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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


Ex  Libris 
C.  K.  OGDEN 


^  fe/-^ 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU. 


MAIMIAKKT    OF    AN.KH', 

ViLEKN    (^l'    KINO    HKNRY    VI. 

(From  u  I'icturc  of  bcr  Marriage  sold  at  StrawbciTy  Hill. 


THE 


LIFE   AND   TIMES 


MARGARET   OF  ANJOU, 

aUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE. 


1]Y   MARY   ANN    HOOKHAM. 


VOL.  I. 


LONDON : 
TINSLEY  BROTHERS,  18,  CATHERINE  ST.,  STRAND. 

1872. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


MAEGAKET   OF  ANJOU, 

QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FEANCE; 


AND  OF  HER  FATHER 


BENE    "THE    GOOD." 


*    I     H    h.        It  I  I  J  I    I  1 

KINO  OF  SICILY,   NAPLES,   AND  JERUSALEM. 


MEMOIRS  OF  THE  HOUSES  OF  ANJOU. 


MARY   ANN    HOOKHAM. 


WITH     PORTRAITS    AND     ILLUSTRATIONS. 


IN    TWO    VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


LONDON : 
TINSLEY  BROTHERS,  18,  CATHERINE  ST.,  STRANI 

1872. 


LONDON : 
BRASBCRV,   EVAKS,   AND  CO.,  PRINTERS,   WUITEFRIARS. 


TO  THE  PtEADEE. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  write  a  preface  to  tlie 
accompanying  work,  since  I  liave  long  felt  assured 
that  I  may  trust  to  its  own  intrinsic  interest  to  com- 
mend it  to  the  liistoric  reader.  Tlie  romance  of  real 
life,  so  remarkably  depicted  in  the  vicissitudes  of 
Queen  Margaret's  career,  and  that  of  her  Father, 
cannot  fail  to  arouse  the  feeling  heart,  and  to  awaken 
genuine  sentiment  :  add  to  this,  the  broad  light 
diffused  over  the  arts  and  literature  of  those  times,  by 
KingRen^  "the  Good." 

My  sole  object,  therefore,  in  this  page  is  to  render 
a  just  tribute  to  those  who  have  kindly  aided  me  in 
a  task,  which,  from  the  obscure  period  of  which  it 
treats,  has  been  found  greater  than  at  the  commence- 
ment was  anticipated.  More  especially  do  I  seek  this 
opportunity  to  acknowledge,  the  valuable  assistance 
rendered  me,  through  the  courteous  correspondence  of 
that  learned  historian,  the  late  ]M.  de  Barante  ;  as  well 
as  that  of  M.  Grille,  Librarian  of  the   University  of 


X  ']'0   THE    EEADER. 

Angers,  to  uliom  I  liave  been  greatly  indebted  for 
foots  of  local  interest.  To  many  kind  friends  and 
relatives,  who  have  ably  assisted  me  in  my  mider- 
taking,  and  foremost  amongst  tliem  to  Mrs.  Matthew 
Hall,  I  desire  also  through  this  medium  to  express  my 
very  sincere  thanks. 

]\L\RY  ANN  HOOKHAM. 


4,  FiTZEOY  Street,  Fiizroy  Square, 
February  20/ Ji,  1S72. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

PART   I. 

PAGE 

TnE  Early  Histoky  of  Anjou 1 

PART  II. 
The  Ancestors  of  Rene  of  Anjou  :— 

John,  King  of  Frvnce 46 

Louis  I.,  Duke  of  Anjou 47 

Louis  II.,  Duke  of  Anjou 72 

Louis  III.,  Duke  of  Anjou 95 

CHAPTER  I. 

A.D,  1435. 

Rene's  birth — Education — Marriage — Children — His  tastes  and  wars — 
The  Battle  of  Bulgaeviile — He  becomes  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar — Rene  in  prison — Released  ou  his  parole — The  Emperor  Sigis- 
mond's  decision — Fetes  in  Lorraine — Ren^  returns  to  his  prison — 
Death  of  Louis  III. — Death  of  Queen  Joanna  II. —She  appointed 
Rend  her  heir — Ren6  sends  his  Queen,  Isabella,  into  Provence  and 
to  Naples 113 


CHAPTER  II. 

A.D.  1444. 

Queen  Isabella's  reception  at  Naples — Her  talents  and  influence — Mer 
great  successes  —  Rival  claims — Alphonso  set  free — Ren^  is  libera- 
ted—He  goes  to  Tours,  Anjou,  and  Provence — Then  to  Genoa  and 
Naples — His  reception  there — Rent's  poverty — His  cause  declines — 
Alphonso  besieges  Naples  —  Caldora  dies — Rene  visits  the  Pro- 
vinces— Alphonso  goes  to  Capua — Returns  and  renews  the  siege  of 
Naples — He  enters  the  city  —  Rent's  bravery  and  defeat  —  He 
returns  to  France — A  marriage  contract — Rene's  mother  dies — 
Louis  of  Anjou  dies — The  treaty  for  peace  at  Tours,  and  for  the 
marriage  of  Henry  VI.  to  Margaret  of  Anjou  .        .  .     170 


xii  CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER  III. 

i'AGE 
Affairs  in  England  previous  to  the  marriage  of  Henry  \l.      .         .         .     203 


CHAPTER  lY. 

A.D.  1444-1445. 

The  marriage  of  Margaret  of  Anjou  by  proxj-— Her  progress  through 
France  —  Her  arrival  in  England — Her  illness — Her  marriage  to 
King  Henry  YI. — Her  progress  to  London— Her  reception  by  the 
people — Her  coronation  ........     226 

CHAPTER  Y. 

A.D.  1446-1448. 

The  Queen's  great  influence — A  conspiracy  against  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester— His  death  and  character — The  Cardinal  of  Winchester  dies — 
Colleges  founded — The  Duke  of  Suffolk's  defence — The  pretensions 
of  the  Duke  of  York — His  variance  with  the  Duke  of  Somerset      .     279 


CHAPTER  YI. 

A.D.  1448-1450. 

surremler  of  Maine  and  Anjim — The  Duke  of  Suffolk's  impeach- 
ment— U\s  banishment  and  death — The  loss  of  Caen — The  conduct 
of  Sir  David  Hall — Somerset  returns  to  England — Cade's  rebellion, 
and  deatli 322 


CHAPTER  Yir. 

A.D.  1451-1455. 

Clamours  against  the  Duke  of  Somerset — York  takes  up  arms — He  is 
apprehended,  and  released— Treaty  with  Scotland — The  Queen 
visits  Norwich — Her  con-espondence — The  loss  of  Guienne — Lord 
Talbot's  death— Henry  VI.  taken  ill — The  birth  of  Prince  Edward — 
The  Duke  of  York  made  "Protector" — The  King  recovers,  and 
resumes  his  authority — York  retires  into  "Wales      ....     363 


APPENDIX 415 


INTKODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

PART  I. 


OF   THE   EAELY  HISTOEY   OF   AXJOL\ 

After  the  conquests  of  Charlemagne  the  Em- 
peror, the  great  kingdom  of  France  was  divided  into 
numerous  fiefs,  or  petty  sovereignties. 

These  were  again,  after  the  intervention  of  that  long- 
period  called  the  feudal  times,  re-united  under  the 
French  crown.  Of  these  provinces,  Aujou  was  one 
which  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  politics  of 
Europe.  During  600  years  the  Angevine  rulers  were 
of  three  separate  families  or  "  Houses,"  originating 
in,  and  acknowledging  allegiance  to,  the  crown  of 
France. 

Some  difficulty  has  been  foimd  by  writers  in  marking 
distinctly  the  origin  and  fall  of  the  First  House  of 
Anjou ;  but  the  dynasty  of  xhe  "  Third  House,"  from 
which  Rene  of  Anjou  and  his  daughter  Margaret  sprung 
by  direct  lineal  descent,  is  traced  with  sufficient  per- 
spicuity in  all  the  annals. 

FIRST   AND   SECOND   HOUSES   OF   ANJOU. 

In  the  year  768,  Charlemagne  bestowed  his  sister      '^'^^■ 
Bertha  in  marriage  on  ^lilon,  Count  of  ]\Iaine,  giving, 
as  her  dower,  the  territory  of  Anjou,  and  conferred 
upon  Milon  the  title  of  Count  of  Angers.     From  this 

VOL.  I.  B 


2  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTORY. 

marriage  proceeded  four  illustrious  warriors,  Roland, 
Thierri,  Geoffi-ey,  and  Baldwin.  After  a  rule  of  ten 
years,  I\Iilon  was  killed  in  battle  against  the  Saracens 
in  Spain. 

778.  His  eldest  son,  Roland,  succeeded  him  in  778.    That 

Roland  whose  praises  have  been  sung  by  Ariosto — 
that  famous  Roland,  who  is  reported,  in  one  of  his 
hand-to-hand  encounters,  to  have  cloven  through  man, 
saddle,  and  horse  with  one  fell  blow  !  But  Anjou  can 
hardly  be  said  to  have  felt  his  governing  hand,  since 
he  was  killed  at  Roncevaux,  in  the  very  year  of  his 
accession. 

778.  The  title  and  possessions  then  devolved  upon  his 

brother  Thierri,  who  was  destined,  during  a  long  reign, 
to  bear  the  brunt  of  a  cruel  warfare,  often  simultane- 
ously carried  on  by  two  fierce  enemies,  and  to  witness 
continual  scenes  of  devastation  and  carnage  over- 
spreading that  fine  portion  of  France  entrusted  to  his 
charge. 

The  imperial  power  of  Charlemagne  was  too  mighty 
for  the  grasp  of  his  son,  and,  under  the  mental  and 
moral  incapacity  of  his  grandson,  it  dwindled  and 
narrowly  escaped  extinction.  Louis  "le  Dcbonnaire," 
the  son  and  successor  of  Charlemagne,  had  not  been 

818.  four  years  upon  the  throne  of  France,  ere  the  Bretons 
rose  in  open  rebellion  against  him. 

819.  The  King  repaired  to  Angers,  and,  joined  by  his 
cousin  Thierri  and  the  Angevine  nobility,  marched  into 
Brittany,  and  speedily  reduced  that  refi'actory  province. 

824.  Five  years  after,  a  second  rising  of  the  Bretons,  under 
their  Duke  Nomenoe,  is  stated  to  have  been  suppressed 

.836.  by  Louis  with  equal  facility.  But,  as  early  as  836, 
according  to  some  chroniclers,  a  new  enemy  appeared 
upon  the  soil  of  France,  in  the  persons  of  the  famous 
brigand,  Hasting,  and  the  Danes,  who  overran  and 
eventually  colonised  Normandy ;  and  were,  therefore, 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  3 

often  called  Normans  in  those  times.  No  one  ever  did 
so  miicli  injury  to  tlie  Angevines  as  this  lawless  chief 
with  his  pirate  hordes. 

In  838,  the  Danes  made  a  descent  upon  France  by  S38. 
the  Loire,  under  the  conduct  of  Hasting.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  after  the  commencement  of  the  dis- 
astrous reign  of  Charles  "  le  Chauve,"  son  of  Louis  "  le 
Debonnaire,"  that  the  Normans  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  Bretons  on  the  other,  succeeded  to  any  remarkable 
extent  in  ravaghig  Anjou,  and  dismembering  France. 
In  the  earliest  years  of  that  reign  the  restless  Bretons 
again  took  up  arms  against  the  new  yoke,  making  their 
Duke  Nomeno6,  King  of  Brittany ;  and,  mindful  of  the 
recent  loyalty  of  their  neighbours,  invaded  Anjou, 
ravaged  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  and  destroyed  the 
abbey  of  St.  Florent.  They  even  approached  the  city 
of  Angers,  but,  on  learning  that  Thierri  was  pre- 
pared to  fight,  they  hastily  withdrew  into  their  own 
country. 

It  was  about  this  time,  843 — 5,  that  the  Danes  843-5. 
found  their  way  to  Nantes  ;  and,  after  making  a  great 
massacre  of  the  people  in  one  of  its  churches,  estab- 
lished themselves  temporarily  on  a  neighbouring  island 
of  the  Loire.  Thence  they  continued  to  devastate  the 
province  of  Brittany,  for  a  length  of  time,  conquering 
the  Bretons  in  three  consecutive  battles,  till  Nomenoe, 
compelled  to  sue  for  peace,  loaded  them  with  presents, 
to  induce  them  to  quit  his  tenitory. 

Thierri,  meantime,  weakened  by  his  great  age  and 
the  harass  of  frequent  wars,  ceased  to  be  formidable  to 
these  enemies.  The  French  king  therefore  resolved, 
for  the  better  defence  of  the  whole  county  of  Anjou,  to 
divide  it  for  the  present  into  two  parts  independent  of 
each  other. 

He  permitted  Thierri  to  remain  in  possession  of  the 
city  of  Angers,  and  all  the  territory  between  the  left 

b2 


4  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

bank  of  t]ie  Loire  and  tlie  Maine,  and  the  right  bank 
of  the  Layon,  and  called  from  that  time  "De^'a-Maine." 
All  the  rest  of  the  country,  thenceforth  named  "  Outre- 
Maine,"  he  bestowed  on  a  young  captain,  supposed  of 
Saxon  origin,  named  Rostulf  or  Robert,  who  was 
already  distinguished  for  his  bravery  and  military 
tactics.  This  chief  with  his  companions  in  arms 
shortly  arrived  in  Anjou,  and  established  himself  at 
Seronne  on  the  Sarthe  (now  Chateauneuf),  which  he 
made  the  capital  of  his  territory. 

After  making  peace  Avitli  Nomenoc,  the  Normans 
advanced  up  the  Loire,  entered  the  Maine,  and  attacked 
S45-7.  the  city  of  Angers.  Thierri  sustained  the  first  onset 
of  Hasting,  and  even  repulsed  the  enemy  out  of  the 
city ;  but  the  Normans,  after  making  a  feint  of  retiring, 
returned  in  a  few  days  and  took  the  city  by  assault. 
They  massacred  nearly  all  the  inhabitants,  pillaged  and 
set  fire  to  the  city,  and  finally  burnt  alive  the  unfortu- 
nate Count  Thierri,  a  venerable  old  man  of  more  than 
eighty  years  of  age. 

From  this  period  the  frontier  provinces  were  for  a- 
long  time  continually  the  scene  of  devastation   and 

S4;».  carnage.  The  King  of  Brittany,  Nomenoe,  bent  on 
conrpiest,  a  second  time  invaded  Anjou,  and  gained  the 
capital  without  striking  a  blow.  He  ravaged  both  Anjou 
and  Maine  for  several  years,  until  a  violent  malady 
ended  his  life. 

S51.  His  son  Erispoe,  who  succeeded  him,  obtained  a  sig- 

nal victory  over  the  French  king,  Charles  "  le  Chauve," 
who  was  obliged  to  confirm  to  Jiim  the  possessions  of 
'J'hicrri,  viz.,  Angers  and  Upi)er  Anjou  ;  tliatjjortion  of 
Anjou  became,  in  fact,  at  that  period  an  integral  part 
of  the*  kingdom  of  Brittany.  Lideed,  such  was  the 
deplorable  state  of  the  country,  that,  in  order  to  obtain 
peace  King  Charles  conceded  all  that  was  required  of 
him,  sanctioning  tlic  marriage  of  his  son  Louis  "  le' 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  5 

Begue  "  with  the  daughter  of  Erispoe,  and  confirming 
the  latter  in  the  attributes  of  royalty.     Erispoe,  how-       r>57 
ever,  was  slain  in  857,  upon  the  very  altar  in  a  sanc- 
tuary to  which  he  had  fled,  by  his  cousin  Salomon,  who 
then  declared  himself  King  of  Brittany  in  his  stead. 

Robert,  meanwhile,  whose  strength  and  valour  had 
won  him  the  surname  of  "  le  Fort,"  was  respected  in 
his  territory,  and  was  able  successfully  to  repulse  both 
Bretons  and  Normans.  He  remained  always  faithful  to 
his  benefactor  Charles,  who  in  return,  in  861  entrusted  sfii. 
him  with  the  title  and  authority  of  Count  of  Angers 
and  Upper  Anjou,  to  preserve  during  the  minority  of  his 
son  Louis,  the  heir  naturally  of  Erispoe.  But  the 
French  nobility,  discontented  with  the  unfortunate 
government  of  their  monarch,  viewed  with  a  jealous 
eye  the  favour  shown  to  Robert.  They  intrigued  with 
Louis,  King  of  Germany,  to  depose  his  brother  Charles 
"  le  Chauve,"  and  at  length  took  up  arms  with  him  at 
their  head,  and  made  their  rendezvous  in  Brittany. 
Upon  this,  Robert  collected  troops  and  took  defensive 
measures  against  the  approach  of  the  rebels.  Louis 
invaded  Anjou  with  a  large  army  in  862,  and  imme-  S62. 
diately  encountered  that  of  Robert,  but  the  latter 
succeeded,  with  inferior  numbers,  In  driving  back  the 
enemy  into  Brittany,  killing  more  than  2,000  of  them, 
and  recovering  the  whole  of  the  booty  which  they  had 
plundered  during  the  incursion. 

The  fugitives  rallied  indeed,  and  afterwards  re- 
entered Anjou,  but  when  Robert  marched  promptly 
upon  Louis  and  gave  him  battle  a  second  time,  the 
result  was  the  complete  victory  of  the  Angevines,  and 
total  rout  of  the  Breton  and  other  forces.  Finally,  both 
Louis  and  Salomon,  the  Kings  of  Germany  and  Brit- 
tany, took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Charles  "  le  Chauve." 

In  the  same  year  Salomon  enlisted  on  his  side  the 
formidable  alliance  of  the  Normans  in  Brittany ;  but 


6  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

the  prudence  of  Robert  dictated  to  him  to  buy  off  the 
latter  at  the  cost  of  6,000  silver  livres.  Thus,  at  length, 
disembarrassed  of  the  pretensions  of  Salomon  in  Anjou,. 
the  French  king  confirmed  the  rank  and  government  of 
Angers  and  Upper  Anjou  to  Robert  "le  Fort "  who,  in. 
863.  8G3,  obtained  another  complete  victory  over  the  Nor- 
mans, entrenched  in  islands  on  the  Loire,  in  which  he 
was  severely  wounded. 

865.  Robert  attained  the  climax  of  his  successes  in  865, 
over  the  Normans,  on  their  return  from  Poitiers  to  the 
Loire  after  pillaging  that  city.  Taking  them  by  surprise, 
he  killed  500  of  them,  without  losing  a  single  man. 
In  acknowledgment  of  this  especial  feat  the  king 
created  him  Marquis  of  Angers,  and  gave  him  the 
counties  of  Auxerre  and  Nivernois.     In  the  following 

866.  year  he  was  further  promoted  to  a  dukedom  of  France, 
with  charge  of  the  whole  country  between  the  Loire 
and  the  Seine.  He  was  not,  however,  successful 
against  his  old  foes  in  this  new  scene  of  his  operations. 
The  Normans,  ascending  the  Seine  as  far  as  Melun, 
there  fell  upon  a  force  much  superior  to  their  own  in 
strength  and  commanded  by  Robert  himself,  over  which 

867.  they  obtauied  a  speedy  and  decisive  victory.  A  year, 
or  two  later  Robert  returned  to  Lower  Anjou,  again  to 
do  battle  with  those  insatiable  brigands.  He  en- 
countered, near  Chateauneuf,  400  Normans  and  Bretons,., 
who  had  despoiled  the  city  of  Le  Mans.  They  were 
led  by  Hasting  himself,  who,  surprised  at  this  point, 
retreateil  within  the  church  of  Brissarth  Avith  some  loss. 
The  church  having  been  speedily  fortified,  and  the 
night  coming  on,  Robert  deferred  until  the  morrow  the 
attack.  But,  in  the  night,  he  was  obliged  to  repel  a 
sally  from  the  besieged,  when  he  was,  after  prodigies 
of  valour,  cut  down  on  the  threshold  of  the  church. 
Ranulph,  Duke  of  Aquitahie,  his  ally  on  that  occasion, 
was  at  the  same  time  mortally  wounded  by  an  arrow 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  7 

from  one  of  the  cliurch  windows,  and  died  three  days 
after.  Their  united  forces  were  put  to  flight,  and  the 
whole  county  fell  defenceless  under  the  yoke  of  the 
Norman  adventurer. 

Robert  "le  Fort,"  whose  just  and  warlike  career  thus 
terminated  in  battle  in  defence  of  his  country,  was  the 
first  ancestor  of  a  long  line  of  French  kings,  since  Hugh 
Capet,  the  head  of  the  third  dynasty,  was  his  great- 
grandson,  and  the  little  town  of  Seronne  or  Chateau- 
neuf  was  consequently  the  first  possession  of  that  dis- 
tinguished race  in  France.  The  peasantry  of  the 
country  still  cherish  his  remembrance  under  the 
homely  title  of  "  General  le  Fort." 

At  the  time  when  Hasting  thus  re-appeared  upon  the 
soil  of  Anjou,  the  people  of  its  capital,  who  had  been 
peaceably  employed  for  several  years  in  rebuilding 
their  city,  had  at  length  learnt  to  banish  all  fear  of  the 
return  of  that  ruthless  scourge,  who  twenty  years 
before  had  sacked  and  burnt  it  so  unmercifully.  When 
therefore  they  were  apprized  of  the  stratagem  of 
Hasting,  so  fatal  to  the  brave  Robert  and  his  ally,  the 
consternation  was  general.  The  victor  returned  with 
his  spoil  to  his  vessels  on  the  Loire.  He  occupied  the 
banks  of  that  river  during  five  years,  living  on  the 
pillage  of  the  country. 

It  is  certain  that  from  869  to  873  the  Normans 
were  in  possession  of  Anjou,  but  about  the  year  871       871. 
their  chief  resolved  to  seize  upon  some  important  town 
and  make  it  his  abode. 

He  gave  the  preference  to  Angers,  and,  quitting  the 
Loire,  approached  that  city.  The  two  sons  of  Robert 
"le  Fort,"  Eudes  and  Robert,  were  too  young  at  his 
death  to  succeed  to  his  rule.  The  title  of  Count  of 
Tours  and  Angers  was  therefore  bestowed  on  the  abbot 
Hugues  ;  but  at  his  death,  a  few  years  after,  the  trust 
of  the  county  was  confided  to  Eudes,  who  was  made 


8  INTEODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

CouQt  of  Paris  and  Duke  of  France.  It  is,  liowever, 
more  than  probable  that  ncitlier  Hngucs  nor  Eudes 
possessed  any  but  a  titular  authority  over  tlie  province 
of  Anjou  during  that  anarchical  period.  At  any  rate, 
OQ  the  approach  of  Hasting,  the  inha])itants  of  Angers, 
despite  the  strength  of  their  fortifications,  fled  in  terror. 
The  remembrance  of  his  cruelties  had  so  poAverful  an 
effect  upon  them,  that  neither  assurances  nor  menaces 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities  could  stay  the  alfrighted 
citizens.  They  abandoned  their  city  to  the  mercy  of 
the  Normans,  who  entering,  witli  tlieir  leader,  estab- 
lished themselves  there  with  their  families,  and  became 
its  new  inhabitants. 

The  French  king,  aroused  into  activity  by  the  bold- 
ness of  tliis  enterprise,  at  length  concerted  measures, 
with  the  aid  of  Salomon,  King  of  Brittany,  to  expel  the 
872-3.  brigand.  In  the  following  year  Angers  was  success- 
fully besieged  by  the  French  and  Bretons  in  alliance. 
It  was  a  protracted  siege,  and  only  terminated  by 
means  of  a  stratagem  of  Salomon. 

His  soldiers  dug  a  wide  and  deep  canal  to  draw  off 
the  waters  of  the  Maine,  and  thus  leave  the  ships  of 
the  Normans  on  dry  ground.  The  Normans  Avere 
powerless,  or  thought  themselves  so,  without  their 
vessels,  and,  though  the  canal  was  never  finished,  it  is 
confidently  asserted  that  the  cause  which  made  the 
besieged  treat  urgently  for  peace  was  this  ingenious 
undertaking.  Hasting  found  himself  compelled  to  offer 
a  large  sum  of  money  for  permission  to  depart  the  city 
with  his  followers.  He  even  promised  to  quit  the 
French  territory  for  ever,  and  so  completely  imposed 
on  the  credulity  of  Charles,  that  the  King  raised  the 
siege,  and  suffered  him  to  transport  his  vessels  into  the 
new  bed  of  the  Maine.  Thence  he  reached  the  Loire 
once  again,  when,  with  a  fiiithlessness  natural  to  a  foe 
of  his  stamp,  he  remanicd,  and  soon  after  recommenced 


INTRODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  9 

his  former  S3^stem  of  depredation  along  its  banks  witli 
impunity. 

The  first  person  into  whose  hands  the  real  govern- 
ment of  Angers  and  Upper  Anjou  was  confided,  after 
the  siege  of  Angers,  w^as  one  of  the  foresters  of  Anjou, 
born  in  the  territory  of  Rennes,  in  the  Armorique, 
named  Torquat.  After  Robert  "le  Fort"  and  the 
Norman  anarchy,  Torquat  was  the  first  governor  of  s-'^- 
Angers,  and  was  appointed  in  873  simply  as  defender 
of  the  Angevine  and  Breton  frontiers. 

He  had  a  son  of  an  aspiring  mind,  named  Tertulle, 
who  at  first  filled  the  office  of  ranger,  but  as  that 
appointment  was  accompanied  by  no  particular  dis- 
tinction, in  order  to  advance  his  fortunes  he  entered 
the  service  of  the  King  and  distinguished  himself  in 
the  army. 

Tertulle  became  one  of  the  Leudes,  or  faithful,  of 
Charles,  in  the  year  875,  but  at  what  date  he  succeeded  STS. 
his  father  as  governor  of  Angers  and  Upper  Anjou, 
and  guardian  of  the  frontiers  on  that  side,  is  unknown  ; 
it  is  only  certain  that  between  them  Torquat  and 
Tertulle  administered  that  part  of  the  country  from 
873  to  892.  In  the  3^ear  875,  when  he  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  and  became  a  Leude  of  Charles, 
Tertulle  won  the  hand  of  Petronilla,  daughter  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  which  King  Charles  bestowed  on 
him,  together  with  a  benefice  in  the  Castle  of  Laudon, 
and  some  lands  in  Gastinois.  Tertulle  became  Senes- 
chal of  Gastinois.  The  offspring  of  his  union  with 
Petronilla  was  a  son,  born  in  87G,  named  Ingelger,  876. 
who  at  an  early  age  attained  an  historical  reputation, 
and  became  the  first  hereditary  sovereign  in  Anjou,  as 
well  as  the  founder  of  a  long  and  powerful  djmastic 
sway. 

On  the  death  of  his  father,  Ingelger  was  only  in  his 
sixteenth   year,  too   young  to  be  invested  with  the       ^^-- 


10  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

important  command  wliicli  Tertulle  liad  exercised,  and 
yet  full  of  promise  of  a  brilliant  career.  He  liad  been 
educated  under  tlie  eye  of  his  father ;  and  endowed 
with  natural  genius,  a  noble  physiognomy,  and  a  hand- 
some figure,  he  had  already  become  remarkable  for  a 
skill  In  horsemanship  and  in  the  military  exerciseSy 
which  even  compensated  for  the  deficiency  of  physical 
strength  that  years  alone  could  contribute. 

It  seemed  as  if  already  the  French  King  Eudes 
designed  for  him  the  same  appointment  which  his 
father  had  held,  for  though  some  years  elapsed  before 
Ingelger  became  Governor  of  Angers,  yet  history 
mentions  no  Intermediate  possessor  of  that  title,  and 
next  after  the  vacancy  created  by  the  death  of  Tertulle 
records  the  name  of  Ingelger. 
893  Meanwdiile  a  romantic  occurrence  gave  rise  to  his 

debut ^  about  a  year  after  his  father's  death,  and  con- 
tributed in  no  small  degree  to  his  advancement,  in  that 
early  age  of  chivalry. 

Adede,  Countess  of  Gastlnols,  the  godmother  of 
Ingelger,  had  found  her  husband  one  morning,  dead 
in  his  bed  by  her  side.  Though  respected  no 
less  for  her  modesty  than  her  beauty,  the  Countess 
was  many  years  younger  than  the  deceased,  and  that 
circumstance,  coupled  with  a  greedy  ambition  on  the 
part  of  the  Count's  nearest  relative,  except  herself, 
named  Gontran,  made  her  the  subject  of  an  unworthy 
SLispIcion.  Gontran,  In  order  that  she  might  be  dis- 
inherited and  himself  put  in  possession  of  the  title  and 
estates,  published  an  accusation  against  her  of  homicide 
and  adultery.  The  decision  In  this  matter  rested  with 
the  crown,  but  the  trial  upon  which  that  decision 
depended  was,  in  those  days,  one  of  courage  and 
strength  totally  Irrespective  of  justice.  The  French 
king  accordingly  came  to  Chateau  Laudon  on  a  day 
specified,  with   his  princes  and  barons,  to  judge  the 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  11 

affair.  Tlie  Countess  was  present  in  deep  mourning. 
Gontran  reminded  them  simply,  that  some  years  before, 
Avhen  the  King  had  wished  to  marry  the  late  Count, 
the  Seneschal  of  his  palace,  to  the  Countess,  she  had 
long  rejected  the  offer  with  hauteur^  asserting  that  the 
Seneschal  was  bom  her  vassal,  and  that  she  had  only 
yielded  on  the  reiterated  instances  of  the  King  and  of 
all  his  court;  in  short,  that  she  had  been  inspired  with 
sentiments  of  hatred  and  contempt  only  towards  this 
her  second  husband,  and  that  those  feelings  had  doubt- 
less caused  her  to  commit  the  double  crime  laid  to  her 
charge.  To  prove  his  assertions,  he  immediately  cast 
his  gage  into  the  midst  of  the  assembly!  The 
Countess  replied  only  by  sobs  and  tears,  for  no  one 
dared  to  take  up  the  gage  of  combat,  and  in  that  age 
the  innocence  of  the  accused  was  decided  by  combat 
alone.  At  length  she  sank  fainting  on  the  ground, 
and  seemed  ready  to  expire.  Unable  any  longer 
to  endure  the  sight  of  the  agony  of  one  who  had 
taken  so  much  care  of  his  infancy  after  he  had  lost 
his  mother,  and  had  subsequently  inspired  him  with 
all  the  generous  sentiments  which  form  the  hero, 
Ingelger  threw  himself  at  the  feet  of  the  King,  and 
besought  his  permission  to  fight  for  the  honour  of  his 
benefactress.  Surprised,  yet  pleased,  the  King  at 
length  consented,  though  with  regTet.  On  the  morrow 
the  same  assemblage  re-appeared  upon  the  field  of 
battle ;  the  Countess  with  her  ladies  was  present  in  a 
carriage  hung  with  mourning,  and,  from  the  raised 
corner  of  the  sable  drapery,  her  eyes  met  those  of  her 
champion  as  the  signal  was  given  and  he  loosed  the 
rein  to  his  horse. 

The  age,  strength,  and  military  reputation  of  his  ad- 
versary were  all  superior.  At  the  first  shock  the  lance 
of  Gontran  pierced  the  buckler  of  the  youth,  but  there 
rested  entangled,  and  whilst  he  vainly  endeavoured  to 


12  IXTEODUCTOEY   HISTORY. 

witlidraw  it,  Ingelger  passed  liis  tlirougli  tlie  body  of 
liis  opponent,  and  threw  liini  from  his  horse ;  then 
aUghting,  he  despatclied  him  with  his  dagger.  Amidst 
the  acclamations  which  followed,  his  godmother,  hav- 
ing alighted  from  her  carriage  and  embraced  Ingelger, 
petitioned  the  King  to  allow  her  to  dispose  of  all 
her  fortune  to  him  to  whom  she  owed  her  honour. 
The  royal  approval  was  given,  and  Ingelger  rendered 
homage  for  all  the  lands  which  the  Countess  of 
Gastinois  thus  bestowed  upon  him.  They  were  the 
town  of  Chateau  Laudon  and  the  Gastinois  territory. 

The  King  of  France,  an  eye-witness  of  this  brilliant 
commencement  of  his  noble  career,  did  not  lose  sight 
of  Ingelger,  and  some  years  after  gave  him  the  tem- 
porary government  of  the  town  of  Angers,  and  of  that 
part  of  the  county  which  has  been  called  Upper  Anjou. 
This,  however,  was  but  the  first  grade  in  the  ladder  of 
Ingelger's  ambition.  Before  the  ninth  century,  the 
military  benefices  granted  by  the  King  to  his  Leudes, 
or  faithful,  had  been  transferable  ;  but  during  that 
epoch  they  existed  for  life,  and  before  its  close  became 
hereditary.  Thus,  about  this  date,  the  French  King,  for 
the  better  defence  ofjiis  territories  against  the  Normans 
and  others,  divided  them  as  heirlooms  amongst 
his  generals,  Avith  the  titles  of  dukes  and  counts. 

The  feudal  government,  which  has  been  aptly 
termed  a  system  of  organised  anarchy,  was  then 
ostablished  in  Anjou  ;  and  that  province  was  elevated, 
in  the  person  of  Ingelger,  apparently  before  the  year 
^300,  into  one  of  those  i)articular  sovereignties  which 
nil  depended  on  the  principal  monarchy,  by  virtue  of 
faith  and  homage  alone. 

Ingelger  was  created  hereditary  Count  of  Anjou 
"Dc^a  ]\Iaine,"  and  as  his  zeal  and  talents  displayed 
themselves,  he  soon  after  became  Viscount  of  Orleans 
and   Prefect  of  Tours.     He  then  took  the  command 


INTRODUCTOEY  HISTORY.  I'S 

from  Orleans  to  Andecavi,  whilst  tlie  Counts  of 
Brittany,  Judicael  and  Alain,  completed  the  chain  of 
defence  against  the  inveterate  Normans  by  undertaking 
to  protect  the  passage  and  mouth  of  the  Loire  through 
Brittany.  Ingelger's  repeated  victories  over  these 
enemies  acquired  for  him  the  reputation  of  one  of 
the  first  generals  of  the  age,  while  the  wisdom  and 
firmness  he  exhibited  in  his  administration  gained  him 
general  esteem.  Thus  he  obtained  the  notice  of  two 
powerful  prelates,  the  Bishops  of  Tours  and  Orleans, 
who  gave  him  their  niece,  the  beautiful  Ad^le  or 
Aliude,  the  richest  heiress  in  those  countries,  in 
marriage.  The  Count  of  Anjou  became  by  this 
marriage  one  of  the  most  wealthy  and  powerful  of 
the  nobles  of  France.  The  country  of  Gastinois  had 
for  its  chief  town  Chateau  Laudon,  and  its  boundaries 
Avere  the  county  of  Sens,  the  territories  of  Melun  and 
Etampes,  the  county  of  Orleans  and  the  Nivernois, 
including  in  its  compass  Courtenai,  St,  Fargeau, 
Moret,  Puiseaux,  and  Gien,  as  well  as  the  territories 
where  the  towns  of  Fontainebleau,  Nemours,  and 
Montargis  now  stand.  With  all  these  possessions, 
Ingelger  became  the  object  of  jealousy  to  most  of  the 
barons  of  Gastinois,  who  had  beheld  him  from  being 
an  equal  suddenly  raised  to  be  their  sovereign.  At 
first,  indeed,  they  refused  to  recognise  him ;  but, 
cither  through  fear,  or  out  of  respect  to  the  King's 
authority,  they  all,  at  length,  rendered  him  their 
homage. 

The  last  enterprise  in  the  life  of  Ingelger  forms  an 
illustration,  almost  as  happy  as  his  first,  of  the  energy 
and  intrepidity,  no  less  than  the  love  of  justice, 
inherent  in  his  noble  character. 

It  appears  that  fifteen  or  twenty  years  previously, 
the  inhabitants  of  Tours,  in  expectation  of  an  incursion 
of  Hasting,  removed  the  body  of  St.  Martin,  as  their 


14  INTEODUCTORY   HISTORY. 

most  i^recious  treasure,  to  Auxerre.  The  security  of 
tlieir  province  having  been  in  the  meantime  estabhshed, 
the  people  of  Tours  now  desired  the  restitution  of  the 
body  of  their  saint ;  but  all  to  no  purpose.  In  vain 
they  petitioned  the  King  on  the  subject ;  he  replied, 
that,  so  long  as  it  remained  in  France,  he  cared  not 
what  town  possessed  it. 

In  this  extremity  they  appealed  to  tlieir  Prefect, 

912.  Ingelger.  He  collected  six  thousand  Angevine  horse- 
men, placed  himself  at  their  head,  and  marched 
straightway  upon  the  town  of  Auxerre ;  which,  no 
longer  able  to  resist  a  demand  supported  in  so  sub- 
stantial a  manner,  restored  the  venerable  deposit 
without  further  parley.  This  incident  is  referred  to 
the  year  912,  the  same  in  which  Rollo,  having  married 
Giseha,  daughter  of  Charles  "le  Simple,"  and  embraced 
Christianity,  made  peace  at  last  between  the  Normans 

913.  and  French.  In  the  following  year  occurred  the  death 
of  Ingelger,  whose  body  was  conveyed  to  Tours, 
followed  ]iy  all  the  barons  and  nobles  of  Anjou,  and 
buried  according  to  his  desire  in  tlie  church  of  St. 
Martin. 

With  this  commencement  of  the  feudal  system,  the 
people  of  Anjou,  who  had  hitlicrto  always  enjoyed 
certain  rights  from  the  time  of  the  Romans,  fell  into 
total  slaver}^,  and  were  parcelled  out  with  the  lands  on 
which  tliey  dwelt.  In  that  state  of  political  annihila- 
tion they  remained,  with  little  exception,  until  the 
tliirteenth  century. 

Ingelger  left  one  son,  named  Foulqucs,  and  sur- 
named  "  le  Roux  "  from  the  colour  of  his  hair.  He 
succeeded  his  father  in  the  counties  of  Anjou  and 
Charolais.  Foulqucs  inherited  almost  all  the  good 
qualities  of  his  father  ;  but  some  historians  assert  that 
he  tarnished  their  lustre  by  his  dissolute  manners. 
He  was  certainly  brave  and  enterprising,  and  always 


INTRODUCTORY  niSTORY.  15 

Teturned  victorious  from  liis  wars  with  the  Normans 
and  Bretons.  Foulques  became  the  first  hereditary- 
Count  of  the  entire  territory  of  Anjou.  In  914  ^'^^^ 
Charles  "  le  Simple  "  ceded  to  him  Lower,  or  Outre- 
Maine  Anjou,  and  from  that  time  the  two  counties 
united  continued  under  one  head.  Foulques  "  le 
Roux"  married  Roscilla,  daughter  of  Gamier,  Count 
of  Tours,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons  :  the  eldest 
Ingelger  was  killed  in  battle  previous  to  the  year  929, 
and  the  second,  named  Guy,  surrendered  himself  as 
hostage  to  the  Normans  to  obtain  the  liberty  of  Louis 
d'Outre-Mer,  King  of  France. 

On  the  death  of  Foulques  "le  Roux,"  his  third  son      938. 
Foulques  succeeded  him,  and  the  first  reign  in  Anjou 
commenced   in  which  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
Angevine  people  had  obtained  any  consideration. 

This  Count  was  entitled  "  le  Bon,"  for  the  worthy 
actions  of  his  public  life.  He  was  well  educated  for 
his  time,  cultivated  music  and  the  belles-lettres,  and 
associated  with  learned  men  of  all  ranks,  eager  to  profit 
by  their  talents.  His  kindness  and  condescension 
towards  the  poor  never  varied,  and  his  administration 
was  remarkable  for  mildness  and  justice.  In  short,  he 
was  a  pattern  of  rulers  in  his  era.  He  had,  besides, 
the  wisdom  and  good  fortune  to  live  on  amicable  terms 
with  his  neighbours.  The  age  of  Norman  and  Breton 
invasion  of  Anjou  was  past.  Twenty  years  of  profound 
peace  intervened  before  the  age  of  Angevine  conquests 
in  Brittany  and  the  territory  of  the  Count  of  Blois. 

These  twenty  years  constituted  the  happy  reign  of 
Foulques  "the  Good,"  a  golden  age  for  Anjou,  a 
period  when  that  province,  already  the  most  en- 
lightened in  France,  attracted  strangers  from  far  and 
near  to  come  and  share  the  benefits  of  its  learning  and 
its  prosperity.  In  that  age  of  feudalism,  how  much  of 
all  this  depended  upon  the  individual  character  of  the 


IG  IXTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

Count  who  presided  over  tlie  destinies  of  that  portion 
of  France.  On  his  accession,  that  province  presented 
the  spectacle  of  towns  and  bonrgs  abandoned  and 
in  ruins,  of  fields  left  uncultivated,  and  of  a  people  of 
wandering  serfs  without  sustenance  and  without  a 
home.  Touched  by  so  much  misery,  Foulques 
bestowed  his  earliest  attention  upon  agriculture.  He 
granted  permission  to  the  labourers  to  hew  in  his 
forests  all  the  wood  they  required  for  rebuilding  their 
houses  and  making  their  implements  of  husbandry, 
and  then  made  them  advances  of  money  to  procure 
cattle  and  seeds.  In  short,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years,  through  the  wisdom,  goodness,  and  energy  of 
their  ruler,  the  inhabitants  themselves,  as  well  as  their 
neighbours,  were  astonished  to  find  the  country 
abounding  with  flocks  and  herds,  rich  crops,  orchards, 
and  vines  laden  with  fruit.  Foulques  "  le  Bon " 
married  Gerberge,  sister  of  Thibault  I.,  Count  of  Blois, 
cementing  by  that  union  the  peace  and  happhiess  of 
the  two  provinces,  Anjou  and  Blois,  during  his  time. 
Foulques  11. ,  who  was,  besides,  extremely  pious,  was 
carried,  according  to  his  desire  during  his  last  illness, 
within  the  church  of  St.  IMartin  at  Tours,  and  actually 
died  there,  surrounded  by  the  bishop  and  monks,  a.d. 

9is.  958.  He  left  seven  children  by  Gerberge,  the  eldest 
of  whom,  Geoffrey,  succeeded  him. 

The  character  of  Geoffrey  was  much  contrasted 
with  that  of  his  pious,  gentle,  and  humane  fjither. 
Geoflrey  was  surnamed"Grise  Gonelle,"from  commonly 
wearing  a  tunic  of  coarse  grey  stuff.  He  was  warlike 
and  enterprising.     He  rendered  some  signal  services 

978.  to  Lothaire,  King  of  France,  against  Otho  H,,  Emperor 
of  Germany,  and  assisted  in  the  defeat  of  the  Normans, 
Danes,  and  Saxons  whom  Otho  had  led  upon  Paris. 
The  King  of  France,  to  testify  his  satisfaction,  made 
him    Grand    Seneschal    of    France,    which    office   he 


INTEODUCTORT   HISTOEY.  17 

created  expressly  for  liim  and  his  descendants.  The 
life  of  Geoffrey  "  Grise  Gonelle  "  ^Yas  spent  mostly  in 
the  battle-field.  He  had  incessant  contests  vv'ith 
William  IV.,  Count  of  Poitiers ;  he  fought  David, 
^Count  of  Le  Mans,  and,  in  compensation  for  his 
victory  over  him,  received  his  estates  ;  he  triumphed 
over  the  Bretons  who  had  come  to  pillage  Anjou  once 
more ;  and  was  besieging  one  of  his  vassals  in  the 
castle  of  Marson,  near  Saumur,  when  he  died  of  a  ^sz. 
sudden  attack  in  the  year  987. 

Geoffrey  "  Grise  Gonelle  "  had  several  children  by 
his  wife  Ad^le,  of  whom  two  alone  survived  him,  and 
in  turn  succeeded  to  his  title  and  possessions.  Of  the 
€lder,  Maurice,  no  trace  has  been  left  beyond  the 
statement  that  he  ruled  one  year  only  in  Anjou. 

The  name  of  his  brother,  Foulques  "  Nerra, ' '  who  then  sss. 
took  the  reins,  is  well  known.  His  good  government 
during  a  very  long  reign  -was  of  great  importance  to 
the  province  of  Anjou,  and  much  resembled  that  of 
Foulques  "  le  Bon,"  despite  its  warlike  character  at  an 
■early  period,  and  despite  the  stains  with  which  tradition 
accuses  his  private  life.  But  soon  after  its  commence- 
ment he  experienced  a  bitter  and  ambitious  enemy  in 
the  person  of  Conan  I.,  King  of  Brittany,  who  had 
married  his  sister.  He  had  occasion  to  do  battle  in 
person  more  than  once  durhig  the  year  092  against  his  992. 
brother-in-law,  who  was  as  treacherous  as  Foulques 
Avas  brave  and  honest.  The  last  sanguinary  battle  in 
that  year  terminated  in  the  death  of  Conan,  together 
with  a  thousand  of  his  Breton  followers. 

In  994,  Foulques  laid  siege  to  Tours,  then  held  by  994. 
Eudes,  Count  of  Blois,  and  his  arms  having  been  there 
■also  victorious,  a  peace  of  some  years  ensued,  during 
which  he  was  enabled  to  give  his  undivided  attention 
to  the  administration  of  Anjou.  In  his  desire  to 
■ameliorate  the  condition  of  his  subjects,  and  to  augment 


IS  IXTEODUCTOEY  HISTORY. 

legitimately  the  population  of  tlie  country,  he  not  only 
built  a  great  number  of  towns,  castles,  churches,  and 
monasteries,  but  placed  inhabitants  in  them,  and  sought 
to  render  them  happy  by  every  means  in  his  power. 
In  foct,  as  the  terrible  year  1000  passed  harmlessly  by 
(when  it  had  been  beheved  that  the  end  of  the  world 
w^as  approaching),  a  surprising  change  began  to  operate 
upon  all  classes,  and  in  Anjou  it  especially  manifested 
itself  by  an  era  of  celebrated  architecture,  and 
Foulques  became  distinguished  in  history  as  the 
edificateur.  But  he  was  yet  more  worthy  of  public 
renown,  for  having  constantly  made  concessions  to  his 
unhappy  people. 

1012.  About    1012,    he    granted    lands    to    the    poorest 

amongst  them,  and  established  public  markets  for  the 
sale  of  their  produce,  in  order  that  they  might  mauitain 
themselves.  "Nerra"  first  brought  largely  into  use  the 
slate  with  which  Anjou  abounds.     We  find  him  again, 

1016.      liowever,  in  1016  fightuig  against  Eudes  of  Blois,  and 

102.J.  so  late  as  the  year  1025,  he  ccmquered  and  annexed 
tlic  town  of  Saumur,  which  has  been  called  the  garden 
of  Anjou.  The  limits  of  the  province  of  Anjou  Avere, 
indeed,  considerably  extended  on  each  side  under  his 
rule,  until  it  comprised  about  the  same  area  as  the 
department  of  Maine  et  Loire  in  the  present  day.     In 

1029.  1029, however,  Foulques  "Nerra"  was  unsuccessful  in 
a  contest  against  the  Count  of  Maine  and  Alain  III.  of 

103C.  Brittany ;  and  about  the  year  1036,  his  son  Geoffrey 
rose  in  open  rebellion  against  him.  He  defeated,  im- 
prisoned, and  finally  pardoned  his  son. 

"  Nerra"  is  reported  to  have  burnt  alive  his  first  wife 
on  a  charge  of  adultery.  It  is  stated  that  her  shade 
appeared  to  him  in  after  years,  and  that  it  was  in 
remorse  for  this  and  other  similar  savage  acts  of  his 
early  martial  career,  that  lie  made  three  separate 
pilgrimages  for  the  Pope's  benediction  and  to  the  Holy 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  19 

Land.  By  liis  second  wife,  Hildegarde,  lie  had  the 
son  Geoffrey  who  succeeded  him.  During  Foulques 
"Nerra's"  time,  Ethelred  II.  of  England,  and  many 
banished  Saxons,  took  up  their  abode  in  Normandy. 

His  son  and  successor,  Geoffrey  "  Martel,"  became  one  i040. 
of  the  greatest  generals  of  his  age,  but  inherited  none 
of  the  qualities  which  had  earned  the  public  gratitude 
for  his  father.  He  was  ens-ao-ed  in  warfare  nearly  the 
whole  of  his  life.  After  serving  in  several  campaigns 
under  Henry  I.  of  France,  Geoffrey  "  Martel"  laid  siege 
to  Tours,  which  was  then  held  by  Thibault  III.,  Count 
of  Blois.  Thibault,  having  refused  to  do  homage  to 
the  King  for  his  possessions,  this  monarch  had  confis- 
cated them,  and  invested  Geoffrey  "  Martel "  with  1043. 
them.  In  this  enterprise,  which  took  place  on  the  21st 
of  August,  1044,  Geoffrey  was  completely  successful,  lOM. 
against  very  superior  numbers.  The  Count  of  Blois 
was  himself  taken  captive,  and  as  many  as  1800 
prisoners,  and  a  considerable  booty  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  besiegers.  From  his  personal  prowess  in 
this  victory  the  name  of  "  Martel,"  or  hammer,  was 
given  to  him,  in  allusion  to  the  fatal  blows  by  which 
he  prostrated  his  opponents.  The  French  King,  how- 
ever, became  the  mediator  for  Thibault,  who  obtained 
his  liberation  by  ceding  as  his  ransom  the  towns  and 
castles  of  Tours,  Chinon,  and  Langeais.  From  that 
date,  Tourraine  was  dismembered  from  the  counties  of 
Blois  and  Chartres.  Before  he  had  attained  his 
twenty-second  year,  Geoffrey  "  Martel "  had  twice 
conquered  in  battle  William  V.,  Duke  of  Aquitaine. 

They  contested  La  Saintonge  ;  and,  for  four  years,  1044-8. 
there  was  constant  bloodshed  between  Saumur  and 
Poitiers.  On  the  occasion  of  his  second  defeat  the 
Duke  was  made  captive  ;  and,  after  a  confinement  of 
three  years,  died  in  his  prison.  Geoffrey  then  married 
his  widow,  Agnes  of  Burgundy,  who  brought  him,  as 


20  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

her  dowry,  the  county  of  Poitou  and  many  lesser  fiefs. 

10  IS.  The  vaHant  Geoffrey  next  attacked  Normandy,  but 
couhl  make  no  permanent  acquisition  witliin  the  terri- 
tory of  William  the  Conqueror.  Thou.^li  always  faith- 
ful to  his  sovereign,  Henry  I.,  his  great  ambition  led 
him  to  invade  frequently  the  states  of  his  neighbours, 
and,  in  one  important  matter,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
einploy  fraud  as  well  as  force  to  gratify  this  culpable 
ambition.  He  took  advantage  of  the  infancy  of 
Herbert  H.,  Count  of  Maine,  to  procure  his  own 
nomination  as  administrator  of  that  province  during  his 
minority,  l)ut  never  relinquished  the  sovereign  autliority 
over  Maine  during  his  life-time.  He  had,  besides,  been 
unscrupulous  enough  to  sieze  by  force  from  his  nephew 
Foulques  "  I'Oison,"  the  county  of  Vendome,  which  he 
restored  only  on  the  King's  intercession,  after  he  had 

lOoO.  enjoyed  its  revenue  for  twenty  years.  He  made  great 
ac(|uisitions  to  his  dominions,  but  his  subjects  could  have 
experienced  little  happiness  under  his  restless  rule. 
Although  twice  married,  Geoffrey  "  Martel  "  had  no 
children,  either  by  Agnes  or  Grecia,  to  whom  to  be- 
queath his  great  possessions  ;  and  with  him  ended  the 
first  brancli  of  the  Second  House  of  Anjou,  as  it  is 
called,  or  of  the  direct  line  from  Ingelger.  This  last 
of  the  Ingelgerian  Counts  hi  direct  descent,  resigned 

1060.  his  states  in  the  year  1060,  in  favour  of  his  two 
nephews,  Geoffrey  "le  Barba"  and  Foulques  "Rechin," 
and  entering  the  monastery  of  St.  Nicholas,  at  Angers, 
died  there  on  the  following  morning,  in  his  fifty-fourth 
year. 

Geoffrey  and  Foulques,  the  nephews  and  successors  of 
Geoffrey  "Martel,"  were  sons  of  Alberic,  of  Gastinols,  and 
a  sister  of  Geoffrey ' '  Martel. ' '  The  former  received  from 
his  uncle,  Tourrainc  and  the  town  of  Chateau  Laudon, 
and  the  latter,  Anjou  and  Saintonge.  The  inequality 
of  tliis  division  was  the  cause  of  a  bloody  feud  between 


IKTEODUCTOEY   IIISTOEY.  21 

the  two  brothers  dining  eight  years,  as  well  as  of  the 
most  unnatural  cruelty  protracted  over  a  period  of 
thirty  years  more  by  the  one  brother  upon  the  other. 

The  surname  of  "Rechin,"  or  quarrelsome,  given 
to  Foulques  IV.  has,  by  some,  been  understood  as 
referring  the  whole  culpability  of  these  disasters  to  him 
principally,  if  not  solely.  It  appears  certain,  however, 
that  Geoffrey  "  le  Barba  "  began  the  feud  by  claiming  a 
right  over  his  brother's  inheritance  of  Anjou.  He  was 
actually  master  of  the  whole  county  of  Anjou  in  106G. 
Foulques ' '  Rechin  "  succeeded  in  making  hini his  prisoner  iogg. 
in  the  same  year,  but  released  him  on  the  command  of 
Pope  Alexander  II.  In  the  following  year,  however,  1007. 
Geoffrey."  le  Barba  "  renewed  the  war  by  besieging  the 
fortress  of  Brissac.  Foulques ' '  Rechin  "  advanced  against 
him,  and  took  him  prisoner  for  the  second  time,  together 
with  a  thousand  of  his  partizans,  and  confined  him  in 
the  Castle  of  Chinon.  This  incarceration  was  continued 
for  thirty  years,  and  so  terrible  was  its  results,  that  the 
unhappy  Geoffrey  "le  Barba"  lost  his  reason.  Mean- 
while, the  whole  Angevine  nobility  had  been  divided 
into  two  hostile  camps ;  and  very  many  had  fallen  in 
the  civil  war.  The  recent  acquisition  of  Saintouge 
was,  besides,  lost  to  Anjou  during  these  troubles  ;  and 
to  appease  Philip  I.  of  France,  Foulques  "Rechin"  was 
compelled  to  surrender  Chateau  Laudon  to  the  crown. 

In  1073,  Pope  Gregory  VIT.  excommunicated  io73. 
Foulques  "  Rechin"  for  having  married  Ermengarde  of 
Bourbon  within  the  prohibited  degrees.  But  although 
proved  to  have  been  a  zealous  Roman  Catholic  by  his 
defence  of  the  faith  against  heretics,  and  by  his  gifts  to 
tlie  Church,  Foulques  "  Rechin "  seems  generally, 
throughout  his  life,  to  have  made  very  light  of  papal 
anathemas.  He  was  a  second  time  excommunicated 
by  the  same  pontiff  in.  1086,  for  his  lengthy  and  cruel  I'^sc. 
detention  of  his  brother  in  prison.     But  in  proof  of  the 


22  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTORY. 

utter  futility  of  these  anathemas,  Pope  Urban  II.,  ten 
years  after,  favoured  Angers,  amongst  man}'  other 
French  cities,  with  a  visit,  to  preach  a  crusade  to  the 
Holy  Land  ;  and  liavhig  been  magnificently  received 
there  by  this  same  Foulques  "  Eechin,"  j^resented  him 
with  a  golden  rose,  which  had  received  his  blessing, 

Geoffi'ey  "  le  Barba  "  was  as  close  a  prisoner  as  ever 
at  that  verv  date,  tliou£>-h  it  is  true  that  he  was  re- 
leased  shortly  after,  by  command  of  tliis  same  Pope 
Urban  II. 

Foulques  "Recliin"  was  a  very  abandoned  character 
in  private  life.  lie  married  three  wives,  and  repudiated 
them  all ;  but  the  fourth  repudiated  him.  This  last, 
named  Bertrade,  was  the  sister  of  Amaury  of  Montfort, 
and  was  re^Duted  the  most  handsome  woman  in  the 
kingdom  ;  but,  such  was  her  frailty,  that  after  living 
with  Foulques  "  Rechin "  four  years,  she  deserted 
him,  and  fled  to  Philip  I.,  King  of  France. 

By  his  second  wife,  Ermengarde,  Foulques  had  a 
son  named  Geoffrey  "  Martel,"  who  would  have  suc- 
ceeded him  in  Anjou,  but  Bertrade  was  jealous  of  the 
interest  of  her  son  by  "  Rechin,"  named  Foulques  ;  and 
HOC.  in  HOG,  Geoffrey  "Martel"  was  found  murdered.  It 
w^ould  hardly  be  expected  that  Foulques  "Rechin"  was 
learned  for  his  time,  but  so  he  is  reputed.  He  wrote  in 
Latin  a  history  of  the  Counts  of  Anjou,  in  which,  after 
briefly  speaking  of  his  ancestors,  he  informs  us,  that 
the  twenty-seventh  year  of  his  reign  was  marked  by  a 
great  prodigy.  He  affirms  that  the  stars  then  fell  like 
hail  upon  the  earth,  causing  a  great  panic  and  mor- 
tality in  France,  100  persons  of  rank,  and  2,000  of 
the  people  havhig  died  at  Angers  alone.  Foulques 
noo.      "  Rechin  "  died  in  1100,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six. 

His  son  by  Bertrade,  Foulques  V.,  succeeded  him. 
He  had  been  invested  with  the  county  of  Anjou,  by 
Phillip  I.  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father  in  1106,  after 


INTRODUOTOEY   HISTORY.  23 

the  assassination  of  Geoffrey  "  Martel."  This  Count 
was  destined,  in  a  much  shorter  reign  than  that  of  his 
father,  to  attain  higher  alhances,  and  to  secure  wider 
possessions  for  his  descendants.  It  was  during  Iiis 
reign,  that  Anjou  first  became  connected  with  the 
.reigning  family  of  England. 

He  began  by  annexing  the  county  of  Maine  to  that  nos. 
of  Anjou,  by  his  marriage  with  Eremburga,  daughter 
of  Helie,  Count  of  ]\Iaine,  who,  at  his  death  in  1110,  mo. 
made  him  his  heir.  Soon  after,  the  King  of  France 
-needed  his  assistance  against  the  English  :  Foulques  V. 
had  maintained  that  the  rank  and  title  of  Grand  Senes- 
chal of  France,  borne  by  Geoffrey  "  Grise  Gonelle," 
was  a  family  inheritance  in  the  house  of  Anjou,  and 
taking  advantage  of  the  King's  present  necessity  to 
plead  for  a  confirmation  of  that  title  to  him,  he  gained 
his  object.  He  next  distinguished  himself  by  several 
victories  over  Henry  I.  of  England  when  that  king  in- 
vaded Normandy.  His  humanity  to  the  prisoners  in 
his  triumphs  quite  won  the  heart  of  the  English 
■monarch,  who  finally  sought  his  alliance,  and  a  mar- 
riao'e  was  celebrated  between  his  son  William,  and 
]\Iatilda,  the  daughter  of  Foulques.  The  bridegroom  at  1119. 
these  nuptials  was  fourteen  and  the  bride  eleven  years 
of  age.  After  William's  shipwreck  on  his  return  to 
England,  Matilda  retired  to  the  abbey  of  Fontevrault, 
in  Anjou,  of  which  thirty  years  after  she  became  the 
Abbess,  and  died  there  in  1155. 

In  1120,  leaving  his  wife  Eremburga  with  his  young  ivio. 
children,  Geoffrey  and  Helie,  in  charge  of  the  county, 
Foulques  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  on 
Iiis  return,  as  Grand  Seneschal,  he  bore  the  banner  of 
France,  and  commanded  the  avant  garde  of  the  army 
of  Louis  "le  Gros."  Eremburga  was  an  amiable  and 
high-minded  lady.  She  bore  him  two  sons  and  two 
■daughters,   who    were    all    married    to   the  sons    and 


24  INTEODUCTOEY.  HISTOEY. 

112.-.  dauglitovs  of  kings.  She  died  in  1125.  In  tiie  same 
}car  Foulques  re-visited  the  East ;  and  four  years  after 

1129.  tinally  returned  and  settled  there,  as  lieir  to  Baldwin, 
King-  of  Jerusalem,  having  aceepted  the  proftered  hand 
of  his  daughter  Melisende. 

1181.  Ill  1131   Foulques    succeeded   that   prince    on   his 

throne.  He  died  a  violent  death  in  1144,  and  was 
huried  at  Jerusalem,  while  his  son,  Baldwin,  by  his  se- 
cond marriage,  then  mounted  the  throne.  Foulques  V., 
who  was  of  a  noble  and  enterprising  spirit,  was  very 
remarkable  for  his  bad  memory ;  he  was  known  to 
pass  by  without  recognition  persons  to  whom  he  had 
shortly  before  testified  the  most  sincere  marks  of  his 
friendship. 

When  Foulques  departed  finally  for  the  East,  he 
resigned  his  rights  over  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Tourraine 
to  his  son  Geofh-ey  "  Plantagenet."  This  name,  which 
served  to  distinguish  a  long  line  of  his  descendants,  was 
derived  from  the  badge  assumed  by  Foulques,  his 
father,  on  his  Avay  to  the  Holy  Land.  The  planta- 
(jenista^  or  broom  pod,  when  in  season,  was  used  to 
strew  the  chamber  floors,  and  thence  became  an 
emblem  of  humility,  and  as  such  was  borne  by 
Foulques  in  his  pilgrimage.  Henry  II.,  King  of  England, 
afterwards  used  this  badge  to  show  his  descent  from  the 
House  of  Anjou,  and  it  was  engraved  upon  his  robe  in 
his  monumental  effigy. 

In  the  same  year  that  Geoffrey  acceded,  he  espoused 
^[atilda,  daughter  of  Henry  I.  of  England,  and  widow 
of  Henry  V.,  Emperor  of  Germany.  Tlius  he  found 
himself  on  the  death  of  Henry  I.  heir  to  the  crown  of 
England,  but   not  only  was  that  throne  usuri)ed  by 

1135.       Stephen,   in   1135,   but  the  Normans  also    preferred 

1137.  Stephen,  Avho  was  therefore,  in  1137,  installed  in  that 
fiefdom  by  Louis  "  le  Gros." 

For  four  consecutive  years  Geoffrey  made  unsuccess- 


3XTE0DUCT0RY   HISTOEY.  2o 

ful  campaigns  into  Normandy.     Stephen  died  in  114:1,      nn. 
but  tbe  Normans  did  not  generally  succumb  to  Geoffrey 
until  the  year    1144.     Meantime  some  of  his  barons      lUi. 
of  Anjou  had  revolted  against  him,  and  even  with- 
stood his  authority  until  1147.     In  punishing  one  of     iiir. 
them  he  sustained  the  first  attacks  of  tlie  French  King 
Louis  VII.,  in  open  war,  and  braved  the  thunders  of 
Pope  Eugene  III.  to  the  last.     He  died  in  1151,  at  the      ii::. 
early  age  of  thirty-eight.     He  was  learned;    and  be- 
loved by  the  people  at  large,  and  bore  altogether  a  good 
character.     But  twenty  years  of  feudal  warfare  ruined 
and  depopulated  his  three  counties  of  Anjou,  i\Iaine, 
and  Normandy,  and  the    repeated  neglect  of  a   due 
cultivation  of  the  soil  brought  on  a  terrible  famine 
in  1146. 

Geoffrey  rebuilt  the.  Castle  of  Seronne,  which,  as  well 
as  the  town,  w^as  from  that  time  named  Chateauneuf. 
His  wife  Matilda,  lived  till  1167,  and  his  son  Henry, 
eventually  became  King  of  England  in  right  of  his 
mother,  Normandy  was  ceded  to  him  during  the  life 
of  his  father,  at  whose  death,  he  likewise  took  posses- 
sion of  Anjou,  and  his  other  territories  in  France. 

Anjou,  thus  united  to  the  crown  of  England,  was  so 
held  for  upwards  of  half-a-century.  Henry  II.  was 
born  at  Le  Mans,  in  1133,  and  Avas  only  eighteen  when 
he  succeeded  his  father  in  Anjou.  Geoffrey  had  never 
intended  to  unite  the  possessions  of  Anjou,  Maine,  and 
Tourraine  under  the  same  rule  as  the  kingdom  of 
England.  On  the  contrar}',  he  had  by  his  will  left 
those  counties  temporarily  to  Henry,  upon  his  oath 
that,  from  the  time  when  he  acceded  to  the  English 
throne,  he  should  surrender  them  to  his  third  son, 
Geoffrey.  An  attempt  however  was  made  by  Geoffre}' 
to  possess  himself  of  them  immediately  after  his 
father's  death,  but  having  been  worsted  in  battle  by  1152. 
Henry,  in  1152,  was  forced  to  succumb  to  him. 


2G  INTRODUCTORY   HISTORY. 

iiijf-  At   leiigtli,    wlien   Henry   ascended   tlie  tin-one   of 

England,  in  1154,  Geoffrey  was  a  captive  in  the 
hands  of  the  Count  of  Blois,  Henry's  ally,  and  instead 
of  endeavouring  to  effect  his  liberty,  and  restore  to  him 
his  rightful  inheritance,  Henry  H.  listened  only  to  the 
dictates  of  his  grasping  aniLition,  and  retained  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  of  his  ill-gotten  power. 

1156.  In  115G,  Geoffrey  having  paid  his  ransom  established 

himself  in  Tourraine,  but  his  unnatural  brother  be- 
sieged and  speedily  vanquished  him,  and  the  unfortu- 
nate young  Count  died  not  long  after  at  the  early  age 
of  twenty-four. 

Henry  XL  bears  a  good  character  in  Anjou.     It  is 

1176.  stated  that  in  1176,  durhig  a  long  drought,  he  had 
transported  from  England  nourishment  for  10,000 
men  daily  for  some  months ;  .  and  a  clause  in  his 
will  provided  a  hundred  silver  marks  for  the  marriage 
of  the  Angevine  young  ladies.  He  favoured  the 
works  of  the  Levee,  to  enclose  the  Loire  within 
bounds,  and  they  made  great  progress  in  his  reign. 
He  founded  the  hospital  called  "  Hotel  Dieu,"  at 
Angers,  besides  other  worthy  establishments.  Henry's 
administrative  talents  are  recognised  in  a  hundred  ways 
by  the  people  of  Angers  and  Saumur;  the  communes 
and  other  first  germs  of  the  liberty  of  the  hourgeois^ 
date  from  him.  He  had  also  a  great  taste  for  learning, 
his  court  was  the  asylum  of  the  learned  men  of 
Europe.  In  the  necrology  of  Fontevrault,  he  is  called 
the  Solomon  of  his  age.  He  was  eloquent,  loved 
poetry,  and  wrote  verses  himself  in  the  Provencal 
tongue.  Above  all,  having  shown  himself  the  sub- 
stantial friend  of  the  people,  he  was  very  j^opular. 
His  consort,  the  beautiful  Eleanor,  the  divorced  of 
Louis  VII.  of  France,  and  daughter  of  AVilliam  X. 
Count   of  Poitiers,  brought   him  at   her  marriage   in 

1152.      1152,  the  extensive  and  important  province  of  Aqui- 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  27 

taine ;    slie  died  at  Fontevrault  in  1204.     Henry  II. 

died  at  Cliinon,  in  July  1189,  aged  fifty-six.  iiS9. 

Henry  11.  had  four  sons,  named  Henry,  Richard, 
Geoffrey,  and  John.  Henry  and  Geoffrey  died  in  the 
life-time  of  tlieir  father,  and  Geoffrey  left  a  son  named 
Arthur. 

Richard  next  inherited  the  county  of  Anjou,  together 
with  the  other  Frencli  possessions  appertaining  to  the 
English  monarchy.  The  short  reign  of  Richard  "Coeur 
de  Lion  "  was  entirely  occupied  in  his  coml)ats  with 
Saladin  in  the  East,  and  with  Philip  Augustus  in 
Normandy.  Anjou  had  little  enough  of  association 
with  its  Count  during  the  ten  years,  1 189 — 99.  Richard  iis9. 
married  in  1191,  Berengaria,  daughter  of  Sancho  VI. 
Kina:  of  Navarre ;  but  left  no  children.  He  had 
designed  in  1190,  as  his  heir,  Arthur,  the  son  of  his 
brother  Geoffrey,  and  grandson  of  Henry  II. ;  but 
finally  bequeathed  his  territories  to  his  brother  John. 
He  left,  by  his  will,  his  body  to  Fontevrault,  his  lieart 
to  Rouen,  and  his  entrails,  in  token  of  his  contempt  of 
that  })eople,  to  the  Poitevins. 

On  the  death  of  Richard  "  Ccjeur  de  Lion,"  the  hi-  ii09. 
habitants  of  Anjou,  Tourraine,  and  Maine,  declared  in 
favour  of  Arthur,  whilst  England  and  Normandy 
seconded  the  claims  of  John,  as  successor.  John, 
thereupon,  accompanied  by  his  mother  Eleanor,  led 
an  English  army  to  the  disputed  territory,  and  laid 
sieire  to  Answers.  Prince  Arthur  was  at  this  time  no 
more  than  twelve  years  old.  Philip  Augustus,  who 
aspired  to  concentrate  in  his  own  person  an  absolute 
authority  over  the  whole  kingdom  of  France,  at  tlie 
same  time  decided  on  supporting  the  cause  of  Arthur 
against  John,  by  the  arms  of  France.  But  a  matri- 
monial expedient  saved  much  bloodshed  at  that  time, 
although  it  was  flital  to  tlie  just  cause  of  the  young 
Arthur. 


28  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

It  suited  tlic  policy  of  Philip  Augustus  to  establish 
peace  between  himself  and  John,  by  effecting  a 
marriage  between  his  son  Louis  and  Blanche  of  Castille, 
the  niece  of  John. 

1202.  In  1202  Philip  further  developed  beyond  a  doubt 
his  ambitious  projects,  by  marrying  his  daughter  Mary 
to  Prince  Arthur ;  but  in  the  same  year  Arthur  was 
taken  prisoner  by  John,  and  after  a  detention  of  nine 
months  was  strangled  by  his  unnatural  uncle,  at  Rouen. 

1203.  Ailer  Arthur's  assassination,  John  was  cited  before  the 
peers  of  France,  to  answer  for  that  crime,  and  failing 
to  appear,  his  provinces  hi  France  were  confiscated. 

1205.  With  his  crime  the  fiefs  of  Anjou  and  Maine  were 
severed  from  the  English  crown,  and  reverted  as  by 
right  to  that  of  France.  It  is  true  John  did  not 
voluntarily  submit  to  the  sentence,  since  he  invaded 

120G.  and  had  possession  of  Angers  again  in  120G,  when 
Goth-like,  he  demolished  its  ancient  walls. 

He  lost  it  in  the  following  year,  and  seemingly 
brooding  over  his   retributory  misfortunes,  made    no 

1213.  further  attempt  upon  it  until  1213.  In  that  year, 
havhig  collected  a  powerful  army,  he  landed  at 
Iiochelle,  and  actually  occupied  Angers,  without 
striking  a  blow.     But  he  never  really  recovered  the 

1214.  provinces  forfeited  by  his  crimes,  for  the  year  1214 
beheld  him  once  more  in  retreat  from  Anjou,  never 
to    re-appear   there,    since    he    died    on    the    19th   of 

1216.  October,  12 10.  In  the  person  of  King  John  ended 
wliat  is  called  the  "Second  House  of  Anjou." 

In  1204,  after  tlie  confiscations  of  John's  French 
possessions,  Philip  Augustus  established  hereditary 
seneschals  in  that  part  of  France,  the  first  of  whom 
was  the  tutor  of  the  imfortunate  young  Arthur, 
named  William  des  Iloches,  who  was  in  fact  Count 
in  all  except  the  name,  over  Anjou,  Maine,  and 
Tourraine,    owing    allegiance    only   to   the    crown    of 


INTRODUCTOEY   HISTORY.  29 

France.  Tlie  Senesclial,  William  des  Roches,  died  in 
1222.  His  son-in-law,  Amauiy  de  Craon,  succeeded  i'^22. 
him.  Philip  Augustus,  whose  ambitious  mind,  aided 
by  fortunate  circumstances,  had  effected  such  great 
changes,  died  the  year  after.  Meantime,  Henry  HI. 
of  England  continued  to  wear  the  titles  of  the  French 
possessions  of  his  ancestors,  amongst  them  that  of 
(Jount  of  Anjou,  but  made  no  attempt  for  the  present 
to  regain  them. 

Pierre  Mauclerc,  Duke  of  Brittany,  however,  aspired 
to  regal  power,  and  the  Seneshal  Amaury  having 
marched  a  large  force  into  Brittany  was,  after  some 
successes,  taken  prisoner  by  Mauclerc,  on  the  3rd  of 
March,  1223,  and  hicarcerated  at  Touffeau,  near  Nantes.  1223. 
But  afterwards,  unequal  single  handed  to  the  task  of 
combating  the  French  Regency  of  Blanche  of  Castile, 
during  the  minority  of  Louis  IX.,  Mauclerc  did  homage 
to  Henry  III.  of  England. 

On  the  ord  of  May,  1230,  Henry  disembarked  a  con-      ^230. 
siderable  army  at  St.  Malo,  in  the  view  of  re-conquering 
Anjou,  and  the  other  forfeited  possessions  of  his  crown. 

Louis  IX,,  then  only  fifteen  3^eai's  old,  consequently 
came  to  Anjou,  and  having  fortified  its  chief  places, 
advanced  to  the  attack  of  the  allies ;  but  in  the 
following  year  a  peace  was  concluded,  the  province  of 
Guienne  having  been  ceded  to  the  English  crown.  In 
1241,  Louis  gave  the  counties  of  Poitou  and  Auvergne  1241. 
to  his  brother  Alphonso  ;  and  in  the  year  12-lG,  he  i246. 
invested  his  brother  Charles,  Count  of  Provence,  with 
the  counties  of  Anjou  and  Maine,  thereby  annulling 
the  rank  and  title  of  Seneschal,  and  instituting  the 

THIRD   HOUSE   OF   ANJOU. 

Charles  L,  the  founder  of  the  proud  fortunes  of  this 
Third  House,  was  ambitious  in  character,  and  events 


30  INTEODUCTOEY  IIISTOEY. 

long  favoured  his  ambition.  Comit  of  Provence, 
tliroiigli  tlie  inlieritaiice  of  his  consort,  he  had  not  long- 
been  invested  with  Anjou  and  Maine,  ere  he  was 
invited  to  the  conquest  of  Sicily.  The  monarchy  of 
Sicily  then  comprised  the  same  territory  as  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  in  the  present  day ;  but  Palermo 

1251.  was  its  metropolis.  In  1251,  Pope  Innocent  IV. 
declared  a  crusade  against  Mainfroy,  the  natural  son 
of  Frederick  II.  Emperor  of  Germany,  to  whom  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily  then  belonged,  and  attempted  in 
vain  to  annex  the  Sicilian  dominion  to  the  Papal 
throne.  Having  taken  a  survey,  therefore,  of  the 
ambitious  heads  of  his  time,  he  first  invited  England 
to  its  conquest ;  but  failing  in  that  quarter,  he  next 
fixed  on  Charles  of  Anjou  as  his  fitting  instrument, 
and  offered  to  him  the  crown  of  Sicily.  So  tempting 
a  proposition  made  a  powerful  impression  upon  the 
mind  of  Charles,  and  is  said  to  have  operated  still 
more  remarkably  upon  that  of  his  wife,  who  longed  to 
be  a  queen ;  but  it  was  not  at  that  time  responded  to. 
It  was  not  until  the  reign  of  that  Pope's  successor, 
Urban  IV.,  that  Charles  accepted  the  offer,  and  under- 

1264.  took  the  conquest.  In  12G4,  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  that  pontiff,  by  virtue  of  which,  amongst  other 
engagements,  it  was  provided,  that  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily  should  be  hereditary  in  the  fixmily  of  Charles, 
that  it  should  be  held,  however,  in  liege  homage  to  the 
Papal  throne,  that  an  annual  tribute  should  be  paid  to 
the  Pope,  by  the  Angevine  prince,  and  that  during  a 
minority,  the  Pope  should  exercise  the  administration 
of  the  knigdom.  A  crusade  was  then  preached ; 
(Jharlcs  was  crowned  in  Home,  with  his  Countess,  on  the 

126G.  Oth  of  January,  12GG.  He  then  encountered  Mainfroy, 
and  in  one  great  battle,  tliat  of  Ik'nevento,  gained  a 
complete  victory,  and  ^lainfroy  was  slain.  Naples 
surrendered    to    tlie     victor,   who    speedily    obtained 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  31 

possession  of  La  Pouille,  Calabria,  Terre  de  Labour, 
and  the  greater  part  of  Sicily. 

Charles  handsomely  recompensed  those  who  had 
served  him,  knighting  some,  and  giving  lands  to  others. 
It  was  also  on  this  occasion  that  he  instituted  the  order 
of  knighthood  called  the  Spur.  The  fame  of  the  great 
successes  of  Charles  of  Anjou,  now  caused  his  alliance 
to  be  esteemed  a  desideratum  amongst  the  highest 
European  princes.  His  eldest  son  Charles  married 
]\Iary,  the  only  daughter  of  Stephen,  King  of  Hungary. 
His  daughter  Blanche  was  united  to  the  Count  of 
Flanders,  and  his  daughter  Beatrix  espoused  Philip, 
King  of  Thessaly,  the  son  of  Baldwin  H.,  Emperor  of  12C7. 
(Jonstantinople.  By  this  marriage  contract  it  was 
})rovided,  that  the  Empire  of  the  East  should  devolve 
on  the  posterity  of  the  Count  of  Anjou. 

The  despotic  character  of  Charles,  however,  was  ill 
adapted  to  govern  the  aspirations  after  constitutional 
freedom  in  which  the  warm-hearted  Italians  have 
indulged  in  all  ages.  The  Gibelins  fomented  a  rising 
against  him,  and  induced  Conradin,  the  son  of  the 
Emperor  Frederic  II.,  and  last  male  heir  of  that  house, 
to  take  the  lead  of  the  insurgents. 

Conradin,  a  youth  of  only  sixteen,  was  defeated  by 
Charles,  and  lost  his  life  on  the  scaffold  at  Naples,  in 
1269.  To  the  last,  Conradin  evinced  a  high  spirit ;  i269. 
his  conduct  on  the  scaffold  formed  an  important  link 
in  the  chain  of  events.  Before  his  death  he  addressed 
the  people,  saying,  "I  make  Peter,  King  of  Arragon, 
heir  of  all  my  rights,"  and  having  thrown  down  his 
glove  in  token  of  the  investiture,  the  pledge  was  scru- 
pulously conveyed  to  him  for  whom  it  was  intended. 

Beatrix  of  Savoy,  the  first  wife  of  Charles  of  Anjou, 
died  at  Nocera,  in  the  Terre  de  Labour.  As  heiress 
of  Piaimond  Beranger,  Count  of  Provence,  her  husband 
had  assumed  that  title  in  her  right,  and  at  her  death 


32  IXTRODUCTOEY  HISTORY. 

slie  left  the  counties  of  Provence  and  Foucalquier  to 
the  House  of  Anjoii. 

Charles  married  secondly,  with  great  pomp  at  Naples, 
Mar2,'aret  of  Buro-nndv.  He  built  the  Chateau-Neuf  at 
Naples,  some  churches,  and  other  beautiful  edifices. 
He  also  favoured  the  university  of  Naples,  and  did  not 
meanwhile  neglect  that  of  Angers.  He  made  a  princi- 
pality of  the  county  of  Salerno,  and  bestowed  it  upon 
his  son  Charles  ;  the  eldest  son  of  the  kuig  of  Naples 
has  from  that  time  always  borne  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Salerno.  The  great  influence  of  Charles  of  Anjou 
obtained  for  him  tlie  cession  of  the  rights  of  ]\Iary  of 
Antioch  to  the  Ivingdom  of  Jerusalem,  that  lad}' 
receiving  in  exchange  from  the  county  of  Anjou  a 
pension  of  4,000  livres. 

The  treaty  was  ratified  at  Rome  with  the  l-^ope's 
consent,  and  the  coronation  of  Charles  as  King  of 
Jerusalem  was  there  celebrated.  In  virtue  of  that 
cession  the  kings  of  Sicily  of  both  houses  of  Anjou, 
and  some  of  the  French  kings  as  heirs  of  their  rights, 
have  taken  the  title  and  arms  of  king  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  House  of  Lorraine  assumes  them  even  at  tlie 
present  da}'.  But  at  the  time  of  Charles,  the  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem  consisted  only  of  the  town  of  Acre  and 
some  other  petty  places,  and  not  long  after  it  became 
purely  titular. 

At  last  we  arrive  at  the  reverse  of  tliis  picture  ;  the 
fortunes  of  Charles  had  passed  their  zenith  and  were  in 
the  decline.  The  immediate  cause  of  his  fall  can  only 
1)0  ascribed  to  liis  inordinate  tliirst  after  personal 
aggrandizement,  though  his  tyranny  over  his  sul)jccts, 
and  liis  cruelty  towards  his  vanquished  enemies,  con- 
tributed their  full  share  to  his  ruin.  He  prepared  at 
once  for  a  double  enterprise,  to  restore  Baldwin  to  the 
throne  of  Constantinople,  which  had  been  usur])ed  l)y 
Michael   Paleologus,  and  to  reconquer  a  part  of  the 


INTRODUCTORY   niSTORY.  33 

Holy  Land.     The  designs  of  diaries  were,  however, 
frustrated  by  the  stratagems  of  John  of  Procida. 

The  massacre  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers  succeeded,  in  1-82. 
1282,  in  which  the  flower  of  the  soldiery  of  Anjou, 
Maine,  and  Provence  fell  victims  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  oppressed.  On  receiving  this  intelligence 
Charles  of  Anjou  formed  a  resolution  to  exterminate 
the  islanders,  and  commanded  the  siege  of  Messina. 
It  w^as  at  this  critical  juncture,  after  a  lapse  of  fourteen 
years,  that  Peter,  King  of  Arragon,  who  had  accepted 
his  gage  from  the  scaffold,  appeared,  to  avenge  the 
death  of  the  brave  and  youthful  Conradin.  Peter 
came  to  the  relief  of  Messina,  and  turned  the  fortunes 
of  the  contest  against  the  besiegers.  As  the  climax 
of  retribution,  Charles  beheld  his  son,  the  Prince  of 
Salerno,  taken  prisoner  on  the  seas  by  Roger  Loria. 
Thus,  in  the  midst  of  his  fast  declining  fortimes,  deprived 
of  his  natural  successor,  the  bitterness  of  his  last  daj^s 
may  be  better  imagined  than  described.  He  died  at 
Foggia,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1285,  aged  fifty-eight.       1285. 

From  the  date  of  this  conquest  by  Peter  of  Arragon 
there  have  been  two  kingdoms  of  Sicily  so  called,  viz., 
on  this  side,  and  on  that  side,  of  the  Faro  of  Messina. 

It  has  been  stated  that  Charles  II.,  Count  of  Anjou, 
called  "the  Lame,"  was  in  prison  when  his  father  died. 
He  remained  so  for  three  years.  In  the  interval, 
Robert  of  Artois  took  the  reins  of  government,  and  the 
war  continued  between  the  Houses  of  Anjou  and 
Arragon.  For  the  purpose  of  making  a  diversion  in 
favour  of  the  former,  the  Popes  Martin  IV.  and  his 
successor  Honorius  IV.  offered  the  crown  of  Arragon 
to  Charles,  Count  of  Valois,  grandson  of  St.  Louis. 
Charles  of  Anjou  obtained  his  freedom  in  1288,  but  it  128S. 
was  conditionally ;  that  Sicily  should  belong  to  his 
■adversary,  and  that  he  should  prevail  on  the  Count  of 
Valois  within  three  years  to  renounce  his  claim  to  the 


VOL.  I. 


r31  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

crown  of  Arragon.  To  these  conditions,  however,  the 
Pope  Nicholas  IV.  refused  his  assent,  and  not  only 
released  him  from  his  oath,  but  crowned  him  King  of 

128D.  the  Two  Sicilies  on  the  29tli  of  May,  1289.  The  King 
of  Arragon  then  earned  the  war  into  Calabria,  and  after 
some  advantages  and  some  reverses,  concluded  a  truce 
for  two  years.  During  that  period  Ladislaus  IV.,  King 
of  Hungary,  died  without  issue,  leaving  that  kingdom 
to  his  sister  I\Iary,  the  wife  of  Oharles  of  Anjou.  But 
Charles  II.  presented  it  to  his  son,  Charles  "  Martel," 
who  was  accordingly  crowned  King  of  Hungary  on  the 

1290.      <Sth  of  September,  1290.     This  lu'anch  of  the  family  of 
Anjou  gave  three  kings  and  one  queen  to  Hungary. 
Louis,  the  third  of  these  kings,  was  also  King  of  Poland 
and  had  three  daughters,  with  whom  the  race  became 
extinct. 

The  oath  taken  by  Charles  of  Anjou  on  his  release 
from  prison  still  remained  valid  in  the  eyes  of  some 
diplomatists,  notwithstanding  the  authority  of  the 
Pope.  In  order,  therefore,  to  termhiate  the  discord 
which  prevailed,  a  council  was  held,  and  a  treaty 
signed  at  j\Iontpelier,  in  1290.  It  was  thereat 
decided,  that  Sicily  should  be  restored  to  Charles  of 
Anjou,  despite  his  oath,  and  that  Charles  of  A^alois 
should  renounce  his  claim  to  Arragon,  receiving  in 
consideration  thereof  the  hand  of  IMargaret,  the  eldest 
daughter  of  Charles  "le  Boiteux,"  whoso  dower  was  to 
consist  of  the  counties  of  Anjou  and  Maine. 

This  treaty  was  only  executed  in  part ;  for  the  King 
of  Arragon  and  his  successors  constantly  refused  to 
surrender  Sicily.  The  marriage,  however,  of  Charles 
of  Anjou's   daughter,   IMargaret,   with   the    Count  of 

1290.  Valois  was  duly  celebrated  on  the  16th  of  August,  1290 ; 
and  thus  the  county  of  Anjou  passed  away  from  the 
lirst  family  of  Anjou-Sicily,  in  which  it  had  remained 
forty-four  years,  and  entered  into  that  of  A^alois.     It  is 


INTEODUGTOEY  HISTOEY.  35 

not  our  province  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  Charles  II. 
of  Anjou  from  the  date  of  his  cession  of  that 
province. 

His  immediate  government  of  Anjou  was  chiefly 
remarkable  for  a  bitter  and  implacable  persecution  in 
1289  of  the  Hebrew  race,  which  was,  indeed,  at  that 
time  expelled  from  the  whole  of  France.  His  death 
did  not  occur  until  man}^  years  after,  in  1309,  at 
Casenova,  near  Naples.  He  was  as  celebrated  for  his 
large  progeny  as  his  sire  had  been  for  his  ambition. 
He  had  by  his  wife,  Mary  of  Hungary,  ten  sons  and 
five  daughters,  eleven  of  whom,  as  having  become 
distinguished,  it  will  be  as  well  to  enumerate  here. 

Charles  "Maetel,"  King  of  Hungary. 

Robert,  King  of  Naples. 

Philip,  Priace  of  Tarentum,  and  titular  Emperor  of  Constantinople. 

Tkista^',  Prince  of  Salerno, 

T  orm  \         ootn  Dukes  of  Duras. 

IIargaret,  wife  of  Charles  of  Valois,  Count  of  Anjou. 

Blanche,  wife  of  James  II. ,  King  of  Arragon. 

Eleanora,  wife  of  Frederick,  King  of  Sicily. 

Mary,  wife  of  Sancho,  King  of  Majorca. 

Beatrix,  wife  of  Azzon  VIII.,  Marquis  of  Este  and  Farrara. 

As  most  of  these  children  of  Charles  II.  became 
heads  of  families,  thence  arose  the  double  titles  for 
the  sake  of  distinction  of  Anjou-Sicily,  Anjou-Hun- 
gary,  Anjou-Poland,  Anjou-Tarentum,  Anjou-Imperial, 
Anjou-Duras,  &c.  And  yet,  a  hundred  years  later, 
there  remained  not  a  single  prhice  of  the  blood  of 
Charles  II.  of  Anjou. 

In  the  year  1290,  Charles  of  Valois  became  by  his  1290. 
marriage  Count  of  Anjou,  as  Charles  III.  He  was  the 
younger  son  of  Philip  "  le  Hardi,"  and  was  remarkable 
for  his  skill  and  bravery  in  all  the  great  events  of  his 
time.  The  war  having  been  renewed  between  France 
and  England,  on  occasion  of  Edward  I.  refusing  to  do 
homage  to  Philip  for  Guienne,  Charles  of  Anjou  was    1296-7. 

d2 


36  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

successful  in  his  engagements  botli  witli  tlie  English 
and  the  Flemish.  Thus  his  brother,  Philip  "  le  Bel," 
in  order  to  recompense  his  bravery,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  replace  one  of  the  twelve  ancient  counties  or 
duchies,  of  which  the  neighbouring  kings  had  obtained 
1297.  possession,  elevated  Anjou,  in  1297,  into  a  peerage 
county.  Two  years  later,  Charles  of  Anjou  again 
commanded  the  forces  of  France  against  those  of 
England  and  Flanders,  with  so  complete  a  success,  that 
the  Count  of  Flanders  was  obliged  to  surrender  at 
discretion  ;  and  the  King  of  France  detained  him  as 
his  prisoner,  and  took  possession  of  Flanders,  The 
King  of  England  thereupon  abandoned  the  side  of  the 
Flemish,  and  having  been  re-established  in  Guienne, 
1303.  peace  was  restored.  The  Count  of  Anjou  assisted  at 
1305.  the  coronation  of  Pope  Clement  V.  at  Lyons,  in  1305. 
That  pontiff  was  the  first  to  choose  Avignon  as  his 
abode.     Louis  X.,  son  of  Philip  "  le  Bel,"  on  ascend- 

1314.  ing  the  throne  of  France,  in  1314,  complained  to 
Enguerraud  de  Marigny,  the  treasurer  of  the  kingdom, 
of  the  disordered  state  of  the  finances.  Doubtless 
these  disorders  were  attributable  to  the  repeated  "wars  of 
Philip's  reign,  in  which  Charles  TIL  of  Anjou  had  taken 
a  principal  part.  The  treasurer  boldly  ascribed  the 
circumstance  to  Charles  of  Anjou,  a  great  imprudence 
against  a  man  of  such  princely  power.  Charles 
retorted  by  accusing  IMarigny  of  peculation,  and 
succeeded  in  his  design  of  crushing  him  ;  and 
Enguerraud  was  accordingly  hanged  at  ]\Iontfaucon, 

1315.  in  1315,  to  the  subsequent  remorse  and  lasting  dis- 
grace of  this  Count  of  Anjou.  In  1317  Charles 
bestowed  the  county  of  ]\Iaine  on  his  son  Philip. 
This  separation  of  the  rule  of  the  two  counties,  which 
had  been  so  long  historically  connected,  lasted  very 
few  years. 

Charles  III.  died  at  Nogent-le-Roi  on  the  16th  of 


INTEODUCTORY   HISTORY.  37 

November,  1325,  and  at  his  death  the  administration      1025. 
of  Anjou  also  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  son  PhiHp. 

Charles  IV.  of  France,  snrnanied  "  le  Bel,"  leavino- 
no  direct  heir  at  his  death,  Edward  III.  of  Eng- 
land disputed  the  succession  with  Philip  of  Anjou  and 
Valois.  The  former,  as  nephew  of  Charles  IV.,  urged 
the  right  of  his  mother,  Isabella,  and  in  that  way  he 
was  one  degree  nearer  than  his  rival;  but  Philip's 
claim  being  from  the  male  line  was  preferred.  In 
the  year  1328,  therefore,  Philip  of  Valois,  Count  of  i32s. 
Anjou,  ascended  the  throne  of  France  as  Philip  VI., 
and  re-united  Anjou  to  the  French  crown. 

Subsequently,  in  1332,  Philip  invested  his  son  John      1332. 
with   the  territories  of  Anjou  and  Maine.     They  so 
remained  until  the  accession  of  John  to  the  throne 
of  France,  in  1350,  as  John  11.  "the   Good,"  when      1.350. 
they   were    once    again    united   with    the    sovereign 
rule  in  his  person.     In  the  meanwhile,  the  battle  of 
Cressy    had    intervened   in    1346,    and   a   period    of 
humility  and  misfortune  had    set    in   for   France,   in  . 
which,  however,  Anjou  did  not  play  a  very  prominent 
part.     John  gave  Anjou  and  Maine  to  his  second  son, 
Louis  I.,  ui  1356,  the  very  year  in  which  lie  was  him-      1356. 
self  taken  prisoner  by  the  English,  in  their  renowned 
victory  at  Poitiers.     Finally,  Charles,  the  eldest  son  of 
John,  afterwards  Charles  V.  of  France,  as  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  kingdom  during  the  captivity  of  John, 
erected  Anjou  into  a  peerage  duchy,  in  1360,  in  the 
person  of  his  brother,  Louis  I.,  who  then  became  first      i360. 
Duke  of  Anjou. 

With  this  detail  the  reader  has  now  been  transported 
over  a  period  of  almost  six  centuries,  to  the  epoch  of 
the  accession  of  the  paternal  grandfather  of  King 
Rene.* 

*  Bodin  ;  God.ird  Faultrier  ;   Chalou's  France  ;  Hallam's  Middle  Ages  ; 
Carte  ;  Mezerai ;  Froissart. 


38 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  HOUSES  OF  ANJOU. 


FIRST  HOUSE  OF  ANJOU. 

In  the  9th     Robert  "Le  Fort, "  Count  of  Anjou 
centnrv.  [  "  Outre  Maine. " 

1 
EuDES,  his  son  ;  obtains  more  than 
I        half  France,  and  gives  up  his 
I         part  of  Anjou  to  Foulques 
i        "LeRoux." 


SECOND  HOUSE  OF  ANJOU. 

Ingelgee,  Count  of  Anjou  "  Deija 
I  Maine." 


-[ 

Foulques 


Le  Roux,"   Count 
of  all  Anjou. 


Foulques  "  Le  Bon." 

Geoffeey  I.,  "Grise  Gokelle." 

I 
Foulques  "  Neera." 

I 

Geoffrey  "  Martel  "—no  heir. 
(Here  ends  the  First  branch 
of  the  Second  House  of  An- 
jou ;  or  the  direct  line  from 
Ingelger.)     I 


Anjou  divided  between  two  nephews  of 
Geoffrey  "  Martel." 


l~ 


I 
Geoffrey  III.,  "  Le  Barbu." 


Foulques  IV.,  "Le  Rechin;" 
I  defeats  Geoffrey, 
j  and    becomes    sole 

I  Count  of  Anjou. 

Foulques  V. 

Geoffrey   "Le    Bel,"    or 

I    "Pl^vntacexet." 


Hk.nry  II.   1 

I  I       Kings 

Richard  I.   )         of 
I  England. 

John,        J 

Excommunicated    for 
the  murder  of  Prince 
Arthur. 
(Here  ends  the  Second  House  of  jVnjou.) 


INTRODUCTOEY  HISTORY.  39 

After  tlie  excommunication  of  King  John,  Philippe 
Anguste,  King  of  Fi-ance,  regained  possession  of 
Anjou  and  Maine. 

These  counties  were  governed  by  a  Seneschal, 
until  the  time  of  Louis  IX.,  or  St.  Louis,  who  in- 
vested his  brother  Charles  with  them,  in  1290. 

THIRD  HOUSE  OF  ANJOU  ;  or  FIRST  HOUSE  (or  line  of 
Robert  "  Le  Fort  " )  restored,  called  "  Valois." 

Charles,  First  Count  of  Anjou. 
Charles,  Second  Count  of  Anjou. 

Charles,  Third  Count  of  Anjou ;  Charles 

I  bestowed,  in  1317,  the  county 

of  Maine  on  his  son  Philippe. 

Philippe  de  Valois,  Count  of  Anjou,  and 
afterwards  King  of  France. 
Philippe,  in  1332,  invested 
his   son  John   with  Anjou 
i  and  Maine. 

John,  Count  of  Anjou,  and  afterwards 
King  of  France.  John,  in  13i5G, 
invested  his  son  Louis  with  Anjou 
and  Maine. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

PART    II. 


THE   ANGEVINE   KISTOBY— continued. 

The  Ancestors  of  King  Eenc. — Joliu,  King  of  France. — Louis,  First  Duke 
of  Anjoii. — Louis  11. — Louis  III, 

The  history  of  tlie  "  Dark  Ages,"  necessarily  written 
with  many  imperfections,  is  generally  read  with  still 
less  of  that  earnest  attention  Avliich  the  other  chapters 
of  history  command.  There  exists  a  tendency  to  de- 
preciate the  value  of  its  records,  because  some  of  them 
have  been  always  enveloped  in  doubt  and  mystery. 
Can  the  public  rest  satisfied  that  there  has  been  no 
stone  left  unturned,  even  at  the  present  hour,  in  the 
course  of  the  Herculean  task  of  the  historian,  which 
might  admit  of  a  little  more  of  the  light  of  truth  ?  If 
so,  should  we  not  rather  trust  to  the  moderate  compass 
and  concentrated  efforts  of  the  biographer's  labours  to 
disinter  those  facts  from  their  silent  tomb  of  ages? 
Is  there  not  enough  also  of  interest  and  importance  in 
the  times  which  gave  birth  to  and  cradled  the  first 
living  germs  of  our  present  proud  liberties  to  invite  to 
further  research  ?  In  a  word,  is  there  not  in  the  dawn 
of  civilization  a  strong  enough  motive  to  enchahi  us  to 
its  study  ? 

As  in  the  darkest  hour  which  immediately  precedes 
the  natural  morn,  the  mind's  prosjjcct  alone  serves  to 
cheer  and  enliven  the  thickness  of  that  gloom,  so  to  us, 
who  have  learnt  the  certain  result,  should  appear  the 


INTIIODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  4t 

profound  intellectual  darkness  preceding,  and  introduc- 
ing, literature  and  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

Regarding  only  the  stormy  turbulence  of  those 
times,  or  the  cruelties  exercised  by  individuals,  they 
might  be  pronounced  "  barbarous  ;  "  but,  let  it  also  be 
remembered,  that  from  that  period  is  traced  the  origin 
of  all  our  noblest  institutions,  and  of  that  total  change 
which  was  effected  in  the  manners  and  customs,  politics 
and  religion  of  England. 

In  this  country,  the  seeds  of  dissent  had  already, 
before  the  establishment  of  the  Lancastrian  dynasty, 
paved  the  way  for  the  great  Reformation  ;  but,  while 
the  preaching  of  Wycliife  and  others  had  awakened 
inquiry,  and  agitated  men's  minds,  it  had  also  led  to 
cruel  persecutions  ;  for  the  day  had  not  yet  arrived 
when  Protestantism  could  prevail  to  the  displacing  of 
the  forms  of  antecedent  centuries.  The  clergy  had 
obtained,  through  their  great  wealth,  considerable  in- 
fluence in  temporal,  as  well  as  in  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
Bigotry  and  superstition  had  not  yet  yielded  to  intel- 
lectual light,  and  they  often  gave  rise  to  tumult  and 
confusion,  which,  while  they  were  increased  by  the 
ignorance  of  the  lower  classes,  were  augmented  still 
more  by  the  violent  and  unrestrained  passions  of  the 
aristocracy. 

Thus  was  it  in  matters  appertaining  to  the  church, 
in  the  period  hmnediately  preceding  the  civil  contests 
of  the  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster ;  that  oasis  in 
which  all  principles  were  temporarily  absorbed  by 
personal  animosity,  but,  out  of  which  happily  arose 
a  new  order  of  things  ecclesiastical  for  succeeding 
generations. 

In  politics,  the  same  steady  progress  is  observable  ; 
the  Parliament,  introduced  by  Henry  III.,  was  under 
the  Lancastrians  constituted  upon  a  broad  basis  of 
liberality  for  that  age ;  municipal  riglits  were  receiving 


42  IXTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

safe  development,  and  daily  the  middle  class  was 
gaining  wealth  and  strength.  ])ut  here,  again,  all 
was  hiterrupted  and  impeded  by  the  civil  war,  only 
to  take  deeper  root  at  its  close,  assisted  by  the  sur- 
prising influence  of  the  printing-press. 

In  France,  during  the  same  period,  though  no  Re- 
formation was  at  work  in  religion,  we  find  at  first,  the 
political  sway  of  the  people  grown  strong  enough,  in 
the  large  towns,  to  curb  the  arbitrary  tendencies  of 
the  monarch  and  nobles.  But  notwithstanding  the 
incessant  warfare  with  England,  which  lasted  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  French  kings 
were  enabled,  by  favouring  circumstances,  to  destroy 
the  rights  of  their  subjects,  and  to  establish  the  founda- 
tion of  that  despotic  system  under  which  the  nation 
has  ever  since  suffered.  Striking  indeed  is  the  con- 
trast between  the  two  countries  at  this  epoch  ;  civiliza- 
tion was  fast  gathering  strength,  and  liberty  was 
entrenching  itself  within  impervious  barriers  in 
England ;  tyranny  was  levelling  popular  rights  under 
Charles  V.,  hiring  the  first  regular  standing  army 
under  Charles  VII.,  and  perfecting  the  scheme  of  its 
personal  ambition  under  the  crafty  guidance  of  Louis 
XL,  in  France.  These  sovereigns  have  been  called 
wise  and  great ;  but  upon  them,  as  the  founders  of 
such  disastrous  institutions,  and  not  upon  the  pretended 
mercurial  character  of  the  French  people,  are  strictly 
chargeable  the  fruitless  revolutions  of  our  own  times. 

Yet  there  were  certain  analogies  between  England 
and  France  in  that  period,  closely  connected  as  they 
had  been  by  family  ties,  intermixed  as  they  were  by 
the  rivalry  of  their  arms.  Their  blended  histories, 
in  that  era  peculiarly  distinguished  by  its  chivalric 
institutions,  present  a  series  of  extraordinary  events, 
and  introduce  us  to  a  perfect  constellation  of  heroic 
characters,  which  appear  equally  to  emerge  from  the 


INTKODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  43 

lowest  as  from  tlie  highest  grades  of  society.  Perhaps 
the  most  important  analogy,  because  under  the  diffe- 
rent circumstances  of  the  two  nations,  the  same  result 
ensued,  and  the  same  unerring  precept  was  inculcated 
in  the  science  of  administration,  consisted  in  the  dis- 
astrous minorities  of  Charles  VI.  in  France,  and  of 
Henry  VI.  in  England.  Those  regencies  were  pro- 
ductive of  the  greatest  evils  to  their  respective 
countries,  and  how  truly  does  the  chronicler  exclaim, 

"  Vse  genti  cujus  Rex  est  puer  !  " 

"  Woe  to  that  nation  wliose  kingf  is  a  child  !  "  • 

And  how  entirely  beyond  the  poor  limits  of  human 
foresight  are  the  most  approved  of  monarchical  institu- 
tions, when  civil  war  is  the  infallible  inheritance  of 
that  people  whose  king  may  happen  to  be  a  child ! 

Charles  V.  had  beheld  the  French  provinces  wrested 
from  the  English,  and  peace  restored  to  the  most 
rebellious  portions  of  the  monarchy. 

He  died  respected  for  the  greatness  and  the  unity 
which  his  wisdom  had  created  out  of  the  ruins  of  Cressy 
and  Poitiers.  His  son,  Charles  VI.,  was  a  minor  at 
the  date  of  his  accession. 

Civil  war  and  foreign  war  burst  forth,  and  with 
equal  ruthlessness  laid  waste  his  miserable  country. 
The  famous  battle  of  Agincourt  supervenes,  and  the 
epoch  of  England's  greatest  continental  conquest  was 
precisely  that  of  the  minority  of  Charles  VI.  of  France. 
But,  flushed  with  the  glory  of  his  victories,  with  the 
gratified  ambition  of  his  aggrandizement,  the  English 
king,  Henry  V.,  regardless  of  the  lesson  of  state  con- 
cealed under  the  misfortunes  of  his  prostrated  enemy, 
bequeathed  all  his  greatness  to  the  puny  grasp  of  just 
such  a  minor ! 

The  tide  rolls  back  from  that  hour  as  inexorably  to 

*  Baker's  Chron. 


44  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

the  absorption  of  England's  foreig-n  possessions,  and 
the  abasement  of  all  her  boasted  strength,  unity,  and 
grandeur.  The  personal  fate  of  Henry  VI.  comes  to  be 
even  more  despised  than  that  of  the  "King  of  Bourges  " 
himself,  in  the  petty  conflicts  of  a  miserable  ci\:il  war. 
That  England  did  not  then  succumb  under  as  desperate 
a  thraldom  as  held  France  for  succeeding  centuries, 
was  certainly  not  owing  to  her  monarchical  institutions, 
but  rather  to  that  fortunate  vitality,  Avliich  had  been 
already  imparted  to  her  in  the  liberal  constitution  of 
her  Parliament,  and  her  municipal  freedom. 

Not  one  of  its  numerous  provinces  had  taken  a  more 
remarkable  part  in  the  politics  of  France,  at  the  epoch 
referred  to,  than  the  county  of  Anjou.  No  families 
had  rendered  themselves  more  renowned  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  throughout  the  ages  immediately  preced- 
ing, than  those  distinguished  by  the  early  chroniclers 
as  the  "  Three  Houses  of  Anjou."  Ambition,  generally 
of  a  laudable  character,  seems  to  liave  been  the  ruling 
passion  of  the  majority  of  the  members  of  those  Houses  ; 
lofty  aspirations,  for  the  most  part  accompanied  by  feel- 
ings of  honour,  wei'e  the  instigators  to  their  memor- 
able deeds,  whether  considered  individually,  or  as  a 
collected  family.  To  the  illustrious  ancestors  of  the 
"  Good  King  Rene "  and  his  celebrated  daughter. 
Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  may  be  with  singular  justice 
applied  the  beautiful  lines  of  our  Bard  of  Avon  : — 

"  Gloiy  is  like  a  circle  in  the  water, 

"  Which  never  ceaseth  to  enlarge  itself, 

"  Till,  by  broad  si^rcading,  it  disperse  to  nought." 

From  a  humble  origin  in  the  persons  of  llobert  "  le 
Fort "  and  Ingelger,  two  contemporary  counts  of  the 
ninth  century,  the  Houses  of  Anjou  never  ceased  to 
extend  tlieir  iniiuence  through  individual  enterprise 
and  unex])ected  accessions  of  power,  until  they  wielded 
the  dominion  over  seventeen  foreii^n  kinij^rloms ! 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  45 

From  the  Houses  of  Anjoii  we  trace  all  the  kings 
of  France  of  the  Third,  or  Capetian  dynasty ;   eleven 
kings  of  England,  well  known  as  the  race  of  Plantage- 
net,  besides  several  kings  and  queens  of  Jerusalem, 
Arragon,  Spain,  Naples,  and    Hungary ;— so  that,  at 
one  period,  almost  all  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe 
could  trace  their  pedigree  by  marriage  or  by  conquest, 
to  the  House  of  Anjou  as  their  great  parent  source. 
Yet,   only  one   hundred   years    after   the   families    of 
Anjou  had,  in  the  Third  House,  attained  the  zenith  of 
their  prosperity,  not  a  single  prince  of  that  far-famed 
line  survived ! 

In  the  person  of  Rene,  became  extinct  the  last  of 
the  hereditary  Dukes  of  Anjou.  At  his  death  that 
province  was  finally  re-united  to  the  crown,  and 
degenerated  into  a  mere  appanage  possessed  by  the 
younger  sons  of  the  kings  of  France. 

With  Rene  terminated  the  Fourth  House  of  Anjou, 
according  to  the  division  of  certain  authors,  although 
in  reality  there  were  but  two  distinct  Houses,  the 
First,  Third,  and  Fourth  having  proceeded  from 
Robert  "le  Fort,"  and  the  Second  from  Ingelger.*  The 
preceding  historical  details  of  the  reigning  families, 
and  of  the  county  of  Anjou  from  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne to  that  of  John,  King  of  France,  will  be  found 
explanatory  of  this  subject,  and  they  will  also  render 
intelligible  the  numerous  titles  borne  by  King  Rene, 
which  only  served  to  emblazon  the  escutcheon  of  an 
all  but  titular  prince. f 

But  if,  as  the  last  male  descendant  of  a  long  line  of 
distinguished  characters,  Rene,  Duke  of  Anjou,  has  a 
claim  upon  the  attention  of  posterity,  there  is  good 
reason  to  hope  that  when  the  poetry  and  chivalry, 
the  virtues  and  misfortunes  of  his  long  life  are  set 
forth,  the  history  of  this  king  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem 

♦  BodiQ.  t  See  page  32. 


46  INTEODUCTORY  HISTOEY. 

will  command  our  interest  and  sympathy  even  in  the 
annals  of  the  "Dark  Ages."  And  if,  as  the  father  of 
one  of  England's  greatest,  and  most  unfortunate,  and 
most  maligned  of  queens,  modern  literature  ought  to 
possess  some  English  record  of  Rene  of  Anjou,  how 
incomplete  would  it  prove  without  an  accompanying 
memoir  of  the  heroic  queen  of  Henry  VI. !  Yes, 
though  biography  has  not  omitted  of  late  years  to 
recognise,  however  briefly,  the  merits  of  Queen  Mar- 
garet's chequered  life,  it  is  felt,  that  the  whole  history 
of  the  "  Good  King  "  is  a  further  testimony  of  itself  in 
favour  of  the  unhappy  queen,  and  that  the  melancholy 
romance  which  surrounded  the  last  days  of  each,  spent 
nearly  at  the  same  date,  forbids  the  separation  of  the 
blended  fates  of  father  and  daughter.  Some  short 
notice  then,  of  the  immediate  progenitors  of  Rene, 
some  narrow  outline  of  the  events  directly  preceding 
his  accession,  is  a  task  essential  to  this  introductory 
chapter. 

The  battle  of  Poitiers,  one  of  the  most  memorable 
conquests  of  English  arms  upon  the  French  soil,  was 
v.)'.o.  fought  on  the  16th.  of  September,  1356.*  John  "the 
Good,"  King  of  France,  who  was  the  great  grand- 
father of  Rene,  was  present  in  person,  together  with 
his  four  sons,  Charles,  Louis,  John,  and  Philip,  at  this 
battle.  Its  loss  to  the  French  has  been  equally 
ascribed  to  the  cowardice  of  his  eldest  son  Charles, 
and  to  the  temerity  of  the  King  himself  and  his 
youngest  son,  Philip.  Edward  the  Third  triumphantly 
led  John  and  his  son,  Philip,  captive  to  England,  and 
a  truce  of  some  years  ensued. 

Previous  to  these  events  King  John  had  bestowed 
upon  his  second  son  Louis,  by  Bonne  of  Luxembourg, 
then  about  seventeen  years  of  age,  the  counties  of 
Anjou  and  Maine,  in    hereditary  appanage  ;  and  his 

•  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


INTEODUOTORY  HISTOEY.  47 

eldest   son   Charles   now   first   assumed   the   title   of 
Dauphin,  on  the  occasion  of  his  father's  imprisonment. 

Louis,  First  Count  of  Anjou,  the  paternal  grandfather 
of  King  Rene,  was  married  in  1360,*  upon  attaining  iseo, 
his  twenty-first  year,  to  Mary  of  Chatillon,  usually 
called  Mary  of  Blois,  the  daughter  of  Charles  of  Blois, 
Duke  of  Brittany.  The  contract  of  marriage  was  con- 
cluded at  the  Castle  of  Saumur.  Mary  received  as  her 
dowry  a  great  many  castles,  fiefs,  and  baronies,  and 
the  Count  of  Anjou  added  to  her  jointure  the  third 
part  of  his  counties  of  Anjou  and  Maine. 

Some  months  later  in  the  same  year,  while  King- 
John  yet  remained  in  captivity  in  England,  the 
Dauphin  Charles,  as  Lieutenant-General  of  the  king- 
dom, elevated  the  county  of  Anjou  one  degree  in 
heraldry  in  the  person  of  his  brother  Louis  L,  whom 
he  created  First  Duke  of  Anjou. 

Although  Louis  belonged  by  origin  to  the  House  of 
Valois,  he  has  been  more  generally  denominated  from 
this  and  subsequent  occurrences  the  head  of  the 
"  Second  House  of  Anjou-Sicily."  f 

The  treaty  of  Bretigny,  between  England  and 
France,  bore  the  date  of  the  1st  of  May  in  the  same 
year,  and  from  that  period  the  name  of  Louis,  Duke  of 
Anjou,  becomes  of  frequent  repetition  in  the  history  of 
his  country.  By  the  articles  of  that  treaty  King  John 
was,  at  length,  released  from  his  detention,  under 
certain  important  conditions.  His  ransom  was  fixed 
at  three  miUions  of  golden  crowns,  to  be  paid  by 
instalments  to  England  in  the  course  of  six  years. 
But  Edward  HI.  required  numerous  hostages,  mean- 
time, for  the  performance  of  these  stipulations,  fore- 
most among  whom  were  to  be  the  King's  brother,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  and  his  second  and  third  sons,  the 
Dukes  of  Anjou  and  Berri.     These  princes  voluntarily 

*  Moreri ;  Godard  Faultrier.         f  Moreri ;  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


48  INTEODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

surrendered  themselves  witli  the  rest,  and  King  Jolm 
was  freed  on  the  25th  of  October,  1300. 

After  remaining  more  than  two  years  in  an  easy 
captivity  at  the  Enghsh  court,  it  appears  that  the 
princes  of  the  blood,  and  some  others  of  the  liostages, 
became  impatient  for  their  release,  and  offered  to 
])arter  the  fortresses  of  their  territories  for  their  liberty. 
In  pursuance  of  that  proposal  they  were  in  due  course 
transported  to  Calais,  in  May,  13G3,  preparatory  to 
the  arrangement  of  the  necessary  guarantees.  The 
courteous  treatment  of  the  English  king  towards  the 
hostages  was  continued  hi  their  new  quarters.  They 
had  leave  to  scour  the  country  on  horseback  for  three 
consecutive  days,  and  were  only  required  to  return 
before  sunset  on  the  fourth.  On  one  of  these  ex- 
cursions, Louis  of  Anjou  took  advantage  of  the 
liberality  exhibited  towards  them,  to  absent  himself 
altogether.  That  it  was  a  premeditated  act  is  certain, 
since  he  escaped  in  the  first  place  to  Guise,  where  his 
wife  awaited  him.  Thus,  after  fulfilling  his  share  of 
the  treaty  for  more  than  two  years  and  a  half,  he 
committed  a  deliberate  breach  of  faith,  and  took  to 
flight  in  a  most  discreditable  manner,  for  the  sake  of 
a,  few  months,  or  it  might  be  only  weeks,  of  freedom. 
King  John,  who  was  extremely  punctilious  upon  points 
of  honour  between  princes,  was  greatly  displeased  at 
the  circumstance,  although  Froissart  intimates  that 
^'tlie  King  had  a  mind  to  excuse  the  Duke  of  Anjou." 

Some  historians  have  asserted  that  the  meaning  of 
the  King's  second  visit  to  Pjigland  was  a  voluntary 
surrender,  expressly  to  repair  the  fault  of  his  son. 
But  as  John  was  occupied  for  months  after  in  orga- 
nising a  new  crusade  to  the  East,  in  which  exploit  he 
strongly  desired  to  enlist  the  support  of  Edward  TIL,  it 
is  more  natural  to  conclude  that  his  second  visit  to 
England  was  performed  mainly  with  that  intention. 


INTEODUCTORY   HISTORY.  49 

Jolm  embarked  at  Boulogne,  on  the  3rd  of  January,  1364. 
1364,  and  there  is  some  reason  for  suspecting  the  strong 
displeasure  of  the  father  towards  his  son  from  the  mere 
circumstance,  that,  during  the  seven  complete  inter- 
vening months  Louis  did  not  present  himself  at  his 
court,  and  in  fact,  did  not  come  to  Paris  until  after 
his  departure.  He  then,  however,  aggravated  the 
flagrancy  of  the  dishonour  by  boasting  publicly,  that 
when  his  father  learnt  the  motive  of  his  escape  he 
would  excuse  him !  Perhaps  it  will  be  found  a  safer 
judgment,  after  following  to  the  end  the  selfish  track 
of  this  most  unworthy  ancestor  of  the  "  Good  Rene," 
to  adjudge  as  his  motives,  not  any  amount  of 
patriotism  nor  even  of  marital  affection,  but  a  sordid 
and  ambitious  desire  of  preserving  his  bartered  castles, 
even  at  tlie  expense  of  his  solemn  bond. 

King  John  died  in  exile  in  the  hotel  of  Savoy,  in 
London,  in  the  year  1364,  and  the  Dauphin  succeeded 
him  on  the  throne  of  France  as  Charles  V. 

The  surname  of  "the  Wise  "  has  been  perpetuated 
in  history  in  connection  with  the  name  of  the  new 
monarch.  It  is  objectionable,  as  exhibiting  only  one 
side  of  his  character.  In  his  own  time  he  was  called 
Charles  "  the  Learned,"  but  he  was  acknowledged  to  be 
the  most  pusillanimous  being  in  the  kingdom.  It  may 
be  difficult  to  reconcile  to  modern  ideas  that  the  height 
of  wisdom  can  consist  in  a  series  of  the  most  disgrace- 
ful retreats  before  inferior  numbers,  and  in  ever 
refusing  battle.  Yet  such  w^as  the  successful  policy 
by  wliich  Charles  V.  regained,  under  his  rule,  nearly 
the  whole  of  France  of  that  age. 

Ever  timid,  ever  sickly,  he  was  rarely  seen  out  of 
his  palace,  while  his  presence  was  felt  in  the  country 
only  through  a  course  of  timid,  revengeful,  or  despotic 
edicts,  issued  from  time  to  time  for  tlie  rigid  per- 
formance  of    his   servants.     Hated   by   most   of  his 

VOL.  I.  K 


00  IXTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

subjects,  and  feared  by  all,  there  is  yet  no  denying^ 
to  bis  reign  a  comparative  wisdom,  for  wliicli  one 
examines  in  vain  the  public  acts  of  bis  brotbers. 
Under  sucb  a  reign  and  sucb  a  master  were  to  be 
moulded  and  restrained  for  sixteen  consecutive  years 
the  animosities  and  ambition  of  Louis,  Duke  of 
Anjou. 

At  the  coronation  of  Charles  V.  at  Rheims,  his 
brother,  Louis,  was  present.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the 
new  king  was  to  create  Louis  of  Anjou  his  Lieutenant 
General  in  Languedoc,  granting  him  an  almost  abso- 
lute sway  over  that  populous  and  thriving  province. 
He  also  confirmed  his  youngest  brother,  Philip,  in 
the  title  and  possessions  of  Burgundy.  This  prince 
was  gifted  with  a  far  greater  share  of  phj^sical  courage 
than  his  brothers,  and  also  superior  talents.  He  was, 
however,  lavish  in  his  expenditure,  and  the  slave  of 
luxury  and  external  display,  tastes  in  which  the  King's 
brothers  all  equally  participated.  The  Duke  of  Berri 
was  the  most  profligate,  but  he  had  not  the  same 
restless  ambition,  and  hatred  of  England,  to  impel 
him  to  the  military  extravagances  into  which  we  shall 
find  his  brother  of  Anjou  plunging  headlong. 

Louis  never  sought  to  repair  his  breach  of  faith 
with  England,  and  continued  to  exhibit  against  her 
the  most  bitter  animosity.  Thus,  when  called  upon 
to  enrol  soldiers  for  the  war  with  England,  which  all 
saw  approaching,  he  engaged  with  such  eagerness  in 
the  occupation  which  he  found  so  congenial,  and 
betrayed  such  a  thirst  for  the  encounter,  that  the  King 
found  it  necessary  to  rigorously  forbid  his  brother  from 
crossing  the  frontier,  lest  his  plans,  yet  incomplete, 
should  miscarry.  The  hatred  which  Louis  nourished 
against  the  English  was  possibly  augmented  by  the 
defeat  of  Charles  of  Blois,  his  father-in-law,  by  John 
of  JMontfort,  with  his  Breton  forces  and  English  allies, 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  51 

and  by  his  loss  after  the  death  of  Charles  of  the  in- 
heritance of  Brittany. 

In  Languedoc,  Louis  governed  with  tyranny ;  and 
his  exactions  were  to  the  utmost  limits  of  toleration. 
The  sums  which  he  thus  raised  were  employed  by  him 
in  prosecuting  his  wars  against  the  English  in  Spain 
and  elsewhere.  Louis  revenged  himself  on  the  King 
of  Navarre  for  permitting  the  army  of  the  Black  Prince 
to  pass  through  his  tenitories,  by  seizing  the  lordship  of 
Montpellier;  which  adjoined  his  province  of  Languedoc. 
He  also,  by  the  aid  of  the  brave  Duguesclin,  invested 
Tarascon,  and  penetrating  Provence,  laid  siege  to 
Aries,  belonging  to  Joanna,  Queen  of  Naples  ;  but  in 
this  w^ar  he  was  arrested  by  the  interference  of  the 
Pope,  and  by  his  means  reconciled  to  his  cousin, 
Queen  Joanna.  These  unjustifiable  wars  could  only 
be  maintained  by  the  exactions  of  Louis  on  his  pro- 
vince of  Languedoc,  over  which  he  again  presided  in 
1368,  to  obtain  fresh  supplies.  issa. 

There  was  in  the  character  of  Louis  a  selfishness  of 
purpose,  and  a  deep  seated  revenge,  with  a  hastiness 
of  disposition  singularly  at  variance  w^ith  the  wonderful 
self-control  of  his  brother  Charles  V.  To  this  monarch 
alone  must  be  ascribed  the  wise  administration  of  his 
country,  and  the  concealment  of  his  designs  until  the 
Yery  hour  for  the  declaration  of  war  with  England  had 
arrived. 

Upon  Louis  may  with  justice  be  charged  the  glory 
of  having  precipitated  the  new  war,  by  espousing  so 
warmly,  in  the  first  instance,  the  cause  of  Henry 
against  Peter  of  Castile.  To  these  testimonies  of 
weakness  of  character,  events  from  this  date  add  those 
of  unbounded  cruelty,  the  total  lack  of  military  talents, 
and  the  possession  of  a  very  limited  share  of  personal 
bravery. 

The  sanction  of  Parliament  had  been  sought  and 

E  2 


52  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

obtained  by  King  Charles  for  the  new  war  with 
England,  with  a  view  to  give  it  an  air  of  popularity. 
No  sooner  had  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  in  Langnedoc,  and 
the  Duke  of  Berri,  in  Auvergne,  summoned  to  arms, 
than,  as  if  by  a  signal,  considerable  forces  crowded 
under  their  standards.  The  companies  of  adventurers 
also  generally  declared  themselves  French.  But  as 
the  leaders  of  some  of  them  yet  remained  undecided, 
Louis  of  Anjou  adopted  a  summary  expedient  for 
securmg  the  allegiance  of  their  followers.  He  invited 
these  captains  to  meet  him  at  Toulouse,  and  there 
treacherously  fell  upon  and  drowned,  or  beheaded  them 
all.  '  Their  soldiers,  thus  intimidated,  quickly  ranged 
themselves  in  his  ranks. 

1369,  In  the  progress  of  this  war  during  1369,  in  which  the 

King  permitted  no  general  engagement,  there  were  many 
small  places  taken,  and  the  enemy  was  much  harassed, 
which  afforded  another  instance  of  the  cruel  disposition 
of  Louis.  The  English  had  captured  Roche-sur-yon, 
a  place  of  no  account  against  such  a  force,  but,  ac- 
cording to  the  judgment  of  Louis,  the  commander  sur- 
rendered it  too  soon,  and  was  therefore,  by  his  orders, 
sewn  in  a  sack,  and  cast  into  the  river. 

1371.  On  the  13th  of  December,  1371,  Louis  was  present 

at  the  coronation  of  Pope  Gregory  XI.  at  Avignon. 
Though  the  election  of  that  pontiff  was  not  owing  to 
French  influence,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  well  knew  that 
he  was  favourable  to  France  ;  but,  in  fact,  as  events 
soon  testified,  Gregory  XL  was  more  concerned  about 
some  new  heretics  in  the  Church  tlian  about  any  of 
the  material  interests  of  neighbouring  kingdoms. 

It  should  be  a  matter  of  satisfaction  to  observe  that 
so  exemplary  a  prince  as  this  Louis  I.  of  Anjou  was 
more  beloved  by  tlie  fire-making  bigot  Gregory  XL 
than  any  of  the  princes  of  the  House  of  France ;  and 
that  he  resided  much  oftener  than  the  others  at  the 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOET.  53 

pontifical  court  at  Avignon,  displaying  always  great 
zeal  for,  and  obedience  to  that  Pope.  To  him  had 
been  confided  the  government  of  Dauphine,  where  he 
seconded  Gregory  in  his  cruel  efforts  to  exterminate 
the  Vaudois.  Almost  the  entire  population  of  these 
valleys  was  in  prison,  preparatory  to  being  conducted 
to  the  stake.  Gregory  even  complained  to  Charles  V. 
at  this  period  that  there  were  not  prisons  enough.  But 
not  long  after,  in  1376,  he  was  compelled,  to  the  great 
chagrin  of  both  Charles  V.  and  Louis,  to  remove  his 
chair  from  Avignon  to  Rome. 

In  the  year  1374,  King  Charles  V.  issued  an  edict  i374. 
to  enable  his  son,  born  on  the  3rd  of  December,  13G8,  to 
enter  upon  the  administration  of  the  kingdom  at  the 
age  of  fourteen.  At  the  same  time  he  appointed,  in 
case  of  his  own  death  before  that  period,  Louis  of 
Anjou  to  govern  the  country  in  the  interim,  and  passing 
over  the  Duke  of  Berri,  bequeathed  the  guardianship 
of  his  children  conjointly  to  his  Queen  Jane,  his 
brother,  Philip  of  Burgundy,  and  the  Queen's  brother, 
Louis,  Duke  of  Bourbon.  These  provisions  w^ere 
registered  in  Parliament  on  the  21st  of  May  in  the 
succeeding  year,  in  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou. 

Meantime,  Louis  governed  in  Languedoc  as  if  he 
were  its  sovereign.  He  assembled  the  states  there 
yearly,  but  it  was  in  order  to  have  voted  to  him,  under 
pretext  of  the  defence  of  the  country,  subsidies  which 
he  disposed  of  arbitrarily.  That  province  was  now  in 
so  ruinous  a  condition,  and  its  population  had  been 
thinned  to  so  great  an  extent  in  the  course  of  his  ad- 
ministration, that  although  the  hearth-money,  or  tax 
upon  fires,  had  been  raised  to  two  francs  instead  of  one, 
it  produced  no  more  than  had  been  collected  by  the 
half  rate  formerly.  A  day  of  reckoning  was  ap- 
proaching for  the  selfishness,  as  well  as  great  harshness, 
with  which   he   exercised   the   extraordinary  pc»wcrs 


54  INTRODUCTOEY   niSTOEY. 

delegated  to  liim  over  Languedoc.  But  tlioiigli  his  rule 
there  was  unlimited,  it  was  but  for  life,  and  it  has  been 
already  intimated  that  tlic  personal  ambition  of  Louis 
was  great.  He  longed  to  bear  the  title  of  king,  and 
to  bequeath  to  his  family  a  monarchy  independent  of 
the  French  crown.  An  opportunity  had  ere  this 
occurred  of  laying  claim  to  the  kingdom  of  Majorca. 
Its  king,  the  husband  of  Joanna  of  Naples,  had  been 
some  time  previously  despoiled  of  his  dominion  by 
the  King  of  Arragon,  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou  had  lent 
him  assistance  to  attack  Catalonia  in  return.  But  the 
King  of  Majorca  died  in  1375,  and  Louis,  from  that 
time,  pretended  tliat  he  had  bequeathed  all  his  rights 
to  him,  in  return  for  his  succours,  and  asserted  his 
title  to  that  petty  sovereignty.  His  claim  was  so  far 
borne  out  that  the  sister  and  sole  heiress  of  the  King 
of  Majorca,  Isabella,  Marchioness  of  Montferrat,  had 
ceded  her  hereditary  right  to  Louis  for  a  sum  of  5,500 
livres ;  but  no  positive  evidence  appears  of  the  dymg 
testament  of  the  late  King. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou,  however,  declared  war  against 
the  King  of  Arragon  in  his  own  name,  and  formed  an 
aUiance  with  the  King  of  Castile,  by  which  they  agreed 
to  sliare  whatever  conquests  the}''  might  make.  An 
army  was  raised  in  Languedoc,  but  tlie  mediation  of 
Gregory  XI.  was  invoked  at  tliat  juncture,  and  as  the 
removal  of  that  pontift"  to  Italy  followed  soon  after,  the 
whole  question  was  suspended. 
137C.  In  the  spring  of  137G,  the  Dukes  of  Anjou  and  Bur- 

gundy, with  a  pompous  retinue,  met  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  at  Bruges 
to  treat  concerning  a  peace ;  but  as  Charles  V.  would 
enter  into  no  terms  that  were  not  based  upon  the 
cession  of  Calais  to  France,  no  treaty  was  concluded, 
but,  instead,  tlie  truce  between  tlie  two  countries  Avas 
protracted  to  the  1st  of  April,  1377.    In  their  hearts  the 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  oo 

King  and  tlie  Duke  of  Anjou  really  desired  a  renewal 
of  the  war,  by  wliicli  they  had  already  profited  much ; 
and  accordingly  we  find  the  latter  employed  in 
strengthening  the  French  interests  in  various  ways; 
but  neither  he  nor  Philip  of  Burgundy  re-appeared  at 
Bruges  in  April,  as  expected,  to  renew  the  pacific 
negociations. 

In  the  following  year  Louis  invested  the  fortress  of     i378. 
IMontpellier    once    again,    without    experiencing    any 
resistance.     He  next  resolved   to  besiege   Bordeaux, 
but  an  English  fleet  arriving  at  this  place  with  suc- 
cours, effectually  put  an  end  to  his  project. 

The  sovereignty  of  Louis  over  Languedoc  was 
ostensibly  independent  and  absolute.  Charles  V.  never 
interposed  so  long  as  the  people  were  passive,  and 
■they  forbore  to  revolt  while  it  was  possible  to  hope. 
But  Louis's  exactions  became  insupportable,  and  in 
'the  beginning  of  this  year  (1378)  Nismes  first  resisted, 
and  refused  to  vote  the  new  taxes ;  but  being  un- 
supported was  compelled  to  succumb,  and  Louis,  in 
lieu  of  learning  a  lesson,  thought  no  more  of  so  trifling 
an  ebullition.  Accordingly  in  March,  1379,  he  is  found 
imposing  the  heaviest  fire-tax  yet  known  on  the  in- 
habitants of  Languedoc,  the  fires  having  been  already 
reduced  in  the  course  of  the  last  thirty  years  by  means 
of  war,  famine,  and  tyranny  from  100,000  to  30,000. 
The  Council  of  Montpellier  refused  to  collect  this  tax, 
•and  the  people,  driven  to  despair,  rose  on  the  25th  of 
"October,  and  massacred  the  Duke's  officers  and  eighty 
of  their  suite.  Clermont-Lodeve  followed  the  example 
of  Montpellier,  and  the  whole  province  seemed  ready 
for  revolt. 

It  had  been  well  if  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  then  in 
Brittany,  had  hastened  into  Languedoc,  to  enforce  or  to  * 
withdraw  the  obnoxious  tax ;  but  although  in  his  fury 
he  threatened  nothing  less  than  to   put  all  the   in- 


oG  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

habitants  of  Montpellier  to  the  sword  and  to  burn 
down  their  town,  he  yet  travelled  first  to  Paris,  and 
thence  to  his  friend  Gregory  XL  at  Avignon,  The 
death  of  this  Pope  soon  after  at  Piome,  caused  a  schism 
in  the  East,  and  paved  the  w^ay  for  the  election  of 
Clement  YIL  ;  when  Louis,  receiving  from  the  new 
pontiff  the  assistance  he  required,  dismissed  his 
lieutenant  to  Montpehier.  The  citizens  intimidated, 
threw  open  their  gates,  and  suffered  the  leaders  of 
the  insurrection  to  be  put  to  death.  Louis  afterwards 
entered  this  ill-fated  town,  seized  upon  all  its  strong- 
places,  and  compelled  the  people  to  give  up  their  arms. 
He  then  exercised  upon  them  a  terrible  vengeance  in 
hangings,  decapitations,  and  confiscations  ;  somewhat 
modified,  however,  through  the  intercession  of  Clement 
VIL  and  Cardinal  Albans.  It  might  well  indeed  be  in- 
quired what  kind  of  man  that  might  have  been  whose 
hand  had  to  be  stayed  from  the  commission  of  atrocities 
even  by  so  sanguinary  a  bigot  as  Clement  VIL 

It  becomes  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that 
there  were  two  Popes  at  this  epoch,  who  hated  each 
other  with  the  utmost  zeal  and  fury,  and  divided 
between  them  the  flocks  of  the  faithful,  Clement  VIL, 
at  whose  feet  bowed  France  and  several  of  the  nations, 
including  Naples  and  Sicily,  and  Urban  VI.  who  ruled 
paramount  at  the  same  time  over  the  spiritual 
dominions  of  England,  Hungary,  Poland,  &c.  This 
fierce  sectarian  rivalry  impelled  each  to  excite  wars, 
for  the  territorial  aggrandizement  of  his  particular 
influence.  It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
character  of  Joanna  of  Naples  was  dissolute  and  bad ; 
and  that  there  were  crimes  in  her  former  life  which 
should  justly  have  caused  her  deposition.  Louis  "  the 
Great,"  King  of  Hungary  and  Poland,  who  was  nearly 
approaching  the  term  of  a  long  and  worthy  reign  over 
those  two  countries,  had  amply  borne  witness  to  the 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  ol 

iiiiwortliiiiess  of  Joanna  for  the  liigli  position  she  occu- 
pied. He  well  knew  both  the  w^eakness  and  cunning 
of  her  disposition,  and  justly  suspected  her  intentions 
towards  his  nephew,  Charles  of  Durazzo,  who  was 
his  nearest  relative  and  the  rightful  heir  to  her 
dominions. 

Louis  of  Hungary  therefore  uegociated  with  Urban 
YI.  for  the  deposition  of  Joanna,  and  furnished  his 
nephew  with  a  small  army  to  establish  himself  on  her 
throne.  Urban  fulminated  a  pontifical  bull  against 
her,  and  favoured  the  march  of  Charles  through  Italy, 
in  1379,  to  depose  her. 

As  Urban  VI.  had  so  strongly  identified  himself 
with  this  cause,  it  was  but  natural  to  expect  a  counter 
agitation,  and  a  new  claimant  to  issue  forth  from  the 
rival  See  of  Avignon.  In  fact  an  intrigue  had  been 
ripening  for  some  time  past  between  Joanna  of  Naples 
and  Clement,  by  which  the  former  proposed  to  exercise 
her  vengeance  upon  the  family  of  Anjou-Hungary,  by 
depriving  Charles  of  Durazzo  of  the  succession,  and 
the  latter  found  a  superior  kingdom  for  his  especial 
favourite,  Louis  of  Anjou,  without  the  trouble  of  adju- 
dicating upon  his  claims  to  that  of  Majorca. 

At  the  commencement  of  May,  1380,  the  Duke  of 
Anjou  quitted  Languedoc  for  Avignon,  to  pursue  his 
intrigues  for  the  monarchy  of  Naples ;  and  at  length 
all  preliminaries  having  been  arranged,  Joanna  adopted 
Louis  as  her  heir  and  successor  on  the  29th  of  June 
following.* 

The  rights  of  this  question  cannot  be  better  defined 
in  few  words  than  by  citing  the  language  of  Sismondi, 
who  says, — "It  has  sometimes  been  allotted  to  a  king, 
"  contrary  to  every  principle  of  legitimacy,  to  have  the 
"  right  of  disposing  by  will  of  his  crown,  when  the  title 
"  of  succession  appears  so  uncertain  that  it  is  necessary 

*  Eccles,  History  ;  Daniel  ;  Moreri  ;   Hallam  ;  Godard  Faultrier, 


58  INTEODIICTORY   HISTORY. 

"  liis  antlioi'ity  sliould  incline  the  balance  of  tlie  scales. 
"  But  there  was  no  uncertainty  in  this  case,  and  the 
"  adoption  of  Louis  of  Anjou  by  Joanna  of  Naples 
^' could  not  be  esteemed  of  any  value  without  overturn- 
"  ing  everything  established  in  hereditary  monarchical 
"  institutions.  Charles  of  Durazzo,  the  last  male 
"  descendant  of  the  first  House  ofi  Anjou^  had  married 
"  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  Joanna's  sister  and  her 
"  nearest  relative  on  the  female  side.  It  was  impossible 
"  to  raise  a  doubt  concerning  the  constitutional  validity 
"of  their  united  claims." 

Previous  to  the  departure  of  Louis  for  Avignon  on 

1380.  the  23rd  of  April,  1380,  Charles  V.  had  felt  himself 
compelled,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  to  formally  revoke  his 
brother's  appointment  over  Languedoc. 

It  is  presumable  that  Louis  was  too  much  interested 
in  his  premeditated  Neapolitan  inheritance  to  heed 
immediately  the  loss  and  censure  which  fell  upon  him 
through  that  act  of  royalty.  But  as  soon  as  the 
negociations  with  Clement  and  Joanna  were  termi- 
nated he  journo3^ed  direct  to  Paris,  probably  to  plead 
privately  with  the  King  for  a  reversion  of  his  decision. 
If  such  was  the  object  of  his  mission,  it  entirely  failed; 
he  was  never  reinstated  in  the  government  of 
Languedoc,  and  during  the  remaining  six  weeks  of 
Charles's  life,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  retired  in  resentment 
to  Angers,  and  in  fact,  never  saw  the  King  again 
alive.  Such  a  course  was  quite  in  keeping  with  the 
other  characteristics  of  Louis  I. 

Charles  V.  of  France  died,  aged  forty-three,  on  the 

1380.  16th  of  September,  1380,  at  the  Castle  of  Beaulc  sur 
Marne,  near  Vincennes.  Tliat  event  introduced  a  new 
era  in  the  life  of  Louis  of  Anjou,  investing  him, 
whether  for  good  or  evil,  with  higher  and  larger 
powers  than  he  had  ever  yet  enjoyed. 

Where  personal  advantages  of  so  brilliant  a  kind 


INTRODUCTORY  HISTORY.  59 

were  suddenly  presented,  it  was  liardly  to  be  expected 
that  a  being  so  tliorouglily  selfish  could  long  resist  the 
temptation.  But  the  unseemly  behaviour  with  which 
Louis  disgraced  the  yet  unburied  remains  of  his  royal 
brother  was  unforeseen,  even  by  those  who  were  best 
acquainted  with  his  greedy  and  arrogant  disposition. 
During  the  last  hours  of  Charles  V.,  Louis  had 
presented  himself  at  the  castle,  and  was  actually 
concealed  in  an  adjoining  chamber  at  the  moment  of 
his  death.  At  that  instant  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  who, 
devoid  of  feelings  of  affection,  had  sought  for  no 
reconciliation  with  his  brother,  appeared,  and  seized 
upon  the  crown  jewels  and  other  treasures  of  the  King, 
which  were  preserved  in  one  of  the  halls  of  that 
palace.  He  laid  claim  to  the  effects  of  the  crown  as 
the  eldest  of  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  his  brothers, 
who  were  present,  forebore,  perhaps  for  the  sake  of 
decorum,  to  oppose  him. 

Charles  VL  was,  at  this  time,  nearly  twelve  years 
of  age,  and  according  to  the  new  law  of  succession, 
could  not  be  crowned  until  he  had  entered  his  four- 
teenth year  ;  the  Duke  insisted  consequently  upon  his 
own  right  to  the  Regency  in  the  meantime,  but  his 
brothers  refused  to  acquiesce  in  that  arrangement. 

All  the  four  royal  Dukes  were  in  Paris  at  this  time, 
each  surrounded  by  his  own  troops,  and  a  fight 
appeared  imminent;  when  Peter  of  Orgemont,  the 
Chancellor,  advised  the  immediate  coronation  of 
Charles  VI. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou  was,  in  reality,  less  interested 
about  the  Regency  than  the  affairs  of  Naples :  he 
coveted  rather  the  possession  of  the  public  coffers  than 
the  temporary  government  of  the  country  ;  and  so  that 
he  only  acquired  the  means  of  arresting  the  prosperous 
march  of  Charles  of  Durazzo  through  Italy,  or  of 
effectually  dispossessing   him  of  that  kingdom    at  a 


60  INTEODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

later  stage,  it  was  the  last  of  his  considerations 
whether  the  realm  of  France  ought,  or  ought  not,  to 
be  entrusted  to  the  fickle  and  incapable  rule  of  a 
child. 

An  arbitration,  therefore,  was  appointed  for  the 
settlement  of  the  rival  claims  of  the  Dukes  to  power. 
It  w^as  decided  that  the  Duke  of  Anjou  should  retain 
all  the  private  property  of  tlie  late  King  which  he  had 
pillaged;  that  he  should  be  Regent  at  once,  until  the 
end  of  the  ensuing  month,  October,  at  which  date 
Charles  VI.  should  be  consecrated  King,  and  that 
afterwards  he  should  be  chief  of  the  Council,  while  the 
education  and  guardianship  of  the  young  princes  were 
to  remain  in  the  care  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and 
Bourbon.  In  spite  of  all  their  arrangements,  Louis  of 
Anjou  proceeded  to  seize  upon  all  the  money  in  the 
coffers  of  the  state,  and  thus  arrested  public  business. 
The  soldiers  around  Paris,  thus  deprived  of  their  pay, 
fell  upon  the  peasantry,  to  liquidate,  by  means  of 
private  property,  the  debt  of  the  state.  The  He  de 
France  in  j^articular  fell  a  prey  entirely  to  their  brutal 
excesses.  But  tliere  w^as  no  resistance  to  authority  on 
the  part  of  the  people,  the  oppressions  being  probably 
supposed  to  be  only  temporary. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou,  however,  proceeded  from  one 
exaction  to  another,  regardless  of  the  public  sufferings, 
until  the  people  rose  in  open  rebellion.  Louis  then 
had  recourse  to  subterfuge,  and  overawed  by  the 
popular  strength,  he  condescended  to  make  promises 
he  meant  not  to  perform,  and  was  obliged  to  concede 
a  delay  in  the  collection  of  the  obnoxious  taxes  until 
after  the  coronation  of  the  new  king. 

The  next  step  in  the  career  of  this  avaricious  man 
was  equally  in  keeping  witli  his  mean  and  cruel  nature. 
Rumour  wliispered  him  that  there  was  concealed,  in 
one  of  the  late  king's  palaces,  a  reserve  of  gold  and 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  61 

silver  ingots.  It  had  probably  transpired  tliat  the 
treasure  lay  at  Melun,  and  thither  went  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  and  commanded  the  attendance  of  Philip  of 
Lavoisy,  the  treasurer  of  Charles  V.  Lavoisy  readily 
confessed  that  he  had  been  made  the  depositary  of  the 
secret,  but  added  that  his  master  had  imposed  upon 
him  an  oath  to  reveal  it  only  to  his  son,  when  he  came 
to  the  throne. 

The  Duke  appeared  to  yield  to  this  just  plea  of  an 
honest  man.  He  gave  orders  for  the  coronation  of  his 
nephew  at  Rheims,  whither  he  dispatched  him,  attended 
by  the  princes,  peers,  and  the  whole  court,  Louis  him- 
self, however,  lingered  behind,  and  with  him  the  obsti- 
nate Lavoisy,  who  still  declined  to  betray  his  secret. 
When  again  closeted  with  him,  the  Duke  without 
further  scruple,  sent  for  the  executioner,  and  at  once 
conmianded  him  there,  in  his  presence,  to  cut  off  the 
unhappy  treasurer's  head.  No  one  at  all  acquainted 
with  the  savage  character  of  Louis  could  for  a  moment 
doubt  the  fell  determination  of  the  man  at  that  crisis. 
Lavoisy  doubted  not  that  he  was  in  the  power  of  a 
wild,  blood-thirsty  animal,  and  hesitated  not  to  pro- 
pitiate him. 

The  bars  of  gold  and  silver  had  been  built  mto  the 
walls  of  the  Castle  of  Melun  as  stones,  and  the 
labourers  who  had  placed  them  there  had  been 
disposed  of,  as  workmen  who  knew  the  secrets  of 
princes  usually  were  in  those  days.  It  is  needless  to 
add  that  the  whole  treasure  was  extracted,  and 
consigned  to  the  keeping  of  the  Regent ;  who, 
satisfied  with  this  last  cunning  plunder  of  his  nephew's 
effects,  hurried  away  to  the  solemn  ceremony  of  that 
nephew's  consecration  and  coronation. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  this  and  the  previous 
outrageous  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  since  he  had 
become  Regent,  were  the  source  of  a  movement  now 


62  INTEODUCJTOEY   HISTOEY. 

made  by  Philip  of  Burgundy,  wliicli  resulted  in  open 
discord  between  the  brothers. 

The  coronation  of  the  young  King  took  place  on  the 
1380.  4th  November,  1380  ;  *  and  at  that  ceremony,  we 
learn  that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  first  Peer  of 
the  kingdom,  presided  over  all.  The  precedence 
of  the  "first  Peer"  over  the  Regent  extended  even 
to  the  dinner  which  followed,  where,  however,  a 
little  force  had  to  be  employed  for  its  establish- 
ment. It  appears  that  Louis  was  taking  the  highest 
seat  at  table  next  the  King,  when  Philip  placed 
himself  between  them,  asserting  and  retaining  his 
supremacy. 

This  act  obtained  for  Philip  the  surname  of  "  le 
Hardi,"  by  which  he  was  afterwards  distinguished  in 
history,  and  gave  rise  to  the  prediction  of  an  astrologer, 
who  happened  to  be  present,  that,  "  before  a  century 
should  elapse,  the  race  of  Anjou  would  exterminate 
that  of  Burgundy ; "  a  prophecy  eventually  fulfilled. 
The  title  of  Regent  should  have  protected  the  Dake  of 
Anjou  from  this  insult,  if  only  for  the  sake  of  order ; 
but  the  act  can  only  with  justice  be  ascribed  to  that 
pride  and  ambition  for  which  Philip  became  celebrated, 
and  also  to  a  w^ant  of  respect  engendered  by  the 
despicable  conduct  of  the  Regent  himself,  and  to  the 
necessity,  which  was  felt  generally,  for  some  bold 
spirit  to  resist  his  exactions  and  curb  his  intolerance.. 
The  circumstance,  as  might  naturally  be  supposed,  so 
violently  offended  Louis,  that  the  royal  brothers 
narrowly  escaped  a  battlcl" 

The  quarrel  between  Pliihp  and  Louis  was  almost 
immediately  renewed,  and  perpetuated  in  consequence 
of  the  mean  spirited  extortions  of  the  latter,  without 
the  slightest  regard  for  the  interests  of  the  country,  or 
even    of    his   family.     He   had   arrested   the   service 

•  Mcnin  ;  Bodir,  f  Bodin  ;  Mcnin  ;  Selden. 


INTRODUCTORY  HISTORY.  G3, 

of  tlie  state  by  liis  plundering-,  and  lie  now  refused 
even  the  means  necessary  for  tlie  maintenance  of 
the  royal  household.  In  consequence  of  the  serious 
rupture  between  them  on  this  vital  question,  the  Dukes 
were  never  after  thoroughly  reconciled,  and  it  was 
fortunate  for  the  country  that  ere  long  the  destiny 
of  Louis  was  to  hurry  him  to  another  and  distant 
sphere  of  action. 

During  the  year  1381,  it  is  said,  that  the  Duke  of  issi. 
Anjou  endeavoured  in  vain,  seven  successive  times,  to 
re-impose  the  old  obnoxious  impositions  in  Paris.  His 
avidity  was  sharpened  by  his  projects  upon  Naples, 
though  it  should  be  observed,  that  he  had  taken  no 
steps  at  present  to  establish  his  rival  claims  to  that 
kingdom. 

Charles  of  Durazzo  had  experienced  no  opposition 
on  his  march  through  Italy,  and  Urban  VI.  had 
crowned  him  at  Rome,  as  Charles  III.  of  Naples. 
Otho  of  Brunswick,  the  fourth  husband  of  Joanna,  was 
without  an  army  to  oppose  the  conqueror.  The  people 
of  Naples  rose  on  the  16th  of  July  1381,  and  opened 
the  gates  of  the  capital  to  Charles  III.,  and  on  the  20th 
of  August,  Joanna  herself,  who  had  fled  to  the  Castello 
Nuovo,  was  compelled  to  surrender  it,  and  she  became 
the  prisoner  of  the  new  king. 

It  was  already  more  than  twelve  months  since  Louis 
of  Anjou  had  been  adopted  by  the  now  captive  Queen ; 
and  it  has  been  keenly  suggested  that  he  was  probably 
awaiting  her  death,  that  he  might  be  invested  with  the 
title  of  king  before  making  his  entry. 

Louis  was,  however,  quietly  amassing  the  means  of 
raising  an  overwhelming  force,  and  if  tardily,  yet  with 
certainty  he  was  approaching  the  ambitious  ends  at 
which  he  aimed.  When  he  could  bury  so  completely 
his  rancour  of  former  years,  as  to  desire  ardently  to 
make   peace   with   England,  it   was   indeed   time    to 


64  INTRODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

snspcct  him  of  designs  more  nearly  regarding  himself. 
13S1.      At  the  end  of    I08I,  lie  concluded  a  truce  with  this 
country,  which  was  to  endure  until  the  1st  of  June 
following. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou  set  out  for  Avignon  with  a 
magnificent  train,  and  all  the  French  treasure  he  had 
plundered  since  the  death  of  Charles  V.  packed  on 
several  hundred  mules.  His  train,  however,  consisted 
onl}'  of  knights  and  gentlemen,  the  officers  of  the  large 
army  which  had  heen  drawn  together  by  his  orders  in 
the  south,  and  which  had  already  attacked  Provence. 

The  Provengaux  hated  him,  and  had  therefore 
immediately  declared  in  favour  of  his  rival,  for  they 
had  not  forgotten  his  former  unprovoked  attack  upon 
their  country  while  he  was  Governor  of  Languedoc. 
But  they  could  organize  no  effectual  resistance,  while 
the  Duke  mustered  upon  their  territory,  9,000  liommes 
cVarmes. 

In  the  meantime,  Joanna,  Queen  of  Naples,  was 
strangled  in  the  Castello  Nuovo,  by  command  of 
IDS-.  Charles  TIL,  on  the  12th  of  May,  1382.  On  the  30th 
of  the  same  month  Clement  VII.  invested  Louis  with 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  from  that  time  he  took  the 
title  of  King  Louis  I.* 

In  thus  raising  Louis  to  the  summit  of  his  power 
and  ambition,  Clement  of  course  exhorted  him  equally 
to  expel  Urban  from  Rome,  as  well  as  Charles  III. 
from  Naples ;  but,  whatever  might  have  been  the 
intentions  of  Louis,  it  will  j^resently  be  seen,  that  he 
never  had  the  opportunity  of  seconding  the  aims  of 
Clement,  and  that,  in  fact.  King  Louis  had  now 
attained  the  acme  of  his  selfish  and  vain-glorious 
career. 

The  people  of  Provence  no  longer  held  out  against 
the  troops  of  Louis  after  his  arrival.     To  punish  them 

*  Hallam  ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Daniel  ;  Moreri ;  Godard  Faultiier. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  65 

for  tlieir  temerity  he  surrendered  tlieir  rich  country  to 
the  pillage  of  his  soldiers,  and  fortunately  this  licence 
was  but  for  a  short  time,  for  in  June  he  passed  the 
Alps  of  Savoy,  and  entered  Lombardy  on  his  march 
southwards.  By  the  middle  of  that  month  also  his 
fleet  of  twenty-two  armed  vessels  reached  the  Neapo- 
litan coast.  Louis  himself  entered  the  Abruzzi  with 
his  land  forces  by  the  17th  of  July,  and  was  there  met 
by  Jacques  Caldora,  the  famed  "  condottiere,"  at  the 
head  of  a  body  of  insurgent  Neapolitans. 

The  murder  of  their  Queen  Joanna  had  aroused  the 
hatred  and  hostility  of  a  great  number  of  Neapolitan 
gentlemen,  and  alienated  them  effectually  from  the 
cause  of  Charles.  At  their  head  were  the  Sansaverini, 
some  of  the  OrsinI,  Caraccioli,  and  Zarli,  who,  for  a 
century  and  a  half  after,  remained  faithful  to  the 
Angevine  standard  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 

To  give  some  idea  of  the  extent  of  Louis's  army  it 
is  announced  that  it  numbered  at  least  15,000  horse. 
Charles  III.  could  not  resist  him  openly ;  he  therefore, 
with  dexterity  adopted  the  only  course  left  to  him. 
He  avoided  all  encounter  in  the  open  country,  fortified 
his  strong  places,  and  left  his  adversary  entirely  to  the 
effects  of  the  climate  of  La  Pouille  and  Calabria,  to 
the  results  of  their  change  of  nourishment  upon  his 
men  and  horses,  and  to  the  constant  harass  and 
gradual  decay  resulting  from  a  kind  of  guerilla  war- 
fare which  the  population  waged  against  Louis. 

The  French  soldiery  had  soon  exhausted  the  provi- 
sions they  found  in  the  public  stores.  They  had 
reckoned  on  supplying  themselves  afterwards,  as  they 
had  so  often  done  in  France,  by  plundering  the 
peasantry.  But  the  peasantry  of  Southern  Italy 
were  by  no  means  reduced  to  the  same  degraded 
and  impotent  state  as  those  of  France.  They  boldly 
resisted  the  marauders,  massacred  small  parties  when- 


66  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

ever  sucli  were  detected,  made  ambuscades  in  dan- 
gerous passes,  and  surprised  and  pillaged  in  turn.  By 
such  means  Louis  and  his  rich  nobility  were  reduced 
in  course  of  time  to  the  most  excessive  misery.  He 
was  obliged  to  rid  himself  in  succession  of  all  his 
treasure  of  silver,  as  well  as,  by  degTees,  of  all  the 
superb  plate  of  Charles  V.  of  which  he  had  so 
covetously  possessed  himself,  until  but  a  single  silver 
goblet  remained.  He  had  even  been  scrupulous  in 
clothing  himself  in  sumptuous  apparel,  but,  at  last,  he 
was  forced  to  content  himself  with  a  kind  of  worn-out 
finery.  The  splendid  arms  of  his  knights  were  all 
rusted,  while  most  of  them  had  lost  their  battle-horses 
and  followed  on  foot,  or  on  asses,  or  the  meagre  ponies 
of  the  country. 

It  was  not,  however,  without  an  effort  to  recover 
himself,  that  Louis  sank  into  such  misery  and  despair. 
"When  he  found  his  resources  failing  him,  he  dispatched 
Peter  de  Craon,  his  chamberlain,  in  whom  he  placed 
the  greatest  confidence,  to  his  Duchess,  at  Angers,  for 
fresh  supplies  of  money.  By  the  same  messenger  he 
also  sent  urgent  letters  to  procure  from  his  friends  in 
Anjou,  the  funds  necessary  to  prosecute  his  war  of 
conquest. 

The  principal  nobles,  as  well  as  all  the  wealthy 
individuals  of  Anjou,  esteeming  it  a  duty  to  send 
succours  to  their  Duke,  collected  in  a  few  days  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  ducats  of  gold,  and 
entrusted  them  to  Peter  de  Craon,  to  convey  with  all 
promptitude  to  his  master.  Craon  Avas  distinguished 
in  rank  among  the  first  of  the  nobles  of  Anjou,  yet  he 
had  been  branded  already  as  a  hypocrite,  thief,  and 
assassin.  How  terribly  misplaced  was  the  confidence 
which  Louis  and  his  friends  and  people  reposed  in 
him  ! 

Instead  of  transporting  with  all  possible  speed  this 


INTRODUCTOEY  HISTORY.  67 

mucli  needed  treasure  to  the  army,  Peter  de  Craoii, 
faithless  to  his  trust,  marched  by  shoi^t  journeys,  stopped 
at  all  the  towns  on  his  route  which  could  afford  him 
the  opportunity  of  expending  in  an  agreeable  manner 
the  sum  he  carried,  and  ended  at  Venice  in  dissipating 
it  amongst  the  courtezans  and  gamesters  with  whom 
that  city  abounded. 

Louis,  impatient  at  not  receiving  the  money  he  had 
expected,  and  of  which  he  had  such  pressing  need, 
beheld  daily  a  great  many  of  his  followers  dying  of 
hunger.  In  vain  he  dispatched  couriers  to  hasten  the 
march  of  his  chamberlain, — they  never  reached  him. 
Ten  times  did  Louis  demand  battle  of  Charles,  even 
provoking  him  with  insulting  language,  but  in  vain. 

At  length,  in  the  summer  of  1384,  the  fevers  and  i384. 
dysenteries  of  La  Pouille  broke  out  simultaneously  in 
the  ranks  of  both  armies,  Charles  himself  became 
dangerously  indisposed,  and  was  at  one  time  reported 
dead,  but  recovered.  Shortly  after,  the  town  of 
Biseglio  was  delivered  up  to  Louis,  by  some  barons 
of  the  Angevine  party,  under  a  solemn  engagement 
that  he  would  preserve  it  from  all  outrage. 

It  was  not  easy,  however,  to  restrain  his  famishing 
soldiers  from  satisfying  themselves  at  the  expense  of 
the  inhabitants  ;  and  accordingly  Biseglio  fell  a  prey 
to  their  plunder  and  outrages.  Louis,  inflamed  by 
pride  and  fury  that  his  royal  oath  should  be  violated 
by  his  hirelings,  and  anxious,  for  once,  not  to  illtreat  a 
defenceless  town  which  had  fallen  into  his  power,  ran 
in  person  through  its  streets,  stick  in  hand,  to  stay  the 
disorder  and  repress  the  pillage.  It  appears  that  he 
overheated  himself  by  means  of  his  passion  and  his 
bodily  exertions,  on  that  occasion  ;  the  fever  seized  him, 
and  he  never  rallied.  Louis,  King  of  Naples,  and  Duke 
of  Anjou,  died  on  the  10th  of  October,  1384,*  at  the  age      ua. 

*  Moreri  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

f2 


68  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

of  forty- five.  But  the  bitterness  of  his  last  trials,  upon 
such  a  temperament,  cannot  be  omitted  in  enumerating 
the  combined  causes  of  his  early  death,  since  it  has 
even  induced  some  historians  to  ascribe  it  erroneously 
to  a  broken  heart.  Immediately  upon  his  dissolution 
his  army  was  scattered  abroad  in  a  confused  and  igno- 
minious flight.  Most  of  its  soldiers,  however,  met  their 
death  upon  the  Italian  soil,  while  some  of  the  proudest 
knights  of  France  were  seen  to  traverse  all  Italy  on 
foot,  their  clothes  in  shreds,  and  begging  their  bread. 

Thus  ended  this  vain-glorious  expedition  to  establish 
an  hereditary  monarchy  in  the  person  of  a  weak,  selfish, 
avaricious  man ;  thus  all  the  hoarded  treasures  of  the 
"wise  "  King  of  France  w^ere  lavished  by  his  ignoble 
brother,  and  the  lives  of  tens  of  thousands  of  French- 
men were  sacrificed  to  render  only  the  more  secure  the 
right  of  Charles  III.  over  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 

While  the  remains  of  the  unfortunate  army  of  Louis 
begged  their  way  back  to  France  like  walking  skeletons, 
Peter  de  Craon  had  the  audacity  to  re-appear  at  court 
with  a  magnificent  train. 

Louis  had  entrusted  to  his  consort,  Mary  of  Blois, 
the  government  of  Anjou  in  his  absence,  as  well  as  the 
guardianship  of  his  three  children,  Louis,  who  was  then 
but  five  years  old,  Charles,  and  Mary.* 

With  the  spirit  and  resolution  which  characterised 
Mary  of  Blois,  she  proceeded  immediately  to  Paris,  and 
there  in  her  own  name  as  the  widow  of  Louis,  and  in 
those  of  her  two  sons,  now  styled  Louis  II.  of  Naples, 
and  the  Prince  of  Tarentum,  summoned  Peter  de  Craon 
to  appear  before  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  and  to  restore 
to  her  the  100,000  ducats  of  gold  which  she  had 
confided  to  his  charge.  She  prosecuted  the  baron  for 
robbery  and  felony,  and  demanded,  as  the  just  penalty 
of  his  crime,  that  the  barony  of  Craon,  and  his  other 

•  Lobineau  ;  Bodin  ;  Moreri  ;  Guicciardini. 


INTRODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  69 

property,  situated  in  Anjou,  should  be  confiscated. 
Craon  did  not  appear,  although  summoned  four 
times. 

The  Parliament,  therefore,  pronounced  him  convicted 
of  felony,  and  ordered  the  forfeiture  of  all  his  estates  to 
the  duchy  of  Anjou.  He  was  condemned,  besides,  to 
restore  the  sum  of  gold  he  had  withheld,  and  to  submit 
to  perpetual  banishment ;  but  his  high  rank  and  in- 
fluence with  some  of  the  French  nobility,  enabled  him 
to  escape  the  just  punishment  of  his  crimes. 

The  enterprising  Mary  of  Blois  occupied  herself  at 
this  time  also,  in  seeking  the  assistance  of  the  Dukes 
of  Berri  and  Burgundy,  to  preserve  for  her  son  Louis 
the  sovereignty  of  Provence.  In  this  undertaking  she 
was  unfortunate.  All  Provence,  with  the  exception  of 
the  towns  of  Marseilles  and  Aries,  had  revolted  to 
Charles  III.,  unfurled  his  flag,  and  installed  in  Aix  the 
Governor  Spinola,  whom  he  had  dispatched  there. 

The  body  of  Louis  I.  was  buried  in  St.  Martin's  at 
Tours,  and  his  heart  was  deposited  in  the  Cathedral  of 
St.  Maurice  at  Angers.* 

His  character  has  been  shown  by  his  actions,  already 
recorded,  to  have  been  one  of  the  worst.  In  summing 
up  the  annals  of  his  life,  scarcely  one  virtue  shines  forth 
to  modify  the  indignation  inspired  by  his  vices  and 
crimes.  Happily,  his  whole  career  affords  a  complete 
contrast  with  that  of  his  grandson,  and  will  thus  serve 
to  display  only  to  the  greater  advantage  the  heroism, 
amiability,  and  benevolence  of  the  "  Good  Rene." 
So  insatiable  was  his  love  of  wealth,  that  he  created 
"  letters  of  protection  "  which  passed  current  in  his 
chancery,  and  with  the  riches  thus  acquired,  he  pur- 
chased the  county  of  Roucy,  and  the  castleward  of 
Rochefort ;    but  Parliament  annulled  the  contract  of 

*   Bodin  ;    Godard  Faultrier ;    Sismondi  ;    Hallam  ;    Lobineau  ;    Ville- 
neuve  Bargemont. 


70  INTEODUCTORY  HISTOET. 

sale,  and  he  was  compelled  to  restore  those  lands  to 
the  family  of  Roucy.  He  also  adopted  a  method  of 
raising  money  employed  in  Italy,  by  selling  at  an 
extravagant  rate  "  letters  of  familiarity  "  to  all  those 
■\vlio  wished  to  engage  in  his  service. 

He  was  so  utterly  devoid  of  true  magnanimity,  that, 
although  always  restlessly  fomenting  new  quarrels  and 
campaigns,  he  was  personally  concerned  in  no  single 
act  of  physical  bravery  during  life.  When  to  the  long 
list  of  his  evil  qualities  he  added  the  no  less  certain 
evidence  of  his  morose  disposition,  exemplified  in  his 
unrelenting  resentment  against  Charles  V.,  and  his 
quarrel  with  his  brother  Philip,  it  might  be  truly 
affirmed,  that,  however  miserable  his  end,  his  punish- 
ment was  inadequate  to  the  injuries  he  had  inflicted. 
He  seems  not  even  to  have  enjoyed  the  reputation  of 
counterbalancing  virtues  in  private  life,  for  it  is  expressly 
affirmed,  that  he  evinced  but  little  regard  for  his  consort. 
An  ordinance  was  made  by  Louis  "  the  First "  during 
his  last  hours,  expressly  to  appease  the  remorse  of  his 
conscience ;  and  this,  while  it  makes  some  trifling 
amends,  is  confirmation  also  of  the  bad  character 
assigned  to  him.  By  that  last  enactment  he  distrilnited 
to  the  shop-keepers  and  peasantry  of  Anjou  and  Lor- 
raine the  sum  of  20,000  livres,  (or  145,000  francs,)  to 
reconcile  them  to  the  taxes  and  imposts  which  he  had 
so  unjustly  levied.  His  title  to  the  khigdom  of  Naples 
and  Sicily  was  as  empty  as  to  that  of  Jerusalem;  and 
his  descendants  only  inherited  as  possessions,  de  facto, 
the  counties  of  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Provence.* 

The  events  in  connection  with  the  rival  claim  to  the 
throne  of  Na})les  should  here  be  retraced,  to  make  clear 
the  causes  of  a  protraction  of  the  struggle  in  that 
kingdom  after  all  hope  for  the  Angevine  standard 
seemed   to   have    been   utterly  annihilated.     A    little 

*  Sismondi  ;  Lobineau's  Bretagne  ;  Gaufridi ;  Godard  Faultricr  ;  Bodin. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  Tl 

episode  in  the  history  of  Hungary,  and  of  great  moment 
in  the  affairs  of  Naples,  exphxins  how,  after  the  death 
of  Louis  I.  of  Hungary,  the  enthusiastic  people  elected 
his  daughter  Mary  to  succeed  him,  crowning  her  king, 
contrary  to  their  law,  by  which  the  throne  was  hereditary 
only  in  the  male  line.  The  rightful  claimant  to  the 
throne  of  Hungary  was  Charles  HI.  of  Naples  ;  who, 
after  the  death  of  Louis  of  Anjou,  was  no  sooner 
established  in  peaceful  j^ossession  of  the  Neapolitan 
territory,  than  he  prepared  to  assert,  by  force  of  arms, 
his  rights  over  Hungary.  His  enterprise  was  successful. 
He  compelled  "  King  Mary "  to  abdicate,  and  was  isss. 
himself  crowned,  by  the  nobility,  in  her  place.  This 
prince,  who  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  had  been  not 
merely  exercising  a  sound  policy  in  all  the  personal 
matters  of  his  rule,  but  whose  knowledge  of  military 
tactics  had  kept  at  bay,  for  so  long  a  time,  his  rival  of 
Anjou,  was  generally  applauded.  The  life  of  Charles 
HL  was,  however,  shortened,  through  the  intrigues  of 
an  ambitious  and  bad  woman,  Elizabeth,  the  widow  of 
the  great  Louis  of  Hungary.  She  first  employed 
assassins  who  failed  to  dispatch  him,  and  then,  as 
it  is  believed,  administered  poison  which  caused  his 
death. 

Summary  justice  was  inflicted  on  the  unprincipled 
Queen  Dowager,  who  was  seized  and  thrown  into  the 
river,  by  the  Ban  of  Croatia. 

Her  daughter  Mary  was  also  cast  into  prison,  and  1337. 
detained  there  until  the  4th  of  June  in  the  following 
year,  when  she  was  released  and  married  to  Sigis- 
mund,  brother  of  Wenceslaus,  King  of  the  Romans. 
Sigismund  and  ]\lary  then  mounted  the  Hungarian 
throne. 

Had  it  not  been  for  these  occurrences.  Southern  Italy 
and  Sicily  might  probably  have  enjoyed  under  Charles 
in.   a  protracted  reign  of  peace ;   and  the  Angevine 


72  INTRODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

family  might  not,  after  tlieir  utter  defeat  in  the  person 
of  Louis  I.,  have  again  enforced  their  pretensions. 

Charles  III.  left  one  son,  named  Ladislaus,  only  ten 
years  of  age  at  the  date  of  his  death,  to  inherit  and 
protect,  under  the  tutelage  of  his  widow,  IMargaret,  the 
interests  he  had  found  so  difiicult  to  defend  from 
spoliation.  The  eldest  son  of  his  rival,  Louis  IL  of 
Anjou,  was  even  a  few  months  younger  than  Ladislaus, 
and  under  the  guardianship  of  his  mother,  Mary  of 
Brittany.  It  might  have  been  inferred  from  this  cir- 
cumstance, that  the  cessation  of  hostilities  would  endure, 
at  least  during  the  minority  of  these  princes.  To 
calculate  thus  was,  however,  to  lose  sight  of  the  un- 
bending firmness  and  dogged  perseverance  of  character 
of  Mary  of  Brittany,  evinced  by  her  sometimes  to  such 
a  degree,  as  to  make  her  unscrupulous  and  utterly 
indefensible  in  the  means  she  employed. 

Ladislaus  was  acknowledged  King  of  Naples  without 
loss  of  time  under  the  regency  of  his  mother,  Margaret ; 
the  form  was  fulfilled,  but  the  fact  was  hollow,  and  the 
struggle  of  the  two  mothers  for  their  children  was  even 
then  impending.  For  before  Mary  of  Brittany  and  her 
son  Louis  II.  had  even  left  France  to  countenance 
their  party,  it  was  already  disputing  with  the  adherents 
of  Ladislaus  by  force  of  arms,  both  in  Naples  and 
Provence,  for  the  claim  of  Louis. 

]\Iary  of  Brittany  had  determined  to  contest  her 
son's  pretensions  even  during  the  lifetime  of  Charles 
III.,  and  she  repaired  with  him  from  Angers  to  the 
court  of  Avignon  immediately  after  her  husband's 
death,  and  there  easily  prevailed  on  Pope  Clement 
to  espouse  the  interests  of  Louis  II.  Secure  of  the 
papal  support,  she  then  hastened  to  Paris  to  present 
her  children  Louis  and  Charles,  who  are  styled  by  the 
annalist  of  Anjou  "  the  most  accomplished  princes  in 
the  world,"  to  their  cousin  Charles  VI.     Accordingly 


INTEODUCTOET  HISTOEY.  73 

on  the  9tli  of  February,  1385,  the  title  of  Louis  11.  to  i385. 
the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  the  duchy  of  Provence 
was  acknowledged  by  Charles  of  France,  and  in  May 
following  recognised  publicly  by  the  Pope.*  On  the 
10th  of  December,  1385,  Mary  and  her  two  sons  entered 
Aries,  and  confirmed  its  privileges,  a  stroke  of  policy 
which  won  her  the  future  hearty  support  of  that  town. 

The  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Charles  III.  in  June, 
1386,  gave  at  length  the  signal  for  a  general  revolt 
throughout  Provence  against  the  House  of  Durazzo. 
When  established  at  Avignon,  Mary  devoted  herself, 
with  all  her  zeal,  to  the  prosecution  of  her  son's 
interests,  and  was  enabled  before  the  end  of  the 
succeeding  year,  1387,  to  reckon  with  certainty  on  the 
allegiance  of  entire  Provence. 

Meantime,  at  the  instigation  of  Clement,  Otho,  the 
husband  of  the  late  Queen  Joanna,  had  entered  the 
Neapolitan  territory  soon  after  the  death  of  Charles  III., 
and  had  occasioned  a  rising  at  Naples  in  July,  1386, 
which,  after  a  sanguinary  battle,  obliged  Margaret  and  i3S6. 
Ladislaus  to  fly  to  Gaeta. 

Louis  II.  was  then  formally  proclaimed  there,  under 
the  regency  of  his  mother  Mary,  and  at  that  epoch  his 
cause  seemed  equally  prosperous  and  hopeful  both  in 
Naples  and  Provence.! 

Southern  Italy  might  be  styled  peculiarly  the  battle- 
ground of  the  Popes  in  this  era ;  they  fomented  all  the 
discords,  and  encouraged  all  the  battles  of  that  unhappy 
country,  because  each  belield  in  the  aspirant  whom  he 
seconded,  a  vassal  and  a  temporal  ally  whose  propin- 
quity to  the  Eternal  city  made  him  all  important  as  the 
conservator  of  the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  Thus  on  this 
first  success  of  the  adherents  of  Louis  IL,  the  Gonfalo- 
nier of  the  Roman  pontiff,  Raymond  des  Ursins,  was 

*  Godard  Faultrier. 

t  Moreri;  Villeneuve  Bargemont;  Godard  Faultrier;  Sismondi;  Bourdign6. 


•74  IXTEODUCTOEY   HISTORY. 

chased  out  of  Naples  with  the  same  ardour  as  were 
Margaret  and  her  son,  LadisLaus.  For  on  either  hand 
the  rival  Popes  had  taken  sides  in  the  quarrel  for  their 
own  ends  only,  and  Mary  and  Otlio  had  taken  oath  to 
drive  Urban  VI.  out  of  Rome  in  the  event  of  their 
permanent  success,  just  as  Margaret,  and  in  good  time 
Ladislaus,  were  sworn  to  preserve  the  temporal  power 
of  Urban  in  Rome,  if  needs  be  against  all  Europe. 

At  this  critical  juncture  the  good  fortune  of  Mary  of 
Brittany  was  arrested  on  a  sudden  by  her  own  hand. 
The  Duchess  of  Anjou  was  not  ignorant  of  the  fickle 
enthusiasm  with  which  the  Neapolitans  frequently  acted 
before  their  conquerors  of  the  hour,  and  fearing  lest  the 
husband  of  Joanna  by  the  late  success  of  his  arms 
might  become  a  new  pretender,  she  now  at  once 
deprived  him  of  his  charge  of  captain  general.  This 
act  proved  her  keen  foresight,  no  less  than  the  great 
enterprise  of  her  character.  That  it  was  not,  as  at  first 
supposed,  impolitic,  tliat  on  the  contrary  it  was  an  act 
of  true  wisdom,  will  be  sufficiently  clear  to  the  minds 
of  many  from  the  circumstance  that  Otho  immediately 
placed  himself  under  the  banner  of  Ladislaus.  The 
man  who  would  be  guilty  of  tergiversation  so  rapid  and 
complete,  of  the  abandonment  in  a  moment  of  the 
entire  principle  for  which  he  had  fought,  even  for  the 
sake  of  a  slight  practised  on  him  personally,  might 
well  be  suspected  of  the  unwortliy  ambition  for  which 
he  was  displaced.* 
i3?!?-  In  the  year  1389  Charles.  VI.  of  France,  having  at- 

tained his  nineteenth  year,  resolved  to  bestow  the  Order 
of  Chivalry  upon  his  two  cousins,  Louis  and  Charles  of 
Anjou.  That  fete  was  celebrated  on  the  1st  of  May, 
at  8t.  Denis.  The  young  knights  passed  through  all  the 
forms  of  the  institution ;  and  a  tournament  of  three 
days'  duration  followed,  ending  with  a  hal  masque. 

*  Eccles.  Ilistorj' ;  Hallam  ;  Godard  Faiiltrier. 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  75 

The  coronation  of  Louis  II.  by  the  Pope,  Gregory 
XL,  took  place  six  months  later  at  Avignon.  Charles 
VL,  with  a  brilliant  company,  was  present  at  this 
ceremony.  Provence  had  already  declared  unanimously 
in  favour  of  the  young  Louis,  then  only  twelve  years  of 
age,  who  was  on  the  first  of  November  duly  crowned 
and  anointed  King  of  Sicily  with  great  magnificence. 
The  court  broke  up  soon  after ;  Charles  VI.  returned 
to  Paris,  and  the  King  of  Sicily  proceeded  to  Anjou, 
where  great  rejoicings  were  made  in  his  honour. 

Mary  of  Blois  appears  to  have  exercised  an  admirable 
perseverance  and  adjustment  of  designs  towards  the 
goal  of  her  ambition,  her  son's  advancement.  She  had 
undoubtedly,  before  the  date  of  his  coronation,  been  in 
treaty  with  John  I.  of  Arragon  concerning  a  project  for 
marrying  him  advantageously.  The  Arragonese  fleets 
were  among  the  best  of  that  era,  and  keeping  in  view 
the  disputed  question  of  succession  in  the  sea-girt 
island  of  Sicily,  and  the  Neapolitan  peninsula,  an 
alliance  with  such  a  power  was  pecuHarly  desirable  for 
the  pretensions  of  Louis.  On  the  other  hand  the  King 
of  Arragon  could  hardly  be  adverse  to  a  match  which 
offered  to  his  daughter  the  prospect  of  a  throne,  with 
many  other  advantages. 

In  the  course  of  the  winter  the  young  King  journeyed 
to  Barcelona,  and  there  was  united  to  Yolande, 
daughter  of  John  I.,  King  of  Arragon.  Louis  was 
not  yet  thirteen  years  of  age,  but  the  espousals  were 
in  unison  with  the  matrimonial  custom  of  the  age. 
On  the  occasion  of  this  ceremony,  Mary  announced 
publicly  the  next  step  in  her  projects  for  her  son's 
aggrandizement ;  viz.,  that  he  should  set  out  in  person 
in  the  ensuing  summer  to  Italy,  to  assert  his  rights.* 

Louis  11.  of  Anjou  did  in  fact  set  sail  from  Marseilles      1390. 
on  the  20th  of  July,  1390,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty- 

*  Moreri ;  Godard  Faultrier ;  Sisinondi  ;  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


76  IXTRODUCTOEY   HISTOET: 

one  ships,  and  landed  at  Naples  on  the  14tli  of 
August.*  He  there  met  with  a  triumphant  reception. 
The  feudal  government,  first  introduced  into  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  by  the  Norman  kings,  had  been 
strengthened  by  the  Angevine  princes,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  fourteenth  century  the  government  of  Naples  con- 
tinued altogether  feudal.  Extensive  domains  had  been 
bestowed  by  way  of  appanage  on  the  princes  of  the 
blood,  and  these  were  at  one  period  numerous.  The 
greatest  part  of  the  kingdom  was  the  principality  of 
Tarentum,  and  the  rest  belonged  to  some  great  families, 
who  exhibited  their  power  and  their  pride  in  the 
number  of  men-at-arms  they  could  assemble  under 
their  banner.  Thus  it  was  that  at  the  coronation  of 
Louis  II.,  the  Sansaverini  appeared,  attended  by  1,800 
cavalry  completely  equipped. 

The  supporters  of  Ladislaus  had  become  discontented, 
by  reason  of  the  exactions  which  his  mother  had  been 
compelled  to  levy  to  prosecute  the  war.  The  people  of 
Naples,  as  well  as  the  feudal  lieges  of  great  part  of  the 
surrounding  territory,  had  changed  sides ;  and  it  was 
not  perhaps  wonderful,  that  the  child  who  had  never 
yet  taxed  them  for  his  necessities,  and  who  now  for  the 
first  time  presented  himself  before  them,  should  succeed 
under  these  favourable  circumstances  in  Manning  their 
present  homage  and  support. 

He  was  well  escorted  and  received  in  Naples  ;  but 
at  first,  all  the  forts  around  were  in  the  possession 
of  Ladislaus,  and  it  required  time,  especially  with  the 
superior  military  tactics  then  practised  in  Italy,  to 
]39i.  besiege  and  capture  them.  A  year  later,  we  find  La- 
dislaus still  at  Gaeta,  and  in  secure  possession  of  the 
northern  provinces. 

It  would  appear,  at  first  sight,  that  Margaret  of 
Durazzo  laboured  under  a  great  disadvantage  as  com- 

*  Bourdign^  ;  Sismondi ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Ilallam  ;  Godaxd  Faultrier. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  Y7 

pared  with  Mary  of  Blois,  in  being  compelled  to  draw 
largely  upon  tlie  resources  of  the  country  itself,  for 
whose  dominion  she  was  contending.  A  reaction  had, 
however,  already  begun  in  the  affairs  of  the  latter,  and 
it  became  evident  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  other 
countrymen,  over  whom  Mary  ruled  and  whose  re- 
sources she  drained,  could  prove  as  detrimental  to  her 
cause  as  any  difficulties  upon  the  Italian  soil  itself. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  neither  Charles  VL,  who  had 
professed  so  staunch  a  partizanship  for  the  cause  of 
Louis,  nor  France,  of  which  Anjou  was  an  integral 
part  though  an  appanage,  did  anything  whatever  for 
him  in  this  enterprise,  from  the  date  of  his  coronation. 
To  Mary  of  Blois  alone  was  due  all  the  praise  for  the 
vigour  and  perseverance  with  which  Naples  had 
hitherto  been  attacked  and  maintained,  for  she  was 
the  soul  of  those  strenuous  efforts  by  which  the 
Angevines  had  been  numerously  and  continually 
pressed  into  the  service  of  Louis  11. ;  but  upon  her 
also  rested  the  entire  responsibility  of  having  taxed 
and  levied  arbitrarily  and  exorbitantly,  for  the  same 
purpose,  the  people  of  Provence,  totally  regardless  of 
the  privileges  she  had  confirmed  to  them  four  or  five 
years  before.  In  consequence,  although  the  ever  loyal 
province  of  Anjou  continued  in  tranquillity,  the  old 
civil  war  between  the  factions  of  Anjou  and  Durazzo 
broke  out  again  with  renewed  vigour  in  Provence,  and 
rasred  there  at  the  same  time  and  with  the  same  inten- 
sity,  as  at  Naples.  Upon  the  head  of  Mary  of  Blois 
rests  the  odium  of  having  kindled  anew  these  flames  ; 
of  having  foiled,  by  her  unscrupulous  excesses,  the 
masterpiece  of  her  previous  talented  career ;  and  of 
having  ruined  the  brightest  hopes  which  her  maternal 
pride  and  affection  had  built  up,  by  disregarding  the 
happiness  of  her  subjects  and  the  solemn  pledges  by 
which  she  had  sworn  to  protect  them. 


78  IXTEODUCTOEY   HISTORY. 

1395  By  the  time  that  Louis  11.  had  attained  the  age  of 

eighteen,  his  own  mediocre  capacity,  combined  with 
the  bad  faith  of  liis  mother  in  violating  the  capitukition 
by  virtue  of  whicli  the  Provencaux  had  submitted  to 
her,  and  the  greater  talents  and  energy  of  his  rival, 
had  nearly  disinherited  him  of  Provence  as  well  as  of 
Naples.  Count  Raymond  de  Turenne,  a  partizan  chief 
of  the  House  of  Durazzo,  had,  by  the  year  1395,  sub- 
jected anew  nearly  all  Provence  to  Ladislaus. 

Mary  of  Blois,  at  length,  relinquished  in  despair  the 
task  of  directing  her  son's  cause,  and  quitted  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  struggle  altogether.  She  now 
alternately  employed  herself  in  the  government  of 
her  loyal  subjects  at  Angers,  and  frequenting  the 
grandeurs  of  the  King's  court  at  Paris;  while  Louis 
continued  at  Naples  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  very 
limited  sway. 

The  Angevine  cause  was  shortly  after  arrested 
wholly  by  the  Pope  at  Avignon,  the  Seneschal  of 
Provence,  and  the  Bishop  of  Valence.  The  disputed 
territory  of  Provence  was  fearfully  laid  waste,  for  the 
civil  war  raged  most  violently  there  at  this  period;  and 
so  numerous  became  the  bands  of  adventurers  who 
crossed  the  frontier  from  France,  to  join  the  camp  of 
Turenne,  that  Benedict  XIIL,  who  had  succeeded 
Gregory  XL  at  Avignon,  sued  for,  and  obtained  an 
edict  from  Charles  VL  to  interdict  and  restrain  that 
practice. 

Mary  of  Brittany,  when  devoting  herself  to  her  rule 
over  her  attached  people  of  Anjou,  in  some  of  her 
enactments  exhibited  much  wisdom  and  piety.  There 
had  existed  for  a  long  while  among  the  Angevins  a  tax 
called  Tierr^age.,  which  consisted  in  allotting  to  the 
clergy  a  third  of  the  value  of  his  household  goods,  on 
the  death  of  an  individual. 

This  tax  had  an  immoral  tendency,  and  was  a  sub- 


INTRODUCTORY  HISTORY.  79 

ject  of  great  affliction.  Perceiving  how  dangerous  to 
religion  was  the  struggle  which  this  impost  occasioned, 
Mary  contrived  to  reconcile  the  inhabitants  of  Anjou  to 
their  curates,  by  converting  the  Tierqage  into  a  tribute 
of  fouage  or  hearth-money,  which,  less  arbitrary  in  its 
nature,  only  obliged  them  to  pay  one  penny  as  an 
oblation  for  each  fire  on  the  sabbath-day,  and  the 
curates  were  then  expected  to  inter  without  any  other 
remuneration.  The  poor  besides,  were  exempted  from 
paying  this  tax  altogether.  This  act,  which  redounds 
so  creditably  to  the  memory  of  the  Duchess,  was  finally 
confirmed  by  Parliament.* 

Again,  we  are  constrained  to  admire  \}\q  strength 
and  pertinacity  of  character  of  Mary  of  Brittany,  when 
devoting  herself  to  a  good  purpose,  for  it  was  not 
out  of  a  weakness  for  the  gaieties  and  luxuries  of  the 
court  of  France  that  a  woman  of  her  mould  resided  at 
repeated  intervals  in  the  French  metropolis.  She  was 
engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  justice ;  she  had  been 
plundered,  and  she  watched  her  opportunities  for  bring- 
ing the  culprit  into  court,  that  she  might  obtain  a  reim- 
bursement of  her  due.  Doubtless  she  had  watched  the 
dawn  of  a  broad  ray  of  hope  out  of  the  iniquitous 
attempt  made  upon  the  life  of  the  Constable  CHsson 
by  the  same  Pierre  de  Craon,  who,  ten  years  before, 
had  failed  to  appear  before  Parliament  in  answer  to 
her  charges  of  robbery.  The  patronage  of  the  Dukes 
of  Burgundy  and  Brittany  had  sheltered  him  from  the 
execution  of  the  sentence  then  passed  upon  him. 
Mary  had,  however,  entered  a  new  cause  against  him 
before  Parliament,  for  the  restitution  of  the  late  Duke 
of  Anjou's  100,000  ducats  of  gold  ;  but  Craon  dared 
not  to  appear,  on  account  of  the  greater  crime  of  which 
he  had  since  been  guilty.  Even  this  difficulty  was  at 
length  surmounted  by  the  Duchess,  who  solicited  and 

*  Godard  Faultrier. 


80  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

obtained  for  him  letters  of  abolition  or  exemption  for 
his  greater  crime  of  attempted  assassination,  in  order 
to  compel  him  to  appear  in  answer  to  her  accusation. 
A  trial  in  due  form  ensued,  and  Pierre  de  Craon  was 
sentenced  to  refund  immediately  to  the  Duchess  the 
whole  amount  in  question,  or  to  be  imprisoned  until 
such  time  as  her  claim  should  be  satisfied,  Mary  for- 
mally returned  thanks  to  the  assembly,  and  Pierre  de 
Craon  was  at  once  seized,  and  imprisoned  in  the  castle 
of  the  Louvre.* 
1400.  jj^  ll^g   course   of  his  long  contest  with  Ladislaus, 

Louis  IL  had,  at  length,  drained  all  his  resources ; 
and  although  by  the  year  1400,t  Provence  was  once 
more  beaten  into  submission  to  his  rule,  and  although 
he  never  omitted  to  style  himself  King  of  Sicily,  his 
generalship  and  personal  administration  of  affairs  would 
appear  to  have  alienated  from  him,  during  the  same 
period,  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  He  had  besides,  be- 
fore this  date,  lost  the  support  of  his  spiritual  chiet 
by  the  blockade  of  Benedict  XIIL,  at  Avignon,  by  the 
arms  of  France. 

At  Tarentum,  on  the  13th  of  July,  1400,  he  learnt 
that  the  city  of  Naples  had  opened  its  gates  to  his 
rival,  and  that  his  brother  diaries  was  besieged  in 
the  Castello  Nuovo.  His  partisans  were  still  very 
numerous,  and  he  was  yet  in  possession  of  half  the 
'  kingdom  ;  but,  unable  to  bear  the  straits  of  poverty,  he 
hastily  relieved  his  brother,  and  then  abandoned  the 
country  altogether  for  which  he  had  been  so  long  con- 
tending.! This  circumstance  is  sufficiently  demonstra- 
tive of  the  mediocre  talents  of  this  prince,  as  well  as  of 
a  total  absence  of  ordinary  energy,  perseverance  and 
judgment  in  liis  disposition  and  character.  Like  his 
cousin,  Charles  VI.  of  France,  he  had  been  prema- 
turely, as  a  child,  invited  to  a  throne ;    even,  perhaps, 

*  Bodin  ;  Sismondi  ;  Godard  Faultrier.      t  Bodin.       J  Bodin  ;  Sisinondi. 


INTRODUCTORY   HISTORY.  81 

before  he  had  learnt  to  wiekl  the  sceptre,  which  lie 
thus  hastily  suffered  to  escape  his  grasp.  It  might  be, 
however,  that  he  relinquished  it  to  attend  the  ceremony 
awaiting  him  in  Provence ;  viz.,  the  celebration  of  his 
nuptials  there  with  Yolande  of  Arragon. 

That  event  took  place  with  the  accustomed  rejoicings 
not  long  afterwards,  and  thence  the  royal  couple  pro- 
ceeded to  Avignon,  where  they  resided  for  two  or  three 
years;  during  which  time,  no  effort  was  made  to  re- 
vive the  hereditary  claims  of  Louis  on  the  kingdom  of 
Naples. 

The  consort  of  Louis  IL  brought  to  him  as  her 
dower,  her  right  to  the  crowns  of  Arragon,  Catalonia, 
and  Valencia,  and  by  her  marriage  received  that  of 
Sicily;  therefore  was  she  usually  styled  "  The  Queen  of 
the  four  kingdoms."  Yolande  subsequently  inhabited 
the  castle  of  Angers,  and  took  pleasure  in  embellishing: 
it.  To  her,  as  well  as  to  her  mother-in-law,  Mary  of 
Brittany,  has  been  attributed  the  construction  of  the 
chapel  which  forms  part  of  the  castle,  and  the  roof  of 
which  is  raised  above  its  towers.* 

While  Yolande  dwelt  at  Angers,  she  exhibited  gi^eat 
partiality  for  the  promenade  of  Lesvi^re,  a  priory 
near  Augers,  surrounded  by  cornfields  and  vineyards. 
Bourdign^  relates  a  curious  anecdote  of  Yolande.  He 
says  that — "  during  one  of  these  walks,  diverting  herself 
"  in  the  company  of  her  ladies  and  gentlemen,  she 
"  reached  the  priory  of  Lesviere,  and  there  seated  her- 
"  self  upon  the  ground,  and  contemplated  the  sports  of 
"  some  young  spaniels  belonging  to  the  party.  Sud- 
"  denly,  a  rabbit  sprang  from  a  neighbouring  bush,  and, 
"  frightened  at  the  barking  of  the  dogs,  took  refuge  in 
"  the  lap  of  the  queen.  She  fondled  the  animal,  which 
"  evinced  no  desire  to  escape  and  remained  in  its  new 
"  quarters  for  sometime,  apparently  forgetting  its  natural 

*  Moreri ;  Bodin  ;  Daniel;  Godard  Faultrier. 


82  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

*'  wildness.  Queen  Yolande  construed  the  circumstance 
**  into  an  omen  favourable  to  herself,  and  commanded 
^'  the  bush  to  be  dug  up  whence  the  rabbit  had  sprung ; 
"  when,  to  the  surprise  of  all,  a  subteiTanean  vault  was 
''there  discovered,  containing  an  image  of  the  Virgin 
"  holding  an  infant  in  her  arms,  with  a  glass  lamp  in 
"  front  of  her.  In  her  satisfaction,  Yolande  caused  a 
"  little  oratory  to  be  erected  on  this  spot,  which,  like 
"  similar  endowed  edifices,  had  its  visitants  and  its 
"  miracles  from  that  time."  * 
\ih-6.  '■jPjjQ  schism  in  the  papacy  had  endured  so  long,  and 

so  many  fruitless  efforts  had  been  made  to  terminate  it, 
that  a  kind  of  public  opinion  had  been  raised  against 
it,  which,  shortly  before  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  had  displayed  some  activity  upon  the  ques- 
tion. Benedict  XIII.  had  refused,  in  opposition  to  the 
Dukes  of  Berri  and  Burgundy,  who  then  directed  the 
destinies  of  France,  to  resign  simultaneously  with  his 
rival  and  submit  to  the  decision  of  a  council.  He  had 
been,  consequently,  besieged  during  five  years  in  his 
palace  at  Avignon,  as  a  fomenter  of  the  schism,  by  an 
army  sent  in  the  name  of  the  French  king.  The  king's 
brother,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  still  supported  Benedict, 
perhaps  chiefly  because  whatever  party  received  the 
favour  of  Burgundy  was  certain  to  engage  his  cordial 
hatred. 

Louis  II.  also,  from  other  motives,  countenanced 
Benedict.  This  pope  had  sustained  his  pretensions  to 
the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  and  if  he  succumbed,  his  Italian 
interests  must  suffer  seriously,  for  the  new  pontiff 
elected  by  the  council  might  favour  the  rights  of  Ladis- 
laus,  and  the  anathemas  of  a  pope  exercising  a  spiritual 
autocracy  over  the  millions  were  not  to  be  lightly  esti- 
mated in  that  age.  Louis  therefore  determined  to  act 
in  opposition  to  the  government,  court,  and  army  of 

*  Bourdignc  ;  Godard  Faultricr. 


INTEODUCTORY  HISTORY.  83 

France,  and  upon  this  occasion  he  evinced  symp- 
toms of  energy  and  vigour.  Early  in  1403,  he 
went  to  Avignon,  and  gained  easy  access  to  the 
pontifical  palace ;  he  rendered  his  homage  to  Bene- 
dict, offered  him  his  protection  and  assistance,  and 
concerted  with  him  for  his  liberation.  Not  lons^  after, 
Benedict  escaped  in  disguise  to  Chateau  Renard,  a 
fortress  belonging  to  Louis,  where  a  guard  of  safety 
awaited  him. 

Unworthy  indeed  must  have  been  the  subject  of  this 
solicitude,  for  within  one  short  year  after  he  had  thus  1^04; 
obtained  his  freedom,  both  the  King  of  Sicily  and  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  were  utterly  disgusted  with  the  pride, 
selfishness,  and  obstinacy  of  this  elect  of  half  Chris- 
tendom. 

On  the  12th  of  November,  1404,  Mary  of  Blois,  the      i^o^- 
queen-mother  of  Sicily  and  Duchess  of  Anjou  expired 
at  Angers ;  and  was  interred  in  the  Cathedral  of  St. 
Maurice  in  that  city.* 

As  long  as  she  lived  she  had  governed  Anjou  and 
Maine  as  a  patrimony  out  of  which  to  make  her  profit. 
She  had  amassed  there  a  treasure  of  two  hundred 
thousand  crowns,  which  had  been  accumulating  even 
during  the  period  when  her  son  was  in  distress  in  Italy, 
and  was  constrained,  at  last,  to  abandon  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  for  want  of  money.  Her  maternal  solicitude 
seems  to  have  undergone  a  serious  change  from  the 
date  of  her  son's  reverses.  There  was  no  great  ex- 
pression of  public  lamentation  in  Anjou  on  the  occa- 
sion of  her  demise. 

The  life  of  the  King  of  Sicily  from  this  period  be- 
comes rather  closely  identified  with  the  history  of  the 
court  and  government  of  France.  He  occupied  the 
third  rank  in  the  royal  council,  which  ruled  the  king- 
dom ;  but  as  minister  he  did  not,  whether  from  want  of 

*  Moreii  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

G  2 


84  INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY. 

talents  or  ambition,  distinguisli  liimself  in  liis  new  and 
exalted  position. 

It  was  miicli  in  that  age  not  to  have  rendered  him- 
self notorious  for  his  vices,  not  to  say  crimes,  like  his 
father  and  his  uncle  of  Berri  did  before  him,  and  like 
some  of  his  contemporary  relations,  who  did  disgrace 
and  brutalize  themselves  a  little  later,  as  it  were,  in  his 
presence  and  company. 

If  he  never  signalised  himself  by  the  practice  of 
great  and  exalted  virtues,  at  least,  he  can  never  be 
charged  with  the  exercise  of  gross  vices,  or  even  of  petty 
crimes.  It  has  even  been  affirmed  that,  whilst  in  Italy, 
he  had  learnt  by  heart,  as  a  lesson  of  faith,  the  neces- 
sity of  making  himself  beloved,  in  order  to  win  and 
preserve  a  crown.  It  is  asserted  of  him,  that  at  Naples, 
and  still  more  in  Calabria,  he  had  gained  credit  for 
good  nature,  amiability,  and  a  degi'ee  of  liberality  which 
partook  rather  of  prodigality. 

In  this  new  character  the  King  of  Sicily  became  ad- 
verse to  intrigue  and  unambitious ;  not  the  leader  of 
factions,  but  the  mediator  between  hostile  parties  on 
many  occasions  in  the  course  of  the  terrible  and  tedious 
ordeal  of  civil  feud  to  which  France  became  subse- 
quently exposed. 

Louis  II.  assisted  at  the  funeral  obsequies  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  as  well  as  at  the  subsequent  recep- 
tion of  his  widow,  the  Duchess,  whom  he  led  into  the 
King's  presence  to  make  her  formal  complaint  of  the 
inhuman  murder  of  her  lord  by  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy.* 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  French  court  was 
at  tills  time  the  most  dissolute  of  the  age,  and  that  the 
Prencli  people  were  sunk  in  misery  and  deprived  of 
the  shadow  of  liberty ;  thus  we  may  more  readily  com- 
prehend the  strange  dereliction  of  duty,  and  the  fiital 

*  Sismondi  ;  IMonstrelet. 


INTRODUCTORY  HISTOEY.  85 

display  of  imbecility,  immorality,  and  injustice  which 
supervened.  When  the  formidable  and  unscrupulous 
Jean  "sans  Peur"  appeared  before  the  capital  in  hos- 
tile array,  no  one  remained  near  the  imbecile  monarch 
bold  enough,  or  sufficiently  talented  to  oppose  the  de- 
signs of  this  insurgent,  and  the  council  contented 
themselves  with  praying  him  to  grant  a  conference  ere 
he  advanced  on  the  city. 

It  is  observable,  as  delineating  the  more  accurately 
shades  of  character,  that  while  the  King  of  Sicily  and 
the  renegade  old  Duke  of  Berri  could  so  far  tolerate 
the  triumphant  murderer  of  Orleans  as  to  meet  him  at 
Amiens  for  a  parley,  the  upright  brother-in-law  of  the 
late  king,  the  only  member  of  the  royal  family  of 
France  in  those  times  whose  character  remains  wholly 
unsullied  at  the  bar  of  history,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon, 
seeing  only  disgrace  in  this  unjust  compromise,  retired 
in  disgust  to  his  duchy.  The  good  service  which  the 
moderate  Duke  of  Anjou  thought  to  render  to  his  king 
and  country  by  that  compact  was,  in  fact,  a  deliberate 
surrender  of  the  nation's,  the  king's,  and  his  own 
honour. 

Following  then,  an  invariable  rule,  innocence  and 
truth  having  first  conceded,  there  was  no  end  to  the 
impudent  encroachments  of  guilt,  until  it  became  evi- 
dent at  last,  that  France  would  have  ^been  in  a  better 
position  if  every  other  member  of  the  royal  council  had 
followed  the  example  of  Bourbon.  Early  in  February, 
1409,  a  pretended  reconciliation  was  effected  with  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  at  Chatres.  The  King  of  Sicily  was 
one  of  those  present  in  close  proximity  to  the  king. 

The   scene  is  once  again  changed  from  the   court 
and  civil  contests  of  France  to  the  soil  of  Italy.    Here, 
in  May,   1409,  Louis  II.    found   another  opportunity      1409. 
for  contesting  the  Neapolitan  dominion.     The  Council  '^'^™o"'^'- 
of  Pisa  had  deposed  the  two  popes,  Benoit  XIII.  and 


86  INTEODUCTOET   IIISTOEY. 

Gregory  XII.,  and  had  elected  Alexander  V.  But  the 
chair  of  St.  Peter  and  the  Papal  States  were  forcibly 
subjected  to  the  temporal  power  of  a  refractory  and 
ambitious  king,  to  wit,  Ladislaus  of  Naples.  This 
monarch,  now  verging  on  the  prime  of  life,  and  having 
been  successful  through  his  talents,  energy,  and  per- 
severance, aspired  to  the  Imperial  crown  and  adopted 
for  his  device,  ^^  Aut  Ccesar  aut  nullus"  He  rejected, 
therefore,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  Council  of  Pisa, 
and  declared  in  favour  of  the  easy  Gregory  XII.,  who 
was  indeed  nothing  better  than  his  paid  and  passive 
instrument.  He  had  already  made  war  on  the  Floren- 
tines, because  they  would  not  acknowledge  him  legiti- 
mate sovereign  of  the  states  of  the  church.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Florentines  and  their  allies  had  recog- 
nised the  council  and  the  new  pope.  They  desired  to 
expel  Ladislaus  from  Rome,  and  fixing  upon  Louis  of 
Anjou  as  a  worthy  coadjutor,  in  consequence  of  his 
claims  to  the  throne  of  Naples,  they  offered  him  the 
command  of  a  joint  expedition  against  their  common 
enemy.  They  accordingly  influenced  the  Council  of 
Pisa  to  acknowledge  Louis,  King  of  Naples,  and  he 
in  turn,  thus  supported,  undertook  to  establish  Alex- 
ander V.  in  the  papal  chair.  With  this  view  he 
embarked  1,500  Provencal  cavaliers  on  five  vessels  at 
Marseilles,  and  arrived  at  Pisa  by  the  end  of  July. 

Alexander  there  invested  him  with  the  kingdoms 
of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  and  with  the  Gonfalon  of 
the  Church ;  and  Louis,  having  joined  the  Florentine 
army,  entered  the  pontifical  states.  The  Florentine 
army  was  commanded  by  Braccio  di  Montane,  ]Mala- 
teste  di  Pisaro,  and  Ange  de  la  Pergola,  all  celebrated 
generals,  and  better  versed  in  the  art  of  war  than  any 
Frenchman  of  that  period.  Some  of  the  cities  of  the 
Papal  States  opened  their  gates  to  them  without 
opposition,  and  this  emboldened  Louis  with  Quixotic 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  87 

valour  to  pusli  his  army  to  tlie  siege  of  Rome,  where, 
however,  he  soon  suffered  a  repulse  from  the  Count  de 
Troya,  who  commanded  the  city  for  Ladislaus.  Thus 
the  campaign  of  Louis  terminated  for  that  year.  He 
could  not  patiently  await  in  camp  in  person  beyond 
November,  wdien  he  crossed  again  to  Provence,  and 
hastened  back  with  all  speed  to  Paris.  Before  he 
reached  that  city  the  army  he  liad  abandoned  had  been 
admitted  into  Rome,  and  Paul  Orsini  went  over  to  the 
Florentines  with  2,000  horsemen.*" 

The  intelligence  of  the  success  of  his  army,  malgre 
lui^  did  not  induce  the  King  of  Sicily  to  retrace  his 
steps  to  the  scene  of  action.  An  interval  of  four 
months  elapsed  before  he  returned  to  Italy.  That 
period  was  employed  by  him  in  seeking  an  alliance 
with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy ;  and  it  does  not  redound 
to  his  credit  that  he  was  at  this  time  conveniently 
oblivious  of  the  murderer's  confession  addressed  to  his 
own  ears,  and  that  he  testified  no  sense  of  degradation 
in  the  step  he  was  taking  in  the  bethrothal  of  his  son 
Louis  to  Catherine,  the  daughter  of  this  powerful  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  This  proposal  being  accepted,  after  the 
espousals,  the  young  princess  was  consigned  to  the 
charge  of  Queen  Yolande,  to  be  brought  up  at  Angers 
along  with  her  future  husband.  This  lady's  dower, 
ten  thousand  crowns,  was  paid  at  the  same  time  by 
Burgundy  to  Louis,  and  was  of  vast  utility  to  the 
latter  in  the  preparation  of  a  new  armament  with 
which  to  invade  the  Italian  shores  once  again.  Arms, 
men,  and  ships  were  from  that  moment,  by  his  orders, 
levied  and  prepared  with  the  utmost  dispatch  in 
Provence ;  so  rapidly  was  this  expedition  organised, 
that  in  a  month's  time,  by  the  beginning  of  May,  Louis 
actually  set  sail  from  Marseilles  for  Porto  Pisano,  with 
sixteen  large  ships  and  numerous  smaller  vessels. 

*  Daniel ;  SLsmondi. 


lUi). 


8S  INTRODUCTOEY  niSTOEY. 

Circumstances  of  an  unexpected  nature,  however, 
interposed  to  convert  his  triumph  into  defeat,  and  to 
punish  him  with  remorse  for  having  bartered  his 
chikl's  and  his  own  honour  for  gokl. 

Six  of  his  larger  vessels    were,  in  the  first   place 
captured   by   the    Genoese.      The    others   arrived   in 
safety,  and  disembarked  the  remainder  of  his  army  at 
Piombino  ;  but  on  his  anival  there,  Louis  was  apprized 
that  Pope  Alexander  V.  had  died  at  Bologna,  on  the  3rd 
of  May,  and  that  John  XXIII.  had  been  appointed  his 
successor.     He  proceeded  at  once   to   Bologna.     On 
this  occasion  of  the  arrival  of  Louis  of  Anjou  with  so 
large  a  force  in  support  of  the  council  and  the  papacy 
at  so  inopportune  a  moment,  it  was  not  unnatural  that  he 
should  be  met  by  a  numerous  clerical  deputation.    There 
were  present  twenty-two  cardinals,  two  patriarchs,  six 
archbishops,  twenty  bishops,  and  eighteen  abbots,  all 
handsomely  equipped.     Monstrelet  adds  to  this  account, 
that  "  the  King  of  Sicily  himself  was  clothed  in  scarlet, 
"  and  his  horse's  furniture  was  ornamented  with  small 
"  gilt  bells,  and  his  attendants  consisted  of  fifty  knights 
"  arrayed  in  uniform."     On  the  Gth  of  June,  Louis  did 
homage  to  John  XXIII.  for  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
but  was  compelled  to  postpone  his  operations  until  the 
autumn,  in  order  to  concert  afresh  with  the  new  pope, 
and  the  Florentine  republic* 
3111.  The  army  of  Louis  of  Anjou  seemed  formidable,  for 

besides  his  Proven^.al  troops,  there  were  tlie  emigrants 
from  Naples  of  the  Angevine  party,  and  the  companies 
of  Braccio  di  Montane,  of  Sforza,  paid  by  tlie  -Floren- 
tines, of  Angelo  de  la  Pergola,  retained  by  the  Sien- 
nese,  and  of  Paul  Orsini  in  the  pay  of  the  Pope.  There 
was,  however,  a  scarcity  of  money  and  anmnniition,  and 
much  time  was  lost  in  reconciling  the  generals,  who 
were  ever  readier  to  turn  their  arms  against  each  other 

*  Godard  Faultricr  ;  Monstrelet. 


INTEODUCTORY  HISTOEY.  89 

than  to  unite  in  a  common  cause.  At  length,  the 
Florentines  having  seen  the  Pope  re-established  in 
Rome,  seceded  from  the  compact,  and  made  peace  with 
Ladislaus.  Louis  accompanied  the  pontiff  to  Rome, 
determined  to  prosecute  the  war,  although  he  had  not 
money  enough  to  maintain  his  12,000  soldiers,  the 
bravest  warriors  of  Italy,  during  even  a  short  cam- 
paign. He  then  conducted  them  at  once  to  Ceperano ; 
Ladislaus  took  up  a  position  at  Roccasecca,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Garigliano,  and  awaited  him  with 
forces  nearly  equal  in  number.  After  passing  the 
river,  Louis  attacked  the  enemy  with  impetuosity.  It 
was  the  19th  of  May,  1411,  and  Louis  of  Anjou  then 
obtained  a  great  victory,  which  went  by  the  name  of 
Roccasecca.  Almost  all  the  barons  in  the  army  of 
Ladislaus  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  baggage,  and 
even  the  King's  table  utensils  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conqueror.  Ladislaus  fled,  but  ralhed  his  troops 
at  St.  Germaine.  Then,  strange  as  it  may  appear, 
the  extreme  poverty  of  Louis's  soldiers  caused  them 
to  sell  to  the  large  body  of  their  prisoners  both  their 
liberty  and  their  arms  ;  and  Ladislaus  apprized  of  this, 
dispatched  from  St.  Germaine  some  trumpets  and 
money,  and  thus,  in  a  few  hours,  he  regained  his 
army. 

Louis  of  Anjou  had  indeed  employed  his  victory  to 
so  little  profit,  that  when  he  would  have  advanced,  he 
found  all  the  defiles  which  led  to  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  occupied  by  hostile  troops,  while  his  own  men 
were  in  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  a  prey  to  sick- 
ness, and  even  more  untractable  on  account  of  the 
booty  they  had  seized.  Three  days  after  the  battle  of 
Roccasecca,  Louis  was  compelled  to  retreat  before 
Ladislaus.  In  the  month  of  July  he  reconducted  his 
forces  to  Rome,  and  in  the  following  month  abandoned 
the  struggle  altogether  to  return  to  France.    This  was 


90  INTRODUCTOrtT   niSTOEY. 

the  last  bold  attempt  of  Louis  11.  to  retrieve  what  he 
considered  his  hereditary  and  rightful  possession.  He 
never  again  returned  to  Italy.* 

At  the  time  that  Louis  II.  was  thus,  for  want  of 
resources,  compelled  to  evacuate  the  kingdom  to  which 
he  had  aspired  as  rightful  heir,  his  consort,  Yolande, 
"the  Queen  of  the  four  kingdoms,"  was  endeavouring 
as  fruitlessly,  for  the  same  reason,  to  assert  her  more 
genuine  rights  in  Spain."!"  On  the  death  of  her  father, 
John  of  Arragon,  in  1395,  his  brother  Martin  had 
possessed  himself  of  the  crown.  Martin  died  in  1410, 
having  no  children  ;  therefore  the  right  of  Yolande,  as 
John's  daughter,  to  one  of  her  four  kingdoms  seemed 
incontestible.  A  pretender  to  the  succession,  however, 
appeared  in  the  person  of  Don  Ferdinand,  Infante  of 
Castile,  the  nephew  of  King  John.  The  rival  claims 
of  Yolande  and  Ferdinand  were  brought  before  the 
Parliaments  of  the  different  States  of  Arragon.  Queen 
Yolande  appeared  personally  at  Barcelona  in  defence 
of  her  rights ;  and  the  Count  of  Vendome,  with  other 
ambassadors,  repaired  thither  from  Charles  VL,  to 
further  her  cause.  These  negotiations  lasted  three 
months,  when  the  claims  of  Yolande  failed,  and  Ferdi- 
nand obtained  a  peaceful  recognition  as  king.  The 
court  of  France  was  glad  to  procure  a  confirmation  of 
their  former  alliance  with  Arragon,  and  Yolande  was 
forced  to  content  herself  with  the  promise  of  200,000 
crowns  in  compensation,  a  sum  afterwards  reduced  to 
200,000  francs.:|: 

The  last  failure  of  Louis  II.  in  Italy  seems  to  have 

been  generally  considered  final.    In  the  following  year, 

1412.       1412,  Ladislaus  was  duly  invested  with  the  khigdom 

*  Monstrelet ;  Sismondi ;  Daniel. 

+  Jean  Michael  of  Beauvais,  who  for  his  talents  became  secretary  and 
counsellor  of  Louis  II.,  and  afterwards  of  Queen  Yolande,  drew  out  for  her  a 
genealog-y  to  ])rove  her  ri;,'hts  to  the  crown  of  Arragon. — Godard  Faultrier. 

^  Daniel ;  Sismondi  ;  Eccles.  Hist. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  91 

of  Naples,  and  Louis  returning  to  France,  engaged  in 
the  intrigues  of  that  court,  and  had  soon  to  raise  troops 
in  Maine  and  Anjou  to  defend  his  own  states  against 
the  attacks  of  the  Counts  of  Alencon  and  Richmont, 
and  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 

A  change  had  taken  place  in  the  opinions  of  Louis  II., 
and  since  the  treaty  of  Bourges  he  had  openly  espoused 
the  faction  of  Burgundy's  enemies.  Hitherto  Bur- 
gundy had  perhaps  taken  small  heed  of  this,  for  his 
daughter  Catherine,  who  had  been  affianced  to  Louis, 
eldest  son  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  had  already  lived  three 
years  at  Angers,  and  was  still  under  the  guardianship 
of  Queen  Yolande. 

On  the  20th  of  November,,  however,  the  Lady 
Catherine  was  sent  back,  with  a  good  escort,  to  the 
city  of  Beauvais,  and  thence  to  Lille,  to  her  father, 
who  uttered  furious  imprecations  at  this  treatment  of 
his  daughter,  and  took  a  solemn  oath  to  be  revenged 
upon  the  Duke  of  Anjou.  He  regarded  this  act  as  a 
deep  personal  insult,  and  his  resentment  continued 
throughout  his  life.  It  is  difficult  to  assign  the  motive 
of  Louis  for  this  extreme  proceeding,  since  it  was  not 
because  Burgundy  had  been  branded  with  the  crime  of 
murder,  which  had  happened  before  these  espousals 
were  proposed. 

The  useless  advances  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  a  little 
later,  with  a  view  to  an  accommodation  with  Burgundy, 
exhibited  only  his  usual  instability  of  purpose,  and  en- 
courages the  inference  that  the  dismissal  of  Catherine 
could  have  arisen  from  no  high-minded  cause.  It  is 
probable  that  Charles  VI.  may  have  asked  at  that  date 
for  the  hand  of  Louis's  eldest  daughter,  Mary,  for  his 
third  son,  Charles,  since  their  pledges  were  exchanged 
two  years  after.  Louis,  the  intended  of  Catherine  of 
Burgundy,  was  at  the  same  time  espoused  to  Margaret 
of  Savoy.      Poor  Catherine,  who  was  as  amiable  in 


92  IXTEODUCTORY  niSTOEY. 

disposition  as  she  was  tender  in  years,  did  not  long 
survive  tlie  ignominy  of  this  occurrence.     She  died  un- 
married, not  long  after,  at  Ghent.* 
^^1  ■  The    King    of    France    supported   by   his   princes 

entered  upon  a  campaign,  in  1414,  against  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy ;  bnt,  after  some  success,  a  recurrence  of 
the  King's  malady  and  sickness  in  the  camp  obliged 
them  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  rebellious  duke.f 

In  the  year  1414  died  Ladislaus,  Louis's  successful 
competitor  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  His  sister, 
Joanna  II.,  succeeded ;  who,  surrounded  by  mi  worthy 
favourites,  passed  her  time  in  licentious  fetes,  utterly 
neglectful  of  the  cares  of  government.  Many  princes, 
however,  sought  her  in  marriage,  and  feeling  the  need 
of  support,  she,  at  length,  decided  in  favour  of  J  acques 
de  Bourbon,  Count  de  la  Marche,  hoping,  by  an  alliance 
with  a  prince  of  the  House  of  France,  to  protect  herself 
fi'om  a  recurrence  of  any  active  pretensions  on  the  part 
of  Louis  of  Anjou. 

She  secured  to  herself  an  undivided  monopoly  of  the 
regal  power,  allowing  her  husband  only  the  title  of 
Count  and  Governor-General  of  the  kingdom.  The 
marriage  took  place  in  1415. 

Soon  afterwards  Jacques  de  la  Marche,  not  content 
with  the  semblance  of  power,  and  besides  resolved  to 
reform  the  manners  of  his  wife  and  her  court,  cruelly 
put  to  death  one  of  the  Queen's  favourites,  and  confined 
Joanna  herself  within  her  palace,  out  of  the  sight  of 
her  people,  appointing  as  guard  over  her  an  old  French 
officer.  She  was,  however,  soon  rescued  by  the 
Nea[)olitans  from  this  captivity  and  re-established  in 
lier  authority,  whihj  Jacques  de  la  Marche  was,  in  his 
tuni,  tlii-owu  into  })rison.| 

*  Slczcrai ;     Bourdignc  ;     Barante  ;     Monstrelet  ;    Daniel  ;    Villcneuve 
Bargemont. 

f  Bourdijrnd  ;  Mczerai  ;  Bnrantxi ;  Monstrelet. 

J  Sismondi ;  Monstrelet ;  liccles.  Hist.  ;  Daniel ;  Mezcrai  ;  I'Alibe  Millet. 


INTRODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  93 

The  wars  of  Henry  V.  of  England  at  this  period 
wholly  absorbed  the  attention  of  Louis  II.  On  this 
invasion  of  France  by  the  English,  Louis  joined  the 
large  army  which  King  Charles  VL  led  on  in  person 
against  Henry  in  Normandy,  In  the  disastrous  defeat 
which  followed,  Louis  of  Anjou  was  present,  and  must 
have  saved  himself  by  flight ;  but  his  relatives,  Sir 
Robert  of  Bar,  and  Edward,  Duke  of  Bar,  who,  with 
the  Duke  of  Alen^on  commanded  the  main  army,  were 
numbered  among  the  heaps  of  slain. 

From  this  time  little  more  is  recorded  of  Louis  11. , 
whose  life  was  drawing  to  a  close.  At  this  juncture 
he  felt  ill,  and  retired  to  Angers.  While  under  this 
indisposition,  he  sought  an  accommodation  with  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  but  his  overtures  were  treated  with 
haughty  contempt  by  Jean  "  sans  Peur,"  whose  ven- 
geance could  only  be  appeased  by  the  life  of  the  King 
of  Sicily  ;  nay,  this  was  even  at  this  period  augmented 
by  two  unforeseen  events  :  first,  the  death  of  the 
Dauphin  making  way  for  the  next  son  of  the  King,  as 
heir  to  the  throne,  and  who  was  wholly  Burgundian ; 
again,  by  the  death  of  the  profligate  old  Duke  of  Berri 
in  1416.  This  same  year  a  conspiracy  was  discovered  iii6 
amongst  the  Burgundians,  affecting  the  lives  of  the 
Queen  of  France,  the  King  of  Sicily,  and  others  ;  also 
a  similar  attempt  was  made  on  the  life  of  Louis  in  the 
following  year.* 

The  fury  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  against  Louis 
had  not  yet  been  goaded  to  the  utmost.  On  the  4th  , 
of  April,  1417,  his  son-in-law  and  protege^  John  the 
Dauphin,  died  suddenly,  apparently  poisoned  by  the 
Armagnacs.  Again,  and  for  the  last  time,  the  rage  of 
Burgundy  was  evinced,  and  this  branded  ally  of  the 
foreign  invader,  this  absentee  from  the  patriot  field  of 
Agincourt,  whose  success   in   life  had  been  achieved 

*  Daniel  ;  Monstrelet ;  Baxante  ;  Mezerai ;  Villeneuve  Barg-emont. 


94  IXTRODUCTORY  HISTORY. 

by  the  impudence  of  liis  crimes,  whose  hirelings  had 
twice  attempted  to  assassinate  the  Duke  of  Anjou  as 
they  had  of  old  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  had  now  an 
audacious  public  clamour  ready  to  ascribe  the  death  of 
the  young  Dauphin  John  to  the  agency  of  Louis  II., 
because  by  that  event  his  son-in-law  became  Dauphin 
and  heir  to  the  throne  of  France. 

There  was  no  real  index  to  the  author  of  this  crime, 
if  such  it  was.  But,  ere  its  authorship  can  be  assigned 
for  an  instant,  even  by  innuendo,  to  the  instrumentality 
of  Louis,  some  evidence  of  crime  in  liis  former  life 
should  at  least  be  char2:ed  a2:ainst  him,  and  some  con- 
sideration  must  be  allowed  for  the  well  authenticated 
moderation  and  want  of  energy  in  his  character  ;  and 
in  common  justice  also,  some  examination  should  be 
made  into  the  respectability  of  his  accusers.  Besides, 
in  twenty-five  days  after  the  decease  of  the  Dauphin 
John,  the  King  of  Sicily  himself  was  no  more.  Louis  II. 
died  in  Paris,  at  the  early  age  of  forty,  on  the  29  th 
of  April,  1417. 

With  how  much  greater  appearance  of  truth  might 
the  death  of  Louis  have  been  ascribed  to  the  machi- 
nations of  the  criminal  Burgundy ! 

"This  Duke  of  Anjou,"  says  the  annalist  of  Anjou, 
"  was  in  great  triumph  and  lamentable  honour  carried 
"to  Angers,  and  interred  in  the  cathedral,  near  the 
"  great  altar."  Charles  VI.  and  many  of  the  princes  of 
the  blood  were  present  at  his  funeral  obsequies. 

Louis  II.  left  to  his  children  the  possession  of  Anjou 
Maine,  and  Provence.  They  also  inherited  his  pre- 
tensions to  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  his  hatred  to 
the  House  of  Burgundy. 

From  an  engraving  inserted  in  tlie  Parnassus  of 
Angers,  we  have  a  portrait  of  Louis  II.  His  features 
were  regular  and  imposing.  He  is  represented  witli  a 
jagged  turban  on  his  head,   and   in  a  robe   of  great 


INTEODUCTOrtY  HISTOET.  95 

richness   embroidered  with   flowers,    with   a  cope  of 
fur.* 

Such  was  the  father  of  Rene.  He  was  certainly  a 
great  improvement  upon  the  grandfather,  and  there 
was  reason  to  hope  that  the  race  might  perfect  itself  in 
the  next  generation. 

The  children  of  Louis  II.  were  of  a  more  estimable 
and  high-minded  character  than  their  relatives  who 
had  preceded  them;  Louis  III.,  Rene,  and  Mary, 
Queen  of  France,  were  not  more  distinguished  by  their 
position  in  life  than  by  their  virtues  and  excellent 
qualities. 

Louis  III.  was  born  in  1403,  and  at  the  age  of 
fourteen  succeeded  to  his  father's  titles  and  estates  ; 
his  mother,  Yolande,  undertaking  the  government 
during  his  minority.  The  nobility  of  Provence  united 
their  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Louis  II.  with 
that  of  the  court  of  France,  and  framed  an  address  to  his 
successor  to  testify  their  fidelity.  They  also  deputed 
some  of  their  nobility  to  wait  on  Queen  Yolande,  and 
renew  to  her  the  oath  of  obedience  in  the  name  of 
their  states.  These  were  so  graciously  received  by  vineueuve 
Yolande,  that,  it  is  said,  she  even  conceded  on  this  Bargemout 
occasion  her  son's  rights  over  Nice  and  the  Valley  of 
Barcelonnette,  to  the  Count  of  Savoy,  in  liquidation 
of  a  large  sum  of  money  furnished  by  Ame  VI.  to 
Louis  I.f 

The  memory  of  Yolande  is  fondly  cherished  by  the 
Angevines  to  this  day,  for  her  good  works  in  their 
country.  The  writers  of  her  time  praise  her  bene- 
volence, and  the  wisdom  of  her  administration.  One 
fact  may  be  cited,  corroborative  of  this  view  of  her 
character. 

*  Moreri ;  Daniel  ;  Monstrelet ;  Sismondi ;  Bourdigne  Mezerai ;  Godard 
Faultrier ;   Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

t  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


96  IXTRODUCTORT   HISTOEY. 

The  fortifications  of  Anjou  liad  fallen  into  ruin,  and 
required,  as  an  imperative  necessity  in  those  days  of 
walled  cities  and  frequent  sieges,  to  be  almost  com- 
pletely rebuilt,  in  1418.  A  considerable  sura  was 
needed  for  this  undertaking,  and  the  people,  already 
heavily  taxed,  were  alarmed  at  the  project.  Yolande 
accordingly  published  an  ordinance,  fixing  the  impost 
of  these  repairs  at  a  tenth  of  the  tenanted  value  of 
all  the  houses  of  the  city ;  and  this,  without  exception 
even  of  the  clergy,  who  were  too  often,  through  their 
great  influence  in  those  times,  exempted  from  the 
operation  of  taxes  which  it  was  their  duty  to  have 
borne  equally. 

Further,  this  princess  authorized  the  people  of  Angers 
to  assemble,  and  fix  for  themselves  the  value  of  their 
dwellings.  To  encourage  also  the  citizens  who  usually 
bore  alone  the  burden  of  public  offices,  and  who  might 
have  been  intimidated  before  the  privileged  classes, 
she  caused  the  members  of  her  council  to  preside  at 
the  meetings,  in  order  to  effect  both  a  prompt  execu- 
tion of  her  ordinance,  and  to  invite  the  free  discussion 
of  its  interests.* 

On  the  lOtli  of  September,  1419,  another  of  those 
great  crimes  occurred,  which  at  intervals  afflicted 
France  at  this  period  of  her  history.  This  was  the 
foul  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  upon  the  bridge 
of  Montereau,  where  he  came  by  appointment  to  ratify 
a  treaty  with  the  Dauphin  Charles,  in  whose  presence 
he  was  assassinated.  The  consequences  of  this  base 
act  were  long  after  of  grave  import  to  the  rival  arms 
of  France  and  England.  Philip  of  Burgundy,  the  son 
and  successor  of  John  "  sans  Peur,"  had  vowed  ven- 


*  This  ordinance,  made  by  a  woman,  is  remarkable  for  its  wis- 
dom ;  and  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  four  hundred  years,  it  has  been 
restored  amongfst  the  Angevines,  who,  in  its  observaucc,  still  honour  the 
memory  of  Queen  Yolande. — Bod'ni. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  97 

geance  against  the  assassins  of  his  father,  and  gone 
over  directly  from  France  with  all  the  4'enowned  wealth 
and  power  of  his  house  into  a  close  alliance  with  the 
English,  and  by  the  treaty  of  Troyes,  in  1420,  1-120. 
Henry  V.  and  his  heirs  were  declared  legal  successors 
to  the  throne  of  France  after  Charles  VI.,  to  the  total 
exclusion  of  the  Dauphin  Charles ;  Henry  was  als  > 
appointed  Regent  of  the  kingdom  during  the  life-time 
of  his  father-in-law,  Charles  VI. 

The  Dauphin  Charles  thus  beheld  on  the  one  hand 
his  father,  his  mother,  and  his  sister  Catherine,  Queen 
of  Henry  V.,  strenuously  bringing  to  bear  against  him, 
the  arms  of  France  and  England  united ;  it  appeared 
at  least  strange,  that,  on  the  other  hand,  his  cousin 
and  brother-in-law,  Louis  III.  of  Anjou,  should  first 
studiously  cultivate  a  good  understanding  with  his 
enemies  respecting  his  French  provinces,  and  then 
wholly  desert  his  cause  for  the  rest  of  his  life,  in 
order  to  pursue  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of 
Naples. 

Louis  HI.  departed  in  the  summer  of  the  year  1420,  1120. 
with  a  great  number  of  warriors  and  a  large  amount 
of  munitions  of  war  and  money,  to  assert  anew  his 
right  to  what  might  almost  be  called,  the  hereditary 
calamity  of  his  family ;  *  but  he  never  returned  to 
France.  The  events  which  led  to  his  adoj^tion  of  this 
course  may  here  be  briefly  related. 

When  Martin  V.  had  been  acknowledged  Pope,  he 
concluded  a  treaty,  in  1419,  with  Joanna  II.  of  Naples, 
on  very  advantageous  terms,  since  she  was  induced  to 
flatter  his  nephew,  Antonio  Colonna,  with  hopes  of  the 
vacant  succession  to  the  Neapolitan  throne.  At  his 
request  she  also  released  her  husband,  Jacques  de  la 
Marche,  after  a  captivity  of  four  years,  and  he  returned 
to  France,  and  died  there  in  a  convent. 

*  Sismondi ;  Villencuve  Barg-emont. 


98  IXTRODrCTOEY   HISTORY. 

Joanna  was  then  crowned  Queen  of  Naples  In  the 
name  of  Pope  ^^lai'tin  V. ;  but  ere  long  that  pontiff 
took  offence,  because  she  did  not  reahse  his  expectations 
in  nominating  his  nephew  her  successor,  and  he  re- 
solved to  withdraw  his  alliance  and  to  second  the  pre- 
tensions of  Louis  III.,  Duke  of  Anjou,  to  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.* 

The  discontent  of  the  nobility  of  Naples,  and  the 
hatred  of  Sforza  Attendolo  against  his  rival  Caracciolo, 
added  to  the  fact  that  there  was  no  true  heir  to  the 
crown,  although  Joanna  was  now  advanced  in  age, 
seemed  to  prepare  the  way  at  length  for  the  elevation 
of  the  House  of  Anjou. 

The  Queen,  troubled  by  the  contests  of  Sforza  and 
Caracciolo,  who,  even  with  arms  in  their  hands,  dis- 
puted for  her  person,  willingly  gave  up  the  former, 
witli  all  his  devoted  followers  to  the  Pope,  and  Sforza 
repaired  to  Rome.  There  Martin  confided  to  him  his 
secrets,  hoping  he  would  assist  him  to  take  revenge  on 
Queen  Joanna  and  her  favourite  Caracciolo. 

It  was  not  without  some  compunction  that  Sforza 
abandoned  the  party  of  Durazzo,  to  which  he  had 
sworn  fidelity ;  but  at  this  period,  ambassadors  from 
Louis  III.  arrived  at  Florence,  and  advancing  to  him 
considerable  sums  of  money,  engaged  him  in  their 
master's  service.  By  these  means  Sforza  assembled  a 
new  army,  and  marched  upon  Naples.  When  he 
approached  that  city,  he  restored  to  Joanna  his  baton 
of  Grand  Constable,  declaring  that,  to  escape  Irom  the 
caprice  of  Caracciolo,  he  renounced  her  service,  and 
revoked  his  oath  of  fidelity.  After  that  declaration, 
considering  himself  no  longer  under  obligation  to  her, 
he  at  once  proclaimed  Louis  III.  of  Anjou,  King  of 
Naples,  asserting  his  hereditary  rights,  founded  on  the 

*  Monfaucon  ;  Moreri  ;  Sismondi  ;  Monstrelet  ;  I'Abbe  Millot ;  Daniel  : 
Godard  Faultrier. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  99 

adoption  of  Joanna  I.     He  then  invited  the  Angevine 
barons,  and  all  the  partisans    of  Louis,  to  join   his 
standard,  and  in  the  month  of  June,  1420,  he  invested  ^.  ^^^o 
Naples. 

A  deputation  of  Florentines  and  Genoese,  with 
fifteen  galleys,  about  this  time  entered  the  port  of 
Marseilles,  which  then  belonged  to  Queen  Yolande. 
She  gave  permission  to  them,  but,  as  we  are  told, 
"  not  without  heavy  sighs,"  to  transport  her  eldest  son, 
Louis  IIL,  to  Rome,  in  order  that  he  might  be  crowned 
there  by  the  Pope.  As  she  did  not  entirely  confide  in 
the  loyalty  of  the  deputation,  she  demanded  as  hostages 
for  her  son,  eight  of  the  chief  nobility  of  Naples,  who 
had  accompanied  it  from  that  kingdom.  Accordingly 
the  young  Louis  embarked  at  Marseilles,  and  sailed  to 
Rome,  where  the  Pope  solemnly  invested  him  with  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  ;  and  although  not  actually  crowned, 
he  ever  after  obtained  the  title  of  king,  as  his  father 
had  done.  Louis  brought  with  him  to  Naples  an 
armed  fleet  of  nine  galleys  and  five  transports,  with 
which  he  arrived  on  the  15th  of  August,  1420.  He  .1420. 
immediately  seized  on  Castellamare,  while  Sforza  made 
himself  master  of  Aversa,  which  was  afterwards  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Angevine  party.* 

This  new  enterprise  had  originated  with  the  Pope, 
but  he  now  affected  neutrality,  and  engaged  Louis 
and  Joanna  to  submit  their  rival  claims  to  his  arbi- 
tration. 

To  defend  herself  against  Louis,  the  Queen  of  Naples 
ap]ilied  to  Alphonso,  King  of  Arragon,  for  succour, 
oftering  to  adopt  him  as  her  son,  and  that  prince 
dispatched  to  her,  eighteen  galleys  and  three  of  his 
best  generals.  When  these  approached  Naples,  the 
fleet  of  Louis,  being  inferior  in  strength,  retired ; 
and   the   Arragonese    (although    opposed    by  Sforza, 

*  Sismondi  ;  Hallam  ;  Monstrelet. 

H  2 


100  INTRODUCTOEY   HISTORY. 

who,  with  Louis,  was  besieging  Naples)  effected  a 
landing. 

Alphonso's  generals  were  received  with  great 
honours  by  Joanna,  who  assigned  them  the  Castello 
Nuovo  and  the  Castello  dell'Uovo,  to  hold  for 
Alphonso,  who  was  now  proclaimed  the  adopted  son  of 
Queen  Joanna  II.,  and  presumptive  heir  to  her 
throne.* 

Calabria  and  almost  all  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
country  had  declared  for  Louis  of  Anjou.  The  feudal 
lords  committed  ravages  from  time  to  time  in  the  terri- 
tories of  their  enemies,  but  it  was  at  the  gates  of 
Naples  that  the  war  was  really  carried  on.  There 
Alphonso  appeared  early  in  1421,  and  was  joined  by 
the  celebrated  Braccio,  who  was  honourably  received 
by  him,  and  created  Prince  of  Capua,  Count  of  Foggia, 
and  Grand  Constable. 

No  important  event,  however,  resulted  as  yet  from 
the  near  approach  of  the  two  hostile  kings  and 
tlie  two  gi'eat  generals ;  and  at  length  Louis, 
wearied  by  such  inaction,  returned  to  Pope  Martin 
at  Rome. 

Braccio  succeeded  in  seducing  one  of  the  generals 
of  Sforza,  Jacques  Caldora  ;  but  another,  named 
Tartaglia,  was  arrested  and  put  to  death  by 
Sforza.l 

The  court  of  Joanna  meanwhile  was  agitated  by  the 
secret  plots  of  Caracciolo,  who  beheld  with  distrust  the 
increasing  power  of  Alphonso.  Fearing  for  himself 
the  fate  of  the  other  lovers  of  the  Queen,  he  prevailed 
upon  her  to  negotiate  with  Louis.  Alphonso,  who  was 
not  ignorant  of  these  intrigues,  resolved  to  secure  his 
fortresses  even  against  the  Queen  herself,  while  Braccio 


*  Sismondi  ;     Ilallam  ;    JTonfancon  ;    Godard  Faultrier  ;    Monstrelet ; 
Yilleneuve  Bargemont  ;  I'Abbe  Millot. 
j-  Sismondi. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY,  101 

was  intent  only  on  extending  liis  own  principality  of 
Capua.  Sforza  was  fiilly  occupied  in  supplying  his 
troops  at  the  expense  of  the  Neapolitans,  for  his  army 
was  almost  destroyed,  and  required  considerable  ex- 
pense to  restore  it.  ]\Iartin  V.  had  besides  now  grown 
weary  of  furnishing  subsidies  to  Louis  of  Anjou ;  and 
alarmed  at  Alphonso's  threats  that  he  would  acknow- 
ledge Benedict  XIII.  in  all  his  kingdoms,  and  thus 
revive  the  schism  in  the  Church,  he  prevailed  on  Louis 
to  restore  to  the  papal  dominions  the  cities  of  Aversa 
and  Castellamare,  which  alone  remained  faithful  to  him, 
while  on  his  part,  Martin  surrendered  to  Queen  Joanna 
the  strongholds  which  the  Angevine  party  possessed  in 
the  kingdom. 

Upon  this  Louis  III.  retired  to  Rome,  to  live  in 
obscurity.  The  interests  of  the  House  of  Anjou  were 
still  cherished  in  secret  b}''  Sforza,  but  being  no  longer 
able  openly  to  espouse  them,  he  was  again  received 
into  the  Queen's  favour,  and  he  was  employed  by  her 
to  oppose  Alphonso. 

The  Spanish  monarch  soon  made  himself  independent  ^  H22. 
of  Joanna,  and'  filled  the  fortresses  with  his  troops. 
Disgusted  at  beholding  the  Grand  Seneschal  ruling  the 
states  and  armies  of  the  Queen,  he  refused  to  submit, 
as  others  did,  to  his  commands ;  and  feeling  sure  of  the 
attachment  of  Braccio  di  Montane,  he  resolved  to  assert 
his  own  claims  to  the  throne.  His  intentions  were 
perceived  by  Caracciolo,  who,  desiring  to  preserve  the 
equilibrium  between  the  rival  aspirants  to  the  throne, 
and  for  the  better  security  of  the  Queen,  formed  a 
secret  aUiance  with  Sforza.  Already  had  Joanna  re- 
pented of  her  adoption  of  Alphonso  ;  for  had  she  chosen 
Louis,  she  would  by  that  act  have  united  the  Houses  of 
Durazzo  and  Anjou,  and  have  ended  the  civil  war  in 
her  kingdom. 

It  now  became  more  and  more  evident   that  the 


102  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

Arrao-onese  faction  was  the  stronc-er  of  the  two,  and 
Braccio,  M'ho  supported  it,  was  daily  making  new  acqui- 

,.  ^^-%  sitions,  and  at  leno-th,  in  1423,  his  authority  extended 
ahnost  all  round  Rome,  seeming  to  block  up  the  ponti- 
fical court.  He  needed  only  the  conquest  of  the 
Abruzzi,  and  this  he  was  attempting  with  3,000  horse 
and  1,000  infantry.  Martin  V.  beheld  his  increasing 
power  with  dismay,  and  exhorted  and  encouraged  the 
people  of  Aquila  to  defend  him.  He  next  sought  the 
protection  of  Queen  Joanna  for  the  besieged,  and 
endeavoured  to  persuade  her  to  deprive  Braccio  of  his 
command.* 
1423.  The  unexpected  arrest  of  Caracciolo  by  Alphonso 

SiMuoiui  occurred  on  the  22nd  of  May,  1423,  which  gave  reason 
to  believe  that  the  arrest  of  the  Queen  was  likewise 
intended,  had  not  her  guards  prevented  it.  Joanna, 
finding  herself  besieged  in  the  Capuan  castle,  sent  for 
Sforza,  who  hastened  to  deliver  her,  and  a  pitched 
battle  ensued,  which  lasted  six  hours,  with  equal  intre- 
pidity on  either  side.  At  length  Sforza  triumphed,  and 
Alphonso  was  in  his  turn  besieged  in  the  Castello 
Nuovo. 

A  fleet  from  Catalonia  soon  brought  a  considerable 
military  armament  for  the  relief  of  Alphonso  ;  and 
Sforza,  unable  to  prevent  the  landing  of  this  force,  was 
obliged  to  conduct  the  Queen  from  Naples  to  Aversa.l 
Queen  Joanna,  while  separated  from  Caracciolo,  had 
abandoned  herself  to  despair,  and  would  have  resigned 
even  her  crown  to  procure  the  freedom  of  her  lover. 
His  liberation  was  effected  without  loss  of  time,  and 
twenty  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  ])risoners  taken 
at  the  late  battle  of  Formelles  were  exchanged  for  the 
Seneschal. 

From   this   tin:»e    the    Queen   resolved   to    look  for 

*  Sismondi  ;  Eccles.  Hist. 

+  Sismoudi ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  I'Aljbe  Millot. 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOEY.  103 

defence  to  the  party  of  the  Angevines.  She  invited 
Louis  III.,  who  resided  still  in  poverty  at  Rome,  to 
repair  to  her  at  Aversa,  and  wrote  to  the  different 
courts  of  Europe  to  make  known  the  ingratitude  of 
Alphonso,  to  revoke  her  adoption  of  him  and  to  sub- 
stitute in  his  place  Louis  IIL,  Duke  of  Anjou,  whom 
she  declared  Duke  of  Calabria  and  presumptive  heir 
to  the  throne.  She  even  permitted  him  the  title  of 
king,  that  he  might  not  be  inferior  in  dignity  to  his 
rival* 

It  is  not  a  little  to  the  credit  of  Louis  III.  at  the 
early  age  of  twenty-one,  that  his  naturally  mild  cha- 
racter, perhaps  farther  modified  by  the  ordeal  of  his 
previous  misfortunes,  never  allowed  him,  when  he  . 
had  grown  powerful  again,  to  raise  his  pretensions 
beyond  that  which  Queen  Joanna  willingly  granted 
him. 

The  Pope  supplied  him  with  such  troops  as  he  had 
at  command,  and  at  their  head  he  repaired  to  Naples, 
in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  Qaeen.  The 
Genoese  and  the  Duke  of  Milan  also  furnished  him 
with  soldiers,  and  thus  Louis  was  soon  enabled  to 
retake  all  that  the  ambitious  Alphonso  had  gained  in 
the  kingdom ;  and  he  preserved  these  acquisitions  till 
his  death.  He  remained  but  a  short  time  at  the 
court  of  Queen  Joanna,  and  then  withdrew  into 
Calabria,  where  the  mildness  of  his  administration 
and  his  amiability  made  him  beloved  by  all  his 
subjects. I 

Alphonso,  alarmed  at  the  combination  formed  against 
him,  returned  to  Catalonia,  leaving  his  brother,  Don      1423. 
Pedro,  at  Naples,  with  some  Italian  condottieri.    In  his  ^^^•"*^"^'' 
passage  he  surprised  Marseilles,  and  pillaged  it,    to 

♦  Sismondi  ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Moreri ;  Hallam  ;  Villeneuve   Bargemont ; 
Godard  Faultrier  ;  I'Abbe  Millot. 
t  Sismondi  ;  Eccles.  Hist. 


104  INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY. 

revenge  himself  on  Louis  of  Anjon.  Enriched  with  the 
spoils  of  that  city  he  proceeded  to  Spain,  carrying  off 
the  body  of  Saint  Louis,  Bishop  of  Toulouse,  his 
relative.* 

The  following  year  witnessed  the  death  of  the  two 
hostile  generals,  Sforza  and  Braccio  di  Montane.  The 
former  was  succeeded,  both  in  the  army  and  in  the 
Queen's  favour,  by  his  son,  Francesco  Sforza.  The 
principality  of  Braccio  was  destroyed  on  the  death  of 
that  general. 

Of  the  generals  left  in  support  of  Don  Pedro,  one 
w^ent  over  to  Braccio,  and  another,  the  notorious  be- 
trayer, Jacques  Caldora,  once  more  changed  sides, 
first  entering  into  treaty  with  his  enemies,  and  then 
opening  to  them  the  gates  of  Naples. 

On  its  return  to  the  capital  the  Queen's  army  exer- 
cised no  cruelties  towards  the  inhabitants,  and  Carac- 
ciolo,  now  once  more  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  supreme 
power,  would  not  suffer  the  siege  of  Don  Pedro  and  his 
small  force  shut  up  in  the  Castello  Nuovo,  in  the 
politic  intent  of  retaining  Louis  IIL  in  submission 
through  fear  of  his  rival.  Louis  became,  however,  at 
this  time  virtually  as  well  as  in  name.  King  of  Naples  ; 
during  the  life  time  of  Queen  Joanna,  he  had,  in  fact, 
won  more  than  his  father  or  his  grandfather  in  that 
kingdom,  since  his  inheritance  was  no  longer  actively 
disputed.  I 

As  Caracciolo  advanced  in  age,  the  passion  of  love, 
to  which  he  owed  his  elevation,  gave  place  to  ambition. 
In  his  sixtieth  year  he  continued  to  rule  the  Queen, 
whose  passion  had  made  her  his  slave,  and  he  was 
never  satiated  with  power,  riches,  and  honours.  His 
demands  became  exorbitant,  and  excited  the  jealousy  of 
the  courtiers.  At  length  Joamia,  distressed  by  his 
importunity,  to  console  herself,  admitted  to  her  confi- 

*  Sismondi ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  I'Abb^  Millot.  +  Sismondi. 


INTEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  105 

(lence  the  Ducliess  of  Suessa.  Through  the  instiga- 
tions of  this  lady,  the  Queen  gave  orders  for  the  arrest 
of  Caracciolo,  and  her  servants,  exceeding  her  com- 
mands, murdered  him.*  Sismondi. 

Louis  III.  had  been  suffered  to  reside  at  Cosenza,  in 
Calabria,  an  exile  from  the  court  of  Queen  Joanna,  in 
order  that  she  might  without  restraint  resigTi  herself 
and  the  government  of  her  kingdom,  into  the  power  of 
Caracciolo. 

When,  therefore,  Louis  was  apprized  of  the  death  of 
the  Grand  Seneschal,  he  flattered  himself  that  he  should 
be  recalled  to  court,  and  at  last  enjoy  the  prerogatives 
of  the  presumptive  heir  to  the  throne.  It  was  not  so, 
however,  for  the  Duchess  of  Suessa,  who  now  in  her 
turn  became  desirous  of  maintaining  the  sole  influence 
over  the  Queen's  mind,  would  not  suffer  his  return.  In 
fact,  Joanna,  incapable  of  having  a  will  of  her  own, 
was  from  this  time  governed  by  her  confidante  as  she 
had  formerly  been  by  her  lover,  "j" 

Louis  did  not  resist  the  intrigues  of  the  court ; 
he  was  content  to  live  in  Calabria.  He  had  been 
united  on  the  22nd  of  July,  1431,  to  Margaret,  iha 
daughter  of  Ame  VIII. ,  first  Duke  of  Savoy,  and 
this  princess  came  to  him  at  Cosenza  in  the  year 
1434.     On  her  process  thither,  she  rested  at  Bale,      i'*-^^- 

.  Villenexive 

where  the   Diet  was  then  being  held,  and  where  the  Baigemont. 
King  of  France  was  receiving  various  high  person- 
ages. 

"  The  King  treated  her  very  courteously,"  adds  the 
historian,  "and  came  after  supper,  and  after  that  the 
"  said  Princess  had  made  reverence  to  the  King,  they 
"  danced  a  long  time,  and  afterwards  they  brought  spices 
"  and  served  the  King,"  &c.  After  the  entertainment, 
Princess  Margaret  took  her  leave  of  King  Charles,  and 
was  received  at  Avignon  with  much  liberality  by  the 

*  Sismondi,  t  Hallam  ;  Sismondi. 


106  INTRODUCTOET  HISTORY. 

Cardinal  de  Foix,  tlie  Pope's  vicar.  Thence  she  jour- 
neyed to  Tarascon,  where  she  was  lodged  in  the  fine 
old  castle  which  was  now  her  property.  The  Governor 
and  chief  nobility  of  Provence  welcomed  her  there,  and 
provided  her  with  50,000  florins,  while  each  town  pre- 
sented to  her  a  vessel  of  gold  or  silver ;  and  a  grand 
fete  was  given  in  her  honour  which  lasted  three  days. 
She  then  went  with  her  attendants  on  board  her  galleys 
on  the  Phone.  On  leaving  Nice  a  furious  tempest 
arose,  but  they  succeeded  in  reaching  Sorento  in  safety ; 
the  Princess,  however,  having  been  much  indisposed  by 
the  passage. 

At  first,  Queen  Joanna  wished  her  to  come  to  Naples 
with  her  husband,  Louis  of  Anjou,  in  order  that  they 
might  there  receive  the  honours  due  to  their  rank  ;  but 
she  was  again  dissuaded  by  the  Duchess  of  Suessa 
from  inviting  them,  and  contented  herself  with  making 
some  presents  to  Princess  Margaret,  who  proceeded  to 
Cosenza.* 

Louis  in.  did  not  long  enjoy  the  sweets  of  wed- 
lock and  the  genuine  attachment  of  his  people.  Ever 
obedient  to  the  caprices  of  the  Queen  of  Naples, 
he  undertook,  by  her  command,  in  the  year  1434,  a 
war  which  he  considered  to  be  unjust. 

He  was  required  to  reduce  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Neapolitan  feudal  lords,  Giovanni  Autorico  Orsini, 
whom  the  Queen's  fjxvourites  desired  to  despoil  of  his 
wealth.  Orsini  was  in  danger  of  losing  all  his  estates, 
when  besieged  in  Tarentum  by  Louis  of  Anjou  and 
Jacques  Caldora. 

Suddeidy  these  proceedings  were  arrested  by  an 
attack  of  fever  ;  and  Louis  III.,  like  his  grandfather 
Louis  L,  was  cut  short  in  the  midst  of  his  career  by 


*  ]\Ioreri  ;  Rismondi ;  Villeneuve   Bargemont  ;    Mezerai  ;    Monfaucon  ; 
Rapiu  ;  filunstrelet. 


INTEODUCTOEY   HISTOET.  107 

this  virulent  malady,  of  which  he  died  on  the  15th 
of  November,  1434,  in  the  thirty-first  year  of  his 
age.*  1434. 

This  prince  left  no  children  by  his  wife,  Margaret  of 
Savoy.  His  remains  were  interred  at  Cosenza,  in 
Calabria,  excepting  only  his  heart,  which  was  de- 
posited in  the  Cathedral  at  Angers,  the  sepulchre  of 
his  ancestors.  I  By  his  extreme  mildness  of  character, 
Louis  III.  had  won  the  affection  of  all  who  surrounded 
him.  He  had  lived  long  amongst  the  Calabrians,  and  in 
his  person  commenced  a  genuine  and  firm  attachment 
on  their  part  to  the  House  of  Anjou,  which  never  failed 
during  the  civil  wars  that  succeeded. :|: 

The  condescension  of  Louis,  it  may  be  said,  even 
amounted  to  a  weakness,  in  having  surrendered  Queen 
Joanna  to  her  bad  counsellors.  For  to  his  long  exile 
from  the  Neapolitan  court  must  be  attributed,  in  some 
degree,  the  loss  to  his  family  of  the  rights  he  had 
acquired  by  his  adoption,  as  well  as  the  long  wars, 
wdiich,  after  his  death,  once  again  devastated  the  king- 
dom. §  His  death  was  generally  and  deeply  regretted: 
it  is  even  said,  that  his  enemies  shed  tears  for  the  loss 
of  one  so  respected  for  his  amiability  in  private  life, 
and  so  justly  celebrated,  considering  his  years,  for  his 
talents  as  a  military  commander.  The  Queen  of 
Naples  especially,  seemed  to  be  inconsolable  at  his 
death. 

It  is  pleasing  to  observe,  that  amidst  the  wars  with 
the  English  and  the  expeditions  to  Naples,  the  atten- 
tion of  Louis  IIL  and  of  his  mother  Yolande,  who 
was  the  practical  ruler  of  Anjou  during  his  absence,  had 
been  nevertheless  directed  towards  an  establishment  of 


*  Sismondi  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Moreri  ;   Eccles.  Hist.  ;    Monstrelet  ;   Ville- 
neuve  Bargemont. 

+  Moreri ;  Godard  Faultrier. 
$  Sismondi.  §  Sismondi. 


108  INTRODUCTORY   HISTORY. 

lasting  utility  to  tlie  people  of  that  province.  Until 
that  period,  degrees  in  the  law  only  could  be  conferred 
by  the  University  of  Angers  ;  but,  through  their  united 
sohcitations,  it  acquired  from  Pope  Eugene  IV.,  the 
right  of  completing  its  studies  by  the  addition  of  the 
three  new  faculties  of  medicine,  theology,  and  the 
helles  letires. 

At  the  request  of  Yolande  also,  on  the  death  of  her 
son  Louis  III.  in  1434,  Charles  VII.  granted  to  his 
mother-in-law,  letters  patent  for  conferring  degrees  in 
all  four  of  these  branches  of  public  instruction.* 
1435.  Queen   Joanna   herself  died   in   the  ensuing   year, 

1435,  in  her  sixty-fifth  year.  All  her  recent  efforts 
had  been  consistently  directed  towards  ensuring  the 
succession  of  Louis  III.,  and  his  premature  death  did 
not  change  her  project  regarding  his  family.  Shortly 
before  she  died,  she  executed  a  will,  nominating  as 
her  heir  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  Ren^  Duke  of 
Anjou,  the  brother  of  Louis  III.  This  testament 
was  confirmed  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
people,  who  were  then  so  devoted  to  the  memory 
of  Louis,  that  they  felt  a  gratification  in  declaring 
themselves  for  his  untried  and  unknown  successor, 
Rene  of  Anjou. 

To  maintain  her  people  in  tlieir  fidelity  to  this 
prince.  Queen  Joanna  left  behind  her  a  treasure  of 
500,000  ducats.  She  also  appointed  a  Council  of 
Regency,  composed  of  sixteen  lords  chosen  by  her- 
self; and  with  these  were  associated  twenty  deputies 
selected  from  the  nobility  and  people.  By  these  lords 
an  embassy  was  dispatched  to  their  new  monarch, 
inviting  him  to  come  to  Naj^les,  and  take  possession 
of  the  kingdom.! 

*  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villcneuvc  Barg-cmont. 

t  Sismondi  ;  Bodin  ;  Moreri  ;  Eccles.  Hist., ;  I'ALbc  IMillot ;  Godard 
Faultrier ;  HaUam. 


D^TEODUCTOEY  HISTOEY.  109 

Joanna  II.,  following  the  example  of  her  brother 
Ladislaus,  had  assumed  the  title  of  Queen  of  Rome. 
She  was  the  last  individual  of  the  "First  House"  of 
Anjou.* 

*  I'Abbe  MiUot. 


LIFE    OF 
MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU, 

QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE, 

WITH 

A  MEMOIR  OF  HER  FATHER, 

EENE    "THE    GOOD," 

KING  OF  SICILY,  NAPLES,  AND  JERUSALEM. 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  ANCESTOKS  OF  IIAEGAKET  OF  ANJOU. 


II        .1 


*^^"'""^  j„,  J,  ~  j~    ij; 


J    ^.1    ..  I 


,1     I 


,i„,  ,j-.  J,.,  »,n,L.     C..L     -L 


..Lr^L~"^l. 


J       J 


[Tofi-cep.  1:3    T'o?  /. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 


CHAPTER  I. 

*'  He  is  a  king,  that  in  himself  doth  reign  ; 

"  And  never  feareth  fortune's  hott'st  alarms, 

"  That  bears  against  them  patience  for  liis  arms." — Drayton, 

Rene's  birth — Infancy — Education — Adoption  by  the  Cardinal  of  Bar — 
Rene's  tastes — His  first  campaign — His  marriage  proposed — Death  of 
John  "  Sans  Peur  " — The  Cardinal  and  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  institute 
Rene  heir  to  their  duchies — The  Duke  of  Berg's  enterprise — Rene's  mar- 
riage— The  Count  de  Vaudemont's  threats — Siege  of  Metz — Rene  joins 
King  Charles  VII. — Successes  of  Rene — Death  of  the  Cardinal  of  Bar — 
The  Duke  of  Lorraine  dies — Ren^  acknowledged  by  the  States  of  Lor- 
raine and  Bar — The  Battle  of  Bulgneville — Rene  taken  prisoner — He  is 
released  on  his  parole — The  decision  of  the  Emperor  Sigismond — Fetes  in 
Lorraine — Rene  returns  to  his  prison— Death  of  Louis  III.^Queen 
Joanna  dies — She  appoints  Rene  her  successor — Rene  sends  his  Queen, 
Isabella,  into  Provence  and  to  Naples. 

The  second  son  of  Louis  II.,  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  of 
Yolande  of  Arragon,  was  Ren^,*  called  "  the  Good  " 
and  also  "  the  merry  monarch,"  from  his  fondness  for 
the  tournament,  which  was  so  peculiarly  the  taste  of 
the  age  in  which  he  lived.  This  prince  was  born  on 
the  16th  of  January,  1408,  in  the  noble  Castle  of  i408. 
Angers,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Mayenne.  This  BodS.^ ' 
castle  was  erected  by  St.  Louis  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  on  a  perpendicular  rock.|    The  lofty,  massive 

*  Rene  has  been  variously  called  Renueit,  Rheneit,  Regne,  Regnier, 
Reyne,  and  Reygniere. 

t  The  palace  was  situated  between  the  two  towers,  called  "  du  Moulin  " 
and  "  du  Diable,"  the  first  having  supported  a  windmill,  and  the  last  being 
so  named  from  its  vicinity  to  the  fearful  "  Oubliette  "  into  which  criminals 
were  thrown  alive.  The  palace  has  fallen  into  ruins,  but  that  portion  of  it, 
said  to  have  been  the  birthplace  of  Rene,  has  been  converted  into  a  prison, 
and  is  ornamented  by  gun  turrets. 

VOL.  I.  I 


114  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

walls  and  circular  towers,  eigliteen  in  number,  with  the 
deep  moat  and  two  drawbridges  leading  to  its  Gothic 
and  machicolated  portals,  gave  it  a  truly  imposing 
character.  Within  these  barriers  stood  the  ancient 
ducal  palace,  the  residence  of  the  Angevine  princes, 
and  at  this  time  hihal^ited  by  Queen  Yolande,  w^ho 
evinced  a  strong  attachment  to  Angers  and  its  vicinity. 

The  winter  of  1408  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
for  its  severity  ever  recorded  in  history.  The  Danube 
w^as  frozen  over,  and  Provence  suffered  extremely  from 
a  continued  frost,  but  its  inhabitants  rejoiced  greatly 
on  the  birth  of  the  young  prince,  as  though  they  antici- 
pated the  fortuitous  events  which  would  pave  the  way 
for  his  exaltation,  or  entertained  a  secret  presentiment 
of  the  permanent  affection  which  would  hereafter  be 
felt  for  them  by  their  future  sovereign. 

It  was  while  Rene  was  yet  in  his  cradle  that  those 
dissensions  originated,  which  during  his  whole  life  pre- 
vailed throughout  France.  The  civil  warfare  which 
tliey  caused,*  added  to  the  invasions  of  foreign  armies 
and  the  desolation  consequent  on  the  victories  of  the 
English,  reduced  this  kingdomj"  to  a  deplorable  condi- 
tion, which  has  been  aptly  depicted  by  the  annalists  of 
that  period. 

We  are  not  informed  who  undertook  the  sacred 
charge  of  sponsorship  at  the  baptismal  font  for  Ren^  ; 
but  he  received  his  name,  a  very  uncommon  one  before 
liis  time,  in  memory  of  the  holy  bishop,  St.  Rene,  much 
respected  by  the  people  of  Angers,  and  who,  according 
to  a  pious  tradition,  was  resuscitated  at  the  end  of 
seven  years,  whence  he  was  called  Re-n^,  or  twice 
Ijorn.j     The  title  of  Count  of  Piemont  had  been  be- 

*  Just  before  the  birth  of  Rene  occurred  one  of  those  prominent  events 
in  the  history  of  that  kingdom  which  paved  the  way  for  its  misery,  viz., 
the  cruel  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  by  John  "  Sans  Peur,"  Luke  of 
Burgundy. 

f  Moreri ;  Bodin ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faul trier  ;  Monstrelet. 
Biorrrapliie  Universelle. 

J  On  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  in  a  charming  situation,  stands  the  Chutean 


MAEGAEET  OF   ANJOU.  115 

stowed  upon  Rene  at  his  birth.  The  care  of  his  infancy 
was  entrusted  by  his  mother,  Queen  Yolande,  to  a 
virtuous  nurse  named  Theophaine  la  Magine,  who  was 
a  native  of  Saumur,  and  had  already  fulfilled  the  same 
duty  for  his  sister  Mary.  The  solicitude  of  this  poor 
woman  was  ever  after  remembered  by  her  foster- 
children,  who  did  not  neglect  her  in  after  life,  but 
loaded  her  with  benefits,  and  evinced  their  gratitude  for 
her  tenderness  and  care.*  The  infancy  of  Rene  passed 
under  the  eye  of  his  mother  and  her  ladies  at  Angers, 

de  la  Possonnicre,  and  near  it  the  ruins  of  another  more  ancient  edifice,  with 
the  Chapel  of  St.  Rene.  St.  Rene  has  been  cherished  among  the  pious 
Angevins,  though  forgotten  by  the  world  ;  and  the  history  and  miraculous 
legend  of  this  saint  are  too  important  in  the  annals  of  Anjou  to  be  passed 
over  in  silence.  St.  Rene  was  born  near  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  in 
the  villa  of  Possonniere,  of  illustrious  parents.  He  preached  some  time  at 
Chalon,  and  on  the  death  of  St.  Maurille,  was  elected  Bi.shop  of  Angers, 
After  filling  this  office  twenty-two  years,  he  went  to  Rome,  and  thence 
repaired  to  Sorento,  where  his  fame  caused  him  to  be  advanced  to  the 
dignity  of  bishop.  He  died  at  this  place  in  the  year  450  ;  and  his  remains 
being  claimed  by  the  Angevins,  were  conveyed  into  Anjou,  and  deposited, 
first  in  the  Church  of  St.  Morille,  and  finally  in  St.  Maurice,  at  Angers. 
The  shrine  of  St.  Rene  has  been  much  celebrated.  Leo  X.,  in  1513,  and 
Clement  VII.,  in  1 53:],  granted  edicts  in  favour  of  the  institution  of  the 
brotherhood  of  St.  Ren^,  whose  members  of  both  sexes  then  amounted  to 
more  than  7,000.  Some  of  the  kings  of  France  inscribed  their  names  at 
the  shrine  of  this  saint,  amongst  whom  were  Louis  XII.  and  Henry  III. 

The  legend  of  his  second  birth  runs  thus  : — "  The  parents  of  St.  Rene 
having  no  offspring,  addressed  themselves  to  St.  Maurille,  the  Bishop  of 
Angers,  jiromising  to  dedicate  to  God  their  first-born.  Bononia  became  a 
mother,  but  her  joy  was  transient; — her  son,  being  carried  into  the  Cathedral 
of  Angers,  died  before  his  baptism.  After  this  event  St.  Maurille  went  into 
Britain,  and  after  an  exile  of  seven  years  returned  to  Angers.  The  illus- 
trious lady  of  Possonniere  then  besought  this  bishop  to  restore  her  dead  son. 
St.  Maurille  approached  the  tomb— caused  the  stone  to  be  raised — sjirinkled 
it  with  holy  water — and  then,  throwing  himself  on  the  ground  in  an  atti- 
tude of  devotion,  he  offered  up  aloud  his  supplication,  upon  which  the  tomb 
opened  and  the  child  was  restored  to  the  world  and  baptized.  This  miracle 
may  be  doubted  by  many,  but  the  existence  and  episcopacy  of  St.  Rend  are 
not  to  be  contested.  The  legend  passed  through  the  Middle  Ages,  and  even 
in  these  times,  the  country  people  may  be  seen  carrying  a  banner  over  their 
heads  while  descending  the  hills  or  passing  the  Loire  on  their  way  to  the 
Chapel  of  Possonniere  to  implore  the  aid  of  St.  Rene.  It  is  a  pretty  sight 
this  march  of  young  mothers,  some  praying  for  deliverance,  others  offering 
their  newly  born."  One  author  adds,  "  it  is  remarkable  that  the  people  of 
Angers,  our  ancestors,  have  had  a  great  veneration  for  mothers  and  chil- 
dren."—  Godard  Fault rlrr  ;    VlUincnvv  Bargcinont. 

*  Rene  even  composed  her  epitaph,  which  still  may  be  seen  on  one  of  the 


116  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

and  in  occasionally  visiting  the  French  court,  where 
Louis  11,  chiefly  resided.  In  his  early  years  the  Count 
(le  Piemont  is  described  as  "  remarkable  amongst  the 
children  of  his  years,  for  an  agreeable  figure,  a  sweet, 
intellectual  and  precocious  disposition,  and  great  apti- 
tude to  learn." 

The  father  of  Rene,  Louis  IL,  in  the  year  1409,  en- 
gaged in  a  new  expedition  into  Italy,  to  regain  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  He  returned,  however,  the  same  year 
to  Provence,  where  he  was  rejoined  by  Queen  Yolande 
and  her  three  children.  The  object  of  this  journey  was 
to  gain  plenary  indulgences,  granted  to  the  ancient 
abbey  of  Mont-Major ;  the  pilgrims  of  both  sexes,  who, 
together  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou  and  his  family,  re- 
sorted thither  on  this  occasion,  amounted  to  150,000 
persons.* 

When  he  had  attained  his  seventh  year  Rene  passed 
from  the  control  of  the  women  of  Queen  Yolande  hito 


pillars  in  the  Churcli  of  Notre  Dame  de  Nantilly,  at  Samnur.    On  a  block 
of  stone  is  the  following  inscription  : — 

"  Cy  gist  la  noiirrice  Theophaine 

"  La  Magine,  qui  ot  grant  paine 

"  A  nourrir  de  let  en  enfance 

"  Marie  d'Anjou,  royne  de  France 

"  Et  apres  son  frere  Rene 

"  Due  d'Anjou,  et  depuis  nomnie 

"  Comme  encore  Roy  de  Sicile 

"  Qui  a  voulu  en  cette  ville 

"  Pour  grant  amour  de  nourreture 

"  Faire  faire  la  sepulture 

"  De  la  noun'ice  dessus  dicte 

"  Qui  a  Dieu  rendit  I'finie  quiete 

"  Pour  avoir  grace  et  tout  deduit 

"  Mil  cccc.  cinquante  et  huit 

"  Ou  moys  de  Mars  XIII.  jour 

"  Je  vous  pry  tons  par  bon  amour 

"  Affin  (ju'clle  ait  iing  pou  du  votre 

"  Donnez-lui  ugne  patenotre." 
Beneath  this  epitaph,  which  was  anciently  in  the  choir,  on  a  stone  monu- 
ment was  represented  Theophaine  reclining,  and  holding  in  her  arms  her 
two  foster-children,  Mary  and  Rene  of  Anjou.  The  verses  remained  entire 
in  the  year  1 840  ;  but  the  monument  was  destroyed  in  the  civil  wars  of  the 
sixteenth  century. — Bodin ;  Gvdard  Faulti'ier  ;  Villcnciivc  Bargumont. 
*  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  117 

the  liands  of  the  men ;  and  although  the  heir  of  a 
sovereignty,  he  was,  hke  the  son  of  a  private  gentle- 
man, submitted  to  the  guidance  of  certain  old  barons 
and  knights  of  high  reputation  and  experience,  under 
whose  instructions,  enforced  by  noble  examples,  a 
manly  and  severe  education  succeeded  to  the  tenderness 
of  maternal  care.  The  effeminate  games  of  childhood 
also  gave  place  to  violent  and  painful,  and  sometimes 
dangerous  exercises.  It  was  thus  that  the  youth  of 
that  period  were  inured,  even  in  the  bosom  of  the 
palace  or  castle,  to  the  fatigues  and  perils  of  war.* 

It  was  about  this  time,  upon  the  occasion  of  Queen 
Yolande's  visit  to  the  capital  with  her  little  son,  that  the 
good  disposition  and  extraordinary  application  to  study 
evinced  by  Rene  first  attracted  the  attention  of  his 
uncle  Louis,  Cardinal  of  Bar,  who  began,  when  his 
pupil  was  only  seven  years  of  age,  to  direct  his  studies.  (joJw.i 
He  had  frequent  opportunities  of  observing  his  cha-  ^'*^"^" 
racter,  and  delighted  to  behold  in  him  those  inestimable 
gifts  with  which  nature  had  endowed  him,  and  which 
his  parents  had  most  assiduously  cultivated.  It  was 
indeed  to  these  that  Rene  owed  the  unexpected  change 
in  his  destiny  which  the  notice  of  the  Cardinal  procured 
him,  and  which  paved  the  way  to  his  subsequent  dis- 
tinction. Being  only  the  second  son  of  the  King  of 
Sicily,  Ren6  had  no  hopes  of  any  inheritance  beyond 
the  title  of  Count  of  Guise.  It  was  not,  however,  his 
fortune  to  be  throughout  life  only  a  titular  prince  ;  yet, 
while  seeming  to  delight  in  overwhelming  him  with  un- 
looked-for favours,  this  same  fortune  granted  him  not 
one  of  these  without  subjecting  him  to  some  new 
adversity,  f 

The  relationship  of  the  Cardinal  of  Bar  to  Rene  was 

*  Godard  Faultrier. 

t  Dom  Calmet ;  Bodin  ;  Biograpbie  Universelle  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont, 
Godard  Faultrier. 


rier. 


118  M^iEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

that  of  great-uncle  on  the  maternal  side.  He  was 
fourth  son  to  Sir  Robert  of  Bar  and  Mary,  daughter  of 
John,  King  of  France.  Sir  Robert,  who  was  both 
learned  and  valiant,  died  in  1411,  and  having  lost  his 
two  eldest  sons,  he  bequeathed  the  duchy  of  Bar  and 
castlewick  of  Cassel  to  his  third  son  Edward,  Marquis 
of  Pont.  This  duke,  with  a  younger  brother  John,  lord 
of  Puissage,  and  Robert  their  nephew.  Count  of  Marie 
and  Soissons,  all  three  perished  on  the  field  of  Agin- 
court ;  and  thus  the  Cardinal  became  sovereign  of  Bar, 
although  this  inlieritance  was  claimed  by  his  sister 
Yolande,  Queen  of  Arragon,  and  their  dispute  only  ter- 
minated in  1419,  when  the  Cardinal  gave  up  his  rights 
in  favour  of  Ren6  of  Anjou.  After  the  death  of  so 
many  relatives,  the  Cardinal,  seeing  his  name  about  to 
be  extinguished,  and  having  already  felt  some  affection 
for  Rene,  gave  him  the  preference  over  his  other 
nephews ;  and,  as  his  attachment  increased,  he  took 
upon  himself  the  charge  of  his  education,  under  the 
surveillance  of  Jean  of  Proissy,  to  whom  Ren6  had 
been  entrusted  by  his  mother  Yolande.* 

Prelates  of  the  fifteenth  century  lived  like  sovereigns 
within  their  own  dioceses  with  great  magnificence. 
They  did  not  always  find  the  thunders  of  the  Church 
sufficient  to  defend  their  temporal  rights,  and  were 
sometimes  obliged,  as  Monstrelet  tells  us,  "  to  carry  a 
helmet  for  a  mitre,  a  breastplate  instead  of  a  cope,  and 
for  a  cross  of  gold,  a  battle-axe."  The  breviary  was 
not  more  famihar  to  them  than  the  sword,  and  Louis 
of  Bar,  surrounded  by  exam[)les  of  glory,  had,  as  it 
were,  imbibed  in  his  infancy  the  hereditary  valour  of 
his  race,  while  at  the  same  time  he  possessed  in  the 
highest  degree  the  virtues  which  honour  the  Church. 
lie  united  to  the  most  extensive  information  a  taste  for 
literature  ;   and  his  love  for  the  arts,  of  wliich  he  was 

*  Dom  Calmet ;  Monstrelet ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  119 

the  eiiliglitened  protector,  induced  him  to  extend  his 
munificence  to  most  of  the  artists  of  his  time,  whom  he 
attracted  to  him,  either  to  the  old  pahxce  of  Bar  or  to 
Paris,  where  he  often  prolonged  his  stay. 

It  may  be  presumed  that  this  prince  neglected  no 
means  to  perfect  the  rising  talents  of  his  pupil,  and  it 
is  probable  that  in  these  visits  which  they  made  to- 
gether to  the  French  court,  Rene  received  his  lessons 
in  drawing  and  painting  of  the  brothers  Hubert  and 
John  Van  Eyck.  The  latter,  better  known  by  the 
name  of  John  of  Bruges,  had  passed  great  part  of  his 
youth  near  Charles  V.,  who  had  conferred  on  him 
many  favours.  It  is  believed  that  it  was  to  these  cele- 
brated masters,  or  to  their  pupils,  that  Eene  was 
indebted  for  his  first  instructions  in  an  art  which  he 
constantly  loved,  and  cultivated  at  all  periods  of  his  life. 

It  is  in  childhood,  when  the  imagination  is  suscep- 
tible and  the  senses  are  awake  to  every  impression 
made  on  them  by  external  objects,  that  the  strongest 
tastes  are  formed,  and  the  outlines  of  future  character 
are  observable. 

Rene's  taste  for  painting  was  not  more  surprising 
than  his  inclination  to  engage  in  all  that  related  to 
chivalry. 

In  the  Middle  Ages  the  institutions  of  chivalry 
formed  the  best  school  for  honour  and  moral  discipline, 
and  were  very  influential  in  promoting  intellectual  im- 
provement. Hallam,  who  has  so  ably  written  of  these 
times,  says,  "  Chivalry  preserved  an  exquisite  sense  of 
honour  as  effective  in  its  great  results,  as  the  spirit  of 
liberty  and  religion  on  the  moral  sentiments  and  ener- 
gies of  mankind." 

There  were  notwithstanding  amongst  the  members 
of  the  chivalrous  orders,  many  individuals  more  con- 
spicuous for  their  vices  than  for  the  virtues  they 
professed. 


120  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

At  the  same  time  that  Ren^  was  taking  liis  first 
lessons  in  the  art  of  drawing,  he  probably  beheld  the 
commencement  of  a  chivalric  institution,  in  which  no 
doubt,  although  so  young,  he  was  permitted  to  take 
some  part.  This  was  the  "  Order  of  Fidelity"  which 
Thiebaut,  the  fifth  Count  of  Blamont,  desired  to  found  ; 
but  of  which,  in  order  to  confer  eclat  and  durability, 
the  Duke  of  Bar  was  declared  the  supreme  chief.  It 
was  at  Bar  that  this  order  was  recognised,  on  the  31st 
of  May,  1416.  Forty  knights  of  Lorraine,  some  of 
them  A^ery  young,  were  associated  together  during  five 
years,  bound  by  oath  in  love  and  unity  to  support  one 
another  in  every  reverse  of  good  or  bad  fortune.*  It 
may  be  well  to  notice  here,  that  one  of  these  knights 
who  thus  pledged  himself  with  others,  was  Robert  de 
Sarrebruche,  called  the  Damoisel  de  Commercy,  after- 
wards much  distinguished  by  the  frequent  violation 
of  his  engagements  to  Rene. 

Time  was  rapidly  passing  w^th  the  young  pupil 
while  occupied  in  his  new  exercises  and  delightful 
employments.  He  had  just  entered  his  ninth  year 
when  his  father,  the  King  of  Sicily,  died.  On  being 
informed  of  his  dangerous  condition,  Rene  hastened  to 
him,  and  received  his  last  farewell.  He  tlien  beheld 
tlie  tender  interview  between  this  dying  monarch  and 
his  son-in-law,  Charles  VII.,  who  was  counselled  by 
him  especially  "  never  to  trust  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
but  to  employ  every  means  to  keep  on  good  terms 
witli  the  formidable  John  '  Sans  Peur.'  "  It  had  been 
w^ell  for  Charles  had  he  obeyed  these  counsels. 

Rene,  who  became  by  his  father's  will.  Count  of 
Guise,  continued  to  reside  witli  the  Cardinal.  By  his 
happy  disposition  and  attractive  quahties,  he  so  far 
conlirmed  the  good  opinion  of  his  patron,  that  he 
began  to  regard  him  truly  in  the  light  of  a  son,  and 

•  Dom  Calinet  ;  Monstrelet ;  Villcneuve  Bargemont. 


V 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  121 

did  not  hesitate  to  name  him  as  his  heir  in  the  duchy 
of  Bar.  He  initiated  him  in  the  affairs  of  his  state, 
and  associated  him  in  all  the  acts  of  his  government. 
He  even  desired  that  Rene  should  be  considered  by 
his  subjects  as  their  future  sovereign.  In  1418,  this 
young  prince  first  acted  in  concert  with  his  uncle  in 
the  government,  and  addressed  letters  in  his  own  name 
to  the  different  officers  of  Barrels.* 

At  this  time  the  greater  part  of  Lorraine  was  in- 
fested by  brigands,  deserters,  and  vagrants,  who  upon 
being  repulsed  from  the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  and 
from  the  fortified  cities,  dispersed  themselves  towards 
the  provinces  on  the  borders,  where  they  pillaged, 
committed  murders  and  all  kinds  of  violence.  Such 
were  the  sad  results  of  the  long  wars  which  had  deso- 
lated France.  More  than  once  the  Cardinal  of  Bar 
had  been  compelled  to  take  up  arms,  and  go  in 
person  to  defend  his  states ;  but  he  resolved  at  length 
to  put  an  end  to  these  evils  by  forming  a  league  with 
Conrad  Bayer  de  Boppart,  Bishop  of  Metz,  another 
martial  prelate  like  himself.  They  attacked  together 
several  lords,  who  were  even  more  culpable  than  the 
brigands  themselves,  inasmuch  as  they  had  sheltered 
them  from  justice  in  order  to  profit  by  their  plunder. 
Rene  of  Anjou  accompanied  his  uncle  in  this  rapid  i4i8. 
expedition  which  might  be  said  to  be  the  first  Siemont 
campaign  of  this  young  prince,  and  it  proved  suc- 
cessful.! 

Discussions  were  at  this  time  entered  into  between 
the  States  of  Lorraine  and  Bar.  Their  proximity  to 
each  other  caused  their  interests  sometimes  to  clash, 
and  involved  them  in  dissensions  and  bloodshed.  A 
furious  Avar  had  been  recommenced  in  1414,  under 

*  Dom  Calmet ;  Biographic  Universelle  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemout ;  Godard 
Fault  rier. 
f  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


122  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Edward,  Duke  of  Bar,  which  had  brought  destruction 
by  fire  and  sword  on  these  unhappy  states.  Two  years 
later  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  them ;  but  they 
were  again  apprehending  a  speedy  rupture,  when  the 
Cardinal  of  Bar  proposed  a  means  of  establishing 
peace  between  these  duchies  on  a  solid  basis. 

After  nominating  Rene  of  Anjou  to  succeed  him  in 
his  own  states,  the  Cardinal  did  not  rest  here,  but 
further  evinced  his  solicitude  and  the  interest  he  took 
in  his  welfare,  which,  added  to  political  considerations, 
induced  him  to  propose  an  alliance  between  his  young 
relative  and  Isabella,  the  daughter  and  heiress  of 
Charles  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  Margaret  of  Bavaria. 
Thus  he  hoped  to  form  a  lasting  union  between  the 
States  of  Bar  and  Lorraine,  and  to  restore  unanimity 
and  peace.* 

It  might  naturally  have  been  expected  that  much 
opposition  would  have  been  raised  to  this  marriage, 
although  many  lords  of  Lorraine  openly  expressed 
their  desire  that  it  should  take  place. 

Charles  II.  had  been  a  long  time  devoted  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  in  a  manner  protected 
him  in  his  youth.  His  consort,  Margaret  of  Bavaria, 
was  a  near  relative  of  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy;  and 
besides  that,  he  had  entertained  a  personal  enmity 
against  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  was  at  variance 
with  the  Duke  of  Orleans  at  tlie  time  of  his  death. | 
Great  manoeuvring  was  required  to  negotiate  for  the 
hand  of  this  duke's  daughter,  since  it  was  on  the  part 
of  an  Angevine  prince,  but  the  Cardinal  triumphed 
over  all  obstacles  ;  Duke  Charles  readily  consented  to 
the  marriage,  and  appointed  an  interview  with  him  on 

•  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Monstrelet ;  Dom  Calmet ;  Biographie  Uni- 
verselle. 

f  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine  had  in  his  will,  made  in  1 408,  even  forbidden 
that  his  eldest  daughter  should  be  united  to  a  prince  of  the  House  of 
France. 


MARGARET   OF  ANJOU.  123 


tlie  subject.  They  repaired  to  the  Castle  of  Foug, 
near  Toul,  which  belonged  to  the  Cardinal,  on  the 
20th   of  March,    1418  ;    and   it    is   remarkable   that     i4i8. 


Charles  of  Lorraine,  besides  the  lords   of  his  court,  caimet; 
should  have  brought  with  him  Antoine  de  Vaudemont,  Bar^emont 
his  nephew,  to  countenance  by  his  presence  the  arti- 
cles of  this  marriage,  since  he  ultimately  became  the 
most  powerful  opponent  of  Rene. 

The  Cardinal  was  accompanied  by  his  jo\mg protege^ 
of  whom  it  was  said,  that  his  prepossessing  appear- 
ance, his  courage,  of  which  he  had  already  given 
proof,  and  his  rising  reputation  charmed  the  Duke, 
and  contributed,  as  much  as  policy,  in  deciding  him  to 
bestow  on  him  the  hand  of  his  daua-hter.  The  asrree- 
ment  *  w^as  then  entered  into  by  the  two  princes. 

It  had  been  previously  decided  that  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  should  have  the  control  of  the  person  of 
Rene  until  he  had  attained  his  fifteenth  year ;  that  on 
that  same  day  the  parties  should  be  betrothed,  and 
that  on  the  following  day  the  marriage  ceremony 
should  take  place,  j" 

At  the  time  that  the  articles  of  this  marriage  were 
published  in  Lorraine,  and  when  the  nobles  were  joy- 
fully taking  their  oaths,  another  assassination  occurred 
which  struck  consternation  throughout  France.  This 
was  the  murder  of  John  "  Sans  Peur,"  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, in  open  day,  on  the  bridge  of  Montereau,  on  the 
10th  of  September,  1419.  1119. 

It  might  have  been  apprehended  that  Philip,   the  Barge^nt, 

*  This  agreement  states, — 

Istly.  That  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  1419,  the  Coiint  of  Guise  should 
return  from  his  journey  into  Anjou,  the  object  of  which  would  be  to  obtain 
the  consent  of  his  mother. 

2ndly.  That  he  should  repair  to  Bar,  where  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  would 
meet  him,  to  arrange  the  conditions  of  the  marriage. 

Srdly.  That  they  should  then  fix  the  period  when  Rene  should  be  con- 
ducted to  Nanci,  and  cease  to  reside  with  his  uncle,  that  he  might  be 
entirely  under  the  surveillance  of  his  future  father-in-law. 

t  ViUeneuve  Bargemont ;  Dom  Caimet ;  Biographic  XJniverselle. 


124  MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

next  heir  to  the  Burgundian  States,  would  seek  to 
revenge  his  father's  death  on  all  the  members  of  the 
Angevme  family ;  but  happily  this  was  not  the  case, 
for  although  he  vowed  eternal  enmity  against  the 
Dauphin  (who  was  suspected  to  have  commanded  the 
criminal  act),  he  had  not  the  injustice  to  involve 
others  indiscriminately.  He  did  not,  therefore,  offer 
any  opposition  to  the  alliance  which  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  was  about  to  make  with  the  brother-in-law 
of  one,  whom  he  regarded  as  his  father's  assassin, 
but  received  with  favour  the  ambassadors  sent  by 
that  prince  to  condole  with  him  on  his  misfortune.* 

Profiting  by  this  unexpected  kindness,  and  fearing 
that  other  difficulties  might  arise,  the  Cardinal  of  Bar 
immediately  passed  an  act  to  confirm  the  adoption  of 
Rene,  and  his  resignation  to  him  of  the  duchy  of  Bar 
and  the  Marquisate  of  Pont-a-Mousson,!  conditionally 
on  his  taking  the  name  and  arms  of  Bar.:j:  This  act 
was  passed  at  St.  Mihiel,  on  the  13th  of  August, 
1419,  and  the  treaty  of  marriage,  agreed  upon  the  pre- 
ceding year,  was  then  also  ratified.  § 

The  dower  of  Isabella  was  fixed  at  5,000  livres 
annually,  or  4,000  only  in  the  event  of  Duke  Charles 
having  a  male  heir  to  succeed  him  in  Lorraine.     This 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

t  The  Marquisate  of  Pont-a-Mousson  appears  to  have  comiirchencled  St. 
Mihiel,  Briey,  Longwy,  Marville,  Saucy,  Stenay,  Longuyon,  Foug,  Pierre- 
fort,  Condd-sur-Moselle,  and  I'Avantgarde. 

X  In  the  shield  of  the  complete  arms  of  Bar,  Jien6  was  allowed  to  carry 
a  small  escutcheon  with  the  arms  of  Anjou. 

§  The  historian  of  Lorraine  informs  us  that  King  Henry  V.  of  England 
having  demanded  the  hand  of  Catherine,  the  daughter  of  Charles  VI.,  for 
himself,  hearing  that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  reconciled  to  the  French 
king,  feared  that  this  would  re-unite  the  forces  of  France,  and  oblige  him 
to  abandon  his  conquests  in  that  kingdom.  He,  therefore,  applied  to  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  asked  his  daughter  Isabella  in  man-iage  for  hia 
brother  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  hoping  by  this  alliance  to  unite  Duke  Charles 
in  his  interests,  and  place  France  between  two  fires.  It  is,  however,  sur- 
prising that  Henry  V.  was  ignorant  that  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  had  already 
contracted  his  daughter  to  Eend  of  Anjou,  in  March,  Hi 8. 


MxiEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  125 

princess  had,  besides,  tlie  sum  of  40,000  livres,  ready 
money. 

All  the  States  of  Barrois  had  been  convoked  upon 
this  occasion.  The  sister  of  the  Cardinal,  Bonne  of 
Bar,  was  also  present.  She  was  the  wife  of  Valeran 
of  Luxembourg.  The  Count  of  Ligny  was  also  there, 
besides  Jean  of  Sarrebruche,  Bishop  of  Verdun,  and  the 
three  abbots  of  St.  Miliiel,  La  Chalade,  and  Lisle  en 
Barrois.  The  same  day  the  Cardinal  and  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine  mutually  engaged  to  appoint  Rene  and 
Isabella  as  their  heirs ;  and  they  obliged  all  their 
vassals  to  take  oath  to  acknowledge  them  as  their 
legitimate  sovereigns  after  their  death.*  When  these 
arrangements  were  confirmed  on  both  sides,  Yolande  of 
Arragon,  called  by  the  chroniclers  "  La  belle  Reinne 
de  Sicile,"  conducted  her  son  to  his  uncle,  to  whom 
she  had  already  sent  Mansard  de  Sue,  bailiff  of  Vitry, 
to  signify  her  willingness  to  take  the  name  and  the 
arms  of  Bar.  The  Cardinal  then  prepared  to  conduct 
his  young  nephew  to  Nanci,  there  to  entrust  him  to  the 
care  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  when  an  unforeseen 
obstacle  occasioned  a  delay  equally  fruitless  and  un- 
expected. 

Arnould,  Duke  of  Berg,  the  husband  of  Mary  of 
Bar,  a  sister  of  the  Cardinal,  had  entertained  secret 
pretensions  to  the  duchy  of  Bar,  and  had  even  been 
eager  to  make  it  known  immediately  after  the  battle 
of  Agincourt ;  but  repulsed  by  the  energetic  measures 
of  Duke  Edward,  he  had  continued  at  peace  until  Rene 
became  the  declared  heir  to  this  duchy,  when,  aroused 
by  the  feeling  that  this  adoption  would  annihilate  for 
ever  his  own  claims,  his  disappointed  ambition  sti- 
mulated him  to  a  new  enterprise.  Assembling  his 
troops  he  advanced  with  rapid  strides,  and  attacked 
the  forces  of  the  Cardinal ;    but  no  sooner  did   that 

*  Dom  Calmet ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faul trier. 


126  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

prelate  appear,  with  Rene,  in  arms  against  him, 
than  he  was  defeated  in  a  pitched  battle,  and  taken 
prisoner.* 

Rejoicing  in  their  success,  the  Cardinal  and  his 
nephew  then  proceeded  to  the  capital  of  Lorraine, 
where  the  nobles  of  the  two  duchies  came,  to  ratify 
solemnly  the  promises  and  conditions  stipulated  in 
the  contract  of  St.  Mihiel.  So  great  was  the  satis- 
faction universally  expressed  on  witnessing  the  cordial 
affection  which  existed  between  the  betrothed,  that 
Duke  Charles  could  no  longer  defer  the  marriage, 
notw^ithstanding  the  youth  of  the  affianced,  Rene  being 
only  twelve  years  and  nine  months  old,  and  his  consort 
still  a  child. 

Isabella,  who  was  born  in  1410,  has  been  described 
as  being  at  the  time  of  her  nuptials,  tall  in  person, 
and  possessing  regular  and  uncommonly  beautiful 
features.  To  a  mind  above  her  ao-e  she  united 
strength  of  character ;  and  the  gentle  piety  of  her 
mother,  Margaret  of  Bavaria,  seemed  to  have  been 
transmitted  to  her  as  a  precious  inheritance. 

Rene  was  equally  remarkable  among  the  young 
lords  of  Lorraine.  He  was  distinguished  by  an  open 
physiognomy,  and  large  eyes  "  a  fieur  de  tcte ;  "  he 
was  fair  and  fresh  coloured,  and  his  amiable  manners 
attracted  the  attentions  of  the  ladies,  and  had  already 
rendered  him  dear  to  his  young  betrothed,  f 

Henri  de  Ville,  Bishop  of  Toul,  a  worthy  prelate 
and  a  relative  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  was  chosen  to 
officiate  as  priest  at  this  marriage,  wdiich  was  cele- 
brated on  the  14th  j:  of  October,  1420,  in  the  Castle  of 
Nanci,  with  the  greatest  pomp  which  could  be  dis- 
played ;  and  as  one  author  tells  us,  amidst  a  joy  which 


*  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

f  Villeneuve  Bart,fcmont  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

+  The  Hth  of  October  in  the  MS.  prayer  book  of  King  Rent'. 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  127 

seemed  to  approach  delirium.  The  same  rejoicings 
prevailed  throughout  Barrois  upon  this  union,  formed 
under  such  happy  auspices ;  and  it  was  generally  re- 
garded as  the  means  of  annihilating  former  animosities 
and  divisions,  and  of  restoring  that  happiness  which 
had  long  been  banished  from  every  heart.* 

Few  events  rendered  the  early  years  of  Eene's 
wedded  life  remarkable.  During  this  period  of  hap- 
piness, his  leisure  was  devoted  to  his  studies  ;  indeed 
after  their  marriage  the  young  bride  and  bridegroom 
continued  both  in  their  ow^n  way  to  pursue  their  educa- 
tion, which  they  completed  under  the  active  surveil- 
lance of  ]\Iargaret  of  Bavaria,  Charles  of  Lorraine,  and 
the  Cardinal  of  Bar,  three  notable  characters  of  that 
age  ;  of  whom  the  two  former  were  so  peculiar  as  to 
claim  especial  notice. 

Margaret  of  Bavaria,  the  mother  of  Isabella,  was 
the  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Rupert,  and  one  of  the 
most  virtuous  princesses  of  her  time.  She  Hved  in 
such  complete  retirement  at  her  palace  at  Nanci  that 
she  was  almost  a  stranger  to  the  pleasures  of  her 
court,  and  occupied  herself  in  works  of  benevolence 
and  in  founding  pious  establishments.  Her  life  has 
been  written  in  Latin  by  her  confessor,  Adolphus  de 
Cirque,  a  Chartreux.  He  says,  "  she  lived  an  austere 
life,  chastising  herself  with  fasting  and  wearing  sack- 
cloth," and  he  relates  of  her,  that,  "  having  found  a  little 
book  entitled  "  La  Rosaire  Evangelique,"  containing 
the  life  of  Our  Saviour  and  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  this 
princess  was  so  deeply  touched  by  it  that  it  was  con- 
tinually in  her  hands.  The  Almighty,  by  this  means, 
poured  so  much  blessing  on  her  soul,  that  she  became 
a  model  of  every  virtue.  He  bestowed  upon  her  also 
some  miraculous  gifts,  and  even  granted  her  several 

*  Sloreri ;  Bodin  ;  Llonfaucon  ;  Dom  Calmet ;  Biographie  Universelle  ; 
Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Monstrelet ;  Sismondi ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


128  MiiRGARET   OF  ANJOU. 

victories  in  lier  husband's  favour.  Of  these,  not  only 
the  people  of  Lorraine,  but  also  foreigners  and  the 
Duke's  enemies,  bore  witness.  Upon  one  occasion  the 
Duchess,  while  the  combat  lasted,  caused  public  prayers 
to  be  offered  in  the  city,  and  ordered  a  solemn  proces- 
sion, at  which  she  assisted  barefooted,  and  with  tears 
implored  the  succour  of  heaven  for  her  husband's 
cause.  After  the  battle  of  Champigneules,  the  van- 
quished prince  acknowledged  that  the  victory  w^as  not 
owing  so  much  to  the  valour  of  Duke  Charles,  as  to 
the  Duchess  Margaret,  who  had  appeared  at  the  head 
of  the  army  with  a  brilliancy  that  their  eyes  could  not 
endure.  This  occurred  a  second  time  under  other  cir- 
cumstances ;  and  the  enemy,  who  were  put  to  flight, 
afterwards  declared  that  they  had  been  terrified,  and 
unable  to  support  the  presence  of  this  princess  whom 
they  had  beheld  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Lorraine." 
When  asked  by  her  confessor  if  she  had  been  present 
at  the  battle,  the  Duchess  replied,  "  That  it  would  not 
have  become  either  her  sex,  or  her  condition  ;  but  that 
she  had  addressed  her  prayers  to  Jesus  Christ,  implor- 
ing the  protection  of  her  subjects."  Her  prayers  were 
always — "  Lord,  thy  will  be  done  and  not  mine  ;  " 
and  she  never  asked  of  God  either  the  death  or  cap- 
tivity of  her  enemies. 

We  shall  be  less  surprised  at  the  influence  which 
this  extraordinary  woman  held  over  the  minds  of  the 
people,  when  we  contemplate  her  exceeding  piety. 
Such  was  the  self-control  she  had  obtained  that  her 
humility,  patience,  temperance,  disinterestedness,  and 
charity  were  unequalled.  She  visited  the  hospitals 
with  her  ladies,  and  personally  waited  on  the  sick, 
and  dressed  their  wounds.  By  her  means  several 
sick  persons  were  restored  to  health ;  and  when  this 
became  publicly  known,  the  afflicted  ones  were 
brought  from  afar  to   the  gates  of  her  palace,  that 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  129 

as  she  passed  them  on  her  way  to  church,  she 
might  bestow  upon  them  her  blessing.  Many  of 
these  were  cured ;  but  the  Duchess  declared  that 
she  could  do  nothing  for  those  who  remained  in  their 
sins,  or  wanted  faith,  or  who  placed  greater  con- 
fidence in  the  art  of  medicine  than  in  the  goodness  of 
God. 

The  Duchess  took  great  care  of  her  servants ;  nor 
would  she  allow  her  daughters  to  remain  in  idleness, 
but  set  them  herself  an  example  of  useful  occupation. 
On  fast  days  and  Sundays  she  gave  them  instruction 
in  the  scriptures,  conducted  them  to  church  and  to  the 
Lord's  table.  Her  mornings  were  all  spent  in  devotion, 
her  afternoons  in  the  care  of  her  household  and  attend- 
ance on  the  poor.  She  confessed  herself  daily,  took 
the  holy  sacrament  every  feast  day  and  Sunday,  and 
submitted  her  body  to  a  severe  scourging  when  the 
Duke,  her  husband,  was  absent.  Such  was  the  austere 
life  of  Margaret  of  Bavaria. 

.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine,  on  the  contrary,  was  not 
very  devout.  He  did  not  attribute  the  advantages  he 
obtained  to  his  wife's  merits,  and  still  less  to  his  own  ; 
but  to  the  prayers  of  the  good  people  who  prayed  for 
him.  The  Duchess,  however,  was  somewhat  afflicted 
at  the  temporal  prosperities  enjoyed  by  Lorraine, 
fearing  that  God  might  reward  her  during  her  life  for 
the  little  good  she  did,  and  deprive  her  in  eternity  of 
that  bliss  which  was  her  only  ambition. 

Charles  of  Lorraine  had  no  taste  for  solitude,  and 
his  capital  became,  during  his  reign,  the  centre  of  the 
most  brilliant  fetes.  The  Duke  was  one  of  the  most 
polished  and  intellectual  princes  of  his  time,  although 
naturally  of  a  warlike  disposition  and  educated  in  the 
battle-field.  That  portion  of  his  time  which  was  not 
employed  in  war,  or  in  the  gratification  of  his  passions, 
he  devoted  to  literature.     He  was  particularly  fond  of 


130  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

history,  and  it  was  said  of  liim  that  lie  never  passed  a 
single  day  without  reading  some  chapters  of  Livy  or 
of  Csesar's  Commentaries,  his  favourite  authors,  which 
he  took  with  him  on  all  his  expeditions.  Often,  in 
speaking  of  himself,  he  would  say  that,  "  in  com- 
parison with  Caisar,  he  seemed  to  be  only  an  appren- 
tice in  the  art  of  war." 

It  may  be  inferred  that  this  prince  did  not  fail  to 
encourage  his  pupil  Ilen6  in  the  love  of  study,  and 
from  the  period  of  his  first  visit  to  his  court  also 
may  have  originated  the  taste  and  talents  of  Ren6  for 
music,  a  science  in  which  Duke  Charles  delighted. 
He  was  always  surrounded  by  the  most  eminent 
musicians  of  the  day,  and  evinced  Lis  own  love 
for  music  by  playing  skilfully  on  several  instru- 
ments.* We  are  informed  that  Rene  was  engaged 
alternately  at  the  courts  of  Lorraine  and  Bar  in  the 
cultivation  of  music  and  painting,  the  study  of  the 
ancient  languages,  legislation,  and  feudal  customs ; 
and  he  thus  acquired,  during  the  short  intervals  of 
peace,  an  education  superior  to  the  age  in  which  he 
lived. 

While  occupied  by  such  agreeable  studies  the  life 
of  Rene  must  have  been  tranquil  and  ha]->py ;  but  it 
was  only  a  brief  period.  As  early  as  the  10th  of 
1420,  November,  in  1420,  this  prince  was  at  once  awakened 
to  the  anxiety  of  protecting  his  states  from  a  powerful 
competitor,  to  repulse  whom  it  might  even  be  re- 
quired to  unite  with  others  in  some  military  expe- 
ditions. 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  had,  upon  his  daughter's 
marriage,  taken  on  himself  the  care  of  the  estates  of 
Ren^,  as  well  as  the  charge  of  the  person  of  his  son- 
in-law  ;  and  he  was  occupied  in  November  of  1420,  in 
obtaining  the  recognition  of  Isabella  as  his  successor, 

*  Dom  Calinet  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont, 


MABGARET   OF   ANJOU.  131 

in  case  he  should  die  without  male  issue.  To  this 
lie  had  been  compelled  by  the  conduct  of  his  own 
nephew,  Antoine  de  Vaudemont,  who,  from  motives 
of  interest,  had  not  participated  in  the  general  satis- 
faction upon  the  marriage  of  Rene  and  Isabella.  He 
had  long  enjoyed  the  hope  of  reigning  in  Lorraine 
after  his  uncle's  decease,  but  the  union  which  had  just 
taken  place  had  destroyed  his  illusions,  and  he  could 
with  difficulty  restrain  his  feelings  of  resentment  on 
beholding  himself  superseded  by  an  Angevin e  prince. 
The  age  of  Rene  precluding  explanation,  De  Vaude- 
mont stifled  his  resentment  at  the  offence  and  injustice, 
as  he  considered  it ;  yet  his  apparent  composure  gave 
occasion  for  serious  apprehension.  This  prince,  who 
had  been  born  in  the  midst  of  political  storms,  had 
aspired  to  personal  distinction  ;  and  priding  himself  on 
his  illustrious  ancestry,  he  thirsted  to  add  glory  to  his 
race.  He  was  a  devoted  subject,  a  faithful  friend,  and 
a  respectful  relative.  His  noble  character,  and  espe- 
cially his  frankness,  added  to  his  military  talents,  had 
secured  him  some  powerful  allies.  As  an  enemy  he 
was  the  more  to  be  feared,  as  it  was  well  known 
that  justice  and  good  faith  only  could  make  him 
draw  his  sword ;  but,  when  indeed  he  did  so,  his 
haughtiness  led  him  on  to  extremes,  even  beyond 
the  bounds  of  prudence,  for  he  did  not  estimate  the 
chances  of  war,  nor  the  misfortunes  and  oppressions 
which  might  drive  a  people  to  despair.  Such  was 
the  character  of  a  prince,  who,  unable  to  endure 
even  the  shadow  of  an  injustice,  had  so  unexpectedly 
found  in  the  youthful  Rene  a  powerful  rival,  against 
whom  he  only  awaited  the  opportunity  of  revenging 
himself. 

Antoine  de  Vaudemont  insisted  that  the  Salic  law 
being  still  in  force  in  his  family,  Lorraine,  a  fief  male, 
ought  not,  under  any  pretence,  to  revert  to  a  female,  or 


132  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

to  leave  his  family  by  marriage.  Finding,  however,  that 
he  could  not  prevail  upon  his  uncle  to  revoke  his  will 
in  favour  of  Isabella,  this  prince  declared  that  upon  the 
death  of  Charles  of  Lorraine  he  would  prove  his  rights, 
and  obtain  with  his  sword  that  inheritance  of  which  he 
considered  himself  so  unjustly  deprived.  These  menaces 
made  it  necessary  for  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to  call  upon 
the  nobles  of  his  States  to  swear  to  perform  the  con- 
ditions of  his  will ;  and  he  also  caused  his  daughter  to 
be  crowTied  as  his  immediate  heiress.* 
142^.  On  the   5th  of  February,   1424   (according  to  the 

CaiL^t.  chronicle  of  Lorraine),  Isabella,  Duchess  of  Bar,  made 
her  first  entrance  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  where  many 
gentlemen,  knights,  and  esquires  awaited  her,  and 
celebrated  her  arrival  there  by  jousts  and  grand 
fetes. I  On  the  1st  of  August  of  the  same  year 
Isabella  gave  birth  to  her  eldest  son,  John,  afterwards 
Duke  of  Calabria.  This  event  was  commemorated 
with  rejoicings  in  Lorraine.  Her  eldest  daughter, 
Yolande,  was  not  born  until  two  years  later,  in  1426, 
with  a  twin-brother  called  Nicolas,  Duke  of  Bar,  who 
died  young.:]: 

The  second  daughter    of  Rene   and   Isabella,    the 

renowned  Margaret  of  Anjou,  was  bom  on  the  23rd  of 

1429.      March,  1429,  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  which  was  then  one 

ca^met,     ^f  the  finest  castles  of  Lorraine  and  had  formed  a  part 

of  her  mother's  dower. 

The  infant  Margaret  was  baptized,  under  the  great 
crucifix  in  the  Cathedral  of  Toul,  by  the  bishop  of  that 
diocese.  Her  sponsors  were  her  uncle  Louis  HI.,  King 
of  Naples,  and  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  her 
maternal  grandmother.  § 

•  IVIoreri  ;  Dom  Calmet ;  Bodin  ;  Biographie  Universclle  ;  Godard  Faul- 
trier  ;  Barante. 
f  Dom  Calmet. 
J  Moreri  ;   Bodin. 
§  Moreri ;  Diet.  Historique  des  Femmes  Celebres. 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  133 

Rene's  faithful  nurse,  Theopliaine  la  Maglne  (who,  by 
this  time,  had  doubtless  advanced  in  experience  as  well 
as  in  age,)  was  appointed*  to  watch  over  the  first  years 
of  this  favoured  child,  who  inherited  the  excellence 
and  talents  of  her  father ;  to  these,  as  she  grew  up, 
she  added  the  beauty  and  grace  of  her  mother, 
afterwards  appearing  as  a  bright  star  in  the  horizon, 
destined  to  shine  conspicuous  with  transcendent 
lustre. 

At  a  very  early  age  Margaret  of  Anjou  gave  proofs 
of  those  virtues  which  win  the  affections,  and  of  such 
great  abilities  as  seldom  fail  to  command  the  notice  of 
the  world.  In  her  case  they  led  to  the  splendours  of 
a  throne,  where  she  became  immersed  in  difficulties 
and  afflictions. 

In  the  military  expeditions  which  Ren6  undertook 
with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  the  Cardinal  of  Bar,  he 
was  very  successful.  He  effectually  checked  the  aggres- 
sions of  the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  and  in  all  his  enter- 
prises exhibited  great  activit}^  ardour,  and  bravery. 
It  was  during  the  sojourn  of  this  prince  on  the 
borders  of  the  Meuse  that  he  improved  himself  in  the 
profession  of  arms,  while  engaged  in  repelling  the 
rebellious  vassals  ;  until,  fatigued  with  such  petty  war- 
fare, he  sought  to  enlarge  his  sphere,  and  was  induced 
to  join  the  forces  of  Charles  VII. 

It  was  just  at  that  remarkable  era  when  Joan  of  Arcf 
had  miraculously  effected  the  deliverance  of  Orleans, 


*  Dom  Calmet ;  Moreri  ;  Baker. 

f  Rene  had  already  seen  tlie  heroic  shepherdess  of  Vancouleurs,  on  her 
first  appearance  in  the  presence  of  Duke  Charles,  at  Nanci.  She  had 
there  spoken  of  her  high  mission,  and  in  reply  was  reminded  of  her 
unfitness  for  war  ;  in  order  to  inspire  the  Duke  and  his  court  with  confi- 
dence she  requested  to  have  a  horse  brought  to  her,  when,  springing  upon 
this  high  battle- horse  without  the  use  of  the  stirrups,  she  seized,  with .  a 
martial  air,  a  lance  which  was  handed  to  her,  and  executed  in  the  court  of 
the  castle  several  courses  and  evolutions  as  well  as  the  best-trained  man- 
at-arms. 


134  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Ren6  of  Anjou  was  blockading  the  city  of  Metz  wliich 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine  had  besieged.  Had  that  prince 
been  influenced  by  pohcy  or  prudence,  he  would  have 
remained  neutral  in  those  contests  which  desolated 
France  ;  but  his  affection  for  King  Charles,  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  his  predilection  for  the  French,  irresistibly 
impelled  him,  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  a  youthful 
breast,  to  join  the  royal  standard  on  the  plains  of 
Champagne,  where  his  brothers,  Louis  IIL,  Duke  of 
Anjou,  and  Charles,  Count  of  Maine,  had  already 
appeared.  Nor  could  the  solicitations  of  the  Cardinal 
of  Bar,  or  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  deter  him  from  his 
purpose.  The  experience  of  these  princes  led  them  to 
fear  the  results  of  the  union  of  the  English  with  the 
Burgundians  against  themselves,  should  they  declare 
war  against  them ;  but  Rene,  unmoved  by  their  argu- 
ments, left  the  siege  of  Metz  almost  by  stealth,  and  his 
conduct  was  soon  justified  by  the  success  of  the  cause 
he  embraced. 
H'29.  It  was  on  the  iGth  of  July,   1429,  the  eve  of  the 

same  day  on  which  King  Charles  was  consecrated  in 
the  church  of  St.  Denis,  that  Eene  joined  him,  bringing 
with  him  the  Damoisel  de  Commercy  and  other  lords ; 
and  he  afterwards  accompanied  that  monarch  in  his 
brilliant  career  of  triumphs  and  conquests,  serving  him 
with  devotedness  and  fidelity.* 

Itene  ventured,  although  but  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  to  second  the  advice  of  Joan  of  Arc,  the  Duke  of 
Alen9on,  Dunois  and  others,  contrary  to  the  counsel 
of  the  powerful  La  Tremouille.  He  soon  became 
united  with  all  the  great  generals  of  France,  Potou,  La 
Hire,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  and  still  more  intimately 
with  Arnaud  de  Barbazan,  called  "  le  chevalier  sans 
reproche,"  and  it  was  with  this  general  that  he 
a})i)earfd    before    Paris.       They   seized    together    on 

*  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Yilleneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAEGARET   OP  ANJOU.  135 

Pont-siir-Seine,  Chantilly,  Pont  Saint  Maxence,  and 
Choisy,  and  finally  they  entered  with  Charles  VII.  at 
St.  Denis,  Then  detaching  himself  from  the  royal 
army,  Ren6  distinguished  himself  particularly  at  the 
head  of  his  troops,  by  the  taking  of  the  fortress  of 
Chappes,  in  Champagne,  near  Troyes,  where,  with 
3,000  men,  he  defied  8,000  English  and  Burgun- 
dians  united,*  and  triumphed  over  them  in  spite 
of  the  efforts  of  their  skilful  chief,  Antoine  de  Toulon- 
geon.  Also  at  the  village  of  La  Croisette,  near 
Chalons-sur-Marne,  Rene  gained  a  victory  over  the 
English.! 

When  this  prince  was  rejoicing  in  his  good  fortune, 
and  becoming  daily  more  illustrious  by  the  success  he 
obtained  m  the  cause  of  the  neglected  and  despised 
"  King  of  Bourges,"  as  King  Charles  was  styled,  he 
was  compelled  to  quit  the  field  of  action  somewhat 
hastily,  being  summoned  to  attend  the  death-bed  of  his 
warm-hearted  and  generous  relative,  the  Cardinal  of 
Bar.  With  deep  and  unfeigned  regret,  Rene  paid  his 
last  tribute  of  respect  and  honour  to  the  memory  of  his 
uncle,  who  died  in  1430,  and  then,  repairing  to  Bar,  he  Biograpiiie 
attended  his  funeral  obsequies.  seiie. 

This  loss  was  almost  immediately  after  succeeded  by 
that  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  ;  and  scarcely  had  Ren6 
taken  possession  of  the  territories  of  his  uncle,  when  he 
was  called  upon  to  assume  the  reigns  of  government 
over  the  dukedom  of  Lorraine.  Charles,  the  second 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  expired  on  the  23rd  of  January, 
14304  and  was  interred  in  St.  George's  Church  at  i^^^*^- 
Nanci.  He  left  a  will,  made  in  1425,  abrogating  his 
former  testament,  and  prescribing  the  manner  in  which 
his  son-in-law  should  govern  in  Lorraine,  in  the  event 

*  Monstrelet  says  the  number  was  only  4,000. 

•f  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Barante  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Monstrelet. 

J  Some  place  the  death  of  Duke  Charles  in  1431. 


136  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

of  tlie  decease  of  his  wife  Isabella.*  Rene  of 
Anjou  thus  became  an  independent  prince,  and  was 
solemnly  acknowledged  by  the  nobles  and  clergy  of 
the  two  States. 

Ren6  made  his  entrance  into  Nanci  with  Isabella, 
both  mounted  on  magnificent  chargei^,  amidst  the 
blessings  of  the  multitude,  and  the  olden  cry  of  "  Noel ! 
Noel !  "  The  clergy  and  the  most  distinguished  of  the 
nobility  attended  them,  according  to  ancient  usage  ;  and 
near  an  antique  stone  cross,  erected  at  the  gate  of  St. 
Nicholas,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  dismounted,  pre- 
vious to  their  entry  into  the  city.  They  gave  their 
horses  to  the  Chapter  of  St.  George,  who  preceded 
them,  bearing  the  cross  and  the  cuissard  of  the  holy 
knight.  The  Veni  Creator  was  then  chanted  by  the 
people. 

Rene  and  Isabella  were  thence  conducted  in  pro- 
cession to  the  ducal  church ;  they  knelt  before  the 
high  altar,  and  the  Dean  presented  to  them  a  half-ex- 
panded missal.  "  Most  high  and  honourable  seigneurs," 
continued  the  aged  ecclesiastic,  "we  beg  of  you  to 
take  upon  yourselves  to  swear  that  you  will  conform  to 
the  duties  which  your  predecessors  of  glorious  memory 
have  been  accustomed  to  respect,  in  compliance  with 
ancient  usage,  on  their  entry  into  the  duchy  of 
Lorraine,  and  the  city  of  Nanci."  "Willingly,"  re- 
plied Rene  and  Isabella,  and  laying  their  hands  on 
the  sacred  volume,  they  swore  by  their  hopes  of 
paradise,  faithfully  to  maintain  the  rights  of  Lor- 
raine. The  Duclicss  Margaret,  who  was  dressed  in 
mourning,  was  delighted  to  see  her  daughter  thus 
honoured.! 

The  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  offers  nothing  more 

♦  I)om   Calmet's    Hist,  of  Lorraine  ;   Biographie  Uuiverselle  ;    Godard 
Faul  trior. 
f  Chronicle  of  Lorraiue. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  137 

solemn  than  these  acts  of  religion,  in  which  the  people, 
the  clergy,  and  nobility  summoned  a  prince  on  his 
accession  to  the  crown  to  protect  their  franchises, 
their  liberties  and  privileges.  This  admixture  of 
loyalty  and  rudeness,  of  submission  and  independence 
always  prevailed  in  these  free  customs  of  Lorraine. 

The  earhest  acts  of  Rene  developed  a  maturity  of 
wisdom  rarely  discovered  in  a  prince  of  two-and- 
twenty,  the  age  at  which  he  had  succeeded  to  his 
inheritance  of  Bar  and  Lorraine.  The  people  of  these 
countries,  who  had  so  lately  been  rejoicing  in  their 
reunion  through  the  marriage  of  Rene  and  Isabella, 
were  destined  to  experience  the  vanity  of  their  hopes 
and  expectations,  and  to  feel  no  less  than  their  Duke 
and  Duchess,  the  cruel  vicissitudes  of  war,  for  Lorraine 
was  again  plunged  into  an  abyss  of  evils  after  the 
death  of  Duke  Charles.  On  the  occasion  of  this  visit 
of  Rene,  he  concluded  with  the  city  of  Metz  a  peace 
which  was  happy  and  lasting.  He  called  to  the  pre- 
sidency of  his  council,  the  virtuous  Henri  de  Ville, 
Bishop  of  Toul ;  assembled  about  him  men  the  most 
distinguished  for  their  merits  and  learning,  and  re- 
nounced fetes  and  pleasures  to  devote  himself  to  the 
administration  of  the  duchy.  A  law  against  blas- 
phemers, a  statute  which  granted  an  mdemnity  to 
men  at  arms  whose  horses  had  been  killed  in  his 
service,  and  other  letters  patent  in  which  he  con- 
signed to  certain  cities  and  abbeys  his  protection 
and  a  confirmation  of  their  privileges,  have  been 
preserved  as  pledges  of  his  faith  and  constant 
solicitude. 

This  epoch  of  the  life  of  Rene  was  no  doubt  the 
happiest  of  his  career.  Blessed  by  his  subjects,  at 
peace  with  his  neighbours,  he  had  not  yet  felt  the 
gales  of  adversity,  and  no  reverse  had  tarnished  the 
eclat  of  his  arms.     It  is   pleasing   to   dwell   on  the 


138  MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

tender  solicitude  he  felt  for  his  people,  his  brilliant 
valour,  and  his  sincere  piety ;  and  also  on  the  virtues 
of  the  good  Isabella,  whom  heaven  had  rewarded  by 
granting  her  four  beautiful  children,  bright  ornaments 
of  the  Court  of  Lorraine. 

Rene  visited  successively  all  the  towns  of  his  duchy, 
and  received,  in  his  progress  through  them,  the  most 
affecting  proofs  of  devotion  and  love.  For  the  first 
time  the  strife  of  arms  was  not  heard  in  Lorraine,  and 
but  for  the  ambition  of  the  Count  de  Vaudemont, 
nothing  had  occurred  to  disturb  the  general  tranquillity 
and  happiness.* 

An  oath  had  been  taken  by  the  Count  de  Vaude- 
mont to  maintain  with  his  sword  his  right  to  the 
Duchy  of  Lorraine,  and  he  pretended  that  the  fief  was 
male,  and  could  not  pass  to  Ren6  by  the  right  of  a 
woman.  This  prince  had  been  educated  in  the  camp, 
had  served  in  eight  pitched  battles,  and  was  inured  to 
war ;  he  therefore  despised  the  youth  and  inexperience 
of  Rene,  and  when  required  to  do  homage  to  the 
young  Duke,  on  taking  possession  of  Lorraine,  he  posi- 
tively refused.  The  fortress  of  Vaudemont  was  imme- 
diately besieged  by  Rene,  but  the  garrison  being 
assured  of  assistance,  defended  it  for  three  months 
with  great  valour.  This  was  but  the  commencement 
of  a  grievous  war.  No  two  leaders  could  be  more 
opposed  to  each  other  in  their  views  and  interests. 
The  Count  de  Vaudemont  had  always  belonged  to  the 
Burgundian  party,  while  Ren6,  a  son  of  Louis  H.  of 
Anjou,  one  of  the  greatest  enemies  the  House  of 
Burgundy  had  ever  had,  had  not  only  joined  the 
French  army,  but  had  made  deplorable  war  upon 
the  Burgnndians,  assisted  by  Arnaud  de  Barbazan, 
First  Chamberlain  to  the  King  of  France,  by  whom 
he    had    been   distinguished    as    "  le    chevalier    sans 

*  Dom  Calmet ;  Barante  ;  Biograpliie  Uiiiverselle  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  139 

reproclie  "  and  permitted  to  assume  the  Fleurs-de-lys 
for  his  arms. 

To  recompense  Rene  for  the  services  he  had  ren- 
dered him,  King  Charles  at  this  time  sent  him  some 
reinforcements  led  on  by  his  friend  Barbazan.  Rene 
was  also  joined  by  the  Bishop  of  Metz,  the  Counts  of 
Linanges  and  Salu,  the  Lord  of  Heidelburg,  the  Sire 
of  Sarrebruche,  the  Sire  of  Chatelet  and  others,  with 
whom  he  united  a  considerable  army.  On  the  other 
side  was  the  Marshal  de  Toulongeon,  who,  taking  part 
with  the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  rendered  him  no  little 
assistance  by  raising  for  him  an  army  in  Burgundy 
and  Picardy ;  and,  as  a  further  means  of  promoting  his 
cause,  he  circulated  a  report  that  the  object  of  Rene, 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  was  the 
conquest  of  all  Burgundy.  A  tax  of  50,000  francs 
was  accorded  by  the  States  of  Burgundy,  and  Duke 
Philip  also  taking  part  with  the  Count  de  Vaudemont, 
supplied  him  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  headed  by 
Antoine  de  Toulongeon,  who,  having  been  defeated 
before  the  fortress  of  Chappes  by  Rene  and  Barbazan, 
eagerly  thirsted  for  revenge.*  This  army,  amounting 
to  1,000  or  1,200 1  men,  all  experienced  in  war, 
advanced  towards  Vaudemont,  and  in  order  to  pro- 
voke Rene  to  fight,  commenced  by  ravaging  his 
territories. 

This  prince,  much  affected  by  witnessing  the  mis- 
fortunes to  which  his  people  were  thus  exposed, 
became  impatient  to  terminate  the  contest  by  a  decided 
battle,  and  quitting  the  blockade  of  Vaudemont, 
advanced  to  meet  his  adversaries  on  the  plain,  where 
they  had  strongly  entrenched  themselves.  The  Bur- 
gundians,  however,  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 

*  Bodin  ;  Barante  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Sismondi  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Mezerai  ;  Bio- 
graphie  Universelle  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 
f  Monstrelet  says  4,000. 


Bodiii 


140  ALiEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

risk  an  engagement  in  a  country  where  this  was  ren- 
dered difficult  by  the  hedges  and  ditches  which  inter- 
sected it ;  and  provisions  failing  them,  the  Marshal 
advised  a  retreat  into  Burgundy,  much  to  the  chagrin 
of  the  Count  de  Vaudemont.  They  had  already  begun 
their  march,  when  they  were  overtaken  by  Rene,  and 
challenged  to  fight.  The  Lord  of  Toulongeon  replied 
that  he  was  prepared  for  battle,  and  such  was  the 
gallant  bearing  of  this  party  that  Barbazan,  perceiving 
it,  would  have  prevented  the  engagement,  advising 
delay,  and  representing  that  the  want  of  provisions 
would  soon  compel  the  Burgundians  to  retreat,  but  he 
was  not  listened  to,  so  urgent  were  the  younger 
knights  for  the  attack. 
1431.  The  two  armies  met,  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1431,  on 

the  plains  of  Bulgneville,  near  Neufchateau,  and  in 
this  battle,  called  "La  journ^e  des  Barons"  on  account 
of  the  number  of  lords  present,  the  Count  de  Vaude- 
mont gained  the  advantage  by  making  a  sudden  attack 
with  his  artillery,  and  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  was  de- 
feated. His  general,  Barbazan,  was  killed,  and  Ilen6 
himself  wounded,  and  taken  prisoner  along  with  two 
hundred  of  his  followers.  The  total  loss  of  the  van- 
quished was  estimated  at  3,000  men.*  The  engage- 
ment lasted  but  an  hour ;  some  even  say,  but  a  quarter 
of  an  hour.  Ileno  had  fought  in  this  battle  like  a  lion, 
and  was  not  overcome  until  blinded  by  the  blood 
which  flowed  from  a  wound  on  the  left  brow,  the  mark 
of  which  he  carried  to  the  grave. 

The  Marshal  de  Toulongeon  conveyed  his  prisoner 
with  all  speed  into  Burgundy,  where,  at  first,  Ren^ 
was  confined  in  the  chateau  "  de  Talent,"  near 
Dijon,  but  afterwards  removed  to  that  city,  and  im- 

•  Eodin  ;  Jloreri  ;  Dom  Calraet  ;  IMonfaucon  ;  Barante  ;  Sismondi ; 
]VTezerai  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Baudier  ;  Biograpliie  Universelle  ;  Godard  Faul- 
tricr. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  141 

prisoned  In  a  tower  of  the  palace  of  the  Dukes  of 
Burgundy.* 

Isabella  meanwhile,    with    her   children    and    her    .  i^.si. 

ViIIgiiguvg 

widowed  mother,  Margaret  of  Bavaria,  had  remained  at  Bargemont. 
Nanci,  to  await  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Bulgneville, 
which  ended  so  fatally  for  the  interests  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine.  The  first  news  of  this  disaster  was  conveyed 
to  these  princesses  by  some  of  the  affrighted  fugitives 
fi*om  the  battle.  They  told  the  unhappy  wife  of  the 
capture  of  her  lord.  "Alas!"  exclaimed  Isabella, 
clasping  her  child,  the  little  Margaret, f  to  her  bosom, 
"  Alas !  where  is  Rene  ?  He  is  taken,  he  is  slain  !  " 
"Madam,"  they  replied,  "be  not  thus  abandoned  to 
grief ;  the  Duke  is  well,  though  disabled,  and  a  prisoner 
of  the  Burgundians."  But  the  Duchess  appeared  in- 
consolable. The  news  of  Rene's  defeat  was  speedily 
confirmed,  and  when  Isabella  was  assured  that  her 
husband's  life  had  been  spared,  she  became  more  com- 
posed, and  prepared,  w^ith  the  assistance  of  her  mother, 
to  take  such  steps  as  the  exigency  of  the  state 
demanded. 

These  courageous  princesses,  far  from  being  over- 
come by  this  terrible  shock  or  by  the  trouble  and 
consternation  which  ensued,  were  only  animated  to 
greater  exertions.  They  soon  displayed  the  utmost 
firmness  and  presence  of  mind.  They  immediately 
convoked  the  Council,  and  Isabella  appeared  in  the 
midst,  dressed  in  a  long  mourning  veil,  and  leading  her 
four  little  children.  As  she  entered  the  hall,  she  ex- 
claimed, "Alas!  I  know  not  if  my  husband  be  dead 
or  taken?"  " Madam,"  replied  the  lords  who  were 
present,  "  be  not  discomforted;  Monsieur  the  Duke  has 
indeed  been  taken  by  the  Burgundians,  but  fear  not,  he 
will  be  ransomed.     By  the  grace  of  God,  we  will  see 

*  Moreri  ;  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 
t  Then  only  two  years  old. 


■142  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

the  end  of  this  war.  The  Count  Antolne  would  have  the 
duchy,  but  it  is  well  defended.  We  will  not  cease  to 
make  war  with  him,  and  in  a  short  time  your  husband 
will  be  released."  At  these  words  the  good  Duchess 
was  a  little  consoled.  She  commanded,  by  the  advice 
of  her  council,  a  general  levy  in  Lorraine  and  Barrois. 
In  a  few  days  a  numerous  army  was  assembled,  well 
furnished,  and  to  these  were  added  tlie  remnant  of  the 
army  which  had  escaped  from  Bulgneville  ;  and  these 
were  conducted  by  the  valiant  knights  before  Vezelise, 
having  repulsed  the  attacks  of  tlie  Count  de  Vaude- 
mont.  On  the  sixth  day  of  the  siege  this  unfortunate 
town  was  taken  and  sacked  to  the  utmost.  They  also 
took  the  fortress  of  TouUo,  and  guarded  Nanci  from 
a  coujp-de-mam.  Deputies  were  sent  to  most  of 
the  towns  to  exhort  the  people  to  maintain  their 
fidelity  to  Rene,  and  to  refuse  obedience  to  any 
orders  which  midit  emanate  from  the  Count  de 
Vaudemont. 

To  this  prince,  their  kinsman  yet  their  most  bitter 
enemy,  the  unhappy  Isabella  and  her  mother  even 
ventured  to  address  themselves  in  person.  They  ob- 
tained an  interview  with  liim  at  Vezelise,  when  with  all 
the  pathos  and  energy  inspired  by  misfortune,  they 
represented  to  him  the  evils  attendant  on  a  civil  war 
in  Lorraine,  and  so  affecting  were  their  supplications 
that  they  obtained  from  the  Count  a  truce  for  three 
months,  from  the  1st  of  August  to  the  1st  of  November, 
and  which  afterwards  was  prolonged  to  the  25th  of 
January  following.* 

While  Isabella  was  thus  engaged  in  courageously 
defending  her  rights  to  her  paternal  inheritance  and 
preserving  her  duchy  from  invasion  and  civil  war, 
Rene,  from  the  solitude  of  his  prison,  was  vainly  ad- 
dressing to  Duke  Philip  numerous  messages.      This 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  143 

prince,  however,  at  a  distance  from  his  capital,  refused 
to  listen  to  any  treaty  respecting  the  freedom  of  his 
illustrious  captive.  Hard  and  austere  as  the  Duke 
must  then  have  appeared  towards  his  prisoner,  yet 
Philip  of  Burgundy  was  not  insensible  to  feelings  of 
compassion,  or  unable  to  appreciate  merit.  When  he 
came,  some  time  after,  to  Dijon,  to  preside  at  the 
Chapter  of  the  Order  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  and  to 
bestow  the  collars  of  this  Order  on  his  victorious 
generals,  Vergy,  Toulongeon  and  others,  who  had  been 
triumphant  at  the  battle  of  Bulgneville,  he  remem- 
bered Duke  Rene,  and  when  passing  the  Tour  de 
Bar,  he  stopped,  and  commanding  the  guards  to 
admit  him,  he  then  hastily  entered  the  prison,  and 
evinced  his  great  sympathy  towards  his  captive  whom 
he  subsequently  often  revisited,  showing  great  satis- 
faction in  his  society. 

The  Council  of  Lorraine  regarded  with  the  deepest 
sympathy  their  Duchess,  in  her  afflicted  and  desolate 
condition,  being  left  with  four  young  children — two 
boys  and  two  girls — described  as  the  most  beautiful 
ever  seen. 

The  intercessions  of  the  unfortunate  Isabella  with 
her  hostile  kinsman,  the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  although 
somewhat  availing  for  her  country,  were  altogether 
useless  in  procuring  the  liberation  of  her  husband. 
Ken6  had  become  the  prisoner  of  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, who  consigned  him  to  a  tedious  incarceration 
in  his  own  dominions.  The  first  days  of  Rene's  cap- 
tivity passed  in  the  fortress  "  de  Talent ;  "  these  were 
days  of  sorrow ;  but  he  expected  to  be  transferred  to 
Dijon,  and  hoped  for  the  change,  as  promising  him  a 
less  rigorous  confinement.  Orders  were,  however, 
received  by  the  ]\Iarshal  de  Toulongeon  to  convey  his 
illustrious  prisoner  to  Bracon-sur-Salins.  At  this 
place  the  governor  of  the  castle,  Antoine  de  Bracon 


144  M-VEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

surnamed  Simard,  "was  entrusted  ^vitli  tlie  care  of 
Ren6 ;  and  the  dungeon  being  in  a  ruinous  condition, 
tliis  prince  was  placed,  for  a  time,  in  the  Sauhierie  or 
Salt-mine.  At  the  expiration  of  four  months,  a  con- 
tagion breaking  out  near  this  spot,  Rene  was,  by- 
orders  of  the  Council  of  Burgundy,  conducted  to  Dijon. 
The  Council  was,  indeed,  too  much  interested  in  the 
preservation  of  the  life  of  Ren^  to  risk  it  by  such  a 
distemper,  but  its  members  were  also  influenced  by 
other  motives  in  the  removal  of  their  captive. 

Several  attempts  had  been  made  to  rescue  this 
prince,  and  another  being  discovered  in  November  of 
this  year,  1431,  it  caused  so  much  alarm  to  the 
Bishop  of  Langres,  and  to  the  Council  of  Burgundy 
over  whom  he  presided,  as  to  occasion  them  to  write, 
during  the  night,  to  the  bailiff  of  Chalons,  to  whom,  at 
that  time,  was  entrusted  the  chief  surveillance  of  their 
prisoners.  This  new  enterprise  was  undertaken  by 
Robert  de  Baudricourt,  who  assembled  in  the  little 
town  of  Gondricourt  a  body  of  soldiers  devoted  to  the 
Duke  of  Lon-aine,  and  equally  resolved  with  their 
leader  to  procure  his  freedom,  even  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives.  The  dispositions  had  been  made  with  the 
greatest  secrecy ;  and  a  German  taken  prisoner  at 
Bulgneville,  who  had  been  just  set  free,  contrived  to 
acquaint  Ren/',  while  he  was  being  conveyed  from  the 
Salt-mine  to  the  chateau  de  Bracon,  of  the  plan  con- 
certed for  his  deliverance  :  but  the  Duke's  removal  to 
the  chateau  de  Rochefort,  near  the  town  of  Dole, 
completely  defeated  this  project. 

In  this  new  abode  Rene  was  only  permitted  a  few 
days  of  repose,  when  he  was  conducted  to  Dijon,  and 
such  severe  measures  were  there  resorted  to  for 
liis  security,  that  he  became  convinced  he  must  re- 
nounce every  hope  of  escape.  Tlie  most  delicate 
attentions  were,  notwithstanding,  paid  to  him,  in  order 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  145 

to  make  liis  captivity  less  painful.  The  melanclioly 
situation  of  tlie  youthful  prisoner  was  also  mitigated 
by  the  presence  of  the  Bishop  of  Metz,  of  Erard  de 
Chatelet,  of  the  brave  Rodemark,  of  the  faithful 
Vitallis  and  others,  who  had  all  been  taken  prisoners, 
like  himself,  by  the  Burgundians.  Rene  was  incapable 
of  selfishness,  and  he  hastened  to  guarantee  a  part  of 
the  ransom  required  of  his  companions  in  misfortune, 
and  having  thus  assisted  in  procuring  their  return  to 
Lorraine,  he  remained  himself  a  solitary  captive  in  the 
Tour  de  Bar,  at  Dijon,  which  ever  after  retained  this 
name  from  its  illustrious  inmate.* 

One  of  the  first  cares  of  Rene,  after  the  battle  of 
Bulgneville,  was  to  found,  at  the  chapter-house  of 
Notre  Dame  de  Yancouleurs,  a  perpetual  mass  for  the 
soul  of  Barbazan  his  general,  and  for  all  those  who 
had  been  slain  in  that  engagement.  Not  confining 
himself  to  this  act  of  piety,  this  religious  prince,  shortly 
after  his  arrival  at  Dijon,  had  a  chapel  erected  on  the 
right  of  the  choir  of  the  palace  church,  under  the  in- 
vocation of  Notre  Dame  and  his  patron  St.  Rene. 
Amidst  these  sacred  occupations  and  duties,  how  many 
sorrowful  thoughts  and  protracted  regrets  must  have 
assailed  him  !  In  the  solitude  of  his  prison,  Rene  found 
leisure  to  reflect  on  the  early  disappointment  of  all  his 
prospects  of  glory  and  of  happiness.  A  single  battle 
had  deprived  him  of  the  flower  of  his  army,  of  liberty, 
and,  perhaps,  even  of  his  states  ;  had  separated  him 
from  all  he  held  dear,  and  had  banished  for  ever  his 
projects  for  the  welfare  of  Lorraine.  He  felt  but  too 
sensibly — from  the  excessive  precautions  taken  for  the 
security  of  his  person — the  great  importance  which 
Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  attached  to  his  prisoner, 
and  he  contemplated  the  calamitous  influence  which 
his   imprisonment  would   have    over   his   future   life. 

*  Tilleneuve  Bargemont. 


1-16  ALiEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Thus  lie  gTadiially  fell  into  a  sombre  nielaiicliol y,  whicli 
was  much  augmented  by  the  recollection  of  his  wife 
and  four  helpless  children ;  and  although  treated  with 
all  the  regard  due  to  his  misfortunes,  rank,  and  per- 
sonal merits,  a  deep  grief  took  possession  of  his  heart. 
Nothing  seemed  to  alleviate  his  sorrow,  and  even  the 
very  distractions  offered  him  became  importunate.  The 
most  absolute  solitude  could  alone  soothe  him. 

It  was  at  this  mournful  epoch  of  his  life  that  Rene, 
in  order  to  escape  from  the  ennui  which  consumed 
him  and  from  his  melancholy  reflections,  had  recourse 
to  the  fine  arts,  which  he  had  constantly  cultivated.  He 
appHed  himself  with  great  assiduity  to  the  study  of 
painting,  music,  and  poetry,  and  these,  which  had 
already  delighted  him  in  his  youth,  proved  his  conso- 
lation under  misfortune,  and  afterwards  became  the 
solace  of  his  old  age.  The  first  fruits  of  his  talents  for 
painting  Rene  consecrated  with  affecting  piety  to  the 
decoration  of  his  newly  constructed  chapel  in  the 
palace  church,  in  which  he  placed  the  arms  of  Bar. 
In  the  same  manner,  that  which  he  had  ordained  the 
foundation  of,  in  the  church  of  the  Carthusian  friars  of 
Dijon,  was  ornamented  by  his  own  hand.  He  after- 
■wards  painted  his  own  portrait  on  a  window  of  the 
Duke's  chapel.  Two  years  later  there  were  placed 
there  the  emblazoned  arms  of  nineteen  knights  of  the 
Toison  d'or,  who  had  been  present  at  the  Chapter  held 
in  1433.  Thus  the  portrait  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
was  found  surrounded  by  the  escutcheons  of  the  greater 
])art  of  the  generals  who  had  borne  arms  against  him 
at  Bulgneville. 

Nor  was  it  only  in  the  company  of  the  muses  that 
Rene  solaced  his  captivity  :  he  employed  himself  in 
more  serious  studies,  and  if  his  genius  was  aroused,  his 
judgment  also  ])ecame  matured  amidst  the  reflections 
which  his  solitude  awakened.     He  learnt  the  value  of 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  147 

tlie  study  of  history,  which  forestalls  the  lessons  of  ex- 
perience, and  he  engaged  earnestly  in  the  difficult 
science  of  administration,  and  in  the  art  of  war  in 
which  he  had  already  received  so  severe  a  lesson ;  in 
short,  he  learnt  how  to  profit  in  the  school  of  adversity. 
The  rich  library  of  Philip  was  situated  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  the  prison  of  Rene,  and  it  may  be  presumed 
that  this  illustrious  captive  was  permitted  to  explore  its 
literary  treasures,  and  that  this  fortunate  resource 
proved  conducive  to  his  resignation,  while  it  also 
prompted  him  to  the  useful  occupation  of  that  time 
which  he  had  so  much  at  his  own  disposal.* 

The  Duchess  Isabella,  meanwhile,  with  her  mother, 
Margaret  of  Bavaria,  continued  indefatigable  in  their 
endeavours  to  obtain  the  release  of  Rene.  When  they 
found  their  hopes  of  carrying  him  off  were  disappointed 
by  his  removal  to  Dijon,  they  applied  themselves  to 
their  relative,  the  Emperor  Sigismond,  and  also  des- 
patched an  embassy  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  to 
demand  the  liberation  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  at  what- 
ever price.  Erard  de  Chatelet  (liimself  but  just  ran- 
somed out  of  the  hands  of  the  Sire  de  Vergy),  was 
employed  by  the  two  princesses  in  this  embassy  ;  and, 
as  they  neglected  nothing  to  secure  the  success  of 
their  attempt,  they  previously  concluded  with  the  Seig- 
neur de  Vergy  (who,  at  this  time,  had  great  power  at 
the  court  of  Philip)  a  treaty,  the  articles  of  which  had 
been  drawn  up  by  the  Council  of  Dijon. 

The  success  of  Erard  de  Chatelet' s  embassy  was 
unfortunately  annulled  by  one  of  those  rare  fatalities 
wdiich  occasionally  set  aside  the  wisest  combinations 
and  arrangements  of  human  foresight.  The  benevolent 
protection  of  Sigismond,  which  had  been  exerted  in 
faveur  of  Rene  from  the  very  origin  of  the  pretensions 
of  the  Count  de  Yaudemont,  now  rendered  null  this 

*  Moreri ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

L  2 


148  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

embassy.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  having  learnt  that 
the  Emperor  had  recognized  his  prisoner  as  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  haughtily  opposed  the  right  he  arrogated  to 
himself,  and  protested  that  he  alone  had  the  power  of 
disposmg  of  the  fate  of  Rene.* 

This  reply,  so  discouraging  to  the  two  princesses, 
caused  Margaret  of  Bavaria  to  endeavour  to  procure, 
by  a  personal  application,  the  mediation  of  King 
Charles  VII.  She  set  out  accompanied  by  Henri  de 
Yille,  Bishop  of  Toul,  and  Conrad  Bayer,  Bishop  of 
Metz.  At  Lyons  she  found  the  Count  of  Genoa,  the 
brother-in-law  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  his  father, 
the  Duke  of  Savoy,  whom  she  sought  to  interest  in  the 
release  of  Rene.  She  then  proceeded  to  rejoin  the 
King  of  France,  who  was  at  that  time  traversing  a  part 
of  Daupliine. 

Isabella  of  Lorraine  also  presented  herself  before 
Khig  Charles,  being  unable  to  restrain  her  impatience 
to  learn  his  resolves.  Several  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
her  court  attended  Isabella  on  this  journey,  and  to  this 
visit  has  been  attributed  the  origin  of  the  passion  of 
King  Charles  for  the  fair  and  amiable  Agnes  Sorel, 
who  accompanied  her  benefactress  on  this  occasion. 
The  beautil'ul  Agnes,  placed  in  the  flower  of  her  age 
near  the  person  of  Isabella  of  Lorraine,  had  received 
in  her  palace  and  under  her  eye  the  most  finished 
education,  and  the  example  of  every  virtue ;  but  the 
attractions  of  her  mind  and  person  became  the  unfor- 
tunate snare  which  led  to  a  brilliant  celebrity,  and  the 
"  Damoiselle  de  Fromenteau,"  deceived  by  bad  coun- 
sels, had  the  weakness  to  sacrifice  her  reputation  to 
the  dangerous  pride  of  passing  for  the  mistress  of  her 
king.  It  was  her  gaiety,  pleasing  manners,  and  agree- 
able conversation  which  fascinated  this  monarch  as 
much  as  her  beauty.     Of  this  last  it  was  said,  that  it 

•  YiUeneuvc  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  149 

•exceeded  tlie  beauty  of  any  otlier  woman  in  France, 
^nd  slie  was  distinguished  as  "  la  belle  des  belles." 
When  she  had  attained  the  rank  of  declared  favourite, 
Agnes  made  use  of  the  influence  which  the  superiorit}^ 
of  her  character  had  given  her,  to  awaken  noble  senti- 
ments in  the  breast  of  King  Charles  who  was  naturally 
inclined  to  indolence.*  She  was  charitable  to  the  poor, 
and  liberal  in  her  donations  for  the  repair  of  churches 
and  the  relief  of  distress.  It  was  at  this  time,  when 
Queen  Isabella,  full  of  anxiety  and  deep  interest  in  the 
result  of  her  mission,  came  to  plead  on  behalf  of  her 
beloved  husband,  that  she  sought  to  avail  herself  of  the 
ascendency  which  the  beauty,  elegant  figure,  and  intel- 
lectual conversation  of  Agnes  Sorel  were  obtaining 
over  the  King.  Isabella  engaged  the  fair  Agnes  to 
espouse  her  cause,  and  to  use  her  influence  with 
Charles  A^II.  to  obtain  his  assistance  in  procuring  the 
release  of  her  husband.  It  must  be  observed  here, 
that  it  was  not  only  the  King  who  was  pleased  with 
the  merits  of  the  fair  Agnes,  but  his  Queen  also ;  and 
Mary  of  Anjou,  little  fearing  for  her  own  future  happi- 
ness, at  this  period  entreated  that  Isabella  of  Lorraine 
would  permit  her  favourite  to  enter  her  service.  But 
the  beauty  of  the  amiable  Mary  had  not  yet  fixed  the 
heart  of  her  husband,  and  the  time  soon  arrived,  when, 
detahied  at  Loches  by  a  royal  order,  her  days  were 
l^assed  in  sadness ;  and  amidst  the  joyful  exultation  of 
the  triumph  of  King  Charles,  the  tears  of  his  consort 
flowed  in  her  cheerless  retreat,  not  far  from  the  castle 
of  Agnes  Sorel.  When  King  Charles  visited  Anjou, 
the  most  brilliant  fetes  were  given  for  this  lady,  at 
Saumur,  whilst  the  English  ravaged  the  country  and 
carried  mourning  and  desolation  throughout  the  pro- 
vinces of  Maine  and  Anjou. f 

*  Villenenve  Bargemont  -,  Hallam  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Chalon. 
f  Bodin  ;  Monstrelet. 


150  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

A  short  time  previous  to  the  arrival  of  tlie  Duchess 
of  Lorraine  at  the  court  of  France,  Rene,  who  probably 
was  ignorant  of  this  step,  had  sent  instructions  in  full  to 
his  Seneschal,  Charles  of  Haussonville,  and  others,  to 
appear  in  his  name  in  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  wlio  was  then  in  Flanders,  to  sustain  his 
interests  ao-ainst  the  Count  de  Vaudemont.  In  the 
interval,  however,  Philip  had  left  Lille,  and  after  tra- 
versing some  of  his  provinces,  came  to  Dijon  on  the 
IGtli  of  February,  1432,  with  his  nephews,  the  Counts 
of  Retliel  and  Nevers.* 

We  are  told  that  upon  entering  this  city,  so  great 
was  the  impatience  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  behold 
Rene,  that,  without  taking  any  repose,  he  proceeded 
immediately  to  the  Tour  de  Bar.  Thus  it  was  that 
in  the  narrow  compass  of  a  prison,  these  two  princes, 
both  descendants  of  King  John,  for  the  first  time  be- 
held each  other;  the  one  being  at  the  height  of  his 
power,  called  the  "  Great  Duke  of  the  West "  and 
the  "equal  of  kings,"  and  the  other  appearing  in  the 
lowest  depth  of  misfortune,  as  his  captive.  These 
l)rinces  were  only  disunited  by  the  dissensions  of  their 
families,  while  their  brilliant  tastes  and  excellent 
quahties  were  such  as  to  ensure  their  mutual  esteem. 

They  both  experienced  much  gratification  at  this 
meeting,  and  Philip  especially  embraced  Rene  tenderly. 
He  dismissed  all  their  attendants,  and  enjoyed  a  long 
and  affectionate  interview  with  his  prisoner. 

When  about  to  separate,  Rene  agreeably  surprised 
the  Duke,  his  cousin,  Ijy  presenting  Inm  with  his  own 
portrait,  which  he  had  copied  on  glass,  and  also  that 
of  Jolin  "  Sans  Peur,"  whose  features  he  had  rendered 
witli  fidelity.  These  proofs  of  the  talent  of  Ren6  were, 
by  tlie  orders  of  Pliilip,  placed  in  one  of  the  Gothic 
windows  of  the  church  of  the  Carthusian  friars  founded 

*  Villeiicuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  151 

by  liis  ancestor,  Philip  "  le  Hardi;"  and  for  a  long 
time  tliey  were  objects  of  great  interest  to  travellers, 
tliougli  now  lost  to  France. 

Tlie  Duke  of  Burgundy's  visit  to  Dijon  had  no  rela- 
tion to  Rene,  although  he  was  so  eager  to  behold  him. 
The  design  of  the  Duke  in  this  journey  was  to  preside, 
with  the  utmost  pomp  which  was  customary  in  those 
days,  over  a  Chapter  of  the  Order  of  the  Golden 
Fleece  instituted  in  January,  1430,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  second  marriage  of  Philip.  It  is  probable  that 
Isabella  of  Portugal  was  there  with  her  husband,  and 
also  that  Rene  sought  permission  to  assist  in  a  cere- 
mony so  analogous  to  his  tastes.  Philip  saw  his  prisoner 
several  times,  he  frequently  invited  him  to  his  banquets, 
and  as  he  became  more  and  more  acquainted  with  the 
amiable  disposition  of  Rene  and  the  gentleness  and 
grace  of  his  manners,  he  felt  all  the  early  prejudices, 
Avhich  had  been  instilled  into  him  against  this  prince, 
vanish  away.*  Nor  did  he  confine  himself  to  these 
outward  marks  of  interest.  He  appointed,  on  the  1st 
of  April,  the  meetings  for  the  consideration  of  the  con-  1432. 
ditions  which  should  be  exacted  for  his  release,  and  to  Bargemint; 
fix  the  epoch  of  his  liberation.  It  would  even  appear  Moustreiet. 
that  from  the  1st  of  March,  1432,  Rene  regarded 
himself  as  free.|  In  the  first  session  the  Chancellor  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  read  through  the  articles  of  this 
provisionary  treaty,  and  at  the  second  meeting  they 
were  accepted.  "  Rene  therein  makes  mention  at 
length  of  the  obligations  under  which  he  was  to  the 
affectionate  pra3^ers  of  his  mother-in-law  and  of  the 
princes  of  the  blood  ;  he  acknowledges  the  kindness 
and  courtesy  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  ;  submits,  as  a 
guarantee  of  his  word,  to  give  as  hostages  his  two 
young  sons,  John  and  Louis  of  Anjou ;  he  moreover 


*  Villeneuve  Bcirgemout. 

f  Heures  Manuscrites  du  roi  Eeiie. 


152  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

concedes  to  the  Duke  Philip  the  castles  of  Clermont  in 
Arg-onne,  Chatillon,  Bonnnont,  and  Charmes  ;  and  con- 
sents to  pay  the  Burgundian  troops  that  Avere  to  form 
their  garrisons."  For  greater  security,  on  the  16th  of 
the  same  month,  thirty  gentlemen  of  Lorraine,  who 
were  devoted  to  their  Duke  and  the  greater  part  of 
whom  had  been  present  at  BulgneviUe,  undertook, 
upon  oath,  that  "  that  prince  should  return  within  the 
Tour  de  Bar  on  the  1st  of  ^Tay,  1-133,"  but  if  he 
tailed,  they  were  to  surrender  themselves  prisoners  at 
Dijon  one  month  after  the  expiration  of  the  term 
assigned.  Besides  these  clauses  of  the  treaty,  there 
was  a  pecuniary  ransom  not  yet  stipulated,  and  upon 
which  were  exacted  in  advance,  20,000  saluts  d'or,  as 
well  as  18,000  florins  claimed  by  the  ^larshal  de  Toulon- 
geon  as  the  ransom  of  the  Sire  de  Rodemach.  Rene 
subscribed  without  hesitation  to  all  these  conditions,  in 
order  to  get  free,  and  that  he  might  return  to  Lorraine, 
once  more  preside  over  the  government  of  his  states, 
and  by  his  presence  aiford  some  remedy  for  the  accu- 
mulated evils  which  overwhelmed  his  people.  There 
was  yet,  however,  one  condition  more  added  to  these 
numerous  exactions,  and  this  was  still  more  painfully 
extorted  from  him. 

The  im})erious  Count  de  Vaudemont  had  again  taken 
up  arms,  and  at  the  head  of  7,000  men  threatened  to 
possess  himself  by  force  of  the  duchy  with  which  they 
refused  to  invest  him.  When  he  heard  of  the  negotia- 
tions entered  into  at  Dijon  he  again  proclaimed  his 
right.s,  and  took  active  measures  with  the  approval 
of  riiilip,  only  consenting  to  remain  at  peace  in  ex- 
pectation of  a  final  decision,  conditionally,  that  Rene 
should  bestow  the  hand  of  his  eldest  daughter  Yolande 
upon  his  own  son,  Ferri  of  Lorraine 

At  lirst  Rene  rejected  this  demand,  and  his  repug- 
nance was  only  too  just ;  but  motives  of  general  policy 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  153 

prevailed,  and  lie  submitted  tliis  point  to  liis  council. 
It  was  afterwards  referred  by  Rene  and  Antoine  to  the 
arbitration  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  determine 
the  conditions  of  this  marriage,  and  it  was  finally 
settled  that  Yolande  should  receive  18,000  florins  of 
the  Rhine  as  her  dower,  the  half  of  which  sum  should 
be  appropriated  to  the  purchase  of  a  domain  for  the 
betrothed.  It  was  agreed  that  the  parties  should  be 
affianced  on  the  24th  of  June  of  the  same  year,  and  that 
afterwards  the  princess  Yolande  should  be  conducted  to 
Neufchatel,  and  confided  to  the  care  of  Count  Antoine 
de  Vaudemont  until  the  day  of  the  marriage.  This 
treaty  was  signed  by  the  two  princes  who  were  recon- 
ciled to  each  other,  and  all  the  articles  were  duly 
observed,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  people. 

In  a  letter  addressed  about  this  time  by  Rene  to  the 
Regency  of  Lorraine,  in  which  he  required  them  to  send 
his  two  sons  to  him,  w^e  find  stated  the  considerations 
which  induced  him  to  submit  himself  to  these  rigorous 
exactions.  "  The  misfortunes  and  divisions  caused  in 
my  states  by  my  detention,  make  it  a  law  for  me,"  says 
he,  "  to  employ  as  soon  as  possible  all  the  means  in  my 
powder  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  them." 

The  return  of  Rene  was  indeed  imperatively  de- 
manded by  the  grief  of  his  beloved  wife  and  mother, 
as  well  as  by  the  miserable  condition  of  Lorraine.  John 
of  Fenestranges,  Grand  Marshal  of  Lorraine,  Gerard  of 
Haraucourt,  Seneschal,  James  of  Haraucourt,  Bailiff  of 
Nanci,  Philip  of  Lenoncourt,  and  others,  conducted 
John  and  Louis  of  Anjou  to  Langres  and  thence 
to  Dijon,  wdiere  they  arrived  on  the  28th  of  April, 
previous  to  their  father's  liberation.  Rene  finally 
left  his  prison  on  the  1st  of  May,  1432,*  and  about  i^^^- 
the  same  period   Yolande,  his    eldest  daughter,    was 

*  Moreri  ;  Monfaiicon  ;  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Sismondi  ;  IMonstrelet ; 
Mezerai  ;  Baudier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont  ;  Godard  Faiiltrier. 


U4 


M.-\.EGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 


separated  from  her  mother,  and  departed  to  the 
Coimtess  de  Vaudemont.* 

It  M'as  at  this  time  that  Rene  entered  into  a  treaty 
with  two  princes,  with  whom  he  had  been  for  some 
time  at  war.  These  were  two  brothers,  the  Counts  of 
St.  Pol  and  of  Ligny  ;  the  Letter  had  conquered  Guise, 
a  city  which  liad  formed  part  of  the  inlieritance  of  the 
Duke  of  Bar,  and  which  Rene  had  ceded  to  his  mother, 
Queen  YoLande,  in  1424,  when  her  guardianship  ended. 
For  the  security  of  this  place  Rene  freely  gave  up  the 
Castle  of  Bohein,  in  the  presence  of  many  of  his 
nobility,  by  his  orders  assembled.  Upon  this  occasion 
the  proposals  were  made  for  the  marriage  of  Margaret, 
Rene's  younger  daughter,  with  the  Count  of  St.  Pol's 
second  son,  Peter  of  Luxembourg ;  |  but  this  was  de- 
ferred until  another  meeting.  | 

]\Iargaret  of  Anjou,  the  fourth  child  of  Rene  and 
Isabella,  was  at  this  period  scarcely  three  years  of 
ago,  and  just  commencing  her  education,  at  Nanci, 
under  the  eye  of  her  illustrious  mother.  By  this  tender 
parent  she  was  carefully  instructed,  and  gave  early 
promise  of  tlie  talents  and  beauty  which  afterwards  so 
nmch  distinguislied  her. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  in  1433,  held  the  feast 
of  the  Golden  Fleece,  at  Dijon ;  and  shortly  after, 
being  invited  by  Ame,  eighth  Duke  of  Savoy,  to  be 
present  at  the  marriage  of  his  son,  the  Count  of  Genoa, 
about  to  be  united  to  the  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Cyprus,  at  Chambery,  the  Duke  repaired  thither  with 
an  escort  of  two  hundred  knights  and  esquires.  Reno 
of  Anjou  was  also  there.  He  was  received  with  the 
greatest  respect  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  and  was  placed 
at  the  mqitial  banquet  next  the  bride.     There  were 

•  Villeneuvo  Bargcmont ;  Biographie  UniverscUc  ;  Monstrelct. 
t  The  equerry  of  the  Count,  of  St.  Pol  had  taken  ReniS  prisoner. 
X  Monstrclet ;  Villoueuve  Bargemont. 


LIAP^GAEET   OF   ANJOU.  155. 

also  present,  tlie  uncle  of  tlie  bride,  the  Cardinal  of 
Cyprus,  the  Count  of  Nevers,  and  the  heir  of  Cleves. 
On  the  da}^  of  the  arrival  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
the  wedding  took  place,  and  it  was  followed  by  a 
plentiful  feast,  and  a  succession  of  diversions.  At  this 
court  was  seen  a  luxury  quite  regal,  and  the  most 
exquisite  politeness. 

It  was  here  that  Rene  beheld  for  the  first  and  last 
time,  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
who,  at  this  time,  was  preparing  to  rejoin  her  husband, 
Louis  III.,  Duke  of  Anjou.  This  princess,  resplendent 
in  beauty,  youth,  and  grace,  was  tlie  ornament  of  the 
wedding  feast. 

After  these  fetes,  Margaret  of  Savoy  immediately 
set  out  for  Italy,  with  a  numerous  suite.  Philip  and 
Ame  also  departed;  they  only  separated  at  Chalons, 
where,  by  an  act  of  the  26th  of  February,  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  completed  his  marks  of  generosity  towards 
his  prisoner,  by  prolonging  the  period  of  his  freedom, 
and  allowing  his  two  sons  to  go  and  meet  him  at 
Nanci.* 

It  was  in  the  interval  of  this  journey  to  the  Court  of 
Savoy  that  Charles  VII.,  his  Queen  Mary,  Charles  of 
Anjou,  and  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  not  satisfied  with 
the  treaty  of  Brussels,  had  made  overtures  to  the 
Regency  of  Lorraine,  to  act  directly,  and  even  without 
the  authority  of  Rene,  with  the  Emperor  Sigismond. 
This  monarch  appeared  in  fact  to  be  the  only  arbiter 
whose  right  of  decision  regarding  the  sovereignty  of 
Lorraine  could  not  be  disputed.  The  Bishops  of  Metz 
and  Verdun  undertook  earnestly  to  commence  this 
delicate  negotiation,  and  supported  by  the  French 
ambassadors,  they  had  all  the  success  they  could 
anticipate ;  consequently,  Rene  and  the  Count  de 
Vaudemont    were    summoned    to   Basle,    where   the 

*  Monstrelet  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


156  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Emperor  was  staying,  in  order  that  in  liis  presence 
tliey  slionkl  maintain  tlieir  respective  pretensions. 
One  tiling,  however,  had  not  been  considered,  viz., 
that  Eene,  wlio  was  only  free  on  liis  parole,  could  not 
absent  himself  without  the  consent  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  and  that  it  became  necessary  to  inform  this 
prince  of  all  that  passed.  The  Duke  was  hurt  that 
Rene  should  have  thus  acted  without  his  knowledge, 
and  at  a  moment  when  he  was  himself  showing  so 
much  generosity  towards  his  captive.  At  first,  he 
haughtily  refused  to  permit  Rene  to  depart  from 
Nanci ;  but,  on  reflection,  he  consented ;  requiring, 
however,  tliat  in  their  father's  absence,  his  two  sons, 
John  and  Louis  of  Anjou,  should  be  conducted  to  the 
Tour  de  Bar.  This  order  was  immediately  executed, 
and  Rene  quitted  Lorraine,  followed  by  some  gentle- 
men, who  all  arrived  at  Basle  at  the  same  time  as  the 
Count  de  Vaudemont,  on  the  23rd  of  April,  1434.* 

The  relationship  of  the  Emperor  Sigismond  to 
Rene,t  as  much  as  the  apparent  justice  of  his  cause, 
inclined  him  to  favour  his  young  relative.  Thus,  in 
his  reception  of  the  two  illustrious  competitors  with  the 
greatest  marks  of  regard,  he  yet  could  not  help  exhi- 
biting peculiar  goodwill  towards  Rene.  His  court  and 
Council  participated  in  this  feeling,  which  became  so 
manifested,  that  it  could  not  escape  the  observation  of 
the  Count  de  Vaudemont.  This  prince  fearing,  and 
not  without  reason,  that  this  prejudice  would  influence 
the  decision  of  the  tribunal  of  the  empire,  caused  an 
act  to  be  committed  to  paper,  in  Lathi,  declaring  his 
opposition  to  any  judgment  unless  the  title  produced 
by  his  rival  should  be  first  communicated  to  him ;  and 
so  anxious  was  he  that  this  writinc:  should  be  delivered 
safely  into   tlic  hands  of  Sigismond,  that  he  accom- 

•  Biographic  Universelle  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  A'illcneuvc  Bargcmont. 
t  lie  was  the  son  of  a  sister  of  Louis  I.  of  Anjou. 


MAEGAEET   OP  ANJOU.  157 

panied  the  lawyers  and  advocates  who  were  to  .present 
it.  He  entered  with  them  into  the  cabinet  of  this 
monarch,  and  after  it  had  been  read,  began  to  discuss 
it  himself ;  bnt  he  was  inteiTupted  by  Sigismond 
immediately,  who  told  him  he  perfectly  understood  his 
reasons,  and  that  he  would  confer  with  his  Council 
about  the  matter.  This  abrupt  manifestation  of  the 
Emperor's  will  did  not  prevent  one  of  the  Count's 
advocates  beginning  a  long  harangue,  in  which,  going- 
back  to  the  origin  of  Lorraine,  he  sought  to  prove  that 
the  duchy  being  a  fief  male,  was  not  transferable  by 
marriage ;  and  in  support  of  his  arguments,  he  brought 
so  many  quotations  foreign  to  the  case,  that  the 
Emperor  at  last  offended,  withdrew,  leaving  the  Bishop 
of  Passaw,  the  Count  of  (Etingen,  and  Chicala,  his 
Aulic  Counsellor,  to  listen  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
discourse.* 

The  next  day,  the  24th  of  April,  the  Duke,  with  his 
principal  officers,  went  in  state  to  the  cathedral  of  Notre 
Dame  at  Basle,  where  a  mass  of  people  awaited  his 
arrival,  expecting  that  the  investiture  of  Lorraine  must 
be  irrevocably  fixed.  Each  person  was  seated  according 
to  his  rank.  When  Sigismond  was  about  to  ascend 
the  magnificent  throne  wdiich  had  been  prepared  for 
him  in  the  choir,  the  Count  de  Vaudemont  advanced 
to  him,  and  solicited  and  obtained  from  him  permission 
to  plead  his  cause  in  public.  His  advocate  then  com- 
menced his  harangue,  which,  as  he  entered  into  minute 
details  and  repeated  facts  already  well  known,  was  of 
great  length ;  but  he  was,  notwithstanding,  heard  in 
profound  silence.  He  had  scarcely  finished  when  the 
Emperor  made  a  sign  to  his  Aulic  Counsellor  to  pro- 
nounce judgment.  Chicala  then,  with  a  loud  voice, 
said,  "  that  the  Emperor  being  well  instructed  on  this 
important  proceeding,  and  of  the  respective  titles  of 

*  Villeneuve  Baxgemont. 


loS  M^aiGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

tlie  august  prctendants,  and  liaving  reflected  on  it 
maturely,  as  well  as  the  princes  and  lords  who  com- 
posed his  Council,  gave,  by  provision  or  grant,  the 
Duchy  of  Lorraine  to  Rene  of  Anjou  ;  yet  without 
prejudice  to  the  future  rights  of  the  Count  de  Vaude- 
mont." 

Sigismond  then  motioned  to  the  young  prince  to 
draw  near,  received  his  oath  of  fidelity,  and  recognised 
him  as  'Duke  of  Lorraine,  according  to  all  the  formula 
in  use  from  time  immemorial.  This  prompt  and  un- 
looked-for decision  much  disconcerted  the  Count  de 
Vaudemont,  who  instantly  quitted  the  assembly, 
earnestly  protesting  against  the  validity  of  this  judg- 
ment, and  with  his  mind  intent  on  disturbing  anew  the 
tranquillity  of  his  fortunate  rival,  he  departed  from 
Basle.* 

Rene,  meanwhile,  full  of  joy  and  gratitude,  and 
desiring  to  profit  by  a  second  prolongation  of  his 
liberty  granted  to  him  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
dated  the  1st  of  May,  bade  adieu  to  Sigismond. 

The  universal  joy  upon  his  arrival  at  Nanci,  con- 
vinced this  prince  how  much  his  presence  was  desired 
by  the  people  of  Lorraine,  and  how  perfectly  they 
comprehended  his  attachment  to  them.  In  their  con- 
gratulations of  one  another  they  seemed  to  forget  their 
past  suiferings,  and  even  sought  to  erase  their  remem- 
brance from  the  minds  of  those  individuals  who  had 
endured  the  most.  Deeply  affected  by  these  senti- 
ments, Ivene  in  his  turn  sought  to  give  proof  of  his 
own  satisfaction,  and  ordered  preparations  to  be  made 
for  a  general  fete,  to  be  held  at  Pont-a-]\Iousson,  on 
the  1 1th  of  the  same  month.  All  the  lords  of  the 
neighbouring  States  were  invited  to  join  it,  with  a 
guarantee  that  they  should  return  to  their  houses  in 

*  Jlorcri ;  Barante  ;  Jlonfaucon  ;  Villcneuve  Bargemont ;  Eaudicr  ; 
Godard  Faultrier  ;  Mezerai :  Biographie  Universelle. 


MAEGAKET   OF   ANJOXJ.  159 

safety.  This  precaution  was  indispensable  in  tliose 
times,  when  even  the  highways  were  not  free  from 
peril. 

At  the  tournaments,  balls,  and  other  amusements 
that  succeeded,  Rene  and  Isabella  presided,  which 
afforded  general  satisfaction.  The  greatest  order  and 
harmony  prevailed,  interrupted  only  by  one  event, 
which  happened  at  the  close  of  these  diversions  and 
might  have  led  to  serious  results.* 

Robert  de  Sarrebruche,  not  having  been  invited  to 
this  fete,  probably  on  account  of  his  bad  conduct  at 
Bulgneville,!  regarded  this  neglect  as  a  deadly  affront, 
and  to  revenge  himself,  concealed  himself  with  some 
soldiers  in  a  thick  wood  through  which  the  knights  of 
Metz  would  have  to  pass,  and  taking  them  by  surprise, 
dispersed  some  and  captured  eighteen  of  them,  whom 
he  brought  to  Commercy. 

This  audacity  was  resented  by  Rene,  who  assembled 
several  noblemen  of  Lorraine  and  a  large  body  of 
troops,  and  marched  upon  Commercy,  which  the 
Damoisel  resolved  to  defend  to  the  utmost ;  but  he 
was  unable  to  repel  the  efforts  of  Rene,  and  was  only 
preserved  from  the  just  punishment  of  his  temerity  by 
the  mediation  of  the  Constable  of  Richemont,  to  whom 
Rene  was  under  some  obligations. 

These  princes  resolved  to  raise  the  siege  of  Com- 
mercy, and  decided  that  Robert  de  Sarrebruche  should 
go  to  Bar,  whither  they  were  themselves  about  to 
proceed.  At  this  place  the  Damoisel,  throwing  himself 
at  the  feet  of  Rene  and  the  Constable,  acknowledged 
his  repentance,  and  promised  upon  oath  never  again 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  on  pain 
of  forfeiture  of  a  large  sum  of  money.     After  this, 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

t  He  was  one  of  the  knights  whose  imprudent  counsel  in  favour  of  the 
attack  caused  the  defeat  of  Rene. 


160  M.VEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Robert  de  Sarrebrnchc  was  set  free,  but  soon  after- 
wards an  accidental  circumstance  rekindled  liis  anger, 
and  lie  tlireatened  Rene  haughtily.  The  Constable, 
enraged  at  this  conduct,  caused  him  to  be  arrested,  and 
compelled  him  to  subscribe  to  the  conditions  which  had 
been  exacted  from  him.  At  this  time  also,  some  other 
quarrels  with  the  neighbouring  lords  engaged  the 
attention  of  Rene.* 

It  would  appear  that  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  although 
bound  to  return  to  his  prison  at  the  expiration  of  a 
year,  viz.,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1433,  continued  to  enjoy 
his  liberty  for  two  entire  years,  without  any  desire 
being  manifested  on  the  part  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
to  terminate  it.  Had  he  not,  indeed,  felt  the  fullest 
confidence  in  the  honour  of  Rene,  he  had  his  two  sons 
for  hostages,  who  were  answerable  for  him;  in  short, 
everything  seemed  to  lead  to  the  belief  that  this  prince 
would  continue  still  to  exercise  the  same  generosity 
towards  his  prisoner. 

The  solemn  judgment,  how^ever,  pronounced  by  the 

Emperor  Sigismond,  at  Basle,  had  made  the  Count  de 

Vaudemont  more  than  ever  the  enemy  of  Rene,  and  it 

was   with   the   utmost  vexation   that   he   beheld   the 

strong  attachment  of  the  people  of  Lorraine  to  their 

Duke.      He  perceived  that  his  own  cause   would  be 

ruined,  if  his  rival  remained  at  liberty,    and   in   the 

exercise  of  the  sovereign  power ;  he  tlierefore  renewed 

his  entreaties  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,   that  his 

rights  should  be  recognised,  and  complained  that  they 

had  taken  away  from  him  a  prisoner  who  belonged  to  him 

only,  as  the  chief  of  the  victorious  army  at  Bulgneville. 

He  even  retraced,  in  a  long  memoir,  the  circumstances 

of  that  eventful  day ;  and  in  conclusion,  supplicated  the 

Duke  of  Burgundy  to  leave  him  master  of  the  fate  of 

Rene,    or,  at  least,    to   oblige   him   to   return   to  his 

*  Monstrclet  ;  Villcneuve  Bargcmont. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  16X 

prison.  These  reiterated  solicitations  at  last  prevailed 
with  Philip,  who,  finding  some  of  the  Count's  reasons 
unanswerable,  sent  one  of  his  heralds-at-arms  to  the 
gate  of  Rene's  palace,  to  enjoin  him  "  to  return  without 
delay  to  the  Tour  de  Bar,"  agreeably  to  the  act  of 
the  6th  of  April,  1432.* 

The  rejoicings  of  his  family  and  subjects  upon  the 
decision  of  the  Emperor  Sigismond  were  scarcely  over, 
when  Philip's  abrupt  command  was  received  by  Rene 
to  return  to  his  prison. 

The  severe  mandate  struck  with  dismay  the  Council 
of  Lorraine,  who,  in  unison  with  the  unhappy  Isabella, 
vainly  endeavoured  to  alter  the  mind  of  Philip,  or  to 
delay  the  accomplishment  of  the  cruel  sentence. 
Equally  useless  were  their  attempts  to  picture  to  this 
Duke  the  misfortunes  which  would  inevitably  be  re- 
newed in  their  country,  which  had  but  just  been 
spared  so  many  miseries — the  will  of  Philip  was  irre- 
vocable. 

The  people  of  Lorraine  would  have  fought  for  the 
freedom  of  Rene,  but  it  was  to  no  purpose  that  the}'' 
urged  this  noble-minded  prince  to  allow  them  to  do  so ; 
his  word  had  been  pledged,  and  he  said,  "he  preferred 
to  submit  to  the  lot  which  awaited  him,  rather  than 
endure  the  dishonour  of  breaking  his  word."  His  sense 
of  honour  prevailed  over  natural  affection.  Unappalled 
by  a  gloomy  futurity,  he  tore  himself  from  the  tender 
embraces  of  his  family,  and  while  hastening  to  obey 
this  cruel  sentence  and  resume  his  chains,  he  seemed  to 
have  adopted  the  sa}ang  attributed  to  his  great  grand- 
father, John,  King  of  France — "  Que  si  la  foi  et  la 
verite  etoient  bannies  de  tout  le  reste  du  monde, 
ndanmoins  elles  devroient  se  retrouver  dans  la  bouche 
des  rois."     Thus  did  this  prince  gain  the  esteem  even 

*  Ttlonfaucon  ;    Moreri  ;    Mezerai  ;    Biographie   Universelle  ;    Eaudier  ; 
•Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

VOL.  I.  M 


162  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

of  his  enemies.*  This  action  of  Rene  was  the  more 
noble,  because  at  this  thne  lie  was  supported  by  his 
relative,  Charles  VII.,  by  a  multitude  of  his  former 
companions  in  arms,  and  especially  by  subjects  who 
were  devoted  to  him,  and  thus  he  was  able,  had  he 
desired  it,  to  oppose  open  force  to  the  commands  of 
Philip.  This  admirable  trait  of  character  has,  how- 
ever, been  blamed  by  some  authors,  who,  unable  to^ 
appreciate  his  greatness  of  soul,  have  beheld  in  it  only 
a  deficiency  of  courage  and  weakness  of  mind,  f 

Rene  was  conveyed  again  to  his  prison  at  Dijon,  but 
a  formidable  league  having  been  formed  to  liberate 
him,  it  was  no  longer  deemed  prudent  to  let  him 
remain  in  the  Tour  de  Bar,  and  they  hastened  to 
conduct  him  to  the  chateau  de  Rochefort. 

The  lords  of  Burgundy,  hearing  that  Charles  VII. 
sought  to  get  him  removed  from  the  iovm^  came  to 
him,  and  said,  "  Sir,  you  have  dwelt  here  long  enough ;, 
you  must  come  with  us."  The  Duke  replied,  "Alas I 
where  do  you  want  to  take  me  to?"  To  which  they 
answered,  "  Never  mind,  we  will  take  you  to  a  good 
place ;  we  shall  make  good  cheer,  and  avc  will  live 
with  you."     They  then  conveyed  him  to  Bracon.:j: 

Again  we  behold  this  prince  hi  confinement  at  the 
finest  period  of  his  life,  and  separated  from  all  he  held 
most  dear  in  the  world,  and  this  also  when  he  had 
scarcely  leaint  his  power  of  doing  good;  he  had  be- 
sides, at  this  time,  lost  every  prospect  of  obtaining  his 
freedom. 

What  sources  of  reflection  must  have  been  pre- 
sented to  him  in  the  caprices  of  fortune  to  which  he 
liad  already  been  subject ;  and  who,  more  than  this 
piiiice,  had  reason  to  dwell  with  sadness  on  the  chain 
of  events  wliich   often  composes  inan's  destiny,  when,. 

*  Sismoudi ;  Biographie  Universellc. 

t  Villencuvc  Bargemont.  J  Chroniqiie  ilc  Lorraine. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  163 

amidst  the  gloom  of  Ins  prison,  a  kingdom  was  pre- 
sented to  liim  in  perspective,  yet  in  receiving  its  crown 
lie  was  destined  to  lament  the  loss  of  a  brother  he 
tenderly  loved  ! 

It  was  during  his  imprisonment  at  Bracon  that 
Rene  was  visited  by  the  Baron  of  Montelar,  a  gen- 
tleman of  Provence,  who  was  charged  to  announce  to 
him  the  death  of  his  brother,  Louis  III.,  Duke  of 
Anjou,  whose  rights  and  possessions  now  became  the 
inheritance  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  He  was  also 
informed  by  this  baron  of  the  favourable  intentions 
of  Queen  Joanna  towards  him,  and  of  the  devotion 
of  the  people  of  Provence. 

Rene  truly  mourned  the  loss  of  his  brother,  which, 
together  with  the  sad  tidings  of  another  bereavement 
quickly  succeeding,  much  augmented  the  gloom  of  his 
captivity. 

Vidal  de  Cabanis,  another  gentleman  of  Provence, 
arrived  at  Bracon  on  the   15tli  of  March,   1435;   he  ,..  i^^^- 

.     p  ,  .  r      1  1         ^  o    /-\  Villeneuve 

came  to  miorm  his  master  oi  the  death  oi  Queen  Bargemont. 
Joanna  II.  on  the  2nd  of  February,  and  of  her  adoption 
of  Rene,  and  confirmation  of  the  disposition  which  his 
brother  had  made  to  him  of  all  his  rights  to  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Jerusalem.*  After 
having  beheld  the  last  moments  of  the  Queen  of 
Naples,  the  only  offspring  of  the  House  of  Duraz- 
Anjou,  Vidal  had  set  off  in  haste  in  order  to  instruct 
Rene  in  all  the  details  which  might  interest  him,  and 
above  all  to  depict  to  him  the  affection  of  the  Nea- 
politans for  his  family — a  just  and  touching  homage 
to  the  memory  of  his  father,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the 
unhappy  Louis  HI.  This  testimony  of  devotion  on 
the  part  of  Vidal  de  Cabanis  much  affected  Rene, 
who   embraced  his   faithful    messenger  with  kindness 

*  Moreri ;  Bodin  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Gaufridi  ;  Sismondi ;  Godard  Faultrier ; 
Monstrelet ;  Biograpliie  Universelle  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont, 

M  2 


1G4  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

and  called  liiiii  liis  loyal  servant.  He  shed  tears  afresh 
for  the  loss  of  his  brother,  lamented  the  death  of  Queen 
Joanna,  and  endeavoured  to  understand  thorougldy,  by 
means  of  his  faithful  ambassador,  the  actual  condition 
of  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 

It  was  difficult  for  Rene  to  calculate  on  the  part 
which  the  Court  of  Rome  would  take  at  this  juncture 
between  Charles  VII.,  who  favoured  Rene,  and 
Alphonso  v.,  the  competitor  of  Rene.  The  Pope  him- 
self had  even  been  nourishing,  in  secret,  pretensions  to 
the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The  support  of  this  pontiff 
could  not  therefore  be  relied  upon. 

With  much  more  certainty  did  Rene  estimate  the 
friendship  of  the  Duke  of  Milan ;  he  thought  he  could 
naturally  rely  upon  his  support,  since  he  was  doubly 
allied  to  him  on  account  of  Valentine,  Duchess  of  Or- 
leans, and  Margaret  of  Savoy,  whose  eldest  sister  he 
had  married.  It  was,  nevertheless,  highly  important 
that  he  should  not  be  forestalled  in  the  good  opinion 
of  Philip  Visconti,  and  also  equally  necessary  that 
Rene  should  show  himself  in  person  in  Italy,  in  order 
not  to  give  time  for  the  zeal  of  the  Neapolitans  to 
abate.  Rene  could  now  see  clearly  how  much  his  loss 
of  liberty  would  cost  him,  but  he  had  no  hope  of  soften- 
ing the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  the  only  means  he 
could  adopt  for  the  preservation  of  Naples  was  to  dis- 
miss his  consort  Isabella  very  promptly  to  Provence, 
and  even  to  Naples,  with  the  unlimited  powers  of 
Lieutenant-General.  The  ambassador  himself  under- 
took to  go  to  the  Duchess  and  apprise  her  of  it ;  he  then 
quitted  the  fort  Bracon,  and  Ren^  became  from  this 
time  more  tlian  ever  a  prey  to  anxiety  of  mind.* 

The  elevation  to  the  throne  of  Naples,  so  unlooked 
for,  yet  so  flattering  to  the  heart  of  Rend,  had  no  in- 
fluence in  procuring  his  liberation  from  prison.     The 

*  VUleneuve  Bargemont. 


M.VEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  IGo 

Duke  of  Burgundy  was  even  more  urgent  tlian  ever, 
and  watchful  for  the  security  of  his  captive.  Rene,  per- 
ceiving at  length  that  his  severity  was  unabated,  dis- 
missed Queen  Isabella  into  Italy,  as  he  had  arranged 
with  the  faithful  Vidal  de  Cabanis,  hoping  by  this  means 
to  preserve  in  his  interests  the  Pope  and  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  to  arouse  the  zeal  of  the  Angevine  party,  and 
to  overthrow  the  intrigues  of  Alphonso,  King  of 
Arragon,  who  still  laid  claim  to  the  throne  of  Naples 
in  right  of  his  former  election.* 

Queen  Isabella  at  this  time  mourned  the  loss  of  her 
respected  mother,  Margaret  of  Bavaria,  who  had  died 
on  the  27th  of  August  in  the  previous  year,  at  Nanci. 
After  the  death  of  Duke  Charles,  the  widowed  Mar- 
garet had  built  an  hospital  at  Einville-aux-jurs  (which 
had  been  part  of  her  dower),  and  there  she  had  resided, 
in  the  constant  exercise  of  charity,  distributing  alms 
liberally  to  the  poor,  and  serving  them  with  her  own 
hands.  Thus  had  she  passed  her  time  to  the  end  of 
her  pious  life.f 

The  virtues  of  the  noble  Isabella  appear  to  have 
been  called  forth  by  adversity,  justly  entitled  "the 
school  of  heroes."  We  have  now  to  follow  the  consort 
of  Rene  in  a  career  in  which  she  displayed  a  bold  and 
enterprising  spirit,  and  such  superior  talents  as  rendered 
her  justly  deserving  to  be  ranked  among  tlie  number  of 
the  most  illustrious  princesses  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
To  great  political  abilities,  Isabella,  at  the  age  of  five 
and  twenty,  united  a  persuasive  eloquence,  and  an 
exterior  affable  and  imposing.  These,  added  to  her 
natural  vivacity  and  ardour,  rendered  her  capable  of 
engaging  in  a  great  enterprise,  of  conquering  its  ob- 

*  Doin  Calmet.  Monfaucon ;  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont  ;  Mezerai, 
Biographie  Universelle  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

t  Margaret  of  Bavaria  was  interred  in  the  chiurch  of  St.  George,  Nanci, 
by  the  side  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  her  husband. 


IGG  MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

stacles,  braving  its  perils,  and  bringing  to  lier  allegiance 
all  siicli  Neapolitans  as  were  still  undecided,  or  opposed 
to  her  interests.* 

This  princess  had  one  great  incentive  to  exertion, 
one  only  object  in  view,  in  this  vast  enterprise ;  but 
this  w^as  dear  to  her  heart,  long  and  earnestly  desired 
—  the  liberation  of  her  husband  from  captivity  — 
this  it  was  wdiich  nerved  her  to  more  than  femi- 
nine attempts.  She  despaired  of  softening  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  and  her  grief  at  her  husband's  misfor- 
tunes determined  her  on  sustaining  his  rights,  in  the 
hope,  however  remote,  that  by  fulfilling  the  wishes  of 
the  Provengaux  and  the  Neapolitans,  she  might  liasten 
the  time,  or  obtain  the  means,  to  set  her  husband  free. 
With  these  views,  Isabella  committed  the  care  of  her 
government  of  Lorraine  and  of  Bar  to  the  Bisho]3s  of 
jMetz  and  Verdun,  and  prepared  for  her  expedition, 
while  a  crowd  of  lords  sued  for  the  honour  of  accom- 
panying her.  Two  of  her  children  were  at  this  time 
absent  from  her :  John,  Duke  of  Calabria,|  the  eldest, 
shared  the  captivity  of  his  father  at  Bracon,  but  whe- 
ther through  the  favour  or  severity  of  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy is  not  known  ;  while  Yolande,  the  eldest  daughter 
of  Isabella,  had  become  the  pledge  of  peace  with 
the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  and  had  gone  to  reside 
with  his  Countess.  Louis,  Marquis  of  Pont-a-Mous- 
son,  the  second  son  of  Isabella,  and  Margaret  of 
Anjou,  her  youngest  daughter,  only  remained  with 
her,  to  share  the  dangers  or  participate  in  the  honours 
of  their  mother's  enterprise. :j:  With  these  beloved 
children,  this  courageous  princess  set  out  for  Naples. 
In  her  way  thither  she  first  visited  Provence,  and 
w^as  received  with  transports  of  joy  by  the  people  of 

*  Villeneuve  Bargcmont. 

t  This  title  was  inherited  hy  the  eldest  son  of  the  King  of  Naples. 

X  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Bodin. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  167 

Aix.  She  there  convoked  a  General  Assembly  of 
the  States,  and  took  oath  always  to  maintain  the  privi- 
leges of  the  capital  and  of  all  Provence.  In  return  she 
received  the  homage  and  oaths  of  fidelity  of  that  corpo- 
ration, and  of  those  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  country. 
The  Proven^aux  had  been  recently  visited  by  a  pesti- 
lence, as  well  as  by  a  long  and  disastrous  war ;  but 
during  the  short  visit  of  Isabella,  her  prudence,  finnness, 
and  the  amenity  of  her  manners  so  gained  upon  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  that  in  spite  of  their  misfortunes 
they  evinced  the  utmost  eagerness  to  supply  their  new 
sovereign  with  men,  money,  and  vessels. 

With  these  supplies  the  Queen  of  Naples  (for  thus 
henceforth  she  must  be  styled)  resolved  to  embark  at 
Marseilles.  Upon  entering  this  town,  another  cordial 
welcome  not  a  little  affected  the  princess,  to  whom 
these  public  rejoicings  manifested  the  interest  they  felt 
for  her  cause.* 

Isabella's  first  care  had  been  to  make  herself 
acquainted  with  the  parties  which  divided  Naples. 
Her  next  precaution,  before  she  set  sail  for  the  shores 
of  Italy,  was  to  ascertain  the  dispositions  of  her  allies, 
and  to  this  end  she  dismissed  the  Archbishop  of  Aix, 
Amino  Nicolai,  on  an  embassy  to  the  Duke  of  Milan. 
The  venerable  prelate  was  accompanied  by  three 
•deputies,  who  had  been  devoted  to  Louis  III.  These, 
viz.,  Vidal  de  Cabanis,  Louis  de  Bouhers,  Viscount  de 
Reillanne,  and  Charles  de  Castillon,  were  to  bring 
back  the  reply  of  Philip  Visconti  to  Isabella,  wdio, 
upon  receiving  it,  was  to  be  prepared  to  set  sail  for 
Naples. 

It  is  interesting  to  behold  how  Queen  Isabella,  even 
at  a  time  when  her  mind  was  occupied  by  these  poli- 
tical measures  of  so  much  importance  in  the  com- 
mencement of  her  new  career, — it  is  interesting,  we 

*  Biograpliie  Universelle. 


168  WaVEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

say,  to  regard  the  tender  wife,  ever  inindful  of  tlie 
smallest  things  which  could  divert  the  melancholy  or 
alleviate  the  sufferings  of  her  unfortunate  husband. 
Thus  having  herself  admired  the  picturesque  aspect  of 
the  castle  of  Tarascon,  (which  had  been  finished  by 
Louis  II.  of  Anjou  in  the  year  1400,)  Isabella  employed 
a  skilful  painter  to  take  a  view  of  it,  and  then  sent  the 
artist  w'itli  his  work  to  exhibit  it  to  Rene,  at  Bracon. 

Symptoms  of  a  violent  pestilence  at  Aix  had  driven 
the  Queen  to  take  refuge  in  the  village  of  Tarascon,  a 
place  separated  from  Languedoc  by  the  Rhone,  and 
here  the  appearance  of  Isabella  and  her  children  excited 
the  most  lively  joy  ;  indeed,  wherever  they  went,  the 
same  w^elcome  was  manifested.  "  The  people  of  Taras- 
con admired  the  young  Prince  and  Princess  as  if  they 
had  been  two  angels  who  had  descended  from  heaven. 
In  the  streets,  which  w^ere  decorated  wdtli  festoons, 
garlands,  and  flowers,  there  were  bonfires  blazing, 
songs  and  public  rejoicings ;  chants  of  music  in  the 
churches,  and  everywhere  continual  benedictions."* 

Queen  Isabella  was  too  impatient  to  show^  herself  at 
Naples  to  wait  very  long  for  the  return  of  her  ambas- 
sadors, and  finding  they  did  not  appear,  she  no  longer 
thought  it  prudent  to  delay  her  departure.  She  gave 
orders  to  William  de  Baux,  Lord  of  Maillane  and 
St.  Vallier,  to  visit  in  her  absence  all  the  posts 
and  fortifications  on  the  coasts  of  Provence  which 
might  require  to  be  defended  against  the  incursions  of 
the  Catalonians.  On  quitting  the  Proven^^aux,  Queen 
Isabella  expressed  hi  the  most  lively  manner  her  grief 
at  parting  from  them,  and  at  leaving  lier  husband  and 
her  son  in  captivity  ;  indeed,  so  affecting  was  her  fare- 
well, that  her  new  subjects  voted  by  acclamation  a 
sum  of  25,000  florins  for  the  ransom  of  the  Duke  of 
Calabria.f 

*  Chronique  dc  Lorraine.  f  Villoneuve  Barg-emont. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  169 

The  fleet  of  Queen  Isabella  consisted  of  five  galleys, 
armed  and  equipped  at  Marseilles,  wliicli  cast  anchor 
in  sight  of  Frejns  about  the  beginning  of  October. 
The  Queen  took  on  board  the  Bishop  of  that  city,  Jean 
Bernaud,  who  was  ambassador  of  Charles  VII.  at  the 
Council  of  Basle,  and  had  been  distinguished  for  his 
virtues  and  extensive  information.  While  in  full  sail 
for  the  coast  of  Frejus,  the  Queen's  deputies  from 
Milan,  bringing  the  most  satisfactory  despatches,  dis- 
embarked at  Marseilles,  and  set  out  again  immediately 
for  Naples.  After  a  fortunate  passage,  Isabella  ap- 
peared at  Gaeta,  and  was  received  with  the  respect 
due  to  her  as  sovereign. 

Being  informed  that  in  this  place  many  of  the 
partisans  of  Alphonso  had  taken  refuge,  and  guided 
by  some  treacherous  or  imprudent  counsels,  the  Queen 
displaced  Ottolini  Zoppo,  whom  the  Duke  of  Milan 
had  made  Governor  of  Gaeta.  This  act  of  authority, 
the  consequence  of  which  Isabella  did  not  foresee, 
afterwards  proved  highly  prejudicial  to  her  interests. 
She  quitted  Gaeta,  however,  in  full  confidence,  and 
proceeded  to  disembark  at  Naples.* 

*  Villeneuve  Barffemont. 


CHAPTER  11. 

"  Why,  then  I  do  but  dream  on  sov'reignty, 

* '  Like  one  that  stands  upon  a  promontory, 

"  And  spies  a  far-off  shore  where  he  would  tread, 

"  Wishing  his  foot  were  equal  with  his  eye, 

' '  And  chides  the  sea  that  sunders  him  from  thence, 

"  Saying,  he'll  lade  it  diy,  to  have  his  way." 

Shakespeare. — Henrtj  VI. 

•Queen  Isabella's  reception  at  Naples — Her  talents  and  influence — Rival 
claims — Alphonso  set  free — The  Queen's  successes — New  efforts  to  release 
Ren^ — He  is  set  at  liberty — He  goes  to  Tours — Into  Anjou  and  Pro- 
vence— Thence  to  Genoa  and  Naples — His  reception — His  poverty — His 
cause  declines — Naples  besieged — Death  of  Don  Pedro — Alphonso  re- 
tires— Caldora  dies — Rene  visits  the  provinces — Treason  of  Antoine 
Caldora — Rene's  losses — Alphonso  renews  the  siege  of  Naples — He  enters 
the  city — Rene's  bravery — He  is  defeated — Alphonso  triumphant — He 
is  acknowledged  by  the  Pope — Rene  returns  to  France — A  marriage 
contract — Death  of  Rent's  mother — Louis  of  Anjou  dies — Rene  at  Tours 
— A  treaty  of  peace  witli  England — Contract  of  marriage  of  Margaret 
of  Anjou  vsdth  Henry  VI. 

It  was  somewliat  extraordinary  that  the  two  com- 
petitors for  the  crown  of  Naples,  after  the  death  of 
Queen  Joanna,  were  both  prisoners  at  the  same  time : 
Rene  of  Anjou  being  detained  in  the  Tour  de  Bar 
by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  Alphonso  of  Arragon 
still  a  prisoner  of  Philip  Galiezzo,  Duke  of  Milan. 
When  these  princes  recovered  their  liberty,  the  war 
was  resumed  witli  great  vigour ;  meanwhile,  it  was 
only  through  the  energy  and  courage  of  Isabella  of 
Lorraine  tliat  the  Angevine  cause  was  sustained  in 
Naples. 

The  consort  of  Rene  of  Anjou  arrived  in  tlie  Neapo- 

1435.      lit  ail    capital    on  the    18th   of   October,   1435,   a  few 

months  after  the  death  of  Joanna  11. ,  and  found  the 

people  strongly  predisposed  in  her  favour,  not  merely 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  ITI 

from  the  choice  of  then*  late  queen,  but  more  especially 
from  their  attachment  to  Louis  III.,  who,  by  his  great 
condescension,  had  won  all  their  hearts. 

Queen  Isabella  was  conducted,  mth  her  son  Louis 
and  her  daughter  Margaret,  to  the  Capuan  castle, 
the  ancient  residence  of  the  Angevine  princes.  In 
their  way  thither,  they  traversed  the  city  under  a 
magnificent  canopy  of  velvet,  embroidered  with  gold ; 
and  they  were  met  by  a  deputation,  headed  by  the 
Count  de  Nola,  of  sixteen  lords,  nominated  by  the 
late  queen,  who  all  paid  their  compliments  to  their 
new  sovereign,  and  gave  her  a  most  gracious 
reception. 

These  lords  immediately  took  their  oaths  of  fealty 
and  obedience  to  tlie  Angevine  queen,  and  their  ex- 
ample was  followed  by  a  crowd  of  barons,  while 
deputations  of  the  various  classes  of  the  people  pressed 
forward  to  welcome  her,  and  proclaim  her  the  Queen ; 
in  short,  the  Neapolitans  bestowed  the  crown  on 
Isabella   of  Lorraine    amidst   transports   of  universal 

joy. 

This  excellent  princess  was  far  from  exulting  in  the 
high  position  to  which  she  had,  so  suddenly,  been 
advanced ;  she  was  but  too  well  aware  that  with  the 
regal  diadem  come  many  responsibilities  ;  and  to  her, 
the  anticipation  of  trials  and  difficulties,  which  to 
struggle  against  and  overcome  would  require  the 
utmost  resources  of  her  genius.'* 

The  kingdom  of  Naples,  once  so  flourishing,  was  at 
this  time  without  troops,  finances,  or  even  an  influen- 
tial chief  The  Neapolitan  generals  had  too  often 
changed  sides  from  caprice  or  interest ;  and  finally  had 
arrogated  to  themselves  independent  authority.  There- 
fore had  not  Queen  Isabella  possessed  a  strong  mind, 

*  Villenenve  Bargemont :  Denina  ;   Sismondi ;   I'Abbe  Millot ;    Hallam ; 
Oodard  Faiiltrier. 


172  M.VEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

she  would  have  been  discouraged  by  tlie  aspect  of 
affairs ;  for  she  had  but  a  small  number  of  generals  of 
approved  fidelity,  and  she  was,  as  yet,  only  acknow- 
ledged in  the  capital;  but  her  firmness,  moderation, 
goodness,  and  prudence,  soon  placed  her  at  the  head 
of  a  powerful  army,  and  strengthened  the  devotedness 
of  the  nobles  and  old  partisans  of  the  House  of 
Anjou,  Avho  already  idoHzed  their  heroic  queen. 
Certain  it  is,  that  had  not  fortune,  in  favouring 
Alphonso,  created  continually  unforeseen  misfortunes 
for  Rene,  the  conduct  of  his  courageous  and  en- 
lightened consort  would  have  confirmed  for  ever  the 
crown  of  Naples  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou  and  his  pos- 
terity, and  this  testimony  has  been  given  by  all  impar- 
tial historians.  The  result,  however,  w^as  unfortunate  ; 
and  Queen  Isabella  sustained,  with  a  noble  and 
undaunted  spirit,  only  an  unequal  contest  with 
Alphonso  during  three  years,  at  the  expiration  of 
which  time  she  was  rejoined  by  the  King,  her 
husband.* 

The  claims  of  the  House  of  Anjou,  which  Isabella 
was  so  nobly  representing,  were  founded  on  the  adop- 
tion of  Queen  Joanna  I. ;  who,  to  punish  the  ingra- 
titude of  her  cousin,  Charles  III.,  had  disinherited 
the  branch  of  Duraz.  No  descendant  of  Charles  of 
Anjou  now  remained,  but  the  line  of  Duraz  was  not 
extinct. 

Alphonso,  Kuig  of  Arragon,  on  the  contrary,  based 
his  rights  upon  the  choice  of  Joanna  II.  ;  for  although 
his  adoption  by  this  princess  had  been  revoked,  it  was 
pretended  that  it  was  a  reciprocal  treaty,  and  that  to 
be  aimulled  the  consent  of  both  parties  was  required. 
The  Spanish  king  had  besides  a  claim  to  the  Neapo- 
litan throne,  anterior  to  that  of  the  Angevine  princes, 
transmitted  by  Constance,  the  daughter  of  Manfred,  to 

*  Villencuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  173 

the  line  of  Arragon ;  and  in  Sicily,  Alplionso  alread}^ 
reigned  as  the  nearest  heir  of  the  Normans  by  whom 
this  kingdom  was  founded.* 

With  no  less  right  than  either  of  these  competitors, 
Eugene  IV.  Jiad  claimed  the  crown  of  this  kingdom? 
which  had  been  enfeoffed  to  the  three  Houses  of 
Hauteville,  Hohenstauffen,  and  Anjou ;  conditionally, 
that  it  should  return  to  the  Church  on  the  extinction  of 
the  legitimate  line  in  these  Houses.  This  happened  at 
the  time  of  Queen  Joanna's  death,  when  Eugene  IV. 
immediately  announced  his  rights,  but  he  found  it 
impossible  to  make  this  important  conquest.  Being 
driven,  at  length,  from  the  Papal  dominions,  Eugene 
resided  at  Florence,  and,  while  there,  he  interdicted  the 
two  rivals  fighting,  at  the  same  time  forbidding  the 
people  to  obey  them ;  and  he  nominated  as  Governor, 
in  his  own  name,  Giovanni  Witteleschi,  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  who,  no  less  a  soldier  than  an  ecclesiastic, 
was  able  to  maintain  with  the  sword  the  rights  of  the 
Pope,  his  master. 

It  had  been  the  design  of  Alphonso  to  anticipate  the 
arrival  of  the  French  in  Italy,  and  he  speedily  or- 
ganized a  large  body  of  Spanish  soldiers  from  Sicily, 
with  which  he  entered  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and 
was  there  joined  by  Giovanni  Marzano,  Duke  of 
Suessa,  and  other  nobles,  with  their  followers.  With 
these  he  besieged  Gaeta,  one  of  the  richest  and  finest 
ports  on  the  Mediterranean.  The  inhabitants  had, 
upon  the  death  of  Queen  Joanna,  invited  the  Genoese 
to  keep  a  garrison  there,  until  the  legitimate  heir  to 
the  Neapolitan  throne  should  be  acknowledged;  and 
Francois  Spinola  had  been  appointed  Commander  by 


*  The  illegitimacy  of  Manfred,  however,  rendered  these  claims  invalid,  as 
they  also  became  by  the  number  of  females  who  had  passed  from  House 
to  House,  as  well  as  by  a  prescription  of  an  hundred  and  seventy-five 
ye  ar s. — 67,??;;  ondl ;  Denina. 


174  ALVEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

the  Genoese,  with  Ottolmi  Zoppo  to  support  him, 
wlio  was  secretary  to  the  Duke  of  ]\likii.  Thus  was 
the  town  ably  defended,  the  garrison  established,  being 
composed  of  300  Genoese  soldiers,  besides  some 
^Milanese  troops,  who  repulsed  Alphonso  jnost  effectu- 
all}'.  This  prince  also  found,  that  although  he  was 
acknowledged  as  sovereign  by  many  of  the  Neapoli- 
tans, a  strong  party  still  remained  in  favour  of 
King  Ren6,  which  induced  the  Spanish  prince  to 
seek  the  assistance  of  Pope  Eugene.  This  pontiff 
constantly  refused  him,  saying,  "  that  if  his 
claims  were  as  incontestable  as  he  represented,  he 
could  commence  by  laying  down  his  arms,  and  ceasing 
to  make  war." 

This  answer  irritated  Alphonso,  who  immediately 
sought  to  show  an  ardent  zeal  for  the  Council  of  Basle, 
and  wrote  to  the  Pope  to  engage  him  to  obey  its 
decrees.  He  then  advanced  to  Rome,  and  had  nearly 
made  himself  master  of  the  city,  when  Witelleschi 
appeared,  and  defeated  his  project.* 

The  engagement  which  decided,  for  the  time  being, 
this  struggle  for  power,  and  in  wdiich  Alphonso  was 
1435.  taken  prisoner,  occurred  on  the  5tli  of  August,  1435. 
In  the  following  October,  Queen  Isabella  arrived  at 
Naples,  to  the  support  of  the  Angevine  cause.  Most 
effectually  could  Pope  Eugene  have  advanced  the 
interests  of  this  Queen,  but  all  his  endeavours  were 
rendered  useless  by  the  peculiar  dangers  of  his  own 
position,  being  threatened  by  the  thunders  of  the 
('omicil  of  Basle,  and  his  own  authority  contested. 
Tlius,  Hndiiig  his  tiara  insecure,  his  conduct  became 
variable,  and  he  finally  consulted  only  his  own  per- 
sonal interests. 

Tlie  removal  of  the  Governor  of  Gaeta  by  Queen 
Isabella,    served    as    an   excuse   for   the    Arragonese 

'•  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Si.smondi ;  Villencuve  Bargemont. 


Sismondi. 


MAEGARET  OF  ANJOU.  175 

faction  to  raise  discontent,  suspicion,  and  division ; 
and  after  the  departure  of  the  Queen,  the  agents  of 
Alphonso  became  audacious,  and  invited  Don  Pedro, 
the  brother  of  Alphonso,  to  land  v^ith  his  troops  and 
take  possession  of  Gaeta,  which  they  did  with- 
out opposition,  and  made  known  their  success  to 
Alphonso.* 

This  prince,  meanwhile,  had  been  seeking  to  pre- 
judice the  Duke  of  Milan,  whose  prisoner  he  was, 
against  Isabella.  Visconti  was  a  weak,  though  an 
affable  and  generous  prince,  and  when  Alphonso  had 
discovered  his  character,  he  set  to  work  to  aggravate 
the  affront  which  had  been  offered  by  the  Queen  in 
the  removal  of  the  Governor  of  Gaeta.  When  pos- 
sessed of  this  place,  Alphonso  became  more  bold  in 
his  arguments  against  the  Angevines,  and  exerted 
himself  to  prove  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  that  his 
real  interests  forbade  him  to  support  Rene.  "  If 
he  is  once  acknowledged  sovereign  of  the  kingdom, 
you  will  soon  see,"  said  he,  "this  prince  leagued 
against  you  with  the  ambitious  Charles  VII.  The 
Alps  will  be  an  insufficient  barrier  to  protect  you. 
All  Italy  will  become  the  object  of  his  efforts,  and 
the  Milanese  will,  doubtless,  be  the  first  invaded. 
You  are  not  ignorant  that  the  Court  of  France  has 
already  discussed  whether,  even  during  your  lifetime, 
she  should  not  assert  the  rights  on  this  principality, 
transmitted  by  Valentine  of  Milan.  Remember  that 
the  ties  of  blood  are  but  a  vain  phantom,  that  vanishes 
before  interest  or  ambition;  and  forget  not,  that  the 
Duke  Galeas,  your  father  (whose  sister  had  espoused 
the  brother  of  Charles  VI.),  feared  nothing  so  much 
as  the  French.  Does  Philip  then  believe  he  has  less 
cause  to  dread  them  ?  "  This  representation,  made  by 
a  prince  so  eloquent  as  Alphonso,  made  so  gTcat  an 

*  Sismondi  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


ITG  MARGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

impression  on  Pliilip  Visconti,  that,  adopting  with- 
out reserve  the  views  of  his  captive,  he  gave  him 
]iis  Hberty  without  ransom  at  the  end  of  the  month 
of  October,  and  previous  to  their  separation,  a  treaty 
of  ahiance  was  signed  between  them.  The  Duke  of 
Milan  did  not  even  consult  the  Genoese  on  this  step, 
so  much  was  he  fascinated  by  his  royal  prisoner.* 

Alplionso  of  Arragon,  having  thus  obtained  his 
freedom,  hastily  quitted  Milan.  After  a  short  stay 
in  Spain,  he  went  to  Gaeta,  and  arrived  tliere  on  the 
2nd  of  February,  1436.  His  presence  revived  the 
zeal  of  his  partisans,  and  attracted  to  liis  cause  many 
who  had  hitherto  been  undecided.  Deputies  came 
also  from  several  neighbouring  cities  to  him,  and 
hoisted  his  standard ;  in  short,  from  this  time  he  had 
every  reason  to  hope  for  success. 

One  error  had,  however,  been  committed  by 
Alphonso  in  concluding  his  treaty  with  Philip  Vis- 
conti, viz.,  in  considering  Eugene  IV.  as  one  of 
their  enemies.  This  was  impolitic, — and  the  Pontiff, 
already  disjoosed  to  favour  Rene,  now  decided  on 
recognising  him  as  King  of  Naples,  and  sent  to 
Isabella,  who  needed  troops,  the  same  Witteleschi  who 
had  been  employed  previously  to  take  possession  of 
the  kingdom  in  the  name  of  the  Church.  In  April 
of  this  year,  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  arrived 
in  the  Neapolitan  territories,  with  4,000  foot  soldiers 
and  5,000  horse,  to  render  assistance  to  the  Angevine 
queen.  They  succeeded  in  taking  by  assault  several 
fortresses,  and  encountered  Jean  des  Ursins,  Prince 
of  Tarentum,  the  Arragonese  chief,  whom  they 
routed,  and  thus  suddenly  arrested  the  efforts  of 
Alphonso.  j" 

This    salutary  diversion   enabled  Isabella   to  drive 

*  VilleneuYC  Bai'gemont ;  Sismondi. 
•t  SiBmondi ;  Villeneuve  Bargemout. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  17  7 

away  from  their  strongliolds  some  seditious  captains, 
who,  until  that  time,  had  contrived  to  maintain  them- 
selves there.  The  Queen  also  dismissed  the  brave 
Michael  Attendolo,  with  the  young  prince  Louis,  her 
son,  to  subdue  Calabria.  Thus,  by  her  activity  and 
wisdom,  Queen  Isabella  speedily  prevailed  on  the 
people  to  announce  themselves  in  her  favour,  and  she 
received  the  homage  of  the  principal  towns  in  the 
kingdom.  These  first  successes,  and  the  alliance  with 
Eugene  IV. — which  Isabella  sought  to  confirm  — 
were  celebrated  at  Naples  by  demonstrations  of  the 
most  lively  joy.  Brilliant  tournaments  were,  for 
several  days,  held  in  honour  of  the  Queen,  and  jousts, 
balls,  and  all  the  varied  amusements  customary  in 
that  age.*  Isabella  showed  but  little  satisfaction  at 
these  multiplied  fetes,  for  her  mind  was  pre-occupied 
by  the  condition  of  Rene,  and  of  Lorraine. 

While  striving  with  all  her  means,  as  well  as  with 
all  her  heart,  for  the  prompt  deliverance  of  her  hus- 
band, she  supplicated  Eugene  IV.,  whose  benevolence 
was  never  failing,  to  interest  himself  in  procuring  the 
freedom  of  Rene  immediately,  seeing  how  much  needed 
as  his  presence  as  cliief,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
union  and  discipline  of  the  army  engaged  in  his  cause. 
This  tender  solicitude  prevailed  with  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  who  attempted  to  move  the  generosity  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  by  representing  the  extraordinary 
example  of  disinterestedness  of  the  Duke  of  Milai;i, 
and  by  his  earnest  prayers  that  the  Duke  of  Anjou 
might  be  promptly  restored  to  his  family  and  subjects. 
This  wish  had,  indeed,  become  general  throughout 
France  as  well  as  Italy,  and  its  expression  became 
more  energetic. 

In  the  preceding  year,  while  Queen  Isabella  was 
traversing  Provence,   a  meeting  had  taken  place  at 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont  ;  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


178  MARGARET  OF  ANJOU. 

Nanci,  on  the  19th  of  September,  at  which  were 
present  the  Bishops  of  Metz  and  Verdun,  and  the 
ancient  knights  ;  and  these  engaged,  at  all  sacrifices, 
to  obtain  the  release  of  Rene,  and  to  support  him  in 
the  conquest  of  his  kingdom.  Again,  in  November  of 
that  year,  the  nobles  of  Barrois  and  Lorraine  assembled, 
naving  taken  the  resolution  to  employ  their  persons 
and  property  for  the  deliverance  of  their  duke. 

These  affecting  details  reached  even  the  prison  of 
the  unfortunate  Rene,  who  then  thought  of  making 
an  appeal  to  the  devotedness  and  generosity  of  all 
his  subjects.  This  excited  a  fresh  burst  of  affection 
and  loyalty,  and  in  reply  to  his  noble  confidence,  each 
one  taxed  himself  to  the  utmost,  being  willing  to 
contribute,  according  to  his  ability,  for  the  ransom  of 
his  sovereign.  The  Regency  received  from  all  parts 
similar  offerings  and  proposals  ;  and  one  knight  in 
particular,  whose  name  ought  to  have  been  recorded  in 
history,  not  content  with  expending  a  sum  of  ]  8,000 
saluts  d'or,*  engaged,  without  reserve,  all  the  fiefs  and 
domains  he  possessed. 

These  unquestionable  testimonies  of  affection  were 
made  known  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  at  the  same 
time  as  the  supplications  of  the  Pope,  but  that  prince 
had  become  still  more  inexorable  towards  Ren6.  He 
even  wished  to  conceal  from  his  captive  the  constant 
proofs  of  affection  and  loyalty  so  eagerly  evinced  for 
him  by  his  friends  and  subjects.  It  appears  that  all 
communications,,  from  his  people  or  from  Queen  Isa- 
bella, to  the  unhappy  prisoner  were  intercepted  by  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy;  so  that,  the  more  earnest  the 
desire  manifested  to  break  his  fetters,  the  closer  were 
tlicy  actually  drawn,  and  the  more  remote  appeared 
the  day  of  liis  liberation.| 

•  The  salut  valued  25  sols. — Yillcncuvc  Bargemont. 
■(  Villoneuve  Bargemont. 


MARGARET  OF  ANJOU,  179 

From  this  time  Rene  was  subjected  to  a  discipline 
more  rigid  than  before,  kept  in  severe  restraint,  and 
no  longer  permitted  the  indulgence  of  communicating 
with  any  of  his  family.  It  was  during  this  solitary 
confinement  in  the  castle  of  Bracon,  where  Ren6,  yet 
in  the  flower  of  his  age,  was  languishing  in  hopeless 
captivity,  being  secluded  from  intercourse  with  man- 
kind, and  receiving  no  intelligence  of  those  he  loved 
and  no  succours  from  his  numerous  allies,  that  "believ- 
ing himself  forgotten  by  everybody,"  says  Duhaillan, 
and  seeking  to  express  a  mute  but  eloquent  grief,  he 
painted,  very  appropriately,  round  the  walls  of  the 
chamber  where  he  was  immured,  and  on  the  glasses, 
des  ouhlies  dor,  or  wafers  of  gold,  as  emblematical 
of  the  isolation  into  which  he  was  plunged.  These 
"  ouhlies  *  or  cornets  (little  horns)  of  gold,"  were 
painted  by  him  with  great  taste,  and  disposed  at  un- 
equal spaces,  signifying,  by  this  delicate  invention, 
that  his  people  had  consigned  him  to  oblivion.  These 
paintings  are  still  to  be  seen  in  the  chateau,  and  are 
proofs  of  the  skill  of  Rene,  and  of  his  exquisite  taste 
in  the  art.  f  In  addition  to  these,  as  we  are  told, 
Rene  painted  several  other  subjects  on  the  thick 
walls  of  his  prison,  and  scarcely  knowing  how  to 
dissipate  the  ennui  which  consumed  him,  he  traced 
there  also  a  great  number  of  sentences,  or  moral  re- 
flections suggested  to  him  by  his  melancholy  situation. | 

*  "  On  appelle  ouhlie  une  espece  ue  patisserie  legere  d'une  forme  specials. 
Dans  la  phrase  sur  le  roi  Rene,  cette  expression  forme  un  jeu  de  mots.  Le 
bon  roi  donnait  au  mot  ouhlie  le  sens  du  latin  ohlivium.  L'etymologie  veri- 
table d'oublie  ne  se  prete  gueres,  il  est  vrai,  a  la  pensee  du  bon  roi  :  oublie 
(petit  gateau)  vient  de  oUitus,  offert ;  mais  afin  de  dormer  un  corps  a  I'ex- 
pression  de  sa  pensee,  Rene  d'Anjou  a  joue  sur  les  deux  sens  si  differens  des 
mots  ouhlie,  gateau  ;  et  ouhli,  obUvium.  Ce  jeu  de  mots  est  intraduisible 
en  Anglais.  Le  calembourg  etait  fort  en  honneur  du  temps  de  Rene,  et 
les  blasons  en  sont  pleins." 

f  Chronique  de  Provence  ;  Biographic  Universelle  ;  Dom  Calmet  ; 
Nostradamus. 

%  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

K  2 


180  MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

At  length  the  period  arrived  when  this  prince  was 
destined  to  receive  the  reward  of  his  fortitude  and 
resignation.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  moved  by  so 
many  petitions,  appeared  to  be  appeased,  and  on  the 
iry^.  11th  of  April,  1436,  sent  his  Chancellor,  Rolin,  and 
Bargemrnt.  J^an  dc  Fribourg,  Governor  of  Burgundy,  to  acquaint 
his  captive  with  the  conditions  of  his  release.  These 
demands  of  Philip  were  so  exorbitant,  that,  when 
submitted  to  the  Council  of  Lorraine,  they  decreed  it 
right  to  reject  them.  Rene,  being  informed  of  their 
resolve,  wrote  to  the  Regency  that  they  had  merited 
his  esteem,  in  refusing  to  sanction  a  dishonourable 
treaty ;  that  he  would  never  have  signed  it  himself;  and 
that  he  would  prefer » to  remain  all  his  life  a  prisoner, 
rather  than  purchase  his  liberty  on  conditions  so  bur- 
densome to  his  people.  "  If  I  die,"  he  added,  "  in  this 
cruel  captivity,  he  who  detains  me  gains  by  it  only  the 
»hame  of  having  thus  reated  a  prince  who  would  not 
otherwise  be  his  prisoner.  For  the  rest  I  place  my 
confidence  in  heaven,  and  in  my  just  rights." 

After  so  many  disappointments,  Rene  happily  found 
that  virtue  never  loses  its  empire  over  a  generous  heart. 
The  noble  spirit  with  which  he  had  protested  against 
an  act  which  he  thought  injurious  to  his  States,  dis- 
armed Philip,  and  perhaps  made  more  impression  on 
his  mind  than  the  persuasions  of  the  Pope,  of  the 
Council  of  Basle,  of  Charles  VII.,  and  of  all  the  princes 
of  the  blood,  who  had  all  now  united  to  make  a  last 
attempt  for  the  liberation  of  the  Angevine  prince.  To 
effect  their  object,  these  combined  powers,  in  concur- 
rence with  the  Council  of  Lorraine,  carried  forward 
their  negotiations  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and 
their  efforts  were  ultimately  crowned  with  success  ; 
the  treaty  being  ratified  and  the  royal  prisoner  set  free. 
There  is  much  obscurity  and  contradiction  in  the 
writings  of  this  period,   some  authors   asserting  that 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  181 

Ren6  quitted  Bracon  for  the  Tour  cle  Bar,  and  that 
he  was  afterwards  conducted  to  Lille,  where  Philip 
held  his  court,  and  where  he  received  the  Chancellor, 
the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  and  others,  and  finally  concluded 
the  treaty.  Other  historians  have,  with  more  truth, 
fixed  these  meetings  at  Dijon,  where  Philip  was  resid- 
ing on  the  4th  of  November,  1436,  and  from  whence 
he  repaired  to  Arras  ;  leaving  Rene,  guarded  by  thirty 
gens  d'armes,  at  the  chateau  de  Talent. 

While  at  Dijon  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  shown 
great  favour  towards  his  young  cousin ;  he  had 
evinced  great  joy  at  again  beholding  him,  had  often 
admitted  him  to  his  table  with  the  Chancellor,  Eolin, 
and  in  their  discourses  the  principal  points  of  his  re- 
lease were  determined.  At  these  interviews  Kolin 
conceived  so  favourable  an  opinion  of  Rene,  that  upon 
his  master's  departure  he  offered  him  his  support. 

The  treaty  commenced  at  Dijon  in  November,  1436, 
was  terminated  at  Brussels  on  the  28th  of  January, 
1437.  The  ransom  of  Rene  of  Anjou  was  fixed  at 
200,000  golden  florins  (upwards  of  83,000^.)  and 
the  cession  of  several  places ;  amongst  these  were 
the  manors  of  Cassell  and  of  La  Motte-aux-Bois, 
which  had  been  formerly  added  to  the  Duchy  of  Bar 
as  the  dower  of  a  princess  of  Flanders,  Rene  engaged 
to  pay  100,000  crowns  in  the  month  of  May,  1437, 
and  the  same  sum  at  Dijon  the  following  year;  and 
the  remaining  200,000  whenever  he  might  be  in  com- 
plete possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  For  secu- 
rity Rene  gave  the  seal  of  twenty  lords  of  Lorraine 
and  of  Bar,  ten  of  Anjou  and  Maine,  and  ten  of  Pro- 
vence, and  all  these  lords  agreed  to  become  prisoners 
in  the  forts  of  Besangon,  Dijon,  or  Salins,  should  Rene 
forfeit  his  engagement. 

There  were  other  articles  of  the  treaty,  which  they 
urged  should  be  mollified,  but  it  was  in  vain.     Philip 


182  MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

further  insisted — First,  that  Rene  should  observe  a 
neutrahty  between  the  French,  the  Burgundians,  and 
the  EngHsh.  Secondly,  that  in  order  to  establish 
peace  between  these  powers,  Rene's  second  daughter, 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  should  espouse  King  Henry  VI. 
of  England,  without  prejudice  to  the  marriage  before 
agreed  upon  between  her  sister  Yolande  and  Ferri  of 
Yaudemont.*  Thirdly,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  re- 
quired, that,  should  the  sons  of  Rene  die  without  male 
issue,  the  inheritance  of  Lorraine  should  devolve  on 
Yolande,  or  her  heirs,  and  that  this  princess  should  also 
receive,  at  her  nuptials,  a  dower,  consisting  of  a  large 
sum  of  money. 

Such  were  the  terms  upon  which  Rene  could  alone 
hope  to  obtain  his  freedom  ;  but  while  the  arbiters 
of  the  two  parties  were  discussing  the  amendments  in 
this  treaty,  at  Brussels,  the  captive  prince  was  trans- 
ferred anew  to  the  fort  Bracon,  his  son,  the  Duke  of 
Calabria,  being  a  prisoner,  on  parole,  in  the  Tour  de  Bar. 

The  modifications  which  Rene  hoped  to  obtain  were 
prevented  by  the  artifice  of  the  Count  de  Vaudemont, 
who  contrived,  by  means  of  one  of  his  friends,  to 
counteract  the  generous  efforts  of  the  Chancellor, 
Rolin,  and  to  neutralize  his  exertions  in  favour  of  the 
Angevine  prince. |  Thus  Rene  was  compelled  to  sub- 
scribe to  these  hard  conditions.  He  made  concessions 
of  every  kind,  and  after  promising  a  large  sum  of 
money,  the  cession  of  several  cities,  the  mortgage  of 
the  Duchy  of  Bar,  and  even  of  his  own  person — after 
consenting  to  tlie  mamage  of  his  daughter  Yolande, 
then  nine  years  of  age,  to  Ferri,  the  eldest  son  of  his 
enemy  the  Count  de  Vaudemont,  by  which  union  Lor- 
raine would  be  restored  to  the  male  heir  of  that  family — 

*  The  Pope  had  granted  a  dispensation  of  kindred,  for  this  marriage,  on 
the  3rd  of  Aj.ril,  1435. 
f  Villeaeuve  Barj;emont. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  183 

after  all  these  engagements,  the  unfortunate  Ren^  was 
liberated.* 

The  news  which  Rene  had  received  from  Italy  is 
said  to  have  hastened  his  termination  of  this  treaty, 
and  after  having  given  his  full  consent  to  the  condi- 
tions, the  Duke  of  Burgundy  at  first  only  set  him  free 
on  his  parole,  on  the  11th  of  February,  1436;  but,  if 
he  profited  by  this  authority  for  some  months,  Rene 
must  still  have  been  in  apprehension  of  captivity,  since 
we  find  that  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  the  Marshal  de  la 
Fayette,  Christopher  of  Harcourt,  the  Constable  of 
Richemont,  and  the  Count  de  Vendome,  arrived  at 
Rheims,  on  the  18th  of  October,  to  unite  with  Renaud 
of  Chartres  to  obtain  the  release  of  Rene  from  the  fort 
Bracon.  They  came  to  Salins  early  in  November, 
and  on  the  7th  of  that  month  the  Chancellor,  Rolin,  in 
their  presence,  drew  up  and  caused  to  be  signed  the 
act  for  Rene's  liberation.  Finally,  this  prince  departed 
from  his  prison  of  Bracon  on  the  25th  of  November,  hsc. 
1436.  It  being  impossible  that  the  enormous  sum  pauhriur, 
demanded  by  Philip  could  be  raised  immediately,  a 
number  of  lords  of  Lorraine,  each  having  four  knights, 
again  offered  themselves  as  hostages,  to  be  confined 
in  one  of  the  towers  of  Besangon,  for  one  month 
beyond  the  expiration  of  the  term  granted  him. 

The  position  of  Rene  was  so  sensibly  felt,  that,  not- 
withstanding the  embarrassed  state  of  his  finances, 
he  received  from  King  Charles  VII.,  20,000  florins ; 
from  the  Bishop  of  Verdun,  8,000;  from  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  15,000 ;  and  a  number  of  persons  of 
less  note  also  contributed  to  the  first  payment  of  his 
ransom. 

After  a  rigorous  captivity  of  five  years'  duration,  the 
joy  of  Rene  on  quitting  the  mountains  of  Jura  may 

♦  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Monstrelet ;  Bodin  ;  Sismondi  ;  Monfaucon  ; 
Baiante  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Baudier  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Mezerai. 


184  MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

well  be  imagined;  yet  even  this  was  not  altogethet 
unalloyed,  for  he  had  left  his  son,  the  young  Duke  of 
Calabria,  still  detained  as  a  hostage  in  the  Tour  de 
Bar.  Rene  was  accompanied  at  his  departure  by  the 
Chancellor,  Rolin,  as  far  as  Pont-a-Mousson,  the  princes 
of  France  having  returned  to  Charles  Vll.  They 
afterwards  all  repaired  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  at 
Lille,  on  the  25th  of  December,  in  order  to  ratify  this 
important  treaty.  Reno  also  went  to  Lille,  after  a 
short  stay  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  and  was  present,  as 
well  as  the  Count  of  Vaudemont,  at  the  Burgundian 
court  upon  this  occasion.  Rene  happily  profited  by 
this  meeting;  for  Philip,  on  the  1st  of  January,  re- 
ceiving the  comphments  of  the  season  from  Rene, 
generously  cancelled  part  of  his  debt,  as  a  gift,  amount- 
ing to  200,000  saluts  d'or. 

Philip  then  conducted  Rene  and  the  French  princes 
from  Lille  to  the  city  of  Arras,  into  which  he  made 
his  entry  with  the  utmost  display  of  pomp  and  mag- 
nificence, surrounded  by  these  princes,  and  the  chief 
of  the  nobility  of  Burgundy,  and  several  of  the  clergy, 
one  of  whom,  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  had  two  hundred 
horses  in  his  suite.  Fetes  and  rejoicings  followed, 
commemorative  of  the  peace  just  concluded ;  and 
while  thus  engaged,  Philip  sought,  by  various  means, 
to  make  Ren6  forget  the  melancholy  days  of  his 
imprisonment;  and  he  gave  him  a  new  mark  of  his 
generosity,  calculated  to  affect  liim  much.  He  offered 
him  for  his  son,  the  young  Duke  of  Calabria,  the  hand 
of  Mary  of  Bourbon,  his  niece,  the  daughter  of  Charles, 
Duke  of  Bourbon,  a  proposal  joyfully  accepted  by 
Rend,  after  which  Philip  further  remitted  him  100,000 
saluts  d'or.* 

The  first  use  which  Ren6  made  of  his  freedom  was 

*  Monf  aucon  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  183 

to  go  and  return  thanks  to  the  States  of  Bar  and 
Lorraine,  for  their  exertions  to  procure  his  release. 
The  chief  nobility  of  these  duchies  met  him  at  Pont-a- 
Mousson,  where  he  arrived  on  the  28th  of  February, 
1437.  He  consulted  with  them  on  the  necessities  of  1437. 
his  States,  on  the  subject  of  his  ransom,  and  other 
matters.  During  the  course  of  these  dehberations 
Rene  went  to  Dijon,  and  brought  back  from  thence 
his  son,  the  Duke  of  Calabria.  To  those  individuals 
whose  devotedness  and  fidelity  had  been  so  eminently 
displayed  towards  him,  Rene  next  proceeded  to  ex- 
press, not  only  in  words,  but  by  various  acts  still  in 
his  power,  the  gratitude  of  his  heart.  Amongst  these 
were  Erard  de  Chatelet,  Henri  de  Bar,  the  Sire  de 
Rodemark,  and  others,  to  whom  he  made  gifts  of 
money  or  property ;  and  to  the  people  of  Salins,  who 
had  shown  so  much  interest  for  him,  he  granted  the 
privilege  of  passing  through  his  States  without  being 
subject  to  any  of  the  tolls  which  were  established  there. 
The  noble  liberality  of  Rene  extended  even  to  his 
enemies.  To  the  Damoisel  de  Commercy,  (who,  ever 
faithless  to  his  engagements,  had  been  taken  with 
arms  in  his  hands  by  the  Regency,  in  August,  1436,) 
this  prince  gave  liberty  without  ransom.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  benefits,  Rene  made  provision  for  the 
poor,  and  sought  to  render  stable  and  uniform  the 
administration  of  Lorraine.  Nor  was  this  .prince 
wanting  in  his  just  tribute  of  gratitude  to  Charles 
VII.  Leaving  all  the  magnificent  fetes,  prepared  in 
Lorraine  and  at  Metz,  to  celebrate  his  return, 
Rene  quitted  Nanci,  attended  by  his  chief  knights, 
and  repaired  to  Tours,  where  the  King  of  France 
was  then  residing.  * 

Soon  afterwards  Rene  proceeded  to  Angers.     Here 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont  ;  Biograpliie  Universelle  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


186  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

he  again  received  fresli  testimonies  of  tlie  affection  and 
zeal  of  his  people.  It  was  during  his  stay  in  this 
province  that  Rene  concluded  the  marriage  of  his  son 
John,  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  with  IMary,  the  daughter 
of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon.  This  union  was  celebrated 
1437.  in  April,  1437,  at  the  city  of  Angers.*  The  Duke  of 
Bargemont.  Calabria,  at  this  time  but  twelve  years  of  age,  had 
already  shown  much  aptitude  for  study,  and  it  was 
easy  to  foresee  that  he  would  one  day  be  distinguished 
for  his  talents  and  virtues.  His  education  had  been  first 
superintended  by  Henri  de  Ville,  but  this  prelate  died 
while  his  pupil  was  detained  in  Burgundy.  Those 
whom  Rene  selected  to  succeed  him  in  this  office  were 
Jean  Mauget,  Nicholas  of  Haraucourt,  Jean  de  La- 
land,  and  others,  all  of  them  distinguished  for  their 
talents  and  virtues,  and  especially  Palamede  de  Forbin, 
who  had  been  -attached  to  the  young  Duke  of  Calabria 
even  from  his  infancy.  To  the  castle  of  Tuce,  near 
Saumur,  Rene  next  repaired,  and  there  he  passed  a  few 
days  with  his  mother.  Queen  Yolande,  now  advanced  in 
years.  He  then  visited  the  other  towns  of  Anjou,  and 
received  the  oaths  of  fidelity  of  his  people ;  after  which 
he  departed  for  Provence,  being  unable  to  yield  to  the 
wishes  of  the  Angevins  for  his  prolonged  stay  in  their 
province,  the  state  of  his  afiairs  at  Naples  requiring 
his  presence,  f 

After  the  first  successes  of  Witteleschi,  Queen 
Isabella  had  flattered  herself  that  she  had  found  a  loyal 
and  courageous  defender ;  but  no  sooner  had  this 
general  become  initiated  in  the  secret  of  the  state,  than 
he  abandoned  her  cause,  and  by  this  perfidy  the  Queen 
lost  those  advantages  she  had  with  such  great  difficulty 
obtained.  It  was  only  in  Naples  that  Isabella  could 
hope  for  support,  and  she  therefore  redoubled  her  in- 

*  .'^ome  writers  date  this  event  in  1434. 

I  Monfaucon  ;  Monstrelet  ;  ViUeueuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  18? 

Stances  for  the  presence  and  assistance  of  the  King-, 
her  husband.* 

Rene  had  resolved  to  go  to  Provence  without  again 
visiting  Lorraine,  where  he  had  made  provision  for  the 
care  of  his  States.  He  had  committed  the  government 
into  the  hands  of  the  Bishops  of  Metz  and  Verdun, 
and  Erard  du  Chatelet ;  but  it  would  seem  that  this 
gave  offence  to  Antoine  de  Vaudemont,  who  doubtless 
had  expected  to  see  his  son,  Ferri,  appointed  to  the 
Regency  during  the  absence  of  his  new  relative,  and 
that  he  should  himself  have  unlimited  power  over  this 
country.  His  former  resentment  revived  at  the  want 
of  confidence,  as  he  called  it,  on  the  part  of  Rene ;  and 
instead  of  promoting  peace,  he  sought  only  to  excite 
civil  dissensions.  Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs 
when  Rene  of  Anjou  was  preparing  for  his  expedition 
to  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 

In  Provence,  Rene  experienced  an  enthusiastic  recep- 
tion. He  entered  Aries  on  the  7th  of  December,  and  viiieneuve 
reached  the  city  of  Aix  on  the  13th  of  the  same  month.  GodarT" ' 
He  soon  gained  the  affections  of  his  new  subjects,  and 
they  evinced  their  interest  and  zeal  by  supplies  of  men 
and  money.  When  he  had,  with  paternal  care,  pro- 
vided for  the  necessities  of  this  country  by  wise  laws 
and  regulations,  he  went  to  Marseilles,  At  this  place 
he  received  the  congratulations  of  the  ambassadors  of 
Pope  Eugene,  and  of  the  Doge  of  Genoa,  upon  his 
release  from  captivity ;  and  during  his  stay  at  this 
port,  the  Genoese  sent  him  a  fleet,  with  which  he  sailed 
to  Genoa.  His  arrival  was  celebrated  by  a  number  of 
fetes,  and  Rene,  while  thus  detained,  formed  strong 
ties  of  friendship  with  Thomas  di  Fregosa,  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  doges  of  that  republic.  At  length, 
with  the  additional  reinforcements  given  to  him  at  this 

*  Viiieneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


Faultrier. 


188  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

place,  Ren^  proceeded  to  Naples,  where  lie  arrived  on 
the  9th  of  May,  1438. 
1438.  Tiie  Neapolitans  received  their  king  with  enthusiasm, 

vuiene'uve  Hc  entered  the  capital  mounted  on  a  white  horse,  richly 
rgemont.  ^aparisoncd,  dressed  in  royal  robes  and  having  the 
crown  and  sceptre ;  the  sound  of  cannon,  of  church 
bells,  and  of  the  acclamations  of  the  inhabitants  (by 
whom  he  was  acknowledged  sovereign),  testifying 
the  universal  welcome.  The  renown  he  had  acquired,  ~ 
and  the  presence  of  his  consort,  had  procured  for  him 
a  great  interest ;  but  when  they  beheld  the  simplicity 
of  his  retinue,  and  discovered  that  he  brought  with  \ 
him  only  military  talents,  and  not  gold,  their  zeal  was  ' 
sensibly  diminished,  and  their  shouts  of  joy  and  welcome 
were  succeeded  by  a  mournful  silence.*  Rene  had 
indeed  purchased  his  liberty  at  an  enormous  ransom ; 
his  treasuries  were  empty,  and  he  had  brought  no 
army,  and  no  subsidy,  to  this  kingdom,  which  Avas 
already  ruined,  and  whose  revenues  were  divided 
amongst  factions.  Thus  his  partisans,  although  charmed 
by  the  goodness  of  his  character  and  his  courage,  soon 
perceived  that  his  success  depended  upon  their  own 
exertions,  and  they  suffered  their  zeal  to  cool,  and  the 
Angevine  cause  to  decline. 

Rene  resided  alternately  at  the  palace  of  Queen 
Joanna,  and  at  the  Chateau  de  I'CEuf,!  where  he  was 
soon  surrounded  by  many  learned  men  and  artists.  J 
Michael  Attendolo  and  Jacques  de  Caldora  specially 
attached  themselves  to  the  service  of  Rene,  and  also 
Michelotto,  who    brought   him   1,000  horses.      These 

*  Papon,  Hist,  de  Provence ;  Biographic  Universelle  ;  Bodin  ;  Sismondi ; 
Villencuve  Bargemont  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

t  An  ancient  fortress,  with  eight  towers  and  a  Gothic  chapel,  built  on  a 
rock  of  an  oval  shape  from  whence  it  took  its  name.  It  was  here  that  Rene 
presented  Isabella  with  the  duchy  of  Melphe,  as  a  token  of  his  gratitude  for 
her  late  enterprises. 

^  Sismondi  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 


MAEGAEET   OE   ANJOU.  189 

experienced  generals  were  constantly  occupied  in  exer- 
cising in  the  profession  of  arms,  a  certain  number  of 
men,  whom  they  employed  for  him  who  offered  the 
highest  terms.  The  Carraccioli  family  were  also  de- 
voted to  Kene. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  1438,  Rene  left  Naples  and  1433. 
opened  the  campaign  by  Abruzzi,  where  he  obtained 
possession  of  Aquila.  When  informed  of  the  move- 
ments of  Alphonso,  he  returned,  and  beat  his  squadron 
near  Nola,  in  the  Terre  de  Labour,  but  no  action  took 
place.  He  then  besieged  Castello  Nuovo,*  a  strong 
fortress,  erected  by  Charles  I.  of  Anjou,  for  the  defence 
of  Naples,  and  which  had  long  been  in  the  possession 
of  Alphonso. 

After  these  successes,  the  city  of  Naples  abandoned 
itself  to  pleasure.  The  tournament  of  Otho  Carraccioli 
was  held,  one  of  the  most  splendid  and  remarkable 
amongst  the  jeu  d'armes  of  the  age,  and  so  peculiar 
was  it,  that  it  has  never  been  forgotten.  It  took  place 
at  the  Castle  of  St.  Elmo,  on  Lundi-gras,  1438,  and  a 
multitude  of  Angevins,  Lorrains,  and  Proven^aux  were 
present,  f 

The  details  of  this  feat  of  arms  are  not  given,  but  we 
are  informed  that  Rene  had  awarded  two  prizes  of 
great  value,  to  excite  the  skill  and  valour  of  the  com- 
batants. The  first  of  these,  a  rose  and  an  aigrette  of 
diamonds,  was  offered  by  the  Queen  herself  to  Otho 
Carraccioli,  who  was  unanimously  proclaimed  the  victor. 
The  second,  a  ring  set  with  precious  stones,  called  the 
jjrix  d'amow\  was  presented  by  Beatrix  de  St.  Severin 
(a  young  widow  whose  charms  caused  her  to  be  styled 
"  le  Soldi  des  heautes  Napolitaines  ")  to  the  renowned 
Otho  who  gained  with  eclat  all  the  honours  of  this  fete. 

*  The  Castello  Nuovo,  or  Chateau  Neuf,  still  possesses  towers,  admirably 
carved,  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

t  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


190  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

While  at  Naples,  the  youthful  Margaret  was  pur- 
suing her  education  under  the  care  of  her  accom- 
plished mother,  and  of  Antoine  de  Salle,  her  brother's 
learned  preceptor.  She  thus  early  acquired  knowledge 
of  various  kinds,  and  also  the  surprising  eloquence 
which  distinguished  her  in  her  subsequent  career. 
Yet  this  period  of  tranquillity  did  not  last  long. 

Rene  fully  justified  the  high  reputation  he  had  ac- 
quired at  his  accession ;  his  campaign  in  the  Abruzzi 
had  added  new  laurels  to  his  fame,  and  affairs  began;  to 
take  a  new  turn.  In  the  spring  this  prince  pursued 
his  conquest  of  the  farther  Abruzzi,  and  while  thus  en- 
gaged, Alphonso,  (whose  party  was  daily  increasing, 
and  who  had  returned  to  Italy  with  a  numerous  army,) 
advanced  to  the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  and  seized 
the  opportunity  to  approach  Naples,  then  only  defended 
by  the  courageous  Isabella. 

The  Spanish  prince,  in  besieging  Naples,  expected 
It  could  not  make  a  long  resistance,  and  the  invention 
of  cannon  facilitated  the  attack  ;  but  the  siege  con- 
tinued a  month,  when  the  death  of  his  brother,  Don 
Pedro,  and  the  continuance  of  heavy  rains,  obliged 
Alphonso  to  raise  the  siege  and  fall  back  on  Capua. 
This  unexpected  retreat  saved  the  city.  The  walls 
having  been  shaken  by  the  artillery,  and  also  under- 
mined by  the  waters,  fell  down  of  themselves.  The 
breach  thus  presented  was  sufficiently  large  to  admit 
the  besiegers,  but  they  did  not  return  to  the  attack 
before  Rene  arrived  to  the  relief  of  the  city.* 

Rend  was  now  called  upon  to  practise  the  lessons  of 
wisdom  which  the  Doge  had  given  him.  In  November 
of  1431),  the  brave  Jacques  de  Caldora  died,  at  the  age 
of  sixty.  His  son,  Antoine,  succeeded  him  ;  he  received 
the  Constable's  sword   and  the  title  of  Viceroy,  but 

•  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;    Godard  Faultrier. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  191 

he  did  not  inherit  the  zeal  or  fidelity  evinced  by  his 
father.* 

Upon  receiving  the  order  to  appear  with  his  forces 
at  Naples  to  oppose  the  enemy,  the  purport  of  his 
answer  was,  that  he  could  not  make  the  army  march 
without  money ;  that  to  him  it  seemed  necessary  that 
Rend  should  show  himself  in  all  the  provinces  in  sub- 
jection to  him,  to  confirm  their  fidelity,  and  to  raise 
amongst  them  the  necessary  sums  to  enable  him  to 
contend  with  his  enemy. 

To  obviate  every  pretext  for  disobedience,  and  being 
at  the  same  time  assured  of  the  loyalty  and  fidelity  of 
the  Neapolitans,  Rene  assembled  before  him  the  prin- 
cipal amongst  them,  and,  mounted  on  horseback,  in  the 
court  of  the  castle,  with  about  forty  French  noblemen 
around  him,  he  addressed  them  as  follows  :  "Do  not 
believe,  my  friends,  that  I  have  degenerated  from  the 
virtue  of  my  ancestors  ;  there  is  no  peril  which  I 
would  not  brave  to  preserve  so  flourishing  a  kingdom, 
and  so  many  valiant  subjects.  You  know  that  Antoine 
de  Caldora  is  master  of  all  our  forces.  I  commanded 
him  to  come  to  our  assistance ;  he  has  replied,  that 
without  money  the  army  cannot  march ;  tliat  it  was 
my  interest  to  go  and  join  him  myself;  and  that,  with 
the  funds  drawn  from  the  provinces  which  obey  me,  I 
should  be  able  to  overcome  the  difficulties  which  now 
arrest  me.  I  am  going  ;  I  hope  soon  to  return  ;  and 
shall  act  in  such  a  manner  that  this  city  shall  continue 
what  it  has  ever  been,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.  I 
commend  it  to  you  during  my  absence  ;  I  commend  to 
you  also  the  Queen  and  my  sons,  whom  I  leave  in  your 
hands."  Saying  this  he  rode  off,  amidst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  Neapolitans,  who  prayed  for  his  success, 
and  assured  him,  that  "  they  would  die  sooner  than 

♦  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Daniel  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Mariana. 


192  MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU. 

suffer    any   banner   tlian    his   to    be   established    in 
Naples." 

In  this  expedition  Rene  was  followed  by  some  young 
noblemen,  who,  in  their  haste,  being  unable  to  pro- 
cure horses,  went  after  him  on  foot,  accompanied  by 
eighty  foot  soldiers.  These,  headed  by  Raymond  de 
Bartlotte,  were  exposed  to  many  dangers ;  sometimes 
in  peril  of  their  lives,  or  of  being  taken  by  the  bands 
of  Alphonso,  while  they  traversed  the  country ;  at  other 
times  compelled,  in  crossing  mountains  covered  with 
snow,  to  make  new  paths  for  themselves.  Rene  als6 
marched  on  foot,  and  from  time  to  time,  turning  to  his 
followers  with  a  gay  and  cheerful  countenance,  he 
told  them  that  "  if  they  partook  of  his  dangers  and 
fatigues,  they  should  also  share  the  fruits  of  his  vic- 
tory." Thus  did  he  show  his  condescension  and 
generosity  throughout  this  journey,  and  rendered  him- 
self beloved. 

During  this  difficult  march  Rene,  one  day,  while  pass- 
ing through  a  village,  was  attacked  by  some  of  the 
peasants,  five  of  whom  were  secured  and  brought 
before  him  for  punishment;  but  when  they  threw 
themselves  at  his  feet  to  beseech  his  mercy,  he  treated 
them  with  kindness,  and  restored  them  to  freedom,  gra- 
ciously adding  that,  "  as  a  monarch  he  wished  to  fulfil 
all  the  duties  of  a  monarch,  the  first  of  which  was  cle- 
mency;  and  that,  far  from  destroying  any  of  his  subjects, 
he  would  be  occupied  only  for  their  happiness."* 

This  march  of  Ren^  and  his  followers  was  performed 
in  the  winter  season,  and  the  snow  torrents  and  the 
ascent  of  steep  mountains  greatly  impeded  his  pro- 
gress, yet  he  triumphed  over  these  accumulated  diffi- 
culties, and  in  spite  of  a  thousand  dangers,  he  finally 
arrived  at  Santo  Angelo  di  Scala,  a  barony  belonging 

*  Hist.  Central  de  Provence. 


JklAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  193 

to  Carraccioli,  where  lie  obtained  shelter  and  pro- 
visions. He  afterwards  went  to  Benevento,  where 
the  celebrated  battle  had  taken  place  between 
Charles  I.  of  Anjou  and  Mainfroy,  in  which  the  former 
triumphed.*  The  vigour  and  energy  of  Rene  would, 
we  are  told,  have  been  crowned  with  success,  in  re- 
ducing the  rebel  provinces,  but  for  the  treason  of 
Antoine  de  Caldora,  who,  having  been  upon  some 
offence  cast  into  prison  by  the  Angevine  monarch,  now 
thirsted  for  revenge.  He  ultimately  caused  the  un- 
popularity of  Rene,  for  the  other  generals  followed  the 
example  of  Caldora,  and  being  bribed  by  the  agents  of 
Alphonso,  and  discontented  at  the  poverty  of  Rene's 
court,  they  changed  sides.  A  great  part  of  the  army 
of  Rene  revolted,  and  the  loss  of  a  galley  from  France, 
bearing  large  sums  of  money,  precipitated  his  ruin. 

The  siege  of  Naples  was  renewed,  in  the  meantime, 
by  Alphonso,  who  gained  Pozzuoli.  Rene  returned 
in  haste  to  the  city,  but  while  approaching  it,  disaffec- 
tion appeared  amongst  his  troops.  The  treason  of 
Caldora  was  perceived;  he  had  been  distributing  the 
gold  of  Alphonso.  Upon  this,  the  Italians,  touched  by 
the  misfortunes  of  Rene  and  aroused  by  one  of 
those  changes  of  feeling  so  natural  to  that  people, 
swore  to  bury  themselves  with  their  leader  beneath 
the  walls  of  Naples ;  yet  such  was  their  levity,  that 
they  subsequently  abandoned  him.  The  burst  of  144]. 
loyalty,  however,  for  the  moment  revived  a  gleam  of 
hope,  and  Fregosa,  the  illustrious  Doge  of  Genoa, 
engaged  to  support  the  Angevine  monarch,  who,  shut 
up  in  Naples,  (even  while  a  frightful  famine  prevailed 
there,)  was  preparing  to  defend  himself  to  the  last 
extremity,  sending  back  to  Provence  his  consort 
Isabella,  and   his  children.f     This  step  was  greatly 

*  Goda.rd  Faiiltrier. 

f  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Godard  Faiiltrier  ;  Daniel ;  Mariana. 
VOL.  I.  o 


Cxodarrl 
Faiiltrier. 


194  MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOTT. 

prejudicial  to  Rene's  cause,  the  people  interpreting 
that  he  had  but  little  hope  of  preserving  the  kingdom. 
The  populace  too  often  exhibit  a  natural  disposition 
to  regard  things  in  the  worst  point  of  view,  in  short, 
to  look  to  the  dark  side ;  wherefore  reputation,  in  war- 
like matters,  contributes  infinitely  to  success. 

Rene  had  so  secured  to  himself  the  love  of  the 
people  of  Naples,  that  they  were  willing  to  undergo 
many  privations  and  dangers  for  his  sake,  especially 
when  they  beheld  him  so  willingly  participate  in  their 
sufferings. 

The  hopes  of  the  besieged  rested  on  Count  Sforza, 
who  had  been  earnestly  solicited  by  Rene  to  come  to 
his  aid.  This  general  was  still  at  the  head  of  a 
1H2.  flourishing  army,  and  he  set  out  in  January,  1442,  to 
defend  or  reconquer  the  fiefs  he  had  inherited  in  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.  In  this  expedition,  however,  he 
was  so  unsuccessful  that  before  the  expiration  of  the 
year,  he  no  longer  possessed  a  single  fief  of  all  those 
which  his  father  had  acquired  with  so  much  labour  and 
such  numerous  victories.  In  the  details  of  this  war  it 
would  appear  that  the  conduct  of  the  Pope,  which  was 
in  contempt  of  a  sworn  peace,  occasioned  the  defeat  of 
8f"orza,  and  thus  deprived  Rene  of  his  last  hope  of  the 
conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.*  Alphonso  had 
obtained  possession  of  Capria,  Gaeta,  Aversa,  and 
Acerre.  A  fresh  treason  soon  gave  him  the  command 
of  the  capital. 

After  he  had  provided  for  the  safety  of  his  family, 
the  courage  of  Rend  seemed  to  be  aroused.  He  gave 
his  orders  with  energy,  and  going  with  activity  from 
place  to  place  in  the  town,  he  divided  with  his  people 
the  small  store  of  provisions  which  remained  to  them. 
These  were,  however,  insufficient  for  their  necessities 
arid    hunger  pressed   hard   upon   them ;    at   last,   one 

*  Daniel  ;  Mariana. 


IMABGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  195 

poor  widow  was  refused  bread.  In  her  despair,  tliis 
woman  ran  to  the  conduit-maker,  Annello,  who  was  a 
partisan  of  Alphonso,  and  told  him  of  a  subterranean 
passage,  by  which  the  Spanish  troops  could  enter  the 
town.  This  news  was  conveyed  by  Annello  to  Al- 
phonso, who  despatched  some  of  his  generals  with  250 
soldiers,  under  the  guidance  of  Annello.  These  Arra- 
gonese  invested  the  capital  by  night.  Their  guide 
enabled  them  to  introduce  themselves  with  lisrhted 
torches,  at  midnight,  through  the  same  aqueduct 
which,  nine  centuries  before,  had  enabled  Belisarius  to 
obtain  possession  of  the  city.  When  Rene  was  in- 
formed that  his  enemies  had  penetrated  into  the  town, 
he  ran  in  great  haste  to  the  combat,  but  the  darkness 
increased  the  confusion.  The  walls  were  scaled,  and 
a  desperate  fight  ensued,  Rene  fought  bravely,  for 
he  still  had  hopes  ;  but  the  gates  were  forced  in,  and 
the  Arragonese  columns,  one  after  another,  rushed 
into  the  city.  Thus  was  Naples  taken  by  Alphonso, 
while  the  Angevine  prince,  in  the  midst  of  a  thousand 
dangers,  had  only  time  to  escape,  sword  in  hand  and 
with  his  horse  covered  with  blood  and  foam,  to  the 
Chateau-Neuf.  This  was  his  only  retreat  on  the  fatal 
night  of  the  3rd  of  June,  1442.*  1442. 

After  this  catastrophe,  the  faithful  Genoese  offered  pauiti-ier 
their  vessels  to  Rene,  who,  having  no  longer  any  re-  ^:!^^^''' ' 
source,  availed  himself  of  this  means  to  make  a  hasty 
retreat  into  France. 

Two  days  after  his  defeat,  Rene  embarked.  He 
sailed  first  to  Porto  Pisano,  and  from  thence  went  to 
Florence  to  complain  to  Pope  Eugene  IV.  of  his  want 
of  faith.  This  pontiff,  to  console  him,  gave  him  the 
investiture  of  the  kingdom  which  he  had  just  been 
compelled  to  abandon.  In  the  vain  contest  for  this 
kingdom  Rene   had  experienced  the  treacherous  and 

*  Codin  ;  Godcard  Faultrier  ;  Mariana  ;  Daniel. 

0  2 


196  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

selfisli  desertion  of  lils  numerous  allies.  After  the 
capture  of  Aversa  all  the  very  powerful  and  wealthy 
family  of  Caldora  went  over  to  Alphonso,  and  the 
army  of  Sforza,  sent  to  his  aid  by  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
was  beaten  near  Troya,  in  Apulia.  Thus  Alphonso 
gained  the  ascendancy,  and  Rene  was  compelled  to 
yield  the  field  to  his  adversary,  who  founded  the  line 
of  Arragonese  kings  in  Naples  upon  claims  more 
splendid  than  just.* 

About  the  same  period  that  the  Spanish  monarch 
was  engaged  in  the  capture  of  Naples,  a  league  had 
been  formed  by  Pope  Eugene,  the  Venetians,  Flo- 
rentines, and  Genoese,  to  drive  out  the  Arragonese 
from  all  Italy ;  but  this  enterprise  failed,  owing  to  the 
want  of  unity  amongst  their  forces  ;  and  after  the 
departure  of  Rene,  the  conqueror  became  possessed  of 
the  whole  of  the  kingdom.  Alphonso  made  a  trium- 
phal entry  into  Naples  ;  and  being  earnestly  desirous 
of  a  reconciliation  with  Pope  Eugene,  he  prevailed  on 
him  to  acknowledge  him  the  following  year  as  king, 
and  also  his  son  Ferdinand  as  his  successor.| 

From  Florence  Rene  repaired  to  Genoa,  where  he 

experienced  a  friendly  reception  from  the  Doge,  Fre- 

gosa.     He  then  proceeded  to  JMarseilles,  and  after  an 

absence  of  four  years  and  a  half,  arrived  there  at  the 

Hi-^-      end  of  the  year  1442. J: 

The  general  testimony  of  historians  is,  that  Ren^  of 
Anjou,  although  so  unfortunate  in  the  issue  of  his 
enterprise  in  Italy,  "  had  perfectly  fulfilled  all  the 
duties  of  a  valiant  soldier  and  a  skilful  general."  At 
this  period  even  he  felt  that  he  could  not,  and  ought 
not,  to  renounce  all  hope  ;  and  he,  therefore,  sent  into 


*  Bodin  ;    Mariana  ;    Ilallam  ;    Godard  Faultrier  ;    Daniel  ;  Sismondi  ; 
Eccles.  Hist. 

f  Mariana  ;  I'Abb^  Millot. 

t  Daniel ;  Godard  Faultrier  :  Eoclcs.  Hist. 


MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU.  107 

Italy,  Vidal  de  Cabanis  and  Charles  de  Chatillon,  in 
order  tliat  they  should  send  him  such  intelligence  as 
might  be  favourable  to  his  future  interests. 

Many  troubles  had  arisen  in  Lorraine  during  Rent's 
expedition  into  Italy;  the  prince  did  not,  therefore, 
prolong  his  stay  in  Provence,  Being,  however,  de- 
sirous of  visiting  the  principal  cities,  he  went  to  Taras- 
con  at  the  commencement  of   February,   1443.     At  ,",?"^^^- 

'1  '  Villencuve 

this  place  Rene  received  William  Haraucourt,  Bishop  Baigemont; 
of  Verdun,  Pierre  de  Beaufremont,  Seigneur  Charny,  Caimet. 
and  Antoine  de  Gaudei,  the  secretary  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  who  had  been  sent  by  this  prince  to  nego- 
tiate the  marriage  of  his  nephew,  Charles,  Count  of 
Nevers,  with  the  second  daughter  of  Rene,  Margaret 
of  Anjou. 

This  princess  had  nearly  attained  her  fourteenth 
year,  and  already  gave  indications  of  those  personal- 
charms  and  mental  qualifications  for  which  she  was 
afterwards  so  much  distinguished  ;  and  these,  doubt- 
less, had  great  influence  in  fixing  the  choice  of  her 
new  suitor.  The  Count  of  Nevers  had  been  affianced 
to  Jane  of  Bar,  daughter  of  Robert  of  Bar,  Count  of 
]\Iarche,  and  afterwards  had  been  on  the  point  of  mar- 
rying the  Duchess  of  Austria,  but  finally  he  decided 
in  favour  of  Margaret  of  Anjou. 

Both  Rene  and  his  consort.  Queen  Isabella  (who 
had  arrived  at  Tarascon),  eagerly  accepted  these  pro- 
posals, and  the  contract  of  marriage  was  signed  on  the 
4th  of  February,  1443. 

Rene  agreed  to  give  with  his  daughter  the  sum  of 
50,000  livres  as  her  dowry,  and  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy guaranteed  to  settle  upon  her  a  jointure  of  40,000 
livres  ;  but  Rene,  on  his  side,  wished  that  in  conside- 
ration of  this  alliance  the  Duke  would  forego  the 
80,600  ecus  d'or,  which  he  owed  him,  and  for  which 
he  held,  as  security,  the  cities  of  Neufchateau,  Preny, 


198  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

and  Longiiy.     The  Duke,  at  length,  consented  to  remit 
that  sum,  and  the  interests,  in  consideration  of  a  reason- 
able indemnity,  and  upon  this,  Rene,  as  an  equivalent, 
gave  up  Clermont,  Varennes,  and  Vienne,  in  Argonne. 
There  was  one  clause,  however,  inserted,  which  gave 
infinite  displeasure  to  the  Count  de  Vaudemont.     It 
declared  that  the  children  of  Margaret  should  be  heirs 
of  Sicily,  Provence,  and  Bar,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
children  of  Yolande,  her  eldest  sister,  who  was  affianced 
to  Ferri  de  Vaudemont,  the  son  of  Antoine  ;  yet  with 
a  reservation,  that,  if  Yolande  should  marry  a  second 
time,  the  male  children  of  that  alliance  should  exclude 
tlie  descendants  of  Margaret  from  the  paternal  succes- 
sion, in  reservation  of  the  duchy  of  Bar,  to  which  they 
were  legally  entitled.     King  Rene  could  not  possibly 
have  marked  in  a  more  decisive  manner  the  displea- 
sure he  felt  against  the  House  of  Vaudemont.     This 
arrangement  was  bitterly  complained  of  by  both  father 
and  son,  and  the  former  carried  his  complaints  to  King- 
Charles,  the  arbiter  and  guarantee  of  the  late  treaty 
which  had  fixed  the  pretensions  of  the  two  houses. 
Charles  VII.  then  demanded  reparation  of  Rene,  and 
even  threatened    to    take  up  arms  should  he  oppose 
the  treaty  of  1441.     Antoine  still  claimed  Rene  as  his 
prisoner,  and  King  Charles  referred  the  affair  to  the 
Parliament,  the  proper  judge  of  the   Duke    of   Bur- 
gundy ;    but    he  reserved  to  himself  that  which  re- 
lated to    the    said  treaty.      Thus  was  the   marriage 
of  the  Count  of  Nevers  deferred,  and  ultimately  its 
accomplishment  prevented,   for  while  these  questions 
were  agitated,  another,  and  a  more  irresistible  offer 
was  made  for  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Margaret.* 
J443  The  rest  of  this  year,  1443,  was  passed  by  Ren^ 

Viiieiieuve    either  at  Aix  or  Marseilles,  where  he  devoted  himself 

l>argemout  ...  .     , 

to    the   admmistration,    and    especially   to   the   most 

*  Dom  Calmct  ;  Villoncuve  Bargemout. 


MAEGAEET  OF   ANJOU.  199 

effectual  means  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  Arra- 
gonese  forces.  While  at  Marseilles,  Rene  received 
intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  mother,  Yolande  of 
Arragon,  Queen  Dowager  of  Sicily.  She  died  on  the 
14th  of  December,  1443,  at  the  Castle  of  Saumur,*  and 
was  interred  in  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Maurice,  at  AnGrers. 
The  life  of  this  princess  had  been  distinguished  by  a 
multitude  of  acts  of  piety  and  benevolence,  and  the 
Proven^aux,  who  had  been  acquainted  with  her 
virtues  and  estimable  qualities,  sincerely  united  in  the 
just  regrets  of  their  sovereign. f 

At  the  time  of  the  departure  of  Rene  for  Naples,  the 
Count  de  Vaudemont  had  felt  offended,  for  two  reasons  : 
first,  because  he  did  not  form  one  of  the  Regency 
Council,  and  next,  at  the  reports  circulated  of  the  King's 
repugnance  to  grant  his  daughter  Yolande  to  his  son, 
Ferri.  Being  apprehensive  lest  this  princess  should  be 
taken  away  from  him,  or,  perhaps,  embittered  against 
Rene's  ministers,  he  collected  his  troops,  encouraged  the 
incursions  of  the  rebels,  and  even  took  great  numbers 
of  them  into  pay,  and  enticed  to  his  party  Robert  de 
Sarrebruche,  who  w^as  ever  ready  to  break  his  oaths.:|: 
Thus  hostilities  commenced,  and  Antoine  and  the 
Regency  were  alternately  conquerors  at  this  period, 
which  was  signalized  by  pillage,  conflagration,  and 
murderous  combats.  Charles  Vll.  at  length  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  these  excesses,  and  summoned  the 
parties  to  appear  before  him ;  at  first,  they  apparently 
submitted  to  the  conditions  this  monarch  imposed,  but 
the  war  again  broke  out  with  increased  fury. 

At  this  period  Louis  of  Anjou,  having  been  appointed      1443, 
Lieutenant-General,  entered  Lorraine.     He  found  the 

*  The  castle  of  Saumiir  had  been  granted  to  Queen  Yolande,  as  part  of 
her  dowry,  in  order  that  she  might  pass  there  the  remainder  of  her  days, 
t  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 
J  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


200  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

country  devastated  by  bloodshed  and  civil  contention,' 
and  be  was  compelled  at  once  to  take  decisive  measures. 
Although  only  twelve  years  of  age,  he  defended  with 
vigour  the  town  of  Bar,  caused  the  siege  to  be  raised, 
and  compelled  Robert  de  Sarrebruche  to  capitulate  in 
the  citadel  of  Commercy ;  but  while  the  laurels  of 
victory  were  thus  gathering  on  his  youthful  brow,  death 
suddenly  deprived  the  country  of  this  hero  of  noble 
promise. 

Louis,  Marquis  of  Pont-a-Mousson,  expired,  after  a 
liii.  short  illness,  in  1444,*  and  had  not  the  happiness  of 
again  beholding  his  father,  who  was  preparing  to  come 
to  Lorraine,  to  endeavour  by  his  presence  to  terminate 
the  troubles  of  his  people.  Rene,  however,  subse- 
quently abandoned  this  intention,  either  through  the 
grief  he  felt  on  his  son's  death,  or  from  his  anxiety 
to  defend  his  province  of  Anjou  from  the  attacks  of 
the  English,  who  had  been  making  great  progress  in 
Maine. 

Louis  de  Beauvau  having  been  dismissed  with  un- 
limited powers  into  Lorraine,  Rene  set  out  for  Poitiers, 
to  rejoin  the  King  of  France,  while  Queen  Isabella 
departed  for  Nanci. 

King  Charles  VIL  and  Rene  afterwards  proceeded 
together  to  the  city  of  Tours,  where  they  arrived  at  the 
same  time  as  Charles  of  Orleans,  who  had  just  re- 
appeared at  the  French  court,  after  many  years  of 
captivity  in  England.  It  was  here  that  this  prince,  so 
renowned  for  his  mental  accomplishments  and  poetic 
talents,  for  the  first  time  beheld  Ren^,  and  they  con- 
tracted an  intimate  friendsliip,  the  constancy  of  which 
shed  many  cliarms  on  their  subsequent  lives.  Rene  also 
found  himself  in  the  presence  of  all  his  old  companions 
in  arms,  and  he  again  resigned  himself  to  his  taste  for 

*  Louis  died,  it  is  believed,  in  January,  1444,  but  the  precise  date  is  not 
recorded.     He  was  interred  in  the  church  of  St.  Antoine,  Pont-a-Mousson. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  201 

fi'tes^  which  had  only  been  interrupted,  or  laid  aside, 
whilst  he  engaged  in  his  warlike  expeditions.  The 
whole  court  rejoiced  at  his  coming,  for  he  was  known 
to  be  a  prince  who  loved  pleasure,  and  brought  in 
his  train  men  of  wit  and  amusement.  * 

The  presence  of  Rene  at  Tours  was  of  great  service 
to  Kmg  Charles,  who,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  England,  about  to  be  concluded,  specially 
charged  this  prince  with  the  care  of  directing  this 
important  affair. 

Rene  first  obtained  a  truce  for  eight  months,  and  he 
then  discussed  with  consummate  skill  their  reciprocal 
interests,  thus  striking  at  the  root  of  the  negotiation, 
and  by  his  firmness  and  clear  perception,  contrived  to 
terminate  the  disagi'eements  which  might  have  occa- 
sioned a  new  war.  Many  were  the  conferences  held 
with  a  view  to  establish  a  permanent  peace,  but  so 
many  difficulties  arose  that  it  was  found  to  be  imprac- 
ticable, and  only  a  truce  was  agreed  upon,  the  terms 
of  which  were  dated  the  21st  of  May,  1444.  i444. 

-r^.,  PI-  •      •  •        ^  1     Monstrelet. 

Uurmg  the  course  ot  tins  negotiation,  m  the  month 
of  April,  a  proposal  was  made  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land, which  apparently  altered  the  position  of  Rene, 
and  ought  to  have  consoled  him  for  his  late  mis- 
fortunes. This  was  a  treaty  of  marriage,  proposed 
by  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  between  his  master,  King 
Henry  VI.,  and  Margaret  of  Anjou,  the  second  daughter 
of  King  Rene.f 

The  satisfaction  of  Rene  may  readily  be  imagined, 
for  such  a  measure  could  not  have  been  anticipated, 
since  the  King  of  England  was,  at  this  time,  considered 
as  all  but  betrothed  to  the  daughter  of  the  Count  of 
Armagnac,  and  this  new  offer  seemed  also  to  remove 
every  prospect  of  a  fresh  dissension  between  the  two 

*  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Barg-emont, 

f  Villeneuve  Bargemout  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Monstrelet. 


202  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

kingdoms,  and  placed  the  daughter  of  Rene  In  a 
rank  the  most  flattering  to  the  ambition  of  a  father. 

The  only  dowry  exacted  by  King  Henry  was  the 
cession  of  the  rights,  transmitted  to  Rene  by  Yolande 
of  Arragon,  on  the  kingdom  of  Minorca.  He  re- 
nounced the  rest  of  her  succession,  and  he  restored 
the  town  of  Le  Mans  to  Charles  of  Anjou,  and  to 
Ren^  all  his  possessions  which  had  been  taken  from 
him  by  the  English.* 

By  this  marriage,  which  was  willingly  agreed  to  by 
all  parties,  and  soon  after  concluded,  the  House  of 
Anjou-Plantagenet  was,  after  the  lapse  of  several 
centuries,  united,  on  the  throne  of  England,  to  the 
Second  House  of  Anjou-Sicily,| 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont.  f  Godard  Faultrier. 


CHAPTER  III. 

King  Henry. — "  Was  ever  king  that  joy'd  an  earthly  throne 

* '  And  could  command  no  more  content  than  I  ? 
"  No  sooner  was  I  crept  ont  of  my  cradle, 
"  But  I  was  made  king,  at  nine  months  old  ; 
"  Was  ever  subject  long'd  to  be  a  king, 
"  As  I  do  long  and  wish  to  be  a  subject  ?  " 

Shakespeare.— ifenj-y  VI. 

King  Henry  V. — His  death  and  will — The  characters  of  Bedford  and  Glou- 
cester —  Quarrels  of  Gloucester  and  Beaufort  —  Losses  in  France  — 
Death  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford — Contests  in  the  Cabinet — The  influence 
of  Cardinal  Beaufort — Education  and  character  of  Henry  VI. 

Peevious  to  the  attempt  to  delineate  the  character, 
and  narrate  the  eventful  career  of  Margaret  of 
Anjou,  it  will  be  advisable  to  take  a  slight  survey  of 
the  English  court ;  that  stage  whereon  she  was  des- 
tined to  act  so  conspicuous  a  part,  and  where  her 
conduct,  it  has  been  said,  involved  the  happiness  of 
almost  all  her  adherents,  leading  to  contentions,  civil 
warfare,  and  to  the  misery  of  herself  and  family.  That 
these  unhappy  results  emanated  from  the  misrule  of 
the  Lancastrian  queen  may,  however,  be  disproved  by 
patient  inquiry  into  the  facts  of  history,  even  amidst 
the  confusion  of  the  records  of  turbulent  times,  ren- 
dered almost  contradictory  through  the  party  spirit  of 
historians. 

It  will  be  found,  that,  far  from  being  the  cause  of  so 
much  misery,  Margaret  was  herself  misguided  and 
unhappy;  the  victim  of  the  intrigues  of  designing 
men,  already  at  variance  in  their  country,  to  which  she 
came  as  a  stranger,  yet  where  her  high  talents,  and  the 
noble  qualities  of  her  mind  and  heart,  alone  enabled 


204  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

lier,  subsequently,  to  maintain  her  position  as  sovereign. 
Neither  did  she  succumb  to  her  adverse  fortunes,  until 
she  had  proved,  to  the  utmost,  her  heroism  and  devo- 
tion to  her  husband  and  his  country. 

Henry  V.,  the  conqueror  of  Agincourt  and  one  of 
the  greatest  heroes  of  his  age,  held,  for  a  brief  period, 
the  sceptre  of  England  with  an  able  and  vigorous 
hand;  for  he  had  gained  renown  by  other  than  military 
skill,  and  had  evinced  the  greatest  endowments  and 
good  qualities.  In  the  prime  of  life,  however,  and 
in  the  midst  of  his  victories  in  France,  he  was  seized 
with  sudden  illness,  which  caused  his  death  ;  and  he 
left  his  crown  to  an  infant  son,  nine  months  old. 

It  was  the  destiny  of  this  little  prince,  Henry  VI., 
to  lose  all  the  foreign  conquests  of  his  warlike  sire, 
who,  as  if  apprehending  misfortunes,  had  taken  many 
wdse  precautions  for  the  futurity  of  his  infant  son. 

On  his  death-bed  Henry  V.  conjured  his  nobility 
assembled  around  him  to  remain  united,  in  order  to 
preserve  the  interests  of  his  son,  whose  education  he 
intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and 
appointed  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  Regent  of 
France,  and  his  youngest  brother,  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester, Regent  of  England,  during  his  son's  minority. 
He  recommended  them  also  to  cultivate  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  to  offer  him  the 
Regency  of  France.  His  advice  also  was,  that  they 
should  retain  their  prisoners  of  war  until  his  son 
should  be  able  to  judge  of  their  disposal  himself,  and 
on  no  account  should  they  make  peace  with  the 
French,  unless  by  the  surrender  of  Normandy  they 
could  obtain  an  equivalent  for  their  losses.*  Such 
were  the  commands  of  the  dying  monarch,  who  was 
so  much  beloved,  respected,  and  admired.  How  pru- 
dent were  these  injunctions,  but  how  soon  disregarded 

*  liolinshed ;  Baker  ;  Saudford  ;  Howcl  ;  Rj-mer'a  Fcjedcra. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  205 

by  Ills  relatives  and  subjects!  Private  passions  and 
individual  prejudices  too  often  arise  to  overthrow  the 
wisest  plans  of  human  foresight. 

Shortly  after  the  remains  of  Henry  V.  were  con-  j.  \^^f, 
signed,  with  the  utmost  pomp,  to  their  last  earthly  Hu^e.  ' 
resting-place,  a  division  took  place  in  the  English 
Cabinet.  Objections  were  raised  to  the  Regency  of  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  whose  uncle,  Beaufort,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  directing  a  search  into  precedents,  de- 
clared the  claims  of  Gloucester  were  unconstitutional. 
The  Council,  however,  wished  to  conciliate  the  Duke-, 
who  strongly  urged  his  right  from  his  relationship 
to  the  crown,  and  his  brother's  will  appointing  him  to 
that  office,  more  especially  from  the  absence  of  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  in  France,  but  in  vain  ;  he  was  made 
"  Protector  "  of  England  in  the  absence  of  Bedford, 
and  thus  advanced  to  a  dignity  which  commanded 
respect  but  conferred  no  real  authority. 

All  real  power  was  vested  in  the  Council  of  Regency, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  the  Bishop  of  Winchester. 
This  ambitious  and  grasping  prelate  appears  to  have 
commenced  from  this  time  an  incessant  rivalry,  and  a 
great  contest  for  power,  with  his  nephew,  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  who  naturally  felt  depreciated  and  con- 
tinued to  struggle  against  his  adversary.  Thus,  during 
the  infancy  of  Henry  VI.,  the  influence  of  these  two 
powerful  individuals  alternately  swayed  the  Council  of 
England,  rendering  her  measures  ineffective  or  abortive, 
and  eventually,  most  disastrous. 

The  nation  had  appeared  to  acquiesce  in  the  arrange- 
ment for  the  Protectorate.  Gloucester,  however,  from 
this  period  ceased  to  regard  his  uncle  as  a  friendly 
kinsman,  but  rather  as  one  who  consulted  his  own 
private  interests  at  the  expense  of  his  relatives  and  his  . 
country. 

In  France,  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  who  was  an  ac- 


206  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

complislied  and  able  prince,  sustained  the  interests 
of  his  nephew,  prosecuting  the  war  with  vigour, 
supported  by  many  skilful  generals.  Numerous  towns 
and  castles  were  taken,  and  finally,  a  decisive  victory 
gained  at  Verneuil.* 

These  rapid  successes  of  the  English  soon  reduced 
King  Charles  VIL,  (who  had  just  acceded  to  the 
throne,)  to  the  most  desperate  condition.  He  could 
not  maintain  his  troops,  or  the  splendours  of  his 
court,  and  at  last  found  himself  unable  to  procure 
even  the  necessaries  of  fife  for  himself  and  the  few 
who  remained  attached  to  his  person. 

Suddenly  a  new  phase  was  presented  in  the  drama, 
and  strange  and  unexpected  events  occurred  to  revive 
the  spirits  of  Charles.  These  were  the  mission  of 
Joan  of  Arc,  and  the  recall  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford 
to  England,  f 

It  was  to  interpose  and  accommodate  in  the  dis- 
sensions of  Gloucester  with  his  uncle  Beaufort,  that 
the  Regent  was  compelled  to  abandon  the  scene  of 
action  in  France,  where  he  had  been  so  prosperous. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  was  no  less  prudent  in  council 
than  valiant  in  the  field.  Endowed  with  superior 
genius,  and  the  perfect  master  of  his  own  passions, 
he  found  little  difficulty  in  adjusting  the  differences 
of  his  kinsmen.  His  brother,  Humphrey,  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  was  possessed  of  eminent  virtues  and 
talents,  to  which  he  added  such  extensive  information 
in  science  and  literature  as  would  have  placed  him 
on  an  equality  with  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  had  not 
his  inordinate  ambition  and  violent  passions  caused 
him  to   commit  errors  which   gave    his  enemies  the 


*  Holinshed  ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Rymer's  Foedera  ;  Howel  ;  Ea- 
rante. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Rymer's  Foedera  ;  Barante  ;  Mezerai ;  Anquetil  ;  Milles's 
Catalogue. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  207 

advantage.  He  was  also  censured  for  his  haughty 
demeanour,  yet  he  was  the  universal  favourite  of 
the  people,  and  when  deprived  of  power  in  the 
Cabinet  he  took  part  with  the  ancient  nobility,  in 
whose  neglect  and  discontent  he,  in  some  degree, 
shared.  The  members  of  the  Council  were  ever 
watchful  to  preveni  this  duke's  assumption  of  autho- 
rity, and  as  they  knew  he  could  not  displace  them, 
they  were  not  afraid  of  offending  him.  In  time,  a 
confederacy  was  formed  against  him,  headed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Winchester. 

The  exertions  of  Gloucester  to  reform  the  Church, 
and  thus  to  humble  his  opponents,  involved  him  in 
many  quarrels  with  them,  in  which  they  gained  the 
advantage  through  the  hasty  temper  of  the  Duke. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  also  imprudently 
married  the  Countess  of  Hainault,  and  in  the  attempt 
to  secure  her  inheritance  he  had  employed  some 
troops  sent  to  the  Regent  for  the  war  in  France ;  he 
had,  likewise,  involved  himself  in  a  personal  quarrel 
with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  whose  alliance  and  friend- 
ship were  much  required  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
French  war.  In  all  these  matters,  in  which  the  in- 
terests and  welfare  of  the  country  were  involved,  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  was  compelled  to  mediate.  At  first 
his  remonstrances,  and  those  of  the  Council,  were  in- 
effectual, so  incensed  was  Gloucester  by  his  dispute 
with  his  uncle,  the  Bishop,  which  had  indeed  risen  to  ,  1^25. 

1     •    1      *  Holinsned. 

a  great  and  dangerous  height. 

Early  in  the  contest  for  supremacy  between 
Gloucester  and  Winchester,  the  people  of  London  had 
taken  part  with  the  former,  who  was  their  favourite, 
but  this  interference  had  been  resented  by  the  latter, 
who  caused  many  persons  to  be  accused  of  treason 

*  Rapin  ;  Carte ;  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Sharon  Tiirner  ;  Fabian  ; 
Barante  ;  Life  of  Ghiclieley  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Eccles.  Hist. 


208  :maegaeet  of  anjou. 

and  thrown  into  prison.  This  gave  rise  to  murmurs 
and  complaints  against  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the 
Bishop,  who,  to  suppress  the  spirit  of  rebellion, 
o-arrisoned  the  Tower,  and  ordered  Sir  Richard  Wide- 
ville  "  to  admit  no  one  more  powerful  than  himself." 

This  step,  which  exhibited  the  great  power  of  the 
clergy  at  this  time,  excited  the  highest  displeasure 
in  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who,  on  returning  from 
abroad  to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  Tower,  was 
refused  admittance.  His  first  impulse  was  to  resent 
this  affront  by  closing  the  city  gates  against  the  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  and  he  next  applied  to  the  Lord  Mayor 
for  an  escort  of  five  hundred  men,  to  conduct  him 
in  safety  to  the  King  at  Eltham.  The  Bishop,  finding 
the  city  gates  closed,  attempted  to  force  his  entrance, 
and  then  barricaded  the  road  with  his  numerous 
retinue,  to  prevent  the  egress  of  the  Duke.  In  this 
hostile  position,  the  effusion  of  blood  seemed  inevit- 
able ;  but  a  temporary  pacification  was,  with  great 
difficulty,  effected,  through  the  mediation  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  and  the  Duke  of  Coimbra,  a 
prince  of  Portugal,  who  were  obliged  to  ride  eight 
times  in  one  day  between  the  offended  parties.  The 
complaints  of  the  two  parties  were  finally  referred 
to  the  arbitration  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford. 

To  such  a  height  had  the  differences  of  these  dis- 
tinguished adversaries  attained,  that  the  general  peace 
and  welfare  of  the  capital  was  in  imminent  danger ; 
the  shops  were  closed,  all  traffic  obstructed,  and  the 
citizens  were  obliged  to  keep  watch  and  ward  to 
prevent  the  evil  consequences  which  the  hostile 
appearance  of  the  partisans  in  this  quarrel  hourly 
threatened. 

The  Regent  was  thus  compelled,  by  a  hasty  sum- 
mons from  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  to  abandon  his 
ini[)ortant  conquests  in  France,  in  order  to  adjust  these 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOUi  209 

petty  dissensions  at  home,  at  a  time  when,  after  the 
victory  of  Verneuil,  the  forces  of  King  Charles  might 
have  been  effectually  crushed.* 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  could  not  approve  of  the  hasty 
and  passionate  conduct  of  his  brother ;  neither  was  he 
satisfied  with  the  interference  of  the  citizens  of  London, 
towards  whom  he  evinced  his  displeasure.  He  gave 
orders  for  a  meeting  of  peers  at  St.  Alban's,  and  also 
for  a  Parliament  at  Leicester,  whither  the  members 
were  commanded  to  repair  unarmed;  but  such  was 
the  animosity  of  the  two  parties  that  there  was  great 
difficulty  in  enforcing  these  orders. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  came  forward  in  Parliament 
with  a  personal  accusation  against  his  opponent,  com- 
prised in  six  articles,  four  of  which  related  to  personal 
grievances  ;  and  in  one  of  these  the  Bishop  was  accused 
of  attempting  the  life  of  the  Duke  on  his  way  from 
London,  by  placing  armed  men  on  the  road  to  assault 
him.  Of  the  other  two  accusations,  the  first  charged 
that  prelate  with  having  garrisoned  the  Tower,  with 
intent  to  get  the  young  King  into  his  power ;  in  the 
last  it  w^as  intimated  that  the  late  King  had  accused 
the  Bishop  of  an  attempt  on  his  life,  and  of  having 
instigated  him  to  dethrone  the  King,  his  father.  Of 
these  last  charges  the  Duke  of  Bedford  readily  acquitted 
his  uncle ;  for  the  favour  with  which  Beaufort  had 
always  been  distinguished  by  Henry  V.  was  sufficient 
testimony  of  his  innocence.  Finally,  the  eight  lords, 
who  had  been  chosen  as  arbitrators  on  this  occasion, 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 
to  make  an  apology  to  the  Duke,  and  thus  effected  a 
reconciliation. 

The  differences  also  of  the  lords  who  had  taken  part 
with  these  powerful  adversaries  were,  in  their  turn, 
adjusted,   and  peace  and   unanimity  restored.      This 

*  Sandford  ;  Barante  ;  E.ymer's  Foedera  ;  Baker  ;  Anquetil. 


210  MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU. 

was  a  cause  of  great  rejoicing  to  all  who  loved  tran- 
quillity ;  and  to  commemorate  the  general  pacification, 
King  Henry  caused  a  solemn  feast  to  be  made  on 
Whit  Sunday,  at  Leicester.  The  little  monarch, 
then  but  four  years  of  age,  was  knighted  by  his 
uncle,  the  Regent  of  France ;  after  which  the  King 
knighted  forty  of  his  attendants.  At  the  same  time 
King  Henry  created  Richard  Plantagenet  (son  and 
heir  of  the  Earl  of  Cambridge)  Duke  of  York,  restor- 
ing him  to  his  family  estates  and  honours ;  and  also 
advanced  John,  Lord  Mowbray,  to  the  dukedom  of 
Norfolk.  These  first  acts  of  Henry  VL,  which  doubt- 
less emanated  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford  (the  King 
being  so  young  at  this  time),  were  acts  of  clemency 
and  forgiveness  much  in  accordance  with  the  weak 
character  evinced  by  Henry  in  his  subsequent  life.  The 
father  of  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Earl  of  Cambridge, 
had  been  beheaded  for  treason,  and  Thomas  Mowbray, 
the  father  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  had  suffered  banish- 
ment for  a  similar  offence ;  yet  notwithstanding,  their 
estates  and  titles  were  restored  on  this  occasion. 

These  favours,  however,  proved  to  be  ill-judged, 
since  ultimately  the  conduct  of  these  two  noted  indi- 
viduals, who  obtained  great  influence  in  the  kingdom, 
turned  to  the  ruin  of  King  Henry  and  all  the  Lancas- 
trian party.* 

The  Bishop  of  Winchester  had  only  been  required 
by  the  arbitrators  to  make  a  slight  apology  to  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  yet  his  conduct  appears  to  have  called 
forth  universal  disapprobation.  He  was  either  required 
or  permitted  to  resign  his  chancellorship,  and  it  was  a 
long  time  before  he  recovered  the  influence  which  this 
exposure  occasioned  him  to  lose.  Upon  his  resignation, 
he  requested  permission  to  travel ;    but  he  neverthe- 

*  Tlolinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Milles's  Catalog-ue  ;  Monstrelet ;  Cobbett's  Trials  ; 
Thor.sl:)y's  Leicester. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  211 

less  remained  in  England  until  tlie  next  year,  and  then 
he  accompanied  the  Duke  of  Bedford  to  the  Continent, 
where  he  received  the  intelligence  that  Pope  Martin 
had  created  him  a  cardinal.    At  Calais  he  was  invested      ^.^-'"^• 
With  the  msignia  oi  that  dignity  m  the  presence  oi  tlie   Lmga.d. 
Duke  of  Bedford  and  his  court.* 

The  ambitious  designs  and  intriguing  disposition  of 
Beaufort  had  been  exposed  by  his  nephew  Gloucester, 
who  was  no  less  suspected  by  the  Cardinal  of  the 
intention  of  making  himself  independent  of  the  Council. 
From  this  time  his  conduct  was  watched,  and  the 
members  of  the  Council,  influenced  by  Beaufort,  were 
employed  to  disappoint  and  thwart  the  views  of  the 
Duke,  who  became  irritated  and  impatient  under  this 
continued  opposition  and  the  failure  of  his  projects. 
His  union  with  the  Countess  of  Hainault  being  declared 
invalid  by  the  Court  of  Rome,  Gloucester,  as  if  regard- 
less of  the  censure  of  the  world,  married  Eleanor 
Cobham,  daughter  of  Lord  Cobham  of  Sterborough, 
who  had  long  lived  his  mistress,  and  was  no  less 
remarkable  for  her  dissolute  life  than  for  her  great 
beauty. 

The  defection  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Brit- 
tany, with  other  causes,  operated  against  the  English 
in  their  subsequent  wars  in  France,  where  Bedford 
and  the  generals  who  supported  him,  struggled  on  to 
preserve  their  acquisitions  rather  than  to  achieve  the 
complete  conquest  of  that  kingdom. | 

In  England,  whither  the  Bishop,  now  Cardinal  of 
Winchester,  had  returned,  the  former  contests  and 
rivalry  were  renewed  between  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
and  that  prelate.  In  the  latter  no  favourable  change 
had  been  effected  by  his  new  dignity  of  cardinalate. 

*  Rapin  ;  Baker ;  Sandford  ;  London  Cliron.  ■;  Holinshed  ;  Villaret. 
t  Holinshed  ;    Sandford  ;    Baker  ;    Barante  ;   Mezerai  ;  Anquetil ;   Pol. 
Vergil  ;  Rymer's  Foedera. 

p  2 


212  1»IAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

Henry  v.,  it  is  said,  had  witlilield  this  high  office  from 
his  uncle,  knowing  his  insatiable  ambition,  and  the 
pride  which  such  distinction  might  excite  in  him.* 

Beaufort  was,  indeed,  naturally  of  an  intriguing  dis- 
position, and  had  great  abilities  and  experience  united 
to  love  of  power,  and  thirst  of  gain.  The  w^ealth  which 
accrued  to  him  from  the  cardinalate  enabled  him  to 
obtain  greater  influence  in  the  kingdom  than  ever,  so 
that  he  even  appeared  to  be  the  only  wealthy  indi- 
vidual, so  much  did  his  riches  exceed  those  of  others. 
He  was  called  "the  rich  Cardinal,"  and  his  ambition  in- 
stigated him  to  take  the  sole  direction  of  public  affairs. 

As  the  power  of  Beaufort  increased  that  of  Glou- 
cester decreased.  This  became  apparent  in  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  Duke's  salary  as  Protector  from  eight 
thousand  marks  to  five  thousand,  and  then  to  four 
thousand.  Afterwards,  the  coronation  of  the  young 
King,  which  took  place  on  the  6th  of  November,  1429, 
entirely  suppressed  the  Protectorate  and  established 
the  authority  of  Beaufort.  | 

The  education  of  Henry  VI.  had  been  first  intrusted, 
by  the  Coun€il  of  Regency,  to  the  Duke  of  Exeter  and 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  his  great  uncles,  who  were 
named  his  governors  ;  but  after  the  death  of  the  former, 
in  1424,  Beauchamp,  I  Earl  of  Warwick,  had  been 
appointed  to  fill  this  high  office.  The  late  monarch, 
at  his  death,  had  given  the  highest  testimony  of  his 
respect  for,  and  confidence  in,  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
by  appointing  him  to  be  tutor  to  his  son  until  he 
attained  his  sixteenth  year.  For  some  time  this  earl 
remained  in  France,  and  continued  engaged  in  the  war 
there ;  but  afterwards  Parliament  confirmed  the  dispo- 

*  Holinshed  ;  Barante  ;  Rapin. 

f  Sharon  Turner. 

X  The  name  Beauchamp  was  derived  from  "  Bello  'Campo."  ITug-h  de 
lieauchamp,  the  first  of  this  noble  family,  came  over  from  Normandy  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  213 

sitlons  of  the  King,  and  Warwick  entered  upon  liis 
new  office  in  England. 

The  rigid  disciphne  and  coercive  instructions  en- 
forced by  this  nobleman  procured  from  the  young  and 
delicate  prince  only  an  unwilling  obedience  to  his 
commands,  while  indeed  they  were  ill  calculated  to 
strengthen  and  expand  a  mind  naturally  weak,  and 
which,  like  the  tender  plant,  too  often  displays  by  its 
growth  the  ignorance,  or  the  unskilful  hand  of  the  culti- 
vator. Indeed  it  has  been  said  of  King  Henry  VL, 
*'that  he  was  a  monarch  early  taught  to  weep."* 

The  policy  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford  induced  him, 
under  his  late  severe  losses  in  France,  to  bring  over 
the  young  king.  He  hoped,  by  procuring  his  corona- 
tion in  Paris,  to  recover  somewhat  of  his  own  influence 
in  that  kingdom,  and  to  arouse  the  energies  of  those 
who  still  regarded  the  English  monarch  as  their  lawful 
sovereign. 

At  eight  years  of  age  Henry  VL  was  accordingly 
crowned  king  of  both  realms  ;  and  the  genius  of  the 
age  was  employed  to  invent  amusements  for  the  royal 
child,  in  whom  some  traced  a  fancied  resemblance  to 
the  hero  of  Agincourt,  while  others  prognosticated  that 
his  reign  would  be  no  less  splendid  than  happy.  Alas ! 
these  were  idle  visions  ;  and  Henry's  career  far  more 
resembled  the  day  which  dav/ns  amidst  sunshine  and 
joy,  and  closes  in  clouds  and  tears. 

There  were  present  at  this  coronation,  which  was 
performed  by  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  in  the 
church  of  Notre-Dame,  on  the  17th  of  December, 
1430,  the  Archbishop  of  York,  the  Dukes  of  Bedford,  h3o. 
York,  and  Norfolk,  the  Earls  of  Salisbury,  Warwick, 
Suffolk,  Oxford,  and  other  noblemen. 

In  the  midst  of  the  feasting  and  rejoicing  attendant 

*  Baker ;  Sandford  ;  Holinshed  ;  Biograph.  Britannica ;  Lingard ;  Howel ; 
Barante  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Eccles.  Hist. ;  Kapin. 


214  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

on  this  event,  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  gave  great 
offence  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford  by  arrogating  to  him- 
self the  first  place  in  the  kingdom,  and  desiring  him  to 
lay  aside  the  title  of  regent  during  the  stay  of  the  King 
in  France.  Such  was  the  disgust  conceived  by  Bed- 
ford at  this,  that  he  would  not  again  favour  the  views 
of  the  Cardinal.  By  some  it  has  even  been  asserted 
that  it  was  this  difference  which  gave  rise  to  the  sub- 
sequent divisions  amongst  the  English  nobility. 

During  the  period  of  the  King's  absence  for  his 
coronation  in  France,  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  was 
appointed  constable  of  this  realm,  and  it  was  thought 
that  it  might  have  been  this  which  gave  to  the  noble- 
man (who  had  just  been  restored  to  his  family  estates 
and  titles)  a  foretaste  of  power,  and  made  him  after- 
wards so  ambitious  of  regal  authority.* 

The  return  of  Henry  VI.  to  England  was  welcomed 
with  great  joy  by  the  nation.  Splendid  pageants  were 
exhibited  in  London  by  the  people,  who  sought  by 
every  means  to  show  their  attachment  to  the  heir  of 
King  Henry  V.  and  of  the  race  of  Plantagenets,  who 
had  been  the  first  of  their  sovereigns  to  be  crowned 
King  of  France.  The  great  exultation  and  pride  of 
the  nation  exhibited  on  this  occasion  was  afterwards 
powerfully  contrasted  with  the  melancholy  chain  of 
events  in  this  monarch's  reign.  Never,  perhaps,  did 
Dame  Fortune  prove  herself  so  fickle  as  in  her  mock 
promises  to  the  young  King  of  England,  in  bestowing 
on  him  "riches,  prosperity,  and  long  life;"  for  not 
one  of  these  did  Henry  of  Windsor  enjoy. 

This  year,  1435,  Isabella,  Queen  of  France,  died, 
and  soon  afterwards  the  Duke  of  Bedford.  His  death 
gave  a  mortal  blow  to  the  successes  of  the  English  in 

*  HolinsLed ;  Sandford  ;  Rymer's  Foedcra  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Baker  ; 
Pol.  Verg-il  ;  Howel  ;  Lend.  Chron.  ;  John  Rous ;  Barante  ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ; 
Monfaucon  ;  Baudicr  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  215 

France.  Bedford  liad  been  a  prudent  prince,  of  great 
experience  in  arms  and  government,  and  much  feared 
by  his  enemies.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  judged  the 
only  person  capable  of  repairing  his  loss.  He  was 
therefore  discharged  fi-om  the  care  of  the  person  of  the 
King,  and  being  made  Lieutenant-General  of  France 
and  Normandy,  the  highest  honour  which  could  be  con- 
ferred upon  an  English  subject,  he  was  dismissed  to 
fulfil  his  office.*  Warwick  took  with  him  his  wife  and 
son,  and  was  attended  by  a  peculiar  officer-at-arms, 
called  "Warwick  Herald,"  who  received  from  the  Earl 
an  annuity  of  ten  marks. 

Some  successes  attended  this  earl  at  first,  but  he 
did  not  long  enjoy  his  newly  conferred  dignity.  He 
died  at  Rouen,  in  April,  1439.t  i^s^- 

Bar-ante. 

After  the  treaty  of  Arras,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
sent  letters  of  remonstrance  to  induce  King  Henry  VI. 
to  make  peace  with  France,  and  to  explain  his  own 
motives  for  renouncing  his  former  alliance. 

When  these  letters  were  read  aloud  in  the  Council, 
they  excited  much  surprise,  and  the  young  King  was 
so  much  affected  at  their  contents  "  that  his  eyes  were 
filled  with  tears,  which  ran  down  his  cheeks."  He 
exclaimed,  "  that  he  plainly  perceived,  since  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  had  acted  thus  disloyally  towards  him, 
and  was  reconciled  to  his  enemy,  King  Charles,  that 
his  dominions  in  France  would  fare  the  worse  for  it." 

Upon  this  the  Cardinal  and  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
abruptly  left  the  Council,  much  confused  and  vexed ; 
and  their  example  being  followed  by  others,  no  deter- 


*  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Anquetil  ;  Barante  ;  Hume. 

•f-  The  Earl  of  Warwick  had  by  his  second  countess,  one  son,  named 
Henry,  and  one  daughter,  Anne.  The  Countess  of  Warwick  retired,  on  the 
death  of  her  husband,  to  the  monastery  of  Southwick,  in  Hampshire  ;  but 
survived  the  earl  only  a  short  time.  She  died  on  the  24th  of  June,  1439» 
and  was  interred  in  the  abbey  of  Tewkesbury,  which  she  had  founded. — 
Pol.  Vergil;  Barante;  Bioyraj)h.  BrUannica, 


216  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

mination  could  be  agreed  upon.  The  parties  collected 
again  in  small  knots,  and  abused  each  other  as  well  as 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Nor  were  the  populace  less 
lavish  of  their  opprobrious  epithets  upon  that  Duke  and 
his  country,  and  even  collected  in  bodies,  seeking  for 
obnoxious  foreimers,  whom  thev  ill-treated,  and  even 
murdered  some  of  them  before  the  tumult  was  appeased. 
When  the  Council  again  met,  the  messengers  from  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  only  obtained  a  verbal  reply  from 
the  Lord  Treasurer.* 

In  1439  the  regency  of  France  was  bestowed  on 
Richard,  Duke  of  York,  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Cam- 
bridge, and  the  Duke  of  Somerset  w^as  appointed  to  fill 
the  place  of  Salisbury,  lately  slain.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  Somerset  was  ambitious  of  the  regency, 
and  from  envy  and  hatred  of  the  Duke  of  York,  sought 
to  prevent  his  repairing  to  France  to  direct  the  opera- 
tions of  the  war,  and  maintain  the  conquests  of  the 
English.  However  this  might  be,  he  so  effectually 
applied  himself  to  this  purpose  that  the  Duke  of  York 
was  detained  in  England  until  Paris,  and  many  other 
of  the  chief  places  in  France,  had  been  recovered  by 
the  enemy.  This  ill-will  on  the  part  of  Somerset  was 
perceived  by  the  Duke  of  York,  who  was  inspired  with 
feelings  of  the  strongest  resentment  against  him,  and 
although  he  dissembled  his  sentiments,  he  took  frequent 
occasions  to  injure  and  offend  him.  Thus  commenced 
a  hatred  between  two  powerful  families,  which  ter- 
minated only  in  their  annihilation. 

The  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  York,  upon  his  landing 
in  France,  has  been  highly  extolled.  He  rendered 
great  services  to  his  country,  wisely  directing  the 
affairs  of  the  English ;  yet  the  utmost  exertions  on 
their  part  were  insufficient  to  maintain  their  former 
conquests. 

*  Monstrelet, 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  217 

King  Charles  had  recovered  from  the  dismay  into 
which  his  early  losses  had  thrown  him,  and  having 
attained  the  age  of  manhood,  when  his  noble  and 
generous  character  unfolded  itself  to  the  world,  he 
found  his  adherents  daily  increasing,  while  Henry,  still 
a  child  both  in  age  and  capacity,  appeared  an  unequal 
\    rival,  incompetent  to  dispute  his  crown.* , 

Much  praise  has  been  bestowed  on  the  Queen  Con- 
sort, IMary  of  Anjou,  for  the  fond  energy  with  which 
she  urged  Charles  VII.  at  this  time  to  grapple  with  his 
misfortunes  and  his  culpable  indolence  of  character. 
Nor  was  this  approbation  undeserved.  Such  was 
the  penury  of  King  Charles  when  he  fixed  on  the 
capital  of  Berry  as  the  centre  of  his  kingdom,  that,  we 
are  told,  he  sometimes  immured  himself  in  his  apart- 
ments with  the  Queen,  in  order  that  he  might  not 
blush  in  having  a  single  witness  to  the  rough  fare  with 
which  he  was  obliged  to  content  himself.  Even  for  the 
moderate  supplies  of  his  table  he  was  indebted  to  his 
steward,  Jacques  Coeur,  and  other  friends.  The  good 
and  generous  disposition  of  Mary  of  Anjou  was  mani- 
fested in  this  hour  of  distress.  Her  firmness,  com- 
bined with  prudence,  supported  the  King  under  his  trials, 
while  her  tenderness  made  her  think  nothing  too  great  a 
sacrifice.  She  was  also  ingenious  in  her  resources  ;  she 
sold  her  rings,  jewels,  plate,  and  even  the  silver  from 
her  chapel,  to  supply  the  means  of  remunerating  those 
whom  they  desired  to  attach  to  their  person  or  party. 
She  was  mainly  instrumental  in  awakening  m  the 
King,  her  husband,  the  ardour  with  which  he  at  last 
exclaimed,  "God  and  reason  must  be  on  my  side!" 
Vvdiile  unsheathing  his  sword,  he  filled  with  a  new  confi- 
dence the  generals,  who  speedily  sun^ounded  his  royal 
standard  in  that  extremity.     Charles  had  even  medi- 

*  Holinslied  ;    Baker ;    Sandford  ;  Anquetil  ;  Barante  ;  Howel ;  Speed  ; 
Rymer's  Fcedera  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 


■218  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

tated  his  escape  into  Dauphine,  and  thence  to  Spain 
or  Scotland,  seeing  no  probabiHty  of  raising  the  siege 
of  Orleans ;  but  to  his  queen,  Mary  of  Anjou,  was  due 
the  credit  of  obstructing  his  weak  resolve  which  was 
soon  after  entirely  dissipated  by  an  event  unparalleled 
in  the  history  of  nations.* 

The  great  event,  which  so  speedily  changed  the 
whole  face  of  affairs,  was  effected  by  the  exploits  of 
a  simple  unlettered  girl,  born  at  Dom  Reme  on 
the  frontiers  of  Lorraine,  and  so  well  known  to  all 
succeeding  generations  as  Joan  of  Arc.|  She  had 
been  already  distinguished  in  her  small  sphere  for  her 
virtue,  courage,  and  vigour  of  mind  ;  but  having  formed 
ambitious  aspirations  for  the  honour  and  good  of  her 
country,  her  piety  and  enthusiasm  gained  her  access 
to  Charles  of  Lorraine,  and  through  his  assistance, 
to  Charles  VIL  One  of  the  French  writers,  speaking 
of  the  Maid  of  Orleans,  says,  "  She  was  an  extraor- 
dinary girl,  raised  up  by  God  to  punish  the  English, 
and  to  make  them  feel  the  injustice  of  their  enterprises 
on  France.  Far  from  profiting  by  this  singular  event, 
through  which  He  spoke  to  them  so  plainly,  they  thought 
only  of  revenging  themselves  on  this  girl,  whom  Pro- 
vidence had  employed  to  humble  them.  They  accused 
her  of  idolatry,  magic,  blasphemy,  and  heresy,  and 
burnt  her  to  death.  God  testified  his  anger  against  all 
those  who  took  part  in  this  injustice.  He  humbled  the 
English  more  and  more,  and  honoured  the  memory  of 
this  extraordinary  girl,  by  whom  He  had  worked  so 
many  miracles."  :j: 

In  the  north  of  France,  now  become  the  seat  of  war, 
the  Regent  continued  to  struggle  under  accumulated 

*  Chalon's  France  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

t  ]\Ioreri  ;  Monf aucon  ;  Mezerai  ;  llapin  ;  Monstrelet ;  Sismondi ;  Godard 
Faultrier. 

X  Daniel ;  Ecclcs.  Hist. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  219 

difficulties.  In  England,  the  continued  contests  be- 
tween Beaufort  and  Gloucester  caused  the  neHect  of 
affairs  in  France,  and  no  steps  were  taken  to  repair  their 
repeated  losses.  The  death  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  and 
King  Henry's  assumption  of  the  regal  power  (which 
he  used  rather  at  the  discretion  of  the  Cardinal  than 
his  own),  deprived  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  of  all  in- 
fluence in  the  kingdom ;  so  that,  although  sincere  in 
his  attachment  to  the  interests  of  his  nephew,  he  could 
not  serve  him,  or  overcome  the  opposition  of  his  ad- 
versary. Amidst  these  contests,  and  the  affronts 
offered  to  the  Duke,  his  affinity  to  the  crown  and  his 
great  popularity  gave  him  an  advantage,  of  which  his 
hasty  temper  as  often  deprived  him. 

No  accommodation  could  be  effected  between  the 
two  kino-doms ;  but  at  length  a  truce  was  entered  into 
with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  the  English  engaged 
to  release  the   Duke  of  Orleans,  the  last  of  the  live      1440. 
noble  princes  whom  Henry  V.  had  captured  and  who  Ba"iSe. 
had  been  a  prisoner  in  England  twenty-five  years,* 

The  release  of  Orleans  furnished  to  the  rival  parties 
in  the  Cabinet  a  new  subject  for  contention.  Glou- 
cester represented  the  injunctions  of  the  late  king,  not 
to  release  the  prisoners  until  his  son  should  be  of  age 
to  dispose  of  them  himself.  He  added  other  powerful 
arguments,  entered  a  formal  protest  against  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Council,  and  strenuously  endeavoured 
to  prevent  the  liberation  of  this  prisoner,  but  in  vain. 
The  Cardinal,  who  had  been  some  time  exerting  him- 
self to  bring  about  a  peace,  had  pledged  himself  to  the 
Duchess  of  Burgundy,  with  whom  he  had  had  several 
interviews,  to  effect  the  release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 
Having  more  weight  in  the  Council  than  his  nephew, 


•  Baker  ;    Hume  ;    Henry  ;    Lingard  ;    Sharon   Turner  ;     Monstrelet ; 
Rapin  ;  Barante  ;  Mariana. 


220  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

he  ultimately  gained  liis  point,  and  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy paid  part  of  the  prisoner's  ransom. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans,  before  he  left  England,  not 
only  paid  40,000  nobles,  and  gave  security  for  80,000 
more,  but  engaged  to  return  to  his  prison  at  the  expi- 
ration of  the  year,  unless  he  succeeded  in  getting  King 
Charles  to  agree  to  a  final  peace.  The  English 
monarch  promised,  on  his  part,  to  repay  the  money  on 
signature  of  the  treaty,  or  on  the  Duke's  return  to  the 
Tower  of  London,  where  he  had  passed  his  tedious 
captivity  of  twenty-five  years.  Surely  no  one  could 
have  been  more  deeply  interested  in  effecting  the 
object  for  which,  apparently,  he  was  set  free,  or  have 
felt  more  strongly  his  responsibility  in  procuring  a 
peace  so  desirable  for  the  interests  of  both  realms. 
His  own  happiness,  liberty,  and  future  welfare  seemed 
to  be  at  stake,  for  he  had,  moreover,  engaged  to 
marry  the  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  who  had 
agreed  with  him  to  forget  former  enmities.  This 
seemed  much  for  Orleans  to  attempt;  for,  let  it  be 
remembered,  he  was  the  son  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
who  had  been  assassinated  by  John  "  Sans  Peur." 

All   these   conditions   were,    notwithstanding,    ulti- 
mately fulfilled.* 
1440.  When  set  at  liberty,  at  the  end  of  the  year  1440, 

LyuTer's  thc  Dukc  of  Orlcaus  had  much  difficulty  in  effecting 
the  object  to  which  he  had  pledged  himself.  He  found 
King  Charles  surrounded  by  favourites,  who,  by  their 
intrigues,  so  effectually  excluded  others  from  their 
monarch's  notice,  that  some  time  elapsed  before  he 
obtained  the  influence  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  his 
rank  and  abilities.  When  the  King  at  length  yielded 
to  his  suggestions  in  favour  of  a  peace,  no  general 
basis  of  a  pacification  could  be  found.  Thus,  only  an 
armistice  for  two  years  was  agreed  upon.     Henry  VI., 

*  Anquctil. 


I'cedera. 


MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU.  221 

meanwhile,  was  obliged  to  extend  the  period  fixed 
upon  for  the  return  of  Orleans  to  his  captivity.  It  was 
the  hope  and  expectation  of  the  negotiators  of  this 
peace,  the  chief  of  whom  were  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
and  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  that  during  the  interval 
afforded  by  this  truce  some  means  would  be  dis- 
covered of  reconciling  the  interests  of  the  two  nations. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  at  this  time  laid  before  the  144^ 
King  a  written  statement  of  the  transgressions  of  the  Hoiinshed. 
Cardinal,  contained  in  twenty-four  articles,  in  which 
he  sought  to  lessen  his  credit  with  Henry  VL,  but  the 
King  only  referred  the  examination  of  these  charges 
to  the  Council.  The  spiritual  lords,  who  chiefly  com- 
posed this  body,  were  in  the  interest  of  Beaufort,  and 
therefore  passed  by  these  charges  in  silence.  Some  of 
them  were  undoubtedly  true,  yet  the  Cardinal  still  con- 
trived to  enjoy  favour  at  court.  Many  things  had,  in- 
deed, been  done  without  the  consent  of  the  King  or  of 
the  Duke,  both  by  the  Cardinal  and  the  Archbishop  of 
York.* 

The  time,  however,  approached  when  party  rage, 
which  repeated  aggravations  and  insults  had  aug- 
mented to  the  most  bitter  hatred,  was  about  to  vent 
itself  in  a  series  of  attacks  on  the  reputation,  family^ 
and  even  on  the  life  of  its  devoted  victim. 

We  have  seen  how  the  high  estimation  with  which 
the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  had  been  regarded  by  King 
Henry  V.  aided  that  prelate's  escape  from  public 
censure  under  the  charges  laid  before  the  Duke  of 
Bedford.  As  his  preceptor,  the  young  monarch,  Henry 
VL,  habitually  looked  upon  him  with  respect  and  es- 
teem, and  he  ever  after  submitted  to  his  authority. 
This  rule  over  the  sovereign  it  was  the  interest  of  the 
Cardinal  to  preserve ;  and  the  pride  and  avarice  of  this 

*  Baker  ;  Speed  ;  Hall  ;  Pol.  Yerg-il  ;    Hoiinshed  ;  Fenn's  Letters ;  Lin- 
gard  ;  Henry  ;  Hume ;  Barante  ;  Sharon  Turner ;  Villaret ;  Anquetil. 


222  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

ecclesiastical  statesman  increased  with  his  accumu- 
lated wealth  and  enlarged  influence.  His  continual 
opposition  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  kept  up  a  never- 
failing  contest  in  the  Cabinet ;  and  about  this  period 
there  began  to  be  exhibited  in  every  fresh  quarrel, 
much  personality  and  malice,  which  were  only  ex- 
tinguished in  the  grave.  History  exhibits  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this  quarrel  in  various  lights  ;  some 
authors  advocating  the  measures  of  the  Cardinal,  and 
aggravating  the  faults  of  the  Duke ;  but  all  concur  in 
attributing  to  Gloucester  many  virtues,  while  the 
greatest  crime  laid  to  his  charge  appears  to  have  been 
a  rash  and  impetuous  temper,  which  is  ever  more  fatal 
to  its  possessor  than  to  others.  This  it  was  which 
led  hhn  boldly,  too  boldly  for  his  own  safety,  to  advo- 
cate his  country's  welfare.  For  instance,  at  the  close 
of  his  address  to  the  King,  he  adds,  "  For  truth,  I  dare 
"  speake  of  my  truth,  the  poore  dare  not  doo  so.  And 
"  if  the  Cardinal,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Yorke,  may 
"  afterward  declare  themselves,  of  that  is,  and  shall  be 
"  said  of  them ;  you,  my  right  doubted  lord,  may  then 
"  restore  them  again  to  your  councell,  at  your  noble 
"  pleasure."  * 

The  Cardinal  and  his  party  were,  however,  in  little 
danger  of  losing  the  confidence  of  a  prince  so  accus- 
tomed to  yield,  and  who  showed  too  little  spirit  to 
resist  the  authority  of  Beaufort,  even  in  favour  of  an 
injured  kinsman. 

Many  attempts  were  made  to  destroy  the  character 
of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  in  the  opinion  of  his 
nephew,  the  King.  His  patriotic  exertions  were  con- 
strued into  ambitious  attempts  at  the  crown ;  and  his 
hereditary  family  pride  having  instigated  him  to  prefer 
the  fatigues  and  hazards  of  a  war  in  which  it  was  pos- 
sible to  preserve  the  laurels  which  his  brother  had  won, 

*  Holinshed. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  223 

to  an  ignoble  peace,  his  public  conduct  was  regarded  with 
suspicion,  as  betraying  symptoms  of  a  disaffected  spirit, 
ready  to  revive,  upon  every  opportunity,  fresh  troubles 
and  contentions.  The  lofty  spirit  of  Gloucester,  which 
had  already  been  tried  by  many  disappointments,  was 
now  compelled  to  submit  to  a  far  greater  insult  than 
any  he  had  before  experienced.  He,  who,  on  account 
of  his  love  of  literature  and  taste,  had  been  styled  "the 
Maecenas  "  of  his  age,  had  to  endure  the  degradation 
of  beholding  his  wife  tried  and  punished  on  an  absurd 
and  groundless  charge  of  necromancy.  The  rank  of 
the  lady  ought  to  have  commanded  respect,  and  would, 
doubtless,  have  preserved  her  from  such  indignities, 
had  not  her  former  dissolute  character  and  the  declin- 
ing influence  of  her  husband  exposed  her  to  the  mahce 
of  his  enemies. 

We  are  told  that  the  Cardinal  laid  this  charge 
against  her,  finding  no  grounds  of  accusation  against  the 
Duke.  Indeed  it  was  highly  improbable  that  a  man 
who  had  been  distinguished  for  exposing  impostures,  and 
who,  in  the  encouragement  of  learning,  had  founded 
the  divinity  school  at  Oxford,  should  have  ventured 
himself,  or  encouraged  his  wife,  to  tamper  with 
witches  or  necromancers.  It  does  not,  however,  seem 
surprising  that  Henry,  already  impressed  with  such 
unfavourable  sentiments  towards  his  uncle,  should  have 
listened  to  an  accusation  against  the  wife  of  one  so 
often  aspersed  before  him. 

The  Duke  had  been  accused  of  aspiring  to  the 
crown.  This  charge  went  further,  and  supposed  an 
attack  on  the  King's  life  by  means  of  the  necromantic 
art.  Upon  this  plea  the  Duchess  of  Gloucester  was 
apprehended.  She  had  been  discovered,  by  the  spies 
of  the  Cardinal,  engaged  in  private  meetings  with  Sir 
Robert  Bolingbroke,  a  priest  and  mathematician  (for 
which  last  he  was  suspected  of  necromancy),  andtliree 


224  :NLVEGArtET   OF   AXJOU. 

others,  one  of  whom  was  IMarjary  Gourdimaiii,  called 
the  "  Witch  of  Eye."  With  these  persons  Eleanor 
Cobham,  Duchess  of  Gloucester,  was  subjected  to  a 
severe  examination  before  the  chief  prelates  of  the 
kingdom,  viz.,  the  Cardinal,  the  Archbishop  of  York, 
and  Chicheley,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

She  was  charged  with  a  design  to  destroy  the  life  of 
the  King  by  enchantment.  With  the  assistance  of 
her  accomplices,  she  was  said  to  have  formed  an 
image  of  the  King  in  Avax,  which,  by  sorcery,  was 
consumed  by  slow  degrees,  and  it  was  intended  that 
the  King  should  perish  in  like  manner.  No  trea- 
sonable practices  were  proved  against  the  Duchess, 
yet  she  was  sentenced  to  do  public  penance  in  St. 
Paul's  and  two  other  churches  for  three  days,  and 
afterwards  to  be  imprisoned  for  life.  This  sentence 
was  executed  with  great  severity.  She  was  first  incar- 
1441.  cerated  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  afterwards  in  Kenil- 
worth  Castle.  Sir  Robert  Bolingbroke  was  hanged,  and 
Marjary  Gourdimain  burnt  at  the  stake  as  a  reputed 
witch.* 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Gloucester  deeply 
resented  this  attack  on  his  wife ;  the  cruel  and  unjust 
sentence  served  to  widen  the  breach  between  this 
prince  and  his  uncle,  and  every  after-event  only  tended 
to  aggravate  their  quarrel. f  Nothing  but  the  weak- 
ness and  credulity  of  the  King  could  have  caused  him 
to  give  credence  to  a  plot,  which  only  the  most  artful 
malice  had  devised,  to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  Duchess  of 
Gloucester. 

When  Henry  VI.  assumed  the  regal  power,  he 
betrayed  no    indications    of   that  vigour   and   energy 

•  This  unjust  condemnation  of  the  Duchess  of  Gloucester  caused  a 
statute  to  ho  made  for  trying  peeresses  by  their  equals,  a  privilege  they  had 
never  before  enjoyed.— Sfon;  Pari.  Ilist.  ;  lAfe  of  Chichchj. 

f  Holinshed  ;  Speed;  Sandford ;  Baker;  Carte;  Fabian;  Rymer's 
Foedera  ;  Stow  ;  Lond.  Chron. ;  'W.  of  Worcester  ;  Life  of  Chicheley. 


Linfjard 
Stow, 


LLiRGAEET   OF   AXJOU.  225 

wliicli  had  so  eminently  distinguished  his  father.  He 
had  been  restrained  by  the  Cardinal  in  his  early  years 
from  attention  to  pubhc  affairs;  and  his  subsequent 
life  was  marked  by  a  kind  of  natural  imbecility  and 
incapacity  for  business.  At  this  time,  he  seemed  to 
unite  to  a  weak  understanding  a  temper  so  easy,  yet 
so  kind  and  benevolent,  that  he  became  rather  the  sub- 
ject than  the  sovereign  of  all  who  surrounded  him. 
Thus  a  field  was  opened  for  the  ambitious  and  de- 
signing ;  for  that  characteristic,  which,  in  a  private 
individual,  would  have  been  considered  only  as  amiable, 
was,  in  a  monarch,  found  to  be  highly  censurable. 

It  was  not  difficult  for  men  of  understanding  to 
perceive,  that  to  gain  the  ear  of  the  King  was,  in 
effect,  to  rule  the  kingdom ;  and  for  this  several  com- 
petitors appeared,  amongst  whom  the  Cardinal  of 
Winchester  took  the  lead.*  This  j^relate  sought  only 
his  own  private  interests,  and  those  of  his  party. 
Having  been  accustomed  to  ruTe  the  King's  person 
during  his  minority,  and  to  assume  an  undue  authority 
in  the  realm,  he  contended  sharply  with  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester  for  the  continuance  of  that  power.  He 
endeavoured,  b}'  various  means,  to  thwart  the  views  of 
that  nobleman,  who,  on  his  part,  anxiously  sought  to 
banish  all  ecclesiastical  statesmen  from  the  council- 
chamber,  "  that  men  might  be  at  their  freedom  to  say 
what  they  thought  the  truth." 

Tims  the  hatred  and  envy  of  these  two  parties 
alternately  disturbed  and  agitated  the  English  court ; 
until  that  period  arrived  when  King  Henry,  having 
attained  his  twenty-first  year,  was  advised  to  choose  a 
consort,  to  participate  his  enjoyments  and  to  share  his 
throne. 


*  Biondi  ;  Rymer's  Poedera ;  Eapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Sharon  Turner ; 
Henry. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

"  Speak!  hast  ihov.  seen  her?  will  she  be  my  Queen  ? 

"  Quick,  tell  me  ev'17  circumstance,  each  word, 

"  Each  look,  each  gesture  ;  didst  thou  mark  them,  Suffolk  ?  " 

Shakespeare. — Henry  VI. 

"  Did  not  the  Heavens  her  coming  in  withstand, 

' '  As  though  affrighted  v.-hen  she  came  to  land  ? 

"  The  eai-th  did  quake  her  coming  to  abide, 

' '  The  goodly  Thames  did  twice  keep  back  his  tide ; 

"  Paul's  shook  with  tempests,  and  that  mounting  spire, 

"  With  light'ning  sent  from  heaven  was  set  on  fire ; 

"  Our  stately  buildings  to  the  ground  were  blown. 

"  Her  i^ride  by  these  prodigious  signs  was  shown 

"  More  fearful  visions  on  the  English  earth, 

"  Than  ever  were  at  any  death,  or  birth." — Drayton. 


Propositions  of  marriage  for  King  Henry — He  is  affianced  to  the  daughter 
of  the  Earl  of  Armagnac — This  earl  is  taken  prisoner — Negotiation  for 
peace  with  France,  and  a  proposal  for  the  hand  of  Margaret  of  Anjou — 
The  Earl  of  Suffolk,  his  family,  and  pretensions — His  embassy  to  Tours 
—Policy  of  the  English  ministers — Margaret  of  Anjou  and  her  accom- 
plishments— A  truce  signed — The  marriage  proposed  and  determined 
upon — No  dower  required — Suffolk  returns  to  England,  and  obtains  the 
sanction  of  Parliament — Suffolk's  eulogium  of  IMargaret  of  Anjou — 
Nuptials  by  proxy — Margaret  comes  to  England— Her  illness — The 
marriage — Progress  to  London — The  coronation — The  King  confides  in 
the  Queen,  who  unites  in  the  party  of  Cardinal  Beaufort. 

It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  the  lady,  whosoever  she 
might  be,  who  should  become  Queen  of  England, 
would  decide  the  balance  of  power  between  the  con- 
tending parties  in  the  Cabinet,  and  consequently  each 
became  desirous  of  selecting  their  king's  consort  from 
a  family  likely  to  be  favourable  to  his  own  peculiar 
interests. 

The  first    matrimonial   alliance  proposed,    was  by 


MAEG-AEET    OF    ANJOU.  227 

the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  In  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
for  peace  with  France,  in  1439,  instructions  were 
given  to  propose  the  marriage  of  King  Henry  VI. 
with  one  of  the  daughters  of  Charles  VII.  This 
conference,  however,  was  broken  up,  and  this  lady 
became  afterwards  the  wife  of  the  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy. 

The  continuance  of  the  wars  between  the  two 
kingdoms  at  length  excited  the  commiseration  of  all 
Christendom,  The  Pope  had  exhorted  the  two 
monarchs  to  put  an  end  to  the  effusion  of  blood,  and 
several  conferences  had  taken  place  between  the  Car- 
dinal of  Winchester  and  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  the 
result  of  which  was  the  appointment  of  a  meeting  to 
treat  about  a  peace,  the  Dukes  of  Brittany  and  Orleans 
being  the  mediators.* 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  next  proposed  the  union 
of  his  young  monarch  with  the  daughter  of  the  Earl  of 
Armagnac,  and  finding  that  the  rich  provinces  of  Gas- 
cony  and  Auvergne  would  be  this  lady's  portion,  he 
thought  the  marriage  would  prove  acceptable  to  the 
people.  It  was  also  expected  that  this  alliance  would 
serve  as  a  protection  to  Guienne.  The  Count  of  Ar- 
magnac, who  had  taken  possession  of  the  inheritance 
of  the  Countess  of  Cominges  for  which  the  King  of 
France  was  also  a  competitor,  justly  fearing  the  power 
of  that  monarch,  had  earnestly  sought  to  ally  himself 
with  England,  in  order  to  maintain  himself  in  his  new 
acquisitions.  He  proffered  the  hand  of  his  daughter  to 
King  Henry  VI.,  with  a  handsome  dower,  adding  to  a 
large  sum  of  money  the  full  possession  of  all  his  towns 
and  castles  in  the  province  of  Aquitaine,  which  had 
formerly  belonged  to  England. f 

*  Ejrner's  Foedera  ;  Rapin  ;  Sharon  Turner. 

f  Baker  ;  Sandford  ;  Hall ;  Beckington  ;  Rymer's  Foedera  ;  Rapin  ; 
Monstrelet  ;  Barante  ;  Hume  -,  Henry  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Lingard. 

Q  2 


228  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

The  amLassadors  from  the  Count  of  Armagnac  were 
graciously  received  by  King  Henry,  who,  on  their 
return,  dismissed  Sir  Edward  Hall,  Sir  Robert  Roos 
and  Thomas  de  Beckington,*  the  King's  secretary,  to 
complete  the  contract. 

This  marriage  had  been  warmly  advocated  by  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  but  it  was  no  less  dreaded  by 
the  Cardinal  and  his  party,  who  liked  not  to  receive  a 
princess  so  much  hi  favour  with  their  opponent;  and 
it  appears  not  improbable  that  they  gave  some  hints 
respecting  the  intended  match  to  King  Charles,  as  the 
event,  which  so  speedily  followed,  seemed  to  show.  In 
the  montli  of  ^lay,  1442,  the  ambassadors  of  Henry  VI. 
set  out  with  his  instructions  for  the  conclusion  of  this 
marriage.  Early  in  the  following  month,  the  King  of 
France,  who  was  much  displeased  at  the  combination 
forming  against  him,  despatched  the  Dauphin  with  a 
powerful  army  to  invade  Guienne,  and  this  enterprise 
was  so  successful,  that  within  eight  days  the  whole 
country  had  rebelled  against  King  Henry.  Treachery 
as  well  as  force  seems  to  have  been  employed  to  under- 
mine the  influence  of  England,  a  report  having  been 
spread  that  no  rehef  was  to  be  expected  from  this 
country.  The  appearance  of  the  ambassadors,  and  the 
perusal  of  King  Henry's  letter  restored  the  confidence 
of  the  jieople,  succours  being  promised  them,  which 
they  earnestly  desired,  but  the  extraordinary  negligence 
of  the  English  in  the  fulfilment  of  these  promises  can 
with  difficulty  be  explained.  The  ambassadors  ap- 
pealed strongly  to  the  King ;  they  wrote  also  to  Lord 
Cromwell,  the  treasurer,  and  their  messengers  were 
accompanied  by  the  Archbishop  of  Bourdeaux,  who 
was  deputed  l)y  the  inhabitants  to  represent  their  situ- 
ation.    Despatches  were  again   sent,  on  the   17th  of 

*  Thomas  Beckington,  of  Beckington,  Somersetshire,  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells.    A  great  benefactor  to  the  Church  of  Wells. 


MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  229 

October,  to  the  King-,  tlie  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  the 
Cardinal  of  Winchester.  The  letter  to  His  Majesty 
-described  the  state  of  Guienne,  the  successes  of  Kinir 
Charles,  and  the  non-arrival  of  succours  from  England. 
The  ambassadors  assured  the  King  that  if  only  a  few 
men  had  been  sent,  the  French  monarch  would  in  all 
probability  have  been  made  prisoner,  and  tlie  country 
might  have  been  preserved. 

It  was  the  general  opinion  that  this  marriage  was 
strenuously  opposed  by  the  Earl  of  Suffolk ;  and  one 
of  the  subsequent  charges  against  this  nobleman 
w^as  the  breach  of  this  contract.  He  was  charged  with 
having  acquainted  the  King  of  France  with  the  pro- 
posed marriage  the  moment  it  was  agitated,  and  with 
havmg  thus  caused  the  invasion  of  Guienne,  in  the 
month  of  June.*  From  this  period,  until  the  close  of 
that  year,  the  rapid  successes  of  the  Frencli,  and  the 
surprising  negligence  of  the  English  in  not  sending 
succours  to  that  province,  caused  a  change  in  the 
sentiments  of  the  Count  of  Armagnac ;  and  if  the 
conduct  of  the  Count,  which  had  excited  the  suspicions 
of  the  English  ambassadors,  did  not  finally  dispose 
King  Henry  to  break  off  this  alliance,  the  result  was 
inevitable,  from  the  seizure  of  the  dominions  and 
person  of  the  Count,  who,  with  his  two  daughters 
and  youngest  son,  w^ere  taken  prisoners  by  King- 
Charles. 

Thus  was  the  marriage  of  the  King  of  England  de- 
ferred, or  rather  set  aside;  for  this  nation  did  not 
scruple  to  put  an  affi-ont  on  a  prince  who  was  unfortu- 
nate and  unable  to  revenge  himself;  and  while  the 
princes  of  Christendom  united  their  endeavours  to 
estabHsh  peace  between  the  two  kingdoms,  another 
union,  more   agreeable  to  King   Henry  though   not 

♦  Monstrelet,  on  Hall's  authority,  says  that  this  was  done  by  the  Cardinal 
of  Winchester,  from  hatred  of  Gloucester. 


230  M.VEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

more  fortimatc  for  the  English  nation,  was  decidecT 
upon.* 

Tlie  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  on  liis  part,  had  alsa 
selected  a  bride  for  his  sovereign.  His  choice  had  not 
been  determined  with  less  political  foresight  than  that 
of  his  rival ;  and  great  secrecy  appears  to  have  been 
observed  before  this  important  decision  was  divulged 
to  the  public.  It  was  two  }'ears  after  the  negotiation 
with"  the  Count  of  Armagnac,  that  the  Cardinal,  (ever 
anxious  to  procure  peace,  while  in  his  eagerness  to 
frustrate  the  measures  of  his  opponents  he  seemed 
even  to  disregard  the  public  good,)  dismissed  an  em- 
bassy to  negotiate  with  France,  and  to  adjust  the 
terms  of  a  peace,  to  which  the  late  severe  losses  had 
inclined  the  people  to  agree.! 

After  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  the  Cardinal 
had  introduced  into  the  Council  William  de  la  Pole, 
Earl  of  Suffolk,  who  had  so  far  succeeded  in  ingratiating- 
himself  into  the  royal  favour  that  the  King  became 
attached  to  him,  and  blindly  followed  his  suggestions. 
From  this  time  it  would  appear  that  the  Cardinal  made- 
this  earl  instrumental  in  his  own  ambitious  projects, 
employing  him  to  gain  the  King's  consent  to  the  new 
alliance  he  proposed,  and  to  receive  all  his  instructions- 
for  the  completion  of  this  marriage. 

Tlie  Earl  of  Suffolk  did  not  inherit  the  great  talents 
which  had  distinguished  some  of  his  ancestors.  His 
grandfather,  Michael  de  la  Pole,  was  born  of  mean 
parents,  but  his  eminent  abilities  enabled  him  speedily 
to  obtain  great  wealth,  and  also  the  notice  of 
Edward  HI.,  who  took  him  into  the  number  of  his 
privy  council.     He  became  Chancellor  of  England,  and 


•  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  HolinBlied  ;  Lond.  Chron. ;  Sandford  ;  Carte  ;  Fabian  ; 
Monstrelet ;  lieckington's  Journal ;  Villaret ;  Mezerai ;  Rapiu  ;  Sharo  n. 
Tumor  ;  Uarante. 

t  Carte  ;  llapin ;  Lingard  ;  Barante  ;  Villaret. 


MAEGAEET   OF    ANJOU.  231 

in  1385,  Richard  11.  created  liim  Earl  of  Suffolk  ;  but 
with  the  decline  of  the  authority  of  this  monarch,  the 
influence  of  Michael  de  la  Pole  decreased  also,  and  he 
died  an  exile  from  his  native  land.  His  son,  Michael, 
lost  his  life  at  the  siege  of  Harfleur,  and  the  earldom 
was  bestowed  by  Henry  V.  on  the  third  son  of  this 
nobleman  ;  but  he  was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Agincourt, 
in  1415.  Thus,  his  brother  William  succeeded  to 
the  titles  and  estates,  to  which  he  added  the  ample 
dower  of  his  wife,  Alice,  the  granddaughter  of 
Geoffrey  Chaucer,  the  poet.*  The  Earl,  although  not 
endowed  with  more  than  ordinary  abilities,  was 
courageous  and  ambitious.  He  expected  to  advance 
himself  and  his  party  to  the  highest  estimation  with 
his  sovereign,  but  this  attempt  was  not  unaccom- 
panied with  danger ;  supported,  however,  by  the 
favour  of  the  Cardinal,  he  was  well  received  at  court, 
and  successful  in  obtaining  the  young  King's  sanction 
for  him  to  procure  for  his  consort  the  lovely  princess 
Margaret,  the  daugliter  of  Rene  of  Anjou.| 

The  learning  and  surpassing  charms  of  the  poor 
but  unrivalled  daughter  of  King  Rene  had  been  re- 
ported to  the  young  sovereign  of  England,  "  who  was 
anxious  to  enter  into  the  endearing  restraints  of  the 
most  holy  Sacrament  of  marriage;"  and  he  resolved, 
if  possible,  to  obtain  her  hand.  For  this  purpose  a 
secret  negotiation  with  her  father  was  commenced , 
and  the  King  obtained  a  portrait  of  the  youthful 
Margaret,  which  made  him  more  than  ever  desirous  to 
conclude  the  contract. 

King  Henry,  though  feeble  and  destitute  of  those 

*  Alice  Chaucer  had  been  already  twice  married  ;  having  first  espoused 
Sir  John  Philips,  Knt.  Her  second  husband  was  Thos.  Montecute,  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  who,  at  his  death,  left  her  great  vidhes.—Storv  j  Milles's  Cata- 
logue;  Lijson'n  Mag.  Brit.;  Allen'.'i  York;  Monstrclet ;  Blograph.  Brit- 
tanica. 

f  Eapin  ;  Barante. 


2o2  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

commanding  talents  wlilcli  slione  conspicuously  in 
Lis  father  and  his  grandfather,  was  still  peculiarly 
susceptible  of  the  influence  of  learning  and  great 
talents.  It  was  for  these — possessed  by  Margaret  of 
Anjou  in  so  eminent  a  degi'ee — that  she  Avas  selected 
by  Cardinal  Beaufort  for  the  consort  of  his  sovereign. 
He  had  the  discernment,  doubtless,  to  perceive  how 
singularly  fitted  was  this  princess  to  guide  the  well- 
meaning,  but  weak  and  irresolute  Henry,  who  seemed 
formed  by  nature  as  well  as  by  education,  to  be 
governed  implicitly. 

When  on  the  point  of  engaging  in  this  embass}^,  the 
Earl  of  Suffolk  showed  a  little  reluctance,  whether 
feigned  or  real,  and  professed  himself  unequal  to  the 
undertaking.  He  was  not  ignorant  of  the  risk  he 
incurred  ;  and  however  ambitious  of  advancing  himself 
with  his  sovereign  and  the  nation,  he  confessed  his 
incapacity,  and  presenting  a  petition  to  the  King, 
modestly  begged  to  be  released  from  this  undertaking ; 
or,  if  denied  this  favour,  entreating  to  be  secured  from 
any  after  penalty,  should  he  fail  in  the  object  of  his 
embassy.  He  also  showed  great  caution  in  receiving 
his  instructions.  It  is  probable  that  he  miglit  justly 
fear  the  resentment  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
w^ould  be  sure  to  oppose  this  measure ;  or,  it  might  be, 
that  he  was  conscious  that  he  should  incur  the  penalty 
of  an  Act  passed  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  against  any 
one  who  should  conclude  peace  with  the  King  of 
France  without  the  consent  (jf  the  three  estates  in  both 
realms. 

To  remove  these  objections  an  instrument  was  signed 
by  the  King  and  his  Parliament,  which  granted  pardon 
beforehand  to  the  Earl  (who  in  this  instrument  is  called 
"grand  senesclial  of  his  household,  and  ambassador") 
for  any  error  of  judgment  wliieli  he  might  commit  in 
his  double  capacity,  provided  he  arranged  the  nego- 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  233 

tiatlon  for  the  peace  and  tlie  marriage  to  the  utmost  of 
his  abilities.*     Thus  provided,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  set 
out,   about  the  beginning  of  Lent,  1444,  for  the  city     hm. 
of  Tours,  where  this  important  negotiation  was  com-  Rj^er's^  ' 
nienced.     He  was  accompanied  by  Dr.  Adam  Moulins,  sSmomii  • 
Keeper  of  the  King's  privy  seal  and  Dean  of  Salisbury,  ^peeJ ; 
Sir  Robert  Roos  f  (the  former  colleague  of  Beckington),  Mezerai ; 
Richard  Andrews  j:  (Doctor  of  Laws),  the  King's  secre-    "'^"''*^- 
tary,  Sir  Thomas  Hoo,  Knight,  and  John  Wenlock, 
Esqr.,§ 

These  distinguished  individuals  were  met  in  the  city 
of  Tours,  where  King  Charles  held  his  court,  by  many 
foreign  ambassadors  and  persons  of  illustrious  birth, 
amongst  whom  the  Angevine  princes  held  a  distin- 
guished place.  Thither  repaired,  on  the  part  of  King- 
Charles,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  Louis  of  Bourbon,  the 
Earl  of  A'^endome,  Grand  Master  of  the  King's  House- 
hold, Pierre  de  Breze  (steward  of  Poitou),  and  Bertram 
de  Beauvau,  Lord  of  Persigne,  who  had  all  been 
appointed  by  this  monarch  to  adjust  the  terms  of  the 
peace  with  England.  The  ambassadors  from  Spain, 
Denmark,  and  Hungary  appeared  as  mediators  between 
the  two  kings. 

It  was  a  large  assembly,  and  great  sums  were  ex- 
pended, and  there  was  much  display  in  apparel  at  these 

*  See  Appendix,  p.  415. 

t  It  is  probable  that  it  was  for  Sii-  Robert's  services  on  this  occasion  the 
offices  of  Chamberlain  and  Customer  of  the  town  of  Berwick  were  granted 
to  him  for  life,  by  Henry  VI.,  in  144.'5. 

t  Eichard  Andrews  was  a  Fellow  of  New  College,  and  Warden  of  All 
Souls'  College.  This  last  he  resigned  in  1442  for  a  more  conspicuous 
station.  Besides  ecclesiastical  preferments  of  great  value,  he  filled  the 
honoiu-able  office  of  Secretary  to  King  Henry,  and  took,  in  that  capacity,  a 
part  in  the  treaties  of  this  reign.  He  was  especially  distinguished  by  his 
attendance  on  Margaret  of  Anjou  in  France,  and  on  her  progress  to  Eng- 
land for  her  coronation. — Life  of  Chlchelci/. 

§  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  Speed  ;  Holinshed  ;  Rymer's  Foedera ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Allen's  York;  Eccles.  Hist. ;  Beckington 's  Journal ;  Life  of  Chicheley;  Daniel; 
JBarante  ;  Monstrelet ;  Baudier  ;  Godfrey's  Charles  VII.  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ; 
Lingard  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Davies's  Chron. 


234  MAEGAEET    OP    ANJOU. 

meetings  at  Tours,  wlilcli  were  frequently  held,  and 
various  subjects  discussed,  in  order  to  effect  a  per- 
manent peace  between  the  two  kingdoms.  But  all 
these  efforts  were  ineffectual.  Fresh  doubts  arose  on 
both  sides,  and  it  became  quite  impossible  to  arrive 
at  unanimity.  A  truce  only  was  at  length  concluded, 
for  the  period  of  eighteen  months,  which  was  signed 
on  the  28th  of  May,  1444. 

The  Earl  of  Suffolk,  finding  that  he  had  failed  in 
this  part  of  his  embassy,  still  endeavoured  to  obtain 
for  his  country  such  influence  with  the  foreign  powers 
as  should,  at  a  more  distant  period,  be  productive  of 
that  reconciliation  which  the  English  nation  universally 
a})peared  to  desire.  He  next  entered  on  the  marriage, 
which,  as  one  means  of  establishing  the  peace,  was 
regarded  by  the  ministers  as  the  chief  object  of  this 
embassy. 

The  union  between  King  Henry  VI.  and  Margaret  of 
Anjou  had  been  agreed  upon,  arranged,  nay,  even 
secretly  negotiated,  daring  the  preceding  year, 
although  nothing  was  publicly  made  known  respecting 
it.  This  secrecy  may  be  better  understood  if  we 
reflect  on  the  motives  for  the  conduct  of  the  King's 
counsellors.  Being  aware  of  the  infirm  state  of  the 
health  of  King  Henry,  they  feared,  should  he  die,  that 
their  rival,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who  was  presump- 
tive heir  to  the  crown,  might  have  it  in  his  power  to 
gratify  his  resentment  against  them,  and  punish  them 
as  they  deserved. 

The  Earl  of  Suffolk  readily  concluded  the  contract, 
and  agreed  to  the  cession  of  Maine  and  Anjou  on  the 
part  of  liis  master,  after  which  the  treaty  was  ratified 
in  due  form.  The  demands  of  Rene  might  have  been 
thought  even  reasonable  by  Sulfolk,  acting  as  he  did 
in  perfect  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  Beaufort, 
who  was  esteemed  the  most  clear-headed  statesman  of 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  235 

liis  time.  This  step  was,  however  Avise  and  politic, 
very  unpopular,  and  gave  rise  to  the  suspicions  of  the 
Enghsh  nation  concerning  the  Duke,  Avhich  ultimately 
endangered  his  life.* 

Two  years  had  elapsed  since  Rene's  expedition  to 
Naples,  when  this  proposal  was  made  for  the  hand  of 
his  second  daughter,  Margaret.  He  had  been  on  the 
point  of  uniting  her  to  the  Count  of  Nevers,  but  the 
superior  eligibility  of  this  union  with  the  English 
monarch  at  once  ended  the  discussion  on  the  former 
marriage,  to  which  King  Charles  had  raised  some 
opposition.  At  this  time  Rene  was  not  hi  possession 
of  any  territory,  although  styled  King  of  Sicily,  Naples, 
and  Jerusalem ;  his  natural  inheritance  of  Maine  and 
Anjou  had  been  long  in  the  power  of  the  English ; 
he  had  not  a  single  castle  to  call  his  own,  his  duchy  of 
Bar,  and  even  his  very  person  being  mortgaged  for 
the  payment  of  his  ransom  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
which  he  had  not  yet  been  able  to  discharge.  Such, 
indeed,  was  his  extreme  poverty  liiat  he  not  unfre- 
quently  became  dependent  on  the  liberality  of  his 
friends  and  relatives. 

In  this  destitute  condition  he  was  altogether  unable 
to  bestow  on  his  daughter  any  bridal  portion,  and  even 
on  this  account  he  had  experienced  the  grief  of  behold- 
ing her  hand  refused  by  several  princes.  It  could  not 
be  expected,  therefore,  that  Rene  was  able  to  defray 
the  necessary  expenses  of  the  nuptials,  or  of  Margaret's 
escort  into  England. 

This  princess,  indeed,  althougli  entitled  by  her  birth 
to  an  honourable  marriage,  could  hardly  aspire  to  sa 
advantageous  an  union  as  this  with  the  English 
monarch.     Margaret's  Avant  of  fortune  was,  however, 

*  Holinshed  ;  Biondi  ;  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Stow  ;  Speed  ;  Kymer's  Foedera ; 
Carte  ;  Sandford  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Godfrey  ;  Baudier  ;  Villaret  ;  Monstrelet ; 
Anquetil  ;  Sismondi  ;  Mezerai  ;  Rapin  ;  Olivier  de  la  Marclie. 


236  iLiEGAEET   OP   ANJOU. 

the  very  occasion  of  lier  advancement  to  one  of  the 
first  thrones  m  Europe,  for  it  exactly  met  tlie  views 
of  the  English  ministers,  who,  in  elevating  to  the 
rank  of  sovereignty  a  lady  of  their  own  selecting, 
wished  to  render  her  grateful  for  the  favour  they  con- 
ferred, and  to  unite  her,  if  possible,  in  their  interests. 
They  hnagincd  also,  that  by  giving  to  their  weak 
monarch  a  wife  who  could  rule  him  entirely,  they 
should,  through  her  means,  be  able  to  preserve  their 
own  influence.  The  beauty,  youth,  and  talents  of  the 
Princess  Margaret  seemed  also  to  favour  the  execution 
of  their  project.*  The  honour  and  welfare  of  the 
nation  were  thus  lost  sight  of  by  these  narrow-minded 
politicians,  who,  in  their  anxiety  to  promote  this  mar- 
riage, altogether  overlooked  that  which  ought  to  have 
been  a  paramount  objection,  ^'iz.,  that  Margaret  being 
a  niece  of  the  Queen  of  France,  her  father  had  not  the 
right  of  disposing  of  her  without  the  consent  of  the 
King,  who  could  not  be  expected  to  signify  his  appro- 
bation without  such  concessions  on  the  part  of  the 
English  as  would  further  his  views,  and  put  an  end  to 
a  war  so  destructive  to  his  kingdom. 

The  objections  to  the  expediency  of  this  marriage 
did  not,  however,  extend  to  the  person  of  Margaret 
herself,  for  it  is  impossible  to  find  amongst  our 
illustrious  queens  one  of  equal  beauty  and  talents ;  yet 
was  she  destined,  from  the  cradle  to  the  tomb,  to 
misery  and  vicissitude.  This  princess  has  been 
described  at  the  period  of  her  marriage  as  "  the  most 
accomplished  of  her  age,  both  in  body  and  mind."  To 
an  entcr})risuig  and  lively  disposition  she  jouied  great 
finnness  and  resolution,  a  solidity  of  judgment,  and  a 


*  Tlolinphed  ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Cai-te  ;  Rj-mer's  Foedera  ;  Bioiidi  ;  Bau- 
dier  ;  Daniel  ;  I'Abbe  Millot ;  Speed  ;  I\tonstrelet  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Barante  ; 
Villaret ;  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ; 
Sharon  Turner. 


MAEGAEET   OF    ANJOU.  237 

penetration  which  admirably  fitted  her  to  command, 
and  seemed  to  qualify  her  for  that  ascendency  over  the 
King  of  England  which  his  ministers  so  anxiously 
desired  she  should  obtain,  and  by  which  they  hoped 
to  rule  according  to  their  own  will  and  pleasure.  Such 
was  Margaret  of  Anjou  in  her  fourteenth  year;  and 
even  at  this  early  period  of  life,  the  fame  of  her  beauty 
and  wit  resounded  throughout  France ;  and  it  was 
said,  that  "there  was  not  in  Christendom  a  more 
accomplished  princess  than  the  daughter  of  Rene."* 
This  prince  had  bestowed  upon  his  daughter  an 
education  proportionate  to  her  birth;  and  as  she 
advanced  in  age,  she  was  acknowledged  to  be  perfectly 
beautiful  in  person,  and  amiable  in  disposition.  Having 
shared,  in  her  early  years,  the  dangers  and  misfortunes 
of  her  parents,  the  natural  strength  of  her  mind  had 
not  been  weakened  by  indulgence.  While  in  Italy  she 
had  participated  in  the  pleasing  studies  of  her  brother, 
mider  the  same  masters,  and  her  tastes  must  have 
been  rapidly  formed  with  the  cultivation  of  her  mind, 
amidst  the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  the  Neapolitan 
scenery.  Doubtless,  every  feminine  sympathy  was 
awakened  by  her  father's  perils,  which  she  could  not 
brave,  and  by  her  mother's  sorrows,  which  she  could 
not  alleviate  ;  yet  her  sentiments  and  feelings  thus 
suddenly  illicited  (even  as  the  beauteous  flower  by 
meridian  sunshine),  became  perfected  and  condensed  at 
an  early  age,  to  be  manifested  to  the  world,  at  a  subse- 
quent period  of  her  life,  in  her  conjugal  affection,  and 
her  courage  and  strength  of  mind  under  every  trial. 

As  the  niece  of  the  consort  of  King  Charles  VII., 
Margaret  was,  while  very  young,  distinguished  by  the 
marked  partiality  of  this  monarch ;  and  we  are  even 
told  that  she  was  indebted  to  her  relationship  to  the 

*  Rapin  ;  Barante  ;  Hume  ;  Baudier  ;  Villaret  ;  Sharon  Turner. 


& 


238  M^VRGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

blood  royal  of  France,  for  obtaining  the  notice  of  King 
Henr}'-,  and  thus  becoming  the  pledge  of  reunion 
between  two  hostile  nations.  It  is  more  probable, 
however,  that  the  English  ministers,  and  even  the 
King,  were  led  to  make  this  choice  through  the  fame 
of  the  personal  charms  and  splendid  talents  of 
Margaret,  which  could  not  be  concealed  even  in  the 
humble  and  obscure  court  of  her  father.  They  seemed 
indeed  to  be  formed  to  wield  a  sceptre,  and  to  direct 
the  vacillating  mind  of  her  husband.* 

Such  was  the  consort  selected  by  the  Cardinal,  who 
considered  this  union  would  be  favourable  to  the  attain- 
ment of  peace,  (his  chief  object  at  this  time,)  and  also 
the  means  by  which  he  hoped  to  triumph  over  his 
rival  in  the  Cabinet.  In  his  desire  to  arrive  at  this 
end,  he  overlooked  one  objection,  which,  at  another 
time,  would  have  been  a  formidable  one,  viz.,  the 
poverty  of  Rene ;  but  this,  and  every  obstacle,  yielded 
to  the  universal  desire  for  peace. "j" 

This  peace  had  been  resolved  upon  ;  and  Suffolk, 
believing  that,  upon  his  success  in  obtaining  it,  de- 
pended the  gratification  of  his  ambition  in  procuring 
to  himself  the  premiership,  determined,  whatever  sacri- 
fices of  principle,  or  of  prudence  it  might  require, 
whatever  risk  or  trouble  it  might  occasion  him,  to  incur 
all,  rather  than  fail  in  his  undertaking.  No  dower  was 
demanded  with  the  bride — no  territory  required.  The 
Earl  of  Suffolk  agreed  to  receive  the  lady  without 
any  portion ;  but  then  an  objection  was  raised  in  the 
absurdity  of  King  Henry's  marrying  the  daughter  of 
one  from  whom  he  withheld  his  patrimonial  do- 
minions ;  and  the  French  ambassadors  intimated  their 
expectation  of  the  surrender  of  Le  Mans,  and  the 
provinces  of  Maine   and   Anjou,  as  the  appanage  of 

*  Barante  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Memoircs  d'Angleterre,  public  en  172G. 
t  ViUaret. 


J^LVEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  239 

Charles  of  Anjoii,  tlie  brotlier  of  Rene  and  Prime 
Minister  of  France,  To  these  demands  the  Earl 
acceded ;  indeed  it  has  been  thought  by  some  that 
the  French  Court  availed  themselves  of  their  intelli- 
gence of  what  was  passing  in  England,  to  make  these 
stipulations.* 

The  Earl  of  SuiTolk  was  accused  of  proposing  this 
alliance  without  sufficient  authority,  and  of  acting  of 
his  own  accord  without  the  consent  of  his  associates, 
or  the  instructions  of  his  sovereign ;  but  the  act 
already  alluded  to,  signed  by  King  Henry,  (which 
provided  against  all  after  penalties,  and  in  which 
both  the  marriage  and  the  peace  are  mentioned,)  suffi- 
ciently clears  the  Earl  from  this  imputation.! 

The  suspicion  appears  to  have  arisen  from  the 
secrecy  with  which  this  marriage  was  kept  from  the 
public,  and  which  undoubtedly  gave  rise  to  many 
reports  injurious  to  the  reputation  of  the  Earl.  One 
of  these  charged  him  with  yielding  to  bribery  in 
conceding  to  Ren6  the  provinces  of  Maine  and  Anjou, 
as  if  he  had  some  personal  views  to  promote  by  this 
marriage;  yet  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  the 
object  of  his  policy  appeared  to  be,  in  subserviency 
to  the  views  of  the  Cardinal,  to  arrive  at  some 
plausible  means  of  procuring  peace;  and  the  near 
relationship  of  Margaret  to  the  French  King  seemed 
to  secure  her  influence  with  Charles  VII.,  and  to  render 
probable  a  reconciliation  between  the  two  kingdoms. 
When  we  review  the  situation  of  Rene,  it  will  also 
seem  probable  that  this  cession,  so  very  advanta- 
geous to  the  interests  of  France,  was  extorted  by  that 
prince,    who,    perceiving   the    eagerness    of    Henry's 


*  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Stow  ;  RjTner's  Foedera  ;  John  Rous  ;  Biogra- 
phie  Universelle  ;  Barante  ;  Daniel ;  Rapin  ;  Anquetil ;  Baudier  ;  Lingard ; 
Robinson  ;  Hume  ;  'Henry  ;  Sharon  Turner. 

t  Baker  ;  Biondi  ;  Sandford  ;  Carte. 


240  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

ministers  to  obtain  the  hand  of  Margaret  for  their 
master,  seized  the  opportunity  of  repairing  his  shattered 
fortunes  and  those  of  his  family. 

A  meeting  now  took  place  between  Rene  and  the 
King  of  France,  between  Chartres  and  Ronen  ;  and  the 
terms  being  agreed  to,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  with  his 
associates,  left  France  to  obtain  for  these  measures  the 
sanction  of  Parliament,  and  the  approbation  and  final 
instructions  of  King  Henry. 

This  was  found  no  difficult  task ;  so  many  of  the 
chief  counsellors,  as  well  as  the  King  himself,  having 
already  signified  privately  tlieir  assent  to  these  pro- 
ceedings.* The  opinion  of  the  nation  had  not,  how- 
ever, yet  been  consulted ;  for  it  was  not  until  the 
preliminaries  of  this  marriage  were  settled,  that  the 
important  secret  became  known,  and  when  promulgated 
the  surprise  of  the  English  people  was  only  equalled 
by  their  discontent.  It  became  even  necessary  for  the 
Earl  of  Suffolk  to  appease  them  on  the  subject  of 
the  surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou,  which  appeared  too 
much  like  an  unnecessary  sacrifice  which  he  had  volun- 
tarily made. 

It  had  been  for  ages  past  the  custom  to  give  a 
dower  Avitli  the  bride.  When  King  Henry  V.  ap- 
plied for  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Catherine,  he 
required  so  enormous  a  dower,  that  it  was  hardly 
possible  for  the  French  king  to  bestow  it.  The  por- 
tion he  demanded  was  two  millions  of  crowns,  and 
the  restoration  of  Normandy  and  all  the  southern 
provinces  which  were  once  the  inheritance  of  Eleanor 
of  Aquitaine. 

It  seemed  to  be  now  compulsory  on  the  part  of  the  son 
of  Henry  V.  to  purchase  his  consort  by  the  resignation 
of  the  provinces  of  Maine  and  Anjou.    This  was  a  great 

*  Rapin  ;  ndinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Stow  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Lingard  ;  Vil- 
laret ;  I{^^Ilcr'd  Fcodera  ;  Godfrey. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU.  241 

reverse  of  circumstances,  and  the  people  loudly  com- 
plained.* It  was  tlie  custom,  in  the  patriarchal  ages, 
for  the  portion  to  be  bestowed  by  the  husband ;  and 
this  even  appeared,  originally,  as  though  intended  as  a 
gift  or  compensation  to  the  parents  for  their  separation 
from  their  offspring.  In  the  early  periods  of  the  Englisli 
liistory,  we  also  find  the  husband  bound  by  the  articles 
of  marriage,  to  bestow  part  of  his  property  as  a  settle- 
ment on  his  wife,  while,  according  to  some  authors,  the 
bride  went  to  her  consort  penniless.  This  custom  still 
prevails  in  the  East  amongst  the  Turks  and  Persians. f 

The  marriage  of  King  Henry  VI.,  and  the  coronation 
of  his  queen,  occurred,  unfortunately,  at  a  time  when 
this  monarch  was  very  necessitous,  and  great  expenses 
were  unavoidable,  not  onl}^  for  the  feasting  and  mag- 
nificence of  these  ceremonies,  but  also  for  the  worthy 
reception  of  the  bride. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  actively  opposed  the 
marriage  of  Henry  with  Margaret  of  Anjou.  No  one 
else  had  dared  to  do  so;  but  he  perceived  its  tendency, 
and  the  designs  of  those  who  had  promoted  it,  which 
was  to  establish  their  own  authority  by  advancing  one 
who  would  become  attached  to  their  interests.  The 
inveterate  hatred  evinced  against  this  nobleman  by  his 
23olitical  antagonists,  if  it  had  deprived  him  of  some 
portion  of  his  weight  in  the  Council,  had  not  robbed 
him  of  the  courage  and  spirit  to  advocate  the  interests 
of  his  country,  and  he  came  forward  alone,  and  un- 
supported, to  speak  the  truth  before  his  enemies,  and 
even  to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  King  himself. 

He  urged  two  powerful  reasons  against  this  marriage  : 
they  were  unanswerable,  for  they  were  founded  in 
truth  and  good  faith.  The  first  was  the  King's  en- 
gagement to  the  daughter  of  the  Count  of  Armagnac, 

*  Fabian  ;  Anquetil. 

t  Malcolm's  Jlaimers  and  Customs ;  Thevenot's  Travels. 

TOL.    I.  R 


242  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

whicli  it  would  be  liiglily  dislioiiourable  In  liim  to  set 
aside,  and  especially  as  he  had  no  excuse  to  offer.    The 
Count  had  been  released  from  captivity ;  he  had  obtained 
the  pardon  of  the  King  of  France ;  he  had  been  restored 
to  his  estates ;  and  was  now  prepared  to  fulfil  the  condi- 
tions of  his  contract  with  England.     It  was,  indeed, 
believed  by  the  people  of  this  country  that  this  match 
was  all  but  concluded.     The  second  reason  urged  by 
the  Duke  was  no  less  forcible,  viz.,  that  the  Earl  of 
Suffolk  having  engaged  for  the  restitution  of  Maine 
and  Anjou,  the  former,  being  the  bulwark  of  Normandy, 
could  not  be  resigned  without  evident  danger  to  that  pro- 
vince.    These  arguments  were,  however,  totally  disre- 
garded, and  in  spite  of  the  anxiety  of  Gloucester  to  promote 
this  marriage,  he  was  not  able  to  procure  its  approval. 
The  Earl  of  Suffolk,   after  layhig  the  contract  of 
marriage  with  the  Angevine  princess  before  the  Coun- 
cil, rose,  and  in  a  long  speech  extolled  the  high  birth, 
extraordinary  beauty,  and  admirable  qualities  of  Mar- 
garet of  Anjou,  "which,"  he  said,  "  were  more  valuable 
than  all  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  world."     He  further 
stated  that  this  union  would  be  the  means  of  terminat- 
ing the  war,  as  this  lady,  being  nearly  related  to  the 
King,   Queen,   and  Prime  Minister  of  France,  would 
doubtless  exert  her  influence  to  procure  a  speedy  and 
honourable  peace.     He  added,  "  that  she  ought  to  be 
considered  as  the  certain  pledge  of  that  peace ;  and 
as  a  compensation  for  all  the  advantages  he  had  laid, 
before  them,  were  the  provinces  of  Maine  and  Anjou 
too  great  a  sacrifice?"     In  reply  to  this  eloquent  ha- 
rangue, the  ministers,  Avho  were  already  in  the  secret, 
loudly  applauded  the  Earl.     The  young  King  was  much 
flattered  and  delighted  by  the  eulogium  of  his  intended 
bride  ;  and  the  people,  some  out  of  complacency  to  the 
Earl,   and  all   willing  to  gratify  their   monarch,    ap- 
peared to  approve,  however  in  their  hearts  they  might 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  243 

dissent  from  the  ellgibilit}^  of  this  marriage.*  Parlia- 
ment Immediately  granted  two  fifteenths,!  one  and  a 
half  of  which  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  had  demanded  for  the 
expenses  of  bringing  over  the  Princess  Margaret,  and 
the  other  half  being  required,  probably,  to  defray  the 
costs  at  the  coronation. 

All  opposing  factions  and  opinions  seemed  at  length 
to  give  way  to  the  general  desire  of  the  nation  to 
obtain  peace,  and  the  wish  became  universal,  to 
behold  a  princess,  who  had  been  portrayed  by  the 
Earl  of  Suffolk  In  such  lively  colours. 

Meanwhile,  the  Earl  of  Vendome,  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Rhelms  and  others,  came  over  as  ambas- 
sadors on  the  part  of  King  Charles.  They  were 
honourably  received  by  the  English  monarch,  and  the 
marriage  contract  being  signed  and  all  preliminaries 
adjusted,  they  returned  home,  laden  with  presents  and 
every  mark  of  distinction.  J 

To  testify  his  satisfaction  at  these  nuptials,  King  J^^^ 
Henry  created  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  a  Marquis  ;  John  ^-'^'^er ; 
Holland,  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  Duke  of  Exeter  ;  Hum- 
phrey, Earl  of  Stafford,  Duke  of  Buckingham ;  the 
Earl  of  Somerset,  Duke  of  Somerset ;  Lord  Talbot  he 
created  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  ;  the  Earl  of  Dorset,  Mar- 
quis of  Dorset ;  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Duke  of 
Warwick.  §  This  last  duke  was  much  beloved  by 
Henry  VI.  He  was  the  son  of  Richard  Beauchamp, 
Earl  of  Warwick,  who  had  been  the  King's  tutor, 
and   who,    after  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford, 

*  Holinshed  ;  Biondi  ;  Baker  ;  Fabian  ;  Hall ;  Carte  ;  Sandford  ;  Stow ; 
Eymer's  Fcedera ;  Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Hiime ;  Speed  ; 
Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Villaret ;  Sharon  Turner. 

f  A  fifteenth  of  the  value  of  all  goods,  (whether  of  the  clergy  or  laity,)  to 
-which  the  king  had  no  right  unless  given  him  by  Parliament,  or  by  the 
clergy  in  convocation.  These  grants  were  made  by  the  ministers,  upon  the 
application  of  the  king,  solely  to  meet  some  extraordinary  exigence. 

X  Hall ;  Biondi  ;  Holinshed  J  Stow. 

§  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pol.  Virgil ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Biograph.  Brit.  ; 
Davies's  Chron. 

B  2 


244  ALlPvGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

was  dismissed  to  France  to  supply  liis  place,  and 
Avliile  serving  as  Lieutenant-general,  died  in  that  country. 
His  son  Henry  evinced  great  enterprise  and  courage, 
and  when  scarcely  nineteen  years  of  age,  offered  his 
services  for  the  defence  of  Normandy,  which  so  pleased 
the  King  that  he  created  him  Premier  Earl  of  England, 
and  as  a  mark  of  distinction,  permitted  him,  and  his 
heii's  afterwards,  to  wear  a  gold  coronet  upon  his  head 
in  his  own  jDresence,  as  well  as  elsewhere.  He  also 
gave  him  a  seat  in  Parliament.  He  granted  him  also 
the  reversion,  after  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
of  the  islands  of  Guernsey,  Jersey,  Sark,  Herm,  and 
Alderney,  for  the  yearly  rent  of  a  rose,  to  be  paid  at 
the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  Besides  these,  he 
conferred  upon  his  favourite  the  government  of  Calais, 
the  castle  of  Bristol,  and  many  other  grants.  At  last, 
as  the  utmost  extent  of  his  prerogative,  he  made  him 
King  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.  This  Duke,  who,  from  his 
extreme  youth  was  called  in  the  public  documents  of 
that  period,  "the  Child  Warwick,"  received  so  many 
favours  from  King  Henry,  that  it  excited  the  envy  of 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  as  much  was  to  be 
apprehended  at  this  time  from  the  feuds  of  the  nobility, 
in  order  to  prevent  any  ill  consequences  from  the  dif- 
ferences of  these  two  noblemen,  it  was  declared  by  Act 
of  Parliament,  "  for  the  appeasing  of  the  strife  betwixt 
them  for  pre-eminence,  that  from  the  2nd  of  December 
next  ensuing,  they  should  take  precedence  of  each 
other  alternately,  one  that  year  and  the  other  the 
next,  as  long  as  they  should  live  together."  Further, 
it  was  enacted  that  the  survivor  should,  during  his  life- 
time, have  the  precedence  of  the  other's  heir.  By  the 
death  of  Warwick  in  the  following  year,  the  main  point 
was  deteruiined,  and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  then 
obtained  a  grant  immediately  to- himself  and  his  heirs, 
"  above  all  dukes  whatsoever,  whether  of  England  or 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  245 

of  France,  excepting  those  of  the  blood  royal."  This 
unpardonable  pride  in  Buckingham  was  united  to  a 
baser  avarice,  and  from  an  old  record  we  learn  of  his 
imprisonment  of  two  gentlemen,  whom  he  thus  obliged 
to  sign  away  their  right  to  an  inheritance,  which  the 
Duke  divided  with  a  younger  brother  of  the  family.* 

Henry  VI.,  whose  attachment  to  the  Duke  of  War- 
wick, his  great  favourite,  had  induced  him  to  create 
him  "  King  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,"t  in  the  year  1445, 
crowned  him  with  his  own  hands.  Tins  was  the 
highest  honour  he  could  bestow  to  express  his  affection 
for  this  young  nobleman,  and  to  show  his  respect  for 
his  father's  memory,  and  remembrance  of  his  services. 
It  proved  the  last  favour  the  Duke  could  receive,  since 
he  was  taken  off  in  the  flower  of  youth,  on  the  11th 
of  June,  1445,  at  twenty-two  years  of  age ;  and  was 
buried  at  Tewkesbury.:}: 

How  much  contrasted  were  the  characters  of  the 
Dukes  of  Warwick  and  Buckingham,  and  how  deeply 
the  former  must  have  been  regretted  by  the  youthful 
monarch. 

King  Henry,  after  having  conferred  tlie  distinctions 
on  his  chief  nobility,  dismissed  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk 
to  the  Continent  to  espouse,  and  bring  over,  the 
Princess  Margaret.     In  this  embassy  the  Marquis  was 

*  Dugdale  ;  Biograph.  Britannica. 

f  This  island  was  possessed  by  Humphrey,  Dute  of  Gloucester,  who  held 
it  until  his  death,  when  it  fell  into  the  King's  hands. 

J  The  Duke  left  an  only  daughter,  but  two  years  old,  who  became 
Countess  of  Warwick.  This  young  lady  was  afterwards  comnaitted  to  the 
care  of  Queen  Margaret,  consort  of  Henry  VI.,  and  then  intrusted  to 
William  de  la  Pole,  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  at  whose  manor  of  Newelme,  in 
Oxfordshire,  she  died  on  the  3rd  of  January,  1449,  having  not  quite 
attained  her  sixth  year.  She  was  buried  in  the  Abbey  of  Reading,  near 
the  remains  of  her  great  grandmother,  Constance  Lady  Despenser,  daughter 
of  Edmund  Langley,  Duke  of  York.  After  her  death,  Ann,  the  sister  of 
the  late  Duke,  became  his  sole  heir,  and  her  husband,  Richard  Neville,  Earl 
of  Salisbury,  took,  in  her  right,  the  title  of  Earl  of  Warwick. — Biograpli. 
Brit.;  Stow;  Bugdales  Antlq. ;  MiUes's  Cutalogve ;  Barcode;  Baker; 
Masters' s  Corii.  Clir.,  Cam.;  Scldoi ;  Monst  relet ;  Paston  Letters. 


246  JLIEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

not  only  accompanied  by  liis  lady,  the  IMarcliioness 
of  Suffolk,  but  his  escort  consisted  of  many  lords  and 
ladies  of  title  and  distinction,  richly  attired,  and  adorned 
with  jewels.*  They  took  with  them  many  handsome 
chariots  and  gorgeous  horse  litters,  and  carried  letters 
to  King  Rene.|  Amongst  the  ladies  who  attended  on 
this  occasion,  it  may  not  be  unhiteresting  to  remark 
that  one  of  them  was  the  Lady  Elizabeth  Grey,  after- 
wards the  consort  of  King  Edward  IV. 

With  this  splendid  escort,  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk 
left  England  and  proceeded  towards  the  cit}^  of  Tours. 
With  his  associates  in  this  embassy  he  landed  at 
Harfleur,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Rouen  and  Le  Mans. 
When  they  reached  Vendome,  the  conference  was  com- 
menced, and  continued  satisfactorily  on  both  sides  ;  so 
much  so,  that  it  was  expected  this  auspicious  and 
amicable  beginning  would  finally  lead  to  the  most 
favourable  results.  At  tlie  end  of  a  week,  these 
English  commissioners  sailed  down  the  river  Loire, 
from  the  city  of  Blois,  where  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk  had 
visited  liis  friend    and  former  prisoner,  the  Duke  of 

*  The  following  list  of  names  of  those  who  composed  this  escort,  is 
given  in  an  authentic  document  of  the  times  : — ' 

Thomas  Lord  Clifford.  Lady  Elizabeth  Hall, 

llalph  Lord  Graj'stock.  Master  Walter  Lyzard,  the  Queen's 

James  de  Bomonord.  Chaplain  and  Confessor. 

Beatrice  Lady  Talbot,  Baroness.  William  Breust,  Clerk. 

Emma  Lady  Scales,  Baroness.  Rose  JMerston,  damsel. 

Sir  Thomas  Stanley.  Margaret  Stanlewe. 

Sir  Edward  Hall.  Henry  Quarranto,  Clerk   and   Secre- 

Sir  William  Bonville.  tary  to  the  Lady,  the  Queen. 

Sir  Richard  Roos.  Michael  Trigory,  the  Queen's  Chap- 

Sir  Robert  Harcourt.  lain. 

Sir  John  Holland.  Henry  Trevilean,  Chaplain  and  Alms- 

Sir  Hugh  Cokcsey.  giver. 

Sir  Robert  Wynchelsey.  John  Bridd,  servant. 

Sir  Robert  Himgcrford.  George  Pavier,  IMaster  of  the  Navy, 

Lady  Elizabeth  Grey.  called  Christopher  of  Newcastle. 

f  Sandford  ;  Biondi  ;  Fabian  ;  Stow  ;  Rymer's  Fccdera ;  Hall ;  Holia- 
shed  ;  Baker  ;  Carte  ;  Speed  ;  Baudier  ;  Monstrelet. 

'  Egerton  MSS.,  and  Addit.  MSS.,  in  the  British  Museum. 


MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  247 

■Orleans ;  and  tliey  joined  the  royal  family,  then  residing 
at  Tours.  At  the  gates  of  this  city,  the  envoys  of 
King  Henry  were  welcomed  by  the  King  of  Sicily,  his 
-son,  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  the  Dukes  of  Bretagne  and 
Alencon,  and  a  splendid  retinue  of  nobles.  The  next 
day,  at  the  castle  of  IMontils  near  Tours,  they  were 
presented  to  King  Charles,  who  exhibited  an  earnest 
<lesire  to  confirm  all  the  prelirninaries,  to  which  his 
ministers  had  already  agreed. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  joined  the  royal  party ;  and 
•the  day  following  the  Queen  of  Sicily  arrived  at  Tours, 
■bringing  with  her  the  Lady  Margaret  of  Anjou,  her 
daughter. 

At  the  beginning  of  November,  1444,*  in  the  church      im. 
of  St.  Martin's,  at  Tours,  the  Princess  Margaret  of  Mnie?.f' 
Anjou  was  affianced  to  King  Henry  VI.,  the  Marquis  ^'^t^Jof^e; 
■of  Suffolk  acting  as  proxy  for  his  sovereign.  Rpner's 

These  espousals  were  honoured  by  the  presence  of  iilipi 
the  Pope's  legate,  Petrus  de  Monte,  who  was  staying 
at  Tours,  and  of  King  Charles  and  his  Queen,  ]\Iary 
of  Anjou  (who  were  uncle  and  aunt  to  the  bride),  and 
of  all  the  chief  personages  of  the  court  of  France. 
•Kene,  the  father  of  this  Princess,  and  Isabella  of 
Lorraine,  her  mother,  were  there ;  and  also  there  were 
present  her  brother,  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  the  Dukes 
of  Orleans,  Alengon,  and  Brittany,  seven  earls,  twelve 
barons,  and  twenty  bishops,  besides  others,  knights  and 
gentlemen.  I 

After  the  solemnization  of  this  marriage  the  two 
courts  removed  to  Nauci,  the  usual  residence  of  the 
King  of  Sicily.  The  bridal  festivities  were  of  no 
ordinary  kind,  and  howev^er  great  the  troubles  which 
this    ill-fated   marriage   entailed    upon   the    innocent 

*  No  author  gives  the  precise  day  of  this  marriage. 

■f  Holinshed  ;  Biondi  ;  Hall  ;  Stow  ;  Beckington's  Journ. ;  Davies's 
Ohron.  ;  Moreri ;  Carte  ;  Rymer's  Foedera  ;  Rapin  ;  Dauiel  ;  Villaret ; 
Anquetil  ;  Monstrelet ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Biographic  Universelle. 


inn. 


248  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

IMargarct,  no  union  ever  took  jDlacc  under  more  aiispl- 
'iious  aspects. 

Eight  clays  were  passed  in  fetes  and  tournaments  to 
commemorate  these  nuptials,  and  the  apparent  recon- 
ciHation  of  the  Houses  of  Anjou  and  Burgundy.  The 
King  of  France  had  shown  his  satisfaction  at  this 
alliance  with  the  English  monarch,  by  honouring  with 
his  presence  the  marriage  ceremony ;  and  while  he 
stayed  to  share  in  the  splendid  entertainments  Avhich 
followed,  he,  no  doubt,  rejoiced  (harassed  and  half 
ruined  as  he  was)  at  the  prospect,  to  which  this  event 
seemed  to  lead,  of  the  restoration  of  peace  to  his 
distracted  kingdom.  All  the  beauty  of  England, 
France,  Lorraine,  and  Burgundy  were  congregated 
togetlier  at  Nanci.*  Here  were  assembled  all  the 
princes  of  the  age,  who  were  most  expert  in  these 
fetes  and  amusements.  Of  these,  Rene  of  Anjou  was 
reputed  the  best  jouster  of  his  time ;  there  came  also 
Charles  of  Anjou,  Count  of  Maine,  the  brother  of  Rene, 
the  Marshal  of  Loheac,  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  the 
Sire  de  Lalaing,  the  Sire  de  Charme,  and  other 
knights  of  Burgundy,  who  were  all  distinguished ; 
Ferri  of  Lorraine  was  also  present,  and  the  Count 
of  Foix,  who,  as  well  as  the  Count  of  Maine,  was 
young,  and  jealous  of  appearing  with  eclat ;  in  short, 
the  court  of  France  was  seen  completely  united  to 
that  of  Lorraine.  Another  individual  was  also  present 
at  these  diversions,  whose  name  must  not  be  forgotten; 
it  was  the  Sire  de  Breze,  Lord  of  Varenne  and 
Seneschal  of  Normandy,  who  had  been  one  of  those 
who  had  negotiated  this  marriage.  Breze  was  spe- 
cially esteemed  by  King  Charles,  and  he  had  also 
gained  the  confidence  of  all  the  princes  of  France, 
not  only  as  a  wise  and  clever  counsellor,  but  as  a  bold 

•  It  was  perhaps  the  removal  to  Nanci  which  led  to  the  error  of  Bodin, 
and  other  writers,  who  say  that  the  marriage  was  solemnized  at  Nanci. 


^LIEGARET    OF   ANJOU.  240 

IvDiglit,  than  whom  there  was  no  one  more  graceful, 
nor  who  better  knew  how  to  please. 

The  attire  and  equipages  of  the  company  were 
magnificent;  and  there  were  delicate  banquets  and 
costly  feasting.  At  the  entertainment  which  followed 
the  betrothal,  the  company  were  amused  by  the  appear- 
ance of  two  giants,  carrying  each  a  large  tree  in  his 
bands.  Then  came  in  two  camels  bearing  towers  on 
their  backs,  in  each  of  which  an  armed  man  appeared, 
who  fought  the  one  with  the  other. 

Amongst  the  amusements  was  a  trial  of  skill  in 
archery,  the  proposition  of  Suffolk  and  Pierre  de  Breze. 
The  contest  was  between  the  archers  of  France  and 
England.  The  prize  (1,000  cromis,)  was  won  by  the 
French,  contrary  to  the  general  expectation  ;  but  some 
choice  marksmen  had  been  selected  by  them,  from  the 
Scottish  guard,  and  put  forward  on  this  occasion,  who 
were  regarded  as  denizens  of  France.  Again,  we  are 
told,  that,  at  this  season  of  gaiety,  the  Queen  and 
the  Dauphiness,  (Margaret  of  Scotland,)  rode  out  into 
the  country  one  afternoon,  attended  by  three  hundred 
noblemen  and  other  knightly  attendants. 

The  two  Kings,  Charles  and  Rene,  equally  full  of 
courtesy,  were  happy  in  the  opportunity  of  indulging 
their  natural  gallantry  amidst  so  many  beautiful  and 
amiable  women.  The  Queens  of  France  and  Sicily 
were  both  witnesses  of  these  noble  pastimes,  and  also 
the  Dauphiness  (the  Princess  of  Scotland),  the  Countess 
de  Vaudemont,  the  Duchess  of  Calabria,  and  Queen 
Margaret,  with  all  their  attendants. 

The  young  Queen,  upon  the  occasion  of  these  fetes, 
made  choice  of  the  Daisy  for  her  badge,  the  emblem 
of  "fidelity  in  love,"  and  as  such  worn  in  the  days 
of  chivalry  at  tournaments.  Thus  w^as  the  "  IMar- 
guerite"*  or  daisy  assumed  by  all  the  admirers  and 

*  The  common  daisy  in  France  is  called  "  IMarguerite." 


250  MAEGAEET   OF   .VNJOU. 

devoted  attendants  of  tlie  fair  Queen,  and  shone  con- 
spicuous when  worn  in  the  scarfs  of  the  nobihty  and 
chivah'ous  knights  of  her  native  land;  as  the  poet 
expresses  it, — 

"  When  in  liis  scarf  the  knight  the  daisy  boimd, 

"  And  dames  at  toumays  shone  ■with  daisies  cro^\Tied." 

How  appropriate  was  this  choice  of  Margaret  of  this 
modest  flower  "whose  white  investments  figure  inno- 
cence," to  her  own  character  and  career  as  King 
Henry's  consort,  destined  as  she  was,  throughout  her 
life,  to  such  trials  and  vicissitudes  which  probably  no 
other  queen  ever  endured !  Indeed  no  flower  was 
ever  more  the  poets'  favourite  than  the  daisy ;  they 
all  write  in  praise  of  the  "  modest,  crimson,  wee- 
tipped  flower;"*  and  one  of  them,  most  eloquent, 
exclaims, — 

"  There  is  a  flower,  a  little  flower, 

"  With  silver  crest  and  golden  eye, 
"  That  welcomes  every  changing  hour, 

"  And  weathers  every^  sky. 

' '  On  waste  and  woodland,  rock  and  plain, 

' '  Its  humble  buds  unheeded  rise  ; 
"  The  rose  has  but  a  summer  reign, 

"  The  Daisy  never  dies."  f 

Another  noted  person  in  this  assembly,  whose  sur- 
passing brilliancy  astonished,  but  whose  presence  did 
not  gladden  the  hearts  of  the  virtuous  matrons  who 
beheld  her,  was  the  celebrated  Agnes  Sorel,  called 
the  "  Lady  of  Beauty."  She  appeared  in  the  dress 
of  an  Amazon, — a  fanciful  suit  of  armour  glittering 
with  jewels, — and  mounted  on  a  fine  charger  richly 
caparisoned.  Such  was  the  morality  of  that  age,  that 
the  presence  of  "  la  belle  Agnes  "  was  thought  to  add 
to  the  splendour  of  these  festivities.  While  Maid-of- 
Honour  to  Isabella  of  Lorraine,  in  whose  court  the 

*  Burns.  f  Montgomery. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  251 

fair  Agnes  liacl  been  educated,  twelve  years  previous, 
she  had  first  attracted  the  notice  of  King  Charles  VII., 
and  smitten  with  her  beauty,  he  had  loaded  her  with 
favours.  At  this  period  it  was  said  of  her,  that  in 
personal  charms,  and  in  magnificence  of  attire,  she 
surpassed  her  sex,  and  equalled  in  splendour  any 
princess  of  her  times. 

More  than  once  King  Charles  engaged  hi  the  lists, 
and  bore  on  his  shield  the  serpent  of  the  ftxiry 
Melusina.  He  tilted  with  Rene,  but  was  vanquished 
by  him.  Those  who  were  most  distinguished  in  this 
tournament  in  honour  of  the  beautiful  bride,  Mar- 
garet of  Anjou,  were  her  uncle  Charles  of  Anjou, 
Pierre  de  Breze,  and  more  particularly,  the  Count  of 
St.  Pol,  who  received  the  prize  from  the  hands  of 
the  Queens  of  France  and  Sicily.  The  Marquis  of 
Suffolk  took  no  part  in  these  jousts,  which  were  ill- 
suited  to  his  graver  years.*  The  spot  whereon  the 
tournament  was  held  was  thence  denominated,  "  la 
Place  de  Carri^re." 

It  was  during  this  season  of  gaiety  and  of  rejoicing 
that  the  marriage  of  Yolande  of  Anjou,  the  elder  sister 
of  Margaret,  took  place,  under  somewhat  romantic 
circumstances.  Ferri  de  Vaudemont,  to  whom  she 
had  been  affianced  nine  years  before,  had  become 
desperately  enamoured  of  the  beautiful  Yolande,  and, 
grown  impatient  of  the  repeated  delays  of  her  father, 
(who  never  intended  she  should  be  united  to  him,)  he 
formed  a  project  which  he  accomplished.  With  the  aid 
of  a  few  young  and  bold  clievaliers,  he  succeeded  in 
carrying  off  the  Princess  Yolande  during  the  tournament 
in  honour  of  her  sister's  nuptials.  This  affair  gave  great 
displeasure  to  King  Rene ;  but,  upon  the  mediation  of 
King  Charles  and  his  queen,  as  well  as  some  others  of 

*  Suffolk  13  reported  to  have  attained  the  age  of  fifty. 


252  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

tills  noble  company,  lie  forgave  the  gallant  son  of  liis 
great  adversary,  the  Count  de  Vaudeniont. 

After  this  followed  a  general  reconciliation,  and  all 
former  enmities  being  overlooked  and  forgotten,  the 
company  returned  with  renewed  zest  to  their  fetes 
and  amusements.* 

Great  expense  was  incurred  for  these  pageants  and 
games,  and  it  has  been  remarked,  that  the  magnifi- 
cence attendant  on  these  espousals,  was  very  un- 
suitable to  the  situation  of  the  two  Kings  and  the 
poverty  of  Queen  Margaret.")"  Such,  indeed,  were  the 
mean  circumstances  of  the  King  of  Sicily  at  this  time, 
that  the  expenses  of  the  splendid  progress  of  Queen 
IMargaret  through  France,  were  necessarily  defrayed 
by  King  Henry. 

Margaret  of  Anjou  was  much  beloved  by  her 
family,  and  she  had  now  to  endure  a  mournful  separa- 
tion from  all  her  affectionate  relatives  and  attached 
friends.  The  fetes  being  ended,  the  young  queen 
was  delivered,  with  some  solemnity,  to  the  care  of 
the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  who,  accompanied  by  the 
Marchioness,  and  their  noble  escort  of  lords  and 
ladies  (now  also  graced  by  the  Queens  of  France  and 
Sicily),  set  out  on  their  progress  towards  England. 
They  proceeded  thither  less  rapidly  than  might  have 
been  expected,  since  it  was  not  until  the  month  of 
April  in  the  following  year  that  Queen  Margaret  beheld 
her  royal  consort. 

The  departure  of  Margaret  of  Anjou  for  England 
occasioned  so  deep  a  sorrow  to  the  court  of  Charles 
VII.  and  that  of  Rene,  that  if  the  possibility  of  pre- 
sentiments be  admitted,  a  remarkable  one  might  be 
found,  in  the  report  of  historians,  of  the  separation  of 

•  Barante  ;  Chastellaine;  Hall;  Holinshed  ;  Buclion  ;  Monfaucon  ; 
Baudier ;  Stow  ;  Monstrelet ;  Godfrey  ;  Daniel  ;  Villaret ;  Dom  ;  Calmet ; 
Godard  Faultrier. 

f  Biondi  ;  Bapin  ;  Baudier. 


MAEGABET    OF   ANJOU.  253 

the  King  of  France  from  his  niece.  Having  accom- 
panied this  princess  more  than  two  leagues  from 
Nanci,  King  Charles  embraced  her  several  times, 
gazed  on  her  long  without  speaking,  and  at  last  pro- 
nounced these  words  with  tears  in  his  eyes  : — "  I  am 
'•  doing  little  for  you,  my  daughter,  in  placing  you  on 
"  one  of  the  greatest  thrones  of  Europe,  since  there  are 
"  none  worthy  of  possessing  you."  His  grief  would 
not  allow  him  to  add  more,  sobs  choked  his  utterance, 
and  the  young  queen  only  answered  by  a  torrent  of 
tears ;  they  then  separated,  never  on  earth  to  meet 
again.* 

The  following  lines,  translated  from  the  French  of 
that  time,  depict  the  general  bereavement  felt  at  the 
departure  of  the  Lady,  Queen  Margaret : — 

"  Then  came  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  there 

' '  T'  escort  his  Queen  from  scenes  of  mirth  ; 

"  And  tears  fell  fast  in  sad  despair, 
"  And  some  did  sink  upon  the  earth. 

♦  ♦  *  « 

* '  Then  noble  dames  and  damsels  fair 

"  Took,  one  by  one,  their  last  embrace  ; 
' '  And  none  could  soothe  the  pangs,  or  dare 

"  To  bid  adieu  to  that  loved  face. 
"  And  iHty  'twas,  and  temble  to  see, 
' '  A  -norld  of  feeling  waked  so  cruelly. 

*  *  *  * 

"  The  Queen  takes  leave,  the  Queen  departs, 

' '  The  revelry  that  had  been  made, 
' '  Then  changes  into  aching  hearts  ; 

"  What  bliss  unsafe,  what  joy  decayed  ! 
• '  Alas  !  of  cheer,  and  pomp,  and  mirth, 

"  What  is  there  here  that  lasteth  long  ? 
"  Now  feasting,  now  laid  in  cold  earth, 

"  Now  gi-ief,  ere  while  the  dance  and  song." 

After  parting  from  Queen  Margaret,  the  King  of 
France  repaired  to  Chalons,  in  Champagne,  where  the 
fetes  and  diversions  were  renewed  upon  the  arrival  of 
Isabella   of  Portugal,    Duchess   of  Burgundy.      This 

Villeneuve  Bargemonfc  ;  Barante  ;  Monstarelet. 


254  MAEGAEET   OF    AXJOU. 

princess  had  exhibited  so  much  skill  and  prudence  in 
the  peace  of  Arras,  that  she  was  ever  after  intrusted 
with  the  affairs  of  Burgundy,  and  engaged  in  all 
matters  of  treaty.  She  appeared  brilliantly  attended 
by  the  chief  nobles  and  ladies  of  Burgundy ;  and,  as 
the  representative  of  her  house,  she  submitted  to  the 
King  the  grievances  of  the  Duke,  her  husband. 

Her  success  was  not,  however,  proportionate  to  her 
exertions,  and  on  this  occasion  she  was  compelled  to 
make  some  concessions.  A  definitive  treaty  was  con- 
cluded between  Bene  of  Anjou  and  this  princess,  the 
King  of  France  being  arbiter  of  the  differences  of  the 
Dukes  of  Anjou  and  Burgundy ;  and  thus  were  ter- 
minated the  discussions,  that  had  been  so  incessantly 
revived,  on  the  subject  of  the  entire  payment  of  the 
ransom  of  that  prince.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was 
obliged  to  restore  to  Rene  the  tv/o  cities  of  Neu- 
chateau  in  Lorraine,  and  Clermont  in  Argonne,  of 
Avhich  he  had  obtained  possession,  and  to  acquit  him 
of  the  sum  he  had  engaged  to  pay  for  his  ransom, 
conditionally,  that  he  should  settle  on  the  Duke  and 
his  heirs  the  town  and  castlewick  of  Cassel  in  Flan- 
ders.* Rene  had  received  these  by  gift  from  his  late 
uncle,  the  Cardinal  of  Bar. 

The  news  of  the  truce  and  of  the  alliance  with 
England  was  r^^ceived  universally  with  the  utmost 
joy.  The  oppressed  inhabitants  of  certain  portions  of 
France  and  Normandy  were  even  so  sanguine  as  to 
imagine  that  their  misfortunes  were  at  an  end ;  while 
those  who  had  been  confined  for  so  long  a  time  within 
the  fortified  towns  rejoiced  in  again  returning  to  the 
country  to  cultivate  their  neglected  lands,  and  the 
tradesmen  to  resume  their  long  forsaken  business. 
The  intercourse  between  the  two  nations  was  airain 
conducted  on  more  advantageous  terms  to  both  par- 

*  Barante ;  Biog.  Univcrselle ;  Jlonstrelet ;  Daniel ;  Godfrey;  Monfaucon. 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  25 J 

ties,  and  their  commodities  were  exclianged  to  their 
mutual  satisfaction. 

The  festivities  attendant  on  the  departure  of  tlie 
young  queen  to  her  husband  further  strengthened  and 
confirmed  the  kindly  feeling  which  had  been  revived 
between  the  two  countries  ;  and  when  Queen  Margaret 
herself  appeared  with  her  splendid  cavalcade  of  English 
nobility  on  their  way  to  England,  led  on  by  the 
Marquis  of  Suffolk,  they  were  welcomed  with  heart- 
felt rejoicings  and  demonstrations  of  universal  joy. 

King  Rene  and  Queen  Isabella  accompanied  their 
daughter  as  far  as  Bar-le-Duc,  where  they  bade  her 
farewell,  with  "floods  of  tears"  and  many  prayers 
to  God  for  her  welfare.  Her  brother,  the  Duke  of 
Calabria,  and  the  Duke  of  Alengon,  then  attended  her 
as  far  as  St.  Denis.  How  tenderly  must  Margaret 
have  been  beloved,  and  how  worthy  was  she  of  such 
love,  that  so  much  grief  and  regret  was  evinced  on 
her  leaving  an  impoverished  father  to  share  in  all  the 
honours  of  a  throne ! 

The  young  queen  proceeded  to  the  land  of  her  hus- 
band, conducted  by  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  with  suit- 
able magnificence,  first  to  Paris,  in  which  city  she  was 
well  received,  and  thence  she  was  afterwards  conveyed 
through  the  jDr evince  of  Normandy.* 

Many  and  curious  are  the  details  of  the  expenses  of 
the  Lady  Queen  Margaret's  tedious  progress.  These 
interesting  and  amusing  accounts,  by  John  Breknoke 
and  John  Everdon,  of  the  outlay  for  the  Queen's 
escort  and  attendants — ^"  the  chief  nobles,  barons, 
ladies,  damsels,  knights,  scuttifs,  and  other  ofticers, 
besides  servants,  sailors,  running  footmen,  horses, 
&c." — are  well  and  minutely  described ;  and  besides, 
we  gather  from  these  statements  some  facts  of  this 
journey  w^hich   unavoidably  fall  in  w^ith  these  honest 

*  Godfrey's  Hist,  of  France. 


2 50  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

acconnts,  simply  called — "names,  diet,  offerings,  and 
almsgivings,  necessaries,  salaries,  and  wages."* 

"  The  salary  of  each  baron  was  As.  Qd.  per  day. 
This  sum  was  paid  to  Thomas  Lord  Clifford,  and  the 
same  to  Ralphe  Lord  Greystocke,  also  to  James  de 
Orniohd,  and  two  others.  Each  baron  had  with  him 
three  scutifers  (or  esquires)  and  two  valets.  The  for- 
mer received  Is.  Qd.  per  day,  and  the  latter  6d. 
This  was  considered  at  the  rate  of  tear  pay,  for  the 
space  of  half  a  year,  and  this  was  for  proceeding 
from  the  county  of  Suffolk  to  parts  of  France  to  bring 
over  the  Lady,  Queen  Llargaret,  into  the  presence 
of  King  Henry  in  England,  in  the  23rd  year  of  the  said 
king ;  and  for  thither  crossing  and  remaining  and 
returning  during  half  a  year — viz.,  for  182  days  being 
in  the  King's  service,  within  the  time  of  the  present 
accompt,  91Z.  to  each  baron." 

"  To  the  Baroness  Beatrice  Lady  Talbot,  for  her 
wages  at  45.  Gd.  per  day ;  and  to  the  Baroness  Emma 
Lady  de  Scales,  the  same  salary,  4.s.  6d.  per  day : 
each  of  these  ladies  having  one  scutifer,  two  damsels, 
one  chamberer,  and  one  valet,  to  whom  was  paid 
Is.  6d.  to  the  three  former,  and  6d.  per  day  to  the  two 
latter.  Each  of  these  ladies  coming  from  the  county 
of  Suffolk  received  for  half  a  year,  or  182  days,  spent 
in  the  lord,  the  King's  service,  1)1/." 

"  In  the  same  manner,  Thomas  Stanley,  Knt.,  comp- 
troller of  the  lord  the  King's  household,  had  for  his  salary 
2s.  6c/.,  having  one  esquire  at  Is.  Gd.^  and  seven  valets 
at  CcZ.  each  per  day, — for  the  half  year,  45/.  10s." 

*  From  one  document  we  learn  that  these  expenses  extended  from  the 
17th  of  July;  1444,  to  the  Kith  of  October,  144o  ;  the  sum  received  by  the 
above  named  clerks  of  the  King's  household  from  the  Lord  Treasurer  being^ 
4,2;j.'U.  12.V.  iir/.,  beyond  which,  they  drew  from  other  sources  [}i)~>l.  '.)s.  2d.  The 
outlay,  arranged  under  several  heads,  included  offerings  made  at  mass  in 
France,  Normandy,  and  England  (only  the  moderate  sum  of  41.  lOs.),  alms- 
givings, &c. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  257 

"  Edward  Hull,  Knt.,  attendant  of  our  lady,  the 
Queen,  had  2s.  Qd.  per  day,  one  esquire  at  l.s.  Gc/., 
and  two  valets  at  Qd.  each  ;  these  amounted  to  45^. 
IO5.  for  their  service  to  the  King  of  182  days."  * 

A  brief  but  interesting  diary  follows  : — 

"  On  the  13th  of  November,  1444,  the  Lady,  Queen 
Margaret,  was  at  Cambec,  and  was  conveyed  the  same 
day  from  this  place  to  Rouen,  by  one  John  Oliver,  who 
for  one  summerset  for  his  conduct  by  boat,  various 
harness,  carriage  and  stabling,  received  6s.  Sd." 

"  On  the  28th  of  November,  the  Queen  was  at 
Honnflete,  and  thence  returned  to  Rouen  by  boat, 
being  accompanied  by  Beatrice  Lady  Talbot,  and  other 
ladies  and  damsels  appointed  to  attend  her."  "j" 

"  We  find  the  Queen  again  passed  on  from  Rouen  to 
Honnflete,  and  from  thence  to  Caen,  under  the  care 
and  assistance  of  Laurence  Werkham  and  Merlin, 
pursuivants,  who  were  sent  from  Honnflete  to  Caen, 
and  divers  other  places,  to  provide  for  and  wait  upon 
the  lady  the  queen  and  her  suite,  for  their  expenses,  and 
those  of  their  men  and  horses,  as  well  as  for  various 
boats  for  the  conduct,  and  to  await  and  provide  for  the 
same.     These  were  paid  for  their  services  38s." 

"  On  the  12th  of  December,  Queen  Margaret  was  at 
Vernon."  Previous  to  this  day  the  Queen  had  been 
passing  and  repassing  at  three  different  times  to  and 
from  Rouen  and  Honnflete ;  no  doubt  awaiting,  with 
interest  and  some  anxiety,  the  arrival  of  despatches 
and  commands  from  her  lord  the  King. 

However  gratifying  to  the  young  Queen  had  been  her 

*  Addit.  and  Egerton  MSS. 

f  "  Richard  Ap  Evan,  and  Richard  Enny,  in  two  summersets,  conducted 
them  ;  and  for  the  manag-ing  the  lading  of  them  for  the  passage,  and  for 
three  boats  and  trappings,  they  received  in  consideration  thereof,  38.s.  Also 
John  Disse,  a  sailor,  for  boating  and  freighting  various  hai-uess  for  the 
offices,  and  victualling  the  household  of  our  Lady,  the  Queen,  from  Honn- 
flete to  Rouen,  and  reconveying  the  same  harness  from  Rouen  to  Honnflete. 
&;c.,  Sec,  in  consideration  thereof,  received  48s.  id." 

VOL.   I.  S 


:io8  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

journey  tlirougli  France,  her  uncle  King  Cljarles's  domi- 
nions, it  must  have  been  no  little  disappointment  to  her 
to  find  that  her  progress  was  arrested  when  so  near  the 
point  of  her  destination.  The  delay  of  three  or  four 
months,  which  ensued  at  this  spot,  must  have  tested  the 
small  amount  of  philosophy  to  which,  at  her  early  age, 
she  might  have  attained.  We  know  not  how  far  this 
period  proved  tedious  or  distressing  to  the  youthful  bride, 
when  she  found  herself  detained,  with  her  noble  escort, 
who,  like  herself,  might  impatiently  desire  the  termina- 
tion of  this  embassy,  to  rejoin  their  relatives  at  home. 
Various  conjectures  might  be  formed  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  this  protracted  stay  was  rendered 
agreeable  to  Queen  Margaret,  or,  it  might  have  been 
that  this  time  was  a  great  transition  from  joy  to 
sorrow,  or  even  to  tranquil  meditation.  The  news 
of  the  sudden  death  of  her  dear  and  charming 
friend,  the  Princess  of  Scotland,  which  followed  on 
her  steps,  might  possibly  have  cast  sadness  on  the 
heart  already  rendered  anxious  by  delays  and  hope 
deferred. 

The  vicissitudes  of  life  are  nowhere  more  remark- 
able than  in  the  courts  of  kings,  and  amidst  the  splen- 
dours of  the  nobility  ;  it  was  even  whilst  the  rejoicings 
at  Chalons  were  continued,  that  this  event,  the  most 
melancholy  and  unlooked-ibr,  occurred,  and  for  awhile 
checked  the  universal  gaietc  du  coeur.  Margaret 
Steward,  Princess  of  Scotland,  the  wife  of  the  Dau- 
phin, (afterwards  Louis  XL,)  had  been  present  at  the 
man-iage,  by  proxy,  of  Margaret  of  Anjou,  and  had 
shared  in  the  late  festivities  ;  but,  alas !  she  was  soon 
after  removed  in  the  bloom  of  youth !  This  lovely 
and  amiable  princess  had  been  generally  esteemed  and 
admired  ;  she  was  generous  and  compassionate,  the 
patroness  of  literature,  and  enthusiastically  fond  of  the 
sciences,    to  which  she    devoted,  not    only  her  days. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  259 

but  a  great  portion  of  her  niglits ;  and  she  was,  besides 
all  this,  rigidly  virtuous.  No  wonder  that  she  was 
greatly  lamented  by  the  king  and  his  court,  and 
regretted  by  all  who  knew  her." 

What  a  loss  such  a  friend  must  have  been  to  the 
youthful  Margaret  of  Anjou !  Surely,  amidst  the  re- 
joicings which  welcomed  her  on  her  progress,  as 
England's  queen,  her  regret  for  the  loss  of  her  friend 
must,  for  a  time,  have  interrupted  her  dream  of  enjoy- 
ment. This  sad  event  might  have  been  called  the 
first  prognostic  of  the  future  misfortunes  of  this  queen, 
whose  bridal  morn  was  thus  clouded  by  sorrow. 

It  was  also  during  the  period  of  Margaret's  deten- 
tion on  the  Continent,  that  she  formed  a  lasting 
friendship  with  the  Marquis  and  Marchioness  of  Suf- 
folk, and  also  with  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Shrews- 
bury. There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that  these 
friendships,  wdiich,  under  such  circumstances,  must 
have  arisen  so  naturally,  and  as  one  might  be  led  to 
think,  so  auspiciously,  for  the  welfare  of  the  young 
bride,  were  the  chief  cause  of  her  misfortunes,  and, 
so  to  speak,  the  rock  on  which  her  bark  was  subse- 
quently wrecked. 

Already  has  it  been  seen  how  deeply  interested  was 
the  Marquis  of  Suffolk  in  obtaining  the  good  opinion 
of  his  royal  mistress,  to  suit  the  purpose  of  his  own 
ambition.  That  he  succeeded  in  doing  so,  is  sufficiently 
attested  by  the  calumnies  afterwards  cast  upon  the 
reputation  of  this  princess,  who  so  innocently  fell  into 
the  snare  laid  for  her  by  the  ministers.  The  ]\Iarchioncss 
of  Suffolk,  granddaughter  of  the  poet  Chaucer,  was 
also  a  first  cousin  of  Cardinal  Beaufort,  l)y  whom  she 
would,  without  doubt,  be  considered  the  most  eligible 
person  to  chaperon  the  fair  bride  of  his  sovereign, 
and  to  predispose  her  youthful  mind  to  unite  with  his 

*  Barante  ;  Villarct ;  Aii'-juctil  ;  Baudier  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Daniel. 

8  2 


2G0  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

party,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  the  execution  of 
their  ungenerous  purposes. 

That  Margaret  had,  at  this  time,  many  amiable  and 
estimable  qualities  has  been  sufficiently  shown  by  the 
deep  sympathy  and  regrets  of  her  family  circle  and 
friends  when  she  left  France.  In  the  home  of  her 
childhood,  that  home  where  care  and  misfortune  still 
hovered,  she  had  been  able  to  form  friendships  with 
sincerity,  and  without  caution  ;  and  experience  had 
not  yet  taught  her  the  peril  which  might  possibly  be 
incurred  where  the  judgment  is  not  exercised.  During 
the  previous  summer, — a  season  when  nature  seems 
to  reflect  back  in  a  thousand  objects  around  the  joy  of 
the  youthful  heart, — no  doubt  the  beautiful  bride  had 
indulged  in  many  buoyant  hopes  and  pleasing  antici- 
pations of  a  destiny  which  appeared  so  much  beyond 
her  expectations,  and  to  which  her  ambition  could 
hardly  have  aspired.  Possibly  she  might  have  even 
been  ignorant  of  the  discord  which  prevailed  in  the 
court  whither  she  was  proceeding,  and  of  that  train  of 
evils  in  which  she  was  too  speedily  to  be  Involved,  but 
could  she,  indeed,  have  foreseen  the  trials  and  diffi- 
culties which  lay  in  her  path,  and  the  embarrassments 
she  had  to  encounter,  it  is  not  improbable  that,  at  her 
early  age,  she  might  have  regretted,  with  feminine 
sorrow,  her  departure  from  the  paternal  roof 

At  Harfleur,  Queen  Margaret  was  welcomed  with 
joy,  and  her  entry  into  that  city  was  like  a  triumph. 
Here  a  number  of  the  English  nobility  had  awaited 
lier  arrival,  and  they  afterwards  joined  her  at  Rouen. 
When  the  Queen  reached  Mantes,  she  found  certain 
boats  awaiting  her,  in  which  she  embarked,  and  pro- 
ceeded down   the  Seine  to  Rouen,"'  where  the  inhabi- 

*  Queen  Margaret,  while  in  the  city  of  Rouen,  purchased  certain  pieces 
of  plate  which  had  been  the  property  of  the  Cardinal  Henry  of  Luxembourg, 
Cliancellor  of  France,  lately  deceased.  His  arms  were  removed  from  these 
bilvcr  A  cssels,  and  those  of  the  Queen  were  substituted.    This  was  done  by 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  261 

tants  also  received  her,  and  her  noble  escort,  witli  tlie 
most  rapturous  rejoicing;  indeed  we  are  told  tliat  tlieir 
route  to  the  coast  was  one  continued  triumphal  pro- 
cession. 

The  Queen  was  most  liberal  in  her  private  gifts  and 
almsgivings.  In  her  progress  between  Harfleur  and 
Mantes  she  bestowed  22s.  4c/.  to  various  poor  per- 
sons, besides  which  she  distributed  to  fourteen  women 
as  many  dresses  and  hoods  of  grey  cloth,  and  a  pair  of 
shoes,  and  to  each  one  of  them  besides  a  gift  of  four- 
teen pence.  These  were  bestowed  on  Maundy  Thurs- 
day, when  pious  Catholics  in  good  old  times  observed 
the  custom  of  bestowing  gifts  at  the  "  feet  washing," 
and  of  almsgiving  to  the  poor.  The  age  of  the  donor 
decided  the  number  of  the  gowns  and  hoods  given  to 
the  women ;  and  in  this  case  shows  the  age  of  Queen 
Margai'et,  whose  benefaction  cost  the  sum  of  81. 

When  Queen  Margaret  reached  Pontoise,  on  the  nv. 
18th  of  March,  where  the  territories  of  her  liusband. 
King  Henry,  commenced,  she  was  met  by  tlie  Duke 
of  York,  who  was  anxious  to  evince  his  respect  to  the 
consort  of  his  royal  master.  This  he  earnestly  showed, 
since  his  attention  to  the  Queen  caused  him  to  neglect 
to  reply  to  King  Charles,  who  had  directed  to  him 
letters  on  the  important  subject  of  a  marriage  between 
one  of  his  daughters  and  the  eldest  son  of  tlie  Duke.* 

a  goldsmith  of  Rouen,  named  John  Tobaude,  who  also  polished  them  for 
the  Queen  ;  and,  on  the  12th  of  March  fcllowing-,  he  received  of  William 
Elmseley,  (the  valet  who  took  charge  of  the  Queen's  jewL-ls,)  the  sum  of 
53s.  id. 

*  Afterwards  Edward  IV. 

The  letters  from  the  King  of  France  (dated  Nanci,  the  19th  of  February, 
1445),  were  at  length  replied  to,  but  not  until  a  verbal  communication  had 
been  made  through  the  Duke  of  Suffollc  expressing  King  Charles's  willing- 
ness for  the  marriage.  The  Duke  of  York,  in  his  letter  of  explanation  to 
the  King,  first  alluding  to  the  message  through  Suffolk,  and  concerning  this 
union  for  his  son,  goes  on  to  say  :— 

"Concerning  the  which  thing,  most  high,  most  excellent,  and  most  power- 
"  ful  prince,  and  most  redoubted  lord,  I  am  much  comforted  and  joyful,  in 


262  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

From  the  arrival  of  the  Queen  at  Poiitoise,  each  day 
is  especially  recorded,  by  which  we  trace  her  progress 
to  the  English  shores. 
huk  "  On  Thursday,  the  18th  of  March,  at  Pontoise,  the 

lady,  Queen  Margaret,  came  to  supper  with  her  friends, 
at  the  lord  the  King's  expense." 

"  On  the  19th  of  March  the  Queen  supped  with  the 
Duke  of  York  at  Maunte,  and  the  following  day  she 
dined  with  the  Duke  at  Vernon,  where  she  passed 
three  days." 

"  On  the  21st  of  March,  being  Palm  Sunday,  she 
attended  High  Mass." 

"  On  the  23rd  of  the  month  she  went  from  Vernon 
to  the  '  Loge  Nupti'  and  Rouen,  and  again,  on  the 
following  day,  to  both  these  places." 

"From  the  24th  of  March  Queen  Margaret  remained 
at  Rouen  for  seven  days,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the 
month  went  to  Bocamshard."  "•' 

"  consequence  of  the  singular  and  true  desire  which  I  have  to  acquire  your 
"  friendship  and  society,  and  with  all  my  affection  I  thank  you  for  it  most 
"  humbly." 

"  Your  said  letters  by  me  received,  I  was  immediately  inclined  to  send 
''  my  ambassadors  to  your  highness  for  the  business,  a  thing  which  I  could 
■'  not  do  and  accomplish  so  speedily  as  I  could  well  have  wished,  in  conse- 
"  quence  of  the  arrival  on  this  side  of  my  lady  the  Queen,  whom  after  that 
"  she  was  brought  to  and  had  arrived  at  the  town  of  Pontoise  I  have  accom- 
"  panied,  as  reason  was,  until  she  had  embarked  on  the  sea  to  go  into  Eng- 
"  land  to  the  King,  your  nei)hew  and  my  sovereign  lord." 

"  So  I  entreat  you  most  humbly  that  of  the  delay  of  the  mission  of  my 
"  said  embassy  to  you,  you  would  be  pleased  to  have  and  hold  me  excused." 
"  Written  at  Kouen  the  18th  day  of  April." 
"  Your  most  humble  kinsman," 

"  The  Duke  of  York." 
"  R.  York." 
In  the  course  of  her  progress  through  France,  this  queen  made  various 
offerings  at  different  places,  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  high  mass 
in  her  presence  :— viz.,  "  at  Maunte,  in  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Mary  on 
the  10th  of  March,  when  she  gave  13a.  4d.  Another  time,  at  Vernon,  on 
Sunday,  in  cloth  'Palmar,'  on  the  21st  of  March,  at  grand  mass  in  the 
ca.stle,  Cs.  Sd.  During  her  stay  at  Rouen,  on  the  2;5rd  of  March,  in  the  mo- 
nastery of  the  Blessed  Mary  of  Rhotomarcnsis,  she  bestowed  13s.  4d.  Also, 
on  Ash-Wednesday,  at  grand  mass,  celebrated  in  her  i)resence,  in  the  castle 
of  Rouen,  she  gave  G«.  Hd.    Another  time,  when  the  Lord's  Supper  was 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  268 

"On  the  1st  of  April  she  was  at  the  same  place  and 
went  that  day  to  Pont  Audeniar." 

"  On  the  2nd  of  April  she  went  from  Pont  Audemar 
to  Honnflete,  and  there  she  stayed  until  the  3rd  of  this 
month." 

"  On  the  3rd  of  April  Queen  Margaret  was  conveyed 
by  a  boatman,  called  Collin  Freon,  and  three  of  his 
friends,  sailors,  with  supplies  and  provisions  required, 
from  Honnflete  to  a  boat  called  the  '  Cok  John,'  of 
Cherbourg,  which  had  been  especially  appointed  to 
convey  '  the  lady  the  queen '  and  some  of  her  atten- 
dants. The  rest  of  her  household  being  conveyed  in 
other  boats  by  these  sailors,  to  a  boat  called  the 
'Mary  of  Hampton,'  also  well  furnished  and  supplied 
with  provisions." 

After  such  frequent  sailing  up  and  down  the  river 
Seine,  to  find  herself  upon  the  open  sea  and  making 
fair  progress  towards  England,  must  have  been  a 
delightful  change  to  the  young  bride. 

"  On  the  10th  of  April,  while  coasting  between 
Portsmouth  and  Southampton,  the  royal  squadron 
were  serenaded  from  two  Genoese  galleys,  having 
seven  trumpeters  on  board,  who  were  rewarded  by 
the  Queen  with  23s.  4d" 

Let  us  turn  now  from  this  pleasing  scene  to  the 
youthful  monarch.  Long,  very  long,  had  the  royal 
bridegroom  been  waiting  with  patient  anxiety  for  the 
arrival  of  his  consort.  He  had  been  very  desirous  of 
receiving  his  bride  with  great  splendour  ;  but  that 
poverty  which  had  attended  Margaret  in  her  father's 
court  seemed  to  await  her  also  on  the  throne  of  her 
husband.  It  was  some  time  before  King  Henry  could 
raise  the  needful  supplies  to  give  his  future  consort  a 

administered,  in  presents,  for  its  celebration,  at  high  mass  in  the  castle  of 
Rouen,  on  Easter-day,  C>«.  8'/.  Again,  on  31st  :\Iarch,  at  the  Abbej-  of  Bo- 
camshard,  6s.  Sd.  And  at  Honnflete  in  the  church  of  the  Blessed  Marj,  on 
the  3rd  of  April,  Ss.  id." 


264  LLVEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

due  and  fitting  reception.  Thus  was  she  detained  on 
the  continent  for  several  months,  after  her  espousals, 
before  she  could  be  transported  into  England.* 

The  poor  King  was  endeavouring  to  recruit  his 
exhausted  exchequer,  and  to  restore  some  of  the  royal 
palaces|  to  a  condition  fit  for  a  queen's  residence;  but, 
such,  was  the  destitution  of  the  royal  privy  purse  at 
this  time,  that  King  Henry  was  compelled  to  pawn  his 
jewels  and  household  plate  to  provide  for  the  equi- 
pages and  other  requisites  for  his  marriage,  and  for 
the  coronation  of  his  Queen,:]: 

It  became  necessary  for  King  Henry  to  call  a  new 
Parliament,  to  obtain  the  supplies  which  he  required  ; 
and,  at  this  Parliament,  which  met  at  Westminster 
on  tlie  23rd  of  February,  1445,  the  King  being  pre- 
sent, Stafford,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  explained, 
in  a  kind  of  political  sermon,  why  they  had  been 
summoned.  His  text  was,  "  Justice  and  peace  have 
kissed  each  other."  He  then  made  known  the  sus- 
pension of  warfare  in  France,  and  the  union  of 
their  monarch  with  ]\Iargaret,  the  daughter  of  Ptene 
of  Anjou  ;  and  he  added,  "  by  these  two  happy 
events,  he  nothing  doubted,  but,  through  God's  grace, 
justice  and  peace  should  be  firmly  established  through- 
out the  realm."  Upon  this  a  half-fifteenth  was 
accorded    by  Parliament  to    defray  the    expenses    of 

•  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Monstre- 
let ;  Barante  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard. 

t  These  were  at  Eltham,  Sheen,  Westminster,  and  the  Tower. 

X  As  early  as  the  year  1443  we  find  King  Henry  had  been  occupied  in 
preparing  for  the  arrival  of  his  beloved  consort.  To  the  abbot  of  St.  Ed- 
mondsbury  he  addressed  some  curious  original  letters  for  the  loan  of  100 
marks,  and  for  horses,  chariots,  &c.,  upon  tlie  occasion  of  his  marriage. 

We  also  learn  that  on  the  11th  of  September,  1444,  the  King  sent  over, 
for  the  une  of  the  Queen  and  her  attendants,  some  horses,  described  under  the 
head  "necessaries ;"  as  'A  horses,  4  palfrey  horses,  24  swift  horses,  (i  carriage 
horses,  8  summer  horses,  and  7  horses  for  summer  office,  and  2  pack  horses  ; 
these,  with  various  other  costs  and  expenses  for  182  days  required— (the 
first  day  being  reckoned,  and  not  the  last)— came  to  128^.  195.  2d. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ.  265 

tlie  marriage,  and  of  tlie  late  commission  for  the  truce 
with  France. 

From  a  letter  of  King  Henry's  we  learn  that  he 
waited  until  his  commissioners  had  raised  supplies  by- 
loan  before  he  was  able,  as  he  said,  "  to  procure  2,000 
marks  for  his  most  best  beloved  wife  the  Queen,  for 
her  coming  now  unto  our  presence,  and  2,000  more 
for  a  jewel  of  St.  George,  lately  bought.""' 

As  early  as  the  month  of  November  King  Henry 
had  been  in  expectation  of  his  bride's  arrival ;  and  in 
w^riting  at  this  time  to  the  Goldsmiths'  Company  he 
says,  "  He  trusts  to  have  oure  entirely  well-beloved 
wife  the  queue  wythin  right  brief  time;"  and  enjoins 
them  that  they  "  wol  prepare  to  meet  her  in  most 
goodly  wise."  This  they  afterwards  did,  and  arrayed 
themselves  most  bravely  with  "  baudericks  of  golde 
about  their  necks  and  short  hoods  of  scarlette  jagged." 

When   the   funds    so    absolutely  necessary  for  the 
reception  of  Queen  Margaret  had  been  procured,  the 
embassy,  with  their  fair  sovereign,  had  proceeded  to 
the  shores  of  England.     After  a  favourable  passage  in 
the  "  Cok  John,"  the  Queen  arrived  with  all  her  noble 
escort  on  the  10th  of  April  at  Porchester,  where  King      144.'^. 
Henry  had  long  awaited  her.     The  voyage  had  caused  stowi"*'  ' 
the  Queen  to  be  so  much  indisposed  that,  when  they  Jj^JJ^"; 
landed,  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk  was  obliged  to  convey 
her  from  the  vessel  to  the  shore  in  his  arms ;  and  in  a 
letter  from  King  Henry  we  learn  that  his  beloved  con- 
sort immediately  fell  "  syke  of  ye  labor  and  indispo- 
sition of  ye  see,"  and  that  the  marriage  was  necessarily 
deferred. 

Scarcely  had  Queen  Margaret  set  her  foot  on  shore 
than  a  tremendous  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  com- 
menced, truly  an  inauspicious  circumstance,  which, 
added  to  her  bodily  indisposition,  might  have  appalled 

•  See  Appendix,  p.  418. 


266  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

a  less  energetic  mind  than  that  of  ]\Iargaret  of  Anjou. 
The  people  of  Porchester,  notwithstanding  the  tempest, 
came  in  crowds  to  gaze  upon  their  fair  sovereign,  and 
welcomed  her  loyally,  strewing  their  streets  with  rushes 
for  her  to  pass  over.* 

In  Porchester  Castle  "f  the  first  interview  took  place 
between  Queen  Margaret  and  King  Henry  the  Sixth  ; 
the  monarch  receiving  his  bride  in  a  manner  propor- 
tionate to  her  birth  and  merit. 

At  this  meeting,  when  Margaret  first  appeared  in 
the  full  charm  of  youth  and  beauty,  so  radiant  was  slie 
that  "  the  King  could  scarce  look  her  steadfastly  in 
the  face,"  yet  these  pleasing  attractions  hardly  equalled 
her  remarkable  mental  endowments ;  while,  by  her 
amiability  alone,  she  had  won  many  hearts  on  her 
progress  to  the  shores  of  England. 

The  King  bestowed  great  rewards  on  all  who  had 
accompanied  her,  from  the  Countess  of  Shrewsbury 
even  to  the  master  of  the  vessel:]:  which  brought 
her  over  from  France,  as  we  learn  from  Rymer's 
"  Foedera,"  in  which  are  many  minute  and  curious 
documents,  signed  by  the  King,  one  of  which  related 
to  a  safe  conduct  to  certain  Scotchmen,  who,  with 
their  servants,  desired  to  be  present  at  the  Queen's 
coronation.  Another  enumerates  some  New  Year's 
gifts,  bestowed  by  King  Henry  in  the  preceding  year ; 
also  the  following  description  of  the  weddhig  ring :  viz., 
"  A  ring  of  gold  garnished  with  a  fair  ruble  some- 
tyme  given  unto  us,  by  our  Bel  Oncle,  the  Cardinal 
of  Englande,  with  the  which  we  were  sacred,  on  the 
day  of  our  coronation  at  Parys,  delivered  unto  Mat- 

*  Porchester  was  a  seaport  in  Hampsliire  of  great  note  ;  near  it  Ports- 
mouth now  stands. — Drayton. 

f  Holinshed  ;  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  Rapin  ;  Baudicr ;  Lingard  ;  English 
Chron.  Camd.  Soci 

X  This  was  Thomas  Adam,  who  received  from  the  King  an  annual  pen- 
sion of  20  marks  for  life. — See  Ajqjendlx,  p.  420. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  267 

thew  Pliilip,  to  breke,   and  thereof  to  meke  another 
ryng,  for  the  Queen's  wedding  ryng."''-' 

From  Porchester,  Queen  Margaret  proceeded  on  the 
same  day  of  her  landing,  the  10th  of  April,  with  King 
Henry  to  Southampton,  by  water ;  and  here  she  rested 
five  days  in  a  convent,  called  "  God's  House,"  before 
she  could  be  conveyed  to  Southwyke,  to  be  united  to 
the  King.  This  building  has  been  described  as  a 
famous  hospital,  founded  in  the  time  of  King  John 
by  Peter  de  Rupibus,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  dedi- 
cated to  St.  John  the  Baptist  and  St.  Nicholas.")* 
Here  the  young  Queen  seems  to  have  stayed  even 
beyond  the  15th  of  the  month,  being  visited  by  a 
severe  and  dangerous  disorder  immediately  on  her 
landing.  Doubtless  great  care  and  attention  were 
bestowed  on  the  royal  invalid  in  this  noted  hospital, 
and  especially  by  "Master  Francisco,  the  Queen's 
physician,  who  received  on  the  10th  of  April,  by 
command  of  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  at  Southampton, 
69s.  2d.  for  divers  aromatic  confections,  particularly 
and  specially  purchased  by  him,  and  privately  made 
into  medicine  for  the  preservation  of  the  health  of 
the  said  lady,  the  Queen,  as  well  by  sea  as  by 
land."t 

We  are  further  informed  that  King  Henry  was 
obliged  to  furnish  considerable  additions  to  the  ward- 
robe of  his  bride,  which  had  been  so  scantily  furnished, 
(owing  to  the  indigence  of  the  Angevine  prince,  her 
father,)  that  her  array  was  not  suitable  to  her  rank 
as  Queen  of  England.     This  was  required  to  be  done 

*  See  Appendix,  p.  417  ;  Issue  Rolls  ;  Stow  ;  Baudier  ;  Kennet. 

t  Speed  ;  Davies's  Chron. ;  Stevenson's  Monasteries  ;  Addit.  to  Dugdale's 
Monasticon. 

X  Another  payment  had  been  also  made  to  Perrin  Arogeart,  hired  to  assist 
and  work  in  the  office  of  cookery  expressly,  paid  out  of  regard  to  him,  and 
as  a  gift  of  our  lady,  the  Queen,  by  order  of  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  at  South- 
ampton, on  the  loth  of  April,  the  sum  of  13«.  id. 


268  IMAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

previously  to  her  appearance  in  public  before  her  new 
subjects.  Accordingly  "  John  Pole,  a  valet,  was  sent 
from  Southampton  to  London  with  three  horses,  by 
command  of  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  to  fetch  Margaret 
Chamberlayne,  tyre  maker,  to  be  conducted  into  the 
presence  of  our  lady,  the  Queen,  touching  various 
business  of  the  said  lady,  the  Queen,  and  for  going 
and  returning,  the  said  Margaret  Chamberlayne  was 
paid  there  by  gift  of  the  Queen,  on  the  15th  of 
April,  2O5." 

From  the  mention  made  by  the  royal  bridegroom  in 
a  letter  written  in  his  usual  quaint  style  to  his  Chan- 
cellor, we  discover  that  the  malady  which  had  so  very 
unexpectedly  detained  his  beloved  consort  was  no  other 
than  the  small-pox.  This  alarming  disease  caused  great 
anxiety  to  the  King,  who,  after  having  so  long  waited 
for  his  expected  bride,  was  not  a  little  heartstricken  at 
this  sudden  affliction  on  the  beloved  object  of  his  affec- 
tions. Leaving  the  Queen  to  the  care  of  her  attendants 
and  others  in  the  hospital,  "God's  House,"  for  a  time, 
"the  King  stayed  at  South wyke,  passing  his  careful  mo- 
ments, as  well  as  he  could,  amidst  the  charming  pas- 
tures and  forests  of  Southbere  and  Porchester."  We 
are  told  that  King  Henry  could  not  keep  the  feast  of 
St.  George  at  Windsor  Castle,  on  account  of  "this 
sickness  of  his  most  dear  and  best  beloved  wife,  the 
Queen."  How  long  this  anxious  period  lasted  we  are 
not  exactly  informed ;  but  when  the  Queen  recovered, 
happily  without  any  detriment  to  her  unconnnon  beauty, 
she  rejoined  the  King  at  Southwyke,  wdiere  he  had 
waited,  still  watching  with  deep  interest  until  shQ 
became  convalescent.  Finding  then  that  she  was  still 
unable  to  bear  the  fatigues  of  travelling,  he  caused  his 
marriage  to  be  performed,  with  all  the  necessary  cere- 
mony."^ 

*  In  the  year  1133  King  Ilcnrj' I.  had  founded  in  the  church  of  St. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  2G9 

On   Thursday,    the   22nd  of  April,    1445,    Kemp,      1445. 
Archbishop   of  York,    united   the   royal  pair  in  the  \!-!!^" 
Priory    Church   of    South wyke,    near   Porchester    in  ^""^^'"•'^■' 

TT  1  •        ■'■  mi  11         -rw  '  Carte; 

Hampsnu'e/""  ihe  venerable  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  stow; 
Master  Aiscough,  gave  them  the  blessing,  saying,  vSt. 
"  This  marriage,  the  people  believe,  will  be  pleasing 
"  to  God  and  to  the  realm,  because  that  peace  and 
"abundant  crops  came  to  us  with  it.  And  I  pray 
"  the  Heavenly  King  that  he  will  so  protect  them  with 
"  his  own  right  hand  that  their  love  may  never  be  dis- 
"  solved,  and  that  they  may  receive  such  blessing  as 
"  the  Psalmist  speaks  of;  '  Thy  wife  shall  be  as  a 
"  fruitful  vine  by  the  sides  of  thy  house  :  thy  children 
"  like  olive  plants  round  about  thy  table.  Behold, 
"that  thus  shall  the  man  be  blessed  that  feareth  the 
"Lord.'"     (Psa/.  cxxviii.) 

The  learned  prelate  made  a  discourse  at  some  length 
on  the  dignity  of  marriage,  and  in  praise  of  that  sacra- 
ment. In  conclusion,  he  said,  "  I  desire  that  my  lord 
"  may  abide  in  that  sacred  alliance  on  which  he  has 
"  now  entered,  and  may  in  faith  possess  these  good 
"  things  of  marriage  which  have  been  assigned  to  it  by 
"  St.  Augustine — ^faitli,  that  he  may  not  break  his  con- 
"jugal  vow — offspring,  which  may  both  be  lovingly 
"  brought  up  and  religiously  educated — and  a  sacra- 
"  mental  vow,  that  the  wedlock  may  never  be  dissolved: 
"for  these  are  the  great  things  of  marriage.'  Oh! 
"  may  this  wedding  be,  as  was  in  old  time  the  wedding 
"of  Tobias  and  Sarah,  of  which  it  is  said,  that  'they 
"  celebrated  their  marriage   feast  in  the  fear   of  the 

Mary's  at  Porchester  a  priory  of  canons  of  the  order  of  St.  Austin,  which 
seems  to  have  been  not  long  after  removed  to  Soutlnvj'ke,  where  it  con- 
tinued until  the  dissolution. — Dwjilale ;  Speed;  Tanner's  Notitie  Monastlca. 
•  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Fabian  ;  Carte  ;  Howell ;  Eng.  Chron.,  Camd. 
Soc. ;  Baker  ;  Speed ;  Sandford  ;  Toplis  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Stow  ;  Rymer's 
Foedera ;  Beckington  ;  Kennet ;  Sliaron  Turner  ;  Henry ;  Warner's  Hamj)- 
shire. 


2 TO  MARGAEET   OF  ANJOU. 

"  Lord.'  (Tohins  ix.)  '  Oil !  may  it  be  the  cause  of 
"peace  among  the  people,  even  as  peace  was  given 
"  unto  the  Jews  on  the  marriage  of  Esther.'  [Esther 
"ix.  18.)  'Oh!  may  it  be  so  high  and  holy  an 
"  ordering,  that,  at  the  last,  those  words  may  be 
"  worthily  verified  in  the  case  of  the  married  pair, 
"  '  Blessed  are  they  which  are  called  unto  the  marriage 
"  supper  of  the  Lamb.'  "     [Eev.  xix.)* 

When  the  marriage  ceremony  was  concluded.  Queen 
Margaret  received  as  a  bridal  gift,  from  one  of  her 
attendants,  a  lion, — a  very  unsuitable  present  for  a 
lady's  pet ;  but  it  was  graciously  received,  and  con- 
veyed, at  the  King's  expense,  to  the  Tower  of  London,! 
Where  this  noble  compagnon  de  voyage  came  from  we 
are  not  informed ;  but  his  keep,  and  travelling  expenses, 
with  a  separate  carriage,  were  included  in  the  outlay  of 
the  King's  servants,  the  sum  of  3^.  65.  4f7.  being  paid 
to  John  Fouke  of  Peryn,  galleyman,  who  took  charge 
of  the  lion. 

This  strange  gift  would  seem  to  have  been  made 
from  one  acquainted  with  the  courage  and  fortitude 
of  the  Queen,  and  given  in  compliment  to  those  high 
personal  qualities  which  became  afterwards  so  promi- 
nent in  the  eventful  and  stormy  circumstances  of  her 
reign.  Had  the  King  himself  been  able  to  wield  the 
sceptre,  how  different  would  have  been  Queen  Mar- 
garet's course  ;  but  the  whole  career  of  Henry  VL 
showed  him  to  be  a  good  and  pious  man,  but  totally 
unequal  to  rule  a  divided  realm  like  that  of  England. 
He  loved  the  Queen  with  an  ardour  to  which  his 
heart  and  pure  mind  required  him  to  set  no  bounds ; 
and  they  might  have  been  happy  in  their  marriage  had 
not  the  personal  friends  of  the  Queen  been  unfortu- 

*  Capgrave's  Ulust.  Henries ;  English  Chron.  Camd.  Soc.  ;  Davics's 
Chron. 

t  Robert  Mansfield  was  the  keeper  of  the  menagerie  in  this  reign,  and 
had  a  good  salary  for  his  office. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  271 

iiately  regarded  as  the  enemies  of  the  people.  The 
King,  and  also  the  Queen,  saw  the  evils  of  war  and  the 
desirableness  of  peace,  and  they  laboured  incessantly 
to  this  end ;  but  the  people  were  not  cured  of  their 
'penchant  for  war,  and  preferred  the  uncertain  spoils  of 
victory  to  the  more  certain  gains  of  trade  and  industry. 

As  soon  as  the  Queen  could  travel,  (about  the  begin- 
ning of  May,)  she  commenced  her  progress  to  the  capital, 
which  she  entered  on  the  18th  of  May,  1445.     In  her      his. 
journey  to  the  metropolis  she  received  every  possible  Rapiu. '    ' 
demonstration  of  respect  and  admiration,  and  even  of 
enthusiasm. 

All  ranks  of  her  new  subjects  eagerly  came  forward 
to  welcome  the  arrival  of  a  princess,  of  whose  personal 
and  mental  accomplishments  they  had  heard  so  much  ; 
and  her  youth,  beauty,  and  elegance  converted  even 
her  enemies  into  admirers,  making  them  forget  their 
prejudices  against  her,  on  account  of  her  relationship 
to  the  royal  family  of  France,  and  the  poverty  of  her 
father  which  had  obliged  King  Henry  to  receive  his 
bride  without  a  dower.  All  those  who  had  most  op- 
posed this  marriage  now  became  eager  to  evince  their 
respect  to  their  charming  sovereign.  The  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  especially,  hastened  at  this  time  to  prove  to 
his  new  mistress  that  principle  alone  had  actuated  him 
in  his  late  opposition,  and  he  sought,  by  his  marked 
attentions  to  the  Queen,  to  show  her  that  he  also 
shared  in  the  general  admiration  of  her  personal 
charms.  At  the  head  of  five  hundred  of  his  retainers, 
handsomely  arrayed  in  his  livery  and  badge,  he  met 
her  at  Blackheath,  and  conducted  her  to  his  palace, 
named  "  Placentia,"  at  Greenwich,  where  she  was  in- 
vited to  refresh  herself;  the  Duke  taking  this  oppor- 
tunity to  ingratiate  himself  into  her  favour.* 

*  Holinslied  ;   Hall ;   Fabian  ;   Carte  ;  Stow  ;  London  Chron.  ;  Kennet ; 
Speed  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Baudier  ;  Sharon  Turner. 


272  IkLVEGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

The  chief  nobility  rivalled  each  other  in  the  splen- 
dour of  their  equipages  and  their  tokens  of  respect, 
bringing  their  retainers  and  servants  in  liveries,  and 
exhibiting  all  the  pomp  and  splendour  possible.  They 
wore  in  their  caps  and  bonnets,  in  compliment  to 
the  Queen,  the  humble  Marguerite,  or  daisy,  which 
seemed  even  more  surprisingly  to  have  started  into 
notice  and  esteem  than  the  beautiful  queen  herself;"-" 
and,  as  the  poet  writes, — 

' '  Of  either  sex,  who  doth  not  now  delight 

"  To  weai-  the  daisy  for  Queen  Marguerite  ?  "  f 

This  little  flow^er,  chosen  by  the  Queen,  was,  indeed, 
a  true  emblem  of  her  conjugal  fidelity  ;  for  amidst  the 
misfortunes  and  rude  tempests  of  her  after  life,  her 
constancy  to  her  husband,  and  his  fortunes,  remained 
unshaken.^ 

The  authorities  and  Hvery  companies  of  the  city 
also  came  out  to  meet  Queen  Margaret,  as  well  as 
many  of  inferior  rank.  These  were  dressed  in  blue 
gowns  and  red  hoods,  with  sleeves  embroidered,  each 
of  them  with  some  device,  expressive  of  their  art  or 
trade,  by  which  they  might  be  known.  By  this  eques- 
trian procession  the  new  Queen  and  her  escort  were 
conducted  through  Southwark  to  the  city,  and  lodged 
in  the  bishop's  palace,  near  St.  Paul's. § 

Upon  her  entrance  into  the  capital,  the  Queen 
was  greeted  by  many  splendid  shows  and  goodly 
pageants,  agreeable  to  the  taste  of  the  age.  South- 
wark and  the  city  of  London  were  "  beautified,"  as 
Stow  relates,  "  with  pageants  of  divers  histories,  and 
other  shows  of  welcome ;  marvellous,  costly,  and  sump- 
tuous."    There  were  represented  gods  and  goddesses, 

*  Tliis  little  flower  also  shone  conspicuous  upon  the  royal  plate, 
t  Drayton.  J  Ilolinshcd  ;  Stow. 

§  llolin.shed  ;  Stow  ;  Fabian  ;  Carte  ;  London  Chron.  ;  Baudier  ;  Ken- 
net  ;  Chron.  of  London  Bridge. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  273 

angels,  and  ancient  worthies.  The  cardinal  virtues, 
personified,  were  seen  issuing  forth  from  artificial  woods 
and  temples,  constructed  of  pasteboard  and  other  fiimsy 
materials,  and  were  made  to  recite  the  praises  of  Queen 
Margaret,  while  they  scattered  flowers  and  garlands  at 
her  feet.  On  her  approach  to  London  Bridge  she  was 
greeted  by  the  most  splendid  of  the  famous  pageants 
prepared  for  her  by  her  admiring  subjects.  The  first 
pageant,  erected  at  the  foot  of  London  Bridge,  was  an 
allegorical  representation  of  Peace  and  Plenty.  The 
motto  was, — 

"  Ingredimini  et  replete  terrain." 
"  Enter  ye,  and  replenish  tlie  earth." 

Then  were  the  following  lines  addressed  to  the 
Queen: — 

"  Most  Christian  Princesse,  by  influence  of  grace, 

"  Daughter  of  Jerusalem,  our  plesaunce 

"  And  joie,  welcome  as  ever  Princess  was, 

' '  With  hert  entire,  and  hool  affiaunce  ; 

"  Cawser  of  welthe,  joye,  and  abundaunce, 

"  Youre  citee,  your  people,  your  subjects  all, 

"  With  hert,  with  worde,  with  dede,  your  highness  to  avaunce, 

"Welcome!  welcome!  welcome!  unto  you  call. " 

These  verses  were  from  the  pen  of  Lydgate ;  he  was 
the  universal  muse  of  his  age,  and  so  easy  of  access, 
that  he  was  consulted  on  all  occasions.  He  was  the 
poet  of  the  world,  as  well  as  of  the  monastery  to  which 
he  belonged.  His  talents  were  resorted  to,  with  equal 
success,  whether  a  mask  for  the  King  was  intended,  or 
a  May-game  for  the  aldermen  and  sheriffs.  Lydgate 
was  also  the  champion  of  the  fair  sex,  and  wrote  a 
panegyric,  not  on  their  personal  charms  or  accom- 
plishments, but  giving  a  recital  of  their  inflexible 
chastity  and  religious  fortitude,  by  which  he  ennobled 
their  character,  and  gave  a  better  demonstration  of  his 
own  respect  and  esteem. 


274 


M.\.EGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 


Upon  the  bridge  another  pageant  was  placed.     It 
represented  Noah's  ark,  bearmg  the  words, 

"  Jam  non  iiltra  irascar  super  terrain ;  " 

"  Henceforth  there  shall  no  more  be  a  curse  upon  the  earth."* 

The  verses  recited  before  it  were  : — 


*  So  trusteth  your  people,  with  assuraunce, 

'  Throwghe  your  grace,  and  high  benignitie, 

'  'Twixt  the  realmes  two,  England  and  France, 

'  Pees  shall  approche,  rest  and  unity  ; 

'  Mars  set  asyde  with  all  his  cruelty, 

'  Which  too  longe  hathe  trowbled  the  realmes  twayne, 

'  Bydynge  your  comforte,  in  this  adversit(5, 

'  Most  Christian  Princesse,  our  Lady  Soverayne. 

'  Right  as  whilom,  by  God's  myght  and  grace, 
'  Noe  this  arke  dyd  forge  and  ordayne, 
'  Wherin  he  and  his  might  escape,  and  passe 
'  The  flood  of  vengeaunce  caused  by  trespasse  ; 
'  Conveyed  about  as  God  list  him  to  gyne,  [gye] 
'  By  meane  of  mercy  found  a  restinge  place 
'  After  the  flud  upon  this  Armonie. 

'  Unto  the  Dove  that  browght  the  braunche  of  peas, 

'  Resemblinge  your  simpleness,  columbyne, 

'  Token  and  sygne  that  the  flood  shuld  cesse, 

'  Conduct  by  grace  and  power  devyne  ; 

'  Source  of  comfort  'gynneth  faire  to  shine 

'  By  your  presence,  whereto  we  synge  and  seyne 

'  Welcome  of  joye  right  extendet  lyne, 

'  Moste  Ckristian  Princesse,  our  Lady  Soverayne." 


At  Leadeiihall  was  "Madam  Grace,  Chancellor  de 
Dieu,"  and  again  verses  were  recited.  At  St.  Mar- 
garet's Inn,  Cornhill,  other  verses  were  given.  At  the 
Great  Conduit,  in  Cheapside,  another  recitation  was 
made,  and  "  the  five  wise  and  five  foolish  virgins  "  were 
represented.  Lastly,  at  the  Cross  in  the  Cheape,  "  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem;"  and  at  Paul's  Gate,  "  tlie  funeral, 
resurrection,  and  judgment ;"  both  these  last  having, 
like  the  preceding  pageants,  appropriate  verses  from 
the  pen  of  Lydgate.f 

♦  Gen.  viii.  21. 

t  Stow;  Fabian;  Londiniana;  ITarl.  MS. ;  Chron.  Lond.  Bridge ;  Speed; 
Sharon  Turner  ;  Warton's  Eng.  Poetry. 


Heniy. 


IkLVRGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  275 

Amidst  these  demonstrations  of  joy,  and  of  welcome, 
was  the  admmng  Queen  conducted  in  royal  state  inro 
the  metropolis,  previous  to  her  coronation  ;  every  thin  .^ 
calculated  to  afford  her  pleasure  having  been  provided 
at  considerable  expense. 

Margaret,  who  was  at  that  time  little  more  than 
fifteen  years  of  age,  must  have  been  highly  gratified 
with  her  reception  in  England.     After  her  splendid 
progress  through  the  city,  she  was  conducted  to  the 
Tower,  where  she  reposed  during  one  day.     Then  fol- 
lowed the  ceremony  of  coronation,  which  took  place  on 
Sunday  (being  the  first  Sunday  after  Trinity),  the  30th 
of  May,  1445.    The  Queen  rode  to  Westminster  Abbey,      1445. 
where  the  solemn  rites  01  her  coronation  were  per-  Bion.U; 
formed  by  John  Stafford,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  ^g^'Ji 
and  were  attended  with  even  more  than  the  accustomed  ^^^^^  '< 
magnificence,  for  Parliament  was  then  sitting,  having  sismonai; 
met   on  the  25th  day   of  February,  previous  to  the 
arrival  of  the  Queen. 

The  coronation  feasts  were  splendid.*  No  expense 
was  spared,  and  various  royal  gifts  were  bestowed, 
and  many  valuable  crown  jewels  redeemed,  in  order  to 
be  presented  to  the  beautiful  queen  at  "  the  tyme  of 
ye  solempnytie  of  her  coronation."  Amongst  these 
were  the  "Ilkyngton  color,"  a  costly  gift ;  also  a  "  pec- 
toral," adorned  with  gems,  for  which  King  Henry  had 
just  paid  a  sum  equal  to  £15,000.1 

A  tournament  was  held  for  three  days,  in  proof  of 
the  universal  joy  of  the  nation.  The  feasting  being 
held  within  the  sanctuary,  and  the  jousts  in  the  court- 
yard before  the  Abbey,  and  in  the  royal  presence.  The 
people  departed,  as  the  contemporary  chroniclers  have 
declared,  "well  satisfied."^: 

*  To  the  chief  butler  alone  was  given  1,000Z. 
f  See  Appendix,  p.  419. 

X  Holinshed  ;  Biondi  ;  Fabian  ;  Carte  ;  Eng.  Chron.  C'amd.  Soc.  ;  Hall ; 
Sandford  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Baker ;  Chron.  of  Brute  ;  bib.  Harl. ;  Stow ; 

X  2 


276  MARGARET  OF    ANJOU. 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  the  career  of 
Queen  Margaret, — such  the  favourable  reception  of  the 
f^iir  sovereign  from  whom  so  much  was  expected!  The 
disappointment  of  the  people,  however,  began  early  to 
be  manifested,  and  sad  and  bitter  must  have  been  the 
reflections  of  ]\Iargaret,  at  a  subsequent  period,  upon 
those  events  which,  after  such  a  gracious  reception, 
had  deprived  her  of  the  love  of  her  people. 

This  marriage  has  been  universally  esteemed  most 
unfortunate  for  King  Henry,  for  his  Queen,  and  for  the 
English  nation.*  Those  historians,  however,  who  call 
Queen  Margai-et  "  proud  and  vindictive,"'|'  and  who 
attribute  all  the  evils  of  this  disastrous  reign  to  her 
wilful  passions,  must  surely  be  blinded  by  prejudice, 
and  forgetful  of  that  impartiality  which  ought  ever  to 
be  the  distino-uishino:  characteristic  of  an  historian. 

We  are  also  more  especially  guided  to  liberality  In 
our  judgment  of  this  queen,  when  we  reflect  on  the 
general  high  esteem  with  which  she  was  regarded  by 
her  own  nation,  and  by  the  French  king ;  and  when 
we  consider  the  united  praises,  by  all  historians,  of  her 
early  character  and  conduct.  One  author  informs  us 
— "her  talents  and  noble  qualities  had  been  so  much 
celebrated,  that  it  was  reasonable  to  expect,  that  when 
she  should  mount  the  throne,  they  would  break  out, 
and  shine  with  still  superior  lustre."  Another  says, 
"  she  was  a  princess  who,  to  the  beauties  of  her  body, 
added  all  the  perfections  of  the  mind."  A  third  says, 
"  she  was  endowed  with  an  excellent  understanding, 
sagacity,  and  prudence,  very  reasonable  and  conside- 
rate, and  diligent  in  all  her  designs,  &c."|  Again,  we 
are  told  that  "  in  personal  beauty  she  was  superior 
to  most  women,  in  mental  capacity  equal  to  most  men;" 

Toplis;  Baudier;  Rapm  ;  Sismondi ;  Loud.  Chron. ;  Lingard  ;  Sharon  Tur- 
ner ;  15eckinf,'ton  ;  Cont.  Hist.  Croyland. 

*  Ilolinslicd  ;  Hall  ;  Speed  ;  Ilapin  ;  Stow. 

t  Biondi  ;  Villarct.  J  Hume  ;  Baudier  ;  Female  Wortliica. 


IkLirvCxARET    OF    AXJOU.  277 

and  another  writer  says  of  this  queen,  tliat  "she 
was  a  beautiful  woman,  and  of  a  genius  and  capacity 
superior  to  most  women ;  and  also  of  a  bold  and 
masculine  spirit,"* 

It  should  also  be  remembered  that  at  tlie  age  of 
fifteen,  when,  notwithstanding  her  aspiring  temper, 
she  could  not  have  acquired  much  experience,  she  was 
at  once  introduced  to  a  court  where  two  violent  and 
turbulent  factions  prevailed ;  to  a  nation  prepared,  by 
the  example  of  their  governors,  for  mutiny  and  com- 
plaints ;  and  to  a  weak  king,  who,  far  from  being  able 
to  govern  others,  had  scarcely  a  will  of  his  own. 

Of  the  duties'of  Margaret's  newly-acquired  dignity, 
perhaps  this  last,  the  guidance  of  her  husband,  was 
not  the  least  difficult  to  accomplish.  As  her  husband 
and  sovereign  she  owed  to  him  respect  and  obedience ; 
but  even  these  the  easy  temper  and  feeble  frame  of 
King  Henry  disposed  him  to  yield  up,  while  the 
natural  goodness  of  his  heart  claimed  only  the  love 
and  good-will  of  his  consort,  his  servants,  and  his  sub- 
jects. Meanwhile  his  consort  was  called  upon  to  rule, 
almost  without  a  helm  or  guide ;  yet  we  are  not  in- 
formed of  any  open  violation  of  duty  on  the  part  of 
the  youthful  queen,  but  on  the  contrary,  she  even 
preserved  the  affections  of  her  husband  entire,  and 
remained  faithful  to  his  fortunes  throughout  life. 

King  Henry,  who  had  been  easily  gained  by  the 
praises  bestowed  on  the  Princess  Margaret  before  he 
beheld  her,  was  even  more  readily  captivated  by  her 
charms  wdien  united  to  her.  Won  by  her  address, 
he  resigned  the  reins  of  government  to  her  more  able 
hands ;  and  Margaret,  quickly  perceiving  the  incapacity 
of  her  husband,  seized  the  opportunity  of  appropriating 
to  herself  an  authority,  which,  probably,  she  had  been 
desirous  of    obtaining.f      Her   lively  and    ambitious 

*  Lingrad  ;  Toplis.  t  Baker ;  Henry. 


278  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

temper  might  have  made  her  eager  to  reach  that 
open  arena,  where  the  natural  vigour  and  activity  of 
her  character  would  have  room  to  unfold  itself. 

It  was  for  her  vigorous  and  aspiring  disposition  that 
Margaret  had  been  chosen  by  the  English  ministers  to 
be  their  queen ;  and  they  believed  that  they  should, 
by  her  means,  render  their  own  authority  permanent. 
Nor  were  they  mistaken  in  their  calculations ;  as  they 
had  foreseen,  Margaret,  ere  long,  obtained  a  complete 
ascendency  over  the  King,  and  it  was  then  that,  not 
being  unmindful  of  the  individuals  to  whom  she  owed 
her  exaltation,  she  eagerly  adopted  the  sentiments  and 
projects  of  the  party  whose  selfish  purposes  she  had 
been  selected  to  advance.  Admirably,  yet  perhaps 
unconsciously,  did  she  further  their  ignoble  views ; 
for  she  not  only  confirmed  them  in  the  good-will  and 
favour  of  their  sovereign,  but  she  even  entered  into 
their  passions  and  interests,  and  especially  in  their 
aversion  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  She  attached 
herself  to  their  party,  seconded  all  their  measures, 
and,  in  short,  as  the  ministers'  sole  object  was  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  their  royal  mistress,  they 
very  soon  became  strictly  united.* 

The  party,  which  ruled  in  the  Cabinet,  and  also  the 
land,  had  projected  this  foreign  alliance  for  their  so- 
vereign to  further  their  own  ends ;  and  they  not  only 
rewarded  all  who  accompanied  the  Queen  to  England, 
but  handsomely  paid  her  foreign  suite.  This  lavish 
expenditure,  however,  was  a  cause,  subsequently,  of 
complaint  on  the  part  of  the  Queen's  enemies.| 

•  Rymer's    Foedera ;     W.    of    Worcester ;    Baudier ;    Rapin  ;    Henry ; 
Hume  ;  Villaret ;  Smollett ;  Allen's  York. 
■)•  Issue  TloUs. 


CHAPTER  V. 

"  Thou  know'st  how  I  (thy  beauty  to  advance) 

' '  For  thee  refused  the  infanta  of  Fi-ance, 

"  Brake  the  contract  Duke  Humphry  first  did  make 

"  'Twixt  Henry  and  the  Princess  Arminac  ; 

"  Only  that  here  thy  presence  I  might  gain, 

"  I  gave  Duke  Ragner  Anjou,  Mons,  and  Maine, 

"  Thy  peerless  beauty  for  a  dower  to  bring, 

"  As  of  itself  sufficient  for  a  king." — Drayton. 


{The  Duke  of  Gloucester  to  King  Henry.) 

"  Ah,  gracious  lord,  these  days  are  dangerous  ! 

"  Virtue  is  chok'd  with  foul  ambition, 

"  And  charity  chas'd  hence  by  rancour's  hand  ; 

"  Foul  subornation  is  predominant, 

' '  And  equity  exil'd  your  highness'  land. 

"  I  know  their  comijlot  is  to  have  my  life  ; 

' '  And  if  my  death  might  make  this  island  happy, 

"  And  prove  the  period  of  their  tyi-anny, 

' '  I  would  expend  it  with  all  willingness  ; 

' '  But  mine  is  made  the  prologue  to  their  jilay  ; 

"  For  thousands  more,  that  yet  suspect  no  peril, 

"  Will  not  conclude  their  plotted  tragedy." 

Shakespeare. — Henry  VI. 

The  Queen  obtains  great  influence— Gloucester's  accusation — His  popu- 
larity, arrest,  and  death— His  character,  literature,  and  care  of  thg 
State — King  Henry's  pusillanimity — The  mock  execution  of  the  Duke's 
servants — Death  of  Winchester— His  character— Colleges  founded— The 
Queen's  arbitrary  rule — Reproaches  of  Suffolk — His  defence— Loyalty  of 
the  people — The  Queen's  mistrust  of  York— His  insinuations — He  is  de- 
prived of  the  Regency  of  France — York  and  Somerset's  opposition — 
Honours  conferred  on  Suffolk. 

The  new  queen  soon  obtained  great  influence  in 
the  kingdom,  and  the  English  people  appeared  to  be 
disposed  to  keep  the  peace  with  France,  of  which  their 
fair  sovereign  had  been  the  pledge.  As  had  been 
expected.  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou  was  found  to  be 
clever,   proud,    courageous,    and    enterprising.      Her 


280  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

beauty  and  wisdom  surpassed  that  of  all  others  of  her 
times,  while  her  courage  exceeded  that  of  her  own  sex. 
She  also  added  much  foresight ;  indeed,  her  great  wit, 
skill,  diligence,  grace,  and  many  admirable  talents,  qua- 
lified her  to  obtain  that  renown  and  distinction  of  which 
she  had  already  become  ambitious.  At  times  she  was 
irritated  by  obstacles,  and  disposed  to  take  sudden  re- 
solves wdiich  she  would  no  less  suddenly  alter,  and  her 
desire  for  absolute  power  caused  her  subsequently  to 
be  charged  with  bringing  trouble  on  the  kingdom.* 
There  might  appear,  indeed,  to  be  some  foundation  for 
this  charge,  considering  her  first  acts  and  conduct 
towards  the  King's  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  His 
decided  opposition  to  her  marriage  had  already  pre- 
possessed her  against  him,  and  she  soon  discovered 
that  in  spite  of  his  influence  and  popularity  with  the 
people,  (with  whom  he  was  deservedly  a  favourite,)  his 
frequent  contentions  with  the  ministers  increased  their 
animosity  against  him,  and  this  caused  some  trouble, 
and  served  to  irritate  the  mind  of  Queen  Margaret. 

The  great  talents  and  beauty  of  the  Queen  enabled 
her  in  a  short  time  to  obtain  a  complete  ascendency  over 
the  mind  of  the  King.  She  observed  that  he  was 
quite  unable  to  act  for  himself,  and  that  he  was 
entirely  under  the  direction  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester ; 
therefore  rightly  judging  that  Henry,  being  of  age  to 
govern,  ought  not  to  be  kept  under  such  control,  she 
became  anxious  to  effect  a  change,  and  determined 
gradually  to  release  the  King  from  this  thraldom,  and 
to  deprive  the  Duke  of  his  great  power. 

It  cannot  be  surprising,  nay,  it  might  even  appear 
natural,  that  Queen  Margaret,  on  finding  this  position  of 
affairs,  should  have  felt  ambitious  of  holding  the  reins  of 
government  herself,   especially  as  she  was  "  desirous 

*  Barante  ;  Monfaucon  ;    Holinshed  ;    Pol.  Vergil ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ; 
LLngard  ;  Mezerai  j  Toplis. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  2S1 

of  honour."  Her  early  character  showed  her  worthy 
of  obtaining  this  honour,  as  historians  all  testify ;  for, 
say  they,  "in  proportion  as  King  Henry  was  feeble  in 
mind  and  body,  his  queen  was  found  to  be  courageous, 
skilful,  and  intelligent."" 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  endeavoured,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  efface  from  the  mind  of  his  royal  mistress  the 
unfavourable  impression  which  he  had  made  by  his 
opposition  to  her  marriage  to  King  Henry,  by  appear- 
ing with  his  retainers  to  welcome  her  upon  her  arrival ; 
but  this  prudent  step  failed  in  its  object,  and  the  Queen 
still  entertained  feelings  of  resentment  against  him.l 
Young  and  inexperienced,  as  she  was  at  this  time.  Queen 
Margaret  could  not  appreciate  the  worth  of  this  able 
minister,  and  while  her  gratitude  towards  her  favourites 
for  promoting  her  elevation  to  the  throne  of  England 
served  to  unite  their  interests  to  hers,  it  had  no  less 
influence  in  alienating  her  friendship  from  the  Duke. 
Unfortunately,  the  rage  of  the  party  she  had  chosen 
w^as  bent  against  the  object  who  had  incurred  her 
resentment,  and  she  probably  did  not  stay  to  balance 
the  hypocritical  motives  of  those  who  had  ingratiated 
themselves  into  her  favour :  thus,  the  first  step  of  this 
Queen  in  her  public  career,  far  from  conciliating  the 
hearts  of  her  subjects,  was  the  cause  of  their  estrange- 
ment from  her  for  ever. 

It  was,  besides,  the  advice  of  King  Rene  to  his 
daughter  that  she  should,  with  her  husband,  assume  the 
regal  power,  and  not  permit  the  control  of  ministers, 
as  though  they  were  not  themselves  of  age  to  govern.^ 

The  Parliament,  which  was  sitting  at  the  time  of 
Queen  Margaret's  arrival,  had  been  adjourned  twice ; 
(the  second  time,  on  account  of  a  pestilence  in  London,) 

*  Pol.  Verg-il ;  Holinshed  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Daniel. 

f  Pol.  Vergil ;  Villaret ;  Henry. 

j  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Baiante  ;  Sharon  Turner, 


282  MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

but,  previous  to  this  last  prorogation,  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk  had  made  a  speech  to  each  of  the  Houses, 
filling  them  with  hopes  of  peace,  and  praising  his  own 
services  and  conduct  in  the  war,  and  also  extolling  his 
discretion  and  prudence  in  treating  for  the  truce  and 
contract  of  marriage  so  entirely  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  nation.  His  conduct,  thus  set  forth  in  the  fairest 
light,  w^as  readily  approved,  and  he  was  secured  from 
molestation  for  his  advice  to  his  master  by  the  repeal 
of  the  stipulation  at  the  treaty  of  Troyes,  which  obliged 
the  parties  contracting  to  make  no  peace  or  truce  with 
the  enemy  without  the  consent  of  the  three  estates  of 
this  realm.* 
1445.  At  this  meeting,  the  Speaker  recommended  to  the 

King's  favour  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  and  in  a  long 
speech  eulogized  his  valour  and  noble  conduct,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  as  deserving  of  some  token  of  appro- 
bation, and  particularly  for  his  duty  and  promptitude 
in  the  charge  intrusted  to  him  concerning  the  marriage 
of  the  King  with  the  Princess  Margaret  of  Anjou. 
Upon  this,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  fell  on  his  knees, 
and  humbly  petitioned,  with  divers  lords,  that  his 
Majesty  would  grant  some  especial  favour  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Suffolk,  and  King  Henry  willingly  gave  his 
gracious  assent  to  an  Act  which  declared  the  conduct 
of  Suffolk  true  and  loyal. 

The  part  which  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  took  at  this 
time  seems  unaccountable,  since  he  had  ever  shown  a 
steady  opposition  to  this  marriage ;  yet  here  he  stood, 
foremost  in  soliciting  the  royal  favour  for  Suffolk.  The 
cession  of  Maine  and  Anjou  were  included  in  these  acts 
of  Suffolk,  (although  he  carefully  avoided  alluding  to 
this  subject  in  his  speech),  and  Gloucester  must  have 
approved  of  them,  if  he  was  sincere.  As  a  member  of 
the    Council,  he  could  not   have   been   unacquainted 

*  Issue  Rolls  ;  Rymer's  Fcjudera  ;  Stow. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  283 

with  this,  if  even  the  Commons  were  ignorant  of  it. 
The  Duke  of  Gloucester  was  subsequently  charged 
with  conspiring  against  the  government ;  a  charge 
which,  had  it  been  substantiated,  would  have  accounted 
for  his  pretended  friendship  for  Suffolk  by  which  on 
this  occasion  he  sought  to  disguise  his  real  purpose.* 

In  the  same  Parliament  an  Act  was  passed  to  provide 
for  the  Queen's  dower,  but  it  only  amounted  to  half  the 
sum  which  had  been  assigned  to  the  queens,  her  pre- 
decessors. 

King  Henry  had  already  (in  his  Parliament,  held  on 
the  25th  of  February),  by  the  advice  of  his  lords  spiritual 
and  temporal,  granted  for  the  use  of  his  beloved  con- 
sort, Queen  Margaret,  the  sum  of  £1,000;  besides  a 
handsome  dower,  by  way  of  gift,  "  to  have  and  to  hold  " 
to  the  end  of  her  life,  from  the  Feast  of  St.  Michael  of 
the  ensuing  year.  The  details  of  this  dower  are  very 
curious,!  giving  a  minute  account  of  the  various  sources 
whence  the  smaller  sums  were  derived.  The  ao-crreo-ate 
amount,  annually,  was  5,000  marks,  or  £3,666  13s.  4c?., 
which  had  been  finally  settled  as  the  dower  of  Queen 
Margaret.  The  tributary  sums  were  drawn  from  many 
of  the  possessions  of  King  Henry  in  various  counties 
in  England,  viz.,  in  Leicester,  Northampton,  and  War- 
wick; in  Stafford,  Derby,  Hereford,  Oxford,  and  Bucks; 
also  40  marks  per  annum  were  gathered  from  the 
fruitful  farm  of  Gunthorp,  in  the  county  of  Notting- 
ham; the  castle  and  estate  of  Plecy,  the  manors  of 
Walden  and  Dunmowe,  with  others  in  the  counties  of 
Essex,  Hertford,  Surrey,  and  Middlesex ;  an  hotel  in 
the  city  of  London,  called  Blanch  Appleton,  with  a 
house  named  Steward's  Inn,  in  the  parish  of  St.  Olaves 
in   that   city ;    the   castle   and   town    of    Hertford ;  j: 

*  Pari.  Roll ;  Rymer  ;  Speed  ;  Stow  ;  Lingard. 

•f  See  Appendix,  p.  421. 

t  The  manorial  courts  were  held  in  the  Queen's  name  at  Hertford  ;  and 


284  M.\.RGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

Kenilworth,  and  other  castles  and  manors.  Besides 
these,  certain  castles  and  domains  pertaining  to  Duke 
Henry  of  Lancaster,  together  with  the  lands  and  estates 
of  the  military  and  ecclesiastics,  to  the  end  of  her 
life.  Also,  to  the  said  consort  of  Henry,  annually,  a 
sum  drawn  from  divers  annuities  pertaining  to  Henry, 
Duke  of  Cornwall,  wdth  other  emoluments  in  England 
and  Wales.  It  was  further  conceded,  that  "  the  said 
most  beloved  consort  of  Henry  should  by  no  means 
be  burdened  or  compelled  to  return  any  computation 
of  profits,  or  returns  of  the  said  castles  and  other  things 
promised,  so  that  she  might  be  quiet,  and  unannoyed 
in  any  manner." 

All  these  things  were,  "  by  the  said  authority  con- 
fided, given,  conceded,  and  assigned  on  the  19th  day 
of  March,  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  Henry's  reign, 
by  the  said  Parhament  of  Henry,  then  sitting."* 

Of  the  two  years  succeeding  this  auspicious  mar- 
riage scarcely  a  record  can  be  discovered ;  but  it 
appears  to  have  been  a  tranquil  period,  since  we  learn 
that  the  King  and  the  Queen  occasionally  shared  in 
the  enjoyment  of  the  chase,  their  favourite  diversion. 
King  Henr}^,  however,  took  no  part  in  the  tournaments, 
in  which  Lord  Rivers  alone  appeared  to  support  the 
honour  of  England  ;  and  the  calamitous  civil  warfare, 
within  a  short  space,  entirely  superseded  all  these 
mimic  sports. 
^^^^-  In  the  month  of  July,  1445,  a  special  embassy  was 

sent  into  England  by  Charles  VII.,  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  a  permanent  peace  between  the  two 
realms. 

The  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  the   Counts   of  Laval 

a  horse-fair,  by  her  permission  and  charter  to  the  bailiffs,  was  also  held 
wheresoever  they  founl   it   exi)cdient. — Itot.  Pari.;    Turner's   Hertford; 
Encijchipti'dm  Jir'ttanaica. 
*  Hot.  Pari. 


MARGAEET   OF    ANJOU.  285 

and  Vendorae,  the  Lord  of  Precigny,  and  other  nol)les, 
with  ambassadors  of  the  Km^r  of  Spain,  Reno  King 
of  Sicily,  and  the  Duke  of  Alen^on,  with  a  hundred 
knights  and  esquires,  (also  three  hundred  horses),  all 
richly  dressed  in  silk  and  cloth  of  gold,  left  Calais,  on 
the  3rd  of  July,  for  Dover,  whence  they  proceeded  to 
Canterbury  and  Rochester,  where  they  tarried  several 
days.  They  entered  London  on  the  14th  of  July,  es- 
corted by  King  Henry's  ambassadors,  and  were  met 
by  the  Lord  Mayor,  and  sixty  citizens  clothed  in  scarlet 
and  fur,  and  all  the  "  companies  "  of  the  city,  richly 
attired,  the  streets  being  thronged  with  thousands  of 
spectators. 

After  this  joyful  reception  the  embassy  proceeded 
by  water  to  Westminster,  where  they  were  received 
by  the  King  with  much  ceremony.  His  Majesty  wore 
a  robe  of  red  cloth  of  gold ;  he  was  seated  on  a  high 
stool  of  blue  tapestry,  and  surrounded  by  golden 
tapestry  bearing  the  arms  of  France.  With  the  King 
were  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Cardinal  of 
York,  the  Dukes  of  Gloucester,  Buckingham,  and 
Warwick,  and  many  others. 

King  Henry  took  by  the  hand  each  member  of  the 
deputation,  after  which  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims 
addressed  him  in  French,  and  presented  letters  ffom 
King  Charles.  These  were  gladly  received  by  the 
King,  who  replied  through  his  Chancellor  in  Latin, 
rejoicing  much  at  the  good  disposition  of  his  uncle 
towards  himself,  and  at  his  desire  for  peace.  Another 
interview  with  the  Ambassadors  took  place  on  the 
following  day,  when  the  King  more  fully  expressed 
his  own  wishes  in  respect  to  the  peace.  The  Embassy 
were  entertained  by  the  nobility  for  several  days,  and 
on  the  30th  of  the  month  the  King  received  them  again, 
at  Fulham.  After  a  long  private  conference  the  final 
reply  given  was,  that   King  Henry  must  deliberate, 


2SG 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 


144; 


and  miglit  possibly  confer  himself  with  King  Charles 
in  France,  or  send  deputies  for  this  purpose. 

How  remarkable  that  an  embassy  so  heartily  wel- 
comed should  have  so  signally  failed  in  accomplishing 
its  object ! 

The  following  letter  addressed  to  the  King  of  France 
by  Queen  Margaret,  before  the  close  of  the  same  year, 
bears  evidence  of  her  regard  for  her  uncle,  and  is 
expressive  of  her  own  desire  for  peace. 

"  To  the  very  high  and  powerful  prince,  our  very  dear 

"  uncle  of  France,  Marguerite,  by  the  grace  of 

"  God,  Queen  of  France  and  of  England,  greet- 

"  ing,  with  all  affection  and  cordial  love. 

"  Most  high  and   powerful   prince,  our  very  dear 

"  uncle,  we  have  received  by  master  Guillaume  Cousinet, 

"  the  master  of  requests  of  your  household,  and  Jehan 

"  Havart,  esquire,    your  valet  carver,    your   gracious 

"  letters,  of  the  contents  of  which,  because  we  know 

"  that  you  have  a  lively  memory  of  them,  we  do  not  at 

"  present  make  long  record." 

"  But  inasmuch  as  we  perceive  the  good  love  and 
"  the  entire  will  that  you  have  towards  my  lord  and 
"  myself,  the  great  desire  which  you  have  to  see  us, 
"  Snd  also  the  fruitful  disposition  and  liberal  inclination 
"  which  we  know  to  be  in  you  in  regard  to  peace 
"  and  good  concord  between  both  of  you,  we  herein 
"  praise  our  Creator,  and  thank  you  thereof  with  a 
"  good  heart,  and  as  kindly  as  ever  we  may ;  for  no 
"  greater  pleasure  can  we  have  in  this  world,  than  to 
"  see  an  arrangement  for  a  final  peace  between  him 
"  and  you,  as  well  for  the  nearness  of  lineage  in  which 
"  you  stand  the  one  to  the  other,  as  also  for  the  relief 
"  and  repose  of  the  Christian  people',  which  has  been 
"  so  long  disturbed  by  war.  And  herein  to  the  pleasure 
"  of  our  Icjrd,  we  will,  upon  our  part,  stretch  forth  the 


MAEGAEET   OF    AXJOU.  287 

"  hand,  and  will  employ  ourselves  herein  effectually  to 
"  our  power  in  such  wise  that  reason  would  that  you, 
"  and  all  others,  ought  herein  to  be  gratified. 

"And  as  to  the  deliverance  which  you  desire  to 
"  have  of  the  Comte  of  Maine,  and  other  matters  con- 
"  tained  in  your  said  letters,  we  understand  that  my 
"  said  lord  has  written  to  you  at  considerable  length 
"  about  this :  and  yet  herein  we  will  do  for  your  plea- 
"  sure  the  best  that  we  can  do,  as  we  have  always 
"  done,  as  you  may  be  certified  of  this  by  the  above- 
"  said  Cousinet  and  Havart,  whom  may  it  graciously 
"  please  you  to  hear,  and  give  credence  to  what  shall 
"  be  related  to  you  by  them  upon  our  part  at  this  time, 
"  making  us  frequently  acquainted  with  your  news,  and 
"  of  your  good  prosperity  and  health  ;  and  therein  we 
"  will  take  very  great  pleasure,  and  will  have  singular 
"  consolation." 

"  Most  high  and  powerful  prince,  our  very  dear 
"  uncle,  we  pray  the  sweet  Jesus  Christ  that  He  will 
"  keep  you  in  His  blessed  protection." 

"  Given  at  Shene  the  xvii  day  of  December," 

"Marguerite."  * 

In  the  year  1446  King  Henry  visited  Bristol,  and  i446. 
took  up  his  residence  near  Radcliffe  church.  The 
house  he  occupied  "  being  that  over  which  lately  stood 
a  crucifix,  and  near  to  Radcliffe,"  was  doubtless  the 
Hospital  of  St.  John  the  Baptist;  but  that  King 
Henry  bestowed  it  on  the  Knights  Hospitallers  is  an 
error.  The  King  lodged  there,  since  the  castle  at 
this  time  was  probably  much  dilapidated  ;  yet  why  he 
abode  in  a  religious  house  inferior  to  many  others  in 
Bristol,  does  not  appear,  especially  as  the  Queen  was 
always  with  him,  and  they  must  have  had  a  consider- 
able escort.t 

*  Stevenson's  Letters.  f  Seyer's  Memoirs  of  Bristol. 


2S8  MAEGAEET   OF    ANJOU. 

1446.  On  St.  Andrew's  Day,  of  this  year,  in  St.  Stephen's 

chapel  at  Westmmster,  Lodovicus  Cordona,  D.D., 
presented  the  King  with  a  Golden  Rose  from  Pope 
Eugene  IV.,  at  the  same  time  expressing  its  property 
and  application,  with  the  usual  ceremony  respecting  the 
said  rose.  On  this  occasion  were  present  John  Staf- 
ford, Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  Chancellor  of 
England,  Cardinal  Kemp,  Archbishop  of  York,  and 
the  Dukes  of  York  and  Exeter.* 

This  remarkable  custom  (viz.,  the  presentation  of  a 
Golden  Rose  to  crowned  heads,  or  foreign  potentates, 
distinguished  for  piety)  commenced  in  the  fifteenth 
century ;  and  it  was  intended  that  such  favours  should 
keep  them  in  more  willing  obedience  to  the  papal 
authority.  The  gift  to  the  King  of  England  was  there- 
fore, at  this  period,  peculiarly  significant. 

Queen  Margaret  had  early  attached  herself  to  the 
Duchess-dowager  of  Bedford,  who  had  been  one  of 
the  noble  escort  who  brought  her  from  her  native  land ; 
nor  did  she  forget  the  early  kindness  of  this  lady,  who 
for  some  years  retained  her  influence  over  her  royal 
mistress.  Having  married  a  simple  esquire,  and  thus 
leaving  her  high  estate  as  Duchess-dowager  of  Bed- 
ford, she  resided  in  her  castle  of  Grafton,  part  of  her 
dower.  There  she  educated  her  numerous  family ; 
and  feeling  by  degrees  the  necessity  of  providing  for 
them,  she  sought  to  advance  their  interests  by  the 
assistance  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  with  wdiom 
her  eldest  daughter,  the  beautiful  Elizabeth  Woodville, 
was  placed  as  maid  of  honour,  her  sisters  also  re- 
ceiving promises  of  promotion  and  favour,  f 

The  Queen  did  not  bring  over  any  of  her  own  rela- 
tions, however  needy,  to  share  her   fortunes   in  this 

*  Peck's  Stamford. 

t  Elizabeth  at  a  later  period  married  Sir  John  Gray  of  Grosby,  and 
shared  her  husband's  dangers  in  the  campaign  in  which  he  lost  his  life. 
—Hall. 


MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU.  289 

country,  neither  did  slie  engage  foreign  domestics  as 
lier  attendants,  witli  a  few  exceptions.  Her  suite  con- 
sisted of  English  ladies  ;  she  early  became  acquainted 
with  the  language  of  this  country,  and  readily  adopted 
its  customs.  It  was  not  until,  in  later  years,  Mdien  she 
was  reduced  to  the  greatest  extremities,  that  she  applied 
for  aid  from  her  native  land. 

While  the  advice  of  King  Rene  had  possibly  some 
influence  with  his  daughter,  there  is  no  proof  that 
Queen  Margaret  did  any  injury  to  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester, by  predisposing  his  nephew  the  King  against 
him,  for  the  Cardinal  had  already  undermined  his 
credit  with  Henry  before  the  arrival  of  the  Queen. 
Besides  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  the  Archbishop 
of  York  and  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk  looked  upon  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester  as  their  common  enemy,  and  they 
were  at  this  time  supported  by  the  power  and  favour 
of  their  Queen. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  indeed  much  to  fear 
from  these  his  enemies,  when,  as  we  are  told,  they 
"  persuaded,  incensed,  and  exhorted  the  Queen  to  look 
well  upon  the  expenses  and  revenues  of  the  realm,  and 
thereof  to  call  account,  whereby  she  should  evidently 
perceive  that  Gloucester  had  not  so  much  advanced 
and  preferred  the  commonwealth  and  public  utility,  as 
his  own  private  ends  and  peculiar  objects."  *  Thus 
led  on  by  these  ministers,  (who  considered  their  autho- 
rity insecure  while  Gloucester  retained  any  power 
whatever,)  Queen  Margaret,  although  so  talented  and 
virtuous,  was  apparently  involved  in  some  measures 
injurious  to  her  reputation,  and  fatal  in  their  results  to 
the  nation.  By  uniting  herself  so  closely  in  the  inte- 
rests of  the  avowed  enemies  of  the  Duke,  the  Queen 
ultimately  drew  on  herself  the  odium  of  that  guilt 

*  Hall's  Chron. ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Carte  :  Lingard. 


290  MARGARET    OF   ANJOU. 

wliicli  should  have  only  attached  to  her  ministers.* 
Some  writers  affirm  that  these  ministers  had  precon- 
certed the  ruin  of  the  Duke  whatever  it  might  cost 
them,  and  that  to  further  these  views  they  had  se- 
lected Margaret  of  Anjou  for  their  Queen.")"  Added  to 
the  number  of  the  Duke's  adversaries,  there  were 
other  powerful  individuals,  who,  prepared  for  mischief 
and  violence,  were  envious  of  Gloucester.  Of  these 
especially  was  conspicuous  the  Duke  of  Buckingham, 
who  entertained  a  private  pique  against  him  for 
having  promoted  the  advancement  of  Henry,  Earl  of 
Warwick,  to  the  precedence  of  every  duke,  thus 
wounding  the  pride  of  many  of  the  nobility  of  Eng- 
land. Buckingham's  pompous  array  of  titles,  and  his 
lineal  descent  from  the  same  race  as  the  rival  kings  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  made  him  unwilling  to  forgive 
any  infringement  of  his  aristocratic  dignity  ;  thus  he 
stood  foremost  in  the  confederacy  to  liumble  the  power 
of  Gloucester,  for  having  once  presumed  to  be  greater 
than  himself.  The  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  who  owed  his 
elevation  to  the  Cardinal,  lost  no  opportunity  to  insi- 
nuate to  his  master,  that  the  Cardinal  was,  of  all  his 
subjects,  the  most  to  be  confided  in ;  thus  daily  sinking 
the  credit  of  Gloucester,  whose  counsels  were  always 
opposed  to  those  of  Beaufort.  Another  who  was  de- 
voted to  the  Cardinal,  the  Archbishop  of  York,  was 
also  instrumental  in  confirming  the  suspicions  of  the 
King.  In  short,  they  so  contrived  by  their  united 
efforts,  that  Henry  daily  gave  his  uncle  some  new 
mortification,  which  the  haughty  and  impetuous  spirit 
of  Gloucester  could  not  brook  without  complaints  or 
threats  against  the  authors  of  these  affronts.  His 
resentment,  however,  only  hastened   his   ruin.:|:     Tlie 

*  Holmshed  ;    Pol.  Vergil ;    Hall  ;    Barante  ;    Rapin  ;    Sliced  ;    Henry  ; 
Hume. 

f  Villaret ;  1  lenry  ;  Hume. 

J  Pol.  Ver£;il ;  Speed ;  Ryraer's  Foedera  ;  Rapin. 


MARGARET   OP    ANJOU.  291 

frequent  attacks  of  his  enemies,  added  to  the  disgrace 
and  captivity  of  his  wife,  were  motives  quite  sufficient 
for  his  retiring  from  court;  some  assert,  however,  that 
the  Duke's  great  power  liad  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
Queen,  who  was  ambitious  to  reign  alone.  Certain  it 
is,  that  Queen  Margaret's  first  step  was  to  sanction  the 
endeavours  of  the  Duke's  enemies  to  exclude  him  from 
the  Council-chamber,  and  from  all  share  in  the  govern- 
ment. In  this  attempt  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  and 
the  Archbishop  of  York  were  the  most  active.  Some 
persons  were  suborned  to  bring  false  accusations  against 
the  Duke  concerning  his  conduct  during  the  Protec- 
torate ;  the  chief  of  which  were,  that  he  had  put  to 
death  several  individuals  upon  his  own  authority,  and 
that  he  had  aggravated  the  sentence  passed  on 
others. 

Such,  however,  was  the  rigorous  administration  of 
justice  by  this  virtuous  prince,  that  it  had  solely  called 
forth  the  enmity  of  those  who  feared  the  just  punish- 
ment of  their  crimes,  and  who  hated  him  for  his  plain- 
-ness  in  declaring  their  offences.* 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  ever  spoken  in  the 
Council-chamber  with  the  freedom  to  which  his  birth, 
rank,  and  services  entitled  him ;  but  this  only  excited 
the  rage  of  his  enemies,  who  oppressed  him  and  coun- 
teracted his  influence.  He  had  no  longer  any  weight 
in  the  Cabinet.  The  Duke's  power  was,  however,  con- 
siderable in  the  kingdom,  owing  to  his  popularity  with 
the  people,  who  believed  he  was  zealous  for  the  in- 
terests and  honour  of  his  country ;  and  from  his  high 
rank  and  extensive  domains,  and  also  being  the  pre- 
sumptive heir  to  the  throne.| 

When  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  appeared  before  the      i4i6. 
Council  to  reply  to  the  charges  preferred  against  him,  £Sshed. 

*  Holmshed  ;  Hall  ;  Daker  ;  Pol.  Verg-il. 
j  Barante ;  Villaret. 


292  3iL\EGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

SO  ably  did  lie  prove  liis  innocence,  and  so  clear  and 
convincing  was  the  evidence  lie  gave,  that  even  liis 
enemies,  who  were  his  judges,  were  compelled  to  acquit 
him,  and  to  desist  from  their  projects.  The  citizens  of 
London  raised  great  commotions  in  consequence  of 
this  attack  upon  the  character  of  the  "  Good  Duke," 
and  the  praises  of  the  public  favourite  were  re-echoed 
throughout  the  streets  of  the  metropolis,  and  curses 
denounced  upon  his  enemies.*  From  this  time  Glou- 
cester was  rising  in  the  public  estimation,  and  the 
increase  of  his  popularity  still  augmented  the  wTath 
and  jealousy  of  his  political  antagonists,  Avho,  it  is  said, 
became  convinced  that  nothing  short  of  the  ruin  of  the 
Duke  would  enable  them  to  establish  their  own  power. 
They  feared,  and  w^th  reason,  that  in  the  event  of 
Gloucester  one  day  mounting  the  throne,  he  would 
inflict  a  just  punishment  on  them  for  the  crimes  he  had 
so  often  endeavoured  to  expose.  The  death  of  Glou- 
cester was  consequently  resolved  upon,  and  the  minis- 
ters were  not  slow  in  effecting  their  wicked  purpose. 
They  did  not  resort  to  the  common  course  of  justice 
in  their  iniquitous  proceedings,  for  they  had  already 
found  it  impracticable,  and  open  assassination  was  too 
hazardous  an  attempt. 

These  crafty  ministers  devised  a  new  and  certain 
means  to  get  rid  of  their  rival,  and  by  which  they 
were  at  the  same  time  enabled  to  conceal  the  authors 
of  the  crime. f  It  has  been  asserted  that  this  means 
for  effecting  the  destruction  of  the  Dukfe  was  invented 
by  Queen  Margaret,  or  at  least  received  her  sanction, 
and  that  the  ministers  would  scarcely  have  ventured 
of  tlicmselves  to  attempt  the  life  of  the  presumptive 
heir  to  the  throne.  It  is  added  that  the  Queen's  accus- 
tomed activity  and  energy  led  the  people  to  believe 

*  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Ilolinslied  ;  Bioudi. 
t  Holinshed ;  Hall ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  293 

that,  without  her  consent,  the  enemies  of  the  Duke 
could  not  have  dared  to  take  his  Hfe.*  That  it  should 
be  said  the  Queen  was  implicated  in  such  a  crime, 
merely  on  account  of  her  natural  temperament,  seems 
unjust.  Still  more  surprising  it  appears,  on  reflection, 
that  one  of  our  historians,  who  in  relating  other  facts 
has  been  remarkably  circumstantial,  should  on  this 
subject  have  contented  himself  with  bare  insinuations 
as  the  foundation  for  this  opinion. 

But  historians  differ  much  with  regard  to  the  part 
Queen  Margaret  took  in  this  transaction.  Some  of 
them,  by  asserting  that  the  Duke  died  a  natural  death, 
clear  the  Queen  of  this  imputation  altogether,  and  also 
all  her  ministers ;  "j"  another  boldly  declares  that  the 
Queen  first  plotted  the  death  of  the  Duke,  and  devised 
the  means  for  its  accomplishment. if  The  truth  would 
seem  to  lie  between  these  two  extremes. 

The  opinion  became  general  that  the  Queen  gave 
her  sanction  to  the  measures  of  her  ministers,  who, 
without  it,  feared,  or  pretended  to  fear,  to  engage  in 
this  plot.  Those  historians  may  perhaps  be  most 
relied  upon  who  represent  this  affair  as  transacted 
by  the  Cardinal  and  his  party,  apparently  under  the 
authority  of  the  Queen. §  All  writers  of  the  events 
of  this  period,  however,  with  one  exception,  concur  in 
saying  that  the  share  Queen  Margaret  took  in  this 
guilty  transaction  is  uncertain ;  yet,  without  any  proof 
of  her  criminality,^ — any  evidence  beyond  the  suspicions 
of  a  discontented  and  offended  nation, — the  character  of 
the  estimable  and  high-minded  Margaret  of  Anjou  has 
been  aspersed,  and,  thus  suHied  and  defamed,  has  been 
transmitted  to  succeeding  generations. 

The    surprising   courage   and   bold   genius  of  this 

*  Hume ;  Eapin  ;  Henrj'. 
t  Wethamstead  :  Lin^-ard.  %  Rapin. 

§  Hall ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Sharon  Turner. 


294  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

Queen  in  licr  subsequent  adversities  lias  doubtless  led 
many  to  conclude  that  she  did  not,  at  this  period, 
hesitate  in  the  adoption  of  any  means  her  penetration 
suggested  as  expedient ;  but  let  it  be  remembered, 
that  "  adversity  is  the  school  of  heroes ;  it  is  there 
tliat  man  learns  to  walk  alone,  to  command  himself, 
and  to  govern  others." 

Margaret,  with  all  her  talents  and  political  dexterity,, 
was  still  a  young  woman  at  this  period ;  and  although 
she  was  not  marked  by  the  peculiar  foibles  of  her 
sex,  she  had  led,  as  history  portrays  her,  too  pure 
and  innocent  a  life  to  admit  without  reluctance  the 
open  contemplation  of  crime.  Had  it  been  otherwise,, 
she  had,  long  ere  the  death  of  Gloucester,  suffered 
the  slander  i)assed  upon  her  by  the  enemies  of  the 
House  of  Lancaster,  or  had  it  been  in  their  power 
to  prove  her  conduct  in  early  life  exceptionable.  Nor 
is  it  probable  that,  having  passed  her  youth  without 
censure,  she  should  have  so  suddenly  changed — so 
corrupted  by  the  vile  atmosphere  of  a  wicked  court — 
as  to  have  proposed  of  her  own  accord  the  execution 
of  this  wilful  and  horrid  crime  ;  human  nature  shrinks 
from  the  suspicion.  Agahi,  when  we  consider  the 
youth  and  hiexperience  of  the  Queen  and  her  prejudice 
against  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  it  seems  probable  that 
she  might  have  been  deceived  by  the  artifices  of  the 
Cardinal,  and  ensnared  into  concessions,  or  persuaded 
to  give  her  sanction  to  some  project  of  her  ministers, 
without  understanding  the  full  extent  of  their  pur- 
pose. 

Queen  Margaret  and  her  counsellors  are  said  to 
have  treated  the  Duke  with  marked  affability  previous 
to  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  which  had  been  con- 
vened for  the  month  of  February,  1447,  at  Bury  St. 
'  Edmunds,  where  it  was  supposed  the  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester had  fewer  friends  than  in  London,  and  there- 


MARGARET    OP    ANJOU.  295 

fore  this  place  was  judged  to  be  more  suitable  to  the 
sinister  views  of  the  ministers. 

The  precautions  taken  on  this  occasion  caused  much 
surprise,  and  gave  rise  to  many  conjectures.  The 
knights  of  the  shires  were  summoned  to  come  there  in 
arms,  the  men  of  Suffolk  were  arrayed,  and  the  King's 
residence  well  guarded,  while  patrols  watched  the 
roads  leading  to  this  town  during  the  nig] it  as  well 
as  the  day,  "  so  that  many  died  of  cold  and  waking."'-' 

The  favour  shewn  to  Gloucester  by  the  Queen  and 
her  ministers  was  not  intended  to  win  his  confidence, 
but  rather  to  inspire  him  with  mistrust  of  their  de- 
signs, in  order  to  betray  him  into  some  step  which 
might  afford  a  handle  against  him.  It  was  even  hinted 
to  him,  by  secret  emissaries,  that  a  plot  was  laid 
against  him  to  impeach  him  of  various  crimes  in  the 
Parliament  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  which  place  had 
been  chosen  as  most  favourable  to  the  designs  of  his 
enemies.  Upon  this  it  was  expected  that  the  Duke 
would  withdraw  himself,  and  that  thus  an  appearance 
of  truth  would  be  thrown  on  the  charges  which  the 
ministers  intended  to  bring  forward.f 

It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  this  noble-minded 
prince  was  advertised  of  the  machinations  of  his  ene- 
mies. Conscious  of  his  own  innocence,  and  too  proud 
to  seek  security  in  flight,  which  would  have  afforded  a 
plausible  ground  for  these  accusations,  his  generous 
mind  resolved  upon  boldly  confronting  his  accusers, 
and  proving  the  falsehood  of  their  charges.^  He  came 
from  his  castle  of  Devizes  to  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  in 
Suffolk,  with  only  a  small  retinue,  and  as  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  noblemen  to  appear  in  the  liigli  court  of 
Parliament  with  a  numerous  suite  out  of  respect  to  the 
King,  and  Gloucester,  not  having  in  his  retirement  suf- 

*  Stow  ;  Lingard. 
t  Hall  ;  Rapin  ;  Barante.  J  Hall ;  Eapin  :  Villarct. 


296  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

ficient  attendants,  sent  orders  to  some  of  his  retainers 
and  servants  at  Deptford  to  meet  him  at  Bury ;  when 
however,   a  number    of  these    prepared  to   obey  the 
Duke's  orders,  they  were  arrested  and  charged  with 
a  conspiracy. 

King-  Henry  liaving  kept  his  Christmas  at  Bury  St. 
Edmunds,  remained  there  until  Easter,  1447, 

Upon  the  first  day  of  the  meeting  of  Parliament  as 
appointed  (the  10th  of  February),  the  King  presided  in 
person,  sitting  in  a  chair  of  state  in  the  refectory  of  the 
monastery.  On  this  day  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
arrived  at  Bury  and  was  lodged  in  the  hospital,  where 
soon  after  he  was  arrested  by  Lord  Beaumont,  the 
High  Constable  of  England,  the  Dukes  of  Buckingham, 
Somerset,  and  others,  who  appointed  certain  of  the 
King's  household  to  attend  upon  him,  none  of  his  own 
domestics  being  permitted  to  wait  upon  him. 

Thus  Avas  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  cast  into  prison 
upon  a  charge  of  high  treason,  and  it  was  reported,  in 
excuse  for  his  committal,  that  he  had  formed  a  design 
to  kill  his  sovereign,  usurp  the  throne,  and  rescue  his 
Duchess,  who  had  been  a  long  time  confined  in  Kenil- 
worth  Castle.  The  people  gave  no  credit  to  the  first 
of  these  charges,  and  great  disturbances  were  made 
tliroughout  the  town  on  account  of  the  Duke's  im- 
prisonment ;  but  the  clamours  were  soon  appeased, 
Ijecause  it  was  generally  believed  that  Gloucester  was 
innocent,  therefore  no  one  doubted  that  he  would  as 
easily  clear  himself  upon  this  as  he  had  done  on  the 
former  occasion."-'  The  Duke  was  not,  how^ever,  per- 
mitted the  opportunity  for  his  defence,  being  found 
dead  in  his  bed  on  the  morning  after  his  arrest. f 

•  Kail ;  Biondi  ;  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Howel's  Med.  Hist . 
AnglicaiiiVi  ;  Rapin  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Saiidford  ;  Baker  ;  Dugdale's 
Baron.  ;  Holinshed  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Fox's  Monasteries  ;  Peck's  Stam- 
ford ;  Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Barante  ;  Villaret ;  Hume. 

t  Stow  writes  that  "on  the  lith  day  he  died,  for  sorrow,  that  he  might 


MAEGAEET    OP    ANJOU.  297 

The  cause  publicly  assigned  for  the  Duke's  death 
was  apoplexy ;  but  his  unpopularity  at  court  and  with 
the  Queen's  party,  and  the  violence  which  character- 
ized this  period,  seems  to  give  a  degree  of  probability 
to  that  which  rests  on  tradition  onhj^  viz.,  that  the 
Duke  was  murdered  in  an  apartment  of  St.  Saviour's 
Hospital,  then  an  appendage  to  the  monastery.  Nor 
did  the  exposure  of  the  Duke's  body,  on  which  no 
marks  of  violence  were  perceptible,  serve  to  remove 
from  the  public  mind  the  impression,  which  was  gene- 
ral, that  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  met  with  his 
death  by  unlawful  means.  Various  conjectures  were 
formed  as  to  the  manner  in  which  this  horrid  deed  had 
been  perpetrated,  and  universal  was  the  detestation 
with  which  those  persons  were  regarded  who  were 
judged  to  have  been  its  authors.'"'' 

Such  was  the  unfortunate  end  of  Humphrey,  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  one  of  the  first  princes  of  the  blood,  and 
a  great  favourite  with  the  people,  who,  for  his  love  of 
literature  and  the  rank  he  held  as  patron  of  the  genius 
and  talent  of  his  age,  Avas  justly  styled  the  "  Maecenas 
of  his  times."  He  was  a  magnificent  patron  and 
benefactor  of  the  University  of  Oxford  (where  he  had 
been  educated),  and  founded  the  Bodleian  Librar}^,  to 
which  he  j)resented  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  fair 
volumes  on  the  sciences,  in  the  year  1440. 

Gloucester  was  a  skilful  and  upright  governor ;  ever 
disposed  to  favour  the  poor,  jind,  therefore,  mucli  be- 
loved by  them.  He  was  also  "learned  and  courteous," 
and  if  we  cannot  agree  with  t]ie  old  chronicler,  who 

not  come  to  his  answer  ; "  while  other  authors  state  that  he  died  on  the 
14th  or  17th  day  after  his  arrest,  or  assert  that  ho  was  found  dead  on  the 
23rd  or  28th  of  February. 

*  Hall ;  Baker  ;  Biondi ;  Ilolinshed  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Sandford  ; 
Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Carte  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Fabian  ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Hist,  of  Bury  St.  Edmonds  ;  Fox's  Monasteries  ;  Howel's  Med.  Hist.  Ang. ; 
Speed  ;  Allen's  York. 


29 S  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

adds  that  "he  was  also  devoid  of  pride  and  ambition," 
we  must  at  least  allow  him  many  excellent  qualities, 
and  confess  it  might  be  truly  said  of  him,  that  he 
was 

"  Viiiute  iluce  uou  saii^'uiue  nitor. " 

"  Great  by  deeds  of  virtue,  not  of  blood."* 

On  account  of  his  many  virtues  and  the  care  he 
took  of  the  commonwealth,  Gloucester  obtained  from 
the  people  the  title  of  the  "  Good  Duke,"  and  for  his 
love  of  justice  he  was  also  styled  the  "  Father  of  his 
country."  He  had  governed  the  kingdom  during 
twenty-five  years,  as  we  are  told,  "  with  great  com- 
mendations, so  that  neither  good  men  had  cause  to 
complain  of,  nor  bad  men  to  find  fault  with,  his  re- 
gency." He  had  been  idolized  by  the  nation,  and 
not  without  reason,  for  he  had  long  shown  a  lively 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  country,  and  had,  in  sup- 
port of  those  points  which  he  deemed  essential  to  its 
honour,  sustained  repeated  indignities  and  affronts.  He 
had  shown  that  he  inherited  the  spirit  of  his  family,  a 
spirit  which,  in  his  brother  Henry  V.  and  the  Duke 
of  Bedford,  had  been  generally  esteemed  and  admired ; 
yet  he  differed  from  these  relatives  in  the  irritability 
of  his  temper  and  his  impetuosity,  wliich  doubtless 
caused  his  frequent  quarrels  with  Beaufort,  and  gave 
that  prelate  a  political  ascendency  over  him.  It  is 
probable  that  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  o^ved  his  fate 
to  his  active  exertions  to  reform  the  Church,  and  to 
banish  ecclesiastical  statesmen  from  their  inordinate 
share  in  the  government.  In  these  attempts  he  could 
not  fail  to  liumble  his  rival  and  to  excite  his  enmity; 
add  to  which,  we  are  told,  that  he  had  attempted  to 
deprive  Beaufort  of  the  see  of  Winchester,  which  must 

*  Biondi  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  "Sharon  Turner  ;  Leigh's 
Collections  ;  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Sandford. 


MARGARET    OP    ANJOU.  l>90 

have  increased  his  rage  against  him.  Upon  this  occa- 
sion, as  on  many  others,  fresh  fuel  was  added  to  the 
flame  of  discord  which  burned  between  tliese  tAvo  power- 
ful individuals ;  and  their  petty  fends,  (otherwise 
unworthy  of  the  notice  of  the  historian,)  become  im- 
portant, as  being  the  fruitful  source  whence  sprang 
many  of  the  contests  and  desolating  w^ars  of  King 
Henry's  reign. 

That  the  young  King  should  have  been  early  pre- 
judiced against  his  uncle  is  not  surprising,  being  of  so 
easy  a  temper  that  it  required  little  address  to  win  his 
favour;  this  Beaufort  secured  for  himself,  and  em- 
ployed it  against  his  adversary.  The  Duke  of  Glouces- 
ter, however,  had  deserved  better  at  his  nephew's 
hands ;  for  he  it  was  who,  with  more  spirit  than  pru- 
dence, had  resented  King  Henry's  exclusion  from  the 
Cabinet,  when,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  he  had  re- 
quested admittance  there ;  and  Henry's  subsequent 
incapacity  is  mainly  attributable  to  his  arbitrary 
governors,  and  his  exclusion  from,  and  ignorance  of, 
public  affairs.* 

The  body  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  was  interred  hi 
the  Abbey  of  St.  Albans,  to  which  he  had  been  a  ^=*i""> 
great  benefactor.  The  Abbot  Wethamstead,  whom  he 
much  esteemed,  says  repeatedly  that  the  Duke  fell  ill 
inmiediately  after  his  arrest,  and  died  of  his  illness. 
Wethamstead  commends  him  in  these  two  lines, — 

"  Fidior  in  regno  Regi,  Duce  non  fuit,  isto 

"  Plus  ne  fide  stabilis,  aut  major,  amator  honoris." 

* '  Than  Humphrey  none  of  faithfulness  had  gi-eater  store, 
"  Stood  fii-mer  by  the  King,  or  loved  his  honour  more." 

It  was  in  the  Abbey  of  St.  Albans  that  the  Duke  de- 
tected a  man,  who  pretended  to  work  a  miracle  in 
restoring  sight  to  the  blind.     Gloucester  had  a  strong 

*  Holinslied  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Speed  ;  Sandford  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rapin  ; 
Linsrard. 


1447- 


300  M.\.EGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

predilection  for  the  shrine  of  St.  Albans.  He  had 
bestowed  npon  it  rich  vestments  to  the  value  of  three 
thousand  marks,  and  the  manor  of  Pembroke,  that  the 
monks  should  pray  for  his  soul ;  and  he  had  directed 
that  his  remains  should  be  deposited  within  those  holy- 
walls.  The  tomb  of  the  Duke  was  adorned  by  his 
friend,  Wethamstead,  and  part  of  the  expenses  borne 
by  the  convent.  A  monument  of  stone,  of  elaborate 
workmanship,  w\as  erected  to  his  memory  behind  the 
altar,  on  the  south  side  of  the  church,  where  was  the 
shrine  of  the  patron  saint.  In  a  vault  beneath,  the 
remains  of  this  prince  were  deposited,  and  great  care 
and  expense  were  originally  taken  for  their  preserva- 
tion :  they  were  enclosed  in  a  leaden  coffin,  in  a 
kind  of  strong  pickle,  with  an  outer  coffin  of  wood. 
A  crucifix  was  painted  on  the  wall  at  the  east  end  of 
tlie  vault,  with  a  cup  on  each  side  of  the  head,  another 
at  the  side,  and  a  fourth  at  the  feet.  These  four 
chalices  were  receiving  the  blood,  and  a  hand  pointing 
towards  it,  with  a  label  inscribed  "  Lord,  have  mercy 
upon  me."'-"' 

Several  knights  and  esquires  in  the  Duke's  service 
on  the  day  of  his  arrest  assembled  at  Greenwich,  and 
resolved  to  proceed  to  Bury  to  join  him.  They  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  accused  of  conspiring  to  kill  the 
King,  to  raise  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  to  the  throne, 
and  to  release  Eleanor,  his  wife,  from  her  prison.  They 
were  tried,  and  five  of  them — Sir  Roger  Chamberlaine, 
Richard  Middleton,  Thomas  Herbert,  Arthur  Tursey, 
Esqrs.,   and  Ricliard   Nedham, — were  condemned   of 

*  Thus  were  the  remains  of  the  "  Good  Duke  Humphrey  "  discovered  in 
1701  (excejjt  that  the  outer  case  of  wood  had  perished)  ;  and  since  that 
period  they  have  been  frequently  exhibited  to  gratify  the  public  curiosity. 
The  dry  bones  and  soft,  fair,  silken  tresses  of  hair  were  of  deep  interest  to 
all  acquainted  with  his  character,  and  tragic  end.  The  inscription  and  the 
title  on  the  cross  have  been  long- obliterated.— »SY«?i';  Pol.  Vcrrjil;  Sandford; 
JUjmcr;  llap'ui;  Pennant;  Willis's  Ahhrijs;  Paston  Letters;  ]\'cavcj-'s 
Funereal  Monvmenis;  TiUrr's  Monumental  Itemalns ;  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  301 

liigli  treason,  and  sentence  of  death  passed  upon 
tliem.  Their  judges  were  appointed  by  virtue  of  the 
King's  commission,  and  of  these  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk 
was  the  chief."  The  King  granted  a  pardon  to  these 
unfortunate  men.  His  humanity  would  not  allow 
them  to  suffer.  This  clemency  on  the  part  of  King 
Henry,  we  are  told,  was  caused  by  his  attention  to  a 
sermon,  which  had  much  affected  him,  delivered  by 
Dr.  Worthington,  a  celebrated  preacher,  on  the  forgive- 
ness of  injuries ;  and  his  Majesty  declared  "  that  he 
could  not  better  show  his  gratitude  for  the  protection 
of  the  Almighty  than  by  granting  a  pardon  to  those 
who,  he  believed,  had  intended  his  destruction." 
These  persons  were  thirty-two  in  number  when  appre- 
hended ;  the  five  on  whom  sentence  of  death  had  been 
passed  were  drawn  to  Tyburn  for  execution.  There 
the  hangman  had  actually  performed  his  office — the 
vital  spark  was  almost  extinguished — when  the  Mar- 
quis of  Suffolk  produced  the  tardy  pardon  upon  which 
these  miserable  beings  had  relied,  for  it  was  suspected 
that  they  had  been  bribed  to  an  acknowledgment  of 
guilt  upon  a  promise  of  certain  pardon. 

This  pardon  was  by  some  persons  conjectured  to  be 
only  an  artifice  by  which  Suffolk  sought  to  lessen  the 
odium  which  might  attach  to  himself  after  the  death  of 
Gloucester. 

No  investigation  took  place  as  to  the  cause  of  the 
sudden  death  of  this  Duke.  It  was  asserted  that  he 
died  a  natural  death,  brought  on  by  apoplexy,  or  the 
effect  of  anxiety  of  mind."|"  This  opinion  was  held  by 
three  contemporary  writers,  who  were  all  his  friends 
and  eulogists — Hardyng,  the  Yorkist  ;  William  of 
Worcester,  who  in  recording  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 

*  Hall ;  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Sandford  ;  Howel ;  Stow  ;  Rapin  ;  Homy  ; 
Hist,  of  Bury  St.  Edmonds  ;  Lingard  ;  SmoUet. 
■j-  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Speed  ;  Carte  ;  Villaret  ;  Hume. 


302  MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

ment  at  Bury  says  only,  "  there  died  Humphrey,  the 
Oood  Duke  of  Gloucester,  the  lover  of  virtue  and 
the  State;"  lastly,  A¥ethamstead,  his  intimate  friend, 
tells  us  that,  "  after  being  placed  in  strict  confinenicnt, 
he  sank  from  sorrow," 

The  seeds  of  discontent  had  been  long  sown  in  this 
country,  and  the  division  of  the  chief  rulers  into  two 
parties  had  much  increased  this  growing  evil,  while 
the  Queen  preserved  a  select  favoured  party  around 
her  court.  Many,  very  many,  had  rallied  round  this 
idolized  and  deservedly  esteemed  prince  ;  and  the  sud- 
den bereavement  of  their  favourite  called  forth  their 
utmost  indignation.  They  could  not  penetrate  the 
apparent  mystery,  the  cause  of  his  death,  and  regarded 
it  as  a  crime,  a  murder,  and  sought  to  attach  it  to  his 
different  enemies;  and,  casting  off  their  respect  for 
the  rank  of  their  Queen,  they  even  dared  openly  to 
charge  her  with  this  outrage.* 

The  death  of  Gloucester,  from  whatever  cause,  did 
not  remove  from  him  the  imputation  of  treason ;  it 
was  still  pretended  that  he  was  guilty  of  the  charges 
laid  against  him,  and  for  wdiich  some  of  his  servants 
had  been  led  to  execution.  These  persons  had  never 
been  confronted  with  him,  neither  were  they  of  the 
chief  of  the  Duke's  household  ;  nor  were  they  such 
j)ersons  as  he  would  prol)ably  have  chosen  to  intrust 
with  a  secret  so  important,  had  he  really  entertained 
any  treasonable  projects. 

Those  individuals  who  were  universally  considered 
as  the  authors  of  Gloucester's  death,  were  of  too  high 
a  rank  in  tlie  kingdom  for  anyone  to  have  courage 
enough  to  accuse  them,  much  more  to  inflict  the 
punishment  which,  it  was  believed,  they  had  so  justly 
deserved. f     AVlicn,   however,   hatred  and  malice  had 

•  Holinshed  ;  llapin 

t  liiondi  ;  Hume  ;  Rapiu  ;  Henry. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  303 

effected  their  direful  purpose,  when  no  human  autlio- 
rity  could  call  the  culprits  to  the  bar  of  justice,  the 
iin(>rring  will  of  the  Almighty,  whose  onmipresent  eye 
had  regarded  this  secret  deed,  so  disposed  the  chain  of 
succeeding  events,  that  this  cruel  murder  became  the 
source  of  continued  trials  and  misfortunes  throughout 
the  lives  of  its  authors. 

In  whatever  manner  effected,  Gloucester's  death 
certainly  was,  as  an  old  historian  expresses  it,  "  like 
the  stroke  of  an  evil  angel  sent  to  punish  England, 
and  to  make  way  for  the  practices  of  Richard,  Duke 
of  York,  who,  immediately  after  the  death  of  Duke 
Humphrey,  (that  grand  prop  of  the  red  rose-tree,) 
began  to  set  on  foot  his  royal  title,"* 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  most  probably  came  by  his 
death  through  the  inveterate  malice  of  his  enemies, 
who  had  preconcerted  the  destruction  of  his  power. 
These  were  the  chief  ministers  of  the  Queen,  the  Car- 
dinal of  Winchester,  the  Archbishop  of  York,  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk. 
These  four  hidividuals  consequently  became  the  par- 
ticular objects  of  popular  hatred,  and  the  impression 
made  by  this  affair  was  never  afterwards  removed 
from  the  public  mind.  + 

The  attempts  of  these  mhiisters  to  deceive  the 
nation  were  fruitless  and  unworthy  artifices.  The 
arrest  of  the  Duke's  servants  was  a  base  subterfuge, 
which  did  not  answer  their  purpose,  (viz.,  to  screen 
themselves  irom  popular  resentment) ;  but  it  produced 
a  contrary  effect,  in  convincing  the  people  by  the 
favour  shown  to  these  unhappy  men,  that  they  were, 
as  well  as  the  Duke,  altogether  innocent  of  the  charges 
laid  against  them.:|: 

•  Sandford  ;  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Smollet ;  Peck's  Stamford, 
t  Speed  ;  Allen's  York. 
j  Villaret. 


304  IklAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

How  far  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou  was  really  impli- 
cated in  tliis  affair  is  left  to  conjecture.*  No  existing 
proof  remains  of  her  guilt,  while,  on  the  contrary, 
many  things  may  be  adduced  which  must  lead  the 
unprejudiced  mind  to  the  conviction  of  her  innocence. 
Some,  seeking  to  prove  her  guilty,  allege  the  indecent 
haste  with  which  the  large  estates  of  Gloucester  were 
seized  upon  by  the  Queen  and  Suffolk,  and  conferred 
upon  some  of  their  favourites,  which,  they  say,  ren- 
dered them  very  unpopular,  and  served  to  confirm  the 
suspicions  against  them ;  while  contributing  not  a  little 
to  render  them  odious  to  the  nation."|" 

Eleanor,  the  wife  of  Duke  Humphrey,  on  account  of 
the  sentence  passed  upon  her  for  her  misconduct,  had 
been  by  Parliament  rendered  incapable  of  claiming  as 
his  w^dow,  and  a  great  part  of  the  Duke's  estates  were 
bestowed  on  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  his  relatives  and 
followers. 

Gloucester  had  been  created  Earl  of  Pembroke  by 
King  Henry  V.  in  1414.  The  reversion  of  this  earl- 
dom, should  the  Duke  die  without  heirs,  had  been 
granted  by  Henry  VI.  to  Wilham  de  la  Pole,  Earl  of 
Suffolk,  and  Alice  his  wife,  and  their  heirs ;  which,  at 
the  death  of  the  Duke,  they  enjoyed  accordingly,  f 
The  manor  of  Greenwich  had  been  granted  to  Glou- 
cester by  King  Henry  VI.  in  1443,  with  the  royal 
license  to  fortify  and  embattle  his  manor-house,  and 
to  make  a  park  of  two  hundred  acres.  Gloucester 
rebuilt  the  palace,  and  called  it  "Placentia,"  or  "the 
manor  of  pleasaunce."§  On  the  death  of  the  Duke 
this  manor  reverted   to   the  crown.     Baynard  Castle 

*  Hume. 

+  Henry ;  Rapin. 

J  Rot.  Pari.  ;  Carte  ;  Sandford  ;  Lingard. 

§  This  name  it  lost  in  the  time  of  Edward  IV.  The  Duke  of  Gloucester 
also  enclosed  the  park,  and  built  a  tower  on  the  spot  where  the  Observatory 
]iow  standi^. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  305 

(which  had  been  burnt  in  1428)  was  rebuilt  by  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  after  whose  death  and  attainder 
it  came  into  the  hands  of  the  King,  by  whom  it  was 
bestowed  on  Richard,  Duke  of  York.  On  tlie  pos- 
sessions of  Gloucester,  we  are  further  informed  that  the 
Marquis  of  Suffolk  had  prevailed  upon  King  Henry, 
while  the  Duke  was  yet  living,  in  1446,  to  create  John 
de  Fois,  son  of  Gaston  de  Fois,  Earl  of  Longuile,  Earl  of 
Kendal.  He  had  1,000/.  bestowed  upon  him,  to  main- 
tain his  dignity,  and  also  the  possessions  in  Guienne, 
which  had  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and 
which  he  had  been  compelled  to  resign.  John  de  Fois 
had  married  the  niece  of  Suffolk.  The  castle  of  De- 
vizes, and  other  lands  in  England  belonging  to  Duke 
Humphrey,  we  are  informed,  were  assigned  to  "  Mar- 
garet of-Anjou;"  and  this  partition  of  the  Duke's 
property  served  to  increase  the  general  suspicion  of 
his  having  been  murdered.  * 

It  appears  probable  that  King  Henry  was  quite  in 
ignorance  of  this  plot  against  his  uncle,  until  informed 
of  its  fatal  issue.  The  people  never  suspected  that  he 
had  any  share  in  it ;  but,  if  indeed  the  Duke  w^as  mur- 
dered, nothing  would  seem  to  excuse  the  pusillanimity 
of  Henry  in  passing  it  over  in  silence.  The  only  excuse 
to  be  found  for  him  would  be  his  incapacity  to  inter- 
fere in  public  affairs,  which  deprived  him  of  courage 
to  punish  the  offenders,  if  he  even  suspected  who  were 
the  culprits.  This  monarch  passed  his, whole  time  in 
his  devotions ;  the  Queen  so  contrived  it,  some  writers 
tell  us.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  Henry  willingly 
resigned  the  reins  of  government  to  his  consort,  doubt- 
less feeling  happy  to  be  released  from  a  task  for  which 
nature  had  unfitted  him.  He  readily  signed,  without 
examination,  all  the  orders  which  were  brought  to  him, 
and  thus  he  lent  his  name  to  whatever  measures  the 

•  Carte. 


306  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Queen  might  think  proper  to  adopt.*  In  support  of 
the  opinion  that  King  Henry  was  ignorant  of  liis  uncle 
having  been  murdered,  it  has  been  said  that  the  King, 
alluding  to  the  pardon  he  had  granted  to  the  servants 
of  the  Duke,  asserted  that  it  had  not  been  suggested  to 
him  either  by  layman  or  clergyman,  but  that  it  arose 
from  "  religious  considerations,  and  chiefly  because 
God  seemed  to  have  taken  the  cause  into  his  own 
hands,  having,  during  the  late  year,  touched,  and 
stricken,  certain  of  those  who  had  been  disloyal  to 
him." 

The  question  naturally  arises,  who  were  these  persons 
whom  God  had  stricken  ?  Gloucester  doubtless  was 
one  of  them,  and  this  expression,  says  Lingard,  "  is 
a  proof  that  he  died  a  natural  death  ;  for  this  religious 
prince  would  never  have  used  it,  if  the  Duke  had  been 
murdered."!  There  is,  however,  great  reason  to  believe 
that  this  noble  prince  was  murdered,  and  one  motive 
assigned  for  the  cruel  deed  was  that  the  ministers  sup- 
posed the  Duke  would  prevent  the  sun*ender  of  Maine 
and  Anjou,  according  to  the  marriage  contract. 

Their  chief  object  was,  undoubtedly,  to  establish  their 
own  authority  at  court ;  but,  by  this  act,  they  not  only 
failed  in  doing  so,  but  drew  on  themselves,  as  well  as 
on  their  Queen,  the  indignation  of  the  country ;  and 
from  this  period  England  became  the  scene  of  violence 
and  civil  warfare. :[: 
j^^jr  Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  well  known 

as  the  "rich  Cardinal,"  died,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  on 
Lingard.      tlic  lltli  of  April,   1447  ;    having  survived  but  six 
weeks  his  political   antagonist,    the   Duke    of    Glou- 
cester. 

He  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  at  Winchester.    The 

*  Villaret  ;  Eapin  ;  Smollet. 

f  Rymer  ;  Lingard. 

%  lioliiished  ;  Pennant ;  Villaret ;  Lingard  ;  Smollet. 


Stow 
Hume  ; 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  307 

legacies  of  Beaufort,  which  were  mostly  for  charitabl  • 
puq^oses,  were  magnificent ;  and  in  proof  of  his  esteem 
for  Queen  Margaret  (who  was  indeed  a  great  favourit  ■ 
with  him,  and  often  visited  at  his  house)  he  bequeatlied 
to  her  the  bed  of  cloth  of  Damascus,  and  the  arras 
belonging  to  the  chamber  in  which  she  had  slept  at 
Waltham. 

In  his  last  moments,  the  Cardinal  appears  to  have 
shown  some  compunction  for  his  conduct  in  the  affair 
of  Gloucester's  death  ;  "  more,"  it  is  said,  "than  could 
have  been  expected  from  a  man  hardened  during  the 
course  of  a  long  life  in  falsehood  and  in  politics."* 
The  conclusion  of  a  life  so  spent  was,  as  might  be 
anticipated,  a  scene  of  misery  and  discontent;  and 
Beaufort,  whose  love  of  wealth  continued  his  prevailing 
passion,  even  on  his  death-bed,  is  pictured  as  com- 
plaining with  bitterness  that  his  immense  riches  were 
not  able  to  prolong,  even  for  a  day,  that  life  to  which 
he  so  fondly  clung.  "  Why  should  I  die,"  saith  he, 
"  having  so  much  riches  ?  If  the  whole  realm  would 
save  my  life,  I  am  able  either  by  policy  to  get  it,  or  by 
money  to  buy  it ;  fie,  will  not  death  be  hired  ?  will 
money  do  nothing  ?  "  | 

Cardinal  Beaufort  M^as  more  exalted  in  his  birth 
than  distinguished  for  learning ;  he  was  proud,  wealthy, 
and  "  loved  money  more  than  friendship."  He  was 
enterprising,  but  not  persevering,  except  in  his  en- 
mities, and  in  the  evil  purposes  of  his  heart.  His 
covetousness  made  him  forget  the  shortness  of  human 
life,  and  his  duties  as  a  Christian  and  a  sub- 
ject. J 

The  Jewish  historian  assures  us  that  Moses  required 


*  Holinshed  ;   Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ; 
Speed  ;  Hume  ;  Green's  Worcester. 

f  Hall ;  Biondi ;  Rapin ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret  ;  Barantc. 
j  Hall ;  Holinshed  ;  Rapin. 


308  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

iii  the  priesthood  a  "  double  degree  of  purity,"  and 
this,  in  comparison  with  what  Avas  expected  of  the 
laity ;  and  we  find  this  also  established  amongst  the 
early  Christians.  How  were  these  commands  regarded 
by  our  mercenary  prelate  ?  whose  life  was  as  that  of 
those  ambitious  and  turbulent  teachers,  who  are  so 
swallowed  up  in  political  dreams,  as  to  forget  that 
"Christ's  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world."  * 

It  was  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  who,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  others,  passed  sentence  of  death  upon  Joan 
of  Arc,  and  ordered  the  ashes  of  the  unfortunate  girl 
to  be  thrown  into  the  Seine. f  Beaufort  was  called 
the  "  cruel  and  implacable  Cardinal ;  "  and,  indeed,  his 
ambitious  and  sordid  disposition  too  often  dictated 
actions  which  justified  these  epithets.  How  unfitted 
was  such  a  character  for  the  guidance  of  a  young  and 
inexperienced  queen ! 

Formed  to  shine  at  court,  and  to  act  a  cons|)icuous 
part  in  the  political  world  rather  than  in  the  Church, 
Beaufort's  chief  employment,  from  the  time  of  his 
being  created  a  bishop,  was  to  heap  up  riches.  In 
this  he  was  so  successful,  that  he  was  considered  the 
most  wealthy  of  the  English  nobility.  Having  great 
skill  and  discernment  in  the  means  suggested  by 
human  prudence  to  the  ambitious,  he  readily  attained 
the  summit  of  his  Welshes.  Finally,  his  birth,  talents, 
riches,  and  the  oftice  of  governor  to  the  King,  gave 
him  great  influence  both  in  the  Cabinet  and  in  the 
kingdom.  :j: 

The  first  occasion  of  Beaufort's  quarrel  with  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester  is  not  fully  known,  some  being  of 
opinion  that  the  Bishop  was  angry  at  Gloucester's  pre- 
ferment in  the  government,  which  would  have  pleased 
him  better  than  the  tutorship  of  the   young  King ; 

*  Josephus  ;  Milner. 
t  Barante  ;  Hume,  J  Rapin. 


MAEGAEET   OP  ANJOU.  309 

others  asserting  that  the  Duke  had  conceived  a  hatred 
against  his  uncle,  because  he  was  ever  ready  to  oppose 
his  assuming  too  great  an  authority  as  Protector. 
Whatever  might  have  been  the  true  cause  of  their 
enmity,  it  ended  only  Avith  their  lives.  The  Cardinal 
never  left  off  plotting  how  to  supplant  his  nephew, 
until,  as  the  sequel  showed,  he  was  at  last  but  too 
successful. 

The  coadjutors  of  the  Cardinal  during  his  adminis- 
tration had  been  the  Archbishop  of  York,  Adam 
Moleyns,  Bishop  of  Chichester  and  Keeper  of  the 
Privy  Seal ;  William  de  la  Pole,  Marquis  of  Suffolk ; 
Lord  Say,  and  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury.  These  ministers 
maintained  their  influence  in  the  Council,  under  the 
direction  of  Queen  Margaret,  who  now  appeared  to 
govern  with  arbitrary  sway. 

This  arrangement,  however,  was  displeasing  to  the 
nation,  who,  unaccustomed  to  the  government  of  a 
woman,  raised  complaints  against  the  Queen,  being 
disgusted  by  her  haughty  demeanour  and  partiality  in 
conferring  favours ;  but  doubtless  the  supposition  that 
she  had  participated  in  the  guilt  of  Gloucester's  murder 
had  no  small  share  in  causing  these  murmurs,  coupled 
with  personal  disrespect.  Irritated  by  the  loss  of  their 
favourite,  the  people  did  not  even  care  to  maintain  the 
honour  of  their  Queen,  when  speaking  of  her  Na/sons 
with  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk.  This  minister  tliey 
regarded  with  the  utmost  detestation ;  and  as  he 
became,  on  the  death  of  the  Cardinal,  the  first  in  the 
kingdom,  and  monopolized  the  Queen's  ftivour,  reports 
were  circulated  very  unfavourable  to  the  dignity  of  the 
Queen.  Like  other  favourites,  he  became  the  object  of 
jealousy  and  envy  to  those  who  were  ambitious  of  dis- 
tinction at  court,  and  his  great  authority  was  another 
cause  for  complaint.  It  was  said  that  he  governed  the 
King  at  his  pleasure,  and  that  too  many  favours  were 


310  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

conferred  upon  him.  Amongst  these  were  the  ward- 
ship of  the  person  and  lands  of  the  Comitess  of  War- 
wick, and  of  the  Lady  Margaret,  sole  heiress  of  John, 
Duke  of  Somerset,  which  gave  rise  to  fresh  jealousy.* 

The  pretext  for  assembling  the  Parliament  at  Bury 
St.  Edmunds,  at  the  time  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester's 
arrest,  was  to  propose  an  interview  between  the  Kings 
of  England  and  France,  with  a  view  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  general  peace.  At  that  meeting  nothing 
was  concluded  but  the  prolongation  of  the  truce  until 
1447.  November  of  the  same  year,  1447.  Again  the  truce 
was  prolonged  until  the  following  April ;  and,  after 
many  difficulties  arising  to  prevent  the  meeting  of  the 
two  kings,  as  proposed,  the  former  truce  was  once 
more  prolonged  until  April,  and  again  until  June, 
1449,  still  in  the  hope  of  concluding  a  general 
peace.'!' 

The  repeated  delays  in  establishing  this  peace 
called  forth  the  complaints  of  the  people,  who,  grown 
impatient  at  the  fruitless  negotiations,  evinced,  by  their 
murmurs,  their  hatred  of  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  whom 
they  looked  upon  as  the  author  of  their  grievances. 
They  loudly  complained  that  he  had  betrayed  the 
interests  of  his  sovereign,  and  of  the  state ;  for  the 
treaty  into  which  he  had  entered  with  the  French,  as 
well  as  his  promise  of  the  surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou, 
were  alike  injurious  in  their  results.  The  former  leading 
to  a  truce  of  which  they  antici})ated  the  evil  effects, 
since  it  afforded  their  enemies  time  to  recover  them- 
selves, and  to  arm  themselves  afresh  for  the  renewal  of 
the  war;  the  latter  seemed  to  them  only  as  a  voluntary 
sacrifice  to  obtain  the  liand  of  a  princess,  whose  conduct 
had    already    alarmed    their   minds    as    to    the   future 

*  Speed  ;    Villaret ;     Ijarante  ;     Ilolinshed  ;    Carte  ;    Rapiu  ;     Sharon 
Turner  ;  Kj^mer  ;  Lingard  ;  Smollet. 

f  Sandford  ;  Itapin  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Monstrelet. 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  311 

calamities    they    might    expect    under   her   arbitrary 
government. 

The  Marquis  of  Suffolk,  no  longer  able  to  avoid  the 
public  censures,  thought  it  expedient  to  endeavour  to 
silence  them,  and  to  establish  his  innocence,  by  requesting 
the  King  to  hear  his  defence.  In  answer  to  this  appeal, 
King  Henry  graciously  appointed  a  day  upon  which  he 
might  appear  before  him,  and  clear  himself  of  these 
charges.  In  the  King's  chamber  the  Marquis  accord- 
ingly, on  the  day  appointed,  arose,  and  in  the  presence 
of  his  sovereign,  and  of  several  lords  assembled,  who 
were  all  favourable  to  him,  explained  his  conduct  in 
France,  and  justified  himself  in  the  measures  he  had 
adopted,  showing  that  he  had  been  previously  provided 
with  the  commands  of  the  King  on  these  matters. 

King  Henry  assured  the  Marquis  that  he  was  satisfied 
of  his  innocence,  and  gave  him  letters  patent  under  the 
great  seal,  by  which  he  acquitted  him  of  any  misde- 
meanors, and  forbade  anyone,  under  pain  of  his 
displeasure,  to  accuse  him."'  But  the  nation,  whose 
public  rights  and  feelings  had  been  outraged,  could  not 
be  so  easily  appeased. 

It  was  generally  expected  that  the  King  would  be 
satisfied  with  the  defence  of  the  Marquis,  but  the  people, 
still  enraged  against  the  court  favourite,  and  unmoved 
by  his  justification,  looked  upon  him  with  horror  as 
one  of  the  murderers  of  Gloucester.  Besides  this, 
they  did  not  forget  that  the  marriage  of  the  King  was 
effected  by  his  means,  and  this  also  was  regarded  as  a 
national  calamity.  Public  feeling  prevailed  over  the 
commands  of  their  sovereign,  whose  exertions  were 
annulled  through  the  universal  hatred  felt  against  the 
Marquis.  Discontent  was  general,  except  in  the  court 
itself  There  were  those,  however,  Avho  favoured  the 
ministers  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  who,  holding 

*  Hall;  Stow;  Speed;  Carte;  Kapin ;  Lingard;  Henry;  Allen's  York. 


312  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

lucrative  offices  under  government,  were  interested  in 
siding  with  the  court.  These  parties  used  their  authority 
to  silence  the  complaints  of  the  disaffected ;  for  the 
people  began  to  regard  Queen  Margaret  as  a  foreigner, 
whose  father  and  relatives  had  united  with  the  French 
against  them,  and  they  showed  some  disposition  to  treat 
their  Queen  as  a  latent  enemy  of  their  country.* 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  dissatisfaction  great  respect 
was  paid  to  the  King.  His  innocent  life  and  amiable 
character  endeared  him  to  his  subjects  so  much,  that 
numbers  took  part  with  the  court  as  a  principle  of 
duty ;  and  thus  the  authority  of  the  Queen,  and  of 
Suffolk,  could  not  easily  be  set  aside.f 
^•^•^^-  In   this   year,    1448,    Henry   VI.,    who   has   been 

styled  by  one  of  our  chroniclers  "  the  most  illustrious, 
the  most  benign,  the  most  valuable,  and  most  amiable 
king,"  visited  the  tomb  of  St.  Cuthbert,  in  Durham. 
This  pilgrimage  he  undertook  on  the  Gth  of  October. 
He  resided  in  the  castle  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  and 
remained  there  until  the  end  of  the  month.  On  Sun- 
day, the  Feast  of  St.  Michael,  this  monarch  was  pre- 
sent, at  the  first  vespers,  in  the  procession,  and  at 
mass  in  the  second  vespers.  Afterwards  he  expressed 
his  satisfaction  in  the  following  letter,  addressed  to 
John  Somerset : — 

"  Right  trusty  and  well-beloved, — We  greet  you 
"  heartily  well,  letting  you  witt  that,  blessed  be  the 
"  Lord  God,  we  have  been  right  merry  in  our  pil- 
"  griniage,  considering  three  causes :  one  is,  how  that 
"  the  church  of  the  province  of  York  and  diocese  of 
"  Durham  be  as  noble  in  doing  of  divine  service,  in 
"  multitude  of  mhiisters,  as  in  sumptuous  and  glorious 
"  building,  as  any  in  our  realm.  And  also,  how  our 
"  Lord  has  radicate  in  the  people  his  faith  and  his  law, 

•  Sandford  ;  Hume.  f  Rapin. 


MARGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  313 

*'  and  tliat  they  be  as  catholic  people  as  ever  we  came 
"  among,  and  all  good  and  holy,  that  we  dare  say  the 
"  Fh'st  Commandment  may  be  verified  right  well  in 
"  them,  '  Diligunt  Dominum  Deum  ipsorwn  in  talis 
"  animis  suis  et  tota  menta  sua '  ('  They  love  the  Lord 
"  their  God  with  all  their  soul  and  with  all  their 
"mind').  Also,  they  have  done  unto  us  all  great 
"  hearty  reverence  and  worship  as  ever  we  had,  with 
"  all  great  humanity  and  meekness,  with  all  celestial, 
"  blessed,  and  honourable  speech  and  blessing  as  it 
"  can  be  thought  and  imagined,  and  all  good  and  better 
"  than  we  had  ever  in  our  hfe,  even  as  they  had  been 
"  celitus  inspii'ati  (heavenly  inspired).  Wherefore,  we 
"  dare  well  say,  it  may  be  verified  in  them  the  holy 
"  saying  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  St.  Peter,  '  Qui 
"  tinehat  Dominum  et  Begem  honorificant  cum  dehita 
"  reverentia '  ('  Who  fear  the  Lord,  and  honour  the 
"  King  with  all  due  reverence').  AVherefore,  the  bless- 
"  ing  that  God  gave  to  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob 
*'  descend  upon  them  all,"  &c. 

"  Wry  ten  in  our  city  of  Lincolne,  on  the  day  after 
"  St.  Luke  the  Evangelist,  1448."* 

The  same  year  that  King  Henry  visited  Durham  he  \us. 
also  honoured  the  city  of  Norwich  with  his  presence. 
He  obtained  a  loan  of  500  marks  from  this  city  (a  sum 
which  was  afterwards  repaid),  and  in  the  following  year 
this  monarch  revisited  Norwich,  and  was  entertained 
at  the  expense  of  the  bishop,  the  prior,  the  mayor,  and 
commons. f 

The  Queen  accompanied  King  Henry  in  all  his  pro- 
gresses, and,  by  her  affability  and  grace,  found  much 
favour  with  the  citizens,  as  well  at  Norwich  as  else- 
where. We  find,  however,  but  little  notice  of  her 
movements  during  the  period  immediately  preceding 

*  Antiq.  of  Durham  ;  Hutchinson's  Durham, 
f  Parkin's  Norwich. 


314  MiVEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

the  impeachment  of  Suffolk,  with  one  exception,  which 
brings  her  before  us  as  the  enlightened  patroness  of 
literature. 

King  Henry  VL,  previous  to  his  marriage  with 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  has  been  described  as  "  advancing 
in  virtue  as  he  increased  in  age."  He  gave  himself 
up  to  religious  duties,  and  the  worship  of  God  and  the 
blessed  Virgin  Mary.  He  took  no  share  in  the  political 
affairs  of  his  kingdom,  committing  them  to  his  Council, 
neither  would  he  participate  in  any  worldly  pleasures. 
He  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  advancement  of  religion 
and  the  promotion  of  learning.  In  the  year  1440  he 
had  laid  the  foundation  of  Eton  School,  near  Windsor, 
intending  it  as  a  nursery  for  his  college  in  Cambridge, 
which  he  founded  soon  after.  Eton  College  had  a 
provost,  ten  priests,  four  clerks,  six  choristers,  twenty- 
five  poor  grammar  scholars,  and  twenty-five  poor 
men.* 

A  little  later  in  the  year  1443,  King  Henry  had  founded 
a  college  at  Cambridge  to  Our  Lady  and  St.  Nicholas, 
which  was  called  the  College  Royal,  or  King's  College. 
Truly  royal  and  magnificent  was  the  original  plan  of 
this  foundation,  if  vv^e  ma}^  judge  of  it  by  the  chapel, 
which  has  called  forth  universal  admiration  as  one  of 
the  finest  specimens  of  architecture  in  the  world.  The 
misfortunes,  however,  of  the  founder,  unhappily  pre- 
vented the  completion  of  that  plan.  At  its  commence- 
ment, the  King  ordered  that  the  ancient  castle  of  Cam- 
bridge should  bo  pulled  down  to  supply  materials  for 
this  great  work.  King  Henry  also  translated  to  this 
place  a  certain  hostle  near  Clare  Hall,  called  the 
"House  of  God,"  (which  liad  been  erected 'by  William 
Bingham,  rector  of  St.  John  Zacchary,  in  London,  in 
the  year  1442,  for  grammarians),  placing  therein  a  pro- 

•  The  supporters  to  the  arms  of  King  Henry  on  Eton  College  gate  were 
two  antelopes. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  315 


vost,  four  fellows,  and  scholars.  This  buiklins'  havino- 
been  taken  into  the  bounds  of  King's  College,  the 
King  would  have  increased  the  number  of  scholars  to 
sixty,  had  not  the  subsequent  fatal  wars  obstructed  his 
pious  design.  To  the  maintenance  of  this  college  and 
that  of  Eton  King  Henry  gave  annually  £3,400.  He 
also  bestowed  120  volumes  on  the  hbrary  at  Cambridge. 
Henry,  Duke  of  Warwick,  (who  had  continued  until  his 
death  the  especial  favourite  of  Henry  VI.),  was  enrolled 
as  one  of  the  benefactors  of  this  coUeire."' 

The  same  care  and  beneficence  were  bestowed  by  the 
King  on  certain  colleges  at  Oxford.  The  New  College 
there,  within  the  walls,  received  from  this  monarch 
certain  possessions,  and  likewise  the  College  of  Oriel. 
Henry  VI.  was  also  a  magnificent  benefactor  to  Pem- 
broke Hall,  which  was  called  the  '"''Kings  Adopted 
Daughter,''  and  King's  College,  Cambridge,  his  "  True 
and  First-begotten  Daughter.'''  This  magnificent  plan  I 
of  King  Henry  called  forth  the  poetic  effusions  of  Wal- 
pole,  who  thus  exclaims  : — 

"  When  Henry  bade  the  pompous  temple  rise, 

"  Nor  with  presiunjition  emulate  the  skies, 

"  Art  and  Paladio  had  not  reach'd  the  hmd 

"  Nor  methodiz'd  the  Vandal  builder's  hands  : 

"  Wonders  unknown  to  rule  these  piles  disclose, 

"  The  walls,  as  if  by  inspiration  rose; 

"  The  edifice,  continued  by  his  care, 

"  With  equal  j)ride  had  form'd  the  sumptuous  square, 

"  Had  not  th'  assassin  disappointed  part, 

*'  And  stabb'd  the  growing  fabric  in  his  heart. "+ 


*  Howel ;  John  Rous  of  Warwick  ;  Carter's  Cambridge  ;  Toplis  ;  Baker ; 
Rapin  ;  Parker's  Cambridge  ;  Henry  ;  Magna  Britannica  ;  Gough's  SepuL 
Momxments. 

f  The  intentions  of  King  Henry  were  long  afterwards  effected  by  his 
pioiTS  relative  Margaret,  Coimtess  of  Richmond,  the  mother  of  Henry  VII., 
who  obtained  from  her  son  a  licence,  and  plentifully  endowed  the  college 
out  of  her  own  lands  and  possessions,  that  the  revenues  afforded  mainte- 
nance for  a  master,  12  fellows,  and  47  scholars.  The  original  plan  is  stiU  to 
be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  college. 

X  Walpole's  Fugitive  Pieces. 


Cambridfre. 


316  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

We  are  informed  that  Queen  Margaret,  observing 
the  singular  piety  of  her  husband  which  led  him  to 
become  founder  of  King's  College,  Cambridge,  resolved 
on  the  establishing  of  another  college  close  to  it,  and 
which  obtained  from  its  foundress  the  name  of  Queen's 
College.  This  building  was  erected  on  the  borders  of 
the  monastery  of  the  Carmelites.  The  chapel  was 
dedicated  to  St.  Margaret  and  St.  Bernard,  and  Sir 
John  Wenlock,  Knight,  laid  the  first  stone,  in  the  name 
1448.  of  the  foundress,  on  the  15th  of  April,  1448.  On  the 
CiuWs  corner  stone  was  engraved,  at  the  express  desire  of 
Queen  Margaret,  '"''  Erit  DomincB  nostrce  Regince.  Mar- 
gar  etoe  Dominus  in  refugium^  et  la-pis  iste  in  signum  " 
("  The  Lord  will  be  a  refuge  to  our  Lady  Queen  Mar- 
garet, and  this  stone  shall  be  the  sign,  or  monument 
thereof").  The  college  was  richly  endowed  by  the 
Queen  bestowing  on  it  to  the  value  of  £200  a  year, 
to  maintain  a  master  and  four  fellows.  King  Henry 
also  conferred  additional  gifts  upon  it.  This  edifice 
was  involved  in  the  calamities  incidental  to  the  reign 
of  this  Queen,  and  which,  even  while  it  was  in  its 
infancy,  caused  it  to  be  near  perishing.  It  was,  how- 
ever, preserved  by  the  care  and  diligence  of  Andrew 
Ducket,  who  had  been  appointed  its  first  president  by 
the  foundress ;  and  during  forty  years,  while  he  con- 
tinued in  that  office,  he  procured  for  it  many  bene- 
factors through  his  solicitations,  so  that  he  niierht  even 
be  esteemed  its  preserver  or  second  founder. 


*  When  the  civil  wars  compelled  Queen  Margaret,  at  the  head  of  the  Lancas- 
trian party,  to  defend  her  husband's  rights,  this  noble  work  of  the  college  was 
suspended,  until  King  Edward'squeen,  Elizabeth  Woodville,animated,it  would 
seem,  by  the  good  example  of  her  predecessor,  sought  to  emulate  her  fame 
in  the  completion  of  this  noble  building.  This  was  happily  accomplished 
in  14(;r),  and  many  privileges  granted  it  by  King  Edward.  It  was,  however, 
chiefly  owing  to  the  active  zeal  of  the  president,  Andi-ew  Ducket,  that  the 
queen  of  Edward  IV.  took  such  interest  in  this  undertaking ;  and  it  was 
through  his  persuasions,  also,  that  the  Countess  of  Richmond  became  so 
noble  a  patroness  to  King's  College.  He  was  appointed  by  this  lady  to  the 
mastership,  in  which  he  continued  thirty-six  years,  and  prevailed  on  the 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  317 

In  the  chapel  of  Queen's  College  was  a  curious  altar- 
piece,  on  three  panels,  representing  "  Judas  betraying 
Christ,"  "The  Resurrection,"  and  "  Christ  appearing  to 
the  Apostles  after  the  Resurrection."  These  fine  paint- 
ings, supposed  to  have  been  presented  by  the  foundress, 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  were  afterwards  removed  to  the 
president's  lodge.* 

The  distracted  state  of  the  public  affairs,  and  the 
discontents  of  the  people,  first  inspired  Richard,  Duke 
of  York  and  Lord  of  Stamford,  with  the  hope  of  one 
day  being  able  to  establish  his  right  to  the  crown. 
He  had  of  late  risen  in  power  and  popularity,  and 
w^as  a  prince  of  great  valour  and  abilities ;  he  was 
also  prudent  in  his  conduct,  and  mild  in  his  disposition. 
He  was  the  only  heir  to  the  House  of  Mortimer,  or 
March,  and  was  descended,  on  his  mother's  side,  from 
Lionel,  the  second  son  of  Edward  HL,  and  elder 
brother  of  John  of  Ghent,  whose  descendant  was 
Henry  VL,  the  monarch  at  this  period  occupying  the 
throne,  f 

When  the  truce  with  France  had  been  prolonged, 
in  1445,  the  Duke  of  York  had  returned  to  England, 
after  his  regency  there,  and  had  been  graciously  received 
at  court,  and  many  acknowledgments  made  to  him  for 
his  services.  The  King,  to  show  in  an  especial  manner 
his  gratitude,  appointed  him  again  Regent  of  France  for 

most  generous  of  the  nobility  to  furnish  large  sums  of  money ;  and  amongst 
these  we  find  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  Cicely  Duchess  of  York,  Marmaduke 
Lumley,  and  others,  who  became  great  benefactors  to  this  college.  Andrew 
Ducket,  a  worthy  and  discreet  man,  died  on  the  ()th  of  Xorember,  1484.— 
Sandford;  Toplis;  Henry;  Rapln;  Leland;  Baker;  Carter's  Cambridge; 
Lysson's  Cambridge;  Parker's  Cambridge. 

*  This  college,  with  the  general  title  of  "  Queen's  College,"  bears  her 
hereditary  arms.  In  the  president's  lodge  is  still  to  be  seen  a  portrait  of 
Queen  ^Margaret  of  Anjou,  and  near  to  it  that  of  her  successor  on  the  throne, 
Elizabeth  Woodyille.  At  the  invitation  of  Bishop  Fisher,  Erasmus  visited 
Cambridge  many  years  later,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  a  tower  of  this 

college. 

t  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Hume  ;  Eapin  ;  Biondi. 


318  MAEGAEET   OP  ANJOU. 

the  ensuing  five  years.  Before  tliis  period  had  expired, 
however,  the  Duke  became  an  object  of  serious  mis- 
trust to  the  Queen  and  her  ministers,  who,  had  they 
preserved  the  good  opinion  of  the  nation,  or  had  the 
"  Good  Duke  of  Gloucester"  been  aUve  to  maintain 
his  rights,  would  not  have  had  reason  to  fear  these 
projects,  as.  In  either  case,  it  is  highly  improbable 
that  the  Duke  of  York  would  have  ever  asserted  his 
claim.* 

The  Duke  did  not  at  first  openly  assert  his  preten- 
sions ;  it  would  have  been  dangerous  to  him  to  do  so, 
w'hile  lie  was  as  yet  ignorant  of  the  dispositions  of  the 
people.  He  therefore  proceeded  with  such  caution 
that  his  Intentions  could  not  be  discovered.  He  con- 
tented himself  with  making  his  right  known  to  the 
people  by  secret  agents.  It  was  circulated  that  the 
House  of  Lancaster  had  usurped  the  throne,  and  that, 
although  the  usurpation  had  been  tolerated  whilst  its 
kings  were  men  of  ability  and  virtue,  and  governed 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  nation  ;  yet,  having  now  no 
longer  that  expectation  In  their  present  king,  they 
w^ere  unwilling  to  maintain  it  for  the  sake  of  a  queen, 
a  foreigner,  and  one  whose  arbitrary  government  was 
so  much  to  their  disadvantage.  That  the  House  of 
March  had  been  unjustly  deprived  of  the  succession, 
and  that  the  Duke  of  York,  as  sole  heir  of  that  dis- 
tinguished house,  ought  to  be  acknowledged  king,  and 
advanced  to  a  dignity  to  which  his  virtues,  talents,  and 
the  services  he  had  rendered  his  country,  justly  entitled 
him.  By  these  secret  intimations,  the  Duke  soon 
obtained  a  party  amongst  the  people  ;  but  he  did  not 
himself  appear,  his  friends  only  exerted  their  Influence 
in  his  favour. 

In  su|)port  of  the  present  administration  there  were 
still  many  persons  of  great  power  and  influence  in  the 

*  Holinshed  ;  Speed  ;  Henry. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  319 

kingdom  ;  of  these  were  the  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  his  brother,  the  Dukes  of 
Exeter  and  Buckingham,  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  the 
Lords  Stafford,  Clifford,  Dudley,  Scales,  Audley,  and 
others.* 

The  late  reports  had  not  passed  unheeded  by  the 
Queen  and  her  Council;  and  they  were  not  slow  in 
attributing  them  to  their  true  author,  who,  if  concealed 
from  others,  could  not  easily  deceive  such  quick-sighted 
persons  as  those  who  were  themselves  so  interested  in 
making  this  discovery.  These  parties  came  at  once  to 
the  resolution,  if  possible,  to  lessen  the  credit  of  the 
Duke  of  York.  They  were  more  desirous  of  doing 
this,  as  they  suspected  the  Duke  would,  as  Regent  of 
France,  obstruct  the  surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou, 
promised  to  Charles  of  Anjou  at  the  treaty  of  1444,'t' 

The  desired  opportunity  soon  presented  itself. 

The  Duke  of  Somerset,  whose  family  interests  were 
ever  opposed  to  those  of  York,  had  endeavoured  to 
hinder  the  dispatch  of  this  Duke  on  his  first  appoint- 
ment to  the  Regency  of  France.  He  became  again  so 
envious  of  the  distinction  of  his  rival,  that  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  King  to  repeal  the  grant  he  had  made  to 
the  Duke  of  York ;  and,  assisted  by  the  Marquis  of 
Suffolk,  he  obtained  the  same  grant  for  himself 

This  treatment  was  highly  resented  by  the  Duke  of 
York,  and  gradually  the  mutual  enmity  of  these  two 
nobles  led  to  their  ruin,  and  also  that  of  many  others 
who  became  involved  with  them. 

The  Duke  of  Somerset,  who  had  upon  his  brother's 
death  succeeded  to  the  family  title,  was  dismissed  to 
France  to  take  upon  him  the  office  of  Regent  in  the 
place  of  York,  who  was  thus  removed  previous  to  the 
expiration  of  the  period  for  which  it  had  been  be- 

*  Baier  ;  Holinslied  ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret. 
f  Rapin. 


320  MAKGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

stowed  upon  liim.*  York  resolved  to  be  revenged, 
but  for  a  time  dissembled  his  resentment.  The 
haughty  disposition  of  Somerset  gave  him  great 
offence  also,  and  he  became  his  determined  enemy. 

We  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  observe  how  private 
pique,  and  the  irritating  sense  of  injustice,  contributed 
to  increase  the  general  dissatisfaction  of  the  nation. 
Discontent  is  a  growing  evil,  which  oft  takes  its  rise 
from  some  trivial  cause ;  it  needs  the  skilful  hand  of  a 
physician  to  eradicate  its  earliest  symptoms,  or  it  will 
not  fail  to  grow  into  an  incurable  disease. 

Queen  Margaret  knew  not  how  to  stem  the  torrent 
of  dissatisfaction  to  which  her  conduct  had  given  rise. 
She  seemed,  at  this  time,  as  if  she  braved  the  people 
by  lavishing  favours  on  the  object  of  their  aversion. 
She  caused  the  King,  who  submitted  entirely  to  her 
1448.  guidance,  to  create  the  Marquis  of  Suffolk  a  duke,  and 
iiaphi ;  by  this  a  new  pretext  was  afforded  to  the  enemies  of 
Queen  Margaret  to  stir  up  the  people  against  her. 

The  King's  weakness  becoming  daily  more  appa- 
rent, the  nation  seemed  at  this  period  to  be  wholly 
ruled  by  the  Queen  and  Suffolk.  The  great  power  of 
this  minister  is  thus  set  forth  by  a  writer  of  that  day, 
who  tells  us,  "  There  shall  be  no  man  so  hardy  to  do, 
neither  say,  against  my  lord  of  Suffolk,  nor  none  that 
longeth  to  him,  and  all  that  have  done  and  said  against 
him,  they  shall  soon  repent  them."! 

It  is  doubtless  an  error  in  the  ruler  of  a  state  to 
listen  only  to  the  nobility,  or  to  those  courtiers  who 
immediately  surround  the  throne.  The  voice  of  the 
people  should  never  be  totally  disregarded ;  and  there 
are,  at  times,  concessions  necessary  to  be  made,  even 
to  the  meanest  subjects  in  the  realm. 

*  Sandford  ;  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  Speed  ;  Kapin  ;  Lin- 
gard  ;  IJarante  ;  Villaret ;  Leland's  Ireland. 

f  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Speed  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Rapin  ;  Pas- 
ton  Letters  ;   Villaret ;   Allen's  York. 


Paston 
Lettei"s. 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  321 

The  lionour  lately  conferred  upon  Suffolk  was  pro- 
bably not  intended  to  offend  the  people,  but  solely  as 
a  compensation  to  the  Duke  for  the  complaints  to 
which  he  had  been  subjected ;  and  possibly  given  to 
add  weight  to  the  King's  declaration,  and  apparent  con- 
viction, of  the  Duke's  innocence.  Surely  it  could  not 
have  been  expected  that  the  Queen  would  pass  censure 
on  the  conduct  of  Suffolk  in  the  affair  of  her  mar- 
riage, or  be  offended  with  a  treaty  by  which  she 
became  Queen  of  England  !  This  treaty,  too,  having 
been  signed,  and  the  conditions  agreed  to,  would  it  be 
honourable  not  to  fulfil  them  ?  Doubtless  the  Queen 
and  her  minister  reasoned  thus ;  and  we  have  seen 
that  they  were  influenced  by  it  to  remove  the  Duke  of 
York  from  his  Regency,  that  he  might  not  obstruct  the 
surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou. 

For  this  surrender,  which  appeared  to  them  as  an  act 
of  justice,  they  were  severely  blamed ;  and  the  more 
so,  because  these  territories,  being  given  up  to  Charles 
of  Anjou,  the  uncle  of  Queen  Margaret,  it  seemed  to 
be  done  to  favour  the  interests  of  her  family. 


CHAPTER  VL 

{Lord  Say. )     ' '  Tell  me  wherein  I  have  offended  most  ? 
"  Have  I  aifected  wealth  or  honour,  speak  ? 
' '  Are  my  chests  fiU'd  with  extorted  gold  ? 
' '  Is  my  apjiarel  sumptuous  to  behold  ? 
"  Whom  have  I  injur'd,  that  ye  seek  my  death." — Shakespeare. 


(DuJce  of  Yoo-h)     "  T'was  men  I  lack'd  and  you  will  give  them  me, 
"  I  take  it  kindly  ;  yet  be  well  assured, 
"  You  put  sharp  weapons  in  a  madman's  haaids, 
"  Whiles  I  in  Ireland  nourish  a  mighty  band, 
"  'Twill  stir  iip  in  England  some  black  stonn 
"  Shall  blow  ten  thousand  souls  to  heaven  or  hell, 
"  And  this  fell  tempest  shall  not  cease  to  rage 
' '  Until  the  golden  circuit  on  my  head, 
"  Like  to  the  glorious  sun's  transparent  beams, 
"  Do  calm  the  fury  of  this  mad-bi-ed  flaw." — Shakespearh. 

The  surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou — Losses  in  France — Complaints  of  the 
English — The  arrest  of  York  prevented — An  affray  at  Coventry—Eebellion 
in  Ireland — Y^ork  is  dismissed  thither  —  Parliament  meets  —  Suffolk 
accused  of  treason — His  defence — He  is  sent  to  the  Tovi^er,  and  then 
banished  the  kingdom — His  departure — His  death — His  character  and 
enemies — The  merits  of  the  Duke  of  York — Reinforcements  are  sent  to 
Somerset — Loss  of  Caen — The  conduct  of  Sir  David  Hall— Somerset 
returns  to  England — Cade's  rebellion  and  death. 

It  had  been  stipulated  at  tlie  treaty  of  Tours,  that 
the  counties  of  Maine  and  Anjou  should  be  sunxndered 
to  the  French  ;  luit  Le  Mans  was  still  garrisoned  by 
the  English,  who,  unwilling  to  quit  so  important  a 
city,  had  repeatedly  delayed  the  restitution ;  at  first, 
on  account  of  the  opposition  made  to  this  measure  by 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  afterwards,  by  the  Duke 
of  York.* 

King  Cliarles  demanded  the  full  restitution  which 

*  Rapin  ;  Bai'ante  ;  Daniel ;  Villaret. 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  323 

liad  been  promised  him  ;  and,  at  length,  grown  im- 
patient of  the  delay,  he  dismissed  Count  Dunois  with  a 
powerful  army,  to  lay  siege  to  Le  Mans.  Upon  this, 
King  Henry  commanded  that  the  city  sliould  be  given 
Tip ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  declared  that  it  was  but 
during  the  time  of  the  truce,  and  that  he  reserved  to 
himself  the  right  of  sovereignty.*  The  surrender  was  i448. 
accordingly  made  in  the  year  1448.  iLa'iin*^' 

The  feebleness  of  the  English  ministry  at  this  period,  ^"™^ 
while  it  served  to  encourage  the  discontents  of  the 
people,  inspired  their  enemies,  the  French,  with  hopes 
of  recovering  their  kingdom.  Although  they  had 
again  prolonged  the  truce,  it  was  but  to  prepare  for  a 
renewal  of  war  on  the  part  of  France.  An  unexpected 
circumstance,  however,  put  an  end  to  the  truce  sooner 
than  was  anticipated  by  any  of  the  parties.  The  town 
of  Fougiers,  in  Brittan}?-,  w^as  suddenly  seized  upon  by 
an  Arragonese,  named  Surienne,  who  had  been  many 
years  in  the  service  of  the  English,  and  who  had  been 
governor  of  Le  Mans  at  the  time  of  its  surrender  to 
King  Charles.  He  had,  at  first,  refused  compliance 
with  the  orders  for  this  surrender,  either  doubting  their 
authority,  or  anxious  to  retain  his  government  as  his 
only  fortune ;  but,  upon  being  compelled  to  yield  it  to 
the  French,  under  Count  Dunois,  he  withdrew  with 
his  troops,  amounting  to  2,500  men,|  into  Normandy, 
expecting  to  be  quartered  in  some  other  tovm  by  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  who  vnTis  Governor  of  Normandy. 
In  this  he  failed,  for  Somerset  refused  to  receive  him, 
not  being  able  to  provide  for  his  numerous  followers, 
and  displeased  at  his  late  disobedience. 

Surienne,  upon  this,  committed  many  ravages  in 
Brittany,  took  the  town  of  Fougiers,  and  supported  his 
troops  by  his  depredations. 

*  Ilolinshed  ;  Barante  ;  Hume ;  Carte  ;  Villaret  ;  Eapin  ;  Monstrelet. 
+  Monstrelet  says  Surienne  had  only  700  men. 

y  2 


324  MxiEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

The  Duke  of  Brittany  laid  liis  comi3laints  before 
King  Charles,  and  this  monarch  required  from 
Somerset  compensation  for  these  injuries.  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  latter  represented  that  these  depredations 
were  committed  without  his  privity,  and  that  he  had  no 
power  to  restrain  these  adventurers ;  equally  vain  was 
his  promise  of  affording  satisfaction  to  the  Duke  of 
Brittany.  The  King  of  France  rendered  an  accommo- 
dation impossible.  He  insisted  on  the  recall  of  the 
plunderers,  and  that  reparation  should  be  made  for  the 
dama2:es,  which  he  caused  to  be  estimated  at  the 
exorbitant  sum  of  1,000,000  crowns.  This  monarch 
had  been  occupied  during  the  truce  in  establishing 
discipline  in  his  army,  in  suppressing  faction,  repairmg 
his  finances,  and  promoting  order  and  justice  in  his 
kingdom.  Thinking  this  a  fit  opportunity  for  the 
renewal  of  the  war,  and  conscious  of  his  own  superiority 
over  the  English,  he  dismissed  two  ambassadors  to 
England  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  insult  offered 
to  the  Duke  of  Brittany ;  and  should  he  even  obtain 
this  reparation,  the  King  was  prepared  with  another 
pretext  to  occasion  a  rupture  with  England.  His  ally, 
the  King  of  Scots,  had  been  engaged  in  a  conflict  with 
the  English,  who  were  charged  by  King  Charles  with 
having  broken  the  truce  with  that  monarch ;  but  King 
James  had  not  sought  an  advocate  in  his  quarrel,  and 
it  was  only  because  the  French  King  had  resolved  on 
war  that  he  made  use  of  these  pretexts.* 

In  England  nothing  but  discord  prevailed ;  the 
court  was  divided  into  factions,  ever  contending  against 
each  other,  and  exhibiting  their  mutual  animosity ; 
the  people,  displeased  with  their  government,  were 
full  of  complaints.  In  the  midst  of  these  dissensions 
the  conquests  in  France  were  no  longer  attended  to.. 

*  Holinshed  ;     Hall  ;    Barante  :    Baker  ;     Monfaucon  ;    Hume  ;    Pol.. 
Vergil  ;    Speed  ;    Villaret  ;    Bidpath. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  325 

The  Queen  and  her  counsellors  did  not  even  seem  to 
think  of  preserving  the  acquisitions  of  Henry  V. 

The  truces  with  France  and  Scotland  had  both  been 
broken  through,  and  there  was  much  pillaging  on  the 
coasts,  which  were  greatly  exposed  to  such  attempts. 
All  these  circumstances  led  to  such  great  disorders, 
that  men  began  to  apprehend  a  rebellion.  In  the 
Paston  Letters  we  find  this,  and  similar  expressions, 
"  God  save  the  King,  and  send  us  peace,"  which  seem 
to  imply  a  fear  for  the  King's  safety  at  this  time,  and 
alarm  lest  the  discord  so  prevalent  throughout  the 
country  should  lead  to  civil  war.* 

The  condition  of  England  at  this  period,  (when  the  ^^^^- 
Queen,  and  her  chief  minister,  Suffolk,  directed  all 
public  affairs,  and  when  the  discontents  of  the  Yorkists 
were  becoming  more  manifest,)  render  it  highly  probable 
that  the  hostilities  on  the  northern  borders  originated, 
rather  with  the  ambition  and  animosity  of  the  chieftains 
of  the  Marches  than  from  any  public  commands. 
The  Scotch  writers  affirm  that  the  English  first  violated 
the  truce.  The  Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Salisbury, 
wdio  were  the  Wardens  of  the  East  and  AVest  I\Iarches, 
invaded  Scotland,  at  the  head  of  two  different  armies, 
and  destroyed  the  towns  of  Dunbar  and  Dumfries. 

A  speedy  revenge  was  taken  by  James  Douglas, 
Lord  of  Balveny,  (a  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Douglas,) 
by  spoiling  and  laying  waste  the  county  of  Cumber- 
land, and  burning  the  town  of  Alnwick.  The  English 
retaliated,  and  a  considerable  army  marched  against 
the  Scotch,  led  over  the  Western  March  by  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  Avho  encountered,  near  the  River  Sark 
in  Annandale,  the  Scotch  army,  commanded  by  Hugli, 
Earl  of  Ormond,  another  brother  of  Earl  Douglas.  A 
bloody    battle    ensued,    in    which    the    Scots    were 

*  Holinslied  ;    Hall  ;    Rapin  :   Villaret  ;    l\rilles's  Catalogue  ;    Paston 

Letters. 


326  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

tiiiimpliant,  and  3,000  English  were  killed,  or,  in  tlieir 
flight,  were  drowned  in  the  Frith  of  Solway.  Many 
were  likewise  taken  j^risoners,  and  amongst  them 
Lord  Percy,  while  bravely  endeavouring  to  rescue  his 
1440.      father  from  a  similar  fate.     The  Scots  lost  600  men, 

Pinkerton.'  ^nd  their  chief.  Sir  Thomas  "Wallace,  of  Craigie,  to 
whose  prowess  they  were  much  indebted  for  their 
success.  A  short  truce,  the  next  year,  was  entered 
into,  which  ended  these  hostilities.*  The  King  of 
Scots  at  this  time  celebrated  his  marriage  with  Mary 
of  Gueldres. 

In  France,  the  Duke  of  Somerset  was  so  ill-supplied 
with  money,  that  he  was  obhged  to  disband  great  part 
of  his  army,  and  was  unable  to  keep  his  towns  and 
castles  in  repair;  his  exactions,  too,  in  Normandy, 
rendered  him  hateful  to  the  people  of  that  province. 
In  this  unhappy  position  of  affairs,  he  was  at  once 
attacked  by  four  different  armies,  well  disciplined  and 
commanded  ;  one  of  them  by  the  King  of  France, 
another  by  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  the  other  two  by 
1449.      the  Duke  of  Alengon,  and  Count  Dunois.    These  forces 

jiume.'  no  sooner  appeared  before  the  diflerent  cities  than 
their  inhabitants  submitted.  The  French  thus  obtained 
possession  of  Verneuil,  Nogent,  Chateau  Galliard, 
Ponteau  de  Mer,  Gisors,  Mantes,  Vernon,  Argentin, 
Liseaux,  Fecamp,  Coutances,  Belesme,  and  Pont  de 
I'Arche.  So  far  from  being  able  to  lead  his  army  into 
the  field  to  oppose  the  enemy,  the  Duke  of  Somerset 
had  not  even  the  means  of  garrisoning  the  towns,  or 
of  furnishing  them  with  provisions.  He,  therefore,  had 
the  mortification  of  beholding  all  the  chief  cities  of  this 
province  fall  successively  into  the  hands  of  the  French, 
while  he  retired  with  a  few  troops  to  Rouen,  to 
endeavour  to  preserve  tliis  city  from  the  general  fate, 
and  to  await  the  arrival  of  succours  from  England ; 

*  Bidpath  ;   Paston  Letters  ;   Holinslied  ;   Pinkertou  ;   Monstrelet. 


MAEGABET   OF   AXJOU.  327 

but  even  in  Rouen  the  English  could  not  long  hope  to 
maintain  their  ground,  and  they  were  soon  besieged 
there.  The  Counts  Dunois  and  St.  Pol  first  encamped 
before  the  city,  and  as  their  heralds  were  not  permitted 
to  enter,  they  failed  in  their  object  of  getting  the 
people  to  declare  for  them.  There  were,  however, 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants  already  disposed  to 
mutiny.* 

The  first  assault  failed ;  and  King  Charles,  (who, 
accompanied  by  Rene  of  Anjou,  arrived  at  this  time  at 
the  camp,)  thought  it  prudent  to  withdraw  to  Pont  de 
I'Arche.  Meanwhile  Somerset,  who,  from  the  dis- 
tracted state  of  affairs  in  England,  could  have  but  little 
hope  of  receiving  succours,  thought  proper  to  treat 
with  King  Charles.  Having  obtained  a  safe  conduct 
from  the  French  King,  the  Archbishop  and  the  chief 
citizens  of  Rouen,  accompanied  by  several  of  the 
English  generals  deputed  by  Somerset,  met,  and  con- 
fen'ed  with  Count  Dunois,  the  Chancellor  of  France, 
and  others.  The  Archbishop  and  his  citizens  accepted 
the  terms  offered  by  the  French  King,  and  engaged  to 
use  their  endeavours  for  the  surrender  of  the  city  ;  but 
with  the  English  nothing  was  concluded. 

The  former  kept  their  engagement,  and  the  French 
troops  were  introduced  into  the  city,  amidst  the 
universal  joy  of  the  inhabitants ;  while  the  Duke  of 
Somerset  and  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  with  only 
800  men,  were  compelled  to  withdraw  to  the  palace, 
the  castle,  the  gates,  and  other  parts,  for  security.| 

The  Duke  of  Somerset  demanded  an  interview  with 
the  King ;  and  when  conducted  to  him,  he  found  him 
in  the  midst  of  his  Council.  Somerset  required  the 
same  terms  for  the  English  as  had  been  granted  to  the 

*  Barante  ;  Monfancon  ;  Holinslied  ;  Hall  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ; 
Monstrelet. 

f  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Barante  ;  Monf aucou ;  Anquetil  ; 
Villaret. 


528  iMAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

citizens,  viz.,  permission  to  depart  tlie  city  without 
molestation.  To  this  request  King-  Charles  would  not 
accede  ;  but  added,  that  he  now  required  the  surrender 
of  Harfleur,  and  of  all  the  fortresses  in  the  Pays  de 
Caux. 

"Ah!"  exclaimed  Somerset,  "give  up  Harfleur; 
"  that  can  never  be  !  It  was  the  first  city  which  sur- 
"  rendered  to  our  glorious  Khig  Henry  V.,  five-and- 
"  thirty  years  ago."  He  then  left  the  Council,  and  with 
melancholy  forebodings  retraced  his  way  to  the  castle, 
amidst  shouts  of  "  Vive  le  BoiV  and  other  demonstra- 
tions of  the  joy  of  the  people.* 

The  siege  was  renewed  by  the  French,  and  the 
Duke  being  unable,  for  want  of  provisions,  to  hold  out 
many  days,  w^as,  at  last,  compelled  to  capitulate. 
Somerset  surrendered  his  artillery  and  six  of  the  chief 
cities  of  the  province,  and  made  a  payment  of  50,000 
cro\Mis ;  he  was  also  obliged  to  leave  the  Earl  of 
Shrewsbury  and  Lord  Butler  as  hostages  for  the  per- 
formance of  these  conditions,  and  was  then  permitted 
to  depart  the  city.l  It  was  believed  that  the  city 
would  not  have  been  lost  if  the  citizens  had  remained 
faithful  to  the  English ;  but  the  deficiency  of  supplies 
from  England  caused  the  Duke  of  Somerset  to  make 
large  exactions  on  the  people,  and  thus  excited  their 
ill-will. 

Some  authors,  in  speaking  of  the  losses  in  France, 
assure  us  that  the  English  were  so  weakened,  that 
they  could  no  longer  resist  the  power  of  the  French ; 
wliile  others  blame  the  Duke  of  Somerset  because  he 
neglected  to  maintain  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  only  true  reason  of  all 
the  evil  was  the  divisions  in  England,   where  every 

*  Barante  ;   Monstrelet. 

f  Holinshed  ;   Baker  ;    JTonfaucon  ;    Rapin  ;    Stow  ;    Henry  ;   Villaret ; 
Speed  ;   Pol.  Verg'il. 


M.1EGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  329 

one  was  seeking  liis  private  revenge,  instead  of 
uniting  to  resist  their  foreign  enemies.  Wliilst  there 
seemed  to  prevail  a  kind  of  stupor  in  tlie  English 
Cabinet,  and  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  Somerset,  and  others,  for  supplies  for 
the  war,  the  whole  realm  was  torn  and  distracted  by 
contentions. 

The  misrule  of  the  Queen  and  her  ministers,  the 
pride  and  hatred  amongst  the  nobility,  and  the  com- 
plaints of  the  people,  all  these  were  sufficient,  even 
more  than  sufficient,  to  paralyse  any  political  power  or 
healthy  action.  It  was  the  early  manifestation  of  a 
morbid  condition  which  preceded  the  terrific  scenes  of 
the  civil  war  which  speedily  followed. 

The  Queen's  inactivity  about  this  time  made  it 
almost  appear  that  she  was  in  league  with  her 
husband's  enemies  ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  English 
were  totally  unprepared  for  war,  and,  therefore,  that 
Surienne  acted  independently  in  taking  Fougiers ; 
yet,  if  the  English  were  unable  to  continue  the  war, 
and  could  not  furnish  the  means  for  preserving  their 
acquisitions  in  France,  some  effectual  step  ought  to 
have  been  taken  to  establish  peace.* 

The  conduct  of  the  English  ministers  was  faulty  in 
the  extreme  ;  they  suffered  King  Charles  to  amuse  them 
with  fruitless  negotiations  while  he  prepared  for  war ; 
and,  on  their  own  part,  they  neither  contrived  to 
observe  the  truce,  by  making  restitution  to  the  Duke 
of  Brittany,  nor  did  they  take  any  measures  for  de- 
fence. Inexcusable  as  were  these  faults  of  the  minis- 
ters, yet  an  accommodation  with  France  would  have 
proved  impossible,  since  King  Charles  was  bent  on 
w^ar,  taking  advantage  of  the  dissensions  in  England. 
These  dissensions  were  rather  ag-gravated  than  allayed 

*  Holiiashed  ;   Hume  ;   Milles's  Catalos-uc  ;   Enpin  ;   Villarct. 


330  IdLVEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

by  King  Henry  and  liis  Queen,  tlie  former  not  lieecling 
them,  and  the  latter  being  influenced  by  bad  coun- 
sellors. 

AVhile  the  ministers  were  selected  rather  to  favour 
the  interests  of  the  Queen,  and  to  be  subservient  to 
her  views  and  those  of  Suifolk,  persons  without  talent 
and  incompetent  to  rule  the  state  were  appointed,  and 
others  who  had  courage  to  oppose  this  party,  (often 
.men  of  merit  and  ability,)  were  dismissed  from  favour 
and  excluded  from  any  share  in  the  administration.  The 
people  even  complained  that  persons  devoid  of  religion 
and  without  principle  were  chosen,  in  order  that  there 
might  be  fewer  scruples  in  the  way  of  any  measure 
proposed  by  this  party. 

The  Queen's  government,  as  well  as  her  choice  of 
improper  ministers,  caused  bitter  complaints ;  and  the 
people,  impatient  at  the  evident  neglect  of  foreign 
affairs,  became  angry  against  the  Duke  of  Suffolk, 
who,  they  said,  had,  by  the  surrender  of  Maine,  been  the 
cause  of  the  losses  in  Normandy.  They  accused  him  of  the 
murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  whose  memory  was 
still  cherished  by  the  nation,  and  this  served  to  throw 
a  greater  odium  on  all  who  were  suspected  of  his 
death.  Suffolk  was  likewise  considered  to  have  wasted 
the  King's  treasure,  and  to  have  removed  from  the 
royal  presence  his  good  and  virtuous  counsellors,  and 
to  have  substituted  persons  of  doubtful  character,  and 
enemies  of  the  country.  They  even  asserted  that  he  had 
assisted  in  the  removal  of  Gloucester,  in  order  that  this 
prince  might  not,  with  his  wonted  spirit  and  activity, 
penetrate  or  obstruct  his  designs.* 

The  Queen,  too,  became  very  obnoxious  to  the 
people  ;  for,  at  this  time,  looking  on  Suffolk  as  the 
author  of  her  power,  she  seemed  to  adopt  his  passions 

*  Holinshed ;   Sandford  ;   Pol.  Vergil  ;    Allen's  York  ;    Eapin  ;    Baker  ; 
Hume. 


MAEGARET   OF   AXJOU.  331 

as  her  own ;  and,  using  lier  autliority  over  the  King, 
she  found  means  to  load  the  Duke  with  favours,  follow- 
ing his  advice  in  all  things,  and  appearing  to  treat  him 
as  her  confidant.* 

This  conduct  was  very  unwise  on  the  part  of  Queen 
Margaret,  and  highly  prejudicial  to  her.  It  could 
only  have  been  occasioned  by  her  youth  and  inexperi- 
ence. Yet  the  consequent  imputations  cast  upon  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk  and  Queen  Margaret  were  not  only 
luitrue,  but  absurd  and  ridiculous,  as  may  be  believed 
when  we  consider  the  family  of  Suffolk,  his  character  in 
private  life,  and  his  great  age.  Suffolk  had  attained  his 
fiftieth  year  before  the,  death  of  his  great  patron  and 
friend,  the  Cardinal  of  "Winchester,  w^ho  had,  as  well  as 
the  Queen,  shown  him  especial  favour,  yet  exhibiting  it 
towards  him  with  the  most  judicious  care. 

The  aspersions  cast  upon  herself  and  Suffolk  were 
not  unnoticed  by  the  Queen,  who  began  to  fear  they 
tended  to  the  destruction  of  the  Duke,  and  perhaps  might 
even  be  fatal  to  herself  It  is  said  that  Queen  Margaret 
adjourned  the  Parliament,  assembled  at  that  time  at 
Blackfriars,  to  Leicester,  and  again  from  thence  to 
Westminster."}" 

Many  private  dissensions  originated  at  this  period  of  1449. 
our  history ;  and  some  of  them  still  remain  involved  in 
mystery.  Amongst  them  may  be  named  the  enmity 
between  Lord  Bonville  and  the  Earl  of  Devon.  In 
1449  the  latter  nobleman  was  engaged  in  besieging 
Lord  Bonville  in  his  castle  of  Taunton,  which  caused  a 
great  disturbance  throughout  the  West  of  England. 
Assistance  was  most  unexpectedly  rendered  to  the 
besieged  by  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  Lord  Mohnes, 
William  Herbert,  and  others;  and  we  are  informed 
that  Bonville  delivered  himself  up  to  the  Duke  of 
York.     The  origin  of  this  quarrel  does  not  appear,  but 

*  Carte.  t  Baker. 


332  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

Lord  Boiiville  from  tliis  period  espoused  tlie  interests 
of  tlie  House  of  York ;  and  even  at  this  time  Kicliard 
aimed  at  the  crown.* 

There  were  many  changes  also  in  the  high  offices  of 

1449.  the  kingdom.  In  this  year  the  Bishop  of  Lincohi  died ; 
and,  through  the  intercession  of  Suffolk,  this  bishopric 
was  given  to  Marmaduke  Lumley,  Bishop  of  Carlisle. f 
John,  Lord  Beauchamp  was  made  Treasurer,  and  Lord 
Cromwell,  Chamberlain.  Somewhat  later  the  former 
was  driven  from  office,  and  John  Tiptoif,  Earl  of 
Worcester,  was  made  Treasurer  in  his  place ;  and, 
although  Cromwell  continued  to  be  Chamberlain,  we 
are  told  that  the  kingdom  was  ruled  by  the  party  of 
Somerset.  This  Duke  was,  indeed,  sharing  the  royal 
favour.  He  was  made  Captain  of  Calais  by  King  Henry, 
upon  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  festival  of 
Christmas,  held  by  this  monarch  at  Greenwich  in 
14-i9.t 

During  the  preceding  summer  a  marriage  had  taken 
place,  which  had  proved  the  unhappy  source  of  con- 
tention. Thomas  Neville,  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, was  united  to  the  granddaughter:}:  of  Lord 
Cromwell,  at  Tattersalls,  in  Lincolnshire ;  and  in  re- 
turning from  these  nuptials  a  quarrel  arose  between 
the  bridegroom  and  Thomas  Percy,  Lord  Egremont, 
near  York ;  which,  adds  tlie  historian,  "  gave  rise  to 
the  greatest  trouble  in  England."  §  This,  and  many 
other  dissensions,  like  the  gatherhig  clouds  in  the  dis- 
tance,  Avere  portentous  of  the   approaching   political 

liio-      storms  of  this  realm. 

Amidst  the  confusion  which  prevailed  at  this  period, 
a  lawyer's  apprentice,  named  Brystall,  moved  that  the 
King,  having  no  heir  to  give  security  to  his  title,  an 
heir  apparent  should  be  elected  ;  and  he  proposed  the 

*  Toulmin's  Taunton  ;  Lingard.  f  W.  of  Worcester. 

X  Or  niece,  as  others  say.  §  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET   OF   AKJOU.  333 

Duke  of  York.      But  for   tliis    offence  Brystall  was 
afterwards  committed  to  the  Tower.* 

The  Duke  of  York,  at  this  time,  first  began  to 
afford  Queen  Margaret  cause  for  serious  inquietude. 
At  a  meeting  between  this  nobleman  and  the  King 
he  made  some  demands  on  the  royal  favour,  to 
which,  if  this  monarch  was,  by  his  meek  and  yield- 
ing temper,  disposed  to  listen,  we  are  informed  that 
Queen  Margaret  was  decidedly  opposed  ;  and  the  Duke 
departed  in  satisfaction  with  his  sovereign,  but  not  in 
the  same  "  good  conceit"  with  his  royal  mistress.  It 
w^as,  indeed,  rumoured  that  if  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham had  not,  by  his  interference,  prevented  it,  the 
Duke  of  York  would  have  been  arrested.  The  part 
which  Buckingham  took  on  this  occasion  was  caused 
by  the  offence  he  had  taken  at  the  sudden  dismissal  of 
his  two  brothers  from  their  offices  of  Chancellor  and 
Treasurer,  for  this  Duke  usually  sided  with  the  Queen. "j" 
He  was  also  the  friend  of  vSomerset,  whose  part  he 
took  during  an  affray  at  Coventry,  in  which  two  or  three 
townsmen  were  killed  and  the  alarm-bell  rung,  Avhen 
a  general  insurrection  took  place,  to  the  annoyance  of 
the  nobility;  and  "all  this  arose  from  the  general 
hatred  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset.":): 

The  aversion  was  even  more  general  against  the  md. 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  who  upon  one  occasion  (in  1440)  was, 
wdth  Lord  Cromwell  and  others,  in  the  Star  Chamber, 
when  Wilham  Taylboys,  with  a  numerous  party  of  his 
attendants — who  were  all  secretly  anned — surrounded 
the  door  of  Westminster  Hall  and  the  Star  Chamber, 
as  Cromwell  asserted,  with  intent  to  kill  him.  This 
was  denied  by  Taylboys,  and  Suffolk  admitted  his  ex- 
cuses ;  yet  the  Council  committed  him  to  the  Tower. 

*  W.  of  Worcester. 

t  Paston  Letters  :   W.  of  Worcester. 

J  Lingard  ;   Paston  Letters. 


334  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

Lord  Cromwell  afterwards  obtained  a  verdict  against 
liim  :  and,  altlionHi  it  was  asrainst  tlie  wish  of  Suffolk, 
Taylboys  was  thrown  into  prison.  Lord  Cromwell  also 
caused  Suifolk  to  be  called  to  account  by  the  Commons 
for  his  disloyalty. 

On  the  6th  of  November  in  this  year  John,  Viscount 
Beaumont  was  made  Lord  Chamberlain  of  England ; 
Henry  de  Bromefield  was  created  Lord  Vesey;  and 
William  Bonville  was  created  Lord  Bonville.  Wil- 
liam Beauchamp  was  also  created  Lord  St.  Amaraud, 
and  Thomas  Percy,  Lord  Egremont.  John  Stafford, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  dying  in  this  year,  he  was 
succeeded  by  John  Kemp,  Cardinal  of  York.* 

A  rebellion  in  L'eland  at  this  time  added  to  the 
troubles  in  which  the  English  Court  was  involved; 
but  it  afforded  Queen  Margaret  an  opportunity  of  dis- 
missing the  Duke  of  York  from  her  presence,  who  had 
made  himself  particularly  obnoxious  to  her  by  the 
rumours  lately  circulated  respecting  his  pretensions  to 
the  crown.  He  was  created  Lord  Lieutenant  of  L'e- 
land,  and  dismissed  to  quell  the  insurrection,  for  which 
office,  it  was  pretended,  no  one  else  was  so  well  quali- 
fied. Only  a  few  troops  were,  however,  furnished 
him ;  and  it  is  said  that  his  enemies  hoped  he  would, 
by  a  failure  in  this  enterprise,  forfeit  his  reputation 
with  the  people,  or,  that  the  chance  of  war  would  for 
ever  remove  this  object  of  their  mistrust.")" 

The  Duke  was  keen  enough  to  penetrate  their  de- 
signs ;  but  he  was  so  skilful  that,  by  his  condescension 
and  mildness,  he  gained  the  good  opinion  of  the  Lisli ; 
and  it  must,  injustice  to  the  Duke,  be  said,  that  the  Acts 
he  passed  during  his  administration  were  very  credit- 
able to  his  memory.     He  brought  t]iem  back  to  their 

*  W.  of  Worcester  :   Stor.-  :   Paston  Letters  ;   Collinson's  Sonaersetsliire  ; 
Lysson's  Mag".  Brit. 

t  Baker  ;   Btow  ;   Sapin  ;   Burdj's  Ireland. 


MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  335 

<lnty ;  and,  without  having  recourse  to  arms,  he  accom- 
modated their  differences  :  nay,  he  did  more  than  this, 
for  he  so  won  their  affections  that  they  ever  afterwards 
remained  faithful  to  his  interests,  and  those  of  his 
family,  even  in  their  greatest  troubles.*  It  was  thus 
the  Duke  of  York  became  all-powerful  amongst  this 
people  ;  add  to  which,  his  vast  possessions  in  Ireland 
increased  his  importance.  He  was  Earl  of  Ulster 
and  Cork,  Lord  of  Connaught,  Clare,  Trim,  and 
Meath,  including  at  least  a  third  of  the  kingdom  hi  his 
inheritance. 

In  accepting  the  office  of  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ire- 
land, the  Duke  had  taken  care  that  it  should  be 
attended  with  all  the  honours  and  power  which  his 
most  distinguished  predecessors  had  enjoyed.  He  had 
stipulated  to  hold  his  government  for  ten  years  ;  to 
receive  the  whole  revenue  of  Ireland  without  account ; 
with  a  pension  annually  of  two  thousand  marks,  and 
the  same  sum  in  advance.  He  was  also  empowered  to 
let  the  King's  lands,  to  dispose  of  all  offices,  to  levy  all 
such  forces  as  he  might  consider  necessary,  to  name 
his  ov/n  Deputy,  and  to  return  to  England  at  his 
pleasure."!' 

Two  rival  powers  at  this  time  contended  for  supre- 
macy amongst  the  Irish,  at  the  head  of  which  were 
the  Earls  of  Desmond  and  Ormond.  Of  these  it  may 
be  observed,  that  the  former  Avas  a  powerful  leader, 
although  his  authority  had  been  acquired  by  a  kind  of 
usurpation  of  the  rights  of  his  nephew. 

The  Earl  of  Ormond,  struggling  amidst  many  diffi- 
culties and  troubles,  had  been  twice  unjustly  accused 
to  Henry  A"I.,  wliose  lenity  and  kindness  to  this  noble- 
man seems  to  have  originated  the  lasting  attachment 

*  stow  :  Speed  ;  Leland's  Ireland  ;  Moore's  Ireland  ;  Lingard ;   Burdj-'s 
Ireland  ;    Rapin  :    Hume  ;   Ellis's  Grig.  Letters, 
f  Leland's  Ireland. 


336  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

of  the  family  of  Butlers  to  the  House  of  Lancaster.* 
The  leaders  of  the  two  opposing  factions  were  chosen 
by  the  Duke  of  York,  upon  the  birth  of  his  son,  George, 
Duke  of  Clarence,  in  the  Castle  of  Dublin,  to  be  the 
sponsors  for  the  child;  which  incident  had  its  full 
effect  on  Desmond,  who  became  confirmed  in  his  ad- 
herence to  the  House  of  York ;  and  by  the  use 
which  the  Duke  of  York  made  of  his  power,  he  enabled 
his  party,  in  the  subsequent  contests  with  the  Lancas- 
trians, to  draw  forces  from  Ireland  to  maintain  their 
cause.  It  is  also  said  that  the  zeal  of  the  Irish  was 
much  augmented  by  the  flattery  of  the  Duke  whenever 
called  upon  to  support  his  cause  in  the  subsequent 
wars. 

The  use  of  the  English  bow  was  much  encouraged 
by  the  Duke  in  Ireland,  and  it  was  enacted  that  every 
one  holding  lands  or  possessions  to  the  value  of  201. 
should  entertain  an  archer,  arrayed  and  horsed  after 
the  English  manner.  This  provision,  though  appa- 
rently designed  for  the  Irish,  was  really  intended  to 
mahitain  the  Duke's  cause  in  England,  whenever  he 
should  openly  assert  his  claims  to  the  Cro^vn.* 

During  the  absence  of  Duke  Richard  in  Ireland  the 
dissensions  at  home  continued,  and  no  attempt  was 
made  to  accommodate  them.  Three  predominant  evils 
still  harassed  the  country,  and  seemed  to  threaten  its 
ruin.  First,  the  misgovernment  of  the  Queen  and  her 
ministers ;  secondly,  the  j^ride  and  evil  passions,  espe- 
cially covetousness,  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal ; 
and  lastly,  the  discontents  of  the  people,  occasioned  by 
the  said  misgovernment.  There  were  many  changes 
in  the  rulers,  and  frequent  commotions  throughout 
England,  which  could  scarcely  be  allayed ;  the  aristo- 
cracy, growing  more  and  more  powerful,  contended 
against  each  other,  and  while  yielding  to  their  hatred 

*  Leland's  Ireland. 


MARGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  337 

and  private  animosities,  the  national  welfare  was  for- 
gotten. 

To  add  to  the  murmurings  of  the  people  at  this 
time,  a  considerable  tax  was  laid  upon  the  citizens  of 
London. 

The  Bishop  of  Chichester,  possibly  discerning  the 
coming  disasters,  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  and 
retired  to  Portsmouth,  where,  on  the  9th  of  January, 
1450,  he  was  cruelly  murdered  by  some  sailors,  said  itso. 
to  have  been  hired  for  that  purpose  by  Richard,  Duke  ^^^^^'^^ 
of  York.  Indeed  the  Duke's  guilt  was  so  apparent, 
that  King  Henry,  two  years  afterwards,  in  his  reply 
to  the  Duke  of  York's  letter  of  complaint,  con- 
fidently alluded  to  it.  It  has  been  suggested  by 
some  writers,  that  the  Duke's  hatred  to  all  who  were 
either  wise  or  valiant  enough  to  uphold  King  Henry, 
prompted  him  to  this  despicable  action,  and  the 
sincerity  of  the  Bishop  could  not  fail  to  be  a  crime  in 
the  eyes  of  York.  This  was  but  one  of  many  perfi- 
dious acts  done  by  the  adherents  or  accomplices  of 
Richard,  while  he  remained  in  Ireland.  The  people 
generally,  however,  appear  to  have  taken  part  in  tliis 
cruel  deed,  since  they  cried  out  that  the  Bishop  was 
"  a  traitor  to  the  King  and  Queen,  and  one  of  the 
"  barterers  of  Normandy." 

Adam  Moleyns,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  who  was  of 
the  baronial  family  of  Moleyns,  was  also  Dean  of 
Sahsbury.  The  old  chroniclers  call  him  "  a  wise  and 
"stout  man."  He  was  one  of  the  ambassadors  wlio, 
conjointly  with  Sir  Robert  Roos  and  others,  had 
agreed  for  the  cession  of  Maine  and  Anjou.'"' 

In  the  same  year,  though  somewhat  later,  the  great  ^^  i45o. 
power  of  Richard,  Duke  of  York,    was  again  made 

*  Adam  Moleyns  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Reginald  Peacock  in  the  bishopric 
of  Chichester.— Stow ;  Speed;  Carte;  IT.  of  Worcester;  Toulmhi;  llowers 
Med.  Hist.  Ang. 


Stow. 


338  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOIT. 

apparent.     In  the  city  of  Gloucester  he  took  Reginald, 
Abbot  of  St.  Peter's,  and  sent  him,  with  others,  to  the 
castle  of  Gloucester.     This  act  was  immediately  on 
the  Duke's  return  from  Ireland.* 
1450.  The  annals  of  this  year  were    filled  with  tragical 

events,  which  exhibited  the  ferocious  spirit  of  the 
times,  and  seemed  to  be  precursors  of  the  coming 
.national  calamities.  One  dark  and  mysterious  page 
relates  the  cruel  destruction  of  William  Ascough, 
Bishop  of  Salisbury.  He  was  descended  from  an 
ancient  family,  seated  at  Kelsey,  in  Lincolnshire.  On 
the  2Gth  of  July,  1438,  he  had  been  consecrated 
to  the  above  see,  in  the  chapel  of  Windsor,  and 
soon  after  appointed  the  King's  confessor ;  this 
being  the  first  instance  of  a  bishop  fulfilling  this 
office. 

Having  occupied  this  see  nearly  twelve  years,  he 
had  become  obnoxious  to  the  Commons  of  Leicester, 
who  pointed  him  out  as  an  object  of  public  resent- 
ment, and  when  the  rebel  Jack  Cade  and  his  followers 
came  to  Edginton,  in  Lincolnshire,  where  the  Bishop 
then  was,  some  of  this  prelate's  own  tenants  joined 
the  rebels,  and  falling  upon  his  carriages,  plundered 
tliem,  carrying  oif  no  less  than  10,000  marks  in 
money.  They  assaulted  the  Bishop  himself  on  the 
following  day,  the  29th  of  June,  1450,  even  whilst 
officiating  at  the  altar  in  his  vestments  ;  and  dragging 
him  away  to  a  neighbouring  hill,  they  barbarously 
murdered  him.  While  kneeling  down  and  offering 
his  last  prayer,  one  of  the  party  clove  his  skull  with  a 
bill ;  then  tearing  his  bloody  shirt  in  pieces,  to  he  pre- 
served in  memory  of  the  action^  they  left  his  body 
naked  on  the  spot.| 

*  stow  ;   Fosbroke's  Gloucestershire. 

t  Stow  ;   Fabian     Speed  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Baker  ;  Liugard  ;    Fuller's 
Worthies. 


MARGARET    OP   ANJOU.  339 

Dr.  Fuller,  in  speaking  of  this  tragedy,  gives  this 
distich : — 

"  By  people's  fury  mitre  thus  cast  down 

"  We  pray  henceforward  God  preserve  the  crown." 

The  motive  for  this  cruel  treatment  is  not  at  first 
apparent.  Bishop  Godwin  cannot  account  for  it ;  but 
Dr.  Fuller  imagines  it  was  because  the  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury was  "learned,  pious,  and  rich,"  three  capital 
crimes  in  a  clergyman ;  and  the  last  of  these  suffi- 
ciently accounted  for  the  horrid  tragedy,  it  being  very 
probable,  that,  having  robbed  the  good  Bishop,  they 
afterwards  murdered  him  to  secure  his  riches. 

When  we  again  consider  the  tearing  of  the  hloody 
sliirt  to  pieces^  to  he  home  away  as  a  trophy  of  the 
act,  it  lioes  not  appear  that  it  was  avarice  which 
actuated  the  murderers.  The  circumstance  of  the 
Bishop's  own  tenants  having  joined  in  the  attack  would 
seem  to  show  that  he  was,  though  perhaps  unjustly, 
held  to  be  a  hauHity  or  cruel  master.* 

Amidst  the  general  dissatisfaction,  which  extended  uapiu. 
itself  even  to  the  members  of  the  Council,  Parliament 
met  to  arrange  the  affairs  of  France,  and  to  devise 
some  means  for  the  recovery  of  their  losses.  The 
Queen  perceived  the  necessity  of  their  assistance  to 
prosecute  the  war  in  France,  lest  they  should  be 
compelled  to  w^ithdraw  from  that  kingdom,  and 
thus  afford  fresh  cause  for  displeasure  to  the  nation. 

The  divisions  in  the  Cabinet  suggested  to  the  mind 
of  Queen  Margaret  that  she  might  obtain  her  object 
with  more  facility  by  the  removal  of  the  Parliament 
to  Leicester,  where  she  hoped  to  find  herself  more 
popular  than  in  London ;  but  her  design  was  so 
earnestly  opposed  by  the  Lords,  that  she  was  compelled 
to  abandon  it,  and  the   meeting   was  held   at  West- 

*  Fuller's  Worthies  ;  Biograph.  Britannica. 


840  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

minster.     The  Lords  assembled  there  were  very  nu- 
merous,   and    it  seems   they  liad   apprehended  some 
secret  plot,  similar  to  that  which  had  led  to  the  fate 
of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.* 
1  i5o.  At  this  meeting  of  Parliament  the  Duke  of  Suffolk 

Hume."^  '  was  accuscd  of  high  treason.  The  articles  of  im- 
peachment were  numerous,  of  which  the  chief  were 
the  following : — 

1st.  His  having  treated  with  the  French  ambas- 
sadors, to  persuade  King  Charles  to  invade  England, 
with  a  view  to  placing  his  own  son,  John,  on  the 
throne,  whom  he  proposed  to  marry  to  Margaret, 
the  daughter  of  John,  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  who, 
it  was  pretended  by  him,  was  next  lawful  heir  to  the 
crown. 

2ndly.  That  he  had  been  bribed  by  the  French  to 
release  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 

3rdly.  Tliat  he  had  advised  the  said  Duke  of 
Orleans,  before  his  departure  from  England,  to  per- 
suade the  King  of  France  to  make  war  in  Normandy, 
by  which  advice  the  English  had  lost  that  province. 

4thly.  That  he  had  agreed  at  the  treaty  of  Tours 
for  the  surrender  of  Maine  and  Anjou,  including  the 
city  of  Mans,  to  the  King  ^f  Sicily  and  his  brother, 
Charles  of  Anjou,  without  the  consent  of  his  asso- 
ciates in  this  embassy ;  and  that,  upon  his  return  to 
England,  he  prevailed  upon  the  King  and  the  Council 
to  perform  his  engagement,  to  their  great  loss  and 
disadvantage. 

5thly.  That  he  had  traitorously  made  known  to 
th«  French,  while  abroad,  the  weakness  of  the  English 
garrisons  in  their  kingdom,  which  information  induced 
them  to  assault  them, 

Gtlily.  That  he  had  betrayed  the  secrets  of  the 
English  Cal»inet  to  their  enemies. 

*  Mall  ;    Ilolinslied  ;    BaJicr  ;    Stow  ;    Rajuii. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  341 

7tlily.  That  he  prevented  the  conchision  of  peace, 
by  betraying  the  purposes  and  instructions  of  the 
ambassadors  sent  to  treat  with  France. 

8thly.  That  he  had  boasted  before  some  lords,  that 
his  influence  and  credit  at  the  French  court  was  as 
great  as  in  England. 

9thiy,  That  he  had,  in  compliance  with  the  views  of 
King  Charles,  by  whom  he  had  been  bribed,  detained 
the  forces  prepared  to  oppose  their  enemies, 

lOthly.  That  he  had  omitted  in  the  treaty  for  the 
truce  the  names  of  tlie  King  of  Arragon  and  the 
Duke  of  Brittany  (both  comprised  on  the  part  of 
France),  by  which  neglect  the  kingdom  was  deprived 
of  both  these  allies.* 

The  Duke  of  Suffolk  came  forward  boldly  to  assert 
his  innocence ;  and  in  answer  to  these  charges  he  gave 
a  formal  denial  to  the  greater  part  of  them,  while  he 
replied  to  others  by  producing  the  written  commands 
of  the  King.  It  was  not  in  vain  that  the  Duke  liad 
taken  the  precaution  to  provide  himself  with  this  in- 
strument. Suffolk  cleared  himself  before  the  Council 
of  all  these  charges,  except  the  last,  which  concerned 
the  King  of  Arragon  and  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  which 
he  still  left  a  mystery ;  yet  the  popular  rage  could  not 
be  appeased. 

The  Commons  sent  up  to  the  Lords,  a  month 
later,  a  new  impeachment,  charging  Suffolk  with  im- 
provident waste  of  the  public  money,  and  of  advising 
the  King  to  impoverish  himself  by  needless  gTants; 
of  bestowing  public  offices  on  disloyal  persons,  and 
of  screening  from  justice  a  notorious  outlaw,  named 
William  Taylboys.  In  neither  of  these  impeach- 
ments was  any  mention  made  of  the  death  of  Glou- 
cester,   which,    by   some,    has   been   considered  as  a 

•  Holmshed  ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Speed  :  Fabian  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Eapin  ; 
Allen's  York ;   Hume;   Villaxet. 


342  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

proof  that  there  was  no  evidence  of  his  having  been 
murdered. 

In  the  House  of  Lords  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  arose 
and  complained  of  the  clamours  raised  against  him. 
He  insisted  on  his  innocence,  and  expressed  his  concern 
that,  after  having  served  his  country  during  thirty-four 
campaigns,  seventeen  of  which  he  had  passed  abroad 
without  seeing  his  native  land ;  after  having  suffered 
in  its  cause  an  imprisonment,  from  which  he  had  only 
been  released  by  paying  a  large  ransom ;  having  lost 
his  father  and  three  brothers  in  the  cause  of  the  Crown, 
that  he  should  be  suspected  of  yielding  to  bribery,  and 
of  betraying  his  sovereign,  who  had  liberally  rewarded 
him  with  the  richest  of  gifts,  and  highest  honours  in 
his  power  to  bestow.*  This  speech,  however,  failed  to 
calm  the  resentment  of  the  Duke's  enemies,  who  were 
rather  provoked  by  it  to  insist  on  the  truth  of  their 
charges ;  yet  these  accusations  were  absurd  and  ill- 
founded,  and  adopted,  rather  upon  the  clamours  of 
the  people,  than  out  of  regard  to  justice  and  truth,  "f 

It  may  be  observed  that  greater  skill  and  prudence 
were  required  for  the  defence  of  the  English  posses- 
sions in  France,  in  the  present  position  of  affairs,  than 
formerly  had  been  necessary  for  Henry  V.  to  acquire 
them ;  but  this  the  people  of  England  did  not  compre- 
hend ;  and  although  they  had  granted  very  willingly 
the  necessary  supplies  for  the  war,  they  complained 
bitterly  of  the  loss  of  their  acquisitions.  It  was  not 
probable  that  a  minister  so  high  in  the  esteem  of  his 
sovereign,  could  abandon  his  foreign  conquests,  and 
invite  the  enemy,  to  assert  his  personal  rights  at  home. 
I'^he  surrender  of  Maine  might  deserve  to  be  censured, 
but  Suffolk  maintained  that  some  of  the  Council  had 

*  Rot.  Pari.  ;  Speed  ;  Lingard  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Villa- 
ret ;   Moustrelet. 

f  Ilowel ;    Ilume  ;   Allen's  York. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  343 

given  their  consent  to  it;  and  tliat,  as  the  English 
could  not  garrison  all  their  fortresses  abroad,  it  was 
proposed  to  contract  their  forces,  and  thus  to  make 
them  more  formidable.  The  subsequent  loss  of  Nor- 
mandy ought  not  to  have  been  ascribed  to  this  sur- 
render, as  it  was  already  open  to  invasion.*  There 
would  be  little  credibihty  in  the  idea  of  a  person  of 
the  rank  and  character  of  Suffolk  endeavouring  to 
obtain  the  crown  for  his  son;  to  effect  which,  he  would 
have  to  call  in  the  arms  of  the  French  to  depose  his 
own  sovereign,  whose  right  had  been  hitherto  uncon- 
troverted,  and  whose  mild  and  inoffensive  manners  had 
made  him  beloved  by  his  subjects.  Queen  Margaret, 
also,  was  far  too  active  and  penetrating  to  suffer  such  a 
purpose  to  escape  her  observation.  Had  she  discovered 
it,  there  is  no  doubt  that  she  would  have  withdrawn  her 
favour  from  such  an  aspiring  person,  even  if  she  had 
not  resented  it  by  inflicting  some  severe  punishment ; 
but  the  Queen  remained  the  patroness  of  the  Duke, 
and  sought  to  screen  him  from  the  rage  of  the  people. f 
It  was  also  proved  by  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  before  the 
peers,  that  Margaret  of  Somerset,  to  whom,  it  was 
said,  he  proposed  to  marry  his  son,  had  no  title  to  the 
Crown ;  and  he  also  appealed  to  some  of  those  who 
were  present,  and  who  were '  acquainted  with  his  inten- 
tion of  uniting  his  son  to  one  of  the  co-heirs  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  had  he  not  been  disappointed  in 
doing  so  by  the  death  of  that  lady.  The  losses  in 
France  were  accounted  for  by  the  negligence  of  the 
English  ministers,  and  the  people's  discontent,  which 
caused  the  foreign  affairs  to  be  forgotten,  or  but  ill 
attended  to,  while  King  Charles  was  improving  his 
states  and  preparing  for  war. 

To   appease  the  Commons,  the  Queen  caused  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk  to  be  sent  to  the  Tower  ;  and  thinking 

♦  Hume ;  Croj  land  Cont.  t  W.  of  Worcester. 


344  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

that  tills  would  satisfy  them,  she  soon  afterwards 
ordered  him  to  be  released,  when  he  was  received 
into  his  former  favour  at  court.  It  appears,  however, 
that  from  this  time  Suffolk,  dreading  the  popular  resent- 
ment, usually  went  out  with  a  guard  to  protect  him. 

The  news  of  the  Duke's  liberation  gave  occasion  for 
a  sedition  in  Kent ;  but  this  was  soon  appeased."^'' 
14.00.  The  Queen,  in  April  this  year,  procured  an  adjoum- 

Lettei'i.  mcut  of  the  Parliament  to  Leicester,  fearing  that  the 
enemies  of  Suffolk  would  persist  in  impeaching  him. 
At  this  meeting  the  Duke  appeared,  in  attendance  on 
the  King  and  Queen,  in  quality  of  Prime  Minister, 
which  gave  great  offence  to  the  Commons,  as  it 
seemed  to  be  done  in  contempt  of  them ;  nor  were 
they  slow  in  resenting  this  conduct.  They  came  for- 
ward in  a  body  to  petition  the  King  to  punish  all 
those  persons  who  had  been  instrumental  in  the  sur- 
render of  Normandy,  and  they  accused  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  John,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  Lord  Say,  and 
others.  As  there  appeared  no  other  means  of  quieting 
the  people,  the  King  removed  Lord  Say,  (Treasurer  of 
England,)  from  office,  and  also  the  other  adherents  of 
Suffolk. 

The  Duke  was,  meanwhile,  reserved  for  a  severer 
fate.  His  ruin  seemed  to  be  determined  by  the  Com- 
mons, and  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  punish  him, 
or  to  engage  in  an  open  quarrel  with  that  House ;  the 
Queen,  therefore,  judging  that  any  sentence  passed  at 
such  a  moment  must,  necessarily,  be  a  severe  one, 
endeavoured  to  save  the  Duke  from  some  part  of  the 
punishment  which  might,  probably,  be  intended  for 
him,  by  preventing  a  formal  sentence. 

The  King  assembled  his  Lords  in  his  own  apartment, 
and  caused  the  Duke  to  appear  before  them,  when  he 

•  Holinshed  ;    Baker  ;    Biondi ;    Hall  ;    Stow  ;   Speed  ;    Paston  Letters  ; 
Pol,  Vergil ;   Rapiu  ;   Hume  ;   W.  of  Worcester  ;   Baudier  ;   Villaret. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  345 

demanded  of  him  what  he  could  urge  in  his  defence. 
The  Duke  of  Suffolk  denied  the  charge,  but  threw  him- 
self on  the  mercy  of  the  King,  upon  which  King  Henry- 
passed  upon  him  sentence  of  banishment  for  the  period 
of  five  years.* 

Durino^  the  trial  of  Suffolk,  the  people  were  in  a      ^^^o. 
state  ot  great  agitation ;  and  when  the  sentence  was  Lin-ani ; 
made  known  to  them,  they  openly  threatened  the  life     "™^" 
of  the  Duke,  and  a  party  of  2,000  men  even  attempted 
to  intercept  him  in  his  way  from  prison  ;  but  they  only 
succeeded  in  seizing  his  horse,  and  ill-treating  his  ser- 
vants, and  the  Duke  proceeded  to  his  estates  in  Suffolk.")" 
Finding  that  his  banishment  was  his  only  means  of 
safety  from  the  rage  of  the  populace,   the  Duke  of 
Suffolk  hastened  to  embark.:j: 

When  about  to  depart  his  country,  he  assembled  all 
the  knights  and  esquires  of  his  neighbourhood,  and 
took  oath  on  the  sacrament,  in  their  presence,  that  he 
was  not  guilty  of  the  crimes  of  which  he  had  been 
accused.  He  also  wrote  an  eloquent  and  affectionate 
letter  to  his  son  ;  and  we  are  assured  by  one  of  our 
historians,  that  "  whoever  has  read  this  affecting  com- 
position will  find  it  difficult  to  persuade  himself  that 
the  writer  could  have  been  either  a  false  subject  or  a 
bad  man.":]:  Judging  from  historic  facts  onJy^  it  still 
appears  that  Suffolk  had  been  in  some  way  implicated 
in  Gloucester's  removal  from  court,  if  not  in  his 
death, §  probably  being  influenced  by  the  Cardinal  of 
Winchester.  He  might  have  been  ensnared  into  some 
measures  which  his  heart  and  conscience  did  not 
approve,  for  the  epistle  of  this  nobleman  to  his  son 
bears  evident  marks  of  a  penitent  mind,   and  of  an 

*  Sandford  ;   Paston  Letters  ;   Howel ;   Stow  ;    Speed  ;   Rapin  ;  Hiune  ; 
Henry ;  Allen's  York  ;  Baudier  ;  Villaret. 
f  Lingard  ;   Hall  ;   W.  of  Worcester. 
X  Rapin  ;   Henrj' ;  Allen's  York. 
§  Lingard  ;   Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester 


346  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOIT. 

anxious  desire  to  preserve  liis  son  from  the  con- 
sequences of  sucli  evil  counsels  and  designs  as  he  had 
himself  fallen  under.     The  letter  is  as  follows  : — 

"  My  dear  and  only  well-beloved  Son, — I  beseech 
"  our  Lord  in  Heaven,  the  Maker  of  all  the  world,  to 
"  bless  you,  and  to  send  you  ever  grace  to  love  Him, 
"  and  to  dread  Him ;  to  the  which,  as  far  as  a  father 
"  may  charge  his  child,  I  both  charge  you  and  pray 
"  you  to  set  all  your  spirits  and  wits  to  do  and  to  know 
"  His  holy  laws  and  commandments,  by  the  which  ye 
"  shall,  with  His  great  mercy,  pass  all  the  great 
"  tempests  and  troubles  of  this  wretched  world." 

"  And  that  also,  weetingly,  ye  do  nothing  for  love 
"  nor  dread  of  any  earthly  creature  that  should  dis- 
"  please  Him.  And  there  as  [whenever)  any  frailty 
"  maketh  you  to  fall,  beseech  His  mercy  soon  to  call  you 
"  to  Him  again  with  repentance,  satisfaction,  and  contri- 
"  tion  of  your  heart,  never  more  in  will  to  offend  him." 

"  Secondly,  next  Him,  above  all  earthly  things,  to  be 
"  true  liegeman  in  heart,  in  will,  in  thought,  in  deed 
"  unto  the  King,  our  aldermost  {greatest)  high  and 
"  dread  sovereign  lord,  to  whom  both  ye  and  I  be 
' '  so  much  bound  to ;  charging  you,  as  father  can  and 
"  may,  rather  to  die  than  to  be  the  contrary,  or  to 
"  know  anything  that  were  against  the  welfare  or  pro- 
"  sperity  of  his  most  royal  person :  but  that,  as  far  as 
"  your  body  and  life  may  stretch,  ye  hve  and  die  to 
"  defend  it,  and  to  let  His  Highness  have  knowledge 
"  tliereof  in  all  the  haste  you  can." 

"  Thirdly,  in  the  same  wise  I  charge  you,  my  dear 
"  son,  alway  as  ye  be  bounden  by  the  commandment 
"  of  God  to  do,  to  love,  to  worship  your  Lady  and 
"  Mother;  and  also  that  ye  obey  alway  her  commaud- 
"  ments,  and  to  believe  lier  counsels  and  advices  in  all 
"  your  works,  the  wliich  dread  not  but  shall  be  best 
"  and  truest  to  you." 


MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  347 

"  And  if  any  other  body  would  steer  you  to  the  con- 
"  trary  to  flee  the  counsel  in  any  wise,  for  ye  shall  find 
"  it  nought  and  evil." 

"  Furthermore,  as  far  as  father  may  and  can,  I  charge 
"  you  in  any  wise  to  flee  the  company  and  counsel 
"  of  proud  men,  of  covetous  men,  and  of  flattering 
"  men,  the  more  especially  and  mightily  to  withstand 
"  them,  and  not  to  draw  nor  to  meddle  witli  them, 
"  with  all  your  might  and  power;  and  to  draw  to  you, 
"  and  to  your  company,  good  and  virtuous  men,  and 
"  such  as  be  of  good  conversation  and  of  truth,  and 
"  by  them  shall  ye  never  be  deceived  nor  repent 
"  ye  of." 

"  Moreover,  never  follow  your  own  wit  in  no  wise, 
"  but  in  all  your  works,  of  such  folks  as  I  write  of 
"  above,  ask  your  advice  and  counsel,  and  doing  thus, 
"  with  the  mercy  of  God,  ye  shall  do  right  well, 
"  and  live  in  right  much  worship,  and  great  heart's 
"  rest  and  ease." 

"  And  I  v/iH  be  to  you  as  good  Lord  and  Father  as 
"  my  heart  can  think." 

"  And  last  of  all,  as  heartily  and  as  lovingly  as  ever 
"  father  blessed  his  child  in  earth,  I  give  you  the  bless- 
"  ing  of  our  Lord  and  of  me,  which,  of  His  infinite 
"  mercy,  increase  you  in  all  virtue  and  good  living ; 
"  and  that  your  blood  may,  by  his  grace,  from  kindred 
"  to  kindred  multiply  in  this  earth  to  His  service  in 
"  such  wise,  as  after  the  departing  from  this  wretched 
"  world  here,  ye  and  they  may  glorify  him  eternally 
"  amongst  his  angels  in  heaven," 

"Written  of  mine  hand, 

"  The  day  of  my  departing  from  this  land," 

"  Your  true  and  loving  fatlier," 

"April,  1450,  "Suffolk."* 

"  28  Henry  VL" 

*  Paston  Letters. 


348  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

The  Duke  of  Suffolk  had  so  incurred  the  hatred  of 
the  English  nation  that  he  was  regarded  with  equal 
detestation  by  all  ranks  in  the  kingdom.  The  nobility 
were  envious  of  his  exaltation  to  the  premiership,  and 
of  the  great  favour  shown  him  at  court,  and  they  could 
not  bear  to  behold  the  preference  given  to  one  of  infe- 
rior birth  to  themselves,  and  who  was  but  the  descen- 
dant of  a  merchant.  His  immense  acquisitions  also 
excited  their  envy,  and  as  they  took  from  the  Cro^^^l 
(already  reduced  to  the  most  shameful  povert}^),  they 
appeared,  even  to  the  indifferent,  to  be  highly  cen- 
surable. The  people,  already  exasperated  at  the  Duke's 
supposed  share  in  procuring  the  death  of  Gloucester, 
complained  of  his  arbitrary  measures,  and  of  the  injus- 
tice of  his  conduct.  It  may,  however,  be  observed, 
that  Suffolk  and  his  associates  in  the  ministry  were 
compelled  to  adopt  some  measures  which,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  vulgar,  might  appear  unnecessary,  owing  to  the 
impoverished  state  of  the  revenues  of  the  Crown,  and 
their  load  of  debt,  amounting  to  £372,000,  which 
could  not  be  discharged ;  and  the  purveyors  of  the 
King,  for  the  support  of  his  household,  were  even 
compelled  to  become  exorbitant  upon  the  people,  and 
to  extend  their  demands  to  the  utmost  of  their  pre- 
rogative.* 
1450.  The  Duke  of  Suffolk  sailed  from  Ipswich  with  two 

small  vessels  and  a  little  spinner.  Tliis  last  the  Duke 
sent  forward  with  letters,  by  some  of  his  most  faithful 
servants,  towards  Calais,  to  ascertain  how  he  might  be 
received  there ;  but  danger  awaited  him  even  in  his 
flight  from  liis  native  land.  His  enemies,  perceiving 
that  he  still  possessed  the  Queen's  confidence,  and  that 
tlie  irregular  proceedings  were  intended  for  his  preser- 
vation— -judging,  also,  that  it  was  probable  he  would, 
on  the    first   opportunity,   be    restored  to   his  former 

*  Hume. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  349 

dignities  and  favour  at  court — engaged  the  captain  of 
a  vessel  of  war  to  waylay  him  on  his  passage  to 
France.*  This  vessel,  carrying  150  men,  had  other 
ships  in  company,  and  its  master  having  met  the  little 
spinner  on  its  way,  learnt  of  the  coming  of  the  Duke. 
The  ships  of  Suffolk  were  captured,  and  the  Duke 
himself  ordered  on  board  the  Nicholas  of  the  Tower ^ 
one  of  the  largest  vessels  in  the  navy,  belonging  to  the 
Duke  of  Exeter,  Constable  of  the  Tower. 

Suffolk  inquired  the  name  of  the  ship  ;  and  on  hear- 
ing it,  he  remembered  the  words  of  Stacy,  who  had 
foretold  of  him,  that  "  if  he  might  escape  the  danger  of 
the  Tower  he  should  be  safe ;"  and  his  heart  failed 
him,  believing  himself  deceived. 

When  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  entered  this  vessel,  he 
was  received  with  the  awful  salutation  of  "  Welcome, 
traitor !  "  He  remained  two  nights  on  board,  during 
which  time  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King,  had  much 
converse  with  his  confessor,  and  was  compelled  to 
submit  to  a  mock  trial  before  the  sailors,  who  passed 
sentence  of  death  upon  him.  He  was,  upon  the  second 
morning,  let  down  into  a  small  boat  alongside  the 
vessel,  which  was  furnished  with  a  block,  a  rusty 
sword,  and  an  executioner,  who,  after  requiring  him  to 
die  like  a  knight,  at  the  sixth  blow  struck  off  his  head. 
The  sailors  next  seized  his  gown  of  russet  and  his 
doublet  of  velvet  mailed,  and  the  body,  thus  stripped, 
was  laid  upon  the  sands  near  Dover,  and  his  head, 
fixed  upon  a  pole,  was  set  by  it.  The  hatred  of  the 
murderers  of  this  nobleman  was  only  directed  against 
him  personally,  and  did  not -extend  to  his  followers, 
who  were  permitted  to  disembark  unhurt.  The  atten- 
dants of  the  Duke,  placing  themselves  by  the  remains 
of  their  master,  offered  up  their  prayers.     Then  the 

*  Holinshed  ;   Hall  ;   Sandford  ;    Baker  ;   Stow  ;    Paston   Letters  ;   Pol. 
Vergil ;   Fabian  ;   Speed  ;   Allen's  York  ;   Lingard  ;   Henrr. 


350  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Sheriff  of  Kent  watched  the  body  while  he  dismissed 
the  Under-Sheriff  to  the  judges,  and  then  to  the  King, 
for  some  commands  respecting  it. 

The  Duke's  remains  were  afterwards  dehvered  to 
his  widow,  and  buried  in  the  collegiate  church  of 
Wingiield,  in  Suffolk.* 

Thus  perished  one  of  Queen  Margaret's  first  friends 
in  England;  yet  he  had  occasioned  her  many  misfor- 
tunes. 

There  was  no  inquiry  made  after  the  perpetrators 
of  this  illegal  act.  The  death  of  Suffolk  was  regarded 
by  some  persons  as  a  just  punishment  from  God  for 
procuring  the  murder  of  Gloucester.  His  guilt,  how- 
ever, in  this  affair  has  not  been  proved ;  and  if 
this  accusation  was  unjust,  still  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  he  caused  many  evils  to  his  country,  and 
to  his  ill  conduct  must  be  attributed  the  repeated 
losses  in  France.  He  had  nevertheless  previously 
distinguished  himself  for  twenty-four  years  at  the 
head  of  the  English  armies  in  France,  had  gained 
many  signal  victories,  and,  on  the  death  of  the  Earl 
of  Salisbury  at  the  siege  of  Orleans,  the  chief  com- 
mand devolved  on  Suffolk,  and  he  vigorously  continued 
the  siege. 

When  the  English  were  defeated  before  Orleans,  and 
subsequently,  when  many  disasters  befel  them,  Suffolk 
exhibited  much  bravery.  He  was  at  one  time  taken 
prisoner,  but  soon  released  in  exchange  for  one  of  the 
French  nobility,  of  whom  many  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  English. I 

The  King  and  Queen  were  both  grieved  at  the  death 

*  By  some,  however,  it  has  been  said  that  he  was  interred  at  Kingston- 
npon-Hull.  His  effigies  in  armour,  carved  in  wood,  painted  and  gilt,  were 
placed  npon  his  altar-tomb. — HoVinslicd ;  Balier ;  Paston  Letters;  Hall; 
Scindford ;  \V.  of  Wor center ;  Stow;  Pol.  Vergil;  Fuhian;  London  Cliron,; 
Henry;  Lingard;  Allen's  York. 

f  Rapiu ;  Holinshed ;  Speed ;  Allen's  York. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  351 


of  Suffolk.  Queen  Margaret  was  much  enraged  at  the 
manner  in  which  this  deed  was  effected,  and  even 
threatened  to  be  revenged,  especially  on  the  people  of 
Kent ;  and  this  threat,  we  are  told,  became  a  plea  for 
a  formidable  rebellion,  which  took  place  not  long  after 
in  that  county.* 

The  death  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  appears  to  have 
been  effected  by  a  party  who  had  sworn  his  destruc- 
tion. This  party  consisted  of  some  of  the  first  persons 
in  the  kingdom,  and  whose  vengeance  was  not  to  be 
averted  by  the  failure  of  his  prosecution,  or  by  his 
escape  from  the  mob,  who  attempted  to  intercept  him 
in  his  way  from  prison.  Of  the  motives  of  these 
persons  we  are  left  in  ignorance. 

It  has  been  conjectured  by  some  writers  that  the 
enemies  of  the  Duke,  and  who  procured  his  death, 
were  those  ambitious  nobles  who  envied  him  for  the 
preference  shown  him  in  the  Council  chamber.  Others 
have  concluded  that  he  was  removed  through  the 
policy  of  the  Duke  of  York,  because  his  presence  was 
a  bar  to  the  attainment  of  his  views ;  and  in  support 
of  this  opinion  they  allege  that  some  of  the  noblemen, 
who  afterwards  actively  espoused  the  cause  of  York, 
came  to  the  Parliament  at  Leicester,  at  which  Suffolk  was 
impeached,  with  hundreds  of  their  retainers  in  arms.f 

If  we  admit  the  agency  of  Suffolk  in  the  murder  of 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  we  at  once  account  for  many 
of  the  irregular  and  apparently  mysterious  proceedings 
of  the  nobility  of  that  period,  and  which,  until  the 
principles  and  motives  which  influenced  them  be  ex- 
plained, cannot  be  at  all  understood.  The  Duke  of 
York  was  the  friend  of  Gloucester,  and  it  is  probable 
that  he  might  have  resented  the  treatment  sho\\Ti  him ; 
and  upon  his  death,  when  a  new  path  appeared  to  be 
laid  open  to  his  ambition,  which  he  resolved  to  pursue, 

*  Henry  ;    Li"gard.  f  Lingard  ;    Paston  Letters. 


352  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

lie  might  have  endeavoured  to  remove  one  obstacle  to 
his  views  in  the  person  of  Suffolk,  when,  by  so  doing, 
he  might  think  he  was  only  inflicting  a  just  punish- 
ment on  the  murderer  of  his  friend.  This  was  but  one 
instance  of  the  summary  vengeance  to  which  Duke 
Richard  had  recourse,  and  it  was  peculiar  to  his  times. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  long  enjoyed  the  favour 
and  affections  of  the  people,  and  it  was  the  earnest  de- 
sire of  York  to  obtain  these  also ;  but  he  had  been 
twice  depreciated  in  their  eyes  by  one  who  had  already 
incurred  his  resentment. 

He  had  been  removed  from  his  Regency  in  France 
to  make  way  for  his  rival,  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  and 
afterwards  dismissed  into  Ireland  to  quell  a  rebellion 
there,  with  inadequate  forces ;  and  both  of  these  mea- 
sures originated  with  Suffolk.^'' 

These  causes  would  seem  to  account  for  the  re- 
moval of  Suffolk  by  the  agency  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
especially  as  he  was  himself  in  Ireland,  which  pre- 
vented suspicion  falling  on  him,  while  his  two  great 
friends,  Warwick  and  Mowbray,  with  their  armed  re- 
tainers, seemed  to  have  prepared  themselves  for  resist- 
ance at  Leicester,  should  any  suspicion  rest  on  them, 
or  should  the  Queen  or  her  party  seek  to  revenge 
themselves  for  this  murder. 

There  appears  to  have  been  a  premeditated  scheme 
to  destroy  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  as  these  noblemen 
arriving  at  Leicester  previous  to  this  murder,  they 
seem  to  have  awaited  its  results,  and  agreeably  to  a 
previous  acquaintance  with  this  design.  Both  the 
Commons  and  people  hated  the  Duke.  The  Queen  and 
her  party  alone  sought  to  defend  him ;  and,  as  the  last 
means  for  his  safety,  suddenly  came  to  the  resolution 
to  banish  him  the  realm. 

The  haste  and  secrecy  observed  in  the  execution  of 

*  Baker. 


MABGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  353 

this  determination,  and  the  King's  private  council,  would 
make  it  probable  that  the  Queen  had  discovered  some 
fresh  cause  for  alarm.  The  people  and  the  Commons 
had,  neither  of  them,  concerted  any  general  plan  by 
which  to  get  rid  of  their  enemy.  The  capture  of  the 
vessel  also  must  have  been  by  a  very  superior  force  to 
that  of  Suffolk,  as  his  attendants  did  not  make  the 
least  resistance,  and  yet  they  were  attached  to  his 
person,  as  appears  evident  from  their  conduct  when 
put  on  shore.* 

This  powerful  rival  of  York  being  removed  while 
he  was  in  Ireland,  engaged  in  pacifying  the  Irish,  the 
Duke  continued  to  receive  from  his  friends  particular 
accounts  of  the  proceedings  in  England,  where  his  secret 
agents  contrived  to  serve  him  by  extolling  his  merits 
to  the  people,  and  by  reminding  them  of  the  King's 
incapacity  and  of  the  Queen's  arbitrary  government. 
These  representations  had  the  more  weight,  as  the  ge- 
neral discontent  increased  on  the  subject  of  the  losses 
in  Normandy,  and  the  Duke's  party  was  augmented 
daily,  while  Richard  thus  cherished  the  displeasure 
of  the  nation  instead  of  redressing  their  wTongs.f 

The  Queen,  perceiving  that  the  dissatisfaction,  so 
general  in  the  country,  arose  partly  from  the  repeated 
losses  abroad,  despatched  a  reinforcement  of  1,500  men 
to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  under  the  command  of  Sir 
Thomas  Keriel.  These  forces  were  joined  by  many 
other  troops,  with  their  leaders,  from  the  English  gar- 
risons, which  much  augmented  their  numbers ;  but 
they  were  met  by  the  Constable  Richmont  at  Four- 
migni,  where,  after  having  defended  themselves  with 
great  valour,  they  were  entirely  routed  and  their  com- 
mander taken  prisoner. :[: 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Allen's  York, 
t  Hall ;   Howel's  Med.  Ang.  ;    Rapin. 

X  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Baker  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Anque- 
til  ;   Monstrelet ;   Villaret. 

VOL.    I.  ■^  ■* 


354  MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU. 

Somerset,  who  had  retired  to  Caen  after  the  sur- 
render of  Rouen,  was  now  left  without  resource.  King 
Charles's  forces  surrounded  that  city,  led  on  by  his 
most  skilful  generals,  and  amongst  them  the  Constable, 
who  had  just  been  victorious  at  Fourmlgni.  There 
came  also  the  Counts  Dunois,  Clermont,  d'Eu,  and 
Nevers,  with  the  different  armies  of  France.  They 
had  already  conquered  Harfleur,  Bayeux,  Honfleur, 
Avranches,  and  other  cities,  and  now  they  were  joined 
by  the  King,  who  came  to  besiege  in  person  the  city  of 
Caen,  attended  by  the  King  of  Sicily,  the  Dukes  of 
Calabria,  Alen^on,  St.  Pol,  and  many  others. 

The  besieged  were  well  supplied  with  provisions  and 
ammunition,  and  a  long  siege  was  expected.* 

It  was  in  vain  for  the  Duke  to  resist  these  united 
forces,  yet  with  but  little  hope  the  English  defended 
themselves,  and  with  much  skill  and  courage  per- 
severed in  repulsing  their  assailants.  The  walls 
sustained  some  damage,  but  the  castle,  which  was 
situated  on  a  rock,  and  had  within  it  a  dungeon 
which  was  inaccessible,  received  no  injury. 

Sir  Robert  Veer  was  captain  of  the  castle,  Sir  Henry 
Bedford  of  the  dungeon,  while  Sir  David  Hall,  who 
had  been  appointed  to  the  care  of  the  city  under  the 
Duke  of  York,  was  still  permitted  to  retain  this  office. 
It  happened  that  while  the  cannonading  of  the  city 
was  continued  daily,  in  a  manner  that  was  more 
alarming  than  dangerous,  a  stone  shot  fell  in  the 
town,  and,  as  it  chanced,  came  between  the  Duchess 
of  Somerset  and  her  children,  which  so  terrified  this 
lady  that  she  implored  her  husband,  on  her  knees,  to 
have  compassion  on  his  family,  and  to  procure  their 
safe  departure  from  the  city.f  Whether  the  Duke  was 
influenced  by  the  persuasions  of  his  wife,  or  foresaw 

*  Barante  ;  Baker  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Rapin  ;  Villaret ;  Anquetil. 
t  noUnshed  ;   HaU. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  356 

that  the  city  must  soon  surrender,  (for  it  was  on  the 
eve  of  being  taken  by  storm,)  the  Duke  resolved  to 
capitulate,  and  it  is  said  that  he  did  so  contrary  to  the 
advice  of  the  other  governors,  who  declared  tliat  it 
was  not  yet  time  to  think  of  yielding.*  The  city  was 
saved  the  horrors  of  an  assault,  and  by  the  clemency 
of  King  Charles,  the  Duke  and  his  family,  and  all  the 
garrison  were  permitted  to  depart,  leaving  only  their 
artillery  and  300  cro^vns.f 

Sir  David  Hall,  who  had  been  always  faithful  and 
diligent  in  his  trust,  and  who  would  have  still  defended 
the  town  if  others  had  supported  him,  now  remember- 
ing the  interests  of  his  former  master,  the  Duke  of 
York,  departed  with  some  of  his  trusty  friends  to 
Cherbourg,  and  there  embarking,  sailed  for  Ireland, 
where  he  recounted  to  this  nobleman  the  unfortunate 
issue  of  the  war  and  the  loss  of  Caen.  This  recital 
served  to  excite  still  more  an^-er  and  hatred  asrainst 
the  Duke  of  Somerset  in  the  heart  of  one  already  suffi- 
ciently his  enemy,  and  who  never  afterwards  ceased  to 
persecute  him  until  his  enmity  was  silenced  in  the  toml).|: 

The  remainder  of  Normandy  was  soon  subdued,  and 
after  two  campaigns  the  King  of  France  beheld  him- 
self master  of  this  province.  Not  one  town  now 
belonged  to  the  English  of  all  their  fair  possessions. 

The  duties  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset  being  ended,  he 
returned  to  England  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  con- 
tentions so  general,  to  supply  the  place  of  Suffolk  in 
the  hatred  of  the  people,  and  to  be  equally  confirmed 
in  the  good  opinion  of  Queen  Margaret. § 

It  was  during  the  same  year  in  which  the  French 
had  been  so  triumphant,  and  had  recovered  entirely  a 

•  Holinshed  ;   Hall  ;   Rapin  ;   Barante  ;   Villaret. 
f  Baker  ;    Stow  ;   Olivier  de  la  Marche  ;  ilonstrelet. 
J  Hall  ;    History  of  Shrewsbury. 

§  Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Sandford  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;   W.  of 
Worcester. 

A  A  2 


356  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

province  whicli  tlie  English  had  been  possessed  of  for 
thirty  years,  that  the  discontents  of  the  Enghsh  nation, 
hitherto  confined  to  complaints  and  menaces,  and  only 
vented  upon  individuals,  broke  out  into  open  rebellion. 
The  Queen's  credit  had  sensibly  declined,  since,  not- 
withstanding her  threats,  she  could  devise  no  means  of 
punishing  those  who  had  been  the  murderers  of  Suf- 
folk. She  appears  to  have  been  left  at  this  period  to 
stand  alone  at  the  helm  of  government,  and  she  is  said 
to  have  shown  great  firmness  during  the  troubles  with 
which  she  had  to  contend.* 

The  war  was  apparently  at  an  end,  a  truce  having 
been  concluded ;  yet  the  minds  of  the  chief  nobility 
were  agitated  continually,  and  none  of  them  obtained 
the  peace  which  th^y  had  been  so  long  anticipating. 

Tliis  was  owing,  as  we  are  informed,  to  the  great 
lenity  of  the  King,  who,  had  he  shown  greater  firm- 
ness and  exerted  his  regal  authority,  might  have  over- 
ruled all  ranks  and  composed  their  differences.! 
1450.  A  bill  at  this  time  was  passed  in  the  Lower  House 

to  attaint  the  memory  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  and 
another  to  remove  the  Duke  of  Somerset  from  Court, 
and  also  tlie  Duchess  of  Suifolk  and  most  of  the  friends 
of  the  King;  but  King  Henry  would  not  give  his 
assent  to  the  first.  This  bill  was  expressed  in  the 
language  of  the  Kentisli  insurgents,  viz.: — "  That  Suf- 
folk had  been  the  cause  of  the  arrest  and  death  of 
Gloucester,  and  of  abridging  the  days  of  other  princes 
of  the  blood."  While  the  Duke  was  alive  they  dared 
not  to  bring  forward  these  charges,  whicli  has  been 
considered  as  a  proof  of  the  innocence  of  Suffolk. 
Thus  began  to  appear  the  rebellious  spirit  which 
marked  these  times.  J 

*  Sandford  ;   Rapin  :   Hume  :   Henry  ;   Barante  ;   Villaret ;   Holinshed. 
t  Baudier  ;   Milles's  Catalogue, 
J  Rot.  Pari. ;   Lingard. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  357 

It  has  been  maintained  by  many  historians  that  the      ur,o 
Duke    of  York,   fearing   openly  to  lay  claim  to  the  ^i^!^Z\ 
crown,    wished,    during   his   stay   in   Ireland,   to   try  "'"""  = 
the  dispositions  or   the  people  towards  himself,   and  i^stu-r^; 
thus  to  judge  of  the  probability  of  his  future   sue-  chron." 
cess ;    to  this  end  he  instigated  an  Irishman,  named 
Cade,  of  low  extraction  and  of  desperate  character,  to 
become  the  leader  of  a  rebelhon  amongst  the  Kentish- 
men.     Jack  Cade  had  formerly  been  in  the  service  of 
Sir  Thomas  Dacre,  and  had  fled  to  France  to  escape 
punishment  for  a  murder  of  which  he  had  been  con- 
victed.    While  abroad  he  had  served  in  the  French 
armies,  and  had  acquired   some   skill  and  experience 
in  military  affairs ;    and  his  naturally  bold  and  adven- 
turous spirit  well  fitted  him  for  the  leader  of  a  rebel- 
lious people.     To  give  importance  to  his  enterprise, 
Cade  assumed  the  name  of  John  Mortimer,   of  the 
House  of  March ;  and  endeavoured,  as  it  is  believed,  to 
•pass  himself  off  for  the  son  of  the  nobleman  of  that 
name,  who  had  been,  in  the  former  reign,  condemned 
and  executed  for  high  treason. 

In  the  present  disaffection  to  the  government,  num- 
bers were  ready  to  listen  to  any  one  who  would 
promise  to  redress  their  grievances  ;  and  the  friends 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  who  were  numerous  in  the 
county  of  Kent,  soon  rallied  round  the  adventurer 
who  had  assumed  so  popular  a  name.*  Cade  thus 
assembled  great  numbers,  pretending  that  his  object 
was  a  reformation  in  the  government,  and  the  relief 
of  the  people  ;  and  he  assured  his  followers  that  his 
enterprise  was  both  "  honourable  to  God  and  the  King, 
and  profitable  to  the  whole  realm."  He  also  added, 
that  should  the  King  or  Queen  fall  into  their  hands, 
they  should  be  treated  with  respect.  The  army  of 
this  adventurer  was  speedily  augmented  to  the  num- 

•  Holinshed  ;   Hall ;   Sandford ;   Baker  ;   Hume  ;   Eapin  ;   Villaret. 


358  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

ber  of  20,000 ;  and  with  these  he  proceeded  to  Black- 
heath,  and  there  encamped.  The  King  sent  to  the 
insurgents,  to  demand  the  occasion  of  their  taking  up 
arms ;  and  received  for  answer,  that  they  designed  no 
harm  to  their  sovereign,  but  that  they  desired  to 
petition  Parhament  to  punish  bad  ministers,  and  to 
show  more  regard  for  the  happiness  of  the  people. 
The  King  marched  against  these  rebels  with  an  army 
of  more  than  15,000  men ;  but,  upon  his  approach, 
Cade  retreated  to  Sevenoaks,  and  there  lay  in  am- 
bush ;  while  Henry,  supposing  that  they  had  fled 
through  fear,  returned  to  the  city,  and  contented  him- 
self with  sending  a  small  force  against  them,  under 
the  command  of  Lord  Staftbrd.  These  troops  were 
surprised  by  the  insurgents,  and  defeated ;  their  leader 
was  slain,  and  Cade  arrayed  himself  in  the  armour 
of  that  knight.  At  first  the  petitions  of  the  insur- 
gents were  regarded  as  seditious,  and  only  to  be 
silenced  by  force  of  arms  ;  they  were  now  considered 
to  be  more  reasonable.  The  rebels  even  inquired  why 
they  should  fight  against  their  own  countrymen,  see- 
ing they  were  but  asserting  their  national  rights  ? 
Two  petitions  had  been  presented  already  by  Cade, 
containing  the  demands  of  his  followers.  They  were 
called  "  the  complaints  of  the  Commons  of  Kent,"  and 
"  the  requests  of  the  captain  of  the  great  assembly  in 
Kent."  They  represented  the  grievances  of  the 
country,  viz.,  that  the  King  designed  to  punish  the 
people  of  Kent  for  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk, 
of  which  they  were  innocent ;  that  he  gave  aw^ay  the 
revenue  of  the  crown,  and  maintained  himself  by  tax- 
ing the  Commons  ;  that  the  lords  of  the  blood-royal 
were  excluded  from  the  Cabinet,  while  men  of  low 
extraction  were  admitted  to  supply  their  places ;  that 
the  sheriffs,  collectors,  and  others,  were  insupportable 
extortioners ;  and  that  in  the  election  of  knights  the 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  359 

commoners  did  not  obtain  their  just  influence.  In 
short,  that  justice  was  not  duly  and  speedily  ad- 
ministered. 

They  demanded  that  the  relatives  of  Suifolk  should 
be  banished  from  court;  and  that  the  King  should 
receive  into  favour  the  Dukes  of  York,  Exeter,  Buck- 
ingham, and  Norfolk,  with  other  earls  and  barons. 
They  required  the  punishment  of  all  who  had  shared 
in  the  destruction  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  of 
those  who  had  been  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  Maine, 
Anjou,  and  Normandy,  as  well  as  of  several  well- 
known  traitors,  called  Slegge,  Cromer,  Lisle,  and 
Robert  Este.  These  petitions  also  contained  many 
assurances  of  loyalty  and  aftection  to  the  King,  in 
whose  service  they  professed  themselves  willing  to 
suffer  even  to  death.  These  demands  appeared  plau- 
sible ;  and  as  the  insurgents,  although  elated  with 
their  victory,  maintained  a  show  of  moderation,  even 
promising  that  if  their  grievances  were  redressed,  and 
certain  obnoxious  persons  punished,  (the  chief  of  whom 
were  Lord  Say,  the  late  Treasurer,  and  Cromer,  High 
Sheriff  of  Kent),  they  would  lay  down  their  arms, 
the  King's  Council  found  it  difficult  to  persuade  the 
people  to  advance  against  them.  It  was  not  merely 
the  common  people,  but  also  persons  of  wealth  and 
high  rank  who  inclined  to  the  side  of  these  rebels,  and 
so  general  was  the  unwillingness  to  fight  against 
them,  and  the  persuasion  that  pacific  measures  should 
be  adopted,  that  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  were  sent  to  confer  with 
them. 

Cade  behaved  upon  this  occasion  with  propriety, 
but  with  decision  ;  and  while  he  showed  them  respect, 
he  refused  to  disband  his  troops  until  his  petitions  had 
been  complied  with. 

Some  concessions  were  now  deemed  indispensable ; 


360  MAEGAEET  OF   ANJOU. 

and  upon  the  return  of  these  deputies  Lord  Say  was 
committed  to  prison,  and  Lord  Scales  being  appointed 
to  the  care  of  the  Tower  of  London  with  a  sufficient 
garrison,  the  King  disbanded  his  army,  and  withdrew, 
for  greater  security,  to  the  castle  of  Kenilworth.'-" 
Cade  and  his  followers,  who  had  resumed  their  posi- 
tion on  Blackheath,  next  proceeded  to  London.  Here 
it  had  been  already  determined,  in  a  Council  held  by 
the  Lord  Mayor,  that  no  resistance  should  be  offered 
them.  The  gates  were  thrown  open,  and  the  insur- 
gents, whose  numbers  were  vastly  augmented  since  the 
late  victory,  came  into  the  city  triumphantly.  Cade, 
as  he  entered,  cut  the  ropes  of  the  drawbridge,  and 
afterwards,  passing  London  Stone,  he  struck  it  with 
his  sword,  exclaiming,  "  Now  is  Mortimer  lord  of  this 
city!" 

After  their  entrance  into  the  capital,  Cade  con- 
trived for  some  time  to  maintain  the  utmost  disci- 
pHne  amongst  his  followers,  whom  he  forbade,  under 
threats  of  severe  punishment,  to  injure  the  citizens. 
He  even  led  his  troops,  to  prevent  disorder,  every 
evening  back  to  the  Borough.  Cade  insisted  on  the 
Lord  Mayor  and  the  Judges  assembling  in  Guildhall, 
and  he  caused  Lord  Say  to  be  arraigned.  Sentence 
was  passed  upon  him,  as  well  as  upon  the  Duchess  of 
Suffolk,  and  others,  who  were  considered  to  be  the 
accomplices  of  Suffolk.  Lord  Say  was  soon  after 
beheaded,  and  his  son-in-law,  Cromer,  the  Sheriff  of 
Kent,  being  found,  shared  the  same  fate.  After  this 
cruelty  the  head  of  the  ill-fated  nobleman,  and  also 
that  of  Cromer,  were  fixed  on  poles,  and  carried 
through  the  streets  of  the  metropolis,  with  acts  of 
shocking  brutality,  by  the  populace. 

When  the  vengeance  of  the  rebels  had  been  somewhat 
satiated  with  the  blood  of  these  two  individuals,  they 

*  See  Appendix,  p.  435. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  361 

became  less  circumspect  in  their  conduct ;  Cade  him- 
self is  said  to  have  relaxed  in  his  discipline,  and  to 
h?ive  plundered  the  house  of  a  tradesman  wlio  had 
received  him  with  hospitality.  Upon  this,  the  ral)ble 
eagerly  sought  to  enrich  themselves  with  the  plunder 
of  the  wealthy,  and  several  houses  were  entered  and 
pillaged  ;  at  length,  the  rich  citizens  taking  the  alarm, 
concerted  measures  with  Lord  Scales  to  prevent  the 
repetition  of  these  injuries.  Cade  receiving  intelli- 
gence, however,  that  they  purposed  to  defend  the 
drawbridge,  and  not  to  admit  his  party  on  the  ensuing 
day,  a  riot  follow^ed,  and  during  six  hours  a  severe 
conflict  was  maintained  between  the  two  parties,  when 
the  citizens  obtaining  the  advantage.  Cade  was  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  It  was  agreed  on  both  sides  to 
suspend  hostilities,  being  weary  of  the  contest. 

At  this  juncture,  the  Archbishops  of  York  and 
Canterbury,  who  remained  in  the  Tower,  dismissed 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester  (William  Waynfleet),*  to  the 
borough  of  Southwark,  whither  the  rebels  had  re- 
treated, to  offer  them  a  pardon,  under  the  Great  Seal, 
to  all  except  their  leader,  provided  they  immediately 
laid  down  their  arms,  and  returned  peaceably  to  their 
homes.  The  Kentishmen,  discouraged  by  their  late 
defeat,  accepted  the  proposal  with  gratitude,  and  dis- 
persed themselves  ;  but  Cade,  suspecting  that  the 
King  would  not  extend  his  mercy  to  the  leader  of  the 
rebellion,  repented,  and  once  more  attempted  to 
assemble  the  disaffected.  He  found  many  still  ready 
to  support  him  ;  but  the  authority  he  had  once  lost 
could  not  be  regained.  The  common  cause  was  for- 
gotten by  these  ruffians,  who  sought  only  to  enrich 
themselves  with  the  plunder  which  had  been  conveyed 

*  On  the  death  of  the  Cardinal,  William  Wajnflcet  had  been  advanced 
to  the  bishopric  of  Winchester.  He  exhibited  great  abilities,  integ:rity,  and 
prudence,  especially  in  this  insurrection. 


362  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

from  the  city.  At  length,  Cade,  hopeless  of  re-esta- 
blishing unanimity  amongst  them,  fled  on  horseback 
into  Sussex. 

He  was  soon  traced  to  his  place  of  retreat,  where, 
(defending  himself  courageously  to  the  last,)  he  was 
slain  by  the  new  Sheriff  of  Kent,  Alexander  Iden. 
The  head  of  this  rebel,  for  which  a  reward  of  a  thou- 
sand marks  had  been  offered  by  the  King,  was  carried 
to  London,  and  placed  on  the  bridge. 

Several  of  the  associates  of  Cade  in  this  rebelHon 
suffered  on  the  scaffold;  and  it  was  afterwards  laid 
to  the  charge  of  the  Duke  of  York,  that  they  had 
acknowledged  that  their  design  was  to  place  him 
upon  the  throne,  had  their  enterprise  succeeded.* 

King  Henry,  however,  failed  to  turn  to  advantage 
the  success  he  had  thus  gained  over  the  insurgents, 
and  his  inactivity  at  this  crisis  proved  detrimental  to 
his  cause.  The  ministers  of  the  King  had  offended 
the  people,  yet  their  attachment  to  the  House  of  Lan- 
caster remained  firm  and  unshaken,  and  had  Henry 
acted  at  once  with  great  decision  and  spirit,  the 
ambitious  hopes  of  the  Duke  of  York  would  have  been 
early  crushed,  and  the  rights  of  the  Lancastrian 
sovereign  firmly  established  in  the  land. 

*  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Holinyhed  ;  Sandford  ;  Fabian  ;  Stow  ;  Biondi ;  W. 
of  Worcester  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  London  Chron.  ;  Rapin  ;  Villaret ;  Philpott's 
Kent ;  Birch.'s  lUus.  Persons  of  Great  Britain, 


CHAPTER  VII. 

{Clarence.)     "  A  little  fire  is  quickly  trodden  out ; 

' '  Which,  being  suffer'd,  rivers  cannot  quench. " 

{King  Henry.)     "  Thus  stands  my  state,  'twixt  Cade  and  York  distress'd ; 
"  Like  to  a  ship,  that,  having  'scap'd  a  tempest, 
"  Is  straightway  calm'd  and  boarded  with  a  pirate  : 
"  But  now  is  Cade  driven  back,  his  men  disj)ers'd  ; 
"  And  now  is  York  in  arms  to  second  him." 

{Warivicfc.)     "I'll  plant  Plantagenet,  root  him  up  who  dares  : 

"  Eesolve  thee,  Richard  ;  claim  the  English  crown." — Shakespeare. 

Clamours  against  Somerset— He  is  sent  to  the  Tower— The  people  murmur 
and  suspect  Queen  Margaret— The  Duke  of  York  returns  to  England — 
He  assembles  his  friends— The  Earls  of  Westmoreland,  Salisbury  and 
Warwick,  and  the  Duke  of  York  described — I'heir  connections— The 
Duke  of  Y'ork  retires  to  Wales,  raises  an  army  and  returns  to  London 
— He  encamps  at  Brent  Heath— He  disbands  his  army — Interview 
between  the  Dukes  of  I'ork  and  Somerset — York  is  apprehended  and 
released — Treaty  of  peace  with  Scotland — The  Queen  goes  to  Norwich 
— Her  condescension — Her  letters — An  effort  made  to  recover  Guienne 
— Talbot's  success — His  death — His  character — Tastes — Gift  to  the 
Queen — Loss  of  France — Death  of  the  Queen's  mother — Complaints 
against  the  Queen — King  Henry's  illness — Birth  of  Prince  Edward 
— Calumnies  against  Queen  Margaret — The  Diike  of  Y'ork  urges  his 
claim  to  the  crown — His  character — His  party  obtains  great  influence 
— Somerset  arrested  and  sent  to  the  Tower — The  Duke  of  Y'ork 
made  "  Protector " — He  holds  a  Parliament  and  gets  possession  of 
Calais — King  Henry  recovers — He  resumes  his  authority,  and  Somerset 
is  released — The  King  tries  to  reconcile  Y'ork  and  Somerset — York  is 
offended  and  withdraws  into  Wales  to  raise  an  army. 

Queen  Margaret  had  accompanied  tlie  King  when 
he  marched  at  the  head  of  his  army  of  15,000  against 
the  rebels,  but  on  the  latter  retreating,  the  Queen,  far 
from  being  animated  with  the  warlike  spirit  which 
marked  her  subsequent  career,  did  not  encourage  her 


364  ]VL\EGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

consort  to  follow  up  his  success  by  the  pursuit  of  the 
insurgents.  Yielding  rather  to  feminine  weakness,  or 
fear,  she  entreated  that  the  King  would  not  place 
himself  in  personal  peril,  but  resign  to  his  lieutenants 
this  easy  victory. 

The  prayers  of  Margaret  prevailed,  and  Henry, 
giving  Sir  Humphrey  Stafford  charge  of  his  forces, 
retired  with  the  Queen  to  the  castle  of  Kenilworth. 

Surely  in  the  midst  of  the  troubles  and  difficulties 
with  which  Queen  Margaret  had  so  lately  been  sur- 
rounded, it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  that  she  must  have 
greatly  required  the  skill  and  experience  of  the  several 
nobles  and  statesmen  of  whose  services  she  had,  in  so 
brief  a  period,  been  deprived.  Her  indignation  had 
been  excited  by  the  cruel  murder  of  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  whom  she  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  protect ; 
and  while  deploring  the  loss  of  her  earliest  friend  in 
England  (who  had  brought  her  hither,  and  had  braved 
with  her  the  public  enmity  and  hatred),  how  painful 
must  it  have  been  to  her  to  endure  alone  these  trials ! 

Even  more  than  Suffolk  must  the  youthful  Queen 
have  missed  the  talented  Cardinal  of  Winchester, 
whose  skill  and  discernment  had,  for  so  many  years, 
been  employed  in  the  direction  of  political  affairs.  He 
might  indeed,  like  the  helm,  have  guided  safely  the 
tempest-tossed  vessel  in  the  late  rebellion,  during 
which,  it  may  even  be  believed  tliat  the  saving  hand 
of  a  Gloucester  would  have  been  welcome  ! 

At  such  a  time  as  this,  the  return  of  the  Duke  of 
Somerset  was  considered  fortunate,  and  we  are  told 
tliat  the  royal  pair  "  hailed  bis  arrival  as  a  blessing." 
Somerset  was  indeed  the  nearest  relative  of  the  Kins: ; 
and  at  this  moment,  when  the  court  was  beginning 
to  be  distracted  by  the  pretensions  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  it  was  hoped  that  the  services  and  attachment 
of  one  whose  interests  were  allied  to  those  of    the 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  365 

crown,  would  successfully  oppose  tlie  ambitious  pro- 
jects of  that  Dobleman.  By  some  historians,  Somerset 
has  been  considered  as  the  only  faithful  minister  of 
Henry  VL,  who,  by  his  care,  watchfulness,  and  good 
counsels,  sought  to  deliver  the  kingdom  from  fections, 
and  preserve  peace.  The  Duke  of  York,  therefore, 
justly  anticipated  the  opposition  he  would  raise  to  his 
projects,  and  determined  to  excite  against  him  the 
hatred  of  the  people  and  the  envy  of  the  nobility. 

Certain  it  is,  that  the  presence  of  Somerset  was 
attended  with  new  troubles  to  the  Queen.  The  people 
immediately  raised  clamours  against  the  Duke;  they 
accused  him  of  not  having  done  his  duty  in  Normandy, 
and  blamed  him  for  the  loss  of  that  province,  but 
especially  for  his  conduct  at  the  siege  of  Caen,  The 
Commons,  adopting  these  complaints,  presented  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King,  praying  that  the  conduct  of  Somerset 
might  be  investigated,  and  that,  in  the  meantime,  he 
should  be  sent  to  the  Tower.  Their  request  was  1451. 
granted,  for  Henry  was  unwilling  to  offend  the  House  lSfs 
of  Commons.*  Upon  receiving  the  news  of  the  im- 
prisonment of  the  Duke,  the  populace  evinced  such 
transports  of  delight  that  they  immediately  attacked 
and  plundered  his  palace ;  and  in  spite  of  the  exertions 
of  the  King's  officers,  they  created  such  a  tumult  as 
could  not  be  appeased  until  one  of  the  ringleaders 
had  been  despatched. 

At  the  breaking  up  of  Parliament  the  Duke  was 
liberated,  and  placed  in  the  same  situation  at  court  as 
the  Duke  of  Suffolk  had  occupied.  He  was  created 
Prime   Minister,   and   the   Queen   showed   him  great 


*  This  arrest  of  Somerset  appears,  according'  to  some  authors,  to  have 
been  by  the  advice  of  the  lords  of  the  King's  council,  for  the  safety  of  his 
person,  and  to  prevent  his  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  adversary  ;  besides, 
that  the  power  of  the  Lancastrian  party  was  sufficiently  strong  to  prevent 
his  being  brought  to  trial.  His  imprisonment  was  only  for  fourteen 
months.    Paston  Letters  ;  Rapin ;  Liiigari  ;   Tdlarct;  Daniel. 


366  MAEGARET    OF   ANJOU. 

favour,  by  wliicli,  it  would  appear,  tliat  slie  did  not 
censure  liis  conduct ;  yet  we  are  assured,  by  some 
writers,  that  the  Duke  of  Somerset  justly  deserved 
the  reproaches  of  his  country  for  his  treachery  and 
cowardice.* 

The  surprising  success  of  the  French  in  the  recovery 
of  Normandy,  prompted  them  to  carry  their  arms  into 
Guienne.  This  province  being  much  farther  off  than 
the  former,  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  English  to 
afford  it  a  better  defence,  had  they  even  desired  to  do 
so ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  had  the  intention 
of  preserving  this  country.  No  army  was  dismissed 
to  the  relief  of  the  cities,  which,  one  by  one,  sur- 
rendered after  making  a  faint  resistance.  Thus  King 
Charles  became  possessed  of  Bergerac,  Geusac,  Mont- 
serrand,  Chalais,  St.  Fois,  and  other  cities ;  and  the 
conquests  of  the  French  continued  uninterruptedly 
until  they  obtained  possession  of  the  whole  of  this 
province,  excepting  only  Bayonne  and  Bourdeaux. 

This  last  entered  into  treaty  with  the  enemy,  and 
engaged  to  submit  to  King  Charles  should  they  not 
be  supported  by  succours  from  England  before  the 
24th  of  October.  At  the  expiration  of  that  period  no 
army  appeared,  and  this  city,  as  well  as  all  the  other 
towns  in  the  duchy,  were  forced  to  open  their  gates  to 
the  French. 

The  city  of  Bayonne,  only,  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  sovereignty  of  the  French  King,  and  to  be  included 
in  the  treaty.  An  army  was  dismissed  against  it  under 
the  command  of  the  Count  Dunois,  who,  obliging  them- 
to  capitulate,  ended  the  war  in  that  province  where  the 
English  had  preserved  their  authority  since  the  time 
of  Henry  the  Second,  a  period  of  three  hundred  years.f 

*  Pol.  Vergil ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Villaret ;  Baudier  ;  Daniel, 
t  Holinshod  ;    Hall ;    Baker  ;    Sandford  ;    Pol.  Vergil ;    Rapin  ;   Henry  ; 
Hume  ;  Barante  ;  Anquetil ;  Monstrelet. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  367 

No^  sooner  were  the  foreign  wars  over  than  the  in- 
testine divisions  were  renewed.  The  cession  of  Maine 
and  Anjou  had  rendered  the  people  of  England  sus- 
picious of  treachery;  and  when  Normandy  and  Guienne 
surrendered  to  the  victorious  arms  of  King  Charles, 
this  nation  bitterly  complained  of  the  government,  and 
of  those  whom  they  judged  had  had  any  share  in 
these   misfortunes. 

The  practice  about  this  period  was  adopted  of 
writing  satirical  verses  on  those  individuals  who,  by 
their  political  conduct,  had  become  obnoxious  to  the 
people.  Some  of  these  verses,  written  in  April,  1451, 
were  intended  for  William  Boothe,  Bishop  of  Lichfield 
and  Coventry,  or  Chester,  as  the  diocese  was  generally 
called ;  on  account  of  his  taking  part  with  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk  in  the  King's  Council.  The  petition  of  the 
Commons  was,  that  Boothe  and  several  others  mio;ht 
be  removed  from  the  royal  presence  for  the  rest  of  their 
lives.  They  were  charged  with  "  misbehaving  about 
His  Majesty's  person,"  and  elsewhere,  leading  to 
neglect  of  law  and  non-observance  of  the  peace  of 
the  realm.* 

The  King  only  complied  by  banishing  some  of  these 
for  one  year.  The  offence  of  the  Bishop  was  soon 
overlooked,  for  in  the  following  year,  1452,  he  was 
translated  to  the  see  of  York. 

Reflections  were  made  in  some  of  the  verses  alluded 
to,  on  the  character  of  Boothe,  and  he  was  charged 
with  procuring  his  advancement,  not  by  his  knowledge 
and  talents,  but  by  simony,  usury,  and  the  influence  of 
his  family.  The  writer  adds,  "  by  sinioni  and  usur  bild 
is  thy  hotlie^'  and  in  another  place,  "  breke  up  thy 
hotlier  These  and  similar  puns  were  the  taste  of  the 
age.     In  addressing  Boothe  the  writer  speaks  of  the 

*  See  Appendix,  p.  428. 


368  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

fall  of  Rome,  and  warns  him  that  a  similar  fate  awaited 
England  if  the  existing  abuses  were  not  removed;  he 
cites  the  proverb,  that  "  The  voice  of  the  people  is  the 
voice  of  God."  Allusion  is  also  made  to  De  la  Pole, 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  and  the  following  pun  made  upon  his 
name : — 

' '  The  pool  is  so  perilous  for  men  to  pass 
"  That  few  of  the  hank  royal  can  escape."* 

The  nobility,  while  they  reproached  one  another,  all 
united  in  blaming  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  as  the  author  of 
their  troubles.  Queen  Margaret  was  regarded  as  a 
foreigner,  and  an  enemy ;  and  her  father  and  relatives 
being  engaged  in  advancing  the  interests  of  the  French, 
it  was  not  expected  that  the  Queen  would  very  strenu- 
ously oppose  such  measures  as  were  favourable  to  them 
in  the  Council-chamber,  where  she  held  the  most  un- 
limited sway.'j' 

It  was  not  surprising  that  such  an  opinion  should 
have  gained  credit  amongst  the  people,  (who  were 
already  blinded  by  their  prejudices  against  the  Queen,) 
when  we  remember  that  the  House  of  Anjou,  and 
especially  one  member  of  that  House,  the  Count  of 
Maine,  (who  was  uncle  to  Queen  Margaret,)  was  always 
in  such  high  favour  with  King  Charles.  Eene  also 
had  accompanied  this  prince  to  the  siege  of  Rouen, 
and  was  present  at  the  taking  of  other  cities. :j:  It  is 
certain  that  the  observance  of  a  neutrality  on  the  part 
of  these  princes  would  have  been  of  the  utmost  service 
to  Queen  Margaret. 

Such  indeed  was  the  disaffection  of  the  people  to- 
wards the  Queen's  government,  that  she  found  her- 
self unable  to  adopt  any  measures  against  the  Duke 
of  York,  whose  popularity  increased.     Doubtless  the 


•  Bentley's  Excerpt.  Hist. ;  Rot.  Pari.  f  Hume. 

+  Baiante ;  Monstrelet ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


JkLlEGAEET    OF    ^VNJOU.  309 

people  would  have  supported  this  Duke  in  any  new 
enterprise,  and  that  he  meditated  some  attempt  against 
the  throne  began  to  be  apparent.* 

It  was  privately  whispered,  at  this  time,  that  King 
Henry  was  of  weak  capacity,  and  easily  abused ;  that 
Queen  Margaret  was  ambitious  and  malignant;  that 
the  Council  did  not  seek  the  public  good,  but  their 
own;  and  that,  through  these  causes,  France  was  lost: 
finally,  that  God  would  not  bless  the  possessions  of  the 
usurper,  Henry  VI. 

There  seems  to  have  been  little  doubt  that  the  late 
rebellion  had  been  commenced  through  the  instigation 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  whose  object  was  to  ascertain 
the  disposition  of  the  people  towards  the  House  of 
March ;  but  the  death  of  the  leader  had  prevented  the 
evidence  being  adduced  which  would  have  determined 
the  truth  of  this  opinion.! 

Great  alarm  began  to  prevail  at  court,  as  to  the 
projects  of  the  Duke  of  York.  He  was  suspected  of 
a  design  to  bring  over  some  Irish  troops,  doubtless 
with  rebellious  intent ;  and  orders  were  therefore  des- 
patched to  the  sheriffs  of  Wales,  Sliropsliire,  and 
Cheshire,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  Duke  upon 
the  coast ;  and  should  he  succeed  in  doing  so,  tliey 
were  commanded  to  refuse  him  lodging  and  entertain- 
ment.:f  This  precaution  was  not  only  unnecessary,  but 
ill  judged,  as  it  betrayed  to  the  people  that  the  c  jurt 
stood  in  awe  of  the  Duke,  and  this,  as  leading  them  to 
enquire  the  cause,  would  have  been  best  concealed ;  it 
also  served  as  a  caution  to  the  Duke  to  be  on  his 
guard,  and  gave  him  a  pretence  to  complain  of 
suspicions   which,  for  the   present  at  least,  were,  or 


*  Baker ;  Rapin. 

f  Leland  ;  Hume  :  Hist,  of  Shrewsbury. 

X  These  instructions  were  particularly  insisted  on  at  Chester  and  Shrowp- 
bury. 


370  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

seemed  to  be,  altogether  without  foundation.*  Queen 
Margaret  appears  also,  in  this  procedure,  to  have 
adopted  a  course  widely  different  from  her  former 
conduct,  for  she  had  even  anticipated  the  designs  of 
the  Duke,  and  had  begun  openly  to  oppose  them. 
Had  she  concealed  her  suspicions,  she  might  have 
betrayed  him  into  some  snare,  or  false  step,  which 
would  have  been  his  ruin,  or  justified  her  measures 
against  him.| 

Previous  to  the  Duke  of  York's  return  from  Ireland, 
he  had  opened  his  views  to  his  friends  in  a  letter  from 
Dublin,  in  June  1450,  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, whose  sister  he  had  married.  He  began  by 
complaining  of  the  deficiency  of  supplies  from  England, 
owing  to  which  he  could  not  resist  the  rebels.  He 
continues,  "  my  power  cannot  stretch  to  keep  it  in  the 
"  King's  obeisance,  and  verie  necessity  will  compell  me 
"  to  come  into  England,  to  live  there,  upon  my  poor 
"  livelihood.  For  I  had  leave  be  dead  than  any  in- 
"  convenience  should  fall  thereunto  by  my  default," 
&c.  &c. 

The  Duke's  intimation  of  leaving  his  command  with- 
out orders  justly  excited  the  displeasure  of  the  court, 
and  caused  alarm  amongst  the  ministers.  They  con- 
sequently determined  to  seize  his  person  and  prevent 
his  approach  to  King  Henry.:[: 

The  conduct  of  the  Duke,  however,  proved  these 
suspicions  to  be  erroneous.  He  embarked  for  England 
with  only  his  own  domestics,  and,  conscious  that  his 
enemies  had  no  proof  to  bring  against  him  of  a  trea- 
sonable nature,  he  boldly  attempted  to  land  on  the 
coast  of  Wales ;  but  finding  an  armed  force  at  Beau- 
maris, headed  by  Lord  de  Lyle,  ready  to  oppose  him, 
lie  was  compelled  to  proceed  to  another  port,  where 

*  Hume  ;  Leland. 
I  Eapin.  J  Hist,  of  ShrcwEbury. 


MAEGAEET    OP    ANJOU.  371 

he  was  more  successful*  We  are  told  tliat  one  of  tlie 
motives  for  this  hasty  return  of  the  Duke  from  Irehind 
was,  that  he  feared,  on  hearing  of  the  loss  of  Caen,  that 
he  should  be  deprived  of  his  large  estates  in  that  island, 
which  he  inherited  through  the  Mortimers  from  tlie 
Lacys  and  De  Burghs,  which  caused  him  to  resolve,  on 
his  immediate  return  to  England,  to  attack  the  minis- 
ters, and  endeavour  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
government. 

While  the  Duke  was  passing  through  Northampton- 
shire, in  his  way  to  London,  he  sent  for  William  Tre- 
sham,  a  lawyer,  and  the  late  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  who  had  been  very  zealous  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk.  Scarcely  had  Tresham 
left  his  own  house  at  Multon  Park,  near  Northampton, 
when  he  was  intercepted  and  murdered  by  a  band  of 
ruffians,  160  in  number,  armed  with  swords  and  spears, 
belonging  to  Lord  Grey  of  Kuthyn  ;  but  how  far  this 
nobleman  sanctioned  the  act  of  his  servants  is  not 
known.  It  is  probable  that  the  life  of  Tresham  was 
taken  in  revenge  for  his  late  conduct  in  procuring  the 
death  of  Suffolk ;  and  if  not  from  private  pique,  it 
must  have  been  caused  by  the  public  animosity.  It 
may  at  least  be  called  a  sign  of  the  lawlessness  of  that 
period.  The  Duke  proceeded  on  his  way,  and  the 
murderers  of  Tresham  were  outlawed,  "f 

The  friends  of  the  Duke  were  numerous,  and  they 
had  had  frequent  conferences  together ;  but,  being  un- 
able to  resolve  upon  any  step  without  his  assistance, 
they  had  been  anxiously  expecting  him.  When  the 
Duke  of  York  arrived  in  the  capital  they  assembled 
around  him ;  and  as  they  must,  from  their  wealth  and 
influence  in  the  kingdom,  have  appeared  a  most  formid- 
able faction  in  the  eyes  of  a  young  and  inexperienced 

*  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Leland  :  Eapin  ;  Henry. 
t  Rot.  Tarl. ;  Lingard. 


372  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Queen,  who  had  been,  from  various  circumstances, 
deprived  of  almost  all  good  counsel,  and  who  unhappily 
had  lost  the  best  inheritance  of  a  sovereign — the  love 
of  her  people — it  will  not  be  amiss  to  introduce  the 
reader  to  a  personal  acquaintance  with  the  House  of 
York,  its  alliances,  and  its  friendships. 

Richard,  Duke  of  York  derived  his  claim  to  the 
crown  from  his  mother,  (a  descendant  of  the  House  of 
Mortimer)  who  had  married  the  Earl  of  Cambridge, 
beheaded  in  the  preceding  reign ;  he  held,  in  right  of 
iiis  father,  the  rank  of  first  prince  of  the  blood,  which 
conferred  a  lustre  on  his  title  derived  from  his  mother ; 
for  the  family  of  Mortimer,  although  of  high  descent, 
Avas  equalled  by  others  in  the  kingdom.*  Being  the 
representative  of  three  distinct  successions,  viz.,  those 
of  Cambridge,  York,  and  Mortimer,  the  present  Duke 
became  the  inheritor  of  immense  possessions.  To 
these  were  also  united  the  estates  of  Clarence  and 
Ulster,  and  the  patrimonial  property  of  the  House  of 
March.  I 

The  Duke  had  obtained  considerable  influence 
amongst  the  chief  nobility  by  his  marriage  with  Cecilia, 
the  daughter  of  Ralph  Neville,  Earl  of  Westmoreland, 
whose  family  was  perhaps  the  most  powerful  ever 
known  in  England.  The  individuals  who  composed 
that  family,  although  extremely  wealthy,  were  not  so 
nmch  distinguished  by  their  opulence  as  by  their  pecu- 
liar characters  and  intrinsic  merits. 

Of  this  "noble,  ancient,  and  spreading  family"  of 
the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  were  the  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, the  Lords  Onsley,  Latimer,  Eauconbridge,  and 
Abergavenny,  and  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Warwick. 
The  two  last  were  amongst  the  most  distinguished  of 
the  English  nobility. 

The  Earl  of  Salisbury  was  the  eldest  son  of  Ralph 

*  Baker  ;  Hume.  t  Milles's  Catalogue. 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  373 

Neville  by  his  second  marriage",  and  obtained  his  title 
and  estates  by  his  union  with  the  daughter  of  Monta- 
cute,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who  died  at  Orleans.  Richard 
de  Beauchamp,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  also  ob- 
tained the  title  and  inheritance  of  another  ancient  and 
distinguished  family,  no  less  wealthy  and  powerful  than 
the  former,  by  his  marriage  with  the  daughter*  of 
Beauchamp,  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  died  while  Governor 
of  France.  Thus,  the  Eari  of  Westmoreland,  his  son, 
and  his  grandson,  were  eminently  distinguished  by  the 
gifts  of  fortune,  but  even  still  more  remains  to  be  said 
of  their  personal  merits.| 

Besides  this  family  the  Duke  of  York  hal  many 
other  adherents.  Of  these  the  chief  were  Mowbray, 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  (whose  hereditary  animosity  towards 
the  House  of  Lancaster  had  induced  him  to  attach 
himself  to  tlie  interests  of  York,)  Courtney,  Earl  of 
Devonshire,  (son-in-law  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,)  and 
Edward  Brooke,  Baron  of  Cobham.:}: 

Such  a  powerful  combination  amongst  the  principal 
nobility  could  not  but  be  formidable  when  the  dis- 
satisfaction of  the  people  was  so  general. 

At  the  time  of  the  Duke  of  York's  return  from 
Ireland  the  court  was  absent  from  the  metropolis,  upon  1451. 
a  progress  in  the  western  counties  of  England.  The  nSijeii 
King  visited  his  castle  of  Kenilworth,  and  the  city  of 
Coventry.  He  was  joined  by  the  Duke  of  Buckingham, 
"  who  came  by  command  of  his  sovereign,  with  a 
"  strong  guard ;  also  he  attended  about  the  King's 
"person  with  great  costs  and  expenses." § 

The  rebellion  of  Cade  had  satisfied  the  mind  of  the 

*  This  lady  was  sister  of  Henry^  Earl  of  Warwick  (after  his  father),  and 
the  favourite  of  King  Henry. 

f  Holinshed  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Barante  ;  Ilumc  ; 
Lingard. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard. 

§  Rapin  ;  Issue  Roll. 


374  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

Duke  as  to  the  support  he  would  be  likely  to  obtain 
i'rom  the  people ;  for,  if  such  vast  numbers  were  dis- 
posed to  support  the  pretensions  of  one  who  had 
such  slight  claims  to  their  notice,  what  might  not 
be  expected  when  the  true  heir  of  the  House 
of  March  should  step  forward  to  demand  their  sup- 
port ?  *  The  general  discontent  at  the  Queen's  con- 
duct, and  that  of  her  ministers,  also  warranted  his 
hopes,  and  encouraged  him  in  the  first  steps  of  his 
ambitious  career. 

This  nobleman  held  a  consultation  with  his  friends 
and  adherents,  with  whom  it  was  determined  that  the 
Duke  should  retire  into  Wales,  where  he  had  many 
partisans,  and  there  secretly  secure  an  army  to  support 
his  pretensions.l 
1451.  The  Duke  lost  no  time  in  executing  his  designs. 

ihHnsiiei.  When  he  had  raised  an  army  of  10,000  men  in  Wales, 
he  addressed,  from  his  castle  of  Ludlow,  a  monitory 
letter  to  the  King,  previously  to  his  taking  any  steps 
which  might  be  construed  into  rebellion.  He  therehi 
complained,  that  during  his  stay  in  Ireland,  he  had 
been  calumniated  to  the  King;  and  that  certain  per- 
sons, set  as  spies,  had  been  lying  in  wait  in  six  several 
places  to  seize  him,  with  intent  to  convey  him  to 
Conway  Castle.  Also,  that  his  landing  in  England  had 
been  opposed  by  the  King's  officers ;  and  that  letters 
had  been  despatched  to  Chester,  Shrewsbury,  and  other 
places,  to  prevent  his  reception.  He  also  complained 
of  the  malicious  attempts  of  certain  persons  to  indict 
him  for  treason,  to  his  great  injury,  and  that  of  his 
family,  and  "for  all  this,  he  required,  that  justice  should 
be  done  him."  The  Duke  also  complained  of  the 
general   disaffection   to    the   ministry,  and   especially 

*   Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;   Henry. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Baker ;  Saudford  ;   Pol.  Vergil  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Liu- 
gard. 


MAEGAEET    OP    ANJOU.  375 

towards  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  whose  conduct,  he 
prayed,  might  be  inquired  into,  and  satisfaction  afforded 
to  the  nation.  He  offered  his  assistance  in  the  execu- 
tion of  this  purpose ;  and  further  complained,  of 
Somerset's  restoration  to  favour  without  bein^  sub- 
jected  to  any  examination.* 

It  was  evident  to  the  ministers  that  the  Duke  of 
York  sought  to  quarrel  with  them ;  but,  in  the  present 
position  of  affairs,  they  dared  not  show  him  any  resent- 
ment. King  Henry,  in  his  reply  to  the  Duke's  letter, 
alluded  to  the  fact  of  the  Duke  having  unlawfully 
slain  the  Bishop  of  Chester,  as  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
frequent  complaints  against  him ;  also,  that  the  rumours 
of  the  ambitious  sayings  of  the  Duke  had  led  the 
court,  although  uncertain  of  their  truth,  to  act  on  the 
defensive,  by  placing  troops  to  oppose  his  landing ;  but 
that  the  manner  of  the  Duke's  appearing,  being  un- 
armed, had  sufficiently  evinced  his  loyalty ;  and  that 
his  reception  by  the  King  would  have  been  different 
had  not  the  suddenness  of  his  coming,  without  previous 
notice,  occasioned  the  servants  of  the  crown  to  a;jt  on 
their  former  orders.  The  King  wrote  also  to  this 
effect,  viz.,  that  he  had  some  time  since  resolved  to 
reform  the  government ;  and  that  for  this  purpose  he 
intended  to  appoint  certain  counsellors  of  talent  and 
virtue,  amongst  whom  the  Duke  should  be  included ; 
that  it  required  some  deliberation  before  he  could 
bring  to  justice  the  traitors,  of  whom  the  Duke  had 
complained ;  but  that  he  would  not  permit  them  to  go 
unpunished,  not  even  the  Duke  of  Somerset.f 

This  moderate  reply,  which  was  altogether  unex- 
pected by  the  Duke  of  York,  took  from  him  every 
pretence  for  rebellion ;  yet  he  resolved  that  the  King's 
refusal  to   punish   the   ministers   immediately   should 

*  Hall  ;  Fabian  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury. 
+  Holinshed. 


376  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

turnisli  him  with  a  pretext  for  employing  an  army 
already  prepared;  and  that  he  would  not  be  turned 
from  his  purpose  by  a  moderation  which  might  be  real, 
or  designed  to  deceive  him.* 

Thus  it  was  that  ambition  stifled  the  dictates  of 
reason,  and  led  on  to  civil  warfare. 

The  Duke  of  York  marched  at  the  head  of  his  new 
army  towards  London ;  but  he  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  he  learnt  that  the  royal  forces  were  prepared  to 
oppose  him. 

The  Queen,  who  had  anticipated  his  design,  had 
been  more  active  than  he  expected.  She  had  raised,  in 
the  King's  name,  a  body  of  troops,  but  without  inform- 
ing them  for  what  purpose ;  and  thus,  while  tlie  Duke 
had  retired  into  Wales,  she  had  been  engaged  in  pre- 
paring an  army  to  advance  against  him.f 

It  was  not  the  Duke's  object  to  risk  a  battle  yet, 
without  a  better  pretence  to  win  the  people  to  his  side, 
and  to  justify  his  rebellion.  He  well  knew  also  that 
the  citizens  of  London  were  of  themselves  sufficiently 
powerful  to  incline  the  balance  in  favour  of  either 
party,  and  therefore  he  resolved  to  gain  that  city  over 
to  his  interests.  On  a  sudden,  therefore,  he  altered  his 
course  on  hearing  of  the  King's  approach,  although  he 
was  not  deficient  in  courage,  or  in  experience. J  He 
endeavoured,  by  a  rapid  march,  to  get  before  the 
King,  and  expected  on  reaching  the  capital  to  be  well 
received  there ;  but,  to  his  great  disappointment,  he 
found  the  gates  shut,  the  citizens  being  unwilling  to 
declare  for  him,  while  their  King  was  so  near  at  hand, 
with  a  much  larger  army.  The  Duke  of  York  was 
therefore  obliged  to  cross  the  Thames,  at  Kingston. 
He  encamped  at  Brent  Heath,  near  Dartford,  twelve 
miles  from  London,  whither  the  King  follo"\ved  him, 

•  Rapin  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 
t  Baker.  J  Eapin. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  377 

and  pitched  his  camp  at  a  distance  of  four  miles  from 
the  insurgents.  An  engagement  seemed  inevitable; 
but  the  King  dismissed  the  Bishops  of  Winchester  and 
Ely  to  demand  the  reason  of  the  Duke  of  York" 
taking  up  arms;  and  the  latter  finding  it  expedient, 
at  this  juncture,  to  make  his  peace  at  court,  for  fear  of 
ruining  his  affairs  by  precipitation,  alleged  that  it  had 
never  been  his  intention  to  desert  his  sovereign ;  but 
that  he  only  desired  to  remove  from  the  Council  certain 
evil-disposed  persons,  of  whom  the  Duke  of  Somerset 
was  the  chief;  and  that  he  was  willing  to  disband  his 
troops,  if  the  King  would  consent  to  the  imprisonment 
of  Somerset,  so  long  as  Parliament  should  decree. 

King  Henry's  compliance  with  this  request  occa- 
sioned no  less  surprise  to  the  Duke  than  he  had  before 
felt  at  his  moderation,  in  the  answer  to  his  letter.  He 
knew  that  both  the  King  and  Queen  were  guided  by 
the  advice  of  Somerset,  whose  interest  it  was  to  reject 
these  demands ;  and  for  whose  sake  (as  York  wished 
it  to  appear)  the  ministers  did  not  hesitate  to  involve 
the  country  in  a  civil  war.  The  King  not  only  en- 
gaged to  comply  with  the  Duke's  request,  but  imme- 
diately caused  the  Duke  of  Somerset  to  be  apprehended. 
Then  would  York  gladly  have  retracted  his  word ;  but 
he  was  thus  compelled  to  disband  his  forces,  which  he 
preferred  doing  to  the  risk  of  losing  the  favour  of  the 
people.* 

Upon  this  the  Duke  boldly  appeared  in  court,  with- 
out taking  any  precautions  for  his  own  safety ;  nay,  he 
even  ventured,  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  to  accuse 
the  Duke  of  Somerset,  with  much  vehemence,  of 
having  sacrificed  the  interests  of  his  country  to  his  own 
ambitious  and  sordid  views.  At  this  moment,  whilst 
he  was  boldly  proclaiming  his  enemy  to  be  a  traitor, 

*  Sandford  ;    Baker  ;    Milles's  Catalog-ue  ;    Daniel ;    Stow  ;   Pol.  Vergil  ; 
Rapin;  Hume;  Henry;  Liugard  ;  Bii-ch's  Illus.  Persons  of  Great  Britain. 


;}78  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

what  was  his  astonishment  when  Somerset  presented 
himself  before  him,  having  been  concealed  behind  the 
hangings  of  the  tent,  and  he,  on  his  part,  accused  the 
Duke  of  York  of  a  conspiracy  to  dethrone  his  sove- 
reign ? 

Greatly  was  the  Duke  of  York  dismayed  at  the 
sudden  and  unexpected  rencontre,  yet,  perceiving  the 
danger  of  his  own  situation,  he  did  not  lose  his  pre- 
sence of  mind ;  he  moderately  complained  of  the  want 
of  faith  shown  to  him,  and  threw  the  odium  of  this 
treachery  upon  the  Duke  of  Somerset.  Yet  he  was  no 
sooner  dismissed  the  presence  than  he  was  apprehended 
by  the  orders  of  King  Henry ;  who  then  proceeded  to 
London,  the  Duke  of  York,  as  his  prisoner,  riding 
before  him.* 

Thus  betrayed  into  the  power  of  his  enemies,  the 
Duke  of  York  would  most  probably  never  have  escaped 
the  effects  of  their  resentment  had  they  dared  to  pro- 
ceed against  him,  but  they  feared  the  opposition  and 
hatred  of  the  people,  which  had  already  often  been 
manifested,  and  they  knew  the  Duke  was  too  popular 
to  be  unrevenged.  Two  other  reasons  also  contributed 
to  preserve  him ;  first,  a  report  that  the  Earl  of  March, 
the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  York,  was  advancing  at 
the  head  of  a  powerful  army  to  effect  his  release,  and 
it  seemed  probable  that  the  troops  lately  disbanded 
would  unite  with  them.  In  addition  to  this,  the  deputies 
of  Guienne  had  sought  succours  of  the  King,  promising 
to  reduce  that  province  to  his  authority.  The  forces, 
however,  designed  by  King  Henry  for  this  war  must 
necessarily  be  employed  at  home,  in  the  event  of  such 
a  civil  contest  as  was  likely  to  result  upon  the  punish- 
ment of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  thus  would  a  fair 
opportunity  be  lost  for  the  recovery  of  Guienne. 

*  Hall ;    Ilolinshed  ;    Baker ;    Sandford  ;    Stow  ;    Pol.  Vergil ;    Fabian  ; 
Daniel ;  Rapin ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry. 


CIIUUCH    OF    ST.     MAUUICE,    AXUEIW. 

(To  face  page  37S,  vol.  ii. 


l^I^VEOARET    OF    ANJOU.  379 

A  treaty  of  peace  had  been  lately  signed  between  1451. 
England  and  Scotland,  to  which  both  kingdoms  had 
been  inclined,  through  the  rebellions  of  the  Douglas 
family  in  the  latter,  besides  the  agitated  state  of  the 
Borderers,  and  the  dissensions  amongst  the  English 
people.  The  ambassadors  of  the  two  kings  met  in  the 
church  of  St.  Nicholas,  in  Newcastle,  on  the  14th  of 
August,  1451,  when  the  peace  was  concluded.* 

Queen  Margaret,  alarmed  at  the  report  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Earl  of  March  towards  London,  in  her 
anxiety  to  secure  friends,  visited  Norwich  and  other 
places,  accompanied  by  Edmund  of  Hadham,  and 
Jasper  of  Hatfield,  the  King's  half-brothers.  The 
Queen's  familiarity  and  obliging  address  pleased  the 
gentry,  and  indeed  she  well  knew  how  to  conciliate 
the  affections  of  those  whom  she  wished  to  gain  over  to 
her  interests.  We  are  told  that  the  people  of  Norwich 
advanced  100  marks  as  a  loan  to  their  King,  and  the 
aldermen  presented  the  Queen  with  CO  marks,  to 
which  the  Commons  added  40  more,  and  in  return 
obtained  a  general  pardon  for  past  offences,  and  the 
grant  of  a  new  charter,  on  paying  a  fine  of  20  marks.! 

The  King,  being  disturbed  at  this  period  by  the 
claims  of  the  Duke  of  York,  prudently  sought,  by  all 
possible  means,  to  strengthen  himself  against  him,  and 
to  this  end  he  created  his  two  half-brothers,  Edmund,  1452. 
Earl  of  Richmond,  and  Jasper,  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
These  were  sons  of  Owen  Tudor,  who  had  married 
Catherine,  Queen  Dowager  of  England,  the  King's 
mother.  After  her  death,  Owen  lost  that  respect 
which  had  been  shown  him,  and  he  was  twice  com- 

*  Mackenzie's  Newcastle. 

+  They  also  advanced  to  the  Queen  the  whole  fee  farm  of  the  city  for  the 
last  year,  being  £lL".t  1  Is.  4J.  This  charter,  dated  the  17th  of  March,  at  West- 
minster, was  consented  to  in  full  parliament. — Hull;  Ilolinahcd;  liuhcr ; 
Paston  Letters;  Pol.  Vergil;  Stow;  llapin;  Liiigard;  Henry;  Parkin's 
Norwich, 


380  M.VEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

mitted  to  prison,  from  which  he  escaped.  When  his 
sons  had  such  high  honours  conferred  upon  them,  the 
Welshmen  were  flattered  by  the  promotion  of  their 
young  countrymen,  and  continued  ever  after  to  adhere 
faitlifully  to  the  House  of  Lancaster.  The  next  year 
(1453)  King  Henry  knighted  his  two  brothers.* 

The  Queen's  stay  at  Norwich  was  but  short,  only 
two  days ;  while  there  (as  we  learn  from  the  letter  of 
Margaret  Paston)  "she  sent  for  Elizabeth  Clere,  by 
"  Sharinborn,  to  come  to  her,  and  she  dared  not  dis- 
"  obey  her  commandment,  and  came  to  her;  and  when 
"  she  came  into  the  Queen's  presence,  the  Queen  made 
"  right  much  of  her,  and  desired  her  to  have  a  hus- 
"  band ;  and  the  Queen  was  right  well  pleased  with 
"  her  answer,  and  reporteth  of  her  in  the  best  wise, 
"  and  saith,  by  her  truth,  she  saw  no  gentlewoman, 
"  since  she  came  into  Norfolk,  that  she  liked  better 
"  than  she  doth  her."t  The  cousin  of  Elizabeth,  no 
doubt,  felt  some  satisfaction  herself  while  she  thus 
narrated  the  interview  with  royalty. 

This  was  by  no  means  a  solitary  instance  of  the 
Queen's  address  and  condescension.  Like  the  trou- 
badour king,  her  father,  she  had  a  tinge  of  romance 
in  her  character,  and  a  genuine  flow  of  feeling  and 
sympathy  for  the  unfortunate,  which,  ever  and  anon, 
was  elicited  by  circumstances  such  as  made  her 
acquainted  with  the  wants  of  others,  and  their  need 
of  her  royal  influence.  This  she  exerted  for  the 
benefit  of  her  personal  attendants  and  others,  without 
reserve.  All  those  who  were  in  interesting  positions 
of  difficulty  or  distress,  needing  a  friend  to  help  them, 
found  that  friend  in  their  gifted  sovereign.  When 
her  personal  eloquence  was  not  available,  her  pen  was 
often  employed  to   persuade,   to  urge,  and  to  excite 

*  stow  ;  Ptnnaut'e  Wales.  i  Paston  Letters. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  381 

those  whom  she  addressed;  to  overcome  their  obstacles, 
and  to  consent  to  the  happmess  of  then'  rekitives. 
Her  arguments,  however,  too  often  proved  unavailing ; 
a  matter  of  no  great  surprise  when  we  consider  tliat 
many  of  these  letters,  (which,  through  party  ani- 
mosity, were  consigned  to  oblivion  for  a  period  of  400 
years,)  were  written  during  the  first  ten  years  after 
her  marriage ;  that  unhappy  period,  when  the  clouds 
gathered  around  her,  when  she  became  unpopular,  and 
the  national  discontents  were  followed  by  the  loss  of 
her  ministers,  and  open  rebellion.  It  was  during  a 
succession  of  terrible  events,  which  might  have  appalled 
any  but  a  lion-hearted  queen,  like  Margaret  of  Anjou, 
(between  the  year  1445,  when,  as  one  of  the  brilliant 
flowers  of  France,  she  came  to  England  in  all  her 
pride  and  beauty,  and  the  year  1455,  the  date  of  the 
first  battle  of  St.  Albans,  two  remarkable  epochs,  much 
contrasted  with  each  other;)  that  these  interesting  letters 
were  written.* 

The  pleasing  condescensions  of  this  queen  were, 
during  this  period,  frequently  elicited.  It  is  agreeable  to 
find  this  new  and  charming  phase  in  her  character,  and 
should  especially  be  dwelt  upon  at  this,  the  commence- 
ment of  her  eventful  career.  Her  tastes  resembled  those 
of  her  father.  She  exhibited  great  fondness  for  poetry 
and  music ;  nay,  she  even  inclined  to  the  gentle  arts. 
Her  courage  and  heroism  were  blended  with  gentleness 
and  sympathy  for  the  unfortunate,  especially  in  affairs 
of  the  heart.  These  letters  of  the  Queen  are  proof  of 
this ;  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  in  the  absence  of 
this  testimony  afforded  by  her  correspondence,  histo- 
rians have  been  so  apt  to  dwell   on  the  belligerent 

*  These  letters  -were  discovered  in  18G0  at  Emral,  in  Flintshire  ;  they 
had  been  transcribed,  in  the  same  century  that  they  were  written,  by  one 
.Tohn  Edwards,  of  Kirkland.  A  daughter  of  this  family  married  into  that 
of  Puliston,  of  Emral,  where  the  MS.  volume  of  letters,  seventy-five  in 
number,  was  found. — Lcilcrx  of  Queen  Margaret,  edited  by  Cecil  Monro. 


382  MAEGAEET    OF    ^iXJOU. 

character  which  Queen  Margaret  was  compelled  to 
assume  in  the  subsequent  Wars  of  the  Roses.  Thus 
has  the  character  of  this  Queen  been  traduced,  and 
her  excellent  qualities  ignored ;  even  as  in  natural  objects 
it  sometimes  happens  that  the  darkest  shades  are  per- 
mitted to  become  most  prominent. 

Queen  Margaret,  although  conspicuous  for  the  beauty 
of  her  person,  and  the  richness  of  her  attire,  sought 
by  higher  influences  than  these  to  gain  the  attachment 
of  those  more  immediately  around  her.  She  especially 
invited  the  young  ladies  to  visit  her ;  put  to  them 
questions  about  their  lovers,  and  professed  herself 
gratified  by  their  answers.  Never  was  the  course  of 
true  love  obstructed  but  Queen  Margaret  aroused-  her 
energies  to  remove  the  cause,  and  set  all  right  again  ; 
and  this,  whenever  she  perceived  that  any  member  of 
her  household,  or  their  friends,  required  her  support 
to  further  their  suit.  Most  earnestly  and  pleasingly 
did  the  Queen  act  as  mediatrix,  and  plead  for  the 
lovers. 

One  of  her  letters,  written  when  Suffolk  was  chief 
minister,  was  addressed  to  Robert  Kent,  supposed  to 
liave  been  a  "spiritual  lawyer."  She  pleads  for  one 
of  her  attendants  thus : — 

"  By  the  Quene. 

"  Welbeloved,  we  grete,  &c.,  and  late  you  wite 
"  that  our  welbeloved  servant,  Thomas  Shelford,  whom 
"  for  his  vertues,  and  the  agreable  service  that  he 
"  hath  don  unto  us  herbefore,  and  in  especial  now  late 
"  in  the  company  of  our  cousin  of  Suffolk,  we  have 
"  taken  into  oure  chambre,  there  to  serve  us  abowte 
"  our  personne,  hath  reported  unto  us,  that  for  the 
"  good  and  vertuous  demening  that  he  hath  herd  of  a 
"  gentil  woman  beyng  in  your  governance,  which  was 
"  doghtcr  to  oon.  Hall  of  Larkfeld,  he  desireth  full 
"  hertly  to  do  hir  worship  by  wey  of  marriage,  as  he 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  383 

"  seitli;  wherfor,  we  desire  and  praye  you  hcrtly,  that, 
"  setting  apart  all  instances  or  labours,  that  have  or 
"  shalbe  made  unto  you  for  eny  other  personne  what 
"  so  ever  he  be,  ye  wol  by  all  honest  and  leaful  menes 
"  be  welwilled  unto  the  said  marriag^e,  entretinsr  the 

0      7  O 

"  said  gentilwoman  unto  the  same,  trustyng  to  Godd's 
"  nlercye  that  it  shalbe  both  for  His  worship,  and 
"  availle  in  tyme  to  come.  And  if  ye  wol  doo  yor 
"  tendre  diligence  to  perfourme  this  oure  desire,  ye 
"  shal  therin  deserve  of  us  right  good  and  especial 
"  thanke,  and  cause  us  to  showe  unto  you  therefore 
"  the  more  especial  faver  of  oure  good  grace  in  tyme 
"  to  come." 

"Geven,"&c. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Thomas  Shelford,  the 
wooer,  had  never  seen  the  lady,  but  had  fallen  in  love 
with  her  on  hearsay  of  her  virtues. 

On  another  occasion.  Queen  Margaret  requests  of 
the  executors  of  Cardinal  Beaufort,  to  assist  "  one 
Frutes  and  Agnes  Knoghton,  poor  creatures,  and  of 
virtuous  conversation,  purposing  to  live  under  the 
law  of  God,  in  the  order  of  wedlock,"  that  they  may 
be  helped  forward  by  means  of  the  alms  at  the  dis- 
posal of  these  executors,  "in  their  laudable  intention." 

This  letter  was  written  soon  after  the  death  of  the 
Cardinal,  in  1447,  who  left  by  his  will  the  residue  of 
his  goods  not  disposed  of,  to  be  used  for  charitable 
works,  according  to  the  discretion  of  the  executors, 
for  the  relief  of  poor  religious  houses, — "  for  marrying 
poor  maidens,  and  for  the  help  of  the  poor  and  needy ; 
and  in  such  works  of  piety,"  he  adds,  "  as  they  deem 
will  most  tend  to  the  health  of  his  soul."  The  Queen, 
in  her  letter,  alludes  to  the  last  words  of  this  clause, 
and,  on  several  occasions,  applies  to  the  same  fund  for 
the  relief  of  the  indigent,  in  furtherance  of  the  inten- 
tions of  her  uncle,  the  Cardinal, 


?84  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

The  influence  of  Queen  Margaret  was  also  exercised 
in  favour  of  one,  Thomas  Burneby,  "  sewer  for  our 
mouth,"  who  would  fain  unite  himself  to  Jane,  the  well- 
endowed  widow  of  Sir  Nicholas  Carew,  the  lady  having 
seventeen  manors  in  her  own  right,  a  circumstance  not 
overlooked  by  the  suitor  when  he  induced  his  royal 
mistress  to  write  for  him.  The  Queen  tells  her,  but 
in  vain,  that  Burneby  loves  her  "for  the  womanly  and 
"  virtuous  governance  that  ye  be  renowned  of,"  speaks 
of  his  merits,  and  hopes  that  "  at  reverence  of  us  the 
"  lady  will  be  inclyning  to  his  honest  desire  at  this 
"time."*  The  widow  lady  of  thirty-six  gave  no  heed 
to  the  pleading  of  her  youthful  mistress,  but  married 
Sir  Robert  Vere,  brother  of  John,  the  twelfth  Earl  of 

Oxford.! 

At  another  time.  Queen  Margaret  writes  nrging  a 
father  to  persuade  his  daughter  to  consent  to  the  suit 
of  Thomas  Fountaine,  yeoman  of  the  crown.  Eliza- 
beth Gascarick  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  regard 
most  kindly  the  trusty  yeoman,  although  the  Queen 
warrants  his  virtues  and  fidelity  to  both  the  King  and 
herself,  and  pleads  his  love  and  zeal  for  his  fair  lady. 
The  Queen  then  writes  to  William  Gascarick^  the  father, 
to  whom  she  says,  "  We  pray  right  affectuously  that, 
"  at  reverence  of  us,  since  your  daughter  is  in  your 
"  rule  and  governance,  as  reason  is,  you  will  give  your 
"  good  consent,  benevolence  and  friendship  to  induce 
"  and  to  excite  your  daughter  to  accept  my  said  lord's 
"  servant  and  ours,  to  her  husband,  to  the  good  con- 

•  This  letter  of  the  Queen  was  written  from  Eltham  between  1447  and 
1450.  Burneby,  the  favoured  "sewer  of  the  mouth,"  was  a  legatee  under 
the  will  of  Cardinal  Beaufort.  He  steadily  adhered  to  the  Lancastrians, 
and  accompanied  the  Queen  in  her  flight  to  Scotland,  in  14(11. 

t  Her  son  by  Sir  Robert  Vere  became  subsequently  the  fifteenth  Earl  of 
Oxford.  This  lady  became  a  second  time  a  widow,  and  dwelt  in  the  manor 
of  Haccombo,  Avith  right  to  do  according  to  her  pleasure,  except  that,  while 
she  was  pennittcd  to  enjoy  the  fruit,  she  was  restricted  from  making  "any 
cyder  thereof." 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  385 

"  elusion,  and  tender  exploit  of  the  said  marriage,  as 
"  our  full  trust  is  in  you." 

Quite  useless,  however,  was  the  pleading  of  both 
queen  and  father ;  neither  of  them  had  any  influence 
over  this  lady,  who  is  said  to  have  married  Henry 
Booth,  of  Lincolnshire. 

The  prayers  of  the  Queen  were  much  disregarded 
by  all  those  to  whom  she  addressed  them. 

One  of  these  royal  letters  was  directed  to  Edith 
Bonham,  the  Abbess  of  Shaftesbury,  respecting  the 
promotion  of  her  chaplain,  Michael  Tergory.  ]\Iar- 
garet  doubtless  esteemed  him  highly ;  his  merits 
having  been,  indeed,  well  attested.  After  having 
studied  at  several  of  the  colleges  at  Oxford,  he  had 
been  one  of  the  earliest  rectors  of  the  University 
of  Caen,  founded  by  Henry  VI.,  in  1431.  He  was 
Archdeacon  of  Barnstaple,  in  the  diocese  of  Exeter, 
in  1445,  and  then  became  the  Queen's  Cliaplain. 
Very  earnestly  did  Queen  Margaret  write  in  his 
favour  from  her  residence  at  Fleshy,  on  tlie  11th  of 
March,  in  1447,  the  time  when  the  Bishopric  of  Li- 
sieux  was  vacant.  To  this  see  the  King,  as  well  as 
the  Queen,  sought  to  promote  him  ;  and  it  is  said  King 
Henry  entertained  a  special  respect  for  him ;  but 
fruitless  were  the  recommendations  of  Michael  Ter- 
gory, for  Thomas  Basin  succeeded  to  the  vacant  see  of 
Lisieux.* 

The  same  ill  success  attended  tlie  application  of 
the  Queen  to  the  Master  of  St.  Giles-in-the-Fields, 
with  whom  she  pleads  for  the  admission  into  tlie  leper- 
house,  of  a  young  chorister  "  named  Robert  Uphome, 
"aged  only  seventeen  years,  late  chorister  unto  the 


*  The  cliaplain  became,  at  length,  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  and  died  in 
1471.  He  was  buried  in  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral.  Michael  Tergory  w:  s 
called,  by  Anthony  Wood  "  the  ornament  of  the  university."  Another 
author  says  of  him,  that  he  was  a  man  of  great  wisdom  and  learning. 


386  M.VEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

"most  reverende  fadre  in  God  our  beal  uncle  the 
"  Cardinal,  (whom  God  assoile,)  at  his  college  at  Win- 
"  Chester,  who  is  now  by  Godd's  visitation  become 
"lepour." 

Margaret  was  not,  however,  to  be  deterred  from  her 
good  intentions,  or  her  willingness  to  be  of  use  to  any 
one,  even  to  Lor}^,  our  cordwainer,  who  being  fully 
employed  in  fitting  her  Majesty,  and  other  fair  ladies, 
her  subjects,  with  shoes,  the  Queen  writes  to  the  Mayor 
and  Sheriffs  of  London,  and  prays,  that,  "  at  such 
"  tymes  as  we  shall  have  nede  of  his  crafte,  and  send 
"  for  hym,  that  he  ma}^  not  appere,  and  attend  in 
"  enquests,  [juri/s,)  in  the  Cite  of  London,  that  he 
"  may  not  be  empannelled,  but  therein  sparing  hym  at 
"  reverence  of  us,"  &c.,  &c.*  This  prayer  was  pro- 
bably unheeded  also. 

The  testimony  of  the  Queen  was  even  given  to  the 
"famous  and  clean  living  of  her  clerks,"  in  the  hope  of 
gaining  preferment  for  them,  which  she  urgently  be- 
sought of  some  persons,  who,  had  they  been  willing, 
could  have  granted  her  request.  Nay,  she  could  not, 
without  difficulty,  obtain  for  a  lay  servant  even  a  poor 
servile  appointment.  All  this  disloyalty  and  indiffer- 
ence to  the  Queen's  authority  exhibit  the  aspect  of 
the  times,  and  betoken  a  season  approaching  of  con- 
flicts and  rebellion. 

In  the  correspondence  of  Queen  ]\Iargaret  no  men- 
tion is  made  of  her  personal  trials  nor  her  difficulties. 
Her  letters  f  are  not  on  affairs  of  state,  nor  at  all  poli- 
tical. In  some  of  them  she  speaks  of  the  money  owing 
to  her  ;  also  of  her  wishes  to  be  exempted  from  the 
dues  of  the  customs  on  her  imported  finery ;  while  in 

*  This  letter  was  written  soon  after  the  Queen's  marriage.  The  cord, 
waincrs  had  only  lately  been  incoiiiorated. 

t  Many  of  tie  Queen's  letters  were  dated  from  Windsor,  and  from 
Ploshy,  a  few  Tom  Eltham.  The  dates  of  the  remainder  have  not  been 
preserved. 


MARGARET    OP    ANJOU.  387 

others  she  writes  about  her  parks,  the  care  of  her  deer, 
and  of  her  bloodhounds. 

One  of  these  was  addressed  to  the  "  Parker  of  Ware," 
and  from  this  letter  it  would  appear  that  when  it  was 
written  the  Queen  was  on  terms  of  friendship  with 
the  Earl  of  Salisbury,*  and  that  the  condescension 
was  mutual.  Tins  earl,  although  favouring  in  secret 
the  Duke  of  York,  did  not  openly  espouse  his  cause 
until  the  year  1455.  It  was  probably  soon  after  the 
marriage  of  Margaret,  and  the  assignment  of  her  dower, 
(in  which  the  castle  of  Hertford  was  included,)  that  she 
wrote  as  follows  : — 

"  By  the  Queen, 

"  AVel  beloved,  for  as  much  as  we  knowe 
"  verrily  that  oure  cousin,  therl  of  Salisbury,  wol  be 
"  right  well  content  and  pleased  that,  at  our  resorting 
"  unto  our  castell  of  Hertford,  we  take  our  disporte 
"  and  recreation  in  his  parke  of  Ware ;  we  embolding 
"  us  therof,  desire  and  pray  you  that  the  game  there 
"  be  spared,  kepte  and  cherished  for  the  same  entent, 
"  without  suffering  eny  other  personne  there  to  hunte, 
"  or  have  shet  {sJiot  or  slwoting)  cource,  or  other 
"  disporte,  in  destroing  or  amentissment  [diminution) 
"  of  the  game  above-said,  until  (such)  tyme  (as)  ye 
"  have  other  commandment  from  our  said  cousin  in 
"  that  behalf.     As  we  trust  you,"  &c.| 

The  number  of  Queen  Margaret's  letters  dated  from 
Pleshy,  in  Essex  (which  castle  formed  part  of  her 
dower,  with  the  manor  belonging  thereto),  leads  to  the 
conjecture  that  this  was  a  favourite  residence  to  which 
the  Queen  resorted  for  seclusion.  :|: 

*  The  father  of  the  Eaii  of  Warwick. 

t  Letters  of  Queen  ]\Iarg-aret,  edited  by  Cecil  ]\Ionro. 

X  Pleshy  was  formerly  called  "  Castell  de  Plaeeto,"  and  was  the  abode 
for  centuries  of  the  lords  high  constables  of  England.  The  village,  eight 
miles  from  Chelmsford,  is  now  only  distinguished  by  its  ancient  castle. 
There  is,  however,  one  space  of  ground,  on  which  are  some  fine  trees 

c  c  2 


388  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

1452.  A  Council  was  called  to  meet  at  Westminster,*  for 

tlie  purpose  of  hearing  the  accusations  of  the  two 
Dukes,  who  mutually  charged  each  other  wdth  many 
crimes  and  offences.  Somerset,  strongly  suspecting 
the  part  wdiich  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  shortly  after 
adopted,  earnestly  entreated  the  ministers  to  compel 
his  adversary  to  acknowledge  his  purpose ;  and,  after 
having  thus  convicted  him  of  treason,  to  execute  jus- 
tice on  him,  and  on  his  children  ;  intending  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Duke,  and  his  heirs,  to  suppress  re- 
helhon  amongst  the  people,  and  to  restore  peace  to  the 
kingdom.  The  certainty  that  York  not  only  aimed  at 
his  own  life,  but  also  at  that  of  the  king,  and  that  he 
aspired  to  the  crown,  caused  Somerset  to  become  vehe- 
ment in  his  solicitations,  and  he  even  prayed  that  God 
would  not  permit  this  enemy  of  his  king  and  country 
long  to  escape  the  hand  of  justice,  j" 

Had  the  advice  of  Somerset  been  followed,  the  Duke 
of  York  would  have  been  tried  and  executed ;  but  the 
merciful  Henry  shrunk  from  the  idea  of  shedding  the 
blood  of  a  cousin  :  his  own  word  had  been  pledged  for 
his  safety,  also  the  public  faith  was  engaged  ;  and  the 
Duke's  death  at  this  time  would  have  seemed  rather  the 
gratification  of  the  revenge  of  Somerset  than  effected  to 
secure  the  peace  of  the  country. j:  Many  things  were 
in  the  Duke's  favour,  and  seemed  to  set  forth  his  inno- 
cence ;  of  these  were,  first,  his  coming  voluntarily  to 
the  King,  unsupported  by  his  followers  ;  and,  secondly, 
his  humble  submission,  and  reasonable  demands  for 
himself  and  for  the  people  ;  which  argued  that  he  did 
not  aspire  to  the  crown. 

situated  between  the  rnmpnrt,  called  "  the  mounds,"  and  the  church,  which 
still  retains  the  name  of  "the  Queen's  garden." 

*  This  council  was  adjourned  from  Westminster  to  Reading,  on  account  of 
the  plagTie. 

t  Hall ;  Holinshcd  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Mag.  Britannica. 

X  Sandford  ;  Lingard. 


ISLVEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  389 

After  deliberating  on  tliese  points,  Queen  ]\Iargaret 
and  her  ministers  determined  to  release  the  Duke, 
although  the  private  interests  of  the  House  of  Lan- 
caster demanded  the  sacrifice  of  his  life ;  indeed  it  is 
not  improbable  that  the  subsequent  misfortunes  inci- 
dental to  this  reign  might  have  been  prevented,  had 
this  nobleman  been  punished  for  his  first  revolt.  *  To 
secure  themselves  as  much  as  possible  from  any  future 
designs  on  the  part  of  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Queen 
and  her  Council  compelled  him  to  take  an  oath  "  never 
again  to  appear  in  arms  against  his  sovereign,  but  to 
be  his  faithful  and  obedient  subject  throughout  life." 
This  oath  was  taken  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  in  the 
presence  of  the  King,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and 
most  of  the  nobility ;  it  was  also  taken  at  Westminster, 
Coventry,  and  other  places.  After  all  this,  the  Duke 
was  liberated,  and  retired  to  his  castle  of  AVigmore.| 

Somerset,  now  without  a  rival,  continued  in  high 
favour  at  court.:]: 

At  this  time  it  was  resolved  to  make  an  effort  for  i4="'2- 
the  recovery  of  Guienne.  The  people  of  this  province  Paston' 
had  only  submitted  to  the  King  of  France  because  the 
English  had  neglected  to  send  them  relief;  and,  as 
they  yielded  so  unwillingly,  it  was  not  surprising  that 
they  should  endeavour  to  free  themselves  from,  the 
yoke.  The  French  army  had  no  sooner  quitted  that 
province,  than  the  inhabitants  of  Bourdeaux,  with  the 
principal  lords  of  Guienne,  determined  to  revolt  to 
their  former  governors,  provided- that  they  would  assist 
them;  and  they  dismissed  some  ambassadors  to  London 
to  represent  their  case. 

This  seemed  a  flattering  prospect  to  the  English  fur 

*  Rapin. 

+  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Santlford  ;  Stow  ;  Baker  :  Pol.  Verg-il  ;  Lond. 
Chron. ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ;  Heiirj  ;  Birch's  Illust.  Persons  of 
Great  Britain. 

X  Pol.  Vergil. 


390  MAEGAEET    OF    a^JS^JOU. 

regaining  their  lost  autliority ;  and  tlie  Qneen  and  tlie 
ministers  still  hoped  to  retrieve  their  credit  with  the 
people  by  the  success  of  this  enterprise. 

Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbur}^,  (one  of  England's 
most  courageous  generals,)  was  dismissed  to  France, 
Avith  an  army  of  7,000  men,  to  reconquer  this  province. 
This  general,  although  about  eighty  years  of  age, 
engaged  Math  the  utmost  alacrity  in  this  expedition,  for 
his  country's  honour.  He  speedily  embarked  with  his 
troops,  having  assurances  of  further  supplies  to  be  sent 
after  him ;  and,  on  his  arrival  on  the  Continent,  lost  no 
time  in  prosecuting  the  war.  The  day  after  he  landed 
he  entered  the  city  of  Bourdeaux,  one  of  the  gates 
being  opened  to  him  by  the  citizens  who  commanded 
it;  and  so  unexpected  was  this  blow  to  the  French 
garrisons,  that  they  could  not  even  effect  their  escape. 
The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  quickly  regained  several  of 
the  towns  of  Guienne ;  but  the  approach  of  winter 
put  a  stop  to  his  conquests  at  a  time  when  he  was  in 
a  fair  w^ay  for  recovering  the  whole  of  this  province. 
The  following  spring,  the  King  of  France,  (who  had 
Rapin;  becu  engaged  in  punishing  an  offence  offered  him  by 
LingardT  ^^^^  Daupliin,)  scut  two  of  his  generals,  with  an  army 
Peniant.'  ^^  10,000  men,  to  oppose  the  English.  The  Earl  of 
Clermont  followed  with  the  rest  of  the  French  troops. 
Chaloin  and  Chastillon  were  besieged,  and  vigorously 
defended  by  their  garrisons.  The  French,  through 
fear  of  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  whose  long  experience 
and  courage  they  well  knew,  adopted  some  expedients 
to  which  they  seldom  had  recourse. 

Lord  Talbot  considering  that  should  the  Earl  of 
Clermont  unite  his  forces  with  those  of  the  generals 
who  preceded  him,  their  numbers  would  so  far  exceed 
his  own  that  a  defeat  would  be  inevitable,  determined 
to  prevent  this  by  a  bold  attack.  He  drew  out  all  his 
ami}',  and  leaving  Bourdeaux,  j)resented  himself  before 


145:^ 


MARGAEET    OP   ANJOU.  391 

the  enemy's  camp.  Here  he  fell  upon  them  witli  a 
force  and  energy  which  had  only  been  witnessed  upon 
the  field  of  Agincourt,  or  in  similar  battles.  At  first, 
the  French  were  repulsed  and  driven  to  their  camp, 
when,  the  English  pressing  on  to  complete  their  victory, 
they  were  attacked  in  their  rear  and  compelled  to  halt 
by  a  troop  of  the  enemy's  horse ;  this  gave  the  French 
an  opportunity  to  recover  themselves,  and  turned  the 
fate  of  the  battle. 

The  brave  Lord  Talbot  was  wounded  in  the  thigh, 
and  his  horse  killed  under  him.  Turning  to  his  son 
who  fought  by  his  side,  this  nobleman  exclaimed, — 
"  Leave  me,  my  son,  our  enemies  have  gained  the 
day ;  there  be  no  shame  to  you  in  flying,  for  it  is  thy 
first  battle ;  "  but  the  young  man  thought  not  of  any 
future  services  he  might  render  to  his  country,  and 
disdained  an  ignoble  flight,  preferring  to  lose  his  life 
along  with  his  respected  parent,  and  he  was  soon  after 
slain.  Lord  Talbot  was  so  disfigured  by  his  wounds 
that  his  body,  when  borne  fi.'om  the  field  of  battle, 
could  not  be  recognised,  and  even  an  English  herald, 
who  came  to  seek  him,  hesitated  on  being  shown  the 
corpse;  but  at  last  he  identified  him  by  putting  his 
finger  in  his  mouth,  and  ascertaining  by  the  doH- 
ciency  of  a  tooth;  then,  indeed,  the  faithful  servant 
yielded  to  an  excess  of  grief  Upon  the  death  of  their 
general,  the  Enghsh  were  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  completely  routed.  They  are  said  to  have  lost 
2,000  men;  but  the  death  of  the  noble  veteran,  whose 
valour  and  skill  supported  their  hope,  was  much  more 
deplored.  Lord  Talbot  had  been  twenty  years  in 
the  King's  service  abroad,  and  had  been  rewarded  by 
many  signal  honours.  He  was  buried  at  Rouen,  but 
his  remains  were  afterwards  removed  to  Whitchurch 
hi  Shropshire. 

To  complete  the  successes  of  the  French,  the  Ear^ 


392  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

of  Clermont  firrived  after  the  battle.  Bourdeaux  and 
all  the  other  English  cities  were  successively  besieged, 
and  surrendered,  until  the  whole  province  fell  again 
into  the  hands  of  King  Charles,  and  the  English  were 
driven  out,  never  again  to  return. 

The  unfortunate  termination  of  this  war  took  from 
the  English  every  hope  of  the  recovery  of  Guienne. 
Calais  and  Guisnes  now  only  remained  in  their  posses- 
sion of  all  that  fair  portion  of  France  which  they  had 
once  held.* 
i4t3.  In  this  year,  1453,  King  Henry,  who  was  always 

a  weak  monarch,  and  unable  to  hold  the  reins  of 
government,  fell  dangerously  ill.  His  disease,  (which 
possibly  he  inherited  from  his  maternal  grandfather, 
Charles  VI.  of  France,)  was  a  severe  malady  of  the 
brain,  attended  with  total  aberration  of  reason.  So 
much  was  the  natural  imbecility  of  King  Henry  in- 
creased, that  he  could  not  even  preserve  the  semblance 
of  his  royal  dignity.  He  was  so  much  afflicted  that 
he  appeared  to  be  deranged,  and  was  conveyed  by  the 
Queen,  by  slow  degrees,  from  Clarendon,  where  he  was 
staying,  to  Westminster. 

The  distressing  condition  of  this  monarch  occasioned 
the  prorogation  of  Parliament,  and  the  Duke  of  York 
was  recalled  into  the  Cabinet. f  Henrj-^s  acute  sen- 
sibility and  tendency  to  fever  of  the  brain,  had  been 
too  much  disturbed  and  excited  by  the  turmoil  of  the 
late  pubHc  events ;  and  under  the  difficulties  he  had 
had  to  contend  with,  his  mental  and  bodily  poAvers  alike 
gave  way,  and  left  but  little  hope  of  his  recovery. 

The  situation  of  Queen  Margaret  at  this  time,  when 
she  was  exj^ecting  to  become  a  mother,  must  have 

*  Ilolinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Baker  ;  Lond.  Chron  ;  Speed  ;  Stow  ;  Monfaucon  ; 
Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Andrew's  Great  Britain  ;  Henry ;  Phillips's  Shrews- 
bury ;  John  Rous  ;  Pennant ;  Monstrelet. 

•f  Baker ;  Sandford ;  Stow  ;  Hume  ;  Ling-ard  ;  Hallam ;  W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


MARGARET    OP   ANJOU.  393 

been  most  painful.  The  Diike  of  York  was  enjoying 
the  supreme  authority.  The  people  were  still  dis- 
contented at  the  ineffectual  attempts  to  recover  their 
foreign  possessions,  and  they  blamed  their  Queen  and 
her  ministers,  as  if  it  were  in  their  power  to  effect 
impossibilities. 

The  grievances  of  the  nation  were  much  augmented 
by  the  Duke  of  York,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the 
King's  incapacity  and  of  the  people's  dissatisfiiction, 
hastened  to  assert  his  title,  which  he  was  still  more 
than  ever  resolved  to  maintain,  since  the  oath  which 
he  had  so  lately  taken  was  regarded  by  him  only  as 
a  pohtical  expedient,  by  which  he  had  succeeded  to 
extricate  himself  from  imminent  peril.'" 

During  the  late  war  in  Guienne,  the  Queen  had  lost 
another  of  her  best  and  earliest  friends  in  Lord  Talbot, 
who  had,  with  his  lady,  joined  in  the  escort  of  his  fair 
sovereign,  when  she  came  fi'om  her  native  land  to 
espouse  King  Henry.  Tliis  noble  warrior,  (who  had 
terminated  his  career  in  France  like  a  hero,)  was 
no  less  the  sincere  friend  of  Margaret,  the  polite 
courtier,  and  the  enlightened  peer  of  England. 
Highly  intellectual  and  of  refined  taste,  he  was 
able  to  appreciate  the  talents  and  acquirements  of  his 
royal  mistress,  and,  gratified  on  beholding  her  fondness 
for  the  arts,  he  presented  to  her  a  magnificent  volume 
of  illuminated  manuscript. f 

In  this  gift  to  the  Queen,  his  own  taste,  and  acquaint- 
ance with  literature  and  the  arts  are  also  admirably  dis- 
played; and  his  dedicatory  lines  to  Queen  ]\Iargaret 
bear  satisfactory  evidence  of  liis  admiration  of  her 
abilities  and  accomplishments.  He  asks  of  her  "  to 
explain  to  his  lord,  the  Kin^-,  anything  that  may 
appear  difficult  to  understand  iii  the  book;  for,"  he 

*  Hume  ;  Heniy ;  Rapin  ;  IMonfaucon. 

+  This  MS.  is  still  preserved  iii  the  British  Museum. 


394  M^iEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

adds,  "thougli  you  speak  English  so  well,  you  have 
not  forgotten  your  French." 

The  illuminated  title-page  of  this  costly  work  ex- 
liibits  a  stately  hall,  in  which  the  Queen,  seated  beside 
King  Henry,  and  surrounded  by  their  courtiers,  is  re- 
ceiving from  Lord  Talbot  his  magnificent  folio.  In  the 
hall  is  represented  a  rich  oriel  behind  the  royal  seat, 
over  which  is  a  vaulted  ceiling,  groined,  and  painted 
blue,  with  golden  stars ;  the  long  lancet-shaped  win- 
dows are  rounded  at  the  top.  From  pillar  to  pillar  is 
extended  an  arras  of  gold  and  colours,  with  the  royal 
arms  in  checkers,  forming  the  back-ground  of  the 
royal  seat.  The  King  and  Queen  are  both  arrayed  in 
regal  costume  ;  the  right  hand  of  Margaret  being  locked 
in  Henry's  hand.  The  Queen  wears  a  royal  crown  upon 
her  head,  from  beneath  which  her  pale  golden-coloured 
hair  flows  in  graceful  profusion  over  her  back  and 
shoulders,  and  her  pale  purple  mantle  is  fastened 
around  the  bust  w^ith  bands  of  gold  and  gems. 
Her  dress,  beneath  the  mantle,  is  of  furred  cote-hardi. 
]\Iargaret  appears  thus  portrayed  in  the  youth  and 
beauty  of  her  twentieth  year,  uniting  the  royal  majesty 
to  her  own  genuine  loveliness.  In  this  highly-finished 
picture  Lord  Talbot  kneels  before  her  with  his  offer- 
ing; his  faithful  dog  attending  him.  Queen  Margaret's 
emblem,  the  daisy  flower,  is  abundantly  scattered  over 
the  title-page,  also  clustered  round  her  armorial  bear- 
ings, and  appears  in  every  corner  of  the  pages  of  this 
valued  manuscript.  Another  ornament  is  the  Queen's 
initial,  a  crowned  M.,  around  whicli  is  the  garter  with 
its  motto.  A  striking  feature  in  the  picture,  and  a  novel 
one,  is  the  appearance  of  the  Queen's  ladies  in  their 
newly  adopted  attire,  viz.,  heart-shaped  caps.  They 
were  made  of  a  roll  wreathed  with  gold  and  gems, 
and  formed  into  a  turban  over  a  close  caul  of  gold 
cloth,   or  net,   brought  to  a  point,  low  in  front,  and 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  395 

rising  behind  the  head.  King  Henry's  nobles  are 
crowded  to  the  right  of  their  sovereign,  clotlied  in  full 
surtouts  of  whole  colours,  and  trimmed  with  fur.  They 
have  black  caps,  or  their  hair  cut  close  to  the  head,  the 
custom  prevalent  in  time  of  war,  when  the  gTOwtli  of 
the  hair  was  prevented  by  the  pressure  of  the  helmet. 

The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  has,  in  this  unique  work, 
paid  another  compliment  to  the  Queen,  by  portraying 
Queen  Olympias  with  hei-  features,  and  arrayed  in 
her  royal  robes.  The  kirtle  of  the  Queen  of  Mace- 
donia is  also  powdered  with  the  daisy  flower.  At 
the  close  of  this  volume,  an  allegorical  piece  re- 
presents the  Queen  and  the  chief  ladies  of  her  court 
as  the  Virtues ;  Margaret,  having  on  her  crown  and 
purple  robe,  is  characterized  as  Faith,  and  King 
Henry  as  Honour. 

The  death  of  Lord  Talbot  was  felt  as  a  national  mis- 
fortune, for  the  people  had  honoured  him  as  the  greatest 
general  of  his  time.  His  noble  character,  and  literary 
merits,  had  also  gained  him  the  high  esteem  of  Queen 
Margaret  and  her  court,  who  especially  deplored  his 
loss. 

The  ill  success  of  the  English  army  in  France  in- 
creased the  distress  and  gloom  of  this  period,  and  the 
clamorous  Yorkists  began  to  be  regarded  as  enemies  of 
the  King.  Still  heavier  trials  than  these  awaited  the 
Queen,  who,  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  had  to  mourn 
the  loss  of  her  beloved  and  devoted  mother,  with  whom, 
in  her  early  years,  she  had  shared  in  difficulties  and 
dangers,  and  learned  the  lessons  of  adversity."'-' 

Isabella  of  Lorraine  died  on  the  28th  of  February, 
1453,  after  a  lingering  and  painful  illness,  in  which 
she  received  the  soothing  care  and  attentions  of  her 
eldest  daughter  Yolande,  and  her  husband,   Ferri  do 

*  Qiieen  Margaret's  mourning  weeds  were  blue,  perhaps  of  that  dark, 
deep  shade  called  French  black. 


396  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

Vaiulemont.  Queen  Margaret,  although  not  able  to 
share  these  duties,  was  deeply  afflicted,  and  sym- 
pathized in  the  grief  of  Rene,  who  for  a  time  appeared 
inconsolable. 

If  it  be  true  that  highly  gifted  intellects  are  apt  to 
grasp  at  the  probable  future,  and  to  guide  their  actions 
thereby,  we  may  suppose  that  Queen  Margaret,  ob- 
serving the  passing  clouds  which  oft  overshadowed  the 
reasoning  faculties  of  her  husband,  formed  some  anti- 
cipation, that  by  a  more  heavy  oppression  he  might  be 
visited.  She  felt  the  urgent  need  of  judging  and  act- 
ing for  him  when  he  was  unable  to  decide  on  public 
affairs  which  perplexed  and  excited  him.  She  there- 
fore adopted  the  course  of  leadhig  him  to  pass  his  time 
in  peaceful  occupations  and  amusements.  Some  have 
blamed  this  prudence,  saying  these  pursuits  were 
more  suitable  for  a  monk  than  for  a  king.  Yet 
the  Queen  evinced  in  this  her  gentleness  and  afiec- 
tion  for  her  consort  no  less  than  the  correctness  of 
her  judgment. 

It  was  during  this  unhappy  position  of  affairs  that 
Queen  Margaret  gave  birth  to  her  only  child,  Prince 
Edward.  This  summer  the  Queen  had  been  residing 
at  the  Palace  of  Westminster,  and  here  it  was  that 
her  son,  the  heir  of  King  Henry's  now  disputed  throne, 
first  saw  the  light,  on  the  13th  of  October,  (St.  Ed- 
1453.      ward's  day,)  in   1453.     The  Queen  was  attended  by 

?andfordV  ^^^   Duchcss  of  Somcrset,  to  whom   she   was   much 

Poi.ver^ii;  attached. 

Hume  ; 

Linf^ard;  The  uatiou   rcjoiccd  greatly  at  the  birth  of  their 

*^""'        prince.     The  little  infant  was  baptized  in  Westminster 

Abbey,   the   ceremony   being  performed,    with   great 

splendour,  by  the  pious  William  Waynfleet,  Bishop  of 

Winchester,*  who   was  King  Henry's  most  beloved 

*  This  prelate  immediately  afterwards  confirmed  the  infant  prince,  ac- 
cording to  the  Roman  Catholic  rites. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  397 

friend  and  counsellor ;  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  Duchess  of  Buck- 
ingham were  the  sponsors.  The  font  was  arrayed  in 
russet  cloth  of  gold,  and  surrounded  by  a  bla/e  of 
tapers.  The  "  Crysome  "  or  king's  mantle,  in  which 
the  royal  babe  was  received  after  his  immersion,  with 
other  accessories,  cost  the  sum  of  £554  16s.  8c?.  This 
mantle  was  very  rich  with  embroidery  of  pearls  and 
precious  stones,  and  was  lined  with  a  fine  white  linen 
wrapper,  to  prevent  the  brocade  and  gems  from 
coming  in  contact  with  the  delicate  skin  of  the  new- 
born prince.* 

On  the  18th  of  November  the  ceremony  of  the  ii53. 
churching  of  the  Queen  took  place  at  the  Palace  of 
Westminster,  a  writ  of  summons  under  the  privy  seal 
having  been  issued  to  command  the  attendance  of 
ladies  of  the  highest  rank  in  England.  On  this  oc- 
casion were  present  ten  duchesses,  eight  countesses, 
one  viscountess,  and  sixteen  baronesses,  f 

King  Henry  was  still  suffering  under  his  severe 
mental  malady,  and  in  such  a  state  of  aberration  of 
mind  that  he  could  not  notice  his  little  son.  The  con- 
dition of  the  King,  at  this  time,  is  portrayed  in  an 
interesting  passage  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  as  follows : — "  As  touchyng  tythynges, 
"  please  it  you  to  wite,  that  at  the  Princes  comyng  to 
"  Wyndesore,  the  Duke  of  Buk'  toke  hym  in  his  amies, 
"  and  presented  hym  to  the  Kyng  in  godely  wise,  be- 
"  sechyng  the  Kyng  to  blisse  him;  and  the  Kyng  gave 
"  no  maner  answere.  Natheles  the  Duk  abode  stille 
"  wit  the  Prince  by  the  Kyng ;  and  whan  he  coudo 
"  no  maner  answere  have,  the  Queene  come  in,  and 
"  toke  the  Prince  in  hir  armes,  and  presented  hym  in 

*  Issue  Rolls  ;  Fabian  ;  ]\Iilles's  Catalogue. 

t  Five  hundred  and  forty  "brown  sable  backs"  adorned  the  Queen's 
chuvching-robe.     See  Appendix,  p.  435. 


398  MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  like  fourme  as  the  Duke  Lad  done,  desir3^ng  tliat  he 
"  shidd  bhsse  it ;  but  alle  tlieir  labour  was  in  veyne, 
"  for  they  departed  thens  witout  out  any  answere  or 
"  countenaunce,  sauyng  onely  that  ones  he  loked  on 
"  the  Prince,  and  caste  downe  his  eyene  agen  witout 
"  any  more."* 

Previous  to  the  birth  of  her  son,  the  King  had  pre- 
sented Queen  Margaret  with  a  token  of  regard,  viz.,  a 
jewel,  called  a  demy  ceipit^  bought  by  him  of  his 
jeweller,  John  Wynne  of  the  city  of  London,  and  as  he 
says,  "  delyverede  by  oure  commandment  unto  oure 
"  moost  dere  and  moost  entierly  belovede  wyf,  the 
"  quene."  f 

The  royal  infant  had  received  from  his  mother  the 
name  of  Edward,  a  name  much  dearer  to  the  country 
than  that  of  his  father  and  grandfather.  The  choice  of 
this  name  showed  the  wisdom  and  policy  of  Queen 
JMargaret ;  still  seeking,  if  it  were  possible,  to  ingra- 
tiate herself  with  the  people.  The  little  Prince  was 
carried  to  Windsor,  and  there,  on  Pentecost  Sunday, 
1454,  he  was  created  Prince  of  Wales,  Duke  of  Corn- 
wall, and  Earl  of  Chester,  in  the  presence  of  the  Queen, 
the  Chancellor,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  many 
lords.  To  these  titles  were  afterwards  added  the  castle 
and  lordship  of  Buelt  and  Montgomery;  which,  it  would 
appear,  belonged  to  this  prince  l)y  right,  but  had  been 
omitted  in  his  former  patent,  through  the  interference 
of  the  Duke  of  York.:t^ 

It  may  be  presumed  by  the  provision  made  at  this 
period  in  favour  of  the  young  Prince  that  the  recovery 
of  the  King  was  hopeless.     What  a  season  of  anxiety 

*  Egerton  MSS. 

+  As  long  after  as  the  year  14."0,  the  King- writes  from  the  castle  of 
Eccleshall  to  command  jmyment  of  200/.  for  the  above  gift. 

X  These  creations  are  placed  by  some  of  our  historians  in  the  year  1457, 
three  year.s  later  ;  but  a  letter  in  the  Paston  Collection  proves  this  to  be 
erroneous. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  399 

for  the  unfortunate  Queen  !  We  are  told,  indeed,  that 
her  cliild  awakened  in  his  mother's  breast  the  fondest 
affection,  but  it  was  united  to  the  deepest  anxiety; 
and  truly,  it  was  his  destiny  to  cause  her  many  griefs.* 
From  his  infancy,  however,  this  prince  gave  presage 
of  a  most  excellent  disposition,  which,  in  after  years, 
was  confirmed,  and,  as  he  arrived  at  years  of  discre- 
tion, he  advanced  in  amiability  and  virtue. 

The  birth  of  Prince  Edward  gave  rise  immediately 
to  some  very  unjust  and  unfavourable  reports,  in  which 
the  malice  of  the  Queen's  enemies  was  but  too  appa- 
rent. Some  individuals  boldly  asserted  that  this  child 
was  not  the  King's  son.  Others,  wdiile  they  main- 
tained this  opinion,  and  called  him  supposititious, 
acknowledged  that  they  had  no  other  foundation  for 
their  opinion  than  the  improbability  of  the  Queen 
having  a  son,  after  having  passed  nine  years  of  her 
wedded  life  without  having  any  children,  f 

The  legitimacy  of  the  Prince  was,  however,  soon 
established  by  the  concurrent  voice  of  the  people ;  and 
wdiile  these  remarks  were  circulated  by  the  enemies  of 
Queen  ]\Iargaret,  to  the  injury  of  her  reputation, 
others,  more  liberally  disposed,  who  questioned  not  the 
honour  or  virtue  of  their  Queen,  regarded  the  birth  of 
her  child  as  auspicious  of  better  fortune ;  hoping,  that 
having  a  son  and  heir.  Queen  Margaret  would  feel  a 
more  lively  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  She 
had,  in  fact,  become  the  object  of  popular  dislike,  if  not 
of  hatred,  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  was  universally 
considered  as  too  v/ell  affected  towards  France.|  Had 
this  last  imputation  been  true,  it  is  most  certain  that 
Queen  Margaret  must  have  incurred  the  penalty  of  her 

*  Sandford  :  Toplis  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Paston  Letters ;  "Sugse  An- 
tiqi^fe  ;  Stow  :  Fabian  ;  HoweUs  Med.  Hist.  Aug. ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Hallam  ; 
Hume  ;  Birch's  lUust.  ;  Ormerod's  Chester. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Fabian  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Heniy. 

t  Rapin  ;  Lingard. 


400  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

deviation  from  rectitude ;  for  the  Avar  with  France  was 
no  sooner  over  than  the  active  and  discontented  spirit 
of  the  English  nobihty  broke  out  in  a  long  and  bloody 
civil  contest,  and  all  that  courage  and  energy,  (which 
had  formerly  gained  them  the  brightest  laurels  in  a 
foreign  land,)  were  productive  only  of  the  most  perni- 
cious results,  when  employed  in  desolating  their  own 
country  to  gratify  their  personal  resentments.  "^'^  Had 
the  birth  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  happened  earlier,  it 
might  have  contributed,  perhaps,  to  calm  the  public 
mind ;  which  by  this  time  had  been  prepared,  by  the 
insinuations  of  the  Yorkists,  to  receive  the  Duke  of 
York,  if  not  as  their  king  at  this  period,  at  least  to 
acknowledge  him  as  Henry's  successor.  This  hope 
was  destroyed  by  the  inopportune  claimant,  the  infant 
Edward,  and  Queen  Margaret's  enemies  industriously 
circulated  doubts  of  the  legitimacy  of  her  child,  assail- 
in  ir  her  with  calumnies  which  could  not  fail  to  be 
impressed  on  the  minds  of  the  people,  who  were  so  ill- 
disposed  towards  her.")" 

During  the  late  events  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  was 
staying  in  the  city  of  York.  It  was  reported  that 
Henry  Holland,  Duke  of  Exeter,  was  also  there 
covertly,  and  the  writer  (a  Lancastrian)  adds,  "  God 
send  him  good  counsel  hereafter." 

The  Duke  of  York  remained  in  that  city  until  after 
the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi.  He  paid  great  attention 
to  the  religious  solemnities,  which  gi'atified  the  people, 
and  gained  him  much  popularity. 

The  cliaracteristics  of  this  Duke  had  been  displayed 
both  in  Ireland  and  in  France,  viz.,  his  valour  and 
ability,  his  prudent  conduct  and  mild  disposition ;  and 
these  had  gained  him  many  friends.  He  was,  besides, 
extremely  cautious,  and  even  betraj^ed  some  fear  in  his 

*  Holinshed.  t  Fabian. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  401 

subsequent  proceedings  against  tlie  King.*  Had  not 
the  death  of  Gloucester  paved  the  way  for  the  ambi- 
tious schemes  of  York,  it  seems  probable  that  the  latter 
would  never  have  asserted  his  right  to  the  crown  ;  and, 
having  now  done  so,  he  encountered  so  many  obsta- 
cles, that  he  might  have  been  diverted  from  his  pur- 
pose, had  not  the  general  discontent  of  the  people 
encouraged  him  to  proceed. 

The  repeated  indisposition  of  the  King  had  caused 
great  vacillation  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  for  ahhoiigh 
they  respected  their  sovereign,  and  were  attached  to 
him  for  his  meek  and  amiable  disposition,  they  could 
not  but  acknowledge  that  he  was  only  the  shadow  of 
a  king ;  and  that  he  lent  his  name  to  anything  pro- 
posed to  him  by  the  Queen  and  her  ministers.  These  i4r,3. 
ministers,  by  the  bad  use  they  made  of  their  autho-  ^^^''"" 
rity,  had  lost  their  influence  and  respect  with  the 
people,  who  loudly  complained  of  Somerset's  choice 
of  men  devoid  of  principle  and  talent,  to  fill  the  offices 
of  state,  and  even  the  Council-chamber,  They  went 
so  far  as  to  suspect  him  of  a  design  to  suppress  religion 
and  morality  altogether,  and  of  not  allowing  the 
correction  of  the  abuses  and  disorders  of  the  country.")" 
The  loss  of  France  had  irritated  the  people,  and  while 
the  King  was  thought  to  be  incapable  of  retrieving  the 
honour  of  the  nation,  the  Queen  was  considered  too 
zealous  for  the  interests  of  the  French,  and  ambitious 
of  monopolizing  all  power;  finally,  that  Somerset  was 
a  greedy  minister,  eager  to  enrich  himself  at  the  public 
expense. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  public  mind  at  this 
period.  No  w^onder  that  they  should  listen  to  the 
claims  of  York,  and  that  the  birth  of  the  Prince,  by 
depriving  this  Duke  of  his  right   as   heir  apparent, 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Hume. 
■f  Rapin. 


402  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOTJ. 

should  increase  the  irritation  of  all  parties,  and  ex- 
clude every  hope  of  his  peaceable  succession  to  the 
throne.* 

The  Duke  of  York  perceived  the  advantage  he 
derived  from  the  disposition  of  the  people,  and  resolved 
to  insinuate  himself  into  their  affections,  under  the 
plea  of  redressing  their  grievances,  by  obliging  the 
King  to  appoint  more  competent  ministers.  He  was 
convinced  that  could  he  succeed  in  excluding  his 
enemies  from  the  Cabinet,  he  should  be  enabled  to 
establish  his  own  friends  there,  and  eventually 
triumph. 

Many  of  the  nobility  were  predisposed  to  any  new 
arrangement,  through  their  dislike  to  the  ministry. 
The  Duke,  therefore,  to  effect  his  purpose,  engaged 
several  lords  in  his  interest,  under  pretence  of  driving 
the  Duke  of  Somerset  away  from  court ;  for  he  was 
envied  and  hated  by  all.  He  next  stirred  up  the  people 
asfainst  his  rival,  and  tried  to  lessen  the  credit  of  his 
sovereign,  by  reminding  the  people  of  his  incapacity 
to  govern. f 

The  unfortunate  Henry  was  indeed  totally  unfitted 
by  his  illness  to  assume  even  the  semblance  of  regal 
power.  He  lay  senseless,  and  was  unable  either  to 
walk  or  to  stand.  Yet  the  hope  of  his  recovery  sus- 
tained the  Queen  in  this  trying  hour  whilst  absorbed 
in  maternal  cares,  and  in  watchful  anxiety  over  the 
afflicting  malady  of  her  husband.  Amidst  the  political 
changes  of  tliis  period  Margaret  took  no  part.  She 
would  not  risk  the  safety  of  her  child  by  any  attempt 
to  seize  the  reins  of  government,  but  she  acted  with 
prudence  and  cUgnity.  She  maintained  her  state  as 
Queen,  held  courts  and  audiences,  but  having  no 
longer  the  King's  authority  to  support  her,  she  was 

*  Jlonfaucon  ;  Hume  :  Rapin. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Baker ;  Pol.  Vcvg-il  ;  Rapin. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  403 

compelled  to   yield  to  the  torrent,  and  to  suffer  her 
enemies  to  govern  as  they  pleased.* 

A  graphic  and  interesting  account  has  been  afforded 
us  in  a  letter  from  the  pen  of  a  Yorkist.     He  speaks 
of  party  gatherings  about  this  time,  and  of  individual 
movements  ;  unconnectedly  he  speaks  of  both  factions  ; 
it  is,  as  it  were,  the  history  of  one  eventful  year  (1454)      i^^^- 
preceding  the  commencement  of  the  civil  wars.   Anxiety 
for  personal  safety,  or  alarm  for  the  public  weal,  seems 
to  be,  on  every  heart,  portrayed.     It  would  be  difficult 
to  fix  the  date  to  each  of  these  particulars,  but  as  a 
whole  they  exhibit  a  period  symptomatic  of  the  com- 
ing troubles,  and  show  the   misrule  of  the  Yorkists 
and  the  confusion  of  the  Lancastrians. 
The  purport  of  this  letter  is  as  follows  : — 
"  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1454,  we  find  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  giving  orders  for  2,000  bands 
or  scarfs,  distinguished  by  the  Stafford  knot ;  men 
were  at  a  loss  to  know  for  what  purpose."  f 
"  The  Cardinal  had  commanded  all   his    servants 
to  be  prepared  with  all  such  habiliments  of  war  as 
they  knew  how  to  use,  in  the  defence  of  his  pei'^on."  :j: 
"  The  Earl  of  Wiltshire  and  Lord  Bon  vile  have 
made   known,    in   Taunton,    in  Somersetshire,  that 
every  man   who  will  join   tliem,   and  serve  them, 
shall  have  provision  daily  so  long  as  they  abide  with 
them.     The  Duke  of  Exeter  hath  been  to  Tuxforth, 
near  Doncaster,  in  the  north  country,  and  there  Lord 
Effremond  met  him,  and  those  two  were  sworn  to- 
gether ;  and  the  Duke  is  come  home  again." 
"  The    Earl    of   Wiltshire,    the    Lord    Beaumont, 

*  Holinshed  ;  Lond.  Chron. ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;   Henry. 

t  Hiimphrey  Stafford,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  was  a  firm  Lancastrian,  and 
in  attendance  on  both  King  and  Queen. 

X  Cardinal  Kemp  was  of  great  age,  and  the  burden  of  his  charge  of 
affairs  in  Church  and  State  too  heavy.  His  active  measures  in  favour  of 
the  Queen  might  have  caused  him  to  fear  an  attack  on  his  life. 

D  n  2 


404  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

*'  Panynp^es,  Clyfford,  Egremond,  and  Bonvlle,  are  get- 
"  tiug  all  the  forces  they  can  to  come  hither  with  them." 

"  Tresliam,  Joseph,  Daniel,  and  Trevilian,  have 
"  made  a  bill  to  the  Lords,  desiring  to  have  a  garrison 
"  kept  at  Windsor  for  the  safeguard  of  the  King  and 
"  Prince,  and  that  they  may  have  money  for  wages  of 
"  them,  and  other,  that  shall  keep  the  garrison.  Thorp 
"  of  the  Exchequer,  articulethe  fast  against  the  Duke 
''  of  York,  but  what  his  articles  were  is  unknown.  The 
"  Duke  of  Somerset's  herbergeour  hath  taken  up  all 
"  the  lodgings  that  might  be  had  near  the  Tower,  in 
"  Thames  Street,  Mark  Lane,  St.  Katherine's,  Tower 
"  Hill,  and  thereabout." 

"  The  Queen  has  made  a  bill  of  five  articles,  which 
"  she  desires  to  be  granted  her.  First,  that  she  desires 
"  to  have  the  whole  rule  of  this  land ;  the  second,  that 
"  she  may  appoint  the  Chancellor,  Treasurer,  Privy 
"  Seal,  and  all  other  officers  of  this  land,  with  sheriffs, 
"  and  all  other  officers  that  the  King  should  make  ; 
"  the  third  is,  that  she  may  give  all  the  bishoprics  of 
"  this  land,  and  all  other  benefices  belonging  to  the 
"  King's  gift ;  the  fourth  is,  that  she  may  have  suffi- 
"  cient  livelihood  assigned  her  for  the  King,  the  Prince, 
"  and  herself;  the  fifth  article  was  omitted." 

In  continuance,  the  writer  describes  the  coming,  on 
the  25th  January,  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  London, 
with  his  friends,  Salisbury,  Warwick,  the  Earls  of 
]\rarch,  Ptichmond,  and  Pembroke,  each  one  of  them 
with  a  formidable  array  of  armed  retainers.  Next,  he 
adds  ; — "  Every  one  who  is  of  the  opinion  of  the  Duke 
"  of  Somerset  makes  himself  ready  to  be  as  strong  as 
"  he  can  make  him." 

Then  follows  a  caution  to  York  to  watch  and  be- 
ware of  the  snares  of  his  enemies ;  for,  he  adds,  "  the 
"  Duke  of  Somerset  has  spies  going  in  every  lord's 
"  house  of  this  land ;  some  go  as  brothers,  some  as 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  405 

"  sliipmen  and  otherwise,  which  make  known  to  him 
"  all  that  they  see  or  hear  relating  to  the  Duke  ; 
"  therefore,"  he  repeats,  "beware  and  watch."* 

According  to  the  information  conveyed  in  this 
letter,!  ^^^^  Duke  of  York  made  his  appearance  in  the 
metropolis,  accompanied  by  his  most  powerful  adhe- 
rents and  friends,  each  of  them  bringing  a  numerous 
retinue.  The  Court  took  alarm  ;  and  to  prevent  dis- 
sensions and  warfare,  which  they  apprehended,  the 
Queen  reluctantly  consented  to  admit  the  Duke  of 
York,  and  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Warwick,  to  the 
Council. 

The  Parliament  which  had  been  summoned  to  meet 
at  Reading  on  the  12th  of  November,  1453,  was,  in 
consequence  of  the  King's  illness,  adjourned  until  the 
11th  of  the  February  following,  and  again  until  the 
14th  of  the  same  month  in  1454,  when  the  meeting 
was  appointed  to  be  held  at  Westminster. 

Previous  to  the  events  of  this  year,  1454,  York  had 
taken*  the  resolution  to  remove  the  unfavourable  im- 
pressions inspired  by  his  former  conduct,  by  adopting 
a  mild  and  submissive  course,  at  the  same  time  seek- 
ing to  win  the  public  favour.  His  willingness  to  dis- 
band his  troops,  and  his  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  King, 
were,  he  well  knew,  likely  to  remove  any  suspicions  of 
his  evil  intentions.  | 

The  King's  malady  was  at  its  height  in  the  year  1453, 
and  the  government  was  then  chiefly  administered 
by  the  aged  Chancellor  Kemp.  It  is  true  Queen 
Margaret  herself  exercised  the  regal  authority  in  the 

*  Egerton  MSS. 

f  The  object  of  the  writer  appears  to  have  been  to  convey  information 
privately,  which  had  been  collected  by  several  persons  belonging  to  the 
household  of  John  Jlowbray,  Duke  of  Norfolk,  one  of  the  lords  of  the  York- 
ists' party,  that  their  master  might  be  acq\iainted  with  the  events  passing 
in  London,  and  other  places,  before  his  ai'rivaJ  in  the  capital. 

X  Rapin. 


406  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

name  of  her  husband,  but  the  counsels  to  which  she 
deferred  were  those  of  the  Chancellor  Kemp,  and  of 
the  Duke  of  Somerset. 

The  former  had,  as  the  Queen  knew,  formed  one  of 
the  Cabinet  before  her  marriage  to  King  Henry,  whose 
unlimited  confidence  he  had  enjoyed. 

Queen  Margaret,  however,  lost  this  acute  and  faith- 
ful counsellor  just  when  the  political  horizon  of  this 
country  began  to  be  obscured,  and  the  threatening 
storm  rendered  his  services  more  than  ever  necessary 
to  his  royal  mistress. 
5  454_  In  February,  1454,  the  Duke  of  York  opened  the 

session  in  the  name  of  the  King,  with  the  title  of  Lieu- 
tenant. 

The  death  of  the  Chancellor  Kemp,  who  was  also 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  occurred  on  the  24th  of^ 
March,  at  his  palace,  Lambeth.  A  deputation  forthwith 
waited  on  the  King  at  Windsor,  to  convey  the  intelli- 
gence, and  to  consult  his  royal  pleasure  in  appointing 
persons  to  fill  these  high  offices;  but,  upon  their  re- 
turn, they  reported  that  although  they  had  three  times 
earnestly  solicited  an  interview,  they  could  not  obtain 
it ;  nor  did  they  receive  any  other  reply  than  that  "the 
King  was  sick." 

This  evidence  of  King  Henry's  inability  to  govern 
was  sufficient.  The  Duke  of  York  was  created  "Pro- 
tector "  of  the  kingdom  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
King,  or  until  the  young  Prince  should  arrive  at  years 
of  discretion.  This  Act  also  granted  to  the  Duke,  as 
"  Protector,"  a  salary  of  2,000  marks  annually.* 

The  Duke  and  his  two  friends,  Salisbury  and 
Warwick,  had  no  sooner  taken  their  seats  in  Par- 
liament than  they  carried  all  before  them.  The 
first   act  of  liichard  of  York  was  to  proceed    boldly 

*  Milles's  Catalogue  ;    Lond.  Chron. ;    llume  ;    Ilallam's  Middle  Ages 
Henry  ;  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  407 

against  tlie  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  to  have  liim 
arrested.  This  took  pkice  even  in  the  Queen's 
chamber,  from  whence  he  was  hurried  to  the  Tower, 
where  he  was  confined  during  the  Christmas  season. 
An  accusation  was  also  laid  against  him  in  the  House 
of  Peers,  charging  him  with  the  loss  of  Caen,  This 
impeachment,  however,  was  not  prosecuted,  no  suffi- 
cient evidence  against  him  being  adduced. 

At  this  time  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  distinguished  him- 
self as  one  of  the  enemies  of  Somerset ;  he  rose  in 
the  house  and  made  an  artful  and  eloquent  harangue 
against  him.  Somerset  was  deprived  of  his  govern- 
ment of  Calais ;  of  which  place,  (always  very  important 
in  times  of  trouble  as  a  refuge,)  the  Duke  of  York 
took  possession  himself,  for  the  i^eriod  of  seven 
years.* 

After  these  abrupt  and  decided  measures  of  her 
enemies,  and  the  disrespect  shown  to  Queen  Margaret, 
in  the  seizure  of  Somerset  in  her  chamber,  it  is  highly 
improbable  that  the  articles,  (alluded  to  in  the  pre- 
ceding letter,)  which  she  had  drawn  up,  if  presented  at 
all,  would  be  listened  to  by  the  Lords.  In  like  man- 
ner, the  petitions  of  her  party  must  also  have  fallen  to 
the  ground. 

The  proceedings  of  this  session,  so  much  under  the 
influence  of  the  Protector,  are  difficult  to  trace.  Many 
lords  absented  themselves,  and  were  compelled  by 
heavy  fines  to  attend. 

It  was  decided  in  the  Parliament,  held  by  the  Duke  ^^^^• 
of  York,  on  the  15th  of  March,  1454,  that  a  medical 
Commission  should  be  appointed,  of  three  physicians 
and  two  surgeons,  to  watch  the  health  of  the  King,  and 
to  attend  on  him.  Those  who  were  chosen  for  this  office 
were    John   Arundell,    John   Faceby,    and    WiUiam 

*  Sandford  :  Holinslied  ;  Baker  ;  Hall ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Lond.  Cliron. ; 
Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Eai^m  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry ;  Hume. 


408  MAEGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

Hatclyff,*  physicians,  with  Robert  Wareyn  and  John 
Marcliall,    surgeons,    who    were    empowered    to    act 
according  to  their  own  discretion  and  the  exigency  of 
the  case, I 
1454.  At  the  meeting  of  Parliament  on  the  2nd  of  April, 

the  King's  three  Great  Seals,  one  of  gold  and  the 
other  two  of  silver,  were  brought  in  a  wooden  chest, 
and  delivered  by  the  Duke  of  York  to  the  newly 
appointed  Chancellor,  Richard,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who 
from  this  time  became,  (the  first  so  styled)  Lord 
Chancellor  of  England. 

After  conferring  this  distinction  on  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  Protector  next  favoured  the  succession  of 
Thomas  Bouchier  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Canterbury, 
at  the  same  time  nominating  Wilham  Gray,  Bishop 
of  Ely  in  the  room  of  Bouchier,  the  new  Primate. 
Five  noblemen  were  also  selected  from  the  two 
contending  parties,  to  be  intrusted  with  the  custody 
of  the  seals  for  seven  years ;  these  were  the  Earls 
of  Shrewsbury,  Worcester,  Wiltshire,  and  Salisbury, 
and  the  Lord  Stourton. 

During  this  period  of  the  rule  of  the  Yorkists, 
the  Commons,  steadfast  in  the  cause  of  the  King, 
vainly  petitioned  for  the  restoration  of  their  Speaker, 
Thomas  Thorp,  who  had  been  thrown  into  prison 
by  the  Duke  of  York.J  The  latter  had,  while  in 
chief  authority,  prepared  in  the  palace  of  the  Bishop 
of  Durham,  habiliments  of  war ;  and  these  arms  had 
been  seized  by  Thorp  at  the  command  of  tlie  King, 
upon  which  the  Duke  brought  his  action  against 
Thorp,  and  upon  trial  recovered  1,000^.  damages ; 
and  the  unfortunate  Speaker  was  committed  to  the 
Fleet  prison  in  execution. 

*  One  of  the  Foundation  Fellows  of  Cambridge  Universitj',  and  chief 
physician  to  the  King. 

f  Nicholas's  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council. 

X  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  llot.  Pari. ;  Rai>in  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  409 

The  whole  House  pleaded  for  him,  urging  his  pri- 
vilege by  common  custom,  time  out  of  memory  of 
man,  and  "ever  afore  these  times  used  in  every  of 
the  Parliaments  of  the  King's  noble  progenitors." 

The  Duke  of  York,  however,  declared  in  the  House 
of  Lords  that  Thorp,  having  been  cast  in  an  action  of 
trespass  for  carrying  away  his  goods,  lay  now  in  prison 
in  execution,  where  he,  (the  Duke,)  prayed  that  he 
might  remain.  This  had  the  force  of  a  command,  for 
the  Duke  had  great  power ;  and,  therefore,  while  the 
Commons,  overlooking  their  grievances,  appointed  a 
new  Speaker,  Thorp  was  detained  in  prison  notwith- 
standing his  privilege,  and  was  compelled  to  pay  the 
exorbitant  damages  required  of  him.  He  contrived 
to  escape  to  the  King,  but,  being  retaken,  was  sent 
to  Newgate,  and  afterwards  to  the  Marshalsea.  This 
Baron  Thorp  was  a  faithful  adherent  of  Henry  VL, 
and  was  especially  employed  by  him,  both  in  peace 
and  war,  against  the  headstrong  lords.  He  became  thus 
the  inveterate  enemy  of  the  Duke  of  York,  who  was 
much  swayed  from  his  usual  disposition  in  procuring 
from  the  Commons  so  unwarrantable  a  determination 
against  him ;  but  at  this  time  the  country  was  fast 
verging  on  civil  war.* 

The  Lancastrians  had  contrived  to  maintain  the 
rights  of  their  King.  They  declared  that  the  title  of 
"Protector"  carried  with  it  no  authority,  merely  giving 
to  the  Duke  precedence  in  the  Council,  and  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  in  time  of  war ;  that  it  inight  be 
revoked  at  the  King's  pleasure,  and  should  not  affect 
the  rights  of  the  young  Prince  of  Wales,  who  had 
been  created  Duke  of  Cornwall  and  Earl  of  Chester, 
and,  when  of  age,  the  Protectorate  would  devolve  upon 
him,  should  the  illness  of  the  King  continue. f 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Hallam  ;  Townsend's  House  of  Commons. 
+  Rymer  ;  Eot.  Pari. ;  Liugard. 


410  M.1EGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

During  tlie  imprisonment  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
and  the  King's  indisposition,  Queen  Margaret  had 
been  compelled  to  yield  to  the  rival  power;  but 
Henry's  malady  was  not  permanent.  He  recovered 
his  health,  and  the  use  of  his  reason,  about  Christmas, 
and  was  conveyed  to  London. 

The  interview  between  the  Queen  and  this  monarch, 
upon  his  recovery,  has  been  thus  described  in  one  ot 
the  Paston  Letters  : — 

"  On  the  Monday  afternoon  the  Queen  came  to  him, 
"  and  brought  my  Lord  Prince  with  her  ;  and  then  he 
"  asked  what  the  Prince's  name  was,  and  the  Queen 
"  told  him,  Edward  ;  and  then  he  held  up  his  hand,  and 
"  thanked  God  thereof  And  he  said,  'he  never  knew  him 
"  till  that  time,  nor  wist  not  what  was  said  to  him,  nor 
"  wist  not  where  he  had  been,  whilst  he  had  been  sick, 
"  till  now;'  and  he  asked,  who  were  godfathers?  and 
"  the  Queen  told  him,  and  he  was  well  apaid  {content). 

"And  she  told  him  that  the  Cardinal  was  dead ;  and 
"  he  said,  he  never  knew  thereof  till  that  time ;  and 
"  he  said,  one  of  the  wdsest  lords  in  this  land  was  dead.* 
"  And  my  Lord  of  Winchester,!  and  my  Lord  of  Saint 
"  John's :j:  were  with  him  on  the  morrow  after  Twelfth 
"  Day,  and  he  spake  to  them  as  well  as  ever  he  did ; 
"  and  when  they  came  out,  they  wept  for  joy. 

"  And  he  saith,  he  is  in  charity  with  all  the  world  ; 
"  and  so  he  would  all  the  lords  were.  And  now  he 
"  saith  matins  of  Our  Lady,  and  Evensong,  and  heareth 
"  his  mass  devoutly." 

"Written  at  Greenwich,  on  Thursday  after  Twelfth-Day, 

"  By  your  Cousin, 

"  Edmund  Cleec." 

"  10th  January,  1455. 
"  33  Henry  VI." 

*  This  was  John  Kemp,  whom  the  King-  commended.    +  William  Waynfleet. 
X  llobert  liotill,  lord  prior  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  in  Middlesex. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  411 

This  brief  and  curious  account  of  King  Henry's 
illness  is  interesting  as  coming  from  himself.  His  total 
loss  of  memory,  to  which  he  alludes,  commenced  about 
October  11th,  in  1453,  and  continued  until  Christmas, 
1454.  This  letter  also  exhibits  the  King's  true  cha- 
racter for  charity,  meekness,  and  discretion.  The 
writer  of  this  epistle,  who  had  some  appointment  at 
court,  was  then  staying  at  Greenwich,  and  had  there- 
fore good  opportunity  for  observation. 

No  sooner  was  the  King's  health  restored,  than 
Queen  Margaret  instigated  him  to  revoke  the  Duke  of 
York's  commission,  and  to  resume  his  own  proper 
authority ;  with  which  the  King  complied,  at  the  same 
time  treating  the  Duke  with  his  accustomed  kindness. 
Thus  ended  the  "  Protectorate."  *  The  late  inactivity 
of  the  Queen  had  lulled  the  Duke  of  York  into  an 
imaginary  security.  He  did  not  expect  to  be  thus 
suddenly  deprived  of  his  newly-acquired  power :  his 
affairs  were  not,  however,  sufficiently  advanced  to  give 
him  authority  to  dispute  this  point,  although  it  was 
evident  that  the  King's  resumption  of  power  was  only 
to  intrust  the  government  into  the  hands  of  the 
Queen. 

Margaret,  on  recovering  her  former  influence,  im- 
mediately released  the  Duke  of  Somerset  from  the 
Tower,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  offering  bail  for  him, 
together  with  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  and  two  other 
knights ;  but  these  were,  a  month  after,  freed  from 
their  engagement.  Somerset  had  been  accused  and 
apprehended  by  orders  of  the  Council,  and  it  was 
therefore  considered  that  the  King  had  no  power  to 
release  him  without  consulting  that  body;  but  no 
regard  was  paid  to  this  opinion ;  and,  without  having 
been  submitted  to  any  trial,  the  Duke  took  his  seat  in 

*  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Carte  ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin ;  Henry  ; 
Milles's  Catalogue. 


412  ISLiEGAKET    OF    ANJOU. 

the  Cabinet,  where  the  Queen,  supported  by  this 
favourite  minister,  regained  her  former  importance, 
and  York  and  his  party  were  no  longer  able  to  pre- 
serve any  authority.* 

The  enmity  between  the  Dukes  of  York  and 
Somerset,  upon  this,  rose  to  a  great  pitch,  and  some 
of  the  more  prudent  of  the  members  exerted  their 
interest  to  reconcile  them  ;  nor  did  this  appear  imprac- 
ticable, the  object  of  both  parties  being  to  preserve  the 
good  opinion  of  the  people,  which  they  could  not  hope 
for  should  they  suffer  their  ambitious  motives  to  be- 
come apparent.  These  noblemen  consented  to  submit 
to  arbitration ;  and  agreed  that  whichever  refused  to 
yield  to  this  decision  should  forfeit  to  his  rival  the  sum 
of  20,000  marks,  and  that  the  award  should  be  given 
before  the  20th  of  June.  Eight  persons  were  chosen 
as  arbitrators,  viz.,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the 
Bishop  of  Ely,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  Earls  of 
Wiltshire  and  Worcester,  Viscount  Beaumont,  and  the 
Lords  Cromwell  and  Stourton.  These  all  met  at 
Coventry,  and  held  their  controversy  in  the  presence 
of  the  King.  It  was  represented,  meanwhile,  to  this 
monarch  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  that  he  had  been 
deprived  of  his  government  of  Calais  upon  an  accusa- 
tion against  him,  which  had  not  been  proved ;  and  that 
it  was  still  detained  from  him  unjustly  by  the  Duke  of 
York. 

With  much  earnestness  did  King  Henry  labour  to 
reconcile  his  two  irascible  subjects.  He  now  took  from 
the  Duke  of  York  the  government  of  Calais,  and, 
under  pretence  of  maintaining  a  neutrality  between  the 
parties,  he  declared  that  he  would  himself  assume  that 
government;  but  this  arrangement  proved  highly  dis- 
pleasing to  the  Duke  of  York,  who  immediately,  with 
feelings  of  deep  resentment,  retired  from  court. 

*  stow  ;  Baker  ;  Carte  ;  Lingard  ;  Henij. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  413 

For  his  personal  safety  he  went  into  Wales,  but  his 
chief  object  was  to  prepare  an  army  to  enforce  his 
claims  to  a  throne,  which  he  found  he  could  not  obtain 
by  policy  and  address.*  The  Duke  had  become  con- 
vinced that  nothing  but  force  could  displace  his 
enemies ;  the  Queen^  and  Somerset  having,  through 
their  influence  over  the  King,  so  much  the  advantage. 
The  friends  of  the  Duke — Salisbury,  Warwick,  Lord 
Cobham,  and  others, — soon  joined  him.  They  had 
also  arrived  at  the  same  conclusions,  viz.,  that 
remonstrances  and  public  accusations  were  in- 
effectual. 

It  was  resolved,  finally,  that  their  disputes  should  be 
settled  by  force  of  arms.  An  army  was  speedily  levied, 
and  their  pretext  for  this  hostile  movement  was,  the 
release  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset  without  legal  autho- 
rity ;  a  plea,  they  well  knew,  which  would  draw  many  to 
their  standard.  From  his  castle  of  Ludlow,  the  Duke 
of  York  addressed  a  letter,  in  February,  1455,  to  the  ^^^s. 
bailiffs,  burgesses,  and  commons  of  Shrewsbury,  com- 
plaining of  the  misconduct  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset ; 
and  setting  forth  his  intention,  viz.,  to  remove  this 
minister  by  force  from  the  King's  Council  and  person ; 
and  he  further  exhorted  them  to  aid  him  in  this 
enterprise. 

In  the  march  of  the  Duke  of  York  towards  London 
he  was  supported  by  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  War- 
wick, the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  Lord  Cobham,  with  all 
their  followers,  amounting  to  3,000  men. 

On  the  side  of  the  royalists  were  the  Dukes  of 
Somerset  and  Buckingham,  the  Earls  of  Northumber- 
land, Stafford,  Dorset,  Pembroke,  and  others,  with  an 
army  of  8,000  men,'\  with  the  King  at  their  head. 

*  Sandford  ;    W.   of   Worcester  ;     Carte  ;    Paston    Letters  ;     Lingard  ; 
Rapin ;  Hume  ;   Henry  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury. 
f  Stow  says  more  than  2,000. 


414  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

These  all  encamped  the  night  before  their  encounter 
at  Watford,  and  the  following  morning  entered  St. 
Albans.* 

*  Baker  :  Holinshed  ;  Stow  :  Sandford ;  Carte  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury  ; 
Howel ;  Hume  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry. 


APPENDIX 

TO    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


(Ejrmer's  Foeclera,  vol.  xi.)     a.d.  1444.     22  Henry  VI. 

For  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  upon  his  scruples  in  the  execution  of  the  Emhassij 
entrusted  to  him. 

The  King  to  all,  &c.  :  — 

Know  that,  as  we  have  commissioned  owr  dearly  beloved  cousin, 
William  de  la  Pole,  Earl  of  SvifFolk,  Great  Seneschall  of  our  Household, 
our  Ambassador,  and  others  in  his  suite  in  our  kingdom  of  France,  to  oux 
Uncle  and  Adversary  of  France,  upon  certain  matters  touchiug  Us,  our 
Kingdom,  our  dominions  and  the  quiet  of  our  subjects. 

And  as  our  cousin  fears  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  his  commission  as 
granted  by  Act  of  our  Council  under  our  owti  hand  and  Seal. 

We,  wishing  to  remove  all  occasion  of  fear  and  scruple  from  our  afore- 
said cousin,  and  all  doubt  in  the  execution  of  our  laws  and  commands, 
and  every  like  feeling  in  the  hearts  of  our  subjects. 

To  all  and  every  we  wish  to  be  known,  in  our  great  desire  for  peace, 
the  matrimony  of  oiir  person,  and  the  quiet  and  tranquillity  of  our  faithful 
English  subjects,  &c.,  &c. 

Here  follows  a  declaration  exonerating  the  Ambassador  and  his  heirs 
for  ever  and  ever  from  any  consequences  resulting  from  the  discharge  of 
his  embassy,  and  freeing  him  and  his  heirs  from  all  molestation,  or 
demands  on  the  part  of  the  King,  his  heirs  or  successors. 

Witness  the  King  at  Westminster, 
Feb.  25. 


Mandate  for  the  Payment  of  Moneys  for  the  expenses  of  the   Queen's 
journey  into  England. 

Henri,  by  the  grace  of  God,  kyng  of  Englande  and  of  Fraunce, 
and  lord  of  Irlande,  to  the  tresorere  and  chamberlains  of 
oure  Eschequier,  greting. 
We,  by  the  advice  of  qure  counsail,  have  maade  certain  advisamentz  of 


416  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

dispenses  and  coustages  that  by  estinacione  wolde  sufBse  for  the  bringing 
oute  of  our  reaume  of  Fraunce  unto  oure  presence  of  oure  mooste  beste 
l)eloved  vryi  the  quene,  as  by  ij  copies  of  the  said  advises,  the  whiche  we 
sende  unto  you  closed  withinne  thees,  it  may  appere  unto  you  more  at 
j)lain.  We  wol  therefore,  by  tliadvis  of  oure  saide  counsail,  and  charge 
you  that  yedeliver,  by  way  of  apprest,  unto  oure  welbeloved  servantz 
Johne  Breknoke  and  to  Johne  Everdone,  clercs  in  oure  householde,  or 
to  the  oon  of  theim,  whom  we  have  assigned  to  entende  for  and  aboute 
the  said  expenses,  the  sommes  conteigned  in  the  said  cedules  after  the 
tenour  of  theim,  to  paie  the  same  sommes  after  the  teneure  of  the  said 
advises. 

Yevene  undre  oure  Prive  Seal,  at  Westminster,  the  xix  day  of  Augst, 
the  yere  of  oure  regne  xxij. 

Benet. 


{The  Second  Schedule.) 

Five  barons  and  baronesses,  each  four  shillings  and  sixpence  the 
day,  and  three  esquires,  each  at  twenty-three  pence  the  day,  two  valets, 
each  at  sixpence  the  day  for  ninety-one  days. 

The  controuller  at  two  shillings  and  sixpence  the  day,  and  one 
esquire  at  eighteen  pence  the  day,  two  valets  each  at  sixpence  the  day, 
for  ninety-one  days. 

Thirteen  knights,  each  at  two  shillings  and  sixjience  the  day,  and  six 
valets,  each  at  sixpence  the  day,  for  ninety-one  days. 

Forty-seven  esquires,  each  at  eighteen  pence  the  day,  and  one  valet, 
each  at  sixpence  the  day,  for  ninety-one  days. 

Eighty-two  valets,  each  at  sixpence  the  day,  for  ninety-one  days. 

Twenty  sumjDtermeu  and  others,  each  at  four  pence  the  day,  for  ninety- 
one  days. 

Benet. 


Oil  Safe  Conduct  to  see  the  Coronation  of  the  Queen. 

The  King,  by  his  letters  patent  to  remain  in  force  the  next  half  year, 
<loth  take  under  his  especial  protection,  safe  keejnng,  and  defence,  for 
safe  and  sure  conduct,  William  Monypeny,  Esqr.,  and  Master  Donald 
Motmulon,  Clerk,  Scotsmen,  and  their  sixteen  servants,  in  their  journey 
in  tlie  Kingdom  of  the  King  of  England,  by  land  or  by  sea,  by  water,  on 
foot  or  on  horseback,  with  their  gold  and  sUver  in  bars  and  wallets, 
and  all  other  goods  whatever,  on  their  coming  to  see  the  solemnity  of  the 
Coronation  of  the  Queen. 

Here  follows  permission  to  come  to  any  place  within  his  Majesty's 
dominions,  Territories,  and  Jurisdiction,  to  abide  and  to  go  backwards  and 
forw^ards  as  often,  and  in  what  way  they  please,  during  the  term  of  the 


IklAEGAEET  OF   ANJOU.  417 

Safe  Conduct,  without  let,  liindrance,  or  obstruction  from  tlie  servants  and 
officers  of  the  King. 

Pro\-ided  always,  that  they  conduct  themselves  well  and  honestly 
towards  the  King  and  his  peojjle,  and  tliat  neither  by  word  or  deed  they 
say,  or  attempt  anything  tliat  may  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King  or 
people — provided  always,thattheydo  not  enter  into  any  Castle,  Fortress, 
or  fortified  Town  of  the  King,  without  shewing  to  the  proper  Authorities 
the  letters  of  Safe  Conduct. 

Witness  the  King  at  Westminster, 
Dec.  5. 


(Ibid.)     A.D.  1445.     23  Henry  VI. 

Concerning  the  ring  with  which  the  King  was  sacred  on  the  day  of  his 
Coronation  at  Paris,  to  be  remade  for  the  marriage  of  the  Queen,  and 
of  eariozis  presents. 

Eight  trusty  and  well-beloved. 

For,  as  nioch  as  oure  Trusty  and  well  beloved  Squire  John  Merston, 
Tresorier  of  oure  Cliamber  and  Keeper  of  our  Jewels,  hath  by 
oui'e  special  commandement  delivered  these  jewelles  under  written  ; 
that  is  to  say  :  — 

A  Eyng  of  Gold  garnished  wath  a  fayr  ruble,  somtyme  yeven  unto  us 
by  our  Bel  oncle  the  Cardinal  of  Englande,  with  the  which  we  were 
sacred  in  the  day  of  our  Coronation  at  Parys,  delivered  unto  Matthew 
Philip  to  Breke  and  thereof  to  make  another  ryng  for  the  Queen's  wed- 
ding ring. 

Here  follows  an  enumeration  of  various  articles  of  gold  and  jewellery 
with  their  prices,  presents  from  the  King  to  various  persons,  on  the  New 
Year's  day  previous. 

A  Tabulet  of  Gold  with  an  Ymage  of  the  Pite  of  Our  Lord,  Gar- 
nished with  Stones  and  Perle,  bought  of  Matthew  Philip,  and  yeven 
imto  oure  bel  oncle,  the  Due  of  Gloucester,  by  us  on  Neweyere's  Day  last 
passed,  price  xc  lib. 

A  Cujape  of  Golde  covered  and  chased,  bought  of  John.  Pattesley, 
goldsmith  of  London,  and  yeven  by  us  to  oure  bel  oncle  the  Cardinale 
of  England,  on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  xc  lib.  vij  s. 

An  Ouche  of  Gold  Garnished  with  a  Balys,  a  SaphjT,  and  a  great 
Perle,  bought  of  the  said  Mathew,  and  yeven  by  us  unto  the  Due  of 
Exeter  on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  Ix  I. 

A  Tabulet  of  Gold  garnished  with  stones  and  perle,  Bought  of  the  said 
John  Pattesley,  and  Yeven  by  Us  unto  the  Archebishop  of  Canterbury 
on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  1  lib. 

A  Tabulet  of  Gold  with  an  Ymage  of  Our  Lady,  garnished  with  stonys 
and  perle,  Bought  of  the  said  John,  and  Yeven  by  Us  unto  the  Duchesse 
of  Buckingham  on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  xxxiiiZ.  vis.  viij  d. 

An  Ouche  of  Gold  made  in  manner  of  a  Gentil- woman,  garnished  with 
stones  and  perle,  bought  of  the  said  Mathew,  and  Yeven  by  Us  mito 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  xxx^. 

VOL.   I.  E    E 


418  MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

A  Tabulet  of  Gold  with  an  Ymage  of  St.  Katerme,  garnished  with 
stonys  and  perle.  Bought  of  the  same  Mathew  and  Yeven  unto  the 
Bishop  of  Sarum  on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  xxviZ.  xiiis. 
and  iiij  d. 

A  Gipser  of  Gold,  garnished  with  Rubies  and  perle,  bought  of  the  said 
Mathew,  and  Yeven  by  Us  unto  oure  Cousin,  the  Viscount  Beaumont, 
on  the  said  Neweyere's  Day,  price  xx  I. 

An  Ouche  of  Gold  made  in  manner  of  a  pare,  garnished  with  Stonys 
and  Perle,  and  bought  of  the  said  Mathew,  and  Yeven  by  us  unto  the 
Lord  of  Sydeley,  on  the  sayd  Neweyere's  Day,  jwice  xx  I. 

An  Ouche,  garnished  with  a  Balys,  a  Saphyr,  and  six  Perles, 

bought  of  the  said  IMathew,  and  Yeven  by  Us  unto  Sir  James  Fenys, 
Knight,  on  the  same  Neweyere's  Day. 

An  Ouche  of  Gold  made  in  manner  of  a  Peche,  garnished,  bought  of 
the  said  Mathew,  and  Yeven  by  Us  unto  Sir  John  Beauchamp,  Knight, 
Steward  of  our  Howshold,  on  the  same  Neweyere's  Day. 

An  Ouche  of  Gold  and  in  the  middes  a  Flour  de  Lyes,  bought  of  the 
said  Mathew,  and  Yeven  to  Sir  Roger  Fenys,  Knight,  Tresorier  of  oure 
household  on  the  same  Neweyere's  Day. 

And  an  Ouche  of  Gold  garnished  with  a  greet  Perle,  a  Ruble,  and  a 
Diamond  plajm,  taken  of  the  Stuff  of  our  Jewelliows,  and  Yeven  by  Us 
unto  Rose  Merston  on  the  sayd  Neweyere's  Day. 

We  wol  and  Charge  you,  that,  under  our  Prive  Seal,  being  in  your 
Warde,  ye  do  make  oure  Letters  of  Warrant  sufficient  and  in  due  forme 
unto  oure  said  Squire  for  his  discharge  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Jewelles 
aforesaid,  and  theese  our  Letters  shall  be  your  Warrant. 

Yeven  under  our  Signet  at  our  Castle  of  Wyndesore  the  xij  day  of 
January  the  yere  of  oure  Regne  xxiii. 

Dors. 

To  our  Right  Trusty  and  Well  beloved  Clerc,  Maister  Adam  Moleyns, 
Keper  of  oure  Prive  Sele. 


Concerniwj  the  jeviels  'prepared  for  the  Coronation  of  the  Queen,  d-c,  <i:c. 
(Ibid.)     A.D.  1445.     23  Henry  VI. 
R. 

To  the  Tresorer  and  Chamberleins,  &c.,  Greting. 

We  Wol  and  Charge  you  that  ye  Deliver  sufficient  assignement  of  the 
Half  XVth  Graunted  unto  Us  T)y  the  Lay  People  of  this  oure  Reaunie 
in  this  oure  present  Parlement  of  Four  Thousand  Marc,  as  for  Monnoye 
Lent  unto  Us  in  manere  and  fourme  as  foloweth ;  that  is  for  to  sey, 

Of  Two  Thousand  Marc  to  Us  into  oure  Chambre  by  the  Handes  of 
John  Merston,  Keper  of  oure  Jewells,  for  a  JeweU  of  Saint  George  the 
whiche  we  have  Bought  of  oure  trusty  and  welbeloved  Knight,  William 
Estfeld. 

And  of  the  other  Two  Thousand  Marc,  for  Two  Thousand  Marc  the 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  419 

whicTie  oiire  said  Knight  hath,  lent  nowe  unto  Us  in  Prest  Money  at  the 
Contemplacion  of  our  moost  best  beloved  Wief  the  Queene  for  hir  com- 
myng  nowe  unto  oure  Presence. 

Yeven,  &c.,  at  Wyndesore  the  Sext  Day  of  ApriD,  the  Yere,  &c.,  xxiiL 


E.,  &c. 
To  the  Tresorer  and  Chamberleins  of  onre  Eschequier  Gretiug. 

We  Wol  and  Charge  you  that,  for  such  things  as  oure  right  entierly 
Welbeloved  Wyf  the  Queene  most  necessaryly  have  for  the  Solempnitee 
of  hir  Coronation,  ye  Deliver,  of  oure  Tresour,  unto  oure  trusty  and  wel- 
beloved squier  John  Merston,  Keper  of  oure  Jewell,  a  Pusan  of  ^Golde, 
called  Ilkyngton  Coler,  Garnished  with  iv  Rubees,  iv  greet  Sapphurs, 
xxxii  greet  Perles,  and  liii  other  Perles.  And  also  a  Pectoral  of  Golde 
Garnished  with  Rubees,  Perles,  and  Diamonds,  and  also  with  a  greet 
Owche  Garnished  with  Diamondes,  Rubees,  and  Perles,  sometyme 
bought  of  a  Marchant  of  Coule\Ti  for  the  Price  of  Two  Thousand  Marc, 

He  as  wel  to  Deliver  the  saide  Pusan  as  the  said  Pectoral  unto  oure 
saide  Wyf  of  oure  Guft. 

Yeven,  &c.,  at  Southwyk  the  xviii  Day  of  Aprill,  the  Yere,  &c.,  xxiii. 


(Ibid.)     A.D.  1445.     23  Henry  VI. 

Concerning  the  atUtidance  of  the  Queen  to  Englmid. 

The  King  to  all  greeting  : — 

Be  it  known  that  we,  in  consideration  of  the  great  care,  trouble,  and 
expense,  which  our  trusty  and  faithful  Secretary,  Richard  Andrew,  in 
our  business,  as  our  Ambassador,  and  especially  in  his  attendance  on  our 
well-beloved  Consort,  on  her  deiaarture  from  our  Kingdom  of  France, 
and  on  her  coming  to  our  presence,  has  had  and  sustained,  and  also  of  the 
valuable,  acceptable,  and  praiseworthy  services  which  he  has  rendered 
us,  and  will  render  to  us  in  future,  in  our  especial  favor,  we  have  granted 
him  One  hundred  pounds,  to  be  received  every  year  from  the  last  past 
Festival  of  St.  Michael. 

To  wit — SLxty  Pounds  from  our  Customs  on  Wool,  Tan,  and  Skins  in 
the  port  of  our  To-mi  of  Southampton,  to  be  paid  by  the  Collectors  of 
those  duties  for  the  time  being,  at  the  Easter  and  Michaelmas  Quarters, 
in  equal  portions  of  forty  pounds  from  our  Customs  on  Wool,  Tan,  and 
Skins,  in  our  port  of  London,  to  be  paid  by  the  Collectors  of  those  duties 
for  the  time  being  at  the  aforesaid  periods  in  equal  portions. 

Confirming  all  other  grants  and  gifts  formerly  made  by  us  to  the  said 
Richard,  all  and  every  statute,  act,  ordonance,  restriction,  on  any  cause  or 
matter  whatever  otherwise  made  or  provided  notwithstanding. 

In  virtue  whereof,  &c., 

Witness  the  King  at  Westminster, 
15th  day  of  May. 

E   E   2 


420  MAEGARET   OP   ANJOU. 

(Ibid.)     A.D.  1445.     23  Henry  VI. 

Goncerniwj  the  customary  gifts  for  the  Master  of  the  Ship  loho  brought  the 
Queen  to  Engla'ud. 

The  King  to  all,  &c.,  greeting : — 

Know  that,  as  we  have  been  inibrmed  that  it  has  always  been  a  custom 
on  those  occasions,  when  Queens  have  arrived  in  this  our  kingdom,  that 
certain  gifts  should  be  granted  to  the  masters  of  those  vessels  in  which 
they  have  crossed  the  seas. 

We,  therefore,  in  consideration  of  the  good  and  faithful  services  which 
our  trusty  Thomas  Adam,  late  master  of  the  Ship  called  Cok  John  of 
Cherbom-g,  in  which  our  well-beloved  and  chosen  Queen  voyaged  to  our 
said  kingdom,  rendered  to  our  aforesaid  Consort  on  her  passage,  in  our 
especial  favor  do  grant  him  20  marks  annually  to  the  end  of  liis  life,  on 
the  death  of  John  Williams,  seaman,  of  our  Customs,  in  port  of  our 
Town  of  Southampton,  to  be  paid  by  the  Collectors  of  Customs  for  the 
time  being,  at  Michaelmas  and  Easter,  in  equal  portions. 

In  -virtue  whereof^  &c.,  &c., 

Witness  the  King  at  Westminster, 
June  10. 


Issue  Roll,  23  Henry  VI. 

\8th  June. — To  five  minsti-els  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  who  lately  came 
to  England  to  witness  the  state  and  gTand  solemnity  on  the  day  of  the 
Queen's  coronation,  and  to  make  a  rejDort  thereof  abroad.  In  money  paid 
to  them  in  discharge  of  £50,  viz.  : — to  each  of  them  £10  Avhich  the 
Lord  the  King  commanded  to  be  paid,  to  be  had  of  his  gift  by  way  of 
reward.  By  writ,  &c.  £50. 

To  two  minstrels  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  who  came  to  England  to  wit- 
ness the  solemnization  of  the  Queen's  coronation,  and  report  the  same  to 
the  princes  and  people  in  their  country.  In  money  paid  to  them  by  the 
hands  of  Edward  Grymeston,  in  discharge  of  10  marks  ;  Adz. : — to  each  of 
them  5  marks,  which  the  Lord  the  King,  ■with  the  advice  and  assent  of  his 
Council,  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said  minstrels,  to  be  had  of  his 
gifb.  Ly  writ,  &c.  £6  13,s.  4d. 

To  John  de  Surenceurt,  an  esquire  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  and  steward 
of  the  Queen's  household  abroad,  who  came  previously  to  the  Queen's 
reception,  to  witness  the  solemnization  of  her  coronation,  and  to  report 
the  same  as  above.  In  money  paid  to  him  by  the  hands  of  Edward 
Giymeston,  in  discharge  of  50  marks,  which  the  Lord  the  King,  with  the 
advice  and  assent  of  his  Council,  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said 
John,  &c.  By  writ,  &c.  £33  6s.  8d. 

To  John  d'Escoce,  an  esquire  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  who,  as  a  true  sub- 
ject of  the  Queen's  father,  left  his  own  occupations  abroad  and  came  in 
the  Queen's  retinue  to  witness  the  solemnity  on  the  day  of  her  corona- 
ti<;n.     In  money  paid  to  hiiu,  &c.  By  writ,  &c.  £66  13s.  4d. 


MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU.  421 

I9th  June. — To  Sir  Almeric  Chaperon,  kiiiglit,  and  Charles  de  Caste- 
lion,  clerk.  Ambassadors  from  the  King  of  Sicily,  lately  sent  to  the  Lord 
the  King,  in  the  Queen's  retinue,  upon  certain  affairs  on  behalf  of  the 
said  Lord,  the  King  of  Sicily.  In  money  paid  to  them  in  discharge  of 
200  marks,  wliich  the  said  Lord  the  King  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the 
said  Almeric  and  Charles  ;  ^dz. : — to  each  100  marks,  to  have  of  his  gift 
by  way  of  reward.  By  writ,  &c.,  £133  6s.  8d. 


Issue  Roll.     27  Henry  VI. 

14th  Nov. — To  William  Flour,  of  London,  goldsmith.  In  money 
paid  to  him  by  assignment  made  tliis  day,  in  discharge  of  20  marks, 
which  the  Lord  the  King  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said  AVilliam,  to 
be  had  by  way  of  reward,  because  the  said  Lord  the  King  stayed  in  the 
house  of  the  said  William  on  the  day  that  Queen  Margaret,  his  consort, 
set  out  from  the  Tower  of  London  for  her  coronation  at  Westminster. 
By  writ  of  privy  seal  amongst  the  mandates  of  Michaelmas  Term,  in  the 
24th  year  of  the  said  King.  £V3  6s.  8d. 


Petitions  in  Parliament  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  Henry  VI. 

{Frorii  original  Documents  in  the  Tov:cr  of  London.) 

So  it  bailie  as  Srs.  •  x.v.   JU4 

Grace  be  to  the  Lord. 

"  Henry  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England  and  France,  and  Lord   '^^^ 
of  Ireland,  to  all  the  present  members  of  his  Parliament  Saluting.  yueen  s 

Ye  know  how,  when  the  honour  of  high  rank  of  King  took  its  first 
origin,  and  to  which  we  have  attained,  it  was  disposed  of  by  God  to  be 
administered  by  his  rule,  that  the  subordinate  powers  might  be  bestowed 
on  all  those  needing  and  deserving  the  Royal  munificence.  In  like  man- 
ner it  is  fitting  that  the  King's  Majesty  should  be  the  more  studious  to 
pro^dde  for  the  Queen,  as  relating  to  her  dowry  ;  and  since  the  ineffable 
providence  of  the  Eternal  King,  ever  bestowing  his  favours  upon  us, 
decided  "wiselj^  on  both  sides  ;  he  has  taken  in  marriage  the  most  illus- 
trious daughter  of  the  King  of  Naples  and  Jerusalem,  and  Grand  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  the  Queen  Margaret,  born  of  Isabella,  according  to  the 
agreement  of  our  nuptials. 

We  do  therefore  tenderly  solicit  your  wiUs  and  custom  in  the  dowry 
of  the  Consort  herself  of  Henry  ;  following  nobly  the  recorded  works  of 
our  ancestors,  the  titles  of  her  right,  declaiing  that  it  should  be  given 
her  at  this  demand  in  tlie  following  form  ;  by  the  advisement  and  assent 
of  the  Lords  present  and  temporal,  and  of  the  authority  of  King  Henry 
of  England  in  the  present  Parliament  at  Westminster  ;  begun  and  held 


422  MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOTJ. 

on  the  twenly-j&fth  day  of  February,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  King 
Henry's  reign,  and  until  the  twenty -ninth  day  of  April  then  next  follow- 
ing, adjourned  and  prorogued  ;  and  afterwards  until  the  twentieth  day 
of  October  then  next  following,  adjourned  ;  and  from  the  said  twentieth 
day  of  October,  until  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  January  then  next  fol- 
lowing, adjourned  and  prorogued  ;  by  authority  of  those  belonging  to 
the  said  Parliament :  "  We  do  give  and  concede  to  the  said  consort  of 
Henry,  the  castle,  town,  possessions  and  honours  of  Leicester,  ■\^dth  its 
members  and  dependencies  in  the  county  of  Leicester,  namely  the  Manor 
of  Desseford,the  Bale  of  Desseford,  the  Manor  of  Shulton,tlie  Bale  of  Shul- 
ton,  the  Manor  of  Hinkeley,  the  Borough  of  Hinkeley  from  without  the  Bale 
of  Hynkeley ;  the  Bale  of  Glenfeld,  the  Bale  of  Belgrave,  and  Syleby,with 
40  marks  per  annum  from  the  fruitful  farm  of  the  town  of  Gunthorp  in  the 
county  of  Nottingham,  the  Bale  of  Curleton,  the  Manor  of  StapuUbrd,  the 
Bale  of  Stapulford,  Hethelye,  with  the  deed  of  the  thrifty  Frith,  the  Bale 
of  the  Honor  of  Leicester  in  the  Comities  of  Northampton,  Warwick,  and 
Leicester,  the  Manor  of  Swanning^ton,  the  farm  and  MUls  of  the  town 
of  Leicester,  the  Manor  of  Fouston,  the  Manor  of  Sweton,  and  the  Manor 
of  Langton  in  the  County  of  Leicester,  fixed  at  the  value  of  250?.  8s.  Ofrf. 
per  annum.  The  Castle,  the  Manor,  and  Honor  of  Tudbury,  with  their 
members  and  appurtenances,  viz.,  the  Manor  of  RoUeston,  the  ]\Ianor  of 
Baiton,  the  Manor  of  Marchington,  Manor  of  Uttoxhatter,  Manor  of 
Adgarseley,  the  Bale  of  one  part,  called  Anard,  of  the  other  part,  called 
Rodman,  the  Bale  lately  freed  in  the  County  of  Stafford,  the  Ward  of 
Tudbury,  Ward  of  Barton,  Ward  of  Yoxliale,  the  Ward  of  Marching- 
t(  n,  and  the  Ward  of  Uttoxhatter,  in  the  Cormty  of  Staftbrd  ;  and  in  the 
County  of  Derby,  the  INIanor  of  Duffeld,  the  Manor  of  Beaurepaire,  Manor 
of  Holbrok,  Manor  of  AUerwassle,  Manor  of  Southwode,  Manor  of 
Heighege,  the  Hundreds  of  Gresley,  the  Manor  of  Edrichay,  Manor  of 
Hdland,  Manor  of  Byggyng,  Manor  of  Irtonwode,  Manor  of  Bonteshale, 
Manor  of  Brassington,  Manor  of  Matloke,  Manor  of  Hertington,  Manor 
of  Spondon,  Manor  of  Scropton,  the  Hundreds  of  Appaltre,  the  Bale  for 
filling  up  lately  freed  in  the  County  of  Derby  ;  the  Ward  of  Duiield, 
the  Ward  of  Holand,  the  Ward  of  Colbrok,  Ward  of  Beaurepare,  the 
Castle  and  Manor  of  Melbourne,  the  farm  Querrere  of  Roucbf,  the 
Castle  and  estate  of  Alti  Pecci,  the  Landsend  called  Wynnclondes,  the 
new  freedom  in  Pecco  in  the  County  of  Derby,  fixed  at  the  value  of 
927Z.  17s.  74fZ.  per  annum.  The  Manor  of  Yerkhull  in  the  county  of 
Hereford,  at  the  value  of  61.  13s.  4d.  per  annum.  The  Manor  of  Croudon 
in  the  Coimty  of  Bucks,  at  the  value  of  201.  lis.  4d.  per  annum.  The 
Manor  of  Haseley,  Manor  of  Kirteliugton,  Manor  of  Dadington,  Manor 
of  Firji;on,  and  the  Manor  of  Ascot  in  the  County  of  Oxfonlshire,  to  the 
value  of  15.5?.  7s.  10|f?.  per  annum.  The  Castle  and  Estate  of  Plecy,  the 
Llanor  of  Heigliestre,  Manor  of  Waltham,  Manor  of  Masshebury,  Manor 
f)f  l>adewe.  Manor  of  Dunmowe;  Manor  of  Lighes,  Manor  of  Wykes, 
^lanor  of  Walden,  Manor  of  Dependen,  Manor  of  Quenden,  Manor  of 
Koilhampstede,  Manor  of  Farnham,  Manor  of  Shenfeld,  the  Bale  of  the 
Honor  of  Tudbury,  Lancaster  and  Leicester,  in  the  Counties  of  Essex, 


i 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  423 

Hertford,  Middlesex,  London  and  Surrey,  the  Manor  of  Enfeld,  and  a 
biiildiug  called  Hackevs,  in  the  Connty  of  Middlesex,  an  Hotel  in  the 
city  of  London,  called  Blanch  Appleton,  with  a  house,  called  Steward's 
Inn,  in  the  parish  of  St.  Olive's  in  that  city ;  the  Castle  and  town  of 
Hertford,  the  Manor  of  Hertfordingbury,  Manor  of  Esgudeu,  and  the 
Manor  of  Bayford  in  the  County  of  Hertfordshire ;  and  the  Manor  of 
Walton  in  the  county  of  Surrey,  to  the  value  of  555Z.  16s.  O^d.  per  an- 
num. The  Estate  in  the  County  of  Essex,  to  the  value  of  401.  10s.  10c?. 
per  annum.  The  Manor  of  Wathersfield,  in  the  Coimty  of  Essex,  to  the 
A^alue  of  271.  10s.  7cl.  per  annum  ;  and  the  Castle  and  possessions  of 
Kenelworth,  with  dependencies  in  the  Coimty  of  Warwick,  to  the  value 
of  151.  4s.  6id.  per  year.  And  certain  Castles,  Towns  and  honours,  do- 
maines,  manors,  lands  and  houses,  and  other  things  pertaining  to  Duke 
Henry  of  Lancaster,  are  promised  and  are  held  per  annum  at  the  value 
of  2,000i.  To  be  had,  held  and  kept  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henrj',  all 
the  appointed  Castles,  Honours,  Towns,  Domains,  Manors,  Wapentaches, 
Bales,  county  estates,  sites  of  France,  carriages,  landed  farms,  renewed 
yearly,  the  lands,  houses,  possessions  and  other  things  promised,  with  all 
their  members  and  dependencies,  together  with  the  lands  of  the  Mili- 
tary, Ecclesiastic  advocacies,  Abbotcies,  Priories,  Deaneries,  Colleges, 
Capellaries,  singing  academies,  Hospitals,  and  of  other  religious  houses, 
by  wards,  marriages,  reliefs,  food,  iron,  merchandize,  liberties,  free  cus- 
toms, franchise,  royalties,  fees  of  honour,  returned  in  a  short  time,  and 
other  our  commands,  given  in  our  presence,  and  by  executions  on  the 
.same  things  by  outlets,  boimdaries,  and  amercements,  forests,  chaises, 
parks,  woods,  meadows,  fields,  pastures,  warrens,  vivaries,  ponds,  fish 
waters,  mills,  mulberry  trees,  fig  trees,  and  all  other  things  pertaining  to 
the  same  Castles,  Honoiu's,  Towns,  Estates,  Manors,  Possessions,  lands, 
houses,  and  other  things  promised  ;  however  they  may  tend,  or  pertain 
to  them  ;  together  with  such  returns  of  lands  and  tenements  in  the 
dowry,  to  the  end  of  her  life,  or  years  ;  and  by  all  other  returns  made 
to  the  appointed  Castles,  Towns,  Honoui-s,  Possessions,  Manors,  Wapen- 
taches, Bales,  Lands,  Houses,  and  other  thiugs  promised  however,  tend- 
ing, or  pertaining  thereto  ;  to  be  given  at  the  feast  of  the  sacred  Michael 
the  Archangel,  in  the  24th  year  of  King  Henry,  to  the  end  of  her  life,  in 
respect  of  her  do'wrry,  and  so  freely  and  honestly,  until  some  restoring  or 
making  over  to  Us,  or  the  heirs  of  Henry,  so  that  Ave  may  inherit  them, 
or  be  iudebted  to  his  heii'  if  we  hold  them  at  the  hands  of  Heniy.  And 
if  it  should  happen  that  some  of  the  appointed  Castles,  Honom-s,  Towtis, 
Dominions,  Manors,  Wappentaches,  Bales,  County  Estates,  Annuities, 
sites  of  France,  carriages,  landed  Farmes,  Eestoration  Lands,  Tene- 
ments, possessions,  or  other  things  promised,  should  so  be  assigned 
through  us  to  the  said  Consort  of  Hemy  in  respect  to  her  dowiy,  or 
some  parcel  of  the  same,  that  they  shall  be  shown  and  recovered  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry,  or  that  she  herself  shall  be  law- 
fully expelled  from  thence,  or  from  some  parcel  of  thence ;  then  We  will 
and  concede,  that  the  said  Consort  of  Henry  do  receive  the  necessary 
satisfaction,  and  recom|ience  of  us,  the  heirs  and  successors  of  Henry, 


424  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

having  so  shown  or  recovered  tliem  l,)y  tliis  means.  And  tliat  the  same 
Consort  of  Henry,  when  her  authority  is  aHowed,  shall  have  and  coerce 
for  her  whole  life,  through  herself  and  her  ministers,  all  things  and  all 
such  like  privileges,  franchises,  liherties,  state  affairs,  with  executions, 
for  grant  and  proclamation  of  the  same,  concerniug  the  Castles,  Honoures, 
Towns,  Dominions,  Manors,  Bales,  and  other  things  promised,  assigned, 
and  conceded,  to  the  same  Consort  of  Henry  in  the  form  appointed,  such 
as  we  have  appointed  to  Duke  Henry  in  the  said  ways.  And  since 
diverse  annuities  to  the  amount  of  324Z.  lis.  3d.  annually  accruing,  con- 
ceded to  difierent  persons  hefore  these  times,  to  the  end  of  the  life  of 
the  same  separately,  of  Castles,  Dominions,  Manors,  Lands,  Tenements, 
and  other  things  promised,  pertaining  to  the  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster, 
are  ended  ;  that  it  is  appointed  that  such  should  he  assigned  to  the 
Consort  of  Henry  in  respect  to  her  dowry.  We  have  conceded,  and  we 
do  concede,  when  her  authority  is  allowed,  to  the  said  Consort  of  Henry, 
324^.  lis.  Scl.  to  he  had  aiid  held  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry  annually, 
from  the  said  feast  of  the  Sacred  Michael  to  the  end  of  her  life  ;  on 
account  of  the  issues,  profits  and  returns  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Cornwall, 
and  on  account  of  the  issues,  profits  and  returns  of  the  Tin  Coinages  in 
the  Counties  of  Cornwall  and  Devon,  through  the  hands  of  the  General 
Receiver,  the  said  Duke  Henry,  our  heirs  and  successors,  and  of  whatever 
other  Receivers,  Occupiers,  or  Holders  of  the  said  profits,  issues,  and 
returns,  for  the  tinieheing,  in  recompense  for  the  appointed  324L  lis.  3d. 
of  the  a]  pointed  Castles,  Dominions,  Manors,  Lands,  Tenements,  and 
other  Possessions  appointed,  in  the  annuities  being  ended,  wliich  were 
given  to  the  end  of  the  lives  of  the  divers  persons  separately.  Provided 
always,  that  after  that,  it  should  happen,  that  any  person  inheriting  any 
annuity  hy  concession  or  confirmation  of  Henry,  whether  of  any  one  of 
our  progenitors,  or  ancestors,  in  the  said  Castles,  Dominions,  Lands, 
Tenements,  and  other  possessions  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry  in  respect 
to  her  dowry,  above  assigned,  shall  retire,  wliilst  the  appointed  Consort 
of  Henry  is  living  ;  that  then  such  a  sum  as  the  same  person  may  thus 
receive  per  annum  fi-om  thence,  or  from  some  parcel  thence,  shall  he 
annually  deduced  and  cut  oft',  during  the  life  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry, 
for  the  use  of  Henry  and  our  heirs,  from  the  appointed  324/.  lis.  3d. 
conceded  by  the  same  Consort  of  Henry,  as  is  appointed  in  recompense, 
and  so  singly  during  the  life  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry,  after  the 
decease  of  whose  person  some  annuity  in  the  ajapointed  Castles,  Domi- 
nions, Manors,  Lands,  Tenements  and  possessions  appointed,  shall  be 
assigned  to  the  said  Consort  of  Henry,  in  the  aj)pointed  form,  as  part  of 
her  dowry,  by  concession  or  confirmation  of  Henry,  or  of  our  fore  fathers, 
or  ancestors,  as  it  is  appointed,  the  heir  dying,  such  a  sum  as  the  said 
person  in.  his  life  may  receive  of  the  appointed  3241.  lis.  3d.  annually, 
above  repeated,  during  the  life  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry,  shall  be 
deduced  and  cut  oft",  for  the  use  of  Henry  and  our  heirs.  AVe  will  also, 
and  Ijy  granted  authority  ordain  that  the  Chancellor,  Duke  Heniy 
of  Lancaster,  for  the  time  being,  in  writing  under  the  seals  of  the  same 
acknowledged  Duke,  shall  certify  before  the  iSaint  Henry  to  the  Trea- 


LLIEGAEET   OF  AXJOTJ.  425 

Burers  and  Barons  of  tlie  same  Saint  for  the  time  being,  other  men,  and 
single  persons,  for  the  said  annuities  of  the  said  Castles,  Dominions, 
Manors,  and  other  things  promised,  pertaining  to  the  same  Duke,  as  part 
of  the  do^vr-y  that  is  promised  to  be  assigned,  or  of  some  parcel  of  the 
same,  inherited  in  whatever  mamier,  besides  the  sums  and  quantity  of 
this  annuity  of  the  same  persons,  that  the  same  Treasurer  and  Barons 
may  be  able  particularly  to  receive  nothing  in  deducing  and  cutting  off 
the  said  3241.  1  Is.  3d.  in  recompense  of  the  things  conceded.     And  that 
all  those  who  inherit,  or  are  now  about  to  inherit  any  farms  belonging 
to  the  specified  Castles,  Manors,  Honours,  Lands,  Tenements,  Posses- 
sions, Profits,  Emoluments,  or  commodities  of  whatever  kind  belonging 
to  the  Duke  Henry  of  Cornwall  through  the  said  Royal  patents  of  the 
great  seal  of  Henry,  or  otherwise  are  held,  or  shall  be  held,  to  return, 
or  pay  whatever  gains  they  themselves  make  through  us  for  those  farms, 
that  they  pay,  and  are  compelled  and  held  to  pay,  such  gains  to  the 
Receiver-General,  Henry,  Duke  of  Cornwall,  and  not  to  the  Reception 
of  St.  Henry,  nor  any  others  by  any  means.   And  tliat  the  same  Dwellers 
on  the  soils  of  this  said  Receiver  Henry,  called  Duke  Henry  for  the  time 
being,  his  farms  made  and  appointed  through  the  acquaintance  or  ac- 
quaintances of  the  Receiver  liimself^  -ftath  St.  Henry,  and  of  our  heirs, 
do  testify  the  simi,  or  sums  of  monies  received  and  paid  of  this  same,  to 
us,  Henry's  heirs  and  successors,   that  they  vciay  inlierit  the  allowed 
allocation,  and  live  quiet  and  free,  and  without  pretext  of  any  other 
payment,  or  by  other  means  done.     We  concede  also,  and  by  granted 
authority  of  the  said  Consort  of  Henry  we  concede,  a  thousand  pormds 
to  be  had  and  received  of  the  same  Consort  of  Henry,  to  the  end  of 
her  life,  annually,  from  the  said  feast  of  St.  Michael,  to  the  end  of 
the  Passover  and  St.  Michael,  in  respect  of  her  dowry,   or  marriage 
portion,   from  the  issues,    profits    and  retoms  of    other    remains    of 
Castles,   Dominions,   I\Ianors,    Lands,    Tenements,   Honours,    Services, 
Possessions   and   Heritages,   and  other  emoluments   of  whatever  kind 
belonging  to  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster,  as  in  England,  so  in  Wales 
existing    and    remaming  in  the    hands   of    Henry,   beyond  the   said 
Castles,  Dominions,  Manors,  Lands,  Tenements,  and  other  things  pro- 
mised, pertaining  to  the    Duke  aforesaid,    in  respect   of   the  dowry 
assigned,  by  the  hands  of  the  General  Receiver,  Henry,  our  heirs  and 
successors,  of  the  same  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster  for  the  time  being. 
And  if  the  said  annual  return  of  a  thousand  pounds  or  any  part  per- 
taining thereto,  on  the  contrary  should  not  be  paid  to  the  same  Consort, 
of  Henry  to  any  end  aforesaid,  then  we  will  and  concede,  by  authority 
and  assent   of  the  aforesaid,  that  it  shall  be  held  well  lawful  for  the 
same  Consort  of  Henry,  through  her  officials  and  ministers  in  all  the 
Castles,  Dominions,  ]\Ianors.  Lauds,  and  Tenements  of  Henry  remaining 
appointed  to  the  said  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster,  existing  and  remaining 
in  the  hands  of  Henry,  to  bind  fast,  and  to  carry  oft",  the  bond  thus  taken, 
to  escape  and  hold  back  themselves  from  punishment  until  it  is  satisfied 
and  paid  to  the  same  Consoi-t  of  Heruy  by  the  same  return  and  arrange- 
ments of  the  same  partj^  And  moreover  lest  perhaps  the  said  possessions, 


426  MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU. 

and  other  things  promised  belonging  to  the  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster 
remaining  in  the  hands  of  Henry,  should  be  diminished  or  accumulated 
by  imposition,  through  which  it  might  be  likely  that  the  said  Consort  of 
Henry  should  be  retarded  by  any  one  from  recei\Tng  payment  of  her  said 
annual  return  of  ,£1,000,  by  the  said  assent  and  authority  we  ordain  and 
establish,  that  if  any  person  of  whatever  rank  or  station  he  may  be,  shall 
adopt  and  receive  any  of  the  said  patent  royalties,  under  Seal  of  Duke 
Henry  of  Lancaster,  or  any  other  seal  of  Henry  or  of  our  heirs,  or  succes- 
sors, in  diminution,  accumulation,  or  lessening  of  the  same  possessions 
and  other  things  promised,  after  the  Feast  of  Pentecost  wliicli  mil  be  in 
the  year  of  om-  Lord  1446,  that  these  said  patents  shall  be  deprived  of 
\dgour  and  authority  in  his  cause.     And  moreover  by  the  said  authority 
We  will,  concede,  and  ordain,  that  all  donations  and  concessions  given 
after  the  said  Feast  of  Pentecost  henceforward  through  us  to  any  person, 
or  persons,  by  the  said  Henry,  under  the  Seal  of  the  Duke  Henry  of 
Lancaster,  or  any  other  seal  of  Henry,  of  any  Dominions,  Manors,  Lands, 
Tenements,  Eestorations,  and  Services,  of  the  said  Duke  Henry  of  Lan- 
caster, or  of  any  annuity  proceeding  fi'om  the  same,  made  in  any  mannei', 
shall  be  void  in  law,  and  that  all  that  so  given  or  conceded  and  contained 
in  the  said  Henry's  patents  then  finished,  made  known  or  specified,  forth- 
with and  immediately  after  the  donation  or  concession  of  the  same  as  is 
appointed  to  be  done,  shall  remain  to  the  said  Consort  of  Henry,  to  be 
held  to  the  end  of  her  life,  as  part  of  the  deduction  of  the  said  ^£1,000 
assigned  and  conceded  to  the  same  Consort  of  Henry  as  is  appointed  in 
respect  to  her  dowry  or  marriage  portion.     Provided  always,  that  the 
true  amiual  value  of  tliis  tiling  so  given  or  conceded,  be  annually  deducted 
and  pruned  out  of  the  said  £1,000  for  the  use  of  Henry  and  our  heirs: 
and  in  order  that  for  better  security  it  be  paid  annually  to  the  same 
Consort  of  Heiuy  out  of  her  said  annuity  of  £1,000  through  us,  as  it  is 
appointed  to  be  conceded  to  her,  by  the  hands  of  the  General  Keceiver 
Henry  for  the  time  being,  we  vnll  and  ordain,  by  the  aforesaid  authority, 
that  no   particular  Eeceiver  for  any  one  of  the  Castles,  Dominions, 
^Manors,  Honors,  Groimds,  and  other  things  promised  of  the  Duke  Heiuy 
of  Lancaster  remaining  in  the  hands  of  Henry,  shall  have  any  demand 
in  his  computations  henceforth  retm-ned  through  the  Auditors  of  tlie 
same  Duke  Henry,  of  any  sums  of  money  whatever  out  of  the  issues  of 
his  office  throvigh  any  other  person  except  that  to  be  paid  by  Henry  the 
Eeceiver-General,  the  said  Duke  Henry,  during  the  life  of  the  said  Con- 
sort of  Henry  ;  always  excepted  whatever  sums  of  money  are  inherited 
by  any  persons  as  any  annuities,  by  the  concession,  or  confirmation  of 
Henry  before  these  times,  received  by  any  person  of  the  said  Duke 
Henry,  through  such  his  annuities,  and  through  the  grounds  and  walks 
of  the  Ofiicials  and  Ministers  of  Henry,  by  and  under  the  said  Duke 
Henry  paiil  annually,  besides  by  the  necessary  Keepers  and  repairers  of 
the  Castles,  Dominions,  IVLanors,  Lands,  and  Tenements  of  the  said  Duke 
Henrj%  existing  in  the  hands  of  Henry,  and  by  otlier  rei3air'eis  and  re- 
builders  of  the  same.     And  if  any  such  particular  Receiver  should  make 
any  payment  out  of  the  issues  of  hie  oliice  otherwise  than  as  it  is  ap- 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  427 

pointed  by  the  Eeceiver-General  Henry,  the  said  Duke  Henry,  he  shall 
he  burdened  still  in  his  computation  by  sums  so  paid  tlu'ough  him  to  us. 
We  concede  also,  and  by  the  said  authority  moreover  we  assign  to  the 
same  Consort  of  Henry,  £3,666  135.  4d.  to  be  had  and  received  of  the 
same  Consort  of  Henry,  annually,  to  the  end  of  her  life,  from  the 
said  Feast  of  St.  Michael  the  Archangel,  to  the  end  of  the  Passover 
and  St.  Michael,  by  equal  portions,  as  a  part  of  her  dowry,  in  the 
subsequent  form,  viz.,  ^£1,000  thence  annually  to  the  end  of  the  afore- 
said time,  both  from  the  small  and  great  Customs  of  Henry,  oiu'  heirs 
and  sviccessors  in  the  Port  of  the  Town  of  Southampton  belonging 
to  Henry,  through  the  hands  of  the  Collector  of  the  same  Customs 
for  the  time  being.  And  £1,008  15s.  5f?.  thence  per  annum,  to  the 
end  of  the  said  time,  from  the  issues,  returns,  and  profits  of  the  said 
Duke  Henry  of  Cornwall,  and  from  the  issues,  profits,  and  returns  of 
the  Pewter  and  Tin  Coinage  in  the  Counties  of  Cornwall  and  Devon, 
through  the  hands  of  the  Eeceiver-General  Henry,  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors of  the  same  Duke,  and  of  whatever  other  Eeceivers,  occupiers, 
or  Dwellers  of  the  same  Profits,  issues,  and  retiu-ns  for  the  tune  being. 
And  £1,657  17s.  lid.  thence  per  annum,  to  the  same  end,  to  the  Saiut 
Henry,  our  heirs  and  successors  tlirough  the  hands  of  the  Treasurers  and 
Chamberlains  of  the  same  Saint  for  the  time  being,  as  well  from  the  first 
monies  proceeding  from  the  advances  of  our  Vice-Counsellor  and  Com- 
missary, our  heirs  and  successors,  as  from  whatever  other  issues,  profits, 
farms,  debts,  and  returns  are  paid  to  the  said  Saint,  until  We,  the  heirs 
and  successors  of  Henry,  shall  have  made  provision  and  recompense  to 
the  same  Consort  of  Henry,  from  the  Lands,  Tenements,  Eeturns,  and 
other  (Possessions  to  the  value  of  the  said  £3,666  13s.  4d.  per  annum, 
within  Henry's  kingdom  of  England,  as  part  of  her  dowry,  or  other 
things  to  be  held  to  the  end  of  her  life.  And  moreover  by  the  said 
authority.  We  will  and  concede,  that  the  aforesaid  Consort  of  Henry 
shall  be  pro^^.ded  and  recompensed  out  of  the  lands,  tenements,  returns, 
and  possessions,  which  first  come  or  faU  into  the  hands  of  Henry,  or  of 
our  heirs  tlirough  us,  and  the  said  heirs  of  Henry,  according  to 
the  deduction  and  satisfaction  of  the  said  £3,666  13s.  4d.  to  be  held 
as  part  of  her  said  dowry.  And  by  the  aforesaid  assent  and  authority, 
We  will  and  concede  that  the  said  Consort  of  Henry  shall  have  so  many 
and  such  Baronial  fees  as  may  be  allowed  by  Law,  and  miempioyed, 
by  demand,  and  other  Baronial  fees  and  other  Warrants  so  many 
and  such  as  may  be  necessary  and  opportime  to  be  conceded  and 
assigned  to  her  in  this  part,  for  the  payment  of  sums  and  annuities 
to  her,  as  it  is  promised,  and  for  the  execution  of  the  promised  things. 
And  that  the  Chancellor,  Henry  of  England,  and  tl^e  Keeper  of  the 
private  Seal  of  Henry,  besides  the  Chancellor,  Duke  Henry  of  Lancaster, 
We,  being  heirs  and  successors  for  the  time  beings  do  make,  without 
delation  from  the  tenor  of  those  presents,  such  Baronial  fees  and 
Warrants,  from  time  to  time  whensoever  and  wheresoever  on  the  part  of 
the  Consort  of  Henry  ronahiliter,  they  may  be  requisite.  Save  whatever 
things  are  boimd  to  the  state  of  Henry,  or  his  possession,  right,  title  and 


428  TklAEGAEET    OF    ANJOIT. 

interest,  in  the  customs,  issues,  profits,  and  returns  of  tlie  said  Dnke  of 
Cormvall,  the  Pewter  and  Tin  Coinages,  and  in  tlie  said  Castles,  Towns, 
Dominions,  Manors,  Honors,  Bales,  Grounds,  Lands,  Tenements,  Wapen- 
taches,  sleek  cattle.  Hundreds,  Franchises,  Liberties,  Farms,  Returns, 
profits,  Commodities,  Possessions,  and  other  things  promised  to  the  same 
Consort  of  Henry  in  the  said  form  conceded  and  assigned  both  in  the 
said  Dukedom  of  Henry  of  Lancaster,  and  in  Grounds,  Roads,  Annuities* 
Custodies,  Offices,  and  Farms  wliatever  in  or  about  the  Dukedom  of  Henry 
of  Lancaster,  or  other  parcels  of  the  things  promised,  if  such  are  contained 
in  the  same. 

We  concede  moreover  to  the  said  most  beloved  Consort  of  Henry,  that 
she  shall  by  no  means  whatever  be  burdened  or  compelled  to  return  to  Us 
or  the  heirs  of  Henry,  any  computation  of  any  issues,  profits,  or  returns 
of  the  said  Castles,  Dominions,  Lands,  Tenements,  and  other  tilings  pro- 
mised, or  of  any  one  of  the  same  :  so  that  she  may  be  quiet  and  un- 
annoyed  in  any  manner  by  any  computation  and  other  burdens  whatever 
thence,  regarding  Us  and  the  heirs  of  Henry.  But  all  these  things 
are  through  Us,  by  the  said  authority,  confided,  given,  conceded,  and 
assigned,  on  the  19tli  day  of  March,  in  the  Twenty  Fourth  year  of 
Henry's  reign,  by  the  said  Parliament  of  Hemy  then  sitting." 

"  In  whose  reign,"  &c.,  &c. 


Issue  Boll.     24  Henry  VI. 

ZOth  May. — To  Margaret,  Queen  of  England.  In  money  paid  to  her 
by  assignment  made  this  day  by  the  hands  of  John  Norrys,  in  discharge 
of  .£1,000  which  the  lord  the  King  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said 
Queen,  as  well  for  the  daily  expenses  of  her  chamber  as  in  relief  of  the 
great  charges  which  the  said  Queen  incurred  on  tlie  day  of  the  Circum- 
cision of  our  Lord  last  past.  By  writ,  &c.,  £'1,000. 


Amidst  the  agitation  caused  by  the  disastrous  public  events,  and 
whilst  the  spirit  of  resistance  to  the  government  was  beginning  to  mani- 
fest itself,  songs  and  poetry,  as  a  means  of  promoting  the  general  discon- 
tent, were  much  used,  and  even  assumed  a  bold  character.  Some  of 
these,  which  have  happily  been  preserved,  are  most  valuable.  There 
are  many  allusions  in  one  of  them  to  persons  of  rank  and  influence,  each 
of  whom  is  described  by  his  badge.  It  appears  that  this  poem  was 
Avritten  after  1447,  as  Cardinal  Beaufort,  who  died  in  that  year,  is 
Bpokeii  of  as  having  "  his  velvet  hat  closed." 

The  deaths  of  the  Dukes  of  Bedford,  Gloucester,  Exeter,  and  Somerset, 
and  of  Cardinal  Beaufort,  are  first  enumerated,  and  the  commencement 
of  the  tnmbles  in  England  is  dated  from  the  capture  of  Rouen  in  1417. 
The  Duke  of  Norfolk  "  laid  to  sleep,"  meaning  bribed  by  Suilolk,  Avho 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  429 

envied  him.  The  gallant  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  in  reference  to 
his  name  and  badge,  "  our  good  dog,"  was  perhaps  "  bounden  "  by  the 
grant  of  the  Earldom  of  Waterford,  &c.,  in  1446.  By  Lord  Fauconljerg 
having  "  lost  his  angle-hook,"  his  capture  by  the  French  is  implied. 
Lord  Willoughby  de  Eresby  seems  accused  of  indolence,  and  by  the 
bear  being  "  bound  that  was  so  wild,  for  he  had  lost  his  ragged  staff," 
allusion  was  intended  to  Richard  Neville  having  been  created  Earl  of 
Warwick,  which  distinction  may  have  satisfied  his  wishes,  and  thus,  to 
use  the  metaphor,  the  bear  was  deprived  of  his  staff.  The  Duke  of 
Buckingham's  "  wheel "  became  spokeless  from  his  having  taken  offence 
at  the  dismissal  of  his  brothers,  (the  Chancellor  and  Treasurer,)  by  Suffolk; 
and  also  from  having  induced  the  King  to  receive  with  kindness,  the 
Duke  of  York.  Thomas  Daniel,  John  Norreys,  and  John  Trevilian  are 
particularlj^  mentioned,  since  the  last-named  is  said  "  often  to  have 
blinded  the  King,"  and  their  names  appear  among  those  indicted  by  the 
Commons,  in  1451,  "for  mysbehaving  about  the  King's  roiall  persone." 
The  Earl  of  Arundel  having  refused  to  sujiport  Suffolk's  power,  became 
popular  in  Sussex  and  Kent.  Bourchier,  and  some  other  noble,  who  is 
described  as  the  wine  bottle,  (possibly  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  since  a  long- 
necked  silver  bottle  was  one  of  his  badges,)  and  the  Prior  of  St.  John's, 
are  mentioned  as  having  united  with  the  Bishojs  of  Exeter.  The  Earl 
of  Devonshire  is  related  to  have  retired  into  his  own  country,  instead  of 
helping  "with  shield  and  spear"  the  attempt  then  contemplated  to 
overthrow  the  obnoxious  minister ;  while  the  Duke  of  York's  anxiety 
and  irresolution  are  admirably  described  under  his  cognizance,  a  falcon, 
flying  hither  and  thither,  uncertain  where  to  build  her  nest. 

ON  THE  POPULAR  DISCONTENT  AT  THE  DISASTERS 
IN  FRANCE.  1 

Bedforde  ^  Gloucetter  ^ 

"  The  Rote  is  ded,  tlie  Swanne  is  goone 
Excetter-'' 
"  The  firy  Cressett  hath  lost  his  lyght  ; 
"  Therfore  Inglond  may  make  gret  mone, 
' '  Were  not  the  heliJe  of  Godde  almyght. 
Roone^ 
"  The  castelle  is  wonne  where  care  begowne 
Somerset^ 
"  The  Portecolys  is  leyde  adowne 
Cardinalle  7 
"  Iclosid  we  have  oure  welevctte  hatte 

"  That  keveryed  us  from  mony  stormys  browne, 

^  Verses  in  the  Cotton.  Rolls,  ii.  23. 

2  John  Plantagenet,  Duke  of  Bedford,  third  son  of  Henry  IV.  Badge, — the 
Root  of  a  tree. 

^  HumiJhrey  Plantagenet,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  fourth  son  of  Henry  IV. 
Badge, — th  >  Swan. 

■*  John  Holland,  Duke  of  Exeter.  "  A  Cressett  with  burning  fire,"  i.e.,  a  fire 
beacon,  said  to  have  been  the  badge  of  the  Admiralty. 

*  Rouen,  suiTendered  to  the  French  in  1447. 

s  John  Beaufort,  Duke  of  Somerset.     Badge, — a  Portcullis. 

<"  Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Wincbaster,  "  Cardinal  of  England." 


430.  ISIAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

Northf  olke  > 
"  Tlie  White  Lioun  is  leyde  to  slepe 

Southfolk' 
"  Tliorouz  tlie  envy  of  the  Ape  clogge, 
"  And  he  is  bownden  that  cure  dore  shuld  kepe, 
"  That  is  Talbott  oure  goode  dogge^ 
Fawkenberge  * 
"  The  Fisshere  hathe  lost  his  hangnlhooke  ;* 
"  Gete  theym  agayne  when  it  wolle  be, 
Wylloby6 
*'  Oure  |Mylle-saylle  wille  not  abowte, 
"  Hit  hath  so  longe  goone  emptye. 
Wivrwick  ' 
' '  The  Bere  is  bound  that  was  so  wild, 
"  Ffor  he  hath  lost  his  ragged  staffe, 
Bokynghame^ 
"  The  Carte  nathe'  is  spokeless, 
' '  For  the  counseille  that  he  gaffe, 
Danyelleio 
"The  Lily  is  both  faire  and  grene  ; 
Norreysii 
"  The  Coundite  rennyth  not,  as  I  wene, 
Treviliani2 
"  The  Comysshe  Chowgh  '^  offt  with  his  trayne 
Rex 
"  Hath  made  oure  Egulle  blynde. 
Arundelle  i* 
' '  The  White  Harde  is  put  out  of  mynde, 

"  Because  he  wolle  not  to  hem  consent  ; 
' '  Therf ore  the  commyns  saith  is  both  trew  and  kynde, 
"  Bothe  in  Southesex  and  in  Kent. 
Bowser  15 
"  The  Water-Bowge  and  the  Wyne-Botelle, 
Prior  of  Saint  Johanis 
"  With  the  Vetturlockes  cheyne  bene  fast. 
Excettur 
"  The  Whete-yere  wolle  theym  susteyne 
"  As  longe  as  he  may  endure  and  last. 

'  John  de  Mowbray,  Duke  of  Norfolk.     Badge, — a  Wliite  Lion. 

^  William  de  la  Pole,  Duke  of  Suffolk.  Badge,  —  the  Clog  argent  and 
Chain  or. 

^  John  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  who  had  been  recalled  from  active  sei-vice 
in  France. 

*  William  Neville,  Lord  Fauconberg,  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  French  wars. 
Badge, — the  "  fysshe  hoke. " 

^  A  hook  for  angling,  or  a  fish-hook. 

®  Robert,  Lord  Willoughby,  another  hero  of  the  French  wars.  Badge, — the 
Mill-sail. 

'  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Warwick.     Badge, — the  Bear  and  ragged  staff. 

^  Humphrey  de  Stafford,  Duke  of  Buckingham.     Badge, — a  Cart-wheel. 

^  The  nave  of  a  cart. 

'"  Thomas  Daniel,  "  armiger,"  or  esquier,  one  of  the  unpopular  courtiers. 

'^  John  Norris,  one  of  the  officers  of  the  hoiisehold  to  Henry  VI. 

'-  Daniel  Trevilian.     Badge, — a  Cornish  Chough. 

"  The  bird. 

i*  William  Fitz-Alan,  Earl  of  Arundel.  Badge, — the  White  Horse,  here  signi- 
fied by  the  "  White  Harde." 

'*  Henry,  Lord  Bourchier,  whose  arms  were  argent  a  cross,  ingrailed  gules, 
between  four  water  bougets. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  43 1* 

Bevynsliirei 
"  TJie  Boore  is  farre  into  the  west, 

"  That  shold  us  helpe  with  shilde  and  spere,' 
Yorke2 
"  The  Fawkoun  fleyth,  and  hath  no  rest, 
"  Till  he  witte  whei-e  to  bigge^  his  nest." 

Another  of  these  compositions  is  addressed  to  the  lords  of  the  court, 
and  contaijis  a  warning  for  the  King  himseK.  The  courtiers,  wlio  ruled 
the  King,  are  called  upon  to  restore  the  grants  they  had  obtained  from 
him,  for  they  had  reduced  him  to  such  poverty  that  he  was  obliged  "  to 
beg  from  door  to  door  "  through  his  tax  gatherers.  Untruth,  oppression, 
and  evil-doing  prevailed  throughout  the  land  much  more  than  the  King 
knew ;  but  vengeance  was  at  hand.  So  poor  a  King  and  such  rich 
nobles  were  never  seen  before  ;  wliile  the  Commons  could  support  their 
burdens  no  longer,  in  spite  of  the  resolution  of  the  Lord  Say  to  tread 
them  under  foot.  The  Earl  of  Suffolk  had  sold  Normandy,  and  now 
sought  to  make  the  King  take  the  blame  of  his  treason. 

A  WARNING  TO  KING  HENEY.^ 

' '  Ye  that  have  the  kyng  to  demene'' 
' '  And  fFrauncheses  gif  theyme  age3me, 

"  Or  els  I  rede"  ye  fle  ; 
"  Ffor  ye  have  made  the  kyng  so  pore, 
' '  That  now  he  beggeth  fro  dore  to  dore ; 

"  Alas,  hit  shuld  so  be. 

"  Tome  of  Saye"  and  Danielle  bothe, 
' '  To  begyn  be  not  to  lothe  ; 

"  Then  shalle  ye  have  no  shame. 
"  Who  wille  not,  he  shalle  not  chese,^ 
"  And  his  life  he  shalle  lese,^ 

"  No  resoun  wille  us  blame. 

"  Trowthe  and  pore  men  ben  appressede 
' '  And  myschefF  is  nothyng  redressede  ; 

"  The  kyng  knowith  not  alle. 
"  Thorowout  alle  Englande, 
"  On  tho  that  holdene  the  fals  bonde 

"  Vengeaunce  will  cry  and  calle. 

"  The  traytours  wene'"  they  ben  so  sly, 
' '  That  no  mane  can  hem  aspy  ; 
"  We  cane  do  theme  no  griffe. 

^  Thomas  Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devonshire. 

»  Richard  Plantagenet,  Duke  of  York.     Badge, — a'  Falcon. 

•^  To  build.  *  Cotton.  Charters.  =  To  direct  or  lead. 

*  To  counsel  or  advise. 

'  James  Fienes,  Lord  Saye  and  Sele,  lord  ti-easurer,  one  of  the  unpopular 
statesmen  of  the  day.  This  song  was  written  before  this  nobleman  was  thrown 
into  the  Tower.  *  To  choose. 

9  To  lose.  ^°  To  think. 


«432  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU, 

"  We  swere  by  hym  that  hainvede^  helle 
' '  They  shalle  no  lenger  iu  eresy  dwelie 
"  Ne  iu  ther  fals  beleve. 

"  So  pore  a  kyng  was  never  seene, 
"  Nor  richere  lordes  alle  bydene  ;  "-^ 

"  The  communes  may  no  more. 
"  The  lorde  Saye  biddeth  holde  hem  downe, 
"  That  worthy  dastarde  of  renowne, 

"  He  techithe  a  fals  loore. 

"  Suffolk  Normandy  hath  swolde,^ 
"  To  gete  heyt  agayne  he  is  bolde, 

"  How  acordeth  these  to  in  one  ; 
"  And  he  wynethe,''  withouten  drede, 
"  To  make  the  kyng  to  avowe  his  dede, 

"  And  calle  hit  no  tresoun. 

"  We  trow  the  kyng  be  to  leere/ 

"  To  selle  bothe  menne  and  lond  in  feere  ; 

"  Hit  is  agayne  resoun. 
' '  But  yef  the  commyns  of  Englonde 
"  Helj^e  the  kyng  in  his  fonde/ 

"  Suffolk  wolle  bere  the  crowne. 

"  Be  ware,  kynge  Henre,  how  thou  doos  ; 
"  Let  no  lenger  thy  traitours  go  loos  ; 

"  They  wille  never  be  trewe. 
"  The  traytours  are  sworne  alle  togedere 
"  To  holde  fast  as  they  were  brether  ;^ 

"  Let  them  drynk  as  they  hanne^  brewe." 

"  0  rex,  si  rex  es,  rege  te,  vel  eris  sine  re  rex; 
"  Nomen  habes  sine  re,  nisi  te  rede  regas." 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  spirited  ballad  on  the  death  of  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk.  It  commemorates  how,  in  the  month  of  May,  Jack 
Kajjes,  as  the  favourite  is  here  termed,  had  gone  to  sea  as  a  mariner,  but 
was  arrested  on  the  way  by  death ;  and  that  Nicholas  (possibly  the 
name  of  the  ship's  commander)  offered  to  be  his  confessor. 

.     ' '  In  the  monthe  of  Mai j,  when  gresse  groweth  grene, 
"  Flagrant^  in  her  floures,  w'  swet  savour, 
"  Jack  Napes  ^^  wolde  ouer  the  see,  a  maryner  to  ben, 
"  With  his  cloge,'^  and  his  cheyn,  to  seke  more  tresour, 
' '  Syche  a  payn  prikkede  hym,  he  asked  a  conf essour. 
' '  Nicholas  said,  '  I  am  redi,  this  confessour  to  be. ' 
*'  He  was  holden  so,  that  he  ne  passede  that  hour, 
"  For  Jack  Napes  soul.  Placebo  and  Diri(/e".^^ 

'  Harrowed.                 -  At  once,  or  at  the  same  time.  ^  Sold. 

*  Thinketh.                            *  Empty  or  weak.  ®  Dilemma. 

'   Brethren.                                         **  Have.  ^  Fragrant. 
"  A  nickname  for  William  de  la  Pole,  Duke  of  Suffolk. 

A  Clog  argent  with  u  Chain  or,  the  badge  of  Suffolk.  '-  Cottonian  MS. 


4 
MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  433 

A  poem  more  general  in  satire  was  written,  just  before  the  civil  wars 
commenced,  on  the  troubles  arising  in  the  land. 


HOW   MYSCHAUNCE   REGNETH   IN   INGLONDE; 

' '  Now  God,  that  syttyst  an  liyghe  in  trone, 

"  Help  thy  peple  in  here  gi'eet  nede, 
' '  That  trowthe  and  resoun  regne  may  sone 

"  For  thanne  schal  they  leve  owt  of  drede. 

"  In  that  wyse  conscience  schal  hem  lede, 
' '  Hem  to  brynge  onto  good  governannce  ; 

' '  Tliat  yt  may  sone  be  doon  in  dede  ; 
"  Of  alle  oiire  synnys,  God,  make  a  delyveraimce. 

"  Meed^  and  falselieed  assocyed  are  ; 

' '  Trowthe  bannyd  ys,  the  Llynde  may  not  se  ; 
"  Manye  a  man  they  make  fnlle  bare, 

"  A  strange  compleynt  ther  ys  of  every  degre, 

"  The  way  is  now  past  of  tranqnyllyte, 
"  The  wyche  cansyth  a  full  greet  varyaunce  ; 

"  Amange  the  comunys  ther  ys  no  game  nor  gle  ; 
' '  Of  alle  cure  sjTinys,  God,  make  a  de]y\'eraunce. 

' '  Mnrder  medelythe  f ul  of te,  as  men  say  ; 

"  Usure  and  rapyne  stefly  dothe  stande, 
"  Here  abydyne  ys  wythe  her  that  goon  ful  gay  ; 

' '  For  whanne  they  wele  they  have  hem  in  hande, 
' '  Fill  manye  they  brynge  to  myschaunce. 

• '  Wyse  men,  beholden,  be  wayr  al  afore  hande  ; 
' '  Of  alle  our  synnys,  God,  make  a  delyveraunce. 

"  Wyght  ys  blak,  as  many  men  seye, 

' '  And  blak  ys  wyght,  but  summe  men  sey  nay  ; 

' '  Anctoryteys  for  hem  they  toleye  ; " 

"  Large  conscience  causyth  they  croked  way, 
' '  In  thys  reame  they  make  a  foul  aray, 

' '  Whanne  the  dyse  renne,  ther  lakkythe  a  chaunce 
' '  Clene  conscience  bakward  goth  ahvay ; 

"  Of  alle  our  synnys,  God,  make  a  delyveraunce. 

"  Myscheef  mengid^  ys,  and  that  in  every  syde  ; 

' '  Dyscord  medelythe  ful  fast  amonge  ; 
"  The  gate's  of  glatei-ye*  standen  up  A\7de, 

' *  Hem  semythe  that  al  ys  ryghte  and  no  v.ronge, 

' '  Thus  endurid  they  have  al  to  longe  ; 
' '  Crosse  and  pyle  standen  in  balaunce  ; 

' '  Trowthe  and  resoun  be  no  thynge  stronge  ; 
"  Of  alle  our  synnys,  God,  make  a  delyveraunce. 


•  Mede, — reward  or  l)ril;e.  ^  Toleye, — to  put  forward. 

^  I\Iengid,— reminded.  ^  Glaterye, — flattei-y. 

VOL.  r.  F  F 


434  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

"  Rychcsse  renewyd  causith  the  perdiciouu 

' '  Of  trowtlie,  that  scholde  stande  in  prosperyte 
"  Between  here  and  hope  ys  mayd  a  divisioun, 

' '  And  that  ys  al  for  lak  of  cliaryte  ; 

' '  Wherefore  ther  regnethe  no  tranquillyt^  : 
"  Thy.s  mateer  causith  the  fool  ignoraunce, 

' '  Tliat  tlie  peple  may  not  in  eese  be  ; 
"  Of  alle  our  synnys,  God,  make  a  delyveraunce. 

"  Now,  God,  tliat  art  ful  of  al  pletevousnease  ;^ 
"  Of  al  vertuys  grace  and  tharyte, 

"  Putte  from  us  al  thys  unsekyrnesse,  "-^ 
"  That  we  stande  in  grete  necessyte, 
"  That  agayn  trowthe  no  varyeng  be. 

' '  Al  tymes  that  art  founteyne  of  al  f elycitd, 

"  Of  al  cure  syunys,  thou  make  a  delyveraunce." 


In  a  curious  metrical  prophecy,  still  more  obscure,  we  are  tokl  that 
disastrous  occurrences  are  to  take  place,  and  among  them  a  battle  on 
the  banks  of  the  Humber,  "  when  Rome  shall  be  removed  into  England, 
and  every  pricf^t  shall  liave  the  Pope's  power  in  hand."  Another  poem 
describes  England  as  in  a  state  of  universal  contention  ;  that  there  were 
much  people  of  light  consciences  ;  many  knights  possessing  little  power  ; 
many  laws  with  little  justice  ;  little  charity  but  much  flattery  ;  great 
show  of  living  on  small  Avages,  and  many  gentlemen  but  few  ser- 
vants ;  &c. 

ON   THE   TIMES. 

"  Now  ys  Yngland  alle  in  fyght ; 

' '  Moclio  peple  of  consyens  lyght  ; 

' '  Many  knyghtes,  and  lytyll  myglit ; 

' '  Many  lawys,  and  lytylle  i^ght ; 

"  Many  actes  of  parlament, 

"  And  few  kei)t  wyth  tru  entent  ; 

"  Lrtylle  charj-td,  and  fayne  to  plese  ; 

"  Many  a  galant  penyles  ; 

"  And  many  a  wonderfulle  dysgj'zyng'' 

"  Uy  unprudent  and  myssavyzyng  ;* 

"  Grete  countenanse  and  smalle  wages  ; 

"  Many  gentyllemen,  and  few  pages  ; 

"  \Vyde  gownys,  and  large  slevys  ; 

"  Wele  Itesene,  and  strong  thevys  ; 

*'  Moch  bost  of  there  clothys, 

"  But  wele  I  wot"  they  lake''  none  othys.    * 


'  Plcntevousness, — abundance.  '  Unsekyrncsse, — insecurity. 

'  MSS.  in  tli<-  rniversity  Lil)rary,  Cambridge,  in  a  handwriting  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI. 

*  JJisgiiising.  *  Bad  counsel.  ^  Know.  ^  Lack. 

*  MS.S.  in  Ooiiius  Cln-isti  CloUege,  Oxford. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  435 


Issue  Roll.     32  Henry  VI. 

To  Humplu'ey,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  who,  by  the  King's  command, 
n  the  month  of  September,  in  the  29th  year  of  his  reign,  went  to  the 
said  Lord  the  King  at  his  castle  of  Kyllyngworth,  and  to  his  city  of 
Coventry,  with  a  strong  guard  ;  also  attended  at  great  costs  and  expenses 
about  the  King's  person.  In  money  paid  to  him  by  assignment  made 
this  day  by  the  hands  of  John  Andrew,  ^400,  which  the  Lord  the  King 
commanded  to  be  paid  him,  &c.  By  ^\a•it,  &c.,  J400. 

Issue  Boll,  Easter.     32  Henry  VI. 

I7th  Jtdif. — To  Margaret  Queen  of  England.  In  money  paid  to 
her  by  assignment  made  tliis  day,  by  the  hands  of  Robert  Tuniield,  for 
divers  sums  of  money  paid  by  the  said  Queen  for  an  embroidered  cloth, 
called  "  Crisome,"  for  the  baptism  of  the  Prince,  the  King's  son,  and  for 
20  yards  of  russet  cloth  of  gold,  called  "  tisshu,"  and  "  540  bro-wni  sable 
bakkes,"  worth  altogether  ^554  16s.  M.  The  said  Queen  to  have  the 
same  by  the  King's  command  of  his  gift.         By  writ,  &c.,  J554  16s.  8c?. 

Issue  Roll,  Michaelmas.     33  Henry  VI. 

l^th  Fehruary. — To  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  the  Blessed  Peter,  West- 
minster. In  money  jiaid  to  them  by  the  hands  of  John  Wode  in 
discharge  of  £10,  AAdiich  the  Lord  the  King,  with  the  advice  of  his 
Coimcil,  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said  Prior  and  Convent,  for  the 
wax  lights  burnt  at  the  baptism  of  Edward,  the  son  of  oiu'  Lord  the 
King.     By  writ  of  privj"  seal  amongst  the  mandates  of  this  term.      <£10. 

21si  February. — To  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Somerset,  who,  by  the  King's 
command,  resided  and  remained  in  attendance  in  the  city  of  London 
and  suburbs  thereof  from  the  feast  of  Lent,  in  the  31st  year,  to  the 
11th  of  August  then  next  follo'nTng,  at  her  gTeat  cost  and  charge.  In 
money  paid  to  her,  &c.,  in  discharge  of  JlOO,  which  the  said  Lord  the 
King  commanded  to  be  paid  to  the  said  Duchess,  of  Ms  gift,  &c. 

By  writ  of  privy  seal,  £100. 


END    OF   VOLUME    I. 


BRADBURY,    KVANS,    AND   CO.,    PRrNTERS,    WHITEFRIAR.S 


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