,  and  other  Tory  measures,  seeing 
that  a  popular  storm  was  rising,  retired  into  the  fort,  taking  with 
him  the  stamp  papers,  and  garrisoned  it  with  marines  from  a 
ship  of  war.  The  mob  broke  into  his  stable ;  drew  out  his  cha- 
riot ;  put  his  effigy  into  it ;  paraded  it  through  the  streets  to  the 
common  (now  the  Park),  where  they  hung  it  on  a  gallows.  In  the 
evening  it  was  taken  down,  put  again  into  the  chariot,  with  the 
devil  for  a  companion,  and  escorted  back  by  torchlight  to  the 
Bowling  Green ;  where  the  whole  pageant,  chariot  and  all,  was 
burnt  under  the  very  guns  of  the  fort. 


Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  it,  p.  138. 


1765.]  NULLIFICATION    OF    THE    STAMP    ACT.  311 

These  are  specimens  of  the  marks  of  popular  reprobation  with 
which  the  stamp  act  was  universally  nullified.  No  one  would 
venture  to  carry  it  into  execution.  In  fact  no  stamped  paper  was 
to  be  seen;  all  had  been  either  destroyed  or  concealed.  All 
transactions  which  required  stamps  to  give  them  validity  were 
suspended,  or  were  executed  by  private  compact.  The  courts  of 
justice  were  closed,  until  at  length  some  conducted  their  business 
without  stamps.  Union  was  becoming  the  watch-word.  The 
merchants  of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Boston,  and  such  other 
colonies  as  had  ventured  publicly  to  oppose  the  stamp  act,  agreed 
to  import  no  more  British  manufactures  after  the  1st  of  January 
unless  it  should  be  repealed.     So  passed  away  the  year  1765. 

As  yet  Washington  took  no  prominent  part  in  the  public  agi- 
tation. Indeed  he  was  never  disposed  to  put  himself  forward  on 
popular  occasions,  his  innate  modesty  forbade  it ;  it  was  others 
who  knew  his  worth  that  called  him  forth ;  but  when  once  he  en- 
gaged in  any  public  measure,  he  devoted  himself  to  it  with  consci- 
entiousness and  persevering  zeal.  At  present  he  remained  a  quiet 
but  vigilant  .observer  of  events  from  his  eagle  nest  at  Mount  Ver- 
non. He  had  some  few  intimates  in  his  neighborhood  who  accord- 
ed with  him  in  sentiment.  One  of  the  ablest  and  most  efficient 
of  these  was  Mr.  George  Mason,  with  whom  he  had  occasional 
conversations  on  the  state  of  affairs,  His  friends  the  Fairfaxes, 
though  liberal  in  feelings  and  opinions,  were  too  strong  in  their 
devotion  to  the  crown  not  to  regard  with  an  uneasy  eye  the  ten- 
dency of  the  popular  bias.  From  one  motive  or  other,  the  earnest 
attention  of  all  the  inmates  and  visitors  at  Mount  Vernon,  was 
turned  to  England,  watching  the  movements  of  the  ministry. 

The  dismissal  of  Mr.  Grenville  from  the  cabinet  gave  a  tem- 
porary change  to  public  affairs.     Perhaps  nothing  had  a  greater 


312  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1*765. 

effect  in  favor  of  the  colonies  than  an  examination  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin before  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  subject  of  the  stamp 
act. 

"  "What,"  he  was  asked,  "  was  the  temper  of  America  towards 
Great  Britain,  before  the  year  1763  ?  " 

"  The  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted  willingly  to  the 
government  of  the  crown,  and  paid,  in  all  their  courts,  obedience 
to  the  acts  of  Parliament.  Numerous  as  the  people  are  in  the 
several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing  in  forts,  citadels, 
garrisons,  or  armies,  to  keep  them  in  subjection.  They  were  gov- 
erned by  this  country  at  the  expense  only  of  a  little  pen,  ink, 
and  paper.  They  were  led  by  a  thread.  They  had  not  only  a 
respect,  but  an  affection  for  Great  Britain,  for  its  laws,  its  cus- 
toms, and  manners,  and  even  a  fondness  for  its  fashions,  that 
greatly  increased  the  commerce.  Natives  of  Great  Britain  were 
always  treated  with  particular  regard;  to  be  an  Old-England 
man  was,  of  itself,  a  character  of  some  respect,  and  gave  a  kind 
of  rank  among  us." 

"  And  what  is  their  temper  now  ?  " 

"  Oh  !  very  much  altered." 

"  If  the  act  is  not  repealed,  what  do  you  think  will  be  the 
consequences  ?  " 

"  A  total  loss  of  the  respect  and  affection  the  people  of  Amer- 
ica bear  to  this  country,  and  of  all  the  commerce  that  depends  on 
that  respect  and  affection." 

"  Do  you  think  the  people  of  America  would  submit  to  pay 
the  stamp  duty  if  it  was  moderated  ?  " 

"  No,  never,  unless  compelled  by  force  of  arms."  * 


Parliamentary  Register,  1766. 


1766.]  REPEAL   OF    THE    STAMP   ACT.  313 

The  act  was  repealed  on  the  18th  of  March,  1766,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  sincere  friends  of  both  countries,  and  to  no  one 
more  than  to  Washington.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  observes : 
"  Had  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  resolved  upon  enforcing 
it,  the  consequences,  I  conceive,  would  have  been  more  direful 
than  is  generally  apprehended,  both  to  the  mother  country  and 
her  colonies.  All,  therefore,  who  were  instrumental  in  procuring 
the  repeal,  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  every  British  subject,  and 
have  mine  cordially."  * 

Still,  there  was  a  fatal  clause  in  the  repeal,  which  declared 
that  the  king,  with  the  consent  of  Parliament,  had  power  and  au- 
thority to  make  laws  and  statutes  of  sufficient  force  and  validity 
to  "  bind  the  colonies,  and  people  of  America,  in  all  cases  what- 
soever." 

As  the  people  of  America  were  contending  for  principles,  not 
mere  pecuniary  interests,  this  reserved  power  of  the  crown  and 
Parliament  left  the  dispute  still  open,  and  chilled  the  feeling  of 
gratitude  which  the  repeal  might  otherwise  have  inspired.  Fur- 
ther aliment  for  public  discontent  was  furnished  by  other  acts  of 
Parliament.  One  imposed  duties  on  glass,  pasteboard,  white  and 
red  lead,  painters'  colors,  and  tea ;  the  duties  to  be  collected  on 
the  arrival  of  the  articles  in  the  colonies ;  another  empowered 
naval  officers  to  enforce  the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation.  An- 
other wounded  to  the  quick  the  pride  and  sensibilities  of  New  York. 
The  mutiny  act  had  recently  been  extended  to  America,  with 
an  additional  clause,  requiring  the  provincial  Assemblies  to  provide 
the  troops  sent  out  with  quarters,  and  to  furnish  them  with  fire, 
beds,    candles,   and   other  necessaries,   at  the   expense  of  the 

*  Sparks.   "Writings  of  Washington,  ii.,  345,  note. 
Vol.  I.— 14 


314  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1766. 

colonies.  The  Governor  and  Assembly  of  New  York  refused  to 
comply  with  this  requisition  as  to  stationary  forces,  insisting  that 
it  applied  only  to  troops  on  a  march.  An  act  of  Parliament  now 
suspended  the  powers  of  the  governor  and  Assembly  until  they 
should  comply.  Chatham  attributed  this  opposition  of  the 
colonists  to  the  mutiny  act  to  "  their  jealousy  of  being  somehow 
or  other  taxed  internally  by  the  Parliament ;  the  act,"  said  he, 
u  asserting  the  right  of  Parliament,  has  certainly  spread  a  most 
unfortunate  jealousy  and  diffidence  of  government  here  through- 
out America,  and  makes  them  jealous  of  the  least  distinction  be- 
tween this  country  and  that,  lest  the  same  principle  may  be  ex- 
tended to  taxing  them."  * 

Boston  continued  to  be  the  focus  of  what  the  ministerialists 
termed  sedition.  The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  not  con- 
tent with  petitioning  the  king  for  relief  against  the  recent  mea- 
sures of  Parliament,  especially  those  imposing  taxes  as  a  means 
of  revenue,  drew  up  a  circular,  calling  on  the  other  colonial  Legis- 
latures to  join  with  them  in  suitable  efforts  to  obtain  redress.  In 
the  ensuing  session,  Governor  Sir  Francis  Bernard  called  upon 
them  to  rescind  the  resolution  on  which  the  circular  was  founded, 
— they  refused  to  comply,  and  the  General  Court  was  consequently 
dissolved.  The  governors  of  other  colonies  required  of  their 
Legislatures  an  assurance  that  they  would  not  reply  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts circular, — these  Legislatures  likewise  refused  compliance, 
and  were  dissolved.     All  this  added  to  the  growing  excitement. 

Memorials  were  addressed  to  the  lords,  spiritual  and  tempo- 
ral, and  remonstrances  to  the  House  of  Commons,  against  taxa- 
tion for  revenue,  as  destructive  to  the  liberties  of  the  colonists ; 
and  against  the  act  suspending  the  legislative  power  of  the  pro- 

*  Chatham's  Correspondence,  vol.  iii.,  p.  189-192. 


1766.]  MILITARY    DEMONSTRATIONS   AT    BOSTON.  315 

vince  of  New  York,  as  menacing  the  welfare  of  the  colonies  in 
general. 

Nothing,  however,  produced  a  more  powerful  effect  upon 
the  public  sensibilities  throughout  the  country,  than  certain  mili- 
tary demonstrations  at  Boston.  In  consequence  of  repeated  col- 
lisions between  the  people  of  that  place  and  the  commissioners 
of  customs,  two  regiments  were  held  in  readiness  at  Halifax  to 
embark  for  Boston  in  the  ships  of  Commodore  Hood  whenever 
Governor  Bernard,  or  the  general,  should  give  the  word.  "  Had 
this  force  been  landed  in  Boston  six  months  ago,"  writes  the 
commodore,  "  I  am  perfectly  persuaded  no  address  or  remon- 
strances would  have  been  sent  from  the  other  colonies,  and  that 
all  would  have  been  tolerably  quiet  and  orderly  at  this  time 
throughout  America."  * 

Tidings  reached  Boston  that  these  troops  were  embarked 
and  that  they  were  coming  to  overawe  the  people.  What  was  to 
be  done  ?  The  General  Court  had  been  dissolved,  and  the  governor 
refused  to  convene  it  without  the  royal  command.  A  conven- 
tion, therefore,  from  various  towns  met  at  Boston,  on  the  22d  of 
September,  to  devise  measures  for  the  public  safety;  but  dis- 
claiming all  pretensions  to  legislative  powers.  While  the  conven- 
tion was  yet  in  session  (September  28th),  the  two  regiments 
arrived,  with  seven  armed  vessels.  "I  am  very  confident," 
writes  Commodore  Hood  from  Halifax,  "  the  spirited  measures 
now  pursuing  will  soon  effect  order  in  America." 

On  the  contrary,  these  "  spirited  measures "  added  fuel 
to  the  fire  they  were  intended  to  quench.  It  was  resolved  in  a 
town  meeting  that  the  king  had  no  right  to  send  troops  thither 
without  the  consent  of  the  Assembly ;  that  Great  Britain  had 

*  Grcnville  Papers,  vol.  iv.,  p.  362, 


316  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1766. 

broken  the  original  compact,  and  that,  therefore,  the  king's  officers 
had  no  longer  any  business  there.* 

The  "  selectmen "  accordingly  refused  to  find  quarters  for 
the  soldiers  in  the  town  ;  the  council  refused  to  find  barracks  for 
them,  lest  it  should  be  construed  into  a  compliance  with  the  dis- 
puted clause  of  the  mutiny  act.  Some  of  the  troops,  therefore, 
which  had  tents,  were  encamped  on  the  common ;  others,  by  the 
governor's  orders,  were  quartered  in  the  state-house,  and  others 
in  Faneuil  Hall,  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  public,  who  were 
grievously  scandalized  at  seeing  field-pieces  planted  in  front  of 
the  state-house;  sentinels  stationed  at  the  doors,  challenging 
every  one  who  passed ;  and,  above  all,  at  having  the  sacred  quiet 
of  the  Sabbath  disturbed  by  drum  and  fife,  and  other  military 
music. 

*  Whately  to  Grenrille.     Gren.  Papers,  voL  iv.,  p.  389. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

CHEERFUL   LIFE    AT    MOUNT  VERNON WASHINGTON   AND   GEORGE   MASON — CORRES- 
PONDENCE CONCERNING   THE   NON-IMPORTATION   AGREEMENT FEELING   TOWARD 

ENGLAND OPENING  OF  THE  LEGISLATIVE  SESSION SEMI-REGAL   STATE    OF  LORD 

BOTETOURT HIGH-TONED   PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE   HOUSE — SYMPATHY  WITH   NEW 

ENGLAND DISSOLVED   BY   LORD   BOTETOURT WASHINGTON   AND   THE  ARTICLES 

OF  ASSOCIATION. 

Throughout  these  public  agitations,  Washington  endeavored  to 
preserve  his  equanimity.  Removed  from  the  heated  throngs  of 
cities,  his  diary  denotes  a  cheerful  and  healthful  life  at  Mount 
Vernon,  devoted  to  those  rural  occupations  in  which  he  delighted, 
and  varied  occasionally  by  his  favorite  field  sports.  Sometimes 
he  is  duck-shooting  on  the  Potomac.  Repeatedly  we  find  note 
of  his  being  out  at  sunrise  with  the  hounds,  in  company  with  old 
Lord  Fairfax,  Bryan  Fairfax,  and  others ;  and  ending  the  day's 
sport  by  a  dinner  at  Mount  Yernon,  or  Belvoir. 

Still  he  was  too  true  a  patriot  not  to  sympathize  in  the  strug- 
gle for  colonial  rights  which  now  agitated  the  whole  country,  and 
we  find  him  gradually  carried  more  and  more  into  the  current  of 
political  affairs. 

A  letter  written  on  the  5th  of  April,  1769,  to  his  friend, 


318  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [1769. 

George  Mason,  shows  the  important  stand  he  was  disposed  ta 
take.  In  the  previous  year,  the  merchants  and  traders  of  Boston, 
Salem,  Connecticut,  and  New  York,  had  agreed  to  suspend  for  a 
time  the  importation  of  all  articles  subject  to  taxation.  Similar 
resolutions  had  recently  been  adopted  by  the  merchants  of  Phila- 
delphia. Washington's  letter  is  emphatic  in  support  of  the  mea- 
sure. "At  a  time,"  writes  he,  "when  our  lordly  masters  in 
Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the  depri- 
vation of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly  necessary  that  some- 
thing should  be  done  to  avert  the  stroke,  and  maintain  the  liberty 
which  we  have  derived  from  our  ancestors.  But  the  manner  of 
doing  it,  to  answer  the  purpose  effectually,  is  the  point  in  ques- 
tion. That  no  man  should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a  moment  in  de- 
fence of  so  valuable  a  blessing,  is  clearly  my  opinion ;  yet  arms 
should  be  the  last  resource — the  dernier  ressort.  We  have  already, 
it  is  said,  proved  the  inefficacy  of  addresses  to  the  throne,  and 
remonstrances  to  Parliament.  How  far  their  attention  to  our 
rights  and  interests  is  to  be  awakened,  or  alarmed,  by  starving 
their  trade  and  manufactures,  remains  to  be  tried. 

"  The  northern  colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavoring  to  adopt 
this  scheme.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  a  good  one,  and  must  be  at- 
tended with  salutary  effects,  provided  it  can  be  carried  pretty 
generally  into  execution.  *  *  *  That  there  will  be  a  diffi- 
culty attending  it  every  where  from  clashiDg  interests,  and  selfish, 
designing  men,  ever  attentive  to  their  own  gain,  and  watchful  of 
every  turn  that  can  assist  their  lucrative  views,  cannot  be  denied , 
and  in  the  tobacco  colonies,  where  the  trade  is  so  diffused,  and  in  a 
manner  wholly  conducted  by  factors  for  their  principals  at  home, 
these  difficulties  are  certainly  enhanced,  but  I  think  not  insur- 
mountably increased,  if  the  gentlemen  in  their  several  counties 


1T69.] 


NON-IMPORTATION    PROJECT.  319 


will  be  at  some  pains  to  explain  matters  to  the  people,  and  stim- 
ulate them  to  cordial  agreements  to  purchase  none  but  certain 
enumerated  articles  out  of  any  of  the  stores,  after  a  definite 
period,  and  neither  import,  nor  purchase  any  themselves.  *  *  * 
I  can  see  but  one  class  of  people,  the  merchants  excepted,  who 
will  not,  or  ought  not,  to  wish  well  to  the  scheme, — namely,  they 
who  live  genteelly  and  hospitably  on  clear  estates.  Such  as  these, 
were  they  not  to  consider  the  valuable  object  in  view,  and  the 
good  of  others,  might  think  it  hard  to  be  curtailed  in  their  living 
and  enjoyments." 

This  was  precisely  the  class  to  which  "Washington  belonged ; 
but  he  was  ready  and  willing  to  make  the  sacrifices  required.  "  I 
think  the  scheme  a  good  one,"  added  he,  "  and  that  it  ought  to  be 
tried  here,  with  such  alterations  as  our  circumstances  render  ab- 
solutely necessary." 

Mason,  in  his  reply,  concurred  with  him  in  opinion.  "  Our 
all  is  at  stake,"  said  he,  "  and  the  little  conveniences  and  com- 
forts of  life,  when  set  in  competition  with  our  liberty,  ought  to 
be  rejected,  not  with  reluctance,  but  with  pleasure.  Yet  it  is 
plain  that,  in  the  tobacco  colonies,  we  cannot  at  present  confine 
our  importations  within  such  narrow  bounds  as  the  northern  colo- 
nies. A  plan  of  this  kind,  to  be  practicable,  must  be  adapted  to 
our  circumstances;  for,  if  not  steadily  executed,  it  had  better 
have  remained  unattempted.  We  may  retrench  all  manner  of 
superfluities,  finery  of  all  descriptions,  and  confine  ourselves  to 
linens,  woollens,  &c,  not  exceeding  a  certain  price.  It  is  amaz- 
ing how  much  this  practice,  if  adopted  in  all  the  colonies,  would 
lessen  the  American  imports,  and  distress  the  various  trades  and 
manufactures  of  Great  Britain.  This  would  awaken  their  atten- 
tion.    They  would  see,  they  would  feel,  the  oppressions  we  groan 


320  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1769. 

under,  and  exert  themselves  to  procure  us  redress.  This,  once 
obtained,  we  should  no  longer  discontinue  our  importations,  con- 
fining ourselves  still  not  to  import  any  article  that  should  here- 
after be  taxed  by  act  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in 
America ;  f©r,  however  singular  I  may  be  in  the  opinion,  i"  am 
thoroughly  convinced,  that,  justice  and  harmony  happily  re- 
stored, it  is  not  the  interest  of  these  colonies  to  refuse  British 
manufactures.  Our  supplying  our  mother  country  with  gross 
materials,  and  talcing  her  manufactures  in  return,  is  the  true 
chain  of  connection  between  us.  These  are  the  bands  which, 
if  not  broken  by  oppression,  must  long  hold  us  together,  by 
maintaining  a  constant  reciprocation  of  interests? 

The  latter  part  of  the  above  quotation  shows  the  spirit  which 
actuated  Washington  and  the  friends  of  his  confidence;  as  yet 
there  was  no  thought  nor  desire  of  alienation  from  the  mother 
country,  but  only  a  fixed  determination  to  be  placed  on  an  equali- 
ty of  rights  and  privileges  with  her  other  children. 

A  single  word  in  the  passage  cited  from  Washington's  letter, 
evinces  the  chord  which  still  vibrated  in  the  American  bosom : 
he  incidentally  speaks  of  England  as  ho(me.  It  was  the  familiar 
term  with  which  she  was  usually  indicated  by  those  of  English 
descent ;  and  the  writer  of  these  pages  remembers  when  the  en- 
dearing phrase  still  lingered  on  Anglo-American  lips  even  after 
the  Revolution.  How  easy  would  it  have  been  before  that  era  for 
the  mother  country  to  have  rallied  back  the  affections  of  her  colo- 
nial children,  by  a  proper  attention  to  their  complaints  !  Thej 
asked  for  nothing  but  what  they  were  entitled  to,  and  what  she 
had  taught  them  to  prize  as  their  dearest  inheritance.  The  spirit 
of  liberty  which  they  manifested  had  been  derived  from  her  own 
precept  and  example. 


1769.] 


LORD   BOTETOURT.  321 


The  result  of  the  correspondence  between  Washington  and 
Mason  was  the  draft  by  the  latter  of  a  plan  of  association,  the 
members  of  which  were  to  pledge  themselves  not  to  import  or  use 
any  articles  of  British  merchandise  or  manufacture  subject  to 
duty.  This  paper  "Washington  was  to  submit  to  the  consideration 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  at  the  approaching  session  in  the 
month  of  May. 

The  Legislature  of  Virginia  opened  on  this  occasion  with  a 
brilliant  pageant.  While  military  force  was  arrayed  to  overawe 
the  republican  Puritans  of  the  east,  it  was  thought  to  dazzle  the 
aristocratical  descendants  of  the  cavaliers  by  the  reflex  of  regal 
splendor.  Lord  Botetourt,  one  of  the  king's  lords  of  the  bed- 
chamber, had  recently  come  out  as  governor  of  the  province. 
Junius  described  him  as  "  a  cringing,  bowing,  fawning,  sword- 
bearing  courtier."  Horace  Walpole  predicted  that  he  would 
turn  the  heads  of  the  Virginians  in  one  way  or  other.  "  If  his 
graces  do  not  captivate  them  he  will  enrage  them  to  fury ;  for  I 
take  all  his  douceur  to  be  enamelled  on  iron."  *  The  words  of 
political  satirists  and  court  wits,  however,  are  always  to  be  taken 
with  great  distrust.  However  his  lordship  may  have  bowed  in 
presence  of  royalty,  he  elsewhere  conducted  himself  with  dignity, 
and  won  general  favor  by  his  endearing  manners.  He  certainly 
showed  promptness  of  spirit  in  his  reply  to  the  king  on  being  in- 
formed of  his  appointment.  "  When  will  you  be  ready  to  go  ?  " 
asked  George  III.     "  To-night,  sir." 

He  had  come  out,  however,  with  a  wrong  idea  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. They  had  been  represented  to  him  as  factious,  immoral, 
and  prone  to  sedition ;  but  vain  and  luxurious,  and  easily  capti- 
vated by  parade  and  splendor.     The  latter  foibles  were  aimed  at 

*  Grenville  papers,  iv.,  note  to  p.  330. 
Vol.  I.— 14* 


322  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1769. 

in  his  appointment  and  fitting  out.  It  was  supposed  that  his 
titled  rank  would  have  its  effect.  Then  to  prepare  him  for  occa- 
sions of  ceremony,  a  coach  of  state  was  presented  to  him  by  the 
king.  He  was  allowed,  moreover,  the  quantity  of  plate  usually 
given  to  ambassadors,  whereupon  the  joke  was  circulated  that  he 
was  going  "plenipo  to  the  Cherokees."* 

His  opening  of  the  session  was  in  the  style  of  the  royal  open- 
ing of  Parliament.  He  proceeded  in  due  parade  from  his  dwell- 
ing to  the  capitol,  in  his  state  coach,  drawn  by  six  milk-white 
horses.  Having  delivered  his  speech  according  to  royal  form,  he 
returned  home  with  the  same  pomp  and  circumstance. 

The  time  had  gone  by,  however,  for  such  display  to  have  the 
anticipated  effect.  The  Virginian  legislators  penetrated  the  in- 
tention of  this  pompous  ceremonial,  and  regarded  it  with  a  de- 
preciating smile.  Sterner  matters  occupied  their  thoughts;  they 
had  come  prepared  to  battle  for  their  rights,  and  their  proceed- 
ings soon  showed  Lord  Botetourt  how  much  he  had  mistaken 
them.  Spirited  resolutions  were  passed,  denouncing  the  recent 
act  of  Parliament  imposing  taxes ;  the  power  to  do  which,  on  the 
inhabitants  of  this  colony,  "was  legally  and  constitutionally 
vested  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  with  consent  of  the  council  and 
of  the  king,  or  of  his  governor,  for  the  time  being."  Copies  of 
these  resolutions  were  ordered  to  be  forwarded  by  the  speaker  to 
the  Legislatures  of  the  other  colonies,  with  a  request  for  their 
concurrence. 

Other  proceedings  of  the  Burgesses  showed  their  sympathy 
with  their  fellow-patriots  of  New  England.  A  joint  address  of 
both  Houses  of  Parliament  had  recently  been  made  to  the  king, 

*  Whately  to  Geo.  Grenville.     Grenville  papers. 


1*769.]  ADDRESS    TO    THE   KING.  323 

assuring  him  of  their  support  in  any  further  measures  for  the 
due  execution  of  the  laws  in  Massachusetts,  and  beseeching  him 
that  all  persons  charged  with  treason,  or  misprision  of  treason, 
committed  within  that  colony  since  the  30th  of  December,  1767, 
might  be  sent  to  Great  Britain  for  trial. 

As  Massachusetts  had  no  Greneral  Assembly  at  this  time,  hav- 
ing been  dissolved  by  government,  the  Legislature  of  Virginia 
generously  took  up  the  cause.  An  address  to  the  king  was  re- 
solved on,  stating,  that  all  trials  for  treason,  or  misprision  of  trea- 
son, or  for  any  crime  whatever  committed  by  any  person  residing 
in  a  colony,  ought  to  be  in  and  before  his  majesty's  courts  within 
said  colony ;  and  beseeching  the  king  to  avert  from  his  loyal  sub- 
jects those  dangers  and  miseries'  which  would  ensue  from  seizing 
and  carrying  beyond  sea  any  person  residing  in  America  suspected 
of  any  crime  whatever,  thereby  depriving  them  of  the  inestimable 
privilege  of  being  tried  by  a  jury  from  the  vicinage,  as  well  as 
the  liberty  of  producing  witnesses  on  such  trial. 

Disdaining  any  further  application  to  Parliament,  the  House 
ordered  the  speaker  to  transmit  this  address  to  the  colonies' 
agent  in  England,  with  directions  to  cause  it  to  be  presented  to 
the  king,  and  afterwards  to  be  printed  and  published  in  the  Eng- 
lish papers. 

Lord  Botetourt  was  astonished  and  dismayed  when  he  heard 
of  these  high-toned  proceedings.  Repairing  to  the  capitol  on  the 
following  day  at  noon,  he  summoned  the  speaker  and  members  to 
the  council  chamber,  and  addressed  them  in  the  following  words : 
1  Mr.  Speaker,  and  gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  I  have 
heard  of  your  resolves,*  and  augur  ill  of  their  effects.  You  have 
made  it  my  duty  to  dissolve  you,  and  you  are  dissolved  accord- 
ingly." 


324  LJIE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1769. 

The  spirit  conjured  up  by  the  late  decrees  of  Parliament  was 
not  so  easily  allayed.  The  Burgesses  adjourned  to  a  private 
house.  Peyton  Randolph,  their  late  speaker,  was  elected  mod- 
erator. Washington  now  brought  forward  a  draft  of  the  articles 
of  association,  concerted  between  him  and  George  Mason.  They 
formed  the  groundwork  of  an  instrument  signed  by  all  present, 
pledging  themselves  neither  to  import,  nor  use  any  goods,  mer- 
chandise, or  manufactures  taxed  by  Parliament  to  raise  a  revenue 
in  America.  This  instrument  was  sent  throughout  the  country 
for  signature,  and  the  scheme  of  non-importation,  hitherto  con- 
fined to  a  few  northern  colonies,  was  soon  universally  adopted. 
For  his  own  part,  Washington  adhered  to  it  rigorously  through- 
out the  year.  The  articles  proscribed  by  it  were  never  to  be 
seen  in  his  house,  and  his  agent  in  London  was  enjoined  to  ship 
nothing  for  him  while  subject  to  taxation. 

The  popular  ferment  in  Virginia  was  gradually  allayed  by 
the  amiable  and  conciliatory  conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt.  His 
lordship  soon  became  aware  of  the  erroneous  notions  with  which 
he  had  entered  upon  office.  His  semi-royal  equipage  and  state 
were  laid  aside.  He  examined  into  public  grievances ;  became  a 
strenuous  advocate  for  the  repeal  of  taxes ;  and,  authorized  by 
his  despatches  from  the  ministry,  assured  the  public  that  such 
repeal  would  speedily  take  place.  His  assurance  was  received 
with  implicit  faith,  and  for  a  while  Virginia  was  quieted. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

HOOD  AT  BOSTON — THE  GENERAL  COURT  REFUSES  TO  DO  BUSINESS  UNDER  MHJTAR1 
SWAT — RESISTS  THE  BILLETING  ACT — EFFECT  OF  THE  NON -IMPORTATION  ASSOCIA- 
TION  LORD  NORTH    PREMIER— DUTIES  REVOKED  EXCEPT   ON  TEA THE   BOSTON 

MASSACRE — DISUSE   OF  TEA CONCILIATORY  CONDUCT   OF   LORD   BOTETOURT HIS 

DEATH. 

"  The  worst  is  past,  and  the  spirit  of  sedition  broken,"  writes 
Hood  to  Grenville,  early  in  the  spring  of  1769.*  When  the  com- 
modore wrote  this,  his  ships  were  in  the  harbor,  and  troops  occu- 
pied the  town,  and  he  nattered  himself  that  at  length  turbulent 
Boston  was  quelled.  But  it  only  awaited  its  time  to  be  seditious 
according  to  rule;  there  was  always  an  irresistible  "  method  in  its 
madness." 

In  the  month  of  May,  the  General  Court,  hitherto  prorogued, 
met  according  to  charter.  A  committee  immediately  waited  on 
the  governor,  stating  it  was  impossible  to  do  business  with  dig- 
nity and  freedom  while  the  town  was  invested  by  sea  and  land, 
and  a  military  guard  was  stationed  at  the  state-house,  with  can- 
non pointed  at  the  door ;  and  they  requested  the  governor,  as  his 

*  Grenville  Papers,  vol.  iii. 


326  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [l»77a 

majesty's  representative,  to  have  such  forces  removed  out  of  the 
port  and  gates  of  the  city  during  the  session  of  the  Assembly. 

The  governor  replied  that  he  had  no  authority  over  either  the 
ships  or  troops.  The  court  persisted  in  refusing  to  transact  business 
while  so  circumstanced,  and  the  governor  was  obliged  to  transfer 
the  session  to  Cambridge.  There  he  addressed  a  message  to  that 
body  in  July,  requiring  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  troops,  and 
quarters  for  their  accommodation.  The  Assembly,  after  ample 
discussion  of  past  grievances,  resolved,  that  the  establishment  of 
a  standing  army  in  the  colony  in  a  time  of  peace  was  an  invasion 
of  natural  rights ;  that  a  standing  army  was  not  known  as  a  part 
of  the  British  constitution,  and  that  the  sending  an  armed  force 
to  aid  the  civil  authority  was  unprecedented,  and  highly  danger- 
ous to  the  people. 

After  waiting  some  days  without  receiving  an  answer  to  his 
message,  the  governor  sent  to  know  whether  the  Assembly  would, 
or  would  not,  make  provision  for  the  troops.  In  their  reply,  they 
followed  the  example  of  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  in  com- 
menting on  the  mutiny,  or  billeting  act,  and  ended  by  declining 
to  furnish  funds  for  the  purposes  specified,  "  being  incompatible 
with  their  own  honor  and  interest,  and  their  duty  to  their  con- 
stituents." They  were  in  consequence  again  prorogued,  to  meet 
in  Boston  on  the  10th  of  January. 

So  stood  affairs  in  Massachusetts.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
non-importation  associations,  being  generally  observed  throughout 
the  colonies,  produced  the  effect  on  British  commerce  which 
Washington  had  anticipated,  and  Parliament  was  incessantly  im- 
portuned by  petitions  from  British  merchants,  imploring  its  inter- 
vention to  save  them  from  ruin. 

Early  in  1770,  an  important  change  took  place  in  the  British 


1770.]  THE   DUTY   ON    TEA.  327 

cabinet.  The  Duke  of  Grafton  suddenly  resigned,  and  the  reins 
of  government  passed  into  the  hands  of  Lord  North.  He  was  a 
man  of  limited  capacity,  but  a  favorite  of  the  king,  and  subser- 
vient to  his  narrow  colonial  policy.  His  administration,  so  event- 
ful to  America,  commenced  with  an  error.  In  the  month  of 
March,  an  act  was  passed,  revoking  all  the  duties  laid  in  1767, 
excepting  that  on  tea.  This  single  tax  was  continued,  as  he  ob- 
served, "  to  maintain  the  parliamentary  right  of  taxation," — the 
very  right  which  was  the  grand  object  of  contest.  In  this,  how- 
ever, he  was  in  fact  yielding,  against  his  better  judgment,  to  the 
stubborn  tenacity  of  the  king. 

He  endeavored  to  reconcile  the  opposition,  and  perhaps  him- 
self, to  the  measure,  by  plausible  reasoning.  An  impost  of  three- 
pence on  the  pound  could  never,  he  alleged,  be  opposed  by  the 
colonists,  unless  they  were  determined  to  rebel  against  Great 
Britain.  Besides,  a  duty  on  that  article,  payable  in  England, 
and  amounting  to  nearly  one  shilling  on  the  pound,  was  taken  off 
on  its  exportation  to  America,  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colonies  saved  ninepence  on  the  pound. 

Here  was  the  stumbling-block  at  the  threshold  of  Lord 
North's  administration.  In  vain  the  members  of  the  opposition 
urged  that  this  single  exception,  while  it  would  produce  no  reve- 
nue, would  keep  alive  the  whole  cause  of  contention ;  that  so  long 
as  a  single  external  duty  was  enforced,  the  colonies  would  con- 
sider their  rights  invaded,  and  would  remain  unappeased.  Lord 
North  was  not  to  be  convinced ;  or  rather,  he  knew  the  royal  will 
was  inflexible,  and  he  complied  with  its  behests.  "  The  properest 
time  to  exert  our  right  of  taxation,"  said  he,  "  is  when  the  right 
is  refused.  To  temporize  is  to  yield ;  and  the  authority  of  the 
mother  country,  if  it  is  now  unsupported,  will  be  relinquished  for 


328  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1110. 

ever  :  a  total  repeal  cannot  be  thought  of,  till  America  is  pros- 
trate at  our  feet."  * 

On  the  very  day  in  which  this  ominous  "bill  was  passed  in 
Parliament,  a  sinister  occurrence  took  place  in  Boston.  Some 
of  the  young  men  of  the  place  insulted  the  military  while  under 
arms ;  the  latter  resented  it ;  the  young  men,  after  a  scuffle,  were 
put  to  flight,  and  pursued.  The  alarm  bells  rang, — a  mob  as- 
sembled ;  the  custom-house  was  threatened ;  the  troops,  in  pro- 
tecting it,  were  assailed  with  clubs  and  stones,  and  obliged  to  use 
their  fire-arms,  before  the  tumult  could  be  quelled.  Four  of  the 
populace  were  killed,  and  several  wounded.  The  troops  were 
now  removed  from  the  town,  which  remained  in  the  highest  state 
of  exasperation;  and  this  untoward  occurrence  received  the 
opprobrious,  and  somewhat  extravagant  name  of  "  the  Boston 
massacre." 

The  colonists,  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  resumed  the  con- 
sumption of  those  articles  on  which  the  duties  had  been  repealed ; 
but  continued,  on  principle,  the  rigorous  disuse  of  tea,  excepting 
such  as  had  been  smuggled  in.  New  England  was  particularly 
earnest  in  the  matter ;  many  of  the  inhabitants,  in  the  spirit  of 
their  Puritan  progenitors,  made  a  covenant  to  drink  no  more  of 
the  forbidden  beverage,  until  the  duty  on  tea  should  be  repealed. 

In  Virginia  the  public  discontents,  which  had  been  allayed  by 
the  conciliatory  conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt,  and  by  his  assurances, 
made  on  the  strength  of  letters  received  from  the  ministry,  that 
the  grievances  complained  of  would  be  speedily  redressed,  now 
broke  out  with  more  violence  than  ever.  The  Virginians  spurned 
the  mock-remedy  which  left  the  real  cause  of  complaint  untouched. 

*  Holmes's  Amer.  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  173. 


17Y0.J  DEATH   OF   LORD    BOTETOURT.  329 

His  lordship  also  felt  deeply  wounded  by  the  disingenuousness 
of  ministers  which  had  led  him  into  such  a  predicament,  and 
wrote  home  demanding  his  discharge.  Before  it  arrived,  an  at- 
tack of  bilious  fever,  acting  upon  a  delicate  and  sensitive  frame, 
enfeebled  by  anxiety  and  chagrin,  laid  him  in  his  grave.  He  left 
behind  him  a  name  endeared  to  the  Virginians  by  his  amiable 
manners,  his  liberal  patronage  of  the  arts,  and,  above  all,  by  his 
zealous  intercession  for  their  rights.  Washington  himself  testifies 
that  he  was  inclined  "  to  render  every  just  and  reasonable  service 
to  the  people  whom  he  governed."  A  statue  to  his  memory  was 
decreed  by  the  House  of  Burgesses,  to  be  erected  in  the  area  of 
the  capitol.  It  is  still  to  be  seen,  though  in  a  mutilated  con- 
dition, in  Williamsburg,  the  old  seat  of  government,  and  a  county 
in  Virginia  continues  to  bear  his  honored  name. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

EXPEDITION   OF  WASHINGTON    TO   THE    OHIO,    IN    BEHALF    OF    SOLDIERS'    CLAIMS- 
UNEASY   STATE   OF  THE   FRONTIER VISIT  TO   FORT    PITT GEORGE    CROGHAN— r 

HIS    MISHAPS    DURING    PONTIAC's    WAR WASHINGTON    DESCENDS    THE    OHIO 

SCENES   AND   ADVENTURES   ALONG   THE   RIVER INDIAN   HUNTING  CAMP INTER- 
VIEW WITH  AN   OLD   SACHEM   AT    THE    MOUTH    OF    THE    KANAWHA — RETURN 

CLAIMS   OF  STOBO    AND   VAN   BRAAM LETTER  TO   COLONEL   GEORGE   MUSE. 

In  the  midst  of  these  popular  turmoils,  Washington  was  in- 
duced, by  public  as  well  as  private  considerations,  to  make 
another  expedition  to  the  Ohio.  He  was  one  of  the  Virginia 
Board  of  Commissioners,  appointed,  at  the  close  of  the  late 
war,  to  settle  the  military  accounts  of  the  colony.  Among  the 
claims  which  came  before  the  board,  were  those  of  the  officers 
and  soldiers  who  had  engaged  to  serve  until  peace,  under  the 
proclamation  of  Governor  Dinwiddie,  holding  forth  a  bounty  of 
two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land,  to  be  apportioned  among 
them  according  to  rank.  Those  claims  were  yet  unsatisfied,  for 
governments,  like  individuals,  are  slow  to  pay  off  in  peaceful 
times  the  debts  incurred  while  in  the  fighting  mood.  Washing- 
ton became  the  champion  of  those  claims,  and  an  opportunity 
now  presented  itself  for  their  liquidation.  The  Six  Nations,  by 
a  treaty  in  1768,  had  ceded  to  the  British  crown,  in  considera- 
tion of  a  sum  of  money,  all  the  lands  possessed  by  them  south  of 


1770.]  UNEASY   STATE   OF   THE   FRONTIER.  331 

the  Ohio.  Land  offices  would  soon  be  opened  for  the  sale  of 
them.  Squatters  and  speculators  were  already  preparing  to 
swarm  in,  set  up  their  marks  on  the  choicest  spots,  and  establish 
what  were  called  preemption  rights.  Washington  determined 
at  once  to  visit  the  lands  thus  ceded ;  affix  his  mark  on  such 
tracts  as  he  should  select,  and  apply  for  a  grant  ,from  government 
in  behalf  of  the  "soldier's  claim." 

The  expedition  would  be  attended  with  some  degree  of  dan- 
ger. The  frontier  was  yet  in  an  uneasy  state.  It  is  true  some 
time  had  elapsed  since  the  war  of  Pontiac,  but  some  of  the  In- 
dian tribes  were  almost  ready  to  resume  the  hatchet.  The  Dela- 
wares,  Shawnees,  and  Mingoes,  complained  that  the  Six  Nations 
had  not  given  them  their  full  share  of  the  consideration  money 
of  the  late  sale,  and  they  talked  of  exacting  the  deficiency  from 
the  white  men  who  came  to  settle  in  what  had  been  their  hunting- 
grounds.  Traders,  squatters,  and  other  adventurers  into  the  wil- 
derness, were  occasionally  murdered,  and  further  troubles  were 
apprehended. 

Washington  had  for  a  companion  in  this  expedition  his  friend 
and  neighbor,  Dr.  Craik,  and  it  was  with  strong  community  of 
feeling  they  looked  forward  peaceably  to  revisit  the  scenes  of 
their  military  experience.  They  set  out  on  the  5th  of  October 
with  three  negro  attendants,  two  belonging  to  Washington,  and 
one  to  the  doctor.  The  whole  party  was  mounted,  and  there  was 
a  led  horse  for  the  baggage. 

After  twelve  days'  travelling  they  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt  (late 
Fort  Duquesne).  It  was  garrisoned  by  two  companies  of  royal 
Irish,  commanded  by  a  Captain  Edmonson.  A  hamlet  of  about 
twenty  log-houses,  inhabited  by  Indian  traders,  had  sprung  up 
within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  and  was  called  "the  town." 


332  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [177a 

It  was  the  embryo  city  of  Pittsburg,  now  so  populous.  At  one 
of  the  houses,  a  tolerable  frontier  inn,  they  took  up  their  quar- 
ters; but  during  their  brief  sojourn,  they  were  entertained  with 
great  hospitality  at  the  fort. 

Here  at  dinner  Washington  met  his  old  acquaintance,  George 
Croghan,  who  had  figured  in  so  many  capacities  and  experienced 
so  many  vicissitudes  on  the  frontier.  He  was  now  Colonel 
Croghan,  deputy-agent  to  Sir  "William  Johnson,  and  had  his  resi- 
dence—  or  seat,  as  Washington  terms  it — on  the  banks  of  the 
Allegany  River,  about  four  miles  from  the  fort. 

Croghan  had  experienced  troubles  and  dangers  during  the 
Pontiac  war,  both  from  white  man  and  savage.  At  one  time, 
while  he  was  convoying  presents  from  Sir  William  to  -the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees,  his  caravan  was  set  upon  and  plundered  by 
a  band  of  backwoodsmen  of  Pennsylvania — men  resembling  In- 
dians in  garb  and  habits,  and  fully  as  lawless.  At  another  time, 
when  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash  with  some  of  his 
Indian  allies,  a  band  of  Kickapoos,  supposing  the  latter  to  be 
Cherokees,  their  deadly  enemies,  rushed  forth  from  the  woods 
with  horrid  yells,  shot  down  several  of  his  companions,  and 
wounded  himself.  It  must  be  added,  that  no  white  men  could 
have  made  more  ample  apologies  than  did  the  Kickapoos,  when 
they  discovered  that  they  had  fired  upon  friends. 

Another  of  Croghan's  perils  was  from  the  redoubtable  Pon- 
tiac himself.  That  chieftajn  had  heard  of  his  being  on  a  mission 
to  win  off,  by  dint  of  presents,  the  other  sachems  of  the  conspi- 
racy, and  declared,  significantly,  that  he  had  a  large  kettle  boiling 
in  which  he  intended  to  seethe  the  ambassador.  It  was  fortunate 
for  Croghan  that  he  did  not  meet  with  the  formidable  chieftain 
while  in  this  exasperated  mood.     He  subsequently  encountered 


1770.] 


VOYAGE   DOWN    THE    OHIO.  333 


him  when  Pontiac's  spirits  were  broken  by  reverses.  They 
smoked  the  pipe  of  peace  together,  and  the  colonel  claimed  the 
credit  of  having,  by  his  diplomacy,  persuaded  the  sachem  to  bury 
the  hatchet. 

On  the  day  following  the  repast  at  the  fort,  Washington 
visited  Croghan  at  his  abode  on  the  Allegany  River,  where  he 
found  several  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  assembled.  One 
of  them,  the  "White  Mingo  by  name,  made  him  a  speech,  accom- 
panied, as  usual,  by  a  belt  of  wampum.  Some  of  his  compan- 
ions, he  said,  remembered  to  have  seen  him  in  1753,  when  he 
came  on  his  embassy  to  the  French  commander ;  most  of  them 
had  heard  of  him.  They  had  now  come  to  welcome  him  to  their 
country.  They  wished  the  people  of  Virginia  to  consider  them 
as  friends  and  brothers,  Mnked  together  in  one  chain,  and 
requested  him  to  inform  the  governor  of  their  desire  to  live  in 
peace  and  harmony  with  the  white  men.  As  to  certain  unhappy 
differences  which  had  taken  place  between  them  on  the  frontiers, 
they  were  all  made  up,  and,  they  hoped,  forgotten. 

Washington  accepted  the  "  speech-belt,"  and  made  a  suitable 
reply,  assuring  the  chiefs  that  nothing  was  more  desired  by  the 
people  of  Virginia  than  to  live  with  them  on  terms  of  the  strict- 
est friendship. 

At  Pittsburg  the  travellers  left  their  horses,  and  embarked  in 
a  large  canoe,  to  make  a  voyage  down  the  Ohio  as  far  as  the 
Great  Kanawha.  Colonel  Croghan  engaged  two  Indians  for  their 
service,  and  an  interpreter  named  John  Nicholson.  The  colonel 
and  some  of  the  officers  of  the  garrison  accompanied  them  as  far 
as  Logstown,  the  scene  of  Washington's  early  diplomacy,  and 
his  first  interview  with  the  half-king.  Here  they  breakfasted 
together ;  after  which  they  separated,  the  colonel  and  his  com- 


334  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1770. 

panions  cheering  the  voyagers  from  the  shore,  as  the  canoe  was 
borne  off  by  the  current  of  the  beautiful  Ohio. 

It  was  now  the  hunting  season,  when  the  Indians  leave  their 
towns,  set  off  with  their  families,  and  lead  a  roving  life  in 
cabins  and  hunting-camps  along  the  river ;  shifting  from  place  to 
place,  as  game  abounds  or  decreases,  and  often  extending  their 
migrations  two  or  three  hundred  miles  down  the  stream.  The 
women  were  as  dexterous  as  the  men  in  the  management  of  the 
canoe,  but  were  generally  engaged  in  the  domestic  labors  of  the 
lodge  while  their  husbands  were  abroad  hunting. 

Washington's  propensities  as  a  sportsman  had  here  full  play. 
Deer  were  continually  to  be  seen  coming  down  to  the  water's 
edge  to  drink,  or  browsing  along  the  shore ;  there  were  innumer- 
able flocks  of  wild  turkeys,  and  streaming  flights  of  ducks  and 
geese ;  so  that  as  the  voyagers  floated  along,  they  were  enabled 
to  load  their  canoe  with  game.  At  night  they  encamped  on  the 
river  bank,  lit  their  fire  and  made  a  sumptuous  hunter's  repast. 
Washington  always  relished  this  wild- wood  life ;  and  the  present 
had  that  spice  of  danger  in  it,  which  has  a  peculiar  charm  for 
adventurous  minds.  The  great  object  of  his  expedition,  however, 
is  evinced  in  his  constant  notes  on  the  features  and  character  of 
the  country  5  the  quality  of  the  soil  as  indicated  by  the  nature 
of  the  trees,  and  the  level  tracts  fitted  for  settlements. 

About  seventy-five  miles  below  Pittsburg  the  voyagers 
landed  at  a  Mingo  town,  which  they  found  in  a  stir  of  warlike 
preparation — sixty  of  the  warriors  being  about  to  set  off  on  a 
foray  into  the  Cherokee  country  against  the  Catawbas. 

Here  the  voyagers  were  brought  to  a  pause  by  a  report  that 
two  white  men,  traders,  had  been  murdered  about  thirty-eight 
miles  further  down  the  river.     Reports  of  the  kind  were  not  to 


1770.]  kiashuta's  hunting  camp.  335 

be  treated  lightly.  Indian  faith  was  uncertain  along  the  frontier, 
and  white  men  were  often  shot  down  in  the  wilderness  for  plun- 
der or  revenge.  On  the  following  day  the  report  moderated. 
Only  one  man  was  said  to  have  been  killed,  and  that  not  by  In- 
dians ;  so  "Washington  determined  to  continue  forward  until  he 
could  obtain  correct  information  in  the  matter. 

On  the  24th,  about  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  voyagers 
arrived  at  Captema  Creek,  at  the  mouth  of  which  the  trader  was 
said  to  have  been  killed.  As  all  was  quiet  and  no  one  to  be  seen, 
they  agreed  to  encamp,  while  Nicholson  the  interpreter,  and  one 
of  the  Indians,  repaired  to  a  village  a  few  miles  up  the  creek  to 
inquire  about  the  murder.  They  found  but  two  old  women  at 
the  village.  The  men  were  all  absent,  hunting.  The  interpreter 
returned  to  camp  in  the  evening,  bringing  the  truth  of  the  mur- 
derous tale.  A  trader  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his  temerity,  hav- 
ing been  drowned  in  attempting,  in  company  with  another,  to 
swim  his  horse  across  the  Ohio. 

Two  days  more  of  voyaging  brought  them  to  an  Indian  hunt- 
ing camp,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum.  Here  it  was 
necessary  to  land  and  make  a  ceremonious  visit,  for  the  chief  of 
the  hunting  party  was  Kiashuta,  a  Seneca  sachem,  the  head  of 
the  river  tribes.  He  was  noted  to  have  been  among  the  first  to 
raise  the  hatchet  in  Pontiac's  conspiracy,  and  almost  equally  vin- 
dictive with  that  potent  warrior.  As  Washington  approached 
the  chieftain,  he  recognized  him  for  one  of  the  Indians  who  had 
accompanied  him  on  his  mission  to  the  French  in  1753. 

Kiashuta  retained  a  perfect  recollection  of  the  youthful  am- 
bassador, though  seventeen  years  had  matured  him  into  thought- 
ful manhood.  With  hunter's  hospitality  he  gave  him  a  quarter 
of  a  fine  buffalo  just  slain,  but  insisted  that  they  should  encamp 


336  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1770. 

together  for  the  night ;  and  in  order  not  to  retard  him,  moved 
with  his  own  party  to  a  good  camping  place  some  distance  down 
the  river.  Here  they  had  long  talks  and  council-fires  over  night 
and  in  the  morning,  with  all  the  u  tedious  ceremony,"  says  Wash- 
ington, "which  the  Indians  observe  in  their  counsellings  and 
speeches."  Kiashuta  had  heard  of  what  had  passed  between 
Washington  and  the  "White  Mingo,"  and  other  sachems,  at 
Colonel  Croghan's,  and  was  eager  to  express  his  own  desire  for 
peace  and  friendship  with  Virginia,  and  fair  dealings  with  her 
traders ;  all  which  Washington  promised  to  report  faithfully  to 
the  governor.  It  was  not  until  a  late  hour  in  the  morning  that 
he  was  enabled  to  bring  these  conferences  to  a  close,  and  pursue 
his  voyage. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  the  voyagers  encamped 
for  a  day  or  two  to  examine  the  lands  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
Washington  set  up  his  mark  upon  such  as  he  intended  to  claim 
on  behalf  of  the  soldiers'  grant.  It  was  a  fine  sporting  country, 
having  small  lakes  or  grassy  ponds  abounding  with  water-fowl, 
such  as  ducks,  geese,  and  swans.  Flocks  of  turkeys,  as  usual; 
and,  for  larger  game,  deer  and  buffalo;  so  that  their  camp 
abounded  with  provisions. 

Here  Washington  was  visited  by  an  old  sachem,  who  ap- 
proached him  with  great  reverence,  at  the  head  of  several  of  his 
tribe,  and  addressed  him  through  Nicholson,  the  interpreter. 
He  had  heard,  he  said,  of  his  being  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
and  had  come  from  a  great  distance  to  see  him.  On  further  dis- 
course, the  sachem  made  known  that  he  was  one  6*f  the  warriors 
in  the  service  of  the  French,  who  lay  in  ambush  on  the  banks  of 
the  Monongahela  and  wrought  such  havoc  in  Braddock's  army. 
He  declared  that  he  and  his  young  men  had  singled  out  Washing- 


1770.]  A    CHARMED    LIFE.  337 

ton,  as  he  made  himself  conspicuous  riding  about  the  field  of  bat- 
tle with  the  general's  orders,  and  had  fired  at  him  repeatedly,  but 
without  success ;  whence  they  had  concluded  that  he  was  under 
the  protection  of  the  Great  Spirit,  had  a  charmed  life,  and  could 
not  be  slain  in  battle. 

At  the  Great  Kanawha  Washington's  expedition  down  the 
Ohio  terminated ;  having  visited  all  the  points  he  wished  to  ex- 
amine. His  return  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  thence  homeward,  affords 
no  incident  worthy  of  note.  The  whole  expedition,  however,  was 
one  of  that  hardy  and  adventurous  kind,  mingled  with  practical 
purposes,  in  which  he  delighted.  This  winter  voyage  down  the 
Ohio  in  a  canoe,  with  the  doctor  for  a  companion  and  two  Indians 
for  crey,  through  regions  yet  insecure  from  the  capricious  hos- 
tility of  prowling  savages,  is  not  one  of  the  least  striking  of  his 
frontier  "  experiences."  The  hazardous  nature  of  it  was  made 
apparent  shortly  afterwards  by  another  outbreak  of  the  Ohio 
tribes ;  one  of  its  bloodiest  actions  took  place  on  the  very  banks 
of  the  Great  Kanawha,  in  which  Colonel  Lewis  and  a  number  of 
brave  Virginians  lost  their  lives. 

NOTE. 

In  the  final  adjustment  of  claims  under  Governor  Dinwiddie's  pro- 
clamation, "WashiDgton,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  officers  and  soldiers, 
obtained  grants  for  the  lands  he  had  marked  out  in  the  course  of  his 
visit  to  the  Ohio.  Fifteen  thousand  acres  were  awarded  to  a  field- 
officer,  nine  thousand  to  a  captain,  six  thousand  to  a  subaltern,  and  so 
on.  Among  the  claims  which  he  entered  were  those  of  Stobo  and 
Van  Braam,  the  hostages  in  the  capitulation  at  the  Great  Meadows. 
After  many  vicissitudes  they  were  now  in  London,  and  nine  thousand 
acres  were  awarded  to  each  of  them.  Their  domains  were  ultimately 
purchased  by  Washington  through  his  London  agent. 

Another  claimant  was  Colonel  George  Muse,  Washington's  early 
instructor  in  military  science.     His  claim  was  admitted  with  difficulty, 

Vol.  I,— 15 


338  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1773. 

for  he  stood  accused  of  having  acted  the  part  of  a  poltroon  in  the 
campaign,  and  Washington  seems  to  have  considered  the  charge  well 
founded.  Still  he  appears  to  have  heen  dissatisfied  with  the  share  of 
land  assigned  him,  and  to  have  written  to  Washington  somewhat 
rudely  on  the  subject.  His  letter  is  not  extant,  but  we  subjoin  Wash- 
ington's reply  almost  entire,  as  a  specimen  of  the  caustic  pen  he  could 
wield  under  a  mingled  emotion  of  scorn  and  indignation. 

"Sir, — Your  impertinent  letter  was  delivered  to  me  yesterday. 
As  I  am  not  accustomed  to  receive  such  from  any  man,  nor  would  have 
taken  the  same  language  from  you  personally,  without  letting  you  feel 
some  marks  of  my  resentment,  I  advise  you  to  be  cautious  in  writing 
me  a  second  of  the  same  tenor ;  for  though  I  understand  you  were 
drunk  when  you  did  it,  yet  give  me  leave  to  tell  you  that  drunken- 
ness is  no  excuse  for  rudeness.  But  for  your  stupidity  and  sottishness 
you  might  have  known,  by  attending  to  the  public  gazette,  that  you 
had  your  full  quantity  of  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  allowed  you ; 
that  is,  nine  thousand  and  seventy-three  acres  in  the  great  tr*act,  and 
the  remainder  in  the  small  tract. 

"  But  suppose  you  had  really  fallen  short,  do  you  think  your  su- 
perlative merit  entitles  you  to  greater  indulgence  than  others  ?  Or, 
if  it  did,  that  I  was  to  make  it  good  to  you,  when  it  was  at  the  option 
of  the  governor  and  council  to  allow  but  five  hundred  acres  in  the 
whole,  if  they  had  been  so  inclined  ?  If  either  of  these  should  happen 
to  be  your  opinion,  I  am  very  well  convinced  that  you  will  be  singu- 
lar in  it ;  and  all  my  concern  is  that  I  ever  engaged  myself  in  behalf 
of  so  ungrateful  and  dirty  a  fellow  as  you  are." 

N.  B. — The  above  is  from  the  letter  as  it  exists  in  the  archives  of 
the  Department  of  State  at  Washington.  It  differs  in  two  or  three 
particulars  from  that  published  among  Washington's  writings. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

lord  dunmore  governor  of  virginia piques  the  pride  of  the  virginians 

opposition  of  the  assembly corresponding  committees death  of  miss 

custis — Washington's  guardianship  of  john  parke  custis — his  opinions 
AS  to  premature  travel  and  premature  marriage. 

The  discontents  of  Virginia,  which  had  been  partially  soothed  by 
the  amiable  administration  of  Lord  Botetourt,  were  irritated  anew 
under  his  successor,  the  Earl  of  Dunmore.  This  nobleman  had 
for  a  short  time  held  the  government  of  New  York.  When  ap- 
pointed to  that  of  Virginia,  he  lingered  for  several  months  at  his 
former  post.  In  the  mean  time,  he  sent  his  military  secretary, 
Captain  Foy,  to  attend  to  the  despatch  of  business  until  his  arri- 
val ;  awarding  to  him  a  salary  and  fees  to  be  paid  by  the  colony. 

The  pride  of  the  Virginians  was  piqued  at  his  lingering  at 
New  York,  as  if  he  preferred  its  gayety  and  luxury  to  the  com- 
parative quiet  and  simplicity  of  Williamsburg.  Their  pride  was 
still  more  piqued  on  his  arrival,  by  what  they  considered  haughti- 
ness on  his  part.  The  spirit  of  the  "  Ancient  Dominion "  was 
roused,  and  his  lordship  experienced  opposition  at  his  very  outset 

The  first  measure  of  the  Assembly,  at  its  opening,  was  to  de- 
mand by  what  right  he  had  awarded  a  salary  and  fees  to  his  sec- 


340  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

retary  without  consulting  it;  and  to  question  whether  it  was 
authorized  by  the  crown. 

His  lordship  had  the  good  policy  to  rescind  the  unauthorized 
act,  and  in  so  doing  mitigated  the  ire  of  the  Assembly ;  but  he 
lost  no  time  in  proroguing  a  body,  which,  from  various  symptoms, 
appeared  to  be  too  independent,  and  disposed  to  be  untractable. 

He  continued  to  prorogue  it  from  time  to  time,  seeking  in  the 
interim  to  conciliate  the  Virginians,  and  soothe  their  irritated 
pride.  At  length,  after  repeated  prorogations,  he  was  compelled 
by  circumstances  to  convene  it  on  the  1st  of  March,  1773. 

Washington  was  prompt  in  his  attendance  on  the  occasion ; 
and  foremost  among  the  patriotic  members,  who  eagerly  availed 
themselves  of  this  long  wished  for  opportunity  to  legislate  upon 
the  general  affairs  of  the  colonies.  One  of  their  most  important 
measures  was  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  eleven  persons, 
"  whose  business  it  should  be  to  obtain  the  most  clear  and  au- 
thentic intelligence  of  all  such  acts  and  resolutions  of  the  British 
Parliament,  or  proceedings  of  administration,  as  may  relate  to  or 
affect  the  British  colonies,  and  to  maintain  with  their  sister  colo- 
nies a  correspondence  and  communication." 

The  plan  thus  proposed  by  their  "  noble,  patriotic  sister  col- 
ony of  Virginia,"  *  was  promptly  adopted  by  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  soon  met  with  general  concurrence.  These  corres- 
ponding committees,  in  effect,  became  the  executive  power  of  the 
patriot  party,  producing  the  happiest  concert  of  design  and  action 
throughout  the  colonies. 

Notwithstanding  the  decided  part  taken  by  Washington  in 
the  popular  movement,  very  friendly  relations  existed  between 

*  Boston  Town  Records. 


HIS.]  DEATH   OF    MISS   CUSTIS.  341 

him  and  Lord  Dunmore.  The  latter  appreciated  his  character, 
and  sought  to  avail  himself  of  his  experience  in  the  affairs  of  the 
province.  It  was  even  concerted  that  Washington  should  accom- 
pany his  lordship  on  an  extensive  tour,  which  the  latter  intended 
to  make  in  the  course  of  the  summer  along  the  western  fron- 
tier. A  melancholy  circumstance  occurred  to  defeat  this  ar- 
rangement. 

We  have  spoken  of  Washington's  paternal  conduct  towards  the 
two  children  of  Mrs.  Washington.  The  daughter,  Miss  Custis, 
had  long  been  an  object  of  extreme  solicitude.  She  was  of  a  fra- 
gile constitution,  and  for  some  time  past  had  been  in  very  declin- 
ing health.  Early  in  the  present  summer,  symptoms  indicated  a 
rapid  change  for  the  worse.  Washington  was  absent  from  home 
at  the  time.  On  his  return  to  Mount  Vernon,  he  found  her  in 
the  last  stage  of  consumption. 

Though  not  a  man  given  to  bursts  of  sensibility,  he  is  said  on 
the  present  occasion  to  have  evinced  the  deepest  affliction ;  kneel- 
ing by  her  bedside,  and  pouring  out  earnest  prayers  for  her 
recovery.  She  expired  on  the  19th  of  June,  in  the  seventeenth 
year  of  her  age.  This,  of  course,  put  an  end  to  Washington's  in- 
tention of  accompanying  Lord  Dunmore  to  the  frontier;  he  re- 
mained at  home  to  console  Mrs.  Washington  in  her  affliction, — 
furnishing  his  lordship,  however,  with  travelling  hints  and  direc- 
tions, and  recommending  proper  guides.  And  here  we  will  take 
occasion  to  give  a  few  brief  particulars  of  domestic  affairs  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

For  a  long  time  previous  to  the  death  of  Miss  Custis,  her 
mother,  despairing  of  her  recovery,  had  centred  her  hopes  in  her 
son,  John  Parke  Custis.  This  rendered  Washington's  guardian- 
ship of  him  a  delicate  and  difficult  task.     He  was  lively^suscep- 


342  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [ma. 

tible,  and  impulsive;  had  an  independent  fortune  in  his  own 
right,  and  an  indulgent  mother,  ever  ready  to  plead  in  his  behalf 
against  wholesome  discipline.  He  had  been  placed  under  the 
care  and  instruction  of  an  Episcopal  clergyman  at  Annapolis,  but 
was  occasionally  at  home,  mounting  his  horse,  and  taking  a  part, 
while  yet  a  boy,  in  the  fox-hunts  at  Mount  Yernon.  His  educa- 
tion had  consequently  been  irregular  and  imperfect,  and  not  such 
as  Washington  would  have  enforced  had  he  possessed  over  him 
the  absolute  authority  of  a  father.  Shortly  after  the  return  of 
the  latter  from  his  tour  to  the  Ohio,  he  was  concerned  to  find  that 
there  was  an  idea  entertained  of  sending  the  lad  abroad,  though 
but  little  more  than  sixteen  years  of  age,  to  travel  under  the  care 
of  his  clerical  tutor.  Through  his  judicious  interference,  the 
travelling  scheme  was  postponed,  and  it  was  resolved  to  give  the 
young  gentleman's  mind  the  benefit  of  a  little  preparatory  home 
culture. 

Little  more  than  a  year  elapsed  before  the  sallying  impulses 
of  the  youth  had  taken  a  new  direction.  He  was  in  love ;  what 
was  more,  he  was  engaged  to  the  object  of  his  passion,  and  on  the 
high  road  to  matrimony. 

Washington  now  opposed  himself  to  premature  marriage  as 
he  had  done  to  premature  travel.  A  correspondence  ensued  be- 
tween him  and  the  young  lady's  father,  Benedict  Calvert,  Esq. 
The  match  was  a  satisfactory  one  to  all  parties,  but  it  was  agreed, 
that  it  was  expedient  for  the  youth  to  pass  a  year  or  two  pre- 
viously at  college.  Washington  accordingly  accompanied  him  to 
New  York,  and  placed  him  under  the  care  of  the  Kev.  Dr. 
Cooper,  president  of  King's  (now  Columbia)  College,  to  pursue 
his  studies  in  that  institution.  All  this  occurred  before  the 
death  of  his  sister.     Within  a  year  after  that  melancholy  event, 


1773.]  EARLY   TRAVEL  AND   EARLY   MARRIAGE.  343 

he  became  impatient  for  a  union  with  the  object  of  his  choice. 
His  mother,  now  more  indulgent  than  ever  to  this,  her  only 
child,  yielded  her  consent,  and  Washington  no  longer  made  oppo- 
sition. 

"  It  has  been  against  my  wishes,"  writes  the  latter  to  Presi- 
dent Cooper,  "  that  he  should  quit  college  in  order  that  he  may 
soon  enter  into  a  new  scene  of  life,  which  I  think  he  would  be 
much  fitter  for  some  years  hence  than  now.  But  having  his 
own  inclination,  the  desires  of  his  mother,  and  the  acquiescence 
of  almost  all  his  relatives  to  encounter,  I  did  not  care,  as  he  is 
the  last  of  the  family,  to  push  my  opposition  too  far ;  I  have, 
therefore,  submitted  to  a  kind  of  necessity." 

The  marriage  was  celebrated  on  the  3d  of  February,  1774, 
before  the  bridegroom  was  twenty-one  years  of  age. 

NOTE. 

We  are  induced  to  subjoin  extracts  of  two  letters  from  Washington 
relative  to  young  Custis.  The  first  gives  his  objections  to  premature 
travel ;  the  second  to  premature  matrimony.  Both  are  worthy  of 
consideration  in  this  country,  where  our  young  people  have  such  a 
general  disposition  to  "  go  ahead." 

To  the  reverend  Jonathan  Boucher  {the  tutor  of  young  Custis). 

*  *  *  *  « j  cannot  help  giving  it  as  my  opinion,  that 
his  education,  however  advanced  it  may  be  for  a  youth  of  his 
age,  is  by  no  means  ripe  enough  for  a  travelling  tour ;  not  that  I 
think  his  becoming  a  mere  scholar  is  a  desirable  education  for  a  gen- 
tleman, but  I  conceive  a  knowledge  of  books  is  the  basis  upon  which 
all  other  knowledge  is  to  be  built,  and  in  travelling  he  is  to  become 
acquainted  with  men  and  things,  rather  than  books.  At  present, 
however  well  versed  he  may  be  in  the  principles  of  the  Latin  language 
(which  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  he  began  the  study  of  it  as  soon 
as  he  could  speak),  he  is  unacquainted  with  several  of  the  classio 
authors  that  might  be  useful  to  him.    Ho  is  ignorant  of  Greek,  the 


344  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1773. 

advantages  of  learning  which  I  do  not  pretend  to  judge  of;  and  he 
knows  nothing  of  French,  which  is  absolutely  necessary  to  him  as  a 
traveller.  He  has  little  or  no  acquaintance  with  arithmetic,  and  is 
totally  ignorant  of  the  mathematics — than  which,  at  least,  so  much 
of  them  as  relates  to  surveying,  nothing  can  be  more  essentially 
necessary  to  any  man  possessed  of  a  large  landed  estate,  the  bounds  of 
some  part  or  other  of  which  are  always  in  controversy.  Now 
whether  he  has  time  between  this  and  next  spring  to  acquire  a  suffi- 
cient knowledge  of  these  studies,  I  leave  you  to  judge ;  as,  also, 
whether  a  boy  of  seventeen  years  old  (which  will  be  his  age  next  No- 
vember), can  have  any  just  notions  of  the  end  and  design  of  travel- 
ling. I  have  already  given  it  as  my  opinion  that  it  would  be 
precipitating  this  event,  unless  he  were  to  go  immediately  to  the 
university  for  a  couple  of  years ;  in  which  case  he  could  see  nothing 
of  America ;  which  might  be  a  disadvantage  to  him,  as  it  is  to  be 
expected  that  every  man,  who  travels  with  a  view  of  observing  the 
laws  and  customs  of  other  countries,  should  be  able  to  give  some 
description  of  the  situation  and  government  of  his  own." 

The  following  are  extracts  from  the  letter  to  Benedict  Calvert, 
Esq.,  the  young  lady's  father : 

"  I  write  to  you  on  a  subject  of  importance,  and  of  no  small  em- 
barrassment to  me.  My  son-in-law  and  ward,  Mr.  Custis,  has,  as  I 
have  been  informed,  paid  his  addresses  to  your  second  daughter ;  and 
having  made  some  progress  in  her  affections,  has  solicited  her  in  mar- 
riage. How  far  a  union  of  this  sort  may  be  agreeable  to  you,  you 
best  can  tell ;  but  I  should  think  myself  wanting  in  candor,  were  I 
not  to  confess  that  Miss  Nelly's  amiable  qualities  are  acknowledged 
on  all  hands,  and  that  an  alliance  with  your  family  will  be  pleasing 
to  his. 

"  This  acknowledgment  being  made,  you  must  permit  me  to  add, 
sir,  that  at  this,  or  in  any  short  time,  his  youth,  inexperience,  and 
unripened  education  are,  and  will  be,  insuperable  obstacles,  in  my 
opinion,  to  the  completion  of  the  marriage.  As  his  guardian,  I  con- 
ceive it  my  indispensable  duty  to  endeavor  to  carry  him  through  a 
regular  course  of  education  (many  branches  of  which,  I  am  sorry 
to  say,  he  is  totally  deficient  in),  and  to  guide  his  youth  to  a  more 
advanced  age,  before  an  event,  on  which  his  own  peace  and  the  hap- 
piness of  another  are  to  depend,  takes  place.    *    *    *    If  the  affec- 


1*773.]  EARLY    MARRIAGE.  345 

tion  which  they  have  avowed  for  each  other  is  fixed  upon  a  solid 
basis,  it  will  receive  no  diminution  in  the  course  of  two  or  three 
years;  in  which  time  he  may  prosecute  his  studies,  and  thereby 
render  himself  more  deserving  of  the  lady,  and  useful  to  society.  If, 
unfortunately,  as  they  are  both  young,  there  should  be  an  abatement 
of  affection  on  either  side,  or  both,  it  had  better  precede  than  follow 
marriage. 

"  Delivering  my  sentiments  thus  freely,  will  not,  I  hope,  lead  you 
into  a  belief  that  I  am  desirous  of  breaking  off  the  match.  To  post- 
pone it  is  all  I  have  in  view ;  for  I  shall  recommend  to  the  young 
gentleman,  with  the  warmth  that  becomes  a  man  of  honor,  to  con- 
sider himself  as  much  engaged  to  your  daughter,  as  if  the  indissolu- 
ble knot  were  tied ;  and  as  the  surest  means  of  effecting  this,  to 
apply  himself  closely  to  his  studies,  by  which  he  will,  in  a  great 
measure,  avoid  those  little  flirtations  with  other  young  ladies,  that 
may,  by  dividing  the  attention,  contribute  not  a  little  to  divide  the 
affection." 

Vol.  I.— 15* 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

LORD  NORTH'S   BILL   FAVORING  THE   EXPORTATION  OF   TEAS SHIPS  FREIGHTED  WITH 

TEA  TO  THE  COLONIES SENT   BACK  FROM  SOME  OF  THE   PORTS TEA  DESTROYED 

AT    BOSTON PASSAGE    OF    THE  BOSTON    PORT  BILL SESSION    OF  THE   HOUSE   OF 

BURGESSES SPLENDID    OPENING BURST  OF  INDIGNATION  AT  THE    PORT    BILL 

HOUSE    DISSOLVED RESOLUTIONS    AT    THE    RALEIGH    TAVERN PROJECT    OF    A 

GENERAL   CONGRESS WASHINGTON  AND   LORD  DUNMORE THE   PORT  BILL   GOES 

INTO  EFFECT GENERAL  GAGE  AT  BOSTON LEAGUE  AND  COVENANT. 

The  general  covenant  throughout  the  colonies  against  the  use  of 
taxed  tea,  had  operated  disastrously  against  the  interests  of  the 
East  India  Company,  and  produced  an  immense  accumulation  of 
the  proscribed  article  in  their  warehouses.  To  remedy  this,  Lord 
North  brought  in  a  bill  (1773),  by  which  the  company  were  al- 
lowed to  export  their  teas  from  England  to  any  part  whatever, 
without  paying  export  duty.  This,  by  enabling  them  to  offer  their 
teas  at  a  low  price  in  the  colonies  would,  he  supposed,  tempt  the 
Americans  to  purchase  large  quantities,  thus  relieving  the  com- 
pany, and  at  the  same  time  benefiting  the  revenue  by  the  impost 
duty.  Confiding  in  the  wisdom  of  this  policy,  the  company  dis- 
gorged their  warehouses,  freighted  several  ships  with  tea,  and 
sent  them  to  various  parts  of  the  colonies.     This  brought  matters 


17*73.]  DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  347 

to  a  crisis.  One  sentiment,  one  determination,  pervaded  the 
whole  continent.  Taxation  was  to  receive  its  definitive  blow 
Whoever  submitted  to  it  was  an  enemy  to  his  country.  From 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  the  ships  were  sent  back,  unladen,  to 
London.  In  Charleston  the  tea  was  unloaded,  and  stored  away 
in  cellars  and  other  places,  where  it  perished.  At  Boston  the 
action  was  still  more  decisive.  The  ships  anchored  in  the  harbor. 
Some  small  parcels  of  tea  were  brought  on  shore,  but  the  sale  of 
them  was  prohibited.  The  captains  of  the  ships,  seeing  the  des- 
perate state  of  the  case,  would  have  made  sail  back  for  England, 
but  they  could  not  obtain  the  consent  of  the  consignees,  a  clearance 
at  the  custom-house,  or  a  passport  from  the  governor  to  clear  the 
fort.  It  was  evident,  the  tea  was  to  be  forced  upon  the  people 
of  Boston,  and  the  principle  of  taxation  established. 

To  settle  the  matter  completely,  and  prove  that,  on  a  point 
of  principle,  they  were  not  to  be  trifled  with,  a  number  of  the  in- 
habitants, disguised  as  Indians,  boarded  the  ships  in  the  night 
(18th  December),  broke  open  all  the  chests  of  tea,  and  emptied 
the  contents  into  the  sea.  This  was  no  rash  and  intemperate  pro- 
ceeding of  a  mob,  but  the  well-considered,  though  resolute  act  of 
sober,  respectable  citizens,  men  of  reflection,  but  determination. 
The  whole  was  done  calmly,  and  in  perfect  order ;  after  which 
the  actors  in  the  scene  dispersed  without  tumult,  and  returned 
quietly  to  their  homes. 

The  general  opposition  of  the  colonies  to  the  principle  of  tax- 
ation had  given  great  annoyance  to  government,  but  this  individ- 
ual act  concentrated  all  its  wrath  upon  Boston.  A  bill  was  forth- 
with passed  in  Parliament  (commonly  called  the  Boston  port 
bill),  by  which  all  lading  and  unlading  of  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
chandise, were  to  cease  in  that^own  and  harbor,  on  and  after  the 


348  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

4th  of  June,  and  the  officers  of  the  customs  to  be  transferred  to 
Salem. 

Another  law,  passed  soon  after,  altered  the  charter  of  the 
province,  decreeing  that  all  counsellors,  judges,  and  magistrates, 
should  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  hold  office  during  the  royal 
pleasure. 

This  was  followed  by  a  third,  intended  for  the  suppression  of 
riots ;  and  providing  that  any  person  indicted  for  murder,  or  other 
capital  offence,  committed  in  aiding  the  magistracy,  might  be 
sent  by  the  governor  to  some  other  colony,  or  to  Great  Britain, 
for  trial. 

Such  was  the  bolt  of  Parliamentary  wrath  fulminated  against 
the  devoted  town  of  Boston.  Before  it  fell  there  was  a  session 
in  May,  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  The  social  posi- 
tion of  Lord  Dunmore  had  been  strengthened  in  the  province  by 
the  arrival  of  his  lady,  and  a  numerous  family  of  sons  and  daugh- 
ters. The  old  Virginia  aristocracy  had  vied  with  each  other  in 
hospitable  attentions  to  the  family.  A  court  circle  had  sprung 
up.  Regulations  had  been  drawn  up  by  a  herald,  and  published 
officially,  determining  the  rank  and  precedence  of  civil  and  mili- 
tary officers,  and  their  wives.  The  aristocracy  of  the  Ancient 
Dominion  was  furbishing  up  its  former  splendor.  Carriages  and 
four  rolled  into  the  streets  of  Williamsburg,  with  horses  hand- 
somely caparisoned,  bringing  the  wealthy  planters  and  their 
families  to  the  seat  of  government. 

Washington  arrived  in  Williamsburg  on  the  16th,  and  dined 
with  the  governor  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  having  a  dis- 
tinguished position  in  the  court  circle,  and  being  still  on  terms  of 
intimacy  with  his  lordship.  The  House  of  Burgesses  was  opened 
in  form,  and  one  of  its  first  measures  was  an  address  of  con- 


1114.]      INDIGNATION   OF   THE   HOUSE   OF   BURGESSES.        349 

gratulation  to  the  governor,  on  the  arrival  of  his  lady.  It  was 
followed  up  by  an  agreement  among  the  members  to  give  her 
ladyship  a  splendid  ball,  on  the  27th  of  the  month. 

All  things  were  going  on  smoothly  and  smilingly,  when  a  let- 
ter, received  through  the  corresponding  committee,  brought  in- 
telligence of  the  vindictive  measure  of  Parliament,  by  which  the 
port  of  Boston  was  to  be  closed  on  the  approaching  1st  of  June. 

The  letter  was  read  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  produced 
a  general  burst  of  indignation.  All  other  business  was  thrown 
aside,  and  this  became  the  sole  subject  of  discussion.  A  protest 
against  this  and  other  recent  acts  of  Parliament  was  entered  upon 
the  journal  of  the  House,  and  a  resolution  was  adopted,  on  the 
24th  of  May,  setting  apart  the  1st  of  June  as  a  day  of  fasting, 
prayer,  and  humiliation ;  in  which  the  divine  interposition  was  to 
be  implored,  to  avert  the  heavy  calamity  threatening  destruction 
to  their  rights,  and  all  the  evils  of  civil  war ;  and  to  give  the 
people  one  heart  and  one  mind  in  firmly  opposing  every  injury  to 
American  liberties. 

On  the  following  morning,  while  the  Burgesses  were  engaged 
in  animated  debate,  they  were  summoned  to  attend  Lord  Dun- 
more  in  the  council  chamber,  where  he  made  them  the  following 
laconic  speech :  "  Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses :  I  have  in  my  hand  a  paper,  published  by  order  of 
your  House,  conceived  in  such  terms,  as  reflect  highly  upon  his 
majesty,  and  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  which  makes  it 
necessary  for  me  to  dissolve  you,  and  you  are  dissolved  accord- 
ingly." 

As  on  a  former  occasion,  the  Assembly,  though  dissolved,  was 
not  dispersed.  The  members  adjourned  to  the  long  room  of  the 
old  Raleigh  tavern,  and  passed  resolutions,  denouncing  the  Bos- 


350  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

ton  port  bill  as  a  most  dangerous  attempt  to  destroy  the  constitu- 
tional liberty  and  rights  of  all  North  America ;  recommending 
their  countrymen  to  desist  from  the  use,  not  merely  of  tea,  but 
of  all  kinds  of  East  Indian  commodities ;  pronouncing  an  attack 
on  one  of  the  colonies,  to  enforce  arbitrary  taxes,  an  attack  on  all ; 
and  ordering  the  committee  of  correspondence  to  communicate 
with  the  other  corresponding  committees,  on  the  expediency  of 
appointing  deputies  from  the  several  colonies  of  British  America, 
to  meet  annually  in  General  Congress,  at  such  place  as  might 
be  deemed  expedient,  to  deliberate  on  such  measures  as  the 
united  interests  of  the  colonies  might  require. 

This  was  the  first  recommendation  of  a  General  Congress  by 
any  public  assembly,  though  it  had  been  previously  proposed  in 
town  meetings  at  New  York  and  Boston.  A  resolution  to  the 
same  effect  was  passed  in  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  before 
it  was  aware  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legislature.  The 
measure  recommended  met  with  prompt  and  general  concurrence 
throughout  the  colonies,  and  the  fifth  day  of  September  next  en- 
suing was  fixed  upon  for  the  meeting  of  the  first  Congress,  which 
was  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia. 

Notwithstanding  Lord  Dunmore's  abrupt  dissolution  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  the  members  still  continued  on  courteous 
terms  with  him,  and  the  ball  which  they  had  decreed  early  in  the 
session  in  honor  of  Lady  Dunmore,  was  celebrated  on  the  27th 
with  unwavering  gallantry. 

As  to  "Washington,  widely  as  he  differed  from  Lord  Dunmore 
on  important  points  of  policy,  his  intimacy  with  him  remained 
uninterrupted.  By  memorandums  in  his  diary  it  appears  that  he 
dined  and  passed  the  evening  at  his  lordship's  on  the  25th,  the 
very  day  of  the  meeting  at  the  Raleigh  tavern.     That  he  rode 


1774.]       THE    BOSTON  PORT  BILL  CARRIED  INTO  EFFECT.    351 

out  with  him  to  his  farm,  and  breakfasted  there  with  him  on  the 
26th,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  27th  attended  the  ball  given  to 
her  ladyship.  Such  was  the  well-bred  decorum  that  seemed  to 
quiet  the  turbulence  of  popular  excitement,  without  checking  the 
full  and  firm  expression  of  popular  opinion. 

On  the  29th,  two  days  after  the  ball,  letters  arrived  from 
Boston  giving  the  proceedings  of  a  town  meeting,  recommending 
that  a  general  league  should  be  formed  throughout  the  colonies 
suspending  all  trade  with  Great  Britain.  But  twenty-five  mem- 
bers of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses,  including  Washington,  were 
at  that  time  remaining  in  Williamsburg.  They  held  a  meeting 
on  the  following  day,  at  which  Peyton  Randolph  presided  as 
moderator.  After  some  discussion  it  was  determined  to  issue  a 
printed  circular,  bearing  their  signatures,  and  calling  a  meeting 
of  all  the  members  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses,  on  the  1st  of 
August,  to  take  into  consideration  this  measure  of  a  general 
league.  The  circular  recommended  them,  also,  to  collect,  in  the 
mean  time,  the  sense  of  their  respective  counties. 

Washington  was  still  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  June,  the 
day  when  the  port  bill  was  to  be  enforced  at  Boston.  It  was 
ushered  in  by  the  tolling  of  bells,  and  observed  by  all  true  patri- 
ots as  a  day  of  fasting  and  humiliation.  ^Washington  notes  in  his 
diary  that  he  fasted  rigidly,  and  attended  the  services  appointed 
in  the  church.  Still  his  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Dunmore 
family  was  continued  during  the  remainder  of  his  sojourn  in  Wil- 
liamsburg, where  he  was  detained  by  business  until  the  20th, 
when  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  Mount  Yernon. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Boston  port  bill  had  been  carried  into 
effect.  On  the  1st  of  June  the  harbor  of  Boston  was  closed  at 
noon,  and  all  business  ceased.     The  two  other  parliamentary  acts 


352  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [m4. 

altering  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  were  to  be  enforced.  No 
public  meetings,  excepting  the  annual  town  meetings  in  March 
and  May,  were  to  be  held  without  permission  of  the  governor. 

General  Thomas  Gage  had  recently  been  appointed  to  the 
military  command  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  carrying  out  of  these 
offensive  acts.  He  was  the  same  officer  who,  as  lieutenant-colonel, 
had  led  the  advance  guard  on  the  field  of  Braddock's  defeat. 
Fortune  had  since  gone  well  with  him.  Rising  in  the  service,  he 
had  been  governor  of  Montreal,  and  had  succeeded  Amherst  in 
the  command  of  the  British  forces  on  this  continent.  He  was 
linked  to  the  country  also  by  domestic  ties,  having  married  into 
one  of  the  most  respectable  families  of  New  Jersey.  In  the  va- 
rious situations  in  which  he  had  hitherto  been  placed  he  had  won 
esteem,  and  rendered  himself  popular.  Not  much  was  expected 
from  him  in  his  present  post  by  those  who  knew  him  well.  Wil- 
liam Smith,  the  historian,  speaking  of  him  to  Adams,  {*  Gage," 
said  he,  "  was  a  good-natured,  peaceable,  sociable  man  while  here 
(in  New  York),  but  altogether  unfit  for  a  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts. He  will  lose  all  the  character  he  has  acquired  as  a  man,  a 
gentleman,  and  a  general,  and  dwindle  down  into  a  mere  scrib- 
bling governor — a  mere  Bernard  or  Hutchinson." 

"With  all  Gage's  experience  in  America,  he  had  formed  a  most 
erroneous  opinion  of  the  character  of  the  people.  "  The  Ameri- 
cans," said  he  to  the  king,  "  will  be  lions  only  as  long  as  the 
English  are  lambs ; "  and  he  engaged,  with  five  regiments,  to 
keep  Boston  quiet ! 

The  manner  in  which  his  attempts  to  enforce  the  recent  acts 
of  Parliament  were  resented,  showed  how  egregiously  he  was  in 
error.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Assembly,  a  paper  was  circu- 
lated through  the  province  by  the  committee  of  correspondence, 


1774.] 


THE   LEAGUE   AND    COVENANT.  353 


entitled  "  a  solemn  league  and  covenant,"  the  subscribers  to  which 
bound  themselves  to  break  off  all  intercourse  with  Great  Britain 
from  the  1st  of  August,  until  the  colony  should  be  restored  to  the 
enjoyment  of  its  chartered  rights ;  and  to  renounce  all  dealings 
with  those  who  should  refuse  to  enter  into  this  compact. 

The  very  title  of  league  and  covenant  had  an  ominous  sound, 
and  startled  General  Gage.  He  issued  a  proclamation,  denoun- 
cing it  as  illegal  and  traitorous.  Furthermore,  he  encamped  a 
force  of  infantry  and  artillery  on  Boston  Common,  as  if  prepared 
to  enact  the  lion.  An  alarm  spread  through  the  adjacent  country. 
"  Boston  is  to  be  blockaded !  Boston  is  to  be  reduced  to  obe- 
dience by  force  or  famine ! "  The  spirit  of  the  yeomanry  was 
aroused.  They  sent  in  word  to  the  inhabitants  promising  to  come 
to  their  aid  if  necessary ;  and  urging  them  to  stand  fast  to  the 
faith.  Affairs  were  coming  to  a  crisis.  It  was  predicted  that 
the  new  acts  of  Parliament  would  bring  on  "  a  most  important 
and  decisive  trial." 


CHAPTER  XXXIY. 

WASHINGTON  CHAIRMAN   OF  A  POLITICAL  MEETING— CORRESPONDENCE  WITH   BRYAN 
FAIRFAX — PATRIOTIC  RESOLUTIONS — WASHINGTON'S  OPINIONS  ON  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS 

NON-IMPORTATION    SCHEME— CONVENTION    AT    WILLIAMSBURG WASHINGTON 

APPOINTED  A  DELEGATE  TO  THE  GENERAL  CONGRESS LETTER  FROM  BRYAN  FAIR- 
FAX— PERPLEXITIES  OF  GENERAL  GAGE  AT  BOSTON. 

Shortly  after  Washington's  return  to  Mount  Yernon,  in  the 
latter  part  of  June,  he  presided  as  moderator  at  a  meeting  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Fairfax  County,  wherein,  after  the  recent  acts  of 
Parliament  had  been  discussed,  a  committee  was  appointed,  with 
himself  as  chairman,  to  draw  up  resolutions  expressive  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  present  meeting,  and  to  report  the  same  at  a 
general  meeting  of  the  county,  to  be  held  in  the  court-house  on 
the  18th  of  July. 

The  course  that  public  measures  were  taking  shocked  the 
loyal  feelings  of  Washington's  valued  friend,  Bryan  Fairfax,  of 
Tarlston  Hall,  a  younger  brother  of  George  William,  who  was 
absent  in  England.  He  was  a  man  of  liberal  sentiments,  but 
attached  to  the  ancient  rule ;  and,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  ad- 
vised a  petition  to  the  throne,  which  would  give  Parliament  an 
opportunity  to  repeal  the  offensive  acts. 


I'm.]  INEFFICACY   OF   PETITIONS.  355 

"I  would  heartily  join  you  in  your  political  sentiments," 
writes  Washington  in  reply,  "  as  far  as  relates  to  a  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  to  the  throne,  provided  there  was  the  most  dis- 
tant hope  of  success.  But  have  we  not  tried  this  already  ?  Have 
we  not  addressed  the  lords,  and  remonstrated  to  the  commons  ? 
And  to  what  end  ?  Does  it  not  appear  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its 
meridian  brightness  that  there  is  a  regular,  systematic  plan  to  fix 
the  right  and  practice  of  taxation  upon  us  ?  *  *  *  *  *  Is 
not  the  attack  upon  the  liberty  and  property  of  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton, before  restitution  of  the  loss  to  the  India  Company  was  de- 
manded, a  plain  and  self-evident  proof  of  what  they  are  aiming 
at  ?  Do  not  the  subsequent  bills  for  depriving  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  of  its  charter,  and  for  transporting  offenders  to  other  colo- 
nies or  to  Great  Britain  for  trial,  where  it  is  impossible,  from 
the  nature  of  things,  that  justice  can  be  obtained,  convince  us  that 
the  administration  is  determined  to  stick  at  nothing  to  carry  its 
point  ?  Ought  we  not,  then,  to  put  our  virtue  and  fortitude  to 
the  severest  tests  ?  " 

The  committee  met  according  to  appointment,  with  Washing- 
ton as  chairman.  The  resolutions  framed  at  the  meeting  insisted, 
as  usual,  on  the  right  of  self-government,  and  the  principle  that 
taxation  and  representation  were  in  their  nature  inseparable. 
That  the  various  acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  revenue ;  taking 
away  trials  by  jury ;  ordering  that  persons  might  be  tried  in  a 
different  country  from  that  in  which  the  cause  of  accusation  origi- 
nated; closing  the  port  of  Boston;  abrogating  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  &c,  &c, — were  all  part  of  a  premeditated 
design  and  system  to  introduce  arbitrary  government  into  the 
colonies.  That  the  sudden  and  repeated  dissolutions  of  Assem- 
blies whenever  they  presumed  to  examine  the  illegality  of  minis- 


356  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

terial  mandates,  or  deliberated  on  the  violated  rights  of  their  con- 
stituents, were  part  of  the  same  system,  and  calculated  and  in- 
tended to  drive  the  people  of  the  colonies  to  a  state  of  despera- 
tion, and  to  dissolve  the  compact  by  which  their  ancestors  bound 
themselves  and  their  posterity  to  remain  dependent  on  the  British 
crown.  The  resolutions,  furthermore,  recommended  the  most 
perfect  union  and  co-operation  among  the  colonies;  solemn  cove- 
nants with  respect  to  non-importation  and  non-intercourse,  and  a 
renunciation  of  all  dealings  with  any  colony,  town,  or  province, 
that  should  refuse  to  agree  to  the  plan  adopted  by  the  General 
Congress. 

They  also  recommended  a  dutiful  petition  and  remonstrance 
from  the  Congress  to  the  king,  asserting  their  constitutional 
rights  and  privileges ;  lamenting  the  necessity  of  entering  into 
measures  that  might  be  displeasing  ;  declaring  their  attachment 
to  his  person,  family,  and  government,  and  their  desire  to  con- 
tinue in  dependence  upon  Great  Britain;  beseeching  him  not 
to  reduce  his  faithful  subjects  of  America  to  desperation,  and 
to  reflect,  that  from  our  sovereign  there  can  he  but  one 
appeal. 

These  resolutions  are  the  more  worthy  of  note,  as  expressive 
of  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  Washington  at  this  eventful  time, 
if  not  being  entirely  dictated  by  him.  The  last  sentence  is  of 
awful  import,  suggesting  the  possibility  of  being  driven  to  an  ap- 
peal to  arms. 

Bryan  Fairfax,  who  was  aware  of  their  purport,  addressed  a 
long  letter  to  Washington,  on  the  17th  of  July,  the  day  preced- 
ing that  in  which  they  were  to  be  reported  by  the  committee, 
stating  his  objections  to  several  of  them,  and  requesting  that  his 
letter  might  be  publicly  read.     The  letter  was  not  received  until 


1774.]        DELEGATE   TO   THE    GENERAL   CONVENTION.  357 

after  the  committee  had  gone  to  the  court-house  on  the  18th, 
with  the  resolutions  revised,  corrected,  and  ready  to  be  reported. 
Washington  glanced  over  the  letter  hastily,  and  handed  it  round 
to  several  of  the  gentlemen  present.  They,  with  one  exception, 
advised  that  it  should  not  be  publicly  read,  as  it  was  not  likely  to 
make  any  converts,  and  was  repugnant,  as  some  thought,  to  every 
principle  they  were  contending  for.  Washington  forbore,  there- 
fore, to  give  it  any  further  publicity. 

The  resolutions  reported  by  the  committee  were  adopted,  and 
Washington  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  represent  the  county  at  the 
General  Convention  of  the  province,  to  be  held  at  Williamsburg 
on  the  1st  of  August.  After  the  meeting  had  adjourned,  he  felt 
doubtful  whether  Fairfax  might  not  be  dissatisfied  that  his  letter 
had  not  been  read,  as  he  requested,  to  the  county  at  large ;  he 
wrote  to  him,  therefore,  explaining  the  circumstances  which  pre- 
vented it ;  at  the  same  time  replying  to  some  of  the  objections 
which  Fairfax  had  made  to  certain  of  the  resolutions.  He  reiter- 
ated his  belief  that  an  appeal  would  be  ineflfectual.  "  What  is  it 
we  are  contending  against  ?  "  asked  he ;  "  Is  it  against  paying 
the  duty  of  threepence  per  pound  on  tea  because  burdensome  ? 
No,  it  is  the  right  only,  that  we  have  all  along  disputed ;  and  to 
this  end,  we  have  already  petitioned  his  majesty  in  as  humble  and 
dutiful  a  manner  as  subjects  could  do.  Nay,  more,  we  applied  to 
the  House  of  Lords  and  House  of  Commons  in  their  different 
legislative  capacities,  setting  forth  that,  as  Englishmen,  we  could 
not  be  deprived  of  this  essential  and  valuable  part  of  our  consti- 
tution.    ***** 

"  The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  could  not  justify  the  rigor 
of  their  measures,  unless  there  had  been  a  requisition  of  payment, 
and  refusal  of  it ;  nor  did  that  conduct  require  an  act  to  deprive 


358  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1*774. 

the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  their  charter,  or  to  ex- 
empt offenders  from  trial  in  the  places  where  offences  were  com* 
mitted,  as  there  was  not,  nor  could  there  be,  a  single  instance 
produced  to  manifest  the  necessity  of  it.  Are  not  all  these 
things  evident  proofs  of  a  fixed  and  uniform  plan  to  tax  us  ?  If 
we  want  further  proofs,  do  not  all  the  debates  in  the  House  of 
Commons  serve  to  confirm  this  ?  And  has  not  General  Gage's 
conduct  since  his  arrival,  in  stopping  the  address  of  his  council, 
and  publishing  a  proclamation,  more  becoming  a  Turkish  bashaw 
than  an  English  governor,  declaring  it  treason  to  associate  in  any 
manner  by  which  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain  is  to  be  affected, 
— has  not  this  exhibited  an  unexampled  testimony  of  the  most 
despotic  system  of  tyranny  that  ever  was  practised  in  a  free  gov- 
ernment ?  " 

The  popular  measure  on  which  Washington  laid  the  greatest 
stress  as  a  means  of  obtaining  redress  from  government,  was  the 
non-importation  scheme ;  "  for  I  am  convinced,"  said  he,  "  as 
much  as  of  my  existence,  that  there  is  no  relief  for  us  but  in  their 
distress ;  and  I  think — at  least  I  hope — that  there  is  public  vir- 
tue enough  left  among  us  to  deny  ourselves  every  thing  but  the 
bare  necessaries  of  life  to  accomplish  this  end."  At  the  same 
time,  he  forcibly  condemned  a  suggestion  that  remittances  to 
England  should  be  withheld.  "  While  we  are  accusing  others  of 
injustice,"  said  he,  "  we  should  be  just  ourselves ;  and  how  this 
can  be  whilst  we  owe  a  considerable  debt,  and  refuse  payment  of 
it  to  Great  Britain  is  to  me  inconceivable  :  nothing  but  the  last 
extremity  can  justify  it." 

On  the  1st  of  August,  the  convention  of  representatives  from 
all  parts  of  Virginia  assembled  at  Williamsburg.  Washington 
appeared  on  behalf  of  Fairfax  County,  and  presented  the  resolu- 


J774,]  VIRGINIA   CONVENTION.  359 

tions,  already  cited,  as  the  sense  of  his  constituents.  He  is  said, 
by  one  who  was  present,  to  have  spoken  in  support  of  them  in  a 
strain  of  uncommon  eloquence,  which  shows  how  his  latent  ardor 
had  been  excited  on  the  occasion,  as  eloquence  was  not  in  general 
among  his  attributes.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  he  was  roused 
to  an  unusual  pitch  of  enthusiasm,  for  he  is  said  to  have  declared 
that  he  was  ready  to  raise  one  thousand  men,  subsist  them  at  his 
own  expense,  and  march  at  their  head  to  the  relief  of  Boston.* 

The  Convention  was  six  days  in  session.  Resolutions,  in  the 
same  spirit  with  those  passed  in  Fairfax  County,  were  adopted, 
and  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Washington, 
Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Edmund 
Pendleton,  were  appointed  delegates,  to  represent  the  people  of 
Virginia  in  the  General  Congress. 

Shortly  after  Washington's  return  from  Williamsburg,  he  re- 
ceived a  reply  from  Bryan  Fairfax,  to  his  last  letter.  Fairfax, 
who  was  really  a  man  of  liberal  views,  seemed  anxious  to  vindi- 
cate himself  from  any  suspicions  of  the  contrary.  In  adverting 
to  the  partial  suppression  of  his  letter  by  some  of  the  gentlemen 
of  the  committee:  "  I  am  uneasy  to  find,"  writes  he,  "that  any 
one  should  look  upon  the  letter  sent  down  as  repugnant  to  the 
principles  we  are  contending  for ;  and,  therefore,  when  you  have 
leisure,  I  shall  take  it  as  a  favor  if  you  will  let  me  know  wherein 
it  was  thought  so.  I  beg  leave  to  look  upon  you  as  a  friend,  and 
it  is  a  great  relief  to  unbosom  one's  thoughts  to  a  friend.  Be- 
sides, the  information,  and  the  correction  of  my  errors,  which  I 
may  obtain  from  a  correspondence,  are  great  inducements  to  it. 
For  I  am  convinced  that  no  man  in  the  colony  wishes  its  pros- 

*  See  information  given  to  the  elder  Adams,  by  Mr.  Lynch  of  South 
Carolina. — Adams's  Diary. 


360  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


£1774. 


perity  more,  would  go  greater  lengths  to  serve  it,  or  is,  at  the 
same  time,  a  better  subject  to  the  crown.  Pray  excuse  these 
compliments,  they  may  be  tolerable  from  a  friend."* 

The  hurry  of  various  occupations  prevented  Washington,  in 
his  reply,  from  entering  into  any  further  discussion  of  the  popular 
theme.  "  I  can  only  in  general  add,"  said  he,  "  that  an  innate 
spirit  of  freedom  first  told  me  that  the  measures  which  the  ad- 
ministration have  for  some  time  been,  and  now  are  violently  pur- 
suing, are  opposed  to  every  principle  of  natural  justice ;  whilst 
much  abler  heads  than  my  own  have  fully  convinced  me,  that  they 
are  not  only  repugnant  to  natural  right,  but  subversive  of  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  Great  Britain  itself.  *  *  *  *  I 
shall  conclude  with  remarking  that,  if  you  disavow  the  right  of 
Parliament  to  tax  us,  unrepresented  as  we  are,  we  only  differ  in 
the  mode  of  opposition,  and  this  difference  principally  arises  from 
your  belief  that  they  (the  Parliament  I  mean),  want  a  decent  op- 
portunity to  repeal  the  acts ;  whilst  I  am  fully  convinced  that 
there  has  been  a  regular  systematic  plan  to  enforce  them,  and  that 
nothing  but  unanimity  and  firmness  in  the  colonies,  which  they 
did  not  expect,  can  prevent  it.  By  the  best  advices  from  Boston, 
it  seems  that  General  Gage  is  exceedingly  disconcerted  at  the 
quiet  and-  steady  conduct  of  the  people  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  and  at  the  measures  pursuing  by  the  other  governments.  I 
dare  say  he  expected  to  force  those  oppressed  people  into  compli- 
ance, or  irritate  them  to  acts  of  violence  before  this,  for  a  more 
colorable  pretence  of  ruling  that,  and  the  other  colonies,  with  a 
high  hand."  . 

Washington  had  formed  a  correct  opinion  of  the  position  of 
General  Gage.     From  the  time  of  taking  command  at  Boston,  he 

*  Sparks.     Washington's  Writings,  vol.  ii.,  p.  329. 


17Y4.]  TOWN    MEETINGS   KEPT    ALIVE.  361 

had  been  perplexed  how  to  manage  its  inhabitants.  Had  they 
been  hot-headed,  impulsive,  and  prone  to  paroxysm,  his  task 
would  have  been  comparatively  easy ;  but  it  was  the  cool,  shrewd 
common  sense,  by  which  all  their  movements  were  regulated,  that 
confounded  him. 

High-handed  measures  had  failed  of  the  anticipated  effect. 
Their  harbor  had  been  thronged  with  ships ;  their  town  with 
troops.  The  port  bill  had  put  an  end  to  commerce;  wharves 
were  deserted,  warehouses  closed ;  streets  grass-grown  and  silent. 
The  rich  were  growing  poor,  and  the  poor  were  without  employ ; 
yet  the  spirit  of  the  people  was  unbroken.  There  was  no  uproar, 
however ;  no  riots ;  every  thing  was  awfully  systematic  and  ac- 
cording to  rule.  Town  meetings  were  held,  in  which  public  rights 
and  public  measures  were  eloquently  discussed  by  John  Adams, 
Josiah  Quincy,  and  other  eminent  men.  Over  these  meetings 
Samuel  Adams  presided  as  moderator ;  a  man  clear  in  judgment, 
calm  in  conduct,  inflexible  in  resolution ;  deeply  grounded  in  civil 
and  political  history,  and  infallible  on  all  points  of  constitutional 
law. 

Alarmed  at  the  powerful  influence  of  these  assemblages,  gov- 
ernment issued  an  act  prohibiting  them  after  the  1st  of  August. 
The  act  was  evaded  by  convoking  the  meetings  before  that  day, 
and  keeping  them  alive  indefinitely.  Gage  was  at  a  loss  how  to 
act.  It  would  not  do  to  disperse  these  assemblages  by  force  of 
arms ;  for,  the  people  who  composed  them  mingled  the  soldier 
with  the  polemic ;  and,  like  their  prototypes,  the  covenanters  of 
yore,  if  prone  to  argue,  were  as  ready  to  fight.  So  the  meetings 
continued  to  be  held  pertinaciously.  Faneuil  Hall  was  at  times 
unable  to  hold  them,  and  they  swarmed  from  that  revolutionary 
hive  into  old  South  Church.     The  liberty  tree  became  a  rallying 

Vol.  I.— 16 


362  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [HY4. 

place  for  any  popular  movement,  and  a  flag  hoisted  on  it  was  sa- 
luted by  all  processions  as  the  emblem  of  the  popular  cause. 

Opposition  to  the  new  plan  of  government  assumed  a  more 
violent  aspect  at  the  extremity  of  the  province,  and  was  abetted 
by  Connecticut.  "  It  is  very  high,"  writes  Gage,  (August  27th,) 
"  in  Berkshire  County,  and  makes  way  rapidly  to  the  rest.  At 
"Worcester  they  threaten  resistance,  purchase  arms,  provide  pow- 
der, cast  balls,  and  threaten  to  attack  any  troops  who  may  oppose 
them.  I  apprehend  I  shall  soon  have  to  march  a  body  of  troops 
into  that  township." 

The  time  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  General  Congress  at 
Philadelphia  was  now  at  hand.  Delegates  had  already  gone  on 
from  Massachusetts.  "  It  is  not  possible  to  guess,"  writes  Gage, 
"  what  a  body  composed  of  such  heterogeneous  matter  will  deter- 
mine ;  but  the  members  from  hence,  I  am  assured,  will  promote 
the  most  haughty  and  insolent  resolves ;  for  their  plan  has  ever 
been,  by  threats  and  high-sounding  sedition,  to  terrify  and  in- 
timidate." 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

meeting  of  the  first  congress— opening  ceremonies — eloquence  of  patrick 

henry  and  henry  lee declaratory  resolution bill  of  rights state 

papers— Chatham's  opinions  of  congress— Washington's  correspondence 
with  capt.  mackenzie views  with  respect  to  independence depart- 
ure of  fairfax  for  england. 

When  the  time  approached  for  the  meeting  of  the  General  Con- 
gress at  Philadelphia,  Washington  was  joined  at  Mount  Vernon 
by  Patrick  Henry  and  Edmund  Pendleton,  and  they  performed 
the  journey  together  on  horseback.  It  was  a  noble  companion- 
ship. Henry  was  then  in  the  youthful  vigor  and  elasticity  of  his 
bounding  genius;  ardent,  acute,  fanciful,  eloquent.  Pendleton, 
schooled  in  public  life,  a  veteran  in  council,  with  native  force  of 
intellect,  and  habits  of  deep  reflection.  Washington,  in  the  me- 
ridian of  his  days,  mature  in  wisdom,  comprehensive  in  mind,  sa- 
gacious in  foresight.  Such  were  the  apostles  of  liberty,  repairing 
on  their  august  pilgrimage  to  Philadelphia  from  all  parts  of  the 
land,  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  mighty  empire.  Well  may  we 
say  of  that  eventful  period,  "  There  were  giants  in  those  days." 

Congress  assembled  on  Monday,  the  5th  of  September,  in  a 
large  room  in  Carpenter's  Hall.  There  were  fifty-one  delegates, 
representing  all  the  colonies  excepting  Georgia. 


364  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [1114. 

The  meeting  has  been  described  as  "  awfully  solemn."  The 
most  eminent  men  of  the  various  colonies,  were  now  for  the  first 
time  brought  together ;  they  were  known  to  each  other  by  fame, 
but  were,  personally,  strangers.  The  object  which  had  called 
them  together,  was  of  incalculable  magnitude.  The  liberties  of 
no  less  than  three  millions  of  people,  with  that  of  all  their  pos- 
terity, were  staked  on  the  wisdom  and  energy  of  their  councils.  * 

"It  is  such  an  assembly,"  writes  John  Adams,  who  was 
present,  "  as  never  before  came  together  on  a  sudden,  in  any  part 
of  the  world.  Here  are  fortunes,  abilities,  learning,  eloquence, 
acuteness,  equal  to  any  I  ever  met  with  in  my  life.  Here  is  a 
diversity  of  religions,  educations,  manners,  interests,  such  as  it 
would  seem  impossible  to  unite  in  one  plan  of  conduct." 

There  being  an  inequality  in  the  number  of  delegates  from 
the  different  colonies,  a  question  arose  as  to  the  mode  of  voting ; 
whether  by  colonies,  by  the  poll,  or  by  interests. 

Patrick  Henry  scouted  the  idea  of  sectional  distinctions  or 
individual  interests.  "  All  America,"  said  he,  "  is  thrown  into 
one  mass.  Where  are  your  landmarks — your  boundaries  of  colo- 
nies ?  They  are  all  thrown  down.  The  distinctions  between 
Virginians,  Pennsylvanians,  New  Yorkers  and  New  Englanders, 
are  no  more.     I  am  not  a  Virginian,  but  an  American.1''  f 

After  some  debate,  it  was  determined  that  each  colony  should 
have  but  one  vote,  whatever  might  be  the  number  of  its  delegates. 
The  deliberations  of  the  House  were  to  be  with  closed  doors,  and 
nothing  but  the  resolves  promulgated,  unless  by  order  of  the  ma- 
jority. 

To  give  proper  dignity  and  solemnity  to  the  proceedings  of 

*  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  p.  224. 
f  J.  Adams'  Diary. 


1774.]  PRAYERS  IN   CONGRESS.  365 

the  House,  it  was  moved  on  the  following  day,  that  each  morning 
the  session  should  be  opened  by  prayer.  To  this  it  was  de- 
murred, that  as  the  delegates  were  of  different  religious  sects, 
they  might  not  consent  to  join  in  the  same  form  of  worship. 

Upon  this,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  arose  and  said  :  "  He  would 
willingly  join  in  prayer  with  any  gentleman  of  piety  and  virtue, 
whatever  might  be  his  cloth,  provided  he  was  a  friend  of  his 
country ; "  and  he  moved  that  the  reverend  Mr.  Duche,  of  Phila- 
delphia, who  answered  to  that  description,  might  be  invited  to 
officiate  as  chaplain.  This  was  one  step  towards  unanimity  of 
feeling,  Mr.  Adams  being  a  strong  Congregationalist,  and  Mr. 
Duche  an  eminent  Episcopalian  clergyman.  The  motion  was 
carried  into  effect ;  the  invitation  was  given  and  accepted. 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  a  rumor  reached  Philadelphia  that 
Boston  had  been  cannonaded  by  the  British.  It  produced  a 
strong  sensation ;  and  when  Congress  met  on  the  following  morn- 
ing (7th),  the  effect  was  visible  in  every  countenance.  The  dele- 
gates from  the  east  were  greeted  with  a  warmer  grasp  of  the 
hand  by  their  associates  from  the  south. 

The  reverend  Mr.  Duche,  according  to  invitation,  appeared  in 
his  canonicals,  attended  by  his  clerk.  The  morning  service  of 
the  Episcopal  church  was  read  with  great  solemnity,  the  clerk 
making  the  responses.  The  Psalter  for  the  7th  day  of  the  month 
includes  the  35th  Psalm,  wherein  David  prays  for  protection 
against  his  enemies.  "  Plead  my  cause,  0  Lord,  with  them  that 
strive  with  me :  fight  against  them  that  fight  against  me. 

"  Take  hold  of  shield  and  buckler  and  stand  up  for  my  help. 

"  Draw  out,  also,  the  spear,  and  stop  the  way  of  them  that 
persecute  me.     Say  unto  my  soul,  I  am  thy  salvation,"  &c,  &c. 

The  imploring  words  of  this  psalm^  spoke  the  feelings  of  all 


366  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

hearts  present;  but  especially  of  those  from  New  England. 
John  Adams  writes  in  a  letter  to  his  wife  :  "  You  must  remem- 
ber this  was  the  morning  after  we  heard  the  horrible  rumor  of 
the  cannonade  of  Boston.  I  never  saw  a  greater  effect  upon  an 
audience.  It  seemed  as  if  heaven  had  ordained  that  psalm  to  bo 
read  on  that  morning.  After  this,  Mr.  Duche  unexpectedly 
struck  out  into  an  extemporary  prayer,  which  filled  the  bosom  of 
every  man  present.  Episcopalian  as  he  is,  Dr.  Cooper  himself 
never  prayed  with  such  fervor,  such  ardor,  such  earnestness  and 
pathos,  and  in  language  so  eloquent  and  sublime,  for  America,  for 
the  Congress,  for  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  espe- 
cially the  town  of  Boston.  It  has  had  an  excellent  effect  upon 
every  body  here."  * 

It  has  been  remarked  that  Washington  was  especially  devout 
on  this  occasion — kneeling,  while  others  stood  up.  In  this, 
however,  each,  no  doubt,  observed  the  attitude  in  prayer  to  which 
he  was  accustomed.     Washington  knelt,  being  an  Episcopalian. 

The  rumored  attack  upon  Boston,  rendered  the  service  of 
the  day  deeply  affecting  to  all  present.  They  were  one  political 
family,  actuated  by  one  feeling,  and  sympathizing  with  the  weal 
and  woe  of  each  individual  member.  The  rumor  proved  to  be 
erroneous ;  but  it  had  produced  a  most  beneficial  effect  in  calling 
forth  and  quickening  the  spirit  of  union,  so  vitally  important  in 
that  assemblage. 

Owing  to  closed  doors,  and  the  want  of  reporters,  no  record 
exists  of  the  discussions  and  speeches  made  in  the  first  Congress. 
Mr.  Wirt,  speaking  from  tradition,  informs  us  that  a  long  and 
deep  silence  followed  the  organization  of  that  august  body ;  the 

*  John  Adams'  Correspondence  and  Diary. 


1774.]  ELOQUENCE    OF   HENRY    AND   LEE.  367 

members  looking  round  upon  each  other,  individually  reluctant  to 
open  a  business  so  fearfully  momentous.  This  "  deep  and  death- 
like silence "  was  beginning  to  become  painfully  embarrassing, 
when  Patrick  Henry  arose.  He  faltered  at  first,  as  was  his 
habit;  but  his  exordium  was  impressive;  and  as  he  launched 
forth  into  a  recital  of  colonial  wrongs  he  kindled  with  his  sub- 
ject, until  he  poured  forth  one  of  those  eloquent  appeals  which 
had  so  often  shaken  the  House  of  Burgesses  and  gained  him  the 
fame  of  beiDg  the  greatest  orator  of  Virginia.  He  sat  down,  ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Wirt,  amidst  murmurs  of  astonishment  and  ap- 
plause, and  was  now  admitted,  on  every  hand,  to  be  the  first 
orator  of  America.  He  was  followed  by  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
who,  according  to  the  same  writer,  charmed  the  house  with  a  dif- 
ferent kind  of  eloquence,  chaste  and  classical ;  contrasting,  in  its 
cultivated  graces,  with  the  wild  and  grand  effusions  of  Henry. 
"  The  superior  powers  of  these  great  men,  however,"  adds  he, 
"  were  manifested  only  in  debate,  and  while  general  grievances 
were  the  topic ;  when  called  down  from  the  heights  of  declamation 
to  that  severer  test  of  intellectual  excellence,  the  details  of  busi- 
ness, they  found  themselves  in  a  body  of  cool-headed,  reflecting, 
and  most  able  men,  by  whom  they  were,  in  their  turn,  completely 
thrown  into  the  shade."  * 

The  first  public  measure  of  Congress  was  a  resolution  declara- 
tory of  their  feelings  with  regard  to  the  recent  acts  of  Parliament, 
violating  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  their 
determination  to  combine  in  resisting  any  force  that  might  at- 
tempt to  carry  those  acts  into  execution. 

A  committee  of  two  from  each  province  reported  a  series  of 

*  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry. 


368  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

resolutions,  which  were  adopted  and  promulgated  by  Congress,  as 
a  "  declaration  of  colonial  rights."  In  this  were  enumerated 
their  natural  rights  to  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty,  and  proper- 
ty ;  and  their  rights  as  British  subjects.  Among  the  latter  was 
participation  in  legislative  councils.  This  they  could  not  exercise 
through  representatives  in  Parliament;  they  claimed,  therefore, 
the  power  of  legislating  in  their  provincial  assemblies ;  consent- 
ing, however,  to  such  acts  of  Parliament  as  might  be  essential  to 
the  regulation  of  trade ;  but  excluding  all  taxation,  internal  or 
external,  for  raising  revenue  in  America. 

The  common  law  of  England  was  claimed  as  a  birthright,  in- 
cluding the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage;  of  holding 
public  meetings  to  consider  grievances;  and  of  petitioning  the 
king.  The  benefits  of  all  such  statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of 
the  "colonization  were  likewise  claimed ;  together  with  the  immu- 
nities and  privileges  granted  by  royal  charters,  or  secured  by 
provincial  laws. 

The  maintenance  of  a  standing  army  in  any  colony  in  time 
of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  its  legislature,  was  pronounced 
contrary  to  law.  The  exercise  of  the  legislative  power  in  the 
colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  pleasure  by  the  crown, 
was  declared  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  destructive  to  the  free- 
dom of  American  legislation. 

Then  followed  a  specification  of  the  acts  of  Parliament, 
passed  during  the  reign  of  George  III.,  infringing  and  violating 
these  rights.  These  were:  the  sugar  act;  the  stamp  act;  the 
two  acts  for  quartering  troops ;  the  tea  act ;  the  act  suspending 
the  New  York  legislature ;  the  two  acts  for  the  trial  in  Great 
Britain  of  offences  committed  in  America ;  the  Boston  port  bill ; 


1774.]  STATE    PAPERS.  369 

the  act  for  regulating  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  and  the 
Quebec  act. 

"  To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,"  it  was  added, 
"  Americans  cannot  submit ;  but  in  hopes  their  fellow  subjects  in 
Great  Britain  will,  on  a  revision  of  them,  restore  us  to  that 
state  in  which  both  countries  found  happiness  and  prosperity, 
we  have,  for  the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue  the  following 
peaceable  measures : 

"  1st.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-consumption,  and 
non-exportation  agreement,  or  association. 

"  2d.  To  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America. 

"  3d.  To  prepare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty." 

The  above-mentioned  association  was  accordingly  formed,  and 
committees  were  to  be  appointed  in  every  county,  city,  and  town, 
to  maintain  it  vigilantly  and  strictly. 

Masterly  state  papers  were  issued  by  Congress  in  conformity 
to  the  resolutions:  viz.,  a  petition  to  the  king,  drafted  by  Mr. 
Dickinson,  of  Philadelphia  ;  an  address  to  the  people  of  Canada 
by  the  same  hand,  inviting  them  to  join  the  league  of  the  colo- 
nies ;  another  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  drafted  by  John 
Jay,  of  New  York;  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  colonies  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia.* 

The  Congress  remained  in  session  fifty-one  days.  Every  sub- 
ject, according  to  Adams,  was  discussed  "  with  a  moderation,  an 
acuteness,  and  a  minuteness  equal  to  that  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
privy  council."  f  The  papers  issued  by  it  have  deservedly  been 
pronounced  masterpieces  of  practical  talent  and  political  wisdom. 

*  See  Correspondence  and  Diary  of  J.  Adams,  vols.  ii.  and  ix. 
f  Letter  to  William  Tudor,  29th  Sept.,  1774. 
Vol.  L— 16* 


370  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774 

Chatham,  when  speaking  on  the  subject  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
could  not  restrain  his  enthusiasm.  "  When  your  lordships,"  said 
he,  "  look  at  the  papers  transmitted  to  us  from  America ;  when 
you  consider  their  decency,  firmness,  and  wisdom,  you  cannot  but 
respect  their  cause,  and  wish  to  make  it  your  own.  For  myself, 
I  must  declare  and  avow  that,  in  the  master  states  of  the  world, 
I  know  not  the  people,  or  senate,  who,  in  such  a  complication  of 
difficult  circumstances,  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  delegates 
of  America  assembled  in  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia." 

From  the  secrecy  that  enveloped  its  discussions,  we  are 
ignorant  of  the  part  taken  by  Washington  in  the  debates ;  the 
similarity  of  the  resolutions,  however,  in  spirit  and  substance 
to  those  of  the  Fairfax  County  meeting,  in  which  he  presided, 
and  the  coincidence  of  the  measures  adopted  with  those  therein 
recommended,  show  that  he  had  a  powerful  agency  in  the  whole 
proceedings  of  this  eventful  assembly.  Patrick  Henry,  being 
asked,  on  his  return  home,  whom  he  considered  the  greatest  man 
in  Congress,  replied  :  "  If  you  speak  of  eloquence,  Mr.  Rutledge, 
of  South  Carolina,  is  by  far  the  greatest  orator ;  but  if  you  speak 
of  solid  information  and  sound  judgment,  Colonel  Washington  is 
unquestionably  the  greatest  man  on  that  floor." 

How  thoroughly  and  zealously  he  participated  in  the  feelings 
which  actuated  Congress  in  this  memorable  session,  may  be 
gathered  from  his  correspondence  with  a  friend  enlisted  in  the 
royal  cause.  This  was  Captain  Robert  Mackenzie,  who  had  for- 
merly served  under  him  in  his  Virginia  regiment  during  the 
French  war,  but  now  held  a  commission  in  the  regular  army,  and 
was  stationed  among  the  British  troops  at  Boston. 

Mackenzie,  in  a  letter,  had  spoken  with  loyal  abhorrence  of  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  "  unhappy  province  "  of  Massachusetts,  and 


1774.]  WASHINGTON   TO   CAPT.    MACKENZIE.  371 

the  fixed  aim  of  its  inhabitants  at  "  total  independence."  "  The 
rebellious  and  numerous  meetings  of  men  in  arms,"  said  he, 
"  their  scandalous  and  ungenerous  attacks  upon  the  best  charac- 
ters in  the  province,  obliging  them  to  save  themselves  by  flight, 
and  their  repeated,  but  feeble  threats,  to  dispossess  the  troops, 
have  furnished  sufficient  reasons  to  General  Gage  to  put  the  town 
in  a  formidable  state  of  defence,  about  which  we  are  now  fully- 
employed,  and  which  will  be  shortly  accomplished  to  their  great 
mortification." 

"  Permit  me,"  writes  Washington  in  reply,  "  with  the  free- 
dom of  a  friend  (for  you  know  I  always  esteemed  you),  to  express 
my  sorrow  that  fortune  should  place  you  in  a  service  that  must 
fix  curses,  to  the  latest  posterity,  upon  the  contrivers,  and,  if 
success  (which,  by  the  by,  is  impossible)  accompanies  it,  execra- 
tions upon  all  those  who  have  been  instrumental  in  the  execu 
tion.  *  *  *  *  When  you  condemn  the  conduct  of  the 
Massachusetts  people,  you  reason  from  effects,  not  causes,  other- 
wise you  would  not  wonder  at  a  people,  who  are  every  day  receiv- 
ing fresh  proofs  of  a  systematic  assertion  of  an  arbitrary  power, 
deeply  planned  to  overturn  the  laws  and  constitution  of  their 
country,  and  to  violate  the  most  essential  and  valuable  rights  of 
mankind,  being  irritated,  and  with  difficulty  restrained,  from  acts 
of  the  greatest  violence  and  intemperance. 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  view  things  in  a  very  different  point  of 
light  from  the  one  in  which  you  seem  to  consider  them ;  and 
though  you  are  led  to  believe,  by  venal  men,  that  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  independency,  and 
what  not,  give  me  leave,  my  good  friend,  to  tell  you  that  you  are 
abused,  grossly  abused.  *  *  #  *  I  think  I  can  announce  it 
as  a  fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest  of  that  government,  or 


372  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

any  other  upon  this  continent,  separately  or  collectively,  to  set  up 
for  independence ;  but  this  you  may  at  the  same  time  rely  on, 
that  none  of  them  will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of  their  valuable 
rights  and  privileges,  which  are  essential  to  the  happiness  of 
every  free  state,  and  without  which,  life,  liberty,  and  property, 
are  rendered  totally  insecure. 

"  These,  sir,  being  certain  consequences,  which  must  naturally 
result  from  the  late  acts  of  Parliament  relative  to  America  in 
general,  and  the  government  of  Massachusetts  in  particular,  is  it 
to  be  wondered  at  that  men  who  wish  to  avert  the  impending 
blow,  should  attempt  to  oppose  its  progress,  or  prepare  for  their 
defence,  if  it  cannot  be  averted  ?  Surely  I  may  be  allowed  to  an- 
swer in  the  negative ;  and  give  me  leave  to  add,  as  my  opinion,  that 
more  blood  will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the  ministry  are 
determined  to  push  matters  to  extremity,  than  history  has  ever 
yet  furnished  instances  of  in  the  annals  of  North  America;  and 
such  a  vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the  peace  of  this  great  coun- 
try, as  time  itself  cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the  remembrance  of." 

In  concluding,  he  repeats  his  views  with  respect  to  indepen- 
dence :  "  X  am  well  satisfied  that  no  such  thing  is  desired  by  any 
thinking  man  in  all  North  America ;  on  the  contrary,  that  it  is 
the  ardent  wish  of  the  warmest  advocates  for  liberty,  that  peace 
and  tranquillity,  upon  constitutional  grounds,  may  be  restored, 
and  the  horrors  of  civil  discord  prevented."  * 

This  letter  we  have  considered  especially  worthy  of  citation, 
from  its  being  so  full  and  explicit  a  declaration  of  Washington's 
sentiments  and  opinions  at  this  critical  juncture.  His  views  on 
the  question  of  independence  are  particularly  noteworthy,  from 

*  Sparks.   Washington's  Writings,  vol.  ii.,  p.  899. 


1774.]      DEPARTURE   OF  W.  FAIRFAX   FOR   ENGLAND.        373 

his  being  at  this  time  in  daily  and  confidential  communication 
with  the  leaders  of  the  popular  movement,  and  among  them  with 
the  delegates  from  Boston.  It  is  evident  that  the  filial  feeling 
still  throbbed  toward  the  mother  country,  and  a  complete  separa- 
tion from  her  had  not  yet  entered  into  the  alternatives  of  her 
colonial  children. 

On  the  breaking  up  of  Congress,  Washington  hastened  back 
to  Mount  Vernon,  where  his  presence  was  more  than  usually  im- 
portant to  the  happiness  of  Mrs.  Washington,  from  the  loneliness 
caused  by  the  recent  death  of  her  daughter,  and  the  absence  of 
her  son.  The  cheerfulness  of  the  neighborhood  had  been  dimin- 
ished of  late  by  the  departure  of  George  William  Fairfax  for 
England,  to  take  possession  of  estates  which  had  devolved  to  him 
in  that  kingdom.  His  estate  of  Belvoir,  so  closely  allied  with 
that  of  Mount  Vernon  by  family  ties  and  reciprocal  hospitality, 
was  left  in  charge  of  a  steward,  or  overseer.  Through  some  acci- 
dent the  house  took  fire,  and  was  burnt  to  the  ground.  It  was 
never  rebuilt.  The  course  of  political  events  which  swept  Wash- 
ington from  his  quiet  home  into  the  current  of  public  and  military 
life,  prevented  William  Fairfax,  who  was  a  royalist,  though  a 
liberal  one,  from  returning  to  his  once  happy  abode,  and  the  hos- 
pitable intercommunion  of  Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir  was  at 
an  end  for  ever. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

gage's  military  measures removal  of  gunpowder  from  the   arsenal-  - 

public  agitation alarms  in  the  country civil  government  obstruct- 
ed  belligerent  symptoms israel  putnam  and  general  charles  lee, 

their  characters  and  stories general  election self-constituted  con- 
gress  hancock  president adjourns  to  concord remonstrance  to  gage 

— his  perplexities generals  artemas  ward  and  seth  pomeroy commit- 
tee of  safety-— committee  of  supplies restlessness   throughout   the 

land independent   companies   in  virginia military  tone  at  mount 

vernon — Washington's   military   guests — major   horatio    gates — anec- 
dotes   CONCERNING    HIM GENERAL    CHARLES    LEE HIS    PECULIARITIES    AND 

DOGS — WASHINGTON    AT    THE    RICHMOND   CONVENTION WAR    SPEECH   OF  PAT- 
RICK henry — Washington's  military  intentions. 

The  rumor  of  the  cannonading  of  Boston,  which  had  thrown  such 
a  gloom  over  the  religious  ceremonial  at  the  opening  of  Congress, 
had  been  caused  by  measures  of  Governor  Gage.  The  public 
mind,  in  Boston  and  its  vicinity,  had  been  rendered  excessively 
jealous  and  sensitive  by  the  landing  and  encamping  of  artillery 
upon  the  Common,  and  Welsh  Fusiliers  on  Fort  Hill,  and  by  the 
planting  of  four  large  field-pieces  on  Boston  Neck,  the  only  en- 
trance to  the  town  by  land.  The  country  people  were  arming 
and  disciplining  themselves  in  every  direction,  and  collecting  and 
depositing  arms  and  ammunition  in  places  where  they  would  be 


1774.]  SACKING   OF    THE    ARSENAL.  375 

at  hand  in  case  of  emergency.  Gage,  on  the  other  hand,  issued 
orders  that  the  munitions  of  war  in  all  the  public  magazines 
should  be  brought  to  Boston.  One  of  these  magazines  was  the 
arsenal  in  the  north-west  part  of  Charlestown,  between  Medford 
and  Cambridge.  Two  companies  of  the  king's  troops  passed  si- 
lently in  boats  up  Mystic  River  in  the  night ;  took  possession  of 
a  large  quantity  of  gunpowder  deposited  there,  and  conveyed  it  to 
Castle  Williams.  Intelligence  of  this  sacking  of  the  arsenal  flew 
with  lightning  speed  through  the  neighborhood.  In  the  morning 
several  thousands  of  patriots  were  assembled  at  Cambridge, 
weapon  in  hand,  and  were  with  difficulty  prevented  from  march- 
ing upon  Boston  to  compel  a  restitution  of  the  powder.  In  the 
confusion  and  agitation,  a  rumor  stole  out  into  the  country  that 
Boston  was  to  be  attacked ;  followed  by  another  that  the  ships 
were  cannonading  the  town,  and  the  soldiers  shooting  down  the 
inhabitants.  The  whole  country  was  forthwith  in  arms.  Nu- 
merous bodies  of  the  Connecticut  people  had  made  some  marches 
before  the  report  was  contradicted.* 

To  guard  against  any  irruption  from  the  country,  Gage  en- 
camped the  59th  regiment  on  Boston  Neck,  and  employed  the  sol- 
diers in  intrenching  and  fortifying  it. 

In  the  mean  time  the  belligerent  feelings  of  the  inhabitants 
were  encouraged,  by  learning  how  the  rumor  of  their  being  can- 
nonaded had  been  received  in  the  General  Congress,  and  by  assu- 
rances from  all  parts  that  the  cause  of  Boston  would  be  made  the 
common  cause  of  America.  "It  is  surprising,"  writes  General 
Gage,  "  that  so  many  of  the  other  provinces  interest  themselves 
so  much  in  this.     They  have  some  warm  friends  in  New  York, 

*  Holmes's  Annals,  ii.,  191. — Letter  of  Gage  to  Lord  Dartmouth. 


376  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

and  I  learn  that  the  people  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  are  as 
mad  as  they  are  here."  # 

The  commissions  were  arrived  for  those  civil  officers  appoint- 
ed by  the  crown  under  the  new  modifications  of  the  charter: 
many,  however,  were  afraid  to  accept  of  them.  Those  who  did 
soon  resigned,  finding  it  impossible  to  withstand  the  odium  of  the 
people.  The  civil  government  throughout  the  province  became 
obstructed  in  all  its  operations.  It  was  enough  for  a  man  to  be 
supposed  of  the  governmental  party  to  incur  popular  ill-will. 

Among  other  portentous  signs,  war-hawks  began  to  appear 
above  the  horizon.  Mrs.  Cushing,  wife  to  a  member  of  Congress, 
writes  to  her  husband,  "  Two  of  the  greatest  military  characters 
of  the  day  are  visiting  this  distressed  town.  General  Charles 
Lee,  who  has  served  in  Poland,  and  Colonel  Israel  Putnam,  whose 
bravery  and  character  need  no  description."  As  these  two  men 
will  take  a  prominent  part  in  coming  events,  we  pause  to  give  a 
word  or  two  concerning  them. 

Israel  Putnam  was  a  soldier  of  native  growth.  One  of  the 
military  productions  of  the  French  war ;  seasoned  and  proved  in 
frontier  campaigning.  He  had  served  at  Louisburg,  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  and  Crown  Point;  had  signalized  himself  in  Indian  war- 
fare ;  been  captured  by  the  savages,  tied  to  a  stake  to  be  tortured 
and  burnt,  and  had  only  been  rescued  by  the  interference,  at  the 
eleventh  hour,  of  a  French  partisan  of  the  Indians. 

Since  the  peace,  he  had  returned  to  agricultural  life,  and  was 
now  a  farmer  at  Pomfret,  in  Connecticut,  where  the  scars  of  his 
wounds  and  the  tales  of  his  exploits  rendered  him  a  hero  in 
popular  estimation.     The  war  spirit  yet  burned  within  him.     He 

*  Gage  to  Dartmouth,  Sept.  20. 


1774]  GENERAL   CHARLES   LEE.  377 

was  now  chairman  of  a  committee  of  vigilance,  and  had  come 
to  Boston  in  discharge  of  his  political  and  semi-belligerent  func- 
tions. 

General  Charles  Lee  was  a  military  man  of  a  different  stamp ; 
an  Englishman  by  birth,  and  a  highly  cultivated  production  of 
European  warfare.  He  was  the  son  of  a  British  officer,  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel John  Lee,  of  the  dragoons,  who  married  the 
daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury,  Bart.,  and  afterwards  rose  to 
be  a  general.  Lee  was  born  in  1731,  and  may  almost  be  said  to 
have  been  cradled  in  the  army,  for  he  received  a  commission  by 
the  time  he  was  eleven  years  of  age.  He  had  an  irregular  edu- 
cation ;  part  of  the  time  in  England,  part  on  the  continent,  and 
must  have  scrambled  his  way  into  knowledge ;  yet  by  aptness, 
diligence  and  ambition,  he  had  acquired  a  considerable  portion, 
being  a  Greek  and  Latin  scholar,  and  acquainted  with  modern 
languages.  The  art  of  war  was  his  especial  study  from  his  boy- 
hood, and  he  had  early  opportunities  of  practical  experience.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-four,  he  commanded  a  company  of  grenadiers 
in  the  44th  regiment,  and  served  in  the  French  war  in  America, 
where  he  was  brought  into  military  companionship  with  Sir 
William  Johnson's  Mohawk  warriors,  whom  he  used  to  extol  for 
their  manly  beauty,  their  dress,  their  graceful  carriage  and  good 
breeding.  In  fact,  he  rendered  himself  so  much  of  a  favorite 
among  them,  that  they  admitted  him  to  smoke  in  their  councils, 
and  adopted  him  into  the  tribe  of  the  Bear,  giving  him  an  Indian 
name,  signifying  "  Boiling  Water." 

At  the  battle  of  Ticonderoga,  where  Abercrombie  was  de- 
feated, he  was  shot  through  the  body,  while  leading  his  men 
against  the  French  breastworks.  In  the  next  campaign,  he  was 
present  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Niagara,  where  General  Prideaux  fell, 


378  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

and  where  Sir  "William  Johnson,  with  his  British  troops  and  Mo- 
hawk warriors,  eventually  won  the  fortress.  Lee  had,  probably, 
an  opportunity  on  this  occasion  of  fighting  side  by  side  with  some 
of  his  adopted  brethren  of  the  Bear  tribe,  as  we  are  told  he  was 
much  exposed  during  the  engagement  with  the  French  and 
Indians,  and  that  two  balls  grazed  his  hair.  A  military  errand, 
afterwards,  took  him  across  Lake  Erie,  and  down  the  northern 
branch  of  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Duquesne,  and  thence  by  a  long 
march  of  seven  hundred  miles  to  Crown  Point,  where  he  joined 
General  Amherst.  In  1760,  he  was  among  the  forces  which  fol- 
lowed that  general  from  Lake  Ontario  down  the  St.  Lawrence ; 
and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Montreal,  which  completed 
the  conquest  of  Canada, 

In  1762,  he  bore  a  colonel's  commission,  and  served  under 
Brigadier-general  Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  where  he  was  intrusted 
with  an  enterprise  against  a  Spanish  post  at  the  old  Moorish 
castle  of  Villa  Velha,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus.  He  forded 
the  river  in  the  night,  pushed  his  way  through  mountain  passes, 
and  at  2  o'clock  in  the  morning,  rushed  with  his  grenadiers  into 
the  enemy's  camp  before  daylight,  where  every  thing  was  car- 
ried at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  assisted  by  a  charge  of  dragoons. 
The  war  over,  he  returned  to  England,  bearing  testimonials  of 
bravery  and  good  conduct  from  his  commander-in-chief,  the 
Count  de  la  Lippe,  and  from  the  king  of  Portugal.  * 

Wielding  the  pen  as  well  as  the  sword,  Lee  undertook  to 
write  on  questions  of  colonial  policy,  relative  to  Pontiac's  war,  in 
which  he  took  the  opposition  side.  This  lost  him  the  favor  of 
the  ministry,  and  with  it  all  hope  of  further  promotion. 

*  Life  of  Charles  Lee,  by  Jared  Sparks.  Also,  Memoirs  of  Charles 
Lee  ;  published  in  London,  1792. 


17H]  GENERAL    CHARLES   LEE.  379 

He  now  determined  to  offer  his  services  to  Poland,  supposed 
to  be  on  the  verge  of  a  war.  Recommendations  from  his  old 
commander,  the  Count  de  la  Lippe,  procured  him  access  to  some 
of  the  continental  courts.  He  was  well  received  by  Frederick 
the  Great,  and  had  several  conversations  with  him,  chiefly  on 
American  affairs.  At  Warsaw,  his  military  reputation  secured 
him  the  favor  of  Poniatowsky,  recently  elected  king  of  Poland, 
with  the  name  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  who  admitted  him 
to  his  table,  and  made  him  one  of  his  aides-de-camp.  Lee 
was  disappointed  in  his  hope  of  active  service.  There  was  agi- 
tation in  the  country,  but  the  power  of  the  king  was  not  adequate 
to  raise  forces  suflicient  for  its  suppression.  He  had  few  troops, 
and  those  not  trustworthy ;  and  the  town  was  full  of  the  disaf- 
fected. "We  have  frequent  alarms,"  said  Lee,  "and  the 
pleasure  of  sleeping  every  night  with  our  pistols  on  our  pillows." 

By  way  of  relieving  his  restlessness,  Lee,  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  king,  set  off  to  accompany  the  Polish  ambassador  to  Constan- 
tinople. The  latter  travelled  too  slow  for  him;  so  he  dashed 
ahead  when  on  the  frontiers  of  Turkey,  with  an  escort  of  the 
grand  seignior's  treasure ;  came  near  perishing  with  cold  and  hunger 
among  the  Bulgarian  mountains,  and  after  his  arrival  at  the 
Turkish  capital,  ran  a  risk  of  being  buried  under  the  ruins  of  his 
house  in  an  earthquake. 

Late  in  the  same  year  (1766),  he  was  again  in  England,  an 
applicant  for  military  appointment,  bearing  a  letter  from  king 
Stanislaus  to  king  George.  His  meddling  pen  is  supposed 
again  to  have  marred  his  fortunes,  having  indulged  in  sarcastic 
comments  on  the  military  character  of  General  Townshend  and 
Lord  George  Sackville.  "  I  am  not  at  all  surprised,"  said  a 
friend  to  him,  "  that  you  find  the  door  shut  against  you  by  a  per- 


380  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [m4 

son  who  has  such  unbounded  credit,  as  you  have  ever  too  freely 
indulged  in  a  liberty  of  declaiming,  which  many  invidious  persons 
have  not  failed  to  inform  him  of.  The  principle  on  which  you 
thus  freely  speak  your  mind,  is  honest  and  patriotic,  but  not 
politic." 

The  disappointments  which  Lee  met  with  during  a  residence 
of  two  years  in  England,  and  a  protracted  attendance  on  people 
in  power,  rankled  in  his  bosom,  and  embittered  his  subsequent 
resentment  against  the  king  and  his  ministers. 

In  1768,  he  was  again  on  his  way  to  Poland,  with  the  design 
of  performing  a  campaign  in  the  Russian  service.  "I  flatter 
myself,"  said  he,  "that  a  little  more  practice  will  make  me  a 
good  soldier.  If  not,  it  will  serve  to  talk  over  my  kitchen  fire 
m  my  old  age,  which  will  soon  come  upon  us  all." 

He  now  looked  forward  to  spirited  service.  "  I  am  to  have  a 
command  of  Cossacks  and  Wallacks,"  writes  he,  "a  kind  of  peo- 
ple I  have  a  good  opinion  of.  I  am  determined  not  to  serve  in 
the  line.     One  might  as  well  be  a  churchwarden." 

The  friendship  of  king  Stanislaus  continued.  « He  treats 
me  more  like  a  brother  than  a  patron,"  said  Lee.  In  1769,  the 
latter  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the  Polish 
army,  and  left  Warsaw  to  join  the  Russian  force,  which  was 
crossing  the  Dniester  and  advancing  into  Moldavia.  He  arrived 
in  time  to  take  part  in  a  severe  action  between  the  Russians  and 
Turks,  in  which  the  Cossacks  and  hussars  were  terribly  cut  up 
by  the  Turkish  cavalry,  in  a  ravine  near  the  city  of  Chotzim. 
It  was  along  and  doubtful  conflict,  with  various  changes;  but 
the  rumored  approach  of  the  grand  vizier,  with  a  hundred  and 
seventy  thousand  men,  compelled  the  Russians  to  abandon  the 
enterprise  and  recross  the  Dniester. 


1771.]  GENERAL   CHARLES   LEE.  381 

Lee  never  returned  to  Poland,  though  he  ever  retained  a  de- 
voted attachment  to  Stanislaus.  He  for  some  time  led  a  restless 
life  about  Europe — visiting  Italy,  Sicily,  Malta,  and  the  south  of 
Spain;  troubled  with  attacks  of  rheumatism,  gout,  and  the 
effects  of  a  "  Hungarian  fever."  He  had  become  more  and  more 
cynical  and  irascible,  and  had  more  than  one  "  affair  of  honor," 
in  one  of  which  he  killed  his  antagonist.  His  splenetic  feelings, 
as  well  as  his  political  sentiments,  were  occasionally  vented  in 
severe  attacks  upon  the  ministry,  full  of  irony  and  sarcasm. 
They  appeared  in  the  public  journals,  and  gained  him  such 
reputation,  that  even  the  papers  of  Junius  were  by  some  attri- 
buted to  him. 

In  the  questions  which  had  risen  between  England  and  her 
colonies,  he  had  strongly  advocated  the  cause  of  the  latter ;  and 
it  was  the  feelings  thus  excited,  and  the  recollections,  perhaps,  of 
his  early  campaigns,  that  had  recently  brought  him  to  America. 
Here  he  had  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  1773,  had  visited  vari- 
ous parts  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia,  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  political  agitations  of  the  country.  His  caustic 
attacks  upon  the  ministry;  his  conversational  powers  and  his 
poignant  sallies,  had  gained  him  great  reputation ;  but  his  mili- 
tary renown  rendered  him  especially  interesting  at  the  present 
juncture.  A  general,  who  had  served  in  the  famous  campaigns 
of  Europe,  commanded  Cossacks,  fought  with  Turks,  talked  with 
Frederick  the  Great,  and  been  aide-de-camp  to  the  king  of  Po- 
land, was  a  prodigious  acquisition  to  the  patriot  cause !  On  the 
other  hand,  his  visit  to  Boston  was  looked  upon  with  uneasiness 
by  the  British  officers,  who  knew  his  adventurous  character.  It 
was  surmised  that  he  was  exciting  a  spirit  of  revolt,  with  a  view 
to  putting  himself  at  its  head.     These  suspicions  found  their  way 


382  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1774. 

into  the  London  papers,  and  alarmed  the  British  cabinet. 
"  Have  an  attention  to  his  conduct,"  writes  Lord  Dartmouth  to 
Gage,  "  and  take  every  legal  method  to  prevent  his  effecting  any 
of  those  dangerous  purposes  he  is  said  to  have  in  view." 

Lee,  when  subsequently  informed  of  these  suspicions,  scoffed 
at  them  in  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Edmund  Burke,  and  declared 
that  he  had  not  the  "  temerity  and  vanity  "  to  aspire  to  the  aims 
imputed  to  him. 

"  To  think  myself  qualified  for  the  most  important  charge 
that  ever  was  committed  to  mortal  man,"  writes  he,  "  is  the  last 
stage  of  presumption ;  nor  do  I  think  the  Americans  would,  or 
ought  to  confide  in  a  man,  let  his  qualifications  be  ever  so  great, 
who  has  no  property  among  them.  It  is  true,  I  most  devoutly 
wish  them  success  in  the  glorious  struggle ;  that  I  have  expressed 
my  wishes  both  in  writing  and  viva  voce ;  but  my  errand  to 
Boston  was  mere  curiosity  to  see  a  people  in  so  singular  cir- 
cumstances; and  I  had  likewise  an  ambition  to  be  acquainted 
with  some  of  their  leading  men ;  with  them  only  I  associated 
during  my  stay  in  Boston.  Our  ingenious  gentlemen  in  the 
camp,  therefore,  very  naturally  concluded  my  design  was  to  put 
myself  at  their  head." 

To  resume  the  course  of  events  at  Boston.  Gage  on  the  1st 
of  September,  before  this  popular  agitation,  had  issued  writs  for 
an  election  of  an  assembly  to  meet  at  Salem  in  October ;  seeing,  how- 
ever, the  irritated  state  of  the  public  mind,  he  now  countermanded 
the  same  by  proclamation.  The  people,  disregarding  the  counter- 
mand, carried  the  election,  and  ninety  of  the  new  members  thus 
elected  met  at  the  appointed  time.  They  waited  a  whole  day  for 
the  governor  to  attend,  administer  the  oaths,  and  open  the  ses- 
sion ;  but  as  he  did  not  make  his  appearance,  they  voted  them- 


17U]  PROVINCIAL   CONGRESS   AT   CONCORD.  383 

selves  a  provincial  Congress,  and  chose  for  president  of  it  John 
Hancock, — a  man  of  great  wealth,  popular,  and  somewhat  showy- 
talents,  and  ardent  patriotism ;  and  eminent  from  his  social  po- 
sition. 

This  self-constituted  body  adjourned  to  Concord,  about  twenty 
miles  from  Boston ;  quietly  assumed  supreme  authority,  and  is- 
sued a  remonstrance  to  the  governor,  virtually  calling  him  to 
account  for  his  military  operations  in  fortifying  Boston  Neck, 
and  collecting  warlike  stores  about  him,  thereby  alarming  the 
fears  of  the  whole  province,  and  menacing  the  lives  and  property 
of  the  Bostonians. 

General  Gage,  overlooking  the  irregularity  of  its  organization, 
entered  into  explanations  with  the  Assembly,  but  failed  to  give 
satisfaction.  As  winter  approached,  he  found  his  situation  more 
and  more  critical.  Boston  was  the  only  place  in  Massachusetts 
that  now  contained  British  forces,  and  it  had  become  the  refuge 
of  all  the  "  tories  "  of  the  province ;  that  is  to  say,  of  all  those 
devoted  to  the  British  government.  There  was  animosity  be- 
tween them  and  the  principal  inhabitants,  among  whom  revolu- 
tionary principles  prevailed.  The  town  itself,  almost  insulated  by 
nature,  and  surrounded  by  a  hostile  country,  was  like  a  place 
besieged. 

The  provincial  Congress  conducted  its  affairs  with  the  order 
and  system  so  formidable  to  General  Gage.  Having  adopted  a 
plan  for  organizing  the  militia,  it  had  nominated  general  officers, 
two  of  whom,  Artemas  "Ward  and  Seth  Pomeroy,  had  accepted? 

The  executive  powers  were  vested  in  a  committee  of  safety. 
This  was  to  determine  when  the  services  of  the  militia  were 
necessary ;  was  to  call  them  forth, — to  nominate  their  officers  to 
the  Congress, — to  commission  them,  and  direct  the  operations  of 


384  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1114. 

the  army.  Another  committee  was  appointed  to  furnish  supplies 
to  the  forces  when  called  out ;  hence,  named  the  Committee  of 
Supplies. 

Under  such  auspices,  the  militia  went  on  arming  and  disci- 
plining itself  in  every  direction.  They  associated  themselves  in 
large  bodies,  and  engaged,  verbally  or  by  writing,  to  assemble  in 
arms  at  the  shortest  notice  for  the  common  defence,  subject  to  the 
orders  of  the  committee  of  safety. 

Arrangements  had  been  made  for  keeping  up  an  active  cor- 
respondence between  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  spread- 
ing an  alarm  in  case  of  any  threatening  danger.  Under  the 
direction  of  the  committees  just  mentioned,  large  quantities 
of  military  stores  had  been  collected  and  deposited  at  Concord 
and  Worcester. 

This  semi-belligerent  state  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts  pro- 
duced a  general  restlessness  throughout  the  land.  The  weak- 
hearted  apprehended  coming  troubles ;  the  resolute  prepared  to 
brave  them.  Military  measures,  hitherto  confined  to  New  Eng- 
land, extended  to  the  middle  and  southern  provinces,  and  the  roll 
of  the  drum  resounded  through  the  villages. 

Virginia  was  among  the  first  to  buckle  on  its  armor.  It  had 
long  been  a  custom  among  its  inhabitants  to  form  themselves  into 
independent  companies,  equipped  at  their  own  expense,  having 
their  own  peculiar  uniform,  and  electing  their  own  officers, 
though  holding  themselves  subject  to  militia  law.  They  had 
hitherto  been  self-disciplined ;  but  now  they  continually  resorted 
to  Washington  for  instruction  and  advice ;  considering  him  the 
highest  authority  on  military  affairs.  He  was  frequently  called 
from  home,  therefore,  in  the  course  of  the  winter  and  spriDg,  to 
different  parts  of  the  country  to  review  independent  companies ; 


1114.]  MAJOR   HORATIO   GATES.  385 

all  of  which  were  anxious  to  put  themselves  under  his  command 
as  field-officer. 

Mount  Vernon,  therefore,  again  assumed  a  military  tone  as  in 
former  days,  when  he  took  his  first  lessons  there  in  the  art  of  war. 
He  had  his  old  campaigning  associates  with  him  occasionally,  Dr. 
Craik  and  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  to  talk  of  past  scenes  and  dis- 
cuss the  possibility  of  future  service.  Mercer  was  already  be- 
stirring himself  in  disciplining  the  militia  about  Fredericksburg, 
where  he  resided. 

Two  occasional  and  important  guests  at  Mount  Vernon,  in 
this  momentous  crisis,  were  General  Charles  Lee,  of  whom  we 
have  just  spoken,  and  Major  Horatio  Gates.  As  the  latter  is 
destined  to  occupy  an  important  page  in  this  memoir,  we  will  give 
a  few  particulars  concerning  him.  He  was  an  Englishman  by 
birth,  the  son  of  a  captain  in  the  British  army.  Horace  Wal- 
pole,  whose  christian  name  he  bore,  speaks  of  him  in  one  of  his 
letters  as  his  godson,  though  some  have  insinuated  that  he  stood 
in  filial  relationship  of  a  less  sanctified  character.  He  had  re- 
ceived a  liberal  education,  and,  when  but  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
had  served  as  a  volunteer  under  General  Edward  Cornwallis,  Gov- 
ernor of  Halifax.  He  was  afterwards  captain  of  a  New  York 
independent  company,  with  which,  it  may  be  remembered,  he 
marched  in  the  campaign  of  Braddock,  in  which  he  was  severely 
wounded.  For  two  or  three  subsequent  years  he  was  with  his 
company  in  the  western  part  of  the  province  of  New  York,  receiv- 
ing the  appointment  of  brigade  major.  He  accompanied  General 
Monckton  as  aide-de-camp  to  the  West  Indies,  and  gained  credit 
at  the  capture  of  Martinico.  Being  despatched  to  London  with 
tidings  of  the  victory,  he  was  rewarded  by  the  appointment  of 
major  to  a  regiment  of  foot ;  and  afterwards,  as  a  special  mark 

Vol.  I.— 17 


386  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [17Y4. 

of  royal  favor,  a  majority  in  the  Royal  Americans.  His  promo- 
tion did  not  equal  his  expectations  and  fancied  deserts.  He  was 
married,  and  wanted  something  more  lucrative ;  so  he  sold  out  on 
half-pay  and  became  an  applicant  for  some  profitable  post  under 
government,  which  he  hoped  to  obtain  through  the  influence  of 
General  Monckton  and  some  friends  in  the  aristocracy.  Thus 
several  years  were  passed,  partly  with  his  family  in  retirement, 
partly  in  London,  paying  court  to  patrons  and  men  in  power, 
until,  finding  there  was  no  likelihood  of  success,  and  having  sold 
his  commission  and  half-pay,  he  emigrated  to  Virginia  in  1772,  a 
disappointed  man ;  purchased  an  estate  in  Berkeley  County,  be- 
yond the  Blue  Ridge ;  espoused  the  popular  cause,  and  renewed 
his  old  campaigning  acquaintance  with  Washington. 

He  was  now  about  forty-six  years  of  age,  of  a  florid  com- 
plexion and  goodly  presence,  though  a  little  inclined  to  corpu- 
lency ;  social,  insinuating,  and  somewhat  specious  in  his  manners, 
with  a  strong  degree  of  self-approbation.  A  long  course  of 
solicitation;  haunting  public  offices  and  antechambers,  and 
"  knocking  about  town,"  had  taught  him,  it  was  said,  how  to  whee- 
dle and  flatter,  and  accommodate  himself  to  the  humors  of  others, 
so  as  to  be  the  boon  companion  of  gentlemen,  and  "  hail  fellow 
well  met "  with  the  vulgar. 

Lee,  who  was  an  old  friend  and  former  associate  in  arms,  had 
recently  been  induced  by  him  to  purchase  an  estate  in  his  neigh- 
borhood in  Berkeley  County,  with  a  view  to  making  it  his  abode, 
having  a  moderate  competency,  a  claim  to  land  on  the  Ohio,  and 
the  half-pay  of  a  British  colonel.  Both  of  these  officers,  disappoint- 
ed in  the  British  service,  looked  forward  probably  to  greater  suc- 
cess in  the  patriot  cause. 

Lee  had  been  at  Philadelphia  since  his  visit  to  Boston,  and 


17U] 


PECULIARITIES   OF   LEE.  387 


had  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  leading  members  of  Con- 
gress during  the  session.  He  was  evidently  cultivating  an  inti- 
macy with  every  one  likely  to  have  influence  in  the  approaching 
struggle. 

To  Washington  the  visits  of  these  gentlemen  were  extremely 
welcome  at  this  juncture,  from  their  military  knowledge  and 
experience,  especially  as  much  of  it  had  been  acquired  in  Ameri- 
ca, in  the  same  kind  of  warfare,  if  not  the  very  same  campaigns 
in  which  he  himself  had  mingled.  Both  were  interested  in  the 
popular  cause.  Lee  was  full  of  plans  for  the  organization  and 
disciplining  of  the  militia,  and  occasionally  accompanied  Wash- 
ington in  his  attendance  on  provincial  reviews.  He  was  subse- 
quently very  efficient  at  Annapolis  in  promoting  and  superintend- 
ing the  organization  of  the  Maryland  militia. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  visits  of  Lee  were  as  interesting  to 
Mrs.  Washington  as  to  the  general.  He  was  whimsical,  eccentric, 
and  at  times  almost  rude ;  negligent  also,  and  slovenly  in  person 
and  attire ;  for  though  he  had  occasionally  associated  with  kings 
and  princes,  he  had  also  campaigned  with  Mohawks  and  Cossacks, 
and  seems  to  have  relished  their  "good  breeding."  What  was  still 
more  annoying  in  a  well  regulated  mansion,  he  was  always  fol- 
lowed by  a  legion  of  dogs,  which  shared  his  affections  with  his 
horses,  and  took  their  seats  by  him  when  at  table.  u  I  must 
have  some  object  to  embrace,"  said  he  misanthropically.  "  When 
I  can  be  convinced  that  men  are  as  worthy  objects  as  dogs,  I  shall 
transfer  my  benevolence,  and  become  as  staunch  a  philanthropist 
as  the  canting  Addison  affected  to  be."  * 

In  his  passion  for  horses  and  dogs,  Washington,  to  a  certain 
degree,  could  sympathize  with  him,  and  had  noble  specimens  of 

*  Lee  to  Adams.     Life  and  Works  of  Adams,  ii.,  414. 


388  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1775. 


both  in  his  stable  and  kennel,  which  Lee  doubtless  inspected  with 
a  learned  eye.  During  the  season  in  question,  "Washington,  ac- 
cording to  his  diary,  was  occasionally  in  the  saddle  at  an  early 
hour  following  the  fox-hounds.  It  was  the  last  time  for  many  a 
year  that  he  was  to  gallop  about  his  beloved  hunting-grounds  of 
Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir. 

In  the  month  of  March  the  second  Virginia  convention  was 
held  at  Kichmond.  Washington  attended  as  delegate  from  Fair- 
fax County.  In  this  assembly,  Patrick  Henry,  with  his  usual 
ardor  and  eloquence,  advocated  measures  for  embodying,  arming 
and  disciplining  a  militia  force,  and  providing  for  the  defence  of 
the  colony.  "  It  is  useless,"  said  he,  "  to  address  further  peti- 
tions to  government,  or  to  await  the  effect  of  those  already  ad- 
dressed to  the  throne.  The  time  for  supplication  is  past ;  the 
time  for  action  is  at  hand.  We  must  fight,  Mr.  Speaker,"  ex- 
claimed he  emphatically ;  "  I  repeat  it,  sir,  we  must  fight !  An 
appeal  to  arms,  and  to  the  God  of  Hosts,  is  all  that  is  left  us  ! " 

Washington  joined  him  in  the  conviction,  and  was  one  of  a 
committee  that  reported  a  plan  for  carrying  thosa  measures  into 
effect.  He  was  not  an  impulsive  man  to  raise  th«  battle  cry,  but 
the  executive  man  to  marshal  the  troops  into  the  field,  and  carry 
on  the  war. 

His  brother,  John  Augustine,  was  raising  and  disciplining  an 
independent  company;  Washington  offered  to  accept  the  com- 
mand of  it,  should  occasion  require  it  to  he  drawn  out.  He  did 
the  same  with  respect  to  an  independent  company  at  Richmond. 
"  It  is  my  full  intention,  if  needful,"  writes  he  to  his  brother, 
"  to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause"  * 

*  Letter  to  John  Augustine.     Sparks,  ii.,  405. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

INFATUATION  IN  BRITISH  COUNCILS — COLONEL  GRANT,  THE  BRAGGART — COERCIVE 
MEASURES — EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  MILITARY  MAGAZINE  AT  CONCORD BAT- 
TLE OF  LEXINGTON THE  CRY  OF  BLOOD  THROUGH  THE  LAND— OLD  SOLDIERS   OF 

THE    FRENCH    WAR — JOHN   8TARK ISRAEL  PDTNAM — RISING   OF  THE  YEOMANRY 

MEASURES  OF  LORD  DUNMORE  IN   VIRGINIA — INDIGNATION  OF  THE  VIRGINIANS 

HUGH  MERCER  AND  THE  FRIENDS  OF  LIBERTY ARRIVAL  OF  THE  NEWS  OF  LEX- 
INGTON AT  MOUNT  VERNON EFFECT  ON  BRYAN  FAIRFAX,  GATES,  AND  WASH- 
INGTON. 

While  the  spirit  of  revolt  was  daily  gaining  strength  and  deter- 
mination in  America,  a  strange  infatuation  reigned  in  the  British 
councils.  While  the  wisdom  and  eloquence  of  Chatham  were  ex- 
erted in  vain  in  behalf  of  American  rights,  an  empty  braggadocio, 
elevated  to  a  seat  in  Parliament,  was  able  to  captivate  the  atten- 
tion of  the  members,  and  influence  their  votes  by  gross  mis- 
representations of  the  Americans  and  their  cause.  This  was  no 
other  than  Colonel  Grant,  the  same  shallow  soldier  who,  exceed- 
ing his  instructions,  had  been  guilty  of  a  foolhardy  bravado  before 
the  walls  of  Fort  Duquesne,  which  brought  slaughter  and  defeat 
upon  his  troops.  From  misleading  the  army,  he  was  now  pro- 
moted to  a  station  where  he  might  mislead  the  councils  of  his 
oountry.     We  are  told  that  he  entertained  Parliament,  especially 


390  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


11115. 


the  ministerial  side  of  the  House,  with  ludicrous  stories  of  the 
cowardice  of  Americans.  He  had  served  with  them,  he  said,  and 
knew  them  well,  and  would  venture  to  say  they  would  never 
dare  to  face  an  English  army ;  that  they  were  destitute  of  every 
requisite  to  make  good  soldiers,  and  that  a  very  slight  force 
would  be  sufficient  for  their  complete  reduction.  With  five  regi- 
ments, he  could  march  through  all  America  I 

How  often  has  England  been  misled  to  her  cost  by  such  slan- 
derous misrepresentations  of  the  American  character!  Grant 
talked  of  having  served  with  the  Americans  ;  had  he  already  for- 
gotten that  in  the  field  of  Braddock's  defeat,  when  the  British 
regulars  fled,  it  was  alone  the  desperate  stand  of  a  handful  of 
Virginians,  which  covered  their  disgraceful  flight,  and  saved  them 
from  being  overtaken  and  massacred  by  the  savages  ? 

This  taunting  and  braggart  speech  of  Grant  was  made  in  the 
face  of  the  conciliatory  bill  of  the  venerable  Chatham,  devised 
with  a  view  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  America.  The  councils  of 
the  arrogant  and  scornful  prevailed ;  and  instead  of  the  proposed 
bill,  further  measures  of  a  stringent  nature  were  adopted,  coercive 
of  some  of  the  middle  and  southern  colonies,  but  ruinous  to  the 
trade  and  fisheries  of  New  England. 

At  length  the  bolt,  so  long  suspended,  fell  1  The  troops  at  Bos- 
ton had  been  augmented  to  about  four  thousand  men.  Goaded  on 
by  the  instigations  of  the  tories,  and  alarmed  by  the  energetic 
measures  of  the  whigg,  General  Gage  now  resolved  to  deal  the 
latter  a  crippling  blow.  This  was  to  surprise  and  destroy  their 
magazine  of  military  stores  at  Concord,  about  twenty  miles  from 
Boston.  It  was  to  be  effected  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  April, 
by  a  force  detached  for  the  purpose. 

Preparations  were  made  with  great  secrecy.     Boats  for  the 


1776.]  DESIGN   ON   THE   MAGAZINE   AT  CONCORD.  391 

transportation  of  the  troops  were  launched,  and  moored  under  the 
sterns  of  the  men-of-war.  Grenadiers  and  light  infantry  were 
relieved  from  duty,  and  held  in  readiness.  On  the  18th,  officers 
were  stationed  on  the  roads  leading  from  Boston,  to  prevent  any 
intelligence  of  the  expedition  getting  into  the  country.  At  night 
orders  were  issued  by  General  Gage  that  no  person  should  leave 
the  town.  About  ten  o'clock,  from  eight  to  nine  hundred  men, 
grenadiers,  light  infantry,  and  marines,  commanded  by  Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Smith,  embarked  in  the  boats  at  the  foot  of  Boston 
Common,  and  crossed  to  Lechmere  Point,  in  Cambridge,  whence 
they  were  to  march  silently,  and  without  beat  of  drum,  to  the 
place  of  destination. 

The  measures  of  General  Gage  had  not  been  shrouded  in  all 
the  secrecy  he  imagined.  Mystery  often  defeats  itself  by  the 
suspicions  it  awakens.  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  one  of  the  committee 
of  safety,  had  observed  the  preparatory  disposition  of  the  boats 
and  troops,  and  surmised  some  sinister  intention.  He  sent  notice 
of  these  movements  to  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams,  both 
members  of  the  provincial  Congress,  but  at  that  time  privately 
sojourning  with  a  friend  at  Lexington.  A  design  on  the  maga- 
zine at  Concord  was  suspected,  and  the  committee  of  safety  or- 
dered that  the  cannon  collected  there  should  be  secreted,  and 
part  of  the  stores  removed. 

On  the  night  of  the  18th,  Dr.  Warren  sent  off  two  messengers 
by  different  routes  to  give  the  alarm  that  the  king's  troops  were 
actually  sallying  forth.  The  messengers  got  out  of  Boston  just 
before  the  order  of  General  Gage  went  into  effect,  to  prevent  any 
one  from  leaving  the  town.  About  the  same  time  a  lantem  was 
hung  out  of  an  upper  window  of  the  north  church,  in  the  direction 
of  Charlestown.     This  was  a  preconcerted  signal  to  the  patriots 


392  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [iff  5. 

of  that  place,  who  instantly  despatched  swift  messengers  to  rouse 
the  country. 

In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Smith  set  out  on  his  nocturnal 
march  from  Lechmere  Point  by  an  unfrequented  path  across 
marshes,  where  at  times  the  troops  had  to  wade  through  water. 
He  had  proceeded  but  a  few  miles  when  alarm  guns,  booming 
through  the  night  air,  and  the  clang  of  village  bells,  showed  that 
the  news  of  his  approach  was  travelling  before  him,  and  the  peo- 
ple were  rising.  He  now  sent  back  to  General  Gage  for  a  rein- 
forcement, while  Major  Pitcairne  was  detached  with  six  companies 
to  press  forward,  and  secure  the  bridges  at  Concord. 

Pitcairn  advanced  rapidly,  capturing  every  one  that  he  met, 
or  overtook.  Within  a  mile  and  half  of  Lexington,  however,  a 
horseman  was  too  quick  on  the  spur  for  him,  and  galloping  to  the 
village,  gave  the  alarm  that  the  redcoats  were  coming.  Drums 
were  beaten ;  guns  fired.  By  the  time  that  Pitcairn  entered  the 
village,  about  seventy  or  eighty  of  the  yeomanry,  in  military 
array,  were  mustered  on  the  green  near  the  church.  It  was  a 
part  of  the  "  constitutional  army,"  pledged  to  resist  by  force  any 
open  hostility  of  British  troops.  Besides  these,  there  were  a  num- 
ber of  lookers  on,  armed  and  unarmed." 

The  sound  of  drum,  and  the  array  of  men  in  arms,  indicated  a 
hostile  determination.  Pitcairn  halted  his  men  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  church,  and  ordered  them  to  prime  and  load. 
They  then  advanced  at  double  quick  time.  The  major,  riding 
forward,  waved  his  sword,  and  ordered  the  rebels,  as  he  termed 
them,  to  disperse.  Qther  of  the  officers  echoed  his  words  as  they 
advanced :  "  Disperse,  ye  villains !  Lay  down  your  arms,  ye 
rebels,  and  disperse  !  "  The  orders  were  disregarded.  A  scene 
of  confusion  ensued,  with  firing  on  both  sides ;  which  party  com- 


1775.]  A   DISASTROUS   TRIUMPH.  393 

menced  it,  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute.  Pitcairn  always  main- 
tained that,  finding  the  militia  would  not  disperse,  he  turned 
to  order  his  men  to  draw  out,  and  surround  them,  when  he  saw  a 
flash  in  the  pan  from  the  gun  of  a  countryman  posted  behind  a 
wall,  and  almost  instantly  the  report  of  two  or  three  muskets. 
These  he  supposed  to  be  from  the  Americans,  as  his  horse  was 
wounded,  as  was  also  a  soldier  close  by  him.  His  troops  rushed 
on,  and  a  promiscuous  fire  took  place,  though,  as  he  declared,  he 
made  repeated  signals  with  his  sword  for  his  men  to  forbear. 

The  firing  of  the  Americans  was  irregular,  and  without  much 
effect ;  that  of  the  British  was  more  fatal.  Eight  of  the  patriots 
were  killed,  and  ten  wounded,  and  the  whole  put  to  flight.  The 
victors  formed  on  the  common,  fired  a  volley,  and  gave  three  cheers 
for  one  of  the  most  inglorious  and  disastrous  triumphs  ever 
achieved  by  British  arms. 

Colonel  Smith  soon  arrived  with  the  residue  of  the  detach- 
ment, and  they  all  marched  on  towards  Concord,  about  six  miles 
distant. 

The  alarm  had  reached  that  place  in  the  dead  hour  of  the 
preceding  night.  The  church  bell  roused  the  inhabitants.  They 
gathered  together  in  anxious  consultation  The  militia  and  min- 
ute men  seized  their  arms,  and  repaired  to  the  parade  ground, 
near  the  church.  Here  they  were  subsequently  joined  by  armed 
yeomanry  from  Lincoln,  and  elsewhere.  Exertions  were  now 
made  to  remove  and  conceal  the  military  stores.  A  scout,  who 
had  been  sent  out  for  intelligence,  brought  word  that  the  British 
had  fired  upon  the  people  at  Lexington,  and  were  advancing  upon 
Concord.  There  was  great  excitement  and  indignation.  Part 
of  the  militia  marched  down  the  Lexington  road  to  meet  them, 
but  returned,  reporting  their  force  to  be  three  times  that  of  the 

Vol.  I.— 17* 


394  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

Americans.  The  whole  of  the  militia  now  retired  to  an  eminence 
about  a  mile  from  the  centre  of  the  town,  and  formed  themselves 
into  two  battalions. 

About  seven  o'clock,  the  British  came  in  sight,  advancing 
with  quick  step,  their  arms  glittering  in  the  morning  sun.  They 
entered  in  two  divisions  by  different  roads.  Concord  is  traversed 
by  a  river  of  the  same  name,  having  two  bridges,  the  north  and 
the  south.  The  grenadiers  and  light  infantry  took  post  in  the 
centre  of  the  town,  while  strong  parties  of  light  troops  were  de- 
tached to  secure  the  bridges,  and  destroy  the  military  stores. 
Two  hours  were  expended  in  the  work  of  destruction  without 
much  success,  so  much  of  the  stores  having  been  removed,  or 
concealed.  During  all  this  time  the  yeomanry  from  the  neigh- 
boring towns  were  hurrying  in  with  such  weapons  as  were  at 
hand,  and  joining  the  militia  on  the  height,  until  the  little  cloud 
of  war  gathering  there  numbered  about  four  hundred  and  fifty. 

About  ten  o'clock,  a  body  of  three  hundred  undertook  to  dis- 
lodge the  British  from  the  north  bridge.  As  they  approached, 
the  latter  fired  upon  them,  killing  two,  and  wounding  a  third. 
The  patriots  returned  the  fire  with  spirit  and  effect.  The  British 
retreated  to  the  main  body,  the  Americans  pursuing  them  across 
the  bridge. 

By  this  time  all  the  military  stores  which  could  be  found  had 
been  destroyed ;  Colonel  Smith,  therefore,  made  preparations  for  a 
retreat.  The  scattered  troops  were  collected,  the  dead  were 
buried,  and  conveyances  procured  for  the  wounded.  About  noon 
he  commenced  his  retrograde  march  for  Boston.  It  was  high 
time.  His  troops  were  jaded  by  the  night  march,  and  the  morn- 
ing's toils  and  skirmishings. 

The  country  was  thoroughly  alarmed.      The  yeomanry  were 


1775.]  RETALIATION.  395 

hurrying  from  every  quarter  to  the  scene  of  action.  As  the 
British  began  their  retreat,  the  Americans  began  the  work  of 
sore  and  galling  retaliation.  Along  the  open  road,  the  former 
were  harassed  incessantly  by  rustic  marksmen,  who  took  deliber- 
ate aim  from  behind  trees,  or  over  stone  fences.  Where  the  road 
passed  through  woods,  the  British  found  themselves  between  two 
fires,  dealt  by  unseen  foes,  the  minute  men  having  posted  them- 
selves on  each  side  among  the  bushes.  It  was  in  vain  they  threw 
out  flankers,  and  endeavored  to  dislodge  their  assailants ;  each 
pause  gave  time  for  other  pursuers  to  come  within  reach,  and 
open  attacks  from  different  quarters.  For  several  miles  they 
urged  their  way  along  woody  defiles,  or  roads  skirted  with  fences 
and  stone  walls,  the  retreat  growing  more  and  more  disastrous ; 
some  were  shot  down,  some  gave  out  through  mere  exhaustion ; 
the  rest  hurried  on,  without  stopping  to  aid  the  fatigued,  or 
wounded.  Before  reaching  Lexington,  Colonel  Smith  received  a 
severe  wound  in  the  leg,  and  the  situation  of  the  retreating  troops 
was  becoming  extremely  critical,  when,  about  two  o'clock,  they 
were  met  by  Lord  Percy,  with  a  brigade  of  one  thousand  men, 
and  two  field-pieces.  His  lordship  had  been  detached  from  Bos- 
ton about  nine  o'clock  by  General  Gage,  in  compliance  with  Colo- 
nel Smith's  urgent  call  for  a  reinforcement,  and  had  marched 
gaily  through  Koxbury  to  the  tune  of  "  Yankee  Doodle,"  in  de- 
rision of  the  "  rebels."  He  now  found  the  latter  a  more  formi- 
dable foe  than  he  had  anticipated.  Opening  his  brigade  to  the 
right  and  left,  he  received  the  retreating  troops  into  a  hollow 
square ;  where,  fainting  and  exhausted,  they  threw  themselves  on 
the  ground  to  rest.  His  lordship  showed  no  disposition  to  ad- 
vance upon  their  assailants,  but  contented  himself  with  keeping 


396  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1115. 

them  at  bay  with  his  field-pieces,  which  opened  a  vigorous  fire 
from  an  eminence. 

Hitherto  the  Provincials,  being  hasty  levies,  without  a  leader, 
had  acted  from  individual  impulse,  without  much  concert ;  but 
now  General  Heath  was  upon  the  ground.  He  was  one  of  those 
authorized  to  take  command  when  the  minute  men  should  be 
called  out.  That  class  of  combatants  promptly  obeyed  his  or- 
ders, and  he  was  efficacious  in  rallying  them,  and  bringing  them 
into  military  order,  when  checked  and  scattered  by  the  fire  of  the 
field-pieces. 

Dr.  Warren,  also,  arrived  on  horseback,  having  spurred  from 
Boston  on  receiving  news  of  the  skirmishing.  In  the  subsequent 
part  of  the  day,  he  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  efficient  men 
in  the  field.  His  presence,  like  that  of  General  Heath,  regulated 
the  infuriated  ardor  of  the  militia,  and  brought  it  into  system. 

Lord  Percy,  having  allowed  the  troops  a  short  interval  for 
repose  and  refreshment,  continued  the  retreat  toward  Boston. 
As  soon  as  he  got  under  march,  the  galling  assault  by  the  pursu- 
ing yeomanry  was  recommenced  in  flank  and  rear.  The  British 
soldiery,  irritated  in  turn,  acted  as  if  in  an  enemy's  country. 
Houses  and  shops  were  burnt  down  in  Lexington ;  private  dwell- 
ings along  the  road  were  plundered,  and  their  inhabitants  mal- 
treated. In  one  instance,  an  unoffending  invalid  was  wantonly 
slain  in  his  own  house.  All  this  increased  the  exasperation  of 
the  yeomanry.  There  was  occasional  sharp  skirmishing,  with 
bloodshed  on  both  sides,  but  in  general  a  dogged  pursuit,  where 
the  retreating  troops  were  galled  at  every  step.  Their  march 
became  more  and  more  impeded  by  the  number  of  their  wounded. 
Lord  Percy  narrowly  escaped  death  from  a  musket-ball,  which 
struck  off  a  button  of  his  waistcoat.     One  of  his  officers  remained 


1775.] 


THE   CHASE.  397 


behind  wounded  in  West  Cambridge.  His  ammunition  was  fail- 
ing as  he  approached  Charlestown.  The  provincials  pressed  upon 
him  in  rear,  others  were  advancing  from  Boxbury,  Dorchester, 
and  Milton ;  Colonel  Pickering,  with  the  Essex  militia,  seven 
hundred  strong,  was  at  hand ;  there  was  danger  of  being  inter- 
cepted in  the  retreat  to  Charlestown.  The  field-pieces  were 
again  brought  into  play,  to  check  the  ardor  of  the  pursuit ;  but 
they  were  no  longer  objects  of  terror.  The  sharpest  firing  of  the 
provincials  was  near  Prospect  Hill,  as  the  harassed  enemy  hur- 
ried along  the  Charlestown  road,  eager  to  reach  the  Neck,  and 
get  under  cover  of  their  ships.  The  pursuit  terminated  a  little 
after  sunset,  at  Charlestown  Common,  where  General  Heath 
brought  the  minute  men  to  a  halt.  Within  half  an  hour  more,  a 
powerful  body  of  men,  from  Marblehead  and  Salem,  came  up  to 
join  in  the  chase.  "If  the  retreat,"  writes  Washington,  "had 
not  been  as  precipitate  as  it  was, — and  God  knows  it  could  not 
well  have  been  more  so, — the  ministerial  troops  must  have  sur- 
rendered, or  been  totally  cut  off." 

The  distant  firing  from  the  mainland  had  reached  the  British 
at  Boston.  The  troops  which,  in  the  morning,  had  marched 
through  Boxbury,  to  the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle,  might  have 
been  seen  at  sunset,  hounded  along  the  old  Cambridge  road  to 
Charlestown  Neck,  by  mere  armed  yeomanry.  Gage  was  as- 
tounded at  the  catastrophe.  It  was  but  a  short  time  previous 
that  one  of  his  officers,  in  writing  to  friends  in  England,  scoffed 
at  the  idea  of  the  Americans  taking  up  arms.  "  Whenever  it 
comes  to  blows,"  said  he,  "  he  that  can  run  the  fastest,  will  think 
himself  well  off,  believe  me.  Any  two  regiments  here  ought  to  be 
decimated,  if  they  did  not  beat  in  the  field  the  whole  force  of 
the  Massachusetts  province."     How  frequently,  throughout  this 


398  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1115. 


Kevolution,  had  the  English  to  pay  the  penalty  of  thus  underval- 
uing the  spirit  they  were  provoking  ! 

In  this  memorable  affair,  the  British  loss  was  seventy-three 
killed,  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  wounded,  and  twenty-six 
missing.  Among  the  slain  were  eighteen  officers.  The  loss  of 
the  Americans  was  forty-nine  killed,  thirty-nine  wounded,  and 
five  missing.  This  was  the  first  blood  shed  in  the  revolutionary 
struggle ;  a  mere  drop  in  amount,  but  a  deluge  in  its  effects, — 
rending  the  colonies  for  ever  from  the  mother  country. 

The  cry  of  blood  from  the  field  of  Lexington,  went  through 
the  land.  None  felt  the  appeal  more  than  the  old  soldiers  of  the 
French  war.  It  roused  John  Stark,  of  New  Hampshire — a 
trapper  and  hunter  in  his  youth,  a  veteran  in  Indian  warfare,  a 
campaigner  under  Abercrombie  and  Amherst,  now  the  military 
oracle  of  a  rustic  neighborhood.  Within  ten  minutes  after  re- 
ceiving the  alarm,  he  was  spurring  towards  the  sea-coast,  and  on 
the  way  stirring  up  the  volunteers  of  the  Massachusetts  borders, 
to  assemble  forthwith  at  Bedford,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 

Equally  alert  was  his  old  comrade  in  frontier  exploits, 
Colonel  Israel  Putnam.  A  man  on  horseback,  with  a  drum, 
passed  through  his  neighborhood  in  Connecticut,  proclaiming 
British  violence  at  Lexington.  Putnam  was  in  the  field  plough- 
ing, assisted  by  his  son.  In  ah  instant  the  team  was  unyoked ; 
the  plough  left  in  the  furrow ;  the  lad  sent  home  to  give  word  of 
his  father's  departure ;  and  Putnam,  on  horseback,  in  his  working 
garb,  urging  with  all  speed  to  the  camp.  Such  was  the  spirit 
aroused  throughout  the  country.  The  sturdy  yeomanry,  from  all 
parts,  were  hastening  toward  Boston  with  such  weapons  as  were 
at  hand ;  and  happy  was  he  who  could  command  a  rusty  fowling- 
piece  and  a  powder-horn. 


1115.]  VIRGINIA   IN    COMBUSTION.  399 

The  news  reached  Virginia  at  a  critical  moment.  Lord  Dun- 
more,  obeying  a  general  order  issued  by  the  ministry  to  all  tho 
provincial  governors,  had  seized  upon  the  military  munitions  of 
the  province.  Here  was  a  similar  measure  to  that  of  Gage. 
The  cry  went  forth  that  the  subjugation  of  the  colonies  was  to  be 
attempted.  All  Virginia  was  in  combustion.  The  standard  of 
liberty  was  reared  in  every  county ;  there  was  a  general  cry  to 
arms.  "Washington  was  looked  to,  from  various  quarters,  to  take 
command.  His  old  comrade  in  arms,  Hugh  Mercer,  was  about 
marching  down  to  Williamsburg  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  reso- 
lute men,  seven  hundred  strong,  entitled  "  The  friends  of  consti- 
tutional liberty  and  America,"  whom  he  had  organized  and 
drilled  in  Fredericksburg,  and  nothing  but  a  timely  concession  of 
Lord  Dunmore,  with  respect  to  some  powder  which  he  had  seized, 
prevented  his  being  beset  in  his  palace. 

Before  Hugh  Mercer  and  the  Friends  of  Liberty  disbanded 
themselves,  they  exchanged  a  mutual  pledge  to  reassemble  at  a 
moment's  warning,  whenever  called  on  to  defend  the  liberty  and 
rights  of  this  or  any  other  sister  colony. 

Washington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  preparing  to  set  out  for 
Philadelphia  as  a  delegate  to  the  second  Congress,  when  he  re- 
ceived tidings  of  the  affair  at  Lexington.  Bryan  Fairfax  and 
Major  Horatio  Gates  were  his  guests  at  the  time.  They  all  re- 
garded the  event  as  decisive  in  its  consequences;  but  they 
regarded  it  with  different  feelings.  The  worthy  and  gentle- 
spirited  Fairfax  deplored  it  deeply.  He  foresaw  that  it  must 
break  up  all  his  pleasant  relations  in  life ;  arraying  his  dearest 
friends  against  the  government  to  which,  notwithstanding  the 
errors  of  its  policy,  he  was  loyally  attached  and  resolved  to 
adhere. 


400  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1775. 


Gates,  on  the  contrary,  viewed  it  with  the  eye  of  a  soldier  and 
a  place-hunter — hitherto  disappointed  in  both  capacities.  This 
event  promised  to  open  a  new  avenue  to  importance  and  com- 
mand, and  he  determined  to  enter  upon  it. 

Washington's  feelings  were  of  a  mingled  nature.  They  may 
be  gathered  from  a  letter  to  his  friend  and  neighbor,  George  Wil- 
liam Fairfax,  then  in  England,  in  which  he  lays  the  blame  of 
this  "deplorable  affair"  on  the  ministry  and  their  military 
agents;  and  concludes  with  the  following  words,  in  which  the 
yearnings  of  the  patriot  give  affecting  solemnity  to  the  implied 
resolve  of  the  soldier :  "  Unhappy  it  is  to  reflect  that  a  brother's 
sword  has  been  sheathed  in  a  brother's  breast ;  and  that  the  once 
happy  and  peaceful  plains  of  America,  are  to  be  either  drenched 
with  blood  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative  !  But  can 
a  virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice  t  " 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

ENLISTING  OF  TROOPS  m  THE  EAST — CAMP  AT  BOSTON— GENERAL  ARTEMAS  WARD 

SCHEME    TO    SURPRISE   TIOONDEROGA NEW  HAMPSHIRE  GRANTS ETHAN   ALLEN 

AND  THE  GREEN  MOUNTAIN    BOYS BENEDICT  ARNOLD— AFFAIR  OF  TIOONDEROGA 

AND  CROWN  POINTS — A  DASH  AT  ST.  JOHN'S. 

At  the  eastward,  the  march  of  the  Revolution  went  on  with  ac- 
celerated speed.  Thirty  thousand  men  had  been  deemed  neces- 
sary for  the  defence  of  the  country.  The  provincial  Congress  of 
Massachusetts  resolved  to  raise  thirteen  thousand  six  hundred, 
as  its  quota.  Circular  letters,  also,  were  issued  by  the  com- 
mittee of  safety,  urging  the  towns  to  enlist  troops  with  all  speed, 
and  calling  for  military  aid  from  the  other  New  England 
provinces. 

Their  appeals  were  promptly  answered.  Bodies  of  militia, 
and  parties  of  volunteers  from  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut,  hastened  to  join  the  minute  men  of  Massachu- 
setts in  forming  a  camp  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston.  With 
the  troops  of  Connecticut,  came  Israel  Putnam ;  having  recently 
raised  a  regiment  in  that  province,  and  received  from  its  Assem- 
bly the  commission  of  brigadier-general.  Some  of  his  old  com- 
rades in  French  and  Indian  warfare,  had  hastened  to  join  his 


402  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1V75. 

standard.  Such  were  two  of  his  captains,  Durkee  and  Knowlton. 
The  latter,  who  was  his  especial  favorite,  had  fought  by  his  side 
when  a  mere  boy. 

The  command  of  the  camp  was  given  to  General  Artamas 
Ward,  already  mentioned.  He  was  a  native  of  Shrewsbury,  in 
Massachusetts,  and  a  veteran  of  the  seven  years'  war — having 
served  as  lieutenant-colonel  under  Abercrombie.  He  had,  like- 
wise, been  a  member  of  the  legislative  bodies,  and  had  recently 
been  made,  by  the  provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  com- 
mander-in-chief of  its  forces. 

As  affairs  were  now  drawing  to  a  crisis,  and  war  was  consid- 
ered inevitable,  some  bold  spirits  in  Connecticut  conceived  a 
project  for  the  outset.  This  was  the  surprisal  of  the  old  forts 
of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  already  famous  in  the  French 
war.  Their  situation  on  Lake  Champlain  gave  them  the  com- 
mand of  the  main  route  to  Canada ;  so  that  the  possession  of 
them  would  be  all-important  in  case  of  hostilities.  They  were 
feebly  garrisoned  and  negligently  guarded,  and  abundantly  fur- 
nished with  artillery  and  military  stores,  so  much  needed  by  the 
patriot  army. 

This  scheme  was  set  on  foot  in  the  purlieus,  as  it  were,  of  the 
provincial  Legislature  of  Connecticut,  then  in  session.  It  was 
not  openly  sanctioned  by  that  body,  but  secretly  favored,  and 
money  lent  from  the  treasury  to  those  engaged  in  it.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed,  also,  to  accompany  them  to  the  frontier,  aid 
them  in  raising  troops,  and  exercise  over  them  a  degree  of  super- 
intendence and  control. 

Sixteen  men  were  thus  enlisted  in  Connecticut,  a  greater 
number  in  Massachusetts,  but  the  greatest  accession  of  force,  was 
from  what  was  called  the  "  New  Hampshire  Grants."     This  was 


1775.]  GREEN  MOUNTAIN   BOYS.  403 

a  region  having  the  Connecticut  River  on  one  side,  and  Lake 
Champlain  and  the  Hudson  River  on  the  other — being,  in 
fact,  the  country  forming  the  present  State  of  Vermont.  It 
had  long  been  a  disputed  territory,  claimed  by  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire.  George  II.  had  decided  in  favor  of  New 
York ;  but  the  Governor  of  New  Hampshire  had  made  grants  of 
between  one  and  two  hundred  townships  in  it,  whence  it  had 
acquired  the  name  of  the  New  Hampshire  Grants.  The  settlers 
on  those  grants  resisted  the  attempts  of  New  York  to  eject  them, 
and  formed  themselves  into  an  association,  called  "  The  Green 
Mountain  Boys."  Resolute,  strong-handed  fellows  they  were, 
with  Ethan  Allen  at  their  head,  a  native  of  Connecticut,  but 
brought  up  among  the  Green  Mountains.  He  and  his  lieutenants, 
Seth  Warner  and  Remember  Baker,  were  outlawed  by  the  Leg- 
islature of  New  York,  and  rewards  offered  for  their  apprehension. 
They  and  their  associates  armed  themselves,  set  New  York  at 
defiance,  and  swore  they  would  be  the  death  of  any  one  who  should 
attempt  their  arrest. 

Thus  Ethan  Allen  was  becoming  a  kind  of  Robin  Hood 
among  the  mountains,  when  the  present  crisis  changed  the  rela- 
tive position  of  things  as  if  by  magic.  Boundary  feuds  were 
forgotten  amid  the  great  questions  of  colonial  rights.  Ethan 
Allen  at  once  stepped  forward,  a  patriot,  and  volunteered  with 
his  Green  Mountain  Boys  to  serve  in  the  popular  cause.  He  was 
well  fitted  for  the  enterprise  in  question,  by  his  experience  as  a 
frontier  champion,  his  robustness  of  mind  and  body,  and  his  fear- 
less spirit.  He  had  a  kind  of  rough  eloquence,  also,  that  was 
very  effective  with  his  followers.  "  His  style,"  says  one,  who 
knew  him  personally,  "  was  a  singular  compound  of  local  barbar- 
isms, scriptural  phrases,  and  oriental  wildness ;  and  though  un- 


404  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

classic,  and  sometimes  ungrammatical,  was  highly  animated  and 
forcible."  Washington,  in  one  of  his  letters,  says  there  was 
"  an  original  something  in  him  which  commanded  admiration." 

Thus  reinforced,  the  party,  now  two  hundred  and  seventy 
strong,  pushed  forward  to  Castleton,  a  place  within  a  few  miles 
of  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain.  Here  a  council  of  war  was 
held  on  the  2d  of  May.  Ethan  Allen  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  expedition,  with  James  Easton  and  Seth  Warner  as  second 
and  third  in  command.  Detachments  were  sent  off  to  Skenes- 
borough  (now  Whitehall),  and  another  place  on  the  lake,  with 
orders  to  seize  all  the  boats  they  could  find  and  bring  them  to 
Shoreham,  opposite  Ticonderoga,  whither  Allen  prepared  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  main  body. 

At  this  juncture,  another  adventurous  spirit  arrived  at  Cas- 
tleton. This  was  Benedict  Arnold,  since  so  sadly  renowned. 
He,  too,  had  conceived  the  project  of  surprising  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point ;  or,  perhaps,  had  caught  the  idea  from  its  first  agi- 
tators in  Connecticut, — in  the  militia  of  which  province  he  held 
a  captain's  commission.  He  had  proposed  the  scheme  to  the 
Massachusetts  committee  of  safety.  It  had  met  with  their  appro- 
bation. They  had  given  him  a  colonel's  commission,  authorized 
him  to  raise  a  force  in  Western  Massachusetts,  not  exceeding  four 
hundred  men,  and  furnished  him  with  money  and  means.  Arnold 
had  enlisted  but  a  few  officers  and  men  when  he  heard  of  the 
expedition  from  Connecticut  being  on  the  march.  He  instantly 
hurried  on  with  one  attendant  to  overtake  it,  leaving  his  few  re- 
cruits to  follow,  as  best  they  could :  in  this  way  he  reached  Cas- 
tleton just  after  the  council  of  war. 

Producing  the  colonel's  commission  received  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts committee  of  safety,  he  now  aspired  to  the  supreme 


1115.]  ARRIVAL   AT    TICONDEROGA.  405 

command.  His  claims  were  disregarded  by  the  Green  Mountain 
Boys ;  they  would  follow  no  leader  but  Ethan  Allen.  As  they 
formed  the  majority  of  the  party,  Arnold  was  fain  to  acquiesce, 
and  serve  as  a  volunteer,  with  the  rank,  but  not  the  command  of 
colonel. 

The  party  arrived  at  Shoreham,  opposite  Ticonderoga,  on  the 
night  of  the  9th  of  May.  The  detachment  sent  in  quest  of  boats 
had  failed  to  arrive.  There  were  a  few  boats  at  hand,  with 
which  the  transportation  wa9  commenced.  It  was  slow  work; 
the  night  wore  away ;  day  was  about  to  break,  and  but  eighty- 
three  men,  with  Allen  and  Arnold,  had  crossed.  Should  they 
wait  for  the  residue,  day  would  dawn,  the  garrison  wake,  and 
their  enterprise  might  fail.  Allen  drew  up  his  men,  addressed 
them  in  his  own  emphatic  style,  and  announced  his  intention  to 
make  a  dash  at  the  fort,  without  waiting  for  more  force.  "  It  is 
a  desperate  attempt,"  said  he,  "  and  I  ask  no  man  to  go  against 
his  will.  I  will  take  the  lead,  and  be  the  first  to  advance.  You 
that  are  willing  to  follow,  poise  your  firelocks."  Not  a  firelock 
but  was  poised. 

They  mounted  the  hill  briskly,  but  in  silence,  guided  by  a 
boy  from  the  neighborhood.  The  day  dawned  as  Allen  arrived 
at  a  sally  port.  A  sentry  pulled  trigger  on  him,  but  his  piece 
missed  fire.  He  retreated  through  a  covered  way.  Allen  and 
his  men  followed.  Another  sentry  thrust  at  Easton  with  his 
bayonet,  but  was  struck  down  by  Allen,  and  begged  for  quarter. 
It  was  granted  on  condition  of  his  leading  the  way  instantly 
to  the  quarters  of  the  commandant,  Captain  Delaplace,  who  was 
yet  in  bed.  Being  arrived  there,  Allen  thundered  at  the  door, 
and  demanded  a  surrender  of  the  fort.  By  this  time  his  follow- 
ers had  formed  into  two  lines  on  the  parade-ground,  and  given 


406  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

three  hearty  cheers.  The  commandant  appeared  at  his  door  half- 
dressed,  "  the  frightened  face  of  his  pretty  wife  peering  over  his 
shoulder."  He  gazed  at  Allen  in  bewildered  astonishment. 
"  By  whose  authority  do  you  act?"  exclaimed  he.  "In  the 
name  of  the  great  Jehovah,  and  the  Continental  Congress !  "  re- 
plied Allen,  with  a  nourish  of  his  sword,  and  an  oath  which  we 
do  not  care  to  subjoin. 

There  was  no  disputing  the  point.  The  garrison,  like  the 
commander,  had  been  startled  from  sleep,  and  made  prisoners  as 
they  rushed  forth  in  their  confusion.  A  surrender  accordingly 
took  place.  The  captain,  and  forty-eight  men,  which  composed 
his  garrison,  were  sent  prisoners  to  Hartford,  in  Connecticut. 
A  great  supply  of  military  and  naval  stores,  so  important  in  the 
present  crisis,  was  found  in  the  fortress. 

Colonel  Seth  Warner,  who  had  brought  over  the  residue  of 
the  party  from  Shoreham,  was  now  sent  with  a  detachment 
against  Crown  Point,  which  surrendered  on  the  12th  of  May, 
without  firing  a  gun ;  the  whole  garrison  being  a  sergeant  and 
twelve  men.     Here  were  taken  upward  of  a  hundred  cannon. 

Arnold  now  insisted  vehemently  on  his  right  to  command 
Ticonderoga;  being,  as  he  said,  the  only  oflicer  invested  with 
legal  authority.  His  claims  had  again  to  yield  to  the  superior 
popularity  of  Ethan  Allen,  to  whom  the  Connecticut  committee, 
which  had  accompanied  the  enterprise,  gave  an  instrument  in 
writing,  investing  him  with  the  command  of  the  fortress,  and  its 
dependencies,  until  he  should  receive  the  orders  of  the  Connecti- 
cut Assembly,  or  the  Continental  Congress.  Arnold,  while 
forced  to  acquiesce,  sent  a  protest,  and  a  statement  of  his  griev- 
ances to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature.  In  the  mean  time,  his 
chagrin  was  appeased  by  a  new  project.     The  detachment  origi- 


1775.]  A  DASH   AT   ST.   JOHN'S.  407 

nally  sent  to  seize  upon  boats  at  Skenesborough,  arrived  with  a 
schooner,  and  several  bateaux.  It  was  immediately  concerted 
between  Allen  and  Arnold  to  cruise  in  them  down  the  lake,  and 
surprise  St.  John's,  on  the  Sorel  River,  the  frontier  post  of  Can- 
ada. The  schooner  was  accordingly  armed  with  cannon  from  the 
fort.  Arnold,  who  had  been  a  seaman  in  his  youth,  took  the 
command  of  her,  while  Allen  and  his  Green  Mountain  Boys  em- 
barked in  the  bateaux. 

Arnold  outsailed  the  other  craft,  and  arriving  at  St.  John's, 
surprised  and  made  prisoners  of  a  sergeant  and  twelve  men ;  cap- 
tured a  king's  sloop  of  seventy  tons,  with  two  brass  six-pounders 
and  seven  men;  took  four  bateaux,  destroyed  several  others, 
and  then,  learning  that  troops  were  on  the  way  from  Montreal 
and  Chamblee,  spread  all  his  sails  to  a  favoring  breeze,  and  swept 
up  the  lake  with  his  prizes  and  prisoners,  and  some  valuable 
stores,  which  he  had  secured. 

He  had  not  sailed  far  when  he  met  Ethan  Allen  and  the  bat- 
eaux. Salutes  were  exchanged ;  camion  on  one  side,  musketry 
on  the  other.  Allen  boarded  the  sloop ;  learnt  from  Arnold  the 
particulars  of  his  success,  and  determined  to  push  on,  take  pos- 
session of  St.  John's,  and  garrison  it  with  one  hundred  of  his 
Green  Mountain  Boys.  He  was  foiled  in  the  attempt  by  the  su- 
perior force  which  had  arrived ;  so  he  returned  to  his  station  at 
Ticonderoga. 

Thus  a  partisan  band,  unpractised  in  the  art  of  war,  had,  by 
a  series  of  daring  exploits,  and  almost  without  the  loss  of  a  man, 
won  for  the  patriots  the  command  of  Lakes  George  and  Champlain, 
and  thrown  open  the  great  highway  to  Canada. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

SECOND  SESSION  OF  CONGRESS— JOHN  HANCOCK— PETITION  TO  THE  KING FEDERAL 

UNION MILITARY   MEASURES DEBATES    ABOUT    THE    ARMY QUESTION    AS    TO 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF APPOINTMENT    OF    WASHINGTON— OTHER    APPOINTMENTS 

LETTERS  OF  WASHINGTON  TO  HIS  WIFE  AND  BROTHER — PREPARATIONS  FOR  DE- 


The  second  General  Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia  on  the 
10th  of  May.  Peyton  Randolph  was  again  elected  as  president; 
but  being  obliged  to  return,  and  occupy  his  place  as  speaker  of 
the  Virginia  Assembly,  John  Hancock,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
elevated  to  the  chair. 

A  lingering  feeling  of  attachment  to  the  mother  country, 
struggling  with  the  growing  spirit  of  self-government,  was  mani- 
fested in  the  proceedings  of  this  remarkable  body.  Many  of 
those  most  active  in  vindicating  colonial  rights,  and  Washington 
among  the  number,  still  indulged  the  hope  of  an  eventual  recon- 
ciliation, while  few  entertained,  or,  at  least,  avowed  the  idea  of 
complete  independence. 

A  second  "humble  and  dutiful"  petition  to  the  king  was 
moved,  but  met  with  strong  opposition.  John  Adams  condemned 
it  as  an  imbecile  measure,  calculated  to  embarrass  the  proceed- 


1775-]  A    FEDERAL    UNION    FORMED.  409 

ings  of  Congress.  He  was  for  prompt  and  vigorous  action. 
Other  members  concurred  with  him.  Indeed,  the  measure  itself 
seemed  but  a  mere  form,  intended  to  reconcile  the  half-scrupu- 
lous; for  subsequently,  when  it  was  carried,  Congress,  in  face  of 
it,  went  on  to  assume  and  exercise  the  powers  of  a  sovereign  au- 
thority. A  federal  union  was  formed,  leaving  to  each  colony  the 
right  of  regulating  its  internal  affairs  according  to  its  own  indi- 
vidual constitution,  but  vesting  in  Congress  the  power  of  making 
peace  or  war ;  of  entering  into  treaties  and  alliances ;  of  regulat- 
ing general  commerce ;  in  a  word,  of  legislating  on  all  such  mat- 
ters as  regarded  the  security  and  welfare  of  the  whole  community. 

The  executive  power  was  to  be  vested  in  a  council  of  twelve, 
chosen  by  Congress  from  among  its  own  members,  and  to  hold 
office  for  a  limited  time.  Such  colonies  as  had  not  sent  delegates 
to  Congress,  might  yet  become  members  of  the  confederacy  by 
agreeing  to  its  conditions.  Georgia,  which  had  hitherto  hesi- 
tated, soon  joined  the  league,  which  thus  extended  from  Nova 
Scotia  to  Florida. 

Congress  lost  no  time  in  exercising  their  federated  powers. 
In  virtue  of  them,  they  ordered  the  enlistment  of  troops,  the 
construction  of  forts  in  various  parts  of  the  colonies,  the  provision 
of  arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores ;  while  to  defray  the 
expense  of  these,  and  other  measures,  avowedly  of  self  defence, 
they  authorized  the  emission  of  notes  to  the  amount  of  three  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  bearing  the  inscription  of  H  The  United  Colo- 
nies ;  "  the  faith  of  the  confederacy  being  pledged  for  their  re- 
demption. 

A  retaliating  decree  was  passed,  prohibiting  all  supplies  of 
provisions  to  the  British  fisheries  ;  and  another,  declaring  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  JJay  absolved  from  its  compact  witfy 

Vol.  T.— 18 


410  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

the  crown,  by  the  violation  of  its  charter ;  and  recommending  it 
to  form  an  internal  government  for  itself. 

The  public  sense  of  Washington's  military  talents  and  expe- 
rience, was  evinced  in  his  being  chairman  of  all  the  committees 
appointed  for  military  affairs.  Most  of  the  rules  and  regulations 
for  the  army,  and  the  measures  for  defence,  were  devised  by  him. 

The  situation  of  the  New  England  army,  actually  besieging 
Boston,  became  an  early  and  absorbing  consideration.  It  was 
without  munitions  of  war,  without  arms,  clothing,  or  pay;  in 
fact,  without  legislative  countenance  or  encouragement.  Unless 
sanctioned  and  assisted  by  Congress,  there  was  danger  of  its  dis- 
solution. If  dissolved,  how  could  another  be  collected  ?  If  dis- 
solved, what  would  there  be  to  prevent  the  British  from  sallying 
out  of  Boston,  and  spreading  desolation  throughout  the  country  ? 

All  this  was  the  subject  of  much  discussion  out  of  doors. 
The  disposition  to  uphold  the  army  was  general ;  but  the  difficult 
question  was,  who  should  be  commander-in-chief?  Adams,  in  his 
diary,  gives  us  glimpses  of  the  conflict  of  opinions  and  interests 
within  doors.  There  was  a  southern  party,  he  said,  which  could 
not  brook  the  idea  of  a  New  England  army,  commanded  by  a 
New  England  general.  "  Whether  this  jealousy  was  sincere," 
writes  he,  "  or  whether  it  was  mere  pride,  and  a  haughty  ambi- 
tion of  furnishing  a  southern  general  to  command  the  northern 
army,  I  cannot  say ;  but  the  intention  was  very  visible  to  me, 
that  Colonel  Washington  was  their  object;  and  so  many  of  our 
stanchest  men  were  in  the  plan,  that  we  could  carry  nothing 
without  conceding  to  it.  There  was  another  embarrassment, 
which  was  never  publicly  known,  and  which  was  carefully  con- 
cealed by  those  who  knew  it :  the  Massachusetts  and  other  New 
England  delegates  were  divided.     Mr.  Hancock  and  Mr.  Cushing 


1775.]         APPOINTMENT   OF   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  411 

hung  Lack ;  Mr.  Paine  did  not  come  forward,  and  even  Mr.  Sam- 
uel Adams  was  irresolute.  Mr.  Hancock  himself  had  an  ambi- 
tion to  be  appointed  commander-in-chief.  Whether  he  thought 
an  election  a  compliment  due  to  him,  and  intended  to  have  the 
honor  of  declining  it,  or  whether  he  would  have  accepted  it,  I 
know  not.  To  the  compliment,  he  had  some  pretensions ;  for,  at 
that  time,  his  exertions,  sacrifices,  and  general  merits  in  the  cause 
of  his  country,  had  been  incomparably  greater  than  those  of 
Colonel  Washington.  But  the  delicacy  of  his  health,  and  his  en- 
tire want  of  experience  in  actual  service,  though  an  excellent 
militia  officer,  were  decisive  objections  to  him  in  my  mind." 

General  Charles  Lee  was  at  that  time  in  Philadelphia.  His 
former  visit  had  made  him  well  acquainted  with  the  leading  mem- 
bers of  Congress.  The  active  interest  he  had  manifested  in  the 
cause  was  well  known,  and  the  public  had  an  almost  extravagant 
idea  of  his  military  qualifications.  He  was  of  foreign  birth,  how- 
ever, and  it  was  deemed  improper  to  confide  the  supreme  com- 
mand to  any  but  a  native-born  American.  In  fact,  if  he  was 
sincere  in  what  we  have  quoted  from  his  letter  to  Burke,  he  did 
not  aspire  to  such  a  signal  mark  of  confidence. 

The  opinion  evidently  inclined  in  favor  of  Washington;  yet 
it  was  promoted  by  no  clique  of  partisans  or  admirers.  More 
than  one  of  the  Virginia  delegates,  says  Adams,  were  cool  on 
the  subject  of  this  appointment ;  and  particularly  Mr.  Pendleton, 
was  clear  and  full  against  it.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that 
Washington  in  this,  as  in  every  other  situation  in  life,  made  no 
step  in  advance  to  clutch  the  impending  honor. 

Adams,  in  his  diary,  claims  the  credit  of  bringing  the  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  a  decision.  Rising  in  his  place,  one  day, 
and  stating  briefly,  but  earnestly,  the  exigencies  of  the  case,  he 


412  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775, 

moved  that  Congress  should  adopt  the  army  at  Cambridge,  and 
appoint  a  general.  Though  this  was  not  the  time  to  nominate  the 
person,  "  yet,"  adds  he,  "  as  I  had  reason  to  believe  this  was  a 
point  of  some  difficulty,  I  had  no  hesitation  to  declare,  that  I 
had  but  one  gentleman  in  my  mind  for  that  important  command, 
and  that  was  a  gentleman  from  Virginia,  who  was  among  us  and 
very  well  known  to  all  of  us ;  a  gentleman,  whose  skill  and  expe- 
rience as  an  officer,  whose  independent  fortune,  great  talents,  and 
excellent  universal  character  would  command  the  approbation  of 
all  America,  and  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the  colonies 
better  than  any  other  person  in  the  Union.  Mr.  Washington, 
who  happened  to  sit  near  the  door,  as  soon  as  he  heard  me  allude 
to  him,  from  his  usual  modesty,  darted  into  the  library-room. 
Mr.  Hancock,  who  was  our  president,  which  gave  me  an  oppor- 
tunity to  observe  his  countenance,  while  I  was  speaking  on  the 
state  of  the  colonies,  the  army  at  Cambridge,  and  the  enemy, 
heard  me  with  visible  pleasure;  but  when  I  came  to  describe 
Washington  for  the  commander,  I  never  remarked  a  more  sudden 
and  striking  change  of  countenance.  Mortification  and  resent- 
ment were  expressed  as  forcibly  as  his  face  could  exhibit  them." 

"  When  the  subject  came  under  debate,  several  delegates  op- 
posed the  appointment  of  Washington;  not  from  personal  objec- 
tions, but  because  the  army  were  all  from  New  England,  and  had 
a  general  of  their  own,  General  Artemas  Ward,  with  whom  they 
appeared  well  satisfied;  and  under  whose  command  they  had 
proved  themselves  able  to  imprison  the  British  army  in  Boston; 
which  was  all  that  was  to  be  expected  or  desired." 

The  subject  was  postponed  to  a  future  day.  In  the  interim, 
pains  were  taken  out  of  doors  to  obtain  a  unanimity,  and  the 
voices  were  in  general  so  clearly  in  favor  of  Washington,  that  the 


1775.]  WASHINGTON   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  413 

dissentient  members  were  persuaded  to  withdraw  their  opposi- 
tion. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  the  army  was  regularly  adopted  by 
Congress,  and  the  pay  of  the  commander-in-chief  fixed  at  five 
hundred  dollars  a  month.  Many  still  clung  to  the  idea,  that  in 
all  these  proceedings  they  were  merely  opposing  the  measures  of 
the  ministry,  and  not  the  authority  of  the  crown,  and  thus  the 
army  before  Boston  was  designated  as  the  Continental  Army,  in 
contradistinction  to  that  under  General  Gage,  which  was  called 
the  Ministerial  Army. 

In  this  stage  of  the  business  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  rose, 
and  nominated  Washington  for  the  station  of  commander-in-chief. 
The  election  was  by  ballot,  and  was  unanimous.  It  was  formally 
announced  to  him  by  the  president,  on  the  following  day,  when  he 
had  taken  his  seat  in  Congress.  Rising  in  his  place,  he  briefly 
expressed  his  high  and  grateful  sense  of  the  honor  conferred  on 
him,  and  his  sincere  devotion  to  the  cause.  "  But,"  added  he, 
"  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen  unfavorable  to  my  repu- 
tation, I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the 
room,  that  I  this  day  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not 
think  myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with.  As  to 
pay,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress  that,  as  no  pecuniary 
consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  em- 
ployment, at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I 
do  not  wish  to  make  any  profit  of  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  ac- 
count of  my  expenses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge, 
and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

"  There  is  something  charming  to  me  in  the  conduct  of  Wash- 
ington," writes  Adams  to  a  friend;  "a  gentleman  of  one  of  the 
first  fortunes  upon  the  continent,  leaving  his  delicious  retirement, 


414  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

his  family  and  friends,  sacrificing  his  ease,  and  hazarding  all,  in 
the  cause  of  his  country.  His  views  are  noble  and  disinterested. 
He  declared,  when  he  accepted  the  mighty  trust,  that  he  would 
lay  before  us  an  exact  account  of  his  expenses,  and  not  accept  a 
shilling  of  pay." 

Four  major-generals  were  to  be  appointed.  Among  those 
specified  were  General  Charles  Lee  and  General  Ward.  Mr. 
Mifflin,  of  Philadelphia,  who  was  Lee's  especial  friend  and  ad- 
mirer, urged  that  he  should  be  second  in  command.  "  General 
Lee,"  said  he,  "  would  serve  cheerfully  under  Washington ;  but 
considering  his  rank,  character,  and  experience,  could  not  be  ex- 
pected to  serve  under  any  other.  He  must  be  aut  secundusj  aut 
nullus. 

Adams,  on  the  other  hand,  as  strenuously  objected  that  it 
would  be  a  great  deal  to  expect  that  General  Ward,  who  was  ac- 
tually in  command  of  the  army  in  Boston,  should  serve  under  any 
man;  but  under  a  stranger  he  ought  not  to  serve.  General  Ward, 
accordingly,  was  elected  the  second  in  command,  and  Lee  the 
third.  The  other  two  major-generals  were,  Philip  Schuyler,  of 
New  York,  and  Israel  Putnam,  of  Connecticut.  Eight  brigadier- 
generals  were  likewise  appointed ;  Seth  Pomeroy,  Richard  Mont- 
gomery, David  Wooster,  William  Heath,  Joseph  Spencer,  John 
Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathaniel  Greene. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Mifflin's  objection  to  having  Lee  ranked 
under  Ward,  as  being  beneath  his  dignity  and  merits,  he  himself 
made  no  scruple  to  acquiesce ;  though,  judging  from  his  super- 
cilious character,  and  from  circumstances  in  his  subsequent  con- 
duct, he  no  doubt  considered  himself  vastly  superior  to  the  pro- 
vincial officers  placed  over  him. 

At  Washington's  express  request,  his  old  friend,  Major  Horatio 


1YY5.]  APPOINTMENT   OF   LEE   AND   GATES.  415 

Gates,  then  absent  at  his  estate  in  Virginia,  was  appointed  ad- 
jutant-general, with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 

Adams,  according  to  his  own  account,  was  extremely  loth  to 
admit  either  Lee  or  Gates  into  the  American  service,  although 
he  considered  them  officers  of  great  experience  and  confessed  abil- 
ities. He  apprehended  difficulties,  he  said,  from  the  "natural 
prejudices  and  virtuous  attachment  of  our  countrymen  to  their 
own  officers."  "  But,"  adds  he,  "  considering  the  earnest  desire 
of  General  Washington  to  have  the  assistance  of  those  officers, 
the  extreme  attachment  of  many  of  our  best  friends  in  the  south- 
ern colonies  to  them,  the  reputation  they  would  give  to  our  arms  in 
Europe,  and  especially  with  the  ministerial  generals  and  army  in 
Boston,  as  well  as  the  real  American  merit  of  both,  I  could  not 
withhold  my  vote  from  either." 

The  reader  will  possibly  call  these  circumstances  to  mind 
when,  on  a  future  page,  he  finds  how  Lee  and  Gates  requited  the 
friendship  to  which  chiefly  they  owed  their  appointments. 

In  this  momentous  change  in  his  condition,  which  suddenly 
altered  all  his  course  of  life,  and  called  him  immediately  to  the 
camp,  "Washington's  thoughts  recurred  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  its 
rural  delights,  so  dear  to  his  heart,  whence  he  was  to  be  again 
exiled.  His  chief  concern,  however,  was  on  account  of  the  dis- 
tress it  might  cause  to  his  wife.  His  letter  to  her  on  the  subject 
is  written  in  a  tone  of  manly  tenderness.  "  You  may  believe 
me,"  writes  he,  "  when  I  assure  you,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
that,  so  far  from  seeking  this  appointment,  I  have  used  every  en- 
deavor in  my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness 
to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  consciousness  of  its 
being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity ;  and  I  should  enjoy  more 
real  happiness  in  one  month  with  you  at  home  than  I  have  the 


416  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

most  distant  prospect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be 
seven  times  seven  years.  But  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  destiny 
that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service,  I  shall  hope  that  my  under- 
taking it  is  designed  to  answer  some  good  purpose.     *     *     *     * 

"  I  shall  rely  confidently  on  that  Providence  which  has  hereto- 
fore preserved,  and  been  bountiful  to  me,  not  doubting  but  that  I 
shall  return  safe  to  you  in  the  Fall.  I  shall  feel  no  pain  from 
the  toil  or  danger  of  the  campaign ;  my  unhappiness  will  flow 
from  the  uneasiness  I  know  you  will  feel  from  being  left  alone. 
I  therefore  beg  that  you  will  summon  your  whole  fortitude,  and 
pass  your  time  as  agreeably  as  possible.  Nothing  will  give  me 
so  much  sincere  satisfaction  as  to  hear  this,  and  to  hear  it  from 
your  own  pen." 

And  to  his  favorite  brother,  John  Augustine,  he  writes  :  "I 
am  now  to  bid  adieu  to  you,  and  to  every  kind  of  domestic  ease, 
for  a  while.  I  am  embarked  on  a  wide  ocean,  boundless  in  its 
prospect,  and  in  which,  perhaps,  no  safe  harbor  is  to  be  found. 
I  have  been  called  upon  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  colonies  to 
take  the  command  of  the  continental  army ;  an  honor  I  neither 
sought  after,  nor  desired,  as  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  it 
requires  great  abilities,  and  much  more  experience,  than  I  am 
master  of."  And  subsequently,  referring  to  his  wife :  "  I  shall 
hope  that  my  friends  will  visit,  and  endeavor  to  keep  up  the 
spirits  of  my  wife  as  much  as  they  can,  for  my  departure  will,  I 
know,  be  a  cutting  stroke  upon  her ;  and  on  this  account  alone  I 
have  many  disagreeable  sensations." 

On  the  20th  of  June,  he  received  his  commission  from  the 
president  of  Congress.  The  following  day  was  fixed  upon  for  his 
departure  for  the  army.  He  reviewed  previously,  at  the  request 
of  their  officers,  several  militia  companies  of  horse  and  foot. 


1775.]  THE   NEW    COMMANDER.  417 

Every  one  was  anxious  to  see  the  new  commander,  and  rarely  has 
the  public  beau  ideal  of  a  commander  been  so  fully  answered. 
He  was  now  in  the  vigor  of  his  days,  forty-three  years  of  age, 
stately  in  person,  noble  in  his  demeanor,  calm  and  dignified  in  his 
deportment ;  as  he  sat  his  horse,  with  manly  grace,  his  military 
presence  delighted  every  eye,  and  wherever  he  went  the  air  rang 
with  acclamations. 

Vol.  I.— 18* 


CHAPTER  XL. 

more  troops  arrive  at  boston generals  howe,  burgoyne,  and  clinton- 
proclamation  of  gage nature  of  the  american  army scornful  conduct 

of  the  british  officers project  of  the  americans  to  seize  upon  breed's 

hill — putnam's  opinion  of  it — sanctioned  by  prescott — nocturnal  march 

of  the  detachment fortifying  of  bunker's  hill break  of  day,  and 

astonishment  of  the  enemy. 

"While  Congress  had  been  deliberating  on  the  adoption  of  the 
army,  and  the  nomination  of  a  commander-in-chief,  events  had 
been  thickening  and  drawing  to  a  crisis  in  the  excited  region 
about  Boston.  The  provincial  troops  which  blockaded  the  town 
prevented  supplies  by  land,  the  neighboring  country  refused  to 
furnish  them  by  water ;  fresh  provisions  and  vegetables  were  no 
longer  to  be  procured,  and  Boston  began  to  experience  the  priva- 
tions of  a  besieged  city. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  arrived  ships  of  war  and  transports 
from  England,  bringing  large  reinforcements,  under  Generals 
Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Henry  Clinton,  commanders  of  high  repu- 
tation. 

As  the  ships  entered  the  harbor,  and  the  "  rebel  camp  "  was 
pointed  out,  ten  thousand  yeomanry  beleaguering  a  town  garri- 


17T5.]  THE    PATRIOT   ARMY.  419 

soned  by  five  thousand  regulars,  Burgoyne  could  not  restrain  a 
burst  of  surprise  and  scorn.  "  What !  "  cried  he,  "  ten  thousand 
peasants  keep  five  thousand  king's  troops  shut  up !  Well,  let  us 
get  in,  and  we'll  soon  find  elbow-room." 

Inspirited  by  these  reinforcements,  General  Gage  determined 
to  take  the  field.  Previously,  however,  in  conformity  to  instruc- 
tions from  Lord  Dartmouth,  the  head  of  the  war  department,  he 
issued  a  proclamation  (12th  June),  putting  the  province  under 
martial  law,  threatening  to  treat  as  rebels  and  traitors  all  mal- 
contents who  should  continue  under  arms,  together  with  their  aid- 
ers and  abettors;  but  offering  pardon  to  all  who  should  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  return  to  their  allegiance.  From  this  prof- 
fered amnesty,  however,  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams  were 
especially  excepted ;  their  offences  beiDg  pronounced  "too  flagi- 
tious not  to  meet  with  condign  punishment." 

-  This  proclamation  only  served  to  put  the  patriots  on  the  alert 
against  such  measures  as  might  be  expected  to  follow,  and  of 
which  their  friends  in  Boston  stood  ready  to  apprise  them.  The 
besieging  force,  in  the  mean  time,  was  daily  augmented  by  re- 
cruits and  volunteers,  and  now  amounted  to  about  fifteen  thousand 
men  distributed  at  various  points.  Its  character  and  organiza- 
tion were  peculiar.  As  has  well  been  observed,  it  could  not  be 
called  a  national  army,  for,  as  yet,  there  was  no  nation  to  own  it ; 
it  was  not  under  the  authority  of  the  Continental  Congress,  the 
act  of  that  body  recognizing  it  not  having  as  yet  been  passed, 
and  the  authority  of  that  body  itself  not  having  been  acknow- 
ledged. It  was,  in  fact,  a  fortuitous  assemblage  of  four  distinct 
bodies  of  troops,  belonging  to  different  provinces,  and  each  having 
a  leader  of  its  own  election.  About  ten  thousand  belonged  to 
Massachusetts,  and  were  under  the  command  of  General  Artemas 


^20  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  rm3. 

Ward,  whose  head-quarters  were  at  Cambridge.  Another  body 
of  troops,  under  Colonel  John  Stark,  already  mentioned,  came 
from  New  Hampshire.  Rhode  Island  furnished  a  third,  under 
the  command  of  General  Nathaniel  Greene.  A  fourth  was  from 
Connecticut,  under  the  veteran  Putnam. 

These  bodies  of  troops,  being  from  different  colonies,  were 
independent  of  each  other,  and  had  their  several  commanders. 
Those  from  New  Hampshire  were  instructed  to  obey  General 
Ward  as  commander-in-chief;  with  the  rest,  it  was  a  voluntary 
act,  rendered  in  consideration  of  his  being  military  chief  of  Mas- 
sachusetts,  the  province  which,  as  allies,  they  came  to  defend. 
There  was,  in  fact,  but  little  organization  in  the  army.  Nothing 
kept  it  together,  and  gave  it  unity  of  action,  but  a  common  feel- 
ing  of  exasperated  patriotism. 

The  troops  knew  but  little  of  military  discipline.  Almost  all 
were  familiar  with  the  use  of  fire-arms  in  hunting  and  fowling; 
many  had  served  in  frontier  campaigns  against  the  French,  and 
in  « bush-fighting »  with  the  Indians;  but  none  were  acquainted 
with  regular  service  or  the  discipline  of  European  armies.  There 
was  a  regiment  of  artillery,  partly  organized  by  Colonel  Gridley, 
a  skilful  engineer,  and  furnished  with  nine  field-pieces ;  but  the 
greater  part  of  the  troops  were  without  military  dress  or  accou- 
trements ;  most  of  them  were  hasty  levies  of  yeomanry,  some  of 
whom  had  seized  their  rifles  and  fowling-pieces,  and  turned  out  in 
their  working  clothes  and  homespun  country  garbs.  It  was  an 
army  of  volunteers,  subordinate  through  inclination  and  respect 
to  officers  of  their  own  choice,  and  depending  for  sustenance  on 
supplies  sent  from  their  several  towns. 

Such  was  the  army  spread  over  an  extent  of  ten  or  twelve 
miles,  and  keeping  watch  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  containing  at 


1?Y5.]  THE   BESIEGING   AKMY.  421 

that  time  a  population  of  seventeen  thousand  souls,  and  garri- 
soned with  more  than  ten  thousand  British  troops,  disciplined  and 
experienced  in  the  wars  of  Europe. 

In  the  disposition  of  these  forces,  Q-eneral  Ward  had  sta- 
tioned himself  at  Cambridge,  with  the  main  body  of  about  nine 
thousand  men  and  four  companies  of  artillery.  Lieutenant- 
general  Thomas,  second  in  command,  was  posted,  with  five  thou- 
sand Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops,  and 
three  or  four  companies  of  artillery,  at  Roxbury  and  Dorchester, 
forming  the  right  wing  of  the  army ;  while  the  left,  composed  in 
a  great  measure  of  New  Hampshire  troops,  stretched  through 
Medford  to  the  hills  of  Chelsea. 

It  was  a  great  annoyance  to  the  British  officers  and  soldiers, 
to  be  thus  hemmed  in  by  what  they  termed  a  rustic  rout  with 
calico  frocks  and  fowling-pieces.  The  same  scornful  and  taunting 
spirit  prevailed  among  them,  that  the  cavaliers  of  yore  indulged 
toward  the  Covenanters.  Considering  episcopacy  as  the  only  loyal 
and  royal  faith,  they  insulted  and  desecrated  the  "  sectarian  " 
places  of  worship.  One  was  turned  into  a  riding  school  for  the 
cavalry,  and  the  fire  in  the  stove  was  kindled  with  books  from 
the  library  of  its  pastor.  The  Provincials  retaliated  by  turning 
the  Episcopal  church  at  Cambridge  into  a  barrack,  and  melting 
down  its  organ-pipes  into  bullets. 

Both  parties  panted  for  action;  the  British  through  impa- 
tience of  their  humiliating  position,  and  an  eagerness  to  chastise 
what  they  considered  the  presumption  of  their  besiegers ;  the 
Provincials  through  enthusiasm  in  their  cause,  a  thirst  for  enter- 
prise and  exploit,  and,  it  must  be  added,  an  unconsciousness  of 
their  own  military  deficiencies. 

We   have  already  mentioned  the   peninsula   of  Charlestown 


422  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1115. 

(called  from  a  village  of  the  same  name),  which  lies  opposite  to 
the  north  side  of  Boston.  The  heights,  which  swell  up  in  rear 
of  the  village,  overlook  the  town  and  shipping.  The  project  was 
conceived  in  the  besieging  camp  to  seize  and  occupy  those 
heights.  A  council  of  war  was  held  upon  the  subject.  The  ar- 
guments in  favor  of  the  attempt  were,  that  the  army  was  anxious 
to  be  employed ;  that  the  country  was  dissatisfied  with  its  inac- 
tivity, and  that  the  enemy  might  thus  be  drawn  out  to  ground 
where  they  might  be  fought  to  advantage.  General  Putnam  was 
one  of  the  most  strenuous  in  favor  of  the  measure. 

Some  of  the  more  wary  and  judicious,  among  whom  were 
General  Ward  and  Dr.  Warren,  doubted  the  expediency  of  in- 
trenching themselves  on  those  heights,  and  the  possibility  of 
maintaining  so  exposed  a  post,  scantily  furnished,  as  they  were, 
with  ordnance  and  ammunition.  Besides,  it  might  bring  on  a  gen- 
eral engagement,  which  it  was  not  safe  to  risk. 

Putnam  made  light  of  the  danger.  He  was  confident  of  the 
bravery  of  the  militia  if  intrenched,  having  seen  it  tried  in  the 
old  French  war.  "  The  Americans,"  said  he,  "  are  never  afraid 
of  their  heads ;  they  only  think  of  their  legs ;  shelter  them,  and 
they'll  fight  for  ever."  He  was  seconded  by  General  Pomeroy,  a 
leader  of  like  stamp,  and  another  veteran  of  the  French  war. 
He  had  been  a  hunter  in  his  time ;  a  dead  shot  with  a  rifle,  and 
was  ready  to  lead  troops  against  the  enemy,  "  with  five  cartridges 
to  a  man." 

The  daring  councils  of  such  men  are  always  captivating  to 
the  inexperienced ;  but  in  the  present  instance,  they  were  sanc- 
tioned by  one  whose  opinion  in  such  matters,  and  in  this  vicinity, 
possessed  peculiar  weight.  This  was  Colonel  William  Prescott, 
of  Pepperell,  who  commanded  a  regiment  of  minute  men.     He, 


17*75.]  PROJECT    TO    SEIZE    THE    HEIGHTS.  423 

too,  had  seen  service  in  the  French  war,  and  acquired  reputation 
as  a  lieutenant  of  infantry  at  the  capture  of  Cape  Breton.  This 
was  sufficient  to  constitute  him  an  oracle  in  the  present  instance. 
He  was  now  about  fifty  years  of  age,  tall  and  commanding  in  his 
appearance,  and  retaining  the  port  of  a  soldier.  What  was  more, 
he  had  a  military  garb;  being  equipped  with  a  three-cornered 
hat,  a  top  wig,  and  a  single-breasted  blue  coat,  with  facings  and 
lapped  up  at  the  skirts.  All  this  served  to  give  him  consequence 
among  the  rustic  militia  officers  with  whom  he  was  in  council. 

His  opinion,  probably,  settled  the  question ;  and  it  was  deter- 
mined to  seize  on  and  fortify  Bunker's  Hill  and  Dorchester 
Heights.  In  deference,  however,  to  the  suggestions  of  the  more 
cautious,  it  was  agreed  to  postpone  the  measure  until  they  were 
sufficiently  supplied  with  the  munitions  of  war  to  be  able  to  main- 
tain the  heights  when  seized. 

Secret  intelligence  hurried  forward  the  project.  General 
Gage,  it  was  said,  intended  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  June.  These  heights  lay 
on  the  opposite  side  of  Boston,  and  the  committee  were  ig- 
norant of  their  localities.  Those  on  Charlestown  Neck,  being 
near  at  hand,  had  some  time  before  been  reconnoitered  by  Colo- 
nel Richard  Gridley,  and  other  of  the  engineers.  It  was  deter- 
mined to  seize  and  fortify  these  heights  on  the  night  of  Friday, 
the  16th  of  June,  in  anticipation  of  the  movement  of  General 
Gage.  Troops  were  draughted  for  the  purpose  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts regiments  of  Colonels  Prescott,  Frye  and  Bridges. 
There  was  also  a  fatigue  party  of  about  two  hundred  men  from 
Putnam's  Connecticut  troops,  led  by  his  favorite  officer,  Captain 
Knowlton  •  together  with  a  company  of  forty-nine  artillery  men, 
with  two  field-pieces,  commanded  by  Captain  Samuel  Gridley. 


424  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1115. 

A  little  before  sunset  the  troops,  about  twelve  hundred  in  all, 
assembled  on  the  common,  in  front  of  General  Ward's  quarters. 
They  came  provided  with  packs,  blankets  and  provisions  for  four- 
and- twenty  hours,  but  ignorant  of  the  object  of  the  expedition. 
Being  all  paraded,  prayers  were  offered  up  by  the  reverend  Presi- 
dent Langdon,  of  Harvard  College;  after  which  they  all  'set 
forward  on  their  silent  march. 

Colonel  Prescott,  from  his  experience  in  military  matters,  and 
his  being  an  officer  in  the  Massachusetts  line,  had  been  chosen  by 
General  Ward  to  conduct  the  enterprise.  His  written  orders 
were  to  fortify  Bunker's  Hill,  and  defend  the  works  until  he 
should  be  relieved.  Colonel  Richard  Gridley,  the  chief  engineer, 
who  had  likewise  served  in  the  French  war,  was  to  accompany 
him  and  plan  the  fortifications.  It  was  understood  that  reinforce- 
ments and  refreshments  would  be  sent  to  the  fatigue  party  in  the 
morning. 

The  detachment  left  Cambridge  about  9  o'clock,  Colonel  Pres- 
cott taking  the  lead,  preceded  by  two  sergeants  with  dark  lan- 
terns. At  Charlestown  Neck  they  were  joined  by  Major  Brooks, 
of  Bridges'  regiment,  and  General  Putnam  ;  and  here  were  the 
waggons  laden  with  intrenching  tools,  which  first  gave  the  men  an 
indication  of  the  nature  of  the  enterprise. 

Charlestown  Neck  is  a  narrow  isthmus,  connecting  the  penin- 
sula with  the  main  land ;  having  the  Mystic  River,  about  half  a 
mile  wide,  on  the  north,  and  a  large  embayment  of  Charles  River 
on  the  south  or  right  side. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  caution,  for 
they  were  coming  on  ground  over  which  the  British  kept  jealous 
watch.  They  had  erected  a  battery  at  Boston  on  Copp's  Hill, 
immediately  opposite  to  Charlestown.     Five  of  their  vessels  of 


1?75.]  OPERATIONS   AT    NIGHT.  425 

war  were  stationed  so  as  to  bear  upon  the  peninsula  from  different 
directions,  and  the  guns  of  one  of  them  swept  the  isthmus,  or 
narrow  neck  just  mentioned. 

Across  this  isthmus,  Colonel  Prescott  conducted  the  detach- 
ment undiscovered,  and  up  the  ascent  of  Bunker's  Hill.  This 
commences  at  the  Neck,  and  slopes  up  for  about  three  hundred 
yards  to  its  summit,  which  is  about  one  hundred  and  twelve  feet 
high.  It  then  declines  toward  the  south,  and  is  connected  by  a 
ridge  with  Breed's  Hill,  about  sixty  or  seventy  feet  high.  The 
crests  of  the  two  hills  are  about  seven  hundred  yards  apart. 

On  attaining  the  heights,  a  question  rose  which  of  the  two 
they  should  proceed  to  fortify.  Bunker's  Hill  was  specified  in 
the  written  orders  given  to  Colonel  Prescott  by  General  Ward, 
but  Breed's  Hill  was  much  nearer  to-  Boston,  and  had  a  better 
command  of  the  town  and  shipping.  Bunker's  Hill,  also,  being 
on  the  upper  and  narrower  part  of  the  peninsula,  was  itself  com- 
manded by  the  same  ship  which  raked  the  Neck.  Putnam  was 
clear  for  commencing  at  Breed's  Hill,  and  making  the  principal 
work  there,  while  a  minor  work  might  be  thrown  up  at  Bunker's 
Hill,  as  a  protection  in  the  rear,  and  a  rallying  point,  in  case  of 
being  driven  out  of  the  main  work.  Others  concurred  with  this 
opinion,  yet  there  was  a  hesitation  in  deviating  from  the  letter  of 
their  orders.  At  length  Colonel  Gridley  became  impatient ;  the 
night  was  waning;  delay  might  prostrate  the  whole  enterprise. 
Breed's  Hill  was  then  determined  on.  Gridley  marked  out  the 
lines  for  the  fortifications ;  the  men  stacked  their  guns ;  threw 
off  their  packs;  seized  their  trenching  tools,  and  set  to  work 
with  great  spirit ;  but  so  much  time  had  been  wasted  in  discus- 
sion, that  it  was  midnight  before  they  struck  the  first  spade  into 
the  ground. 


426  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1775. 


Prescott,  who  felt  the  responsibility  of  his  charge,  almost  de- 
spaired of  carrying  on  these  operations  undiscovered.  A  party 
was  sent  out  by  him  silently  to  patrol  the  shore  at  the  foot  of  the 
heights,  and  watch  for  any  movement  of  the  enemy.  Not  willing 
to  trust  entirely  to  the  vigilance  of  others,  he  twice  went  down 
during  the  night  to  the  water's  edge ;  reconnoitering  every  thing 
scrupulously,  and  noting  every  sight  and  sound.  It  was  a  warm, 
still,  summer's  night ;  the  stars  shone  brightly,  but  every  thing 
was  quiet.  Boston  was  buried  in  sleep.  The  sentry's  cry  of 
"  All's  well "  could  be  heard  distinctly  from  its  shores,  together 
with  the  drowsy  calling  of  the  watch  on  board  of  the  ships  of 
war,  and  then  all  would  relapse  into  silence.  Satisfied  that  the 
enemy  were  perfectly  unconscious  of  what  was  going  on  upon  the 
hill,  he  returned  to  the  works,  and  a  little  before  daybreak  called 
in  the  patrolling  party. 

So  spiritedly,  though  silently,  had  the  labor  been  carried  on, 
that  by  morning  a  strong  redoubt  was  thrown  up  as  a  main  work, 
flanked  on  the  left  by  a  breastwork,  partly  cannon-proof,  extend- 
ing down  the  crest  of  Breed's  Hill  to  a  piece  of  marshy  ground 
called  the  Slough.  To  support  the  right  of  the  redoubt,  some 
troops  were  thrown  into  the  village  of  Charlestown,  at  the  south- 
ern foot  of  the  hill.  The  great  object  of  Prescott's  solicitude 
was  now  attained,  a  sufficient  bulwark  to  screen  his  men  before 
they  should  be  discovered ;  for  he  doubted  the  possibility  of  keep- 
ing raw  recruits  to  their  post,  if  openly  exposed  to  the  fire  of  ar- 
tillery, and  the  attack  of  disciplined  troops. 

At  dawn  of  day,  the  Americans  at  work  were  espied  by  the 

Bailors  on  board  of  the  ships  of  war,  and  the  alarm  was  given. 

The  captain  of  the  Lively,  the  nearest  ship,  without  waiting  for 

orders,  put  a  spring  upon  her  cable,  and  bringing  her  guns  to 

- 


1115.] 


PRESCOTT   ON   THE   PARAPET.  427 


bear,  opened  a  fire  upon  the  hill.  The  other  ships  and  a  floating 
battery  followed  his  example.  Their  shot  did  no  mischief  to  the 
works,  but  one  man,  among  a  number  who  had  incautiously  ven- 
tured outside,  was  killed.  A  subaltern  reported  his  death  to 
Colonel  Prescott,  and  asked  what  was  to  be  done.  "  Bury  him," 
was  the  reply.  The  chaplain  gathered  some  of  his  military  flock 
around  him,  and  was  proceeding  to  perform  suitable  obsequies 
over  the  "  first  martyr,"  but  Prescott  ordered  that  the  men 
should  disperse  to  their  work,  and  the  deceased  be  buried  imme- 
diately. It  seemed  shocking  to  men  accustomed  to  the  funeral 
solemnities  of  peaceful  life  to  bury  a  man  without  prayers,  but 
Prescott  saw  that  the  sight  of  this  man  suddenly  shot  down  had 
agitated  the  nerves  of  his  comrades,  unaccustomed  to  scenes  of 
war.  Some  of  them,  in  fact,  quietly  left  the  hill,  and  did  not 
return  to  it. 

To  inspire  confidence  by  example,  Prescott  now  mounted  the 
parapet,  and  walked  leisurely  about,  inspecting  the  works,  giving 
directions,  and  talking  cheerfully  with  the  men.  In  a  little 
while  they  got  over  their  dread  of  cannon-balls,  and  some  even 
made  them  a  subject  of  joke,  or  rather  bravado ;  a  species  of 
sham  courage  occasionally  manifested  by  young  soldiers,  but 
never  by  veterans. 

The  cannonading  roused  the  town  of  Boston.  General  Gage 
could  scarcely  believe  his  eyes  when  he  beheld  on  the  opposite 
hill  a  fortification  full  of  men,  which  had  sprung  up  in  the  course 
of  the  night.  As  he  reconnoitered  it  through  a  glass  from  Copp's 
Hill,  the  tall  figure  of  Prescott,  in  military  garb,  walking  th 
parapet,  caught  his  eye.  "  Who  is  that  oflicer  who  appears  in 
command  ?  "  asked  he.  The  question  was  answered  by  Counsel- 
lor Willard,  Prescott's  brother-in-law,  who  was  at  hand,  and  re- 


428  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

cognized  his  relative.  "Will  he  fight  ?  "  demanded  Gage,  quickly. 
"  Yes,  sir  !  he  is  an  old  soldier,  and  will  fight  to  the  last  drop  of 
blood;  but  I  cannot  answer  for  his  men." 

"  The  works  must  be  carried  !  "  exclaimed  Gage. 

He  called  a  council  of  war.  The  Americans  might  intend  to 
cannonade  Boston  from  this  new  fortification ;  it  was  unanimously 
resolved  to  dislodge  them.  How  was  this  to  be  done  ?  A  ma- 
jority of  the  council,  including  Clinton  and  Grant,  advised  that  a 
force  should  be  landed  on  Charlestown  Neck,  under  the  protection 
of  their  batteries,  so  as  to  attack  the  Americans  in  rear,  and  cut 
off  their  retreat.  General  Gage  objected  that  it  would  place  his 
troops  between  two  armies ;  one  at  Cambridge,  superior  in  num- 
bers, the  other  on  the  heights,  strongly  fortified.  He  was  for 
landing  in  front  of  the  works,  and  pushing  directly  up  the  hill ; 
a  plan  adopted  through  a  confidence  that  raw  militia  would  never 
stand  their  ground  against  the  assault  of  veteran  troops ;  another 
instance  of  undervaluing  the  American  spirit,  which  was  to  cost 
the  enemy  a  lamentable  loss  of  life. 


$ 


w 


w 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

BATTLE     OF     BUNKER'S     HILL. 

The  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet,  the  clatter  of  hoofs,  the  rat- 
tling of  gun-carriages,  and  all  the  other  military  din  and  bustle 
in  the  streets  of  Boston,  soon  apprised  the  Americans  on  their 
rudely  fortified  height  of  an  impending  attack.  They  were  ill 
fitted  to  withstand  it,  being  jaded  by  the  night's  labor,  and  want 
of  sleep ;  hungry  and  thirsty,  having  brought  but  scanty  supplies, 
and  oppressed  by  the  heat  of  the  weather.  Prescott  sent  re- 
peated messages  to  General  "Ward,  asking  reinforcements  and 
provisions.  Putnam  seconded  the  request  in  person,  urging  the 
exigencies  of  the  case.  Ward  hesitated.  He  feared  to  weaken 
his  main  body  at  Cambridge,  as  his  military  stores  were  deposited 
there,  and  it  might  have  to  sustain  the  principal  attack.  At 
length,  having  taken  advice  of  the  council  of  safety,  he  issued 
orders  for  Colonels  Stark  and  Read,  then  at  Medford,  to  march 
to  the  relief  of  Prescott  with  their  New  Hampshire  regiments 
The  orders  reached  Medford  about  1 1  o'clock.  Ammunition  wasC 
distributed  in  all  haste ;  two  flints,  a  gill  of  powder,  and  fifteen 
balls  to  each  man.     The  balls  had  to  be  suited  to  the  different 


« 


,r 


430  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

calibres  of  the  guns ;  the  powder  to  be  carried  in  powder-horns, 
or  loose  in  the  pocket,  for  there  were  no  cartridges  prepared  It 
was  the  rude  turn  out  of  yeoman  soldiery  destitute  of  regular  ac- 
coutrements. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  Americans  on  Breed's  Hill  were  sus- 
taining the  fire  from  the  ships,  and  from  the  battery  on  Copp's 
Hill,  which  opened  upon  them  about  ten  o'clock.  They  returned 
an  occasional  shot  from  one  corner  of  the  redoubt,  without  much 
harm  to  the  enemy,  and  continued  strengthening  their  position 
until  about  1 1  o'clock,  when  they  ceased  to  work,  piled  their  in- 
trenching tools  in  the  rear,  and  looked  out  anxiously  and  impa- 
tiently for  the  anticipated  reinforcements  and  supplies. 

About  this  time  General  Putnam,  who  had  been  to  head- 
quarters, arrived  at  the  redoubt  on  horseback.  Some  words 
passed  between  him  and  Prescott  with  regard  to  the  intrenching 
tools,  which  have  been  variously  reported.  The  most  probable 
version  is,  that  he  urged  to  have  them  taken  from  their  present 
place,  where  they  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
carried  to  Bunker's  Hill,  to  be  employed  in  throwing  up  a  re- 
doubt, which  was  part  of  the  original  plan,  and  which  would  be 
very  important  should  the  troops  be  obliged  to  retreat  from 
Breed's  Hill.  To  this  Prescott  demurred  that  those  employed 
to  convey  them,  and  who  were  already  jaded  with  toil,  might  not 
return  to  his  redoubt.  A  large  part  of  the  tools  were  ultimately 
carried  to  Bunker's  Hill,  and  a  breastwork  commenced  by  order 
f  General  Putnam.  The  importance  of  such  a  work  was  after- 
ards  made  apparent. 

About  noon .  the  Americans  descried  twenty-eight  barges 
crossing  from  Boston  in  parallel  lines.  They  contained  a  large 
detachment  of  grenadiers,  rangers,  and  light  infantry,  admirably 


17Y5.]  APPEOACH    OF    THE   ENEMY.  431 

equipped,  and  commanded  by  Major-general  Howe.  They  made 
a  splendid  and  formidable  appearance  with  their  scarlet  uniforms, 
and  the  sun  flashing  upon  muskets  and  bayonets,  and  brass  field- 
pieces.  A  heavy  fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries  covered  their 
advance,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  oppose  them,  and  they 
landed  about  1  o'clock  at  Moulton's  Point,  a  little  to  the  north 
of  Breed's  Hill. 

Here  General  Howe  made  a  pause.  On  reconnoitering  the 
works  from  this  point,  the  Americans  appeared  to  be  much  more 
6trongly  posted  than  he  had  imagined.  He  descried  troops  also 
hastening  to  their  assistance.  These  were  the  New  Hampshire 
troops,  led  on  by  Stark.  Howe  immediately  sent  over  to  General 
Gage  for  more  forces,  and  a  supply  of  cannon-balls ;  those  brought 
by  him  being  found,  through  some  egregious  oversight,  too  large 
for  the  ordnance.  While  awaiting  their  arrival,  refreshments 
were  served  out  to  the  troops,  with  "  grog,"  by  the  bucketful ; 
and  tantalizing  it  was,  to  the  hungry  and  thirsty  provincials,  to 
look  down  from  their  ramparts  of  earth,  and  see  their  invaders 
seated  in  groups  upon  the  grass  eating  and  drinking,  and  prepar- 
ing themselves  by  a  hearty  meal  for  the  coming  encounter.  Their 
only  consolation  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  delay,  while  the 
enemy  were  carousing,  to  strengthen  their  position.  The  breast- 
work on  the  left  of  the  redoubt  extended  to  what  was  called  the 
Slough,  but  beyond  this,  the  ridge  of  the  hill,  and  the  slope 
toward  Mystic  River,  were  undefended,  leaving  a  pass  by  which 
the  enemy  might  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  position,  and  seize 
upon  Bunker's  Hill.  Putnam  ordered  his  chosen  officer,  Captain 
Knowlton,  to  cover  this  pass  with  the  Connecticut  troops  under 
his  command.  A  novel  kind  of  rampart,  savoring  of  rural  device, 
was  suggested  by  the  rustic  general.     About  six  hundred  feet  in 


432  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

the  rear  of  the  redoubt,  and  about  one  hundred  feet  to  the  left  of 
the  breastwork,  was  a  post  and  rail-fence,  set  in  a  low  foot-wall 
of  stone,  and  extending  down  to  Mystic  River.  The  posts  and 
rails  of  another  fence  were  hastily  pulled  up,  and  set  a  few  feet 
in  behind  this,  and  the  intermediate  space  was  filled  up  with  new 
mown  hay  from  the  adjacent  meadows.  This  double  fence,  it 
will  be  found,  proved  an  important  protection  to  the  redoubt,  al- 
though there  still  remained  an  unprotected  interval  of  about  seven 
hundred  feet. 

While  Knowlton  and  his  men  were  putting  up  this  fence,  Put- 
nam proceeded  with  other  of  his  troops  to  throw  up  the  work  on 
Bunker's  Hill,  despatching  his  son,  Captain  Putnam,  on  horse- 
back, to  hurry  up  the  remainder  of  his  men  from  Cambridge. 
By  this  time  his  compeer  in  French  and  Indian  warfare,  the  vet- 
eran Stark,  made  his  appearance  with  the  New  Hampshire  troops, 
five  hundred  strong.  He  had  grown  cool  and  wary  with  age,  and 
his  march  from  Medford,  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles,  had  been 
in  character.  He  led  his  men  at  a  moderate  pace  to  bring  them 
into  action  fresh  and  vigorous.  In  crossing  the  Neck,  which  was 
enfiladed  by  the  enemy's  ships  and  batteries,  Captain  Dearborn, 
who  was  by  his  side,  suggested  a  quick  step.  The  veteran  shook 
his  head :  "  One  fresh  man  in  action  is  worth  ten  tired  ones,"  re- 
plied he,  and  marched  steadily  on. 

Putnam  detained  some  of  Stark's  men  to  aid  in  throwing  up 
the  works  on  Bunker's  Hill,  and  directed  him  to  reinforce 
Knowlton  with  the  rest.  Stark  made  a  short  speech  to  his  men 
now  that  they  were  likely  to  have  warm  work.  He  then  pushed 
on,  and  did  good  service  that  day  at  the  rustic  bulwark. 

About  2  o'clock,  Warren  arrived  on  the  heights,  ready  to  en- 
gage in  their  perilous  defence,   although   he   had    opposed  the 


1115.}  THE    ASSAULT.  433 

scheme  of  their  occupation.  He  had  recently  been  elected  a 
major-general,  but  had  not  received  his  commission ;  like 
Pomeroy,  he  came  to  serve  in  the  ranks  with  a  musket  on  his 
shoulder.  Putnam  offered  him  the  command  at  the  fence ;  he 
declined  it,  and  merely  asked  where  he  could  be  of  most  service 
as  a  volunteer.  Putnam  pointed  to  the  redoubt,  observing  that 
there  he  would  be  under  cover.  "  Don't  think  I  seek  a  place  of 
safety,"  replied  Warren,  quickly ;  "  where  will  the  attack  be  hot- 
test ? "  Putnam  still  pointed  to  the  redoubt.  "  That  is  the 
enemy's  object ;  if  that  can  be  maintained,  the  day  is  ours." 

Warren  was  cheered  by  the  troops  as  he  entered  the  redoubt. 
Colonel  Prescott  tendered  him  the  command.  He  again  declined. 
"  I  have  come  to  serve  only  as  a  volunteer,  and  shall  be  happy  to 
learn  from  a  soldier  of  your  experience."  Such  were  the  noble 
spirits  assembled  on  these  perilous  heights. 

The  British  now  prepared  for  a  general  assault.  An  easy 
victory  was  anticipated;  the  main  thought  was,  how  to  make  it 
most  effectual.  The  left  wing,  commanded  by  General  Pigot,  was 
to  mount  the  hill  and  force  the  redoubt,  while  General  Howe, 
with  the  right  wing,  was  to  push  on  between  the  fort  and  Mystic 
River,  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans,  and  cut  off  their 
retreat. 

General  Pigot,  accordingly,  advanced  up  the  hill  under  cover 
of  a  fire  from  field-pieces  and  howitzers  planted  on  a  small  height 
near  the  landing-place  on  Moulton's  Point.  His  troops  com- 
menced a  discharge  of  musketry  while  yet  at  a  long  distance  from 
the  redoubts.  The  Americans  within  the  works,  obedient  to 
strict  command,  retained  their  fire  until  the  enemy  were  within 
thirty  or  forty  paces,  when  they  opened  upon  them  with  a  tre- 
mendous volley.     Being  all  marksmen,  accustomed  to  take  de- 

Vol.  I.— 19 


434  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

liberate  aim,  the  slaughter  was  immense,  and  especially  fatal  to 
officers.  The  assailants  fell  back  in  some  confusion ;  but,  rallied 
on  by  their  officers,  advanced  within  pistol  shot.  Another  volley, 
more  effective  than  the  first,  made  them  again  recoil.  To  add  to 
their  confusion,  they  were  galled  by  a  flanking  fire  from  the  hand- 
ful of  Provincials  posted  in  Charlestown.  Shocked  at  the  carnage, 
and  seeing  the  confusion  of  his  troops,  General  Pigot  was  urged 
to  give  the  word  for  a  retreat. 

In  the  mean  while,  General  Howe,  with  the  left  wing,  ad- 
vanced along  Mystic  River  toward  the  fence  where  Stark, 
Read  and  Knowlton  were  stationed,  thinking  to  carry  this  slight 
breastwork  with  ease,  and  so  get  in  the  rear  of  the  fortress.  His 
artillery  proved  of  little  avail,  being  stopped  by  a. swampy  piece 
of  ground,  while  his  columns  suffered  from  two  or  three  field- 
pieces  with  which  Putnam  had  fortified  the  fence.  Howe's  men 
kept  up  a  fire  of  musketry  as  they  advanced ;  but,  not  taking  aim, 
their  shot  passed  over  the  heads  of  the  Americans.  The  latter 
had  received  the  same  orders  with  those  in  the  redoubt,  not  to 
fire  until  the  enemy  should  be  within  thirty  paces.  Some  few 
transgressed  the  command.  Putnam  rode  up  and  swore  he  would 
cut  down  the  next  man  that  fired  contrary  to  orders.  When  the 
British  arrived  within  the  stated  distance  a  sheeted  fire  opened 
upon  them  from  rifles,  muskets,  and  fowling-pieces,  all  levelled 
with  deadly  aim.  The  carnage,  as  in  the  other  instance,  was  hor- 
rible. The  British  were  thrown  into  confusion  and  fell  back ; 
some  even  retreated  to  the  boats. 

There  was  a  general  pause  on  the  part  of  the  British.  The 
American  officers  availed  themselves  of  it  to  prepare  for  another 
attack,  which  must  soon  be  made.  Prescott  mingled  among  his 
men  in  the  redoubt,  who  were  all  in  high  spirits  at  the  severe 


m5.]  THE   SECOND   ASSAULT.  435 

check  they  had  given  *  the  regulars."  He  praised  them  for  their 
steadfastness  in  maintaining  their  post,  and  their  good  conduct 
in  reserving  their  fire  until  the  word  of  command,  and  exhorted 
them  to  do  the  same  in  the  next  attack. 

Putnam  rode  about  Bunker's  Hill  and  its  skirts,  to  rally  and 
bring  on  reinforcements  which  had  been  checked  or  scattered  in 
crossing  Charlestown  Neck  by  the  raking  fire  from  the  ships  and 
batteries.  Before  many  could  be  brought  to  the  scene  of  action 
the  British  had  commenced  their  second  attack.  They  again  as- 
cended the  hill  to  storm  the  redoubt ;  their  advance  was  covered 
as  before  by  discharges  of  artillery.  Charlestown,  which  had 
annoyed  them  on  their  first  attack  by  a  flanking  fire,  was  in  flames, 
by  shells  thrown  from  Copp's  Hill,  and  by  marines  from  the  ships. 
Being  built  of  wood,  the  place  was  soon  wrapped  in  a  general 
conflagration.  The  thunder  of  artillery  from  batteries  and  ships, 
the  bursting  of  bomb-shells ;  the  sharp  discharges  of  musketry ; 
the  shouts  and  yells  of  the  combatants ;  the  crash  of  burning 
buildings,  and  the  dense  volumes  of  smoke,  which  obscured  the 
summer  sun,  all  formed  a  tremendous  spectacle.  "  Sure  I  am," 
said  Burgoyne  in  one  of  his  letters, — "  Sure  I  am  nothing  ever  has 
or  ever  can  be  more  dreadfully  terrible  than  what  was  to  be  seen 
or  heard  at  this  time.  The  most  incessant  discharge  of  guns  that 
ever  was  heard  by  mortal  ears." 

The  American  troops,  although  unused  to  war,  stood  undis- 
mayed amidst  a  scene  where  it  was  bursting  upon  them  with  all 
its  horrors.  Reserving  their  fire,  as  before,  until  the  enemy  was 
close  at  hand,  they  again  poured  forth  repeated  volleys  with  the 
fatal  aim  of  sharpshooters.  The  British  stood  the  first  shock, 
and  continued  to  advance ;  but  the  incessant  stream  of  fire  stag- 
gered them.     Their  officers  remonstrated,  threatened,  and  even 


436  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

attempted  to  goad  tliem  on  with  their  swords,  but  the  havoc  was 
too  deadly ;  whole  ranks  were  mowed  down ;  many  of  the  officers 
were  either  slain  or  wounded,  and  among  them  several  of  the 
staff  of  General  Howe.  The  troops  again  gave  way  and  retreated 
down  the  hill. 

All  this  passed  under  the  eye  of  thousands  of  spectators  of 
both  sexes  and  all  ages,  watching  from  afar  every  turn  of  a  battle 
in  which  the  lives  of  those  most  dear  to  them  were  at  hazard. 
The  British  soldiery  in  Boston  gazed  with  astonishment  and 
almost  incredulity  at  the  resolute  and  protracted  stand  of  raw 
militia  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  despise,  and  at  the  havoc 
made  among  their  own  veteran  troops.  Every  convoy  of  wound- 
ed brought  over  to  the  town  increased  their  consternation,  and 
General  Clinton,  who* had  watched  the  action  from  Copp's  Hill, 
embarking  in  a  boat,  hurried  over  as  a  volunteer,  taking  with  him 
reinforcements. 

A  third  attack  was  now  determined  on,  though  some  of  Howe's 
officers  remonstrated,  declaring  it  would  be  downright  butchery. 
A  different  plan  was  adopted.  Instead  of  advancing  in  front  of 
the  redoubt,  it  was  to  be  taken  in  flank  on  the  left,  where  the 
open  space  between  the  breastwork  and  the  fortified  fence  pre- 
sented a  weak  point.  It  having  been  accidentally  discovered  that 
the  ammunition  of  the  Americans  was  nearly  expended,  prepara- 
tions were  made  to  carry  the  works  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ; 
and  the  soldiery  threw  off  their  knapsacks,  and  some  even  their, 
coats,  to  be  more  light  for  action. 

General  Howe,  with  the  main  body,  now  made  a  feint  of  at- 
tacking the  fortified  fence ;  but,  while  a  part  of  his  force  was  thus 
engaged,  the  rest  brought  some  of  the  field-pieces  to  enfilade  the 
breastwork  on  the  left  of  the  redoubt.     A  raking  fire  soon  drove 


1775.]  THE   REDOUBT   CARRIED.  437 

the  Americans  out  of  this  exposed  place  into  the  enclosure. 
Much  damage,  too,  was  done  in  the  latter  by  balls  which  entered 
the  sallyport. 

The  troops  were  now  led  on  to  assail  the  works ;  those  who 
flinched  were,  as  before,  goaded  on  by  the  swords  of  the  officers. 
The  Americans  again  reserved  their  fire  until  their  assailants  were 
close  at  hand,  and  then  made  a  murderous  volley,  by  which  several 
officers  were  laid  low,  and  General  Howe  himself  was  wounded  in 
the  foot.  The  British  soldiery  this  time  likewise  reserved  their 
fire  and  rushed  on  with  fixed  bayonet.  Clinton  and  Pigot  had 
reached  the  southern  and  eastern  sides  of  the  redoubt,  and  it  was 
now  assailed  on  three  sides  at  once,  Prescott  ordered  those  who 
had  no  bayonets  to  retire  to  the  back  part  of  the  redoubt  and  fire 
on  the  enemy  as  they  showed  themselves  on  the  parapet.  The 
first  who  mounted  exclaimed  in  triumph,  "  The  day  is  ours ! " 
He  was  instantly  shot  down,  and  so  were  several  others  who 
mounted  about  the  same  time.  The  Americans,  however,  had 
fired  their  last  round,  their  ammunition  was  exhausted ;  and  now 
succeeded  a  desperate  and  deadly  struggle,  hand  to  hand,  with 
bayonets,  stones,  and  the  stocks  of  their  muskets.  At  length,  as 
the  British  continued  to  pour  in,  Prescott  gave  the  order  to  re- 
treat. His  men  had  to  cut  their  way  through  two  divisions  of 
the  enemy  who  were  getting  in  rear  of  the  redoubt,  and  they  re- 
ceived a  destructive  volley  from  those  who  had  formed  on  the 
captured  works.  By  that  volley  fell  the  patriot  Warren,  who 
had  distinguished  himself  throughout  the  action.  He  was  among 
the  last  to  leave  the  redoubt,  and  had  scarce  done  so  when  he 
was  shot  through  the  head  with  a  musket-ball,  and  fell  dead  on 
the  spot. 

While  the  Americans  were  thus  slowly  dislodged  from  the  re- 


438  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

doubt,  Stark,  Read  and  Knowlton  maintained  their  ground  at  the 
fortified  fence ;  which,  indeed,  had  been  nobly  defended  throughout 
the  action.  Pomeroy  distinguished  himself  here  by  his  sharp- 
shooting  until  his  musket  was  shattered  by  a  ball.  The  resist- 
ance at  this  hastily  constructed  work  was  kept  up  after  the  troops 
in  the  redoubt  had  given  way,  and  until  Colonel  Prescott  had  left 
the  hill ;  thus  defeating  General  Howe's  design  of  cutting  off  the 
retreat  of  the  main  body ;  which  would  have  produced  a  scene  of 
direful  confusion  and  slaughter.  Having  effected  their  purpose, 
the  brave  associates  at  the  fence  abandoned  their  weak  outpost, 
retiring  slowly,  and  disputing  the  ground  inch  by  inch,  with  a 
regularity  remarkable  in  troops  many  of  whom  had  never  before 
been  in  action. 

The  main  retreat  was  across  Bunker's  Hill,  where  Putnam 
had  endeavored  to  throw  up  a  breastwork.  The  veteran,  sword 
in  hand,  rode  to  the  rear  of  the  retreating  troops,  regardless  of 
the  balls  whistling  about  him.  His  only  thought  was  to  rally 
them  at  the  unfinished  works.  "  Halt !  make  a  stand  here !  " 
cried  he,  "  we  can  check  them  yet.  In  God's  name,  form  and  give 
them  one  shot  more." 

Pomeroy,  wielding  his  shattered  musket  as  a  truncheon,  sec- 
onded him  in  his  efforts  to  stay  the  torrent.  It  was  impossible, 
however,  to  bring  the  troops  to  a  stand.  They  continued  on  down 
the  hill  to  the  Neck  and  across  it  to  Cambridge,  exposed  to  a  rak- 
ing fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries,  and  only  protected  by  a  sin- 
gle piece  of  ordnance.  The  British  were  too  exhausted  to  pursue 
them  ;  they  contented  themselves  with  taking  possession  of  Bun- 
ker's Hill,  were  reinforced  from  Boston,  and  threw  up  additional 
works  during  the  night. 

We  have  collected  the  preceding  facts  from  various  sources, 


m5.]  LOSS  AND   GAIN   IN   THE   BATTLE.  439 

examining  them  carefully,  and  endeavoring  to  arrange  them  with 
scrupulous  fidelity.  We  may  appear  to  have  been  more  minute 
in  the  account  of  the  battle  than  the  number  of  troops  engaged 
would  warrant ;  but  it  was  one  of  the  most  momentous  conflicts 
in  our  revolutionary  history.  It  was  the  first  regular  battle  be- 
tween the  British  and  the  Americans,  and  most  eventful  in  its 
consequences.  The  former  had  gained  the  ground  for  which  they 
contended ;  but,  if  a  victory,  it  was  more  disastrous  and  humili- 
ating to  them  than  an  ordinary  defeat.  They  had  ridiculed  and 
despised  their  enemy,  representing  them  as  dastardly  and  ineffi- 
cient ;  yet  here  their  best  troops,  led  on  by  experienced  officers, 
had  repeatedly  been  repulsed  by  an  inferior  force  of  that  enemy, 
— mere  yeomanry, — from  works  thrown  up  in  a  single  night,  and 
had  suffered  a  loss  rarely  paralleled  in  battle  with  the  most 
veteran  soldiery ;  for,  according  to  their  own  returns,  their  killed 
and  wounded,  out  of  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  men,  amounted 
to  one  thousand  and  fifty  four,  and  a  large  proportion  of  them 
officers.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  did  not  exceed  four  hundred 
and  fifty. 

To  the  latter  this  defeat,  if  defeat  it  might  be  called,  had  the 
effect  of  a  triumph.  It  gave  them  confidence  in  themselves  and 
consequence  in  the  eyes  of  their  enemies.  They  had  proved  to 
themselves  and  to  others  that  they  could  measure  weapons  with 
the  disciplined  soldiers  of  Europe,  and  inflict  the  most  harm  in 
the  conflict. 

Among  the  British  officers  slain  was  Major  Pitcairn,  who,  at 
Lexington,  had  shed  the  first  blood  in  the  Revolutionary  war. 

In  the  death  of  Warren  the  Americans  had  to  lament  the  loss 
of  a  distinguished  patriot  and  a  most  estimable  man.  It  was  de- 
plored as  a  public  calamity.     His  friend  Elbridge  Gerry  had  en- 


440  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [m5. 

deavored  to  dissuade  him  from  risking  his  life  in  this  perilous 
conflict,  "  Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori,"  replied  Warren, 
as  if  he  had  foreseen  his  fate — a  fate  to  be  envied  by  those  am- 
bitious of  an  honorable  fame.  He  was  one  of  the  first  who  fell  in 
the  glorious  cause  of  his  country,  and  his  name  has  become  conse- 
crated in  its  history. 

There  has  been  much  discussion  of  the  relative  merits  of  the 
American  officers  engaged  in  this  affair — a  difficult  question 
where  no  one  appears  to  have  had  the  general  command.  Pres- 
cott  conducted  the  troops  in  the  night  enterprise ;  he  superintend- 
ed the  building  of  the  redoubt,  and  defended  it  throughout  the 
battle ;  his  name,  therefore,  will  ever  shine  most  conspicuous,  and 
deservedly  so,  on  this  bright  page  of  our  Eevolutionary  history. 

Putnam  also  was  a  leading  spirit  throughout  the  affair ;  one 
of  the  first  to  prompt  and  of  the  last  to  maintain  it.  He  appears 
to  have  been  active  and  efficient  at  every  point ;  sometimes  forti- 
fying; sometimes  hurrying  up  reinforcements;  inspiriting  the 
men  by  his  presence  while  they  were  able  to  maintain  their 
ground,  and  fighting  gallantly  at  the  outpost  to  cover  their  re- 
treat. The  brave  old  man,  riding  about  in  the  heat  of  the  action, 
on  this  sultry  day,  "with  a  hanger  belted  across  his  brawny 
shoulders,  over  a  waistcoat  without  sleeves,"  has  been  sneered  at 
by  a  contemporary,  as  "  much  fitter  to  head  a  band  of  sickle  men 
or  ditchers  than  musketeers."  But  this  very  description  illus- 
trates his  character,  and  identifies  him  with  the  times  and  the 
service.  A  yeoman  warrior  fresh  from  the  plough,  in  the  garb  of 
rural  labor ;  a  patriot  brave  and  generous,  but  rough  and  ready, 
who  thought  not  of  himself  in  time  of  danger,  but  was  ready  to 
serve  in  any  way,  and  to  sacrifice  official  rank  and  self-glorification 
to  the  good  of  the  cause.     He  was  eminently  a  soldier  for  the 


1775.]  VALUE  OF   HISTORIC   NAMES.  441 

occasion.  His  name  has  long  been  a  favorite  one  with  young  and 
old ;  one  of  the  talismanic  names  of  the  Revolution,  the  very 
mention  of  which  is  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet.  Such  names 
are  the  precious  jewels  of  our  history,  to  be  garnered  up  among 
the  treasures  of  the  nation,  and  kept  immaculate  from  the  tarnish 
ing  breath  of  the  cynic  and  the  doubter. 

Note. — In  treating  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  of  other 
occurrences  about  Boston  at  this  period  of  the  Revolution,  we  have 
had  repeated  occasion  to  consult  the  History  of  the  Siege  of  Boston, 
by  Richard  Frothingham,  Jr.;  a  work  abounding  with  facts  as  to 
persons  and  events,  and  full  of  interest  for  the  American  reader. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

DEPARTURE   FROM   PHILADELPHIA ANECDOTES   OF   GENERAL   SCHUYLER OF   LEE 

TIDINGS    OF    BUNKER    HILL MILITARY    COUNCILS — POPULATION    OF   NEW   YORK 

THE    JOHNSON   FAMILY — GOVERNOR    TRYON ARRIVAL   AT   NEW  YORK MILI- 
TARY  INSTRUCTIONS   TO   SCHUYLER ARRIVAL   AT  THE  CAMP. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  left  Washington  preparing  to  depart 
from  Philadelphia  for  the  army  before  Boston.  He  set  out  on 
horseback  on  the  21st  of  June,  having  for  military  companions 
of  his  journey  Major-generals  Lee  and  Schuyler,  and  being  ac- 
companied for  a  distance  by  several  private  friends.  As  an  es- 
cort he  had  a  "  gentleman  troop  "  of  Philadelphia,  commanded  by 
Captain  Markoe  ;  the  whole  formed  a  brilliant  cavalcade. 

General  Schuyler  was  a  man  eminently  calculated  to  sympa- 
thize with  Washington  in  all  his  patriotic  views  and  feelings,  and 
became  one  of  his  most  faithful  coadjutors.  Sprung  from  one  of 
the  earliest  and  most  respectable  Dutch  families  which  colonized 
New  York,  all  his  interests  and  affections  were  identified  with  the 
country.  He  had  received  a  good  education ;  applied  himself  at 
an  early  age  to  the  exact  sciences,  and  became  versed  in  finance, 
military  engineering,  and  political  economy.     He  was  one  of  those 


1775.]  MAJOR-GENERAL    SCHUYLER.  443 

native  born  soldiers  who  had  acquired  experience  in  that  Ameri- 
can school  of  arms,  the  old  French  war.  "When  but  twenty-two 
years  of  age  he  commanded  a  company  of  New  York  levies  under 
Sir  William  Johnson,  of  Mohawk  renown,  which  gave  him  an 
early  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  Indian  tribes, 
their  country  and  their  policy.  In  1758  he  was  in  Abercrombie's 
expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  accompanying  Lord  Viscount 
Howe  as  chief  of  the  commissariat  department ;  a  post  well  quali- 
fied to  give  him  experience  in  the  business  part  of  war.  When 
that  gallant  young  nobleman  fell  on  the  banks  of  Lake  George, 
Schuyler  conveyed  his  corpse  back  to  Albany  and  attended  to  his 
honorable  obsequies.  Since  the  close  of  the  French  war  he  had 
served  his  country  in  various  civil  stations,  and  been  one  of  the 
most  zealous  and  eloquent  vindicators  of  colonial  rights.  He  was 
one  of  the  "  glorious  minority  "  of  the  New  York  General  Assem- 
bly; George  Clinton,  Colonel  Woodhull,  Colonel  Philip  Living- 
ston and  others ;  who,  when  that  body  was  timid  and  wavering, 
battled  nobly  against  British  influence  and  oppression.  His  last 
stand  had  been  recently  as  a  delegate  to  Congress,  where  he  had 
served  with  Washington  on  the  committee  to  prepare  rules  and 
regulations  for  the  army,  and  where  the  latter  had  witnessed  his 
judgment,  activity,  practical  science,  and  sincere  devotion  to  the 
cause. 

Many  things  concurred  to  produce  perfect  harmony  of  opera- 
tion between  these  distinguished  men.  They  were  nearly  of  the 
same  age,  Schuyler  being  one  year  the  youngest.  Both  were 
men  of  agricultural,  as  well  as  military  tastes.  Both  were  men 
of  property,  living  at  their  ease  in  little  rural  paradises ;  Wash- 
ington on  the  grove-clad  heights  of  Mount  Vernon,  Schuyler  on 
the  pastoral  banks  of  the  upper  Hudson,  where  he  had  a  noble 


444  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[1775. 


estate  at  Saratoga,  inherited  from  an  uncle ;  and  the  old  family 
mansion,  near  the  city  of  Albany,  half  hid  among  ancestral  trees. 
Yet  both  were  exiling  themselves  from  these  happy  abodes,  and 
putting  life  and  fortune  at  hazard  in  the  service  of  their  country. 

Schuyler  and  Lee  had  early  military  recollections  to  draw 
them  together.  Both  had  served  under  Abercrombie  in  the  expe- 
dition against  Ticonderoga.  There  was  some  part  of  Lee's  conduct 
in  that  expedition  which  both  he  and  Schuyler  might  deem  it  ex- 
pedient at  this  moment  to  forget.  Lee  was  at  that  time  a  young 
captain,  naturally  presumptuous,  and  flushed  with  the  arrogance 
of  military  power.  On  his  march  along  the  banks  of  the  Hud- 
son, he  acted  as  if  in  a  conquered  country ,  impressing  horses  and 
oxen,  and  seizing  upon  supplies,  without  exhibiting  any  proper 
warrant.  It  was  enough  for  him,  "  they  were  necessary  for  the 
service  of  his  troops."  Should  any  one  question  his  right,  the 
reply  was  a  volley  of  execrations. 

Among  those  who  experienced  this  unsoldierly  treatment  was 
Mrs.  Schuyler,  the  aunt  of  the  general ;  a  lady  of  aristocratical 
station,  revered  throughout  her  neighborhood.  Her  cattle  were 
impressed,  herself  insulted.  She  had  her  revenge.  After  the 
unfortunate  affair  at  Ticonderoga,  a  number  of  the  wounded  were 
brought  down  along  the  Hudson  to  the  Schuyler  mansion.  Lee 
was  among  the  number.  The  high-minded  mistress  of  the  house 
never  alluded  to  his  past  conduct.  He  was  received  like  his 
brother  officers  with  the  kindest  sympathy.  Sheets  and  table- 
cloths were  torn  up  to  serve  as  bandages.  Every  thing  was  done 
to  alleviate  their  sufferings.  Lee's  cynic  heart  was  conquered. 
"  He  swore  in  his  vehement  manner  that  he  was  sure  there 
would  be  a  place  reserved  for  Mrs.  Schuyler  in  heaven,  though 


1775.]  TIDINGS  OF   BUNKER'S  HILL.  445 

no  other  woman  should  be  there,  and  that  he  should  wish  for 
nothing  better  than  to  share  her  final  destiny  !  "  * 

Seventeen  years  had  since  elapsed,  and  Lee  and  the  nephew 
of  Mrs.  Schuyler  were  again  allied  in  military  service,  but  under 
a  different  banner;  and  recollections  of  past  times  must  have 
given  peculiar  interest  to  their  present  intercourse.  In  fact,  the 
journey  of  Washington  with  his  associate  generals,  experienced 
like  him  in  the  wild  expeditions  of  the  old  French  war,  was  a 
revival  of  early  campaigning  feelings. 

They  had  scarcely  proceeded  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia 
when  they  were  met  by  a  courier,  spurring  with  all  speed,  bearing 
despatches  from  the  army  to  Congress,  communicating  tidings  of 
the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill.  Washington  eagerly  inquired  par- 
ticulars ;  above  all,  how  acted  the  militia  ?  When  told  that  they 
stood  their  ground  bravely ;  sustained  the  enemy's  fire — reserved 
their  own  until  at  close  quarters,  and  then  delivered  it  with 
deadly  effect ;  it  seemed  as  if  a  weight  of  doubt  and  solicitude 
were  lifted  from  his  heart.  "  The  liberties  of  the  country  are 
safe !  "  exclaimed  he. 

The  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  had  startled  the 
whole  country ;  and  this  clattering  cavalcade,  escorting  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  the  army,  was  the  gaze  and  wonder  of  every 
town  and  village. 

The  journey  may  be  said  to  have  been  a  continual  council  of 
war  between  Washington  and  the  two  generals.  Even  the  con- 
trast in  character  of  the  two  latter  made  them  regard  questions 
from  different  points  of  view.  Schuyler,  a  warm-hearted  patriot, 
with  every  thing  staked  on  the  cause ;  Lee,  a  soldier  of  fortune, 

*  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady  (Mrs.  Grant,  of  Iaggan),  vol.  ii., 
chap,  ix 


446  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [177 5. 

indifferent  to  the  ties  of  home  and  country,  drawing  his  sword 
without  enthusiasm ;  more  through  resentment  against  a  govern- 
ment which  had  disappointed  him,  than  zeal  for  liberty  or  for 
colonial  rights. 

One  of  the  most  frequent  subjects  of  conversation  was  the 
province  of  New  York.  Its  power  and  position  rendered  it  the 
great  link  of  the  confederacy;  what  measures  were  necessary  for 
its  defence,  and  most  calculated  to  secure  its  adherence  to  the 
cause  ?  .A  lingering  attachment  to  the  crown,  kept  up  by  the  in- 
fluence of  British  merchants,  and  military  and  civil  functionaries 
in  royal  pay,  had  rendered  it  slow  in  coming  into  the  colonial 
compact ;  and  it  was  only  on  the  contemptuous  dismissal  of  their 
statement  of  grievances,  unheard,  that  its  people  had  thrown  off 
their  allegiance,  as  much  in  sorrow  as  in  anger. 

No  person  was  better  fitted  to  give  an  account  of  the  interior 
of  New  York  than  General  Schuyler  5  and  the  hawk-eyed  Lee 
during  a  recent  sojourn  had  made  its  capital  somewhat  of  a 
study ;  but  there  was  much  yet  for  both  of  them  to  learn. 

The  population  of  New  York  was  more  varied  in  its  elements 
than  that  of  almost  any  other  of  the  provinces,  and  had  to  be 
cautiously  studied.  The  New  Yorkers  were  of  a  mixed  origin, 
and  stamped  with  the  peculiarities  of  their  respective  ancestors. 
The  descendants  of  the  old  Dutch  and  Huguenot  families,  the 
earliest  settlers,  were  still  among  the  soundest  and  best  of  the 
population.  They  inherited  the  love  of  liberty,  civil  and  re- 
ligious, of  their  forefathers,  and  were  those  who  stood  foremost 
in  the  present  struggle  for  popular  rights.  Such  were  the  Jays, 
the  Bensons,  the  Beekmans,  the  Hoffmans,  the  Van  Homes,  the 
Roosevelts,  the  Duyckinks,  the  Pintards,  the  Yateses,  and  others 
whose  names  figure  in  the  patriotic  documents  of  the  day.     Some 


1775.]  PEOPLE   OF   NEW    YORK.  447 

of  them,  doubtless,  cherished  a  remembrance  of  the  time  when 
their  forefathers  were  lords  of  the  land,  and  felt  an  innate  pro- 
pensity to  join  in  resistance  to  the  government  by  which  their 
supremacy  had  been  overturned.  A  great  proportion  of  the 
more  modern  families,  dating  from  the  downfall  of  the  Dutch 
government  in  1664,  were  English  and  Scotch,  and  among  these 
were  many  loyal  adherents  to  the  crown.  Then  there  was  a  mix- 
ture of  the  whole,  produced  by  the  intermarriages  of  upwards  of 
a  century,  which  partook  of  every  shade  of  character  and  senti- 
ment. The  operations  of  foreign  commerce,  and  the  regular  com- 
munications with  the  mother  country  through  packets  and  ships 
of  war,  kept  these  elements  in  constant  action,  and  contributed  to 
produce  that  mercurial  temperament,  that  fondness  for  excite- 
ment, and  proneness  to  pleasure,  which  distinguished  them  from 
their  neighbors  on  either  side — the  austere  Puritans  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  the  quiet  "  Friends  "  of  Pennsylvania. 

There  was  a  power,  too,  of  a  formidable  kind  within  the  inte- 
rior of  the  province,  which  was  an  object  of  much  solicitude. 
This  was  the  "  Johnson  Family."  We  have  repeatedly  had  oc- 
casion to  speak  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  his  majesty's  general 
agent  for  Indian  affairs,  of  his  great  wealth,  and  his  almost  sover- 
eign sway  over  the  Six  Nations.  He  had  originally  received 
that  appointment  through  the  influence  of  the  Schuyler  family. 
Both  Generals  Schuyler  and  Lee,  when  young  men,  had  cam- 
paigned with  him ;  and  it  was  among  the  Mohawk  warriors,  who 
rallied  under  his  standard,  that  Lee  had  beheld  his  vaunted  mod- 
els of  good-breeding. 

In  the  recent  difficulties  between  the  crown  and  colonies,  Sir 
William  had  naturally  been  in  favor  of  the  government  which  had 
enriched  and  honored  him,  but  he  had  viewed  with  deep  concern 


448  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

the  acts  of  Parliament  which  were  goading  the  colonists  to  armed 
resistance.  In  the  height  of  his  solicitude,  he  received  despatches 
ordering  him,  in  case  of  hostilities,  to  enlist  the  Indians  in  the 
cause  of  government.  To  the  agitation  of  feelings  produced  by 
these  orders  many  have  attributed  a  stroke  of  apoplexy,  of  which 
he  died,  on  the  11th  of  July,  1774,  about  a  year  before  the  time 
of  which  we  are  treating. 

His  son  and  heir,  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  his  sons-in-law, 
Colonel  Guy  Johnson  and  Colonel  Claus,  felt  none  of  the'  reluc- 
tance of  Sir  William  to  use  harsh  measures  in  support  of  royalty. 
They  lived  in  a  degree  of  rude  feudal  style  in  stone  mansions 
capable  of  defence,  situated  on  the  Mohawk  River  and  in  its  vicin- 
ity; they  had  many  Scottish  Highlanders  for  tenants ;  and  among 
their  adherents  were  violent  men,  such  as  the  Butlers  of  Tryon 
County,  and  Brant,  the  Mohawk  sachem,  since  famous  in  Indian 
warfare.  They  had  recently  gone  about  with  armed  retainers, 
overawing  and  breaking  up  patriotic  assemblages,  and  it  was 
known  they  could  at  any  time  bring  a  force  of  warriors  in  the 
field. 

Recent  accounts  stated  that  Sir  John  was  fortifying  the  old 
family  hall  at  Johnstown  with  swivels,  and  had  a  hundred  and 
fifty  Roman  Catholic  Highlanders  quartered  in  and  about  it,  all 
armed  and  ready  to  obey  his  orders. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  however,  was  the  most  active  and  zeal- 
ous of  the  family.  Pretending  to  apprehend  a  design  on  the  part 
of  the  New  England  people  to  surprise  and  carry  him  ojff,  he  for- 
tified his  stone  mansion  on  the  Mohawk,  called  Guy's  Park,  and 
assembled  there  a  part  of  his  militia  regiment,  and  other  of  his 
adherents,  to  the  number  of  five  hundred.  He  held  a  great  In- 
dian council  there,  likewise,  in  which  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Na- 


1775]  GOVERNOR    TRYON.  449 

tions  recalled  the  friendship  and  good  deeds  of  the  late  Sir 
William  Johnson,  and  avowed  their  determination  to  stand  by  and 
defend  every  branch  of  his  family. 

As  yet  it  was  uncertain  whether  Colonel  Guy  really  intended 
to  take  an  open  part  in  the  appeal  to  arms.  Should  he  do  so,  he 
would  carry  with  him  a  great  force  of  the  native  tribes,  and 
might  almost  domineer  over  the  frontier. 

Tryon,  the  governor  of  New  York,  was  at  present  absent  in 
England,  having  been  called  home  by  the  ministry  to  give  an 
account  of  the  affairs  of  the  province,  and  to  receive  instructions 
for  its  management.  He  was  a  tory  in  heart,  and  had  been  a 
zealous  opponent  of  all  colonial  movements,  and  his  talents  and 
address  gave  him  great  influence  over  an  important  part  of  the 
community.  Should  he  return  with  hostile  instructions,  and 
should  he  and  the  Johnsons  co-operate,  the  one  controlling  the 
bay  and  harbor  of  New  York  and  the  waters  of  the  Hudson  by 
means  of  ships  and  land  forces ;  the  others  overrunning  the  valley 
of  the  Mohawk  and  the  regions  beyond  Albany  with  savage 
hordes,  this  great  central  province  might  be  wrested  from  the 
confederacy,  and  all  intercourse  broken  off  between  the  eastern 
and  southern  colonies. 

All  these  circumstances  and  considerations,  many  of  which 
came  under  discussion  in  the  course  of  this  military  journey,  ren- 
dered the  command  of  New  York  a  post  of  especial  trust  and  im- 
portance, and  determined  Washington  to  confide  it  to  General 
Schuyler.  He  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  it  by  his  military  talents, 
his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  province  and  its  concerns,  especially 
what  related  to  the  upper  parts  of  it,  and  his  experience  in  Indian 
affairs. 

At  Newark,  in  the  Jerseys,  Washington  was  met  on  the  25th 


450  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


[1775. 


by  a  committee  of  the  provincial  Congress,  sent  to  conduct  him 
to  the  city.  The  Congress  was  in  a  perplexity.  It  had  in  a 
manner  usurped  and  exercised  the  powers  of  Governor  Tryon 
during  his  absence,  while  at  the  same  time  it  professed  alle- 
giance to  the  crown  which  had  appointed  him.  He  was  now  in 
the  harbor,  just  arrived  from  England,  and  hourly  expected  to 
land.  "Washington,  too,  was  approaching.  How  were  these  double 
claims  to  ceremonious  respect  happening  at  the  same  time  to  be 
managed  ? 

In  this  dilemma  a  regiment  of  militia  was  turned  out,  and  the 
colonel  instructed  to  pay  military  honors  to  whichever  of  the 
distinguished  functionaries  should  first  arrive.  Washington  was 
earlier  than  the  governor  by  several  hours,  and  received  those 
honors.  Peter  Van  Burgh  Livingston,  president  of  the  New 
York  Congress,  next  delivered  a  congratulatory  address,  the  lat- 
ter part  of  which  evinces  the  cautious  reserve  with  which,  in  these 
revolutionary  times,  military  power  was  intrusted  to  an  indi- 
vidual : — 

u  Confiding  in  you,  sir,  and  in  the  worthy  generals  imme- 
diately under  your  command,  we  have  the  most  flattering  hopes 
of  success  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  American  liberty,  and  the 
fullest  assurances  that  whenever  this  important  contest  shall  be 
decided  by  that  fondest  wish  of  each  American  soul,  an  ac- 
commodation with  our  mother  country,  you  will  cheerfully 
resign  the  important  deposit  committed  into  your  hands,  and 
reassume  the  character  of  our  worthiest  citizen." 

The  following  was  Washington's  reply,  in  behalf  of  himself 
and  his  generals,  to  this  part  of  the  address. 

"As  to  the  fatal,  but  necessary  operations  of  war,  when  we 
assumed  the  soldier,  we  did  not  lay  aside  the  citizen ;  and  wo 


1775.]  INSTRUCTIONS    TO   SCHUYLER.  451 

shall  most  sincerely  rejoice  with  you  in  that  happy  hour,  when 
the  establishment  of  American  liberty  on  the  most  firm  and  solid 
foundations,  shall  enable  us  to  return  to  our  private  stations,  in 
the  bosom  of  a  free,  peaceful,  and  happy  country." 

The  landing  of  Governor  Tryon  took  place  about  eight  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  The  military  honors  were  repeated ;  he  was  re- 
ceived with  great  respect  by  the  mayor  and  common  council,  and 
transports  of  loyalty  by  those  devoted  to  the  crown.  It  was  un- 
known what  instructions  he  had  received  from  the  ministry,  but 
it  was  rumored  that  a  large  force  would  soon  arrive  from  Eng- 
land, subject  to  his  directions.  At  this  very  moment  a  ship  of 
war,  the  Asia,  lay  anchored  opposite  the  city ;  its  grim  batteries 
bearing  upon  it,  greatly  to  the  disquiet  of  the  faint-hearted  among 
its  inhabitants. 

In  this  situation  of  affairs  Washington  was  happy  to  leave  such 
an  efficient  person  as  General  Schuyler  in  command  of  the  place. 
According  to  his  instructions,  the  latter  was  to  make  returns 
once  a  month,  and  oftener,  should  circumstances  require  it,  to 
Washington,  as  commander-in-chief,  and  to  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, of  the  forces  under  him,  and  the  state  of  his  supplies ;  and 
to  send  the  earliest  advices  of  all  events  of  importance.  He  was 
to  keep  a  wary  eye  on  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  to  counteract 
any  prejudicial  influence  he  might  exercise  over  the  Indians. 
With  respect  to  Governor  Tryon,  Washington  hinted  at  a  bold 
and  decided  line  of  conduct.  "If  forcible  measures  are  judged 
necessary  respecting  the  person  of  the  governor,  I  should  have 
no  difficulty  in  ordering  them,  if  the  Continental  Congress  were 
not  sitting ;  but  as  that  is  the  case,  and  the  seizing  of  a  gov- 
ernor  quite  a  new  thing,  I  must  refer  you  to  that  body  for 
direction." 


452  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [m5. 

Had  Congress  thought  proper  to  direct  such  a  measure, 
Schuyler  certainly  would  have  been  the  man  to  execute  it. 

At  New  York,  Washington  had  learned  all  the  details  of  the 
battle  of  Bunker's  Hill ;  they  quickened  his  impatience  to  arrive 
at  the  camp.  He  departed,  therefore,  on  the  26th,  accompanied 
by  General  Lee,  and  escorted  as  far  as  Kingsbridge,  the  termi- 
nation of  New  York  Island,  by  Markoe's  Philadelphia  light  horse, 
and  several  companies  of  militia. 

In  the  mean  time  the  provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts, 
then  in  session  at  Watertown,  had  made  arrangements  for  the  ex- 
pected arrival  of  "Washington.  According  to  a  resolve  of  that 
body,  "  the  president's  house  in  Cambridge,  excepting  one  room 
reserved  by  the  president  for  his  own  use,  was  to  be  taken,  cleared, 
prepared,  and  furnished  for  the  reception  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  and  General  Lee.  The  Congress  had  likewise  sent  on  a 
deputation  which  met  Washington  at  Springfield,  on  the  frontiers 
of  the  province,  and  provided  escorts  and  accommodations  for  him 
along  the  road.  Thus  honorably  attended  from  town  to  town, 
and  escorted  by  volunteer  companies  and  cavalcades  of  gentlemen, 
he  arrived  at  Watertown  on  the  2d  of  July,  where  he  was  greeted 
by  Congress  with  a  congratulatory  address,  in  which,  however, 
was  frankly  stated  the  undisciplined  state  of  the  army  he  was 
summoned  to  command.  An  address  of  cordial  welcome  was 
likewise  made  to  General  Lee. 

The  ceremony  over,  Washington  was  again  in  the  saddle,  and, 
escorted  by  a  troop  of  light  horse  and  a  cavalcade  of  citizens,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  head-quarters  provided  for  him  at  Cambridge,  three 
miles  distant.  As  he  entered  the  confines  of  the  camp  the  shouts 
of  the  multitude  and  the  thundering  of  artillery  gave  note  to  the 
enemy  beleaguered  in  Boston  of  his  arrival. 


1775.]  ARRIVAL    AT   THE    CAMP.  453 

His  military  reputation  had  preceded  him  and  excited  great 
expectations.  They  were  not  disappointed.  His  personal  ap- 
pearance, notwithstanding  the  dust  of  travel,  was  calculated  to 
captivate  the  public  eye.  As  he  rode  through  the  camp,  amidst  a 
throng  of  officers,  he  was  the  admiration  of  the  soldiery  and  of  a 
curious  throng  collected  from  the  surrounding  country.  Happy 
was  the  countryman  who  could  get  a  full  view  of  him  to  carry 
home  an  account  of  it  to  his  neighbors.  "  I  have  been  much 
gratified  this  day  with  a  view  of  General  Washington,"  writes  a 
contemporary  chronicler.  "  His  excellency  was  on  horseback,  in 
company  with  several  military  gentlemen.  It  was  not  difficult  to 
distinguish  him  from  all  others.  He  is  tall  and  well-propor- 
tioned, and  his  personal  appearance  truly  noble  and  majestic."  * 

The  fair  sex  were  still  more  enthusiastic  in  their  admiration, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  following  passage  of  a  letter  written  by 
the  intelligent  and  accomplished  wife  of  John  Adams  to  her  hus- 
band :  "  Dignity,  ease,  and  complacency,  the  gentleman  and  the 
soldier,  look  agreeably  blended  in  him.  Modesty  marks  every 
line  and  feature  of  his  face.  Those  lines  of  Dryden  instantly  oc- 
curred to  me : 

1  Mark  his  majestic  fabric !     He's  a  temple 
Sacred  by  birth,  and  built  by  hands  divine ; 
His  soul's  the  deity  that  lodges  there ; 
Nor  is  the  pile  unworthy  of  the  God.' " 

With  Washington,  modest  at  all  times,  there  was  no  false  ex- 
citement on  the  present  occasion ;  nothing  to  call  forth  emotions 
of  self-glorification.  The  honors  and  congratulations  with  which 
he  was  received,  the  acclamations  of  the  public,  the  cheerings  of 

*  Thacher. — Military  Journal. 


454  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1775. 

the  army,  only  told  him  how  much  was  expected  from  him ;  and 
when  he  looked  round  upon  the  raw  and  rustic  levies  he  was  to  com- 
mand, "  a  mixed  multitude  of  people,  under  very  little  discipline, 
order,  or  government,"  scattered  in  rough  encampments  about 
hill  and  dale,  beleaguering  a  city  garrisoned  by  veteran  troops, 
with  ships  of  war  anchored  about  its  harbor,  and  strong  outposts 
guarding  it,  he  felt  the  awful  responsibility  of  his  situation,  and 
the  complicated  and  stupendous  task  before  him.  He  spoke  of  it, 
however,  not  despondingly  nor  boastfully  and  with  defiance ;  but 
with  that  solemn  and  sedate  resolution,  and  that  hopeful  reliance 
on  Supreme  G-oodness,  which  belonged  to  his  magnanimous  nature. 
The  cause  of  his  country,  he  observed,  had  called  him  to  an  ac- 
tive and  dangerous  duty,  but  he  trusted  that  Divine  Providence, 
which  wisely  orders  the  affairs  of  men,  would  enable  him  to 
discharge  it  with  fidelity  and  success* 

*  Letter  to  Governor  Trumbull. — Sparks,  iii.,  31. 


END    OF   VOL.   L 


APPEKDIX. 

[PUBLISHERS'    NOTICE.] 


PORTRAITS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

The  Portrait  engraved  for  this  volume  is  from  an  original  picture  by 
Wertmulleb,  a  Danish  or  Swedish  artist,  who  painted  it  from  life,  in  Phila- 
delphia, in  1795.  The  earliest  portrait  of  Washington — that  by  C.  W.  Peale, 
1772,  which  properly  belongs  in  this  volume,  will  be  given  in  the  second 
volume.  The  third  will  contain  an  engraving  from  Houdon's  full-length 
statue  of  Washington,  now  in  the  Capitol  at  Richmond. 

Wertmuller's  portrait  represents  Washington  as  much  younger-looking 
than  the  standard  portrait  by  Stuart  A  clumsily  fitted  set  of  artificial 
teeth  affects  the  expression  about  the  mouth,  in  Stuart's  picture,  adding 
also  to  the  appearance  of  age.  In  regard  to  the  authenticity  and  history 
of  the  portrait  now  first  engraved,  we  annex  the  following  letter  from  its 
present  proprietor,  Charles  Augustus  Davis,  Esq.  of  New  York,  who  has 
kindly  loaned  the  picture  for  our  engraving. 

No.  1  University  Place,  New  York,  April,  1855. 
Gentlemen  : 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  comply  with  the  request  of  Mr.  Irving,  to 
allow  the  portrait  of  Washington,  in  my  possession,  to  be  engraved  for 
"  The  Life "  of  that  illustrious  person,  which  Mr.  Irving  is  now  about 
completing,  and  which  you  are  about  to  publish.  A  brief  history  of  this 
portrait  I  gather  from  the  Baron  Saladin,  residing  near  Geneva  (Switzer- 
land), from  whom  I  obtained  it  in  September  last.  The  wife  of  the  Baron 
is  the  granddaughter  of  the  late  Mr.  Cazenove,  and  she  inherited  it  from 
her  grandfather,  to  whom  it  was  given  by  General  Washington  himself,  at 
the  period  of  its  being  painted  (1795) ;  the  General's  age  then  sixty-two. 
It  was  taken  by  Mr.  Cazenove  to  Switzerland  at  that  period,  and  has  been 


456  APPENDIX. 

ever  regarded  by  all  who  saw  it,  as  a  faithful  and  accurate  likeness — it 
could  scarcely  be  otherwise. — Wertmuller,  the  artist,  was,  in  his  day,  a 
highly  esteemed  painter  in  Philadelphia,  where  this  portrait  was  painted ; 
and  it  is  hardly  probable  that,  under  all  the  circumstances,  an  inaccurate 
picture  would  have  been  conveyed  to  Switzerland. 

The  Baron  Saladin,  from  whom  (as  before  said)  I  obtained  this  picture, 
and  who  is  a  gentleman  of  the  highest  reputation,  writes  as  follows : — 
"  In  answer  to  your  inquiry  on  the  subject  of  the  Portrait  of  Washington, 
I  have  to  state  that  it  was  painted  by  "  Wertmuller,"  in  Philadelphia,  from 
life  ("  d'dpres  nature"),  and  given  by  the  General  himself  to  Mr.  Cazenove, 
the  grandfather  of  my  wife ; — the  General  and  Mr.  Cazenove  were  very 
intimate.  It  was  brought  by  Mr.  Cazenove  from  America.  Voild  la  tra- 
dition de  famille." 

This  Mr.  Cazenove  was  a  very  respectable  Swiss  gentleman,  who  under- 
took the  introduction  of  Swiss  culture,  <fec.  <fcc,  in  our  State.  The  town 
of  "  Cazenovia  "  was  named  in  honor  of  him. 

In  regard  to  the  truthfulness  of  this  Portrait  I  can  only  say,  that  since 
its  arrival  here,  gentlemen  who  remember  the  illustrious  original  say,  that 
of  all  the  portraits  they  have  ever  seen  of  Washington,  none  brings  home 
to  their  memory  so  much  of  truthfulness  and  accuracy. 

Very  respectfully  your  ob't  serv't, 

Chas.  Aug.  Davis. 
To  Messrs.  G.  P.  Putnam  &  Co. 

New  York. 


The  following  information  is  kindly  communicated  in  a  letter  to  the 
Publishers,  by  Benson  J.  Lossing,  Esq.,  author  of  the  "  Field  Book  of  the 
Revolution."  Mr.  Lossing's  inquiries  on  the  subject  have  been  extensive 
and  thorough,  and  these  particulars  are  valuable  and  reliable : — 

"  The  picture  of  Washington  at  forty  years  of  age,  painted  at  Mount 
Vernon,  by  Charles  Wilson  Peale,  and  now  at  Arlington  House,  was,  as  I 
am  informed,  the  first  portrait  of  him  ever  delineated.  He  is  represented 
in  the  costume  of  a  Virginian  Colonel  of  that  day  (1772) ;  a  blue  coat  faced 
with  red,  bright  metal  buttons,  and  dark  red  waistcoat  and  breeches. 
Peale  painted  three  other  pictures  of  Washington,  from  life,  all  of  which 
I  have  seen.  One  was  commenced  at  Valley  Forge,  in  the  spring  of  1778. 
Poale  was  then  a  captain  in  the  Continental  army.  Soon  after  the  first 
sitting,  the  troops  left  Valley  Forge,  and  pursued  the  British  in  their  flight 


APPENDIX.  457 

from  Philadelphia  toward  New  York.  The  painter  took  his  materials  with 
him,  participated  in  the  battle  of  Monmouth  at  the  close  of  June,  and,  a 
day  or  two  afterward,  procured  another  sitting  at  New  Brunswick.  The 
picture  was  finally  completed  at  Princeton,  and  Nassau  Hall  is  a  prominent 
object  in  the  background.  That  portrait  is  now  in  the  gallery  of  the 
National  Institute,  "Washington  City.  The  original  of  the  sword  upon  the 
thigh  of  the  Chief,  in  the  painting,  is  in  a  glass  case  a  few  feet  from  it,  and 
attests  the  extreme  accuracy  of  the  artist,  even  in  the  subordinate  parts  of 
the  picture.  Another  was  painted  by  Peale,  in  IT 80,  for  the  College  of 
New  Jersey  at  Princeton,  to  occupy  a  frame  in  which  a  portrait  of  George 
the  Third  had  been  destroyed  by  an  American  cannon-ball,  during  the 
battle  at  that  place,  on  the  3d  of  January,  1777.  It  remains  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  College,  and  was  spared  by  the  late  fire  which  destroyed  Nassau 
HalL  The  last  portrait  from  life,  painted  by  Peale,  was  executed  in  1783, 
and  continued  in  possession  of  the  painter  until  his  death.  It  was  sold, 
with  the  "  Peale  Gallery,"  at  Philadelphia,  in  October  last,  for  fifty-jive 
dollars. 

"In  1783,  the  late  William  Dunlap  painted  an  indifferent  portrait 
(quarter  length)  of  Washington,  while  he  was  at  Rocky  Hill  in  New  Jersey, 
just  before  he  issued  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  Army.  Dunlap  was  then 
between  seventeen  and  eighteen  years  of  age.  He  has  left  no  record  con- 
cerning its  subsequent  history. 

"  In  1784,  an  artist,  named  Wright,  painted  a  full  length  portrait  of 
Washington,  from  life,  for  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Powell,  a  valued  friend  of  the 
Patriot  and  his  family.  It  is  in  the  possession  of  John  Hare  Powell,  Esq., 
of  Powellton,  a  nephew  of  Mrs.  Powell,  whose  residence  is  on  the  banks 
of  the  Schuylkill,  opposite  Philadelphia.  He  also  preserves  the  carriage 
which  belonged  to  his  aunt,  and  which  was  imported  with,  and  is  an 
exact  duplicate  of,  the  "state  carriage"  of  Washington,  while  he  was 
President  of  the  United  States.  I  have  a  drawing  of  the  carriage,  made 
while  on  a  visit  to  Mr.  Powell,  in  1848. 

"In  1785,  Pine,  an  English  artist,  painted  a  portrait  from  life,  for 
Francis  Hopkinson.  You  doubtless  remember  the  General's  letter  to  that 
gentleman,  on  the  subject  of  his  sittings  for  the  picture,  in  which  he  says: 
'  It  is  a  proof,  among  many  others,  of  what  habit  and  custom  can  effect 
At  first,  I  was  as  impatient  at  the  request,  and  as  restive  under  the  opera- 
tion, as  a  colt  is  of  the  saddle.  The  next  time  I  submitted  very  reluc- 
tantly, but  with  less  flouncing.  Now,  no  dray  moves  more  readily  to  the 
thill,  than  I  to  the  painter's  chair.'  That  picture  was  painted  at  Mount 
Vernon,  and  is  in  possession  (I  believe)  of  the  family  of  the  late  Judge 
Hopkinson,  of  Philadelphia.     The  same  year,  Houdon,  the  eminent  French 


458 


APPENDIX. 


Bculptor,  took  hi*  model  for  the  statue,  now  in  the  Capitol,  at  Richmond. 
The  original  plaster  cast,  taken  from  the  living  face,  is  upon  a  bracket  in 
the  library  at  Mount  Vernon,  where  I  saw  it  a  few  months  ago. 

"A  miniature  painter  named  Robertson  (a  Scotchman),  obtained  a 
sitting  from  the  President  and  his  wife,  in  1790.  They  were  exquisitely 
painted  on  ivory.  I  was  permitted  to  copy  them  in  1852.  That  of  Mrs. 
Washington,  I  engraved  for  the  Field  Book.  The  other  was  so  unlike  any 
portraits  of  Washington  (being  painted  just  before  his  artificial  teeth  were 
inserted),  that  after  I  had  engraved  it,  I  did  not  publish  it.  Mr.  Custis 
has  a  miniature  of  his  grandmother,  by  the  same  artist,  a  copy  of  which  is 
in  the  American  Portrait  Gallery. 

"  The  late  Colonel  Trumbull  painted  three  full-length  portraits  of  Wash- 
ington, from  life.  The  first  was  painted  for  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  in  1792,  and  remains  in  the  City  Hall.  It  represents  Washing- 
ton in  full  uniform,  standing  by  a  white  horse,  leaning  his  arm  upon  the 
saddle.  In  the  background  is  a  view  of  Broadway  in  ruins,  with  Fort 
George  at  the  termination ;  and  in  the  bay  is  seen  the  embarkation  of  the 
British  troops,  who  were  about  to  leave  our  shores  for  ever.  In  1792,  the 
City  of  Charleston  commissioned  Trumbull  to  paint  a  full-length  portrait. 
He  represented  the  Chief  at  the  moment  when  he  resolved  to  retreat  back 
into  the  country,  from  the  banks  of  the  frozen  Delaware,  during  the  night 
just  at  hand.  The  agent  of  the  Charleston  Council  wanted  a  more  matter- 
of-fact  picture.  The  artist  procured  another  sitting,  and  Washington 
said  to  him,  in  reference  to  the  first,  "  Keep  this  picture  for  yourself,  Mr. 
Trumbull,  and  finish  it  to  your  own  taste."  The  first  picture  was  painted 
in  New  York;  the  last  two  in  Philadelphia.  The  one  kept  by  the  artist  is 
the  property  of  Yale  College,  and  is  considered  the  best  military  portrait 
of  Washington,  ever  painted.  Trumbull  excelled  all  others,  in  delineating 
his  peculiar  figure. 

"  In  1793,  Stuart  painted,  in  Philadelphia,  that  head  of  Washington, 
which  is  regarded  by  all  as  the  standard  portrait  of  the  first  President.  It 
remained  in  the  possession  of  the  artist  until  his  death,  in  1828,  when  it 
was  purchased  from  his  widow  by  the  Boston  Atheneum.  At  about  the 
same  time,  a  portrait  from  life  was  painted  for  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne, 
one  of  Washington's  valued  correspondents.  I  do  not  remember  by  whom 
it  was  painted. 

"  The  last  original  picture  of  Washington,  was  made  in  1796,  by  an 
exceedingly  clever  artist  named  Sharpless.  It  is  a  profile,  outlined  by  a 
pantograph,  and  colored  with  crayons.  It  is  of  cabinet  size,  and  is  pro- 
nounced by  Mr.  Custis,  its  possessor,  to  be  the  most  /aithful  likeness  of  the 
first  President  extant.     Mr.  Custis  also  has,  in  marble  bas-relief,  a  profile, 


APPENDIX.  459 

life  size,  by  Houdon,  which  that  artist  executed  in  1785,  and  presented  to 
Washington.  Sharpless  obtained  the  profiles  of  many  of  the  distinguished 
Americans  of  that  day.  Among  them  were  those  of  Jefferson  and  Monroe. 
These  originals  I  recently  found,  in  dingy  frames,  in  the  possession  of  a 
gallant  soldier  in  the  war  of  1812,  living  at  Hampton,  near  Old  Point 
Comfort  As  I  could  not  obtain  either  of  them,  by  purchase,  I  made  a 
careful  copy  of  Jefferson's.  I  have  also  a  copy  of  the  crayon  sketch  of 
Washington,  which  is  at  your  service  if  you  desire  it" 

An  interesting  account  of  the  various  portraits  of  Washington  will  be 
found  in  the  Republican  Court,  by  Dr.  K.  W.  Grkwold,  New  York,  1855. 


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