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LIFE 



ROBERT, LORD CLIVE: 



COLLECTED FROM THE FAHILT PAPERS 



THE EARL OF POWI8. 



HAJOIUOENBRAL 

SIR JOHN MALCOLM, G-CB. F.R.S. See. 



IN THREE VOLUMES. 



LONDON: 
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 

MDCCCXXXVI. 



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\y 



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THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

THE EARL OF POWIS, 



My Lord, 
This Life of your illustrious Father is dedi- 
cated to your Lordship, in the conviction 
that, had the Author been spared to com- 
plete this, his last and favourite work, he 
would have thus endeavoured to testify 
his gratitude for your unvaried kindness, 
and his affectionate esteem for your public 
and private character. 

I remain. 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's faithful Servant, 

Charlotte Malcolm. 

Wtirfield, April, 1836. 



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ADVERTISEMENT. 



The present work was commenced in conse- 
quence of the possession of a body of unpublished 
documents, which, having been preserved among 
the fiimily records at Walcot, were thrown open 
to the author by the friendship of the £arl of 
Powis. These consisted chiefly of the whole 
correspondence of Lord Clive, containing the 
originals of n^ly every letta- which he had re- 
ceived from the time when he first filled a public 
situation in India, down to the period at which 
he finally quitted that country ; with copies of 
answers to many of the most important of them. 
They contained also several memoirs regarding 
the chief enterprises in which he was engaged, 
and minutes of council on the leading measures 
of his government. 



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VIU ADVERTISEMENT. 

From these sources, aided by the Reports of 
the diiFerent Parliamentary Committees, and 
other authentic materials, published and un- 
published, Sir John had completed the intro- 
duction, and the first thirteen chapters, before 
he left India, in 1830. The fourteenth and 
fifteenth he finished after his return, and was 
engaged with the sixteenth, when death put a 
close to his labours. 

The author was accustomed to bestow his 
final revision upon each successive portion of 
bis work befi)re he advanced to that which was 
to follow it. He had, consequently, made no 
preparation beyond the point where his progress 
was arrested J nor had he sketched out or in- 
dicated the plan he meant to pursue. 

A gentleman for whose abilities Sir John 
Malcolm entertained a high respect, and by 
whose judgment it was his intention to have 
profited before he committed his work to the 
press, kindly offered to supply such a continu- 
ation as was necessary to bring down the nar- 
rative to the death of Lord Clive. 



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ADVERTISEMENT. IX 

The materials which were here available were, 
of necessity, less abundant, less original, and 
less authentic than those from which the earlier 
part of the Memoirs had been composed. 

After Lord Clive reached England, he filled 
no public situation, and had the means of 
settling his most important affiiirs directly by 
personal commimication. The incidents of his 
English life were to be drawn chiefly from a 
limited and occasional correspondence with his 
more intimate friends, and the parliamentary 
proceedings from the reports in the periodical 
works of the day ; in which the details of con- 
temporary occurrences are infinitely less ample 
than are now afi'brded by similar publications. 

The writer, therefore, by whose pen the 
concluding chapters were contributed, laboured 
under a difficulty which would have discouraged 
any person less influenced by friendship for the 
deceased, and by kindness for those on whom 
the publication devolved j but it has been sur- 
mounted in a manner which, it is hoped, will 



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X ADVERTISEMENT. 

enable the reader to pursue the subject to its 
close, without any feeling of unsatisfied curiosity. 

The ^mily of Sir John Malcolm cannot close 
this brief notice, without expressing to the 
craitinuator d the work their warmest grati- 
tude for the pains his affection has bestowed 
upon the last labours of his friend. 



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CONTENTS 



THE FIRST VOLUME. 



INTRODUCTION. 

General View of the State of India in 1746 - Page 1 



dive's Family — his Boyhood. — Events of his early Life in 
India. — History of the Camatic to 1750 - - 49 



Wars in the Carnatic. — Siege of Arcot, and subsequent 
Operations of Clive till 1752 - - - - 67 

CHAP. III. 

Clive retuius to England, 1753. — Again sent to India in 
1755. — Capture of Gheriah. — Operations in Bengal. — 
Calcutta retaken, and Sujah-u-Dowfah forced to make 
Peace 128 

CHAP. IV. 
Surrender of Chandernagore. — Quarrel with Sujah-u-Dow- 



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Conduct of Sujafa-u-Dowlah. — Intrigues at his Court. — 
Battle of Plassey. — He is deposed, and Meer Jaffier raised 
to the Musnud. — Treaty - • - 219 

CHAP. VI. 

Transactions subsequent to the Battle of Plassey - 273 



State of Parties in Bengal, and in the Court of Meer Jaffier. 

— Clive proceeds to Patna. — Accepts the Goyemment 
of Bengal - - - - - 816 

CHAP. VIII. 

Clire projects an Expedition to occupy the northern Circars. 

— Intrigues at the Court of Moorshedabad. — The 

Shahzada's Invasion of Bahar Repelled by Clive — who 

receives a Jagfaire . . . , 36* 



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...-!juiB..l.CoOgIc 



INTRODUCTION, 



GENERAL VIEW OF THE STATE OF INDIA IN" 
1746. 

Sefore entering on the Memoirs of Clive, it 
will be useful to take a succinct view of the 
state of India, at the period when he commenced 
his career in that country, and mOTe especially of 
the coast of CoromandeU which was the scene on 
which he first displayed those talents that were 
afterwards to raise him to such eminence. 

The emperors of Delhi, since the death of 
Aurung-zebe (a. d. 1707)> had rapidly declined 
from the power they once possessed. The go- 
vernment of distant countries was intrusted ta 
soubahdars (or viceroys), who invariably took 
advantage of the dissensions in the imperial 
&mily, or the weakness of a reigning prince, to 
endeavour to render themselves independent 
The same motives and principles which governed 
the conduct of these vicegerents, actuated those 

VOL. I. B 



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S INTKODUCTION. 

whose allegiance and obedience they claimed in 
virtue of their delegated powers from the no- 
minal Sovereign of India. Hindoo rajahs, and 
Mahomedan nabobs owned or rejected the sway 
of their superiors according to their means of 
resistance ; while the Mahrattas, a name un- 
known to the military history of Asia before the 
middle of the seventeenth century, threatened, 
by a system • of predatory warfare, to complete 
the destruction of these Mahomedan conquerors, 
whose chiefs, whether engaged in contest for the 
imperial Crown, the high office of soubahdar, 
or the inferior rank of nabob, appear to have 
lost, in their rancorous hostility to each other, 
all sense of union and of common danger, and 
to have blindly courted the aid of allies who (a 
little foresight would have shown them) were 
rising fast to greatness upon their ruin. These 
observations on the conduct of the Mahomedan 
princes are not more applicable to the connections 
they formed with the Mahrattas, than to those 
which, in the eighteenth century, they began to 
contract with Europeans. The Portuguese, who 
had discovered a passage to India in 1498, en- 
joyed the exclusive commerce with that country 
for a complete century ; but their short and bril- 

• For a deacripdon of this gystem, see Malcolm's Central 
India, vol. i. p. 66. 



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INTRODUCTION. 9 

liant career was essentially different from that of 
the European nations who succeeded them. 
Their establishments were all maritime. They 
conquered and subdued the princes and chiefs 
on the shores and islands of India ; but seldom, 
if ever, carried their arms into the interior, or 
engaged in any of those offensive and defensive 
alliances with native states, that must have hur- 
ried them into contests, to support which the 
resources and strength of the mother country 
would have been altogether inadequate. In 
consequence of this policy, their estabUshed 
character for valour, and the strength of their 
fortifications, they did not become objects of 
attack to the principal native powers of India. 
Neither the Emperors of Delhi, nor their princely 
delegates had, or desired to have, any naval 
force. They attached no value to the sea-coast 
or to islands, but as they might produce them 
profit through the medium of customs : and the 
increased commerce, consequent to the settle- 
ment of the Portuguese at Goa and other parts, 
was calculated to reconcile them to a nation^ 
whose warfare on the continent of India was al- 
most entirely limited to contest with the petty 
princes and chiefs who occupied or claimed the 
shores where they desired to settle. 

The effect of the victories gained over these 
princes was improved by the valour, wisdom, and 
B i 



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♦ INTRODUCTION 

energy <^ the great men * who first established 
the Portuguese power in Indian but all these 
impressions were lost by the subsequent conduct 
of their degenerate successors, who, selected by 
the &vour, or removed by the caprice, of a weak 
and corrupt court, became the ready instruments 
of tyranny and oppression. This evil was aug- 
mented by the continual changes of their local 
rulers, and by other circumstances, calculated to 
bring ultimate ruin on their aflkirs, even had that 
not been accelerated by the attack of European 
states } to which the very considerations which 
saved them irom the hostility of the great na- 
tive princes of India left them peculiarly ex- 
posed. Every settlement which they had made 
depended exclusively upon their possessing a 
superiority at sea, and having no rivals either in 
commerce or war ; but their monopoly of the 
trade of India, for so long a period, arose chiefly 
from a respect to their right as the first settlers, 
which extended even to that of the exclusive 
navigation to that country by the Cape of Good 
Hope. When this right was invaded, when their 
fleets came in contact with those of Holland and 
England, their power f^ as rapidly as it had 
risen i and, like a meteor, left no trace but a 



* Of these the most celebrated were, Yasco de Gama, 
Albuquerque, Nunez, and John de Cutro. 



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INTRODUCTION. 5 

recollection of its dazzling and short-lived splen- 
dour- 

The successfiil voyages of Drake and others 
excited the merchants of England to seek esta- 
blishments in India ; but the enterprise of indi- 
viduals was deemed unequal to so expensive and 
ha2ardou3 an undertaking ; and a company was 
formed, to open and pursue a channel of com- 
merce, from which such great gains were anti- 
cipated. This company and the nation were 
stimulated to greater efforts by the Dutch, having 
at this period (the close of the sixteenth cen- 
tury) sent several ships round the Cape of Good 
Hope. The English now began to settle in dif- 
ferent parts of India. The first fectory was esta- 
blished at Surat, in 16I2, and continued to have 
the control over all the petty settlements on the 
western side of the peninsula, till the cession of 
Bombay, made in 1668 by the King to the 
Company, when that town, from its fine harbour, 
and central situation for commerce, soon rose to 
be the superior settlement in that part of India ; 
while Madras obtained the same rank on the 
coast of Coromandel, and for some period counted 
Calcutta* as one of its subordinates. The latter 

* A settlement at Hooghly was (irst made in 16K), bj 
jigents from Surat, who obtained pennlsEion to eatablieh 
themselres, through the intercession of Mr. Boughton, a 
surgeon then in great favour with the Emperor of Delhu 
This settlement was afterwards moved to Calcutta in 1686. 
B 3 



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b lUTRODUCTTON. 

at the period when Clive's career in India com- 
menced, had become independent, and, like the 
settlements of Madras and Bombay, was under 
the government of a president and select com- 
mittee ; but it was still, in its establishment and 
means of defence, inferior to either of the other 
presidencies. 

In the year 1698, another East India Com- 
pany was formed, and received an exclusive right 
of trade in consideration of a loan to govern- 
ment ; but the charter of the old Company was 
a few months afterwards confirmed, and the trade 
to the East Indies was divided between the two 
Compuries. Thejarringinterestsofthesebodies, 
who obtained advantages over each other accord- 
ing to the iavour of corrupt and changing ad- 
ministrations in England, had brought such dis- 
tress on both, that, in 1702, their prayer to unite 
was attended to ; a new charter was granted, and 
from that period they have been denominated 
" The United East India Company." By this 
charter, they were permitted to employ civil ser- 
vants, to raise troops, and to make war and peace 
in India. Their policy, however, had been to 
avoid (as being ruinous to' their commercial pur- 
suits) all grounds of offence to native states; 
and they had not even made those fortifications 
which were necessary to defend their property 
from spdiation. The conduct which they thus 



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INTRODUCTION. 7 

pursued had been strong!)' recommended* to 
them by Sir Thomas Roe when embassador at 
the court of the Emperor of Delhi, uid a modem 
historian t <^ India observes, that " if Sir Thomas 
Roe bad lived to the present day, he might have 
urged tiie trade with China as a proof, by experi- 
ment, of the proposition he advanced." But as- 
suredly no cases ever existed more opposite than 
those of China and India. Though lie govern- 
ment of the former, by a rigid system of exclu- 
sion, keeps European settlers dependent upon 
its own power, it secures them ag^nst all ene- 
mies. The native powers of the latter, by en- 
gaging in alliance, and inviting to interference 
in internal politics, the subjects of one European 
state, leave to the other, who may be in rivalry 
or hostility with it, no option between Certain 
ruin, and employing means of self-defence and 
retaliation. This truth was never more com- 
pletely evinced than in 1744, when war was 
declared between France and England. On re- 
ceipt of this intelligence, Uie forces under the 
control (^ the companies of the two nations on 

• " It is not," Sir Thomas Eoe observeB, " a number of 
forts, residences, and factories that will profit you : they 
vill incveaae cfaarge, but not recompense it. The con- 
venieacy of one with respect to your gales and the com' 
modity of investments, and the wiae employing of your 
servants, is all you need." 

t Mill, vol. i. p. 30. 

B 4 



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S INTRODUCTIOM. 

the coast of Coromandel, prepared to prosecute 
hostilities by land and sea, upon a scale which 
involved both in a scene of operations more 
suited to empires than to commercial factories. 
. The results of these operations will appear 
wonderful to him who only considers the hand- 
ful of troops which either party could bring 
into the field j but the improvements which, 
within the last two centuries, had taken place 
in Europe, gave its soldiers an incalculable ad- 
vantage over those of Asia, before the latter 
were taught, by repeated defeats, to make war 
upon more equal terms with their European 
opponents. The superiority of a well-con- 
Bb^cted machine over manual labour is not 
more extraordinary, than the advantages which 
discipline and the improvements in fire-arms and 
artillery afford to a regular body of troops over 
an irregular and badly armed force. No valour 
can equalise the combat, and the impressions 
produced by defeat are rendered tenfold greater 
by a comparison of numbers. The well-com- 
manded, and weU-trained battaUon moves amidst 
ten thousand of its rabble opponents, like a giant 
with a thousand hands, which defend or strike, 
according to the dictates of one mind, and to 
whom an unconnected force, where every indi- 
vidual acts for himself, can offer neither injury 
nor resistance. 



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INTRODUCTION. 9 

It is to this tiict &r more than to the want of 
of personal courage in the men, or pusillanimity 
in their leaders, that we must refer the astonish- 
ing success of small numbers of disciplined 
troops, in the early wars of India ; and it was 
from observing this success that the rulers of 
the country so eagerly courted their aid. 

It was, undoubtedly, good policy in the En- 
glish to abstain from all interference with native 
states. It must have been obvious that, from 
the moment they lefl the limits of their fectories, 
they would be involved beyond the possibility of 
retreat ; and that the consequence of the course 
of policy in which they engaged could be no 
further foreseen, than that it was opposed to 
all those principles of commercial pursuit, upon 
which their establishments were founded. With 
such a prospect, nothing could justify the author- 
ities in India in the part they acted, but proof 
that it was one to which they were compelled, 
in order to prevent positive ruin, and to support 
the honour and the interests of their country 
agunst a powerful enemy. Whether or not tbey 
had this justification at the moment when the 
following Memoir opens, will be seen by a short 
view of the state of af&irs in the Camatic at that 
eventful period of our history in India. 

The Payeen Ghaut, or Lower Camatic, well 
known as the dominions of the Nabob of Arcot, 



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10 INTRODUCTION. 

extends eiong the coast of Coromaudel, from the 
southern limits of the Guntoor Circar to CapeCo- 
morin,adistanceof aboutdCOmiles. Itsbreadth* 
from the sea to the Ghauts (or mountains), which 
separate it from the territoriea of Hyderabad and 
Mysore, is no where above 100 miles ; and in 
some parts little more than filly. This country 
was formerly governed by Hindoo princes, but 
these had for several centuries acknowledged a 
Mahomedan superior. Its nabob, Sadut Oolla, 
in the banning of the eighteenth century 
(a. D. 1710), having no children, adopted two 
nephews, the eldest of whom, Doost All, on the 
death of his uncle, declared himself his succes- 
sor^ and the younger, Bauker, became governor 
of the strong fortress of Vellore. Nizam-ul-Mulk, 
who was atthis period soubahdar of the Deckan •, 

* The name Deckan, or Deckhan, which raeana South, a 
•aety ancient name, continued to be given, when the power 
of the Moghul sovereigns of Delhi waa in its zenith, to that 
part of the empire which lay to the southward of the Ner- 
buddah. This division which was called a Soubah, was 
governed by a Soubahdar, or Viceroy, whose authority was 
for a long period acknowledged by all the petty states within 
his circle, though many of these yielded neither tribute nor 
obedience unless compelled. When the house of Delhi 
declined, Nizam-ul-Mulk Bu::ceeded in rendering the pos- 
session he held as a delegate of the emperor hereditary in 
bis family ; but the example of usurpation spread rapidly, 
and the other states, as they attained strength, threw off 
their dependence upon him and his descendants, till their 
sovereign^ became limited to their present territories of 



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INTRODUCTIOH. 11 

to which district of the empire the Camatic be- 
longed, offended at the want of deference to his 
supremacy, evinced by this act of the self-consti- 
tuted nabob, prevented that regular confirmation 
of his title which was required from Delhi. Doost 
Ali had two sons, and several daughters, one of 
whom was married to Mortaza Ali, the son of 
his brother at Vellore, and another to a relation 
of the name of Chunda Sahib, who became soon 
afterwards his Dewan, or minister ; and on the 
death of the Hindoo prince of Tricbinopoly 
(a.d. I7S6), this chief was sent with a force, 
under pretext of demanding tribute of the 
Ranee, or queen, but with the real design of 
making himself master of that fortress, — an ob- 
ject which be effected more by artifice than force. 
The part he acted after obtaining possession of 
the capital of the southern part of the Camatic, 
combined with his having halted for some days 
at Pondicherry, with the governor of which he 
had several interviews, give reason to conclude 



Hyderabad. They still reUb the title of Soubhadar of the 
Deckan ; but, their power having been contracted by political 
events, their influence in that capacity le noir confined to 
those territwies over which their rule is established, which 
may be described as bounded by the river Taptee to the 
north, the Kithna to the south, the province of Bider to the 
west, and the northern CirCara of Masulipatam and Guntoor 
to the Mst 



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IS INTRODUCTIOK. 

that Chunda Sahib laid, at this period, the found- 
ation of that friendship, which was subsequently 
publicly proclaimed between him and theFrench 
government. * 

* The following note, communicated by a friend eminently 
acquainted trith the history of India, will be perused with 

" The country mentioned in the text by the name of 
Paeen-Gh&t-Carnatlc, wbb annexed, afler its reduction, by 
the generals of Aurungzebe, to the Souba, or imperial pro- 
vince of Hyderabad, and in all the financial records it is 
mentioned as only a division of it. The grants of Jaghires, 
made at that time by the imperial government, were so 
numerous and considerable, as to leave very little of the 
revenues arising from it to be received into the treasury. 
Those who were most favoured by these grants of Jaghires 
were of a tribe known by the name of Noayets, or new- 
comers, from their late arrival in the Gamatic. Saadet Ali, 
the first nabob, as mentioned in Orme's history, was of tliat 
tribe; as were Mortiz-Ali, and many others, who were found 
in the possession of extensive Jaf^ires, when Nizam-ul-Mulk 
came into the.Camatic, in 1743. That prince, in order to 
restore the Mogul authority, appointed a deputy of his own 
at Arcot, Aower-u-deen Cawn, who was nowiiie related to, or 
connected with, the tribe of Noayets, and who was one of 
the officers who had came with him to the Carnatic. 

" Tile person who afterwards made himself so conspicuous 
by his connection with the French, viz., Chunda Sahib, was 
also a Noayet. His real name was Hussein Dost Cawn. 
Duff Grant, in his late history of the Mahrattat, lays, that 
this man was known by no odier name when he was a pri- 
soner at Satlarah. 

"The appellation of Chunda Sahib was only given to him 
ip his &mily when a boy. Yet it has continued to be used 
la history in distinguishing him ; although, besides his name 



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INTKODUCTION. 13 

Sufder All, the son of the nabob who had 
gone with Chunda Sahib to Trichinopoly, re- 
turned, after its capture^ to Arcot, where a new 
Dewan, or minister, Meer Assud, was appointed ; 
who took every step he could to prevent the ac- 
compHshment of those ambitious designs which 
he seemed convinced his predecessor in office 
bad fonned. 

The Marathas had formerly been in possession 
of a great part of the Camatic ; and one of their 
chiefs had become Rajah of Tanjore, a small but 
rich principdity, lying to the southward of the 
Cavery, and fertilised by its waters, and those of 
the Coleroon. Incited by the reigning rajah, 
ttnd by the Hindu femily who had been expelled 
from Trichinopoly, 10,000 of this nation, under 
Ragojee Bhonsela (a. d. 1740), invaded the Car- 
natic. In the first action with these plunderers, 
Doost Ali was slain, and his son, Sufder Ali, 
immediately assumed the titie of nabob ; but, 
dreading the results of the Maratha invasion, he 



above-mentioned, the tide of Shems-ul-Dowla was conferred 
on him hy the Nizams in the French interest. It is not un- 
likely) that his being known to the English only by the name 
of Chunda Sahib wa«, in some measure, owing to his rival 
Mahomed Ali, supported by them, constantly designating 
him by that appellation, and rather contemptuously, Chunda 
being a vulgar appellation, often that of menial servant*."—' 
D.H. 



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1-* INTRODUCTIOM. 

tent hia fiiinily and treasures for protection to 
Pondicbeny. When the war with the Marathas 
was concluded, he took his fitmily away ; but 
Chunda Sahib lef^ his, fearing, perhaps, the 
result of the intrigues, which were going on 
against him. These became too soon apparent ; 
the Marathaa retired ; but, secretly excited by 
the court of Arcot, they soon returned, and sur- 
rounded Trichinopoly, which they took, after a 
siege of three months ; and, having appointed 
one of their leaders, Morari Row, to be its go- 
vemor, they sent Chunda Sahib, whom they had 
made prisoner, to be confined in a fortress near 
Sattarah. 

Sufder Alt, who was at this time (a. d. 174.I ) 
in great alarm at the apprehended resentment of 
the Soubahdar of the Deckan, to whom he had 
remitted Mttle or no tribute, went, for security, 
to reside in the fortress of Vellore, pretending, 
at the same time, that he was in great poverty, 
and intended to proceed to Mecca; and, to give 
more currency to this last report, he sent his 
son and family to Madras, from whence he said 
he meant to embark. His minister, Meer Assud, 
is stated to have advised him to put his &mily - 
and property under the protection of the English, 
from a conviction of the intrigues the French 
were carrying on at' this period with Chunda 



byGooqlc 



INTRODDCTION. IS 

Sahib, of whose ambitious views he continued to 
entert^n the most serious alarm. 

The retreat of the Marathas had been pur> 
chased by the promise of a large sum, and every 
district of the Carnatic was heavily assessed to 
make up this amount. This assessment produced 
great discontent, and the principal rulers of dis- 
tricts, leagued with Mortaza Ali, in a conspiracy 
against the nabob, who was assassinated; and 
his treacherous relative and murderer, having 
distributed largesses to the army, proclaimed 
himself nabob, and marched to Arcot. 

Mortaza Ali desired to have Sufder Ali's son 
and property delivered up to him ; but the En- 
glish refused to comply with his request, being 
urged to this refusal by the Maratha chief Moran 
Row, and several of the principal officers of the 
nabob's army. Many of the latter openly ex- 
pressed their detestation of Mortaza AH ; and 
the cowardly prince was so alarmed at those 
symptoms of danger, that he fled in the disguise 
of a female from his court at Arcot, and found 
refuge in his stronghold of Vellore. 

As soon as the flight of Mortaza Ali was 
known, the army proclaimed Mahomed Saeed 
(the young son of Sufder Ali) nabob; and, 
having appointed a minister, the prince was 
conveyed to Wandewash, which fortress was 
commanded by one of his near relations. 



byGooqlc 



l6 INTRODUCTION. 

Such waa the state of the Camatic, when 
Nizam-ul-Mulk, Soubahdar of the Deckan, ad- 
vanced to Arcot (a. D. 174>3). His immense 
army* met with no resistance. This old tuid 
celebrated prince is said to have been shotted 
at the state of anarchy in which he found the 
fine country he now, for the first time, visited. 
Every officer who had been trusted with a petty 
government was introduced as a nabob, till the 
soubahdar, enraged at this assumption of rank, 
under cover of delegated authority, exclaimed, 
" I have seen, this day, eighteen nabobs, in a 
country whwe there should be but one ; scourge 
the next fellow who comes with that title I " 

The son of Sufder Ali paid his homage, and 
was kindly received ; but, though directed to 
be treated with lenity and respect, he was re- 
fused leave to return to Wandewash. 

Nizam-uI-Mulk having, by promises and pre* 
sents, more than by arms, persuaded Morari 
Row to evacuate Trichinopoly, completed the 
settlement of the Camatic, and returned to his 
capital, Hyderabad. *■ 

Khojah Abdulla, a native Toork, from be- 
yond the Oxus, one of his most distinguished 
officers, who had accompanied him upon his late 



* This anny a stated to bav« couiBted of 200,000 foot, 
and 80,000 hone. — Onu, vol. i. p. 51. 



byGooqlc 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

expedition, was nominated to the government of 
the Camatic ; but on the morning on which he 
was to commence his march to Arcot, he was 
found dead in his bed.* The charge of this 
important province was now given to Anwar- 
u-Deen, a brave and experienced soldier, of a 
respectable, though not noble family. He had 
filled several stations of consequence, and had, 
for sixteen years, been governor of the extensive 
distncts of EUore and Rajahmundry. 

Nizam-ul-Mulk, from regard to popular feel- 
ing, which was in &vour of Mahomed Saeed, 
the son of Sufder Ah, signified his intention to 
make that youth nabob of Arcot, whenever he 
attained the years of manhood ; stating, that the 
officer, to whom he had given the principal 
charge, was only to hold it till that period : but 
his placing the young prince under the care of 
Anwar-u-Deen augured ill for the accomplish- 
ment of this object (a. d. 1744). The youth 
was, however, for some time, treated with great 
honour and respect j subject only to the dis- 
quietude arising firom the clamorous demands 
of some Patan soldiers for arrears of pay. 
At the marriage of one of his relations, Ma- 
homed Saeed was 'compelled, by usage, to 
receive Mortaza Ali, the murderer of his 

* Ortii«, vol. i. p. 52. 



byGooqlc 



18 mfaoDUCTioH. 

&ther. The appearance of that chief was omin- 
ous. Nothing however, happened till near 
the dose of the ceremony. When the yonng 
ptitice went forward to meet his guardian 
Anwar-u-Deen, the captain of the discontented 
Patans, under the pretence of asking pardon fbr 
his fdhner idsolence, approached his persoii, and 
stabbfed him to the heart Aa the boy fell life- 
less, a hundred swords were drawn, and the 
Fatan leader and his comrades were hewn in 
pieces. Mortaza Ali was next sought for, but he 
had fled to Vellore. Anwar-u-Deen was loud 
in his lamentations, and apparently active in the 
pursuit of all concerned. The whole of the 
Ffttan ra€e Were banished, and their houses 
hised to the ground ; but these demonstrations, 
thdugh they satisfied Nizam-uI-Mulk, did not 
lull the suspicion of the public; and it was 
generaify believed that Anwar-u-Deen was con- 
cerned with Mortaza AH in destroying a prince 
\i'h6se right to be nabob, when he came of age, 
*as recognised by the soubahdar of the Deckan, 
and who enjoyed the attachment of alt ranks, not 
more on account of his promising character, 
than from the recollection of the benefits the 
country had enjoyed, for thirty years, under the 
administration of his ancestors. 

AVTien war occurred between England and 
France, the latter country had every thing to 



byGOOQJC 



INTRbDUCTtOii. i9 

expect &om the ability dnd enterprise of Li 
Bourdonnais, the commander 6£ her flfeetj in 
India; knd Diipleix, the govfemor of the settle- 
merits on the cdast of Coromdridel. 

It may be questioned, whether France has 
ever produced a more skilful or more able naval 
office than La Bourdonnais. Nor ■ were his 
Mehta liihited to the prdfefeJon to' which h6 
belonged : to his efforts and genius the is- 
lands of Bourbon and the Mauritius owe all 
{heii- pfrosperity. He was as afctive Utid successful 
in imf)rovihg the colonies of his owri Country, 
as he was fortunate and distinguished in his 
attacks upon those 6f its enemies. 

Bfefdf e the af Hvat df La Bourdonnais in liidia, 
the English had the superiority at sea, and the 
French setdements were almost defenceless : but 
tile gbveffiriieni bf Potidichery JifeVailed upon 
the nabob of Arcbi to require the governor of 
Madras to abstain from making any attack upon 
the French ; and Commodore Bamet, who com- 
hranded His Majesty's fleet, ilvas' inducei by the 
entreaty arid representations of the Company's 
government, to adopt a similai- line of conduct 

When, however; the French admiral arrived, 
he resolved to be fettered by no arrangements 
made on shore, from injuring, to the utmost of 
his pdwCT, the foes of his country. It is mor- 
tifying to read the narrative of the events df tbb 
c e 



byGooqlc 



INTRODUCTION. 



year (a. ». 1 74^)> when the superior energy of the 
French so completely triumphed, both on sea and 
land. The English fleet, afler some indecisive 
efforts, left the coast, and Madras * was taken. 



• "This lettlement," according to Orme, vol. t. p. 65., 
"had been, about 100 years, tlie principal eitabUahment 
of the English nadon on the coast of Coromandel. It was 
built on s territoiy granted hy the Great Mogul to the East 
India Company, which extended about five miles along the 
■ea shore, and about one mile inland. The town consisted 
of Oiree divisioos ; that to the south, extended about 400 
jrards in length irom north to south, and about 100 yards in 
breadth. None but the English, or other Europeans under 
their protection, resided in this divulon, which contained about 
£0 good houses, an English and a Roman Catholic churdi^ 
together with a residence for the factory, and other build- 
ing belonging to the Company. It was surrounded with a 
slender wall, defended with four bastions, and as many 
halteries ; but tJiese were very slight and defective in their 
construction, nor had they any outworks to defend them. 
This quarter has long been known in Europe by the name of 
Fort St. George, and was in India called, for distinction, the 
White Town. On the north of this, and contiguous, was 
ano^er division, much larger and worse fortified, in which 
were many very good habitations, belonging to the Armenian 
and to the richest of the Indian merchants, who resided in 
the Company's territory ; this quarter was called the Black 
Town. Beyond this division, and to the north of it, was s 
suburb, where the Indian natives of all ranks had their habit- 
ations promiscuously. Besides these three divisions, which 
composed the town of Madras, there were two large and 
populous villages, about a mile to the southward of it, within 
ihe Company's territory ; and these were likewise inhabited 
by Indian natives." 



byGooqlc 



INTRODUCTION. 4t 

La Bourdonnais agreed, however, to restore it 
to the English, on the payment of a ransom. 

Nothing could be more desperate than the 
situation of the Company's afl^tirs : fortunately, 
the jealously and collision of the two great men, 
to whom the interests of France were entrusted, 
prevented their complete ruin. 

Dupleix, governor of Pondichery, a man of 
an ardent and comprehensive mind, cherished, 
very early, the most ambitious views of raising 
his nation to unrivalled power in India. He 
saw, with jealousy, the independent power of 
La Bourdonnais j and, instead of entering into the 
plans of that able officer *, which were' directed 
to the conquest of all the English settlements in 
India, he acted in direct opposition to his 
views ; nor did he hesitate to violate the pledge 
the admiral had given.t 

* The represeutations of Dupleix received more attentioa 
in France dian those of La Bourdonnais ; and that great 
man, instead of the high rewards to which he was entitle^ 
was imprisoned four years in the Bastille. The injustice 
done him was too tardily acknowledged; and he died before 
another opportunity was afibrded of elevating still more his 
own name, and of exposing the ingratitude of his country. 

f " M. Dupleix was greatly assisted in all his transactions 
with the natives of India by his wife, a Creole, bom and edu- 
cated in Bengal, where he had married her, while he was there 
in the service of the French East India Company. Her know- 
ledge of the Hindostanee language had been the means of 
introducing her to the ftmily of Chunda Sahib, when they 
c 3 



byGooqlc 



INTBODUCTION. 



Possessed, as the French pow were, of ^ very 
superior force, Qupleix could not endure the 



took refuge at PonHchety, during bis coofiQeDieDt at Sot- 
tarah with the Mabrattaa : and this laid the fouadation of the 
French iDtrigues with him. In all these, M. Dupleix's lady 
made herself conspicuous, by corresponding, in the name of 
her husband, with those who could be brought into action 
for favouring the French views of interference, and support- 
ing the cause of Chunda Sahib. She then became known all 
over that country by the name of Jin Begum, which she as- 
sumed in the seal to all her letters. Her own Chriadan nanae 
was Jeanne, which gave some colour to her converting it 
into the Persian word on her seal, as familiar to Mahomedana. 
"It must be acknowledged that the French at this time, 
viZ', during M. Dupleix's government, had greatly the ad- 
vantage of the English, by their superior knowledge of the 
languages and usages of the nations of India. Their Catholic 
missionaries, especially the Jesuits, who had travelled inland, 
had been very instrumental in their acquiring that know- 
ledge ; while the English confined themselveB to their trade, 
and remained in total ignorance of any thbg else. The 
French gave certain pwofs of the superior information they 
had acquired, when they produced, at the conference with 
the English commissioners at Sadras, in 1754, the sunnuds or 
grants for the lands they had acquired in the Carnatic, which 
were all procured under the authority of the Mogul Em- 
peror or his viziers ; white those of the English were only 
from inferior agents of that government. It is true, that the 
Bunnuds there produced by the French were objected to by 
the English as under the forged seals of emperors ; yet it 
shows that they did not rest their claims on grants of in- 
feriors, as the English did. It is, indeed, very remarkably, 
that the latter never, till a late period, possessed any otherjS 
but those of the nabob Mahomed AH in the Caqi^ti^, ^- 



byGooqlc 



INTBODUCTIOIf. ^S 

thoui^t of restoring M^i*^ to ^^ F>?S^l^^ ?P 
that, vhen La Bourdoripais lefl the qo^Ai, }ie dfe 
c4^red the capitulation null and void, iind pUicect 
a French garrison in the town for Its defenpe. 

Anwar<u-Deen, the naboh of Ar^Pt* wa^ not 
an inattentive observer of these proceedings. 

The English, who, in compliance with hi» 
intreaties, had refrained jrom attacking the 
French, when they could have done so with fidr 
vantage, expressed 4 hope that now, '^hen thejr 
enemies had the superiority, the pabob 'vrqu(d 
interpose his authority for their protection ; bv( 
they neglected to accannpany this reas.oiMtb}f 
request with that bribe or qfiering^ which^ tp 
an Asiatic court, \s deemed an ipdj^p^n^- 
able concomitant of all solicitations for aid^ 
and Dupleix, already deeply versed in Indian 
politics, neutralised the indinations of th^ pro- 
fessed fiiend of the J^nglish, by promising to 
make him master of Madras, for the repos- 
session of vfhich he intimated that the EngU^h 
would pay a rich ransom. The ^vasiQps of 



cepting for the ground of their original factorieB. }( vas 
not till Lord Clive obtained regular grant* from ttie Em- 
peror Shah Auluin, in 1765, when he obtained th^ d^wee 
of the provinces of Bengali that the English could pro4t>9e 
any other gr^tg but tfao^e a|b,taiaed ^tiipa til^ i^ahi^ wbQDi 
.they th«ni|elve8 hid let up." — IX H, 
c 4 



byGooqlc 



Sft INTRODUCTION. 

the French governor, however, soon convinced 
the nabob that he had been duped ; and he sent 
an anny of IO,CXX) men, under his son, Maphuze 
Khan, to retake Madras, which he appears to 
have thought would be very easily efifected. 
The French garrison, consisting of one batta- 
lion, desisted from hostilities as long as they 
could, but they were at last compelled to re- 
taliate ; and the repeated defeats of the be- 
siegers soon obliged them to retreat to Arcot ; 
and that court, whose troops had never before 
come in contact with disciplined soldiers, seemed 
as if awakened from the influence of a spell, and 
viewed with just alarm, in all its magnitude and 
consequences, the imminent danger they incurred 
by allowing such settlements to be made upon 
their shore. 

Dupleix, having been considerably reinforced 
by troops left by La Bourdonnais, determined 
on the siege of Fort SL David (a. d. 174G), the 
second settlement of the English on the coast 
of Coromandel.* 



• Orme (vol. i. p. 78.), speaking of this settlemeui, ob- 
serves: — 

" The East India Company was here in possession of a 
territory larger than that of Madras ; it had been purchased 
^>out 100 years before from the Indian prince of the coimtty, 
and their title to it was confirmed by the Mogul's viceroy, 
when the Moors conquered the Camatic. The fort was 



byGooqlc 



INTRODUCTION. S^ 

The authorities entrasted with that settlement 
appKed for aid to the nabob of Arcot ; and that 
prince, who was full of resentment at the French,- 
readily complied with their request, the English 
having consented to defray part of the expenses 
of their auxiliaries. 

Maphuze Khan, and his brother, Mahomed 
Ali, were sent with a considerable body of troops, 



situated near the sea, tirelve miles to the south of Pondi- 
chery : it was small, but better fortified than any of its bim 
in India, and served as a citadel to the Company's territory. 
About a mile to the south of it, was situated the town i^ 
Cuddalore, in which the principal Indian merchants, and 
many of the natives dependent on the Company) rended. 
This town extended 1200 yards from north to south, and 
900 from east to west : three of its sides were defended by 
walls flanked with bastions ; that towards the sea was for the 
greatest part open ; but a river passbg from the westward, 
between Fort St. David and the town, flowed, just before it 
gains the sea, along the eastern side of the town, of which, 
whilst it washed the skirts on one hand, it was, on the other, 
separated from the sea by a maund of sand, which the surf 
throws upon the shore In most parts of the coast. To the 
westward of the fort, and within the Company*! territory, 
were two or three populous villages, inhabited by the 
natives. 

" The government of Fort St. David depended on that fX 
Madras, to wiiich it was immediately the next in rank ; but, 
on the breach of the treaty of ransom, the Companjr's agents 
at Fort St. David regarding those of Madras as prisoners to 
the French, took upon themselves Uie general administratioB 
ofi die coast of Coromandel." 



byGOOQJC 



9!6 Il^TBQ^UpTIpN. 

wbO) OH tb^ arrival* surprise 4 detachment 
c^ th^ French, th^t liad been s^nt to take up an 
adyanped pq^itioii, and pompelled them to re- 
(r^. The ^uxe of this first, 4114 of another 
lUtempt, on F<t?t St. Qayid, iaduced Dppleix to 
try (and not without succe^) tp detach the 
;iabob Irom bi^ poppiection vith the English ; 
^hOf deserted by tb^r aUy, appeared on the 
brink of ruin, when the fortunate arrival of 
an English fleet, under Admiral Griffin (March, 
17*7 )» obliged thp French gqveroor tp draw all 
hia tEoQps within the walls of Fondichery. 

The drocwiing spirits of the inhabitants of 
Fort St. David were, at the same time, raised 
by reinforcements of tcppps from X^^b^^^4 
Bombay. All these were placed under the 
orders of Major Lawrence, an officer of high 
repptation in his Majesty's service (Jan. 17*8), 
who had been nominated to the command of all 
the Company's forces in India. 

Tlie l^d success of the French in their at- 
tempts against Fort St. David was evidently 
owing to other causes than the valour of its 
garrison : but the period was now arrived when 
the Frenph, in their turi^, were to act upon the 
defensive. 

Admiral Boscawen, after an unsuccessful at- 
tempt to make himself master of the Mauritius, 
anchored at Fort St David with a v^ cap^d^fr 



:byG00Qlc 



IN^BODUCTION. 9fJ 

^h\e armameqt* The ^ifge of |Tondic^ecyt 
which }ie in^media^ly imdertpqlc, yfas tb,^ ^r^f: 
fnilitacy service in which C^fve distinguiahed ^%- 
self. The result was unfortunate, owing chie^f 
to the latei)^ of the $easpn. M^ny que^oned 
t^^ s^iU of the gallant officer by who^ it w^ 
conducted : his fame as a naval ponunan^^i^ W9# 
justly high } but he had little, if any, expecie^c^ 
of land service. It is, however, due to hi? i^eput- 
ation to remark, that he received no ^d (torn 
the engineer, whose want of knowledge was ap- 
parent in every stage of this siege. Dupleix 
transmitted an account of it to all the princes of 
Coromandel, and to the Emperor of Delhi ; and 
the result considerably increased his iame in 
every part of India. 

He received, in return, compliments on, his 
own prowess, and on the military character cf 
his nation, which was, at this period, throughout 
Hindustan, considered greatly superior to that 
of the English. 

The peace concluded between France and Eng- 
land (a.d.I?^^) was expected to terminate hosti- 
lities in India ; but the trading companies of each 
nation, having received great reinforcements of 
men, which they were afraid to disband while 
their rivals retained theirs, both parties appear 
to have resolved on employing them in the 
contests of the native princes. " The English," 



byGOOQJC 



S6 INTRODUCTION. 

according to a contemporary historian ", " in the 
line they pursued on this occasion, acted with 
great indiscretion ; the French, with the utmost 
ambition." 

Such are the only incidents to which it seems 
necessary to advert in this place. Any others 
requisite for understanding the transactions of 
Clive, will be mentioned in the course of the 
general narrative. 

• Orine, yoL i. p. 7. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS 



LORD CI,IVE. 



CHAPTER I. 



Xhe &tnily of CHve, established in Shropshire, 
since the time of Henry 11., have, for a long 
period, possessed the small estate of Styche, in 
the parish of Moreton-Say, near Market-Dray-r 
ton. At this seat of his ancestors, Robert Clive, 
the subject of this memoir, was born on the 29th 
of September, 1725. 

His faUier, Richard Clive, married Rebecca, 
daughter of Nathaniel Gaskill, of Manchester, 
Esq., by whom he had a &mily of six sons, and 
seven daughters. He had been educated for the 
law, and continued, through a great part of his 
life, to practise that profession. 

Mrs. Clive had two sisters, the one of whom, 
Elizabeth, was married, in I717, to Daniel Bayley, 
Esq., of Hope Hall, near Manchester } and the 



byGooqlc 



so HEUOIBS OF LORD CLITE. 

Other, Sarah, to the Right Hon. Hugh, eleventh 
Lord Sempill. 

Mr. Clive's eldest son, Rpbart, while not yet 
three years of age, was sent to his uncle, Mr. 
Bayley, in whose &Tnily he was trained and 
educated for several years, as his own son. 

In the eiid of the year I728, the infant Clive 
seems to have had a dangerous attack of fever. 
" If I were given to he superstitious," says Mr. 
Bayley, writing to the Rev. Mr. King at Styche *, 
" and to believe things ominous, I think I should 
omit writing to you ; for it has been poor Bob's 
fate to grow worse, just afler I have finished my 
letters. From the tiine of Andrew's leaving us 
till yesterday about five o'clock, he was worse 
ihaft at any iime yet; and the doctor discovered, 
by all his behaviour, that he apprehended full as 
ihiich danger as ever ; b'lit since that time he has 
been much better, anti we hope that then was 
the crisis of the fever. He slept pretty well last 
fiig^t ; and, when awake, talked with his usual 
fcheeffiilness ; and, I can say, is now better, and 
ih a iriore hopeful way to recover than hitherto, 
if no relapse come upon him. He is, as you may 
■well imagine, very weak ; bitt the doctor doubts 
not his getting more strength if the fever con- 
tinues (as it has begun) to leave faiin. l" his is 

• Saturday Morning, Dec. 28th. 1728. 



byGooqlc 



iiBiiifiiLi of lord tttvBi if 

what account I can now send : you will excuse 
haste. Our services wait on Madame CUve and 
all the family." 

Two days after Mr. BayleJ- again write* Mr. 
King:— 

" Monday Momlnf^j Mine o'clodEj 

" Thank God, I do now infbrW you that Bob 
continues bfttter, and iS in a vety likely Wiy to 
recover; We hope that the crisis of the ffeV6r 
^as on Saturday last about nooni it having abated 
ever since. His exceeding patience is also ii- 
changed for as eminent a degree of crossneH' 
which we take as a good omen of his mending; 
I am writing this close to his bed-side, and he in 
crying with the greatest itnpatieOCe for me to li<S 
on the bed with him j nor will he be quiet one 
moment, with all the fine words I can give hiril; 
which now makes me conclude abruptly," &c 

On the 11th of January; Mr. Bayley inform* 
his correspondent, that Robert had had another 
severe attack of fever ; front which, however, h^ 
was so far recovered as to be very merry and 
able to walk himself. In answer to some remarks 
of Mr. King, he details the symptoms, and mode 
<)f cure adopted. The fever seems to have been 
connected with the stomach, and yielded to the 
usual remedies. 

Mr. Bayley, about a fortnight afterwards^ In- 
forms Mr. King of his nephew's recovery : — 



byGOOQJC 



39 HBUOIBS OF LORD CLIVEi 

" Manchester, Jan. 26. * 1728. 

" Sabbath Day evening, ten o'dock- 

" Rev. and dear Sir, 

" Yesterday Bob came down into the parlour, 
the first time. He goes on successftilly with the 
bark, and is very merry, and good as it is pos- 
siUe. He is poor and thin ; but in a brave way, 
and has a stomach for more meat than we dare 
gyre him. He can run about, and chatters con- 
tinually, and is always asking questions, one of 
which I must enquire of you, before I can answer 
him } viz., when yourself and his aunt Fanny will 
come over to see him ? We are all pretty well, 
and full of that joy which so happy any issue of 
so long and threatening an affliction naturally 
produceth. Our aincere respects and services 
to all : conclude me," &c. 

" This afternoon, Bob, with some reluctance, 
suffered his aunt Bay t to go to chapel." 

Young Clive seems to have resided chiefly with 
his aunt Bayley, down to at least the year 1732. 
In June of that year, Mr. Bayley gives his friend 
Mr. King some very characteristic traits of his 
nephew's temper. " I hope," says he t, " I have 
made a little &rther conquest over Bob, and that 

• Probably old style, and therefore 1729, N. S. 
f Probably the name by which he designated his aunt 
Bayley. 
i Manchester, June-9. 17S2. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 33 

he regards me, in some degree, as well as his 
aunt Bay. He has just had a suit of new clothes, 
asid promises hy his reformation to deserve them. 
I am, satisfied that his fighting (to which he is 
out of measure addicted) gives his temper a 
fierceness and imperiousness, that he fiies out 
upon every trifling occasion : for this reason I 
do what I can to suppress the hero, that I may 
help forward the more valuable qualities of meek- 
ness, benevolence, and patience. I assure you, 
Sir, it is a matter of concern to us, as it is of im- 
portance to himself, that he may be a good and 
virtuous man, to which no care of ours shall be 
wanting." 

These strong and early mdications of future 
character, for he had not yet attained the age of 
seven, are not a little curious. The spirit of 
daring and of command seems to have been na- 
tural to bim. The anxious care of his relations 
may have softened and soothed his impetuosity, 
but could not change the bent o£ his geniusv 
The spirit of " the Hero," which already began 
to show itself, seems to have turned him from 
the peaceful sports of childhood, just as, at a 
later period, it called him to exchange his mer- 
cantile studies and occupations for the bustle 
and turmoil of war, so much more congenial to 
the ardour of his mind. 

On the 26th of February, L735, Clive lost his 



byGooqlc 



34 MEMOIBS OF LOBD CLIVE. . 

aunt Mrs. Bayley, but he continued on aa affec- 
tionate footing in the &mily, and always reverted 
with pleasure to the years he had spent among 
them. 

Mr. Richard Clive formed high h<^>es of his 
son while yet a child. This anticipation of his 
future greatness, which seems to have been 
founded more on the boy's display of courage 
and sagacity, than on his acquirements as a 
scholar, was contirmed by the opinion of Dr. 
Eaton, to whose school, at Lostocke, in Cheshire 
he was sent when very young ; and this respect- 
aUe man had the foresight to predict, *< that if 
his scholar lived to be a man, and opportmiity 
enabled him to exert his talents, few names 
would be greater than his." 

At the age of eleven, Robert Clive went from 
Lostocke to Market Drayton, where he was 
placed under the tuition of the Rev. Mr.Burslem. 
After a few years, he was sent to the public semi- 
nary of Merchant Taylors* school in London, 
whence he went again to a private school, kept 
by Mr. Sterling, at Hemel Hempstead, in Hert- 
fordshire, with whom he remained till 1743, 
when he was appointed a writer in the service 
of the East India Company. 

The few anecdotes that are preserved of the 
early life of Clive tend chiefly to show that he 
was endowed, in a remarkable degree, with that 



byGooqlc 



HEHOmS OF LOKD CLITE, 39 

constitQtional courage which so essentially pro. 
moted his rise in the military professioiv and 
whteh, it is probable, led him to adopt it. 

One v eH-anthenticated and extraordinairy in. 
stance is recM-ded of his boldness as a boy. 
The church at Market Drayton^ which staads 
on the side of a hill, has a lofty steeple, 
near the top of which is a stone spout of the 
form of a dragon's head. It waa with no slight 
surprise amd alarm, his cOTUpanions, and some of 
tbe inhabitant^ saw youi^ Clive seated on this 
spout, and evincing by his manner an indi^r- 
enc^ if not iDaensituHty, to the dmger of his 
situation.* 

Several of the oldest inhabitants of Market 
Drayton not only confirm this &ct, but add, on 
the teatimcmy of their parents, that Clive was 
wont to levy fix)m some of the shopkeepers con- 
tributions in pence and trifling articles, in com- 
pensation to himself, and the little band he led, 
for abst^ning from breaking their windows, and 
other mischievous tridts ; and one old man men- 
tioned to a gentleman t, who resided near Stychcr 
that he bad been repeatedly told by a person who 

<■ Hia object is said to liave been to get a smooth stone 
which lay on this projecting stone spout, for the pleasure of 
jerking it. — Bioff. Brit. art. Clive. 

f 1118 Rev. Mr. Smtthwick related Ihis anecdote to me 
in 1827. 

D 2 



byGOOQJC 



36 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

witnessed the action, that, when a little dam 
broke, which the boys had made across the gut- 
ter in the street, for the purpose of overflowing 
a small shop, with the owner of which they had 
quarrelled, CUve unhesitatingly threw his body 
into the gutter, and remained there till they had 
repaired their work of mischief.* 

Such anecdotes are not likely to have been 
invented, though they would long ago have been 
forgotten, but for the celebrity of him, of whose 
daring and decided mind they gave such early 
proofe. 

Clive, who, wherever he went, had the repu- 
tation of being a most unlucky boy, did not 
probably carry from school any great stock of 
acqqired knowledge. He was impatient of con- 
trol, and his application, in which, however, he 
was . never deficient, was not directed to his 
books. This may have deceived those who 
^easure a boy's talents by his progress in Latin 
asid Greek. When in after-life he wrote to his 
father an account of his first successes, the re- 
mark of the old gentleman, who had probably 
been often fretted by his son's boyish wayward- 
ness, and neglect of his studies, was, '* After all, 
the booby has sense." 

He had, however, laid such a foundation at 

* Mr. Gilbert Davis coafirmB this anecdote, as having 
been told him at Shrewsbury, upwards of forty years ago. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. S7 

school, as enabled him, after his arrival at Ma- 
dras, to employ to advantage the short leisure 
then accidentally afforded him, in that self-edu- 
cation, which, after all, is of all educations the 
most important. He seems at that later period 
to have revived his acquirements, when he felt 
that it was become necessary to apply them to 
practice in the concerns of life, and to have im- 
proved himself in some branches of usefiil know- 
ledge in which he felt his deficiencies. Perhaps 
his progress in them was not the slower, that his 
proud mind felt that it was no longer watched 
by a master. But whatever may have been his 
book-learning, his character, even in the appar- 
ently thoughtless course of his schoolboy sports, 
was probably undergoing a training that- had the 
strongest influence on his future success- ;- and 
though to the common eye he seemed to be but 
indulging the youthfiil passion cwf excelling and 
leading his contemporaries in the trivial and 
passing pursuits that then formed the ot:gect of 
their common ambition, he was really, though 
unconsciously, by strengthening his active habits 
of firmness, perseverance, ^id self-possession, 
preparing himself fw the more arduous under- 
takings that distinguished his future lifb. 

Though Clive in his boyhood was idle, and im- 
patient of control, he was, notwithstanding, an af- 
fectionate son and a kind brother; and he appears, 



byGooqlc 



38 UEUOIRS OF LORD CLtTE. 

irom his earliest communic^txis wkh his &inily 
after he quitted En^and, to have had a mind 
imbued with good principles and feeUngs. He 
always retained a deep sense of reUgion : at no 
period c^ his life did he ever indulge to or sanc- 
tion light or iireverent convereation on religious 
subjects. Like many other eminent men, he 
seems to have owed much to his mother, — a 
woman remarkable for her virtues and talents, and 
who is reported to have shown much tact and 
good sense in soothing and managing the hasty, 
and occasiondly violent, temper of her husband. 
Clive left England in 1743, and from a letter 
to his father, which unfortunately is imperfect; 
it would appear that be reached Madras late in 
1744, after a long and dangerous passage, during 
the whole course of which, however, he enjoyed 
a perfect state of health. The ship was detained 
for nine months at the BrazUs, and afterwards 
put into the Cape of Good Hope. His forced 
Btay in Brazil enabled him to gain an easy com- 
mand of the Portuguese language, which was 
afterwards of use to him ; Imt the len^h of the 
passage, and especially the long continuance of 
the ship in harbour, made his extraordinary ex- 
penses greater than usual. This delay was also 
the cause of his missing the gentleman to whom 
he had been recommended at Madras, who in 
the interim bad gone home ; a circumstmice 



byGooqlc 



MGHOmS OF LORD CLIVE. S9 

that made it necessiu-y for him to incur a debt, 
for essentifd articles, to the captain in whose 
ship he went out, and of the extravagance of 
whose charges he comphuns, with apparent jus- 
tice. This want of means, joined to the want 
of friends, made his situation at first rather un- 
comfortable. He returns warm and grateful 
thanks to his father for his kindness to him, 
especially in his education. The public servants 
at Madras he commends, as, in general, ** a set 
of very prudent and industrious people ;" but 
asks his father to use his influence to get him 
transferred to Bengal, as a more beneficial situa- 
tion } or to use his interest to have him advanced 
to the rank of fector. Still, however, the young 
adventurer does not lose sight of his usual manly 
and independent habits of thinking, nor of his 
afecUonate attachment to his friends : " I don't 
doubt," says he, " but you '11 make use of all 
possible means for my advancement. The world 
seems to be greatly debased of late, and interest 
carries it entirely before merit, especially in this 
service ; tho' I should think myself very unde- 
serving were I only to build my foundation on the 
strength of the former. I have been contriving 
a scheme concerning my cousin Bobby, but 
whether it may take effect, or my uncle care to 
intrust him to these parts, I am entirely at a 
loss to know. The Company keep two clergy- 



byGooqlc 



40 UEHOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

men at this presidency : now, as there is a va- 
cancy for one of them, if you could get him 
elected for this place, I cannot foresee any better 
provision can be made for him in England." 
He describes the allowances of the clergy, and 
leaves the decision to his Cither's judgment. 
The whole of the last part of this letter being 
lost, we are left: in the dark as to its date, and 
such other particulars as he may have com- 
municated. 

This defect is in part supplied by a letter to 
his uncle, Mr. Bayley, which has been fortun- 
ately preserved*, and in which he describes the 
feelings, so natural to a young man of ardent 
ajSections, far from his friends and from home, 
who turns with longing to the scenes of in&ncy 
and youth. After apologising for his delay in 
writing, he proceeds : — "I shall always retain a 
due sense of gratitude for the many obligations 
and ^vours you have laid me under; and the 
pleasant and delightfiil days I have spent with 
my kind relations and friends in Lancashire re- 
freshes and entertains my mind with very agree- 
able ideas. I must confess, at intervals, when I 
think of my dear native England, it affects me 
in a very particular manner ; however, knowing 
it to be for my own weliare, I rest content and 

• Dated Fort St. Geo^e, Dec. 10. 174*. 



byGOOQJC 



UBMOms OF LORD CLITB. 41 

patient, wishing the views for which my fether 
sent me here may, in all respects, be fiilly ac- 
complished. If I should be so iar blest as to 
revisit again my own country, but more espe- 
cially Manchester (the centre of all my wishes), 
all that I could hope or desire for would be pre- 
sented before me in one view." 

In a letter to one of his cousins, written in 
February, 1745, he indulges in a strain of senti- 
ment, so natural, and so creditable to a youthful 
mind, and gives so lively an idea of his feelings 
of loneliness, that a pretty large extract irom it 
may not be considered as here misplaced : — 

" Dear Cousin, 
" The want of a proper conveyance is the 
only plea I can offer for not addressing you 
sooner. It is a long time since I enjoyed the 
pleasure of your company and conversation, and 
as both parties have been equally culpable, I b^ 
that &om henceforth the strictest amity may 
subsist between us. The bond of iriendship, 
especially when imited by the ties of blood* 
ought not to be dissolved on any consideration 
whatever ; and I believe you 'II agree with me, 
that the only effectual means to preserve it en- 
tire must be by letters, since the vast ocean 
which divides us so ^ asunder won't admit of it 
by word of mouth, and which I heartily wish 



byGooqlc 



4S UBHOIRS OF LOBD CLITX. 

may turn out to the mutual satis&ction of both 
of MS. If there is any thing which may pro- 
perly be called happiness here below, I am per- 
suaded it is in the union of two fiiends, who 
love each otiier wiUiout the least guile or deceit, 
who are united by a real inclination, and satis- 
fied with each other's merit: their hearts are fiiU, 
and leave no vacancy for any other passion : 
they enjoy perpetual tranquillity, because they 
enjoy content" After laying his past omissions 
on the thoughtlessness of youth, and excusing 
himself for not describing the country, as so 
many histories give a much more correct idea 
of it than he could, after so short a residence, he 
continues : — "I shall only add, that the intem- 
perance of the climate, together with the exces- 
sive heat of the sun, are very noxious to our 
health ; and I really think the advantages which 
accrue to us here, are greatly overbalanced by 
the sacrifices we make of our constitutions. I 
have not been unacquainted with the fickleness 
of fortune, and may safely say I have not enjoyed 
one happy day since I left my native country. 
I am not acquainted with any one famHy in the 
place, and have not assurance enough to intro- 
duce myself without being asked. If the state I 
am now in will admit of any happiness, it must 
be when I am writing to my friends. Letters 
surely were first invented for the comfort of such 



byGooqlc 



UEUOIIM OF LORD CLIVB. 43 

sditaiy wretches as mysell^ Having lost the 
substantial pleasure of seeuig them, I shall in 
some measure compensate this loss, by the satis- 
fection I shall find in their writings. When you 
write me, I b^ it may be .carelessly, and wiUi- 
out study, for I had much rather read the 
dictates of the heart than those of the under- 
standing. The pacquet is just now going to be 
closed, which hastens me to a conclusion sooner 
than I designed. I desire you to tender my duly 
to my uncle and aunt, love to my cousins, and 
service to all fiiends ; and it will greatly add to 
the obligations of him, who esteems it his greatest 
hairiness to be thought 

" Your kind and loving Cousui, 

" RoBT. Clfve." 
Fort St. George, Feb. 16th, 1744->5. 

These letters, though their rather laboured 
and incorrect style indicates the writer to have 
then had little practice in epistolary correspond- 
ence, show, however, the more essential quali- 
ties of excellent principles and an affectionate 
heart. His spirits seem already tinged by that 
melancholy which occasionally attended him 
through life. It is a curious, and not uninstruc- 
tive sight, to observe the man who, in a few 
years, was to raise himself by his commanding 
talents and heroic daring, to an acknowledged 



byGoeqlc 



44 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

pre-eminence above all his countrymen in the 
East, for several months after his first touching 
on the shores of that country, the scene of his 
future glory, acknowledging that he knew not 
one &mily in it, and shrinking with a sensitive 
di£Bdence from the exertion of introducing him- 
self. Though affectionate, he was wayward and 
reserved. From this time till 174/6, when Madras 
was taken, there are no accounts of him, ex- 
cept some anecdotes, tending to prove that he 
was very ill suited to the condition of life in 
which he was placed. His impatience of con- 
trol, and wayward and impracticable firmness, 
never forsook him. On one occasion it appears 
that his conduct to the secretary under whom 
the writers were placed on their first arrival, was 
so inconsistent with the rules of official disci- 
pline, that the governor, to whom it was re- 
ported, commanded him to ask that gentleman's 
pardon. With this order be complied rather un- 
graciously ; but the secretary immediatdy after, 
before his irritation had time to subside, having 
invited him to dinner, — " No, Sir," replied 
Glive, " the governor did not command me to 
dine with you." • He is stated to have hazarded, 
on more than one occasion, the loss of the ser- 
vice by acta of wildness : and a stoiy was long 
current that, either in a fit of despair, or of low 
• Bi<^. Brit. art. Clive. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIHS OF LORD CUVE. 45 

spirits, to which he Was subject from his earliest 
years, be made, at this period, an attempt upon 
his own life. A companion, coming into his 
room in Writers' Buildings, was requested to 
take up a pistol and fire it out of the window : 
he did so. Clive, who was sitting in a very 
gloomy mood, sprang up, and exclaimed^ 
" Well, I am reserved for something ! That 
pistol," said he to his astonished fiiend, ** I 
have twice snapped at my own head." This is 
not unlikely to be true, nor is its probability 
contradicted, by his never having spoken of it 
to any of his &mily after his return to England. 
But, while he properly threw a veil over the 
more violent ebullitions of his youth, he was 
fond of recurring to every act of early kindness 
wt^ich had been shown to him ; and amongst 
these, he considered as one of the most impor-' 
tant, his admission, soon after his arrival in India, 
into an excellent library belonging to the Go- 
vernor of Madras. He now devoted much of 
his leisure to study, and there can be little doubt 
that it was at this time he laid the foundation 
of that knowledge, which was so soon to surprise 
and benefit his country. 

When Madras was taken by the French Admi- 
ral La Bourdonnais (a. d. 174i6), Clive became a 
prisoner of war, and like others gave his parole. 
It was agreed by the articles of capitulation that 



byGooqlc 



46 HEHOIRS <»r UIRD CUTE. 

the English should surrender themselves pri- 
soners of wax; that the town should, in the first 
instance, be given up, but should be ransomed v 
and M. de la Bonrdoanais gave his promise that 
he would settle theianstmi on easy and moderate 
terms.* Dupleix, however, who was then at 
Pondicheny, ever at variance with the Admiral, 
insisted that Madras should be rased to the 
ground, and called upon the Englisb officers to 
renew their part^ to a governor whom he ap- 
pointed. This infraction of the terms of capitu>- 
latitm was viewed with indignation by all, and 
construed into a release from the engagement 
into which they had entered. 'De la Bourdon* 
nais, with regret* found himself unable to fulfil 
the conditions stipulated t ; and Clive, accora- 
pani>ed by his friend Mr. Edmund Maskelyne, 
contrived, in the disguise of a native, to escape 
to Fort St David. 

Soon after bis arrival at this place, be was en- 
gaged in a duel with an officer, to whom he had 
lost some money at cards, but wh<^ with his 
compaaioo, was clearly proved to have played 
unfeirly. Clive was not the only loser ; but the 
others were terrified into payment by the threats 
of those who had won their money. This ex- 
ample had no efiect on him ^ he persisted in re- 
fusing to pay, and was called out 1^ one c^ then» 
• Orme, toI. i. p. 68. f Ibid. pp. 7(^ 7». 



byGooqlc 



UElfOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 47 

who deemed himself insulted by his conduct. 
They met without seconds: Clive fired, and 
missed his antagonist, who immediately came 
<Jose up to him, and held the pistol to his head, 
desiring him to ask his life, with which he com- 
plied. The next demand was, to recant his as- 
sertions respecting unfair play. On compliance 
with this being refused, his opponent threatened 
to shoot him. " Fire, and be d — d," said the 
dauntless young man; " I said you cheated; I 
say so still, and I will never pay you." The as- 
tonished officer threw away his pistol, saying, 
Clive was mad. The latter received from hia 
young companions many comphments for the 
spirit he had shown ; but he not only declined 
coming forward against the officer with whom he 
had fought, but never afterwards spoke cMf his be- 
haviour at the card-table. " He has given me my 
life," he said, "and though I am resolved on 
never paying money which was unfairly won, or 
again associating with him, I shall never do him 
an injury."* 

CUve, when at Madras, had, as befwe stated, 
access to the governor's library, and, according 
to his own account, this opportunity of im- 
proving himself was not neglected ; but what- 

* Biographia Britannica (2d edit.), art- Clive, vrittea by 
Henry Beautby, Esq. M. P^ from femily papers and infcnuia- 
tion ; see also, Chalmers' Biographical Dictionary. 



byGOOQJC 



48 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 

ever knowledge he might have attained, his 
general habits appear to have continued the 
same ; and it is probable these might have ar- 
rested his progress to distinction, had not the 
occurrence of a war with the French led to his 
adopting a profession, for which he was by dis- 
position infinitely better fitted than for that 
which he abandoned. 

Clive sought for and obtained an ensign's 
commission in the army in 174'7» and was present 
with the troops with which Admiral Boscawen, 
in 1748, made an unsuccessful attack on Pondi- 
cherry. The young soldier became at once dis- 
tinguished for his activity and forward gallantry. 
It is probable, however, that from having been a 
civiliwi, he was at first viewed with jealousy by 
his military companions. We are told that on 
one occasion, when an anxiety to obtain ammu- 
nition for the battery where he was posted led 
him, instead of sending a serjeant or corporal, to 
run himself to bring it, a remark was made, 
which implied that it was fear, not zeal, which 
caused him to leave his post at such a moment. 
This remark was repeated to Clive, who in- 
stantly went to the person by whom it was 
made, to insist upon a distinct acknowledgment 
or disavowal of the slander. The latter was at- 
tempted, but not to his satisfitction, and a chal- 
lenge ensued. As they were retiring to settle 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 49 

this dispute, his opponent* irritated by some 
circumstance, struck him. Clive instantly drew 
his sword, but they were prevented fighting by 
persons who witnessed the transaction. A court 
of inquiry was held on their conduct, and the 
officer who had defamed Clive was ordered to 
ask his pardon in fix>nt of the battalion to which 
they belonged. The court, however, having 
taken no notice of the blow, Clive, when the 
service was over, insisted on satis&ction for that 
unpardonable insult. On this being refused, he 
waved his cane over the head of his antagonist, 
telling him he was too contemptible a coward to 
be beaten. The day afler this transaction the 
person he had so disgraced resigned his com< 
mission. * 

No one of these early disputes with his bro- 
ther officers can be traced to a perverse t or 
quarrelsome temper. Clive appears in all to 
have been the party offended. The resolute 
manner in which he resented the injuries done 
to him raised his reputation for courage, and 
DO doubt protected him from further insult and 
outrage. 

* Biographia Britannica (2d edlL), art. Clive. 

f Mr. Mill in hie History of India (voLiii. p. 105.), in 
leference to these early occurrences of Clive's life, descrSieB 
him, at this period, as of a turbulent disposition ; but the 
justice of the application of such an epithet is not borne out 
by the facts. 

VOL. I. E 



byGooqlc 



00 VBHOlBa OP LC«B OLIVE. 

Fivip the date of Clive's entering the army 
till the year 1756, we have no letters or papers 
of his own that can throw any li^t upon this 
active and eventfiil period of his life ; hut the 
deficiency is well supplied by the plain narrative 
of the galhmt commander* under whom he 
served, and by an able writert, who dwells upon 
the development of his character and his early 
exploits, with ^ the interest which their local 
importance was calculated to inspire in one, 
wh<^ to hia high qualifications as an historian, 
added the fullest acquaintance with the scenes 
and persons he so well describes^ 

A prince of the name of Sahojee, who had 
seven years before lost the throne of Tanjore, 
came to Fort St. David to solicit the En^ish to 
restore him. He represented his title to the 
throne as just, and affirmed that he had nu- 
merous and powerful adherents, who would 
come forward the moment they saw him sup- 
ported ; but what had most weight with the 
gentlemen at Fort St David was his offer to 
cede Deveootta, a town situated near the mouth 
of the Coleroon, the possession of which, it was 
thought, would prove most advantageous to the 
trade of the Company on the coast of Coroman- 
del. The first expedition, which was sent under 
the command of Captain Cope, was early cora- 

* Colonel Lawrence's Narrative. 
f Onne, War in Hindustan. 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 91 

petted to letum, &om the di$culties of tlt^i 
<x:^lnt^y and want of provisions: and the report 
of the cpmmandex described Sahc^ee as being 
totally destitute of those adh^enta of whctm he, 
had bo^isted. 

The £ulure o^ this expeditiw served p^ly tcx 
Emulate to another effort thqse ifrho had th^ 
nufi^^^inait of the Company's a£^s. It waq 
indispensable^ th^y thought, to repair th^ dj»-, 
^ace incurred by a retr^t before ^e ti;pops of 
a, native f^te,, but tbey so far pai4 atten^pq to 
the information given by Captain Cope, as ^o de- 
t^riiiine that the capture of Deyepottat not th^ 
restftratipn of Sahojee, ahftMld be th^r first oly^ct. 

The second exp^d^t^oii^ consis,ting of ^00 £11- 
ropeans and 1,500 sepoys, which was plfiped 
under th? command of Major Lawrepce, suc- 
ceeded iq taking Devecotta, and in inft^cing i( 
treaty with the rajah of Tanjore, who cede^ 
that fort with a amall portion of territory to the 
Company* granting at the same time. 4,PP0. ra, 
pees per mensem to the fugitive prince whose 
cause they had adopted, on condition that he ws& 
pot ag^jn to disturb the p^ace of the ^untry, 

Clive, who had received the commission pf 9. 
lieutenant, was on this service : he solicited 
Major Lawrence to allpw him to lead the atorm 
pf the embankmoit thrown up tp defend the 
breach : hia request wa^ readily ppmplied with> 
E g 



byGooqlc 



52 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

for his reputation for gallantry stood high. Ex- 
posed to a severe fire, he passed with some dif- 
ficulty a rivulet, with a design of taking the 
enemy's works in flank : the sepoys were in the 
rear, but part of them only crossed the rivulet, 
and these did not close up with the Europeans, 
who, as they were presenting their muskets to 
fire, were chained in the rear hy a party of horse 
who were within forty yards, protected and con- 
cealed between the projecting towers of the fort. 
This attack was at once so rapid and impetuous 
that in an instant twenty-six of the platoon were 
cut down : four had been killed by the fire 
of the fort, and four only of the party remained 
alive. Clive, who narrowly escaped being cut 
down by the sabre of one of the horsemen, ran 
towards the sepoys, whom he found drawn up 
in good order. Their appearance checked the 
Tanjore horse, who, satisfied with their success, 
returned to the station from whence they had 
made their onset. Major Lawrence, on seeing 
what had occurred, advanced to the assault at 
the head of all the Europeans of his force, and 
was soon master of the fort This event was 
soon followed by a treaty of peace with the 
king of Tanjore. (a. d. 1749- ) 

We have already seen how Anwar-u-Deen 
became possessed of his power in the Camatic. 
The military chiefs, however, and the principal 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 53 

inhabitants of that country gave a reluctant 
obedience to his authority. The &mily of the 
former nabob continued to be popular ; but the 
difficulty was to find a representative fit to con- ' 
tend for the government. The brother of Ma- 
hommed Saeed was yet too young, and Mortaza 
All, governor of Vellore, was deemed too cow- 
ardly and treacherous to merit elevation. All 
eyes were turned towards 'Chunda Sahib, who 
continued to linger in a Mahratta prison. He 
was a soldier of approved conduct and valour, 
and the generosity of his disposition recom- 
mended him to all classes. But, as the solicitude 
for his release increased, ihe demand of the 
Mahrattas for his ransom rose. The ambition of 
Dupleix at last ended all difficulties. This bold 
and able statesman saw no prospect of the 
French maintaining themselves in India through 
the profits of their limited commerce ; but his 
acquaintance with the divided interests of the 
native princes led him to hope, that if he en- 
tered upon the arena of their politics, with a 
popular, if not a good cause, he might antici- 
pate splendid and profitable results. He deter- 
mined, therefore, to aid Chunda Sahib, with 
whose &mily, which had remained at Pondi- 
cherry, he made the necessary arrangement for 
his release. A sum of seven lacs of rupees was 
guaiuiteed to the Mahrattas as bis ransom, and 

E 3 



byGOOQJC 



54 MEkOlHS OF LORD CLITE. 

he left his prison, accohiponied by d small party 
of horse. JBiit fearing to enter the Camatic 
with so feW followers, he sought employment, 
hi the hope of increasing their numbers. The 
first contest in which he engaged was most un- 
fortunate. In a battle in which he aided the 
rajah of Chittledroog against the ranee (or 
queen) of Bedhorej his soti was killed, and him- 
self ntade a priscAier ; but, filing into the hands 
of some Mahominedan officers, he persuaded them 
not only to release him, but to join his standard 
on an expedition to Adoni, to unite with Mu- 
zuffer Jung, tbe son of a fevourite daughter of 
Nizain-ui-Mulk, who, on the death of that prince, 
had enteiWl the lists to contiend for ^e Bove- 
reighty of the Deckan against six of his uncles, 
each of Whom was aspiring to the sattie hig^ 
station. 

Chunda Sahib was ret:eived with a cordial 
Welcome, and he advised Muzuffer Jung to 
proceed instantly to the Carnatic, stating the 
strength and reputation he would gain by giving 
a nabob to Uiat country, and promising to ob- 
tain the aid of a French corps to establish his 
own title in the Deckan. TTie proposal was im- 
mediately adopted. A body of 400 Europeans 
and 2000 sepoys joined from Pondicherry, and 
in the first battle, which was fought near Am- 
boor,^ Anwar-u-Deen Was -slaith T^-iiV«««ti 



byGoot^lc 



MlfMOtRS OF LORD CLIVE. 55 

C&r^ greatly distinguished ^emselves in this 
aetiota, and Above all Bussy, who on this day 
displayed to the admiring Mahommedan thieft 
that valour and skill which laid the foundation of 
the merited &me he afterwards acquired. 

Muzuffer Jung, after this victoryj assumed 
all the ^tate of subadfu- oT the Beclum ; and his 
first act was to issue A patent to his ifri^d 
Chunda Sahib, appointing faittl nabob of the 
Camatic. Much v^uaUe tlihe Was lost by these 
chieft iA vain ceremonies at Arcot, and in a 
TMt to POndicherry, wherfe they were receivM 
and treated in a magniBcent manner by Du- 
pleis. 

(I749.) MalAuze Khan, thfe eldest son of 
Anwar-U-Deen, bad been made prisoner on the 
day his father was killed ; but Mahommed Alt, 
his younger brother, fled to Trichinopoly, Qvm 
whence he strongly, but At first vainly, solicited 
the English for aid. The committee at Fort St. 
David saw too clearly Uie development of il^e 
great jrfans oi Dupleix, nor wfete they ignorant 
tisat the success of these plans must invoice the 
niin <^ the interests of which thky had chaige. 
But they had not* like Dupleix, foreseen the 
events which were to occur, abd had received 
no ordei^s from England that could justify their 
entering upon a scene (^ extended operations ; 
Qw eould they with a good grace remonstrate 

E 4 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



SQ MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

against the proceedings of the French. Their 
own conduct in aiding a pretender to Uie petty 
principality of Tanjore, though the object was 
comparatively insignificant, was not very dissi- 
milar in mode, and as unjustifiable in principle, 
as the support given by Dupleix to Muzuffer 
Jung. Besides these reasons for temporary in- 
action, the English were anxious to repossess 
Madras, and the period fixed for its delivery by 
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had arrived. The 
French gave it up with the fortifications much 
improved ; but those of Fort St. David in the 
meanwhile had been much more so, and the 
Directors commanded that it should hencefor- 
ward be deemed the superior settlement 

The EngUsh authorities had some time before 
entered into a correspondence with Nizam-ul- 
Mulk, through his son Nasir Jung ; and Ad- 
miral GrifiSn had called upon the subadar of the 
Deckan to exercise his authority in the depen- 
dant province of Arcot, in order to obtain repa- 
ration for the injuries they had sustained, par- 
ticularly by the capture of Madras. This com- 
munication had been favourably received, and 
orders had been sent to Anwar-u-Deen to redress 
the evils of which the English complained ; but 
these orders met with little or no attention.* 

* lliU inattention to orders is referred by some notire 
p^enis of the company to the parBimony of the English 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 51 

The interceurse, however, which had been estab- 
lished with Nasir Jung was now. revived; and 
when that prince, who had been proclaimed 
the successor to his &ther, marched towards the 
Camatic to reduce his nephew Muzuffer Jung, 
and summoned Mahommed Ali to his standard, 
who carried with him 6000 of his own followers 
and a small body of English, the latter were, 
at Nasir Jung's request, reinforced by a body of 
600 Europeans under Major Lawrence. 

Nasir Jung, pleased with these proo& of alle- 
giance and support, proclaimed Mahommed All 
Nabob of the Camatic, with whose fortunes those 
of the English became &om that day intimately 
associated. An able author*, well qualified 
from the extent and accuracy of his observation 
to decide upon the true character of the events 
he describes, has justly ridiculed the attempts 
which have been made to defend the sacred right 
of inheritance claimed by any one of the candi- 
dates for power that now appeared upon the stage. 
The authority of the Emperor of Delhi over the 
south of India, during the long life of Nizam- 
ul-Mulk, had been merely nominal. Nasir Jung 
rested his right of succession to his father on the 

governor, in not making preEents to the nabob, which was 
contrasted with the liberality of Dupleix, who well knew how 
to gain his objects at such courts. 
• Colonel Wilts. 



byGooqlc 



58 UEMOtRS OF LORD ClaVB. 

fslsdy fesutbed preteirt tif hia dd«r Iwothw' 
hbvingt in pursuit of his schemes of ambiti<)h at 
tMbi> rMigtted the office of subadar of thii 
Beck^. MUEUfFer Jung otserted his daim oh A 
prebendtidwiU ofhisghmc^Uiet-Nizam-ul-Mulk: 
no ^"Oiof ^irfafe erc^ given of the iexistence of subh 
ia viai i and if it 4id existy it nev«r could; seeth- 
ing tb Iild^it law or il^e, be pleaded to the 
teditiibit df line ^A's of that prince. Mahomtned 
Ali claimed the tillfe of nabob, to the exeluSion 
t^his ^Ider brothet- Maphuze Khaoi by virtue of 
a proiaiise of Niaun-ul-Mulk, now confinned by 
tiie act of his son Nasif Jung ; while Chunda 
Sahib put forward no claittis beyond his own cha- 
tactetj hia near connection with the respected 
iamily of Saadet Ali, and the right df Muzuffer 
Jung:* while exercising the power of subadar 
of the Deckan, to appoint whom he chose to 
be Nabob of Arcot. 

Illese varwus pretensions, alike gtoundle* 
as matters of right, were about to be Jrefetred 
to the isword, which alone could decide claims 
nrf such a character. The troops of the Tiv&i 
tracing companies of England and France, 
though these nations were at peaces Stood ar- 
rayed as mercenaries in the opposing ranks of 
Indian princes. Eiach endeavoured to cast the 

• Gbazee-u-Deen 



byGOOQJC 



HBH0IR8 OV LORD CLIV^. S9 

blaiUe upon thb other, as the cause of tbts ti<^ 
tmty i but it is sufficiently obvious, thbt frbat^V^ 
pc^ext the KngiUh might bivi 9lSotA6d by 
their petty unjustifiable attack Upon Tailjor^ 
they could not remain neuter wh^ Db^leik 
took the part he did in tndiab pditicij Srttft^ 
out the imminent hazard <^ being deprived bf 
all dieir privilege^ if not exl)elleel fhyox theilr 
possessions on the coast of Coromandi^h The 
great error they committed wad, ndt to have 
foreseen the msis which had now occurred aU^ 
not to have prevented Admiral Bfucawen from 
returning to England^ leaving them every way 
. inferior in strength, both by land iand isea, to 
tjieir formidable opponents. 

Muzufier Jung and ChUnda Sahib had wasted 
that time which shoUld have be^ given to th^ 
attack of Trichinopoly, in levying tHbttte iVcHlii 
the Rajah o£ Tanjore, who Was sisd id^mpelled 
to ^ve a sum of money *, and to raak^ <c<ess$oA 
of territory to the Fr«tach. Alarmed iat the tnpld 
advance (>f Nasir Jungj they hastened to Pbnd!^ 
cherry, wherie tbey were reinforced by Du^IeiJb 
who, besides an advance of money, increased the 
French contingent to 2000 Europeans, a large 
body of sepoys, and a well-served tr^ of artil- 

* Two lacs of rupees were given to the French, and 
eighty-one vlllagea were' ceded belonging to Karical, which 
[dace die Freadi had seized hi 1736, and b<iillt a -fort tkkre. 



byGooqlc 



60 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

lery (a. d. 1750). This formidable corps gave 
every promise of success to Muzuffer Jung, 
whose anny, having strongly entrenched them- 
selves, waited the attack of their opponents with 
the fullest confidence of ultimate success. Their 
position was so excellent, that Major Lawrence 
advised Nasir Jung against an attack, but that 
- prince replied, " That it did not become the son 
of Nizara-ul-Mulk to retreat before such an 
enemy: he would," he said, "attack them in 
front." A cannonade took place the same day, 
and a general action was expected to ensue; but 
the French corps was suddenly disorganised by 
the resignation of no less than thirteen. commis- 
sioned officers, who had been for some time 
discontented, and who disgraced themselves by 
abandoning the standard of their country at the 
very moment of action ; at a period, too, when 
every personal consideration should have been 
sacrificed at the shrine of national glory, and 
when private interest should have given way 
before the public welfare. This mutiny (for 
such it was) appeared likely to spread, and the 
French commander was compelled to retreat to- 
wards Pondicherry. The defection of the corps 
on which they so much relied defeated all the 
hopes of Chunda Sahib and Muzuffer Jung. 
The former, with his adherents, accompanied the 
French corgs ; while the latter, fearing the disper- 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 6l 

sion or desertion of his anny, hastened to throw 
himself on the mercy of his uncle, who proffered 
every kindness, but who, the moment he had 
him in his power, threw him into prison. 

Dupieix evinced upon this occasion, that his was 
a character not to be depressed by reverses. He 
punished the guilty officers, brought to trial the 
commandant for retreating without orders, and 
took every step that could restore the discipline 
and efficiency of the French troops, or give spirit 
and confidence to their allies and adherents. 
The vain and dissolute Nasir Jung took little 
advantage of his success. A refusal to grant to 
his English allies a tract of territory near Madras, 
— the promised reward of their assistance, — in- 
duced Major Lawrence to return with his corps 
to Fort St. David; while the French, who had 
in part redeemed their reputation by a successful 
attack on a portion of the subadar's army, and by 
the capture of Masulipatam, now ventured to 
support Chunda Sahib in more extended opera- 
tions against the principal strong-holds in the 
Camatic. Mahommed Ali earnestly entreated the 
aid of the English to defend his newly-acquired 
territory, representing the ruin which must attend 
their afiairs on the success of the French. This 
aid was granted, on his consenting to pay the 
troops, but the failure in his engagements, and 
the weak and cowardly character of his militaiy 



byGoot^lc 



Gi MEHOIBS OF LOBD CLIVB. 

c^)«atiops, led to its being withdrawn. He wfts 
sopn aftenfrards defeated by the French, who 
^pwed up this success by one of still greats 
importance, rr- the captqre by storm of Ginge^ 
»n almost inaccessible hill fortr<^. 

The luano^ in which the works of a strong- 
hold, hitherto deei^ed impF^;nahle, were succesr 
f^vely carried by Bussy, to whose valour and 
mtUit^ry skill t^e arduous task was a^signedt 
struck ^we ^tp the natives of Indi^t^ and W3» 
vifs^ed by E^uropeAns with astoniabment. It had 
QOt been discovered (as it b^ since been by fre- 
quei^t fin^lar successes in India), that where men. 
rely upon steep and high mountains, ^d ntgged 
or scarped rocks, as defences, other means and 
^dvantf^ges are n^lected ; and if the assailants 
oy^corae those natural obstacleswhich have been 
deemed insuperable, the spirit of the defenderef 
is gone, and they seldom, if ever, offer that hold 
and determined resistance, which the same troops 
have ]}een found to do in half-walled towns, or 
villages, where, from the first, they coiUd coniide 
ip nothing but their own firmness and courage. 

The success of the French, but particularly 
their last exploit, roused Nasir Jung fr-oiu that 
dream of security into which he had ^efi. He 
recalled that pifft of his army which he had sent 
to Galcondfti and commenced a correspondence 
Vf\th Quple^x^ 'Vbat able mail) while he carried pn 



byGoot^lc 



HEUOIR^ Of L<»tD C^IVB. 63 

a iiegotiation Y'ith this fffiqoe, ha4 es^bUlhed 
a poQimunication with son^e of tl^^ priQcip4 
pfirsons* in his camp, who, whep th^ pl^ 
agatpst him w»8. TOfttured. Miew U» swnnioii te 
their aid a French force of 4000 men enoEwp^ 
near GiPgee. The treaty whioh QM|iiIc!ix pre- 
lended a desire to negotiate was sigiied by Nasir 
JuQg on the same day the cofispirators aent in 
the concerted summons ; but the latter reached 
its desUnation iirst, and the French foirc^ undep 
M. Delatouche, moved before day-light next 
morning to commence th»r attack on the camp 
of the subadar. They were opposed by the 
troops which remained firm to their duty } but 
the action was soon decided -by Naeir Jung's 
death. The unsuspecting prince had repaired 
to the lines of the Patan chiefsi with the view 
of exiting them to exertion i but, as be raised 
himself on the seat of his elephant to salute the 
Nabob of Kiirpa, two carabine balls pi<erced his 
body, and he instantly expired. His head eituck 
vpoB a spear, announced his fate to the army, 

* The Fatan Nabobs of Kurpa, Kamoul, and Sovanpr^ 
were the chief perBons in the conspiracy. Tliey were dis- 
contented at the treatment they received from Kasir Jung. 
They were joined by Shandraz Khan, and other high oSceri 
pf that prince. These latter are stated to )iave coosidereit 
themselves disgraced by the imprisonment of MuzuSer Jung, 
whose submission they had obtained by the most aacred 
pledges of his being kindly treated. 



byGooqlc 



64 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Muzuffer Jung was released, and by nine o'clock 
of the same morning was, without opposition, 
installed as subadar of the Deckan, although no 
feiwer than four brothers of the deceased were in 
camp.* 

Duplelx had evinced throughout these extras 
ordinary scenes a mixture of European and 
Asiatic character, which marked him as the 
fittest wf all instruments for a government which 
cherished a wish, as it appears the French did at 
this period, to obtain, through the influence of 
alliances with native states, the superiority over 
sH their European rivals in India ; and gained, as 
he merited, a rich reward irom Muzuffer Jung, 
both by a share in the treasures of the late suba- 
dar, and by a commission which constituted him 
governor over all the countries south of the 
Kistna; making Chuoda Saheb his deputy of 
Arcot. 

After all engagements were completed, the new 
subadar commenced his march towards Hydera- 
bad, accompanied by a force of 300 Europeans, 
and SOOO sepoys. The French troops had, by 
their recent conduct, established with the natives 
of India a high military reputation, the main- 
tenance of which could not have been entrusted 
to abler hands than those of Bussy, who was no- 
minated to the command of the subsidiary force 
• WilkB, vol.i. p. 269. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 65 

with MuzufiFer Jung. That prince, however, 
was not destined long to enjoy the happy turn of 
his fortune. The Patan nabohs who raised him 
to the throne, cherished expectations which he 
could not gratify; and their turbulent spirit, not 
brooking delay, broke out into rebellion. In an 
attempt to reduce the insurgents, Muzufier Jung 
was slain. The disastrous consequences which 
this event was likely to produce, were averted by 
the judgment and decision of Bussy, who in- 
stantly proclaimed Salabut Jung (the eldest of the 
imprisoned sons of Nizam-ul-Mulk) Subadar of 
the Deckan. That prince, grateful for his unex- 
pected elevation, confinned all the engagements 
which his nephew had contracted with Dupleix, 
and the army continued its march to Hyderabad. 

It has been necessary to say thus much regard- 
ing the different princes of the Deckan, from their 
connexion with the scenes which took place in 
the Camatic, and which it would be impossible 
to understand without the explanations which 
have been given. 

For the present, we leave Bussy and his force 
to the prosecution of the first great enterprise of 
an European power in the interior of India. The 
detail of the remarkable scene of warfare and of 
politics which awaited that extraordinary man, 
in the territories of Hyderabad, is foreign to the 
object of this memoir. We return, therefore, to 

VOL. 1. F 



byGooqlc 



66 MEMOIRS OF LORD CUT£. 

the narration of events in the Carnatic, which 
becomes a more pleasing task, as our countrymen 
now ceased to be ecUpsed, as they bad hitherto 
been, by the brilliant characters both of the 
French military commanders and statesmen. 



byGoot^lc 



HEHOIRS OF LORD CUVE. 6/ 



CHAP. II. 

(a. d. 1750.) The government of Fort St 
David had been assumed by Mr. Saunders, a 
man of sound sense and unconquerable flrmness. 
Nothing could he more alarming than the situa- 
tion in which be found the afi^s of the Company. 
He saw immediately, that, unless Mahommed AH 
was effectually supported, the Camatic would &U 
into the possession of Chunda Sahib, from whom 
the Company could expect no favour ; and the 
probability of this happening was greater, from 
the recent success of that chief, in obtaining 
possession of Madura, which literally confined 
Mahommed Ali to the single possession of Trichi- 
nopoly i almost every other place having acknow- 
ledged the authority of his rival. The govern- 
ment of Fort St David had sent to the aid of 
Mahommed Ali a body of 600 men under Captain 
Cope ; but the failure of an attempt made by this 
party to recover Madura depressed still more 
the spirits of the adherents of their ally, who was 
soon besieged by the united forces of Chunda 
Sahib and the French. This desperate state of 
his fortunes led to the renewal of his efforts to 
p g 



byGOOQJC 



DO HBUOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

obtain more efficient aid from the English, to 
whom he not only offered a considerable terri- 
tory contiguous to Madras, but agreed to pay 
the expenses of all the troops employed in his 
support. These offers, and the certain ruin in 
which the success of Chimda Sahib must involve 
the Company, would hardly have roused the 
Committee of Fort St. David, unauthorised a^ 
they were by their instructions from England, 
to depart from their neutrality, had not DupJeix 
insulted their forbearance by planting white flags, 
(to denote that they were French property) iii 
almost every field * around their boundary, and 
some even within their limits. 

The English troops on the coast were, at 
this period, much inferior in numbers to the 
French ; and by an inexplicable confidence in 
the continuance of peace, Colonel Lawrence, 
whose character and experience constituted a 
great part of their military strength, had been 
permitted to return to England on private a&irs. 
Notwithstanding these circumstances, Mr. Saun- 
ders determined to make an attempt to relieve 
Trichinopoly ; and a body of 500 Europeans, 
100 Caffres, and 1000 sepoys was detached 
under Captain Gingen, to join the party already 
in that garrison. Their march was delayed seve- 

• Onne vol. i. p. 171 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. D9 

ral weeks, to allow them to be joined by a party 
of Mahommed Ali's troops, the Committee being 
desirous to avoid appearing as principals in this 
war ; choosing, like the French, rather to have 
their forces considered as mercenaries in the pay 
of the native prince whom they supported. 

Glive, who had alternately been charged with 
civil and military duties, as the exigencies of the 
public service required, had resumed the civil 
branch of the service, soon after the reduction 
of Devecotta (a. d. 1749), when the pacifica- 
tion with the Rajah of Tanjore produced a tempo- 
rary cessation from military operations ; and was 
admitted to the same rank that he would have 
held, had he never quitted it By the active 
friendship of Major Lawrence, he was appointed 
commissary for supplying the European troops 
with provisions. He had not been long settled 
at Madras, when a fever of the nervous kind 
attacked His constitution, and so much affected • 
his spirits, that the constant presence of an atten- 
dant became necessary. For this complaint, 
which was accompanied with a hard swelling at 
the pit of his stomach, he went to Bengal during 
the cold season, and returned with his health 
much improved ; but the hardship and fatigue 
which he soon after underwent in the field, while 
his health was yet imperfectly re-established, 
tended so much to shake his constitution, that, 
F 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



70 MEMOIRS OF LORD ChlVE. 

during the remainder of his life, except when his 
mind was actively engaged, the oppression on his 
spirits frequently returned.* In his official ca- 
pacity of commissary, he now proceeded with 
Captain Gingen to Trichinopoly. (a. d. 1751, 
May.) As he did not then hold any station as a 
soldier, no share can be attributed to him in the 
disgraceful affair at Volcondat, where the British 
troops were discomfited, more by the irresolution 
and want of judgment of their officers t, than by 
the efforts or ability of their adversaries. 

They retreated to Trichinopoly, pursued and 
harassed by the enemy, of whom there appears 
to have been such a dread, that they did not 
even occupy the pagoda of Seringham §, though 
the strength of that post, and its vicinity to 
Trichinopoly, rendered it as tenable as it was 
important It was instantly taken possession of 
by the French, and their ally Chunda Sahib, 
who thus, under the most favourable auspices, 
commenced their operations on a scene destined 
to be that of their ultimate defeat. There were 

• Biog. Brit. art. Clive, p. 64'9. 

■)■ Onne, vol. L p. 173. 

:^ Captain Gingen had on this occasion recourse to a 
cooncil of waT) whose hesitation s[H'ead alarm among the 
troops. Onne, tdI. i. p. ISO. 

^ The idand of Seringham lies between the Coleroon and 
Caveri. It is famous for the pagoda &om which it derives 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVX. 71 

at this period so few EDglish officers of any ex- 
perience, that the governor was compelled to 
send one of the members of council (Mr. Pigot), 
a man of known firmness and judgment, in charge 
of some recruits and stores to Trichinopoly. 
Clive, who had returned to Fort St David, from 
Volconda, accompanied this party. On their way 
back &om this service, these two gentlemen, who 
had an escort of but twelve sepoys, were at- 
tacked by a body of polygars, who with match- 
locks harassed them in their march for some 
hours, and killed seven of the sepoys; when, the 
ammunition of the survivors being expended, 
they were ordered to disperse, and Mr. Pigot 
and Clive only saved themselves by the fleet- 
ness of their horses. Another small reinforce- 
ment was sent soon afterwards through Tanjore, 
in charge of Clive, promoted on this occasion to 
the rank of captain, which, after a sharp affair 
with a French detachment, succeeded in reach- 
ing Trichinopoly in safety. But Clive, on his 
return from that place, drew such a picture of the 
situation of the garrison, that the governor was 
satisfied the cause of Mahommed Ali could be 
saved only by efforts more considerable than any 
that had been yet made. Clive suggested, that, 
as Chunda Sahib had drawn away almost all his 
forces to invest Trichinopoly, an attack should 
be made upon his capital (Arcot). This sug- 
F 4 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



73 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

gestdon was adopted ; and he was, at his own 
request, nominated to the conduct of an enter- 
prise which, whether we consider the means 
employed, the obstacles to be surmounted, or the 
results that were produced, must ever rank high 
in the list of those achievements, where skill and 
energy supply the place of numbers; and, mock- 
ing every calculation, compel fortune, however 
reluctant, to pay homage to superior genius. But 
the capture and defence of Arcot forms too im- 
portant a feature in the life of Clive to be slightly 
passed over; and as no man can ever give so 
clear and so eloquent a relation of this operation 
as the historian*, who may almost be called 
an eye-witness of the actions he so admirably 
described, no apology is necessary for adopting 
his narrative; which, in its very minuteness, is as 
interesting as it is instructive ; and, while it con- 
veys a lesson to the mere European soldier, paints 
in true and vivid colours alt that belongs to the 
character of the yet unimproved system of 
Asiatic warfare. 

" The English battalion at Trichinopoly," says 
Qrme, " did not exceed 600 men ; whereas the 
French had 900, and the troops of Chunda Sahib 
outnumbered the Nabob's ten to one. The 
strength of the city, indeed, rendered the reduc- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 79 

tion of it veiy diflficult ; but the Nabob's army, at 
the same time that they were incapable of retriev- 
ing his affeirs, exhausted his treasures, and his 
revenues were daily cut oflf" by the enemy taking 
possesion of the countries which furnished them. 
"Captain Clive, on his return from Trichi- 
nopoly in the beginning of August, represented 
this situation of aflairs to the Presidency, and 
proposed, as the only resource, to attack the 
possessions of Chunda Sahib in the territory of 
Arcot } offering to lead the expedition himself 
which, he doubted not, would cause a diversion 
of part of the enemy's force from Trichinopoly. 
Fort St. David and Madras were left, the one 
with 100, the other with less than 50 men, in 
order to supply the greatest force that could be 
collected for this enterprise. The detachment, 
when completed, nevertheless, consisted of no 
more than 300 sepoys and SOO Europeans, with 
eight officers, six of whom had never before 
been in action •, and four of these six were young 
men in the mercantile service of the Company, 
who, inflamed by his example, took up the 
Hword to follow him. This handful of men, 
with only three field-pieces for their artillery, 
marched from Madras on the 36th of August, 
and on the S9th arrived at Conjeveram, a con- 
siderable town, with a large pagoda, lying about 
forty miles inland, where they received intelli- 



:byG00Qlc 



74 UEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

gence that the fort of Arcot was garrisoned by 
1 100 men ; on which Captain Clive wrote word 
to Madras, desiring that two eighteen-pounders 
might be sent after him without any delay. On 
the Slst he halted within ten miles of Arcot, 
where the enemy's spies reported, that they had 
discovered the English marching with uncon- 
cern through a violent storm of thunder, light- 
ning, and rain : and this circumstance, from 
their notions of omens, gave the garrison so 
high an opinion of the fortitude of the ap- 
proaching enemy, that they instantly abandoned 
the fort, and a few hours after the English en- 
tered the city, which had no walls or defences, 
and marching through 100,000 spectators, who 
gazed on them with admiration and respect, 
took possession of the fort, in which they found 
a large quantity of lead and gunpowder, with 
eight pieces of cannon, from four to eight^poun- 
ders. The merchants had, for security, deposited 
in the fort eifects to the value of 50,000/. } 
but these were punctually restored to the own- 
ers; and this judicious abstemiousness concili- 
ated many of the principal inhabitants to the 
English interest The fort was inhabited by 
3000 or 4000 persons, who, at their own re- 
quest, were permitted to remain in their dwel- 
lings. 

** Captain Clive made it his first care to col- 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 'JS 

lect such provisiona and materials as might 
enable him to sustain a siege; and foreseeing 
that the enemy would soon recover from their 
flight and return into the town, if he confined 
himself to the fort, determined to go in quest 
of them ; and on the 4th of September marched 
out with the greatest part of his men and four 
field-pieces. In the afternoon he discovered the 
fugitive garrison, consisting of 600 horse and 
500 foot, drawn up near Timery, a fort situated 
six miles- south-west of the city. They had a 
field-piece managed by two or three Europeans, 
fi-om which they fired at a great distance, and 
killed a camel and wounded a sepoy ; but as 
soon as they saw the English within musket- 
shot, retreated to the hills in the rear; upon 
which the English returned to the fort 

" The troops marched out again on the 6th, 
and found the enemy drawn up within gun-shot 
of Timery, in a grove, enclosed with a bank and 
a ditch, about fifty yards in front of which was 
a large tank, surrounded likewise with a bank 
much higher than that dT the grove; but by age 
and neglect the tank itself was almost choked 
up and dry. Their number now appeared to be 
2000, and they had two field-pieces, which 
fired smartly as theEnglish advanced, and killed 
three Europeans ; on which accident the line 
advanced more briskly towards the enemy, who. 



byGOOQJC 



76 VEUOIBS OP LORD CLIVE; 

frightened by the vivacity of their approach, did 
not think themselves safe in the grove, but hur- 
ried with precipitation into the tank, and began 
to fire from the banks, exposing so little of their 
bodies that the English fire did no execution 
amongst them, whilst theirs wounded several of 
tlie Europeans and sepoys. The troops were 
ordered, therefore, to move behind some neigh- 
bouring buildings, from which Ensign Glass 
was soon after detached with a platoon of forty 
men to attack one side of the tank, whilst an- 
other, under the command of Lieutenant Bulk- 
ley, pushed to attack the enemy in front. Both 
gained the banks, and gave their fire at the same 
instant amongst numbers crowded together in 
the tank, which immediately put them to flight 
The troops then took possession of the village 
under the walls of the fort, and summoned the 
governor. Messages passed, during which his 
spies discovered that the English had no batter- 
ing cannon, which intelligence determined him 
not to surrender. Several shells were therefore 
thrown into the fort from a cohom mortar, 
which proved inefiectual. The troops marched 
back to Arcot, and the enemy's cavalry hovered 
round tJiem as they retreated, but kept out of 
the reach of their fire. 

. " The garrison remained in the fort ten days, 
diligently employed in many necessary works ; 



byGooqlc 



MEHOIBS OF' LORD CLIVE, 77 

and the enemy, now augmented to SOOO men^ 
imputing this intermission of their sallies to fear, 
encamped within three miles of the town, giving 
out that they intended to besiege the fort Cap- 
tain Clive determined to take advantage of their 
security; and on the 14th of September marched 
out two hours aS:er midnight, with the greatest 
part of his garrison, and entering Uieir camp hy 
surprise, found them, as he expected, asleep. 
The troops beat up the camp from one end to the 
other, firixig continually on numbers taking flight 
on all sides with shrieks and confusion. The 
terror was so great that very few made use of 
their arms, and even those few, after a single dis- 
cbarge made at random, mingled with the rest of 
the fugitives ; and when the day broke, none of 
them remained in sight. This success was ob- 
tained without the loss of a man. 

" The two eighteen-pounders, which had been 
demanded from Madras, with some military 
stores, were at this time on the road, but escoited 
only by a few sepoys ; and the enemy, hoping to- 
intercept them, sent a large detachment, which 
took possession of the great pagoda of Conje- 
veram. Thirty Europeans and fifty sepoys, with 
a field-piece, were sent from the fort to dislodge 
them, and, on their arrival found the pagoda 
abandoned; the enemy having retreated to a 
fort in the neighbourhood, where they were 



byGooqlc 



79 MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

continually reinforced &om the main body. 
Much depending on the safe arrival of the convoy. 
Captain Clive* reserving only thirty Europeans 
and fifty sepoys for the guard of the fort, sent all 
the rest to strengthen the detachment which 
escorted it. On this the enemy changed their 
design, and returned hastily to the city, in ex- 
pectation that an assault, made on the fort 
during the absence of a great part of the. garrison, 
would encourage the inhabitants to rise ; and, in 
Has confidence, their whole force, horse and 
foot, advanced as soon as it was dark, and sur- 
rounded die fort. Their musketry, from the 
adjacent houses, kept a continual fire upon the 
ramparts ; and this attack producing no effect, a 
large body of horse and foot advanced promis- 
cuously to the outer gate,endeavouring, by out- 
cries, and the noise of their military music, to 
confound the attention of fJie garrison, from 
which they sustained several discharges of mus- 
ketry without quitting their ground. At last 
some gteoaAes were thrown amongst them, the 
explosion of which, frightening the horses, flung 
their cavalry into such confiision that they gal- 
loped away, trampling over the foot : but within 
an hour they recovered their spirits, and made 
sudi another attack at the other gate, where 
they were received and beaten off as at the first. 
Their in&ntry continued their fire until day-> 



byGOOQJC 



UEMOIBa OF LORD CL1V£. 79 

break, when tbe English detachment with the 
convoy entered the town ; upon which they 
abandoned it with precipitation. 

" The inhabitants in the fort, satisfied with 
the treatment they had received from the gar- 
rison, betrayed no symptoms of insurrection 
during the attack. 

•' The acquisition of the fort of Arcot soon 
produced the e£fect which had been expected 
from it. Chunda Sahib detadied 4000 of his 
troops, horse smd foot, from Trichinopoly, who, 
in their route, were joined by his son Rajah Sahib 
with 150 Europeans from Pondicheny, and, 
U^ether with the troops aheady collected in the 
neighbourhood of Arcot, entered the city on the 
S3d of September, and K^ah Sahib fixed his 
head-quarters in the palace of the Mal>ob. 

" Captain Clive, finding himself on the point 
of being closely besieged, determined to make 
one vigorous effort to drive the enemy out of the 
town, which, if it did not succeed, might at 
least produce the good effect of impressing them 
with an opinion of the courage of his men. On 
the 24>th at noon, the greatest part of the gar- 
rison, with the four field-pieces, sallied out of the 
north-west gate : this ^ed a street, which, after 
continuing about seventy yards in a direct line 
to the north, turned off to the east, and formed 
another street, at the end c^ which, on the left 



byGOOQJC 



80 HEUOIHS OF LORD CLIVE. 

hand, was situated the Nabob's palace. This 
fronted another street, which, striking to the 
south, continued on the eastern side of the fort 
The square interval between these three streets 
and the northern wall of the fort was filled with 
buildings and enclosures. Captain Clive, intend- 
ing to place the enemy between two fires, ordered 
a platoon under the command of Ensign Glass to 
march up the street on the eastern side of the 
fort, which led up to the palace, and advancing 
himself, with the main body, along the street 
leading from the north-west gate, found the 
French troops, with four field-pieces, drawn up 
at the end of the cross street in front of the 
palace. Captain dive's party no sooner came in 
sight of them, than a hot cannonade ensued in the 
cross street, at the distance of only thirty yards. 
The French in a few minutes were driven from 
their guns, and ran into the palace ; but by this 
time the troops of Rajah Sahib had taken pos- 
session of all the houses in the street ; and 
secure under this cover, kept up a continual fire 
from their musketiy, with such good aim, that 
fourte«i men, who pushed to bring away the 
French guns, were all either killed or wounded. 
There was on one side of the street a large 
choultry: these are buildings intended for the 
leception of travellers, covered, and enclosed 
on three sides with walls, but open in front. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 81 

where, instead of a wall, the roof is supported 
by pillars. 

" Captain Clive, to preserve his men, relin- 
quished the intention of bringing off the enemy's 
cannon, and ordered them to enter the choultry ; 
from hence the artillery-men, stepping out and 
retreating into it, immediately after they per- 
formed the services allotted to each of them, 
continued to load and fire their iield-pieces, 
until they had recoiled into the north street. 
The troops then, quitting the choultry, joined 
their guns, and proceeded to the fort without 
meeting any further molestation. Ensign Glass's 
platoon returned at the same time : these had 
encountered, and put to flight three or four 
hundred of the enemy's sepoys, whom they 
found posted as an advanced guard in an in- 
closure adjoining to the street through which 
they intended to pass to the palace ; where, by 
this interruption, they were prevented from ar- 
riving in time to render the service expected 
from them. The garrison suffered this day the 
loss of fifteen Europeans, who were either killed 
on the spot, or died afterwards of their wounds : 
amongst them was Ueutenant Trenwith, who, 
perceiving a sepoy from a window taking aim at 
Captain Clive, pulled him on one side; upon 
which the sepoy, changing his aim, shot lieu- 
tenant Trenwith through the body. Lieutenant" 



byGooqlc 



82 MEMOIRB OF LORD CLJVB< 

Revdi the only artillery officer, with sixteen 
other men, was likewise disabled. This sally 
would be condemned by the rules of war esta- 
blished in Europe, for they forbid the besi^ed 
to run such a risk, unless they are assured of 
greatly outnumbering the party they attack; 
but it is not reasonable to strain the rules cd- 
culated for one system to the service of another 
differing so widely from it, as the modes of war 
in Hindustan differ from those in Europe. 

"The next day Rajah'Sahib was joined by SOOO 
men from Vellore, commanded by Mortaza Ali 
in person -, and took possession of all the avenues 
leading to the fort, which seemed little capable 
of sustaining the impending siege. Its extent 
was more than a mile in circumference; the walls 
were in many places ruinous ; the rampart too 
narrow to admit the firing of artillery ; the para- 
pet low and slightly built ; several cf the towers 
decayed, and none of them capable of receiving 
more than one piece of cannon ; the ditch was 
in most places fordable, in others dry, and in 
some choked up; there was between the walls of 
the fort and the ditch a i^ace, about ten feet 
broad, intended for a &usse-braye ; but this had no 
parapet at the scarp of the ditch. The fort had 
two gates, one to the north-west, the other to 
the east : both of them were large piles of mason- 
ry, projecting forty feet beyond the walls ; and 



byGOOQJC 



MEUOmS 0¥ LOBD CtlVE. SS 

the passage from these gates was, instead of a 
drawbridge, a large causeway crossing the ditch. 
The garrison had, from their arrival, employed 
themselves inde&tigably to remove and repair as 
many of these inconv^iiences and defects as the 
smallaess of their number could attend to. They 
had endeavoured to burn down several of the 
nearest houses, but without success ; for these, 
having no wood-work in their cMistruction, ck- 
cepting the beams which supported the ceUin^ 
resisted the blaze ; of these houses the enemy^a 
infantry took possession, and began to fire upon 
the ramparts, and wounded several o£ the garri- 
s(»i before night, when they retired. At midnight 
Ensign Glass was sent with two men, and some 
barrels of gunpowder, to blow up the two houses 
which most annoyed the fort. This party was 
let down by ropes over the wall, and, entering the 
houses without being discovered, made the ex- 
plosion, but with so UtUe skill, that it did not 
produce the intended effect. At their return, the 
rope by which Ensign Glass was getting Into the 
£H*t brok^ and he was by the &1I rendered inca^ 
pable of further duty ; so that, at the beginning 
of the siege, the garrison was deprived of the 
service of four of the eight officers who set out 
on the expedition ; for one was killed, two 
wounded, and another returned to Madras ; and 
the troops fit for duty were diminished to ISO 



byGooqlc 



84 MEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Europeans and 200 sepoys j these were besifeged 
by 150 Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, 3,000 cavalry, 
and 5,000 peons. 

" The store of provisions in the fort was only 
sufScient to supply the garrison sixty days, which 
rendered it necessary to send away all the in- 
habitants, excepting a few artificers j and the 
enemy permitted them to pass through their 
guard without molestation. Amongst those who 
remained was a mason, who had been for many 
years employed in the fort. He gave information 
that there was an aqueduct under ground, known 
to very few, but which, if discovered by the 
enemy, would enable them to drain the only 
reservoir of water in the fort The man was re- 
warded for this seasonable intelligence, and 
employed to prevent the mischief by choking up 
a part of the aqueduct within the walls. For 
fourteen days the enemy, not yet furnished with 
battering cannon, carried on the siege by firing 
from the houses with musketry, and a bombard- 
ment from four mortars. The bombardment 
did but little damage; and, to avoid the effect of 
the musketry, none of the garrison were sufi^ered 
to appear on the ramparts, excepting the few 
immediately necessary to avoid a surprise ; but, 
notwithstanding this precaution, several were 
killed, and more wounded : for the enemy, 
secure in the houses, and firing trom resting- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. OO 

places, took such excellent aim, that they often 
hit a man when nothing hut his head appeared 
above the parapet ; and in this manner three Ser- 
jeants were killed, who at different times singly 
accompanied Captain Clive in visiting the works. 
Mortaza Ali, a few days after his arrival, pre- 
tended to be dissatisfied with Rajah Sahih, and 
removed hia troops to a different part of the 
city, from whence he sent a messenger inviting 
the garrison to make a sally on the quarters of 
Rajah Sahib, in which he offered to assist them 
with his whole force. Captain Clive mistrusted 
his professions ; but, considering the advantage of 
keeping such a number of the enemy's troops 
inactive, pretended to approve of the proposal, 
and carried on for several days a correspond- 
ence, until Mortaza Ali, suspecting his scheme 
was detected, rejoined the army. 

" On the 21th of October, the French troops 
received from Pondicherry two eighteen-pounders, 
and seven pieces of smaller calibre, and immedi- 
ately opened a battery to the north-west, which 
was so well served, that their very first shot dis- 
mounted one of the eighteen-pounders in the fort, 
and the next entirely disabled it. The garrison 
mounted the other eighteen-pounder ; and this, 
after a few shot, was likewise dismounted ; after 
which, it was employed only in such parts of the 
fort, where it was not exposed to the enemy's 
G 3 



by.Gooqlc 



86 MEUOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

artiUeiy. The three field-pieces were likewise 
cautiously reserved to repulse the enemy when 
they should storm j so that their battery, firing 
without much opposition, in six days beat down 
all the wall lying between two towers, and made 
a practicable breach of fifty feet 

"In the meantime, the garrison were employed 
in making works to defend it< A trench was dug 
just under the rampart, and behind that, at some 
distance, another ; both of which were scattered 
with crows'-feet, and behind them the walls of a 
house were pulled down to the height c^ a breast- 
work, from whence a row of palisadoes was car- 
ried along on each end of both trenches, and 
continued up the rampart to the pf^apet A field- 
piece was planted on one of the towers which 
flanked the breach without, and two small pieces 
of cannon on the fiat roof of a house within the 
fort, opposite to the entrance. In these employ- 
ments, as, indeed, in all others, the ofiicers contri- 
buted their labour equally with the common 
men ; and the enemy, informed of these prepa- 
parations to defend the breach, did not think it 
safe to attack it before they had made another. 
They had by this time burst one of their eigh- 
teen-pounders, and removed the other, with one 
nine-pounder, to a battery which they erected 
to the south-west. 

" The garrison, intending to convince Rajah 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. S? 

Sahib that they were in a conditi(»i to execute 
even labours not indispensably necessary, thick- 
ened the highest tower of the ramparts, and then 
raised on the top of it a mound of earth, to such 
a height as commuided the palace, over the 
inteijacoit houses. On the top of this mound 
they hoisted a vast piece of cannon, sent, accord- 
to the tradition of the fort, from Delhi, by 
Aurungzebe, and said to have been drawn by 
1000 yoke of oxen. There were several iron 
balls belonging to it, each weighing seventy-two 
pounds. The cannon was laid on the mound, 
-and loaded with thirty pounds of powder, which 
was fired by a train carried to a considerable 
distance on the ground. The shot went through 
the palace, to the no small terror of Kajah Sahib 
and his princip^ officers ; and, as this was the 
only effect intended, the cannon was fired only' 
once in the day, at the time when the officers 
assembled at the head-quarters : on the fourth ' 
day it burst. 

" The enemy, as if they intended to retaliate 
this afiront, filled up a large house, which com- 
manded the eastern gate, with earth well rammed 
down, and upon this base raised a square mound of 
earth to such a height as commanded not only 
the gate, but likewise every part within the fort. 
From hence, they intended to fire on the ranpart 
with musketry and two small pieces of cannon. 
o 4 



byGooqlc 



88 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

They were suffered to go on with their work 
until they had completed it and mounted the 
cannon ; when the garrison began to fire from the 
reserved eighteen^pounder, and in less than an 
hour, the mound gave way, and tumbled at once, 
with fifty men stationed on it, some of whom 
were killed, and many disabled. 

" Notwithstanding the numbers of the enemy's 
guards which suirounded the fort, the garrison, 
by means of able spies, carried on a constant cor- 
respondence with Madras and Fort St. David j 
where the Company's agents were very solicitous 
to relieve them; and, havingreceived somerecniits 
from Europe, formed a party of 100 Europeans, 
who, with 200 sepoys, set out from Madras under 
the command of Lieutenant Innis. Before they 
had advanced thirty miles on their way to Arcot, 
' they were surrounded in the town of Trivatore 
by 2000 of Rajah Sahib's troops, detached with 
twenty Europeans, and two field-pieces from th6 
city. The English party, having no cannon, 
were so severely annoyed by the enemy's, that 
Lieutenant Innis, as the only resource, made a 
push with all his Europeans to drive them from 
their guns. The attempt succeeded, but not 
without a sharp contest, in which twenty of the 
English, and two of their ofllcers were killed, 
and a greater number wounded. This loss de- 
terred the rest from continuing their march, and 



byGooqlc 



HEH0IB8 OF LORD CLIVB. 89 

they retreated to Poonamalee, a fort built by the 
Moors, a^d at this time belonging to the Com- 
pany, fifteen miles west of Madras. 

" On the 24th of October, the enemy opened 
their battery to the south-west The part of the 
wall against which they directed their fire, was 
in a very ruinous condition ; but it had the 
advantage of being much less exposed than any 
other to the fire from the houses. The garrison, 
therefore, kept up a constant fire of musketry 
against the battery, and several times drove the 
enemy out of it ; but the breach, notwithstand- 
ing, increased every day. 

'^The retreat of Lieutenant Innis left the gar- 
rison little hopes of succour from the settlements; 
but at this time their spirits were raised by the 
hopes of other resources. A body of 6000 Mah- 
rattas, under the command of Morari-row, had lain 
for some time encamped at the foot of the western 
mountains, about thirty miles from Arcot : they 
had been hired to assist Mahommed-Ali, by the 
king of Mysore; but the retreat of the English 
and the Nabob's troops to Trichinopoly, had 
been represented in the neighbouring countries 
so much to their prejudice, that the Nabob's 
affiiirs were thought to be desperate, and his 
allies were suspected of having little intention to 
support him ; and from this persuasion the 
Mahrattas remained inactive. Captain Clive 



byGooqlc 



DO HEUOIBS 09 LORD CLIVE. 

had found means to send a messenger to mfbrm 
them of his situation, and to request their ap- 
proach to his relief. The messenger returning 
safe to the fort, brought a letter from Moraii-row, 
in vhich he said he would not delay a moment 
to send a detachment of his troops to the assist- 
ance of such brave men as the defenders of 
Arcot, whose behaviour had now first convinced 
him that the English could fight 

" Rajah Sahib, receiving intelh'gence of their 
intentions, sent a flag of truce on the 30th of 
October, with proposals for the surrender of the 
fort He offered honourable terms to the garrison, 
and a large sum of money to Captain CUve ; and, 
if his offers were not accepted, he threatened to 
storm the fort immediately, and put every man 
to the Bword. 

"Captain Clive, inhis answer, reproached the 
badness of Chunda Sahib's cause ; treated Rajah 
Sahib's offers of money with contempt; and said 
that he had too good an opinion of his prudence 
to believe that he would attempt to storm until 
he had got better soldiers than the rabble of 
which his army was composed. As soon as the 
messenger was despatched, the flag of truce was 
pulled down ; but, the enemy not understanding 
the rules of European war, numbers of them 
remained near the ditch, parleying with the se- 
poys, and persuading them to desert . The 



byGooqlc 



UEMOIBS 09 LORD CLIVE. 91 

<^wd was seveml times warned to retire, but, 
coadnuing to disr^ard the injunction, was dis- 
persed by a volley of small arms, which killed 
severfJ of them. 

" Lieutenant Innis'a party, reinforced to the 
number of 150 Europeans, and with four fieUL- 
piecea, was now advancing under the command 
of Captain Kilpatrick ; and on the 9th of No- 
vember a detachment of Mahrattas arrived in 
the neighbourhood, and intercepted some ammu- 
nition going to the enemy. They likewise 
attempted to enter the town ; but, finding every 
street and avenue barricadoed, they contented 
themselves with plundering and setting fire to 
some houses in the skirts of it ; after which they 
retreated. 

"Bythistimetheenemy had, from their battery 
to the south-west, made a breach much larger 
than that to the north-west, for it extended near 
thirty yards ; but the ditch before it was full of 
wat^, and not fordabte ; and the garrison had 
counterworked this breach with the same kind 
of defences as the other. 

" Rajah Sahib, exasperated by the answer he 
had received to his summons, and alarmed by the 
approach of the Mahrattas and the detachment 
from Madras, determined to storm the fort. In 
the evening, a spy brought intelligence of this 
to the garrison ; and at midnight another came. 



byGOOQJC 



92 MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

with all the enemy's dispositions, and the hour of 
attack, which was to begin at the dawn of the 
day, by the signal of three bombs. 

"Captain Clive, almost exhausted with fa- 
tigue, lay down to sleep, ordering himself to 
be awakened at the first alarm. 

"It was the I'ith of November, and the festival 
which commemorates the murder of the brothers 
Hassan and Hassein happened to &U out at this 
time. This is celebrated by the Mahbmmedans 
of Hindustan with a kind of religious madness, 
some acting and others bewailing the catastrophe 
of their saints with so much energy, that several 
die of the excesses they commit : they are like- 
wise persuaded that whoever falls In battle 
against unbelievers, during any of the days of 
this ceremony, shall instantly be translated into 
the higher paradise, without stopping at any of 
the intermediate purgatories. To the enthusiasm 
of superstition was added the more certain effi- 
cacy of inebriation j for most of the troops, as is 
customary during the agitations of the festival, 
had eaten plentifully of bang, aplantwhich either 
stupifies, or excites the most desperate excesses 
of rage. Thus prepared, as soon as the morning 
broke, the army of Rajah Sahib advanced to the 
attack. Besides a multitude that came with lad- 
ders to every part of the walls that were accessi- 
ble, there appeared four principal divisions ; two 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 93 

of these divisions advanced to the two gates, Mid 
the other two were allotted to the breaches. 

" Captain Ciive, awakened by the alarm, found 
his garrison at their posts, according to the dis- 
positions he had made. The parties who attacked 
the gates drove before them several elephants, 
who, with large plates of iron fixed on their fore- 
heads, were intended to break them down ; but 
the elephants, wounded by the musketry, soon 
turned, and trampled on those who escorted 
them. The ditch before the breach to the north- 
west was fordable ; and as many as the breach 
would admit mounted it with a mad kind of in- 
trepidity, whilst numbers came and sat down 
with great composure in the &usse-braye under 
the tower wbere the field-piece was planted, and 
waited there, ito relieve those who were employed 
in the attack : these passed the breach, and some 
of them even got over the first trench before the 
defenders gave the fire: it fell heavily, and every 
shot did execution j and a number of muskets 
were loaded in readiness, which those behind 
delivered to the first rank as &st as they could 
discharge them. The two pieces of cannon 
from the top of tlie house fired likewise on 
the assailants, who in a few minutes abandoned 
the attack ; when another body, and then an- 
other succeeded, who were driven off in the same 
manner. In the mean time bombs, with short 



byGooqlc 



94 ueuoiRa or loud clivs. 

fusees, which bad beeo prepared and lodged in 
the adjacent rampart, were thrown into the 
&usse-braye, and by their explosion drove liie 
crowd who had seated themselves there back 
again over the ditch. 

" At the breach to the south-west the enemy 
brought a rail, and seventy men embarked on it 
to cross the ditch, which was flanked by two 
field-pieces, one in each tower. The raft had 
almost gained the &usse-braye, when Captain 
Clive, observing that the gunners fired with bad 
aim, took the management of one of the field- 
pieces himself, and, in three or four dischaigea, 
flung them into such confusion, that they overset 
the rafl, and tumbled into the ditch ; where some 
of them were drowned, and the rest, intent only 
on their own preservation, swam back and 1^ 
the raft behind. 

"In these different attacks, the enemy conti- 
nued the storm for an hour ; when they relin- 
quished all their attempts of annoyance at once, 
and employed themselves earnestly in carrying 
off their dead. Amongst these was the comman- 
der of their sepoys, who fell in the £iu3se-braye 
of the northern breach. He had distinguished 
himself with great bravery in the attack, and was 
so much beloved by his troops, tliat one of them 
crossed the ditch, and carried off his body, ex-, 
positig himself, during the attempt, to the fire 



byGOOQJC 



MBMOIKS OF LORD CLIVB^ 93 

of forty muskets^ from which he had the good 
fortune to escape. It seemed as if the enemy 
expected that the garrison would permit them 
to fulfil this duty to their friends; but, finding 
that they suffered severely in attempting it^ 
they at last retreated and disappeared. Their 
loss, during the storm, was computed to be not 
less than 400 men killed and wounded; of which 
very few were Europeans; for most of the French 
troops were observed drawn up, ^id looking on 
at a distance. Of tixe defenders, only four Eu- 
ropeans were killed, and two sepoys wounded. 
Many of the garrison being disabled by sickness 
or wounds, the number which repulsed the storm 
was no more than eighty Europeans (officers 
included), and 120 sepoys ; and these, besides 
serving five pieces of cannon, expended 1^000 
musket cartridges during the attack. 

" Two hours after, the enemy renewed their 
fire upon the fort, both with their cannon and 
, with musketry from the houses. At two in the 
afternoon they demanded leave to bury their 
dead ; which was granted, and a truce allowed 
until four. They then recommenced, and con- 
tinued their fire smartly till two in the morning, 
when, on a sudden, it ceased totally; and, at 
daybreak, intelligence was brought that the 
whole army had abandoned the town with preci- 
pitation. On receiving this joyful news, the 



byGOOQJC 



96 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

garrison immediately marched into the enemy's 
quarters, where they found four, pieces of artil- 
lery, four mortars, and a large quantity of am- 
munitioD, which they- brought in triumph into 
the fort. During the time that the garrison 
were shut up in the fort, forty-five Europeans 
and thirty sepoys were killed, and a greater 
number of both wounded ; most of whom suf- 
fered by the enemy's musketry from the houses. 
' " Thus ended this siege, maintained fifty days, 
under every disadvantage of situation and force, 
by a handful of men, in their first campaign, 
with a spirit worthy of the most veteran troops : 
and conducted by their young commander with 
inde&tigable activity, unshaken constancy, and 
undaunted courage : and, notwithstanding he had 
at this time neither read books, nor conversed 
with men capable of giving him much instruction 
in the military art, all the resources which he 
employed in the defence of Arcot, were such as 
are dictated by the best masters in the science 
of war."* 

I have it in my power, from authority I cannot 
doubt, to add to the account of this celebrated 
siege an anecdote, singularly illustrative of the 
character of the native troops of India. When 
provisions became so scarce that there was a fear 

• Orme, Vol. I. p. 183—196. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 97 

liiat &inine might compel them to surrender, 
the sepoys proposed to Clive to Umit them to the 
water* in which the rice was boiled. " It is,'* 
they said, " sufBcient for our support : the Eu- 
ropeans require the grain." 

This fact is as honourable to Clive, as to those 
under his command ; for the conduct of the 
native troops of India will always be found to 
depend upon the character of the officers under 
whom they are employed. Flattered and ele- 
vated by the confidence reposed in them, they 
will almost rival Europeans in their efforts to 
merit such consideration ; but when their cha- 
racter and feelings are not understood, and a 
secondary place is assigned them, or when they 
are treated as an inferior class of troops, they soon 
become, from sinking in their own estimation, 
what ignorant and unskilful leaders have too 
often, in justification of their own failure, de- 
scribed them. From the nature and constitution 
of this part of our army, it cannot be otherwise; 
and there are abundant examples to prove, that 
where knowledge and talent are united in the 
commander, no fear need be entertained of his 
success in stimulating the native part of his force 
to every effort, of which patient suffering, under 

* This water is called Canjee, and containa a sufficient 
infuwon of the grain to be nutritive, resemblbg thin gruel. 
VOL. I, H 



byGooqlc 



98 MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

privation and &tigue, or active and daring valour 
in front of the enemy, is capable. 

Clive took full advantage of the impressions 
made by his successful defence of Arcot. Having 
increased his force by a detachment from Fort 
St. David of two hundred Europeans and seven 
hundred sepoys, he took the small fort of Ti- 
mery * ; and fuded by a party of Mahrattas, sent 
by Morari-row, the chief of Goothy, he did not 
hesitate, by a forced march, to meet a party of 
three hundred Europeans, two thousand horse, 
and two thousand five hundred sepoys, with four 
field pieces, which had been sent from Pondir 
cherry to aid Rajah Sahib. 

Afrer a well-contested action, the French were 
completely routed ; and night only saved them 
from destruction. The Mahrattas, who had dlsr 
played courage in the action, were most eager in 
the pursuit, in which they took four hundred 
horses, and Rajah Sahib's military chest, con- 
taining 100,000 rupees, f 

These successes turned the tide of the public 
opinion, in that part of the country where they oc- 
curred, in favour of the English. The killahdar 
(or governor) of Amee proclaimed his allegiance 
to Mahommed Alij and six hundred French 
sepoys, having brought their arms, were enlisted, 
and added by Clive to the strength of his small 
force. 

• Orme, Vol. L p. 106. f I^. ibid., p. 199. ■ 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 99 

Clive next proceeded to the attack of Coik- 
jeveram, of whicli the French had made a post. 
The commandant compelled two English officers, 
Revel and Glass, who were their prisoners, to 
write, that if the place was attacked they should 
be exposed on the wall. They, however, added 
to the letter, that they made this communication 
by desire of the enemy, but trusted no con- 
sideration for them would for one instant stop 
operations. When battering cannon arrived, a 
breach was made; but the French garrison, 
dreading the just resentment which their con- 
duct* had excited, did not await a storm, but 
abandoning the pagoda at night, 1^ behind the 
two prisoners they bad threatened to expose. 

Clive, after destroying the d^ences of Con* 
jeveram, and strengthening the garrison of Arcot, 
proceeded himself to Fort St. David, to report 
the det^ of his success, and to sug^t further 
operation^. 

These successes had, at firsti a favourable im- 
pression upon the a£^rs of Mahommed Alt, who 
still remained at Trichinopoly, where he was in 
daily expectation of being joined by a large force 

* Besides the unwarraiUable threat of exposing their pri- 
soners, Orme (Vol. I. p. 199.) states, that, though they gave 
quarter to the tvo officers, Revel and Glass, they had mur- 
dered in their litters five or six disabled soldiers, whom they 
took when on their route from Arcot to Fort St. David. 
H 2 



byGOOQJC 



100 MEMOIRS OF LORD OLIVE. 

from Mysore, to the Regent of which country he 
had made great promises. He had been joined 
by a body of Mahrattas sent by Morari-row ; 
but thfe comparatively small force of the English 
led their cautious commander, Captain Gingen, 
to limit himself to the defensive. 

This excited a spirit of discontent in the gar- 
rison, and more in the Mahrattas, who, eager for 
action, upbraided the English for their want of 
enterprise, telling them *, " they were not the 
same kind of men whom they had seen fight so 
gallantly at Arcotl" 

In the beginning of the ensuing year (January, 
1752), Rajah Sahib reassembled a force, which 
amounted to four hundred Europeans, two 
thousand sepoys, and two thousand five hundred 
horse, with a train of artillery, and began to 
lay waste the territories of Mahommed Ali, 
plundering those of the English at Poonamalee, 
and burning their newly-erected houses at St 
Thomas's Mount 

To arrest the progress of this paity, a force of 
three hundred and eighty Europeans, one thou- 
sand three hundred sepoys, and six field pieces, 
was placed under Clive. He immediatelyt 
marched towards the enemy, who, notwithstand- 
ing their superiority in numbers, did not venture 
to meet him, but abandoned different strong po- 

* Orme, Vol. I. p. 206. 

\ He commenced iiia march, February Z'2. 1752. 

■ DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 101 

sitions on' his i^proach ; till he came so utiex- - 
pectedly upon them at the village of Coverspafa; 
that the leading men of his party received a dis- 
charge from their artillery, posted in a grove, 
before he was aware of their vicinity. To 
remedy the temporary confusion this created^ 
Clive took advantage of a water-course to afford 
his infentry shelter, while he secured his baggage 
and prepared for an attack. His first efforts were 
unsuccessful, from the superiority of the enemy's 
artillery j and he soon saw that he must either 
capture it or retreat The mango grove, in which 
it was placed, was defended in front by a steep 
bank and ditch ; but the report of those he sent 
to reconnoitre the rear of their position, satisfied 
him it was open and not guarded. He instantly 
■ detached six hundred of his best men to make 
a detour, and attack the enemy in rear, while the 
main body pressed them in front. He had pro- 
ceeded some distance with this detachment, in 
order to ensure its proper direction, when his 
temporary absence had nearly caused the defeat 
of the troops he left eng^ed in the water-course. 
These men, accustomed to look to him alone for 
victory, and discouraged by so large a party being 
detached, had given way ; and on his return, it 
was not without great difficulty he rallied them, 
and made them recommence a firing, which was 
continued, and the enemy amused, till a volley 
H 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



103 HEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVB. 

&om the party who had been sent to the rear an- 
flounced their arrival and success at the same 
moment For having reconnoitred the position 
by means of an officer who, speaking French, was 
mistaken for a friend, they had approached so 
dose before they were discovered, that the enemy 
were thrown into inextricable cwifusion. Nine 
pieces of cannon were taken, and all fled, except 
a party c£ sixty EuropeMis, who surrendered : — 
fifty Frenchmen and three hundred sepoys were 
found dead upon the field. The loss of the En- 
glish detachment was also severe. Forty Euro- 
peans and thirty sepoys were killed, and a much 
grater number were wounded : — but the effect 
produced by the skill and gallantry of Clive was 
decisive. The French force in this part of the 
Camatic was destroyed, and the reputation of 
the British arms was. restored, or rather founded, 
in India : — for before his brilliant successes no 
event had occurred which could lead the natives 
to believe th^ the English, as soldiers, were equal 
to the French.* 

Clive was recalled to Madras to take charge of a 

• Clive, on his return to Fort St. David, marched by the 
nevr buildings of a town on the site where Nasir Jung waa 
slain, to which the name of Dupleix-Fatiha Bad (or "the 
town of victory") had been given. A pompous jullar was in 
preparation to commemorate, in every eaut£rn language, an 
event which the French deemed a great victory. Clive and 
his troops, viewing this transaction in a very different light, 
razed to the ground these monuments of pride. 

DiqitlzscbyGopqlC 



UEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 103 

considerable detachment destined to reinforce the 
garrison of Trichinopoly ; but before he marched. 
Major Lawrence returned irom England, and 
assumed the command. The young* and suc- 
cessful soldier placed himself under the veteran, 
whom he never ceased to regard with attachment 
and respect. Of the sentiments which Lawrence 
entertained towards him, we have the strongest 
proof in his narrative. When expressing his 
opinion of Clive's operations in the Camatic, he 
observes, *' The French bringing almost their 
" whole force into the field with Chunda Sahib, 
•* and leaving Arcot but poorly defended, a 
" scheme was laid to reduce part of that country 
" to the Nabob's obedience. Captain Clive 
" commanded the party. The expedition was 
" attended with uncommon success, which some 
" people were pleased to term fortunate and 
*' lucky; but in my opinion, from the knowledge 
" I have of the gentleman, he deserved and 
" might expect, from his conduct, every thing 
*' as it fell out A man of an undaunted reso- 
" lution, of a cool temper, and of a presence pf 
" mind which never left him in the greatest 
*' danger, — bom a soldier, for, without a military 
" education of any sort or much conversing with 
*' any of the profession, from his judgment and 

• Clive was, at this period, only twenty-six years of age. 
H 4 



byGooqlc 



104 MEUOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

** good sense he led an army like an experienced 
" officer and a brave soldier, with a prudence that 
" certainly warranted success. This young man's' 
" early genius surprised and engaged my atten- 
" tion, as well before as at the siege of Devecot- 
" tah, where hebehaved in courage and judgment 
" much beyond what could be expected from his 
" years J and his success afterwards confirmed 
" what I said to many people concerning him."* 
The object of this memoir neither admits nor 
requires a detail of the military operations or po- 
liticid transactions of which Trichinopoly and its 
vicinity now became the theatre. The chief 
contest was between the British and French j 
whose forces, though professedly only subsidiary 
to the native princes, were in fact principals, and 
fought for thetr existence in this part of India. 
It has been already stated, that Captain Gingen 
almost entirely confined himself within the walls 
of the fort, while the Nabob and his aUies were 
under the protection of its guns. M. Law, with 
a superior body of Europeans, and Chunda Sahib 
were not only in possession of the strong pagoda 
of Seringham, and of the whole island betwixt the 
Caveri and Coleroon, but had advanced their 
batteries and posts to the south of the Caveri, to 
which fhey were now sufficiently bold to remove 
their encampments. 

* Colonel Lawrence's Narrative, p. 14. 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



HBM0IR8 OF LORD CLIVE. lOS 

The arrival, however, of Major Lawrence with 
his reinforcement, his estabUsfaed iame, and the 
rising reputation of Clive, infused new life into 
the English and their alUes. A spirited and suc- 
cessful affiiir, which was the consequence of an 
attempt made by the French to intercept the en- 
trance of this party into the fort, gave earnest of 
that change in operations which was now to be 
expected, and M. Law, against the remonstrances 
of Chunda Sahib, and contrary to the instructions 
of Dupleix, on seeing Lawrence making prepa- 
rations for a general attack of his position to the 
south of the Caveri, withdrew his troops to the 
island of Seringham, placing himself fi'om that 
moment on the defensive. Every advantage of 
the retrograde motion of the French was taken 
by Major Lawrence. 

This officer, equally distinguished for his 
judgment and spirit, had none of that petty 
jealousy which often leads men in superior sta^ 
tions to deny themselves and their countiy the 
full benefit of the extraordinary talents which 
may happen to belong to thoseunder their com- 
mand. Major Lawrence, perfectly appreciating 
the character of Clive, consulted him on all 
occasions. By his advice he divided his small 
force, at a hazard which a knowledge of the 
mind, or rather minds, of those opposed to him, 
could alone have justified. While half of his 



byGOOQJC 



106 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

troops remained at Trichinopoly, the other half 
was placed in a position between Seringham and 
Pondicherry, in order to interrupt that intercourse 
on which the French depended for their support 
The successful result of these operations was the 
capture and death of Chunda Sahib*, and the 
surrender of the French troops. Whatever may 
have been the claim of Chunda Sahib to the 
station he assumed, and in which be was sup- 
ported by his European allies, his personal cha- 
racter is entitled to more respect than that of any 
of the native actors who appeared on the scene 
during this short but eventful period. He was 
active, brave, and generous ; and whenever he 
had the sole direction of affairs, evinced spirit 
and judgment. His fate was imhappy. When 
M. Law, reduced to distress in the pagoda of 
Seringham, told htm he could no longer afford him 
protection, Chunda Sahib Mstened to a deceitful 
offer of Monackjee, the general of the Tanjore 
forces, who, instead of that kindness with 
which he had sworn to treat him, placed him 

* When the affairs of Chunda Sahib became desperate, 
and he could no longer Bupport hU followers, the leaders of 
the parties of whom his army was composed, solicited per- 
mission to leave him, and this request was readily granted 
by that ill-fated prince, who told them they had only anti- 
cipated his wish, aa he was no longer able to support them, 
but at the same time solemnly promised to liquidate their 
large arrears, should fortune ever again smite upon him. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 107 

in confinetnent, and hastened to inform those 
with whom he was co-operating (the English, 
the Nabob Mahommed Ali, the Mysorians, and 
the Mahrattas.) of the noble prize he had de- 
coyed into his toils j but Monackjee, instead of 
that applause and profit he anticipated from his 
treachery, soon found, that while all resolved he 
should not retain his prisoner, each party was de- 
sirous of having him under their own charge. On 
seeing that they were on the point of quarrelling 
with his prince, and amongst each other, for 
the possession of Chunda Sahib's person, he 
determined, with a cruelty equal to his perfidy, 
to put that chief to death. The purpose was no 
sooner formed than executed j and the head of 
Chunda Sahib was sent to his rival and enemyj 
Mahommed Ali, who exhibited it to his army and 
followers, under circumstances meant to throw 
obloquy upon the deceased, but whidi, however 
sanctioned by usage, have, even in India, more 
commonly the effect of awakening personal re- 
sentment, and bringing shame upon those who 
indulge in such barbarous and unmanly triumphs 
over the remains of gallant though unfortunate 
enemies. 

The surrender of the French and the death of 
Chunda Sahib, instead of terminating hostilities* 
and fixing Mahommed Ali in the sovereignty of 
the Camatic, gave rise to disputes between that 



byGooqlc 



108 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

prince and his allies, which seemed to place 
peace at a greater distance than ever. Reduced to 
extremity, Maliommed Ali purchased the aid of 
Nundirauze, the r^ent of Mysore, by compliance 
with his exorbitant demands. The most import- 
ant was the cession of Trichinopoly, to which the 
nabob was formally pledged by a written engage- 
ment, the performance of which was now de- 
manded, but compliance evaded on a pretext that 
the period was not arrived when the nabob could 
give it up with safety, as many of the strongholds 
in the Carnatic were still in the hands of the 
enemy. The Mahratta leader, Morari-row, was 
called in as umpire. That gallant but wily 
chief, professing to be with both parties, had no 
desire but to possess ' himself of the place in 
dispute. He strongly advised the Mysorian to 
insist on the fu161]ing of the treaty, and became 
publicly the advocate for its performance, while, 
in private with Mahommed Ali, he ridiculed the 
idea of any one entertaining the expectation, 
that he ever should be so absurd as to give up 
(when he could keep it) a fortress which was 
now conveniently describedt as the property of 
the Emperor of Delhi, and one which it would be 
treason in his delegate to surrender. But I quit 
this scene of evasion, intrigue, and perfidy, to 

• Orme, Vol.1, p. 245. f Id ibid. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 109 

describe the part which Clive took in the oper- 
ations which terminated this short campaign in 
a manner so honourable to the British arms. 
(a. D. 1752.) 

Major Lawrence, who, as he himself has ob- 
served, early discerned the extraordinary qua- 
lities of Clive, fostered them with a care which 
reflects the highest honour on his character. 
He attended on all occasions to the suggestions 
of the young soldier, and as cheerfully granted, 
as the other in every case deserved, the post of 
danger. In the actions which took place before 
they entered Trichinopoly, Qive was eminently 
distinguished by having occupied and maintained, 
imder a most severe iire, a small building in 
front of the French battalion, which, by his 
advance and that of Captain Dalton with the 
grenadiers and some artillery, was compelled to 
retreat with the confederate force, from the 
position he bad so judiciously seized. 

But it was in the execution of the plan 
already noticed, of interrupting the intercourse 
between Seringham and Pondicherry, that Clive 
found the opportunity of exhibiting those powers 
oi combination, self-possession, and intrepidity 
that were so conspicuous in his character. He 
suggested, as has been before stated, this bold 
operation to Major Lawrence, with whom he 
lived on terms of the strictest intimacy; and 



byGooqlc 



110 MEMOIRS OP LOED CLIVE. 

the latter, in adopting a plan which a con- 
temporary historian describes " as risking the 
whole to gain the whole," trusted entirely for 
its success to the enterprise and judgment of his 
young ftiend : but Clive was the junior captain 
of bis force, and it was not easy to appoint him 
to such an important command over the heads 
of so many officers, some of whom had acquired 
a just reputation. The difficulty Major Law- 
rence apprehended on this head was, however, 
soon put an end to by the open declaration of 
the allies, that they would not detach the por- 
tions of their troops necessary to form this corps 
under any other but him who had defended 
Arcot 

The force with which Clive marched • fixim 
Trichinopoly consisted of four hundred Euro- 
peans, seven hundred sepoys, three thousand 
Mahiatta, and one thousand Tanjore horse, with 
eight pieces of artillery, two of which were bat- 
tering guns. He passed the Coleroon before 
daylight, and occupied a pagoda called Samia- 
veram, seven miles north of that river, and on 
the high road betwixt Seringham and Utatore, 
a post of the French on their Hne of commu- 
nication with Pondicherry. His iirst care was 
to strengthen this position, and to plant cannon 

• April 6th, 1752. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIKS OF LORD CLIVE. lit 

80 as to command the road both to the north 
and south. 

Duplelx, on learning the situation of affairs 
at Trichinopoly, had detached a party of seven 
hundred men under Monsieur lyAutueil, who 
had orders to proceed to Seringham and take 
the command from M. Law, with whose c<m- 
duct the French governor was much dissatisfied. 
The utmost importance was attached to inter- 
cepting this body of men ; and Clive, on learn- 
ing their arrival at Utatorei and that it wa$ 
D*Autueil*s intention to attempt the junction 
by a circuitous route, marched to oppose him, 
leaving a small part of his force to guard his post 
at Semiaveram ; but on finding that lyAutueil, 
alarmed at his apprcmch, had hastened back to 
Utatore, he lost no time in returning. M. Law> 
who heard of his leaving his post, but not of 
his return, detached *, as soon as it was dark, a 
corps of eighty Europeans, and seven hundred 
sepoys, to attack the few troops he imagined to 
be remaining at Samiaveram. Of these men 
forty were English deserters. The extraordi- 
nary events which followed cannot be better 
related than in the words of the historian t to 
whom we have so often referred. 

" The party arrived near the camp at mid- 

• April Uth, 1752. f Orme, Vol. I. p. 223. 



byGooqlc 



IIS UEUOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 

night, when one of their spies infonned the 
commanding officer, that the troops which had 
marched against M. D'Autueil had returned ; 
but he, imputing the information either to cowar- 
dice or treachery, gave no credit to the spy, 
and proceeded ; they were challenged by the 
advanced guard of English sepoys, on which 
the officer of the deserters, an Irishman, stept 
out and told them, that he was sent by Major 
Lawrence to reinforce Captain Clive : and tlie 
rest of the deserters, speaking English likewise, 
confirmed the assertion, and persuaded the se- 
poys so fully, that they omitted the usual pre- 
caution of asking the counter-word, which would 
certainly have discovered the stratagem, and 
sent one of their body to conduct the enemy to 
the head-quarters. They continued their march 
through a part of the Mahratta camp, without 
giving or receiving any disturbance, until they 
came to the lesser pagoda. Here tiiey were 
chdlenged by the sentinels, and by others posted 
in a neighbouring choultry to the north of it, 
in which Captain Clive lay asleep. They re- 
turned the challenge by a volley into each place, 
and immediately entered the pagoda, putting all 
they met to the sword. Captain Chve, starting 
out of his sleep, and not conceiving it possible 
that the enemy could have advanced into the 
centre of his camp, imputed the firing to his 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LOHU CLIVE. llo 

own sepoys alarmed by some attack at the out- 
skirts ; he, however, ran to the upper pagoda, 
where the greatest part of his Europeans were 
quartered, who, having likewise taken the 
alarm, were under arms^ and he immediately 
returned with two hundred of them to the 
choultry. Here he now discovered a large 
body of sepoys drawn up, facing the south, and 
firing at random. Their position, which looked 
to the enemy's encampment, joined to their 
confusion, confirmed him in his conjecture, that 
they were bis own troops who had taken some 
unnecessary alarm. In this supposition, he 
drew up bis Europeans within twenty yards of 
their rear, and then, going alone amongst them, 
ordered them to cease, upbraiding some with 
the panic he supposed them to have taken, and 
even striking others ; at length, one of the se- 
poys, who understood a little of the French lanj 
guage, discovering that he was an Englishman, 
attacked and wounded him in two places with 
his sword ; but, finding himself overpowered, 
ran away to the lower pagoda. Captain Clive, 
exasperated at this insolence from a man whom 
he imagined to be in his own service, followed 
him to the gate, where, to bis great surprise, he 
was accosted by six Frenchmen. His usual 
presence of mind did not fail him on this cri. 
tica! occasion, but, suggesting to him all that 

VOL. I. J 



byGooqlc 



114 HBUOIRS OF LOHD CLIVE. 

had happened, he told the Frenchmen with 

great composure, that he was cotne to offer 
them terms, and if they would look out they 
would perceive the pagoda surrounded with his 
whole army, who were determined to give no 
quarter if any resistance were made. The firm- 
ness with which these words were delivered 
made such an impression, that three of the 
Frenchmen ran into the pagoda to carry this 
intelligence, whilst the other three surrendered 
their arms to Captain Clive, and followed him 
towards the choultry, whither he hastened, in- 
tending to order the Europeans to attack the 
body of sepoys, whom he now first knew to be 
his enemies ; but these bad already discovered the 
danger of their situation, and bad marched out 
of the reach of the Europeans, who, imagining 
that they did this in obedience to Captain dive's 
orders, made no motion to interrupt or attack 
them. Soonafter, eightFrenchmen,whohadbeea 
sent firom the pagoda to reconnoitre^ fell in with 
the English troops and were made prisoners ; and 
these, with the other three whom Obtain Clivc 
had taken, were delivered to the charge of a Ser- 
jeant's party, who, not knowing, in the time c^ 
darkness and confusion, that the enemy were in 
possession of the lower pagoda, carried Uiem thi- 
ther, and, on delivering them to the guards found 
tmt their error; but such was also the confusion oi 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 11^ 

the French in the pagoda, that they suffered the 
seijeant and his party to return unmolested. The 
rest of the English troops had now joined the 
others, and Captain Clive, imagining that the 
enemy would never have attempted so desperate 
an enterprise without supporting it with their 
whole army, deemed it absolutely necessaiy to 
storm the pagoda, before the troops who were in 
it could receive any assistance. One of the two 
iblding-doors of the gateway had for some time 
been taken down to be repaired, and the other 
was strongly stapled down, so that the remaining 
part of the entrance would admit only two men 
abreast The English soldiers made the attack, 
and continued it for some time with great reso- 
lution ; but the deserters within fought despe- 
rately, and killed an officer and lifleen men, on 
which the attack was ordered to cease till day- 
break ; and, in the mean time, such a disposition 
was made as might prevent those in the pagoda 
from esc^ing, and at the same time oppose any 
other body which might come to their relief. At 
day-break the commanding officer of the French, 
seeing the danger of his situation, made a sally 
at the head of his men, who received so heavy 
a fire, that he himself, with twelve others who 
first came out of the gateway, were killed by 
the volley ; on which the rest ran back to the 
pagoda. Captain Clive then advanced into the 
I 2 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



llU MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

porch of the gate, to parley with the enemy ; 
and, being weak with the loss of blood and fa- 
tigue, stood with his back to the wall of the 
porch, and leaned, stooping forward, on the 
shoulders of two Serjeants. The officer of the 
English desertera presented himself with great 
insolence, and, telling Captain Clive, with abu- 
sive language, that he would shoot him, iired 
his musket. The hall missed him, but went 
through the bodies of both the se^eants on 
whom he was leaning, and they both fell mor- 
tally • wounded. The Frenchmen had hitherto 
defended the pagoda, in compliance with the 
English deserters ; but, thinking it necessary to 
disavow such an outrage, which might exclude 
them from any pretensions to quarter, their officer 
' immediately surrendered. By this time, the body 
of the enemy's sepoys had passed out of the camp, 
with as little interruption as they had entered it : 
but orders having been sent to the Mahrattas 
to pursue them, Innis-Khan, with all his men, 
mounted at day-break, and came up with them 

• On this incident, Mr. BcBufoyhas the following note; — 
** As it may, perhaps, be difficult to conceive how one shot 
should destroy his two supporters and leave him unhurt, Mr, 
Archdeacon Cli\e mentioned this difficulty to Lord Clive, 
who answered, that the two men on whose shoulders he 
leaned were shorter than himself, and were both of them in 
the line of the shot, his own body being so much behind as 
to be out of the line." Biog. Brit, art, Clive, p. 6Sa note. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVG. 11? 

in the open plain, before they gained the bank 
of the' Coleroon. The sepoys no sooner per- 
ceived' them, than they flung away their arms, 
and attempted to save themselves by dispersing ; 
but the Mahrattas, who never figure so much as 
in these cjuel exploits, exerted themselves with 
such activity, that, according to their own re- 
port, not a single man of seven hundred escaped 
alive : it is certain that none ever appeared to 
contradict this assertion. Besides the escapes 
already mentioned, Captain Clive had another 
which was not discovered untU the hurry of the 
day was over, when it was found that the volley, 
which the enemy fired into the choultry where 
he was sleeping, had shattered a box that lay 
under his feet, and killed a servant who lay close 
to him." 

The mistakes of the night at Samiaveram were 
of a character more likely to be created by the 
imagination of a dramatic poet, to give incident 
uid spirit to the sudden change of scene and 
action, than to take place in real military opera- 
tions ; but no occurrence of his life called forth 
in a more remarkable degree that quickness of 
perception and that calm self-possession for which 
Clive was distinguished. 

Major Lawrence, not wishing to hazard again 
the important post of Samiaveram, sent a party 
of four hundred sepoys, five hundred Mahratta 
I 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



118 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

horse, and four iield-pieces, under Captain Dalton, 
to watch the movements of Monsieur d'Autueil, 
who still remained at Utatore. The French 
outposta were driven back in the dusk of the 
evening ; and the English, having been divided 
into two bodies, moved on the flanks of the 
line with the hopes of deceiving them into a 
belief that it was the whole of Clive's force 
which had come to assail them. The stratagem 
succeeded. D'Autueil not only drew his troops 
within the walls of the village, but evacuated 
it next morning, and retreated to Volcondah, 
leaving to Captain Dalton's corps the ammunition 
and supplies he had brought for the troops at 
Seringham. M. Law, who observed from the 
top of the pagoda at Seringham the movement 
of Captain Dalton's detachment, mistook it for 
that of Clive, and marched upon Samiaveram j 
but when he foimd the whole body of the English 
stationed there drawn up to receive him, he fell 
back on his position. 

The detachment from Trichinopoly had re- 
ceived orders to return, but a sudden swelling of 
the Coleroon rendered that impracticable. Clive 
determined to take advantage of the state of the 
river to attack the French post of Pitchandah, on 
its northern bank, which M. Law could not now 
succour. Captain Dalton, being informed of his 
resolution, and not wishing to interfere with his 



byGOOQJC 



HBXOIBS OP LORD CLITE. 119 

command, immediately placed hia coips under 
Clive's orders, and requested to be employed as 
a volunteer I * A higher testimony to acknow- 
ledged st^rioiity of character cannot be adduced 
than this temporary resignation of the claims of 
senior rank by a gallant and able <^cer. and that 
at the very moment when he was flushed with 
the success of the service on which he had been 
detached. 

The camp of Cbunda Sahib, near Seringham, 
was on the south bank of the Coleroon, opposite 
to Pitcluuidah. Clive, in order to annoy the 
enemy and to cover his operations against that 
place, converted mto a six-gun battery a high 
mound on the north bank of the river, which had 
been raised to prevent its encroachment on the 
low land.f This mound completely commanded 
the enemy's camp^ and was at the same time 

* Captain Daltoo was wounded in the subsequent oper- 
ations against Pitchandah, 

t April 15th, 1752. 

t The composition of the camp be cannonaded Is veil de- 
scribed by Orme. " Every common soldier," he obseires, 
" in an Indian army is accompanied either by a vife or a 
concubine ; the officerB have several, and the generals whole 
ser^lios. Besides these, the army is incumbered by a number 
of attendants and servants, exceeding that of the fighting 
men ; and to supply the various wants of this enervated 
nultltude, dealers, pedlars, uid retailers of all sorts follow 
the camp ; to whom a separate quarter is allowed, in which 
they daily exhibit dieir different commodities in greater 
I 4 



byGooqlc 



ISO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 

protected from the guns at Pltchandah. The 
disorder created by the opening of this battery 
was great; men, women, children, elephants, 
camels, horses, and bullocks were instantly seen 
in disordered flight from this unexpected danger, 
hastening to the banks of the river, which they 
were, however, forced to quit by the guns of Tri- 
chinopoly, and at last found shelter by forming 
au encampment out of reach of the English 
cannon, and at some distance from the pagoda 
of Seringham. 

This operation upon the most defenceless part 
of the enemy's force probably produced more 
effect upon the minds of the allies of the French, 
than any of the more substantial successes of the 
war. The native M-mies of India are kept toge- 
ther by very loose ties : the strongest of these 
are the expectations which princes can hold out, 
to the chiefs that serve them, of future pay and 
reward — as these diminish or increase, their at- 
tachment ebbs or flows ; but they seldom despair 
of a cause, till reverses so materially affect the 
safety of their numerous armed and unarmed 
followers, that they can no longer keep them to- 



quantities, and with more regularitjr, than in sny fair in 
Europe, ell of them sitting on the ground in a line, with 
their merchandise exposed before thetn, and sheltered from 
the sun by a mat supported by gticka."— Ormci vol i. p. 228. 



byGooqlc 



.MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 131 

gether. The feelings of tbe latter have an 
extraordinary influence upon success ; for afi the 
chief receives little, if any, pay from the prince, 
he must support himself by loans from bankers 
and merchants residing in his camp, while his 
soldiers owe the food by which they ^e supported 
to the credit given them by the dealers in the 
bazaar. This reciprocal expectation and confi- 
dence is seldom shaken by any danger that is not 
close at hand. The bulk of the soldiers and 
camp followers are amused or deceived by Mse 
or exaggerated reports ; but the incontrovertible 
proof which an attack like that of CUve gave, 
of their prince and his allies not being able to 
protect them, spread alarm through all ranks ; 
and that alarm was soon rendered irremediable 
by the Mi of Fitchandah. 

The death of Chunda Sahib, the surrender of 
the French troops, and the dissensions to which 
these events gave rise between Mahommed Ali 
andhisaliieshavealready been recorded. Dupleix, 
who never desponded, seeing in these dissensions 
the means of retrieving the interests of his nation, 
fomented them by every means in his power ; 
and his intrigues to gain the Mysorians and the 
Mahrattas were powerfully aided by his lady, who, 
bom in India, and understanding not only the 
languages but the character of the natives, is 
stated to have been on this occasion, as on various 



byGOOQJC 



ISS HEUOIIta OF LORD CLITB. 

othon, of the greatest uae to her ambitious hus- 
band. 

The Regent of Mysore was pmniaed Trichi- 
nopoly, and the Mahrattas plunder and money. 
Both hadsecretly entered into engagements, which 
they were encouraged to avow by the complete 
^ure of an expedition* which the govonor and 
committee of Fort St David sent te attack Gingee, 
contrary to the expressed opinion of Major Law- 
rence. Fortunately, however, the presumption 
of Dupleix gave that aUe t^cer an opportunity 
of correcting the bad impression which had been 
thus made, by completely defeating a French 
forcet (I75Q), under Monsieur Kirjean, anephew 
of the governor, who had been compelled against 
his better judgment, by the orders of his too turdent 
uncle, to hazard this engagement. The Mah- 
rattas, on the occurrence of this success, declared 
their continued adherence to the cause of Ma- 
hommed Ali,and were employed with Major Law- 
rence in reducing the country near Pondicheny. 
To aid this operation, a detachment was required 
to attack the forts of Chingliput and Covelong; 
but there were no troops to form it, except two 
bundred European recruits just landed at Madras, 
who are represented as being the very refuse of 

■ Thu expedition traa commanded by Major Etnneir. 
f Oime, vd. i. p. 256. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIV£. 123 

the jails of London, and five hundred newly 
raised sepoys. These men had neither character 
nor discipline, and seemed so little calculated to 
take forts, that no officer could be expected to 
risk his reputation at their head : — but Cliv^ 
though in a state of very impaired health, — the 
consequence of his former fatigues, — volunteered 
to accept this unpromising command, and 
marched with his small and ill-composed de> 
tachment, and four twenty-four pounders, to 
attack Covelong*, a square fort, which, tiiough 
it bad no ditch, mounted thirty pieces of cannon, 
and was defended by fifty Europeans and three 
hundred sepoys. 

A party having been sent in advance under 
Lieutenant Cooper, to take up a positicm in a 
garden six hundred yards from the fort, were at- 
tacked by the enemy : they stood for a short tim^ 
but, on Lieutenant Cooper being shot, were so 
dismayed that they fled with precipitation, and 
were with difficulty prevented by Clive from con- 
tinuing their flight to Madras. The garden was 
retaken, a battery constructed, and a post formed 
on its left, near a large rock. The fire of the 
enemy, however, so disconcerted Clivers party, 
that they seemed prepared to fly at every akrmt: 

* This fort is situated tireoty miles south of Madraa. 
f Orme, vol. i. p. 263. 



byGOOQJC 



1S4 MEMOIRS. OF LORD CLIVE. 

a shot which struck the rock, and with its splinteni 
killed and wounded fourteen, so frightened the 
whole, that it was some time before they would 
again venture to expose themselves ; and one 
of the advanced sentries was found, several 
hours afterwards, concealed in the bottom of a 
well! 

Clive, wisely j udging that shame would operate 
more powerfully than severity in reclaiming his 
men from such cowardice, exposed himself to the 
hottest of the enemy's fire, and his example 
brought them in a very few days to tolerable 
firmness ; while their confidence in themselves 
and their leader was increased by the surrender 
of the fort, and still more by subsequent events. 

The morning after Covelong was taken, Ensign 
Joseph Smith (a name destined to fill a large 
space in the future wars of Coromandel) dis- 
covered a large body of men advancing, which 
he justly considered to be a detachment from 
Chingliput to relieve Covelong. He communi- 
cated what he had seen to Clive, who, taking 
every precaution to prevent this corps from 
learning that the fort had fallen, laid an ambus- 
cade on their route, and the concealed troops (so 
close and so well directed was their fire) killed 
one hundred men at the first volley : — many 
threw down their arms and fled, while the com- 
manding officer of the corps, twenty-five Euro- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 125 

peans, and two hundred and fifty sepoys> with 
two pieces of cannon, were taken.' 

The news of this disaster soon reached Ching- 
liput* (1752). Clive was there ahnost as soon, 
and, knowing well the influence of the impression 
his success had made, he immediately advanced 
his battery from a distance of five hundred yards, 
where it was first constructed, to within two 
hundred of the outer wall, which he soon breached 
as well as the inner: but there was still the ditch 
to be filled ^ for this fort, strong in some parts 
by the impracticabilityt of approach, had been 
fortified with great care in others ; and Clive, 
now confident in his men, detennined on an 
assault The French commandant, observing 
his preparations, o£fered to capitulate on the gar- 
rison being permitted to retire with the honours 
of war J terms which Clive very readily granted, 
as the place, if obstinately defended, still pos- 
sessed means of formidable resistance. 

It would be difficult to find an example, in any 
regular army, of one so young and of such a sub- 
ordinate rank as Clive, having crowded into the 
short space of two years such a aeries of successful 
enterprises. He was not more than tweuty-seven 
years of age, and had only within the last year 

* This fort is forty miles wuth-west of Coveiong. 
f It is completely defended on one &ce by a l^et and on 
another by a swamp covered with rice fields. 



byGOOQJC 



1S6 MBMOIHS OF LOED CLIVE. 

been promoted to the rank of Captain. After 
being distinguished on several occasions by the 
most resohite valour, he had displayed at Ar- 
cot, and during the iterations which followed 
that memorable siege, all the superior qualities <^ 
a military leader. In the wisdom with which he 
j^anned, and the ability and gallantry with which 
he executed, those operations which so materially 
contributed to the defeat and capture of itie 
French at Seringham, he evinced a calmness of 
courage, a clearness of judgment, and a decision 
of spirit, which gave confidence to his own 
force, and struck terror into that of the enemy : 
and in his last expedition against Covelong and 
Chingliput he showed, that where real military ta> 
lent exists in the leader, there is no description of 
troops with which he may not command success : 
he can frame the machine at the moment to his 
purpose, while the ordinary man of routine can 
only employ it when prepared to his hands. 
Some writers, seemingly desirous of detracting 
from the character which Clive thus early esta- 
Uished, would insinuate that no marked superi- 
ority of talent was exhibited in these events, 
and have grounded their opinion on the com- 
parative smallness of the numbers of regular 
troops, and the composirion of the other parts 
of the forces engaged in these contests ; but, 
with those who are qualified, by experience, to 



byGooqlc 



HEHOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 127 

decide on this sulgect^ and who can appreciate 
the difficulties these very circumstances created, 
Clive's reputation will rise in proportion to 

the smallness and unconnected nature of those 
means with which, at this early stage of his life* 
he accomplished objects so important to his 
country. It is not in the use of ordinary means 
that genius ai^ears to most advantage : it has 
its amplest range, and ita noblest triumph, where 
it labours amidst new and untried objects, and 
Ccaiverta them to purposes for which they had 
always before been judged incompetent. And 
no commander of modem times saw more clearly^ 
seized more powerftdly, or used more success- 
fully, than Clive, the various and oilen discor- 
dant materials placed within his reach. Even 
at this early period of his career, he diffiised his 
Own spirit around him. The troops under his 
direction, however dispirited before, believed 
that they were destined to victory and glory ; 
«nd that victory and glory did invariably attend 
Uiem^ was owing to his genius alone. 



byGOOQJC 



HEUOiaS OP LORD CMVE. 



CHAP. III. 

Clive's health was completely broken by the 
&tigue8 he had undergone ; and, as there ap- 
peared no prospect of immediate service, he de- 
termined to visit England, where the iame of his 
military achievements had preceded him. His 
&ther, Mr. Richard Clive, in a letter dated 
December 15. 1752, observes, " I was at Sir 
Philip Chetwood's, our neighbour in the country, 
when I received your welcome letter, which 
gave me joy not to be expressed. Since then, 
now I am come to London, the pleasure is re- 
peated by the applause every one gives to your 
gallant actions and behaviour, and the success 
that hath attended you ; and you are compared 
to no less than some of those brave generals 
who are gone, but left their names upon record 
to their glory and honour. The directors of die 
Company you have so faithfully served, I heai', 
at a public entertainment drank your health 
by the name of General Clive, and are pleased 
to say they are under great obligations to you. 
I waited on the three principal directors last 
week, in order to find out, if I could, what they 
proposed for you, but perceive they are desirous 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 1^ 

to have the account the next ships bring, before 
they give me any positive answer, other than a 
general one, that they are very desirous to do you 
any service in their power. Your friends, among 
which is one of the principal directors, and my 
intimate acquaintance, advise that you should 
not leave Madras before you know how the 
directors propose to reward you : but this will 
be for your own determination, who can best 
judge, in the situation we are in, what is most 
proper to be done. You may be sure your 
mother and myself shall think the time long till 
we see you." 

From his mother, Clive received at the same 
time one of those letters which are so precious 
to him who unites a disposition to cherish family 
ties with a devotion to his country. It would 
be injustice to this high-minded lady to omit a 
word of the sentiments she expressed on this 
occasion, and which showed her to be every way 
worthy of her son. I therefore transcribe the 
whole letter ; — 

" Dear Son, 
" I cannot express the joy yours to your 
fiither gave to me. Your brave conduct, and 
success which Providence has blessed you with, 
is the talk and wonder of the public, the great 
joy and satisfiiction of your friends ; but more 

vol. I. K 



byGOOQJC 



ISO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

particularly so to me, as it gives me hopes of 
seeing you much sooner than I could possibly 
have expected. I find somg of your friends 
wish your longer stay in India j but I earnestly 
entreat you will let no motive induce you, ex- 
cept your honour and the peace of the country 
require it Your relations are all well : four of 
your sisters are with me ; the youngest and your 
two brothers are at school: your cousin Ben 
has no employ ; he is only on half-pay as a lieu- 
tenant, lives with his father, and, I believe, 
wishes himself with you. We are removed to a 
large house in Swithin's Lane, near the post 
house, iuid hope to see you in it. May a kind 
Providence attend and bless you, and bring you 
safe to your native country, is the most sincere 
wish and prayer of 

'* Your ever affectionate mother, 

(Signed) " Reb. Clive." 
" London, 16th Dec, 1752." 

The state of Clive's health having compelled 
him to return to England, he embarked at 
Madras in February, 1753, immediately after his 
marriage to Miss Margaret Maskelyne-, a mar- 
riage to which he owed much of the comfort 
and happiness of his future life. This lady, the 
daughter of Edmund Maskelyne, Esq., of Pur- 
^on in Wiltshire, and sister of his friend Edmimd 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVB. 131 

Maskelyne, and of the celebrated Dr. Nevil 
Maskelyne, afterwards Astronomer Royal, was 
possessed of both beauty and accomplishments. 
His attachment to her appears Avm many let- 
ters to have been very great She continued 
throughout his life to enjoy his affection and 
re^;ard, and survived him many years. 

In the course of the same year he landed in 
England, after an absence of about ten years. 
His reception was most flattering. He was 
warmly welcomed by his parents and many near 
relations : the Court of Directors voted him a 
sword set with diamonds of the value of five 
hundred pounds, " as a token of their esteem, 
and of their sense of his singular services to 
the Company on the coast of Coromandel • ; " 
and in society he was honoured with those ele- 
vating marks of regard, which always attend a 
fortunate soldier. Though but a short time in 
his native country, he appears to have imbibed, 
or rather renewed, an attachment to it, and to 
have formed friendships and connections, which 
left him without any tie in India, but the fulfil- 
ment f the public duties he bad to perform in 

" This vote is dated the 6th of Feb., 1754. With that 
delicacy and tenderness to the feelings of his old commander, 
Colonel Lawrence, which he always manifested, he objected 
to receiving this mark of distinction, unless a similar present 
was made to that officer; which was done accordin^y. 
K 2 



byGooqlc 



132 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

that country, and the acquirement of sufficient 
fortune to maintain himself and ikmily. 

He had not enjoyed himself two years in 
England, when the state of afiairs in India made 
the Court of Directors anxious for his presence 
in that country. He was appointed Governor 
of Fort St David, with a provisional commis- 
sion to succeed to the government of Madras -, 
and the appointment was accompanied with the 
expression of their anxious desire that he should 
return as soon as possible to a country in which 
they jdeemed his services of the greatest im- 
portance. To obviate the quarrels about rank be- 
tween the King's and Company's officers, which 
had often been attended with much obstruction 
to the service, the Directors applied to His Ma- 
jesty's government, and obtained for him the 
commission of Lieutenant-Colonel in the British 
army i a very honourable distinction, as he was 
then but a young man, and only a Captain in 
their service. 

He left England in 1755 ; but, instead of sail- 
ing direct to his new government, he proceeded to 
Bombay, where he landed on the 27th of Novem- 
ber, with three companies of Royal Artillery and 
three hundred infentry, destined to form, in con- 
junction with the Mahrattas, part of a force for 
the attack of the French and their allies in the 
Deckan. When the project was first formed, it 



byGooqlc 



UEUOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 133 

had been intended that he should command this 
force ; and he was at the time the only man in the 
service from whose knowledge and experience 
success in such a scheme could reasonably have 
been anticipated. But we have on this occasion 
an early instance of the character of that inter- 
ference of the King's government, which, when 
dictated by narrow considerations of patronage, 
must defeat every measure it proposes to pro- 
mote. Colonel Scott, who had sailed for India 
the preceding year, in the quality of Engineer- 
General, was, at the powerful recommendation 
of the Duke of Cumberland, nominated to the 
command of this expedition. Nevertheless, the 
Directors wished Clive to proceed to Bombay, 
in the hope that some event might occur to 
defeat an appointment in which they had found 
themselves compelled to concur. It so hap- 
pened, that Colonel Scott died before the troops 
arrived: but a provisional treaty had been en- 
tered into* between Mr. Saunders, the Governor 
of Madras, and Mr. Godeheu, the Governor of 
Pondicherry, by which, among other articles, it 
had been agreed, that neither the French nor En- 
glish companies should take part in any differ- 
ences arising between the princes of the country. 
In consequence of this convention, the govern- 
ment of Bombay refused to adopt any proceed- 
• December, 175*. 
K 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



1S4> MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

ing that could disturb the general peace of India ; 
•80 that Clive lost the opportunity of opposing the 
celebrated Busay on the plains of the Deckau. 

Admiral Watson was lying at Bombay when 
Clive arrived ; and the opportunity was thought 
excellent for employing the means which accident 
had left disposable, to punish the pirate Angria by 
the attack of Gheriah •, one of his strongholds, 
■which lies a little more than two degrees south of 
Bombay, and which derived its strength from the 
reputed courage of its defenders, and from its site 
upon a rocky promontory almost surrounded by 
the sea. 

The expedition against Gheriah was under- 
taken in concert with the Mafarattas ; hut sus- 
picions being entertained that the latter were 
in communication with Angria, operations were 
precipitated so as to preclude them from all share 
in the enterprise. The Admiral having attacked 
and burnt the fleet of the pirate, Clive interposed 
his force on the land side between the fort and 
the Mahratta general, who had hastened to co- 
operate. The place soon fellt, and the booty 
(about ten lacs of rupees) was divided by the 
British forces, without admitting their allies to 

* Severodroog, another f<ut belon^ng to Angria, had heem 
taken a few months previously by Commodore James, of the 
Bombay marines. 

t Feb. 13. 1756. 



byGooqlc 



lUEMOIllS OF LORD CLIVE. 13d 

any participation. Thi3 had been settled before 
the expedition left Bombay, as well as the respec- 
tive shares of prize-money to the officers and men. 
It is remarkable what attention was given at this 
time in India, even before operations were com- 
menced, to adjust the relative claims to eventual 
booty. Councils of war were held, at which very 
junior officers aided, and arguments were entered 
into by the respective parties. The causes of 
this were various. Besides that spirit of plunder, 
and that passion for the rapid accumulation of 
wealth, which actuated all ranks, the undefined 
relations of the King's and Company's officers 
made such previous arrangements indispensable, 
to prevent those disputes, which, but for such 
precautions, must subsequently have occurred. 

It is pleasing on this occasion to record the 
conduct of both the naval and military com- 
manders. The naval officers, who formed the 
majority, had decreed that Lieutenant-Colonel 
Clive, though he commanded the land force, 
should only share in his army rank with a post- 
captain in the navy. The officers of the troops 
claimed for their commander an equal share with 
Rear-Admiral Focock, the second in command 
in the navy. This pretension was stated by CUve 
to Admiral "Watson. The latter, as jealous a 
defender of what he deemed the rights of the 
service to which he belonged, as he was careless 
K 4. 



byGoot^lc 



1S6 uemoirs of lord clive. 

of his own personal interest, rejected the claim, 
but told Clive he would make up from his own 
share the diiFerence hetween the colonel's and 
that of Admiral Pocock. Nor was this mere 
profession. When the prize-money was paid, he 
sent the difierence he had promised, but it was 
declined. Clive said his sole object had been to 
satisfy the troops that he had supported the rights 
of their commander : they had been pleased with 
the admiral's conduct, and he would "never en- 
rich himself with money taken from Mr. Watson's 
personal share of the capture."" 

As nothing further remained to be done on 
the western coast, Clive proceeded to Fort St 
Davidt, of which he took charge on the 20th 
June, 1756, the very day, by a remarkable coin- 
cidence, on which the Nabob of Bengal took 
Calcutta. Intelligence of that event was not re- 
ceived at Madras till the l6th of August ; and on 
the 18th a despatch was sent to require the pre- 
sence of Colonel Clive, it being in contempla- 
tion, in consequence of the state of General 
Lawrence's health, that he should proceed in 
command of the expedition destined to recover 
Calcutta, and re-establish the Company's afi&irs 
in Bengal. 

• Vide Lieutenant- Colonel Clive'a evidence, Report* of (he 
ffouw of Commoni, vol. iii., and Ivei's Voj/age, p. 82. 

f Vide extract of consultations, Fort St. David, June 20. 

1756. 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 137 

Accordingly, having been relieved at Fort St 
David by Mr. A. Wynch, Colonel Ctive proceeded 
to Madras, wbich he reached on the S4ith of 
August, and assumed the command of the land 
forces of the expedition, the strength of which 
was seriously diminished by the unseasonable pre- 
tensions of Colonel Adlercron, who commanded 
one of His Majesty's regiments at Madras, but 
who was not employed on this occasion, from 
being deemed inexperienced in Indian warfiire, 
and from having refused to engage to return to 
Madras when requested, or to surrender, for the 
reimbursement of the Company's losses, any part 
of the booty which the force under him might 
take. Adlercron, irritated at the appointment of 
Clive, stated, in reply to the requisition of the 
government for men, that they should have what-' 
ever number of His Majesty's troops they chose 
sent aboard the fleet : but added, ** As I cannot 
answer to the King my master, nor to my own 
character, to remain cooped up in a garrison in a 
state of inaction, while any part of the forces 
under my command are upon actual service, I 
think it my duty to go along with them ; and 
should I be of a contrary opinion, my Lieutenant- 
Colonel would have just cause of complaint 
against me, were I not to make him the first ofier. 



byGooqlc 



13S MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 

The detachment of His Majesty's artillery is par- 
ticularly allotted to attend my regiment, and I 
cannot consent to their being employed any where 
but with a part thereof; unless, therefore, weare 
to have the honour of assisting in this expedition, 
I do hereby, in the name of the King my master, 
demand that His Majesty's artillery, with all the 
stores thereto belonging, be immediately disem- 
barked. I am sorry, gentlemen, to be obliged 
to observe, that I think it very extraordinary, that, 
after writing to me two letters, requesting me to 
undertake this service with the whole of His Ma- 
jesty's troops, and pressing me to give the neces- 
sary orders accordingly, you should now be for 
putting me off upon such slight pretences." 

The resolutions taken in council on the receipt 
of this letter were as follow : — 

" Colonel Adlercron's avowal, in his letter of 
the 20th instant, that he could not engage to re- 
turn hither upon our request, and that the Com- 
pany should not have any part of the plunder that 
may be taken, towards the reimbursement of the 
immense loss they have sustained, appear to us to 
be reasons of the greatest importance against his 
going on the command j and we flatter ourselves 
that His Majesty will not be of opinion with 
Colonel Adiercron, that they are slight pretences, 
or that it will reflect dishonour on Colonel Adier- 
cron to stay for the defence of a colony of so 



byGOOQJC 



UEM0IR8 OF LORD CLIVB. 139 

much consequence as Madras, where, besides, by 
much the largest force will remain, and above two 
thirds of his own regiment. 

** The committee are entirely of opinion, that 
it is necessary, for the good of the Company, that 
the command should be vested in an officer of the 
Company's, subject to our orders, and do therefore 
abide by the resolution of the council, that Colo- 
nel Clive proceed in that quality ; but, as it will 
cause some delay to land His Majesty's train of 
artillery, which is already embarked, it is agreed 
to write agiun to Colonel Adlercron, to represent 
to him the bad consequences of such delay : re- 
solving, nevertheless, that it will be disembarked 
if he continues to insist on it, but to protest 
against him for all the damage which may be 
caused to the Company by such delay." 

The reasonings of the governor and his council 
were not convincing to the mind of Colonel Ad- 
lercron. He wrote a long letter in reply, men- 
tioning all his grievances and opinions, and 
positively refusing to permit the train, or any part 
of His Majesty's forces, to proceed on the expe- 
dition. 

" The dangerous situation," he observes, " in 
which you represent things to be here, rather 
confirms me in my resolution not to part with 
His Majesty's train ; but I have already given a 
full answer in the letter I wrote this morning to 



byGooqlc 



liO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

the general council, to which I beg leave to refer 
you, as you have offered nothing which can in- 
duce me to alter my sentiments. Surely, gentle- 
men, you are not so unreasonable as to expect 
that I will send away part of His Majesty's train 
or regiment ( who are so immediately under my 
direction), and leave to you the nomination of the 
person who shall command them." 

In consequence of this letter, not only the royal 
artillery, but His Majesty's guns and stores were 
disembarked ; and the expedition, deprived of 
this strength, consisted of about two thousand four 
hundred men. Reinforcements, however, were 
promised both from Madras and Bombay. 

These proceedings are not recorded with any 
desire to reflect on the memory of the actors in 
the scenes here described. A relation of such 
^ts, however, is indispensable, to convey an 
idea of the difficulties which were to be over- 
come, and of the firmness and temper required 
in the situation in which Clive was now placed: 
but he was animated to exertion by the obstacles 
which presented themselves in the way of his 
success; and the sanguine hopes he entertained 
of being the instrument to avenge the cruel 
wrongs which his countrymen had sustained, 
and to redeem the state he served from the dis- 
grace and ruin brought upon it by a barbarous 
enemy, are strongly expressed in the following 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ]4>l 

letter to the Court of Directors, written before he 
sailed from Madras : — 

" Honourable Gentlemen, 
" From many hands you will hear of the 
capture of Calcutta by the Moors, and the chain 
of misfortunes and losses which have happened 
to the Company in particular, and to the nation 
in general : every breast here seems filled with 
grief, horror, and resentment : indeed, it is too 
sad a tale to unfold, and I must beg leave to re- 
fer you to the general letters, consultationsj and 
committees, which will give you a full account of 
this catastrophe. 

" Upon this melancholy occasion, the Gover- 
nor and council thought proper to summon me 
to this place. As soon as an expedition was re- 
solved upon, I offered my service, which was at 
last accepted, and I am now upon the point of 
embarking on board His Majesty's squadron, with 
a fine body of Europeans, full of spirit and re- 
sentment for the insults and barbarities inflicted 
on so many British subjects. 

" I flatter myself that this expedition will not 
end with the taking of Calf utta only ; and that 
the Company's estate in those parts will be settled 
in a better and more lasting condition than ever. 
There is less reason to apprehend a check from 
the Nabob's forces, than from the nature of the 



byGOOQJC 



14^ HEMOmS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

climate and country. The news of a war* may 
likewise interfere with the success of this expe- 
dition : however, should that happen, and hos- 
tilities be committed in India, I hope we shall 
be able to dispossess the French of Chandema- 
gore, and leave Calcutta in a state of defence. 

" I have a true sense of my duty to my coun- 
try and the Company ; and I beg leave to assure 
you, that nothing shall be wanting, on my part, 
to answer the ends of an undertaking on which 
so vety much depends. Success on this occasion 
will fill the measure <^ my joy, as it will fix me 
in the esteem of those to whom I have the 
honour to subscribe myself, with great respect, 
( Signed ) " R. Clive," 

« Fort St. George, 11th Oct., 1756." 

In several private ccwamunications &om Clive 
to his friaids in England, we find the same sen- 
timents expressed, in language which denotes the 
calm and determined spirit with which he went 
to the performance of his duty on this important 
occasion. Writing to Mr. Mabbot, he observes, 
" Providence, who is the disposer of all events, 
has thought proper to inflict the greatest calamity 
that ever happened to the English nation in these 
parts } I mean the loss of Calcutta, attended with 

■ A war was at this time expected between England and 
France. 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 143 

the greatest mortifications to the Company, and 
the most barbarous and cruel circumstances to 
the poor inhabitants. This unhappy news has 
.called me to the presidency ; and the gentlemen 
thereof have thought proper to put me at the 
head of the expedition forthe recovery of Calcutta, 
the Company's losses, rights, and privileges. I 
have that sense of duty to my country, and of my 
obligations to the Company (be the event what 
it will), there is no hardship or risk, consistent 
with common prudence, I will not undet^ to 
obtain the wished-for success. I am not so ap- 
prehensive of the Nabob of Bengal's forces, as of 
being recalled by the news of a war, or checked 
in our prc^ess by the woods and swampiness of 
the country, which is represented as being almost 
impassable for a train of artillery." 

In a letter to Mr. Roger Drake, a gentleman 
then high in the Court of Directors, Clive writes, 
" A few weeks ago I was happily seated at St. 
David's, pleased with the thoughts of obtaining 
your confidence and esteem, by my applicatioQ 
to the civil branch of the CompMiy's aSaiis, and 
of improving and increasing the investment ; but 
the fatal blow given to the Company's estate at 
Bengal has superseded all other considerations, 
and I am now at this presidency upon the point 
of embarking on board His Majesty's squadron. 



byGooqlc 



144' .MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

with a very considerable body of troops, to attempt 
the recovery of Calcutta, and to gain satis&ction 
from the Nabob for the losses which the Company 
have sustained In those parts. The re-capture 
of Calcutta appears no very difficult task, but our 
further progress for reducing the Nabob to such 
terras as the gentlemen of Calcutta may think 
satisfactory, is precarious and doubtful, from the 
prospect of a war, which may not allow time for 
such an undertaking. You may be assured I 
never will turn my back upon Bengal, if not 
ordered from thence, without trying my utmost 
efforts toward obtaining the desired success." 

Before proceeding to the narration of the im- 
portant events which took place after CUve's 
arrival in Bengal, it will be useful to take a short 
view of the situation of the afl&irs,of the Company 
at this period. 

By the terms of the truce between the French 
and English, proclaimed on the 11th of October, 
and followed by a provisional treaty of peace 
between the two Companies, signed on the S6th 
and 31st of December, 1754, the English gained 
on the coast of Coromandel all for which they 
had so long contended ; for, by the agreement 
of both parties to withdraw from any further in- 
terference with the native princes, Mahommed 
Ali, whom they had supported through so many 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LOKD CLIVE. 145 

vicissitudes, became the reigning • sovereign of 
the Carnatic. 

The territorial acquisitions, and the infiuence 
established by the valour and talent of Bussy, 
which were deemed so valuable by Dupleix, the 
former Governor of Pondicherry, appear to have 
been only viewed by his successor Godeheu as 
obstacles to that peace which it was. the chief 
object of his appointment to establish ', and he 
discouraged all further progress to power in the 
Deckan. 

The peace, or rather truce, obtained by such 
sacrifices, did not last a twelvemonth. Hostili- 
ties between the two nations were carried on as 
before, under the pretext of supporting the native 
chieft and princes with whom the two companies 
were respectively allied, but with whose quarrels 
they had agreed not to interfere. To add to the 
embarrassment which this state of afl^rs pro- 
duced, accounts were received at Madras, on the 
ISth of November, 1756, that war had broken out 
between France and England; and Clive had not 
sailed above a month, when a letter from the Go- 

* It is to be observed, that though the French gave upon 
this occasion their support to the pretensions of their favourite 
Nabob, yet Mahommed Ali was not at that time acknow- 
ledged by Salabut Jung, then subadar of the Deckan, his 
immediate euperior : and it was only at the peace of Paria, 
in I76S, that he was acknowledged by the French govern- 
ment. 

VOL. r. L 



byGooqlc 



146 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

vernor and Council of Fort St. George, after 
suggesting an attack on the French settlement of 
Chandernagore, entreated his early return, with 
as many of his troops as could be spared, to pro- 
tect them from the dangers likely to result from 
the expected arrival of a French armament from 
Europe. 

The history of the events which brought ruin 
on the settlement of Calcutta is short and dis- 
graceful. The kingdom, of Bengal, which, with 
Orissa, had been, for fifteen years, subject to the 
able and active rule of Aliverdi Khan, was now" 
governed by his grand nephew Suraj-u-Dowlah, a 
youth, who, to all the effeminacy and luxurious . 
habits of an eastern prince, added the greatest 
violence of temper, and an unrestrained indul- 
gence of his passions. The commercial settle- 
ment of Calcutta, which had been protected by 
his predecessor, became an early object of his 
attack. Whether he was tempted by its known 
weakness and reputed wealth, or by a desire to 
expel the English firom Bengal, is a matter of 
little moment. The pretexts on which his ag- 
gressions were grounded are too slight to merit 

* Aliverdi Khan died on the 9th of April, 1756; and 
Suraj-u-Dowtah, having been nominated successor, mounted 
the throne without opposition. The name of this [irince 
was Mirza Mahmud, but he is best known by his title of 
Suraj-u-Dowlah, ivhich means " tlie sun of the Btate." 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 147 

Consideration. He first accused the English of 
an intention to fortify Calcutta. This was dis- 
proved. Then they were charged with giving 
protection to one of his subjects* who had fled 
with great treasure. The person of this subject, 
he was informed, should be reserved for his plea- 
sure; and proof was offered, that the treasure he 
was said to have fied with had no existence. 
But the young and rapacious tyrant was only to 
be satisfied by the plunder of the English mer- 
chants, and all that belonged to them. This was 
shown by his conduct at Cossimbazar. Having 
prevailed upon the chief, Mr. Watts, to visit him, 
he made him prisoner, and afterwards attacked 
and gained possession of that fortified factory. 
But the great object of his ambition was the cap- 
ture" of Calcutta. When he approached that 
cityt, a feeble effort was made at defence ; afler 
which it was decided that it would be expedient 
to retreat ; but no orders were issued to render 
this measure regular or effective to its object of 

* The pereon the Nabob alluded to was Kishendaui the 
aon of the late Dewan of the Nabob of Dacca, who visited 
Calcutta on his way to Juggernaut ; and as he was strongly 
re4:oi]in]eDded to Mr. Drake, the President of Calcutta, by 
Mr. Watts, the chief of CosBimbazar, on account of services 
rendered by his family to the Company, he was treated with 
kindness and attention. 

f The outposts of Calcutta were attacked on the I81J1 
of June, 1756. 

L 2 



byGOOQJC 



148 MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

saving the persons and property of the European 
part of the population, by embarking them on 
board the vessels lying near the town. The 
consequence was, that when embarkation com- 
menced, every one tried to secure his own per- 
sonal safety by getting on board how and when 
he could. The alarm created by this confusion 
spread to the ships, and they began to drop down 
Uie river. This was no sooner perceived, than 
every boat was £lled ; and among those who fled 
to join the ships on this memorable occasion, 
were some, who were bound to remain by every 
call of public duty. Signals were made from the 
fort to the ships to return, but they were not 
heeded; and, though two days elapsed before 
the capture, not a boat came to save the few 
who, either from a sense of duty, or from not 
possessing the means of escape, had remained in 
the fort. It is difficult to believe that amongst 
so many Enghshmen, none were found disposed 
to adventure for the safety of their countrymen. 
" Never, perhaps," says Orme, " was such an 
opportunity of performing an heroic action so 
ignominiously neglected ; for a single sloop, with 
fifteen brave men on board, might, in spite of all 
the efforts of the enemy, have come up, and, 
anchoring under the fort, have carried away all 
who suffered in the dungeon."* 

• Orme, vol. ii. p. 78. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CUVE. 149 

' As the Governor* and commandantt of the 
troops were among the fugitives, those who were 
left behind chose Mr, Holwell as their chief. 
Soon finding that resistance was impossible, he 
desired to surrender ; but, before he could obtaia 
an answer, the enemy stormed and made them- 
selves master of the fort Suraj-u-Dowlah, when 
Mr. Holwell was carried into his presence with 
his hands bound, directed them to be untied, and 
spoke to him in a manner calculated to give him 
hopes of protection: nothing, at least, indicated 
the fate that awaited this gentleman and his un- 
fortunate companions ; and indeed, as the Nabob 
had no reason for desiring their death, we cannot 
suppose that it was by his command they were, 
on the night of the day they were made prisoners, 
thrust into that prison emphatically called the 
Black Hole, from which, of a hundred and forty- 
six persons, only twenty-three came out alive. 

" Some of our company," says Mr. Cooke t, 
" expired very soon after being put in : others 
grew mad, and having lost their senses, died in 
a high delirium. All we could urge to the guard 
set over us, could not prevail upon them either 
to set us at liberty, or separate us into different 
prisons; which we desired, and offered money 
to obtain ; but to no purpose : and when we 

* Mr. Drake. f Captain Mlnch in. 

J Vide Parliamentary Reports, vol. iii. p. 144. 

L 3 



byGooqlc 



150 IHEUOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

were released at eight o'clock the next morning, 
only twenty-three came out alive." 

The indignation excited against Suraj-u-Dow- 
lah in the breast of every Englishman, on account 
of the murder of these persons, was just ; even 
though he never intended * to perpetrate so 
cruel an action. 

Wrapt in proud indifference as to what befel 
those unfortunate beings, whom fortune had 
thrown into his power, the tyrant was not to be 
approached with the tale of their unexampled 

* Mr. Mill, by his quotation from Seir Mutaquerin, and 
his observationa upon the former state of prisons in England 
and India, appears desirous not only of palliating the guilt 
of the Nabob aad his seivants, but of throwing a share of 
the blame upon the unhappy sufferers : " Some aearch," he 
observes, " was made for a convenient apartment, but none 
was found ; upon which, information was obtained of a place 
which the English themselves had employed as a prison, and , 
into this, without further inquiry, they were impelled. It 
was unhappily a small ill-aired and unwholesome dungeon 
called the Black Hole; and the English had their own 
practice to thank, for suggesting it to the cheers of the 
subadar as a fit place of confinement." — Mill, vol. iii. 
p. 149. Though I retrain from commenting on the tone in 
which the author quoted treats this memorable catastrophe, 
I must directly question the justice of the conclusions he 
has drawn from hta own premises. Assuredly the use of a 
room of twenty feet square, with two small windows, as a 
prison for one, two, three, or ten prisoners, can be no justi. 
cation for forcing, at the point of the sword, 146 captives 
into this inadequate space ; much less for keeping them there, 
when their sufferings became so dreadful, and the death of 
almost all certain. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVS. 151 

su&ringa, at the moment when they might have 
been alleviated ; and he never showed any sense 
of remorse when the dreadful catastrophe was 
narrated to him, nor evinced any resentment 
against those who had not only driven their 
captives into the dark and narrow place of de- 
struction, but had turned a deaf ear to the' earnest 
prayers and the dying groans of the unhappy 
sufferers. 

Two fitter instruments than Watson and Clive 
could not have been chosen to avenge their 
country, and to re-establish the interests of the 
Company in Bengal; and their efforts were 
warmly seconded by Mr. Pigot, Governor of 
Madras, who gave them all the assistance he 
could, to promote the success of a service of vital 
importance to the prosperity, and indeed to the 
very existence, of the Company in India. 

The expedition sailed from Madras the l6tb 
of October, and consisted of five of His Majesty's 
ships and five of the Company's, having on board 
nine hundred European infiintry, and fifteen 
hundred sepoys. Five hundred more sepoys 
were expected from Bombay. (a. d. 1756.) 
All the fleet, with the exception of two vessels, 
the "Cumberland"* and " Marlborough t," on 

• ■ The " Cumberland" eeventy-four had Sir G. Pocock'a 
flag on board. 

■f Tlie " Marlborough" Indiaman carried a large propor- 
tion of the troops and stores. 

L 4 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



152 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

board of which were a considerable proportion of 
the troops, had reached Fuita* by the 22d of 
December, where they found the fugitives from 
Calcutta. 

Major Kilpatrick, also an officer of high re- 
putation, was at that place. He had, it appears 
from his letter to Clive of the 5th of August, 
arrived some weeks after the capture of Calcutta ; 
but did not think it advisable (as he states in the 
same letter), untU supported from Madras, to 
attempt the recovery of the settlement, having 
" only a handful " of men, four pieces of artillery, 
and a very small quantity of ammunition. 

Clive appears, from letters to Major Kilpatrick, 
dated the 23d of December, to have been so 
unwell as to have committed to that officer the 
charge of preparations for immediate advance 
upon the small fort of Budge-Budge t, the road 
to which was through a low swampy country, 
covered with jungle and underwood. 

Though two hundred and fifty of his small 
European force, and four hundred and thirty 
sepoys, with almost all the artillery, military 

■ A village on the lefl bank of the river Hooghly, twenty 
mileB in a straight direction below Calcutta, but more than 
double that distance by water. 

-(■ Situated on the left bank ofthe river Hoo^ty, ten 
miles below Calcutta in a straight line, but double that 
number by the windings ofthe river. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 153 

Stores, &c., were on board the two missiog ships, 
CHve nevertheless determined to advance : hut 
it appears from his private letter to Mr. Pigot 
(dated the 8th of January, 1757), that the march 
of the small body of troops by land-was against his 
opinion. " You will find," he observes in this 
letter, " by the return, that our loss in the skir- 
mish near Budge-Budge was greater than could 
well be spared, if such skirmishes were to be often 
repeated. You must know, our march from 
Moidapoor to the northward of Budge-Budge 
was much against my inclinations. I applied to 
the Admiral for boats to land us, at the place we 
arrived at, after sixteen hours' march by land. 
The men sufifered hardships not to be described : 
it was four in the afternoon when we decamped 
from Moidapoor, and we did not arrive off Budge- 
Budge till past eight next morning : at nine, the 
grenadier company and all the sepoys were 
despatched to the fort, where I heard Captain 
Coote* was landed with the King's troops. At 
ten, Monichund, the Governor of Calcutta, 
attacked us with between two and three thou- 
sand horse and foot, and was worsted.! The 

* This officer (afterwards the celebrated Sir Eyre Coote) 
commanded a company of H. M. 49th on hoard the flag 
Ehip. 

■\ The grenadier volunteers and sepoys had been pushed 



byGooqlc 



154 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 

people of the country raise fabulous reports about 
the killed and wounded ; but there is reason to 
believe, from the smartness of the fire, and the 
nearness of the enemy, some of whom were within 
twenty yards, one hundred and fifty might be 
killed and wounded, and with them four of the 
principal jemmadars and an elephant. Moni- 
chund himself received a shot in his turban. 
Our two field-pieces were of little or no service 
to us, having neither tubes nor portfires, and 
wrong carriages sent with them from Fort St. 



as near the fort as they could be, under cover, to be ready 
for an assault. The remainder had been halted in a hollow 
plain, to intercept the garrison in the event of an attempt 
at retreat. No enemy was believed to be near, except in 
the fort of Budge-Budge. The consequence was a surprise, 
the bad effects of which were only remedied by Clive's pre- 
tence of mind and courage. He has been censured for not 
using more precaution ; but having only landed seven days, 
and being ill, he must have depended upon others for intelli- 
gence, and he justly complains of their want of it. The 
nature of the country, however, is such, as to offer to almost 
any numbers the power of concealbg their advance. 

It has further been stated, that " if the enemy's cavalry 
had advanced and charged at the same time that the infantry 
began to 6re, it is not improbable that the war would have 
been concluded on the very first trial of hostilities." — Orme, 
Tol. i. p. 124. In answer to this remark, there is one single 
fact to be stated ; — the thick jungle which concealed the 
approach of the infantry was impervious to cavalry, who bad 
no means of advancing except through openings, where they 
must have been seen, and the possibility of surprise defeated. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 155 

David ; indeed we still labour under every dis- 
advantage in the world, for want of the Marl- 
borough. It seems the enemy were encamped 
within two miles of us, and we ignorant of the 
matter: so much for the intelligence of the 
country. 

" I cannot take upon me to give my sentiments 
about our future success against the Nabob in the 
open iield: the little afiair above mentioned was 
attended with every disadvantage on our aide: 
a number of bouses, jungles, bushes, &c. served 
as a cover for the enemy — all our sepoys and the 
choice of our Europeans absent — our cannon in a 
manner useless. Indeed I fear we shall labour 
under many of these disadvantages when attacked 
by the Nabob, and I take it for granted that he 
will be down before the Cumberland and Marl- 
borough can arrive. As yet, there appears but 
little probability of getting draught buUockSi 
without which we cannot move." 

Calcutta, which oifered no resistance, was taken 
possession of on the Sdof Januar}', 17^7> by Ad- 
miral Watson, who, on the 3d, delivered it over 
to the Company's representatives. That jealous 
claim to superiority on the part of His Majesty's 
commanders by sea and land, which created diffi- 
culty in every conjunct operation, was evinced 
on this occasion in a manner that excited an in- 



byGOOQJC 



1^6 UEMOIHS OF LORD CLIVE. 

dignation in the mind of Clive which he could 
not conceal. 

" Between friends," he observes, in the letter 
to Mr. Pigot above quoted, *' I cannot help re- 
gretting that ever I undertook this expedition. 
The mortifications I have received from Mr. 
Watson and the jgentlemen of the squadron, in 
point of prerogative, are such, that nothing but 
the good of the service could induce me to sub- 
mit to them. The morning the enemy quitted 
Calcutta, a party of our sepoys entered the fort 
at the same time with a detachment from the 
ships, and were ignominiously thrust out : upon 
coming near the fort myself, I was informed that 
there were orders that none of the Company's 
officers or troops should have entrance. This, I 
own, enraged me to such a d^ree, that I was 
resolved to enter if possible, which I did, though 
not in the manner maliciously reported, by forcing 
the sentries ; for they suffered us to pass very 
patiently upon being informed who I was. At 
my entrance. Captain Coote presented me with a 
commission from Admiral Watson, appointing 
him Governor of Fort William, which I knew not 
a syllable of before : and it seems this dirty un- 
derhand contrivance was carried on in the most 
secret manner, under a pretence that I intended 
the same thing, which, I declare, never entered 
my thoughts. Tiiis affiiir was compromised, by 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 157 

the Admiral consenting that I should be Gover- 
nor, and that the Company's troops should remain 
in the fort The next day the Admiral delivered 
up the fort to the Company's representatives in 
the King's name." 

According to Mr. Ives *, who must be supposed 
to have given a feithful record of Admiral Wat- 
son's actions, as he was surgeon to the flag ship, 
and honoured with his commander's confidence. 
Captain King was sent, the moment Calcutta sur- 
rendered, to take possession of that fort in His 
Majesty's name; and in a few minutes afterwards 
it was garrisoned by a party of King's troops 
serving on board the flag-ship, under the com- 
mand of Captain Coote, to whom specific in^ 
structions were given, not to deliver up his 
command till further orders. Clive, who had 
invested the fort on the land face, immediately 
entered it, and claimed the command on the 
ground of his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel 
in His Majesty's service, and as senior officer on 
shore. Captain Coote refused to recognise his 
authority, as he considered himself acting under 
the specific orders of Admiral Watson. Clive 
persisted ; and, to prevent extremities, a message 
was sent to Admiral Watson, who, after hearing 
Olive's pretensions, sent Captain Speke to inform 

■• Vide Ives's Voyage, p. 102. 



byGOOQJC 



iSB MEMOrRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

him, that if he did not evacuate the fort imme- 
diately, he would fire upon him. Clive said he 
would not answer for the consequences, but would 
not give up the command. Reflection, however, 
seems to have altered this resolution, for I find a 
note from Captain Speke, stating that he had 
communicated to the Admiral Clive's offer of 
evacuating the fort, providing he had assurances 
of having afterwards the command. This was 
acceded to ; the fort remained, during the day 
on which it was captured, under the Admiral, and 
was next day, as has been before mentioned, made 
over to the Company. 

Clive, in the letter before quoted to the Go- 
vernor of Madras, notices the feelings of dis- 
satisfiiction which his independent powers had 
produced in the minds of the gentlemen belong- 
ing to the settlement of Calcutta, whom he 
describes as callous to every feeling but that of 
their losses. His sentiments upon this occasion 
are stated with that severity and careless bold- 
ness, which made him so many enemies, but 
which, nevertheless, continued through life to 
mark all his communications on points where he 
considered that private feelings and interests had 
interfered with the performance of public duties. 

*' The gentlemen here," he states, "seem much 
dissatisfied at the authority I am vested with. 
It would be contradicting my own sentiments, if 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 159 

I was not to acknowledge that I still preserve the 
opinion that the gentlemen of Madras could not 
have taken a step more prudent, or more consist- 
ent with the Company's interests: for I am sorry 
to say, the loss of private property, and the means 
of recovering it, seem to be the only objects which 
take up the attention of the Bengal gentlemen. 
As an instance, I shall only mention the expe- 
ditions to Dacca, which you may remember to 
have heard of a little before we sailed. It was 
settled that the Company should defray the 
expenses, and that what was taken should he di- 
vided among the sufferers of Calcutta in propor- 
tion to their losses ; the sufferers repaying the 
Company what might be advanced on that ac- 
count. I would have you guard against every 
thing these gentlemen can say ; for, believe me, 
they are bad subjects and rotten at heart, and will 
stick at nothing to prejudice you and the gentle- 
men of the committee ; indeed, how should they 
do otherwise, when they have not spared one 
another ? I shall only add, their conduct at Cal- 
cutta finds no excuse, even among themselves; 
and that the riches of Peru and Mexico should 
not induce me to dwelt among them." 

The correspondence which has been noticed 
between Admiral Watson and Clive, and be- 
tween the latter and the select committee at 
Calcutta, is of consequence, as it exhibits the 



byGOOQJC 



160 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

obstacles with which Clive had to struggle at 
this critical period of his life, and of the interests 
of his country in India. It is, however, to be 
observed, that notwithstanding the pertinacity 
and violence on points of professional claims, 
which Admiral Watson exhibited, there was 
a redeeming honesty and zeal in that gallant 
seaman, which gave ample pledge that the public 
service would always be preferred by him to 
every other consideration ; and though Clive 
showed occasional iits of spleen at the conduct 
of the Admiral, the whole course of his corre- 
spondence, public and private, proves that he 
entertained the highest respect and admiration 
for his character. 

The situation of Clive was at this period most 
difficult He found it more easy to deal with 
the pretensions and prejudices of Admiral Wat- 
son, than with the weak and disunited select 
committee of Bengal. In answer • to a letter 
from the latter, demanding that he should sur- 
render the power with which he was vested, 
and place himself under them, he observed, " I 
do not intend to make use of my power for act- 
ing separately from you, without you reduce me 
to the necessity of so doing ; but as far as concerns 
the means of executing these powers, you will 

" Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel CliTe to select com- 
mittee, of date 20th of January, 1757- 



byGootj'lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. l6l 

9 me, gentLemen, if I refuse to give them 
up: I cannot do it without forfeiting the trust 
reposed in me by the Select Committee of Fort 
St George, i ■■ .; - 

■*' -It does not become me,- as an iodividual, to 
give my (pinion,' 1 whether the conduct -of the 
gentlemen of fFort St. George has been faulty 
or not J t that' point must be determined byour 
superiors.** > , ■■ ni >■ , 

After* occupying Calcutta, the British coDtt- 
manders, to take advantage, as Clive states *j 
of the consternation caused by their rapid pro^ 
gress, sent a naval and military farce to attack 
Hoc^hley. I-transcribei&om Ormet ^the follow-f 
tog account of this operation : ' — ■■■ 

'* Mr. Drake, notwithstanding his adversities, 
had retained somexxirrespondents, and the Com' 
pany'S' money some spies, from whom (he received 
intelligence, a»soon as -he arrived at Cdcatta:, 
that the -town of Hoc^hley was in great con- 
stemation, and that it would be-some time before 
the Nabob's army would reach ifrom Moorshe- 
dabad; upon which the Committee' agteed to 
attaek Hoi^hley- without d&lay. -Tfae twenty-^n 
ship, the sloop of war, and three other vessels, 
were appointed for this service j and on board 

* Olive's letters to the Governor of Madras, 8th January, 
1757. 
■t- Vol.ii. p. 126. 

VOL. r. M 



byGooqlc 



163 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

of them were embarked one hundred and fifty 
Europeans, being those of Adlercron's regiment, 
with two hundred sepoys.* They sailed on the 
4th of January, and hoped to reach Hooghley in 
one tide ; but the twenty-gun ship struck upon a 
sand-bank, which stopped their prc^ess for five 
days. On the 10th, they arrived at Hooghley. 
This town Ueth about twenty miles above Cal- 
cutta, adjoining to the north part of the Dutch 
settlement of Chinsurah, from whence it ex- 
tends three miles on the bank of th^ river. At 
the northern extremity of the town is a fort, which 
was at this time garrisoned by two hundred men : 
three thousand more had been sent &om Moor- 
shedabad ; but these retreated as soon as the 
English troops landed, remaining, however, 
within a few miles. The vessels battered the 
fort until night; and although the breach was 
scarcely practicable, it was determined to storm 
it before break of day. A felse attack was made 
at the main gate; whilst Captain Coote, with 
the other division, accompanied by some sailors, 
mounted the breach before they were discovered 
by the garrison ; who no sooner saw the English 
on the ramparts, than all of them quitted their 
posts, and fled out at the lesser gate. Three 

* Major Kilpatrick and Captain Eyre Coote commanded 
the King's and Company's troops. The naval armament was 
commanded by Admiral Watson. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 163 

Europeims and ten sepoys were killed in the 
attack. On the 12th, Captain Coote, with fifty 
Europeans and one hundred sepoys, marched to 
Baudel, a large village three miles north of the 
fort, where they destroyed several granaries of 
rice ; and in their turn were surrounded in the 
village by the fugitive garrison, and the troops 
which bad been sent from Moorshedabad, from 
whom they disengaged themselves without losing 
a man. On the l6th, a party proceeded in boats 
some miles to the northward, and destroyed 
several more granaries on each side of the river ; 
and on the 19th, the Europeans with the smaller 
vessels returned to Calcutta." 

The account of the e^ipedition against Hoogh- 
ley is confirmed by every contemporary writer. 
The booty taken was estimated by Clive at a 
lac and a half of rupees (15,000/.). The re- 
duction of this important fort, the destruction 
and capture of the enemy's property, and the 
discomfiture of their troops, whilst they avenged 
the wrongs which Suraj-u-Dowlah had inflicted 
upon the English, were calculated to impress 
that prince with a just sense of their power, 
and of their determination to use it, for the 
purpose of compelling him to make reparation 
for his unprovoked aggressions. They con- 
cluded (and his character and conduct justified 
the conclusion) that it was not by conciliating, 
M 2 



byGooqlc 



164 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLlVg. 

but by alarming him, that they could obtain 
future exemption from his attacks. What had 
occurred gave good grounds for the belief they 
entertained. Subsequent events proved its cor- 



* It' is with pain I read, in the page of a modern hii- 
torian, the following passage > : — " The English were very 
desirous to make their peace with that formidable ruler 
(Siiraj-u-Dowlah) ; but the capture of Hooghley, undertaken 
solely with a view to plunder) had so augmented his rage, 
that he was not in a frame of mmd to receive from them any 
proposition. " I rejoice to state, I have hitherto searched in 
vain for the facts that could warrant so unqualified an im- 
putation upon the fame and reputation of Admiral WatsoD) 
Colonel Clive, and the other naval and military officers, de- 
tached in command of the force employed on this occasion ; 
and, until proof is produced of their having been actuated l^ 
the sordid motives here ascribed to them, I cannot give 
credit to the unsupported opinion of any author, however 
respectable. 

Orme states, that Suraj-u-Dowlah was exasperated at the 
capture of Hooghley (as, no doubt, such a despot would be at 
any operation which implied a defiance of his power by a 
nalion be had contemned and injured) ; but that clear and 
able historian, to whom his country is so deeply indebted for 
a minute narration of the &cts connected .with the early 
establishment of her power in India, has not one word in 
his page that can justify the opinions Mr. Mill expresses as 
to the motives of their attack. 

I have the sincerest personal respect for Mr. MiU : I ad- 
mire his accuracy, his industry, and inde&tigable researdi ; 
but our concltisions from the same premises often differ most 
widely. In this work, I shall have frequent occasion to 

■ MjII'b Britub India, toI. U. p. IBB. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Clive's letters in January communicat* 
Madras government information of the 
of Hooghley, and of the completion of thi 
to strengthen Calcutta. He also inform: 
that the Select Committee of Bengal hj 
iided to him and Admiral Watson all 



claim that liberty of a ftee expreasioo of ray ae. 
which he bo properly uses towards those who hav 
on the same subjects as himself. This will oblij 
question some of his assertions and opinions, whi 
ever positive and unqualified, appear to me neit 
ported fay arguments nor borne out by l^cts. I am 
my own defects, and have laboured to amend thei 
acknowledge that early impressions, and the occu[ 
my life, may give a bias to ipy judgment: but n< 
mind is free from prejudices, and those of tl 
author are not the fewest in number, or the easii 
subdued. With a full sense of my own disadvantagi 
fess that I am not convinced, by the laboured ai 
physical preface to Mr. Mill's History, that local ki 
and an acquaintance with the languages, habits, an 
ters of the nations of whom I, and others simi 
cumstanced, have treated on this and other occas 
disqualifications for the tasks we have attempted, 
events, our efforts may be useful in collecting facta 
critical and philosophical historians. Though we 
withhold those opinions which our experience has 
adopt, our chief purpose is to inform — theirs to s 
We are satisfied if we can lay before our readers a 
ture of the scenes we describe. They have what tl 
a higher object ; and the facts of their volumes i 
rendered subservient to tlie propagation of their 
principles and abstract theories. 
M 3 



byGooqlc 



166 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

spondence with the Nabob, who was advancing 
towards Calcutta, making professions of an 
amicable disposition, and ofiering to make resti- 
tution of property, provided Mr. Drake were 
removed from the management of the Company's 
afiairs in Bengal. 

Clive, at this period, cherished sanguine hopes 
of an early settlement; and it appears, both 
from his public and private letters, that he was 
most solicitous to obey the instructions of the 
Madras Government, by returning to that Pre- 
sidency the moment he- could do so without 
the most imminent hazard to the public in- 
terests. 

" Mr. Watson," he observes*, *' has not yet 
come to any resolution about his departure i and 
I fear it will be difScult for me to leave this place 
without his concurrence and assistance : how- 
ever, nothing but the prospect of a speedy and 
honourable peace will induce him to stay much 
longer ; and you may be assured I shall accom- 
pany him, unless something of the like nature 
happens, so as to give hopes of a peace being 
soon concluded, greatly to the honour and ad- 
vantage of the Company. Be assured, gentlemenj 
I shall follow your instructions, and not draw out 

* Letter to the Hon. G. Pigot, Esq. and Select Com- 
mittee of Fort St. George, dated Camp, Bamague Flaioi 
January 28. 1757. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 16T 

the war to length, on any consideration what- 
ever." 

In his private letter of the 25th of January, to 
Mr. Pigot, he says, " I need not represent to you 
the immense consequence of Bengal to the Com- 
pany ; and, while there is aprospect of concluding 
matters, either by a treaty, or by a general battle, 
which, I think, cannot be &r off, I am persuaded 
you would not approve of my leaving every 
thing unfinished, in a sudden and abrupt tnanner.. 

*' If we cannot conclude every thing by the 
' end of March, I will give it up, and content 
mysdf with leaving Calcutta in a defensible 
state. By the return you will see, exclusive 
of the King's troops and artillery, I have not 
above three hundred European rank and file fit 
for duty; so that, if the Bombay troops don't 
airive, 1 cannot possibly bring with me more 
than the grenadier company, and fiity of the 
train, exclusive of the King's. The sepoys must 
be le£it of which you have no want on the coasL 
Fort William cannot be left with a less garrison 
than three hundred miUtary and train fit for 
duty." 

In the postscript to the same letter, he observes, 
" The Admiral has not waited a number of 
people t« advise him to pay no manner of atten- 
tion to any representations, but what come from 
the gentleAien here ; and that the gentlemen of 



byGooqlc 



168 UEUOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

the coast cannot be judges of what is fit iw the 
interest of the Company in these parts. He is 
very desicous of getting away by the. latter. end 
«f nest iDODth, but has been persuaded that he 
iarso much concerned in honmir to see watters 
concluded, that^ be swears he will.stay till Sep- 
tember, if it be necessary. You, will. easily con- 
chide.hQw difficult it will be for me to get from 
hence without his consent aiid assistance. I do 
assure you I believe the Nabob desires peace 
most earnestly ; and I have told the genUemen 
very, plainly, that if he will give such terms as 
are consistent with the interest of the Company, 
and no other, all private satisfaction must be laid 
aside." 

The desire which CUve, at this period* enter- 
tained to return ^to Madras, and the causes by 
which he waS' detained, are strongly expressed in 
his letter* to'the Secret Committee of the Court 
of Directors. 

" The gentlemen lOf the Committee of Fort 
Saint. Geicvge, on advice of the war with France, 
immediately despatched, letters to me directing 
my return to the coast, as early as possible, with 
what .troops could be spared ; which, considering 
the reinforcement from Bombay, they hoped 
would' be nearly as many as I brought with me. 

" Dsted Camp, on Barnague Plain, Ist February, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 169 

Further advices from them, dated Sd and 11th 
December, . mention Monsieur Bussy's having 
set out from Hyderabad on the l6th November, 
and advanced towards the sea-coast with about 
cme thousand men, having left one hundred with 
Satabut Jung. They conclude his destination is 
for Pondiofaerry, there to join other troops ex- 
pected irom the Islands, and make up a formid- 
able fccce for action in the Camatic; therefore 
urging my return with as many troops as possible, 
both: of the Madras and Bombay detachments : 
for. that all. schemes of action in Bengal must be 
dropped for the present, and our whole force 
bent against the collected strength of the French 
on the coast. 

. f' I have no accounts myself -ftom the Chief 
of Vizag^Mitam : but, by- Mr. Pocock's letter to 
Mr. Watson, and the inforniatk)n of Lteut. Rum- 
bbld, arrived from thence, I understand' that 
Monsieur Bussy gave out that he was coming 
to settle the afiairs of this province; but that, by 
the direction of his maroh.he seemed to have a 
design upon Vizag^atam, and the 'English set^ 
dements in that neighbourhood. That when he 
was within about six days' march of Vizagapa- 
tam, and heard of the Cumberland's arrival 
there, he detached Monsieur Law with about 
three hundred Europeans to Masulipatam, to 
defend it against any attempts from that ship, as 



byGooqlc 



170 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 

it is supposed ; ^nd he himself hatted with the 
rest of his army, consisting, it is thought, c^ 
about four or five hundred Europeans, and a very- 
large black force, both foot and horse. The ac- 
cident, therefore, of the Cumberland's falling in 
with Vizagapatam has saved your northern settle- 
ments for the present ; which, I fear, on her 
coming away, must &U a sacrifice to the supe- 
riority of the French forces in that quarter. 

" All circumstances concur to make me wish 
a speedy accommodation in this province, boUi 
with the Nabob and French ; and it is my 
ardent desire to be able to embark for the coast 
this month, with some of the troops -, but it is 
hardly to be expected that matters will be suf- 
ficiently settled to admit of it The Admiral 
declares he is ready to stay till September if 
your af&irs require it ; and it will be impossible 
for me to return without the squadron. Indeed, 
I am myself so sensible of the consequence which 
the trade^of this province is of to the Company, 
that I think I ought not, on any account, to 
draw off part of the troops, whde a &ir prospect 
remains of a speedy and advantageous conclusion 
of affitirs, either by force of arms or a treaty. 
Whenever we return, I will endeavour to prevail 
on the Admiral to call at Vizagapatam, to know 
the state of the coast, and whether our services 
will be necessary in that neighbourhood." 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 171 

How Jittle Clive contemplated any schemes of 
wealth, or personal aggrandizement, as likely to 
result ftom the scene in which he was engaged, 
may be judged from a letter to his father written 
at this period : — "I wrote you last," he observes, 
*' by the Chesterfield, and acquainted you with 
my being just ready to set out upon the expe- 
dition to Bengal. I have now the pleasure to 
inform you, that alt are safely arrived, and that 
success has hitherto attended our arms by sea 
and land. Calcutta is retaken, and fortified ; and, 
some time ago, the second city in this province 
(Hoogfaley) was takfin by storm and plundered. 

" We are encamped with our little army ; and 
the Nabob is at the head of forty thousand men 
to give us battle. I am in hopes every thing 
will be concluded to the Company's advantage, 
though not in so glorious a manner as I could 
wish. For more particulars I must refer you to 
Mr. Mabbot. 

"It is not possible to describe the distresses 
of the inhabitants of this once opulent and popu- 
lous town. It must be many years before it is 
restored to its former grandeur. It is computed 
the private losses amount to upwards of two 
millions sterling. 

" I enjoy my health better than could be ex- 
pected* andthink my nervous complaint decreases. 
Mrs. Clive was well when I last heard from her, 
which was the 4th of last month. 



byGooqlc 



172 MEMOiaS OP LORD CLIVB. 

" Colonel Lawrence is Governor of St David's 
duting my absence. I believe it would be no 
difficult matter to get appointed from home 
Governor of this place ; but it woulH be neither 
agreeable to m^ nor to my advantage. I heartily 
wish, in these perilous and uncertain times, dl 
my money was in England ; for I do hot think it 
safe here : no one knows what the event of war 
may be in these parts. My loss by the capture 
of Calcutta Is not less than SdOO/. ; so that 
hitherto I am money out of pocket by my second 
trip to India. I hope the end will crown all." 

The arrival of the Nabob, with a large army, 
in the immediate vicinity of Calcutta, put an end, 
for the moment, to all considerations but that of 
a speedy s^tlement with him. He continued to 
profess friendship ; but the delays and evasions 
of his ministers, and the position he occupied, 
not only led to doubts of his sincerity, but 
threatened the safety of Clive's smaU force, and 
with it the city of Calcutta. Clive perse- 
vered, however, in his efforts to effect an 
amicable settlement; and, in concert with his 
second in command. Major Kilpatrick, publicly 
stated his opinion, that, while the Committee en- 
deavoured to obtain better terms, they should 
not hazard a renewal of hostilities by rejecting 
those with which the Nabob appeared ready to 
comply. The sentiments they gave upon this 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 173 

occasion are too remarkable and too honourably 
to the individuals to be omitted. 

" Upon the whole," they stated, *' we think 
the conditions highly honourable and advan- 
tageous to the Company. It would give us 
great pleasure, as being considerable sutFerera 
ourselvies, if terms advantageous to private per- 
sons could be obtained likewise ; but our present 
insignificant strength, the situation of a£&irs upon 
the coast, the absolute recal of Col. Clive with 
the greatest part of the forces, oblige us to give it 
as our opinion, that, by insisting upon terms still 
more advantageous, we expose the Company to 
tbe risk of losing those already granted them, 
having neither time nor the means of making the 
Nabob comply, should he retreat We were the 
more confirmed in that way of thinking, as Run- 
jut Roy the Seit's* Vakeel, who has through 
the whole course of this negotiation undertaken 
the Company's affitirs, in his last letters to Col. 
Clive, declares that. If the last articles signed by 
the Nabob are not satisfactory, he will interfere 
no more in the Company's business, but let war 
take its course." 

The hopes indulged of an amicable disposition 
on the part of Suraj>p<Dowlah were soon dis- 

* Jugget Seit, here alluded to, was at the head of a 
great banking-house, and, from his immense wealth and 
credit, had much influence in the country. 



byGooqlc 



174 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

pelted by the military movements of that prince. 
He had, however, to deal with an opponent not 
to be deceived. The moment Clive found that, 
from part of the Nabob's army having entered the 
city, and the remainder shutting up all the 
avenues of its approach, his own followers were 
deserting, and be was likely to be cut off from all 
supplies, he determined to bring matters to a 
crisis. On the 4th of February, two gentlemen 
were deputed to the Nabob, to request, if his in- 
tentions were friendly, that he would withdraw. 
The haughty manner in which his envoys were 
received, and the refusal to comply with his re- 
quest, made Clive instantly determine on an 
attack. 

*' As I now plainly perceived," he observes in 
his letter to the Secret Committee, dated 22d 
February, 1757, " that he only meant to amuse 
us, and that the little opposition he had received 
served rather to elate his hopes than incline him 
to moderate measures, I determined to attack 
hira the next morning before daybreak, while 
two thirds of his army were still encamped with- 
out the Mahratta ditch ; for when they had once 
passed and got into the streets of the town, it 
would be too late to attempt it. Another pressing 
reason for the immediate execution of this enter- 
prise, notwithstanding the smallness of ray force, 
was the sudden distress we found ourselves in, 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLtVE. 1^5 

upon the approach of the Nabob's army, by a 
geDcral desertion of our workmen, coolies, and 
servants, the breaking up of our market, and no 
provisions to be had but what were supplied from 
Uie fort by water ; in which condition we could 
not have continued long, but must have retreated 
into the fort with disgrace. I therefore desired 
Admiral ^Watson to assist me with five or six 
hundred seamen, principally for drawing the 
artillery and carrying ammunition, which he 
readily complied with ; and, about three o'clock 
in the morning, I marched out with nearly my 
whole force, leaving only a few Europeans, with 
two hundred new-raised bucksarees, to g^ard our 
camp. About six, we entered the enemy's camp 
in a thick fog, and crossed it in about two hours, 
witib considerable execution. Had the fog cleared 
up, as it usually does, about eight o'clock, when 
we were entire masters of the camp without the 
ditch, the action must have been decisive ; in- 
stead of which it thickened, and occasioned our 
mistaking the way. I avoid troubling you with 
the particulars of this undertaking, as they are 
fijlly set down in my -journal of military oo* 
currences." 

Clive had wished to avoid hostilities, from a 
desire not to hazard the advantages which had 
been obtained, and from the great disparity of 
numbers. While his force consisted of one 



byGooqlc 



176 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE.- 

thousand three hundred and fifty Europeans and 
eight hundred sepoys, that of the enemy tx<. 
ceeded forty thousand men; but, in the situation 
in 'which he found himself placed, he had no 
option betwixt the attack be made and a dis- 
gtaceiultennination of the enterprise. His was 
not a mind to hesitate under such circum^iMicesi 
He instuitly formed his plan to- surprise the 
Nabob's camp, by mardiing at three o'clock in 
the morning to make his £rst effort against a 
train of heavy artill^y, and,;affaer spiking them^ 
to push, for the hiead-quartecs of the prince :- but 
hta little army, after penetrating through the 
multitude of its opponents^ became, at daybresdc, 
so enveloped vti thidc fog, that the. road was 
missed.; and when the fog cleaied, Clive, who 
found himself at a distance -from the point of his 
intended attack* had to sustain a very- sharp ac* 
tion with' a part of the Nabob's army; in whi<^ 
he lost, -besides two field- pieces, one hundred 
mid twenty Europeans and one hundi«d 'aepoys, 
a great proportion of his small force. Though 
the success of this attack, owing to 'die accident 
of the fog, was not so complete aa it otherwise 
would have been, all the efiects upon 'which 
Clive had calculated were produced. The 
tdarmed Nabob left the town next day, and eti- 
camped on a plain within sight of the English 
troops. Preparations were making for another 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 177 

attack ; but Suraj-u-Dowlah made overtures for 
peace, and Clive was too anxious for that object 
not to attend to them, though advised to the 
contrary by Admiral Watson j who, in a private 
note, written in the strong language and with 
the characteristic bluntness of a British seaman, 
expressed serious doubts of the Nabob's sin- 
cerity, and recommended another attack. " I 
am now fully convinced," the Admiral observes, 
" the Nabob's letter was only to amuse us, in 
order to cover his retreat and gain time till he is 
reinforced, which may be attended with ' very 
fiital consequences. For my own part, I was of 
opinion, that attacking his rear when he was 
marching off, and forcing him to abandon his 
cannon, was a most necessary piece of service to 
bring him to an accommodation ; for till he is 
well thrashed, don't. Sir, flatter yourself he will 
be inclined to peace. Let us, therefore, not be 
overreached by his politics, but make use of our 
arms, which will be much more prevalent than 
any treaties or negotiations. In order to this, I 
have sent Captain Speke to talk with you on this 
subject I think, too, it mi^t not be amiss, were 
you to consult some of your own officers oii the 
same occasion. You will pardon the Uberfy I' 
take on this particular, when I assure you, I will 
do the utmost of my endeavours to assist you." 
. Clive was not induced by this advice to depart 

VOL. I. N 



byGOOQJC 



173 UEMOIRS OF LOKD CLIVE. 

from the course he had determined to pursue. 
He anticipated that what had passed would dis- 
pose the Nabob to peace ; and he dreaded that, 
by driving him to desptur, he might hurry him 
into an alliance with the French at Chanderna- 
gore, whose £urope!m force was nearly equal to 
the English, and who had just heard of the break- 
ing out of war between the two nations in Europe. 
The events proved he was not mistaken in his 
conclusion as to the probable conduct of Suraj- 
u-Dowl^ That prince no longer hesitated to 
sign a treaty, by which he restored the English 
at Calcutta to all the privileges they had formerly 
enjoyed under the imperial firman, or mandate, 
gave up the villages he had seized, permitted their 
merchandise to pass custom-iree, agreed to their 
fortifying Calcutta, allowed them to establish a 
mint, and engaged that all goods taken from their 
Victories should be restored, and that money 
compensation should be given for such as were 
damaged, plundered, or lost ' 

This treaty was concluded on the 9th of 
February, and three days afterwards the Nabob 
entered into another agreement with Chve, by 
which the English engaged to look upon the Na* 
bob's enemies as their own, and to grant him any 
aid in their power. 

Various opinions were &rmed of the poUcy 
of this peace. CUve, in a private letter to Mr. 



byGooqlc 



HBHOIRB OF I^BD CLtV&. ij^ 

Riyne, Chairman of the Court of Director;^ 
points out, with great force, the grounds on 
which he acted. 

*' If I had only consulted the interest and re- 
putation of a soldier, the conclusion of this peace 
might easily have been suspended. I know, at 
the same time, there are many who think I have 
been too precipitate in the conclusion of it ; but 
surely those who are of this opinion never knew, 
that the delay of a day or two might have ruined 
the Company's affiiirs, by the junction of the 
French with the Nabob, which was on the point 
of being carried into execution. They never 
considered tiie situation of afiairs on the coast, and 
the positive orders sent me by the gentlemen 
there, to return with the major part of the forces 
at all events ; they never considered that, with a 
war upon the coast, and in the province of Ben- 
gal at the same time, a trading company could 
not subsist without a great assistance from the 
government 3 and, last of all, they never con- 
sidered, that a long war, attended through the 
whole course of it with success, and many great 
actions, ended at last with the expense of more 
than fifty lacs of rupees to the Company. 

" Believe me, Sir, I have constantly had this 
consideration in view, and my conduct has been 
dways regulated agreeably to it. I cwi further 
say, I never undertook an expedition attended 

N 5 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



180 JtfBUOIRS OF LORD CLITK. 

with' half so many disagreeablecircumstances as 
this : the natural jealousy subsisting between 
sea and land service has given me much uneasi- 
ness ; I have suffered many mortifications ; the in- 
dependent power given me by the gentlemen of- 
the committee at Madras has created me many 
enemies ; and, lastly, that attention which, by 
my public statiwi, I owe to the interest of the 
Company, in preference to that of private indi- 
viduals, has not passed by unrefiected upon. I 
am a very considerable sufferer myself; and I can 
a&ira with great truth and sincerity, that I have 
left no means untried with the Nabob, when the 
Company's interest was not immediately con- 
cerned, to induce him to consider the unhappy 
people at Calcutta^ and he has often promised 
to do it. 

" Nothing harsh, ungenerous, or uncharitable 
shall &I1 ftom my pen ; at the same time, in 
justice to the Company, I cannot avoid express- 
ing my concern at the future prospect of their 
aiBtirs, after the obtainment of such honourable 
and advantageous conditions. Do but reflect,- 
Sir, that most of the gentlemen in power are 
become bankrupts by the ' unfortunate loss of 
Calcutta. This consideration, I must confess, 
added to their apprehensions of being dismissed 
the service, has often induced me to wish the 
gentlemen of Madras had taken the entire; 



byGOOQJC 



MBMOIES OP' LORDCLIVH." 481 

maDagement of a0airs into their hands, till th* 
Company's pleasure was known. 

" It cannot be expected that the princes of 
this country, whose fidelity is always to be sus- 
pected, will remain irrm to their promises and 
engagements from principle only. It is, there- 
fore, become absolutely necessary to. keep up a 
respectable force in this province for the future. 
How far this is agreeable to the Company's cir- 
cumstances, you, Sir, are the best judge. I shall 
only add, there never was such attention paid 
to the advice of military men at Calcutta as was 
consistent with the safety of the place when in 
danger— a total ignorance of which was the real 
cause of the loss of Fort William. 

" Our design upon Chandernagore is uncer- 
tain. I cannot yet &thom the Nabob's senti- 
ments ; the French having in a manner refused 
a neutrality this day offered it As the expedi- 
tion has so far advanced, I have given it my 
opinion to proceed and invest the place ; and, if 
it should happen, at last, that the Nabob is really 
against taking it, to accept the neutrality, and 
make merit of doing it at his request and in 
obedience to his order, by which means he will 
be convinced of our friendship and power at the 
same time. 

" I shall conclude this letter with submitting 
my conduct to your opinion. It would have 

N 3 



iz^c by Google 



182 MEMOIRB OF LORD CLIVE. 

required greater abilitieB than I am master of 
to reconcile and satisfy so many different in- 
terests. If I have erred, it has not been with 
design } whenever that can be made to appear, 
I shall very deservedly forfeit the good (pinion 
and favour of the Court of Directors, to whom 
I owe every thing." 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIV£, 



CHAP. IV. 

The attack of Chandernagore had been strongly 
recommended to Clive's attention (A.D.X757)by 
the government of Madras ; and it was evident 
that> while the French kept so strong a force at 
that settlement, the safety of Calcutta must be 
endangered whenever its garrison was weak, or 
the Nabob of Bengal chose to contract an inti- 
mate alliance with our European enemy. This 
danger was at the moment much increased by 
the success of Bussy. That leader, alike re- 
markable for his sagacity and courage, after 
rendering the greatest services to the Subadar 
of the Deckan, Salabut Jung, and obtaining in 
reward a large grant of territory, had become 
an object of such jealousy to the prince whom 
he had placed on the throne, that an effort was 
made to destroy him and his party. 

Not only were all the chiefs of the Deckan 
summoned to aid their prince in effecting this 
object, but the Mahrattas, also, were called in. 
The French general took possession of a palace 
called the Chahar-Mahal, within the ci^ of 
' Hyderabad, where he sustained a memorable 
K 4 



byGooqlc 



184 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB.. 

siege against this combined force ; and on beit^ 
reinforced by a party from Pondicherry, com- 
manded by M. Law, he ultimately triumphed 
over his numerous assailants, iuid Salabut Jung 
was obliged to confirm all the grants he had 
before made to him. These included the 
fruitful provinces of Masulipatam, Vizagapatam, 
and Ganjam, which he was now engaged in 
settling ; and his comparative vicinity gave credit 
to the daily reports that he was on his march to 
Bengal with a force, the numbers of which had 
been greatly exaggerated. 

Whatever might be Buss/s iotentioo, it was 
sufficiently obvious that he possessed the power 
of forminga junction ' with the French force on 
the Ganges ; and it was equally obvious, that 
such a junction would be ruinous to the English 
interests. 

These considerations recommended the im- 
mediate attack of Chandernagore ; but many 
and serious objections presented themselves to 
that measure. These were the strength of the 
French, the weakness of the English force, 
and the fear of producing a rupture with the 
Nabob, who was known to be most adverse to 
such an attack. 

Clive, alluding to the expressed sentiments of 

* The distance of the northern part of the country ceded 
to BusGf was QOt two hundred miles trom Calcutta, through 
Cuttack. 



byGooqlc 



MEHOIBS OF LOBD CLIVE. IS5 

Suraj<u-Dowlah on this subject observes, in the 
postscript of a letter (under date of the 1st 
of March, 1757) to Mr. Watta, the resident at 
the Nabob's court : — 

" The admiral and myself are determined not 
to be guilty of a breach of fiiith in attacking 
Chandernagore, contrary to the expressed order 
of the Nabob." 

But at the same time that he cominuuicated 
this resolution, Mr. Watts was instructed to 
make every eiFortto obtain the consent of Suraj- 
u-Dowlah to the prosecution of this measure. 

The necessity of this operation appeared more 
urgent from intelligence obtained, that the Na- 
bob was carrying on secret intrigues with the 
French, and from the declaration of the latter, 
that, however willing to enter into an armistice 
in Bengal, they had no power to pledge them- 
selves for its observance by the government of 
Pondicherry, or by those acting under its orders. 
The remembrance of Diipleix's disavowing the 
authority of La Bourdonnais to ransom Madras, 
and the position of Bussy, acting under an au- 
thority superior to that of the government of 
Chandernagore, made Admiral Watson very re- 
luctant to sanction an engagement so liable to 
be broken, whenever it should suit the con- 
venience of the enemy. Clive endeavoured for 
a period to overcome the Admiral's scruples. 



byGooqlc 



186 MEUOIRB OF I.ORD CLITE. 

from an impression that, should the Nabob join 
the French, the English force in Bengal was too 
weak to maintain a protracted contest ; and so 
&x from expecting aid from Madras, the supe- 
riority of the French on the coast of Coromandel 
urgently required his early return to that Pre- 
sidency. 

Intelligence of the occurrence of hostilities 
between France and England had been received; 
but the official declaration of war did not reach 
Admiral Watson till the first week of March. 
That officer, understanding that the Committee 
still continued apprehensive of the bad con- 
sequences likely to result from the attack of 
Chandemagore, wrote • to Clive as follows ; — 

" If the Nabob should not give his consent to 
our attacking the French, I will desist, provided 
the gentlemen of the Committee strongly repre- 
sent to me that it will be more for the Com- 
pany's interest that I should not undertake any 
thing against the French ; for, as the declaration 
of war is an order to all officers under the King to 
distress the enemy as £ir as it is in their power, 
the Committee here should take it upon them- 
selves the concluding a neutrality ; but I will 
take upon me to give my word, that I will not 
commit any hostility against the French herci 

* Admiral Wateon'i letter, dated March 6th, 1757> 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 18? 

unless the Governor-General and Superior Coun- 
cil of Pondicheny vill not consent to a neutrality 
within the Ganges." 

Admiral Watson had for some time carried 
on a correspondence with the Nabob, from 
which it appears that he was as anxious as Clive 
to convince Suraj-u-Dowlah it was for his inter- 
est and safety, as well as for that of the English, 
that Chandemagore should be attacked. *' The 
ready obedience," he observes in one of these 
letters, " I paid to your desire, in not attacking 
the French, will, I persuade myself, convince 
you, that nothing but the strongest necessity 
could make me again apply to you on that sub- 
ject I b^ you will give your most serious 
attention to what I am going to say. Imme- 
diately on the receipt of your past letters, I not 
only gave over tfawights of attacking the French, 
but invited them to enter into a treaty of 
neutrality, and to send people to settle the 
terms; but judge what must have been my sur. 
prise, when, after they were in some manner 
settled, the French deputies owned that they 
had no power to secure us the observance of 
the treaty, in case any commander of theirs 
should come with a greater power after my de- 
parture 1 You are too reasonable not to see, 
that it is impossible for me to conclude a treaty 
with people who have no power to do it ; and 



byGOOQJC 



188 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE; 

which, besides, while it ties my hands, leaves 
those of my enemies at liberty to do me what 
mischief they can. They have also a long time 
reported, that Monsieur Bussy is coming here 
with a great army. Is it to attack you ? Is it 
to attack us? You are going to Patna. You 
ask our assistance. Can we, with the least de- 
gree of prudence, march with you, and leave 
our enemies behind us ? You will then be too 
&r off to support us, and we shall be unable to 
def«id ourselves. Think what can be done in 
this situation. I see but one way. I^t us 
take Ghandemagore, and secure ourselves from 
any apprehensions from that quarter ; and then 
we will assist you with every man in our power, 
and go with you, even to Delhi, if you will. 
Have we not sworn reciprocally, that the friends 
and enemies of the one should be regarded as 
such by the other ? And will not God, the 
avenger of peijury, punish us, if we do not fultil 
our oaths? What can I say more? Let me 
request the favour of your speedy answer." 

Subsequent to the despatch of this letter, the 
accounts received from Moorshedabad com- 
pletely satisfied the Admiral of the Nabob's in- 
sincerity. Suraj-u-Dowlah, while he delayed 
the execution of the engagements he had entered 
into with the English, intrigued with French 
agents, and detached a body of men to reinforce 



byGooqlc 



BCEM0IR8 OF LORD CLITB. 189 

the Governor of Hooghley, which it was fully 
believed was meant to aid the neighbouring gar* 
rison of Chandemagore. 

This intelligence caused the Admiral to ad- 
dress him in a style calculated to put an end to 
all further evasions: — "I now acquaint you," 
were the concluding words of this letter •, *' that 
the remainder of the troops which should have 
been here long a^o (and which I hear the 
Colonel told you he expected), will be at Cal- 
cutta in a few days ; that in a few days more I 
shall despatch a vessel for more ships and more 
troops ; and that I will kindle such a flame in 
your country, as all the water in the Ganges 
shall not be able to extinguish. Farewell ! re- 
member that he who promises you this nevet yet 
broke his word with you or with any than what- 
soever." 

Suraj-u-Dowlah appears to have been alarmed 
at this communication ; to which he replied in 
two notes, one dated the 9th, the other the 10th, 
of March. In the flrst, he endeavours to excuse 
himself for his want of punctuality in fulfilling 
bis engagements with the English. In the 
second, he gives, though in general terms, 
that permission which had been so long desired, 
to attack Chandemagore. " You have under- 
standing and generosity," he observes : " if your 
• 7th March, 1757. 



byGOOQJC 



190 HEHOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

enemy, with an upri^t heart, claims your 
protection, you will give him his life ; but then 
you must be well satisfied of the innocence of 
his intentions ; if not, whatsoever you think 
right, that do." 

Mr. Watts, Resident with' the Nabob, had com- 
municated to the Committee the fullest evidence 
of that prince's intrigues with the French ; and, 
in his letter to Clive of the 1st of March, he 
asserts that he had advanced them one lac of 
rupees j and gives his opinion that the capture 
of Chandemagore is quite indispensable for the 
security of the English. 

Mr. Watts's letter to the Committee closed (as 
appears by a letter from Mr. Drake to Clive) in 
the following words: *' If you have not con- 
cluded with our enemies, I am persuaded you 
may attack without being under any apprehen- 
sions from the Nabob." In another letter to 
Clive, of the 10th of March, the Resident ob- 
serves, " This serves to enclose a copy of my 
letter to the Committee, by which you will 
observe the Nabob has given his verbal consent 
for attacking Chandemagore." 

In a letterof thellthof the same month, Mr. 
Watts states, that the Nabob desired him to 
inform Colonel Clive that if he attacked the 
French he would not intermeddle. 

The receipt of these letters, and the arrival of 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 191 

reinforcements irom Bombay, led to the attack 
of Chandernagore being ultimately determined 
upon. The n^otiation for an armistice, which 
was &r advanced, was broken off. The letters 
subsequently written by the Nabob *, retracting 
his assent to this measure, were deemed an in- 
dignity ; and the very ground which he urged, 
the expected adv^ice through Cuttack of Bussy, 
was considered an additional reason for hasten- 
ing the siege. 

Clive commenced operations by land, and dis- 
played his usual judgment : but the early &1I of 
this settlement must be chiefly ascribed to the , 
daring boldness and admirable skill and intre- 
pidity of Admiral Watson, and to the valour of 
those under his command. 

* Mr. Scrafton, b a letter to Mr. Watts, dated the 20th of 
March, 1757, written by desire of Colonel Give, obaerves, 
" The ten ■ letters received ftom the Nabob yesterday are 
sufficient evidences of his irresolution and variable disposition. 
Besides these letters, one Mutrumul, whom the Nabob 
mentions as a person in whom he has great confidence, has 
been here. The chief purpose of bis embassy seems to be to 
act as a mediator, if peace is to be efiected between the 
French and us ; but. If not, it should appear the Nabob will 
trouble himself no more about it. At all events, things no 
longer remain upon the Nabob's determination. The ships 
and batteries will all begin to play at daybreak in the 
morning; and two days will, at the utmost, decide tbeir 
fate." 

■ Stc ,- query, tan t 



byGooqlc 



193 HEUOIRS OF LOKD CLIVXi. 

Few naval acbierements have esuated mora 
admiration ; and even at the present day, when 
the river is so much better known, the suecess 
with which the largest vessds of this fleet were 
navigated to Chandemagore, and laid aloi^side 
the batteries of that settlement, is a subject o£ 
wonder. The Kent and Tiger, with the flags of 
Admirals Watson and Pocock (Hi board, were 
the Mily vessels engaged.* They were ao dose^' 
that the musketry from the tops and poc^ were 
most annoying to the enemy, who behaved with 
great gallantry, keeping up a heavy and de-' 
structive fire: nor did they offer to o^tulote 
till their batteries were a heap of ruins, and all 
their guns dismounted. 

Though the outworks of Chandcmagore had 
been taken by Clive, no breach had been made 
on the land side ; but, while the battery guns 
and mortars opened upon the town, the troops 
were pushed forward, and, from the tops of the 
houses adjacent to the wall, kept up a galling and 
destructive lire ; which, as it increased the losa 
of the French, no doubt hastened their sur- 
render. 

"We cannot give a better account of the imme- 

* Owing to Ae aodior of the Kent not holding, she 
drifted from her appointed station to that fixed upon for the 
Salisbury, close to the south-east bastion ; and the latter 
veMel was, consequently, thrown out of action. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLITE. 193 

djate causes which led to Ae attack of Chander- 
nagore, tban in the words of CUve in his report 
to the governor of Fort St George. 

", I acquainted yon," he observes, "that the 
neutrality with the French was not- likely to be- 
condudedi I continued encamped on the same 
ground; and, on the 7th instanft, received a 
letter from the Nabob, desiribg me to join 'gainst' 
the Affghansi the van erf whOse army was at- 
tempting an irruption into this province. Accord- 
ingly, I b^ah my march the next moniing ; and, 
thinking it a ctnivenient opportilDify to j^evail 
on him to sufier us to take Chandemagore, I wrote' 
hira word of oim* having endeavoured tO conclude' 
a neutrality with the French, but that the XH- 
rector and Council were not vested with proper- 
powers for that purpose ; that, whilst we w^e 
engaged at a distance assisting him against his 
enemies, the French, joined by Monsieur Bussy, 
might make-an attempt on Calcutta; and that 
therefore I should wait off Chand^magore, in 
hopes of receiving bis leave to attack it Ac- 
cordin^y, on the 12th I encamped at the back 
of it, within a mile of the fort ; and on the 13th 
the Admiral received- a letter from the Nabob, 
the purport of which was, that we might act as ' 
we pleased with respect to the French ; and, hav- 
ing intelligence at the same time that the troops 
he bad sent to their assistance were withdiawni ' 



byGooqlc 



194i MEM0IR9 OF LORD CLIVE. 

I smnmone^ the place to surrender that night ; 
but, receiving no answer, the next morning I 
attacked their western battery, which they de- 
fended very briskly the whole day, but at night 
abandoned it. A detachment I sent about noon 
to the southward took post in a garden near the 
forti and within some of their batteries. The 
loss they had sustained at the western battery, 
and the apprehension of their retreat being cut 
off by our detachment, made them likewise 
desert that night all their works to the south- 
ward } among the rest, a strong half-inoon on 
the river side, mounting heavy metal, and a bat- 
tery of three guns playing down the channel, 
-both which must have annoyed our ships greatly 
in, their passage up. The batteries to the north- 
ward were all quitted at the same time. 

" On the igth, the King's ships got to the 
Prussian gardens, about a mile frcrni the fort ; but 
it was the ^d before they attempted to pass the^ 
vessels which had been sunk by the enemy, op- 
posite to the half-moon. They weighed at day- 
break, and in less than an hour were abreast of 
the fort A thirteen-inch mortar of ours, with 
several cohorns and royals, had played incessantly 
the whole night ; and when the ships weighed, 
we opened two batteries very near the walls, one 
of four pieces of cannon, the other three, all 
twenty-four-pounders ; and kept a continual dis- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. IQS 

<jiarge c^ musketry &om the adjacent bouses. 
In short, the fire from the ships and the shore 
was so great, that they capitulated in three houra. 
A copy of the terras granted them is enclosed. 
Youi will observe the surrender is made to 
Adafiral Watson ; but common report will be 
just in publishing how great a share the luid 
forces had in this conquest I " Clive, in his evi- 
dence before the House oS Commons,, s^tea, 
" that Admiral Watson's fleet surmounted diffi- 
culties which he beheves no other ships could 
have done, and that it was impossible for him to 
do the officers of the squadron' justice on that 
occasion." 

In a private letter* to Mr. Pigot, written upon 
the same occasion, Clive observes, " I make no 
doubt but the forces are impatiently expected 
at Madras. It is a' very great blow that has 
det^ed them — no less than the attack and 
taking of Chandernagore ; of more consequence 
to the Company, in my opinion, than the 
taking of Fondicherry itself. It was a most 
magnificent and rich colony ; the garrison con- 
sisted of more than five hundred Europeans and 
seven hundred blacks, all carrying. arms ; three 
hundred and sixty are prisoners, and near one 
hundred have been sufiered to give their parole, 

* 29th March, 1757. 
O S 



b..Goc>^lc 



iQH MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

cuQsi^ing of civil, military, and inhabitants. 
Nearly sixty white ladies are rendered miserable 
by (^e lofifi of thifl place. However, iiothinghas 
been wanting, either on the Admiral's pan (h: 
min^ to render their condition supportable: 
their clothes, their linen, and every thing have 
been suffemd to go out.. 

'* I muet refer you to the Committee's letter 
&}r many particulars. I fear I shall not be able 
tfi send a list of military and artillery stores by 
this conveyance, which are very great, and will 
abundantly supply Calcutta. By the Nabob's 
letters, you will.find of what a wavering and pu- 
siUanimouB disposition he is. However, I am in 
h(^es this last stroke will fix him. He has already 
perfonned almost every article of the treaty ; paid 
Mr. Watts the three lacs of rupees ; delivered up 
Cossimbazar, and all the other factories, with the 
^oney and goods therein taken. The gentlemen 
write &om thence, that little or nothing is want- 
ing. 

" Our stay till August, which is now become 
unavoidable, will, I hope, setUe every thing here 
in the most advantageous manner for the Com- 
pany, and perhaps will induce the Nabob to give 
up all the French Victories. This will be driving 
them out root and branch. 1 am well informed, 
without Chandemagore, the Islands must starve, 
and Pondicherry suifer greatly. My inclinations 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 19T 

alwa}><5 tend towards the coast ; and I hope to be 
with you, with a very considerable force, in Sep- 
tember. . The- lateness of the season makes the 
passage now very uncertain ; and the length of it 
would certainly cause the loss of a great part of 
our forces. 

■ ■ *' It was with great reluctance Mr. Watson con- 
sented I should sign the articles of caprtuTation, 
though drawn out in his name, notwithstanding 
it was impossible the fort- could ever have been 
taken witJiout our assistance. 
,';; " We attacked the enemy six or seven days 
before the -ships, and drove them irom eleven 
batteries, one of them by the river side, of very 
heavy metal, under which were sunk four or five 
ships and vessels 'to prevent the passage of the 
squadron, which could never have been eflfected 
without mastering that battery. We erected one 
of five* twenty.four-pounders within a hundred 
yards of the 'south-east bastion, and another of 
three twenty-four-pounders within a hundred 
and fifty ^ards of the north-east bastion ; besides 
which, we manned all the tops of the houses, 
and kept up such a fire of musketry, that the 
enemy could not appear either on the ram- 
parts or" bastions, by which means the fire was 
insignificant to what it would have been." 

* Called a four^un battery in Clive's report to the 
Governor of Fort St. George, p. 194. ■ 
S 



byGOOQJC 



198 MEMOIRS OF LORp CLIVE. 

From this letter, and from one he wrote to Mr. 
Mabbot, the Chairman of the Directors, there can 
be no doubt iJiat Clive's intention was to return 
to the coast as eariy as he could, and that be ex- 
pected everything would be settled by S^rtembeF, 
when the season would be favourable for tliat 
voyage; butthejealousyand alarm of the Nabob 
at the rising power of the English were greatly 
increased by the fall of Chandemagore ; and his 
character and past actions gave no security against 
his intrigues and hostility, unless overawed by the 
presence of a superior force, and the establishment 
of a commanding influence at his court The 
President of the Committee at Calcutta was un- 
equal to the duties now performed by Clive j nor 
was there one officer in Bengal upon whom these 
could devolve with the slightest hope of pre- 
serving, much less of improving, the advantages 
that had been obtained. 

Placed in such circumstances, Clive, though 
he had received repeated orders to repair to Fort 
St. George, was not therrfore exempted from the . 
duty of exercising his judgment as to the course 
which it was best for the general interests of the 
Company that he should pursue ; and he had to 
balance against that obedience which he owed, 
and was anxious to pay to his superiors, the im- 
minent danger which his departure from Bengal 
would produce. The attack of Chandemagore 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 199 

had been indispensable to give security to the 
English against an European enemy : but the very 
success which had attended their arms upon this 
and other occasions was likely, with a prince of 
Suraj-u-Dowlah's character, to involve them in a 
iurther and more extensive scene of hostilities. 

This Chve foresaw before that opefation com- 
menced ; and, writing to the Committee at Cal- 
cutta upon this subject, he observed, " If you 
attack Chandernago're, you cannot stop there p 
you must go further. Having established your- 
self by force, and not by the consent of the Nabob, 
he by force will endeavour to drive you out 
again." In a private letter to Mr. Pigot, ffritt«i 
a month after the felTof the French settlement*, 
he gives a vivid description of the Nabob's cha- 
racter, and of the motives and feeUngs which he 
supposes to agitate his weak and vacillating mind, 
at a period critical both for himself and for the 
Company's establishments in Bengal. 

" The most of the articles of the peace," he 
observes, " are complied with ; yet, from the 
tyranny, cowardice, smd suspicion of the Nabob, 
no dependence can he had upon him. No con- 
sideration could induce him to deliver up the 
French i it is true he has ordered them out of his 
dominions, and they are at some distance from his 

• 30th April, 1757. 
O 4 



byGooqlc 



Qf^It^} butibe has retained th«aa secretly in his 
pay, and'jtiv certaiiUy written to JSfoafiieut-De- 
leyrit and Bussy, to.«epd men to bis asaistance. 
One dfiy he tears myJetterS}: and' turns out our 
yat:eel, and orders his 9nny to marcb; he next 
co^termauds it, 8«ids for t^ vake^. and begs 
his ' pardon for what , he has done.. Twice a 
vreek .he th^^tens to impale, Mr. Watts: in 
abort,, he is » cotapound of every thing that ia 
bad,-keep» cqmpaDyrwith none but his memal 
a^rvantBy ^id-is universaliy hated and dsspiaed 
by. the ^"eat men. , Thia mducea me to acqiuaint 
you there is a conspiracy going on gainst him 
by ae^^ral of the great men, at the head of whom 
is Jv^etSeit himself, asabio.Cc^ah Woaeed. I 
^ve- been .Aj^lied. to fbr assistaacet ' and - eveiy 
advantage promiseid the Company can wlah* The 
CoiOviuttee are, of opinion it ahouldi b^^given as 
soon as the Nabob is secured. For my own part, 
I am persuaded, Utere can be neither peace nor 
security while sucJi a monster reigns." 
.. ** Mr. Watts and Omichund* are at Mooiabe- 
dabad, and have many meetiags with the great 
tneo. Thelast letter I received from Mr. Watts, 
he deiirea that our prt^iosats may be aeitti and 
that they •nly wait for them to put: every thing 
in execution ; so that you may very shortly ex« 

• Omichund was a native agent employed by Mr. Watts. 
A full account of this person vill be given hereafter. 



:byGOC>^IC 



.MEUOIR8 OF LORD CLIVB. SOI 

ipect to hear 'of a reVoloUMi which 'wiH put tin end 
:to all fVench expectations of ever-settling in this 
.country i^ift. The Patans, who were coming 
this wi^, have been |)Bcified hy a "sum of money, 
and are 'refturnihg trf- their own country. Had 
they i^pproached near, every thing- would have 
been overset in this country, from three foilrtii»of 
the Nabob's army being" ag^nst him. It is-a most 
jiisagreeable circumstance, to ^d' that 'the 
troubles aare- likely to commence a^itt : but the 
<^ink)n here is universal, that there ■ can be 
neither peace nor trade without a change c^ g»- 
veitiment." -,-:■■ 

-Wh^ ChandeFD^(«pe was- taken, Glive's next 
object was to root out the Fren^li fi;onL' this 
quarter of India. This'appears from all his let^ 
ters, publie and priviate. ' It was,'a3 herepeatedly 
states, his conjfirmed opinion, that dt^ English 
and: their- European rivals cotfld not [have co- 
existence,' as ' political powers^ ,in ' India y and 
both had gone too far to be able tb recede. The 
superiority was, therefore, to be decided by the 
sword ; and i>n this ground, he deemed it to be 
his duty to follow up the success which bad 
attended the British anns, by the pursuit and 
capture of suc^ c^ the European 'enemy as yet 
remained in Bengal. 

The corps under the coinmand of M. Law, 
when joined by the deserters and French officers. 



byGooqlc 



SOS MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLITE. 

and men wbo had br<4cen their parole, or escaped 
from ChmdratiagOTe, am<MQted to only a hundred 
Europeans and sixty sepoys ; but diey were, not- 
withstanding bw ''protestatiMis to the contrary^ 
protected by the Nabob, who evidently looked to 
them as auxiliaries in a war which he anticipated 
with die En^Lsh. 

The hopes with which the French continued 
to feed him, fwd in which they themselves pro- 
bably indulged, of receiving reinforcements from 
Bussy through Cuttack, were not of a nature to 
be treated with n^lecU The great plan formed 
by Dupleix, and executed by Bussy, of establish- 
ing a paramount power and influence in the 
Deckan, had, to a great degree, succeeded-; and 
though commercial considerations had, during the 
short interval of peace in Europe, led to an op- 
posite poUcy, which condemned the whole system - 
pursued by the French governor as one of irra. 
tioaal ambition, and irreconcUeable with the in> 
t^ests of the French company, the moment war 
with England occurred, prudential resolutions 
were foi^tten, and every preparation was made 
to establish the French supremacy in India. 
Godefaeu, who succeeded Dupleix, and who, at 
first, appeared only anxious to abandon all his 
predecessor had gained, now sought to preserve 
and improve every advantage which yet remained, 
as the result of former measures. Bussy was pro- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CXIVS. SOS 

mised eariy support, and directed to kiainbnii the 
posfiessioQs ceded to France, which extended rax 
bimdred miles along the coast of Corcttundel, 
and Orina, from Moodappely south, to liie pa- 
goda of Juggernaut, nordi. 

Under such circumstsmces, nothuig apf>eared 
more tikdy, than that this able and enterpriking 
officer i^ould have reinforced his countrymen in 
Bengal : and the probable consequences of a 
party c£ any strength co-operating with the Na- 
bob, were of a character that justified all the 
jealousy and alarm t^ich Admiral Watson and 
Clive entertained upon this subject { and quite 
authorised them in ^ose decided measures tliey 
adopted for the permanent securi^ of the &itiSh 
&ctories and territories in Bengal and Bahar. 
To have stopped short— much more to have 1^ 
the country — bdfore this important object was 
accomplished, would have been to cast away 
the ihiits of their success, and to have useksdy 
wasted all the blood and treasure that had been 
already expended in this memorable expedition. 

That these were the sentiments of Clive atthis 
period, is proved by the purport of all his letters, 
public and private ; and these afford strong evi- 
dence that he by no means contemplated success 
as certain. In a letter (dated the 1 1th of March) 
to Mr. Orme, who was his agent at Madras, he 
requests him to remit his mon^ to Calcutta, to 



byGooqlc 



aO* MEHOIBS OF LOUD CLIVE. 

be sent to England, as "the thnea were danger- 
dus." Such facta are important, as they prove, 
.that the measures he found hittiself compelled at 
this period to adopt originated in a sense 06 duly, 
and not in that ipirit of' ambition, and desire of 
wealth and personal a^randizesnenti which have 
beeti stated by some as the chief, if not sole, mo- 
;tive6 of his conduct at this remarkaUe epodi of 
his life. 

'. i have akeady sp(^en of the designs of the 
-Fcen(^,.and the means they had of carrying them 
;iato execution.: I shall now examine how~ &r 
they *ere likely to be aided by Suraj-u-I>owlah. 
Ativerdi Khan, the grand-uncle and predece»- 
sor'of the reigning Nabob, had protected those 
.EiAropean :f£ictories which he found established 
under'the authority of firmans, or mandates, &om 
the eniperors of DelhL He gained an increase 
d. revenue by the duties on that ccMiimerce which 
^le '.enterprise of these foreign merchants encou- 
raged ; and he taxed the wealth they accumulated, 
bytnaking them give to him or his officers occa- 
sional presents, and by compelling them to con- 
tribute their portion of the snms he had so 
fi-equently to pay the Mahrattas, to purchase 
either exemption from attack, of the retreat of 
tiieir predatoiy bands from Bengal. The sums 
thus levied Were, during Aliverdi's gavimrnent, 
not immoderate J and the pdlicy of that able 



byGooqlc 



a^Hoiaa «p uhbb clivb; Kff 

priDce made him so vai^ the time of his demaods* 
that they came at distinct periods^ and under dif' 
ferent pretexts,- upon the difierent Notaries : for 
though, nedoubt, fearful of the union oftheEu' 
ropeans settled in his country, he wds sufficiently 
acquainted wit^ their national jealousies to know/ 
that nothtDg but a dread of ruin, operating at the 
same moment upon them all, could lead them to 
combine in any effort to oppose his demands. 

His grand-nephew*, Suraj-u-Dowlah, was of a 
very different character frcwn Aiiverdi Khan'. 
The latter, trained amid the vicissitudes oi for- 
tune, showed, in eveiy measure he adopted, that 
be merited the throne which he had usurped. 
His successor, cradled in prosperity, came inta 
I>ower .without an effort, and evinced^' in every 
action, A weak and feeble mind, that had no ob-' 
jects but those- of s6lf-^tification, which he 
sought by means that were usually as cruel 'and 
unjust as they were arlatrary and violent. This 
prince early showed that he owned no check vepoa 
such dispositions but -that of personal feai i-hiEJ 
cowardice fiiUy equalled his presumption, and 
both were excessive. In looking round for ob-' 
jects of plunder ailer he ascended the musnud, 
or throne, the English settlements at Cossimb^ 
zar and Calcutta attracted bis peculiar atten^nj' 
on account of the reputed wealth, not only of the 
Guropeons, but of 'the natives who had settled- 



byGooqlc 



S0& VEMCMBS W KJ9AS CLIVS. 

under their protection. The iBJiirie& aad exudU 
ticfii he had*, in the prosecution (^ this- ol^eet, 
inflicted u^n the natuNiand upon the individuals 
whom, he had wfmtonly attacked^ were of a. nar- 
ture which a mind like his coidd not believe 
would ever be focgptten or forgiven. The dis- 
grace he had sustained, in being obliged tO' fly 
before the British- arms,, and to pur-chase peace 
by concessions, and a partial restitution of plun- 
der, rankled iu: his. breast }^ and, alarmed, at a 
power he had hitherto contemned, he sought the 
alliance of the French, whose co-operation he now 
xegretted he had not earlier obtained. 

The government of Chandemagore had so &r 
conciliated him, that they refused to join the 
English in their efforts to compel him to make 
repar^on for his inj ustice and oppression ; though 
the armistice which tiiey desired vas offered 
them as the reward of their adopting a .cause 
which, had commercial- consida^tions ajone re- 
gulated their proceedings, was obviously that of 
every European. settledtinBengal. But Suraj-u- 
Dowlah well luiew that other feelings actuated 
both the English and French, and that each de- 
sired the total, expulsion of the other irom his 
territories. Acting upon this knowledge, and 
with tlu^ deep exasperation which belongs to the 
wounded pride of a despot, he secretly courted 
tiie French, to avenge himself on those by whom 



byGooqlc 



IfStfOIBS OF LOBD CLIV£» ^07 

he had been defeated and humbled. He aJa first: 
sent aid to Chandemagore. His subsequent as- 
sent, imperfect as it was, to the attack of that 
place, was only extorted by the feai: of the mo- 
m^it ; and it was retracted almost as soon as given. 
He still cherished hopes that the French garriecm 
might repel their enemies ; but their early sur- 
render, and the whole character of the attack, 
particularly the tremendous lire of the men-of- 
war, filled his mind with a mixture of dread, and 
irreconcUeable jealousy and hatred, towards a 
nation who, in a few months afler he had exulted 
in his triumph over their defenceless &ctory, had 
established themselves In his country, in aposition 
which already caused the native princes and chie& 
to view them as the future arbiters of India. 

The British commanders were, no doul^ at 
this period prepared to consent to any settlement, 
which gave them indemnity for the past, and 
security for the future, rather than incur the 
hazards of war, at a. moment when they could, in 
.case of reverse, expect no succour : fw the very 
£irce by which it must be carried on was urgently 
required on the coast of Coronjandel. But the 
mind of Suraj-u-Dowlah was quite incapable of 
comprehending the nature and force of such 
grounds of action. He probaUy thought they 
would act as he would have done if success had 
favoured his arms : perhaps he still rested on 



byGooqlc 



308 H£MOIBfi Of LORD CLIVE. 

his own stirength, and the hopes held outby the . 
FreDch. , Whatever were his motives, so far from 
showing a di^>osition to pursue a course which 
might lead the British authorities to confide in' 
him, he hurried - on to the adoption of every 
measure that could {Mx>duce a contrary impress 
sion ; and, in a very short period subsequent ta 
the fell of Ghandemagore, it became quite obvious, 
that his continuing Nabob of Bengal -was irrecon- 
cileable with every prospect of peace to the . 
English settled in that country ; and tliat the 
departure of the fleet, and a very considerable 
proportion of the troops, for Mi»dras, would be 
the certain signal for renewed hostilities. But 
the immediate causes of the war, which terminated 
in the dethronement and death of this ill-feted' 
prince, must now be stated. 

The sentiments Clive had formed ftf the Na- 
bob's character and policy have been fully given 
in his letter* to Mr. Pigot, already quoted.. The 
proofS'that his conclusions were justare'to be 
found in various documents, but particulariy in . 
the letters from Mr. Wattst, and in the commu- 
nications made by the Nabob to the French 
officers Bussy and Law, some of which were 
intercepted at the time, and others found after' 
the battle of Plassey. 

• Vide p. 199. 

■f- Mr. Watts continued tbrougli this period Resident at 
the Nabob's court at Moorihedabad. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LOSD CLIVE. S09 

Before Chanderat^ore was taken, accounts of 
the Nabob's overtures to Bussy had been sent by 
Mr. Watts, the correctness of whose statements 
was corroborated at that period from other quar- 
ters* and Iheh- truth subsequently confirmed, by 
the copies of the letters being found at Moorshe* 
dabad. 

In a letter to Bussy, about the end of February, 
the Nabob observes* ; " These disturbers of my 
country, the Admiral and Colonel Clive (Sabut 
Jungt), whom bad fortune attend ! without any 
reason whatever, are warring against Zubat ul 
Toojar^ (M. Renault), the governor of Chander- 
nagore. This you will learn from his letter. I, 
who in all things seek the good of mankind, as* 
sist him in every respect, and have sent him the 
best of my troops, that he may join with them, and 
fight the English ; and if it become necessary, 
I will join him myself. I hope in God these 
English, who are unfortunate, will be punished 
for the disturbance^ they have raised. Be confi- 
dent ; look on my forces aa your own. I have 
wrote you before for two thousand soldiers and 
musqueteers under the command of two trusty 

* Reports of House of Common§, vol. iii. p. 221. 

t Sabut Jung (which aigQifies " daring in war") ii the title 
by wbidi Clive ia to thia da; known among the aativea of 
bidia. 

t Zubat-ul-Toojar, the title of the French chief, meant 
" the essence or excellence of merchants." 



byGooqlc 



SIO MEMOIRS OF LOUD CLIVE. 

chiefs. I persuade myself you have already sent 
them, as I desired; should you not, I desire you 
will do me the pleasure to send them immediat^y. 
Further particulars you will learn irom M. Re- 
nault- Oblige me with frequent news of your 
health." 

In another letter, written in the end of March, 
the Nabob adds : " I am advised that you have 
arrived at Echapore. This news gives me plea- 
sure : the sooner you come here, the greater 
satisfaction I shall have in meeting you. What 
can I write of the perfidy of the English ? They 
have, without ground, picked a quarrel with M. 
Renault, and taken by force his factory. They 
want now to quarrel with M. Law, your chief at 
Cossimbazar ; but 1 will take care to oppose and 
overthrow all their proceedings. When you come 
to Ballasore, I will then send M. Law to your as- 
sistance, unless you forbid his setting out. Rest 
assured of my good will towards you and your 
Company ; and to convince you of my sincerity, 
I now send purwannahs (orders) to Deedar Ali, 
and Ramajee Pundit, and to Rajaram Singh, that, 
as soon as you may entei' the province, they may 
meet and lend you all possible assistance, and not, 
on any pretence, impede your march, both at 
Cuttack, Ballasore, and Midnapore." 

Copies of these letters had been seen at the 
time of dispatch by Cojah Wazeed, who had com- 



byGooqlc 



aiEMOIRS or LOKD CLIVE. 311 

municated their contents to Mr. Watts ; and this 
intelligence was corroborated by the fiict that 
servants of the Nabob, in charge of an elephant 
and jewels for M. Bussy, had passed Ballasore ; 
and by the protection given to M. Law, who, 
notwithstanding his professions to the contrary, 
was retained in the service of Suraj-u-Dowlah. 

That prince at first seemed not to oppose the 
siUTender of this small party of the French to the 
English; he afterwards pretended to banish them 
from his dominions, and they marched from 
Moorshedabad for Fatna, but in consequence of 
a note * from the Nabob, M. Law remained at 
Rajhmahal, the m^iager of which district had 
been directed to supply him with money, and to 
aid him, in every way he could, until Bus6y*s 
a{^roach. 

The Nabob by these acts, by his positive refu- 
sal to allow the English to proceed up the river, 
by his non-performance of some of the articles of 
the treaty, and by his advancing a part of his 
army to Plassey, bad placed himself in a position 
hostile to the Company : but he artfully desired 
to throw the odium of renewed hostilities upon 

* The fdiowing is the translatioa of the note from Sur^- 
u-Dowlah to M. Law : ■■ I send you ten thousand rupees for 
expense. Remain quiet at R^hmahaL When M. Bahadret 
&c come on this side Cuttack, I will then send for you." 
ParliameDtary Reports, vol. iii. p. 221. 
P 2 



byGooqlc 



SIS MEMOIRS OF LORD CL.IVE. 

the English. He complained of the continuance 
in the field of the troops under Clive, and of the 
fleet*s lying off Chandemagore. If the British 
commanders would return to Calcutta, or leave 
the river, he would, he said, withdraw his ad- 
vanced corps from Plassey, and remain on 
friendly terms, as he would then be convin<»d 
that the object of the English was commerce, not 
war I This was the purport of several commu- 
nications ; but every day brought proof c^ their 
insincerity, and shewed that the Nabob's sole ob- 
ject was to lull them into a fatal security, till, 
from the departure of their force and the arrival 
of his French allies, he could accomplish hie de- 
sign of extirpating them from his dominions. 

An intercepted letter • from M. Law to the 
chief of one of the lesser French factories, af- 
forded, of itself, proof of this fact, had any been 
wanting : but the indiscretion of the Nabob was 

* The following is a copy of this letter : " Je viena de 
recevoir une lettre du Nabob, par laquelle i1 'm'ordoDne de 
retoumer & MuxBdabad. II vient, dit-tl, se joindre & ncrap, 
pour tomber tat lea Anglaii. J'ai re^u ausii uite lettre du 
Sieur ^hangeau, qui me donne d'assez boones nouvelles. 
Je suis gurpris, que voub ne m'arez pas 6crit ; car je ne puis 
croire que vous soyez tout-Vfait ignorant de ce que ie pasie. 
J'envoia M. de Sinfray au Nabob, avec lequel il est chai^6 
d'«ntrer en n^ociation. II a ordre de rester It notre loge. 
Comme il est votre anoien, vom aurez la bont£ de le recob- 
nottre pour chef, et de lui obfir en cette quality. Pent-etre 
iroi-je bientfit vous trouver." 



byGOOQJC 



MEU0IB3 OF LOBO CLIVE. CIS 

too great to allow him to conceal his designs ; and 
a number of the chief nobles and ministers of his 
government, who had long been discontented 
^ith his rule, perceiving what must early happen^ 
sought the alliance of the English, concluding 
that they must desire the dethronement of a 
prince whose continuance in power was incom- 
patible with their existence. 

One of the chief causes that had hitherto kept 
the Nabob in check, was the dread of the AfFgbSn 
conquerors of Delhi : but news had arrived of 
their prince Ahmed Abdalla having returned to 
his own country, and its effects were. soon visible 
in the threatening language and conduct of Suraj- 
U-Dowlah towards the resident, who now earnestly 
recommended CHve to lose no time in decidedly 
attaching himself to the party already formed 
against the Nabob. In one letter* Mr. Watts 
observes, "JuggetSeit, Runjutroy, Omichund, 
and others, in short all degrees of persons, are 
persuaded he (the Nabob) will break his agree- 
ment, and attack us whenever he is disengaged, 
or our forces weakened by your leaving us and 
the departure of the men-of-war, or whenever he 
can be assisted by the French." 

The resident commences a tetter, written two 
days afler the one quoted, with the following 

• 26th April. 1757. 
p 3 



byGooqlc 



214 MEHOIBS OP LORD CLIVE. 

Strong expression : " The Nabob will not keep 
his agreement. This you may depend upon." 
Hementions that Suraj*u-Dowlah himself publicly 
speaks in this tone ; but adds that three fourths 
of his army were his enemies. 

The most serious of all the dangers with which 
the English were threatened at this period, was 
the expected arrival of Bussy, of whose real move- 
ments they had no correct intelligence. We find 
a letter, under date the 14thof May, a. d. 1757, 
from Mr. Drake, Governor of Calcutta, to Colonel 
Clive, which states : " The report that has so 
long been rumoured of M. Bussy's march into 
this province is now verified, by advice from the 
Ballasore factory of the 10th instant, certifying 
that M. Bussy was advanced five days on this side 
Cuttack, with seven hundred Europeans and five 
thousand sepoys." 

This was the very circumstance, the probability 
of the occurrence of which had constituted the 
chief ground on which the Admiral and Clive had 
urged the Nabob to give them substantial proof 
of his friendly disposition, by abandoning wholly 
all connection with their enemies. Admiral Wat- 
son, in his correspondence with him, had insisted 
strongly upon this point Alluding to the Na- 
bob's frequent evasions upon this and other sub- 
jects, the Admiral writes in his letter* of the 
• Ive's Voyage, p. 143. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOlnS OF LORD CLIVE. 213 

19th of AprU, "I observe in your letter the 
following particulars, viz. That for my satisfac- 
tion, and according to our mutual agreement to 
look upon each other's enemies as our own, you 
have expelled M. Law and his adherents from 
your dominions, and given strict orders, &c. &c. 
My brother, Mr. Watts, who is entrusted with 
all tlie Company's concerns, always writes me the 
particulars of your intended favours towards us ; 
but I have never found that what he writes is put 
into execution ; neither do I find that what you 
wrote me in your letter, dated the ist of Rajub 
(22d of March), is yet complied with. You 
therein assured me that you would fulfil all the 
articles you had agreed to, by the 15th of that 
moon. Have you ever yet complied with them 
all? No. — How then can I place any confidence 
in what you write, when your actions are not 
correspondent with your promises ? Qr how can 
I reconcile your telling me in so sacred a manner 
you will be my ally, and assist me with your forces 
against the French, when you have given a pur- 
wannah to M. Law and his people to go towards 
Patna, in order to escape me, and tell me it is for 
my/satisfaction, and in observance of the mutual 
agreement, you have taken this measure ? Is this 
an act of friendship ? Or is it in this manner I 
am to underst.iiul yon will assist mc* ?■ Or am T 
to draw a conclusion from what you write? or 



byGOOQJC 



S16 UEMOmS OF LORD CJL.IVE. 

what you do ? You are too wise not to kiioVf 
when a man tells you one thing, and does the di- 
rect contrary, which you ought to believe. Why 
then do you endeavour to persuade me you will 
be my friend, when at the same time you give my 
enemies your protection, furnish them with am- 
munition, and suffer tbem to go out of your do- 
miniouB with three pieces (rf* cannon ? Their 
effects I esteem a trifling circumstance, and as &x 
as they will contribute to do justice to your 
people who are creditors to the French Company, 
I have no objection to your seizing them for their 
use } for money is what I despise, and accumu- 
lating riches to myself is what I did not come out 
for. But I have already told you, and now re- 
peat it ^ain, that while a Frenchman remains in 
this kingdom, I will never cease purstiisg him i 
but if they deliver themselves up, they shall £nd 
me merciAil, and I am confident those who have 
already fallen into my hands will do me the jis- 
tice to say, that they have been treated with a 
much greater generosity thui is usual by the ge- 
neral custom of war." 

Clive, in sevenJ letters to Mr. Watts, written 
immediately after the £iU of Chaudemagore, xirg^ 
the surrender or expulsion of the French, as an 
indispensable condition of the Nabob's continued 
friendship with the English. Every artifice was 
used by Suraj-UoDowlah to evade compliance 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIES OF LORD CLIVE. 217 

with this urgent and repeated demand. He first 
pleaded the debts due by the French to his sub- 
jects : — he was told, that the property of their 
Company could be made responsible for such 
debts. He next stated the loss of revenue to the 
Emperor, from duties paid on their trade :— this 
duty*,hewas told,hadbeen estimated at 60,000 
rupees, and would henceforward be paid by the 
£n^h. Driven by these propositions from 
every ground of evasion, and not yet willing to 
declare openly his real intentions, the Nabob 
publicly directed the march of M. Law towards 
the dominions of the vizier of Oude, but with no 
design, as has been before shown, that the French 
should leave his territories. 

During the siege of Chandemagore,Roydullub, 
the principal minister of Suraj-u-Dowlah, had 
been sent, with a considerable body of men, to 
occupy an entrenched camp at Ftassey. This 
armed force, which' was meant to awe the Eng^sh 
into attention to the Nabob's wishes, was not only 
continued after the French settlement was taken, 
but was reinforced by a party under the Bukh- 
sheet (or commander of the army), Jaffier Ali 

* The particulars of this offer are in a letter IVom Mr. 
Walsh to Mr. Watts of the 11th April, 1757, written by 
order of Colonel Clive. 

■j- Bukhshee, literally means" Paymaster;" but that office 
is, in native armies, almost invariably associated with the 
station of commander-in-chief. 



byGooqlc 



S18 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Khan, and the future intentions of the Nabob 
were almost publicly proclaimed, when his officers 
not only prevented the passage of a few sepoys 
up the river to Cossimbazar,' but stopped the sup- 
plies of ammunition and stores necessary to restore 
that Victory to its former state. 

These orders, Mr. Watts wrote Clive, the Na- 
bob's officers were commanded to enforce, by 
cutting the noses and ears of every one that at- 
tempted to, pass the stations where they were 



Such a state of affairs could not continue long. 
The important events of which they were the 
prelude will occupy the next chapter ; but before 
we enter upon the narrative of them, it will be 
useful to take a concise view of the nature and 
construction of the power of Suraj-u-Dowlah, as 
well as the reputation and influence of his princi- 
pal leaders and officers : for without such know- 
ledge it is quite impossible to understand, much 
less to judge, the conduct of Clive in those wide 
scenes of intrigue, war, and negotiation, into 
which he was at this period compelled to enter, 
or else to abandon his half-executed, enterprise- 



byGOOQJC 



HEMOlaS OF LORD CLIVE. 



CHAP. V. 



The power established by the Mahommedans in 
India has never varied in its character from their 
first invasion of that country to the present time. 
The different qualities of the individuals by whom 
it has been exercised, have introduced a variety 
of shades both in the mode and substance of their 
rule, but the general features have remained the 
same. The Mahommedari emperors of Delhi, the 
Subadars of divisions of the empire, and the Na- 
bobs and chiefs of kingdoms and principalities, 
supplanted and expelled, or extirpated, sovereigns 
and princes of the Hindu military tribe : — but 
while they succeeded to the power which these po- 
tentates had held, the management of the finance 
and revenue, and all those minuter arrangements 
of internal policy, on which the good order of 
the machine of government must ever depend, 
remained very nearly in the same hands in which 
the Mahommedans had found them. The unwar- 
like but well-educated Hindus of the Brahmin or 
the mercantile castes continued, as under the 
martial princes of their own tribe, to manage 
almost all tlu' concerns of the state. A Hindu, 
under the denomination of minister, or as Naib 



byGOOQJC 



3«0 MEH0IR3 OF LORD CLTVE, 

(or deputy), continued at the head of the ex- 
chequer; and in this office he was connected with 
the richest hankers and monied Hindus of the 
country. Princes had private hoards, — but there 
was no public treasury. Advances were made to 
individutds and bodies of men by bankers (deno- 
minated Seits or Soucars), who were repaid by 
orders on the revenue, and obtained a double 
profit on the disbursement and the receipt of 
mone^. The proud and thoughtless Mahommedan 
prince, anxious only for the means necessary for 
his pnrpcffiw of pleasure or ambition, was not 
over-scTupulouB as to the terms he granted to the 
financial agents : and the advantages they gained, 
combined with their simple and fi-ugal habits*, 
enabled them to amass immense wealth. This 
th^ well knew how to employ, for purposes both 
of accumulation, and of establishing political in- 
fluence 'y commanding, as they did, the money 
resources of the country, the prince, his officers, 
Mid army, were all in a great degree dependent 
upon them ; and to treat them with extreme 
severity was certain to incur obloquy, and often 
defeated its aim, since, by their natural character, 

* Thii observation alludes to their general habits, Ott 
religious festivalB, and on their own marriages, and those of 
their diildren, the roost parglmonious Hindu oflen gpenda 
great sums. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. fiSl 

they were as patient of Bu£rering as they were 
tenacious of their gains. 

Besides, the wealth of Hindu ministers and 
managers was usually deposited with bankers ; 
and the injury done to credit by acts of injustice 
or oppression towards any of the latter class, af- 
fected such numbers, as to prove ruinous to the 
reputation, and often to the interests, of the des. 
pot by whom it was attempted. 

The Hindu ministers, or revenue (^cers. had 
not the same number of retainers as the Mahom- 
medan. They were, therefore, seldom in the 
same degree objects of jealousy or dread : but 
though they were &om this oause less exposed to 
extreme violence, they were more frequently ob. 
jeets of extortion ; and for this they were better 
prepared, bolii from the great profits they made, 
and from their parsimimious habits. 

A very quick and intelligent Mahoromedan 
prince*, on being asked why he gave so decided 
a {Kreferrace to Hindu managers and renters over 
those of his own rel^ion, replied, " that a Ma- 
hommediui was like a sieve, — much o£ what was 
poured in went through j while a Hindu was 
like a sponge, which retained all, but on pressure 
gave back, as required, what it had absorbed!" 

* Ameer-ul-Omra, the second bod, and fbr some period 
minister, of Mahommed AH, the former Nabob of the Car- 
natic. 



byGOOQJC 



m2 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. . 

But there were other reasons which prompted 
Mahommedan princes to employ and encourage 
Hindus, both at their court and in their armies. 
They formed a counterbalance to the ambition 
and turbulence of their relatives, and of the chiefe 
and followers of their own race. This feeling 
operated from the emperors on the throne of 
Delhi, when in the very plenitude of their power, 
down to the lowest chief : and it is from its action 
combined with that influencewhich thewealthand 
qualities of the Hindus obtained, that we are, in a 
great measure, to account for the easy establish- 
ment and long continuance of the Mahommedan 
power in India. The new dominion was attended 
with little of change, except to the Hindu sove- 
reign and his favourites. The lesser Rajas (or 
princes) gave their allegiance and paid tribute to 
a Mahommedan instead of a Hindu superior, 
while their condition and local power continued 
nearly the same. 

Hindu ministers and officers served probably 
to greater profit the idle and dissipated Moghul, 
than they could have done a master of their own. 
tribe ; and as there was complete religious toler- 
ation, and their ancient and revered usages were 
seldom or never outraged, they were too divided 
a people upon other subjects to unite in any ef- 
fort to expel conquerors, who, under the influence 



byGooqlc 



IdEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^23 

of various motives, left to them almost all, except 
the name, of power. 

Vrom the composition and character of such 
governments, it is obvious that neither individuals 
nor the community can recognise, much less feel 
an attachment to what we call the state, as sepa- 
rated from the persons who, for the tinie being, 
preside over the different branches of its admi- 
nistration. The sovereign has his servants and 
adherents; his tributaries, chiefs, commanders, 
and officers have theirs ■, but the latter owe no 
fidelity or allegiance, except to their immediate 
superiors. Each individual of this body has per- 
sonal privileges, and enjoys protection in certain 
rights, from established usages, which, aiFecting 
all of the class to which he belongs, cannot be 
violated with impunity : but as there is no regu- 
lar constitution of government supported by fixed 
succession to the throne, men derive no benefit 
from the state, and owe it therefore no duty. 
From these facts it is evident that nothing can be 
so erroneous as to judge the conduct of the na- 
tives of India, amid the changes and revolutions 
to which the governments of that country are 
continually exposed, by those rules which apply 
to nations which enjoy civil liberty and equal 
laws. Treachery and ingratitude to their chief 
or patron are with them the basest of crimes : 
and obedience and attachment to those who sup- 



by GooqIc 



S^4 UEMOIKS OF LORD CLIVB. 

port them, the highest of virtues. According as 
they&il in, or fulfil, the obligations which the re- 
Istions of the society in which they live impose, 
men are deemed in&mous or praise- worthy : and 
to the reciprocal ties by which such bands are 
held together, the prince and chief are aa oftoi 
indebted for their safety, as their followers for 
the just reward of.their devoted service. The 
monarch is secure upon his throne no longer 
than while he can preserve a body of personal 
adherents. The chief that is threatened by his 
apvereign looks to his followers for support or 
revenge ; while the latter, in the lesser vicissitudes 
to which they are subject, espect with equal con- 
fidence the protection of him to whom they give 
tJieir allegiance. 

In countries where men are influenced by such 
motives, the dethronement of a prince is r^arded 
as no more than the &11 of a successful leader or 
chief of a party ; and the frequency of such an 
occurrence has perhaps tended, more than all 
other causes, to temper the exercise of despotic 
power, Mid to compel sovereigns who owned no 
other check to seek its continuance, by reconciling 
to their rule those by whom it was so liable to be 
subverted. 

The construction of the government of Suraj- 
u-Dowlah was like that of other Mahomraedan 
states : but the elements of which it was com- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 225 

posed wanted the controlling spirit of a superior 
like AUverdi Khan. 

Among the chiefs of the army there were 
several who early took alarm at the excesses of 
their young prince, and who, confiding more in 
their own influence and strength than in his jus- 
tice or consideration, assimied an attitude of very 
doubtful allegiance. 

The greater number of these leaders enjoyed 
jaghiers, or estates, on the produce of which 
they maintained a band of followers. The prin- 
cipal person of this class was the Bukhshee, or 
commander, of the army, Meer Jaffier, a soldier 
of fortune, who had raised himself so high in the 
estimation of AUverdi Khan, that he had not 
only promoted him to the highest military rank, 
but had'given him his daughter in marriage. 

The country of Bengal has ever been femoua 
for the wealth and talent of the higher classes of 
its Hindu inhabitants ; andwe find, throughout its 
history, that these have filled the chief offices of 
the state. Thiswas the case at the period of which 
we are treating. The manf^ers and renters — 
of whom I^amnarrain the governor of the pr.o- 
vince of Patna, and Raja Ram the manager of, 
Midnapore, were the principal — were almost all 
Hindus. Nor were the station and influence of 
this tribe less in the anny and at court. Monick 
Cbund, who had been governor of Calcutta, held 

VOL. I. Q 



byGooqlc 



ads HEM0IB8 OF LORD CLIVB. 

8 high oiilitary ruik, and Roydullub, the dewan* 
or minister of finance, had great influence, which 
was increased by his being intimatel)^ associated 
with Ju^et Seit, the representative of the rich- 
est soucar, or banking firm, in India ; and who^ 
through means of his riches and extensive con- 
nections, possessed equal influence at Lucknow* 
and Delhi as at Moorshedabad. 

The above were the leading perstms of the 
stute, each of whom had numerous adherents who 
lodked td them, not to the prince, for support 
and advancement It is a verf^ remarkable ^t^ 
and one that singularly illustrates the character 
of 8uraj-u*Dowlah, that he appears to have been 
the cmly person for whom no one felt attach- 
ment, and in whom no one had confidence. 
The Nabob, like princes of similar character, had 
UDVortfay favourites, among whom a Hindu, 
tuuned Mohun Lai, hdd a distinguished place, 
and without filling any high office, had at one 
period more power than, any person in this weak 
and divided government. 

Considerations of mutual security had for some 
time led Roydullub and Meet Jaffier to a secret 
understandings and pledges of friendship had 
passed bietween them i but this connection ap- 
pears to have been, at firsts formed more for their 

* Ludoiow ii ihe capital of tha viiter of Oudc 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 927 

personal security than with any purpose hostile to 
the Nabob ; for it was not until a chief called 
Khuda Yar Khan Lattee, who aimed at the mus- 
nud, had made proposals to Mr. Watts, which 
were supported by Jugget Seit, that Meer Jaffier 
came forward with an ofl^r to act in concert with 
the English for the dethronement of a prince, 
the continuance of whose reign, all seemed to 
agree, must prove destructive to the country. 

We cannot have a more convincing proof of 
the mixed contempt and dread with which his 
own subjects regarded Suraj-u-Dowlah, than is 
afforded by the transactions of Moorshedabad at 
this period. Even the professional caution of 
Jugget Seit was roused into bold action, and his 
■ name was added to the list of those who invited 
the English to a confederacy, which soon spread 
too wide for concealment ; and which, combining 
men of all classes and all interests, could only 
obtain success by the existence of a general sen- 
timent of distrust and detestation of the ruler, 
against whom it was directed.* 

* It is believed to have been principally at the suggestion 
of the great banker Jugget Seit, that the Engibb were ap- 
plied to as the instruments of this revolution. One great 
reason assigned, was the good faith they had always shown 
in their commercial transactions, from which a ftvourable 
judgment was ibrmed of their general character. M. Law, 
than whom there could be no better authority, and who 
many years after was Govenror o€ Pondicherry, always gave 
Q 2 



byGOOQJC 



S28 MEMOIRa OF LORD CLIVE. 

Notwithstanding appearances and professions, 
it was with the greatest hesitation that the Com- 
mittee of Calcutta ventured on the scene * that 
now opened to them ; and certainly nothing 
could have justified the course of proceeding 
that was adopted, but a conviction that a 
change in the reigning prince was indispensable 
to the existence of the English in Bengal, corn- 



it as his opinion, that the English were obliged to none so 
much as the banker Jugget Seit, for bringing about this 
revolution. — T), H. 

■ The grounds upon which the Bengal Committee were 
ultimately induced to come to a resolution to join the 
confederacy against Suraj-u-Dowlah, are fully explained in 
their letter of the 14th July, 1757, to the Secret Com- 
mittee * in England. They state, that they had no doubt 
but that the Nabob would attack them whenever the 
squadron and the troops lefl the river ; that they not only 
had no con6den<x in his friendship, but were convinced 
he was the determined enemy of the English, and was using 
every means in his power to bring the French to Bengal : 
that from his conduct in this and numerous other cases, it 
was certain he would seize the first opportunity of extir- 
patbg the Company ; and lastly, they express their opinion, 
that from the detestation in which Suraj-U'Dowlah was held, 
the confederacy formed against him must succeed ; but tliat, 
if they withheld their aid, they could expect no advantages 
from such success : whereas, if they took a prominent part, 
they might look for remuneration for past losses, and full 
security against any future misfortune, similar to that to 
which their weakness had before exposed them. 

* Vid* FkrliamentaTy RepottE, rol. jii. p. S16. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 229 

bined with a firm belief that the means which 
presented themselves were the best to effect that 
change : but it was the genius of Clive which 
guided their councils, and pointed out the road 
by which he was to lead them to safety and 
honour, through a labyrinth of such apparently 
inextricable windings that even his experience 
and courage were at times startled by its intri- 
cacies. 

Clive, having received several despatches from 
Mr. Watts *, which, while they established the 
justice of the conclusions regarding what was 
to be expected from Suraj-u-Dowlah, pointed 
out the dangers of delay, wrote to Admiral 
Watson, requesting his opinion on the measures 
to be pursued ; but the Admiral dedined giving 
it ; "as the squadron," he observes, '* is at 
present in no condition to act ; or, indeed, if 
the ships were, do I know of any use they would 
be at present in this river, when every thing is 

• Mr. Watta writes, under date the 14th of April : — « The 
Nabob, before our success at Ghanderaagore, threatened, 
in the presence of Runjutroy and others, to impale, or cut 
off my head; and yesterday repeated those threats in the 
presence of Jugget Seit, Monichtmd, Cojah Wazeed, Meer 
Abdul Caussim, Runjutroy, and Omichund. I write this for 
yours and the Colonel's notice alone, and desire no public 
afiair may be made of it, for I despise what the Nabob can 
do to me, and would not have you desist from any vigoroui 
measures you may intend to pursue on my account." 
Q 3 



byGOOQJC 



030 HGMOIKS OF LORD CLITE. 

done that ihey are capable <^ undertaking. You, 
gMitlemen of the Committee, will therefore best 
judge what steps will now be necessary f<»r the 
Company's interest" • 

In a letter to Mr. Watts, of the 23d of April, 
Clive expresses the following sentiments upon 
the extraordinary conduct of the Nabob : — "I 
have received both your iavonrs (rf the 14th and 
18th. The Nabob's behaviour makes it very 
difficult to pursue such measures as may not, in 
thdr consequence, be approved or disapproved 
of according to our success. His late transac- 
tions carry with them the appearance of an 
amendment in the situation of his af&irs : surely 
he has received some hope of Bussy's approach, 
or has accommodated matters with the Patans. 
If they were approaching, I think he would never 
put us at defiance, which I think he has done 
by his message to you. 

*' If he has ordered the French out of his 
dominions, Why are they to take the route to 
Patna ? a route directly contrary to that of Gol- 
conda. I wish, at all events — now the French 
are gone — you would send the money and 
effects to Calcutta immediately, for fear of the 
worst. 

" If Mr. Law and all the gentlemen could he 

• 22d April, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



UEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^1 

prevaUed upon to allow the common jnen to be 
made prisoners, and themselves to be &ee on 
condition of going to Pondicheny, it would 
be better than letting them travel through the 
country." 

Clive, in this letter, alludes to a message 
\rfiich the Nabob had desired Mr. Watts to send 
to him, intimating diat tbe conduct of the En- 
glish, in the proceedings regarding the French, 
*' looked more like a desire to rekindle war, than 
having their thoughts fixed on trade and raec- 
chandiee." 

In a private letter from the Resident to Mr. 
Walsh *, secretary of Colonel Clive (dated 20th 
April), he observes, " Before I received your 
letter enclosing the Nabob's, that letter which 
was forwarded by Nuncomart was delivered, on 
which the Nabob was much displeased ; and on 
our vakeel going to him this afternoon, before 
he bad time to speak or deliver the Colonel's 
letter to him he ordered him out of his presence; 
and said, that notwithstanding, to satisfy us, he 
had permitted us to take Chandemagore, and 
had ordered the French here out of his domi* 
nicHis, yet we were not contented, but were 

* Mr. Walsh was paytnaBter to the Madras troops, bat 
acted throughout the expedition as secretary to Colonel 
Clive. 

f Governor of Hooghley. 

Q 4 



byGOOQJC 



039 UEMOIBS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

continually plaguing him with letters about deli- 
vering up the French and their effects : there- 
fore, having done so much to please us, his 
patience was worn out He could suffer no mtfre, 
but saw he must be obliged again to march 
down against us." 

Other circumstances occurred at this period, 
which distinctly proved the jealous and hostile 
spirit with which Suraj-u-Dowlah continued to 
view the English. A small detachment of se- 
poys, under Captain Grant, had been ordered 
to Cossimbazar j but Mr. Watts wrote, desiring 
that officer to return. In his letter to Clive, of 
the 28th of April, he observes, " As the Nabob 
will not idlow a Tellingy • soldier, or any am- 
munition, to come this way, and as he has 
threatened to treat those he takes severely, I 
thought it prudent to desire Captain Grant and 
his party to return, lest they should meet with 
some affiont." 

Clive, in a letter to Mr. Watts t, observes, 
" After the Nabob's last message I cannot de- 
pend upon his friendship ; and therefore shall get 

• TeUingy means a native of Tellingana, one of the 
ancient Hindu diviBiona of India, which includea the north- 
eastern parts of tlie Deckan. Some tribes of the natives of 
Tellingana have long been celebrated as foot- soldiers; hence 
the term Tellingy and sepoy became synonymous. 

t 23d April, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 23S 

every thing ready for a march. I shall consult 
the Committee, and not willingly undertake any 
thing which may occasion a rupture without I 
am obliged to it ; notwithstanding I shall write 
the Nabob in high terras. I dare say there 
will be no objection to sparing tbe fifty cannon, 
if the Nabob will but convince us of his sincerity 
of intention by securing the French." 

A letter of the same date was despatched to 
Mr. Collet, in charge of the fiictoiy at Cossim- 
bazar. 

'* I think it necessary to advise you," Clive 
states, " that at a committee held here this day, 
it was agreed, in consideration of the uncertainty 
of the Nabob's disposition, to withdraw all money 
and effects from the subordinates as fast as pos- 
sible, and that no more than a corporal and six 
men, with the Bucksarries, should remain at 
Cossimbazar; the rest to return here with the 
treasure. I shall send up by boat two of my 
ofhcers and twenty sepoys, with some spare arms 
and ammunition, to escort the treasure likewise ; 
as most of your people are deserters, and I am 
uncertain if with arms. You will please to get 
the treasure properly packed up, and provide 
boats, as well for that as tbe men of the garrison 
who are to come. No particular secrecy is to 
be used in this matter, but to be transacted in 
the usual manner." 



byGOOQJC 



SSi MEMOIBS or LORD CLIVE. 

Notwithstanding these preparations, it appears 
that even at this period hopes were entertained 
of Sun^-u-Dowlah changing his proceedings so 
&r as to make it pos»b}e to preserve peace w^ 
him. In answer to a letter • from Mr. Watts, 
Clive observes, " I wrote the Nabob a letter a 
few days ago, which will reconcile him to us, 
and calm his resentment :" but emphatically 
addii> ** If he is resolved to sacrifice us, we must 
avoid it by striking the first Uow." 

Suraj-u-Dowlah continued, however, to pursue 
his oourae in the most in&tuated manoer, while 
the storm gathered thick around him. The state 
4^ the Nabob's mind, and the intrigues now 
foruHig, Bxe strongly depicted in a secret letter t 
&om CHve to Admiral WiUsod. " I ^ould 
be very glad," he observes, ** to pay you my 
respects at Calcutta ; but the critical situation of 
the Company's affiiirs will not admit of my quit- 
ting the camp on any consideration. The last 
letter I wrote the Nabob he tore in a violent 
passion, and ordered our vakeel out of the dur> 
bar. He sent for Meer Jaffier, and offered him 
ten lacs of rupees if he would march down and 
destroy us ; and he has been often heard to say 
the would extirpate the English. The next 
morning he was sorry for what be had done, 

• 28th April, 1757. f 26th AprU, 1757. 



byGOOQJC 



UEMOinS OF LORD CUVE. £35 

6^it Ibr the vakeel, and gave him a (Irees. J 
have not receiveii a letter from him this ma^y a 
day. In short, there is wich a confusiou 3^4 
discontent at Moorshedabad, from th« Nalx^'s 
weak conduct and tyranny, that I luu^e reG(MV«4 
certain advice <^ several great aien ; 4Mnc^ 
whom are Ju^et S^t and M«er J^affier, being 
in league togetJier to cut him off, and set up 
Khuda Yar Khan Xiajtteet a man of great family, 
poweri and riches, supported tooth and nail by 
Jugget Seit." 

Clive, at this critical juncture, wasnpt merely 
1^ alone to the resources of his own mind, but 
was embarrassed by the conduct of those who 
should have aided him. The Committee of Cal- 
cutta, though they had approved of the com:- 
munications wluch had passed betweoi him and 
Meer J^er, now stated their opinion Uiat the 
negotiation into which he had entered was of 
too delicate a nature to be trusted to p^>er, uid 
proposed sending a confidential European agent 
to Mr. Watts. The CcHnmittee also expressed 
themselves dissatisfied with the expense which 
attended the troops having remained so long in 
the fidd. 

Clive, in his reply to this letter*, after stating 
his surprise at its purport, observes, " You 
surely forget, gentlemen, that at a committee 
• 29th AprU, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



Q36 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLTVE. 

held here as late 'as the 23d, I laid my letters 
before you, consulted with you on the general 
measures to be taken in the conduct of our 
aflairs with the Government, and was desired to 
manage a certain secret correspondence at the 
durbar. What has since come to my know- 
ledge I have communicated to the President ; 
and, indeed, I cannot think I have ever been 
deficient in acquainting yowwith all particulars, 
and advising with you whenever the subject was 
important enough to require it. 

" It will not be improper to send a European 
of capacity and secrecy, as you observe, to Mr. 
Watts ; but if you mean thereby, that nothing 
on so nice a subject is to be committed to writ- 
ing, you may have occasion to despatch many 
such persons before the negotiation is concluded. 
Let' me observe to you, a correspondence in 
cyphers, as now practised, is not less secret, and 
doubtless much more expeditious, which is of 
great moment in particular conjunctures. 

" By your manner of expressing yourselves, 
with regard to putting the troops into garrison, 
it somewhat appears as if I had unnecessarily 
kept them in the field. Give me leave to say, 
gentlemen, I am equally desirous with you of 
saving every possible expense to the Honourable 
Company, and that it is long that I have waited 
for an opportunity of going into quarters : but 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 237 

let me ask you, whether the situation of aflaire 
has admitted of it hitherto ? I fully intend, in 
a day or two, to put the coast troops into garrison 
at Chandemagore, and to send the rest to Cal-' 
cutta, if nothing very material occurs to prevent 
it. The former are entirely under my command ; 
and you may be assured, as I will never make use 
of the power vested in me to the injury of the 
Honourable Company's afl^rs, that I will be as 
far from suffering you to take away any part of 
it. I say thus much to prevent further disagree- 
able intimations, which can tend to no good 
end." 

About this period, a letter was received by GUve 
from the Paishwah Badjerow, expressing his in- 
dignation at the treatment the English had re- 
ceived from Suraj-u-Dowlah, and offering his aid 
to avenge their wrongs. The Paishwah proposed, 
on their co-operating with his troops in the inva- 
sion of Bengal, to repay double the amount of the 
losses that had been sustained, and to vest the 
commerce of the Ganges exclusively in the East 
India Company. Though this letter was de* 
livered by the Mahratta agent at Calcutta, a doubt 
appears to have been entertained as to the cha- 
racterofthecommunication. Itwasevensurmised 
to be an artifice of Suraj-u-Dowlah to discover the 
real sentiments and designs of the British autho- 
rities. Clive, who had no intention of inviting 



byGooqlc 



938 MEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

the destructive aid of a Mahratta army, sent the 
letter to the Nabob, concluding, that, if it was 
genuine, he would receive such a mark of confi- 
dence .as a proof of friendship ; -» and if he had 
himself forged it, there could not be a more com- 
plete counteraction of his design. The letter was 
genuine; a^dtheNabob expressed himself much 
gratified by the conduct of CUve, who, on this 
occasicm and others, endeavoured to remove the 
suspicions thatSuraj.u-Dowlah entertained of the 
des^s of the confederates. 

As one means of lulling him Into security, he 
ordered the English troops into garrison, stating 
that he had done so in expectation tliat the Na- 
bob would follow his example, by recaUing the 
detachment finm Plassey. He observed, in a 
letter to the Nabob, " that, while the io-mies 
continued in the field, their enemies would be en- 
deavouring to interrupt that perfect harmony and 
friendship which subsisted between them ; that 
he had therefore put his army into quarters ; and 
though he had no reason to doubt his Excellency's 
strict adherence to, and full compliance with, all 
the articles of the treaty, yet, nevertheless, he 
willed he could disappoint those hopes their 
mutual enemies entertamedt by withdrawing his 
ariny from Plass^; and that he would hasten 
the payment of the money, and other articles of 
the treaty." 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 339 

The Nabob expressed great satisftctioa widi 
these proo& of friendship ( but, either from a sus- 
picioD of their sincerity, or from an obstinate per- 
severance in his plans against the English, he 
limited himself to promises, and met them with 
no corresponding acts. 

Clive, alluding to his continuing the troops at 
Plassey, observes, in a letter to Mr. Watts, of the 
30th of April, — *' The Nabob is a villain,'and 
cannot be trusted j he must be overset, or we 
must fell." And in a subsequent communication 
of the Sd of May, he gives him frill authority to 
come to a settlemen t with Meer Jaffier upon terms 
which he speci^es, stating, also^ that every thing 
is prepared for immediate action. In this letter 
be observes, " Your letter of the sgth is come to 
hand, — every thing is settled with the Commit^ 
tee, — enclosed are the proposals^ and if there b6 
any other articles which you aud Omichund think 
necessary to be added, you have full liberty to do 
so, or leave out any thing which you think may 
hurt our cause, or give disgust. As for any gra- 
tuity the new Nabob may bestow on the troops, 
it is left to his generosity, and to your and Omi- 
chund's management. — Now for business. 

" To-morrow morning we decamp ; part of our 
forces go to Calcutta, the other will go into gar- 
rison here; and, to take away all suspicion, I 



byGooqlc 



SiO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

have ordered all the artillery and tumbrils to be 
embarked in boats and sent to Calcutta. 

" I have wrote the Nabob a soothing letter : 
this accompanies another of the same kind, and 
one to Mohun Lai agreeable to your desire. 
Enter into business with Meer Jaffier as soon as 
you please. I am ready, and will engage to be 
at Nusary in twelve hours after I receive your 
letter, which place is to be the rendezvous of the 
whole army. The major*, who commands at Cal- 
cutta, has all ready to embark at a minute's warn- 
ing, and has boats sufficient to carry artillery-men 
and stores to Nusary. I shall march by land and 
join him there : we will then proceed to Moor- 
shedabad, or the place we are to be joined at, di- 
rectly. Tell Meer Jaffier to fear nothing j — 
that I will join him with five thousand men who 
never turned their backs ; and that if he fails 
seizing him, we shall be strong enough to drive 
him out of the country. Assure him I will march 
night and day to his assistance, and stand by him 
as long as I have a man left." 

Clive, in his letter to Mr. Watts, of the 5th of 
May, expressed his opinion, that Omichund, on 
account of his services, should have all his losses 
made good by an express article in the treaty. 
He also proposed, that a sum, not exceeding fifty 

* Major Kilpatrick. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 241. 

lacs of rupees, should be granted for the reim-. 
bursement of private losses : and that ten lacs 
should be given to the Company for the expense 
of the expedition, and. as a gratuity for the army. 

At this critical period, it must have been a 
satisfection to Clive to receive such aid as could 
be afforded by Admiral Watson, who, though he 
declined, for very sound reasons, any share of the 
responsibility of an enterprise, in which he could 
not co-operate, and offered his honest advice as 
to the hazards with which he thought it would be 
attended, no sooner perceived that Clive was de- 
termined to proceed alone towards his object, than 
he made every effort in his power to. strengthen 
him, and expressed wishes for his success, in a 
manner that showed how cordially he went along 
with him in every point, except in the anticipii- 
tion of the result. 

When quite prepared to commence operations, 
Clive made an application for two hundred sea- 
men to accompany the troops, with which the 
Admiral immediately complied. He appears, 
however, from the letter in which he promises 
this aid, to have still, entertained fears for the 
result of the expedition. *' I don't think," he ob- 
serves, " your letters convey the most promising 
appearance of success. You cannot, therefore, 
be too cautious to prevent a false step being 

VOL. 1. E 



byGOOQJC 



Q4& MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

taken, which might be of very fatal consequences 
to our a£^irs." 

This letter was written on the ^th of May. 
In one <^ the 17th of June, we find him inspired 
with better hopes. *' I am glad to hear," he 
states," that MeerJaffier'spartyincreases. I hope 
every thingwill turn out in the expedition to your 
wishes, and that I may soon have to congratulate 
you on the success of it. I most heartily pray 
for your health and a speedy return crowned with 
laurels." 

This letter has importance, as written after the 
troops had marched, and after all arrangements 
connected with the intended enterprise had been 
completed. Admiral Watson had been informed 
of every transaction, and though he might have 
differed in c^inioi^ upon maiiy points, and have 
withheld himself from a participation in others, 
it is a reflection upon his memory to believe that 
he could, at this period, have written in such 
terms had be entertained the sentiments regard- 
ing any part of Clive's conduct, which were aftier* 
wards imputed to him. . 

The warm temper of this gallant seaman might 
have led to the occasional utterance of some 
hasty and unqualified opinions ; but his manly 
mind was incapable of such a compromise of his 
honest feelings, as to express himself in terms of 
friendship and regard for the individual whose 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^43 

acts he was at the same moment describing * as 
dishonourable and iniquitous. 

We discover from Clive's private letters, and 
those of Mr. Walsh, his secretary, that, from the 
period when Meer Jaffier's overturewas acc^ted, 
he considered that the revolution was effected. 
He remained, however, in a state of the most 
anxious solicitude. He dreaded delay, both aa 
it tended to increase the hazard of discovery, and 
as the season of the rains was fast approaching, 
when military operations would be impracticable. 
Yet it was difficult to accelerate the execution 
of a plan, in which so many inteiests were to be 
consulted, and which was liable to be impeded by 
so many events. At one time there appeared 
great danger lest it should be altogether defeated 
by a violent and premature rupture between Meer 
Jaffier and the Nabob ; nor was the reconciliation 
that took place between these parties of a nature 
calculated to give Clive confidence in his new 
ally, who, within a few days, had sworn upon the 
Koran to be ^ithful both to the English and to 
their enemy Suraj-u-DowUUi. 

* Such are the termi aud to have been used by Admint 
WatMQ, in speeidng of thaae who had- signed the treaty 
(proposed by Clive) to deceive Omichund. This is stated in 
evidence by CaptaioBrereton (Pari. Reports, vol. iii. p. 151.); 
but a more general and incouclusive testimony perhaps never 
wa« given. 

R 2 



byGooqlc 



S44 UEMOIHS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Notwithstanding these changes, Mr. Watts 
continued confident in Meer Jafiier and those 
with whom he was combined; but he had for 
some time taken alann at Omichund, with whom 
be had been associated in all his negotiations at 
Moorshedabad. 

This Hindu merchant possessed great wealth, 
and was among the sufferers at the capture of 
Calcutta. He had, on that occasion, as well as 
on others, made himself very useful to the En- 
glish ; and, though known to be one of the 
most avaricious and grasping of human beings, 
yet the reputation he had for good sense, and 
the obvious and admitted profits and advantages 
which he must derive from being faithful to the 
trust reposed in him, banished ail fear of his 
treachery, and led to his employment as one of 
the most active instruments in forming the com- 
bination by which the Nabob was to be de- 
liironed. 

Meer Jaffier early expressed his doubts of 
Omichund ; whose conduct,' in several instances, 
had made the same impression on the mind of 
Mr. Watts. It appeared to both, that the suc- 
cess or failure of the enterprise was considered, 
by this sordid man, as secondary to the promo- 
tion of his personal interests ; and that he chiefly 
valued the confidence placed in him, as he could 
make it subservient to his private views. Ciive 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 345 

appears to have been very reluctant to admit the 
truth of the suspicions entertained of Otnichund > 
and it was not till proof which he deemed conclu- 
sive as to his treachery was brought forward, 
that he consented, with the Committee, to have 
his name left out of the treaty. 

Mr. Watts, in his letter to Colonel Clive, of 
the 17th of May, states, " Meer Jaffier is deter- 
mined he will by no means trust Omichund. If 
I had followed the interested counsel of the lat- 
ter, all afiairs would have been overset, all con- 
fidence of us lost Contrary to Fetrus's* and 
my advice, he went yesterday to the Nabob, and 
told him he had a secret of great importance to 
communicate to him ; which, if discovered, he 
should lose his life. The Nabob promised se> 
crecy ; on which he told him the English had 
sent two gentlemen to Ganjam, to consult with 
M. Bussy ; that we had made peace together, 
and that he was coming here to join us. By 
this lie, which he himself acquainted me be had 
told the Nabob, he has gained the Nabob's £u 
your, who has granted him a perwannah on the 
Burdwan Rajah, for the paying him four lacs 
of rupees which he owes him, as also express 
orders for the payment of the ready money the 
Nabob had taken of his, and for the delivery of 
the remainder of his goods : he was till ten 

* FetruB, an Armenian, was the agent of Meer Jaffier, 
R 3 



byGooqlc 



M6 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 

o'clock at night receiving them. This lie of his, 
I am apprehensive, will alarm the Nabob, and 
prevent his withdrawing his army, wliich will be 
very detrimental to our scheme ; and for this 
reason Fetrus and I advised him positively 
against this measure when he proposed it ; but 
self-interest overruled. We are outwardly great 
friends, and it is necessary to appear so." Mr. 
Watts, in the concluding paragraph of his letter, 
adds, " Cojah Wazeed desires his respects to 
you. He is so strictly looked afler that he can> 
not write. From him I have learned many par- 
ticulars relating to Omichund, which would be 
too tedious to mention : they will astonish 
you." 

These acts, however, were only the prelude 
to one more daring. Omichund waited on Mr. 
Watts, when all was prepared for action, and 
threatened instant discovery of the whole plot, 
unless it was settled that he should receive thirty 
lacs of rupees, in reimbursement of losses and 
reward of services. Omichund had recently re- 
ceived from the Nabob, as the reward of his 
feigned attachment, an order for four lacs of ru- 
pees, tJie estimated amount of his losses at Cal- 
cutta. The ground of the present demand, 
therefore, rested exclusively on his means of 
enforcing it, from being in possession of a secret 
which, if revealed, must not only sacrifice the 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 34? 

life of Mr. Watts, of Meer Jaffier, and of dl 
connected with them, but prove most injurious* 
if not ruinous, to the interests of the English. 
They, if the objects of the confederacy were de- 
feated, could only hope for safety by calling in 
the Mahrattas ; whose invasion, whatever other 
consequences might attend it, was certain to 
spread desolation over the whole country. 

Mr. Watts, under dread of the consequences 
of the threatened discovery, soothed Omichund 
by promises ; while he conveyed, as speedUy as 
he could, intelligence of his conduct to Clive. 
The account of this transaction was probably 
communicated through Cojah Wazeed, or some 
confidential person, as we find no details of what 
passed with Omichund in any of Mr. Watts'a 
letters.* In one to Mr. Scrafton, of the 20th 

* The evidence of Mr. Sjkes, sb taken before a Com- 
mittee of the House of CommonB, fully corroborates all that 
Mr. Watts represented regarding the substance and manner 
of Omichund'g demand, as well aa the threat by which it was 
accompanied. Mr. Sykes stated, " That in the year 1757 he 
was stationed at the subordinate factory called Cossimbazar, 
in council; that he does not know particularly the terms de- 
manded by Omichund ; but that, being on a visit to Mi*. 
Watts, he found him under great anxiety ; that he t4>ok him 
aside, and told htm that Omichund liad been threatening to 
betray them to Suraj-u-Dowlah, and would have them all 
murdered that night, unless he would give some assurances 
that the sum promised him (by Mr. Watts) should be made 
good ; that, upon the visit to Mr. Watts, he iiirther said that 
E 4 



byGooqlc 



S4S MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

of May, he merely states, " We are deceived, — 
Omichund ia a villain ; but this to yourself." 

The obvious results of his treachery were not 
expected to deter Omichund from his purpose : 
he was believed to be so infatuated by the love 
of gain, that neither the ties of former service, 
nor the principles of honesty, would weigh 
against his desire of enriching himself. Such 
was the opinion of all who knew him ; and there 
appeared no medium between submitting to his 
exorbitant demands, or deceiving him into a 
belief that he would receive, in due season, the 
exorbitant price he had fixed upon his fidelity. 

Though CUve was aware of the sordid charac- 
ter of Omichund, yet, deeming him an useful 
agent, he had been desirous that he should be 
treated with favour and liberality. He had ad- 
vocated his cause when his character was before 
questioned; and had censured Mr. Watts on 
account of the suspicions he had frequently ex- 
pressed of his honesty. These circumstances 
made him receive with equal surprise and in- 
dignation the incontrovertible proofs now offered 
of his guilt. Viewing him, from the position 
which he had taken, as a public enemy, he con- 
sidered (as he stated at the period, and publicly 

he waa under the greatest anxiety how to counteract the 
designs of Omichund." — ParUanientary Eeports, voL iiL 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 349 

avowed* afterwards), every artifice that, could 
deceive him to be not only defensible, but just 
and proper. 
' " I have your last lettert," he observes to Mr. 

* Lord Clive, being examined by the Committee of the 
House of Commons regarding the fictitious treaty, stated) 
« That when Mr, Watts had nearly accomplished the means 
of carrying that revolution into execution, he acquainted him 
by letter that a fresh difficulty had started ; that Omichund 
had insisted upon five per cent, on all the Nabob's treasures, 
and thirty lacs in money ; and threatened, if he did not comply 
with that demand, be would immediately acquaint Suraj-n- 
Dowlah with what was going on, and Mr. Watts should be 
put to death. That, when he received this advice, he thought 
art and policy warrantable in defeating the purposes of such 
a villain ; and that his Lordship himself formed the plan of 
the fictitious treaty, to which die Committee consented. It 
was sent to Admiral Watson, who objected to the signing of 
it; but, to the best of his remembrance, gave the gentleman 
who carried it (Mr. Lushiogton) leave to sign his name upon 
it ; that his Lordship never made any secret of it ; he thinks 
it warrantable in such a case, and would do it again a 
hundred times ; be had no interested motive in doing it, and 
did it with a design of disappointing the expectations of a 
rapacious man ; that he never heard Mr. Watts had made a 
promise to Omichund of any money, directly or indirectly ; 
that when he was last abroad, he had given the same account, 
which is entered in the public proceedings ; that Omichund 
was employed ooly as an agent to Mr. Watts, as having 
most knowledge of Sur^-u-DowIah's court, and bad com< 
mission to deal with three or four more of the court. 
Omichund's only chance of obtaining retribution was depend- 
ing on this treaty; he did not believe that Omichund was 
known to Meer Jaffier, but through Mr. Watts." — PaH. 
Reports, vol.iii. p. 149. 

t J9th May, 1757. 



byGOOQJC 



250 UGMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

Watts, in his communication on this subject, 
"including the uticles of agreement. I must 
confess the tenor of them surprised me much. 
I immediately repaired to Calcutta ; and at a 
committee held, both the admirals and gentle- 
men agree that Omichund is the greatest villain 
upon earth ; and that now^ he appears in the 
strongest light, what he was always suspected to 
be, a villain in grain. However, to counterplot 
this scoundrel, and at the same time to give him 
no room to suspect our intentions, enclosed you 
win receive two forms of agreement ; the one 
real, to be strictly kept by us ; the other 6cti- 
tious. In short, this afBiir concluded, Omichund 
will be treated as he deserves. This you will 
acquaint Meer Jaffier with." 

Two treaties were accordingly framed ; one 
real, the other fictitious. In the former there 
was no mention of Omichund ; the latter had an 
article which expressly stipulated that he should 
receive twenty lacs of rupees j and Mr. Watts was 
desired to inform him, that "thirty lacs" was 
not inserted, as it might give rise to suspicion ; 
but that a commission of &ve per cent should be 
given to him upon all sums received from the 
Nabob, which would fully amount to the other 
ten lacs. Though Omichund appeared satisfied 
with this proceeding, Mr. Watts conceived there 
was no safety tall he left Moorshedabad. But he 
had yet received only half the money for which 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CUVE. S51 

the Nabob had given him orders : and such was 
his avarice, that he could not suffer the thoughts 
of leaving the other half unpaid, even though 
he stayed at the hazard • of his life. 

Though Mr. Watts had succeeded in persuad- 
ing Omichund that he could be employed by 
Clive in a manner that would make up all losses, 
and had prevailed upon him to accompany Mr. 
Scrafton, that gentleman, when he reached 
Cossimbazar, missed his companion ; and the 
messenger despatched in search of him found 
the old man seated with the Nabob's treasurer^ 
trying to obtain some more of the promised mo> 
ney. Seeing this fruitless, he set out on his jour- 
ney ; but again disappeared. When he rejoined 
Mr. Scrafton, he said he had been to visit his 
friend RoyduUub, at Flassey, from whom he 
was surprised to learn that his name was not in 
the treaty ; but Mr. Scraiton told him, with 
truth, that the last secret treaty had not, for 

• Omicbund had been on the most intimate footjng with 
the Nabob, who, trusting to him for secret information, w^g 
averse to bis leaving Moorshedabad. But as he now desired 
to go to Calcutta, he told Mr. Scrafton to remove this im- 
pediment, by applying for a present which the Nabob had 
promiged to make the British commanders in February. 
This promise, it appears, was tttade to Omichund, who after- 
wards pledged himself to conceal it, Suraj-a-Dowlah, 
thinking he had broken that pledge, was much enraged, and 
as anxious for his departmre as be bad been before for bis 
remaining at his court. 



b^Gooqlc 



^3 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

various reasons, been communicated to Roy- 
dullub. 

When Omichund arrived at Calcutta, he was 
received by Chve and by the members of the 
Committee with apparent cordiahty ; for Mr. 
Watts had written that his life, and those of all 
at Moorshedabad concerned in the confederacy, 
depended upon bis entertaining no suspicion of 
being deceived. Not satisfied, however, with 
the enonnous amount he deemed himself certain 
of receiving, this avaricious old man commenced 
further intrigues. 

' In a letter, under date the 8th of June, Mr. 
Watts, after repelling the charge of having been 
duped, and of having improperly submitted to 
delays and evasions, refers to Omichund as the 
real cause of the impediments that had occurred ; 
and to satisfy Chve of the fact, he transmits 
him a letter to Petrus, of the following pur- 
port : — " Omichund's compliments to Petrus. 
There *s letters gone down for Mr. Watts, to for- 
bid his coming down tUl permission is given him 
from hence. You and I are one ; let us consi- 
der what is for our own interests, and act so as 
to endeavour to make it pass that we have had 
the whole management of this aflair. If our 
friend is not set out, keep him a few days. 
Afl^s are not yet settled here j hereafter I will 
write you the particulars. You have a good un- 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^9 

derstanding, therefore there's no occasion to 
write you much. Our success depends upon 
each other ; all my hopes are in you." 

This communication aggravated the impreSr 
sions before entertained of Omichund's conduct, 
and every caution was taken to avoid giving him 
any opportunity of further interference j it being 
quite evident, that his views in being employed 
were exclusively limited to pecuniary gain, to 
which he was ready to sacrifice every other ob; 
ject 

Mr. Watts having communicated to the Comt 
mittee of Calcutta, that Meer Jaffier was dis- 
posed to give a sum to tiie amount of forty lacs 
of rupees to the army and navy, through whose 
exertions he hoped to mount the throne; Mr. 
Becher, a member of the Committee, stated, that 
as they (the Committee) had set the machine in 
motion, it was reasonable and proper that they 
should be considered." This suggestion, as may 
be imagined, was unanimously adopted, and 
Clive stated to Mr. Watts t. that the Committee 
had agreed, " that Meer Jaffier's private engager 
ment should be obtained in writing, to make 
them (the Committee, in which you are included) 
a present of twelve lacs of rupees, and a present 

* Farliamentar^ ReportS) vol. iii. p. ] iS. 

t Letter from Col. Clive to Mr. Watts, May 19th. 



byGOOQJC 



S54 HEHOIBS OP LORD CLITE. 

of for^ lacs to the army and navy, over and above 
what is stipulated in the agreement. 

All preliminaries being arranged, and Meer 
Jaffier having sgreed to separate himself, with a 
large body of troops, from the Nabob's army, and 
join the English on their advance Clive deter- 
mined to commence operations. The intelli- 
gence JTomMoorshedabad was still unsatisfactory; 
- but relying on Mr. Watts's assurance, that Meer 
Jaffier continued firm to his engagement, he re-as- 
sembled his army, which, in the banning of May, 
had been sent into quarters, partly in Chandema- 
gore, partly in Calcutta. On the 19th of June the 
troops which were in Calcutta, reinforced by one 
hundred end fifty sailors from the fleet, jffoceeded 
to Chandernagwe. Next day, <Hie hundred sea- 
men being left as a ganison in the place, the whole 
army was put in motion, the Europeans, artit 
lety, and stores proceeding up the river in boats, 
while the sepoys marched in the same direction 
by the high road. On the 14th, at Culna, they 
were joined by Mr. Watts, who, on the pre- 
ceeding day, had succeeded in making his escape 
from Moordiedabad. Continuing th«r course 
up the right bank of the river, the army, on the 
l6th, halted at Patleej whence on the 17th, 
Major Coote, with a party, was pushed forward 
to attack the fort of Cutwa, which next day fell 
into his hands. The same evening, the army 



byGooqlc 



MBMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 25S 

reached Cutwa and encamped in the plain ; but 
on the 19th the rainy season began with such 
violence, that the troops were obliged to seek 
shelter in huts, and in the town. 

Meanwhile the flight of Mr. Watts had greatly 
alarmed Suraj-u-Dowlah, whose terrors were 
increased by the receipt of a letter irom Clive, 
despatched the day on which the army set out 
irom Chandemagore, in which all the injuries 
and wrongs be had inflioted on the Company 
were recapitulated ; and while he was reproached 
for connecting himself with the French, he was 
accused of not fulfilling the treaty into which he 
bad entered; of haviug infringed its main article, 
by proffering only a fifth part (rf the sum to 
be paid into the treasury, and yet demanding 
a receipt for the whole * ; and of cherishing the 
intention of attacking the English settlements, 
the mcunent the absence of the fleet and troops 
gave him a prospect of doing so with success. 

For these reasons, Clive stated in this letter t, 
" he had determined (with the approbation of 
all who are charged with the Company's afeirs) 
to proceed immediately to Cossimbazar, £uid 

• This demand of a fiill acquittance, on paying one fifUi 
of what was due, had been made some weeks before through 
Mr. Watts. It had been rejected with indignation by Admiral 
Watson and Col. Clive. 

-f- Scrafton's Letters, p. 88. 



byGooqlc 



356 MEUOIBS OF LORD CLIVE, - 

submit their disputes to the arbitration of Meer 
Jaffier, Roydullub, Jugget Seit, and others of 
his great men : that if it should be found that 
he (the Colonel) deviated from the treaty, he 
then swore to give up all further claims; but 
liiat if it appeared his Excellency had broke it, 
be should then demand satis&ction for all the 
losses sustained by the English, and all the 
charges of their army and navy." He concluded, 
by telling himi " that the nuns being so near, and 
it requiring many days to receive an answer, 
he found it necessary to wait upon him imme- 
diately I " 

, The style of this communication, and the 
military movements which followed, left no 
doubt as to the hostile intentions of the En- 
glish ; and the Nabob hastened to assemble his 
whole force, with which he advanced to Plassey. 

, Clive marched with an army * of about three 
thousand men, and nine pieces of artillery, and 
was for some days, after the commencement of 
operations, in a state of extreme anxiety, from 

• Clive's force consisted of — 

Six hundred and fifty European infantry, 

One hundred topases, 

One hundred Malabar Portuguese, 

One hundred and fifty artillery, including fifty seamen ; 

Two thousand one hundred sepoys ; 

Eight six-pounders ; 

One howitzer. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIBS OF LORD >CL1VE. 357 

there being no appearance of Meer JafBet^s separ- 
ating himself and his adherents from the Nabob j 
whence it might be concluded, either that he was 
treacherous, or that his party was much weaker 
than had been represented. 

Under these impressions Clive wrote to the 
Secret Committee*: "The party I sent has 
taken Cutwa town and fort. Both are strong. Not- 
withstanding which, I feel the greatest anxiety at 
the little intelligence I receive from Meer Jaffier ; 
and, if he is not treacherous, his sangfroid or want 
of strength will, I fear, overset the expedition. I 
am trying a last effort, by means of a Brahmin, to 
prevail upon him to march out and join us. I 
have appointed Plassey the place of rendezvous, 
and have told him at the same time, unless he 
gives this or some other sufficient proof of the 
sincerity of his intentions, I will not cross the 
river : this, I hope, will meet with your appro- 
bation. I shall act with such caution as not to 
risk the loss of our forces ; and, whilst we have 
them, we may always have it in our power to 
bring about a revolution, should the present not 
succeed. They say, there is a considerable- 
quantity of grain in and about this place. If 
we can collect eight or ten thousand maunds t, 
we may maintain our situation during the rains, 

* Clive's letters'to the Secret Committee, June 19th, 1757. 
■)■ A maund is 80 pounds. 

VOL. I. a 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



258 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 

which will greatly distress the Nabob ; and 
either reduce him to tenuB Which may be de- 
pended upon, or give us time to bring in the 
Beer-Boom * Rajah, Mahrattas, or Ghazee-u- 
Deen.t I desire you will give your sentiments 
freely, how you think I should act, if Meer Jaf- 
fier can give us no assistatice." 

On the 21st of June, two days J^er he hsA 
despatched this letter, Clive held a couudl (^ 
wart, to which he proposed the fidlowii^ ({We»- 
tlon : — " Whether in our present situaUou, 
without assistance, and on our own bottom, it 
Would he prudent td attach the Nabob 3 w 

• A coniiderable province of Ae kingdom of Bengal, tli« 
Rajah (or Prince) of which was hostile to Sur^-u-I>owlah. 

f Ghazee-u-Deen, the eldest son of the celebrated Nizam- 
til-Mulk, was at this period chief minister of Delhi, aErd had 
almost uncontrolled power. 

. $ The following is the list of the officers of this council, 
and the order in which they voted ; — 

For immedia^ a^Uk. 

Eyre Coote. 

G. Alex. Grant. 

G. Muir. 

Cha". Palmer. 

-ftob'. Campbell 

Peter Carstairs. 

W. Jennings. 



Rob'. Clfre. 

James Kilpatridc 

Arch*. Grant. 

Geo. Fred. Goupp. 

Andrew Arm strong, 

Tho". Rumbold. 

Christian Firkan. 

John Comeille. 
- H.Popham. 

The query and list of the officers are transcribed from 
-the origin al^roceedbgs of the council ofVar, as fouid in the 
Clive MSS. 



byGoot^lc 



JHEUOIBS OS LORD CLIVS& 959^ 

whedjer we should wait till joitxed by aome 
country power?" 

A ma^oiity of the t^cers jcomposing the 
council voted against an immediate attack ; a 
minority for g;iviiig b»tt}e to the NalK>b ; and at 
the head of the iMter was Ey^e Coote, subse* 
quently so distinguished in Indian hiatoiy. 

Clive, though he bad voted with the minority, 
appears, aloiost imiaediald.y ailerwards. to have 
satisfied himself, tibat there was no other road to 
safety and honour, but by moving forward} 
and without coDSulting * any individual, nuidi 
Jess the council of war he had so unwisely 
assembled, on Uie very evening of the day oa 
which the council had been heldt, changing 
his purpose, he detenoined to march agauist the 
enemy, and accordingly gave orders ibr lus 
army to cross the river the following morning. 

It is stated t, that before he carried this reso- 
lution into effect, he had received a letter fi:om 
Meer Ja£Ber, which, though it in some d^ree 
removed the doubts he had before entertfuned 

* It has been asserted that Clive was induced to change 
his opinion by the representadons of Major Coote. This 
was contradicted by the latter, in his evidence before the 
House of Commons. He laid, "After the council of war. 
Lord Clive spoke to him first, unasked, of the army march- 
ing, without his haidng mentioued a word to him upon the 
subject." — Parliamentary Reports, vol. iii. p. 15$. 

f June 2] St. 

% Scrafton's Letters, p. 90, 



byGOOQJC 



360 HEM01E8 OF LORD CLIVE. 

of the sinceri^ of that leader, confirmed him in 
his opinion, that the success of the enterprize 
must wholly depend upon the advance of the 
British troops. 

Though mature deliberation appears to have 
convinced Clive, that the object he had in view* 
the security of the EngUsh in Bengal, quite 
warranted the hazard which was incurred for its 
attainment, he still proceeded with that caution 
which was necessary in an enterprize, where the 
safety of the whole of the military force in this 
part of India might be compromised by the 
treachery or cowardice of a native chief, and 
where even success in a battle would not have ac- 
complished his purpose, unless those with whom 
the English interests were associated proved true 
to their engagements. 

It is only by considering the circumstancra in 
which he was placed that we can understand 
the hesitating conduct of Clive previous to 
his advance to Plassey, the defensive character 
of the action,' and the solicitude • which he 

* Major Eilpatrick, observing an opportunity of attacking 
an advanced party, under a French officer, by whom the 
troops in the grove were annoyed, put himself at the head of 
two companies and two guns, to charge ; sending, at the 
same time, to infoim Clive of what he had done. The latter 
hastened to the spot, commanded the party back to the 
grove, and severely reprimanded the Major for acting without 
his orders. It has been stated, by those who were desirous 



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)I£MOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^1 

Uiowed to repress that ardour and forward 
spirit in those under him, which on ordinary oc- 
casions it was his habit and his pride to stimulate 
and encourage. It is obvious, that his qualities 
as a soldier, in this short and almost bloodlesSt 
but eventful campaign, were rendered strictly 
subordinate to the talents of the statesman. 
, At sunrise next morning * the army began 
to pass the Hoc^hley, and at four in the after- 
noon were all landed on the left bank of the 
river. The "boats were then towed up the 
stream with great tod, accompanied by the 
army, and having advanced fifteen miles in eight 
hours, about one in the morning of the 23d of 
June, reached Plassey. The troops immediately 
took possession of an adjoining grove.t 

Clive's intelligence had led him to expect 
that the enemy lay a few miles from Cossim- 
bazar ; but a rapid march had already brought 
them on to the fortified camp so long occupied 
by a part of the Nabob's forces near Plassey : 
uid soon after he had taken his ground, the 



of detracting from Clive's famei that he was asleep in a 
hunting-house, which he had made his head-quarters, when 
the account was brought him of EQpatrick'B attack. This 
aisertion has been denied; but, if admitted, it will prove no 
more than that this extraordinaiy man could give, amid such 
■ceneS) a few minutes to necessary repose. 
• June22d. f OnOe, vol.ii. p.l71. 

S 3 



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^9 HEHOIRS OF LOED CLIT^i 

sound of driims, clarions, and cymbals dis- 
tinctly heard, convinced him, that the whole 
force of the enemy was encamped about a mile 
off. Guards were immediately stationed, and 
the troops were permitted to take rest for the 
night 

At sunrise the enemy, now aware of his 
march, issued &om their camp in all their force, 
with their artillery, and commenced a heavy 
cannonade. Glive, who expected a communi- 
cation from Me^ JafiSer, looked- atoxiously for 
its arrival: but the me^enger, Who on the 
morning of this eventful day was charged with 
a note from that officfer, never delivered it. 
Still, however, CUve watched with anxiety to 
see his friends separate from- his foes, ready to 
take advantage of that trepidation and confusion 
which such movements must produce. The 
charge of the English forces was accelerated by 
one rf the Nabob's principal commanders • being 
killed : Clive advanced to an easy victory. But 
the_ account of the events which preceded this 
battle, the occurrences which gave success to 
it, and it* results, are clearly and fully stated in 
the following letter, written by CUve a month 
Kfler be reaehed Moorsfaedabad, to the Secret 
Committee of the Court of Directors. In this 

* Moodeen Ehaiw 



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MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 263 

letter, which is dated the 26th of July, Clive 
observes ; — • 

'• I gave you an account of the taking o£ 
Chandernagore ; the subject of this address is 
an event of much higher importance, no less 
than the entire overthrow of Nabob Suraj-u- 
Dowlah, and the placing of Meer Jaffier on the 
thrtme. I intimated, in my last, how dilatory 
Suraj-u-Dowlah appeared in fulfilling the articles 
of the treaty. This disposition not only con- 
tinued but increased, and we discovered that he 
was designing our ruin, by a conjunction with 
the French. To this end Monsieur Bussy was 
pressingly invited to come into this province, 
and Monsieur Law c£ Cossimbazar (who before 
had been privately entertained in his service) 
was ordered to return from Patna. 

'* About this time some of his principal 
officers made overtures to us for dethroning 
him. At liie head of these was Meer Jaffier, 
tiiea Bukbsbee to the army, a man as generally 
esteemed as the other was detested. As we 
bad reason to believe this disaffection pretty 
general, we sotxa entered into engagements with 
Meer Jaffier to put the crown on his head. All 
necessary preparations being completed with the 
utmost secrecy, the army, consisting of about one 
thousand Europeans, and two thousand sepoys, 
with eight pieces of cannon, marched from Chan- 
s 4 



:byGoc>^lc 



Q64i MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

demagore on the ISth, and arrived on the 18th 
at Cutwa Fort, which was taken -without oppo- 
sition. The 2Sd, in the evening, we crossed 
the river, and landing on the. island, marched 
straight for Plassey Grove, where we arrived by 
one in the momiDg. At daybreak, we dis- 
covered the Nabob's army moving towards us, 
consisting, as we since found, of about lifleen 
thousand horse, and thirty-five thousand foot, 
■with upwards of forty pieces of cannon. They 
approached apace, and by six began to attack 
with a number of heavy cannon, supported by 
the whole, ^rrny, and continued to play on us 
very briskly for several hours, during which our 
situation was of the utmost service to us, being 
lodged in a large grove, with good mud banks. 
To succeed in an attempt on their cannon was 
next to impossible, as they were planted in a 
manner round us, and at considerable distances 
from each other. We therefore remained quiet 
in our post, in expectation of a successful attack 
npon thdr camp at night. About noon, the 
enemy drew ctf their artillery, and retired to 
their camp, being the same which Roy Dullub 
had lefl but a few days before, and which he 
had fortified with a good ditch and breast-work. 
We immediately sent a detachment, accom- 
panied with two field-pieces, to take possession 
of a tank with high banks, which was advanced 



byGooqlc 



UEHOIES OF LORD CLITB. Q6S 

about three hundred yards above our grove, and 
from whence the enemy had considerably an- 
noyed us with some cannon managed by French"- 
men. This motion brought them out a second 
time ; but on finding them make no great effort 
to dislodge us, we proceeded to take possession 
of one or two more eminences lying very near 
an angle of their camp, ftom whence, and an 
adjacent eminence in their possession, they kept 
a smart fire (rf musketiy upon us. They made 
several attempts to bring out their cannon, but 
our advanced field-pieces played so warmly and 
so well upon them, that they were always 'drove 
back. Their horse exposing themselves a good 
deal on this occasion, many of them were killed, 
and among the rest four or five officers of the 
first distinction, by which the whole army being 
visibly dispirited and thrown into some con- 
fusion, we were encouraged to storm both the 
eminence and the angle of their camp, which 
were carried at the same instant, with little or 
no loss; though the latter was defended (ex- 
clusively of blacks) by forty French and two 
pieces of cannon ; and the former by a large 
body of blacks, both foot and horse. On this, 
a general rout ensued, and we pursued the 
enemy six miles, passing upwards of forty pieces 
of cannon they had abandoned, with an infinite 



byGooqlc 



fiOO MEMOms OF LORD CLIVEi 

number of hackaries *, and carriages filled with 
ba^age of all kinds. Suraj-u-Dowlah escaped 
on a camel, and reaching Moorshedabad early- 
next morning, despatched away what jewels and 
treasure he conveniently could* and he himself 
followed at midnight, with cmly two or three 
attendants. 

" It is computed there are killed of the enemy 
about five hundred. Our loss amounted to only 
twenty-two killed, and fifty wounded, and those 
chiefly blacks. During the warmest part of the 
action we obaerved a large body (^troops hover- 
ing on our right, which proved to be our friends ; 
but as they never discovered themselves by any 
signal whatsoever, we frequently fired on them to 
make them keep their distance. When the battle 
was over, they sent a congratulatory message, aad 
encamped in .our neighbourhood that night 
The next mcnming Meer Jafiier pud me a visit, 
and expressed much gratitude at the service done 
him, aasurtng me, in the most solemn manner, 
that he would faithfully perform his engagement 
to the English. He then proceeded to the city, 
which he reached some hours before Suraj-u- 
Dowlah left it. 

*' As, immediately on Suraj-u-Dowlah's flight, 
Meer Ja£Ser found himseif in peaceable possession 
of the paUce, I encamped without to prevent the 

* A BpecieB of cart drawn by a conple of bullocks. 



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i^BHoiRS or LOBD clive; IS67 

Inhabitants &om being plundered or disturbed ; 
first at Maudipoor, and afterwards at the French 
factory at Sydabad. However, I sent forward 
Messrs. Watts and Walsh to inquire into the 
state of the treasury, and inform me what was 
transacted at the palace. By their represent- 
ations I soon found it necessary for me to be 
present, on many accounts ; accordingly, I 
entered the city on the 29th, with a guard of 
two hundred Europeans and three hundred se- 
poys, and took up my quarters in a spacious 
house and garden near the p^ce. The same 
evening I waited on Meer Jaffier, who reused 
seating himself on the musnud till placed on it 
by me; which done, he received homage as 
Nabob from all his courtiers. The next morning 
he returned my visit ; when, after a good deal oi 
discourse on the situation of his afiairs, I recom- 
mended him to consult Jugget Seit on all occa- 
sions, who being a man of sense, and having by 
fer the greatrat pri^rerty among all his sulyects, 
would give him the best advice for settling the . 
kingdom in peace and security. 

" On this, be proposed that we should imme- 
diately set out together to visit him, which being 
complied with, scAemn engagements were entered 
into by the three parties, for a strict union and 
mutual support of each other's interests. Jugget 
Seit then undertook to use his whole interest at 



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868 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV& 

Delbi (vhicb is certainly vety great), to get the 
Nabob acknowledged by the Mogul, and our late 
grants confirmed ; likewise to procure for us any 
firmans we might have occasion for. 

" The substance of the treaty with the present 
Nabob is as follows : — 

*' 1st. Confirmation of the mint, and all other 
grants and privil^es in the treaty with the late 
Nabob. ■ 

- " 2dly. An alliance, offensive and defensive, 
against all enemies whatever. 

" Sdly- The French factories and efiects to 
be delivered up, and they never permitted to re- 
settle in any of the provinces. 

" 4thly. 100 lacs of rupees to be paid to the 
Company, in consideration of their losses at Cal- 
cutta and the expenses of the campaign. 
. " 5thly. 50 lacs to be given to Ihe English 
sufferers at the loss of Calcutta. 

" 6thly. 20 lacs to Gentoos, Moors, &c., black 
sufferers at the loss of Calcutta. 

" 7thly. 7 kics to the Armenian sufferers. 

" These three last donations to be distributed 
at the pleasure of tlie Admiral and gentlemen of 
Council, including me. 

" Sthly. The entire property of all lands 
within the Mahratta ditch, which runs round 
Calcutta, to be vested ini the Company : also, six 
hundred yards, all round, without the said ditch. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. £69 

*' 9thly. The Company to have the zemibdary 
of the country to the south of Calcutta, lying 
between the l^e and river, and reaching as &r 
as Culpee, they paying the customary rents paid 
by the former zemindars to the government. 

" lOthly. Whenever the assistance of the 
English troops shall be wanted, their extra- 
ordinary charges"to be paid by the Nabob. 

" llthly. No forts to be erected by the 
government on the river side, from Hooghley 
downwards. 

" ISthly. The foregoing articles to be per- 
formed without delay, as soon as Meer Jaffier 
becomes Subadar. 

" On examining the treasury, there were 
found about 150 lacs of rupees, which being 
too little to answer our demands, much less 
leave a sufficiency for the Nabob's necessary dis- 
bursements, it was referred to Jugget Seit, as a 
mutual friend, to settle what payment should be 
made to us ; who accordingly determined, that 
we should immediately receive one half of our de- 
mand, — two thirds in money and one third in 
gold and silver plate, jewels, and goods ; and 
that the other half should be discharged in three 
years, at three equal and annual payments. 

" The part to be paid in money is received 
and safely arrived at Calcutta ; and the goods, 



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S70 HBUOIRI OF LOBO CLITX!. 

jewels, &C. are now delivered over to iu ; the 
nu^cff psrt c£ which will be bought back by the 
Nabob for ready money, and oa the ranainjng 
ikere will be little or no loss. A large proper- 
tion was proposed to have been paid us in jewels ; 
but as they are not a very saleable article, we 
got the amouot reduced one half, and the differ- 
ence to be made up in money. 

*' It is impossitxle as yet to form a judgment 
how much the granted lands will produce you, 
as the Europeans are quite ignorant of the ex- 
tent of the country between the river and lake ; 
but, in order to give you some idea oiihe value, 
I 'II estimate it at 10 lacs per annum. An ofScer 
on the part of the Nabob is already despatched 
to Caloitta to b^in the survey, in company with 
<»ie of OIU3. Suraj-u-Dowlah was not discoveced 
till some days after his flight ; however, he was at 
last taken in the neighbourhood of Rajahmahul. 
and brought to Moorshedabad on the @d inst, 
iate at night He was immediately ci^ off by 
order of .the Nabob's son, and (as it is .said) with- 
out the Other's knowledge. Next momiog the 
Nabob paid me a visit, and .thought it necessary 
to palliate the nratter on motives of policy ; for 
that Sun9.u-Dowlah had -wrote letters .on the 
road. to many lof the jemidars of Che acmy, and 
occasioned some commotioas among.thosein.fais 
&vour. 



byGOOQJC 



UEMOIBS OF LORD CLITE. S71 

" Monsieur Law and his party^ came as £ir as 
Ri^ahtnahul to- Suraj-u-Dowlah's uaistance, and 
were within three houra' march of him whea be 
was taken. As soon as tfae^ heard of his mis- 
fortunes, they returned by forced marches ; and^ 
by the last advices, had passed by Patna, on the 
other side of the river. A party of Europeans 
and sepoys were quickly despatched after them ; 
but I am doubtful if we shall be able to overtake 
them before they get out of the Nabob's domin- 
ions. Strong letters have been wrote from the 
Kabob to the Naib of Patna, to distress them all 
in his power, and to take them prisoners if pos- 
sible. A compliance with which I am in anxious 
expectation of. 

" I ought to observe, that the French I spoke 
of in the action were some fugitives &om Chan- 
dernagore, who had assembled at Sydabad. It 
was by their advice, and indeed by their hands, 
that the English &ctory at Cossimbazar was 
burned and destroyed, afler our gentlemen had 
quitted it on the renewal of the troubles. 

" The present Nabob has every appearance of 
being firmly and durably seated on the throne. 

" The whole country has quietly submitted to 
him, and even the apprehension of an inroad 
from the side of Delhi is vanished ; so that this 
great revolution, so happily brought about, seems 
complete in every respect I persuade myself 



byGooqlc 



SyS UEHOIIIS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

die importance of your possessioDS now in Ben- 
gal will determine you to send out, not only a 
la^e and eariy supply of troops and good 
officers, but of capable young gentlemen for the 
civil branches of your business." 



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MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLITE. 



CHAP. VI. 

The events which have been so minutely de- 
tailed in the preceding chapter are memorable 
iiom being connected with the foundation of 
our Indian empire. They have a peculiar im- 
portance to us, as they affect the fame and re- 
putation of the individual by whom this rapid 
and extraordinary change in the condition of the 
English in Bengal was effected. 

From the period of the capture of Chander- 
nagore, till Meer Jaffier was established upon 
the throne, Clive was unaided in the great and 
difGcult task he had undertaken. He rested 
solely upon his own judgment, which in almost 
all cases was in opposition to that of the persons 
with whom he was associated. 

Admiral Watson, though he had withdrawn 
himself from any participation in the enterprise, 
stated honestly and decidedly his doubts of itg 
success. The Select Committee of Calcutta 
threw off all responsibility. Thus unaided and 
alone, Clive had to counteract treachery, to 
stimulate timidity into action, and when the 

VOL, I. T 



byGOOQJC 



274 UEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

period arrived, openly and boldly to con&ont 
danger. He was throughout this arduous labour 
supported by the conviction, that the end he 
sought was indispensable to the interests, and 
indeed to the safety, of the government he 
served, and that the means he employed were 
the only ones by which it could be accomplished. 
"With this conviction he proceeded towards his 
object with a caution and firmness that have 
seldom been equalled, and never surpassed. 

His success was great beyond ^1 expectation j 
but it has been erroneously attributed to the 
battle of Plassey. It was not the result of that 
action, but of the whole series of his measures, 
and of the operation of well laid plans carried 
into execution by the same wise and firm mind 
by which they had been formed. 

The moderation with which Clive exercised 
the great power which he acquired will be 
shown hereafter. I shall confine myself in this 
chapter to a detail of the immediate conse- 
quences of bis success, and to an examination 
of his conduct throughout the scenes which 
preceded and followed the dethronement of 
Suraj-u-Dowlab; and endeavour to lay all the 
&cts before the reader, in such a manner as 
will enable him to judge how &r Clive has 
merited the reproaches which have been cast 
upon his memory by those who have desired to 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. ^5 

find in the ■ record of his glory the means of 
destroying his reputation. 

The great amount which Meer Jaffier had 
stipulated to pay by his first treaty was increased 
by the addition of the sum of fifty lacs, as a don- 
ation to the anny and navy, besides a gift to * each 
of the Members of the Secret Committee, and of 
Council. In addition to these sums, Meer Jaffier 
was induced by gratitude and policy, as well as 
by usage, to make liberal presents to those who 
had been the immediate instruments of placing 
him on the throne. No exact account of the 
latter presents exists on record, but that of Clive 
is stated by himself to have amounted to sixteen 
lacs of rupees, or 160,000/. 

• Though Clive, in his letter to Mr. Watts of the 19th of 
May, estimates this gift at 12 lacs, the precise amount, and 
the proportions in which it was to be given, were not settled 
by Mr. Watts till some time afterwards. The shares made 
public were as follows; — 

To Clive, 280,000 rupees, or 28,00W. 

To each member of the Committee, 240,000 rupees, or 
2*,000f. 

The former amounts are given in the Farliamentary 
Reports, vol. iii. p. 1*5.; and we find a public letter from 
Clive, under date the 8th of July, to Mr. Franckland, to the 
following purport : — 

" Please to acquaint the gentlemen of the Council, not of 
the Committee, that the Nabob has been so generous as to 
make them a present of 6 lacs of rupees, which is to be paid 
in like proportions as the public money ; viz. half is paid 
down in money and plate, and the other half will be paid as 
soon as his circumstances will admit of it." 
T 9. 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



376 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

The treasures of Suraj-u-Dowlah had been 
greatly over estimated by Mr. Watts, who states, 
in one letter •, that they were computed to 
amount to 40,000,000/. sterling, a sum so extra- 
vagantly beyond what the revenues of the coun- 
try could have enabled Aliverdi Khan, or his 
successor, to amass, that it is quite extraordinary 
how such a belief could have been entertained. 

The city of Moorshedabad suflFered in no 
d^ee from this change. Clive, while he ac- 
cepted on grounds that he deemed just the 
liberality of the Prince he had placed upon the 
throne, so far from laying himself under ob- 
ligation to others, refused every present offered 
him by Roy DuUub, Jugget Seit, and the 
wealthy inhabitants of the capital. This con- 
duct was alike necessary to support his character, 
and to give an example to the army, with whom 
the large sum which it was settled they should 
receive as prize or donation, (for it was indif- 
ferently called by both names) had the usual 
effect of a sudden influx of money among such 
a body of men. 

Disputes arose of a very serious nature, as to 
the division of prize money with the navy. In 
order that this, and various other points, should 
be equitably settled, Clive assembled a council 

• Letter to Clive, June 26th, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 277 

of war, to which officers were deputed from every 
branch of the troops employed. It was agreed, 
that every question should be decided by the 
majority ; and so selfish were the principles by 
which many of them were influenced, that, con- 
trary to the strong protest of Clive, a resolution 
was carried, that the officers • and sailors be- 
longing to the squadron, which came with the 
army on this expedition, should not share the 
prize money. 

The majority of the Council of War came to a 
further vote, that the money should be imme- 
diately divided ; but this Clive thought so un- 
just to the navy, whose agents were not present, 
that he immediately over-ruled their votes, and 
broke up the council. His letter to Admiral 
Watson of the 7th of July fully explains his 
conduct on this occasion. 

" I took the first opportunity," he observes, 
" of a little spore time to call a Council of War 
for the division of that share of the prize money 
which belongs to the army. I am sorry to say, 
that several warm and selfish debates arose } 

* The officers and men so excluded became, in conse- 
quence, entitled to no more thau their share with the naval 
force in the river, to whom was allotted half the dooatioa 
given by the Nabob. This share appears to have been leas 
than that of correspondic^ ranks m the army, with which they 
had acted, and with whom they had an undoubted right to be 
put on an equal footing. 

T 3 



by Google 



278 MSMOIES OP LORD CLIVE. 

and I cannot help thinking, that the officers he- 
longing to the navy with the expedition have 
had injustice done'them, in not being allowed 
to share agreeable to the land division, which 
was carried against them by a great majority.^ 
Enclosed I send you the proceedings of the 
Council of "War. The last article, after having 
been in a manner agreed to, was'agam brought 
upon the carpet ; and notwithstanding I repre- 
sented to the gentlemen, in the strongest sense, 
that the money could not be divided till it was 
shroffed, and the agents of both parties present, 
without the greatest injustice to' the navy, they 
still persisted in giving their opinions for an 
immediate division of the money ; upon which 
I over-ruled their votes, and broke up the 
Council of War. 

" Yesterday I received the enclosed paper 
and protest, which you have with my answer. 
I have put those officers who brought the paper 
in arrest, and ordered Captain Armstrong, one 
of the ringleaders, down to Calcutta this morn- 
ing. The Major was deputed to me by the 
officers to desire I would forget and forgive 
what was past, upon a proper acknowledgment in 
writing : I promised to comply with his request, 
so that I b€^ you will not make this public, 
till you hear further from me." 

The answer to the officers, of which Clive 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. S79 

sent a copy to the Admiral, is too remarkable a 
document to be omitted. It singularly exhibits 
the openness and decision of his character. It 
is addressed to the " Officers who sent the 
remonstrance and protest;" and proceeds : — 

•* Gentlemen, 

" I have received both your remonstrance and 
protest. Had you consulted the dictates of your 
own reason, those of justice, or the respect due 
to your commanding officer, I am persuaded such 
a paper, so highly injurious to your own honour 
as officers, could never have escaped you. 

" You say you were assembled at a 'council 
to give your opinion about a matter of property. 
Fray, Gentlemen, how comes it that a promise 
of a sum of money from the Nabob, entirely 
negotiated by me, can be deemed a matter of 
right and property ? So very for from it, it is 
now in my power to return to the Nabob the 
money already advanced, and leave it to his 
option, whether he will perform his promise or 
not You have stormed no town, and found the 
money there; neither did you find it in the 
plains of Plassey, after the defeat of the Nabob. 
In short, Gentlemen, it pains me to remind you, 
that what you are to receive is entirely owing to 
the care I took of your interest Had I not 
interfered greatly in it, you had been left to the 



byGOOQJC 



280 MEMOIES OF LORD CLIVE. 

Company's generosi^, who perhaps would have 
thought you sufficiently rewarded, in receiving 
a present of six months' pay ; in return for 
which, I have been treated with the greatest 
disrespect and ingratitude, and, what is stiU 
worse, you have flown in the face of my author- 
ity, for over-ruling an opinion, which, if passed, 
would have been highly injurious to your own 
reputation, being attended with injustice to the 
navy, and been of the worst consequences to 
the cause of the nation and the Company. 

" I shall, therefore, send the money down to 
Calcutta, give directions to the agents of both 
parties to have it shroffed ; and when the Nabob 
signifies his pleasure (on whom it solely de- 
pends) that the money be paid you, you shall 
then receive it, and not before. 

'* Your behaviour has been such, that you 
cannot expect I should interest myself any 
further ' in your concerns. I therefore retract 
the promise I made the other day, of nego- 
tiating either the rest of the Nabob's promise, 
or the one third which was to be received in the 
same manner as the rest of the public money, 
at three yearly equal payments. 
" I am. Gentlemen, 

" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

(Signed) " Rob'. Clive. 

" Moorsbedabad, 
5th July, 1757." 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LOBD CI.IVB. S81 

■ The officers to whom this letter was addressed 
sent an acknowledgment of their error ; to which 
Clive instantly repUed in the following terms: — 

" Gentlemen, 
** I have ever heen desirous of the love and 
good opinion of my officers, and have often 
pursued their interest in preference of my own. 
What passed the other day is now forgotten, and 
I shall always be glad of an opportunity of con- 
vincing you how much 

" I am. Gentlemen, 
" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

(Signed) " Rob*. Clive. 
" Moonbedabad, 
9th July, 1757." 

- On the 19th of July Clive wrote to Admiral 
Watson, — " Since my last letter, the officers of 
the army, sensible of their error, have thought 
proper to retract, and all is forgotten on my 
part." 

Admiral Watson in his answer to Chve (of 
the same date) expressed his gratitude for the 
part he had taken in favour of the navy ; and we 
find, in a letter from Captain Latham to Clive, 
dated the 3d of July, an honest proof of Admiral 
Watson's approbation of his proceedings at this 
period : — " The Admiral drinks every day," 
Captain Latham observes, " a bumper to your 



byGOOQJC 



S82 UEMOIRS OF LORD CL1VE. 

health." The amount of the sums to be given, 
as a donation to the members of the Committee, 
Council, and others, had not been deter- 
mined before Meer JaflBer was enthroned. When 
a settlement was made, Admiral Watson put 
forth his claim, which was opposed on the 
grounds of his never having sat in the Com- 
mittee, or taken any part or responsibility in the 
plans and operations by which the revolution 
was effected. When this point was referred to 
Clive, he denied that Admiral Watson had a 
specific right, but admitted bis claim from his 
association in the public service, and the zeal 
and talent with which he had co-operated. On 
this ground, he proposed that the Admiral's 
sh^e should be made equal to the Governor's 
and his own, by a deduction of ten per cent, 
from each portion of Meer Jaffier's donation, 
and instantly remitted that deduction from what 
he had received on this account. His example 
was followed by a considerable numberj but 
others were more tenacious of what they bad 
obtained j nor were the heirs of the Admiral 
successful in compelling them by law to this act 
of liberal justice. 

The conduct of the Select Committee before 
the battle of Plassey had excited Clive's just 
indignation. ** I have received *,'* he observes, 
• Maudipoor, June 26th, 1757. 



byGOOQJC 



UEM0IR8 OF LORD CLIVE. 283. 

" a letter from Mr. Drake, in answer to ray 
letter to the Committee, which is very unusual 
on such important occasions ; and I cannot help 
thinking, that had the expedition miscarried, you 
would have laid the whole blame on me." 

A subsequent communica^n* called forth 
more severe animadveraions. " I have re- 
ceived " (he indignantly states) " your letter of 
the 3dd instant t, the contents of which are ao 
indefinite and contradictory, that I can put no 
other construction upon it than an intent to 
clear yourself at my expense, had the ex- 
pedition miscarried. It puts me in mind of 
the famous answer of the Delphic oracle to 
Pyrrhus, * Aio te, .^Eacide, Romanos vincere 
posse.* " 

But all angry feelings were soon lost in those 
of joy and triumph. Within a few months the 
European and native inhabitants of Calcutta had 
experienced a transition from the most abject 
state of poverty and misery to one of exaltation 
and abundance. The cruel author of their 
wrongs had lost his fortune and his life. The 
French were^ with the exception of a small 
party, expelled from Bengal j and the Prince, 
who was raised to the sovereignty of that country, 

■ Cossimbazar, June 27th, 1757- 

t June 23d. The very day on which the battle of Phusey 
was fought. 



byGOOQJC 



je84 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVC< 

owed bis crown to the British arms, and must 
trust to them for his support. For a period, all 
eyes and all hearts turned with admiration and 
gratitude to him by whom this great change had 
been chiefly effected. 

But such sentiments are not enduring ; and a 
few years only elapsed before acts, which were 
approved and applauded at the moment of their 
occurrence, were brought forward as accusations 
against the man, to whom his country owed the 
establishment of her empire in India. It is not, 
however, intended to anticipate an account of 
those events which gave rise to this change of 
feettDg in individuals, or public bodies : but I 
have dwelt thus minutely upon the transactions 
of this remarkable epoch of Clive's life, and of 
Indian history, for the purpose of affording 
materials to determine how far those writers are 
correct, or justified by facts, who, referring 
chiefly to documents furnished by his accusers, 
have censured and condemned many parts of his 
conduct, both military and political, during this 
short but memorable expedition. 

It has already been shown, that throughout 
this eventful period the military operations of 
Clive were subordinate to his political negoti- 
ations. But independent of this fact, which 
placed his conduct as a military oflicer beyond 
the common rules of judgment, I confess that I 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OT LORD CLIVE. S85 

have little faith in the correctness of that general 
criticism which refers exclusively to the numbers 
and quality of the troops engaged, and to the 
ground upon which the conflict was decided. 
Even in Europe, where the character of the 
troops is known, and their ^fidelity to their ban- 
ners undoubted, it is much oflener the genius 
of the commander, exercised during the chang- 
ing moments of a battle, than the best precon- 
certed plan, which decides the combat. The 
mere tactician rests entirely on his plans ; if they 
&i\, he is lost : but the eye of an able leader 
penetrates the mind of his own army and that o£ 
the enemy, and by exciting valour to extra* 
ordinary efforts, or pressing upon faltering oppo- 
nents, he snatches a victory which is the more 
glorious from having been gained contrary to all 
calculations of art In India, success in w^ 
depends far less upon plans and evolutions than 
on a correct knowledge of the nature of the 
enemy's force. The character and composition 
of the incongruous materials of which eastern 
armies are formed have already been explained. 
From some part of this body the most resolute 
resistance may be expected, from their attach- 
ment to their chief. Others, probably from 
being lukewarm in the cause, and discontented 
with their leader, require only a pretext to fly. 
No corps places confidence in, or expects sup- 



by GooqIc 



986 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

port from, that which is next to it The conse- 
quence is, that the mere suspicion of treachery, 
or any misfortune or misconduct in the Prince 
under whom these bands are for the moment 
united, dissolves the whole. These fiicts will 
account for the frequent defeat of large armies in 
India by a few disciplined and united men. 
Yet the armies thus discomfited contain thou- 
sands of the same tribes and nations of whom a 
few hundreds (when attached to their chiefs and 
loyal to the cause for which they fought) have 
been found to resist, with the aid of very slight 
defences, all the efforts of a large and highly 
disciplined European force. 

I have already stated, in the course of this 
narrative, the successive causes which combined 
to prevent Clive's return to Madras, after the 
^ of Chandemagore, and have afforded the 
reader ample materials to judge this question 
from the most authentic documents. 

To deny to Clive the right of exercising his 
judgment amid the exigencies of the public 
service in which he was placed would be to 
deny him the means of consulting and promoUog 
the interests and honour of his country. When 
he acted, as he did upon this occasion, against 
the positive and reiterated orders of the govern- 
ment of Madras, he did so under a deep and 
alarming responsibili^ : but in such extreme 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 387 

cases, the greater the hazard which an individual 
incurs the greater bis merit, if he can establish 
that the pubHc interests have been promoted by 
his conduct. The dangers which threatened the 
EngHsh settlements on the coast of Coromandel 
were great, but they were prospective, and the 
issue uncertain. The dangers at Bengal, had 
Clive abandoned the scene, were immediate ; 
and even if we suppose that Calcutta had not 
been retaken by the resentful Suraj-u-Dowlah, 
aided by the party of French * who still re- 
mained, it was certain that all those impressions 
and advantages which had been gained by the 
combined efforts of Admiral Watson and CHve 
would have been lost, and future armaments re- 
quired to restore the English in Bengal to that 
power from which they had fiillen, and which 
was henceforth indispensable to their existence ; 
for from the moment they had been compelled 
to imdertake offensive operations against the 
native sovereign of the country their reverting 
to their former condition of merchants was im- 



" Supposing Bussy oeither came to Bengal, as was ex- 
pected, nor sent any reinforcemeatB to his countrymen, the 
strength of the party under haw was above two hundred men, 
and a large proportion of officers. Clive's whole strength of 
Europeans in September (the earliest time at which the 
season permitted his sailing to Madras) was only five 
hundred. 



byGooqlc 



S88 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLirE. 

Such was the actual situation of af^s. The 
penetrating eye of Clive saw, at this moment, 
the future importance of Bengal; and though 
fully aware of the dangers that threatened 
Madras, rested, with a confidence that was not 
disappointed, upon the ahle civil and militaiy 
officers' to whom its a&irs were entrusted. 
He had no such consolatory feelings when he 
looked to those t on whom the chief authority 
must devolve at Calcutta ; and the details which 
have been given fully prove the correctness of 
that judgment which he early fonned upon a 
point so important in the decision of the ques- 
tion. 

Orme ascrihes Clive's disobedience to his 
" being convinced that the Nabob would never 
fulfil the terms of the treaty." The situation of 
this writer t gave him the completest means of 
forming a correct judgment ; and the events which 
we have detailed fully prove, that from the day 
on which Chandernagore fell Clive could at no 
period have quitted the scene of action without 

• Mr. Pigot was governor, and Colonel Lawrence com- 
manded the troops. 

f Sufficient evidence of their incompetency appears in 
this narrative. I refrain Irom quoting passages in the cor- 
respondence before me, in which more serious charges than 
those of incapacity are stated. 

X Mr. Orme was, at this period, one of the Council at 
Madras. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE^ S89 

an abatidonmeDt of the public interests. The 
&cts already stated will also show that, as long 
as a hope existed of its practicability, he laboured 
to effect such a settlement as would enable him 
to return to Fort St. George. * 

The next point on which the character and 
conduct of Clive have been arraigned, is the 
treatment of Omichund. The charges which 
have been brought against him on this ground 
are of a nature that require a clear understanding 
of the subject, which I shall endeavour to con-' 
vey to the reader, that he may form his own 
opinion upon the whole question. 

Omichund, who was a wealthy Hindu mer- 
chant, residing at Calcutta, was employed for 
some period in providing the Company's invest- 
ment, and at the same time carried on large 
dealings on his own account ; and was much 
connected, not only with Hindu merchants, but 
with the ministers of that reUgion at the court of 
Moorshedabad. The latter connection led to 
his occasional employment by the heads of the 

* I leave, however, this question to the judgment of mj 
readers, who will also decide on the assertion of Mr. Mill, 
that " Clive, on beholding an openbg for exploits both 
splendid and profitable in Bengal, overlooked all other con- 
siderations, violated his ingtructions, and remained." This 
unqualified assertion appears to be a gratuitous assump- 
tion of motives of action, in no degree borne out or warranted 
by the facta of the case. 

VOL. I. V 



byGooqlc 



SgO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

English factory, as a medium of contmunication 
with the ministry of the Nabob of Bengal. 

The pre-eminence Omichund obtained,, no 
doubt excited envy ; and some of the accusa- 
tions brought against him might have been 
iabricated ; but a deterioration in die quality, 
and an increase of the price of the articles fiu- 
nished by him to the Company, gave sufficient 
grounds to suspect some dishonest proceedings. 

A new system • of providing the investment 
was adopted, and Omichund lost the profitable 
employ he had hitherto monopolized. Though 
fond of display, and maintaining a large establish- 
ment of followers, his ruling passion was avarice. 
The loss he sustained by this change rankled in 
his mind, and was believed to have rendered 
him personally hostile to those entrusted with 
the Company's affairs at Calcutta. He spears, 
as he withdrew from intercourse with them, to 
have laboured to strengthen his connexion with 
ihe Nabob's court, and to. have contracted a 
particular intimacy with the Rajah Dullub, 
whose son Kishendass, when he came to reside 
at Calcutta, was received and treated by Omi- 
chund with kindness and hospitality. 

Suraj-u-Dowlah had endeavoured to persuade 

* In 1753 gotnastslis (or agents) were eent to several 
parts of the country, where the dotha foe the CoiDpany's in- 
vestment were manufactured. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. QQl 

his predecessor, Aliverdi Khan, that the En- 
glish were plotting against him, and giving pro- 
tection to his subjects. The moment he suc- 
ceeded to the throne, he demanded that Kishen- 
dass should be delivered up ; but the extraor- 
dinary mode in which this demand was mad^ 
through a man * who came clandestinely to Cal- 
cutta, and went first to Omichund's house, gave 
rise to a beUef that this communication was part 
of an intrigue to re-establish the importance of 
the tatter person. With such impressions, and 
having intercepted, after the commencement of 
hostilities, a letter from Kam Bam Sing (the 
Nabob's head spy) to Omichund, advising him 
to remove his effects from Calcutta, it is not 
surprising that the Committee should have sus- 
pected their former contractor to be one of the 
principal instigators of the attack with which 
the English settlement was threatened. A con- 
viction (^ this fact led to his being seized, and 
imprisoned in the fort. His guest Kishendass, 
and his brother-in-law t ^^Hazarimul, were also 

* The name of this messenger was NairaiDdass. He was 
brother to the Nabob's head spj. 

f Orme, from whom we have taVen the above facts, adds, 
" His (Omichund's) brother-in-law, Hazarimul, who had the 
chief management of his affaire, concealed himself in the 
apartments of the women until the next day, when the 
guard, endeBTouring to take him, was resisted by the whole 
body of Omichund's peons and armed domestics, amounting 
U 2 



byGOOQJC 



S9S MEMOmS OF LORD CLIVE. 

unade prisoners : the search after the latter was 
attended with circumstances of violence, which 
led to the death of several of Omichund's 
£tniily. 

When Calcutta was taken, Omichund and 
Kishendass were released, and- treated with ci- 
vility by the Nabob ; a circumstance which con- 
finned some in the belief of their treachery ; 
but, as the former lost money and property to 
an amount of four lacs of rupees, it is suffi- 
ciently obvious that, though he might have sti- 
mulated the Nabob's anger against the English, 
he never could have desired results which in- 
volved his own ruin. But it is a common &te 
of such intriguers to raise the storm they cannot' 
control, and by whose fury they themselves are 
overwhelmed. 

The dismissal of Omichund from his employ 
as contractor for the investment, his imprison- 
ment, and the cruel &te of part of his family, 
were circumstances calculated to have separated 
him for ever from any connection with "the En-- 

to three hundred. Several were wouaded on both side* 
before the fray ended; during which the head of the peons, 
who was an Indian of high caste, set fire to the house ; and, 
in order to save the women of the family from the dishonour 
of being exposed to Btrangers, entered their apartments and 
kiiled, it is said, thirteen of them with his own hand, after 
which he stabbed himself, but, contrary to his intentioD, not 
mortally." 



byGOOQJC 



UEAfOTRS OF LORD CLIVE'. S9S 

gHsh : but all feelings and passions in his mind 
were absorbed by the desire of gain. To that 
object his abilities, which were considerable, 
were invariably and unceasingly directed. He 
had established himsdf, after Calcutta was taken, 
at the Nabob's court j first ingratiating himself 
with the favourite of that prince, Mohun Lai ; 
and afterwards with Suraj-u-Dowlah himself. 
When Clive came to Calcutta, Omichund was 
the ready medium to aid in promoting peace, 
and had so far established himself in fevour, 
that Mr. Watts, when he went to Moorshed- 
abad, was permitted to employ him in his nego- 
tiations. 

The object of Omichund was to stand so well 
with both parties as to make his profit of each, 
on the ground of his real or reputed influence 
with the other. There can be no doubt, from 
his character and the scenes in which he was 
employed, tliat he had recovered a great part 
of his losses before he prevailed upon the Nabob 
to direct, not only the restoration of his pro- 
perty, but the payment of four • lacs of rupees 
that had been plundered from his house at Cal- 
cutta. Suraj-u-Dowlah also gave him an order, 

* Omichund received, upon the spot, one half of this 
amount! the date of the paymeot of the remainder waa de- 
ferred, and it was probably to gain time to recover this sum, 
that he created those delays in the proceedings of the con- 
federates, of which Mr. Watts accused him. 
V S 



byGooqlc 



Sg4 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE, 

commanding the Rajah of Purneah • to pay him 
a debt he bad long owed him of four lacs and 
fifty thousand rupees. 

Omicbund, as has been shown, became an 
active agent in fonning the confederacy against 
Suraj-u-Dowlah ; and when possessed of the 
secrets of the different parties concerned, he 
threatened to reveal the whole plot, unless an 
article was introduced' into the treaty, stipulat- 
ing that be should receive thirty lacs of rupees 
on the enthronement of Meer Jaffier. 

The enonnity of this demand, great as it was, 
appears to have been viewed as a slight consi- 
deration in comparison to that of the time and 
manner in which it was made.' It was the com- 
panion of the road watching bis opportunity, 
and turning upon his fellow-ti'aveller to threaten 
him with instant destruction unless he complied 
with all his demands. Few have endeavoured 
to excuse, or even to extenuate, the deep and 
daring guUt of Omicbund j but many have ques- 
tioned the fitness of the mode that was adopted 
to disappoint his avarice, and at the same time 
to avert the consequences of his threatened 
treachery. 

Deceitful professions, promises, and engage- 
ments, which are adopted at a particular crisis 
to lull suspicion for the moment, can never be 

• Pumeah is a province of Bengal. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. QQ5 

defended but in those extreme cases where, after 
confidence has heen established, the violation of 
faith by one party enables him to take such ad- 
vantage of the other as gives the latter no alter- 
native except a counterplot, or submission to 
&aud and injustice. In such a case, the most 
scrupulous would find an excuse for the retalia- 
tion of deceit, provided it could be proved to 
be the only means of placing the parties on the 
footing upon which they stood before the ag^es- 
sor broke faith, and, abusing the confidence 
placed in him, demanded terms of unreasonable 
and extravagant advantage. This appears to be 
the exact position in which Omichund stood. 
After vicissitudes of &vour and disgrace, he had 
been restored to confidential employment, from 
which he had already derived great advantages. 
He must have been certain, had he continued 
fiiithfiil and honest, not only of recovering his 
losses, but of being liberally rewarded. Every 
consideration, however, of duty and of interest, 
gave way before a prospect of acquiring, by one 
well-timed and daring act of perfidy, great and 
sudden riches. "Secure to me, under a sealed 
treaty, thirty lacs of rupees, or I will this night 
inform the Nabob of your plot for his dethrone- 
ment, and have you all put to death," was the 
direct emphatic mealing, if not exact words, 
of his speech to Mr. Watts. This is proved by 



byGooqlc 



SQ6 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

three short notes written by that gentleman on 
the day the communication was made ; by 
dive's letters written_the moment he learned 
what had passed ; by the evidence of Mr. Sykes ; 
and by the expedient which it was thought ne- 
cessary to adopt, to disappoint his avarice and 
to guard against his treachery. Orme, describ- 
ing the conduct of Omicbund on this occasion, 
observes •, " Grounded on his importance by 
knowing the secret, he held out the terror of 
betraying it to secure his own advantages. 
Whether he would have betrayed it is uncertain; 
for part of his fortune was in the power of the 
English, and he had the utmost vengeance of 
Jaffier and his confederates to fear. However, 
the experiment was not to be tried." The same 
author adds, " But, on the other hand, as his 
tales and artifices prevented Suraj-u-Dowlah 
from believing the representations of his most 
trusty servants, who early suspected, and at 
length were convinced, that the English were 
confederated with JaflSer, the twenty lacs of 
rupees he expected should have been paid to 
him, and he left to employ them in oblivion and 
contempt." 

It was not twenty lacs of rupees, but thirty, 
that Omicbund expected ; for he was promised 
five per cent, upon the whole amount, inde- 

■ Orme, vol.ii- p. 182. 



byGOOQJC 



HEUOIBS OF LORD CLITEi €97 

pendent of what was specified in the fictitious 
treaty. He had stipulated with a" sword, or 
rather a dagger, in his hand, that he should re- 
ceive this great sum, though his unpaid losses did 
not exceed two lacs. The distinct ground upon 
which he demanded the remainder was, his power 
to extort it : the very extent of the sum proved 
the extortion. If he had succeeded in his ob- 
ject, this subordinate agent would have received 
much more than double the amount of the sum 
fixed to be divided between the Governor, Mili- 
tary Commander, Select Committee, and Mem- 
bers of Council ; and his share of the Nabob's 
donations would have been equal to two thirds 
of what had been stipulated as the reward of the 
services of the whole army and navy. 

There is another view of this question to be 
taken, to which the circumstances of the moment 
gave great importance. The recently established 
influence and power of the English, compelled 
them to confide their public, as well as private, 
concerns, to native associates and agents : and, 
with reference to the ruling passions of the 
Hindus, we may affirm, that an example more 
likely to be detrimental to their future interests 
could not have occurred than a successful issue 
of the treachery of Omichund. 

These considerations, however, relate only to 
the policy or impolicy of complying with his • 



byGOOQJC 



tQS UGMOlItS OF LOAD CLIVE. 

demasd. We have now to examine the mode 
that was adopted to defeat its obj ect ; and here, 
it must be admitted, that of all modes bj which 
his raac^oations coidd be defeated, a fictitious 
treaty appears the most seriously olgectioo^le ; 
but the ahemative of comi^yiDg with his de- 
mand, or of framing such a treaty, was forced 
upon the Committee of Calcutta. Omichund 
demanded that document as the condition of 
re&aining &oin his threatened communication to 
the Nabob. No verbal promise could satisfy a 
person who was conscious of having brc^en 
every tie with those by whom he had been 
trusted. He demanded, thereS^e, what he 
thought the most sacral of all pledges that could 
be given ; and it was obvious, that they must 
either comply with his request, deceive him 
with a fiUse treaty, or vitiate the real one by 
the insertion of an article not meant to be per- 
formed. 

It is here to be remarked, that Omicbund 
was no party to the treaty. That treaty was 
contracted between the Committee at Calcutta 
and Meer Jaffier ; and both these parties were 
agreeing to the fictitious treaty, which was pre- 
pared for the sole purpose of being shown to 
Omichund, to lull him into security till the 
hour of danger firom his hostility was past. This 
distinction is important : for, though it does not 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. S99 

clear the parties concerned of deliberate deceit 
towards an individual, it removes all imputation 
of their having brought a stain on the good faith 
of the State, by the substitution, to the party 
with whom they treated, of a &l8e for a real 
engagement. 

Clive was the person who proposed the expe- 
dient of a fictitious treaty ; and his sentiments 
were unanimously adopted by the Committee. 

Admiral Watson, it is stated, refused to sign 
this engagement; but it is at the same time 
affirmed, and apparently on undoubted testi- 
mony, that he offered no objectiwi to the sig- 
nature of his name* by another person. The 
Admiral had withheld himself irom taking any 
active part in the scenes at Moorshedabad ; and, 
in the proceeding towards Omichund, he pro- 
bably conceived that he was not called upon, by 
that sense of necessity that influenced others, to 
lend his name to an act which must have been 

* Lord Clive'a evidence goea to prove, that Admiral 
Wataou did not object to his name being put b^ Mr. Lush- 
ington to the fictitious treaty ; and his knowledge of the 
transaction, at the period it occurred, is established by the 
direct testimony of Mr. Cooke, Secretary to Government, 
who stated, "lliat, after the battle of Kassey, he waited 
upon Admiral Watson vith a message from Uie Select Com- 
mittee : that, among other things, the fictitious treaty was 
mentioned in convergation ; and that the Admiral said he 
had not signed it, but lefl them to do as they pleased." — 
Parliamentary R^xtrtt, vo). iii. p. 152. 



byGooqlc 



SOO MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

repugnant to tiie feelings even of those who 
deemed themselves compelled by duty to have 
recourse to such an artifice. 

Orme, speaking of the difference which arose 
between Mr. Watts and Omichund, after ex- 
plaining the grounds upon which he supposes 
the latter to have acted, observes, that if his 
demand had been realised, it would have been 
650,000/. " The audacity of the pretension," 
he adds, " implied malignant art ; but it is said 
he threatened to reveal the conspiracy to the 
Nabob, if not complied with. If so, the bold- 
est iniquity could not have gone further." 

I have already shown, that Omichund did 
threaten to inform the Nabob. Indeed, nothing 
but a conviction of his resolution to take that 
step unless his avarice was gratified, could pos- 
sibly have called for the extreme measure which 
was adopted. The author already quoted gives 
a pathetic account of the effect which the com- 
munication of the deception had upon Omichund. 
He was, Mr. Orme states, overwhelmed by it 
at the moment, fainted on the spot, was carried 
home, evinced symptoms of a disturbed reason*, 

• One month after Omichund was informed of the ficti- 
tious treaty, Clive, in a letter to the Committee at Calcutta, 
requests their support to enable Omichuad to perform hii 
contract for the supply of saltpetre at Patna : and in a sub- 
sequent letter (dated August 6th, 1757) to the Secret Com- 



byGooqlc 



UEUOiaS OF LORD CLIVS. 301 

and subsequently went upon a pilgrimage to a 
holy Hindu shrine near Maulda, whence he re- 
turned in a state of idiotism, from which be 
never recovered. 

The storj' of the termination of Omichund's 
life is affecting, and must make an impression, 
upon every well-constituted mind. We view 
with pity the effects which the sudden dissolution 
of his golden dreams had upon this wretched* 
though wealthy Hindu ; but we cannot allow 
the feelings in which we indulge to subdue, our 
judgment While we give a tear to weak and 
suffering humanity, we must do justice to those 
who deemed themselves (impelled by circum- 
stances, and by the situation in which they were 
placed, to repress all private feeling, and even 
to incur obloquy, in the performance of their 
public duty. With such sentiments I cannot, 
like Mr. Mill *, proclaim my sympathy and re- 
gret for this martyr to avarice ; and stamp, with 
the term of " consummate treachery t," the ex- 

mittee of the Directors, after staling that he had recom- 
mended Omichund to pay a visit of devotion to Maulda, he 
adds, " He is a person capable of rendering you great ser- 
vices, therefore not wholly to be discarded." Tliese notices 
of this man do not imply that his reason was, at this period, 
so much affected as might be concluded from the perusal of 
Orme's narrative. 

• History of India, vol. liL p. 170. 

f An author for whom I entertain sincere respect, and 
with whose sentiments my own, in most points, coincide 



byGOOQJC 



302 UEHOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

pedient by which his exorbitant demands and 

wicked designs were disappointed and frustrated ; 
fer less can I admit the truth of the historian's 
remark, " That Clive was a person to whom 
deception, when it suited his purpose, never 
gave a pang." This general and sweeping 
assertion, far from being supported by any 
fects that have come to my knowledge *, is con- 
tradicted by every evidence we possess, and is 
altogether contrary to the general character of 
his open and manly, but sensitive mind. I do 
not pretend to look into the hearts of men, and 
to pronounce dogmatically upon their inmost 
thoughts and feelings ; but, in admitting that 



startled at the means takeo to deceive Omichund, expresses 
an opinioD, " That the principles of honour and integrity 
sbonld have prescribed a more open conduct, even at Eome- 
what greater expense of danger.". — Grant's Sketches of 
India, p. 162. We should quite agree in this opinion, if the 
danger was personal to the individuals ; but when it was that 
of the State, we should find it as difficult to point out 
the exact line of demarcation to be observed hy men en- 
trusted with its Interests, as to define what should be the 
conduct of a lawyer in a particular case, where his personal 
feelings and general principles of action were in opposition 
to his duty to his client and to his professional reputation. 
• • I received from Lord Powis several trunks full of hia 
father's papers unexamined by himself. In these were docu- 
ments of every description, from copies of all his despatches, 
to the most private notes : and I have not discovered on© 
line that can justify the sweeping assertion of Mr. Mill, 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 303 

Clive, in the extraordinary situation in which 
he was placed* resisted art by art, and counter- 
acted the treachery of the enemies of the 
Government he served, by deceiving them, I 
am satisfied, from all his own statements, as 
well as from those of others, that he had re- 
course to such an expedient only because he 
considered himself to be called upon, to em- 
ploy it, by the duty he owed to his country. 
He may, like other men, have erred, both in 
his objects and in the mode of their accomplish- 
ment i but I deem the whole history of his life, 
and, above all, the unbounded confidence we 
find placed in him, both by the natives of India 
and by his own countrymen, to be altogether 
incompatible with the truth of the charge, that 
he was a man " to whom deception, when it 
suited his purpose, never gave a pang." 

The wealth Clive acquired by the revolution 
which placed Meer Jaffier upon the throne, ex- 
ited envy at the moment, and became afiier- 
wards a subject of reproach, and even of accusa- 
tion ; I shall, therefore, offer a few observations 
upon the subject. 

I have elsewhere * adverted to this point, and 
shown that Clive, in accordance with the usages 
of the Company's service in India, at that pe- 

* Pol. India, vol. ii. 



byGOOQJC 



304 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

riod> received presents, as Commander in Chief, 
to a very large amount His acceptance of this 
reward (as it was termed) of his labours and 
success, was open and avowed; and, though 
subsequently made the subject of a charge 
against him, we do not find that at the time any 
one arraigned, either the amount of the dona- 
tion, or the principle of receiving it. The iact 
is, that at that epoch of our Indian government, 
the public officers of the Company had very 
limited salaries: their perquisites and advan- 
tages, when employed on civil, mihtary, or poli- 
tical stations, appear to have been such as bad : 
been enjoyed by native functionaries, performing 
the duties to which they, in times of conquest 
arid revolution, had succeeded. These, on or- 
dinary occasions, were derived from a per cent- 
age on particular branches of revenue, privileges 
of trade, or presents from inferiors, and were 
always considerable ; but when such events oc- ' 
curred as negotiating a peace*, or replacing a 

' A remarkable instance of this mode of pajring those 
concerned in Buch important transactions, is afforded in the 
treaty of peace with Tippoo Sultawi, concluded by Lord 
Comirallis in 1792. Thirty lacs of rupees were demanded, 
and ^ven as Durbar hhurutcfi (or Durbar expenses), avow- : 
ediy to be distributed amongst the officers concerned in 
settling the treaty. Lord Comwallis, it may be observed, 
obtained no share of this tooney : but it may be answered, 
that while a commander, in Lord Clive's situation, had not 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 905 

monarch upon a throne, the money, gifts, and 
territorial grants to the chief instruments of such 
changes, were limited only by the moderation of 
one party and the ability of the other. 

Public servants *, in receiving, instead of a 
regulated salary, the fees and profits which had 
been enjoyed by the natives to whose offices 
they had succeeded in newly-acquired territories, 
only followed the us^e of the countiy ; and 
they were sanctioned in it by their own Govern- 
ment It suited the character of the Indian 
administration in England, and was altogether 
adapted to that of our first rule in India. That it 
was loose, undefined, and liable to great abuses, 
is admitted. The evils of such a system became 
manifest, and were remedied; but assuredly, 
while it continued, the public servant, who drew 
his emoluments from open and recognised 
sources, was no more blamable than some of 
the first men in England, who hold offices that 
continue to be paid by fees or fines, in the man- 
ner established by their ancestors. 



3000/. per annum of direct sslary, and could have no ex- 
pectation of pecuniary reward in England, Lord ComwallU 
had 30,000^ per annum, besidea a donation of 100,000i. 
from ^e Government he so ably served ; which, with a 
liberal wigdom that does it honour, after that noblemaa'g 
dealb gave 60)000A to his son and successor. 
• Political India, vol. ii. p. 188. 
VOL. I, X 



byGOOQJC 



S06 UEMOIBS OP' LOKD CUVE. 

Clive, independent of the share of the dona- 
tion to the SeJect Committee, of which he was 
a member, was offered a present of sixteen hies 
of rupees • by Meer Jaffier, after he had placed 
that prince on the throne ; and he took it, as a 
boon which he deemed himself fiilly warranted 
in accepting. He acquired, on this occasion, as 
he stated, great wealth ; but its acquisition in- 
jured no interests either of individuals or of the 
state he served; and did not, in the slightest 
degree, compromise the obligations of publw 
duty J fOT the gift was unsolicited, free, jwid un- 
conditional. 

Of the sense Clive entertained of this trans- 
action we have the best proof, not only in his 
private, but in his official letters, in which he 
announced this sudden and surprising influx (£ 
riches. In his letter, under i^te the SOth of 
August, 17^7> to Mr. Mabbot, one of the prin- 
cipal Directors, ^W giving an account of the 
revolution he had effected, he adds, " I have 
the pleasure to acquaint you, that the greatest 
success at Golconda could not have equalled the 
present one for advantages, either to the Com- 
pany or myself." — " Indeed," he concludes, 
** there is nothing but the good of the service 
can induce me to stay in this unhealthy climate.** 
In all his letters to his attorneys, to his friends 
• iso^ooo/. 



byGooqlc 



UEMOIRS OP LORD CLITE. 307 

and relatives, we find the amoimt of this dona- 
tion represented as gr«it; and he diatinctly 
states in one letter, that he had no desire what- 
ever to conceal the Nabob's liberality, which he 
thought was as honourable to that prince as to 
himself. There is, however, no document which 
more fully establishes the character of this do- 
nation, and the view that he took of it, than his 
letter to Mr. Payne, of the 25th of December, 
17^7* After alluding to the envy which his 
good, fortune had excited, he observes, " The 
Nabob, of his own free will, for the service ren- 
dered him, made me a present much beyond 
my expectations ; part of which I bestowed on 
those immediately about me, and one or two of 
the principal officers. I never made the least 
secret of this afi^, butalways thought the world 
ought to be acquainted with the Nabob's gene- 
rosity. If I had been disposed to grow rich by 
receiving presents from any other hands but 
those of the Nabob, surely no one had ever the 
like opportunity j but there is not that man hv- 
ing, among the diuly temptations which offered, 
who can accuse me of receiving any thing of 
value but &om the Nabob himself. I have 
troubled you with these particulars," he con- 
cludes, "because among some it may be consi- 
dered as a crime my being rich. If it be a crime, 
X 2 



byGooqlc 



SOS MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

you* Sir, are truly acquainted with the nature 
of it." 

The Court of Directors, ia their letter to the 
Select Committee 'at Bengal, dated the 8th of 
March, 17^8, fiilly recognise the usage upon 
which presents were at that period given and 
received by their public servants. After stating 
their decision that the surplus of the sums re- 
ceived, after the reimbursement of losses, should 
be deposited in the Company's treasury, they add, 
" We do not intend, by this, to In-eak in upon any 
sums of money which have been given by the 
Nabob to particular persons, by way of free gift; 
or in reward of their services." In the subsequent 
changes in the Direction, a more hostile spirit 
arose against Clive ■, and, among other accusa- 
tions, one grounded on his acquisition of wealth 
by this present, and by the subsequent grant of 
ajaghire (or estate), was brought forward. To 
this charge we find an animated reply in his 
well-known letter to the Court of Proprietors. 
" The Nabob, then," Clive writes, " agreeable to 
the known and usual custom of Eastern princes, 
made presents, both to those of his own court, 
and to such of the English who, by their rank 
and abilities, had been instrumental in the happy 
success of so hazardous an enterprise, suitable 
to the rank and dignity of a great prince. I was 
one, amongst the many, who benefited by his 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. dOQ 

favour. I never sought to conceal it ; but declared 
publicly, in my letter to the Secret Committee 
of the India Directors, that the Nabob's ge- 
nerosity had made my fortune easy, and the 
Company's welfere was now my only motive for 
staying in India. What injustice was this to the 
Company? They could expect no more than 
what was stipulated in the treaty. Or, what 
injunction was I under to refuse a present from 
him, who had the power to make me one, as 
the reward of honourable services ? I know of 
none. I had surely, myself, a particular claim, 
by having devoted myself to the Company's 
military service, and neglected all commercial 
advantages. What reason can then be given, or 
what pretence could the Company have to ex- 
pect, that I, after having risked my life so often 
in their service, should deny myself the only 
honourable opportunity that ever offered of ac- 
quiring a fortutte Without prejudice to them, 
who, it is evident, could not have had more for 
my having less ? When the Company had ac- 
quired 1,500,000/. sterling, and a revenue of 
near 100,000/. per annum, from the success of 
their forces under my command, — when ample 
restoration had been made to those whose for- 
tunes suffered by the calamity'of Calcutta, — and 
when individuals had, in consequence of that 
success, acquired large estates, — what would the 
X 3 



byGOOQJC 



SIO MEHOIBB OF LORD CL1V£. 

world have said, had I come home and rested 
upon the generosity of the present Court of 
Directors ? It is well known to every gentleman 
in Bengal, that the honour of my country and 
the interest of the Company were the pnnciples 
that governed all my actions ; and that had I 
only taken the advantageous oppprtunities that 
presented themselves, by my being Commander- 
in-chief, at the head of a victorious army, and 
what by the custom of that country I was enti- 
tjed to, the jaghire itself, great as it is, would 
have been an object K:arce worthy my consider- 
ation. The city of Moorshedabad is as exten- 
sive, populous, and rich as the city of London ; 
with this difference that there are individuals 
in the first possessing infinitely greater property 
than any in the last city. These, as well as 
every other man of property, made me the 
greatest offers, (which, nevertheless, are usual 
upon such occasions, and what they expected 
would have been required,) and had I accepted 
these offers I might have been in possession dT 
millions,, of which the present Court of Di- 
rectors could not have dispossessed me ; but 
preferring the reputation of the English nation, 
the interest of the Nabob, and the advantage of 
the Company, to all pecuniaiy considerations, I 
refused all offers that were made me, not only 
Uien, but to the last hour of my continuance in 



byGooqlc 



MBHOmS OF LORD CLIVE. 811 

the Compan/s service in Bengal ; wid do dud- 
lenge frigid or enemy to bring one single in- 
stance of my being influenced by interested 
motives to the Company's disadvantage j or to 
do any act that could reflect dishonour on my 
oountiy or the Company in any ofle action of 
my administration, eitiier ajs governor or com- 
manding office." 

That Clive was far firom being influenced by 
sordid motives was never more clearly proved 
than during the period of which this chapter 
treats. While it was yet thought a settlement 
might be effected with Suraj-u-Dowlah, an c^^ 
had been made to pay the amount of 3500^, 
which be bad personally lost at the capture of 
Calcutta. His reply to this communication was 
short, but conclusive : ^' Pray think no more of 
my losses," he states in a letter to Mr. Scrafton ; 
" I would not be thought mercenary or selfish 
for the worid." 

His liberal behavioxtt toward Admiral Watson 
has been noticed. On this occasion, and on 
several others*, be chose rather to diminish the 
amount of his own portion than allow further 
demands upon the Nabob. Of bis great gene- 

* It appears firom his papers and accounts that he gave 

away large sums, not only to those who had persosal claima 

upon him, but to others whose merit, as public servants, had 

not, he thought, been euffici^itly rewarded. 

X 4 



byGOOQJC 



312 UEHOIBS OP USBLD CLIVE. 

rosi^ to his &nuly and friends I shall speak 
hereafter. Th()s^ who desire to detract irom 
his title to praise for such conduct, on the 
ground of his wealth, are little acquainted with 
the effect that riches usually have upon men 
possessing less liberal minds i in whom they 
oftener generate a spirit of cupidity than a de- 
sire, such as Clive felt, to dispense to others 
the relief and blessings they can afford. 

I have it in my power to add a remarkable 
testimony to show the circumstances under which 
CUve acted upon the occasion to which I have 
alluded. 

A highly respectable gentleman, long resident 
in Suffolk, who had filled official stations in 
India, a few years ago addressed a letter to 
the present X<ord Powis i in which, after stating 
fects that will be hereaftier noticed, he informs 
his Lordship that it being kndwn he was on per- 
sonal grounds discontented with his &ther, 
he was summoned, in 1773, as an evidence be- 
fore the Committee of the House of Commons 
who investigated the charges against him : " I 
of course' attended," he observes, "but was far 
&ora being.' inimically disposed to his Hardship j 
and never can I forget what passed at the Com- 
mittee on thsti day. Governor Johnstone, after 
some deliberation, suddenly rose, and with ap- 
parent exultation observed, ' It was now suffi- 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIitS OF LORD CLIVB. SIS 

ciently proved on the proceedings, that his 
Lordship had received upwards of 100,000/. soon 
after the battle of Plassey j* when Lord Clive, 
rising &om his seat^ calmlj replied, that ' If any 
gentleman <^the Committee had privately asked 
him if that charge was trae, he should. have 
frankly acknowledged to him that he had re- 
ceived a much larger sum ;* adding, 'but when 
I recollect entering the Nabob's treasury at 
Moorshedabad, with heaps of gold and silver to 
the right and left, and these crowned with jewels,' 
striking his hand violently on his head, * by God, 
at this moment, do I stand astonished at my 
own moderation.* " 

A guilty mind seeks conceahnent. Such, evi- 
dently, was not thej object of Clive on this or 
any other occasion of his life ; and those, even, 
who condemn his actions, must acknowledge 
that they were grounded upon a complete con- 
viction in his own mind that they were not only 
defensible, but consistent with his principles of 
honour as a gentleman, and with those of his 
duty as a public servant. 

I have, in this chapter, stated, with much 
freedom, my difference of opinion from Mr. Mill, 
on some points connected with the revolution at 
Moorshedabad ; I have great pleasure, however> 
in refeffing to his subsequent general remarks 
on this subject. 



byGooqlc 



S14 . UEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

The chainnaD of the Select Conximttee of ^e 
House of CommoDs of 1773, when he Iwought 
up its report, msde a motion* that the House 
should inquire into the circumstances of the 
death and d^wsition of Suraj-u-Dowlah, the 6c- 
titious treaty, and other matters which tocdc 
place on the elevation of Meer Jaffier. This 
was rgected, on the plea of the reports t£ tJie 
Committee not being evidence. Mr. Mill deems 
this ground a£ rejection a *< subterfu^ of the 
nature cS k legal shuffle:" — "but there were 
other considerations," he states, " to which the 
House never adverted, which fairly recommended 
the rejection, or at least a very great modification, 
of the penal proceeding ; that the ptmishment 
threatened was more grievous than the ofieoce } 
that it was punishment by an ex-fost-Jacto law, be- 
cause, however contrary to-the principles of r^t 
government the presents received from Meer 
Jaffier, and however odious to the moral sense 
the deception practised upon Omichunt^ there 
was no law at the time which forbid them ; that 
the presents, how contrary soever to European 
morals and ideas, were perfectly correspondent 
to those of the country in which they were re- 
ceived, and to the expectations of the parties by 
whom they were bestowed ; tiiat the treachery 
to Oraichuud was countenanced and palliated by 
some of the principles and many of the admh*ed 



byGooqlc 



UEHOIBS OF LOBD CLITE. 315 

incidents of European diplomacy; that Clivei 
though never inattentive to his own interests, 
was actuated by a sincere desire to promote the 
prosperity of the Company, and appears not, in 
any instance, to have sacrificed what he regarded 
as their interests to his own ; and that it would 
have required an extraordinary man, which no 
one ought to be punished for not being, to have 
acted, in that most trying situation in which he 
was placed, with greater disinterestedness than 
he displayed." • 

• Mill'! Histot; of Bridrii India, Td. iU. p. 454, 



byGooqlc 



UEU0IH8 OF LORD CLIVE. 



CHAP. VII. 

From causes which we have already been re- 
peatedly called upon to observe, — the unity of 
action of Europeans, and the want of it in their 
Indian enemies, — ^ the most extraordinary advan- 
tages have ofl:en been gained by apparently the 
most inadequate means. The work of force is 
easy ; violence and strength can cast down, but 
wisdom alone can rebuild. This task is always 
hi more difiBcult than the first, especially when 
the materials of which the new fabric is to be 
constructed must be taken from the ruins of the 
old. These are, in such cases, too often im- 
paired and rendered unfit for use by the previous 
shock they have sustained. 

Clive soon found the truth of these facts. 
Meer Jaffier had no qualities but as a soldier : 
his son was a headstrong youth ; and his brother, 
whom he wished to employ, was weak and in- 
competent, These, and the Nabob's other re- 
lations and Mahommedan adherents, were aUke 
desirous of removing and plundering the wealthy 
and experienced Hindus who were at the head 
of the administration, and governed the richest 
provinces of Bengal. Roy DuUub, who saw 



CnqitlzscbyGOOt^lC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. SI/ 

that his ruin was their object, had fenced himself 
round with his followers, and withdrawn from 
all personal communication with the Nabob. 
Addul Sing, the Rajah of Punieah, Rajah Ram, 
the Manager of Midnapore, and Rajah Ram 
Narrain, the Ruler of Patna, were within a few 
months. driven to rebellion by acts of violence, 
which too plainly indicated that successful oppo- 
sition was tiieir onty road to safety. The defec- 
tion of Ram Narrain, at this period, was more 
unfortunate, as it afforded a safe progress towards 
Oude to the French party under Law, in pursuit 
of whom a detachment hadmarched, commanded 
by Major Coote. 

The events which led to this general spirit of 
rebellion took place while Clive was at Calcutta, 
whither he had been called by urgent public and 
private concerns. His first melancholy duty after 
his arrival was to attend the funeral of his brave 
associate Admiral Watson. That gallant officer 
was seized, on the 12th of August, with a 
putrid fever, which terminated his existence in 
four days. No man appears to have felt more 
deeply than Clive the loss which was sustained 
by this event In a letter to the Committee of 
the Direction, written immediately subsequent 
to its occurrence, he observes : — . 

" Mr. Watsou is no more. Eveiy one here 
received the melancholy news of his death with 



byGOOQJC 



319 iSBUOntB OP LOBD CLITE.. 

mnch concern : his generosity, dinDterestedness, 
and zeal for the servicet must for ever endear 
his memoiy to the Company. Unhappy &te 1 
after having escaped all the risk of war, to be 
thus untimely cut off in the midst c^ his suc- 
cesses, crowned with gloiy attd reputatibn. 
This is but one of the many lessons given us of 
the instability of human nature. Concern for 
this good man's death hastens me to a con- 
clusion." 

It appears from dive's letter * to the Court 
of Directora from Calcutta, that he still cherished 
a hope that he might be able to return to 
Madras when the season admitted. *' Your 
Honours may be persuaded," he observes, 
" that next to this province, the Carnatic takes 
up the whole of my attaition. It gives me 
much concern the gentlemen on the coast should 
be displeased at my not returning a part of the 
forces : had I done so, nothing could have been 
effected here. Your Honours, who bestow an im- ~ 
p^tial attention upon all the Company's settle- 
ments, will, I hope, approve of my conduct. The 
time draws near when we may expect to hear of 
the new Soubab, Meer Jaffieifa confirmation from 
Delhi, and that the Mabrattaa are satisfied with 
the present change. I shall then proceed to 
the Carnatic with a force which, 1 hope, will give 
• 22d August, 1757. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CUTE. 319 

fHiT arms the supcirioritf in those parts. I make 
no doubt of being there so(hi after the breaking 
up of the monsoon, which will be as early as the 
two contending parties can take the field; and 
upon my arrival there I shall with '. pleasure 
resign the -sword to my superiors." 

Ouring the period Clive was at Calcutta he 
was much occupied in settling the distribution 
of the sums allotted for the r«nuneration of 
losses, and the donation to the army and navy. 
The former appears to have been arranged on 
the justest principles, and to have given uoi- 
versal satis&ction, bat the discussions regarding 
the latter, though they had been <»ice settled^ 
were revived, and took a more acrimonious 
shape ; and it was not till after much trouble and 
vexation that they were ultimately adjusted.* 

* By Cllve'e letter to Colonel Adlercron (dated 27th Sep- 
tember) it appears that some of the officers had resisted 
hia endeavours to make an arrangement that should put an 
end to the discontents which had arisen from the share of a 
private soldier being less than that of a seaman. Clive, to 
effect this purpose, was willing to make a considerable de- 
duction from his own share. Major Kilpatrick, and several 
other officers of rank, cheerfullj' concurred in this object, hut 
it was violently opposed by others; and Captain Armstrong, 
who commanded at Calcutta, refused to publish Clive'e order 
upon the subject. He was brought to a court-martial, but 
acquitted. CUve refused to approve the sentence ; and con- 
cluded his letter to Colonel Adlercron with the following 
just observations on the subversion of the principles of dis- 



byGooqlc 



3^ UEH0IR8 OF LORD CLIVE. 

Cllve, after having settled these disputes* 
found himself compelled to make preparations 
to accompany the Nabob to Patna ; for, inde- 
pendent of the three rebellions before alluded 
to, Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Vizier of Oude, now- 
threatened the frontier. This Prince, who held 
(like the Nabob of Bengal) a del^ated power 
from tiie Emperor of Delhi, had become, like 
others, independent of the weak superior to 
whom he continued to give a nominal obedience. 
His territories, bounded on the west by the 
river Jumna, and on the east by the mountains 
of Nepaul, stretched to neax Delhi on the north, 
and on the south bordered on Bahiu-, one of the 
richest provinces subject to the rule of Meer 
Jaffier. Sujah-u-Dowlah was to be dreaded both 
from bis character and resources : he bad, besides, 

cipline by Captain Armstrong's conduct ; — " You, Sir, will 
be the beat judge whether setting aside my order, by any 
indirect and underhand methods, to serve a self-interested 
view ; whether asBembliog the officers together without a 
proper authority, and e¥en disputing the rank of the officers 
g^ven by me, especially in the case of Lieutenant Corneille, 
be consistent with the duty and obedience which is due to 
the commanding officer ; and I cannot help thinking it was 
the duty of Captain Armstrong to have given out my orden, 
when ordered to do so by the Governor, even if he thought 
them unjust : for if officers are allowed to disobey the orders 
of th^ir superiors (unless in cases of an extraordinary na- 
ture) there 'must be an end to all discipline and subordina- 
tion. If I took upon me to act wrong, justice was open to 
them by complaining to you. Sir, or any of my superiors." 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 3S1 

the aid of the French party, and was believed to 
have established the ties of friendship with Ram 
Narrain, the discontented ruler of the country 
he was expected to invade. 

Clive's force was at this period , greatly re- 
duced from sickness : he could not bring into the 
£eld more than five hundred and fif^y Euror 
peansi and fifteen hundred natives. He com- 
plains, in all his letters, of the bad effects the 
prize-money had produced, both on the health 
and discipline of tiiose under his command. 
He had applied for, and obtained leave of the 
Admiral, Sir George Pocock, to- employ the de- 
tachment of His Majesty's troops in Bengal ; 
but the conduct of the oflScers (with two ex- 
ceptions) made him dedine accepting their un- 
willing services. 

" Notwithstanding your offer," he observes 
in his reply • to the Admiral, " of putting the 
King's detachment under my command on this 
expedition, I am sorry to inform you I cannot 
acceptit, without prejudicing the service; for all 
the officers (Captain Weller t and Captain Coote 

• I6th November, 1757. 
' -f- Clive found himself compelled . to decline the ofTer of 
Captain Weller, in terms vrhich, although they dis^ipointed 
lus forward zeal, must have gratified him. His employment, 
distinct from his corps, would, in effect, have superseded seve- 
ni cheers in the Company's service, whom it would naturally 
have rendered discontented. 
VOL. I. Y 



b;G0C>^lc 



33S 31EHOIR8 OF LORD CLITE. 

excepted) have expressed by letter a disinclin- 
ation to go upon it Under these circumstances, 
I think it is better for the Company to be 
served by those who are willing, and may be 
attached to their service, than by persons who 
seem to have lost all remembrance of what they 
owe to them I For ray own part, though I have 
before represented to you the many disadvan- 
tages I must labour under, during the present 
expedition, I shall endeavour to surmount them, 
and foe ready to render the Company all the 
service, which every wellwisher to his country 
is bound to do." 

The rising talents of Major Coote were al- 
ready employed in the command of a detach- 
ment The death of Major Kilpatrick, an o£Bcer 
who had been highly distinguished through- 
out the scenes above described, occasioning a 
vacancy in the command of the mUitary at 
Bengal, CHve recommended that the station 
should be oflfered to Colonel Forde *, an officer 
of whom he entertained the highest opinion. 
The terms, in which this offer was conveyed, 
are honourable to the reputation of him to 
whom it was made, and reflect great credit on 
dive's discernment; for no opportunities had 
been yet afforded to Colonel Forde of deve- 
loping those talents as a soldier, which soon 

* This officer belonged to Col. Adlercron's regiment. 



byGoot^lc 



HEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVB. 339 

afterwards rendered him so distinguished. Not- 
withstanding the encouragement o£^ed, from 
the distinction obtained by Coote and Forde, 
when Adlercron's regiment went to England a 
short time after, none oi the other officers be* 
longing to it availed themselves of the option 
given them, of remaining in the Company's 
service, except Captain Carnac, who joined 
Clive, by whom he was early noticed ; and his 
subsequent career in Bengal did ample credit to 
the judgment of his penetrating commander. 

I have deemed it of importance to dwell <m 
these particulars. In nothing does the power 
of genius more strikingly display itself than in 
the selection of persona most fit to be employed, 
and in the application of their peculiar talents to 
the work for which they are suited. The per- 
sona! efforts of one man can do little ; but aided 
by the power of creating and employing sub- 
ordinate instruments, can effect every thing. The 
sphere of Clive*s selection, however, was very 
limited ; and there are, in his private letters of 
this period, continual complaints of his being 
forced, from want of aid, to make personal 
efforts injurious to his health*, which had never 

* In a letter, under date the 2d of Aofpitt, 1757) to hii 

friend Mr. Pigot, he observes, " If I was to consult my own 

interests only, every thing conspires to taake me desirous of 

leaving this province. An unheBltby climRte, a bad censtL- 

y 2 



byGooqlc 



324 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITB. 

been good, and which he' now represents as de- 
dining from the effects of a nervous complaint, 
.to which he had been subject from his youth. ■ 

Affairs at MoorshedalKid had, from the mo- 
ment Clive left that city, become worse. Be- 
sides other evils, the Nabob had-' hitherto 
evaded compliance with several of the ■ most 
important articles of the treaty ; and he every 
day showed less disposition to comply with the 
reiterated demands made for its speedy fulfil- 
ment. Mr. Scrafton, who was at this period 
acting as political resident at his Court, urged 
CUve to hasten to Moorshedabad, with or with- 
out his force ; as his presence appeared the only 
means of averting confiision and ruin. 

'* I shall march," said Clive, in answer' to 
■several of Mr. Scrafton's letters t, " with the 



-Uition, a genteel competence, a possible reverse of fortune, 
«re EtrpDg motiveB to have done so ; but a superior considei- 
Btion to all these obliges me to continue some time longer." 

• 6th November, 1757. 

f The letters from Mr. Scradon, at this period, convey a 
vivid picture of <be stete both of Meer Jaffier's mind and 
his own. In his letter of the Sd November, in which he 
reports a visit to the durbar, he describes the Nabob 
as looking very grim when he approached. For half ah 
hour he took no notice of him, but abused every one present ; 
then turning quickly round, he said to Scrafton, " What have 
you to say to me ? " — " What ! here. Sir ? " Scrafton replied. 
'.^« We will go there," said the Nabob, painting to a small 
room. Mr, Scrafton, ashamed of this proceeding, tried to 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIB8 OV LORD CLIVE.- S«3. 

whole army. I have wrote to the Nabob and 
Ram Narrain, of which copies are enclosed you. 
Do not suffer yourself to be unquieted beyond 



change the subject hy saying, " Haye you written for the 
Colonel ? "— " YcB, with his whole army, to be Bure." — " Do 
you know the espeDse? " — " Will a lac per month do? But 
I shall not Bettle with you j when Sabut Jung cornea, I will 
talk with him about it." Mr. Scrafton, after commenting 
upon the passion displayed by the Nabob on this occasion, 
and representing the danger of rebellion trom his violent 
conduct, concludes by entreating Clive to hasten to Moor- 
shedabad, leaving his army to follow. " We are lost," he 
says, "if we do not act as principata." In two letters writ- 
ten subsequently, Mr. Scrafbn gives a further accomit of 
the Nabob's distraction, irritation, and alarm at the treacherj 
and rebellion with which he is surrounded. In his commu- 
nication to Clive, of the 7th November, he states, " I hope 
you are set out. Our honour, our interests, and our reputa- 
,tion, are all at stake." He closes this letter in the following 
words: — "The Nabob pitched his tent in the garden yes- 
terday, and had about two hundred men with him. Not an 
officer has joined him yet with any forces ; nor will they till 
Roy Dullub marches. His son ia absolutely ill with grief and 
shame, and goes no more near his father. Sir, I can onlj 
say, if you don't set out, with or without troops, permit me 
to go to Calcutta. I can't carry that authority, that sway, 
which the Company's afiairs require ; and will not stay oa 
the terms I am now with the Nabob. I clearly comprehend 
-the political disease of the Nabob's afiairs, but it is you onljr 
that can apply the remedy. I was an hour alone with Roy 
Dullub : I see all their achemes, and what all theae seeds of 
divinon will inevitably produce. I conclude with this sen- 
tence ; that if Sujah-u-Dowlah joins Ram Narrain, adieu to 
the Nabob and the remainder of the treaty, for he certamly 
carries Bengal." 

T 3 



byGooqlc 



326 HEuaiRs OF Loao cuve. 

reason at the situatldn of affiura, but coBsider 
ihem coolly, and give me daily accounts of n^at 
is passing. The march of the armyiss^solutely 
necessary, as well to supp(»t iiie Nabob gainst 
his raiemies, as to see justice done ours^ves." 

After Clive had joined the Nabob at Rajafa- 
mahul, he received a letter from the Select Com- 
mittee, stating that as Sir G. Pocock was about 
to leave the river, were he to proceed to Fatna 
the safety of Calcutta might be endangered. 
Clive observes in reply ; " Without a fore- 
knowledge (rf* events, we cannot be at any cw- 
tainty, whether ihe steps we take may or may 
not be for the advantage of the Company. By 
accompanying the Nabob to Patna, it is very 
possible, though I think not probable, for a 
French squadron to push up the river,- and en- 
danger Calcutta, and in consequence all of the 
Company's possessions in these parts; and by 
refusing to lend the Nabob our assistance, we 
must lose that influence widi him which seems 
essentially necessary to obtain his fulfilling the 
Test of the treafty, and his continuing to us our 
valuable possessions. 

*' Yesterday the Nabob and his minister paid 
me a visit. After discoursing for some time on 
the promising prospect of his a£^3, he desired 
I would march with him to Patna. This I con- 
sented to, on condition he gave us security for 



byGooqlc 



UEH0JR8 OF' LOUD CLITE. 3S7 

paying the rest of his debts. The orders upon 
Burdwaun, Nuddea, Hooghley* aod Fugdlie 
are .tp^^'^ out* which I hope to send yon in a 
day or two : I have reason to think you wiU 
receive in ready money the fnli of the half- 
year's payment As Ram Narrain * refuses 
to trust his person in the Nabob's power with- 
out a letter &om mei I have wrote him that he 
may come with safety, having the Nabob's au- 
thority for so doing, and I am in great hopes 
there will be no necessity for marchiog further 
than Telliagully. If the afiairs of FaUia can be 
settled in this manner, it will save the Nabob 
an e^>ense which he is not well able to bear, 
and ease you of all apprehensions from the 
arrival of a Froich squadron.** 

In CUve's letter t firom Rajah-mahul to the 
Select Comnuttee of the Directors, we find .» 
concise and clear account of the condition q£ 
the Nabob's government, as well as the measures 
which were adopted for it^ settlement. 

• ■When Ram Narrain was believed to have Joined the 
Vizier of Otide, Clire (according to Scrsfton) adriaed the 
Nabob to remove him opeoiy. The Nabob dreaded the con- 
sequences of such a direct proceeding. Subsequently to 
this, Bam Narrain fiilly eatiafied Clive, through Roy Dullub* 
that he had no treasonable intentions, and required only 
xeourity for his life and a continuance in his employment. 
A conviction of his sincerity led Clive to advise the Nabob 
to the course he pursued. 

t 23d December, 1757. 

¥ 4 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



338 llEHOIRS OF LORD CLITE.' 

; " In laying open' the state of this govern- 
ment," he observes, " I am concerned to men- 
tion that the present Nabob is a prince of little 
capacity, and not at all blessed with the talent 
of gaining the love and confidence of his prin- 
cipal officers. His mismanagement threw the 
counti7 into great confusion in the space of a 
few months, and nii^t have proved of &tal 
consequence to himself, but for our known at- 
tachment to him. No less than three rebellions 
were on foot at one time j one at Midnapore, 
headed by Rajah Ram ; another at Pumea, 
under Addul Sing ; and a third at Patna, under 
Ram Narrain : all which may he very well attri- 
buted to the Nabob's own imprudence. Rajah 
Ram's two brothers, after being invited to Moor- 
shedabad, were imprisoned, which was quite 
sufficient to deter him from surrendering him- 
self as he intended. Meer Azufiee was ap- 
pointed to the government of [Pumea to the 
general satisfection of the people ; but soon laid 
aaide'for Cuddum Hussein Khan, arelation (itis 
true) of the Nabob, but a tyrannical, rapacious 
fellow, and odious to the last degree to the 
Fumeans. As for Ram Narrain, after he made 
his submission, and -the Nabob had sworn to 
continue him in his government, apparent mea< 
sures were taken for his overthrow. 

" The prime minister, Roy DuUub, who was 



byGooqlc 



U5MOIB8 or LORD CLIVB. 899 

one of the chief instruments of the Nabob's 
promotion, and had received in return solemn 
assurances of continuing his Dewan, was sus- 
pected to be engrossing the power in his hands, 
^id rather to have encouraged the rebellions 
than endeavoured to suppress them. It is very 
certain that Roy Dullub had a powerful party in 
the state, and more than probable that he took 
measures to strengthen it, according to the 
common policy of all Dewans. However this 
might be, the NaboVs jealousy of him was 
arrived to such a height, that Suraj-u-Dowlah's 
brother, a young lad, and almost an idiot, was 
suddenly cut off, on a surmise of Roy DuUuh's 
intending to make him Nabob, and having sent 
his own brother to Chandemagore to engage me 
in the design, which is altogether groundless. 
Roy Dullub no sooner knew of this sudden ex- 
ecution, and the motives for it, than he began 
to fear -for his own life; and open hostiUties 
might possibly have ensued if we had not been 
a check upon each fparty. The Nabob, who at 
this time was encamped in the neighbourhood' of 
MooTsbedabad, accompanied by a detachment 
of our troops, excuses himself from any know- 
ledge of the transaction, and lays the whole 
blame on his son, who was left in government of 
the city ; but many circumstances induced us to 
beheve otherwise. Roy Dullub, on pretence of 



byGOOQJC 



930 HBUOIHS OF LOUD CLITB. 

sidmess, was still at Moorshedahad* having a 
large body of his own troops with him, as is 
usual in these goveram^its ; but it is ik^ iiD- 
probable the dii^ reason for his remaining be- 
hind was a view to his own safety. A&irs 
were in this situation when I arrived at Moot' 
BhedabaA. I would willingly have ^igaged Roy 
Dullub to accompany me to the Nabob's, that I 
might have effected a reconciliation between 
them^ but his illness not admitting him to set 
out immediately, I could only assure him of my 
protection, and engage his pronuse to &Uow 
me as soon as possible. 

** The 3d insfamt, our army came up with 
the Nabob's at Fettiapoor, near R^ah-mahul, 
where we still continue encamped, chiefly to 
wait the minister's arrival. I should have ac- 
quainted you that some days before I set out 
from Chandemagore, Rajah Ram, the Midna- 
pore rebel, came and deUvered himsdf up to 
me i on promise of the Nabob's pardon and our 
protection. This first unlinked the chain of the 
Uiree rebellions, the chieti of which had held a 
correspondence, and were connected together. 
Rajah Ram's submission may be deemed a very 
fortunate event in aU respects ; for his good 
sense* long ^.perience in the a£&irs of this 
government, and the great influence he has in 
the country, would have made him as dangerous 



byGooqlc 



UEHOIBS OF LORD CLIVE, 3J}1 

an enemy to the Nabob as he Ib now a useful 
friend to U3. Uptm our approach, and some of 
the Nabob*s troops having passed the river into 
the Pnmea country, the rebels of that quarter 
quitted their intrenchments and dispersed, but 
some of their chiefs were overtaken and made 
prisoners ; so that two of the rebelli(ms are 
effectually quieted, and the third is in a &ir way 
of being peac^bly accommodated. Ifitisinmy 
power to bring about the thcn'ough reconciliation 
which I intend between the Nabob and Roy 
Dullub, all domestic troubles may be fully put 
an end to in this country. As for any appre- 
hensifms of a foreign enemy, they are not very 
strong at present. The Vizier, with the assistance 
of the Mahrattas, drove Nujeeb Khan, the 
Affghan Bukhshee, out of Delhi ; but the latta 
being reinforced with a lai^ body of Patane, 
who are the A%hans that have settled for 
some time in Hindustan, is again making head 
in the neighbourhood of Delhi, and will be 
joined by Sujah-u-Dowlab, the Nabob of Oude. 
So that all the powers from whom any danger 
might be expected are too much engaged 
among themselves to bend their thoughts this 
way fco' the present The Nabob's confirmation 
is not yet procured at Delhi, nor can I judge 
when it will. The difficulty is in the price. 
" I have waited for Roy DuUuVs arrival with 



byGOOQJC 



332 MEMOmS OF LORD CLIVE. 

great impatience, as Durbar business cannot be 
transacted without hitn ; and we have some 
points to settle of great consequence to your 
interest. We have already had occasion to ob- 
serve the difficulties attending every application 
for money to the Durbar, and I foresee they 
will increase as the Nabob grow^ stronger, and 
we become less necessary ; therefore I have de- 
terriiined not to leave this ground till I procure 
sufficient assignments on the revenues of some 
country near Calcutta" for the annual payment 
of the money still due by treaty ; together with 
proper' writings from the Zemindars of such 
country for the regular discharge of the same, 
■which we may enforce if necessary. We have 
already obtained the Nabob's promise to comply 
as' soon as bis minister arrives ; but it was not 
without much private opposition from Jugget 
Scat, who, following the same method with re^ 
gard to all debts due to him from the govem- 
iilent, ■ has already demands on most of the 
Zemindars. However, on being threatened with 
the loss of our friendship, be desisted. It is not 
impossible but we may iind Roy DuUub like- 
wise averse to our carrying this point, as he 
may become,' by it, a good deal less necessary 
to us, than when our applications were to 
be directed tobim; but as the Nabob has 
given his promise, and the matter now whoUy 



byGooqlc 



MEM0IB8 OF LOQD CLITE. SSS 

rests with him, he cannot find any way of 
evading a compliance, without a manifest breach 
of friendship, which I think he would not ven- 
ture on in his present situation." 

Major Coote, who pursued M. Law, till, the 
French party passed Benares, made a complaint 
of the conduct of the ruler of Patna, from whom 
he states that he met with obstruction instead of 
aid. This letter -was dated on the 8th of 
August, a period when Ram Narrain had suf- 
ficient proo& of the hostile . disposition of the 
Nabob, but was ignorant what part the English 
commander meant to take. The moment he re- 
ceived the assurance of protection which Clive 
gave him, he not only submitted, but went to 
Meer Jaffier's camp, which had then reached 
the vicinity :of Patna. ' .. 

. ; Intrigues were commenced, which, notwith- 
standing the- promises, made to him, had fw 
their object, the removal of this powerful Hindu, 
in whose place the Nabob desired to put his 
brother. On the other hand. Ram Narrain 
united his interests with' Roy- DuUub, who, 
though assured of protection from the English, 
appeared still to entertain ' doubts of his own 
safety. All parties looked .to Clive, who was 
encamped at Bankapore, a village a &w miles 
west of Patna. - , 

While a&irs were yet unsettled, an affi*ay.oc- 



byGooqlc 



334 MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

curred in the market between some of the 
English sepoys and Kam Narrain's horisemen, 
in which several lives were lost The excited 
state of men's minds was such> that this trifling 
dispute had nearly been attended with the most 
serious consequences. Apprehension of the 
recurrence of such accidents induced Clive to 
move his troops to an island in the Ganges, op- 
posite to his former position. 

Though Meer Jaffier does not Appear to have 
entertained, at this period, the treacherous de- 
signs imputed to him, he continued irresolute, 
until Clive, in a personal conference, succeed^ 
in convincing him that both his honour and his 
interests were concerned in the re-establishment 
of Ram Narrain. Clive has stated what oc- 
curred on this occasion in a letter * to the Court 
of Directors. " The Nabob," he (Aserves in 
this despatch, " applying to me to accommodate 
between him and Ram Narrain, and promising 
that if he would submit himself, his life and 
property should be secure, and his government 
continued to him, I wrote him conformably, 
engaging myself to be security for the Nabol/s 
promise. On receipt of my letter, he imme- 
diately left Patna, and met me the 25th ultimo 
at Hybut-Gunge. It was the 29th hefbte he 
could wait on the Nabob, for want of a lucky 

* Dated Eod^poor, near Patna, 18th February, 1758. 



byGooqlc 



UBHOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 335. 

day, and then I sent Mr. Watts to introduce 
him. The wavering disposition of the Nabob, 
and the ear he gives to evil counsellors, who en- 
deavour to inspire notions into him of our having 
too great an influence in the country, have oc- 
casioned me some trouble in these mediations. 
However, as he perceives in the end that my 
endeavours are entirely directed to his good 
and the public quiet, his jealousies are quickly 
effiiced. The distance between us during the 
march prevented any interview from my leaving 
Rajah-mahul till ,our arrival at Fatna; which 
time was industriously made use of, by the en- 
vious and self-interested, to alienate him £:om 
the English, and induce him to break his pro- 
mise to Ram Narrain. Their artful suggestions 
were too easily admitted ; uid many signs ap> 
peared of coolness towards us, as well as an in- 
tention of giving the province of Bahar to his 
brother Meer Casaim Ali Khan. Having occa- 
sion, however, to wait on the Nabob the 14th 
instant, to congratulate him on his entry into 
Fatna, I represented to him the impossibility of 
retracting the promise he had made through me 
to Rfun Narnun ; and intimated, as well as the 
nicety of the subject would bear, the advantage 
of trusting the government to a person of his 
moderate and peaceable disposition, rather than 
putting it into imprudent, and at the same time 



byGooqlc 



SSb MBMOIB5 OP LORD CLIVE. 

dangerous, hands. My discourse had weight, 
and Ram Nairain was confirmed." 

In a private letter, writteo the day after this 
despatch, to his friend Mr. Figot, Clive gives a 
forcible description of the actual condition of 
ati&irs at Meer Jaffier*s court, and of his own 
situation at this period. He observes, " The 
Nabob's conduct is weak beyond, conception ; 
and you may be assured, whenever we are want- 
ing in a force to overawe and protect him, ruin 
will ensue. You cannot imagine the trouble I 
have had these three weeks past, in our march 
to this place -, and, since his arrival, he has been 
wanting to make his brother, who is a greater 
fool than himself Nabob ofBahar, in prejudice 
of Ram Narrain, a Gentop, univeraally beloved 
and respected, and that in breach of his -pro- 
mises to me, whom he desired to write to him to 
engage him to come down and pay his respects. 
Notoneofhis rajahs. would come toortreatwith 
him, without letters of assurance from me. His 
Prime Minister, Roy Dollub, who has more than 
half the army under his command, is entirely in 
our interests, as Is Ram Narrain and all Bahar } 
so that, in ^te of his, folly. We can oblige him 
to act fof his own interest and that of the 
Company. , 

" TJioagh thfere is nothing I so earnestly 
wish for as returning to the coast, that I may 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 33? 

have a good plea for quitting the service entirely, 
yet I have set my heart so much upon a happy 
conclusion of the Moorshedabad expedition, that 
I am determined to stay in Bengal another year, 
if no hews from England prevents it ; for there 
is such a connection between the Nabob, my- 
self, and his great men, that I greatly fear my 
absence would throw all into confusion, and 
there would be an end of the remaining part of 
the debt and of the fortifications. Whereas, by 
staying till this time twelve months, two thirds 
(rf the debt will be paid, and the fortifications in 
great forwardness. Besides, so large a sum has 
been advanced by the Company to the navy and 
army, I think myself bound to see the major 
part of it repaid by the Nabob. By that time 
eighteen of the twenty will be received. 

" I hope my good friend will acquit .me of 
the crime of vanity in expressing my apprehen- 
sion of the evil consequences of quitting Bengal 
at this juncture. These foolish people ground 
their opinions and confidence in one man's 
abilities alone. Before we took the field, it was 
with the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed 
upon to issue out of his treasury 10,000 rupees ; 
and since my joining him he has already paid 
twenty-five lacs, and given security for the pay- 
ment of ten more," 
Clive's n^otiations with the Nabob were finally 

VOL. 1. Z 



byGOOQJC 



£(38 MEMOIRS OF LOHD CLITK. 

attended with all the succeis Uiat such a court 
and ao weak a character allowed. A simply of 
money was procured for the extraordinary ex- 
penses of the army } the perwannah, or grant of 
lands yielded to the Company, was passed in all 
its forms ; ordra^ vrete issued for the immediate 
discbuge of all arrears on the Erst six months 
of the Nabob's debt, and the revenues of Burd- 
wan, Nuddea, and Hooghley assigned over for 
payment of the rest ; " so that," says Clive, 
writing ' to the Court of Directors, ** the dia» 
charge of the debt is now become independent 
of the Nabob, which precaution is become abso- 
lutely necessary, as his calls for money are 
greater than he can answer. Nothing but a 
total revolution in the government can well in- 
terrupt your payments." These matters being 
settled to his satisfacUMi, be had accompanied 
the Nabob, at his urgent request to Fatna, that 
by his presence he might assist him in settling 
that province, and by showing himself on the 
frontier along with the Nabob, and his numerous 
army, he might at once awe all foreign enemies, 
and hast^i down the Sunnud in favour of the 
Nabob, from Delhi. " All domestic troubles," 
he adds in the same letter, " are now happily 
ended ; and the Nabob seems so weU iixed in his 
government, as to be able, with a small degree 

• 1 8th February, 1758. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 339 

of prudence, to maintain hima^ quietly in it 
For ouiwlves, we have been so fortunate' in 
these txansactiona as to attach to us the most 
coDsida^ble persons in the kingdom; and, by 
the constancy with which we Successively sup- 
ported Rajah Ram, Roy Dullub, and Ram Nar- 
rain, to acquire the general confidence, and make 
our friendship be s(dicited on all sides. On the 
whole, we may pronounce, that this expedition, 
without bloodshed, has been crowned with all the 
advantages that could be expected or wished, 
both to the Nabob and the Company." 

Clive, nevertheless, saw every mom^it more 
and more the necessity of the English perma- 
nently enumcipating themselves from depeodence 
upon their native allies. The Select Committee 
at Fort William, alarmed lest the French should 
make an attempt on Calcutta, wished him to apply 
to the Nabob to send a lai^ f<»x:e to Hooghley, 
to act in co-operation with them in the evait of 
an attack. The reply from CUve, and Mr, 
Watts, who was associated with him in h^ 
civil and political duties, while it exposes the 
impolicy of such an application, shows their 
opinion regarding the little reliance that could 
be placed on the ^endship of Meer Jaffier, how- 
ever recent and great his obligation to the 
English. 

z 2 



byGooqlc 



340 MEUOIRB OF LORD CLIVB, 

. " We cannot," they observe*, "avoid dif- 
fering greatly in opinion from you, gentlemen, 
on the subject of requesting the Nabob to have 
a large force down at Hooghley, to be ready foe 
assistance against our enemies the French. Such 
a publication of our fear and weakness would, 
■we think, be a step the most impolitic and most 
prejudicial to the Company's interest that could 
possibly be taken. Meer Jaffier (according to 
the practice of all Mussulmen) has long since 
forgot the services rendered him by the English, 
and looks upon them as encroachers upon his 
power, reputation, and authority. It is now 
some months, gentlemen, that we have been 
fully convinced that the Nabob has looked upon 
the English with an envious eye, and that he is 
influenced by bis fears only to do them justice. 

*' The consequence of our application to the 
Nabob would occasion a great coolness in his 
behaviour towards us, and a refusal to fiilfil the 
rest of his treaty ; neither does this prospect c£ 
dangei* appear to us so near as to oblige iis 
to make known our apprehensions to the whole 
province." 

The same feeling of the necessity of the Pre- 
sidency of Bengal providing for its own security, 
led Clive at this period to express to the Select 
Committee at Fort William his pointed disap> 
•ethMardi, 1758. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 341 

probation of their delays in repairing their for- 
tifications. 

" I cannot conclude," he observes in a letter* 
Written the day he left Patna, " without repre- 
senting to you, gentlemen, in the strongest 
terms, the great stake the Company have in 
Bengal, and how much that stake is exposed fot 
want of a fortification. It gives me concern, be- 
yond what I can express, to hear from all bands 
that the works go on very slowly. At a time 
like this, no private workmen should be jdlowed,' 
but all employed for the public service j and if 
the want of hands arise only from the want of a 
few pice t more, I think such a saving does not 
merit one moment's consideration, or that such 
economy can meet with the CoDipanj'*s appro- 
bation at this juncture. Be assured, gentlemen, 
if Calcutta be left defenceless through any neg- 
lect of ours, and should fail into the hands of 
our enemies a second time, we shall entail upon 
ourselves a censure never to be effiiced." 

Clive obtained, before he quitted Patna, a 
monopoly of the saltpetre of tluit province for 
the Company. This grant was, in every re- 
spect, very advantageous to the English ; and 
no less so to the Nabob, who received as much 
revenue, and more certain payment, than he had 

• I2th Janoary, 1758. 
f A Binall copper coin, forty to a rupee. 
z 3 



byGooqlc 



S42 BCEHOIBS OF LORD CLIVI. 

dooie before. The a£Bcers of Meer Jaffier were, 
however, discontented with an arrangement by 
which they lost the bribes and presents which 
they formerly received Irom the contractors for 
that article. After this and other matters were 
settled, Clive proceeded to Moorshedabad, ac- 
companied by Roy Dullub, with whom he had to 
adjust many points connected with the full per- 
formance of the treaty. 

The object c^ Clive, throughout this short 
expedition to Fatna, was to reconcile, as &i m 
he OHiId, the jarring interests which distracted 
the court o£ Meer JafBer, and threatened to 
disturb the peace of- the country. His honour, 
and the public inter^ts, strongly attached him 
to the Nabob; though, M the same time, it was 
not only politic, but indispensably necessary, to 
keep the power of that prince within limits. He 
fdt himself especially bound to protect Roy Dul- 
lub from the enemies by whom he was threat- 
ened. That minister, it will be recollected, v/as 
one of the clmf instruments in effecting the re- 
volution ; and had subsequently received, both 
from Clive and Me^ Jafiier, the fullest assur- 
ances of safety to his life and property. 

Clive, on the expedition to Patna, aod on all 
other occasions, communicated with Meer Jaf- 
fier upon every subject. He often visited him ; 
and giving scope to the natural bent of bis tem- 



byGoot^lc 



MBUOIBS OP LORD CLIVS. 343 

per, entered into his annigenients. But it was 
impossible to reooocile that prince to his condi- 
. tion i wtiich was more huiniiiatiiig from the cir- 
cumstance of his presenting to his countrymen the 
first instance, in Bengal, of the power of a proud 
Mahoramedan sovereign being overshadowed 
by that of a body of merchants, who, hefcwe 
this great change, lutd never appeared at the 
court of his predecessors but as humble suppli- 
cants endeavouring to obtain commercial privi- 
leges. Many of the nobles and genends by whom 
the N^wb was surrounded had be«i, a year or 
two before, cmiited by bribes and flattery to pro- 
tect die persons, or to promote the trade, of the 
T^y English agents on whose pleasure or policy 
their fi»tune and character now depended. To 
add to the strong and rankling feelings which 
such a change must have excited, the Mahom- 
saedan prince and his chiefii found themselves 
deserted by the wary and pliant Hindus, who, 
possesaing gnatei foresight, and expecting secu- 
rity and advancement fi'om the change of mas- 
ters, were ready, on the first alarin of danger to 
their life or property, to seek the protection of 
the English- This the latter were in masay cases 
under the necessily of granting ; fw, from the 
first, they had not intrinsic strength which could 
enable them to cope with those with whom they 
were houiiy exposed to come in collision. They 
Z 4 



byGooqlc 



544) MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

could not have remained in Bengal without the 
means of self-defence ; they could not repel or 
retaliate an attack without counteracting and 
defeating their enemies ; tbey could not retreat 
without ruin, irom the ground to which their 
successes had advanced them ; and they could 
only maintain themselves by forming and im- 
proving their ctmnections in the country. 
Though the cultivation and support of the ties, 
which this course led them to establish, created 
divisions among those whose union would have 
been their destruction, it had at the same time 
the evil of cherishing feuds, rebellions, and re- 
volutions. Supposing those who had lost all 
but the name of authority by our progress had 
been so well satined of our decided superiority 
as to become patient wearers of the degraded 
trappings of state, could they have reconciled 
their proud followers to t^edience and sub- 
mission to those whom they deemed foreign 
upstarts, and whose power became every day 
more galling from the abuses committed by the 
meanest of the natives • of India employed in 
their service, or guarded by their protection ? 
It is not meant, by these observations, to 

* Clive ^atly satr aU the evils that would arise from the 
conduct of the natives employed by the English, and adopted 
every measure he coutd to check the growth of this danger ; 
but this subject will be fully noticed liere^er. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLTVB. 84-5 

question the necessity which compelled our ad- 
vance to power in Bengal. There was no alter- 
native between its attainment and abandoning 
that country altogether ; but while we do justice 
to ourselves, we should not be unjust to those 
who opposed us by intrigue or in battle. We 
should, at all events, judge them- according to 
their habits, their knowledge, and the feelings 
and opinions of the community to which they 
belonged. Alarm for their lives, hatred and dis- 
trust of each other, or the lust of power, might 
make them confederate with us for the purpose 
of the moment To this they might also be 
induced by that arrogant confidence, which Is 
ever the concomitant of ignorance. They might 
hope to direct or command those with whom 
they had combined to destroy their enemies. 
But when this dream of self-delusion was dis- 
pelled, when they found that they themselves 
had been made the instruments of subverting 
the dominion of the rsce to which they be- 
longed, and that their power was now controlled 
by the very persons by whom it had been so 
recently established, — it became natural for 
them, and for all whose &me and fortune were 
associated with them, to' seek, through every 
means, emancipation from such humiliating 
thraldom. I have expressed my sentiments very 
strongly upon this subject^ and may be con- 



by GooqIc 



346 MCMOIIU Ot LORD CLTTE. 

denmed hy those ^o, alike regardless of usage 
and of feeiiDg, are guided in their judgment of 
every pubUc and private act by partial princi- 
ples, and by a local and limited scale of moral 
rectitude ; but I shall appeal from such a de- 
cision to all who, true to the feelings and affec- 
tions which are implanted in every breast, cherish 
attachment to their Jamily, their tribe, and thdr 
country. I ask of these, what would have beoi 
their conduct, if placed in the depressed and 
degraded condition t^ Meer JaflSer, his kindred, 
his nobles, and their followers ? 

Clive was fully sensible of the character of 
^e motives hy which the latter were influenced. 
He saw and felt for thdr condition, uul im- 
puted their intrigues and conspirades, leas to 
their personal characters than to the general 
causes to which I have aJluded. He did not, 
therefore, expect any sudden change in their 
sentiments ; bnt he tried, by eveiy act in his 
power, to render that control which it was ne- 
cessary to exercise less irksome. His conduct; 
however, had otlen the edect of lowering those 
he desired to exalt ; for it brought his actions 
into strong oontrast with Ihe weak machinations 
of men, who could neither conceal their jealou^ 
of his power, nor their own inability to cope 
with his superior mind. 

The natives of BengiU, as yet ignorant of the 



byGooqlc 



MEraiDIBfi OF UOKD OLTVE. 847 

construction of the English government:, ascribed 
every thing to Clive. They considered him as 
the exclusive author of the success which had 
attended the English arms; and with his life 
many expected it to terminate. The existence 
of such sentiments gave prohabillty to the re- 
ports of plots sMd to have been formed, both at 
MoorshedfUiad and at Fatna, fix his assassin- 
ation ; and be was warned of them by persons 
who deemed their information authentic But 
he does not appear to have given such warnings 
any attention. He continued Readily to pursue 
his olgectcrf'st^ortiog the Nabob be had raised 
to the throne, while at the sametime he took 
every measure to save the interests of his coun- 
try from the dangers to which they were ex- 
posed iirom the vacillating weakness, or the 
excited feelings, of that prince. 

When Clive arrived at Moorshedabad with 
Roy DtiUub, he found the Nabob's son Meeran 
in a state of great irritation, at^ the restoration 
of that Hindu influence, which it was the real 
though concealed object of MJeer Jaflier's expe- 
dition to Patna to ^destroy. The disposition of 
this young man, as far as it had yet developed 
itself, was sanguinary and rE^iacious.: He was, 
as has been related, the cause of Suraj-u-Dow- 
lah's being put to death : and this act, with the 
more recent assaastnation of the son of that 



byGooqlc 



348 UEMOIBS OF LOED CUVCl 

~ Prince, and the imprisonment of his mother* 

liad made him unpopular with the more peaces 
able part of his father's subjects, particularly the 
Hindus, Vfho dreaded his cruelty and violaice* 
But the Mahommedan chiefs and soldiers, whose 
pride had been wounded, and who were checked 
in their licentious habits, hailed these qualities, 
which, combined with Meeran*s known jealousy 
and hatred of the En^ish, gave them hopes of 
recovering, through his means, their lost in- 
fluence and power. 

' Meeran had entered warmly into his Other's 
feelings of jealousy of the rising consequence of 
Clive, increased as it had been by his success in 
quelling, through the influence of his personal 
character, the three rebellions which lately threat- 
ened the state ; bnt the chief sul^ects of irritation 
were his open protection of Roy Dullub, and his 
travelling with that minister to Moorshedabad. 
The Prince felt, or affected to feel, alarmed at 
their approach : he commenced levying troops, 
and declared to Mr. Scraflton, that unless Clive 
gave him a solemn promise of protection, he 
would be compelled to have recourse to arms, to 
avert the danger with which his life was threat** 
ened by the hostility of Roy DuHub. He not 
only made these sentiments public, but went out 
of the city in apparent alarm as Clive entered 
it. Clive, who had received a private letter 



byGOOQJC 



MEH0IB8 OF LORD CLTVTS, 349 

from Mr. Scrafton * informing him of Meeran'i 
conduct, was not prepared for this step, which 
threw Mborshedabad into the utmost constern- 
ation. To this was added the receipt of intel- 
ligence of a Frendi squadron on the coast of 
Coromandel, and of the superiority which that 
nation had acquired in land forces. To coun- 

• Mr. ScraftDn, in his private letter, under data ISti^ 
May, 1758, obaerves, " In the moraingi early, I was in- 
formed the young Nabob's troops were ready for a march, 
and presently Petrus came to me and told me the Nabob had 
got his cannon loaded and his troops ready. I sent him tO 
know the cause. The Nabob, when he had diemisaed hifl 
serrants, put on a face of importance, and Petrus asked him 
what all these preparations were for. He said Roy Dullub 
was not true to him, and that he was afraid of Sabut Jung ; 
that if Sabut Jung would tend him his promise and &ith to 
attempt nothing against him, it was well ; if not, he would 
leave the city with those who were faithfiil to him, and go 
to his father ; and, if any body offered to stop him, be would 
fight his way. That Roy DoUub had brought down a relation 
of Sunder Sing's, who had wrote to an officer in hia service 
to offer his oath of fidelity to Cunjoo Beharry, which he had 
actually given. In short, he gave to understand that Roy 
Dullub was his enemy, and if you did not give him some 
security one of Aem must fall. I intend to go to him in the 
evening, and set his brain right if I can. He, has enter- 
tained some Tellingays (about fifty) that are come via Bal- 
lasore. Either he shams, and has orders sent him by 
Goolam Hassen Khan and Monickdiund, who arrived yes- 
terday, to attempt Roy Dullub's life, or his fean have got 
the better of his bloekhead-»hip. The old Begum sent for 
Petrus and fell a blubbermg, saying that she had but that 
son, and could not spare liim." 



byGooqlc 



350 MBUOIBa OF LORD CLITB. 

teract the bad impressions which such news 
might make at so critif:al a moment, Clive ex- 
aggerated a slight naval success whidi had been 
obtained by the English into a complete victory.* 
He also wrote to tiie Nabob on the same 
day, complaining of the strange behaviour of 
Meeran, and stating that he could not continue 
in Bengal, if his zeal to support him was to be 
rewarded with suspicion and distrust. But be- 
fore an answer was received, the Prince, per- 
suaded of his error, had returned to the city, 
and made the most submissive apologies for his 
conduct. 

Clive remained only a few days at Moorshe- 
dabad. Soon after his furival at Calcutta, a 
vessel t from England brought out the arrange- 
ments made by the Directors subsequently to 
their receiving the intelligence of their misfor- 
tunes in Bengal. The first measure, adopted in 
August, 1757. was the appointment of a tem- 
porary Committee of five, in which Clive was to 
preside. This was changed in November ; and 
it was resolved to dismiss Mr. Drake, upon whose 
incompetency all appear to have been agreed j 
and a council of ten was nominated, the four 

* In the iodecisive actioD between Sir G. Pocock and 
M. D'Ach6, oDe <^ the enemjp's veSBelB was strutded. It 
was reported at MoorBhedabad thu two were takai. 

f TheHardwickc ladiaman. 



byGOOQJC 



MEUtaBS OS LCmO CUVE. SSt 

flentor members o£ Tbich were to ineside jkUer- 
nately, each for three months. In this seccmd 
jurangement no mention whatever was made of 
Clive ; and as the letter of August did not reach 
Bengal before that of November, he received 
at the same moment the account of bis first ap- 
pointment, and of the subsequent marked negiect 
of the Directors. But their last resolution was 
of little consequence, as circumstances rendered 
its ^Eecution impossible, except at the serious 
hazard of all the great advantages which had 
been obtain^ This sentiment was universal ; 
but by none was it felt so strongly as by the 
gentlemen appointed to the Couocil, and above 
all by those who were advanced by the Court of 
Directors to a share in the divided office of 
Governor. I shall spare the reader all coot- 
ments upon this extraordinary expedioit, which 
was no doubt the crude ofispring of Action 
and mistrust. It is a more pleasing task to re- 
cord the better feeling and better und^standing 
of the true interests <^ their country which per* 
vaded the councils of the local government. 

I am induced to insert the following letter to 
Clive from the new Council, not more from its 
containing an excellent summary of the reasons 
which led them to request he would till the 
station of their President, than because I deem 



byGOOQJC 



353 HEMOIRS or LOKD CLIVB. 

it alike honourable to their zeal and disinterested- 
ness. 

" Sir, 
" Our most serious attention has been de- 
voted to the commands of our honourable em- 
ployers per Hardwicke, naming a rotation of 
Governors for the future management of their 
affairs at this settlement j and, having, duly 
weighed the nature of this regulation with all its 
attending circumstances, a sincere conviction of 
its being, in our present situation and circum- 
stances, repugnant to the true interest of our 
honourable masters, and the welfere of the set- 
tlement in general, obliges us (though with the 
utmost respect and deference) to believe, that 
had our employers been apprised of the present 
state of their affairs in this kingdom, they would 
have placed the presidentship in some one per- 
son, as the clearest and easiest method of con- 
ducting their concerns, as well as preserving 
. and maintaining the weight and influence the 
late happy revolution has given us with the 
Soubah of these provinces ; on which influence, 
at the present period, the interest and welfare 
of the Company depends in the highest degree 
at this settlement. 

" The difficulties we may be liable to by a 
rotation in the executive part of government* 
with its consequences, are sufficiently obvious in 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS or LORD CLtVS. 353) 

OUT preaent state of a^irs ; we will, howeverj 

mention only a few points : the treaty with the 
Nabob not perfected in all its branches, the 
possession of the lands incomplete, the settle- 
ment in no posture of- defence, the Piench con- 
siderably reinforced with a milit^ and a fleet, 
their designs with respect to Bengal hitherto un- 
known, and the impossibihty of impressing a 
proper idea of this divided power on the minds 
(^ the Sonbah and others of this kingdom, who 
have, at alt time^ been accustomed to the ~ go- 
vemment of a single person. A little reflection 
will introduce many more, and clearly evince 
the necessity of this address. 

" The gentlemen nominated Governors in 
the Honourable Company's commands per 
Hardwicke, have the highest sense of gratitude 
for the honour conferred on them by onr em- 
ployers in their appointment i but deem them- 
selves in duty bound, at this juncture of a£&irs, 
to wave all personal honours and advantages, 
and declare, as their sentiments, that a rotation 
in the executive part of Government, for the 
foregoing reasons, would be extremely preju- 
dicial to the real interest of the Company ; in 
which opinion we unanimously concur, and judge 
it for the welfare of' our honourable employers, 
and of the settlement in general, to deviate in 



byGooqlc 



8S4> HEUOIBS OV LORD CLITB. 

this instance from the commands of our hon- 
ourable masters, and fix the presidentship in 
a single person till we he^ Hirther from 
Europe. 

** Your being named as head of the General 
Committee (in the letter of the 3d of August 
last) established at that time for conducting the 
Company's affairs in Bengal, your eminent ser- 
vices, abilities, and merit, together with your 
superior weight and influence with the present 
Soubah and his officers, are motives which have 
great force with us on this occasion ; and all 
concur in pointing out you, at the present, as 
best able to render our honourable employers 
necessary service at this juncture, till they shall 
make their further pleasure known by the ap- 
pointment of a President for their ati&irs here. 

'• These reasons urge us to make you an ofler 
of being President of the Company's af&irs in 
Bengal, till a person is appointed by the Hon- 
ourable Company ; and we flatter ourselves you 
will be induced to accept of our oflfer, from your 
wonted regard to the interest of our honourable 
employers, and-aeal for the welfare of their s£- 
fiiirs, which we doubt not you are, as well as 
ourselves, convinced will be much prejudiced 
by a rotation in the executive part of govern- 
ment 



byGooqlc 



mMOinS OF LORD CLIVE. 8SS 

" We wait your reply, and hive the honour 
to be, 

" Sir, 
'* Your most obedient, 

** and moat humble servants. 
« Fort Waiiara, 
" 26lh June, 1758." 

Clive appears to have been so much hurt by 
the conduct of the Court of Directors, that be 
had determined not to accept the station offered 
him. Mr. Watts, whose name was first upon 
the list of the Rotation-governmait (as it was 
termed) wrote him a private letter, in which he 
entreated him, by every consideration for the 
public interests, not to refuse his services at so 
critical a period. His answer to this letter is 
remarkable, as it shows the feelings under which 
he acted. 

" I have considered *,** he states, " what you 
proposed to me, and judge myself under a neces- 
sity of declining the Government. Both the 
public and my private advices, I think, plainly 
discover that the Presidency of Bet^l was by 
no means intended for me by the Court of Direc- 
tors ; and a temporary acceptance can only ex- 

* The date of Clive'g private letter to Mr. Watts ia the 
32d June, four daya previous to the date of the above public 
letter and of his answer to it, in which he accepted the go- 
Temment 



byGooqlc 



356 HEHOIBS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

pose me, upon the further alteratiotis which may 
arrive from Europe) to circumstances of disgrace 
in the eyes of the Country Government, whicli, I 
believe it is unnecessary for me to remark, might 
be prejudicial to the Company's aifeirs. At the 
same time I cannot sufficiently express my sense 
of ^the disinterestedness which you, and the 
gentlemen of the Council have shown in this 
generous offer, and of the honour you have 
thereby conferred on me." 

The representations oi all ranks and parties, 
and the conviction of the truth of the grounds 
on which they were founded, led CUve to altCT 
this resolution, and to write the following letter 
to the Council. 

** Gentlemen, 
" I have received your letter of this day's 
date, and cannot sufficiently express the grat^ul 
sense I have of the favourable opinion you are 
pleased to entertain of me, which has induced 
you to desire my acceptance of the Presidency 
at this critical juncture. 

, " Though I think I have cause to be dis- 
satisfied with the Court erf Directors, for laying 
me aside in their new form of Government, 
without any reason assigned, afler having named 
me as head of the General Committee in the 
letter of the Sd of August last, yet, animated by 



byGooqlc 



BIEH0IR8 OF LORD CLIVE. 95J 

the noble example of public spirit which yoft 
have set me, I have determined to wave all 
private considerations, where the general good 
is concerned ; and as there is no doubt but the 
government of a single person, involved as we are 
now with the country powers, must have in6nite 
advantage over that complicated form of govern- 
ment established irom home, I shall, from that 
motive (though both my health and private con- 
cerns strongly require my returning to Europe), 
accept the offer you have done me the honour to 
make me, tiU such time as our employers have 
appointed a President in the usual form. 

" I cannot omit testifying my acknowledg- 
ments, Gentlemen, to you all in general, for the 
zeal you have discovered for the service of our 
masters upon this occasion ; but in particular to 
you who have been nominated to be in the rota. 
tion of governors. ^You have made such a 
sacrifice, that few, if any instances can be given 
of the like. You have, of your own accord, 
parted with the dignity of government, and all 
the advantages thereunto annexed, because you 
apprehend that the Company's affiiirs could not 
be properly conducted under a government so 
constituted. 

" Unequal as I am to the weighty task of 
directing this Presidency, especially in civil 
matters, to which I have never been able to give 

A A 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



358 HSMoms op lord clive. 

due attention, on account of my military avoca^' 
tions, I am now. Gentlemen, to b^ the a»- 
sistance of your advice, and therefore hope you 
will persevere in the zeal you have hitherto so 
abundantly shown, and that none of you, but 
more particularly Mr. Watta, who can render me 
considerable services from his thorough know- 
ledge of the politics of the countiy, will enter- 
tain a diought of leaving me, till affiurs are 
finally determined from home. 
" I am, Gentlemen, 
' " Your most obedient, humble Servant, 

(Signed) " R. Clive. 

" Calcutta 
" June 26th, 17S8." 

Clive states that he was in a' great degree 
induced to change his first resolution, by the 
tenor of a letter firom Mr. Payne, the Chairman 
of the Court of Directors, Which satisfied him 
that, notwithstanding what had occurred, there 
was a strong feeling, in sdftie of that body, as well 
as the principal members of the administration in 
England, to treat him with favour and distinction. 

" I have a perfect sense *," Mr. Payne states, 
" of the many disagreeable circumstances that 
may have attended the several expeditions of 
this year, wherein you have had so great a 

* Nov. 11. 1757. 



byGoot^lc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CUVE. SSQ 

share ; nor can any one have felt more experi- 
mentally tiian myself the difficulty of pleasing 
every one, with the most disinterested conduct 
and the warmest pursuits for that purpose ; nor 
have I been wanting in reflections on the many 
mortifications you may have met with, &om the 
jealousy that the almost unlimited powers you 
were vested with by the Select Committee at 
Fort St GeOTge gave rise to. I must confess, I 
should think them dangerous, in other huids 
than yours, and such as, I really think, our 
Court of Directors could scarce have been jus- 
tified in giving to any one person whatever. 
Had the powers been more limited, I think you 
could not have had it less in your power to show 
and exercise your readiness and abiUtles in serv- 
ing the Company, which I am persuaded you 
have done without mean or selfish views." 

The Chairman, after noticing in this commu- 
nication the difficulty the Court of Directors 
have had in framing a temporary arrangement 
for Bengal, and expressing a hope that the ex- 
pedient they had fallen upon would answer better 
than was expected, states their intention of 
adopting every means to add to their military 
force. 

" After being disappointed," he observes, " in 
various attempts for raising recruits in Germany, 
Ireland, Scotland, and England, His Majesty 
A A 4 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



360 UEM0IR8 OF LORD CUVE.' 

has been pleased to order us a battalion of about 
one thousand men out of the new regiments. 
Mr. Pitt was the first to propose the measure to 
His Majesty. Upon his mentioning it the next 
-day to me, I took the liberty of su^^sting.to 
him the many difficulties and evils we had. been 
exposed to, during the stay of Colonel Adler- 
cron's regiment, in instances which I certainly 
need not point out to you. He stopt me very, 
short, by saying, he would forestall me in regard 
to any apprehensions I might have by the clash- 
ing of diiFerent commands ; as it was hie inten- 
tion the troops should be under Colonel Lawrence 
and your command." 

Mr. Payne also informed Clive in this letter, 
that Mr. Pitt and Lord Barringtcm had hinted a 
desire to send Clive a CcJonel's commission; 
but that, while be had expressed thankfulness 
for this intended mark of &vour, he had sug- 
gested the name of Colonel Lawrence also. " I 
could not be unmindful," he adds, " of your 
most genteel and disinterested conduct on a 
former occasion in England, in regard to that 
mark * of the Company's respect for you, which 
you rather declined and were unwilling to accept 
of, without Colonel Lawrence sharing with you. 

* I'his probably alludes to the diamond-hllted award 
which the Court of Directors voted Clive for his services in 
the Camatic 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLITE. S6l 

I ani well persuaded you will continue to act 
and think upon the same generous principles ; 
and that you must be so sensible of that gentle- 
man's good services, and the need the Company 
still have' of the continuance of them, that you 
will be &T from looking with a jealous eye on the 
mention I have made to those Honourable Gen- 
tlemen of my apprehension of our being entirely 
deprived of the Colonel's future services, if he 
should be taken no notice of, though he was 
not immediately concerned in the late'actions, 
which had particularly attracted His Majesty's 
attention in regard to yourself." 

Mr. Payne further informed Clive that the 
Duke of Newcastle had written to the Court of 
Directors, regarding the propriety of conferring 
upon him a distinguished ' mark of the royal 
fiivour ; but, as this was unaccompanied by any 
suggestion of a similar honour being intended 
for Admiral Watson, he thought it would" em- 
ban*ass the ' Directors ; and he had, therefore, 
with the Duke's concurrence, withheld the com- 
munication. He expressed his confidence that 
Clive would approve of what he had done ; and, 
at all events, that he would be acquitted of 
having been actuated by any little motive in the 
part he had taken on' that occasion. ** Be as- 
sured. Sir," Mr. Payne concludes, " I shall 
always be as ready to propose as to concur in 



byGooqlc 



36S MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

any measures that may be hereafter thought of 
to do you honour or pleasure ; and tliat it is a 
great one to me to reflect, that your attention to 
the service you are engaged in, by exposing 
your person on so many different occasions, may 
and has been attended not only with the honours 
and laurels that adorn the brow of a conqueror, 
but with some more solid &uits of your labour ; 
which may in some degree compensate for the 
toils that precede victory and success." 

This communication could not but be agree- 
able to Clive; and, in his reply, he expresses 
satisfaction with Mr. Payne's conduct on all 
those points which related to his personal honour 
and preferment. He also states, that a knowledge 
of the favourable sentiments which were enter- 
tained of his conduct by some of the principal 
members of the Court was his chief induce- 
ment for accepting the proffered station of 
President 

The Court of Directors had formed this 
Government of Rotation at a period when they 
could not have anticipated the great changes 
which had taken place in Bengal : that this was 
the case, is proved by the fact of the subsequent 
appointment of Clive to the station of Governor, 
the moment they heard of the battle of Plassey. 
They appear, also, to have recognised the high 
and disinterested motives which induced the 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVX:. SbS 

Council to invite him to be their President ; and, 
though sufficiently alive on such points, we can- 
qot discover from the records, that they ever 
viewed the setting aside of their arrangement on 
this extraordinary and unprecedented occasion 
as a measure that evinced contempt for their 
judgment and authority.* 

* Mr. Mill, when noticing the Councii'a request to Clive, 
obserres, " Cmvinced that he alone had suScient authori^ 
to orercome the Nabob into the perforniance of his obliga- 
tions, the Council (including the four gentlemen who were 
^ipointed governors) came to a resolution hi^y expreudve 
o£ their own disintereatednesB and patriotism, but full of 
disregard and contempt for the judgment and authority of 
their superiorB." — MDl, vol. iii. p. 241' 



byGooqlc 



364 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 



CHAP. VIII. 

Clive's first object, after he accepted the 
Government of Bengal, was to give what aid he 
could to Fort St. George. The view he took of 
the dangers of that settlement, and the measures 
he adopted to aiford it relief, are thus described 
by a contemporary historian." 

" No one doubted that Madras would be be- 
sieged, as soon as the monsoon had sent the 
squadrons off the coast, if reinforcements should 
not arrive before. But Chve did not entertain 
the surmise that it could be taken whilst it had 
provisions ; and, as troops were known to be on 
the way from England, if the ships in which 
they were embarked should lose their passage in 
this year, they would probably arrive in the 
first months of the next Nevertheless it was 
necessary, if possible, to alleviate the inequality 
between the English and French force in Coro- 
mandel. 

" But the preference which each of the 
Company's Presidencies was naturally inclined 
to give to its own safety, as the only ground on 

* Orme, vol. ii, p. 363. 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



USUDIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 865 

which the property Mid fortunes of the whole 
community were established, suggested appre- 
hensions that Madras, in the same manner as it 
had been treated by the Presidency of Calcutta, 
would, whatever might be the necessity of Ben- 
gal, detain on their own service whatsoever 
troops might be sent to their assistance; and, 
although little was to be immediately appre- 
hended in Bengal from &e French, yet the 
entire estrangement of the Nabob, and the 
hazard of all that remained due from him, were 
to be expected, if he saw the English force too 
considerably diminished, without the immediate 
power of recall, to oppose either his own at- 
tempts against them, or to afford the assistance 
he might want, whether in the maintenance of 
his authority against his own subjects, or the 
defence of his territory against foreign enemies. 
" In consequence of these conclusions it was 
determined not to send a body of troops to 
Madras, but to employ all that could with pru- 
dence be spared, in concert with Anunderauze, 
against the French in the ceded provinces * ; 
which would either occasion a diversion of their 
troops in the Camatic, or, if -they neglected ihi& 
assistance, would deprive them at once of all 

* The country usually known by the name of the Korthern 
Circars, which had bees ceded by the Soubah Salabut Jun^ 
to the French. 



byGooqlc 



366 MEMOIRS OF LOBD CUTE. 

they had acquired by their long connection with 
the Soubah of the Deckan ; and, lest any danger 
during the expedition should threaten Bengal, 
the troops were only to obey the inunediate 
orders of Calcutta. 

'* The conduct of the expeditloa was com- 
mitted to Lieutenant^CoIonel Forde, who, on the 
invitation of the Presidency to take the ccun- 
mand of the army in case of the departure o£ 
Colonel Clive, had quitted the King's service in 
Adlercron's regiment^ and ^rived from the 
coast in the month of April. Mr. George Grey 
was sent to continue the course of intelligence 
at Cuttack, and Mr. John Johnstone was des- 
patched in the Mermaid sloop to make the 
necessary preparations in concert with Anun- 
derauze at Vizagapatam. The force allotted for 
the expedition was five hundred Europeans, in- 
cluding the artillery men, two thousand sepoys, 
and one hundred lascars : the artiUeiy were six 
field-pieces, the best brass six-pounders, six 
twenty-four-pounders for batteiy, a howitz, and 
an eight-inch mortar : eighty thousand rupees, 
and four thousand gold mohurs, equivalent to 
sixty thousand rupees, were in the military 
chest for immediate expenses. The embark- 
ation was made on three of the Company's 
ships arrived lately firom Europe, on the Thames, 
a private ship of seven hundred tons, with two 



byGOOQJC 



UEUOIBS OF LORD CUVE. SD7 

of the pilot sloops of the river. The Thames, 
likewise, carried a great quantity of provisLons 
intended for Madras, whither she was to pro- 
ceed as soon as the present service would pennlt. 
By altercations in the Council, for the measure 
yras too vigorous to be acceptable to all of 
them, and by delays in the equipment, the 
vessels were detained in the river till the end of 
September. Their departure left the English 
force in the province barely equ^ to what they 
carried away." " 

> A modern writer has noticed Clive's conduct on this 
occasion in less favourable terms : — > 

" Clive," Mr. Mill observes ', " chose to remain in Bengal, 
where he was master, rather than go to Madras, where be 
would be under command ; and determined not to lessen his 
power by sending troops to Madras, which the Presidency, 
copying his example, might forget to send back. An enter- 
prise at the same time presented itself, which, though its 
success would have been Ttiin had the French in the Camstic 
prevailed, bore the ai^arance of a co-operation in tfae 
stru^Ie, and afforded a colour for detdning the troops." 

I conceive no remark is necessary upon the first part of 
this paragraph. Every one acquainted with our condition in 
India at this period must be sensible that Clive's presence 
was comparatively of little consequence at Fort St. George'', 
and that it was essential to the very existence of our power 
in Bengal ; he, therefore, having the option, very properly 
chose to remain where he was most ut^ently required. 

■ VoLiiL p. 247. 

** Mr. HgDt waa goTeraor, and Colonel I^wrencc mromaadtd th* 



byGooqlc 



368 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 

Of the brilliant success which attended the 
expedition under Colonel Forde I shall speak 
hereafter. I shall content myself at present 
with the insertion of extracts from the private 
letters of Clive written at the period of ita 
formation. These, while they show the en- 
larged and just view he took of the state {rf 
affiirs on the coast, will prove that he not only 
gave to that settlement all the aid he had the 
power of giving it, but that he actually left 
Bengal almost without European troops, in order 
to provide for its defence. 

The following are extracts from Clive's letters, 
under different dates, to Mr. Pigot. 

" I cannot quit the coast without explaining 
to you my sentiments of afi^s there. I do 
not find that M. Lally is able to take the field 
with three thousand men. When our expected 
forces arrive, and we are joined with those of 
Madras and Trichinopoly, we shall be two 
thousand five hundred strong ; and I do not . 
think victory so much depends upon equality of 
numbers as conduct and resolution. From the 
several accounts I have received of M. Lally, I 
do not entertain the high opinion of him which 
be seems to have gained upon the coast ; and, 
indeed, his late behaviour has confirmed me 
in this opinion. Captain Monchanin, who is 
here, received a letter from his brother at Paris, 



byGOOQJC 



H£M0IR8 OF LORD CLIVE. 3b9 

informing him of the manner in which these 
troops were raised : they were not draughted 
out of any of the regiments of France, but are 
composed of foreigners and deserters ; these 
latter had a pardon promised them on condition 
of enlisting for the East Indies. Although 
M. Lally is a Colonel on the Irish Brigade, I 
do not find any of ^that corps have come out 
with him. The capture of St. David's ought to 
add nothing to our apprehensions of his suc- 
ceeding in future enterprises, for there was no 
opportunity given of experiencing the courage 
of his troops, excepting the attack of the fascine 
party, which, I think, makes rather in praise of 
our forces than his, since an officer and fifty men 
could defend it from all attempts of the French 
from ten in the evening till three next morning. 
If Colonel Lawrence could, hy any means, draw 
the enemy upon a spot of ground he is well 
acquainted with, and attack them in the manner 
he did at Bawoor, I should entertain great hopes 
of his success. 

" By this time the superiority of our force 
at sea, I take for granted, is beyond dispute, 
and of consequence our resources must be more 
than those of the French. This will be another 
inducement for us to hazard an engagement, 
whenever we can do it with the least proba- 
biUty of success. ' A victory on our side must 

VOL. I. B B 



byGOOQJC 



370 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIV£. 

confine the French within the walls of Pondi- 
cherry; and when that happens, nothing can 
save them from destruction, but a superior force 
at sea, of which I see little probability, notwith- 
standing the report of a third division. 

" If it should be thought that we are not 
strong enough for an offensive war, other mea- 
sures, I think, may be pursued, which will greatly 
distress, if not in the end ruin, our enemies. 
Their great want of money is well known ; 
and every method, which can be thought of, to 
increase their want of it, must greatly conduce 
to overset all their offensive schemes. Can't a 
body of Mahratta or other horse be taken into 
pay, to bum, ravage, and destroy the whole 
country in such a manner as that no revenue 
can be drawn from thence ? Bengal is in itself 
an inexhaustible fund of riches, and you may 
depend upon being supplied with money and 
provisions in abundance. In the mean time, 
what must become of the French if they cannot 
raise money sufficient to pay their forces ? They 
must disband their blacks, and their white ones 
will disband themselves. I find M. Lally is 
gone south. If the King of Tanjore be not 
overawed into a compliance with M. Lall/s 
demands, and give assistance to Captain Caillaud, 
I have such an opinion of that gentleman's 
abilities, and the goodness of his garrison, that I 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIYE. 571 

sincerely believe Uie French will meet witii 
some disgrace before Trichinopoly. 

" You are acquainted with the troubles at 
Golconda, and that the French are drove out of 
Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Chicacole. One 
Bristow, who resided at Cuttack, is gone to 
Vizagapatam at the particular request of the 
Rajah ; and I have received a letter from him, 
desiring assistance in the strongest terms. Two 
trusty agents are gone to Vizaram-Rauze ; and 
if they bring a promising account of aifairs, 
although our effective force does not exceed 
seven hundred Europeans, I propose sending 
into those parts three hundred and fifty Euro- 
peans, and two thousand sepoys, and a train of 
artillery under the command of Colonel Forde. 
This is not mentioned in the Committee's 
letters, because not absolutely determined upon. 
The news from the North may occasion an 
alteration of measures, though at present there 
w the greatest prospect of tranquillity. 

" If this (expedition) only throw the country 
into such confusion, as to prevent our enemies 
collecting any revenues, it will in a great mea- 
sure answer the design and the expense. " " 

" Since my last, the three Europe ships, one 
country, and two sloops, are dropped down to 

• Calcutta, 14th August, 1758. 
D D S 



byGooqlc 



372 MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

Ingillie. The stores are on board, and the troops 
will embark in two or three days, and will, I 
hope, be landed at Vizagapatam, or elsewhere, 
by the last of this month. You must not expect 
that these forces will be ordered to proceed to 
your Presidency. AU here are much alarmed 
at so large a detachment leaving the place, and 
the gentlemen in Council have made great op- 
position to it. The expedition, whilst at a 
distance, did not seem to attract their attention ; 
but now the troops are upon the point of em- 
barking, self-preservation for the present seems 
to possess every breast, without any regard for 
the future, or the good of the service in general ; 
and you may be assured, if I was to propose the 
troops proceeding to Madras, a negative would 
be given by every one but myself. And to tell 
you the truth, the gentlemen here seem fully 
persuaded that the detachments would never be 
returned, should the exigency of affiiirs here re- 
quire it. We shall see what may be effected by 
January, and whether Bussy may not be kept at 
bay, and hia resources of money, &c. be cut off. 
If this can be effected, I think the troops can- 
not be employed more for your advantage, as it 
may prevent his forces from joining M. Lally. 

" You may be persuaded that whilst I pre- 
side the most vigorous measures shall be pur- 
sued, and I think the present expedition a very 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LOED CLIVE. 373 

strong proof of it ; for I will not conceal from 
you, that we are in no condition to receive the 
French, should there be any possibility of their 
paying us a visit during the absence of our 
troops. Our effectives are not two hundred and 
eighty, and those the very scum of the men. 
Our garrison. is drained of stores and ammu- 
nition." • 

" The detachment of King's + troops on the 
Warren will return in the same ship, which will 
sail in a few days for Madras. Not a man shall 
be kept, but you may depend upon every as- 
sistance in our power j and if you can but give 
M. Lally one blow in the field he is ruined. 
You may draw upon us for-what money you 
choose : we have twenty lacs of rupees in the 
treasury, but no bullion : the gold in the Warren 
will be sent you. The Warren and Cuddalore 
sloops will be loaded with provisions." t 

Clive wrote § on the same subject to Colonel 
Lawrence as follows : — 

" Colonel Forde is in the Deckan with a very 
fine detachment of men. The news from thence 
you will receive much fresher by this conveyance 
than I can possibly send you. If we receive 

• Calcutta, ISlh September, 1758. 
\ Two companies of Draper's regiment. 
t Calcutta, 26th December, 1758. 
§ Calcutta, 25th December, 1758. 



byGooqlc 



374 MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

any' supplies from England by the two latter 
ships, I will endeavour to reinforce him with 
one hundred Europeans ; and the whole shall 
have orders to proceed your way, if we are suc- 
cessful there, and bur squadron be arrived upon 
the coast. The detachment of his Majesty's 
64th regiment, which came on the Warren, shall 
be sent you on the same ship, which will sail in 
a few days. Remember, my dear Colonel, that 
if our squadron be superior to that of the French, 
our enemies wilt have no; resources. I think a 
body of Mahratta horse, -well employed, and 
supported by our troops, would make such a 
man as Lally hang himself. You have my most 
ardent wishes for success : I have contributed al 
in my power towards it." 

A proportion of the recruits which had ar- 
rived by the ships of the season were subse- 
quently sent to Madras ; and a judgment may 
be formed of the small militafy: force left in 
Bengal, from the fact that in the month of 
February, on- the province ofPatna being in- 
vaded by the Shah Zada (or heir-apparent of the 
Emperor of Delhi), Clive could only form a 
force of three hundred; European in&ntry, one 
hundted artillery, and two thousand five hundred 
sepoys. With this small body of men, he not 
only marched towards Patna, but while on that 
expedition directed that Colonel Forde should 
proceed to Madras if required. 

D„l,:.cbyG00Qlc 



MEMOIRS OF LIMtD CUVE. 375 

Clive was anxious for many reasons that Meer 
Jaffier should pay him a visit at Calcutta. He 
considered that such an appearance of cordiality 
would be most useful by the impressions it was 
likely to produce both upon friends and enemies. 
This became the more necessary from the state 
of af^irs at Moorshedabad. A packet had been 
intercepted from the French chief * at MasuH- 
patam, by which it appeared that some of the 
Nabob's generals had offered to join him, 
Cojah Wazeed was apparently the principal 
person concerned in this intrigue. This man, 
who was formerly the native agent of the French 
Company, had made himself useful to the En- 
glish during the confederacy against Sur^-u- 
Dowlah ; but disappointment in his expectations, 
or some other cause, had alienated him from our 
interests. 

During' these intrigues the minister. Hoy 
DuUub, was deprived of his employment, and 
disgraced. The first step taken to lower him 
was the appointment of another dewan to the 
Prince Meeran ; and Roy Dullub was com- 
manded to make over to him the accounts of 
several of the countries in his charge. Nund- 
comar, the governor of Hooghley, appears also 
to have been accessary to the disgrace of a mi- 
nister who had, by his success and the wealth 
* M. Moracin. 
B B 4 

D.q,t,:scbyGOC>^lC 



37^ MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

he had acquired, excited as great a spirit of 
envy in his own tribe as of cupidity among the 
Mahommedans. Besides being such an object for 
the rapacity of the Nabob and his son, Roy 
Dullub's professed dependence upon the En- 
glish was a crime not to be forgiven. 

Mr. Watts, who had been deputed to invite 
the Nabob to Calcutta, succeeded in his mission. 
The few obstacles which interposed were easily 
overcome, the proposed meeting being for the 
interest of both parties. Besides, we are as- 
sured by one • who had a full opportunity of 
knowing his most secret sentiments, that Meer 
Jaffier, notwithstanding his jealousy and discon- 
tent with his condition, never could divest him- 
self of a sincere personal regard for Clive. The 
Nabob probably thought, that his compliance 
with this request afforded a good opportunity to 
rid himself of the obnoxious Roy DuUub ; and 
he had no sooner left Moorshedabad, than his 
son Meeran, no doubt 'on a preconcerted plan, 
prepared to attack the minister's house. But 
the resident, Mr. Scrafton, seeing matters come 
to an extremity, marched a company of men to 
his assistance, and took him pubhcly under the 
Company's protection. The accounts of these 
proceedings were sent to Mr. Watts, then with 
the Nabob, who deemed it pobtic to disown the 
• Mr. Scrafton. 



byGopqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVB. 377 

proceedings of liis sod, and consequently could 
not refuse the request of Mr. Watts to allow 
Roy Dullub to accompany them to Calcutta j 
the resident having satisfied him that while the 
English were compelled, by the obligations of 
good faith, to protect the life and honour of a 
man to whom it was pledged, they had no desire 
to impose upon Meer Jaffier the employment of 
a minister to whom he was adverse. 

The Nabob was received at Calcutta with 
every mark erf" honour and respect : great pre- 
sents were given to him, and every thing done 
which could afford him gratification. He ap- 
peared much pleased with his treatment ; and 
Clive expressed himself convinced, that, besides 
the salutary impression in other quarters, the 
best effects had been produced upon Meer Jaf- 
fier's mind by this visit. 

Mr. Scrafton at this period left Moorshedabad, 
and Clive • nominated Mr. Warren Hastings 

* In a letter from Mr. Hastings to Clive, of the 13th 
August, 1758, he observes : — ■ 

" As I look upon >n3'self to be principidly indebted to you 
for my appolntmeDt to this office (of what advantage soever 
it may prove to me with respect to my own particular in- 
terest), I think it mcumbent upon me to make my sincere 
acknowledgments to you, for your &vourable intentiona 
herein ; which I cannot do better than by a constant atten- 
tion to the business entrusted to my charge, and ray earnest 
endeavours to promote the interests of the Company, as far 
as my capacity will enable me ; in which, 1 hope, I shatt 
ttlways have the h^>pinesB to meet with your ^>probBdon.'' 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



378 MEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 

resident at the court of the Nabob ; giving, in 
the selection of this young * but promising civil 
sen-ant, another proof of that discernment 
which enabled him to promote his own fitme, 
and the interests of his country, by the employ- 
ment of men adequate to the task he assigned 
tiiem. It is here, however, to be remarked, 
that no consideration which he gave to those 
under him exempted them &om open, and often 
severe censure, when they deviated from what 
he deemed their duty. His private letters, even 
when addressed to men In official stations, 
though kind, have always the tone of the supe- 
rior ; but though Clive evidently brooked no 
approach to equality in such persons, their let- 
ters evince the greatest confidence in his temper 
and good feeling, for they are often as iiill of 
long and fretful complaints of his own conduct 
towards them as of their reliance on his friend- 
ship. We find this in the correspondence of 
Mr. Watts, by whom he was greatly aided ; and 
it occurs more frequently in that of Mr. Scrat 
ton, who, though personally much attached to 
Clive, seems to have been, at different time% 
very much dissatisfied with the situation in which 
he was placed. 

* Mr. Hastings cotdd not have been above twenty.five 
years of age when appointed to tim arduous and responsible 
situation. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIBS OF LORD CLIV£. 379: 

The first affair in which Mr. Hastings became 
engaged was of a very delicate nature. Roy 
Dullub's family were refused leave to foUow him 
to Calcutta, where he had remained after the 
Nabob left it. Mr. Hastings had hesitated how 
to act on this occasion, conceiving that the re- 
moval of his family, and their property, could 
not be effected with the same just pretence for 
interference as that which had obtained for 
Roy Dullub himself liberty to leave Moorsheda- 
bad. 

Clive, in answer to this and other letters upon 
the same subject, observes, " Your apprehen- 
sion of matters coming to extremities in case a 
guard be sent to bring away Roy Dullub's family 
is founded on reason. I never intended you 
should use force, but merely furnish them with 
a party of sepoys to escort them down to 
Calcutta. You are not acquainted with the 
connections between Roy Dullub and the En- 
glish, and that they are bound not only to 
protect him but his fiunily also. You may re- 
monstrate with decency, as often as opportunity 
offers, that it is unjust to keep the mother and 
daughter from him. As for his brothers, it is 
not worth interfering about them. In short, I 
would have you act upon all occasions so as to 
avoid coming to extremities, and at the same 
time show as much spirit and resolution as 



byGOOQJC 



380 MEMOIRS OF LORD CUTE. 

wilt convince the durbar that we always have it 
in our power to make ourselves respected." 

The determined conduct of Clive alarmed the 
Nabob into an abandonment of the plunder of 
Roy Dullub's family, who were afterwards al- 
lowed to join him ; but Cajah Haddee and Cos- 
am Ali Khan, two Mahommedan leaders, who 
were supposed to be attached to the ex-minister, 
were dismissed, and afterwards cut off. They 
were charged with real or pretended plots 
against the Nabob's life " ; and, in the hope of 
inducing the English government to abandon 
the protection of Roy Dullub, Meer JafBer in- 
formed Mr. Hastings that Clive and that minis- 
ter were both said to have written to Cajah 
Haddee, to encourage him to the act of assas- 
^nation. He also stated, that he had intercepted 
a letter from Roy Dullub to Cajah Haddee, 
to the following purport: — " That he had sent 
him a lac of rupees by Meer AUee, to forward 
liie design then in hand ; and advised him to 

• Mr. Hastings, in a letter to Clive of the 18th Septem- 
ber, reports the suspicious circumstances that led to the 
dismission of Cajah Haddee, who was accused of having 
armed his followers with an intention of murdering the Na- 
bob when he went on a visit to his son. This accusation was 
probably &lBe. and invented, as the ground of the &cdtious 
plot, before alluded to, against Meer Jaffier's life, said to be 
formed by Roy Dullub, with the knowledge and approbation 
of Clive. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLITE. 381 

take the present occasion to put it into execu- 
tion i that both Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton had 
consented to the enterprise; and that he (Roy 
Dullub) had engaged to be responsible for your 
tunkaws." • 

Clive appears to have been little pleased with 
the degree of attention paid by Mr. Hastings to 
this intrigue. " You have not yet t," he observes 
in reply, " been long enough at the durbar to 
make yourself acquainted with the dark designs 
of these Mussulmen. The moment I perused 
your letter I could perceive a design in the 
Nabob, and those about him, against Roy Dul- 
lub ; and you may be sure what is alleged 
against him, and of his letter to Cajah Haddee, 
is a forgery from beginning to end. Roy Dul- 
lub is not such a fool as to give any thing under 
his own hand ; his cautious behaviour, previous to 
the affitir of Plassey, is a convincing proof of it. 
Besides, let his inclinations be what they will, 
he knows my attachment to the Nabob to be so 
firmly ^xed, that he would never dare to intrigue 
against him, well knowing his life and fortune 
are in my power. How easy is it to counterfeit 
hands and seals.in this country ; and the Moors, 
in general, are villains enough to undertake any 

* Tunkaws are the orders upon the revenue of the 
couDtrv. 
, f 6th October, I7S8. 



byGooqlc 



882 .MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

thing which may benefit themselves at another's 
expense. In short, the whole of the scheme is 
to exasperate me so much against Roy Dullub 
that the Nabob may have the plucking of ail his 
money. The withdrawing of our protection 
from a man to whom it has been once promised 
would entail disgrace and infamy on the English 
nation. 

" I cannot avoid entertaining the strongest 
resentment against the Nabob, if what you write 
about Cajah Haddee be true. The man who 
dared to accuse me of entering into schemes of 
assassination ought to have been punished upon 
the spot. After the treatment he received at 
Calcutta, he must have known that the English 
are endowed with sentiments of conscience and 
honour, which the Moors are strangers to ; and 
I must desire you will inform him, that if he 
gives ear to such things as these, there will soon 
be an end to all confidence and friendship be- 
tween us." 

The future inquiries of Mr. Hastings left no 
doubt that the letter said to be from Roy Dullub 
to Cajah Haddee was a febrication • contrived 

* The Nabob gave a copy of this letter to Mr. Hastings, 

to forward to Clive. Its purport waa as follows : — 

" Your acceptable letter I have received ; the pvirport of 
it I have duly attended to. You write that the sepoys are 
all unanimous in this affair, which I am very g-lad of. At 
present, it is your business to put in immediate execution 



byGOOQJC 



HEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 388 

to injure that person with the English, and to 
afford a pretext for plundering or destroying all 
at Moorshedabad who were connected with, or 
attached to, the ex-minister. 

The Nabob evinced the greatest anxiety to 
justify himself to Clive, for his conduct on this 
occasion ; and as the unwearied object of the 
latter was to conciliate Meer Jaffier, and inspire 



the affair jq which you are engaged. I will be with you in 
time i with regard to the expenses, I have wrote to Meer 
Allee, who will supply you. 

" I have talked with Sayeed Cosgim Ali Khan as far at 
neceB»ary, and half engaged his consent. As you judge 
most effectual, do you bring him entirely over to our design. 
What was agreed upon between US| you may be assured, 
shall be fully complied with : of this you may rest perfectly 
satisfied. By the means of Mr. Watts and Mr. Scraftoa I 
have communicated the whole a^ir to Sabut Jung, and 
have gained his concurrence in it. Sabut Jung's tunkaw 
money, and the sepoys' arrears, I have taken upon myself. 

" Let these particulars entirely satisfy you in this affair, 
which I desire you will biing to a speedy conclusion." 

Mr. Hastings, ' in the letter to Clive which accompanies 
this document, observes, " Whether the letter is genuine or 
forged, I shall leave to yourself to judge, and time to deter- 
mine. I own I cannot help making one obvious remark, — 
that if Roy DuUub was really the author of the letter, it will 
be a matter of some difficulty to find out what his intent 
could have been in writing it ; as it appears of very little 
consequence towards the design in hand, and rather calcu- 
lated to discover the whole aflair, and put himself entirely 
in Cajah Haddee's power, than to answer any other purpose, 
at least that I can discover." 



byGooqlc 



384 MEH07B8 OF LORD CLIVE. 

him with confidence in the alliance, his explan- 
ations were readily received. 

Clive's correqMndence, at this period, shows 
that he was most solicitous to improve the effi- 
cacy of his small military force ; but* in effecting 
this object, he had much opposition to over- 
come. He had recommended a plan, which was 
carried into execution, of incorporating troops 
of the different settlements who had served un- 
der him into one army ; giving the officers and 
men, from Madras and Bombay, the option of 
remaining, or of returning to their respective 
presidendes j those that remained, enjoying, of 
course, their rank. This arrangement was dic- 
tated by the exigencies of the service, and 
grounded upon the justest principles; some of 
the captains of the Bengal troops deemed it, 
however, in the instance of Captain Govin, of 
the Bombay establishment, to be so injurious to 
their interests, that they not only remonstrated 
against it as a supercession, but tendered the 
resignation of their commissions unless the 
grievance was redressed. This remonstrance 
was addressed to the Council at Calcutta, who 
referred it to Clive, in his station of Commander 
of the army. His opinion upon this case will 
be found in the following letter * : — 

" The remonstrating captains," he observes, 
• To the Council of Fort William, 5th December, 175S 



byGoot^lc 



UEMOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. 385 

" have either wilfully, or ignorantly, mUrepre- 
sented the nature of superseding. An officer 
cannot be said to be superseded; unless one of 
inferior rank, in the same corps, be put over his 
head. Now, I can s^ely aver that I never, 
during the whole of my command, have done 
so by any officer, except in the case of Captain- 
Lieutenant Wagner, to whom I refused giving 
a vacant company, as I did not think him de- 
serving thereof. 

" The incorporation of the troops having been 
determined on as a necessary measure, the seve- 
ral officers of the three different establishments 
beii^ now united, were, of course, to take rank 
according to the date of their respective com- 
missions, in the same manner as the officers of 
different coi'ps in His Majesty's service, when 
they happen to meet. Now, as Captain Govin 
had been ordered here by the Presidency of 
Bombay, to take the command of their detach- 
ment, without their knowing that such incorpo- 
ration was to take place, it is evident they could 
have no design of injuring the officers of this 
establishment, as has been injuriously repre- 
sented ; and, therefore, to have sent him back, 
aSter having been so formally ordered here, 
would have been the highest indignity to the 
Council of Bombay, as well as to the gentleman 
himself; and, as he remained hete, he had an 



byGooqlc 



3S6 MEMOmS OF LORD CLIVE. 

undoubted right to maintain that rank which the 
soiiority of the ccunmission gave him. 

" The truth c^ the matter is, the most of the 
gentlemen who have been so violent in their 
remonstrances were grown sufiBciently rich in 
your service to be desirous of any pr^ience for 
quitting it. They will prove, however, no gre^U 
loss, ss no services can be expected from men 
who have so little spirit and gratitude as to re- 
sign their commissions at this criliod time, and 
on ill-grouDded pretences. 

" I flatter myself it will be now obvious to 
every unprejudiced person, that I have b^n un- 
justly charged by tiiese gentlemen with having 
superseded them, the doing of which, I readily 
agree, ought to be practised as seldom as pos- 
sible. Yet such is the nature of the service in 
thiscountiy, that the preservation t^your settJe- 
raent may at times depend uptm the taking of 
such a step ; and as, by the want of field officers, 
your captsuns are <rflen intrusted with the con- 
ducting (^expeditions of the utmost importance, 
in such case, if you be desirous of insuring 
success you must have regard to the man only, 
and not the rank." 

No reasoning cotdd be more clear, no opinions 
more correct, than those CMitained in Uiis letfcw. 
The principles inculciited, both as to general 
rules and exceptions, are aUke just It breathes. 



byGooqlc 



MJUtfOIBS OF LORD CLIVE. * 387 

also, that calm but high spirit of command, and 

that firmness of purpose, which could alone sup- 
port discipline in an army so constituted and 
so situated. It is oflen from such instances 
of conduct, more than from the most brilliant 
achievements, that we are enabled to form a true 
estimate of individual character. ' CUve, as ap- 
pear from the correspondeiice in my possession, 
was censured by many as hazarding the terri- 
tories of B^igal by the expedition under Colonel 
Forde ; but all his private letters show that he 
was very sanguine in his anticipation of that 
brilliant success which was the result of this 
measure. After expressing to one of the Direc- 
tors * his hope of expelUng, by the operations 
of this detachment, the French from Golconda, 
and aiding the Presidency of Fort St. George, 
he concludes his letter in the following words: — 
" Success is in the hands of the Almighty ; but 
I own I ^itertain the most sanguine expectations 
from the late M-mament" 

With respect to the safety of Bengal, be evi* 
dently trusted in a very great degree to the in- 
fluence of his own name and character. He 
was perfectly acquainted with the natives of 
India ; and he knew that, with them, personal 
con6dence, and a belief in the good fortune of 
an individual, had an almost superstitious in- 

• Private letter to Mr, Drake, sen., 30th December, 1758. 
c c 2 



byGOOQJC 



388 MEUOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

fluence, and gave him a strength which more than 
made amends for the inefSciency of his force. 

In the beginning of the year VJ59, inteltl- 
gence was received that tlie Shah Zada *, Shah 
Alum (eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi), 
had arrived at Benares, accompanied by a forge 
of eight thousand men, and that his purpose was 
to invade Bahar, to which it was reported he 
was invited by Ram NaixMn, the Governor of 
that province, whose fidelity to his allegiance 
continued to be suspected by the Prince Meeran, 
and by the Mahommedan nobles of Meer Jaffier's 
courtt BefiH'e we detail the measures which the 
advance of the Prince led the Nabob and the 
English to adopt, it will be useful to say a few 
words upon the actual condition at this period 
of the imperial family of Delhi. 

The power of the Emperors of Delhi, sub- 
sequent to the death of Aurungzebe t had 

* Shah Zada means " Sing's son ;" but, in India, has lat- 
terlj been alwaj's applied, by way of distinction, to the princes 
of the family of Delhi. Indeed, before the assumption of the 
title of Sultan by Tippoo, and of that of Shah by the present 
Vizier of Oude, no Indian Mahommedan prince or chief, in 
recent times, ever styled himself Sovereign. 

■\ Mr. Hastings, in his letter to Clive of the 8th Jujy, 
1759, observes, " The Nabob suspects Ram Narrain to have 
taken the part of the King's son ; which I do not wonder at, 
as the Nabob has never been thoroughly reconciled to Bam 
Narrain." 

% Aurungzebe died at Ahmednagar, in the Deckan, on tbe 
Slit February, 1707. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 389 

rapidly declined. That artful prince had strug- 
gled through life to maintain the appearance of 
health in an empire which was in a disordered 
and decaying state before he attained it ; and 
by his crooked policy accelerated that destruc- 
tion Which was completed by the weakness of 
his successors. 

Forty years after his decease, and after the 
murderer death of five intermediate princes, Ma- 
hommed Shah ascended the throne, and reigned 
twenty-seven years. The direction of the limited 
power he possessed was, during the whole of that 
period, an object of violent contention to the 
turbulent and ambitious nobles by whom he was 
surrounded; and, while these were engaged in 
intrigues and hostile struggles for the possession 
of the Emperor's person and his capital, others 
took advantage of their divi^ons, and of the 
general confusion, to usurp the fairest provinces 
of the empire and to transmit them as an in- 
heritance to their descendants. 

The Mahrattas, who had only fifty years before 
emerged from obscurity, were so powerful in the 
reign of Mahommed Shab, that they plundered 
the suburbs of Delhi ; and that capital was, 
during the same unpropitious period, taken and 
sacked by Nadir Shah, who, after his terrible inva- 
sion, restored to the unhappy sovereign of India 
his degraded throne and distracted dominions, 
c c 3 



byGoot^lc 



^0 MEUOIBS OF LORD CUTE. 

Mahomtned Shah died in \'J4>'f. He was suc- 
ceeded by Ahmed Shah, who reigned but a few 
years, when he was dethroned, and had his 
eyes put out in 17-53. He was succeeded by 
Alumgeer the Second, with whom perished even 
that semblance of authority which his immediate 
predecessors had preserved. Soon after his ac- 
cession, he became a mere instrument in the 
hands of his vizier (or. minister) Ghazee-u-Deen*, 
the grandson of the celebrated Nizam-ul-Mulk. 

Shah Alum t, the eldest son of the Emperor of 
Delhi, fled from that capital. His first object 
was emancipation from that thraldom in which 
his &ther and family were kept by the cruel and 
ambitious Ghazee-u-Deen. When at a distance 
from court, he began to collect-followers. India, 
at this period, abounded with military adven- 
turers ; and the high name of Shah Alum, and 
the reputation of his minister AH Murad Khan, 
brought many to his standard.. ^ He was kindly 

* The name of this diief was Meer Shah-u-Deen. He 
took the title of his father, Ghazee-u-Deen, or, "The Cham- 
pion of the Faith." 

+ Tliis prince is often called Ali Gohur ; but the title 
of Shah Alum (or, " King of the World") ii that by which 
he designates himself in all bis letters written at this period. 
The Vizier, tn his letters to Clive, gives the Prince this title ; 
and it is also that by which he has since become so well 
known, as titular Emperw of Delhi, throughout a long Ufe of 
vicissitude and misfortune. 



byGooqlc 



HBHOmS OP LORD CLIVE. 391 

ceived by some of the priticipal chie& in 
Hindustan ; but, according to the reports at 
Moorahedabad, it was Sujah-u-Dowlah, the 
Vizier of Oude, who directed his views to the 
invasimi of Bah^. That prince, however, art- 
fully kept in the back-ground, until he saw the 
result of the attentpt upon Patna, the capital of 
that province. 

The belief of the Shah Zada bebig connected 
with the Vizier, combined with the report of his 
being joined by the French party under Iaw *, 
(added to the doubts entertained oi Ram Nar- 
rain*s fidelity), created serious alarm to the 
Nabob, whose mind was agitated by other causes. 
His son t continued to pursue a conduct calcu- 
lated to give him very serious uneasiness, while his 
troops mutinied, and refused to march unless their 
arrears were paid. To add to these difficulties 
Jugget Seit and his brother, who have been often 
mentioned as the principal souc^s (or bankers) 
of the country, had obtained leave to proceed on 

* M. Lair, who was an able man, and w«ll acquainted 
with the natives, was incessant in his intrigues at this period. 
Clive obtained copies of hia letters to Sujah-u-Dowlah, whom 
he endeavoured to Htimidate to action hy representing the 
unsettled state of Bengal, and the certainty of a large French 
force soon invading that kiugdmn. — See Country Corre- 
spondence, MSS. vol. xiii. 

t Ante, pp. 3i8, 3*9. 

C C 4 



byGooqlc 



392 MEMOIRS OP i.ORD CLIVB. 

a pilgrimage to Pursnath ** and had commenced 
their journey, when information .was received 
that they were in correspondence with the Siiah 
Zada, and had actually furnished him ^ivith the 
means of paying his new levies. The Nabob, 
giving credit to .this report, sent to stop them; 
but. they, refused compliance with his orders, and 
proceeded under the guard of the two thousand 
men which be had ftimished for their escort. 
These troops, on receiving a promise of the 
liquidation of their arrears, readily transferred 
their all^iance from the Prince to his bankers. 
The Nabob, if he had had the disposition, would 
probably have found himselfwithout the means of 
coercing these wealthy subjects into obedience. 
The principal bankers of India command, through 
the influence of their extensive credit, the respect 
of sovereigns, and the support of their principal 
ministers and generals. Their property, though 
often immense, is seldom in a tangible form. 
Their great profits enable them to .bear moderate 
exactions ; .and the prince who has recourse to 
violence towards one of this class is not only 
likely to fail in his immediate object of plunder, 
but is . certain to destroy his future : 



• Pursnath is the name given by the Jama (the sect to 
which the Seits belonged) to their principal idol j and their 
pilgrimage was to Samet Sechara, at which there ia one of 
his moat celebrated templea. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRfl OF LORD CLIVE. 393 

and to excite an impression of his character that 
must greatly facilitate those attempts against his 
life and power to which it is the lot of despots 
to be continually exposed. 

Amid his difficulties and distress^, Meer 
Jaffier looked exclusively to Clive, to whom he 
wrote every day ; and Mr. Hastings's letters oi 
similar dates represent that not only that prince, 
but all classes (even to the mutinous troops), 
confided in him, and in him alone. 

Clive, before these occurrences, had been 
appointed by the Directors to the station of 
Governor of Bengal ; and his nomination was 
accompanied with such marks of regard and 
esteem, as induced him to forego his intention 
of going to England, and to determuie to remain 
fourteen or fifteen months longer, " by which 
time," he observes, in a letter* to the Council 
at Fort William, *' I persuade myself the treaty 
with the Nabob will be fulfilled, the fortifications 
in a state of defence, and such a force arrived 
from England as may secure to the Company 
their valuable acquisitions. These three objects 
are what I have always had much at heart ; and 
if they can be completed, I flatter myself the 
Court of Directors will think I have answered 
their expectations, and will approve of my re- 
turning to Europe, to enjoy the fiuits of war, 
• 23d November, 1758; 



byGooqlc 



394 MEMOIRS OF LOED CLIVE. 

which has been carried on fcH* upwards of seven 
years almost without intermission." 

Clive complains in this letter of the intention 
signified by several ^of the membeiH of Council 
to quit the service, and particularly calls upon 
Mr. Manningham and Mr. Frankland to alter 
their resection, and to continue to him and to 
the public their valuaUe aid. H concludes 
this despatch with a merited compliment to Mr. 
Watts*, whom he considers to have had just 
cause given him for resigning the service. 

The moment the report of the Shah Zada's 
advance was confirmed, Clive gave the Nabob 
every assurance of complete support. He wrote 
also to Mr. Hasdngst, directing him to give con- 
fidence to the court of Moorshedabad. " The 
dissensions," he states, *' subsisting between the 
Nabob and his people give me much more con- 
cern than the news of the Shah Zada's' motions, 

* " I canaot close thii letter," Clire states, " without 
doing that justice to Mr. Watts which I think his great ser- 
vices entitle him to. That gentleman, at the man^st hazard 
of his life, brought to perfectioD the treaty with the neir 
Nabob and other great men of the Durbar, and sent it down 
to Calcutta to be put in execution ; that gentleman attended 
the atmy throughout the loi^ expedition to Patna, in which 
his knowledge of the language, and of the natives in gene- 
ral, has been of great service to the Company. I COuU 
not say leas in favour of one who, I think, has had just cause 
given him for resigning the service." 

^ 4th March, 1759. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 895 

83 there would be little to fear from the latter, 
did the former take the proper measures to 
secure his being well served." 

Alluding to the mutinous commanders who 
had signified, through Golam Shah *, their wil- 
lingness to march, and do their duty, if Clive 
would give them his protection, he observes in 
the same letter, " I don't think it would be 
right to enter into my engagements with Golam 
Shah ; but you may assure him from me, that, on 
my arrival in the city (which I expect will be in 
five or six days), I will endeavour to settle 
matters, that the jemidars shall have nothing to 
apprehend in future.". 

Ram Narrain had with reason taken alarm at 
the Nabob's designs, and communicated his 
fears through Mr. Amyatt t, the chief of the 

■ Mr. Hastings, in a letter to Clive of the 4th March, 
observes, " Golam Shah was yesterday with me, with whom 
I had some discourse upon the subject of the present dissen- 
sions betwixt the Nabob and his sepoys. He said the 
greatest part would assuredly quit the Nabob as soon as be 
took the field, and that he did not know one who would stand 
by him against the Shah Zada. But he added, that if you 
would act as mediator betwixt the Nabob and his jemidars, 
and engage yonr word for the safety of their lives and ho- 
nour, he did not doubt that they would continue faithflil to 
the Nabob, as the fear of his treacherous behaviour wa» 
the principal reason that they had to be displeased with hi» 
service." 

t Letter to Mr. Amyatt, 29th December, 1758. 



:byG00Qlc 



396 MGMOias OF lord clive, 

fectory at Patna. Clive desired he might be 
assured of his constant support and protection. 
*' Should any movements," he wrote, " be made 
with an ill design towards him, I will march my- 
self in person to his assistance." 

When Clive found that the Shah Zada was 
advancing to Allahabad, and had summoned Ram 
Narrain to obey his orders, he wrote to Meer 
Jaffier, stating that he did not think there was 
much to be apprehended from the Emperor's 
son. " I would not," he observes •, " have you 
think of ccHning to any terms with him, but 
proceed to take the necessary measures to de- 
fend your city to the last On Monday, the 
last of this month, I shall take the field, and will 
have every thing in readiness to march to your 
assistance if necessary. Rest assured that the 
English are your stanch and firm friends, and 
that they never desert a cause in which they 
have once taken a part" 

Clive subsequently wrote + Meer Jaffier that, 
though he considered the troops at Patna quite 
equal to repel the Shah Zada, the apprehension 
entertained of the latter being joined or sup- 
ported by Sujah-u-Dowlah required that an 
army should march, tn this letter he entreats 
the Nabob to have confidence in Ram Karrain. 

• lOih February, 1759. f ^^th Februaiy. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 397 

*' He is not a great sepoy (soldierX" he observes, 
" but he is an honest man." 

A letter • from Ram Narrain to CUve, at this 
period, showed that his allegiance depended ex- 
clusively upon the assurances of support he 
received from Uie English Government. 

" I have from time to time," he writes, " ad- 
vised you of the Shah Zada's coming this way ; 
but Mr. Amyatf s letters will make you ac- 
quainted with every circumstance y for I always 
acquaint him as soon as I have any fre^ intelli- 
gence. My dependance is solely uptm you. 
Troubles are very near at hand : this is the time 
for assisting me. I beg you will without delay 
send me your orders in what manner 1 am to 
act I am very impatient for an answer to this 
letter.'* 

** Since writing the abov^ I learn some 
wicked peoi^e have been representing me in a 
bad light to the Nabob, and that he is very 
angry with me. God knows, it is on your ac- 
count that I am the Nabob's servant If at this 
time the Chuta Nabob t only should be sent 
with forces to my assistance, it will raise doubts 
in many people's minds, and I myself shall be 
suspicious. . I have no dependance on any soul 

• Received at Calcutta 11th February. 
■j- Chuta Nabob means, " the Little Nabob ; " by vbich 
name the son of Meer JafBer was aiw&ya known. 



byGooqlc 



99° MEMOIRS OF LOBD CUVE. 

living but yourself. Mr. Amyatt's letter will give 
you many particulars about this city." 

The suspiciOTis which Ram Narrain enter- 
tained of the Nabob's hostile disposition were 
well founded : many documents prove this feet 
Mr. Hastings, in a letter * to Clive, observes, 
" What the Nabob's design is in sending Cassim 
Ali Khan to Patna, or in deferring his own de- 
parture, I am not informed ; but, as it is past a 
doubt that the Nabob is no friend to R^u Nar- 
rain, and has almost openly accused him of 
treachery in this late aiEair, there is but too 
much reason to suspect that something is in- 
tended to Ram Narrain's prgudice.'* 

The Court of Moorshedabad cmitinued to 
pursue its favourite object — the removmg and 
plundering an able but rich Hindu, at a moment 
when the safety or loss o£ Bahar depended upon 
bis fiddity or defection. Clive saw, and pitied 
this wretched policy, which he was successful in 
counteracting, in a manner that gave confidence 
to the alarmed Ram Narrain, without outrajgii^ 
the feelings, or bringing into public disrepute 
the conduct, of Meer JaflSer. There is no trans- 
action of his life in which he more displayed 
that temper and consideration which the charac- 
ter and circumstances of those with whom he was 
associated required, or more calmly and firmly 

• aoth February, 17S9. 



byGooqlc 



MBUOIRS OF LORD CX.IVE. 399 

matDtained that high r^utatkm for good faith 
on which the stability of the British power so 
much d^>eDded. 

The fears of Meer Ja^er were so great, that 
he proposed, as one expedient, to purchase tiie 
retreat of the Shah Zada; but Clive, the 
moment he heard of this intention, wrote to 
dissuade him froni a measure which omild have 
so effect but that of inviting others to Uke pro- 
fitable inroads. '* I have just heard," Clive 
writes to the Nabob, ** a piece o£ intellig^ice *, 
which I cfui scarce give credit to; it is, that 
your Excellency is going to ofifer a sum of 
money to the King's son. If you do this, you 
will have SuJah-u-Dowlah, the Mahrattas, and 
many more, come from all ports to ihe confines 
of your OMnitry, who will bully you out of 
money, till you have none 1^ in your treasury. 
If your Excellency should pursue this method, 
it will be furnishing the King's son with t^e 
means to raise forces, which, indeed, may en- 
danger the loss of your country. What will be 
said, if the great Jaffier Ali Khan, Subah of this 
province, who commands an army of sixty 
thousand men, should offer money to a boy who 
has scarce a soldier with him ? I beg your 
Excellency will rely on the fidelity of the 

" The Nabob, io liis answer to Clive, denied the truth <rf 
this reftOTt. 



byGooqlc 



400 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVX. 

EdgUsh, and of those troops which are attached 
to you." 

To Ram Narrain Clive reiterated hw assur- 
ances of aid and protection. " It was," he 
states, in a letter • to that ruler, " on account 
of your strictness for justice, your courage, and 
your fidelity, that I got the Nahob to confirm 
you in the Subahship of Patna. It surprises me 
much to hear, that you suffer yourself to be 
under such apprehensions of the King's son, 
who has not more than two thousand men. I 
would have you march out c^.the city with your 
forces, and encamp at a distance. Mr. Amyatt 
will accompany you. . I have this day pitched 
my tent, and (with the blessing of God), if it be 
necessary, I will come to your assistance." 

Clive received a very flowery and compliment- , 
ary letter t irom the Shah Zada, and another 

• 12th February, 1759. 

-|- Tlie following ig a translation of this letter :-^ 

" To the most High and Mighty, Protector of the Great, 

Colonel Sabut Jung Bahader.' 

" I know that you are under the shadow of the King's &- 

vour. My beloved son, Maddar-u-Dowlah Bahader, and the 

magnificent Fyaz Ali Khan, worthy of our &Tour, have fully 



" Tfae title of Sabut Jung, vii. ■ flnn or Bteadjr in war,' « 
given by tbe Nabob Mabommed Ali to Colonel Clive, in bIIubio 
memorable defence of Arcot some years before; but it was i 
■rrivBl in Bengal, in 1757, that he wai belt known there by Hi 



byGoot^lc 



MEUOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 401 

from his minister Maddar-u-Dowlah. The pur- 
port of both was to invite him to pay his 

represented to me your readinesB to expose your life for me, 
and many other particulars relating to you. In this happy 
time, with a view of making the tour of Patna and Bengal, 
I have erected my staDdard of glory at thb place. It 
is my pure intentioa to bestow farour upon you, the high 
and mighty, and all faithful servants, agreeable to their 
conduct. This world is like a garden of flowers, inter- 
spersed with weeds and thorns; I shall, therefore, root out 
the bad, that the faithful and good ryots (God willing) may 
rest in peace and quietness. Know you who are great, that 
it is proper you should pay a due obedience to this my fir- 
man, and make it your business to pay your respects to me 
like a &iiJ)ful servant, which will be great and happy for 
you. It is proper you should be earnest in doing this, when, 
by the blessing of God, you stand high in my favour. Know 
this must be done." 



vhicti was engraven on bis Persian seal. One reason might be, thai lu* 
own name of Clivc is difficult to be pronounced in an; of ihe languages 
(^ India, Even after a higher title, Zubdut-ul-Mulk, ms conferred upon 
Mm bj the Mogul Emperor, when he created him an Omra of the empire, 
Clive was bettn knovin through the counir; by the original title of ^ut 
Jung, vrbich he had brought when he commanded the expedition from 

" Mahommed Ali had, indeed, no right liimself ts giant titles. He had 
asiumed for himself that of Suraj-u-Donlab, nhlch, he asserted, bad 
been conferred on him by the Subadar of the Dectan, Naair Jung; 
but it bad not heen acknowledged by those in tiie French interest, who 
had succeeded as Subadsrs of the Decksn, Be Ibis as it may, Ma- 
hoiamed Ali retained that title of Sur^-u-Dowlah in bis correspondence 
with tiie English. It is that eren on his seals to the sunnu^ for the 
lauds be gaire them near Msdrss, commonly cstled the Jaghire ; and ba 
never look any olber, till he assumed that of WaloJoh, by which he was 
known in bis latter years. 

" It is, bowever, remarkable, that the first title he had, of Suraj-u- 
Dowtah, was the same as that by which tbe Nabob of Bengal was known 
to tbe English, by whom he was dethroned in 1757 ; and perhaps was 
assumed by him with as little riglit as Mahommed Ali hod : but certainly, 
of the two, he was placed in the higher situation, when he succeeded 
his grandfather Aliverdi Khsn as Subah of Bengal and Bahar, which 
would command his procuring ■ high title from tlie Court of Delhi." 
VOL. I, D D 



byGooqlc 



40S MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

personal respects ; and a letter from Fyaz AU 
Khan, received at the same time> iotUnated that 
the Prinee had thot^hts t^ doing great things 
by Clive's counsel, and in conjunction with 
him." 

Conceiving, no doubt, that a knowledge of this 
correspondence might alarm Meer Jaffier, CHve 
sent him copies of all the letters. He also 
informed him that some of the Shah Zada's 
agents bad been with him. *< They made me," 
he observes, " offers of provinces upon province^ 
with whatever my heart could desire ; but could 
be give, as well as offer me, the whole empire of 
Hindustan, it would have no weight with the 
English. I am well assured, too, that he wrote 
to every man of consequence in these parts ; 
which convinces me that he has designs against 
these provinces. It is the custom of the En- 
glish to treat the persons of ambassadors as 
sacred, and I told the Shah Zada's agents as 
much ; but at the same time warned them never 
to come near me ag^n, for, if they did, 1 would 
take their heads for their pains." 

Clive, having received a request from the 
Nabob, marched on the 25th of February ; and, 
after remaining a short time at Moorshedabad, 
he proceeded, accompanied by the Nabob's son, 
towards Fatna. 

Though the Emperor of Delhi possessed, per- 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 403 

sonally, no authotity ; thou^ hts mandates 
were evaded or disregarded throughout the 
greater part of his dominions, on the just ground 
of their being issued by one notoriously not a 
free agent; still there existed the greatest re- 
verence for his name. He was, as yet, deemed 
the sole fountain of honour ; and eveiy outward 
mark of respect, every profession of allegiance, 
continued to be paid to the person who filled 
the throne of the house of Timour. Until his 
sunnud (or commission) was received, no posses- 
sion, whether obt^ned by inheritance or usurp- 
ation, was deemed valid, and no title of nobility 
was recognised as legitimate unless conferred by 
him. In countries like India, where the com- 
munity is almost in a primitive state, usage has a 
power, of which it Is difficult to convey an idea 
to those accustomed only to a more artificial and 
advanced state of society. At the period here 
treated o£ when the Emperor was known to be 
quite powerless, and to act under person^ re- 
straint, such was ^e impression throughout 
India of the nominal allegiance to which he was 
entitled, that no usurper, however daring, could 
outrage the general feeling so &r as to treat his 
name with disrespect, or neglect forms to which 
consequence continued to be attached long 
after ^ the substance of authority was fled from 

D D 2 



byGooqlc 



404 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

that femily for whose support they were in- 
stituted. 

CUve appears to have been deeply impressed 
with the necessity of attention to this popular 
feeling, and to have studiously established aa 
influence at the Court of Delhi . When Meer 
Jaffier obtained the sunnud (or commission) and 
investiture as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and 
Orissa, Clive was honoured, at the same time, 
mth a high title • of nobility, and the grade of 
Munsubdar, or Commander in the Imperial 
Army ; distinctions to which he appears to have 
attached considerable importance, and which 
were, no doubt, of value, as they increased his 
coDsequence in the eyes of the natives. 

I have elsewhere given my opinion very fully 
upon this subject, aud have expressed my senti- 
ments as to the motives by which Clive was 
governed in all his intercourse with the Court of 
Delhi. I have stated " that^ though general rea- 
soners may deem such conduct a sacrifice to 
prejudice, a reverence to a shadow; yet the fact 

* Clwe'a Bunnud (of which a translation was made by Mr. 
HaBtings) is a curjous document, not only as being a good 
Bpeciraen of that florid style in which such patents were 
written, but as it exhibits their form, and the various offices 
of government through which they passed before they were 
sent to the individuals distinguished by such marks of irope- 
riat favour. I have given, therefore, a literal transcript of 
this sunnud in the Appendix. 



byGOOQJC 



UEMOIKS OF LORD CLIVE. 4-05 

cannot be denied, that, by making that sacrifice, 
and by reverencing that shadow, Clive went in 
unison with the feelings and opinions of millions 
of men. Such inconsistencies as those which 
exist in our connection with the fallen descend- 
ants of the house of Timour are frequent in 
political communities, and particularly as they 
have existed from time immemorial in India. 
They grow out of the habits, the sentiments, and 
sometimes the, superstition, of human beings ; 
and wise statesmen, referring to their source, wUl 
ever treat them with consideration and respect." • 
Clive, when he dismissed the agents of Shah 
Alum, wrote to that prince in a manner which 
left hka without the slightest hope of success in 
forming a connection with the English. The 
substance of this letter t was as fdlows : — ** I 
have had the honour to receive your Highness's 
firman, t It gives me great concern to find that 
this country must become a scene of troubles. 
I beg leave to inform you that I have been 
favoured with a sunnud from the Emperor, ap- 
pointing me a Munsubdar of the rank of six 
thousand foot and five thousand horse, which 
constitutes me a servant of his j and as I have 

• PoKt. Hist, of India, vol. i. p. 540. 
f 27th February, 1759. 

j A letter from a prince to a subject is, in Indis, inva- 
riably termed a firman, or mandate. 
DBS 



byGooqlc 



406 MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

not received any orders, either from the Emptor 
or Vizier, acquainting me of your coming down 
here, I cannot pay that due regard to your 
Highness's orders which I would otherwise wish 
to do. I must further beg leave to inform you, 
Uiat I am under the strictest engagements with 
the present Suhadar of these provinces to assist 
him at all times ; and it is not the custom c^ the 
English nation to be guilty of inHncerity/' 

This comnuinication was expressed in terms 
which could not be misunderstood; but it, at 
the same time, presoved that tone of respect, 
and professed obedience to the Emperor, which 
it would have been prgudicial to the interests of 
the English Government and its ally to have 
neglected. 

Clive, when he arrived at Moorshedabad, <»i 
his march to Fatna, had a long conference with 
the Nabob, the substance of which he details in 
his letters to the Sdect Committee. He laid 
before him the causes of the internal danger 
with which he was threatened from seditious 
nobles and a mutinous army. His own conduct, 
he informed him, had produced these effects; 
and his loss of the confidence of all classes of 
his subjects had the natural consequence of in- 
viting foreign invasion. These truths, he ap- 
peared to hope, might make some impression ; 
and he further informed the Committee, that. 



byGooqlc 



MBHOIRS OF LORD CLITE. 407 

though he had stated his sentiments 90 fhinkly, 
he bad, at the same time, complied with the 
Nabob's solicitation to ride 00 the same elephant 
with him, and adopted every measure that could 
supptnt him in his administration. 

lu a letter, dated the l^th of March, to the 
Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, 
Clive informs them of tie cause of the expedi- 
ticm to Fatna, the strength of his force, and his 
expectaticms of the result 

" The Select Committee," he ohserves, " have 
already acquainted you that we were threatened 
with a storm from the north, and that the Mogul's 
son, who has for some time been in arms against 
his &ther, or rather the Vizier, his Other's 
minister, had entered the firontiers of these 
provinces in a hostile manner. As the Prince is 
daily advancing, though but slowly, it was judged 
expedient that our forces should march to the 
northward, in order, in conjunction with those 
of the Nabob, to put a stop to his progress. 
As I flatter myself my presence will be of ser- 
vice to the common cause (my former successes 
having gained me some degree of influence in 
the country), I have put myself at the head of 
the forces. They consist of about four hundred 
and fifty Europeans, and two thousand Ave hun- 
dred sepoys ; and with these, few as they are, I 



byGooqlc 



408 UEMOIRS OF LORD CUVE. 

trust we shall give a good account of the Shah 
Zada, though his army is aaid to be thirty thou- 
sand strong, provided the Nabob's people keep 
firm to him; and should even the contrary 
happen, and the Subadar's troops desert him, we 
shdl be able to make our party good* and to 
maintain our own. Indeed, the only danger, in 
my opinion, to be apprehended is from the dis- 
satisfection among the Nabob's principal officers, 
occasioned by bis treachery towards and ill- 
usage of them. However, in the several con- 
ferences I have had with him, since my arrival 
here, I have so strongly pointed out to him the 
danger of such like behaviour, as cannot fail in- 
.ducing him to a change of conduct for the future ; 
■and the confidence which I know the jemidars 
,have in the English will, I hope, retain them in 
.their allegiance to their sovereign. 

" We shall leave this to-morrow ; and I 
propose marching with the utmost expedition to 
the relief of Fatna, which is in great danger of 
being lost, as well as the whole province of 
Bahar, the Shah Zada being actually arrived at 
the Caramnassa, the river which divides the 
•countries of Oude and Bahar. It is yet uncer- 
tain whether M. Law, with his few fugitives, 
will join him, or not." 

When the troops reached Shahabad, advices 



byGoot^lc 



HBHOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 409 

reached Meeran • that Ram Narrain had ac- 
tually gone over to the Shah Zada. This, how- 

* Clive, on the assurance of Meeran, appears, for the 
moment, to have believed thU report. He wrote to Meer 
Jaffier, urging him to abandon the play of the Hooley (a 
Hindu feast), and to hasten to tite field, if he desired to pre- 
serve his country. To Ram Narrain he wrote in the follow- 
ing terms : — " I have neither eyes to see, nor ears to hear, 
the letter I have now received ftom Mr. Amyatt ; nor could 
aught but the great confidence I have in him induce me to 
give credit to its contents. Have you no sense of the obli- 
gations you are under to me for all the care and pains I have 
taken for you P If you had not courage equal to the occa- 
sion, yet what could have induced you to act so imprudent 
a part 7 What power has the Shah Zada to resist the united 
forces of the Nabob and the English ? Think, then, what 
will be your fete. For God's sake reflect on the duty yon 
owe to your master, to my friendship, and to your own 
safety. Turn from this bad design, and act in such a 
manner that your master may be satisfied with you, and 
the world acknowledge you worthy of the friendship I 
have shown you. Should you, from want of courage, for* 
sake your city, be assured it will not remain ten days in the 
Shah Zada's power." 

Ram Narrain, in answer to this letter, urged the diffi- 
culties of bis situation, and his want of means for a protracted 
defence; but asserted his fidelity. Clive wrote in reply 
(29th March}, " I shall continue to march, with the utmost 
espedition, to your assistance. Let my approach animate 
you to a vigorous defence ; and let your conduct be such that 
I may never repdnt the protection I have given you." 

When Clive was informed of Ram Narrain's having re- 
pulsed the Shah Zada, he wrote him in terms of the highest 
applause and encouragement : " Your behaviour convinces me 
not only of your fidelity, but of your bravery as a soldier ; 
and you may be assured of my mtuntaining you in your 



byGOOQJC 



410 UEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. 

ever, proved incorrect ; tbe wary Hindu had only 
£dtered in his aU^;iance until he heard CUve 
was advancing. 

His visit to the Shah Zada, which gave rise to 
the report of his defection, was merely to gain 
time. It was now learnt from subsequent ac- 
counts that he was defending the city, and had 
already repelled two attacks. Clive, who was 
making very rapid marches to join him, directed 
Ensign Mathews, who was in advance in com- 
mand of a battaUon of sepoys, to hasten to Fatna 
and co-operate with Ram Narrain ; a service 
which was effected by that young officer in a way 
which gave promise of tbe eminence which he 
afterwards attained. 

Confident from tbe efforts which were made 
to support him, uid the near approach of his 
friends, Ram Narrain made the most gallant ex- 
ertions to save the dty. ' Every assault was re- 
pelled, and the enemy drew back after they had 
p(Ksessed themselves of some of the bastions. 
Discouraged at these defeats, and alarmed at the 
near approach of the corps under Mathews *, 

BubahBhip, even at tbe hazard (^ my life." He adds, " Con- 
tinue thus glorioiul; to exert youreelfi and t>e aiEured of my 
coming shortly to your aid." 

* Ensign Matheva writei to Clive, from Fatna, on the 6th 
of April, aa follows; — " TheShahZada'sarmy, on the arrival 
of the English advanced guard (as they term it), railed the 



byGooqlc 



UEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 4>I1 

and Clive's rapid advance, the Shah Zada broke 
up bis camp, and retreated. 

Clive, in a letter to Mr. Spencer of the Bombay 
establishment, thus shortly Ascribes the Shah 
Zada's advance and flight : — '* The King's son, 
who, about a year ago, escaped out of the Vizier's 
hands, has been ever since fishing in troubled 
waters ; he has been with the Rohillas, the Jauts, 
the Mahrattas, and Patans ; and, about three 
• months ago, fled for protection to Sujah-u-Dow- 
hh, the Nabob of Oude, a mortal enemy to the 
Vizier, and was received by him with great 
respect He sent his brother-in-law, Mahommed 
Kooli Khan, with Ave thousand horse, into these 
parts, in hopes of effecting a revolution : and, 
indeed, [the name of the King's eldest son was 
so great, that, as soon as he entered the pro- 
vince, he was joined from all parts; and, by the 
time of his anival before Patna, his army was 
forty thousand strong. The ruler of this place 
being entirely in the English interest, what with 
small presents and n^otiation, deUyed the at- 
tack of the city for some time : but on the 23d 
of March the fighting began, and lasted till the 
4th of April, when our advanced guard amved 



siege yesterday inaniiiig. Had we not been so expedidoui 
on our marches, they would have had the town this day, aa 
they meant to storm, and had imdermined one place." 



byGooqlc 



4>12 MEMOIRS OF LORD CUVE. 

within four coss of the city, upon which the 
Shah Zada and his forces retired with the utmost 
precipitation, and are now getting much faster 
out of the province than they came in. We 
shall continue following them to the hank of the 
Caramnassa. I hope to secure the peace of 
these provinces for one year longer at least, by 
which time the whole of the Nahoh's treaty will 
be concluded. 

** The enemy made several vigorous attacks 
upon the city, and were once in possession of 
two bastions, but were driven off with great 
slaughter ; they have certainly lost a great many 
men. M. Law, with his small party, joined the 
King's son on the day of their retreat, but could 
not prevail upon him to make another attack." 

While Clive was advancing towards Patna, a 
letter • from Meer Jaffier informed him that he 
had received the command of the Emperor to 
seize the person of the Shah Zada. The imperial 
edict was enclosed j its contents were as follows : 
— " Know that you are under the shadow of my 
&vour. Some ill-designing people have turned 
the brain of my beloved son Mahommed Ali 
Gohurt, and are carrying him to the eastern 
part of the empire, which must be the cause of 

• 19th March, 1759. 
■ f The Prince, in his leUer to Clive, esaumed his title of 
" Shah Aluro," by which we denommate him. 



byGooqlc 



MEMOIRS OF LOAD CLIVE. 413 

much trouble and ruin to my country. I there- 
fore order you, who are my servant, to proceed 
immediatdy to Fatna, and secure the person of 
my son, and keep him there. You are likewise 
to punish his attendants, that other people may 
take warning thereby- In doing this you will 
gain my &vour and have a good name. Know 
this must be done." 

The Vizier *, Ghazee-u-Deen, addressed a 
letter of the same purport to Clive, who, as 
well as the Nabob, appears to have considered 
it an object to proclaim, that, in opposing the 
Shah Zada, they were acting in conformity with 
the commands of his offended father. 

The retreat of the Shah Zada was precipitate. 
He hastened to cross the Caramnassa, a riven 
which divides the territories of the Nabob of 
Bengal from those of the Vizier of Oude ; buti 
the latter, who would have been ready to sup- 
port him had he been successful, now proclaimed 

' The Vizier wrote two letters to the Nabob, to the same 
purport as that from the Emperor. He further states, in the 
second letter, that Mahommed Hedayet-Buksh, second son of 
the Emperor, was appointed Subadar of Fatna, and Meer 
JaSier his naib. The nomination of the Frloce was titular; 
but) by its being made at this period, it was, no doubt, meant 
to take away every shadow of a pretext that could justify 
the invasion of that province by the Prince Shah Alum. 
These letters were received at Moorshedabad on the 29th 
of March, and must have been written before Shah Aluin 
left Benares. 



byGooqlc 



414 MBUOIRS OV LOED CLIVE. 

himself the enemy of that unhappy prince, who, 
abandoned by hia followers, and not knowing 
whither to fly, sought the protection of the 
English Government.' 

Clive communicates the overture which he 
made in a letter, under date the S4th of April, 
to Mr. Manningham. 

" The force of the Shah Zada," he observes, 
" is now entirely broken : he has himself been 
obliged to repass the Caramnassa for fear of 
Sujah-u-Dowlah, who sent a body of troops to 
prevent his entering into his dominions. The 
Prince, reduced to no more than three hundred 
followers, bas again written to me; uid, A'om 
the conversation I had with the horseman who 
brought the letter, a person greatly in his con- 
fidence, I find he wants, in his present distress^ 
to throw himself upon the English, from a con- 

• Clive, in a letter to Mr. ManDingham of the Slth of April, 
metes the foUowiDg observations on Shah Alum's situation 
at this period : — " The Prince, beset as he is on all sides, 
muBt be in great distress, and much puzzled where to retire 
to. I herewith send you a translation of a letter lately re- 
ceived from him. The letter to which he alludes, as having 
received from me, is an absolute forgery, as I never wrote him 
but one, and that from Calcutta, to which this bears no re- 
semblance. The &Saii appeam to be a contrivance of his, in 
order to sow dissension between the Nabob and me ; unless 
it be really the consequence of the necessitous state to 
which he is reduced, and intended as an introduction to hit 
throwing himself upon us for protection." 



byGOOQJC 



UEMOiaS OF LORD CLIVE. ^13 

viction that there is none else in whom he can 
trust. I bftve consulted with Ram Narrain, who 
is of ofMnion * that the Nabob can never be s:^, 
should a person of his high rank be admitted into 
these provinces; and that his presence would 
expose the country to continual commotions. 
I have therefore answered him, that my con- 
uections with the Nabob were of so solemn a 
nature, as would not allow of my affording him 
any protection ; and on that account advised 
him to keep out of the way, as I was now on 
the point of marching to the Caramnassa. M. 
Law has passed the Great River t, but, we are 
informed, has only from twenty to thirty men 
with him : if so, a great number must have 
deserted from him, and it is probable we shall 
soon have some of them with us." 

Notwithstanding the decided terms of this 
letter, the Shah Zada continued to hope that he 
might yet prevail upon the generosity of Clive 
to afford him the protection of the Briti^ 
Government. This, however, would have been 
attended with more hazard to the peace of the 
country than CUve thought himself justified in 

* There cannot be a greater proof of Ram Narrain's de- 
sire to preaerre his fidelity to Meer Jaffier, than this opinum ; 
for had he cherished different sentiments, the ex-Prince was 
a fit instrument to aid his future designs. 

t Ganges. 



by Google 



41(i UEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

incurring ; but, while he was compelled by policy 
to refuse his request, he did so in a manner cal- 
culated to add as little as possible to the distress 
and difficulties with which he was surrounded. 

" I have had," he observes in a letter* to 
Mr. Manningham, " repeated letters from the 
Shah Zada, evidently intending to throw himself 
upon us ; but, for the reasons alleged in my last, 
have absolutely determined against receiving 
him. I have indeed, (so great is his distress), 
sent him a present of five hundred gold mohurst, 
to enable him to get out of our country j and he 
has, in consequence thereof, passed the Caram- 
nassa, and is endeavouring to cross the Great 
River, with intention, it is said, to take refuge in 
the Gazipoor country." 

Clive's letter to the Prmce (of the 30th of 
April), though kind, is at once decided and ex- 
plicit. " The only letter," he observes, " I 
had the honour to write you was by Fyaz Ali 
Khan's brother from Calcutta. I therein ac- 
quainted your Highness that I was under the 
strictest alliance with Meer Jaffier, and bound 
by oath to assist him. Since that time I have 
received repeated orders from the Vizier, and 
even from the King, not only to oppose your 
Highness, but even to lay hold of your person. 
I am sorry to acquaint your Highness with these 
• 8th May, 1759. t About lOOW. 



byGOOQJC 



MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 417 

disagreeable things, but I cannot help it Were 
I to assist your Highness in any respect, it would 
be attended with the ruin of this country. It Is 
better that one should suffer, however great, 
dian that so many thousands should be rendered 
unhappy. I have only to recommend your 
Highness to the Almighty's protection. I wish 
to God it were in my power to assist you, but it 
is not I am now on my march to the Caram- 
nassa,- and earnestly recommend it to you to 
withdraw before I arrive there." 

Clive, as already stated, had received several 
letters *, written by command of the Emperor, 
to urge him to act against the Shah Zada. When 
all was settled, he addressed a letter! to the 
Vizier, in which he states, that, " after putting 

* He received one, on the 23rd of Mayt from Ahmed 
Khaa, the Vizier's brother, who states, " I have heard, with 
pleasure, of jour great fame, good actions, and sincerity. 
Your coining witli Nabob Nasser-uI-MuUc', to assist and join 
Ram Narrain Bahader against the Shah Zada, who went into 
these parts against the Emperor's pleasure, and that of the 
Vizier my brother, and raised disturbances, was very proper 
and advisable. I return God thanks that, on your approach, 
and by your infiuence, the Naib of Azimebad (Ram Narrain) 
soon put an end to these disturbances, which has saved the 
King, my brother, and myself, much trouble and fatigue, as 
we should have been obliged to take a long journey." 

1 29th June, 1759. 

' Th« title or Meeran. 
VOL. I. E E 



byGooqlc 



418 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

an end to the troubles in Bahar, agreeable to his 
Excellency's orders, he had set out for Bengal." 

Clive had proceeded with the troops of the 
Nabob against the Rajpoot and hill chiefs, who 
had invited and Euded Shah Alum. These were 
Boon compelled by hia operations to submit to 
terms; and this settlement enabled him to re- 
turn to Calcutta, leaving a small force to ^d 
Ram Narrain in his local administration. 

Before Clive left Patna, the dangers which 
three months before threatened Bengal were com- 
pletely dispelled ; and it is not too much to aver, 
diat the happy result of this unpromising expe- 
dition was exclusively to be ascribed to his per- 
sonal efforts, and to the influence of his character. 
His prompt and open manner allayed, for the 
moment, the jealousy of the Nabob and the vio- 
lence of Meeran. Their disaffected chiefs and 
mutinous soldiers were alone prevented from de- 
fection or excess by his presence and exhort- 
ations. It was exclusive confldence in Clive that 
preserved the fidelity and animated the courage 
of Ram Narrain to those exertions which saved 
tiie city of Patna fi«m being plundered, and the 
rich province under his rule from being laid 
waste ; and, when the Shah Zada fled, the per- 
sonal reliance of the Rajpoot chiefs of Bahar on 
the British commander accelerated the settle- 



by GooqIc 



MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 419 

ment of those districts which the advance of the 
Prince had incited to rebellion. 

We have stated how much Clive studied popu- 
lar feeling throughout this service, by acting in 
conformity with the vrishes and commands of 
the Court of Delhi. The information of the 
modem historian of India appears here very de- 
fective, from the observations he has made upon 
this part of Clive's conduct. In describing the 
invasion of Bahar, Mr. Mill • states, that *' the 
Prince (Shah Alum) having obtained from the 
Emperor legal investiture as Subadar of Bengal, 
Bahar, and Orissa, crossed the Caramnassa;" 
and, after detailing the result of his enterprise, 
observes t, " The hardihood of Clive was seldom 
overcome by scruples. Yet the Emperor Alum- 
geer was legitimate sovereign of Bengal, and had 
undoubted right to appoint his eldest son to be 
his deputy in the government of that province : 
to oppose him, was undisguised rebellion." 

The iacts of the case are directly opposed to 
the statement here given by the historian. The 
Prince Shah Alum, who invaded Bahar, had fled 
from Delhi, and was deemed to be in open re- 
bellion against his &ther. He might have been, 
before this period, titular Subah of Bengal, Ba* 

* Hist, of India, Tol.iii. p. 254. 
t Vol iii. p. 255. 

E E 3 



byGooqlc 



4S0 MEMOtRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

bar, and Orissa, such rank being oflen given to 
princes of the imperial family ; but we have 
shown that, before he crossed the Caramnassa, 
even that title was given to his younger brother, 
and Meer Ja£Ber appointed his naib, being a con- 
firmation of the sunnud (or patent) he had before 
received from the Kmperor, empowering him to 
rule over these provinces, lurther, the Emperor 
Alumgeer had called upon the Nabob by his al- 
l^iance as his viceroy, and upon CUve by his 
duty as a ccnnmander in the imperial army, to 
oppose his rebellious son in his unwarranted in- 
vasion of Bahiff, and urged them to seize and 
imprison his person, and to attack and punish 
his seditious followers. The first commands of 
the Court of Delhi upon the subject were written 
in February. They were frequently repeated j 
and in a letter, dated 18th of June, 1759, from 
the Prime Minister at Delhi to Clive, the com- 
mands of the Emperor were conveyed in very 
strong language. 

" The faithftd services," the Vizier observes, 
" which you have performed, and the pains 
which you have taken in the late afiairs, have 
given me great joy ; nor can I sufficiently ex- 
press your praises for what you have done. 
Continue to behave with the same fidelity ; seize 
the rebel, and send him to court. By the will 
of God, this service performed, the King will 



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MEH0IR9 OF LORD CLIVE. 4S1 

show you the greatest favour, and your honours 
shall be increased." 

The impression made at Alumgeer's court by 
Clive's conduct is further proved by the invita- 
tion given in this letter to the English to esta- 
blish a factory in the city of Delhi. 

" In the same manner," the Vizier adds, *' as 
your factories are settled at Calcutta, Azimabad, 
and Moorshedabad, send and establish a factory 
at the royal city." 

From these facts, of the correctness of which 
there cannot be the slightest doubt, it must fully 
appear that the Nabob and Clive, so far from 
being guilty of rebellion against the legitimate 
sovereign of India, with which they are charged, 
were acting throughout in conformity with the 
reiterated mandates of the imperial court, and 
were congratulated and applauded by the Em- 
peror and his minister upon the successful results 
of their efforts. 

Meer Jaffier remained in Bengal during the 
whole time Clive was in Babar. He appears to 
have continued his inveterate hatred to Roy 
DuUub, and to have devised every means to 
obtain possession of his person. Mr. Hastings 
at one time thought he would have recourse to 
force for this purpose ; and conjectured that a 
body of Mahrattas, approaching from Cuttack, 
which the Nabob had first invited from dread 

E E 3 

DiqitlzscbyGOOqlC 



422 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

of his own troops, and the invasion of the Shah 
Zada, were meant to be subsequently employed 
in seizing the person of Roy Dullub. He ap- 
pears to have given more attention to this afiait 
than Clive thought it merited ; the latter being 
satisfied that Meer Jaffier, however he might 
enter into intrigues, would never openly commit 
any act which could place him in the light of an 
enemy to the British government, by whom he 
had been raised to a throne, and whose friend- 
ship and support, he must be sensible, were in- 
dispensable to enable him to preserve his power. 

Meer Jafl5er appears, from the correspondence 
of the resident, to have from the first looked to 
Clive as the only person who could save him in 
this period of difficulty and alarm j and it is but 
justice to his character to state that, when the 
danger was past, his sentiments underwent no 
change. His gratitude was excessive: nor was 
it limited to words. He conferred upon the man 
whom he now considered as the preserver of 
that throne upon which he had established him, 
a jaghire (or estate) of the reputed value of 
thirty lacs of rupees. 

The first mention of his intention to bestow 

this gift on Clive is in a letter* from Mr. 

Hastings, in which he observes, " He (the 

Nabob) expresses the most grateful sense of the 

• 24lh April, 1759. 



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MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 423 

services which you have performed for him, and 
declared to me his resolution to use every means 
in his power to procure an order from the Court* 
for your jaghire, being ashamed that you should 
do 80 much for him without the prospect of 
reaping any advantage to yourself by it" 

This letter was written immediately afler the 
Nabob had received full accounts of the flight of 
the Shah Zada, and the happy result of the ex* 
pedition to Fatna. It was not surprising that 
he, knowing the source to which be owed his 
safety on this occasion, should be anxious to 
reward Clive ; but we learn from Mr. Sykes, 
who, a few months afterwards, was appointed to 
act for Mr. Hastings at Moorshedabad, that 
Meer Jaffier was influenced by additional motive 
to this munificent act 

In his evidence before the House of Com- 
mons, Mr. Sykes stated to the Committee t, that 
the Nabob, speaking to him of the expedition to 
Patna, '* mentioned the sense he entertained of 
Lord Clive's conduct towards him, and likewise 
in reducing the Shah Zada to such necessity as 
to apply to his Lordship to put him under the 
English protection ; he mentioned* also, that he 

■ This means the Court of Delhi. No jaghire, or other 
grant, was deemed complete in fonn till sanctioned by the 
command of the Empeior. 

I House of Commons' Reports, Tol.iii. p. 154. 
E E 4 



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4S4 MEMOIRS OP LORD CLIVE. 

owed his government to Colonel CUve before, 
and tliis was the second time he was indebted to 
him for it ; that he had been a means of having 
honours conferred on Colonel Clive, in creating 
him an Omrah of the Empire, but that he had 
given him nothing to support these honours : he 
had frequently had it in his thoughts, but never 
entered seriously upon it till now ; that he bad 
thoughts of giving him a jaghbe in the Patna 
province, but found it would be attended with 
inconvenience to the officers of his government ; 
and that Jugget Seit had fallen upon a method 
of obviating these difficulties, by giving him the 
quit-rent arising from the lands ceded to the 
Company to the southward of Calcutta ; that he 
thought it would interfere the least with his 
government, and stood the dearest in relation to 
the Company's affiura. 

" Mr. S. said that, to the best of his remem- 
brance, he mentioned to the Nabob that he 
thought it was a large sum ; but the Nabob told 
him that it was very little adequate to the 
service he had received from the Colonel, but 
more especially for his behaviour upon the cap- 
ture of Moorsliedabad, when the whole inhabit- 
ants expected to be put under contribution ; and 
that none of them had experienced a conduct of 
that kind, for that their persons, as well as their 
properties, were entirely secured to them." 



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MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 4^ 

Mr. Sykes states, that the Nabob, having pre- 
pared the deeds, desired him to be present at 
the delivery of them to Clive ; which took place 
when the Nabob went to meet and welcome him 
on his return from Patna. 

The next mention of this subject is made in a 
letter • to Clive from Mr. Hastings, after his re- 
turn to Moorshedabad, in which he observes, 
" The Nabob desired me to draw out the form of 
the letter to be written to the Council about your 
jaghire." This letter was a few days afterwards 
transmitted to Calcutta. 

I shall have occasion, hereafter, to speak of 
this grant, which gave rise to great discussion ; 
but we must, nevertheless, make some observ- 
ations upon the sulgect in this place. 

Though Clive appears to have thought that 
the high titles obtained for him from Delhi 
should have been accompanied t by a jaghire, 

• 9th August, 1759. 

f In a letter to Mr. Amyatt, Chief of Patna, Clive otijects, 
on the ground of having aa yet no jaghire, to pay the enor- 
mous sum demanded as a fee for the patent of nobility sent 
him from Delhi ; but he desires Mr. Amyatt to give the 
royal agent, Shitabroyi the nazeranna (or offering) custom* 
ary irom omrahs of Bimilar rank. In the evidence of Clive, 
given before the Committee of the House of Commons, we 
find the following testimony on the Buhject : — 

" That the first letter he (Clive) ever wrote about a jaghire 
was, to the best of his remembrance, on the Slst of Janu- 
ary, 1759, to Jugget Seit, informing him that the Nabob 



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436 MEUOIBS OF LORD CLITE. 

there exists no evidence* amongst all the docu- 
ments I have examined, to show that he had any 
previous intimation of its amount, or that he, in 
any shape, compromised either his personal ho- 
nour, or his duty to the government he served, 
by accepting of this grant Conscious that he 
had performed great services to the Nabob, he 
received this reward as a recompence which that 
prince had a right to bestow, and which was one 
conformable to the usage of the country, and 

had made him an omrBh, without a jaghire. lo aniwer to 
which he replied, that the Nabob aever granted jaghires in 
Bengal ; that Orissa wob too poor, but that he might have 
one in Bohar ; and he declared, upon his honour, that he 
never a[^lied for any jaghire, directly or indirectly, after 
that period ; and that, when the Nabob presented him thft 
jaghire (which was near six months an%nvards), he did not 
know what that jaghire was ; had not the least idea of the 
amount of it, nor of its being the quit-rent upon the Com- 
pany's landi; and that he did believe the Nabob gave him 
that jaghire in consequence of the services he had rendered 
him, which have been stated by Mr. Sykes. 

" That having looked upon the Nabob's answer as an evasive 
one, and that he was not inclined to comply with his request, 
he never wrote, nor thought, more upon the subject, until ha 
received a second letter from Jugget Seit, in answer to his 
first, after the success against the King's son, mentionii^ 
that the Nabob had turned the thing in his mud, end waa 
willing to grant him a jaghire in Bengal ; but the nature of 
it, where, or what value it was to be, he was entirely igno- 
rant of till the patent explained it. Jugget Seit was a banker, 
and a mau of great interest and weight with the Nabob,"— 
Parliamentary Reports, vol. iiL p. 154. 



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MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 427 

rendered more appropriate, according to that 
usage, &om the high honour which the Emperor 
of Delhi had, at the request of Meer Jaffier, 
conferred upon him. Clive gave a complete 
proof of bis anticipation of the approbation of 
his superiors in £ngland, and of his wish to give 
publicity to this transaction, by accepting, as his 
jaghire, an assignment of the quit-rent, or govern- 
ment share, of the lands farmed by the Company 
in the vicinity of Calcutta. This arrangement, 
which placed his income in the hands of the 
Company, though it presented the best possible 
security, would never have been consented to by 
a person who had not acted with a perfect con- 
sciousness that he was violating no duty, and in- 
flicting no injury on the interests either of 
individuals or the public. 

These were evidently dive's sentiments ; and 
the transaction, at the time of its occurrence, 
appears to have been generaliy viewed in the 
same light. If some argued (as they might with 
reason) that, though no existing regulations for- 
bade individuals from accepting such gifts, when 
spontaneously made by the Princes of India, a 
person in Clive's situation ought not to have re- 
ceived a reward of a nature so likely to establish 
a precedent dangerous to the future integrity of 
the service : it was probably answered, that this 
was no doubt correct as a common rule; but 



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428 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLIVE. 

that the circumstances in which he was placed 
were altogether peculiar, and never likely to 
recur to any individual ; that he first saved from 
ruin, and afterwards established upon a firmer 
and more extended basis, the British interests in 
India ; that he had, in his career, overcome the 
army of one prince whose hostility to the English 
was unconquerable, and raised and preserved 
upon his throne another, by whom the ruined 
inhabitants of Calcutta were restored to afflu- 
ence, and a defenceless factory and a precarious 
trade converted into a strong government and a 
flourishing commerce. Was he, they would 
ask, — the sole and acknowledged author of this 
almost miraculous change, — to obtain no benefit 
except empty honour ? Restricted by his mili- 
tary occupation from trade, — denying himself, 
upon principle, every advantage from a corrupt 
source, — inadequately paid by the government 
he served, and without a hope of any remunera- 
tion from a fluctuating body of Directors, — was 
he, when he compromised no duty, when he 
offended no law, when he injured neither the 
interests of individuals nor of the state, to reject 
ungraciously the munificent reward spontane- 
ously proffered to him by a prince, who, though 
he had already enriched him with a liberal share 
of the treasures which he distributed to the 
English government and its army when they 



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MEMOIRS OF LOBD CLIVE. iiiQ 

placed him upon the throne, now owed him an 
obligation of almost equal magnitude ? For there 
could be no doubt, the defenders of Cllve would 
argue, that to him Meer Jaffier was exclusively 
indebted for the successful Issue of the late cam- 
paign : and his merits and claims were enhanced 
from his having, by his qualities of a soldier and 
a statesman, and by the influence of his great 
name, reaped all the fruits of the most decided 
victory without shedding one drop of blood. 

Such were the arguments by which the great 
majority became satisfied with CUve's conduct 
on this occasion. Their force cannot be denied ; 
nor can their validity be impugned on any ground 
unconnected with his peculiar situation and ex- 
traordinary achievements. It is, assuredly, a 
great injustice to his memory, to view his con-, 
duct on this and similar points without the 
fullest reference, not only to the singular circum- 
stances in which he was placed, but to the 
usages of the service to which he belonged, to 
those of Eastern governments, and to the prin- 
ciples of action which, at that period, governed 
the Directors of the East India Company. Be- 
sides, if, even with ourselves, there is not a man 
who thinks the more meanly of ComwaUls or 
Wellesley for the large pecuniary donations 
which they received from the Company, or of 
our Marlborough and our Wellington for the 



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430 MEMOIRS OF LORD CLiVE. 

splendid estates which they received from the 
government of a grateful country ; can it be 
deemed honest or &ir to apply a different rule 
to the similar testimony of gratitude which Clive 
received from the prince (the sole representative 
of the government) whom he had so eminently 
served ? According to the ideas of that country, 
the reward was not excessive : no native of the 
Elast certainly deemed it so. And, if it be ob- 
jected to as conferred by a foreign potentate, 
Clive must be content to share, in his fortunes 
as his &me, the late of the Prince of Mindel- 
heim, the Duke of Bronte, and the Duke of 
Vittoria. 



END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 



Printed by A. E 

Naw-StrackSqutt*. 



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