MAKGABET OF ANJOU.
MARGARET OF ANJOU,
QUEEN OF KING HENRY VI.
(From a Picture of her Marriage sold at Strawberry Hill.
THE
\\
LIFE AND TIMES
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU/
QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
BY MARY ANN HOOKHAM.
•7,00
LONDON :
TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND,
1872.
THE
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
.1AEGAKET OF ANJOU,
QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE;
AND OF HER FATHER
((
KING OF SICILY, NAPLES, AKD JERUSALEM.
EENE "THE GOOD,
WITH
MEMOIKS OF THE HOUSES OF ANJOU.
BY
MAEY ANN HOOKHAM.
WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON :
TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND.
1872.
LONDON :
BRADBURY, EVANS, AND CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
TO THE EEADEE.
IT is not my intention to write a preface to the
accompanying work, since I have long felt assured
that I may trust to its own intrinsic interest to com-
mend it to the historic reader. The romance of -real
life, so remarkably depicted in the vicissitudes of
Queen Margaret's career, and that of her Father,
cannot fail to arouse the feeling heart, and to awaken
genuine sentiment : add to this, the broad light
diffused over the arts and literature of those times, by
King Rene "the Good."
My sole object, therefore, in this page is to render
a just tribute to those who have kindly aided me in
a task, which, from the obscure period of which it
treats, has been found greater than at the commence-
ment was anticipated. More especially do I seek this
opportunity to acknowledge, the valuable assistance
rendered me, through the courteous correspondence of
that learned historian, the late M. de Barante ; as well
as that of M. Grille, Librarian of the University of
X TO THE READER.
Angers, to whom I have been greatly indebted for
facts of local interest. To many kind friends and
relatives, who have ably assisted me in my under-
taking, and foremost amongst them to Mrs. Matthew
Hall, I desire also through this medium to express my
very sincere thanks.
MARY ANN HOOKHAM.
4, FITZROY STREET, FITZEOY SQUARE,
February 20/A, 1872.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
PART T.
PAGE
THE EARLY HISTORY OF ANJOU 1
PART II.
THE ANCESTORS OF RENE OF ANJOU :—
JOHN, KING OF FRINGE 46
Louis L, DUKE OF ANJOU 47
Louis II., DUKE OF ANJOU 72
Louis III., DUKE OF ANJOU 95
CHAPTER I.
A.D. 1435.
Ren6's birth— Education— Marriage — Children— His tastes and wars —
The Battle of Bulgneville — He becomes Duke of Lorraine and
Bar — Rene in prison — Released on his parole — The Emperor Sigis-
mond's decision — Fetes in Lorraine — Rene' returns to his prison —
Death of Louis III. — Death of Queen Joanna II. —She appointed
Rene" her heir— Ren6 sends his Queen, Isabella, into Provence and
to Naples 113
CHAPTER II.
A.D. 1444.
Queen Isabella's reception at Naples — Her talents and influence — Her
great successes — Rival claims — Alphonso set free — Rene' is libera-
ted—He goes to Tours, Anjou, and Provence — Then to Genoa and
Naples— His reception there — Rend's poverty — His cause declines —
Alphonso besieges Naples — Caldora dies — Rene visits the Pro-
vinces—Alphonso goes to Capua— Returns and renews the siege of
Naples — He enters the city — Rend's bravery and defeat — He
returns to France — A marriage contract — Rene's mother dies —
Louis of Anjou dies — The treaty for peace at Tours, and for the
marriage of Henry VI. to Margaret of Anjou . . . 170
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
PJ
Affairs in England previous to the marriage of Henry VI. . . .203
CHAPTER IV.
A.D. 1444-1445.
The marriage of Margaret of Anjou by proxy— Her progress through
France — Her arrival in England — Her illness — Her marriage to
King Henry VI. — Her progress to London— Her reception by the
people— Her coronation 226
CHAPTER V.
A.D. 1446-1448.
The Queen's great influence— A conspiracy against the Duke of Glou-
cester—His death and character— The Cardinal of Winchester dies-
Colleges founded — The Duke of Suffolk's defence — The pretensions
of the Duke of York— His variance with the Duke of Somerset •. 279
CHAPTER VI.
A.D. 1448-1450.
The surrender of Maine and Anjou — The Duke of Suffolk's impeach-
ment— His banishment and death — The loss of Caen — The conduct
of Sir David Hall — Somerset returns to England — Cade's rebellion
and death 322
CHAPTER VII.
A.D. 1451-1455.
Clamours against the Duke of Somerset — York takes up arms — He is
apprehended, and released— Treaty with Scotland — The Queen
visits Norwich — Her correspondence — The loss of Guienne— Lord
Talbot's death— Henry VI. taken ill— The birth of Prince Edward—
The Duke of York made " Protector " — The King recovers, and
resumes his authority — York retires into Wales . . . .363
APPENDIX ,415
INTKODTJCTOKY HISTOEY.
PART I.
OF THE EARLY HISTOEY OF ANJOU.
AFTER the conquests of Charlemagne the Em-
peror, the great kingdom of France was divided into
numerous fiefs, or petty sovereignties.
These were again, after the intervention of that long
period called the feudal times, re-united under the
French crown. Of these provinces, Anjou was one
which took a conspicuous part in the politics of
Europe. During 600 years the Angevine rulers were
of three separate families or " Houses," originating
in, and acknowledging allegiance to, the crown of
France.
Some difficulty has been found by writers in marking
distinctly the origin and fall of the First House of
Anjou ; but the dynasty of the " Third House," from
which Rene of Anjou and his daughter Margaret sprung
by direct lineal descent, is traced with sufficient per-
spicuity in all the annals.
FIEST AND SECOND HOUSES OF ANJOU.
In the year 768, Charlemagne bestowed his sister 768.
Bertha in marriage on Milon, Count of Maine, giving,
as her dower, the territory of Anjou, and conferred
upon Milon the title of Count of Angers. From this
VOL. I. B
2 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
marriage proceeded four illustrious warriors, Roland,
Thierri, Geoffrey, and Baldwin. After a rule of ten
years, Milon was killed in battle against the Saracens
in Spain.
778. His eldest son, Roland, succeeded him in 778. That
Roland whose praises have been sung by Ariosto—
that famous Roland, who is reported, in one of his
hand-to-hand encounters, to have cloven through man,
saddle, and horse with one fell blow ! But Anjou can
hardly be said to have felt his governing hand, since
he was killed at Roncevaux, in the very year of his
accession.
778. The title and possessions then devolved upon his
brother Thierri, who was destined, during a long reign,
to bear the brunt of a cruel warfare, often simultane-
ously carried on by two fierce enemies, and to witness
continual scenes of devastation and carnage over-
spreading that fine portion of France entrusted to his
charge.
The imperial power of Charlemagne was too mighty
for the grasp of his son, and, under the mental and
moral incapacity of his grandson, it dwindled and
narrowly escaped extinction. Louis "le Debonnaire,"
the son and successor of Charlemagne, had not been
sis. four years upon the throne of France, ere the Bretons
rose in open rebellion against him.
819. The King repaired to Angers, and, joined by his
cousin Thierri and the Angevine nobility, marched into
Brittany, and speedily reduced that refractory province.
824. Five years after, a second rising of the Bretons, under
their Duke Nomenoe*, is stated to have been suppressed
836. by Louis with equal facility. But, as early as 836,
according to some chroniclers, a new enemy appeared
upon the soil of France, in the persons of the famous
brigand, Hasting, and the Danes, who overran and
eventually colonised Normandy ; and were, therefore,
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 3
often called Normans in those times. No one ever did
so much injury to the Angevines as this lawless chief
with his pirate hordes.
In 838, the Danes made a descent upon France by 838-
the Loire, under the conduct of Hasting. It was not,
however, until after the commencement of the dis-
astrous reign of Charles "le Chauve," son of Louis " le
Debonnaire," that the Normans on the one hand, and
the Bretons on the othqr, succeeded to any remarkable
extent in ravaging Anjou, and dismembering France.
In the earliest years of that reign the restless Bretons
again took up arms against the new yoke, making their
Duke Nomenoe, King of Brittany ; and, mindful of the
recent loyalty of their neighbours, invaded Anjou,
ravaged the banks of the Loire, and destroyed the
abbey of St. Florent. They even approached the city
of Angers, but, on learning that Thierri was pre-
pared to fight, they hastily withdrew into their own
country.
It was about this time, 843 — 5, that the Danes 843-5.
found their way to Nantes ; and, after making a great
massacre of the people in one of its churches, estab-
lished themselves temporarily on a neighbouring island
of the Loire. Thence they continued to devastate the
province of Brittany, for a length of time, conquering
the Bretons in three consecutive battles, till Nomenoe,
compelled to sue for peace, loaded them with presents,
to induce them to quit his territory.
Thierri, meantime, weakened by his great age and
the harass of frequent wars, ceased to be formidable to
these enemies. The French king therefore resolved,
for the better defence of the whole county of Anjou, to
divide it for the present into two parts independent of
each other.
He permitted Thierri to remain in possession of the
city of Angers, and all the territory between the left
B2
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
bank of the Loire and the Maine, and the right bank
of the Layon, and called from that time "Bega-Maine."
All the rest of the country, thenceforth named " Outre-
Maine," he bestowed on a young captain, supposed of
Saxon origin, named Rostulf or Robert, who was
already distinguished for his bravery and military
tactics. This chief with his companions in arms
shortly arrived in Anjou, and established himself at
Seronne on the Sarthe (now Chateauneuf), which he
made the capital of his territory.
After making peace with Nomenoe, the Normans
advanced up the Loire, entered the Maine, and attacked
845-7. the city of Angers. Thierri sustained the first onset
of Hasting, and even repulsed the enemy out of the
city ; but the Normans, after making a feint of retiring,
returned in a few days and took the city by assault.
They massacred nearly all the inhabitants, pillaged and
set fire to the city, and finally burnt alive the unfortu-
nate Count Thierri, a venerable old man of more than
eighty years of age.
From this period the frontier provinces were for a
long time continually the scene of devastation and
849. carnage. The King of Brittany, Nomenoe", bent on
conquest, a second time invaded Anjou, and gained the
capital without striking a blow. He ravaged both Anjou
and Maine for several years, until a violent malady
ended his life.
85i. His son Erispoe, who succeeded him, obtained a sig-
nal victory over the French king, Charles " le Chauve,"
who was obliged to confirm to him the possessions of"
Thierri, viz., Angers and Upper Anjou ; that portion of
Anjou became, in fact, at that period an integral part
of the kingdom of Brittany. Indeed, such was the
deplorable state of the country, that, in order to obtain
peace King Charles conceded all that was required of
him, sanctioning the marriage of his son Louis " le
;
INTKODTJCTOKY HISTOEY. 5
Begue " with the daughter of Erispoe, and confirming
the latter in the attributes of royalty. Erispo6, how- 857
ever, was slain in 857, upon the very altar in a sanc-
tuary to which he had fled, by his cousin Salomon, who
then declared himself King of Brittany in his stead.
Robert, meanwhile, whose strength and valour had
-won him the surname of " le Fort," was respected in
his territory, and was able successfully to repulse both
Bretons and Normans. He remained always faithful to
his benefactor Charles, who in return, in 861 entrusted sei.
Mm with the title and authority of Count of Angers
.and Upper Anjou, to preserve during the minority of his
son Louis, the heir naturally of Erispoe. But the
French nobility, discontented with the unfortunate
government of their monarch, viewed with a jealous
,eye the favour shown to Robert. They intrigued with
Louis, King of Germany, to depose his brother Charles
"le Chauve," and at length took up arms with him at
their head, and made their rendezvous in Brittany.
.Upon this, Robert collected troops and took defensive
.measures against the approach of the rebels. Louis
invaded Anjou with a large army in 862, and imme- 862,
diately encountered that of Robert, but the latter
• succeeded, with inferior numbers, in driving back the
enemy into Brittany, killing more than 2,000 of them,
and recovering the whole of the booty which they had
plundered during the incursion.
The fugitives rallied indeed, and afterwards re-
entered Anjou, but when Robert marched promptly
upon Louis and gave him battle a second time, the
•esult was the complete victory of the Angevines, and
.total rout of the Breton and other forces. Finally, both
Louis and Salomon, the Kings of Germany and Brit-
tany, took the oath of fidelity to Charles " le Chauve."
In the same year Salomon enlisted on his side the
formidable alliance of the Normans in Brittany ; but
6 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
the prudence of Eobert dictated to him to buy off the
latter at the cost of 6,000 silver livres. Thus, at length,
disembarrassed of the pretensions of Salomon in Anjou,
the French king confirmed the rank and government of
Angers and Upper Anjou to Robert ule Fort " who, in
863. 863, obtained another complete victory over the Nor-
mans, entrenched in islands on the Loire, in which he
was severely wounded.
865. Robert attained the climax of his successes in 865,
over the Normans, on their return from Poitiers to the
Loire after pillaging that city. Taking them by surprise,
he killed 500 of them, without losing a single man.
In acknowledgment of this especial feat the king
created him Marquis of Angers, and gave him the
counties of Auxerre and Nivernois. In the following
see. year he was further promoted to a dukedom of France,
with charge of the whole country between the Loire
and the Seine. He was not, however, successful
against his old foes in this new scene of his operations.
The Normans, ascending the Seine as far as Melun,
there fell upon a force much superior to their own in
strength and commanded by Robert himself, over which
867. they obtained a speedy and decisive victory. A year
or two later Robert returned to Lower Anjou, again to
do battle with those insatiable brigands. He en-
countered, near Chateauneuf, 400 Normans and Bretons,
who had despoiled the city of Le Mans. They were
led by Hasting himself, who, surprised at this point,
retreated within the church of Brissarth with some loss.
The church having been speedily fortified, and the
. night coming on, Robert deferred until the morrow the
attack. But, in the night, he was obliged to repel a
sally from the besieged, when he was, after prodigies
of valour, cut down on the threshold of the church.
Ranulph, Duke of Aquitaine, his ally on that occasion,
was at the same time mortally wounded by an arrow
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 7
from one of the church windows, and died three days
after. Their united forces were put to flight, and the
whole county fell defenceless under the yoke of the
Norman adventurer.
Kobert "le Fort/' whose just and warlike career thus
terminated in battle in defence of his country, was the
first ancestor of a long line of French kings, since Hugh
Capet, the head of the third dynasty, was his great-
grandson, and the little town of Seronne or Chateau-
neuf was consequently the first possession of that dis-
tinguished race in France. The peasantry of the
country still cherish his remembrance under the
homely title of " General le Fort."
At the time when Hasting thus re-appeared upon the
soil of Anjou, the people of its capital, who had been
peaceably employed for several years in rebuilding
their city, had at length learnt to banish all fear of the
return of that ruthless scourge, who twenty years
before had sacked and burnt it so unmercifully. When
therefore they were apprized of the stratagem of
Hasting, so fatal to the brave Robert and his ally, the
consternation was general. The victor returned with
his spoil to his vessels on the Loire. He occupied the
banks of that river during five years, living on the
pillage of the country.
It is certain that from 869 to 873 the Normans
were in possession of Anjou, but about the year 871 sn.
their chief resolved to seize upon some important town
and make it his abode.
He gave the preference to Angers, and, quitting the
Loire, approached that city. The two sons of Robert
"le Fort," Eudes and Robert, were too young at his
death to succeed to his rule. The title of Count of
Tours and Angers was therefore bestowed on the abbot
Hugues ; but at his death, a few years after, the trust
of the county was confided to Eudes, who was made
INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
Count of Paris and Duke of France. It is, however,
more than probable that neither Hugues nor Eudes
possessed any but a titular authority over the province
of Anjou during that anarchical period. At any rate,
on the approach of Hasting, the inhabitants of Angers,
despite the strength of their fortifications, fled in terror.
The remembrance of his cruelties had so powerful an
effect upon them, that neither assurances nor menaces
on the part of the authorities could stay the affrighted
citizens. They abandoned their city to the mercy of
the Normans, who entering, with their leader, estab-
lished themselves there with their families, and became
its new inhabitants.
The French king, aroused into activity by the bold-
ness of this enterprise, at length concerted measures,
with the aid of Salomon, King of Brittany, to expel the
872-3. brigand. In the following year Angers was success-
fully besieged by th$ French and Bretons in alliance.
It was a protracted siege, and only terminated by
means of a stratagem of Salomon.
His soldiers dug a wide and deep canal to draw off
the waters of the Maine, and thus leave the ships of
the Normans on dry ground. The Normans were
powerless, or thought themselves so, without their
vessels, and, though the canal was never finished, it is
confidently asserted that the cause which made the
besieged treat urgently for peace was this ingenious
undertaking. Hasting found himself compelled to offer
a large sum of money for permission to depart the city
with his followers. He even promised to quit the
French territory for ever, and so completely imposed
on the credulity of Charles, that the King raised the
siege, and suffered him to transport his vessels into the
new bed of the Maine. Thence he reached the Loire
once again, when, with a faithlessness natural to a foe
of his stamp, he remained, and soon after recommenced
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 9
his former system of depredation along its banks with
impunity.
The first person into whose hands the real govern-
ment of Angers and Upper Anjou was confided, after
the siege of Angers, was one of the foresters of Anjou,
born in the territory of Rennes, in the Armorique,
named Torquat. After Robert "le Fort" and the
Norman anarchy, Torquat was the first governor of 873-
Angers, and was appointed in 873 simply as defender
of the Angevine and Breton frontiers.
He had a son of an aspiring mind, named Tertulle,
who at first filled the office of ranger, but as that
appointment was accompanied by no particular dis-
tinction, in order to advance his fortunes he entered
the service of the King and distinguished himself in
the army.
Tertulle became one of the Leudes, or faithful, of
Charles, in the year 875, but at what date he succeeded 875.
his father as governor of Angers and Upper Anjou,
and guardian of the frontiers on that side, is unknown ;
it is only certain that between them Torquat and
Tertulle administered that part of the country from
873 to 892. In the year 875, when he had dis-
tinguished himself and became a Leude of Charles,
Tertulle won the hand of Petronilla, daughter of the
Duke of Burgundy, which King Charles bestowed on
him, together with a benefice in the Castle of Laudon,
and some lands in Gastinois. Tertulle became Senes-
-chal of Gastinois. The offspring of his, union with
Petronilla was a 'son, born in 876, named Ingelger, 876.
who at an early age attained an historical reputation,
and became the first hereditary sovereign in Anjou, as
well as the founder of a long and powerful dynastic
•sway.
On the death of liis father, Ingelger was only in his -
.sixteenth year, too young to be invested with the 892>
10 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
important command which Tertulle had exercised, and
yet full of promise of a brilliant career. He had been
educated under the eye of his father ; and endowed
with natural genius, a noble physiognomy, and a hand-
some figure, he had already become remarkable for a
skill in horsemanship and in the military exercises,
which even compensated for the deficiency of physical
strength that years alone could contribute.
It seemed as if already the French King Eudes
designed for him the same appointment which his
father had held, for though some years elapsed before
Ingelger became Governor of Angers, yet history
mentions no intermediate possessor of that title, and
next after the vacancy created by the death of Tertulle
records the name of Ingelger.
Meanwhile a romantic occurrence gave rise to his
debut, about a year after his father's death, and con-
tributed in no small degree to his advancement, in that
early age of chivalry.
Adele, Countess of Gastinois, the godmother of
Ingelger, had found her husband one morning, dead
in his bed by her side. Though respected no
less for her modesty than her beauty, the Countess
was many years younger than the deceased, and that
circumstance, coupled with a greedy ambition on the
part of the Count's nearest relative, except herself,
named Gontran, made her the subject of an unworthy
suspicion. Gontran, in order that she might be dis-
inherited and himself put in possession of the title and
estates, published an accusation against her of homicide
and adultery. The decision in this matter rested with
the crown, but the trial upon which that decision
depended was, in those days, one of courage and
strength totally irrespective of justice. The French
king accordingly came to Chateau Laudon on a day
specified, with his princes and barons, to judge the
INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 11
affair. The Countess was present in deep mourning.
Gontran reminded them simply, that some years before,
when the King had wished to marry the late Count,
the Seneschal of his palace, to the Countess, she had
long rejected the offer with hauteur, asserting that the
Seneschal was born her vassal, and that she had only
yielded on the reiterated instances of the King and of
all his court; in short, that she had been inspired with
sentiments of hatred and contempt only towards this
her second husband, and that those feelings had doubt-
less caused her to commit the double crime laid to her
charge. To prove his assertions, he immediately cast
his gage into the midst of the assembly! The
Countess replied only by sobs and tears, for no one
dared to take up the gage of combat, and in that age
the innocence of the accused was decided by combat
alone. At length she sank fainting on the ground,
and seemed ready to expire. Unable any longer
to endure the sight of the agony of one who had
taken so much care of his infancy after he had lost
his mother, and had subsequently inspired him with
all the generous sentiments which form the hero,
Ingelger threw himself at the feet of the King, and
besought his permission to fight for the honour of his
benefactress. Surprised, yet pleased, the King at
length consented, though with regret. On the morrow
the same assemblage re-appeared upon the field of
battle ; the Countess with her ladies was present in a
carriage hung with mourning, and, from the raised
corner of the sable drapery, her eyes met those of her
champion as the signal was given and he loosed the
rein to his horse.
The age, strength, and military reputation of his ad-
versary were all superior. At the first shock the lance
of Gontran pierced the buckler of the youth, but there
rested entangled, and whilst he vainly endeavoured to
12 JNTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
withdraw it, Ingelger passed his through the body of
his opponent, and threw him from his horse ; then
alighting, he despatched him with his dagger. Amidst
the acclamations which followed, his godmother, hav-
ing alighted from her carriage and embraced Ingelger,
petitioned the King to allow her to dispose of all
her fortune to him to whom she owed her honour.
The royal approval was given, and Ingelger rendered
homage for all the lands which the Countess of
Gastinois thus bestowed upon him. They were the
town of Chateau Laudon and the Gastinois territory.
The King of France, an eye-witness of this brilliant
commencement of his noble career, did not lose sight
of Ingelger, and some years after gave him the tem-
porary government of the town of Angers, and of that
part of the county which has been called Upper Anjou.
This, however, was but the first grade in the ladder of
Ingelger's ambition. Before the ninth century, the
military benefices granted by the King to his Leudes,
or faithful, had been transferable ; but during that
epoch they existed for life, and before its close became
hereditary. Thus, about this date, the French King, for
the better defence of his territories against the Normans
and others, divided them as heirlooms amongst
his generals, with the titles of dukes and counts.
The feudal government, which has been aptly
termed a system of organised anarchy, was then
established in Anjou ; and that province was elevated,
in the person of Ingelger, apparently before the year
900, into one of those particular sovereignties which
all depended on the principal monarchy, by virtue of
faith and homage alone.
Ingelger was created hereditary Count of Anjou
"Dec, a Maine," and as his zeal and talents displayed
themselves, he soon after became Viscount of Orleans
and Prefect of Tours. He then took the command
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 13
from Orleans to Andecavi, whilst the Counts of
Brittany, Judicael and Alain, completed the chain of
defence against the inveterate Normans by undertaking
to protect the passage and mouth of the Loire through
Brittany. Ingelger's repeated victories over these
enemies acquired for him the reputation of one of
the first generals of the age, while the wisdom and
firmness he exhibited in his administration gained him
general esteem. Thus he obtained the notice of two
powerful prelates, the Bishops of Tours and Orleans,
who gave him their niece, the beautiful Adele or
Aliude, the richest heiress in those countries, in
marriage. The Count of Anjou became by this
marriage one of the most wealthy and powerful of
the nobles of France. The country of Gastinois had
for its chief town Chateau Laudon, and its boundaries
were the county of Sens, the territories of Melun and
Etampes, the county of Orleans and the Nivernoisr
including in its compass Courtenai, St. Fargeau,
Moret, Puiseaux, and Gien, as well as the territories
where the towns of Fontainebleau, Nemours, and
Montargis now stand. With all these possessions,
Ingelger became the object of jealousy to most of the
barons of Gastinois, who had beheld him from being
an equal suddenly raised to be their sovereign. At
first, indeed, they refused to recognise him ; but,
either through fear, or out of respect to the King's
authority, they all, at length, rendered him their
homage.
The last enterprise in the life of Ingelger forms an
illustration, almost as happy as his first, of the energy
and intrepidity, no less than the love of justice,
inherent in his noble character.
It appears that fifteen or twenty years previously,
the inhabitants of Tours, in expectation of an incursion
of Hasting, removed the body of St. Martin, as their
14 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
most precious treasure, to Auxerre. The security of
their province having been in the meantime established,
the people of Tours now desired the restitution of the
body of their saint ; but all to no purpose. In vain
they petitioned the King on the subject ; he replied,
that, so long as it remained in France, he cared not
what town possessed it.
In this extremity they appealed to their Prefect,
312. Ingelger. He collected six thousand Angevine horse-
men, placed himself at their head, and marched
straightway upon the town of Auxerre ; which, no
longer able to resist a demand supported in so sub-
stantial a manner, restored the venerable deposit
without further parley. This incident is referred to
the year 912, the same in which Rollo, having married
Gisella, daughter of Charles "le Simple," and embraced
Christianity, made peace at last between the Normans
913. and French. In the following year occurred the death
of Ingelger, whose body was conveyed to Tours,
followed by all the barons and nobles of Anjou, and
buried according to his desire in the church of St.
Martin.
With this commencement of the feudal system, the
people of Anjou, who had hitherto always enjoyed
certain rights from the time of the Romans, fell into
total slavery, and were parcelled out with the lands on
which they dwelt. In that state of political annihila-
tion they remained, with little exception, until the
thirteenth century.
Ingelger left one son, named Foulques, and sur-
named " le Roux" from the colour of his hair. He
succeeded his father in the counties of Anjou and
Charolais. Foulques inherited almost all the good
qualities of his father ; but some historians assert that
he tarnished their lustre by his dissolute manners.
He was certainly brave and enterprising, and always
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 15
returned victorious from his wars with the Normans
and Bretons. Foulques became the first hereditary
Count of the entire territory of Anjou. In 914 914-
Charles " le Simple " ceded to him Lower, or Outre-
Maine Anjou, and from that time the two counties
united continued under one head. Foulques " le
Roux" married Roscilla, daughter of Gamier, Count
of Tours, by whom he had three sons : the eldest
Ingelger was killed in battle previous to the year 929,
and the second, named Guy, surrendered himself as
hostage to the Normans to obtain the liberty of Louis
d'Outre-Mer, King of France.
On the death of Foulques "le Roux," his third son 938.
Foulques succeeded him, and the first reign in Anjou
commenced in which the material prosperity of the
Angevine people had obtained any consideration.
This Count was entitled " le Bon," for the worthy
actions of his public life. He was well educated for
his time, cultivated music and the belles-lettres, and
associated with learned men of all ranks, eager to profit
by their talents. His kindness and condescension
towards the poor never varied, and his administration
was remarkable for mildness and justice. In short, he
was a pattern of rulers in his era. He had, besides,
the wisdom and good fortune to live on amicable terms
with his neighbours. The age of Norman and Breton
invasion of Anjou was past. Twenty years of profound
peace intervened before the age of Angevine conquests
in Brittany and the territory of the Count of Blois.
These twenty years constituted the happy reign of
Foulques "the Good," a golden age for Anjou, a
period when that province, already the most en-
lightened in France, attracted strangers from far and
near to come and share the benefits of its learning and
its prosperity. In that age of feudalism, how much of
all this depended upon the individual character of the
16 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
Count who presided over the destinies of that portion
of France. On his accession, that province presented
the spectacle of towns and bourgs abandoned and
in ruins, of fields left uncultivated, and of a people of
wandering serfs without sustenance and without a
home. Touched by so much misery, Foulques
bestowed his earliest attention upon agriculture. He
granted permission to the labourers to hew in his
forests all the wood they required for rebuilding their
houses and making their implements of husbandry,
and then made them advances of money to procure
cattle and seeds. In short, in the course of a few
years, through the wisdom, goodness, and energy of
their ruler, the inhabitants themselves, as well as their
neighbours, were astonished to find the country
abounding with flocks and herds, rich crops, orchards,,
and vines laden with fruit. Foulques " le Bon "
married Gerberge, sister of Thibault I., Count of Blois,
cementing by that union the peace and happiness of
the two provinces, Anjou and Blois, during his time.
Foulques II., who was, besides, extremely pious, was-
carried, according to his desire during his last illness,,
within the church of St. Martin at Tours, and actually
died there, surrounded by the bishop and monks, A.D.
958. 958. He left seven children by Gerberge, the eldest
of whom, Geoffrey, succeeded him.
The character of Geoffrey was much contrasted
with that of his pious, gentle, and humane father.
Geoffrey was surnamed"Grise Gonelle,"from commonly
wearing a tunic of coarse grey stuff. He was warlike
and enterprising. He rendered some signal services
978. to Lothaire, King of France, against Otho II., Emperor
of Germany, and assisted in the defeat of the Normans,
Danes, and Saxons whom Otho had led upon Paris.
The King of France, to testify his satisfaction, made
him Grand Seneschal of France, which office he
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 17
created expressly for him and his descendants. The
life of Geoffrey " Grise Gonelle " was spent mostly in
the battle-field. He had incessant contests with
William IV., Count of Poitiers; he fought David,
Count of Le Mans, and, in compensation for his
victory over him, received his estates ; he triumphed
-over the Bretons who had come to pillage Anjou once
more ; and was besieging one of his vassals in the
castle of Marson, near Saumur, when he died of a 987-
sudden attack in the year 987.
Geoffrey " Grise Gonelle " had several children by
his wife Adele, of whom two alone survived him, and
in turn succeeded to his title and possessions. Of the
-elder, Maurice, no trace has been left beyond the
statement that he ruled one year only in Anjou.
The name of his brother, Foulques "Nerra," who then 938.
took the reins, is well known. His good government
during a very long reign was of great importance to
the province of Anjou, and much resembled that of
Foulques " le Bon," despite its warlike character at an
early period, and despite the stains with which tradition
accuses his private life. But soon after its commence-
ment he experienced a bitter and ambitious enemy in
the person of Conan L, King of Brittany, who had
married his sister. He had occasion to do battle in
person more than once during the year 992 against his 992.
brother-in-law, who was as treacherous as Foulques
was brave and honest. The last sanguinary battle in
that year terminated in the death of Conan, together
with a thousand of his Breton followers.
In 994, Foulques laid siege to Tours, then held by 994.
Eudes, Count of Blois, and his arms having been there
also victorious, a peace of some years ensued, during
which he was enabled to give his undivided attention
to the administration of Anjou. In his desire to
ameliorate the condition of his subjects, and to augment
VOL. I.
18 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
legitimately the population of the country, he not only
built a great number of towns, castles, churches, and
monasteries, but placed inhabitants in them, and sought
to render them happy by every means in his power.
In fact, as the terrible year 1000 passed harmlessly by
(when it had been believed that the end of the world
was approaching), a surprising change began to operate
upon all classes, and in Anjou it especially manifested
itself by an era of celebrated architecture, and
Foulques became distinguished in history as the
edificateur. But he was yet more worthy of public
renown, for having constantly made concessions to his
unhappy people.
1012. About 1012, he granted lands to the poorest
amongst them, and established public markets for the
sale of their produce, in order that they might maintain
themselves. "Nerra" first brought largely into use the
slate with which Anjou abounds. We find him again,
1016. however, in 1016 fighting against Eudes of Blois, and
1025. so late as the year 1025, he conquered and annexed
the town of Saumur, which has been called the garden
of Anjou. The limits of the province of Anjou were,
indeed, considerably extended on each side under his
rule, until it comprised about the same area as the
department of Maine et Loire in the present day. In
1029. 1029, however, Foulques "Nerra" was unsuccessful in
a contest against the Count of Maine and Alain III. of
lose. Brittany ; and about the year 1036, his son Geoffrey
rose in open rebellion against him. He defeated, im-
prisoned, and finally pardoned his son.
" Nerra" is reported to have burnt alive his first wife
on a charge of adultery. It is stated that her shade
appeared to him in after years, and that it was in
remorse for this and other similar savage acts of his
early martial career, that he made three separate
pilgrimages for the Pope's benediction and to the Holy
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 19
Land. By his second wife, Hildegarde, lie had the
son Geoffrey who succeeded him. During Foulques
"Nerra's" time, Ethelred II. of England, and many
banished Saxons, took up their abode in Normandy.
His son and successor, Geoffrey " Martel," became one 1040.
of the greatest generals of his age, but inherited none
of the qualities which had earned the public gratitude
for his father. He was engaged in warfare nearly the
whole of his life. After serving in several campaigns
under Henry I. of France, Geoffrey " Martel" laid siege
to Tours, which was then held by Thibault III., Count
of Blois. Thibault, having refused to do homage to
the King for his possessions, this monarch had confis-
cated them, and invested Geoffrey " Martel " with 1043-
them. In this enterprise, which took place on the 21st
of August, 1044, Geoffrey was completely successful, I04*,
against very superior numbers. The Count of Blois
was himself taken captive, and as many as 1800
prisoners, and a considerable booty fell into the hands
of the besiegers. From his personal prowess in
this victory the name of " Martel," or hammer, was
given to him, in allusion to the fatal blows by which
he prostrated his opponents. The French King, how-
ever, became the mediator for Thibault, who obtained
his liberation by ceding as his ransom the towns and
castles of Tours, Chinon, and Langeais. From that
date, Tourraine was dismembered from the counties of
Blois and Chartres. Before he had attained his
twenty-second year, Geoffrey " Martel " had twice
conquered in battle William V., Duke of Aquitaine.
They contested La Saintonge ; and, for four years, 1044-
there was constant bloodshed between Saumur and
Poitiers. On the occasion of his second defeat the
Duke was made captive ; and, after a confinement of
three years, died in his prison. Geoffrey then married
his widow, Agnes of Burgundy, who brought him, as
c 2
20 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
her dowry, the county of Poitou and many lesser fiefs.
1043. The valiant Geoffrey next attacked Normandy, but
could make no permanent acquisition within the terri-
tory of William the Conqueror. Though always faith-
ful to his sovereign, Henry L, his great ambition led
him to invade frequently the states of his neighbours,
and, in one important matter, he did not hesitate to
employ fraud as well as force to gratify this culpable
ambition. He took advantage of the infancy of
Herbert II., Count of Maine, to procure his own
nomination as administrator of that province during his
minority, but never relinquished the sovereign authority
over Maine during his life-time. He had, besides, been
unscrupulous enough to sieze by force from his nephew
Foulques "FOison," the county of Vendome, which he
restored only on the King's intercession, after he had
1050. enjoyed its revenue for twenty years. He made great
acquisitions to his dominions, but his subjects could have
experienced little happiness under his restless rule.
Although twice married, Geoffrey " Martel " had no
children, either by Agnes or Grecia, to whom to be-
queath his great possessions ; and with him ended the
first branch of the Second House of Anjou, as it is
called, or of the direct line from Ingelger. This last
of the Ingelgerian Counts in direct descent, resigned
loeo. his states in the year 1060, in favour of his two
nephews, Geoffrey "le Barba" and Foulques "Rechin,"
and entering the monastery of St. Nicholas, at Angers,
died there on the following morning, in his fifty-fourth
year.
Geoffrey and Foulques, the nephews and successors of
Geoffrey "Martel," were sons of Alberic, of Gastinois, and
a sister of Geoffrey "Martel." The former received from
his uncle, Tourraine and the town of Chateau Laudon,
and the latter, Anjou and Saintonge. The inequality
of this division was the cause of a bloody feud between
INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 21
the two brothers during eight years, as well as of the
most unnatural cruelty protracted over a period of
thirty years more by the one brother upon the other.
The surname of "Rechin," or quarrelsome, given
to Foulques IV. has, by some, been understood as
referring the whole culpability of these disasters to him
principally, if not solely. It appears certain, however,
that Geoffrey " le Barba " began the feud by claiming a
right over his brother's inheritance of Anjou. He was
actually master of the whole county of Anjou in 1066.
Foulques ' ' Rechin " succeeded in making hirnhis prisoner 1066.
in the same year, but released him on the command of
Pope Alexander II. In the following year, however, 1067.
Geoffrey " le Barba " renewed the war by besieging the
fortress of Brissac. Foulques ' ' Rechin " advanced against
him, and took him prisoner for the second time, together
with a thousand of his partizans, and confined him in
the Castle of Chinon. This incarceration was continued
for thirty years, and so terrible was its results, that the
unhappy Geoffrey " le Barba " lost his reason. Mean-
while, the whole Angevine nobility had been divided
into two hostile camps ; and very many had fallen in
the civil war. The recent acquisition of Saintonge
was, besides, lost to Anjou during these troubles ; and
to appease Philip I. of France, Foulques "Rechin" was
compelled to surrender Chateau Laudon to the crown.
In 1073, Pope Gregory VII. excommunicated 1073.
Foulques " Rechin" for having married Ermengarde of
Bourbon within the prohibited degrees. But although
proved to have been a zealous Roman Catholic by his
defence of the faith against heretics, and by his gifts to
the Church, Foulques " Rechin " seems generally,
throughout his life, to have made very light of papal
anathemas. He was a second time excommunicated
by the same pontiff in 1086, for his lengthy and cruel 1086-
detention of his brother in prison. But in proof of the
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
utter futility of these anathemas, Pope Urban II, ten
years after, favoured Angers, amongst many other
French cities, with a visit, to preach a crusade to the
Holy Land ; and having been magnificently received
there by this same Foulques " Rechin," presented him
with a golden rose, which had received his blessing.
Geoffrey " le Barba " was as close a prisoner as ever
at that very date, though it is true that he was re-
leased shortly after, by command of this same Pope
Urban II.
Foulques "Rechin" was a very abandoned character
in private life. He married three wives, and repudiated
them all ; but the fourth repudiated him. This last,
named Bertrade, was the sister of Amaury of Montfort,
and was reputed the most handsome woman in the
kingdom ; but, such was her frailty, that after living
with Foulques "Rechin" four years, she deserted
him, and fled to Philip I., King of France.
By his second wife, Ermengarde, Foulques had a
son named Geoffrey "Martel," who would have suc^
ceeded him in Anjou, but Bertrade was jealous of the
interest of her son by " Rechin," named Foulques ; and
H06. in 1106, Geoffrey "Martel" was found murdered. It
would hardly be expected that Foulques "Rechin" was
learned for his time, but so he is reputed. He wrote in
Latin a history of the Counts of Anjou, in which, after
briefly speaking of his ancestors, he informs us, that
the twenty-seventh year of his reign was marked by a
great prodigy. He affirms that the stars then fell like
hail upon the earth, causing a great panic and mor-
tality in France, 100 persons of rank, and 2,000 of
the people having died at Angers alone. Foulques
HOD. " Rechin " died in 1109, at the age of sixty-six.
His son by Bertrade, Foulques V., succeeded him.
He had been invested with the county of Anjou, by
Phillip I. during the lifetime of his father in 1106, after
INTBODUCTORY HISTORY. 23
the assassination of Geoffrey " Mattel." This Count
was destined, in a much shorter reign than that of his
father, to attain higher alliances, and to secure wider
possessions for his descendants. It was during his
reign, that Anjou first became connected with the
reigning family of England.
He began by annexing the county of Maine to that nos.
of Anjou, by his marriage with Eremburga, daughter
of Helie, Count of Maine, who, at his death in 1110, 1110-
made him his heir. Soon after, the King of France
needed his assistance against the English : Foulques V.
had maintained that the rank and title of Grand Senes-
chal of France, borne by Geoffrey " Grise Gonelle,"
was a family inheritance in the house of Anjou, and
taking advantage of the King's present necessity to
plead for a confirmation of that title to him, he gained
his object. He next distinguished himself by several
victories over Henry I. of England when that king in-
vaded Normandy. His humanity to the prisoners in
his triumphs quite won the heart of the English
monarch, who finally sought his alliance, and a mar-
riage was celebrated between his son William, and
Matilda, the daughter of Foulques. The bridegroom at 1119.
these nuptials was fourteen and the bride eleven years
of age. After William's shipwreck on his return to
England, Matilda retired to the abbey of Fontevrault,
in Anjou, of which thirty years after she became the
Abbess, and died there in 1155.
In 1120, leaving his wife Eremburga with his young 1120.
children, Geoffrey and Helie, in charge of the county,
Foulques made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and on
his return, as Grand Seneschal, he bore the banner of
France, and commanded the avant garde of the army
of Louis " le Gros." Eremburga was an amiable and
high-minded lady. She bore him two sons and two
daughters, who were all married to the sons and
24 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
1125. daughters of kings. She died in 1125. In the same-
year Foulques re-visited the East; and four years after
1129. finally returned and settled there, as heir to Baldwin,
King of Jerusalem, having accepted the proffered hand
of his daughter Melisende.
ii3i. In 1131 Foulques succeeded that prince on his-
throne. He died a violent death in 1144, and was
buried at Jerusalem, while his son, Baldwin, by his se-
cond marriage, then mounted the throne. Foulques V.y
who was of a noble and enterprising spirit, was very
remarkable for his bad memory; he was known to
pass by without recognition persons to whom he had
shortly before testified the most sincere marks of his-
friendship.
When Foulques departed finally for the East, he
resigned his rights over Anjou, Maine, arid Tourraine
to his son Geoffrey " Plantagenet." This name, which
served to distinguish a long line of his descendants, was
derived from the badge assumed by Foulques, his
father, on his way to the Holy Land. The planta-
yenista, or broom pod, when in season, was used to
strew the chamber floors, and thence became an
emblem of humility, and as such was borne by
Foulques in his pilgrimage. Henry II.,King of England,,
afterwards used this badge to show his descent from the
House of Anjou, and it was engraved upon his robe in
his monumental effigy.
In the same year that Geoffrey acceded, he espoused
Matilda, daughter of Henry I. of England, and widow
of Henry V., Emperor of Germany. Thus he found
himself on the death of Henry I. heir to the crown of
England, but not only was that throne usurped by
1135. Stephen, in 1135, but the Normans also preferred
1137. Stephen, who was therefore, in 1137, installed in that'
fiefdom by Louis " le Gros."
For four consecutive years Geoffrey made unsuccess-
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 25
ful campaigns into Normandy. Stephen died in 1141, IHI..
but the Normans did not generally succumb to Geoffrey
until the year 1144. Meantime some of his barons 114.1.
of Anjou had revolted against him, and even with-
stood his authority until 1147. In punishing one of 1147.
them he sustained the first attacks of the French King
Louis VII. , in open war, and braved the thunders of
Pope Eugene III. to the last. He died in 1151, at the 1151.
early age of thirty-eight. He was learned; and be-
loved by the people at large, and bore altogether a good
character. But twenty years of feudal warfare ruined
and depopulated his three counties of Anjou> Maine,
and Normandy, and the repeated neglect of a due
cultivation of the soil brought on a terrible famine
in 1146.
Geoffrey rebuilt the Castle of Seronne, which, as well
as the town, was from that time named Chateauneuf.
His wife Matilda, lived till 1167, and his son Henry,
eventually became King of England in right of his
mother. Normandy was ceded to him during the life
of his father, at whose death, he likewise took posses-
sion of Anjou, and his other territories in France.
Anjou, thus united to the crown of England, was so
held for upwards of half-a-century. Henry II. was
born at Le Mans, in 1133, and was only eighteen when
lie succeeded his father in Anjou. Geoffrey had never
intended to unite the possessions of Anjou, Maine, and
Tourraine under the same rule as the kingdom of
England. On the contrary, he had by his will left
those counties temporarily to Henry, upon his oath
that, from the time when he acceded to the English
throne, he should surrender them to his third son,
Geoffrey. An attempt however was made by Geoffrey
to possess himself of them immediately after his
father's death, but having been worsted in battle by 1152.
Henry, in 1152, was forced to succumb to him.
20 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
H54. At length, when Henry ascended the throne of
England, in 1154, Geoffrey was a captive in the
hands of the Count of Blois, Henry's ally, and instead
of endeavouring to effect his liberty, and restore to him
his rightful inheritance, Henry II. listened only to the
dictates of his grasping ambition, and retained posses-
sion of the whole of his ill-gotten power.
use. In 1156, Geoffrey having paid his ransom established
himself in Tourraine, but his unnatural brother be-
sieged and speedily vanquished him, and the unfortu-
nate young Count died not long after at the early age
of twenty-four.
Henry II. bears a good character in Anjou. It is
1176. stated that in 1176, during a long drought, he had
transported from England nourishment for 10,000
men daily for some months ; and a clause in his
will provided a hundred silver marks for the marriage
of the Angevine young ladies. He favoured the
works of the Levee, to enclose the Loire within
bounds, and they made great progress in his reign.
He founded the hospital called " Hotel Dieu," at
Angers, besides other worthy establishments. Henry's
administrative talents are recognised in a hundred ways
by the people of Angers and Saumur; the communes
and other first germs of the liberty of the bourgeois,
date from him. He had also a great taste for learning,
his court was the asylum of the learned men of
Europe. In the necrology of Fontevrault, he is called
the Solomon of his age. He was eloquent, loved
poetry, and wrote verses himself in the Provencal
tongue. Above all, having shown himself the sub-
stantial friend of the people, he was very popular.
His consort, the beautiful Eleanor, the divorced of
Louis VII. of France, and daughter of William X.
Count of Poitiers, brought him at her marriage in
H52. 1152, the extensive and important province of Aqui-
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 27
taine ; she died at Fontevrault in 1204. Henry II.
died at Chinon, in July 1189, aged fifty-six. USD.
Henry II. had four sons, named Henry, Richard,
Geoffrey, and John. Henry and Geoffrey died in the
life-time of their father, and Geoffrey left a son named
Arthur.
Richard next inherited the county of Anjou, together
with the other French possessions appertaining to the
English monarchy. The short reign of Richard "Coeur
de Lion " was entirely occupied in his combats with
Saladin in the East, and with Philip Augustus in
Normandy. Anjou had little enough of association
with its Count during the ten years, 1 189 — 99. Richard 1199.
married in 1191, Berengaria, daughter of Sancho VI.
King of Navarre ; but left no children. He had
designed in 1190, as his heir, Arthur, the son of his
brother Geoffrey, and grandson of Henry II. ; but
finally bequeathed his territories to his brother John.
He left, by his will, his body to Fontevrault, his heart
to Rouen, and his entrails, in token of his contempt of
that people, to the Poitevins.
On the death of Richard " Coeur de Lion," the in- 1199.
habitants of Anjou, Tourraine, and Maine, declared in
favour of Arthur, whilst England and Normandy
seconded the claims of John, as successor. John,
thereupon, accompanied by his mother Eleanor, led
an English army to the disputed territory, and laid
siege to Angers. Prince Arthur was at this time no
more than twelve years old. Philip Augustus, who
aspired to concentrate in his own person an absolute
authority over the whole kingdom of France, at the
same time decided on supporting the cause of Arthur
against John, by the arms of France. But a matri-
monial expedient saved much bloodshed at that time,
although it was fatal to the just cause of the young
Arthur.
28 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
It suited the policy of Philip Augustus to establish
peace between himself and John, by effecting a
marriage between his son Louis and Blanche of Castille,
the niece of John.
1202. In 1202 Philip further developed beyond a doubt
his ambitious projects, by marrying his daughter Mary
to Prince Arthur ; but in the same year Arthur was
taken prisoner by John, and after a detention of nine
months was strangled by his unnatural uncle, at Rouen.
1203. After Arthur's assassination, John was cited before the
peers of France, to answer for that crime, and failing
to appear, his provinces in France were confiscated.
1205. With his crime the fiefs of Anjou and Maine were
severed from the English crown, and reverted as by
right to that of France. It is true John did not
voluntarily submit to the sentence, since he invaded
1206. and had possession of Angers again in 1206, when
Goth-like, he demolished its ancient walls.
He lost it in the following year, and seemingly
brooding over his retributory misfortunes, made no
1213. further attempt upon it until 1213. In that year,
having collected a powerful army, he landed at
Rochelle, and actually occupied Angers, without
striking a blow. But he never really recovered the
1214. provinces forfeited by his crimes, for the year 1214
beheld him once more in retreat from Anjou, never
to re-appear there, since he died on the 19th of
1216. October, 1216. In the person of King John ended
what is called the " Second House of Anjou."
In 1204, after the confiscations of John's French
possessions, Philip Augustus established hereditary
seneschals in that part of France, the first of whom
was the tutor of the unfortunate young Arthur,
named William des Roches, who was in fact Count
in all except the name, over Anjou, Maine, and
Tourraine, owing allegiance only to the crown of
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 29
France. The Seneschal, William des Bodies, died in
1222. His son-in-law, Amaury de Craon, succeeded 1222.
him. Philip Augustus, whose ambitious mind, aided
by fortunate circumstances, had effected such great
changes, died the year after. Meantime, Henry III.
of England continued to wear the titles of the French
possessions of his ancestors, amongst them that of
Count of Anjou, but made no attempt for the present
to regain them.
Pierre Mauclerc, Duke of Brittany, however, aspired
to regal power, and the Seneshal Amaury having
marched a large force into Brittany was, after some
successes, taken prisoner by Mauclerc, on the 3rd of
March, 1223, and incarcerated at Touffeau, near Nantes. 1223«
But afterwards, unequal single handed to the task of
combating the French Eegency of Blanche of Castile,
during the minority of Louis IX., Mauclerc did homage
to Henry III. of England.
On the 3rd of May, 1230, Henry disembarked a con- 1230.
siderable army at St. Malo, in the view of re-conquering
Anjou, and the other forfeited possessions of his crown.
Louis IX., then only fifteen years old, consequently
came to Anjou, and having fortified its chief places,
advanced to the attack of the allies ; but in the
following year a peace was concluded, the province of
Guienne having been ceded to the English crown. In
1241, Louis gave the counties of Poitou and Auvergne 1241.
to his brother Alphonso ; and in the year 1246, he 1240.
invested his brother Charles, Count of Provence, with
the counties of Anjou and Maine, thereby annulling
the rank and title of Seneschal, and instituting the
THIRD HOUSE OF ANJOU.
Charles I., the founder of the proud fortunes of this
Third House, was ambitious in character, and events
30 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
long favoured his ambition. Count of Provence,
through the inheritance of his consort, he had not long
been invested with Anjou and Maine, ere he was
invited to the conquest of Sicily. The monarchy of
Sicily then comprised the same territory as the
kingdom of Naples in the present day ; but Palermo
i-2oi. was its metropolis. In 1251, Pope Innocent IV.
declared a crusade against Mainfroy, the natural son
of Frederick II. Emperor of Germany, to whom the
kingdom of Sicily then belonged, and attempted in
vain to annex the Sicilian dominion to the Papal
throne. Having taken a survey, therefore, of the
ambitious heads of his time, he first invited England
to its conquest ; but failing in that quarter, he next
fixed on Charles of Anjou as his fitting instrument,
and offered to him the crown of Sicily. So tempting
a proposition made a powerful impression upon the
mind of Charles, and is said to have operated still
more remarkably upon that of his wife, who longed to
be a queen ; but it was not at that time responded to.
It was not until the reign of that Pope's successor,
Urban IV., that Charles accepted the offer, and under-
1264. took the conquest. In 1264, he concluded a treaty
with that pontiff, by virtue of which, amongst other
engagements, it was provided, that the kingdom of
Sicily should be hereditary in the family of Charles,
that it should be held, however, in liege homage to the
Papal throne, that an annual tribute should be paid to
the Pope, by the Angevine prince, and that during a
minority, the Pope should exercise the administration
of the kingdom. A crusade was then preached;
Charles was crowned in Home, with his Countess, on the
1266. GtrTof January, 1266. He then encountered Mainfroy,
and in one great battle, that of Benevento, gained a
complete victory, and Mainfroy was slain. Naples
surrendered to the victor, who speedily obtained
INTEODTJCTOEY HISTOEY. 31
possession of La Pouille, Calabria, Terre de Labour,
and the greater part of Sicily.
Charles handsomely recompensed those who had
served him, knighting some, and giving lands to others.
It was also on this occasion that he instituted the order
of knighthood called the Spur. The fame of the great
successes of Charles of Anjou, now caused his alliance
to be esteemed a desideratum amongst the highest
European princes. His eldest son Charles married
Mary, the only daughter of Stephen, King of Hungary.
His daughter Blanche was united to the Count of
Flanders, and his daughter Beatrix espoused Philip,
King of Thessaly, the son of Baldwin II., Emperor of 1267.
Constantinople. By this marriage contract it was
provided, that the Empire of the East should devolve
on the posterity of the Count of Anjou.
The despotic character of Charley, however, was ill
adapted to govern the aspirations after constitutional
freedom in which the warm-hearted Italians have
indulged in all ages. The Gibelins fomented a rising
against him, and induced Conradin, the son of the
Emperor Frederic II. , and last male heir of that house,
to take the lead of the insurgents.
Conradin, a youth of only sixteen, was defeated by
Charles, and lost his life on the scaffold at Naples, in
1269. To the last, Conradin evinced a high spirit ; 1209.
his conduct on the scaffold formed an important link
in the chain of events. Before his death he addressed
the people, saying, " I make Peter, King of Arragon,
heir of all my rights," and having thrown down his
glove in token of the investiture, the pledge was scru-
pulously conveyed to him for whom it was intended.
Beatrix of Savoy, the first wife of Charles of Anjou,
died at Nocera, in the Terre de Labour. As heiress
of Raimond Beranger, Count of Provence, her husband
had assumed that title in her right, and at her death
32 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
she left the counties of Provence and Foucalquier to
the House of Anjou.
Charles married secondly, with great pomp at Naples,
Margaret of Burgundy. He built the Chateau-Neuf at
Naples, some churches, and other beautiful edifices.
He also favoured the university of Naples, and did not
meanwhile neglect that of Angers. He made a princi-
pality of the county of Salerno, and bestowed it upon
his son Charles ; the eldest son of the king of Naples
has from that time always borne the title of Prince of
Salerno. The great influence of Charles of Anjou
obtained for him the cession of the rights of Mary of
Antioch to , the kingdom of Jerusalem, that lady
receiving in exchange from the county of Anjou a
pension of 4,000 livres.
The treaty was ratified at Rome with the Pope's
consent, and the coronation of Charles as King of
Jerusalem was there celebrated. In virtue of that
cession the kings of Sicily of both houses of Anjou,
and some of the French kings as heirs of their rights,
have taken the title and arms of king of Jerusalem,
and the House of Lorraine assumes them even at the
present day. But at the time of Charles, the kingdom
of Jerusalem consisted only of the town of Acre and
some other petty places, and not long after it became
purely titular.
At last we arrive at the reverse of this picture ; the
fortunes of Charles had passed their zenith and were in
the decline. The immediate cause of his fall can only
be ascribed to his inordinate thirst after personal
aggrandizement, though his tyranny over his subjects,
and his cruelty towards his vanquished enemies, con-
tributed their full share to his ruin. He prepared at
once for a double enterprise, to restore Baldwin to the
throne of Constantinople, which had been usurped by
Michael Paleologus, and to reconquer a part of the
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 33
Holy Land. The designs of Charles were, however,
frustrated by the stratagems of John of Procida.
The massacre of the Sicilian Vespers succeeded, in 1282.
1282, in which the flower of the soldiery of Anjou,
Maine, and Provence fell victims to the vengeance
of the oppressed. On receiving this intelligence
Charles of Anjou formed a resolution to exterminate
the islanders, and commanded the siege of Messina.
It was at this critical juncture, after a lapse of fourteen
years, that Peter, King of Arragon, who had accepted
his gage from the scaffold, appeared, to avenge the
death of the brave and youthful Conradin. Peter
came to the relief of Messina, and turned the fortunes
of the contest against the besiegers. As the climax
of retribution, Charles beheld his son, the Prince of
Salerno, taken prisoner on the seas by Roger Loria.
Thus, in the midst of his fast declining fortunes, deprived
of his natural successor, the bitterness of his last days
may be better imagined than described. He died at
Foggia, on the 7th of January, 1285, aged fifty-eight. 1235.
From the date of this conquest by Peter of Arragon
there have been two kingdoms of Sicily so called, viz.,
on this side, and on that side, of the Faro of Messina.
It has been stated that Charles II. , Count of Anjou,
-called "the Lame," was in prison when his father died.
He remained so for three years. In the interval,
Robert of Artois took the reins of government, and the
war continued between the Houses of Anjou and
Arragon. For the purpose of making a diversion in
favour of the former, the Popes Martin IV. and his
successor Honorius IV. offered the crown of Arragon
to Charles, Count of Valois, grandson of St. Louis.
Charles of Anjou obtained his freedom in 1288, but it 1288.
was conditionally; that Sicily should belong to his
adversary, and that he should prevail on the Count of
Valois within three years to renounce his claim to the
VOL. I.
34 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
crown of Arragon. To these conditions, however, the
Pope Nicholas IV. refused his assent, and not only
released him from his oath, but crowned him King of
1289. the Two Sicilies on the 29th of May, 1289. The King
of Arragon then carried the war into Calabria, and after
some advantages and some reverses, concluded a truce
for two years. During that period Ladislaus IV., King
of Hungary, died without issue, leaving that kingdom
to his sister Mary, the wife of Charles of Anjou. But
Charles II. presented it to his son, Charles " Martel,"
who wras accordingly crowned King of Hungary on the
i2W>. 8th of September, 1290. This branch of the family of
Anjou gave three kings and one queen to Hungary.
Louis, the third of these kings, was also King of Poland
and had three daughters, with whom the race became
extinct.
The oath taken by Charles of Anjou on his release
from prison still remained valid in the eyes of some
diplomatists, notwithstanding the authority of the
Pope. In order, therefore, to terminate the discord
which prevailed, a council was held, and a treaty
signed at Montpelier, in 1290. It was thereat
decided, that Sicily should be restored to Charles of
Anjou, despite his oath, and that Charles of Valois
should renounce his claim to Arragon, receiving in
consideration thereof the hand of Margaret, the eldest
daughter of Charles "le Boiteux," whose dower was to
consist of the counties of Anjou and Maine.
This treaty was only executed in part ; for the King
of Arragon and his successors constantly refused to
surrender Sicily. The marriage, however, of Charles
of Anjou's daughter, Margaret, with the Count of
1290. Valois was duly celebrated on the 16th of August, 1290 ;
and thus the county of Anjou passed away from the
first family of Anjou-Sicily, in which it had remained
forty-four years, and entered into that of Valois. It is
INTEODUCTOBY HISTOEY. 35
not our province to follow the fortunes of Charles II.
of Anjou from the date of his cession of that
province.
His immediate government of Anjou was chiefly
remarkable for a bitter and implacable persecution in
1289 of the Hebrew race, which was, indeed, at that
time expelled from the whole of France. His death
did not occitf until many years after, in 1309, at
Casenova, near Naples. He was as celebrated for his
large progeny as his sire had been for his ambition.
He had by his wife, Mary of Hungary, ten sons and
five daughters, eleven of whom, as having become
distinguished, it will be as well to enumerate here.
CHARLES " MARTEL," King- of Hungary.
EGBERT, King of Naples.
PHILIP, Prince of Tarentum, and titular Emperor of Constantinople.
TRISTAN, Prince of Salerno.
Louis } both Dukes of Duras'
MARGARET, wife of Charles of Valois, Count of Anjou.
BLANCHE, wife of James II. , King of Arragon.
ELEANORA, wife of Frederick, King of Sicily.
MARY, wife of Sancho, King of Majorca.
BEATRIX, wife of Azzon VIII., Marquis of Este and Farrara.
As most of these children of Charles II. became
heads of families, thence arose the double titles for
the sake of distinction of Anjou-Sicily, Anjou-Hun-
gary, Anjou-Poland, Anjou-Tarentum, Anjou-Imperial,
Anjou-Duras, &c. And yet, a hundred years later,
there remained not a single prince of the blood of
Charles II. of Anjou.
In the year 1290, Charles of Valois became by his 1290.
marriage Count of Anjou, as Charles III. He was the
younger son of Philip " le Hardi," and was remarkable
for his skill and bravery in all the great events of his
time. The war having been renewed between France
and England, on occasion of Edward I. refusing to do
homage to Philip for Guienne, Charles of Anjou was 1296-7.
D2
36 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
successful in his engagements both with the English
and the Flemish. Thus his brother, Philip " le Bel,"
in order to recompense his bravery, and at the same
time to replace one of the twelve ancient counties or
duchies, of which the neighbouring kings had obtained
1297. possession, elevated Anjou, in 1297, into a peerage
county. Two years later, Charles of Anjou again
commanded the forces of France against those of
England and Flanders, with so complete a success, that
the Count of Flanders was obliged to surrender at
discretion ; and the King of France detained him as
his prisoner, and took possession of Flanders. The
King of England thereupon abandoned the side of the
Flemish, and having been re-established in Guienne,
1303. peace was restored. The Count of Anjou assisted at
1305. the coronation of Pope Clement V. at Lyons, in 1305.
That pontiff was the first to choose Avignon as his
abode. Louis X., son of Philip " le Bel," on ascend-
1314. ing the throne of France, in 1314, complained to
Enguerraud de Marigny, the treasurer of the kingdom,
of the disordered state of the finances. Doubtless
these disorders were attributable to the repeated wars of
Philip's reign, in which Charles III. of Anjou had taken
a principal part. The treasurer boldly ascribed the
circumstance to Charles of Anjou, a great imprudence
against a man of such princely power. Charles
retorted by accusing Marigny of peculation, and
succeeded in his design of crushing him ; and
Enguerraud was accordingly hanged at Montfaucon,
1315. in 1315, to the subsequent remorse and lasting dis-
grace of this Count of Anjou. In 1317 Charles
bestowed the county of Maine on his son Philip.
This separation of the rule of the two counties, which
had been so long historically connected, lasted very
few years.
Charles III. died at Nogent-le-Koi on the 16th of
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 37
November, 1325, and at his death the administration 1325.
of Anjou also passed into the hands of his son Philip.
Charles IV. of France, surnamed " le Bel," leaving
no direct heir at his death, Edward III. of Eng-
land disputed the succession with Philip of Anjou and
Valois. The former, as nephew of Charles IV., urged
the right of his mother, Isabella, and in that way he
was one degree nearer than his rival; but Philip's
claim being from the male line was preferred. In
the year 1328, therefore, Philip of Valois, Count of 1328.
Anjou, ascended the throne of France as Philip VI.,
and re-united Anjou to the French crown.
Subsequently, in 1332, Philip invested his son John 1332.
with the territories of Anjou and Maine. They so
remained until the accession of John to the throne
of France, in 1350, as John II. "the Good," when 1350.
they were once again united with the sovereign
rule in his person. In the meanwhile, the battle of
Cressy had intervened in 1346, and a period of
humility and misfortune had set in for France, in
which, however, Anjou did not play a very prominent
part. John gave Anjou and Maine to his second son,
Louis I., in 1356, the very year in which he was him- 1355.
self taken prisoner by the English, in their renowned
victory at Poitiers. Finally, Charles, the eldest son of
John, afterwards Charles V. of France, as Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom during the captivity of John,
erected Anjou into a peerage duchy, in 1360, in the
person of his brother, Louis I., who then became first i860.
Duke of Anjou.
With this detail the reader has now been transported
over a period of almost six centuries, to the epoch of
the accession of the paternal grandfather of King
Rene.*
* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Chalon's France ; Hallain's Middle Ages ;
Carte ; Mezerai ; Froissart.
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSES OF ANJOU.
FIRST HOUSE OF ANJOU.
In the 9th ROBERT " LE FORT," Count of Anjou
century. " Outre Maine. "
EUDES, his son ; obtains more than
half France, and gives up his
part of Anjou to FOULQUES SECOND HOUSE OF ANJOU.
"LE Roux."
INGELGER, Count of Anjou " Deca
I Maine."
FOULQUES "LE Roux," Count
of all Anjou.
FOULQUES "LE BON."
GEOFFREY I., "GRISE GONELLE."
FOULQUES " NERRA. "
GEOFFREY " MARTEL "—no heir.
(Here ends the First branch
of the Second House of An-
jou ; or the direct line from
INGELGER.) I
| Anjou divided between two nephews of
GEOFFREY "MARTEL."
GEOFFREY III., "LE BARBU." FOULQUES IV., "Ls RECHIN;"
I defeats GEOFFREY,
and becomes sole
Count of Anjou.
FOULQUES V.
GEOFFREY "Ls BEL," or
I " PLANTAGENET."
HENRY II. \
I I Kings
RICHARD I. ) of
| England.
JOHN, J
Excommunicated for
the murder of Prince
Arthur.
(Here ends the Second House of Anjou.)
INTRODUCTOEY HISTORY. 39
After the excommunication of King John, Philippe
Auguste, King of France, regained possession of
Anjou and Maine.
These counties were governed by a Seneschal,
until the time of Louis IX., or St. Louis, who in-
vested his brother Charles with them, in 1290.
THIRD HOUSE OF ANJOU ; OR FIRST HOUSE (OB LINE OP
ROBERT " LK FORT " ) RESTORED, CALLED " VALOIS."
CHARLES, First Count of Anjou.
CHARLES, Second Count of Anjou.
CHARLES, Third Count of Anjou ; CHARLES
I bestowed, in 1317, the county
of Maine on his son PHILIPPE.
PHILIPPE DE VALOIS, Count of Anjou, and
afterwards King of France.
PHILIPPE, in 1332, invested
his son JOHN with Anjou
and Maine.
JOHN, Count of Anjou, and afterwards
King of France. JOHN, in 1356,
invested his son Louis with Anjou
and Maine.
INTKODUCTOKY HISTOKY.
PART II.
THE ANGEVINE HISTORY— continued.
The Ancestors of King Rene. — John, King of France. — Louis, First Duke
of Anjou. — Louis II. — Louis III.
THE history of the " Dark Ages," necessarily written
with many imperfections, is generally read with still
less of that earnest attention which the other chapters
of history command. There exists a tendency to de-
preciate the value of its records, because some of them
have been always enveloped in doubt and mystery.
Can the public rest satisfied that there has been no
stone left unturned, even at the present hour, in the
course of the Herculean task of the historian, which
might admit of a little more of the light of truth ? If
so, should we not rather trust to the moderate compass
and concentrated efforts of the biographer's labours to
disinter those facts from their silent tomb of ages?
Is there not enough also of interest and importance in
the times which gave birth to and cradled the first
living germs of our present proud liberties to invite to
further research ? In a word, is there not in the dawn
of civilization a strong enough motive to enchain us to
its study ?
As in the darkest hour which immediately precedes
the natural morn, the mind's prospect alone serves to
cheer and enliven the thickness of that gloom, so to us,
who have learnt the certain result, should appear the
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 41
profound intellectual darkness preceding, and introduc-
ing, literature and civil and religious liberty.
Regarding only the stormy turbulence of those
times, or the cruelties exercised by individuals, they
might be pronounced "barbarous ; " but, let it also be
remembered, that from that period is traced the origin
of all our noblest institutions, and of that total change
which was effected in the manners and customs, politics
and religion of England.
In this country, the seeds of dissent had already,
before the establishment of the Lancastrian dynasty,
paved the way for the great Reformation ; but, while
the preaching of Wycliife and others had awakened
inquiry, and agitated men's minds, it had also led to
cruel persecutions ; for the day had not yet arrived
when Protestantism could prevail to the displacing of
the forms of antecedent centuries. The clergy had
obtained, through their great wealth, considerable in-
fluence in temporal, as well as in ecclesiastical aifairs.
Bigotry and superstition had not yet yielded to intel-
lectual light, and they often gave rise to tumult and
confusion, which, while they were increased by the
ignorance of the lower classes, were augmented still
more by the violent and unrestrained passions of the
aristocracy.
Thus was it in matters appertaining to the church,
in the period immediately preceding the civil contests
of the Houses of York and Lancaster ; that oasis in
which all principles were temporarily absorbed by
personal animosity, but, out of which happily arose-
a new order of things ecclesiastical for succeeding
generations.
In politics, the same steady progress is observable ;
the Parliament, introduced by Henry III., was under
the Lancastrians constituted upon a broad basis of
liberality for that age ; municipal rights were receiving^
42 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
safe development, and daily the middle class was
gaining wealth and strength. But here, again, all
was interrupted and impeded by the civil war, only
to take deeper root at its close, assisted by the sur-
prising influence of the printing-press.
In France, during the same period, though no Re-
formation was at work in religion, we find at first, the
political sway of the people grown strong enough, in
the large towns, to curb the arbitrary tendencies of
the monarch and nobles. But notwithstanding the
incessant warfare with England, which lasted nearly
the whole of the fifteenth century, the French kings
were enabled, by favouring circumstances, to destroy
the rights of their subjects, and to establish the founda-
tion of that despotic system under which the nation
has ever since suffered. Striking indeed is the con-
trast between the two countries at this epoch ; civiliza-
tion was fast gathering strength, and liberty was
entrenching itself within impervious barriers in
England ; tyranny was levelling popular rights under
Charles V., hiring the first regular standing army
under Charles VII. , and perfecting the scheme of its
personal ambition under the crafty guidance of Louis
XL, in France. These sovereigns have been called
wise and great ; but upon them, as the founders of
such disastrous institutions, and not upon the pretended
mercurial character of the French people, are strictly
chargeable the fruitless revolutions of our own times.
Yet there were certain analogies between England
and France in that period, closely connected as they
had been by family ties, intermixed as they were by
the rivalry of their arms. Their blended histories,
in that era peculiarly distinguished by its chivalric
institutions, present a series of extraordinary events,
and introduce us to a perfect constellation of heroic
characters, which appear equally to emerge from the
INTRODUCTORY HISTOEY. 43
lowest as from the highest grades of society. Perhaps
the most important analogy, because under the diffe-
rent circumstances of the two nations, the same result
ensued, and the same unerring precept was inculcated
in the science of administration, consisted in the dis-
astrous minorities of Charles VI. in France, and of
Henry VI. in England. Those regencies were pro-
ductive of the greatest evils to their respective
countries, and how truly does the chronicler exclaim,
" Vse genti cujus Rex est puer ! "
" Woe to that nation whose king is a child ! " *
And how entirely beyond the poor limits of human
foresight are the most approved of monarchical institu-
tions, when civil war is the infallible inheritance of
that people whose king may happen to be a child !
Charles V. had beheld the French provinces wrested
from the English, and peace restored to the most
rebellious portions of the monarchy.
He died respected for the greatness and the unity
which his wisdom had created out of the ruins of Cressy
and Poitiers. His son, Charles VI., was a minor at
the date of his accession.
Civil war and foreign war burst forth, and with
equal ruthlessness laid waste his miserable country.
The famous battle of Agincourt supervenes, and the
epoch of England's greatest continental conquest was
precisely that of the minority of Charles VI. of France.
But, flushed with the glory of his victories, with the
gratified ambition of his aggrandizement, the English
king, Henry V., regardless of the lesson of state con-
cealed under the misfortunes of his prostrated enemy,
bequeathed all his greatness to the puny grasp of just
such a minor !
The tide rolls back from that hour as inexorably to
* Baker's Chron.
44 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
the absorption of England's foreign possessions, and
the abasement of all her boasted strength, unity, and
grandeur. The personal fate of Henry VI. comes to be
even more despised than that of the "King of Bourges "
himself, in the petty conflicts of a miserable civil war.
That England did not then succumb under as desperate
a thraldom as held France for succeeding centuries,
was certainly not owing to her monarchical institutions,
but rather to that fortunate vitality, which had been
already imparted to her in the liberal constitution of
her Parliament, and her municipal freedom.
Not one of its numerous provinces had taken a more
remarkable part in the politics of France, at the epoch
referred to, than the county of Anjou. No families
had rendered themselves more renowned in the history
of the world, throughout the ages immediately preced-
ing, than those distinguished by the early chroniclers
as the " Three Houses of Anjou." Ambition, generally
of a laudable character, seems to have been the ruling
passion of the majority of the members of those Houses ;
lofty aspirations, for the most part accompanied by feel-
ings of honour, were the instigators to their memor-
able deeds, whether considered individually, or as a
collected family. To the illustrious ancestors of the
" Good King Rene " and his celebrated daughter,
Queen Margaret of Anjou, may be with singular justice
applied the beautiful lines of our Bard of Avon :—
" Glory is like a circle in the water,
" Which never ceaseth to enlarge itself,
" Till, by broad spreading, it disperse to nought."
From a humble origin in the persons of Robert " le
Fort " and Ingelger, two contemporary counts of the
ninth century, the Houses of Anjou never ceased to
extend their influence through individual enterprise
and unexpected accessions of power, until they wielded
the dominion over seventeen foreign kingdoms !
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 45
From the Houses of Anjou we trace all the kings
of France of the Third, or Capetian dynasty ; eleven
kings of England, well known as the race of Plantage-
net, besides several kings and queens of Jerusalem,
Arragon, Spain, Naples, and Hungary; — so that, at
one period, almost all the crowned heads of Europe
could trace their pedigree by marriage or by conquest,
to the House of Anjou as their great parent source.
Yet, only one hundred years after the families of
Anjou had, in the Third House, attained the zenith of
their prosperity, not a single prince of that far-famed
line survived !
In the person of Rene, became extinct the last of
the hereditary Dukes of Anjou. At his death that
.province was finally re -united to the crown, and
degenerated into a mere appanage possessed by the
younger sons of the kings of France.
With Rene terminated the Fourth House of Anjou,
according to the division of certain authors, although
in reality there were but two distinct Houses, the
First, Third, and Fourth having proceeded from
Robert "le Fort," and the Second from Ingelger.* The
preceding historical details of the reigning families,
and of the county of Anjou from the time of Charle-
magne to that of John, King of France, will be found
explanatory of this subject, and they will also render
intelligible the numerous titles borne by King Rene,
which only served to emblazon the escutcheon of an
all but titular prince. f
But if, as the last male descendant of a long line of
distinguished characters, Rene, Duke of Anjou, has a
claim upon the attention of posterity, there is good
reason to hope that when the poetry and chivalry,
the virtues and misfortunes of his long life are set
forth, the history of this king of Sicily and Jerusalem
* Bodin. t See page 32.
46 INTEODUCTOBY HISTOEY.
will command our interest and sympathy even in the
annals of the "Dark Ages." And if, as the father of
one of England's greatest, and most unfortunate, and
most maligned of queens, modern literature ought to
possess some English record of Rene of Anjou, how
incomplete would it prove without an accompanying
memoir of the heroic queen of Henry VI. ! Yes,
though biography has not omitted of late years to
recognise, however briefly, the merits of Queen Mar-
garet's chequered life, it is felt, that the whole history
of the " Good King " is a further testimony of itself in
favour of the unhappy queen, and that the melancholy
romance which surrounded the last days of each, spent
nearly at the same date, forbids the separation of the
blended fates of father and daughter. Some short
notice then, of the immediate progenitors of Rene,
some narrow outline of the events directly preceding
his accession, is a task essential to this introductory
chapter.
The battle of Poitiers, one of the most memorable
conquests of English arms upon the French soil, was
fought on the 16th of September, 1356.* John "the
Good," King of France, who was the great grand-
father of Rene, was present in person, together with
his four sons, Charles, Louis, John, and Philip, at this
battle. Its loss to the French has been equally
ascribed to the cowardice of his eldest son Charles,
and to the temerity of the King himself and his
youngest son, Philip. Edward the Third triumphantly
led John and his son, Philip, captive to England, and
a truce of some years ensued.
Previous to these events King John had bestowed
upon his second son Louis, by Bonne of Luxembourg,
then about seventeen years of age, the counties of
Anjou and Maine, in hereditary appanage ; and his
* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 47
eldest son Charles now first assumed the title of
Dauphin, on the occasion of his father's imprisonment.
Louis, First Count of Anjou, the paternal grandfather
of King Rene, was married in 1360,* upon attaining
his twenty-first year, to Mary of Chatillon, usually
called Mary of Blois, the daughter of Charles of Blois,
Duke of Brittany. The contract of marriage was con-
cluded at the Castle of Saumur. Mary received as her
dowry a great many castles, fiefs, and baronies, and
the Count of Anjou added to her jointure the third
part of his counties of Anjou and Maine.
Some months later in the same year, while King
John yet remained in captivity in England, the
Dauphin Charles, as Lieutenant-General of the king-
dom, elevated the county of Anjou one degree in
heraldry in the person of his brother Louis L, whom
he created First Duke of Anjou.
Although Louis belonged by origin to the House of
Valois, he has been more generally denominated from
this and subsequent occurrences the head of the
" Second House of Anjou-Sicily." f
The treaty of Bretigny, between England and
France, bore the date of the 1st of May in the same
year, and from that period the name of Louis, Duke of
Anjou, becomes of frequent repetition in the history of
his country. By the articles of that treaty King John
was, at length, released from his detention, under
certain important conditions. His ransom was fixed
at three millions of golden crowns, to be paid by
instalments to England in the course of six years.
But Edward III. required numerous hostages, mean-
time, for the performance of these stipulations, fore-
most among whom were to be the King's brother, the
Duke of Orleans, and his second and third sons, the
Dukes of Anjou and Berri. These princes voluntarily
* Moreri ; Godard Faultrier. f Moreri ; Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
48 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
surrendered themselves with the rest, and King John
was freed on the 25th of October, 1360.
After remaining more than two years in an easy
captivity at the English court, it appears that the
princes of the blood, and some others of the hostages,
became impatient for their release, and offered to
barter the fortresses of their territories for their liberty.
In pursuance of that proposal they were in due course
transported to Calais, in May, 1363, preparatory to
the arrangement of the necessary guarantees. The
courteous treatment of the English king towards the
hostages was continued in their new quarters. They
had leave to scour the country on horseback for three
consecutive days, and were only required to return
before sunset on the fourth. On one of these ex-
cursions, Louis of Anjou took advantage of the
liberality exhibited towards them, to absent himself
altogether. That it was a premeditated act is certain,
since he escaped in the first place to Guise, where his
wife awaited him. Thus, after fulfilling his share of
the treaty for more than two years and a half, he
committed a deliberate breach of faith, and took to
flight in a most discreditable manner, for the sake of
a few months, or it might be only weeks, of freedom.
King John, who was extremely punctilious upon points
of honour between princes, was greatly displeased at
the circumstance, although Froissart intimates that
41 the King had a mind to excuse the Duke of Anjou."
Some historians have asserted that the meaning of
the King's second visit to England was a voluntary
surrender, expressly to repair the fault of his son.
But as John was occupied for months after in orga-
nising a new crusade to the East, in which exploit he
strongly desired to enlist the support of Edward III., it
is more natural to conclude that his second visit to
England was performed mainly with that intention.
;
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 49
John embarked at Boulogne, on the 3rd of January, 1364.
1364, and there is some reason for suspecting the strong
displeasure of the father towards his son from the mere
circumstance, that, during the seven complete inter-
vening months Louis did not present himself at his
court, and in fact, did not come to Paris until after
his departure. He then, however, aggravated the
flagrancy of the dishonour by boasting publicly, that
when his father learnt the motive of his escape he
would excuse him ! Perhaps it will be found a safer
judgment, after following to the end the selfish track
of this most unworthy ancestor of the " Good Rene*,"
adjudge as his motives, not any amount of
patriotism nor even of marital affection, but a sordid
and ambitious desire of preserving his bartered castles,
even at the expense of his solemn bond.
King John died in exile in the hotel of Savoy, in
London, in the year 1364, and the Dauphin succeeded
him on the throne of France as Charles V.
The surname of " the Wise " has been perpetuated
in history in connection with the name of the new
monarch. It is objectionable, as exhibiting only one
side of his character. In his own time he was called
Charles " the Learned," but he was acknowledged to be
the most pusillanimous being in the kingdom. It may
be difficult to reconcile to modern ideas that the height
of wisdom can consist in a series of the most disgrace-
ful retreats before inferior numbers, and in ever
refusing battle. Yet such was the successful policy
by which Charles V. regained, under his rule, nearly
the whole of France of that age.
Ever timid, ever sickly, he was rarely seen out of
his palace, while his presence was felt in the country
only through a course of timid, revengeful, or despotic
edicts, issued from time to time for the rigid per-
formance of his servants. Hated by most of his
VOL. I.
50 INTBODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
subjects, and feared by all, there is yet no denying
to his reign a comparative wisdom, for which one
examines in vain the public acts of his brothers.
Under such a reign and such a master were to be
moulded and restrained for sixteen consecutive years
the animosities and ambition of Louis, Duke of
Anjou.
At the coronation of Charles V. at Rheims, his
brother, Louis, was present. One of the first acts of the
new king was to create Louis of Anjou his Lieutenant
General in Languedoc, granting him an almost abso-
lute sway over that populous and thriving province.
He also confirmed his youngest brother, Philip, in
the title and possessions of Burgundy. This prince
was gifted with a far greater share of physical courage
than his brothers, and also superior talents. He was,
however, lavish in his expenditure, and the slave of
luxury and external display, tastes in which the King's
brothers all equally participated. The Duke of Berri
was the most profligate, but he had not the same
restless ambition, and hatred of England, to impel
him to the military extravagances into which we shall
find his brother of Anjou plunging headlong.
Louis never sought to repair his breach of faith
with England, and continued to exhibit against her
the most bitter animosity. Thus, when called upon
to enrol soldiers for the war with England, which all
saw approaching, he engaged with such eagerness in
the occupation which he found so congenial, and
betrayed such a thirst for the encounter, that the King
found it necessary to rigorously forbid his brother from
crossing the frontier, lest his plans, yet incomplete,
should miscarry. The hatred which Louis nourished
against the English was possibly augmented by the
defeat of Charles of Blois, his father-in-law, by John
of Montfort, with his Breton forces and English allies,
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 51
and by his loss after the death of Charles of the in-
heritance of Brittany.
In Languedoc, Louis governed with tyranny ; and
his exactions were to the utmost limits of toleration.
The sums which he thus raised were employed by him
in prosecuting his wars against the English in Spain
and elsewhere. Louis revenged himself on the King
of Navarre for permitting the army of the Black Prince
to pass through his territories, by seizing the lordship of
Montpellier, which adjoined his province of Languedoc.
He also, by the aid of the brave Duguesclin, invested
Tarascon, and penetrating Provence, laid siege to
Aries, belonging to Joanna, Queen of Naples ; but in
this war he was arrested by the interference of the
Pope, and by his means reconciled to his cousin,
Queen Joanna. These unjustifiable wars could only
be maintained by the exactions of Louis on his pro-
vince of Languedoc, over which he again presided in
1368, to obtain fresh supplies. 1368.
There was in the character of Louis a selfishness of
purpose, and a deep seated revenge, with a hastiness
of disposition singularly at variance with the wonderful
self-control of his brother Charles V. To this monarch
alone must be ascribed the wise administration of his
country, and the concealment of his designs until the
very hour for the declaration of war with England had
arrived.
Upon Louis may with justice be charged the glory
of having precipitated the new war, by espousing so
warmly, in the first instance, the cause of Henry
against Peter of Castile. To these testimonies of
weakness of character, events from this date add those
of unbounded cruelty, the total lack of military talents,
and the possession of a very limited share of personal
bravery.
The sanction of Parliament had been sought and
E 2
52 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
obtained by King Charles for the new war with
England, with a view to give it an air of popularity.
No sooner had the Duke of Anjou, in Languedoc, and
the Duke of Berri, in Auvergne, summoned to arms,
than, as if by a signal, considerable forces crowded
under their standards. The companies of adventurers
also generally declared themselves French. But as
the leaders of some of them yet remained undecided,
Louis of Anjou adopted a summary expedient for
securing the allegiance of their followers. He invited
these captains to meet him at Toulouse, and there
treacherously fell upon and drowned, or beheaded them
all. Their soldiers, thus intimidated, quickly ranged
themselves in his ranks.
1369. In the progress of this war during 1369, in which the
King permitted no general engagement, there were many
small places taken, and the enemy was much harassed,
which afforded another instance of the cruel disposition
of Louis. The English had captured Roche-sur-yon,
a place of no account against such a force, but, ac-
cording to the judgment of Louis, the commander sur-
rendered it too soon, and was therefore, by his orders,
sewn in a sack, and cast into the river.
1371. On the 13th of December, 1371, Louis was present
at the coronation of Pope Gregory XL at Avignon.
Though the election of that pontiff was not owing to
French influence, the Duke of Anjou well knew that
he was favourable to France ; but, in fact, as events
soon testified, Gregory XI. was more concerned about
some new heretics in the Church than about any of
the material interests of neighbouring kingdoms.
It should be a matter of satisfaction to observe that
so exemplary a prince as this Louis I. of Anjou was
more beloved by the fire-making bigot Gregory XL
than any of the princes of the House of France ; and
that he resided much oftener than the others at the
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 53
pontifical court at Avignon, displaying always great
zeal for, and obedience to that Pope. To him had
been confided the government of Dauphine, where he
seconded Gregory in his cruel efforts to exterminate
the Vaudois. Almost the entire population of these
valleys was in prison, preparatory to being conducted
to the stake. Gregory even complained to Charles V.
at this period that there were not prisons enough. But
not long after, in 1376, he was compelled, to the great
chagrin of both Charles V. and Louis, to remove his
chair from Avignon to Rome.
In the year 1374, King Charles V. issued an edict 1374.
to enable his son, born on the 3rd of December, 1368, to
enter upon the administration of the kingdom at the
age of fourteen. At the same time he appointed, in
case of his own death before that period, Louis of
Anjou to govern the country in the interim, and passing
over the Duke of Berri, bequeathed the guardianship
of his children conjointly to his Queen Jane, his
brother, Philip of Burgundy, and the Queen's brother,
Louis, Duke of Bourbon. These provisions were
registered in Parliament on the 21st of May in the
succeeding year, in the presence of the Duke of Anjou.
Meantime, Louis governed in Languedoc as if he
were its sovereign. He assembled the states there
yearly, but it was in order to have voted to him, under
pretext of the defence of the country, subsidies which
he disposed of arbitrarily. That province was now in
so ruinous a condition, and its population had been
thinned to so great an extent in the course of his ad-
ministration, that although the hearth-money, or tax
upon fires, had been raised to two francs instead of one,
it produced no more than had been collected by the
half rate formerly. A day of reckoning was ap-
proaching for the selfishness, as well as great harshness,
with which he exercised the extraordinary powers
54 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
delegated to him over Languedoc. But though his rule
there was unlimited, it was but for life, and it has been
already intimated that the personal ambition of Louis
was great. He longed to bear the title of king, and
to bequeath to his family a monarchy independent of
the French crown. An opportunity had ere this
occurred of laying claim to the kingdom of Majorca.
Its king, the husband of Joanna of Naples, had been
some time previously despoiled of his dominion by
the King of Arragon, and the Duke of Anjou had lent
him assistance to attack Catalonia in return. But the
King of Majorca died in 1375, and Louis, from that
time, pretended that he had bequeathed all his rights
to him, in return for his succours, and asserted his
title to that petty sovereignty. His claim was so far
borne out that the sister and sole heiress of the King
of Majorca, Isabella, Marchioness of Montferrat, had
ceded her hereditary right to Louis for a sum of 5,500
livres ; but no positive evidence appears of the dying
testament of the late King.
The Duke of Anjou, however, declared war against
the King of Arragon in his own name, and formed an
alliance with the King of Castile, by which they agreed
to share whatever conquests they might make. An
army was raised in Languedoc, but the mediation of
Gregory XI. was invoked at that juncture, and as the
removal of that pontiff to Italy followed soon after, the
whole question was suspended.
1376. In the spring of 1376, the Dukes of Anjou and Bur-
gundy, with a pompous retinue, met the- Duke of
Lancaster and the Archbishop of Canterbury at Bruges
to treat concerning a peace ; but as Charles V. would
enter into no terms that were not based upon the
cession of Calais to France, no treaty was concluded,
but, instead, the truce between the two countries was
protracted to the 1st of April, 1377. In their hearts the
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 55
King and the Duke of Anjou really desired a renewal
of the war, by which they had already profited much ;
and accordingly we find the latter employed in
strengthening the French interests in various ways;
but neither he nor Philip of Burgundy re-appeared at
Bruges in ApriJ, as expected, to renew the pacific
negociations.
In the following year Louis invested the fortress of 1378.
Montpellier once again, without experiencing any
resistance. He next resolved to besiege Bordeaux,
but an English fleet arriving at this place with suc-
cours, effectually put an end to his project.
The sovereignty of Louis over Languedoc was
ostensibly independent and absolute. Charles V. never
interposed so long as the people were passive, and
they forbore to revolt while it was possible to hope.
But Louis's exactions became insupportable, and in
the beginning of this year (1378) Nismes first resisted,
and refused to vote the new taxes ; but being un-
supported was compelled to succumb, and Louis, in
lieu of learning a lesson, thought no more of so trifling
an ebullition. Accordingly in March, 1379, he is found
imposing the heaviest fire-tax yet known on the in-
habitants of Languedoc, the fires having been already
reduced in the course of the last thirty years by means
of war, famine, and tyranny from 100,000 to 30,000.
The Council of Montpellier refused to collect this tax,
,and the people, driven to despair, rose on the 25th of
'October, and massacred the Duke's officers and eighty
of their suite. Clermont-Lodeve followed the example
.of Montpellier, and the whole province seemed ready
for revolt.
It had been well if the Duke of Anjou, then in
Brittany, had hastened into Languedoc, to enforce or to
withdraw the obnoxious tax ; but although in his fury
•lie threatened nothing less than to put all the in-
56 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
habitants of Montpellier to the sword and to burn
down their town, he yet travelled first to Paris, and
thence to his friend Gregory XL at Avignon. The
death of this Pope soon after at Rome, caused a schism
in the East, and paved the way for the election of
Clement VII. ; when Louis, receiving from the new
pontiff the assistance he required, dismissed his
lieutenant to Montpellier. The citizens intimidated,
threw open their gates, and suffered the leaders of
the insurrection to be put to death. Louis afterwards
entered this ill-fated town, seized upon all its strong
places, and compelled the people to give up their arms.
He then exercised upon them a terrible vengeance in
hangings, decapitations, and confiscations ; somewhat
modified, however, through the intercession of Clement
VII. and Cardinal Albans. It might well indeed be in-
quired what kind of man that might have been whose
hand had to be stayed from the commission of atrocities
even by so sanguinary a bigot as Clement VII.
It becomes necessary to remind the reader that
there were two Popes at this epoch, who hated each
other with the utmost zeal and fury, and divided
between them the flocks of the faithful, Clement VII.,
at whose feet bowed France and several of the nations,
including Naples and Sicily, and Urban VI. who ruled
paramount at the same time over the spiritual
dominions of England, Hungary, Poland, &c. This
fierce sectarian rivalry impelled each to excite wars,
for the territorial aggrandizement of his particular
influence. It should 'also be borne in mind that the
character of Joanna of Naples was dissolute and bad ;
and that there were crimes in her former life which
should justly have caused her deposition. Louis "the
Great," King of Hungary and Poland, who was nearly
approaching the term of a long and worthy reign over
those two countries, had amply borne witness to the
INTRODUCTORY HISTOEY. o7
unwortliiness of Joanna for the high position she occu-
pied. He well knew both the weakness and cunning
of her disposition, and justly suspected her intentions
towards his nephew, Charles of Durazzo, who was
his nearest relative and the rightful heir to her
dominions.
Louis of Hungary therefore negociated with Urban
VI. for the deposition of Joanna, and furnished his
nephew with a small army to establish himself on her
throne. Urban fulminated a pontifical bull against
her, and favoured the march of Charles through Italy,
in 1379, to depose her.
As Urban VI. had so strongly identified himself
with this cause, it was but natural to expect a counter
agitation, and a new claimant to issue forth from the
rival See of Avignon. In fact an intrigue had been
ripening for some time past between Joanna of Naples
and Clement, by which the former proposed to exercise
her vengeance upon the family of Anjou-Hungary, by
depriving Charles of Durazzo of the succession, and
the latter found a superior kingdom for his especial
favourite, Louis of Anjou, without the trouble of adju-
dicating upon his claims to that of Majorca.
At the commencement of May, 1380, the Duke of
Anjou quitted Languedoc for Avignon, to pursue his
intrigues for the monarchy of Naples ; and at length
all preliminaries having been arranged, Joanna adopted
Louis as her heir and successor on the 29th of June
following.*
The rights of this question cannot be better defined
in few words than by citing the language of Sismondi,
who says, — "It has sometimes been allotted to a king,
" contrary to every principle of legitimacy, to have the
" right of disposing by will of his crown, when the title
" of succession appears so uncertain that it is necessary
* Eccles. History ; Daniel ; Moreri ; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier.
58 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
" his authority should incline the balance of the scales.
" But there was no uncertainty in this case, and the
"adoption of Louis of Anjou by Joanna of Naples
"could not be esteemed of any value without overturn-
" ing everything established in hereditary monarchical
" institutions. Charles of Durazzo, the last male
" descendant of the first House of Anjou, had married
" Margaret, the daughter of Joanna's sister and her
" nearest relative on the female side. It was impossible
"to raise a doubt concerning the constitutional validity
" of their united claims."
Previous to the departure of Louis for Avignon on
1380. the 23rd of April, 1380, Charles V. had felt himself
compelled, as a matter of policy, to formally revoke his
brother's appointment over Languedoc.
It is presumable that Louis was too much interested
in his premeditated Neapolitan inheritance to heed
immediately the loss and censure which fell upon him
through that act of royalty. But as soon as the
negociations with Clement and Joanna were termi-
nated he journeyed direct to Paris, probably to plead
privately with the King for a reversion of his decision.
If such was the object of his mission, it entirely failed;
he was never reinstated in the government of
Languedoc, and during the remaining six weeks of
Charles's life, the Duke of Anjou retired in resentment
to Angers, and in fact, never saw the King again
alive. Such a course was quite in keeping with the
other characteristics of Louis I.
Charles V. of France died, aged forty-three, on the
1380. 16th of September, 1380, at the Castle of Beaute sur
Marne, near Vincennes. That event introduced a new
era in the life of Louis of Anjou, investing him,
whether for good or evil, with higher and larger
powers than he had ever yet enjoyed.
Where personal advantages of so brilliant a kind
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 59
were suddenly presented, it was hardly to be expected
that a being so thoroughly selfish could long resist the
temptation. But the unseemly behaviour with which
Louis disgraced the yet unburied remains of his royal
brother was unforeseen, even by those who were best
acquainted with his greedy and arrogant disposition.
During the last hours of Charles V., Louis had
presented himself at the castle, and was actually
concealed in an adjoining chamber at the moment of
his death. At that instant the Duke of Anjou, who,
devoid of feelings of affection, had sought for no
reconciliation with his brother, appeared, and seized
upon the crown jewels and other treasures of the King,
which were preserved in one of the halls of that
palace. He laid claim to the effects of the crown as
the eldest of the princes of the blood, and his brothers,
who were present, forebore, perhaps for the sake of
decorum, to oppose him.
Charles VI. was, at this time, nearly twelve years
of age, arid according to the new law of succession,
could not be crowned until he had entered his four-
teenth year ; the Duke insisted consequently upon his
own right to the Regency in the meantime, but his
brothers refused to acquiesce in that arrangement.
All the four royal Dukes were in Paris at this time,
each surrounded by his own troops, and a fight
appeared imminent ; when Peter of Orgemont, the
Chancellor, advised the immediate coronation of
Charles VI.
The Duke of Anjou was, in reality, less interested
.about the Regency than the affairs of Naples : he
coveted rather the possession of the public coffers than
the temporary government of the country ; and so that
he only acquired the means of arresting the prosperous
march of Charles of Durazzo through Italy, or of
effectually dispossessing him of that kingdom at a
60 INTEODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
later stage, it was the last of his considerations
whether the realm of France ought, or ought not, to
be entrusted to the fickle and incapable rule of a
child.
An arbitration, therefore, was appointed for the
settlement of the rival claims of the Dukes to power.
It was decided that the Duke of Anjou should retain
all the private property of the late King which he had
pillaged ; that he should be Regent at once, until the
end of the ensuing month, October, at which date
Charles VI. should be consecrated King, and that
afterwards he should be chief of the Council, while the
education and guardianship of the young princes were
to remain. in the care of the Dukes of Burgundy and
Bourbon. In spite of all their arrangements, Louis of
Anjou proceeded to seize upon all the money in the
coffers of the state, and thus arrested public business.
The soldiers around Paris, thus deprived of their pay,
fell upon the peasantry, to liquidate, by means of
private property, the debt of the state. The He de
France in particular fell a prey entirely to their brutal
excesses. But there was no resistance to authority on
the part of the people, the oppressions being probably
supposed to be only temporary.
The Duke of Anjou, however, proceeded from one
exaction to another, regardless of the public sufferings,
until the people rose in open rebellion. Louis then
had recoiirse to subterfuge, and overawed by the
popular strength, he condescended to make promises
he meant not to perform, and was obliged to concede
a delay in the collection of the obnoxious taxes until
after the coronation of the new king.
The next step in the career of this avaricious man
was equally in keeping with his mean and cruel nature.
Rumour whispered him that there was concealed, in
one of the late king's palaces, a reserve of gold and
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. SI
silver ingots. It had probably transpired that the
treasure lay at Melun, and thither went the Duke of
Anjou, and commanded the attendance of Philip of
Lavoisy, the treasurer of Charles V. Lavoisy readily
confessed that he had been made the depositary of the
secret, but added that his master had imposed upon
him an oath to reveal it only to his son, when he came
to the throne.
The Duke appeared to yield to this just plea of an
honest man. He gave orders for the coronation of his
nephew at Rheims, whither he dispatched him, attended
by the princes, peers, and the whole court. Louis him-
self, however, lingered behind, and with him the obsti-
nate Lavoisy, who still declined to betray his secret.
When again closeted with him, the Duke without
further scruple, sent for the executioner, and at once
commanded him there, in his presence, to cut off the
unhappy treasurer's head. No one at all acquainted
with the savage character of Louis could for a moment
doubt the fell determination of the man at that crisis.
Lavoisy doubted not that he was in the power of a
wild, blood-thirsty animal, and hesitated not to pro-
pitiate him.
The bars of gold and silver had been built into the
walls of the Castle of Melun as stones, and the
labourers who had placed them there had been
disposed of, as workmen who knew the secrets of
princes usually were in those days. It is needless to
add that the whole treasure was extracted, and
consigned to the keeping of the Regent ; who,
satisfied with this last cunning plunder of his nephew's
effects, hurried away to the solemn ceremony of that
nephew's consecration and coronation.
It is highly probable that this and the previous
outrageous conduct of the Duke of Anjou, since he had
become Regent, were the source of a movement now
INTKODUCTOBY HISTOKY.
made by Philip of Burgundy, which resulted in open
discord between the brothers.
The coronation of the young King took place on the
1380. 4th November, 1380 ; * and at that ceremony, we
learn that the Duke of Burgundy, as first Peer of
the kingdom, presided over all. The precedence
of the "first Peer" over the Eegent extended even
to the dinner which followed, where, however, a
little force had to be employed for its establish-
ment. It appears that Louis was taking the highest
seat at table next the King, when Philip placed
himself between them, asserting and retaining his
supremacy.
This act obtained for Philip the surname of "le
Hardi," by which he was afterwards distinguished in
history, and gave rise to the prediction of an astrologer,
who happened to be present, that, " before a century
should elapse, the race of Anjou would exterminate
that of Burgundy ; " a prophecy eventually fulfilled.
The title of Regent should have protected the Duke of
Anjou from this insult, if only for the sake of order ;
but the act can only with justice be ascribed to that
pride and ambition for which Philip became celebrated,
and also to a want of respect engendered by the
despicable conduct of the Regent himself, and to the
necessity, which was felt generally, for some bold
spirit to resist his exactions and curb his intolerance.
The circumstance, as might naturally be supposed, so
violently offended Louis, that the royal brothers
narrowly escaped a battle.|
The quarrel between Philip and Louis was almost
immediately renewed, and perpetuated in consequence
of the mean spirited extortions of the latter, without
the slightest regard for the interests of the country, or
even of his family. He had arrested the service-
* Menin ; Bodin. f Bodin ; Menin ; Selden.
INTKODUCTOBY HISTOEY. 65
of the state by his plundering, and he now refused
even the means necessary for the maintenance of
the royal household. In consequence of the serious
rupture between them on this vital question, the Dukes
were never after thoroughly reconciled, and it was
fortunate for the country that ere long the destiny
of Louis was to hurry him to another and distant
sphere of action.
During the year 1381, it is said, that the Duke of
Anjou endeavoured in vain, seven successive times, to
re-impose the old obnoxious impositions in Paris. His
avidity was sharpened by his projects upon Naples,
though it should be observed, that he had taken no
steps at present to establish his rival claims to that
kingdom.
Charles of Durazzo had experienced no opposition
on his march through Italy, and Urban VI. had
crowned him at Rome, as Charles III. of Naples.
Otho of Brunswick, the fourth husband of Joanna, was
without an army to oppose the conqueror. The people
of Naples rose on the 16th of July 1381, and opened
the gates of the capital to Charles III., and on the 20th
of August, Joanna herself, who had fled to the Castello
Nuovo, was compelled to surrender it, and she became
the prisoner of the new king.
It was already more than twelve months since Louis-
of Anjou had been adopted by the now captive Queen;
and it has been keenly suggested that he was probably
awaiting her death, that he might be invested with the
title of king before making his entry.
Louis was, however, quietly amassing the means of
raising an overwhelming force, and if tardily, yet with
certainty he was approaching the ambitious ends at
which he aimed. When he could bury so completely
his rancour of former years, as to desire ardently to
make peace with England, it was indeed time to
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
suspect him of designs more nearly regarding himself
1381. At the end of 1381, he concluded a truce with this
country, which was to endure until the 1st of June
following.
The Duke of Anjou set out for Avignon with a
magnificent train, and all the French treasure he had
plundered since the death of Charles V. packed on
several hundred mules. His train, however, consisted
only of knights and gentlemen, the officers of the large
army which had been drawn together by his orders in
the south, and which had already attacked Provence.
The Provenc,aux hated him, and had therefore
immediately declared in favour of his rival, for they
had not forgotten his former unprovoked attack upon
their country while he was Governor of Languedoc.
But they could organize no effectual resistance, while
the Duke mustered upon their territory, 9,000 hommes
d'armes.
In the meantime, Joanna, Queen of Naples, was
strangled in the Castello Nuovo,. by command of
1382. Charles III., on the 12th of May, 1382. On the 30th
of the same month Clement VII. invested Louis with
the kingdom of Naples, and from that time he took the
title of King Louis L*
In thus raising Louis to the summit of his power
and ambition, Clement of course exhorted him equally
to expel Urban from Rome, as well as Charles III.
from Naples ; but, whatever might have been the
intentions of Louis, it will presently be seen, that he
never had the opportunity of seconding the aims of
Clement, and that, in fact, King Louis had now
attained the acme of his selfish and vain-glorious
career.
The people of Provence no longer held out against
the troops of Louis after his arrival. To punish them
* Hallam ; Eccles. Hist. ; Daniel ; Moreri ; Godard Faultrier.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 65
for their temerity he surrendered their rich country to
the pillage of his soldiers, and fortunately this licence
was but for a short time, for in June he passed the
Alps of Savoy, and entered Lombardy on his march
southwards. By the middle of that month also his
fleet of twenty-two armed vessels reached the Neapo-
litan coast. Louis himself entered the Abruzzi with
his land forces by the 17th of July, and was there met
by Jacques Caldora, the famed " condottiere," at the
head of a body of insurgent Neapolitans.
The murder of their Queen Joanna had aroused the
hatred and hostility of a great number of Neapolitan
gentlemen, and alienated them effectually from the
cause of Charles. At their head were the Sansaverini,
some of the Orsini, Caraccioli, and Zarli, who, for a
century and a half after, remained faithful to the
Angevine standard in the kingdom of Naples.
To give some idea of the extent of Louis's army it
is announced that it numbered at least 15,000 horse.
Charles III. could not resist him openly ; he therefore,
with dexterity adopted the only course left to him.
He avoided all encounter in the open country, fortified
his strong places, and left his adversary entirely to the
effects of the climate of La Pouille and Calabria, to
the results of their change of nourishment upon his
men and horses, and to the constant harass and
gradual decay resulting from a kind of guerilla war-
fare which the population waged against Louis.
The French soldiery had soon exhausted the provi-
sions they found in the public stores. They had
reckoned on supplying themselves afterwards, as they
had so often done in France, by plundering the
peasantry. But the peasantry of Southern Italy
were by no means reduced to the same degraded
and impotent state as those of France. They boldly
resisted the marauders, massacred small parties when-
VOL. I. P
66 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
ever such were detected, made ambuscades in dan-
gerous passes, and surprised and pillaged in turn. By
such means Louis and his rich nobility were reduced
in course of time to the most excessive misery. He
was obliged to rid himself in succession of all his
treasure of silver, as well as, by degrees, of all the
superb plate of Charles V. of which he had so
covetously possessed himself, until but a single silver
goblet remained. He had even been scrupulous in
clothing himself in sumptuous apparel, but, at last, he
was forced to content himself with a kind of worn-out
finery. The splendid arms of his knights were all
rusted, while most of them had lost their battle-horses
and followed on foot, or on asses, or the meagre ponies
of the country.
It was not, however, without an effort to recover
himself, that Louis sank into such misery and despair.
When he found his resources failing him, he dispatched
Peter de Craon, his chamberlain, in whom he placed
the greatest confidence, to his Duchess, at Angers, for
fresh supplies of money. By the same messenger he
also sent urgent letters to procure from his friends in
Anjou, the funds necessary to prosecute his war of
conquest.
The principal nobles, as well as all the wealthy
individuals of Anjou, esteeming it a duty to send
succours to their Duke, collected in a few days the
sum of one hundred thousand ducats of gold, and
entrusted them to Peter de Craon, to convey with all
promptitude to his master. Craon was distinguished
in rank among the first of the nobles of Anjou, yet he
had been branded already as a hypocrite, thief, and
assassin. How terribly misplaced was the confidence
which Louis and his friends and people reposed in
him !
. Instead of transporting with all possible speed this
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 67
much needed treasure to the army, Peter de Craon,
faithless to his trust, marched by short journeys, stopped
at all the towns on his route which could afford him
the opportunity of expending in an agreeable manner
the sum he carried, and ended at Venice in dissipating
it amongst the courtezans and gamesters with whom
that city abounded.
Louis, impatient at not receiving the money he had
expected, and of which he had such pressing need,
beheld daily a great many of his followers dying of
hunger. In vain he dispatched couriers to hasten the
march of his chamberlain, — they never reached him.
Ten times did Louis demand battle of Charles, even
provoking him with insulting language, but in vain.
At length, in the summer of 1384, the fevers and 1334.
dysenteries of La Pouille broke out simultaneously in
the ranks of both armies. Charles himself became
dangerously indisposed, and was at one time reported
dead, but recovered. Shortly after, the town of
Biseglio was delivered up to Louis, by some barons
of the Angevine party, under a solemn engagement
that he would preserve it from all outrage.
It was not easy, however, to restrain his famishing
soldiers from satisfying themselves at the expense of
the inhabitants ; and accordingly Biseglio fell a prey
to their plunder and outrages. Louis, inflamed by
pride and fury that his royal oath should be violated
by his hirelings, and anxious, for once, not to illtreat a
defenceless town which had fallen into his power, ran
in person through its streets, stick in hand, to stay the
disorder and repress the pillage. It appears that he
overheated himself by means of his passion and his
bodily exertions, on that occasion ; the fever seized him,
and he never rallied. Louis, King of Naples, and Duke
of Anjou, died on the 10th of October, 1384,* at the age 1334.
* Moreri ; Godard Faultrier.
F2
68 INTEODTJCTOEY HISTOEY.
of forty- five. But the bitterness of his last trials, upon
such a temperament, cannot be omitted in enumerating
the combined causes of his early death, since it has
even induced some historians to ascribe it erroneously
to a broken heart. Immediately upon his dissolution,
his army was scattered abroad in a confused and igno-
minious flight. Most of its soldiers, however, met their
death upon the Italian soil, while some of the proudest
knights of France were seen to traverse all Italy on
foot, their clothes in shreds, and begging their bread.
Thus ended this vain-glorious expedition to establish
an hereditary monarchy in the person of a weak, selfish,
avaricious man ; thus all the hoarded treasures of the
" wise " King of France wrere lavished by his ignoble
brother, and the lives of tens of thousands of French-
men were sacrificed to render only the more secure the
right of Charles III. over the kingdom of Naples.
While the remains of the unfortunate army of Louis
begged their way back to France like walking skeletons,
Peter de Craon had the audacity to re-appear at court
with a magnificent train.
Louis had entrusted to his consort, Mary of Blois,
the government of Anjou in his absence, as well as the
guardianship of his three children, Louis, who was then
but five years old, Charles, and Mary.*
With the spirit and resolution which characterised
Mary of Blois, she proceeded immediately to Paris, and
there in her own name as the widow of Louis, and in
those of her two sons, now styled Louis II. of Naples,
and the Prince of Tarentum, summoned Peter de Craon
to appear before the Parliament of Paris, and to restore
to her the 100,000 ducats of gold which she had
confided to his charge. She prosecuted the baron for
robbery and felony, and demanded, as the just penalty
of his crime, that the barony of Craon, and his other
* Lobinean ; Bodin ; Moreri ; Guicciardini.
INTEODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 69
property, situated in Anjou, should be confiscated.
Craon did not appear, although summoned four
times.
The Parliament, therefore, pronounced him convicted
of felony, and ordered the forfeiture of all his estates to
the duchy of Anjou. He was condemned, besides, to
restore the sum of gold he had withheld, and to submit
to perpetual banishment; but his high rank and in-
fluence with some of the French nobility, enabled him
to escape the just punishment of his crimes.
The enterprising Mary of Blois occupied herself at
this time also, in seeking the assistance of the Dukes
of Berri and Burgundy, to preserve for her son Louis
the sovereignty of Provence. In this undertaking she
was unfortunate. All Provence, with the exception of
the towns of Marseilles and Aries, had revolted to
Charles III., unfurled his flag, and installed in Aix the
Governor Spinola, whom he had dispatched there.
The body of Louis I. was buried in St. Martin's at
Tours, and his heart was deposited in the Cathedral of
St. Maurice at Angers.*
His character has been shown by his actions, already
recorded, to have been one of the worst. In summing
up the annals of his life, scarcely one virtue shines forth
to modify the indignation inspired by his vices and
crimes. Happily, his whole career affords a complete
contrast with that of his grandson, and will thus serve
to display only to the greater advantage the heroism,
tmiability, and benevolence of the " Good Rene."
>o insatiable was his love of wealth, that he created
"letters of protection" which passed current in his
chancery, and with the riches thus acquired, he pur-
chased the county of Roucy, and the castleward of
iochefort ; but Parliament annulled the contract of
* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Sismondi ; Hallam ; Lobineau ; Ville-
neuve Bargemont.
70 INTRODUCTORY HISTOEY.
sale, and he was compelled to restore those lands to
the family of Koucy. He also adopted a method of
raising money employed in Italy, by selling at an
extravagant rate " letters of familiarity " to all those
who wished to engage in his service.
He was so utterly devoid of true magnanimity, that,
although always restlessly fomenting new quarrels and
campaigns, he was personally concerned in no single
act of physical bravery during life. When to the long
list of his evil qualities he added the no less certain
evidence of his morose disposition, exemplified in his
unrelenting resentment against Charles V., and his
quarrel with his brother Philip, it might be truly
affirmed, that, however miserable his end, his punish-
ment was inadequate to the injuries he had inflicted.
He seems not even to have enjoyed the reputation of
counterbalancing virtues in private life, for it is expressly
affirmed, that he evinced but little regard for his consort.
An ordinance was made by Louis " the First " during
his last hours, expressly to appease the remorse of his
conscience ; and this, while it makes some trifling
amends, is confirmation also of the bad character
assigned to him. By that last enactment he distributed
to the shop-keepers and peasantry of Anjou and Lor-
raine the sum of 20,000 livres, (or 145,000 francs,) to
reconcile them to the taxes and imposts which he had
so unjustly levied. His title to the kingdom of Naples
and Sicily was as empty as to that of Jerusalem; and
his descendants only inherited as possessions, de facto,
the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Provence.*
The events in connection with the rival claim to the
throne of Naples should here be retraced, to make clear
the causes of a protraction of the struggle in that
kingdom after all hope for the Angevine standard
seemed to have been utterly annihilated. A little
* Sismondi ; Lobineau's Bretagne ; Gaufridi ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 71
episode in the history of Hungary, and of great moment
in the affairs of Naples, explains how, after the death
of Louis I. of Hungary, the enthusiastic people elected
his daughter Mary to succeed him, crowning her king,
contrary to their law, by which the throne was hereditary
only in the male line. The rightful claimant to the
throne of Hungary was Charles III. of Naples ; who,
after the death of Louis of Anjou, was no sooner
established in peaceful possession of the Neapolitan
territory, than he prepared to assert, by force of arms,
his rights over Hungary. His enterprise was successful.
He compelled " King Mary " to abdicate, and was isss.
himself crowned, by the nobility, in her place. This
prince, who was in the prime of life, and had been not
merely exercising a sound policy in all the personal
matters of his rule, but whose knowledge of military
tactics had kept at bay, for so long a time, his rival of
Anjou, was generally applauded. The life of Charles
III. was, however, shortened, through the intrigues of
an ambitious and bad woman, Elizabeth, the widow of
the great Louis of Hungary. She first employed
assassins who failed to dispatch him, and then, as
it is believed, administered poison which caused his
death.
Summary justice was inflicted on the unprincipled
Queen Dowager, who was seized and thrown into the
river, by the Ban of Croatia.
Her daughter Mary was also cast into prison, and 13S7.
detained there until the 4th of June in the following
year, when she was released and married to Sigis-
mund, brother of Wericeslaus, King of the Komans.
Sigismund and Mary then mounted the Hungarian
throne.
Had it not been for these occurrences, Southern Italy
and Sicily might probably have enjoyed under Charles
III. a protracted reign of peace ; and the Angevine
72 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
family might not, after their utter defeat in the person
of Louis L, have again enforced their pretensions.
Charles III. left one son, named Ladislaus, only ten
years of age at the date of his death, to inherit and
protect, under the tutelage of his widow, Margaret, the
interests he had found so difficult to defend from
spoliation. The eldest son of his rival, Louis II. of
Anjou, was even a few months younger than Ladislaus,
and under the guardianship of his mother, Mary of
Brittany. It might have been inferred from this cir-
cumstance, that the cessation of hostilities would endure,
at least during the minority of these princes. To
calculate thus was, however, to lose sight of the un-
bending firmness and dogged perseverance of character
of Mary of Brittany, evinced by her sometimes to such
a degree, as to make her unscrupulous and utterly
indefensible in the means she employed.
Ladislaus was acknowledged King of Naples without
loss of time under the regency of his mother, Margaret ;
the form was fulfilled, but the fact was hollow, and the
struggle of the two mothers for their children was even
then impending. For before Mary of Brittany and her
son Louis II. had even left France to countenance
their party, it was already disputing with the adherents
of Ladislaus by force of arms, both in Naples and
Provence, for the claim of Louis.
Mary of Brittany had determined to contest her
son's pretensions even during the lifetime of Charles
III., and she repaired with him from Angers to the
court of Avignon immediately after her husband's
death, and there easily prevailed on Pope Clement
to espouse the interests of Louis II. Secure of the
papal support, she then hastened to Paris to present
her children Louis and Charles, who are styled by the
annalist of Anjou " the most accomplished princes in
the world," to their cousin Charles VL Accordingly
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 73
on the 9th of February, 1385, the title of Louis II. to IBBS.
the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Provence
was acknowledged by Charles of France, and in May
following recognised publicly by the Pope.* On the
10th of December, 1385, Mary and her two sons entered
Aries, and confirmed its privileges, a stroke of policy
which won her the future hearty support of that town.
The intelligence of the death of Charles III. in June,
1386, gave at length the signal for a general revolt
throughout Provence against the House of Durazzo.
When established at Avignon, Mary devoted herself,
with all her zeal, to the prosecution of her son's
interests, and was enabled before the end of the
succeeding year, 1387, to reckon with certainty on the
allegiance of entire Provence.
Meantime, at the instigation of Clement, Otho, the
husband of the late Queen Joanna, had entered the
Neapolitan territory soon after the death of Charles III.,
and had occasioned a rising at Naples in July, 1386,
which, after a sanguinary battle, obliged Margaret and 1386.
Ladislaus to fly to Gaeta.
Louis II. was then formally proclaimed there, under
the regency of his mother Mary, and at that epoch his
cause seemed equally prosperous and hopeful both in
Naples and Provence.f
Southern Italy might be styled peculiarly the battle-
ground of the Popes in this era ; they fomented all the
discords, and encouraged all the battles of that unhappy
country, because each beheld in the aspirant whom he
seconded, a vassal and a temporal ally whose propin-
quity to the Eternal city made him all important as the
conservator of the chair of St. Peter. Thus on this
first success of the adherents of Louis II., the Gonfalo-
nier of the Eoman pontiff, Raymond des Ursins, was
* Godard Faultrier.
f Moreri ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Sismondi ; Bourdigne.
74 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
chased out of Naples with .the same ardour as were
Margaret and her son, Ladislaus. For on either hand
the rival Popes had taken sides in the quarrel for their
own ends only, and Mary and Otho had taken oath to
drive Urban VI. out of Rome in the event of their
permanent success, just as Margaret, and in good time
Ladislaus, were sworn to preserve the temporal power
of Urban in Rome, if needs be against all Europe.
At this critical juncture the good fortune of Mary of
Brittany was arrested on a sudden by her own hand.
The Duchess of Anjou was not ignorant of the fickle
enthusiasm with which the Neapolitans frequently acted
before their conquerors of the hour, and fearing lest the
husband of Joanna by the late success of his arms
might become a new pretender, she now at once
deprived him of his charge of captain general. This
act proved her keen foresight, no less than the great
enterprise of her character. That it was not, as at first
supposed, impolitic, that on the contrary it was an act
of true wisdom, will be sufficiently clear to the minds
of many from the circumstance that Otho immediately
placed himself under the banner of Ladislaus. The
man who would be guilty of tergiversation so rapid and
complete, of the abandonment in a moment of the
entire principle for which he had fought, even for the
sake of a slight practised on him personally, might
well be suspected of the unworthy ambition for which
he was displaced.*
1389- In the year 1389 Charles VI. of France, having at-
tained his nineteenth year, resolved to bestow the Order
of Chivalry upon his two cousins, Louis and Charles of
Anjou. That fete was celebrated on the 1st of May,
at St. Denis. The young knights passed through all the
forms of the institution ; and a tournament of three
days' duration followed, ending with a bal masque.
* Eccles. History; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier.
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 75
The coronation of Louis II. by the Pope, Gregory
XL, took place six months later at Avignon. Charles
VI., with a brilliant company, was present at this
ceremony. Provence had already declared unanimously
in favour of the young Louis, then only twelve years of
age, who was on the first of November duly crowned
and anointed King of Sicily with great magnificence.
The court broke up soon after ; Charles VI. returned
to Paris, and the King of Sicily proceeded to Anjou,
where great rejoicings were made in his honour.
Mary of Blois appears to have exercised an admirable
perseverance and adjustment of designs towards the
goal of her ambition, her son's advancement. She had
undoubtedly, before the date of his coronation, been in
treaty with John I. of Arragon concerning a project for
marrying him advantageously. The Arragonese fleets
were among the best of that era, and keeping in view
the disputed question of succession in the sea-girt
island of Sicily, and the Neapolitan peninsula, an
alliance with such a power was peculiarly desirable for
the pretensions of Louis. On the other hand the King
of Arragon could hardly be adverse to a match which
offered to his daughter the prospect of a throne, with
many other advantages.
In the course of the winter the young King journeyed
to Barcelona, and there was united to Yolande,
daughter of John L, King of Arragon. Louis was
not yet thirteen years of age, but the espousals were
in unison with the matrimonial custom of the age.
On the occasion of this ceremony, Mary announced
publicly the next step in her projects for her son's
aggrandizement ; viz., that he should set out in person
in the ensuing summer to Italy, to assert his rights.*
Louis II. of Anjou did in fact set sail from Marseilles 1390.
on the 20th of July, 1390, with a fleet of twenty-
* Moreri ; Godard Faultrier ; Sismondi ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
76 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY:
one ships, and landed at Naples on the 14th of
August* He there met with a triumphant reception.
The feudal government, first introduced into the
kingdom of Naples by the Norman kings, had been
strengthened by the Angevine princes, and at the close
of the fourteenth century the government of Naples con-
tinued altogether feudal. Extensive domains had been
bestowed by way of appanage on the princes of the
blood, and these were at one period numerous. The
greatest part of the kingdom was the principality of
Tarentum, and the rest belonged to some great families,
who exhibited their power and their pride in the
number of inen-at-arms they could assemble under
their banner. Thus it was that at the coronation of
Louis II., the Sansaverini appeared, attended by 1,800
cavalry completely equipped.
The supporters of Ladislaus had become discontented,
by reason of the exactions which his mother had been
compelled to levy to prosecute the war. The people of
Naples, as well as the feudal lieges of great part of the
surrounding territory, had changed sides ; and it was
not perhaps wonderful, that the child who had never
yet taxed them for his necessities, and who now for the
first time presented himself before them, should succeed
under these favourable circumstances in winning their
present homage and support.
He was well escorted and received in Naples ; but
at first, all the forts around were in the possession
of Ladislaus, and it required time, especially with the
superior military tactics then practised in Italy, to
1391< besiege and capture them. A year later, we find La-
dislaus still at Gaeta, and in secure possession of the
northern provinces.
It would appear, at first sight, that Margaret of
Durazzo laboured under a great disadvantage as com-
* BoryrdignS ; Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. ; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 77
pared with Mary of Blois, in being compelled to draw
largely upon the resources of the country itself, for
whose dominion she was contending. A reaction had,
however, already begun in the affairs of the latter, and
it became evident that the dissatisfaction of the other
countrymen, over whom Mary ruled and whose re-
sources she drained, could prove as detrimental to her
cause as any difficulties upon the Italian soil itself.
It is remarkable, that neither Charles VI., who had
professed so staunch a partizanship for the cause of
Louis, nor France, of which Anjou was an integral
part though an appanage, did anything whatever for
him in this enterprise, from the date of his coronation.
To Mary of Blois alone was due all the praise for the
vigour and perseverance with which Naples had
hitherto been attacked and maintained, for she was
the soul of those strenuous efforts by which the
Angevines had been numerously and continually
pressed into the service of Louis II. ; but upon her
also rested the entire responsibility of having taxed
and levied arbitrarily and exorbitantly, for the same
purpose, the people of Provence, totally regardless of
the privileges she had confirmed to them four or five
years before. In consequence, although the ever loyal
province of Anjou continued in tranquillity, the old
civil war between the factions of Anjou and Durazzo
broke out again with renewed vigour in Provence, and
raged there at the same time and with the same inten-
sity, as at Naples. Upon the head of Mary of Blois
rests the odium of having kindled anew these flames ;
of having foiled, by her unscrupulous excesses, the
masterpiece of her previous talented career ; and of
having ruined the brightest hopes which her maternal
pride and affection had built up, by disregarding the
happiness of her subjects and the solemn pledges by
which she had sworn to protect them.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
1395 By the time that Louis II. had attained the age of
eighteen, his own mediocre capacity, combined with
the bad faith of his mother in violating the capitulation
by virtue of which the Provencaux had submitted to
her, and the greater talents and energy of his rival,
had nearly disinherited him of Provence as well as of
Naples. Count Raymond de Turenne, a partizan chief
of the House of Durazzo, had, by the year 1395, sub-
jected anew nearly all Provence to Ladislaus.
Mary of Blois, at length, relinquished in despair the
task of directing her son's cause, and quitted the
neighbourhood of the struggle altogether. She now
alternately employed herself in the government of
her loyal subjects at Angers, and frequenting the
grandeurs of the King's court at Paris; while Louis
continued at Naples in the enjoyment of a very
limited sway.
The Angevine cause was shortly after arrested
wholly by the Pope at Avignon, the Seneschal of
Provence, and the Bishop of Valence. The disputed
territory of Provence was fearfully laid waste, for the
civil war raged most violently there at this period ; and
so numerous became the bands of adventurers who
crossed the frontier from France, to join the camp of
Turenne, that Benedict XIII., who had succeeded
Gregory XL at Avignon, sued for, and obtained an
edict from Charles VI. to interdict and restrain that
practice.
Mary of Brittany, when devoting herself to her rule
over her attached people of Anjou, in some of her
enactments exhibited much wisdom and piety. There
had existed for a long while among the Angevins a tax
called Tierqage, which consisted in allotting to the
clergy a third of the value of his household goods, on
the death of an individual.
This tax had an immoral tendency, and was a sub-
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 79
ject of great affliction. Perceiving how dangerous to
religion was the struggle which this impost occasioned,
Mary contrived to reconcile the inhabitants of Anjou to
their curates, by converting the Tierqage into a tribute
of fouage or hearth-money, which, less arbitrary in its
nature, only obliged them to pay one penny as an
oblation for each fire on the sabbath-day, and the
curates were then expected to inter without any other
remuneration. The poor besides, were exempted from
paying this tax altogether. This act, which redounds
so creditably to the memory of the Duchess, was finally
confirmed by Parliament.*
Again, we are constrained to admire the strength
and pertinacity of character of Mary of Brittany, when
devoting herself to a good purpose, for it was not
out of a weakness for the gaieties and luxuries of the
court of France that a woman of her mould resided at
repeated intervals in the French metropolis. She was
engaged in the pursuit of justice ; she had been
plundered, and she watched her opportunities for bring-
ing the culprit into court, that she might obtain a reim-
bursement of her due. Doubtless she had watched the
dawn of a broad ray of hope out of the iniquitous
attempt made upon the life of the Constable Clisson
by the same Pierre de Craon, who, ten years before,
had failed to appear before Parliament in answer to
her charges of robbery. The patronage of the Dukes
of Burgundy and Brittany had sheltered him from the
execution of the sentence then passed upon him.
Mary had, however, entered a new cause against him
before Parliament, for the restitution of the late Duke
of Anjou's 100,000 ducats of gold ; but Craon dared
not to appear, on account of the greater crime of which
he had since been guilty. Even this difficulty was at
length surmounted by the Duchess, who solicited and
* Godard Faultrier.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
obtained for him letters of abolition or exemption for
his greater crime of attempted assassination, in order
to compel him to appear in answer to her accusation.
A trial in due form ensued, and Pierre de Craon was
sentenced to refund immediately to the Duchess the
whole amount in question, or to be imprisoned until
such time as her claim should be satisfied. Mary for-
mally returned thanks to the assembly, and Pierre de
Craon was at once seized, and imprisoned in the castle
of the Louvre.*
1400. jn t^ course of his long contest with Ladislaus,
Louis II. had, at length, drained all his resources ;
and although by the year 1400,t Provence was once
more beaten into submission to his rule, and although
he never omitted to style himself King of Sicily, his
generalship and personal administration of affairs would
appear to have alienated from him, during the same
period, the kingdom of Naples. He had besides, be-
fore this date, lost the support of his spiritual chief
by the blockade of Benedict XIII. , at Avignon, by the
arms of France.
At Tarentum, on the 13th of July, 1400, he learnt
that the city of Naples had opened its gates to his
rival, and that his brother Charles was besieged in
the Castello Nuovo. His partisans were still very
numerous, and he was yet in possession of half the
kingdom ; but, unable to bear the straits of poverty, he
hastily relieved his brother, and then abandoned the
country altogether for which he had been so long con-
tending.;]; This circumstance is sufficiently demonstra-
tive of the mediocre talents of this prince, as well as of
a total absence of ordinary energy, perseverance and
judgment in his disposition and character. Like his
cousin, Charles VI. of France, he had been prema-
turely, as a child, invited to a throne ; even, perhaps,
* Bodin ; Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier. t Bodin. J Bodin ; Sismondi.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 81
before he had learnt to wield the sceptre, which he
thus hastily suffered to escape his grasp. It might be,
however, that he relinquished it to attend the ceremony
awaiting him in Provence ; viz., the celebration of his
nuptials there with Yolande of Arragon.
That event took place with the accustomed rejoicings
not long afterwards, and thence the royal couple pro-
ceeded to Avignon, where they resided for two or three
years; during which time, no effort was made to re-
vive the hereditary claims of Louis on the kingdom of
Naples.
The consort of Louis II. brought to him as her
dower, her right to the crowns of Arragon, Catalonia,
and Valencia, and by her marriage received that of
Sicily; therefore was she usually styled " The Queen of
the four kingdoms." Yolande subsequently inhabited
the castle of Angers, and took pleasure in embellishing
it. To her, as well as to her mother-in-law, Mary of
Brittany, has been attributed the construction of the
chapel which forms part of the castle, and the roof of
which is raised above its towers.*
While Yolande dwelt at Angers, she exhibited great
partiality for the promenade of Lesviere, a priory
near Angers, surrounded by cornfields and vineyards.
Bourdigne relates a curious anecdote of Yolande. He
says that — " during one of these walks, diverting herself
" in the company of her ladies and gentlemen, she
" reached the priory of Lesviere, and there seated her-
" self upon the ground, and contemplated the sports of
" some young spaniels belonging to the party. Sud-
" denly, a rabbit sprang from a neighbouring bush, and,
" frightened at the barking of the dogs, took refuge in
" the lap of the queen. She fondled the animal, which
" evinced no desire to escape and remained in its new
" quarters for sometime, apparently forgetting its natural
* Moreri ; Bodin ; Daniel ; Godard Faultrier.
VOL. i. G
82 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
u wildness. Queen Yolande construed the circumstance
li into an omen favourable to herself, and commanded
" the bush to be dug up whence the rabbit had sprung ;
" when, to the surprise of all, a subterranean vault was
''there discovered, containing an image of the Virgin
" holding an infant in her arms, with a glass lamp in
" front of her. In her satisfaction, Yolande caused a
" little oratory to be erected on this spot, which, like
" similar endowed edifices, had its visitants and its
" miracles from that time." *
HOB. The schism in the papacy had endured so long, and
so many fruitless efforts had been made to terminate it,
that a kind of public opinion had been raised against
it, which, shortly before the beginning of the fifteenth
century, had displayed some activity upon the ques-
tion. Benedict XIII. had refused, in opposition to the
Dukes of Berri and Burgundy, who then directed the
destinies of France, to resign simultaneously with his
rival and submit to the decision of a council. He had
been, consequently, besieged during five years in his
palace at Avignon, as a fomenter of the schism, by an
army sent in the name of the French king. The king's
brother, the Duke of Orleans, still supported Benedict,
perhaps chiefly because whatever party received the
favour of Burgundy was certain to engage his cordial
hatred.
Louis II. also, from other motives, countenanced
Benedict. This pope had sustained his pretensions to
the kingdom of Sicily, and if he succumbed, his Italian
interests must suffer seriously, for the new pontiff
elected by the council might favour the rights of Ladis-
laus, and the anathemas of a pope exercising a spiritual
autocracy over the millions were not to be lightly esti-
mated in that age. Louis therefore determined to act
in opposition to the government, court, and army of
* Bourdigne ; Godard Faultrier.
ESTTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 83
France, and upon this occasion he evinced symp-
toms of energy and vigour. Early in 1403, he
went to Avignon, and gained easy access to the
pontifical palace ; he rendered his homage to Bene-
dict, offered him his protection and assistance, and
concerted with him for his liberation. Not long after,
Benedict escaped in disguise to Chateau Renard, a
fortress belonging to Louis, where a guard of safety
awaited him.
Unworthy indeed must have been the subject of this
solicitude, for within one short year after he had thus
obtained his freedom, both the King of Sicily and the
Duke of Orleans were utterly disgusted with the pride,
selfishness, and obstinacy of this elect of half Chris-
tendom.
On the 12th of November, 1404, Mary of Blois, the
queen-mother of Sicily and Duchess of Anjou expired
at Angers ; and was interred in the Cathedral of St.
Maurice in that city.*
As long as she lived she had governed Anjou and
Maine as a patrimony out of which to make her profit.
She had amassed there a treasure of two hundred
thousand crowns, which had been accumulating even
during the period when her son was in distress in Italy,
and was constrained, at last, to abandon the kingdom
of Naples for want of money. Her maternal solicitude
seems to have undergone a serious change from the
date of her son's reverses. There was no great ex-
pression of public lamentation in Anjou on the occa-
sion of her demise.
The life of the King of Sicily from this period be-
comes rather closely identified with the history of the
court and government of France. He occupied the
third rank in the royal council, which ruled the king-
dom ; but as minister he did not, whether from want of
* Moreri ; Godard Faultrier.
G 2
84 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
talents or ambition, distinguish himself in his new and
exalted position.
It was much in that age not to have rendered him-
self notorious for his vices, not to say crimes, like his
father and his uncle of Berri did before him, and like
some of his contemporary relations, who did disgrace
and brutalize themselves a little later, as it were, in his
presence and company.
If he never signalised himself by the practice of
great and exalted virtues, at least, he can never be
charged with the exercise of gross vices, or even of petty
crimes. It has even been affirmed that, whilst in Italy,
he had learnt by heart, as a lesson of faith, the neces-
sity of making himself beloved, in order to win and
preserve a crown. It is asserted of him, that at Naples,
and still more in Calabria, he had gained credit for
good nature, amiability, and a degree of liberality which
partook rather of prodigality.
In this new character the King of Sicily became ad-
verse to intrigue and unambitious ; not the leader of
factions/ but the mediator between hostile parties on
many occasions in the course of the terrible and tedious
ordeal of civil feud to which France became subse-
quently exposed.
Louis II. assisted at the funeral obsequies of the
Duke of Orleans, as well as at the subsequent recep-
tion of his widow, the Duchess, whom he led into the
King's presence to make her formal complaint of the
inhuman murder of her lord by the Duke of Bur-
gundy.*
It must be remembered that the French court was
at this time the most dissolute of the age, and that the
French people were sunk in misery and deprived of
the shadow of liberty ; thus we may more readily com-
prehend the strange dereliction of duty, and the fatal
* Sismondi ; Monstrelet.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 85
display of imbecility, immorality, and injustice which
supervened. When the formidable and unscrupulous
Jean " sans Peur " appeared before the capital in hos-
tile array, no one remained near the imbecile monarch
bold enough, or sufficiently talented to oppose the de-
signs of this insurgent, and the council contented
themselves with praying him to grant a conference ere
he advanced on the city.
It is observable, as delineating the more accurately
shades of character, that while the King of Sicily and
the renegade old Duke of Berri could so far tolerate
the triumphant murderer of Orleans as to meet him at
Amiens for a parley, the upright brother-in-law of the
late king, the only member of the royal family of
France in those times whose character remains wholly
unsullied at the bar of history, the Duke of Bourbon,
seeing only disgrace in this unjust compromise, retired
in disgust to his duchy. The good service which the
moderate Duke of Anjou thought to render to his king
and country by that compact was, in fact, a deliberate
surrender of the nation's, the king's, and his own
honour.
Following then, an invariable rule, innocence and
truth having first conceded, there was no end to the
impudent encroachments of guilt, until it became evi-
dent at last, that France would have Jbeen in a better
position if every other member of the royal council had
followed the example of Bourbon. Early in February,
1409, a pretended reconciliation was effected with the
Duke of Burgundy at Chatres. The King of Sicily was
me of those present in close proximity to the king.
The scene is once again changed from the court
and civil contests of France to the soil of Italy. Here,
May, 1409, Louis II. found another opportunity 1409.
for contesting the Neapolitan dominion. The Council Si*mondi-
of Pisa had deposed the two popes, Benoit XIII. and
86 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
Gregory XII. , and had elected Alexander V. But the
chair of St. Peter and the Papal States were forcibly
subjected to the temporal power of a refractory and
ambitious king, to wit, Ladislaus of Naples. This
monarch, now verging on the prime of life, and having
been successful through his talents, energy, and per-
severance, aspired to the Imperial crown and adopted
for his device, "Aut Ccesar aut nullus" He rejected,
therefore, as a matter of course, the Council of Pisa,
and declared in favour of the easy Gregory XII. , who
was indeed nothing better than his paid and passive
instrument. He had already made war on the Floren-
tines, because they would not acknowledge him legiti-
mate sovereign of the states of the church. On the
other hand, the Florentines and their allies had recog-
nised the council and the new pope. They desired to
expel Ladislaus from Rome, and fixing upon Louis of
Anjou as a worthy coadjutor, in consequence of his
claims to the throne of Naples, they offered him the
command of a joint expedition against their common
enemy. They accordingly influenced the Council of
Pisa to acknowledge Louis, King of Naples, and he
in turn, thus supported, undertook to establish Alex-
ander V. in the papal chair. With this view he
embarked 1,500 Provencal cavaliers on five vessels at
Marseilles, and arrived at Pisa by the end of July.
Alexander there invested him with the kingdoms
of Sicily and Jerusalem, and with the Gonfalon of
the Church ; and Louis, having joined the Florentine
army, entered the pontifical states. The Florentine
army was commanded by Braccio di Montane, Mala-
teste di Pisaro, and Ange de la Pergola, all celebrated
generals, and better versed in the art of war than any
Frenchman of that period. Some of the cities of the
Papal States opened their gates to them without
opposition, and this emboldened Louis with Quixotic
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOKY. 87
valour to push his army to the siege of Rome, where,
however, he soon suffered a repulse from the Count de
Troya, who commanded the city for Ladislaus. Thus
the campaign of Louis terminated for that year. He
could not patiently await in camp in person beyond
November, when he crossed again to Provence, and
hastened back with all speed to Paris. Before he
reached that city the army he had abandoned had been
admitted into Rome, and Paul Orsini went over to the
Florentines with 2,000 horsemen.*
The intelligence of the success of his army, malgre
lui, did not induce the King of Sicily to retrace his
steps to the scene of action. An interval of four
months elapsed before he returned to Italy. That
period was employed by him in seeking an alliance
with the Duke of Burgundy ; and it does not redound
to his credit that he was at this time conveniently
oblivious of the murderer's confession addressed to his
own ears, and that he testified no sense of degradation
in the step he was taking in the bethrothal of his son
Louis to Catherine, the daughter of this powerful Duke
of Burgundy. This proposal being accepted, after the
espousals, the young princess was consigned to the
charge of Queen Yolande, to be brought up at Angers
along with her future husband. This lady's dower,
ten thousand crowns, was paid at the same time by
Burgundy to Louis, and was of vast utility to the
latter in the preparation of a new armament with
which to invade the Italian shores once again. Arms,
men, and ships were from that moment, by his orders,
levied and prepared with the utmost dispatch in
Provence ; so rapidly was this expedition organised,
that in a month's time, by the beginning of May, Louis
actually set sail from Marseilles for Porto Pisano, with
sixteen large ships and numerous smaller vessels.
* Daniel; Sifimondi.
88 INTEODUCTOBY HISTORY.
Circumstances of an unexpected nature, however,
interposed to convert his triumph into defeat, and to
punish him with remorse for having bartered his
child's and his own honour for gold.
Six of his larger vessels were, in the first place
captured by the Genoese. The others arrived in
safety, and disembarked the remainder of his army at
Piombino ; but on his arrival there, Louis was apprized
that Pope Alexander V. had died at Bologna, on the 3rd
of May, and that John XXIII. had been appointed his
successor. He proceeded at once to Bologna. On
this occasion of the arrival of Louis of Anjou with so
large a force in support of the council and the papacy
at so inopportune a moment, it was not unnatural that he
should be met by a numerous clerical deputation. There
were present twenty-two cardinals, two patriarchs, six
archbishops, twenty bishops, and eighteen abbots, all
handsomely equipped. Monstrelet adds to this account,
that " the King of Sicily himself was clothed in scarlet,
" and his horse's furniture was ornamented with small
" gilt bells, and his attendants consisted of fifty knights
" arrayed in uniform." On the 6th of June, Louis did
homage to John XXIII. for the kingdom of Naples,
but was compelled to postpone his operations until the
autumn, in order to concert afresh with the new pope,
and the Florentine republic.*
The army of Louis of Anjou seemed formidable, for
besides his Provencal troops, there were the emigrants
from Naples of the Angevine party, and the companies
of Braccio di Montane, of Sforza, paid by the Floren-
tines, of Angelo de la Pergola, retained by the Sien-
nese, and of Paul Orsini in the pay of the Pope. There
was, however, a scarcity of money and ammunition, and
much time was lost in reconciling the generals, who
were ever readier to turn their arms against each other
* Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 89
than to unite in a common cause. At length, the
Florentines having seen the Pope re-established in
Koine, seceded from the compact, and made peace with
Ladislaus. Louis accompanied the pontiff to Rome,
determined to prosecute the war, although he had not
money enough to maintain his 12,000 soldiers, the
bravest warriors of Italy, during even a short cam-
paign. He then conducted them at once to Ceperano ;
Ladislaus took up a position at Roccasecca, on the
other side of the Garigliano, and awaited him with
forces nearly equal in number. After passing the
river, Louis attacked the enemy with impetuosity. It
was the 19th of May, 1411, and Louis of Anjou then
obtained a great victory, which went by the name of
Roccasecca. Almost all the barons in the army of
Ladislaus were taken prisoners, and the baggage, and
even the King's table utensils fell into the hands of
the conqueror. Ladislaus fled, but rallied his troops
at St. Germaine. Then, strange as it may appear,
the extreme poverty of Louis's soldiers caused them
to sell to the large body of their prisoners both their
liberty and their arms ; and Ladislaus apprized of this,
dispatched from St. Germaine some trumpets and
money, and thus, in a few hours, he regained his
army.
Louis of Anjou had indeed employed his victory to
so little profit, that when he would have advanced, he
found all the defiles which led to the kingdom of
Naples occupied by hostile troops, while his own men
were in want of the necessaries of life, a prey to sick-
ness, and even more untractable on account of the
booty they had seized. Three days after the battle of
Roccasecca, Louis was compelled to retreat before
Ladislaus. In the month of July he reconducted his
forces to Rome, and in the following month abandoned
the struggle altogether to return to France. This was
90 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
the last bold attempt of Louis II. to retrieve what he
considered his hereditary and rightful possession. He
never again returned to Italy.*
At the time that Louis II. was thus, for want of
resources, compelled to evacuate the kingdom to which
he had aspired as rightful heir, his consort, Yolande,
"the Queen of the four kingdoms," was endeavouring
as fruitlessly, for the same reason, to assert her more
genuine rights in Spain, j" On the death of her father,
John of Arragon, in 1395, his brother Martin had
possessed himself of the crown. Martin died in 1410,
having no children ; therefore the right of Yolande, as
John's daughter, to one of her four kingdoms seemed
incontestible. A pretender to the succession, however,
appeared in the person of Don Ferdinand, Infante of
Castile, the nephew of King John. The rival claims
of Yolande and Ferdinand were brought before the
Parliaments of the different States of Arragon. Queen
Yolande appeared personally at Barcelona in defence
of her rights ; and the Count of Vendorne, with other
ambassadors, repaired thither from Charles VI., to
further her cause. These negotiations lasted three
months, when the claims of Yolande failed, and Ferdi-
nand obtained a peaceful recognition as king. The
court of France was glad to procure a confirmation of
their former alliance with Arragon, and Yolande was
forced to content herself with the promise of 200,000
crowns in compensation, a sum afterwards reduced to
200,000 francs.;):
The last failure of Louis II. in Italy seems to have
been generally considered final. In the following year,
H12. 1412, Ladislaus was duly invested with the kingdom
* Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Daniel.
t Jean Michael of Beauvais, who for his talents became secretary and
counsellor of Louis II., and afterwards of Queen Yolande, drew out for her a
genealogy to prove her rights to the crown of Arragon. — Godard Faultrier.
J Daniel ; Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist.
INTBODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 91
of Naples, and Louis returning to France, engaged in
the intrigues of that court, and had soon to raise troops
in Maine and Anjou to defend his own states against
the attacks of the Counts of Alencon and Richmont,
and the Duke of Orleans.
A change had taken place in the opinions of Louis II.,
and since the treaty of Bourges he had openly espoused
the faction of Burgundy's enemies. Hitherto Bur-
gundy had perhaps taken small heed of this, for his
daughter Catherine, who had been affianced to Louis,
eldest son of the King of Sicily, had already lived three
years at Angers, and was still under the guardianship
of Queen Yolande.
On the 20th of November, however, the Lady
Catherine was sent back, with a good escort, to the
city of Beauvais, and thence to Lille, to her father,
who uttered furious imprecations at this treatment of
his daughter, and took a solemn oath to be revenged
upon the Duke of Anjou. He regarded this act as a
deep personal insult, and his resentment continued
throughout his life. It is difficult to assign the motive
of Louis for this extreme proceeding, since it was not
because Burgundy had been branded with the crime of
murder, which had happened before these espousals
were proposed.
The useless advances of the Duke of Anjou a little
later, with a view to an accommodation with Burgundy,
exhibited only his usual instability of purpose, and en-
courages the inference that the dismissal of Catherine
could have arisen from no high-minded cause. It is
probable that Charles VI. may have asked at that date
for the hand of Louis's eldest daughter, Mary, for his
third son, Charles, since their pledges were exchanged
two years after. Louis, the intended of Catherine of
Burgundy, was at the same time espoused to Margaret
of Savoy. Poor Catherine, who was as amiable in
92 INTRODUCTORY HISTOEY.
disposition as she was tender in years, did not long
survive the ignominy of this occurrence. She died un-
married, not long after, at Ghent.*
U1-- The King of France supported by his princes
entered upon a campaign, in 1414, against the Duke
of Burgundy ; but, after some success, a recurrence of
the King's malady and sickness in the camp obliged
them to conclude a treaty with the rebellious duke.f
In the year 1414 died Ladislaus, Louis's successful
competitor in the kingdom of Naples. His sister,
Joanna II., succeeded ; who, surrounded by unworthy
favourites, passed her time in licentious fetes, utterly
neglectful of the cares of government. Many princes,
however, sought her in marriage, and feeling the need
of support, she, at length, decided in favour of Jacques
de Bourbon, Count de la Marche, hoping, by an alliance
with a prince of the House of France, to protect herself
from a recurrence of any active pretensions on the part
of Louis of Anjou.
She secured to herself an undivided monopoly of the
regal power, allowing her husband only the title of
Count and Governor-General of the kingdom. The
1415. marriage took place in 1415.
L'TbM l ' Soon afterwards Jacques de la Marche, not content
Miiiot. yfiih the semblance of power, and besides resolved to
reform the manners of his wife and her court, cruelly
put to death one of the Queen's favourites, and confined
Joanna herself within her palace, out of the sight of
her people, appointing as guard over her an old French
officer. She was, however, soon rescued by the
Neapolitans from this captivity and re-established in
her authority, while Jacques de la Marche was, in his
turn, thrown into prison.^
* Mezerai ; Bourdigne ; Barante ; Monstrelet ; Daniel ; Villeneuve
Bargemont.
f Bourdigne" ; Mezerai ; Barante ; Monstrelet.
J Sismondi ; Monstrelet ; Eccles. Hist. ; Daniel ; Mezerai ; 1'Abbe Millot.
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 93
The wars of Henry V. of England at this period
wholly absorbed the attention of Louis II. On this
invasion of France by the English, Louis joined the
large army which King Charles VI. led on in person
against Henry in Normandy. In the disastrous defeat
which followed, Louis of Anjou was present, and must
have saved himself by flight ; but his relatives, Sir
Robert of Bar, and Edward, Duke of Bar, who, with
the Duke of Alengon commanded the main army, were
numbered among the heaps of slain.
From this time little more is recorded of Louis II.,
whose life was drawing to a close. At this juncture
he felt ill, and retired to Angers. While under this
indisposition, he sought an accommodation with the
Duke of Burgundy, but his overtures were treated with
haughty contempt by Jean u sans Peur," whose ven-
geance could only be appeased by the life of the King .
of Sicily ; nay, this was even at this period augmented
by two unforeseen events : first, the death of the
Dauphin making way for the next son of the King, as
heir to the throne, and who was wholly Burgundian ;
again, by the death of the profligate old Duke of Berri
in 1416. This same year a conspiracy was discovered 1416
amongst the Burgundians, affecting the lives of the
Queen of France, the King of Sicily, and others ; also
a similar attempt was made on the life of Louis in the
following year.*
The fury of the Duke of Burgundy against Louis
had not yet been goaded to the utmost. On the 4th
of April, 1417, his son-in-law and protege, John the
Dauphin, died suddenly, apparently poisoned by the
Armagnacs. Again, and for the last time, the rage of
Burgundy was evinced, and this branded ally of the
foreign invader, this absentee from the patriot field of
Agincourt, whose success in life had been achieved
* Daniel ; Monstrelet ; Barante ; Mezerai ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
94 INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY.
by the impudence of his crimes, whose hirelings had
twice attempted to assassinate the Duke of Anjou as
they had of old the Duke of Orleans, had now an
audacious public clamour ready to ascribe the death of
the young Dauphin John to the agency of Louis II. ,
because by that event his son-in-law became Dauphin
and heir to the throne of France.
There was no real index to the author of this crime,
if such it was. But, ere its authorship can be assigned
for an instant, even by innuendo, to the instrumentality
of Louis, some evidence of crime in his former life
should at least be charged against him, and some con-
sideration must be allowed for the well authenticated
moderation and want of energy in his character ; and
in common justice also, some examination should be
made into the respectability of his accusers. Besides,
in twenty-five days after the decease of the Dauphin
John, the King of Sicily himself was no more. Louis II.
died in Paris, at the early age of forty, on the 29th
1417. of April, 1417.
With how much greater appearance of truth might
the death of Louis have been ascribed to the machi-
nations of the criminal Burgundy !
" This Duke of Anjou," says the annalist of Anjou,
" was in great triumph and lamentable honour carried
"to Angers, and interred in the cathedral, near the
" great altar." Charles VI. and many of the princes of
the blood were present at his funeral obsequies.
Louis II. left to his children the possession of Anjou
Maine, and Provence. They also inherited his pre-
tensions to the kingdom of Naples, and his hatred to
the House of Burgundy.
From an engraving inserted in the Parnassus of
Angers, we have a portrait of Louis II. His features
were regular and imposing. He is represented with a
jagged ^turban on his head, and in a robe of great
INTRODUCTORY HISTOEY. 95
richness embroidered with flowers, with a cope of
fur.*
Such was the father of Rene. He was certainly a
great improvement upon the grandfather, and there
was reason to hope that the race might perfect itself in
the next generation.
The children of Louis II. were of a more estimable
and high-minded character than their relatives who
had preceded them; Louis III., Rene, and Mary,
Queen of France, were not more distinguished by their
position in life than by their virtues and excellent
qualities.
Louis III. was born in 1403, and at the age of
fourteen succeeded to his father's titles and estates ;
his mother, Yolande, undertaking the government
during his minority. The nobility of Provence united
their tribute of respect to the memory of Louis II. with
that of the court of France, and framed an address to his
successor to testify their fidelity. They also deputed
some of their nobility to wait on Queen Yolande, and
renew to her the oath of obedience in the name of
their states. These were so graciously received by
Yolande, that, it is said, she even conceded on this Bargemont
occasion her son's rights over Nice and the Valley of
Barcelonnette, to the Count of Savoy, in liquidation
of a large sum of money furnished by Ame VI. to
Louis I.f
The memory of Yolande is fondly cherished by the
Angevines to this day, for her good works in their
country. The writers of her time praise her bene-
volence, and the wisdom of her administration. One
fact may be cited, corroborative of this view of her
character.
Moreri ; Daniel ; Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Bourdigne Mezerai ; Godard
Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
t Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. «f
The fortifications of Anjou had fallen into ruin, and
required, as an imperative necessity in those days of
walled cities and frequent sieges, to be almost com-
1418. pletely rebuilt, in 1418. A considerable sum was
needed for this undertaking, and the people, already
heavily taxed, were alarmed at the project. Yolande
accordingly published an ordinance, fixing the impost
of these repairs at a tenth of the tenanted value of
all the houses of the city ; and this, without exception
even of the clergy, who were too often, through their
great influence in those times, exempted from the
operation of taxes which it was their duty to have
borne equally.
Further, this princess authorized the people of Angers
to assemble, and fix for themselves the value of their
dwellings. To encourage also the citizens who usually
bore alone the burden of public offices, and who might
have been intimidated before the privileged classes,
she caused the members of her council to preside at
the meetings, in order to effect both a prompt execu-
tion of her ordinance, and to invite the free discussion
of its interests.*
On the 10th of September, 1419, another of those
great crimes occurred, which at intervals afflicted
France at this period of her history. This was the
foul murder of the Duke of Burgundy, upon the bridge
of Montereau, where he came by appointment to ratify
a treaty with the Dauphin Charles, in whose presence
he was assassinated. The consequences of this base
act were long after of grave import to the rival arms
of France and England. Philip of Burgundy, the son
and successor of John " sans Peur," had vowed ven-
* This ordinance, made by a woman, is remarkable for its wis-
dom ; and after the lapse of more than four hundred years, it has been
restored amongst the Angevines, who, in its observance, still honour the
memory of Queen Yolande. — JBodin.
INTKODUCTOKY HISTOEY. 97
geance against the assassins of his father, and gone
over directly from France with all the renowned wealth
and power of his house into a close alliance with the
English, and by the treaty of Troyes, in 1420, 1*20.
Henry V. and his heirs were declared legal successors
to the throne of France after Charles VI, to the total
exclusion of the Dauphin Charles; Henry was als)
appointed Regent of the kingdom during the life-time
of his father-in-law, Charles VI.
The Dauphin Charles thus beheld on the one hand
his father, his mother, and his sister Catherine, Queen
of Henry V., strenuously bringing to bear against him,
the arms of France and England united ; it appeared
at least strange, that, on the other hand, his cousin
and brother-in-law, Louis III. of Arijou, should first
studiously cultivate a good understanding with his
enemies respecting his French provinces, and then
wholly desert his cause for the rest of his life, in
order to pursue the conquest of the kingdom of
Naples.
Louis III. departed in the summer of the year 1420, 142°-
with a great number of warriors and a large amount
of munitions of war and money, to assert anew his
right to what might almost be called, the hereditary
calamity of his family ; * but he never returned to
France. The events which led to his adoption of this
course may here be briefly related.
When Martin V. had been acknowledged Pope, he
concluded a treaty, in 1419, with Joanna II. of Naples,
on very advantageous terms, since she was induced to
flatter his nephew, Antonio Colonna, with hopes of the
vacant succession to the Neapolitan throne. At his
request she also released her husband, Jacques de la
Marche, after a captivity of four years, and he returned
to France, and died there in a convent.
* Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
VOL. I.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
Joanna was then crowned Queen of Naples in the
name of Pope Martin V.; but ere long that pontiff
took offence, because she did not realise his expectations
in nominating his nephew her successor, and he re-
solved to withdraw his alliance and to second the pre-
tensions of Louis III., Duke of Anjou, to the kingdom
of Naples.*
The discontent of the nobility of Naples, and the
hatred of Sforza Attendolo against his rival Caracciolo,
added to the fact that there was no true heir to the
crown, although Joanna was now advanced in age,
seemed to prepare the way at length for the elevation
of the House of Anjou.
The Queen, troubled by the contests of Sforza and
Caracciolo, who, even with arms in their hands, dis-
puted for her person, willingly gave up the former,
with all his devoted followers to the Pope, and Sforza
repaired to Rome. There Martin confided to him his
secrets, hoping he would assist him to take revenge on
Queen Joanna and her favourite Caracciolo.
It was not without some compunction that Sforza
abandoned the party of Durazzo, to which he had
sworn fidelity ; but at this period, ambassadors from
Louis III. arrived at Florence, and advancing to him
considerable sums of money, engaged him in their
master's service. By these means Sforza assembled a
new army, and marched upon Naples. When he
approached that city, he restored to Joanna his baton
of Grand Constable, declaring that, to escape from the
caprice of Caracciolo, he renounced her service, and
revoked his oath of fidelity. After that declaration,
considering himself no longer under obligation to her,
he at once proclaimed Louis III. of Anjou, King of
Naples, asserting his hereditary rights, founded on the
* Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Sismondi ; Monstrelet ; 1'Abbe Millot ; Daniel ;
Godard Faultrier.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 99
adoption of Joanna I. He then invited the Angevine
barons, and all the partisans of Louis, to join his
standard, and in the month of June. 1420, he invested „ 142°-
-XT , Sismondi.
Naples.
A deputation of Florentines and Genoese, with
fifteen galleys, about this time entered the port of
Marseilles, which then belonged to Queen Yolaride.
She gave permission to them, but, as we are told,
" not without heavy sighs," to transport her eldest son,
Louis III., to Rome, in order that he might be crowned
there by the Pope. As she did not entirely confide in
the loyalty of the deputation, she demanded as hostages
for her son, eight of the chief nobility of Naples, who
had accompanied it from that kingdom. Accordingly
the' young Louis embarked at Marseilles, and sailed to
Rome, where the Pope solemnly invested him with the
kingdom of Naples ; and although not actually crowned,
he ever after obtained the title of king, as his father
had done. Louis brought with him to Naples an
armed fleet of nine galleys and five transports, with
which he arrived on the 15th of August, 1420. He im
immediately seized on Castellamare, while Sforza made S
himself master of Aversa, which was afterwards the
head-quarters of the Angevine party.*
This new enterprise had originated with the Pope,
but he now affected neutrality, and engaged Louis
and Joanna to submit their rival claims to his arbi-
tration.
To defend herself against Louis, the Queen of Naples
applied to Alphoiiso, King of Arragon, for succour,
offering to adopt him as her son, and that prince
dispatched to her, eighteen galleys and three of his
best generals. When these approached Naples, the
fleet of Louis, being inferior in strength, retired ;
and the Arragonese (although opposed by Sforza,
* Sismondi ; Hallam ; Monstrelet.
H 2
100 INTRODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
who, with Louis, was besieging Naples) effected a
landing.
Alphonso's generals were received with great
honours by Joanna, who assigned them the Castello
Nuovo and the Castello dell'Uovo, to hold for
Alphonso, who was now proclaimed the adopted son of
Jnondi Queen Joanna II., and presumptive heir to her
throne.*
Calabria and almost all the eastern boundary of the
country had declared for Louis of Anjou. The feudal
lords committed ravages from time to time in the terri-
tories of their enemies, but it was at the gates of
Naples that the war was really carried on. There
smondi Alphonso appeared early in 1421, and was joined by
the celebrated Braccio, who was honourably received
by him, and created Prince of Capua, Count of Foggia,
and Grand Constable.
No important event, however, resulted as yet from
the near approach of the two hostile kings and
the two great generals; and at length Louis,
wearied by such inaction, returned to Pope Martin
at Rome.
Braccio succeeded in seducing one of the generals
of Sforza, Jacques Caldora ; but another, named
Tartaglia, was arrested and put to death by
Sforza. f
The court of Joanna meanwhile was agitated by the
secret plots of Caracciolo, who beheld with distrust the
increasing power of Alphonso. Fearing for himself
the fate of the other lovers of the Queen, he prevailed
upon her to negotiate with Louis. Alphonso, who was
not ignorant of these intrigues, resolved to secure his
fortresses even against the Queen herself, while Braccio
* Sismondi ; Hallam ; Monfaucon ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet ;
Villeneuve Bargemont ; 1'Abbe Millot.
f Sismondi.
INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 101
was intent only on extending his own principality of
Capua. Sforza was fully occupied in supplying his
troops at the expense of the Neapolitans, for his army
was almost destroyed, and required considerable ex-
pense to restore it. Martin V. had besides now grown
weary of furnishing subsidies to Louis of Anjou ; and
alarmed at Alphonso's threats that he would acknow-
ledge Benedict XIII. in all his kingdoms, and thus
revive the schism in the Church, he prevailed on Louis
to restore to the papal dominions the cities of Aversa
and Castellamare, which alone remained faithful to him,
while on his part, Martin surrendered to Queen Joanna
the strongholds which the Angevine party possessed in
the kingdom.
Upon this Louis III. retired to Rome, to live in
obscurity. The interests of the House of Anjou were
still cherished in secret by Sforza, but being no longer
able openly to espouse them, he was again received
into the Queen's favour, and he was employed by her
to oppose Alphonso.
The Spanish monarch soon made himself independent 1*22.
of Joanna, and rilled the fortresses with his troops.
Disgusted at beholding the Grand Seneschal ruling the
states and armies of the Queen, he refused to submit,
as others did, to his commands ; and feeling sure of the
attachment of Braccio di Montane, he resolved to assert
his own claims to the throne. His intentions were
perceived by Caracciolo, who, desiring to preserve the
equilibrium between the rival aspirants to the throne,
and for the better security of the Queen, formed a
secret alliance with Sforza. Already had Joanna re-
pented of her adoption of Alphonso ; for had she chosen
Louis, she would by that act have united the Houses of
Durazzo and Anjou, and have ended the civil war in
her kingdom.
It now became more and more evident that the
102 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY.
Arragonese faction was the stronger of the two, and
Braccio, who supported it, was daily making new acqui-
a. 1423;. sitions, and at length, in 1423. his authority extended
Sismondi. IT*" • i
almost all round Kome, seeming to block up the ponti-
fical court. He needed only the conquest of the
Abruzzi, and this he was attempting with 3,000 horse
and 1,000 infantry. Martin V. beheld his increasing
power with dismay, and exhorted and encouraged the
people of Aquila to defend him. He next sought the
protection of Queen Joanna for the besieged, and
endeavoured to persuade her to deprive Braccio of his
command.*
1423. The unexpected arrest of Caracciolo by Alphonso
Ksmond occurred on the 22nd of May, 1423, which gave reason
to believe that the arrest of the Queen was likewise
intended, had not her guards prevented it. Joanna,
finding herself besieged in the Capuan castle, sent for
Sforza, who hastened to deliver her, and a pitched
battle ensued, which lasted six hours, with equal intre-
pidity on either side. At length Sforza triumphed, and
Alphonso was in his turn besieged in the Castello
Nuovo.
A fleet from Catalonia soon brought a considerable
military armament for the relief of Alphonso ; and
Sforza, unable to prevent the landing of this force, was
obliged to conduct the Queen from Naples to Aversa.f
Queen Joanna, while separated from Caracciolo, had
abandoned herself to despair, and would have resigned
even her crown to procure the freedom of her lover.
His liberation was effected without loss of time, and
twenty of the most distinguished of the prisoners taken
at the late battle of Formelles were exchanged for the
Seneschal.
From this time the Queen resolved to look for
* Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist.
t Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. ; 1'Abbe Millet.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 103
defence to the party of the Ange vines. She invited
Louis III., who resided still in poverty at Rome, to
repair to her at Aversa, and wrote to the different
courts of Europe to make known the ingratitude of
Alphonso, to revoke her adoption of him and to sub-
stitute in his place Louis III., Duke of Anjou, whom
she declared Duke of Calabria and presumptive heir
to the throne. She even permitted him the title of
king, that he might not be inferior in dignity to his
rival.*
It is not a little to the credit of Louis III. at the
early age of twenty-one, that his naturally mild cha-
racter, perhaps further modified by the ordeal of his
previous misfortunes, never allowed him, when he
had grown powerful again, to raise his pretensions
beyond that which Queen Joanna willingly granted
him.
The Pope supplied him with such troops as he had
at command, and at their head he repaired to Naples,
in obedience to the summons of the Queen. The
Genoese and the Duke of Milan also furnished him
with soldiers, and thus Louis was soon enabled to
retake all that the ambitious Alphonso had gained in
the kingdom ; and he preserved these acquisitions till
his death. He remained but a short time at the
court of Queen Joanna, and then withdrew into
Calabria, where the mildness of his administration
and his amiability made him beloved by all his
subjects.")"
Alphonso, alarmed at the combination formed against
him, returned to Catalonia, leaving his brother, Don 1423.
Pedro, at Naples, with some Italian condottieri. In his Slsmondl
passage he surprised Marseilles, and pillaged it, to
* Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. ; Moreri ; Hallam ; Villeneuve Bargemont ;
Godard Faultrier ; 1'Abbe Millot.
t Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist.
104 INTBODUCTOBY HISTOEY.
revenge himself on Louis of Anjou. Enriched with the
spoils of that city he proceeded to Spain, carrying off
the body of Saint Louis, Bishop of Toulouse, his
relative.*
1424. The following year witnessed the death of the two
hostile generals, Sforza and Braccio di Montane. The
former was succeeded, both in the army and in the
Queen's favour, by his son, Francesco Sforza. The
principality of Braccio was destroyed on the death of
that general.
Of the generals left in support of Don Pedro, one
went over to Braccio, and another, the notorious be-
trayer, Jacques Caldora, once more changed sides,
first entering into treaty with his enemies, and then
opening to them the gates of Naples.
On its return to the capital the Queen's army exer-
cised no cruelties towards the inhabitants, and Carac-
ciolo, now once more in the enjoyment of the supreme
power, would not suffer the siege of Don Pedro and his
small force shut up in the Castello Nuovo, in the
politic intent of retaining Louis III. in submission
through fear of his rival. Louis became, however, at
this time virtually as well as in name, King of Naples ;
during the life time of Queen Joanna, he had, in fact,
won more than his father or his grandfather in that
kingdom, since his inheritance was no longer actively
disputed.f
As Caracciolo advanced in age, the passion of love,
to which he owed his elevation, gave place to ambition.
In his sixtieth year he continued to rule the Queen,
whose passion had made her his slave, and he was
never satiated with power, riches, and honours. His
demands became exorbitant, and excited the jealousy of
the courtiers. At length Joanna, distressed by his
importunity, to console herself, admitted to her confi-
* Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. ; l'Abb<$ MiUot. t Sismondi.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 105
dence the Duchess of Suessa. Through the instiga-
tions of this lady, the Queen gave orders for the arrest
of Caracciolo, and her servants, exceeding her com-
mands, murdered him.*
Louis III. had been suffered to reside at Cosenza, in
Calabria, an exile from the court of Queen Joanna, in
order that she might without restraint resign herself
and the government of her kingdom, into the power of
Caracciolo.
When, therefore, Louis was apprized of the death of
the Grand Seneschal, he flattered himself that he should
be recalled to court, and at last enjoy the prerogatives
of the presumptive heir to the throne. It was not so,
however, for the Duchess of Suessa, who now in her
turn became desirous of maintaining the sole influence
over the Queen's mind, would not suffer his return. In
fact, Joanna, incapable of having a will of her own,
was from this time governed by her confidante as she
had formerly been by her lover. j~
Louis did not resist the intrigues of the court ;
he was content to live in Calabria. He had been'
united on the 22nd of July, 1431, to Margaret, the
daughter of Ame VIII. , first Duke of Savoy, and
this princess came to him at Cosenza in the year
1434. On her progress thither, she rested at Bale, 1434-
1 1-111 i Villeneuve
where the Diet was then being held, and where the Bargemont.
King of France was receiving various high person-
ages.
" The King treated her very courteously," adds the
historian, "and came after supper, and after that the
" said Princess had made reverence to the King, they
" danced a long time, and afterwards they brought spices
" and served the King/' &c. After the entertainment,
Princess Margaret took her leave of King Charles, and
was received at Avignon with much liberality by the
* Sismondi. f Hallam ; Sismondi.
106 INTKODTJCTOKY HISTOEY.
Cardinal de Foix, the Pope's vicar. Thence she jour-
neyed to Tarascon, where she was lodged in the fine
old castle which was now her property. The Governor
and chief nobility of Provence welcomed her there, and
provided her with 50,000 florins, while each town pre-
sented to her a vessel of gold or silver ; and a grand
fete was given in her honour which lasted three days.
She then went with her attendants on board her galleys
on the Rhone. On leaving Nice a furious tempest
arose, but they succeeded in reaching Sorento in safety ;
the Princess, however, having been much indisposed by
the passage.
At first, Queen Joanna wished her to come to Naples
with her husband, Louis of Anjou, in order that they
might there receive the honours due to their rank ; but
she was again dissuaded by the Duchess of Suessa
from inviting them, and contented herself with making
some presents to Princess Margaret, who proceeded to
Cosenza.*
Louis III. did not long enjoy the sweets of wed-
lock and the genuine attachment of his people. Ever
obedient to the caprices of the Queen of Naples,
he undertook, by her command, in the year 1434, a
war which he considered to be unjust.
He was required to reduce the most powerful of the
Neapolitan feudal lords, Giovanni Autorico Orsini,
whom the Queen's favourites desired to despoil of his
wealth. Orsini was in danger of losing all his estates,
when besieged in Tarentum by Louis of Anjou and
Jacques Caldora.
Suddenly these proceedings were arrested by an
attack of fever ; and Louis III., like his grandfather
Louis I., was cut short in the midst of his career by
* Moreri ; Sismondi ; Yilleneuve Bargemont ; Mezerai ; Monf aucon ;
Rapin ; Monstrelet.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 107
this virulent malady, of which he died on the 15th
of November, 1434, in the thirty-first year of his
age.* 1434.
This prince left no children by his wife, Margaret of
Savoy. His remains were interred at Cosenza, in
Calabria, excepting only his heart, which was de-
posited in the Cathedral at Angers, the sepulchre of
his ancestors.")" By his extreme mildness of character,
Louis III. had won the affection of all who surrounded
him. He had lived long amongst the Calabrians, and in
his person commenced a genuine and firm attachment
on their part to the House of Anjou, which never failed
during the civil wars that succeeded.^:
The condescension of Louis, it may be said, even
amounted to a weakness, in having surrendered Queen
Joanna to her bad counsellors. For to his long exile
from the Neapolitan court must be attributed, in some
degree, the loss to his family of the rights he had
acquired by his adoption, as well as the long wars,
which, after his death, once again devastated the king-
dom^ His death was generally and deeply regretted:
it is even said, that his enemies shed tears for the loss
of one so respected for his amiability in private life,
and so justly celebrated, considering his years, for his
talents as a military commander. The Queen of
Naples especially, seemed to be inconsolable at his
death.
It is pleasing to observe, that amidst the wars with
the English and the expeditions to Naples, the atten-
tion of Louis III. and of his mother Yolande, who
was the practical ruler of Anjou during his absence, had
been nevertheless directed towards an establishment of
* Sismondi ; Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Eccles. Hist. ; Monstrelet ; Ville-
neuve Bargemont.
+ Moreri ; Godard Faultrier.
J Sismondi. § Sismondi.
108 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY.
lasting utility to the people of that province. Until
that period, degrees in the law only could be conferred
by the University of Angers ; but, through their united
solicitations, it acquired from Pope Eugene IV., the
right of completing its studies by the addition of the
three new faculties of medicine, theology, and the
belles lettres.
1434. At the request of Yolande also, on the death of her
Fauitner. son Louis III. in 1434, Charles VII. granted to his
mother-in-law, letters patent for conferring degrees in
all four of these branches of public instruction.*
. 1435-. Queen Joanna herself died in the ensuing year,
1435, in her sixty-fifth year. All her recent efforts
had been consistently directed towards ensuring the
succession of Louis III., and his premature death did
not change her project regarding his family. Shortly
before she died, she executed a will, nominating as
her heir to the kingdom of Naples, Rene*, Duke of
Anjou, the brother of Louis III. This testament
was confirmed by the unanimous voice of the
people, who were then so devoted to the memory
of Louis, that they felt a gratification in declaring
themselves for his untried and unknown successor,
Rene" of Anjou.
To maintain her people in their fidelity to this
prince, Queen Joanna left behind her a treasure of
500,000 ducats. She also appointed a Council of
Regency, composed of sixteen lords chosen by her-
self; and with these were associated twenty deputies
selected from the nobility and people. By these lords
an embassy was dispatched to their new monarch,
inviting him to come to Naples, and take possession
of the kingdom. I
* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
t Sismondi ; Bodin ; Moreri ; Eccles. Hist., ; 1'AbbS Millot ; Godard
Faultrier; Hallam.
INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 109
Joanna II., following the example of her brother
Ladislaus, had assumed the title of Queen of Rome.
She was the last individual of the " First House" of
Anjou.*
* 1' Abbe Millot.
THE
LIFE OF
MARGARET OF ANJOU,
QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE,
WITH
A MEMOIR OF HER FATHER,
KENE "THE GOOD,"
KING OF SICILY, NAPLES, AND JERUSALEM.
OF ANJOU.
1st wif,
'illiam, Count of Boulogne, and widow of Count
: 2 children, died young.
MARGUERITE, J ^
DukeofBerri. Duke of Tourraine
and Burgundy.
34. RENIS, CHARLES,
Duke of Anjou, Count of
m. Isabella, dau. Maine,
of Charles II., I
Duke of Lor-
raine, in 1423. 2nd wife, Jeanne, CHA RLES.
dau. of Guy,
Baron de Laval,
in 1455.
BONA,
Countess
St. Pol.
JOHN,
Louis,
NICHOLAS, CHARLES.
ont,
Duke of
Calabria,
m. Mary,
dau. of the
Duke of
Bourbon,
in 1437.
Marquis
de Pont-
son, died
in 1444.
Duke of
^Bar.
Died young.
NICHOLAS.
CHARLES.
NICHOLAS.
PIERRE.
(To j vec p. 113 Vol J.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU.
CHAPTER I.
" He is a king, that in himself doth reign ;
" And never feareth fortune's hott'st alarms,
" That bears against them patience for his arms." — DRAYTON.
Rene's birth — Infancy — Education — Adoption by the Cardinal of Bar —
Rene's tastes— His first campaign — His marriage proposed — Death of
John " Sans Peur " — The Cardinal and the Duke of Lorraine institute
Rene heir to their duchies — The Duke of Berg's enterprise — Rene's mar-
riage— The Count de Vaudemont's threats— Siege of Metz — Rene joins
King Charles VII. — Successes of Rene — Death of the Cardinal of Bar —
The Duke of Lorraine dies — Rene* acknowledged by the States of Lor-
raine and Bar — The Battle of Bulgneville — Rene taken prisoner — He is
released on his parole — The decision of the Emperor Sigismond — Fetes in
Lorraine — Rene returns to his prison — Death of Louis III. — Queen
Joanna dies — She appoints Rene her successor — Rene sends his Queen,
Isabella, into Provence and to Naples.
THE second son of Louis II., Duke of Anjou, and of
Yolande of Arragon, was Rene*,* called " the Good "
and also " the merry monarch," from his fondness for
the tournament, which was so peculiarly the taste of
the age in which he lived. This prince was born on
the 16th of January, 1408, in the noble Castle of uos.
Angers, situated on the banks of the Mayenne. This
castle was erected by St. Louis in the thirteenth
century, on a perpendicular rock.f The lofty, massive
* Rene has been variously called Renueit, Rheneit, Regne", Regnier,
Reyne, and Reygniere.
f The palace was situated between the two towers, called " du Moulin "
and " du Diable," the first having supported a windmill, and the last being
so named from its vicinity to the fearful " Oubliette " into which criminals
were thrown alive. The palace has fallen into ruins, but that portion of it,
said to have been the birthplace of Rene, has been converted into a prison,
and is ornamented by gun turrets.
VOL. I. I
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT.
walls and circular towers, eighteen in number, with the
deep moat and two drawbridges leading to its Gothic
and machicolated portals, gave it a truly imposing
character. Within these barriers stood the ancient
ducal palace, the residence of the Angevine princes,
and at this time inhabited by Queen Yolande, who
evinced a strong attachment to Angers and its vicinity.
The winter of 1408 was one of the most remarkable
for its severity ever recorded in history. The Danube
was frozen over, and Provence suffered extremely from
a continued frost, but its inhabitants rejoiced greatly
on the birth of the young prince, as though they antici-
pated the fortuitous events which would pave the way
for his exaltation, or entertained a secret presentiment
of the permanent affection which would hereafter be
felt for them by their future sovereign.
It was while Rend was yet in his cradle that those
dissensions originated, which during his whole life pre-
vailed throughout France. The civil warfare which
they caused,* added to the invasions of foreign armies
and the desolation consequent on the victories of the
English, reduced this kingdomf to a deplorable condi-
tion, which has been aptly depicted by the annalists of
that period.
We are not informed who undertook the sacred
charge of sponsorship at the baptismal font for Rene ;
but he received his name, a very uncommon one before
his time, in memory of the holy bishop, St. Rene, much
respected by the people of Angers, and who, according
to a pious tradition, was resuscitated at the end of
seven years, whence he was called Re-n6, or twice
born. | The title of Count of Piemont had been be-
* Just before the birth of Rene occurred one of those prominent events
in the history of that kingdom which paved the way for its misery, viz.,
the cruel murder of the Duke of Orleans by John " Sans Peur," Duke of
Burgundy.
f Moreri ; Bodin; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet.
Biographic Universelle.
J On the banks of the Loire, in a charming situation, stands the Chatean
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 115
stowed upon Rene* at his birth. The care of his infancy
was entrusted by his mother, Queen Yolande, to a
virtuous nurse named Theophaine la Magine, who was
a native of Saumur, and had already fulfilled the same
duty for his sister Mary. The solicitude of this poor
woman was ever after remembered by her foster-
children, who did not neglect her in after life, but
loaded her with benefits, and evinced their gratitude for
her tenderness and care.* The infancy of Rene passed
under the eye of his mother and her ladies at Angers,
de la Possonniere, and near it the ruins of another more ancient edifice, with
the Chapel of St. Rene. St. Rene has been cherished among the pious
Angevins, though forgotten by the world ; and the history and miraculous
legend of this saint are too important in the annals of Anjou to be passed
over in silence. St. Rene was born near the end of the fourth century, in
the villa of Possonniere, of illustrious parents. He preached some time at
Chalon, and on the death of St. Maurille, was elected Bishop of Angers.
After filling this office twenty-two years, he went to Rome, and thence
repaired to Sorento, where his fame caused him to be advanced to the
dignity of bishop. He died at this place in the year 450 ; and his remains
being claimed by the Angevins, were conveyed into Anjou, and deposited,
first in the Church of St. Morille, and finally in St. Maurice, at Angers.
The shrine of St. Rene has been much celebrated. Leo X., in 1513, and
Clement VII., in 1530, granted edicts in favour of the institution of the
brotherhood of St. Rene\ whose members of both sexes then amounted to
more than 7,000. Some of the kings of France inscribed their names at
the shrine of this saint, amongst whom were Louis XII. and Henry III.
The legend of his second birth runs thus : — " The parents of St. Rene
having no offspring, addressed themselves to St. Maurille, the Bishop of
Angers, promising to dedicate to God their first-born. Bononia became a
mother, but her joy was transient; — her son, being carried into the Cathedral
of Angers, died before his baptism. After this event St. Maurille went into
Britain, and after an exile of seven years returned to Angers. The illus-
trious lady of Possonniere then besought this bishop to restore her dead son.
St. Maurille approached the tomb— caused the stone to be raised — sprinkled
it with holy water — and then, throwing himself on the ground in an atti-
tude of devotion, he offered up aloud his supplication, upon which the tomb
opened and the child was restored to the world and baptized. This miracle
may be doubted by many, but the existence and episcopacy of St. Rene" are
not to be contested. The legend passed through the Middle Ages, and even
in these times, the country people may be seen carrying a banner over their
heads while descending the hills or passing the Loire on their way to the
Chapel of Possonniere to implore the aid of St. Rene. It is a pretty sight
this march of young mothers, some praying for deliverance, others offering
their newly born." One author adds, " it is remarkable that the people of
Angers, our ancestors, have had a great veneration for mothers and chil-
dren."— Godard Fault rier ; Villt-neitve Barycmont.
* Rene even composed her epitaph, which still may be seen on one of the
I 2
U6 KAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
and in occasionally visiting the French court, where
Louis IL chiefly resided In his early years the Count
de Piemont is described as " remarkable amongst the
children of his years, for an agreeable figure, a sweet,
intellectual and precocious disposition, and great apti-
tude to learn."
The father of Rene, Louis IL, in the year 1409, en-
gaged in a new expedition into Italy, to regain the king-
dom of Naples. He returned, however, the same year
to Provence, where he was rejoined by Queen Yolande
and her three children. The object of this journey was
to gain plenary indulgences, granted to the ancient
abbey of Mont-Major ; the pilgrims of both sexes, who,
together with the Duke of Anjou and his family, re-
sorted thither on this occasion, amounted to 150,000
persons.*
When he had attained his seventh year Rene' passed
from the control of the women of Queen Yolande into
pillars in the Church of Notre Dame de NantiHy, at Saurmir. On a block
of stone is the following inscription : —
" Cy gist la nourrice Theophaine
" La Magine, qui ot grant paine
" A nonrrir de let en enfance
" Marie d' Anjou, royne de France
" Et apres son frere Rene
" Due d' Anjou, et depuis nomine
" Comme encore Roy de Sicile
" Qui a voulu en cette ville
" Pour grant amour de nourreture
" Faire faire la sepulture
" De la nourrice dessus dicte
" Qui a Dieu rendit lrame quiete
" Pour avoir grace et tout deduit
" Mil cccc. cinquante et huit
" Ou moys de Mars XIII. jour
* Je vous pry tous par bon amour
" Affin qu'elle ait ung pou du votre
" Donnez-lui ugne patenotre."
Beneath this epitaph, which was anciently in the choir, on a stone monu-
ment was represented Theophaine reclining, and holding in her arms her
two foster-children, Mary and Rene of Anjou. The verses remained entire
in the year 1840 ; but the monument was destroyed in the civil wars of the
sixteenth century. — JBodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Villeneiive Bargemont.
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 117
the hands of the men; and although the heir of a
sovereignty, he was, like the son of a private gentle-
man, submitted to the guidance of certain old barons
and knights of high reputation and experience, under
whose instructions, enforced by noble examples, a
manly and severe education succeeded to the tenderness
of maternal care. The effeminate games of childhood
also gave place to violent and painful, and sometimes
dangerous exercises. It was thus that the youth of
that period were inured, even in the bosom of the
palace or castle, to the fatigues and perils of war.*
It was about this time, upon the occasion of Queen
Yolande's visit to the capital with her little son, that the
good disposition and extraordinary application to study
evinced by Rene first attracted the attention of his
uncle Louis, Cardinal of Bar, who began, when his
pupil was only seven years of age, to direct his studies.
He had frequent opportunities of observing his cha- Failltrier-
racter, and delighted to behold in him those inestimable
gifts with which nature had endowed him, and which
his parents had most assiduously cultivated. It was
indeed to these that Rene* owed the unexpected change
in his destiny which the notice of the Cardinal procured
him, and which paved the way to his subsequent dis-
tinction. Being only the second son of the King of
Sicily, Rene had no hopes of any inheritance beyond
the title of Count of Guise. It was not, however, his
fortune to be throughout life only a titular prince ; yet,
while seeming to delight in overwhelming him with un-
looked-for favours, this same fortune granted him not
one of these without subjecting him to some new
adversity, f
The relationship of the Cardinal of Bar to Rene was
* Godard Faultrier.
f Dom Calmet ; Bodin ; Biograplue Universelle ; Villeneuve Bargemont,
Godard Faultrier.
118 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT.
that of great-uncle on the maternal side. He was
fourth son to Sir Robert of Bar and Mary, daughter of
John, King of France. Sir Robert, who was both
learned and valiant, died in 1411, and having lost his
two eldest sons, he bequeathed the duchy of Bar and
castlewick of Cassel to his third son Edward, Marquis
of Pont. This duke, with a younger brother John, lord
of Puissage, and Robert their nephew, Count of Marie
and Soissons, all three perished on the field of Agin-
court ; and thus the Cardinal became sovereign of Bar,
although this inheritance was claimed by his sister
Yolande, Queen of Arragon, and their dispute only ter-
minated in 1419, when the Cardinal gave up his rights
in favour of Rene* of Anjou. After the death of so
many relatives, the Cardinal, seeing his name about to
be extinguished, and having already felt some affection
for Rene*, gave him the preference over his other
nephews ; and, as his attachment increased, he took
upon himself the charge of his education, under the
surveillance of Jean of Proissy, to whom Rene* had
been entrusted by his mother Yolande.*
Prelates of the fifteenth century lived like sovereigns
within their own dioceses with great magnificence.
They did not always find the thunders of the Church
sufficient to defend their temporal rights, and were
sometimes obliged, as Monstrelet tells us, " to carry a
helmet for a mitre, a breastplate instead of a cope, and
for a cross of gold, a battle-axe." The breviary was
not more familiar to them than the sword, and Louis
of Bar, surrounded by examples of glory, had, as it
were, imbibed in his infancy the hereditary valour of
his race, while at the same time he possessed in the
highest degree the virtues which honour the Church.
He united to the most extensive information a taste for
literature ; and his love for the arts, of which he was
* Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 119
the enlightened protector, induced him to extend his
munificence to most of the artists of his time, whom he
attracted to him, either to the old palace of Bar or to
Paris, where he often prolonged his stay.
It may be presumed that this prince neglected no
means to perfect the rising talents of his pupil, and it
is probable that in these visits which they made to-
gether to the French court, Rene* received his lessons
in drawing and painting of the brothers Hubert and
John Van Eyck. The latter, better known by the
name of John of Bruges, had passed great part of his
youth near Charles V., who had conferred on him
many favours. It is believed that it was to these cele-
brated masters, or to their pupils, that Rene was
indebted for his first instructions in an art which he
constantly loved, and cultivated at all periods of his life.
It is in childhood, when the imagination is suscep-
tible and the senses are awake to every impression
made on them by external objects, that the strongest
tastes are formed, and the outlines of future character
are observable.
Rene's taste for painting was not more surprising
than his inclination to engage in all that related to
chivalry.
In the Middle Ages the institutions of chivalry
formed the best school for honour and moral discipline,
and were very influential in promoting intellectual im-
provement. Hallam, who has so ably written of these
times, says, " Chivalry preserved an exquisite sense of
honour as effective in its great results, as the spirit of
liberty and religion on the moral sentiments and ener-
gies of mankind."
There were notwithstanding amongst the members
of the chivalrous orders, many individuals more con-
spicuous for their vices than for the virtues they
professed.
120 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
At the same time that Kene* was taking his first
lessons in the art of drawing, he probably beheld the
commencement of a chivalric institution, in which no
doubt, although so young, he was permitted to take
some part. This was the " Order of Fidelity" which
Thiebaut, the fifth Count of Blamont, desired to found ;
but of which, in order to confer eclat and durability,
the Duke of Bar was declared the supreme chief. It
was at Bar that this order was recognised, on the 31st
of May, 1416. Forty knights of Lorraine, some of
them very young, were associated together during five
years, bound by oath in love and unity to support one
another in every reverse of good or bad fortune.* It
may be well to notice here, that one of these knights
who thus pledged himself with others, was Robert de
Sarrebruche, called the Damoisel de Commercy, after-
wards much distinguished by the frequent violation
of his engagements to Rene.
Time was rapidly passing with the young pupil
while occupied in his new exercises and delightful
employments. He had just entered his ninth year
1417. when his father, the King of Sicily, died. On being
informed of his dangerous condition, Rene hastened to
him, and received his last farewell. He then beheld
the tender interview between this dying monarch and
his son-in-law, Charles VII. , who was counselled by
him especially " never to trust the Duke of Burgundy,
but to employ every means to keep on good terms
with the formidable John ' Sans Peur.' ' It had been
well for Charles had he obeyed these counsels.
Ren6, who became by his father's will, Count of
Guise, continued to reside with the Cardinal. By his
happy disposition and attractive qualities, he so far
confirmed the good opinion of his patron, that he
began to regard him truly in the light of a son, and
* Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Barg-emont.
MABGARET OF ANJOU. 121
did not hesitate to name him as his heir in the duchy
of Bar. He initiated him in the affairs of his state,
and associated him in all the acts of his government.
He even desired that Rene* should be considered by
his subjects as their future sovereign. In 1418, this
young prince first acted in concert with his uncle in
the government, and addressed letters in his own name
to the different officers of Barrois.*
At this time the greater part of Lorraine was in-
fested by brigands, deserters, and vagrants, who upon
being repulsed from the interior of the kingdom, and
from the fortified cities, dispersed themselves towards
the provinces on the borders, where they pillaged,
committed murders and all kinds of violence. Such
were the sad results of the long wars which had deso-
lated France. More than once the Cardinal of Bar
had been compelled to take up arms, and go in
person to defend his states ; but he resolved at length
to put an end to these evils by forming a league with
Conrad Bayer de Boppart, Bishop of Metz, another
martial prelate like himself. They attacked together
several lords, who were even more culpable than the
brigands themselves, inasmuch as they had sheltered
them from justice in order to profit by their plunder.
Rene of Anjou accompanied his uncle in this rapid
expedition which might be said to be the first
campaign of this young prince, and it proved suc-
cessful, f
Discussions were at this time entered into between
the States of Lorraine and Bar. Their proximity to
each other caused their interests sometimes to clash,
and involved them in dissensions and bloodshed. A
furious war had been recommenced in 1414, under
* Dom Calmet ; Biographic Universelle ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard
Faultrier.
f Villeneuve Bargemont.
122 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Edward, Duke of Bar, which had brought destruction
by fire and sword on these unhappy states. Two years
later a treaty was concluded between them ; but they
were again apprehending a speedy rupture, when the
Cardinal of Bar proposed a means of establishing
peace between these duchies on a solid basis.
After nominating Kene of Anjou to succeed him in
his own states, the Cardinal did not rest here, but
further evinced his solicitude and the interest he took
in his welfare, which, added to political considerations,
induced him to propose an alliance between his young
relative and Isabella, the daughter and heiress of
Charles II. , Duke of Lorraine, and Margaret of Bavaria.
Thus he hoped to form a lasting union between the
States of Bar and Lorraine, and to restore unanimity
and peace.*
It might naturally have been expected that much
opposition would have been raised to this marriage,
although many lords of Lorraine openly expressed
their desire that it should take place.
Charles II. had been a long time devoted to the
Duke of Burgundy, who had in a manner protected
him in his youth. His consort, Margaret of Bavaria,
was a near relative of the Duchess of Burgundy; and
besjdes that, he had entertained a personal enmity
against the princes of the blood, and was at variance
with the Duke of Orleans at the time of his death. f
Great manoeuvring was required to negotiate for the
hand of this duke's daughter, since it was on the part
of an Angevine prince, but the Cardinal triumphed
over all obstacles ; Duke Charles readily consented to
the marriage, and appointed an interview with him on
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monstrelet ; Dom Calmet ; Biographie TJni-
verselle.
f Duke Charles of Lorraine had in his will, made in 1408, even forbidden
that his eldest daughter should be united to a prince of the House of
France.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 123
the subject. They repaired to the Castle of Foug,
near Toul, which belonged to the Cardinal, on the
20th of March, 1418 ; and it is remarkable that 1418.
Charles of Lorraine, besides the lords of his court,
should have brought with him Antoine de Vaudemont,
his nephew, to countenance by his presence the arti-
cles of this marriage, since he ultimately became the
most powerful opponent of Rene.
The Cardinal was accompanied by his joungprotege,
of whom it was said, that his prepossessing appear-
ance, his courage, of which he had already given
proof, and his rising reputation charmed the Duke,
and contributed, as much as policy, in deciding him to
bestow on him the hand of his daughter. The agree-
ment * was then entered into by the two princes.
It had been previously decided that the Duke of
^Lorraine should have the control of the person of
Rene until he had attained his fifteenth year ; that on
that same day the parties should be betrothed, and
that on the following day the marriage ceremony
should take place. f
At the time that the articles of this marriage were
published in Lorraine, and when the nobles were joy-
fully taking their oaths, another assassination occurred
which struck consternation throughout France. This
was the murder of John " Sans Peur," Duke of Bur-
gundy, in open day, on the bridge of Montereau, on the
10th of September, 1419. ui9
It might have been apprehended that Philip, the
* This agreement states, —
Istly. That on the day of Pentecost, 1419, the Count of Guise should
return from his journey into Anjou, the object of which would be to obtain
the consent of his mother.
2ndly. That he should repair to Bar, where the Duke of Lorraine would
meet him, to arrange the conditions of the marriage.
3rdly. That they should then fix the period when Rene should be con-
ducted to Nanci, and cease to reside with his uncle, that he might be
entirely under the surveillance of his future father-in-law.
f Villeneuve Bargemont ; Dom Caimet ; Biographie Universelle.
124 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
next heir to the Burgundian States, would seek to
revenge his father's death on all the members of the
Angevine family ; but happily this was not the case,
for although he vowed eternal enmity against the
Dauphin (who was suspected to have commanded the
criminal act), he had not the injustice to involve
others indiscriminately. He did not, therefore, offer
any opposition to the alliance which the Duke of
Lorraine was about to make with the brother-in-law
of one, whom he regarded as his father's assassin,
but received with favour the ambassadors sent by
that prince to condole with him on his misfortune.*
Profiting by this unexpected kindness, and fearing
that other difficulties might arise, the Cardinal of Bar
immediately passed an act to confirm the adoption of
Rene", and his resignation to him of the duchy of Bar
and the Marquisate of Pont-a-Mousson,f conditionally
on his taking the name and arms of Bar.J This act
was passed at St. Mihiel, on the 13th of August,
1419, and the treaty of marriage, agreed upon the pre-
ceding year, was then also ratified. §
The dower of Isabella was fixed at 5,000 livres
annually, or 4,000 only in the event of Duke Charles
having a male heir to succeed him in Lorraine. This
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
f The Marquisate of Pont-a-Mousson appears to have comprehended St.
Mihiel, Briey, Longwy, Marville, Saucy, Stenay, Longuyon, Foug, Pierre-
fort, Conde-sur-Moselle, and 1'Avantgarde.
J In the shield of the complete arms of Bar, Rene' was allowed to carry
a small escutcheon with the arms of Anjou.
§ The historian of Lorraine informs us that King Henry V. of England
having demanded the hand of Catherine, the daughter of Charles VI., for
himself, hearing that the Duke of Burgundy was reconciled to the French
king, feared that this would re-unite the forces of France, and oblige him
to abandon his conquests in that kingdom. He, therefore, applied to the
Duke of Lorraine, and asked his daughter Isabella in marriage for his
brother the Duke of Bedford, hoping by this alliance to unite Duke Charles
in his interests, and place France between two fires. It is, however, sur-
prising that Henry V. was ignorant that the Duke of Lorraine had already
contracted his daughter to Rene of Anjou, in March, HI 8.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 125
princess had, besides, the sum of 40,000 livres, ready
money.
All the States of Barrois had been convoked upon
this occasion. The sister of the Cardinal, Bonne of
Bar, was also present. She was the wife of Valeran
of Luxembourg. The Count of Ligny was also there,
besides Jean of Sarrebruche, Bishop of Verdun, and the
three abbots of St. Mihiel, La Chalade, and Lisle en
Barrois. The same day the Cardinal and the Duke
of Lorraine mutually engaged to appoint Rene* and
Isabella as their heirs ; and they obliged all their
vassals to take oath to acknowledge them as their
legitimate sovereigns after their death.* When these
arrangements were confirmed on both sides, Yolande of
Arragon, called by the chroniclers " La belle Reinne
de Sicile," conducted her son to his uncle, to whom
she had already sent Mansard de Sue, bailiff of Vitry,
to signify her willingness to take the name and the
arms of Bar. The Cardinal then prepared to conduct
his young nephew to Nanci, there to entrust him to the
care of the Duke of Lorraine, when an unforeseen
obstacle occasioned a delay equally fruitless and un-
expected.
Arnould, Duke of Berg, the husband of Mary of
Bar, a sister of the Cardinal, had entertained secret
pretensions to the duchy of Bar, and had even been
eager to make it known immediately after the battle
of Agincourt ; but repulsed by the energetic measures
of Duke Edward, he had continued at peace until Rene
became the declared heir to this duchy, when, aroused
by the feeling that this adoption would annihilate for
ever his own claims, his disappointed ambition sti-
mulated him to a new enterprise. Assembling his
troops he advanced with rapid strides, and attacked
the forces of the Cardinal ; but no sooner did that
* Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
126 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
prelate appear, with Rene*, in arms against him,
than he was defeated in a pitched battle, and taken
prisoner.*
Rejoicing in their success, the Cardinal and his
nephew then proceeded to the capital of Lorraine,
where the nobles of the two duchies came, to ratify
solemnly the promises and conditions stipulated in
the contract of St. Mihiel. So great was the satis-
faction universally expressed on witnessing the cordial
affection which existed between the betrothed, that
Duke Charles could no longer defer the marriage,
notwithstanding the youth of the affianced, Rene being
only twelve years and nine months old, and his consort
still a child.
Isabella, who was born in 1410, has been described
as being at the time of her nuptials, tall in person,
and possessing regular and uncommonly beautiful
features. To a mind above her age she united
strength of character ; and the gentle piety of her
mother, Margaret of Bavaria, seemed to have been
transmitted to her as a precious inheritance.
Rene* was equally remarkable among the young
lords of Lorraine. He was distinguished by an open
physiognomy, and large eyes " a fleur de tete ; " he
was fair and fresh coloured, and his amiable manners
attracted the attentions of the ladies, and had already
rendered him dear to his young betrothed, f
Henri de Ville, Bishop of Toul, a worthy prelate
and a relative of the Duke of Lorraine, was chosen to
officiate as priest at this marriage, which was cele-
Mole4ri°' brated on the 14th { of October, 1420, in the Castle of
Nanci, with the greatest pomp which could be dis-
played ; and as one author tells us, amidst a joy which
* Villeneuve Barg-emont.
f Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
J The 14th of October in the MS. prayer book of King Rene.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 127
seemed to approach delirium. The same rejoicings
prevailed throughout Barrois upon this union, formed
under such happy auspices ; and it was generally re-
garded as the means of annihilating former animosities
and divisions, and of restoring that happiness which
had long been banished from every heart.*
Few events rendered the early years of Renews
wedded life remarkable. During this period of hap-
piness, his leisure was devoted to his studies ; indeed
after their marriage the young bride and bridegroom
continued both in their own way to pursue their educa-
tion, which they completed under the active surveil-
lance of Margaret of Bavaria, Charles of Lorraine, and
the Cardinal of Bar, three notable characters of that
age ; of whom the two former were so peculiar as to
claim especial notice.
Margaret of Bavaria, the mother of Isabella, was
the daughter of the Emperor Rupert, and one of the
most virtuous princesses of her time. She lived in
such complete retirement at her palace at Nanci that
she was almost a stranger to the pleasures of her
court, and occupied herself in works of benevolence
and in founding pious establishments. Her life has
been written in Latin by her confessor, Adolphus de
Cirque, a Chartreux. He says, " she lived an austere
life, chastising herself with fasting* and wearing sack-
cloth/' and he relates of her, that, " having found a little
book entitled " La Rosaire Evangelique," containing
the life of Our Saviour and of the Holy Virgin, this
princess was so deeply touched by it that it was con-
tinually in her hands. The Almighty, by this means,
poured so much blessing on her soul, that she became
a model of every virtue. He bestowed upon her also
some miraculous gifts, and even granted her several
* Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Dom Calmet ; Biographic Universelle ;
Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
victories in her husband's favour. Of these, not only
the people of Lorraine, but also foreigners and the
Duke's enemies, bore witness. Upon one occasion the
Duchess, while the combat lasted, caused public prayers
to be offered in the city, and ordered a solemn proces-
sion, at which she assisted barefooted, and with tears
implored the succour of heaven for her husband's
cause. After the battle of Champigneules, the van-
quished prince acknowledged that the victory was not
owing so much to the valour of Duke Charles, as to
the Duchess Margaret, who had appeared at the head
of the army with a brilliancy that their eyes could not
endure. This occurred a second time under other cir-
cumstances; and the enemy, who were put to flight,
afterwards declared that they had been terrified, and
unable to support the presence of this princess whom
they had beheld at the head of the army of Lorraine."
When asked by her confessor if she had been present
at the battle, the Duchess replied, " That it would not
have become either her sex, or her condition ; but that
she had addressed her prayers to Jesus Christ, implor-
ing the protection of her subjects." Her prayers were
always—" Lord, thy will be done and not mine ; "
and she never asked of God either the death or cap-
tivity of her enemies.
We shall be less surprised at the influence which
this extraordinary woman held over the minds of the
people, when we contemplate her exceeding piety.
Such was the self-control she had obtained that her
humility, patience, temperance, disinterestedness, and
charity were unequalled. She visited the hospitals
with her ladies, and personally waited on the sick,
and dressed their wounds. By her means several
sick persons were restored to health ; and when this
became publicly known, the afflicted ones were
brought from afar to the gates of her palace, that
MABOAEET OF ANJOTL 129
as she passed them on her way to church, she
might bestow upon them her blessing. Many of
these were cured ; but the Duchess declared that
she could do nothing for those who remained in their
sins, or wanted faith, or who placed greater con-
fidence in the art of medicine than in the goodness of
God.
The Duchess took great care of her servants ; nor
would she allow her daughters to remain in idleness,
but set them herself an example of useful occupation.
On fast days and Sundays she gave them instruction
in the scriptures, conducted them to church and to the
Lord's table. Her mornings were all spent in devotion,
her afternoons in the care of her household and attend-
ance on the poor. She confessed herself daily, took
the holy sacrament every feast day and Sunday, and
submitted her body to a severe scourging when the
Duke, her husband, was absent. Such was the austere
life of Margaret of Bavaria.
The Duke of Lorraine, on the contrary, was not
very devout. He did not attribute the advantages he
obtained to his wife's merits, and still less to his own ;
but to the prayers of the good people who prayed for
him. The Duchess, however, was somewhat afflicted
at the temporal prosperities enjoyed by Lorraine,
fearing that God might reward her during her life for
the little good she did, and deprive her in eternity of
that bliss which was her only ambition.
Charles of Lorraine had no taste for solitude, and
his capital became, during his reign, the centre of the
most brilliant fetes. The Duke was one of the most
polished and intellectual princes of his time,- although
naturally of a warlike disposition and educated in the
battle-field. That portion of his time which was not
employed in war, or in the gratification of his passions,
he devoted to literature. He was particularly fond of
VOL. I.
130 MAEGAEET OF
history, and it was said of him that he never passed a
single day without reading some chapters of Livy or
of Caesar's Commentaries, his favourite authors, which
he took with him on all his expeditions. Often, in
speaking of himself, he would say that, " in com-
parison with Caesar, he seemed to be only an appren-
tice in the art of war."
It may be inferred that this prince did not fail to
encourage his pupil Rene* in the love of study, and
from the period of his first visit to his court also
may have originated the taste and talents of Rene for
music, a science in which Duke Charles delighted.
He was always surrounded by the most eminent
musicians of the day, and evinced his own love
for music by playing skilfully on several instru-
ments.* We are informed that Rene was engaged
alternately at the courts of Lorraine and Bar in the
cultivation of music and painting, the study of the
ancient languages, legislation, and feudal customs ;
and he thus acquired, during the short intervals of
peace, an education superior to the age in which he
lived.
While occupied by such agreeable studies the life
of Rene* must have been tranquil and happy ; but it
was only a brief period. As early as the 10th of
H20. November, in 1420, this prince was at once awakened
to the anxiety of protecting his states from a powerful
competitor, to repulse whom it might even be re-
quired to unite with others in some military expe-
ditions.
The Duke of Lorraine had, upon his daughter's
marriage,, taken on himself the care of the estates of
Rene, as well as the charge of the person of his son-
in-law ; and he was occupied in November of 1420, in
obtaining the recognition of Isabella as his successor,
* Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 131
in case he should die without male issue. To this
he had been compelled by the conduct of his own
nephew, Antoine de Vaudemont, who, from motives
of interest, had not participated in the general satis-
faction upon the marriage of Rene and Isabella. He
had long enjoyed the hope of reigning in Lorraine
after his uncle's decease, but the union which had just
taken place had destroyed his illusions, and he could
with difficulty restrain his feelings of resentment on
beholding himself superseded by an Angevine prince.
The age of Rene precluding explanation, De Vaude-
mont stifled his resentment at the offence and injustice,
as he considered it ; yet his apparent composure gave
occasion for serious apprehension. This prince, who
had been born in the midst of political storms, had
aspired to personal distinction ; and priding himself on
his illustrious ancestry, he thirsted to add glory to his
race. He was a devoted subject, a faithful friend, and
a respectful relative. His noble character, and espe-
cially his frankness, added to his military talents, had
secured him some powerful allies. As an enemy he
was the more to be feared, as it was wrell known
that justice and good faith only could make him
draw his sword ; but, when indeed he did so, his
haughtiness led him on to extremes, even beyond
the bounds of prudence, for he did not estimate the
chances of war, nor the misfortunes and oppressions
which might drive a people to despair. Such was
the character of a prince, who, unable to endure
even the shadow of an injustice, had so unexpectedly
found in the youthful Rene a powerful rival, against
whom he only awaited the opportunity of revenging
himself.
Antoine de Vaudemont insisted that the Salic law
being still in force in his family, Lorraine, a fief male,
ought not, under any pretence, to revert to a female, or
K 2
132 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
to leave his family by marriage. Finding, however, that
he could not prevail upon his uncle to revoke his will
in favour -of Isabella, this prince declared that upon the
death of Charles of Lorraine he would prove his rights,
and obtain with his sword that inheritance of which he
considered himself so unjustly deprived. These menaces
made it necessary for the Duke of Lorraine to call upon
the nobles of his States to swear to perform the con-
ditions of his will ; and he also caused his daughter to
be crowned as his immediate heiress.*
1424. On the 5th of February, 1424 (according to the
Cidn^t. chronicle of Lorraine), Isabella, Duchess of Bar, made
her first entrance at Pont-a-Mousson, where many
gentlemen, knights, and esquires awaited her, and
celebrated her arrival there by jousts and grand
fetes. j" On the 1st of August of the same year
Isabella gave fcirth to her eldest son, John, afterwards
Duke of Calabria. This event was commemorated
with rejoicings in Lorraine. Her eldest daughter,
Yolande, was not born until two years later, in 1426,
with a twin-brother called Nicolas, Duke of Bar, who
died young.J
The second daughter of Rene* and Isabella, the
renowned Margaret of Anjou, was born on the 23rd of
1429. March, 1429, at Bont-a-Mousson, which was then one
aSt. °f tne finest castles of Lorraine and had formed a part
of her mother's dower.
The infant Margaret was baptized, under the great
crucifix in the Cathedral of Toul, by the bishop of that
diocese. Her sponsors were her uncle Louis III., King
of Naples, and Margaret, Duchess of Lorraine, her
maternal grandmother. §
* Mojreri ; Dom Calmet ; Bodin ; Biographic UniverseUe ; Godard Faul-
trier ; Barante.
f Dom Calmet.
J Moreri ; Bodin.
§ Moreri ; Diet. Historique des Femmes Celebres.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 133
Rene's faithful nurse, Theophaine la Magine (who, by
this time, had doubtless advanced in experience as well
as in age,) was appointed* to watch over the first years
of this favoured child, who inherited the excellence
and talents of her father ; to these, as she grew up,
she added the beauty and grace of her mother,
afterwards appearing as a bright star in the horizon,
destined to shine conspicuous with transcendent
lustre.
At a very early age Margaret of Anjou gave proofs
of those virtues which win the affections, and of such
great abilities as seldom fail to command the notice of
the world. In her case they led to the splendours of
a throne, where she became immersed in difficulties
and afflictions.
In the military expeditions which Rene undertook
with the Duke of Lorraine and the Cardinal of Bar, he
was very successful. He effectually checked the aggres-
sions of the Count de Vaudemont, and in all his enter-
prises exhibited great activity, ardour, and bravery.
It was during the sojourn of this prince on the
borders of the Meuse that he improved himself in the
profession of arms, while engaged in repelling the
rebellious vassals ; until, fatigued with such petty war-
fare, he sought to enlarge his sphere, and was induced
to join the forces of Charles VII.
It was just at that remarkable era when Joan of Arcf
had miraculously effected the deliverance of Orleans,
* Dom Calmet ; Moreri ; Baker.
•(• Rene had already seen the heroic shepherdess of Vancouleurs, on her
first appearance in the presence of Duke Charles, at Nanci. She had
there spoken of her high mission, and in reply was reminded of her
unfitness for war ; in order to inspire the Duke and his court with confi-
dence she requested to have a horse brought to her, when, springing upon
this high battle-horse without the use of the stirrups, she seized, with a
martial air, a lance which was handed to her, and executed in the court of
the castle several courses and evolutions as well as the best-trained mari-
at-arnis.
134 MAKGAEET OF ANJOU.
Rene* of Anjou was blockading the city of Metz which
the Duke of Lorraine had besieged. Had that prince
been influenced by policy or prudence, he would have
remained neutral in those contests which desolated
France ; but his affection for King Charles, his brother-
in-law, and his predilection for the French, irresistibly
impelled him, with all the enthusiasm of a youthful
breast, to join the royal standard on the plains of
Champagne, where his brothers, Louis III., Duke of
Anjou, and Charles, Count of Maine, had already
appeared. Nor could the solicitations of the Cardinal
of Bar, or of the Duke of Lorraine, deter him from his
purpose. The experience of these princes led them to
fear the results of the union of the English with the
Burgundians against themselves, should they declare
war against them ; but Rene*, unmoved by their argu-
ments, left the siege of Metz almost by stealth, and his
conduct was soon justified by the success of the cause
he embraced.
1429. It was on the 16th of July, 1429, the eve of the
same day on which King Charles was consecrated in
the church of St. Denis, that Rene joined him, bringing
with him the Damoisel de Commercy and other lords ;
and he afterwards accompanied that monarch in his
brilliant career of triumphs and conquests, serving him
with devotedness and fidelity.*
Rene* ventured, although but twenty-one years of
age, to second the advice of Joan of Arc, the Duke of
Alengon, Dunois and others, contrary to the counsel
of the powerful La Tremouille. He soon became
united with all the great generals of France, Potou, La
Hire, the Duke of Bourbon, and still more intimately
with Arnaud de Barbazan, called " le chevalier sans
reproche," and it was with this general that he
appeared before Paris. They seized together on
* Biographic Universelle ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 135
Pont-sur-Seine, Chantilly, Pont Saint Maxence, and
Choisy, and finally they entered with Charles VII. at
St. Denis. Then detaching himself from the royal
army, Rene* distinguished himself particularly at the
head of his troops, by the taking of the fortress of
Chappes, in Champagne, near Troyes, where, with
3,000 men, he defied 8,000 English and Burgun-
dians united,* and triumphed over them in spite
of the efforts of their skilful chief, Antoine de Toulon-
geon. Also at the village of La Croisette, near
Chalons-sur-Marne, Rene gained a victory over the
English, f
When this prince was rejoicing in his good fortune,
and becoming daily more illustrious by the success he
obtained in the cause of the neglected and despised
44 King of Bourges," as King Charles was styled, he
was compelled to quit the field of action somewhat
hastily, being summoned to attend the death-bed of his
warm-hearted and generous relative, the Cardinal of
Bar. With deep and unfeigned regret, Rene paid his
last tribute of respect and honour to the memory of his
uncle, who died in 1430, and then, repairing to Bar, he Biographic
attended his funeral obsequies. seiie/
This loss was almost immediately after succeeded by
that of the Duke of Lorraine ; and scarcely had Rene
taken possession of the territories of his uncle, when he
was called upon to assume the reigns of government
over the dukedom of Lorraine. Charles, the second
Duke of Lorraine, expired on the 23rd of January,
1430,J aud was interred in St. George's Church at 143°-
Nanci. He left a will, made in 1425, abrogating his
former testament, and prescribing the manner in which
his son-in-law should govern in Lorraine, in the event
* Monstrelet says the number was only 4,000.
f Biographic Universelle ; Barante ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet.
J Some place the death of Duke Charles in 1431.
136 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
of the decease of his wife Isabella.* Rene" of
Anjou thus became an independent prince, and was
solemnly acknowledged by the nobles and clergy of
the two States.
Rene* made his entrance into Nanci with Isabella,
both mounted on magnificent chargers, amidst the
blessings of the multitude, and the olden cry of " Noel !
Noel ! " The clergy and the most distinguished of the
nobility attended them, according to ancient usage ; and
near an antique stone cross, erected at the gate of St.
Nicholas, the Duke and Duchess dismounted, pre-
vious to their entry into the city. They gave their
horses to the Chapter of St. George, who preceded
them, bearing the cross and the cuissard of the holy
knight. The Veni Creator was then chanted by the
people.
Rene" and Isabella were thence conducted in pro-
cession to the ducal church ; they knelt before the
high altar, and the Dean presented to them a half-ex-
panded missal. " Most high and honourable seigneurs,"
continued the aged ecclesiastic, " we beg of you to
take upon yourselves to swear that you will conform to
the duties which your predecessors of glorious memory
have been accustomed to respect, in compliance with
ancient usage, on their entry into the duchy of
Lorraine, and the city of Nanci." "Willingly," re-
plied Rene and Isabella, and laying their hands on
the sacred volume, they swore by their hopes of
paradise, faithfully to maintain the rights of Lor-
raine. The Duchess Margaret, who was dressed in
mourning, was delighted to see her daughter thus
honoured.f
The history of the Middle Ages offers nothing more
* Dom Calmet's Hist, of Lorraine ; Biographic Universelle ; Godard
Faultrier.
f Chronicle of Lorraine.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 137
solemn than these acts of religion, in which the people,
the clergy, and nobility summoned a prince on his
accession to the crown to protect their franchises,
their liberties and privileges. This admixture of
loyalty and rudeness, of submission and independence
always prevailed in these free customs of Lorraine.
The earliest acts of Rene developed a maturity of
wisdom rarely discovered in a prince of two-and-
twenty, the age at which he had succeeded to his
inheritance of Bar and Lorraine. The people of these
countries, who had so lately been rejoicing in their
reunion through the marriage of Rene and Isabella,
were destined to experience the vanity of their hopes
and expectations, and to feel no less than their Duke
and Duchess, the cruel vicissitudes of war, for Lorraine
was again plunged into an abyss of evils after the
death of Duke Charles. On the occasion of this visit
of Rene, he concluded with the city of Metz a peace
which was happy and lasting. He called to the pre-
sidency of his council, the virtuous Henri de Ville,
Bishop of Toul ; assembled about him men the most
distinguished for their merits and learning, and re-
nounced fetes and pleasures to devote himself to the
administration of the duchy. A law against blas-
phemers, a statute which granted an indemnity to
men at arms whose horses had been killed in his
service, and other letters patent in which he. con-
signed to certain cities and abbeys his protection
and a confirmation of their privileges, have been
preserved as pledges of his faith and constant
solicitude.
This epoch of the life of Rene was no doubt the
happiest of his career. Blessed by his subjects, at
peace with his neighbours, he had not yet felt the
gales of adversity, and no reverse had tarnished the
eclat of his arms. It is pleasing to dwell on the
138 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
tender solicitude he felt for his people, his brilliant
valour, and his sincere piety ; and also on the virtues
of the good Isabella, whom heaven had rewarded by
granting her four beautiful children, bright ornaments
of the Court of Lorraine.
Rene visited successively all the towns of his duchy,
and received, in his progress through them, the most
affecting proofs of devotion and love. For the first
time the strife of arms was not heard in Lorraine, and
but for the ambition of the Count de Vaudemont,
nothing had occurred to disturb the general tranquillity
and happiness.*
An oath had been taken by the Count de Vaude-
mont to maintain with his sword his right to the
Duchy of Lorraine, and he pretended that the fief was
male, and could not pass to Rene* by the right of a
woman. This prince had been educated in the camp,
had served in eight pitched battles, and was inured to
war ; he therefore despised the youth and inexperience
of Rene, and when required to do homage to the
young Duke, on taking possession of Lorraine, he posi-
tively refused. The fortress of Vaudemont was imme-
diately besieged by Rene, but the garrison being
assured of assistance, defended it for three months
with great valour. This was but the commencement
of a grievous war. No two leaders could be more
opposed to each other in their views and interests.
The Count de Vaudemont had always belonged to the
Burgundian party, while Rene, a son of Louis II. of
Anjou, one of the greatest enemies the House of
Burgundy had ever had, had not only joined the
French army, but had made deplorable war upon
the Burgundian s, assisted by Arnaud de Barbazan,
First Chamberlain to the King of France, by whom
he had been distinguished as " le chevalier sans
* Dom Calmet ; Barante ; Biographic Uuiverselle ; Godard Faultrier.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 139
reproclie " and permitted to assume the Fleurs-de-lys
for his arms.
To recompense Rene for the services he had ren-
dered him, King Charles at this time sent him some
reinforcements led on by his friend Barbazan. Rene
was also joined by the Bishop of Metz, the Counts of
Linanges and Salu, the Lord of Heidelburg, the Sire
of Sarrebruche, the Sire of Chatelet and others, with
whom he united a considerable army. On the other
side was the Marshal de Toulongeon, who, taking part
with the Count de Vaudemont, rendered him no little
assistance by raising for him an army in Burgundy
and Picardy ; and, as a further means of promoting his
cause, he circulated a report that the object of Rene,
after the defeat of the Count de Vaudemont, was the
conquest of all Burgundy. A tax of 50,000 francs
was accorded by the States of Burgundy, and Duke
Philip also taking part with the Count de Vaudemont,
supplied him with a large body of troops, headed by
Antoine de Toulongeon, who, having been defeated
before the fortress of Chappes by Rene and Barbazan,
eagerly thirsted for revenge.* This army, amounting
to 1,000 or 1,200 1 men, all experienced in war,
advanced towards Vaudemont, and in order to pro-
voke Rene to fight, commenced by ravaging his
territories.
This prince, much affected by witnessing the mis-
fortunes to which his people were thus exposed,
became impatient to terminate the contest by a decided
battle, and quitting the blockade of Vaudemont,
advanced to meet his adversaries on the plain, where
they had strongly entrenched themselves. The Bur-
gundians, however, were not sufficiently numerous to
* Bodin ; Barante ; Monfaucon ; Sismondi ; Monstrelet ; Mezerai ; Bio-
graphie Universelle ; Godard Fauitrier.
f Monstrelet says 4,000.
140 MAKOAKET OF ANJOTJ.
risk an engagement in a country where this was ren-
dered difficult by the hedges and ditches which inter-
sected it ; and provisions failing them, the Marshal
advised a retreat into Burgundy, much to the chagrin
of the Count de Vaudemont. They had already begun
their march, when they were overtaken by Rene", and
challenged to fight. The Lord of Toulongeon replied
that he was prepared for battle, and such was the
gallant bearing of this party that Barbazan, perceiving
it, would have prevented the engagement, advising
delay, and representing that the want of provisions
would soon compel the Burgundians to retreat, but he
was not listened to, so urgent were the younger
knights for the attack.
1431. The two armies met, on the 2nd of July, 1431, on
Bodm. |.|ie p}ams Of Bulgneville, near Neufchateau, and in
this battle, called "La journee des Barons " on account
of the number of lords present, the Count de Vaude-
mont gained the advantage by making a sudden attack
with his artillery, and the Duke of Lorraine was de-
feated. His general, Barbazan, was killed, and Rene"
himself wounded, and taken prisoner along with two
hundred of his followers. The total loss of the van-
quished was estimated at 3,000 men.* The engage-
ment lasted but an hour ; some even say, but a quarter
of an hour. Rene had fought in this battle like a lion,
and was not overcome until blinded by the blood
which flowed from a wound on the left brow, the mark
of which he carried to the grave.
The Marshal de Toulongeon conveyed his prisoner
with all speed into Burgundy, where, at first, Ren6
was confined in the chateau "de Talent," near
Dijon, but afterwards removed to that city, and im-
* Bodin ; Moreri ; Dom Calmet ; Monfaucon ; Barante ; Sismondi ;
Mezerai ; Monstrelet ; Baudier ; Biographic Universelle ; Godard Faul-
trier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 141
prisoned in a tower of the palace of the Dukes of
Burgundy.*
Isabella meanwhile, with her children and her .1431
widowed mother, Margaret of Bavaria, had remained at
Nanci, to await the issue of the battle of Bulgneville,
which ended so fatally for the interests of the Duke of
Lorraine. The first news of this disaster was conveyed
to these princesses by some of the affrighted fugitives
from the battle. They told the unhappy wife of the
capture of her lord. " Alas ! " exclaimed Isabella,
clasping her child, the little Margaret, f to her bosom,
" Alas ! where is Rene ? He is taken, he is slain ! "
" Madam," they replied, "be not thus abandoned to
grief ; the Duke is well, though disabled, and a prisoner
of the Burgundians." But the Duchess appeared in-
consolable. The news of Rene's defeat was speedily
confirmed, and when Isabella was assured that her
husband's life had been spared, she became more com-
posed, and prepared, with the assistance of her mother,
to take such steps as the exigency of the state
demanded.
These courageous princesses, far from being over-
come by this terrible shock or by the trouble and
consternation which ensued, were only animated to
greater exertions. They soon displayed the utmost
firmness and presence of mind. They immediately
convoked the Council, and Isabella appeared in the
midst, dressed in a long mourning veil, and leading her
four little children. As she entered the hall, she ex-
claimed, " Alas ! I know not if my husband be dead
or taken?" " Madam," replied the lords who were
present, "be not discomforted; Monsieur the Duke has
indeed been taken by the Burgundians, but fear not, he
will be ransomed. By the grace of God, we will see
* Moreri ; Biographie Universelle ; Monstrelet ; Godard Faultrier.
t Then only two years old.
142 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the end of this war. The Count Antoine would have the
duchy, but it is well defended. We will not cease to
make war with him, and in a short time your husband
will be released." At these words the good Duchess
was a little consoled. She commanded, by the advice
of her council, a general levy in Lorraine and Barrois.
In a few days a numerous army was assembled, well
furnished, and to these were added the remnant of the
army which had escaped from Bulgneville ; and these
were conducted by the valiant knights before Vezelise,
having repulsed the attacks of the Count de Vaude-
mont. On the sixth day of the siege this unfortunate
town was taken and sacked to the utmost. They also
took the fortress of Toullo, and guarded Nanci from
a coup-de-main. Deputies were sent to most of
the towns to exhort the people to maintain their
fidelity to Rene", and to refuse obedience to any
orders which might emanate from the Count de
Vaudemont.
To this prince, their kinsman yet their most bitter
enemy, the unhappy Isabella and her mother even
ventured to address themselves in person. They ob-
tained an interview 'with him at Vezelise, when with all
the pathos and energy inspired by misfortune, they
represented to him the evils attendant on a civil war
in Lorraine, and so affecting were their supplications
that they obtained from the Count a truce for three
months, from the 1st of August to the 1st of November,
and which afterwards was prolonged to the 25th of
January following.*
While Isabella was thus engaged in courageously
defending her rights to her paternal inheritance arid
preserving her duchy from invasion and civil war,
Rene*, from the solitude of his prison, was vainly ad-
dressing to Duke Philip numerous messages. This
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 143
prince, however, at a distance from his capital, refused
to listen to any treaty respecting the freedom of his
illustrious captive. Hard and austere as the Duke
must then have appeared towards his prisoner, yet
Philip of Burgundy was not insensible to feelings of
compassion, or unable to appreciate merit. When he
came, some time after, to Dijon, to preside at the
Chapter of the Order of the Golden Fleece, and to
bestow the collars of this Order on his victorious
generals, Vergy, Toulongeon and others, who had been
triumphant at the battle of Bulgneville, he remem-
bered Duke Rene, and when passing the Tour de
Bar, he stopped, and commanding the guards to
admit him, he then hastily entered the prison, and
evinced his great sympathy towards his captive whom
he subsequently often revisited, showing great satis-
faction in his society.
The Council of Lorraine regarded with the deepest
sympathy their Duchess, in her afflicted and desolate
condition, being left with four young children — two
boys and two girls — described as the most beautiful
ever seen.
The intercessions of the unfortunate Isabella with
her hostile kinsman, the Count de Vaudemont, although
somewhat availing for her country, were altogether
useless in procuring the liberation of her husband.
Rene had become the prisoner of the Duke of Bur-
gundy, who consigned him to a tedious incarceration
in his own dominions. The first days of Rene's cap-
tivity passed in the fortress " de Talent ; " these were
days of sorrow ; but he expected to be transferred to
Dijon, and hoped for the change, as promising him a
less rigorous confinement. Orders were, however,
received by the Marshal de Toulongeon to convey his
illustrious prisoner to Bracon-sur-Salins. At this
place the governor of the castle, Antoine de Bracon
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
surnamed Simard, was entrusted with the care of
Rene ; and the dungeon being in a ruinous condition,
this prince was placed, for a time, in the Saulnerie or
Salt-mine. At the expiration of four months, a con-
tagion breaking out near this spot, Rene was, by
orders of the Council of Burgundy, conducted to Dijon.
The Council was, indeed, too much interested in the
preservation of the life of Rene to risk it by such a
distemper, but its members were also influenced by
other motives in the removal of their captive.
Several attempts had been made to rescue this
prince, and another being discovered in November of
this year, 1431, it caused so much alarm to the
Bishop of Langres, and to the Council of Burgundy
over whom he presided, as to occasion them to write,
during the night, to the bailiff of Chalons, to whom, at
that time, was entrusted the chief surveillance of their
prisoners. This new enterprise was undertaken by
Robert de Baudricourt, who assembled in the little
town of Gondricourt a body of soldiers devoted to the
Duke of Lorraine, and equally resolved with their
leader to procure his freedom, even at the risk of their
lives. The dispositions had been made with the
greatest secrecy ; and a German taken prisoner at
Bulgneville, who had been just set free, contrived to
acquaint Rene, while he was being conveyed from the
Salt-mine to the chateau de Bracon, of the plan con-
certed for his deliverance : but the Duke's removal to
the chateau de Rochefort, near the town of Dole,
completely defeated this project.
In this new abode Rene* was only permitted a few
days of repose, when he was conducted to Dijon, and
such severe measures were there resorted to for
his security, that he became convinced he must re-
nounce every hope of escape. The most delicate
attentions were, notwithstanding, paid to him, in order
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 145
to make his captivity less painful. The melancholy
situation of the youthful prisoner was also mitigated
by the presence of the Bishop of Metz, of Erard de
Chatelet, of the brave Rodemark, of the faithful
Vitallis and others, who had all been taken prisoners,
like himself, by the Burgundians. Rene was incapable
of selfishness, and he hastened to guarantee a part of
the ransom required of his companions in misfortune,
and having thus assisted in procuring their return to
Lorraine, he remained himself a solitary captive in the
Tour de Bar, at Dijon, which ever after retained this
name from its illustrious inmate.*
One of the first cares of Rene, after the battle of
Bulgneville, was to found, at the chapter-house of
Notre Dame de Vancouleurs, a perpetual mass for the
soul of Barbazan his general, and for all those who
had been slain in that engagement. Not confining
himself to this act of piety, this religious prince, shortly
after his arrival at Dijon, had a chapel erected on the
right of the choir of the palace church, under the in-
vocation of Notre Dame and his patron St. Rene.
Amidst these sacred occupations and duties, how many
sorrowful thoughts and protracted regrets must have
assailed him ! In the solitude of his prison, Rene found
leisure to reflect on the early disappointment of all his
prospects of glory and of happiness. A single battle
had deprived him of the flower of his army, of liberty,
and, perhaps, even of his states ; had separated him
from all he held dear, and had banished for ever his
projects for the welfare of Lorraine. He felt but too
sensibly — from the excessive precautions taken for the
security of his person — the great importance which
Philip, Duke of Burgundy, attached to his prisoner,
and he contemplated the calamitous influence which
his imprisonment would have over his future life.
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
VOL. i. L
MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
Thus he gradually felHnto a sombre melancholy, which
was much augmented by the recollection of his wife
and four helpless children ; and although treated with
all the regard due to his misfortunes, rank, and per-
sonal merits, a deep grief took possession of his heart.
Nothing seemed to alleviate his sorrow, and even the
very distractions offered him became importunate. The
most absolute solitude could alone soothe him.
It was at this mournful epoch of his life that Rene,
in order to escape from the ennui which consumed
him and from his melancholy reflections, had recourse
to the fine'arts, which he had constantly cultivated. He
applied himself with great assiduity to the study of
painting, music, and poetry, and these, which had
already delighted him in his youth, proved his conso-
lation under misfortune, and afterwards became the
solace of his old age. The first fruits of his talents for
painting Rene consecrated with affecting piety to the
decoration of his newly constructed chapel in the
palace church, in which he placed the arms of Bar.
In the same manner, that which he had ordained the
foundation of, in the church of the Carthusian friars of
Dijon, was ornamented by his own hand. He after-
wards painted his own portrait on a window of the
Duke's chapel. Two years later there were placed
there the emblazoned arms of nineteen knights of the
Toison d'or, who had been present at the Chapter held
in 1433. Thus the portrait of the Duke of Lorraine
was found surrounded by the escutcheons of the greater
part of the generals who had borne arms against him
at Bulgneville.
Nor was it only in the company of the muses that
Rene solaced his captivity : he employed himself in
more serious studies, and if his genius was aroused, his
judgment also became matured amidst the reflections
which his solitude awakened. He learnt the value of
MABGABET OF ANJOU. 147
the study of history, which forestalls the lessons of ex-
perience, and he engaged earnestly in the difficult
science of administration, and in the art of war in
which he had already received so severe a lesson ; in
short, he learnt how to profit in the school of adversity.
The rich library of Philip was situated at no great dis-
tance from the prison of Rene, and it may be presumed
that this illustrious captive was permitted to explore its
literary treasures, and that this fortunate resource
proved conducive to his resignation, while it also
prompted him to the useful occupation of that time
which he had so much at his own disposal.*
The Duchess Isabella, meanwhile, with her mother,
Margaret of Bavaria, continued indefatigable in their
endeavours to obtain the release of Rene. When they
found their hopes of carrying him off were disappointed
by his removal to Dijon, they applied themselves to
their relative, the Emperor Sigisinond, and also des-
patched an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy, to
demand the liberation of the Duke of Lorraine at what-
ever price. Erard de Chatelet (himself but just ran-
somed out of the hands of the Sire de Vergy), was
employed by the two princesses in this embassy ; and,
as they neglected nothing to secure the success of
their attempt, they previously concluded with the Seig-
neur de Vergy (who, at this time, had great power at
the court of Philip) a treaty, the articles of which had
been drawn up by the Council of Dijon.
The success of Erard de Chatelet' s embassy was
unfortunately annulled by one of those rare fatalities
which occasionally set aside the wisest combinations
and arrangements of human foresight. The benevolent
protection of Sigismond, which had been exerted in
favour of Rene from the very origin of the pretensions
of the Count de Vaudemorit, now rendered null this
* Moreri ; Villen^Uve Bargemout.
L 2
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
embassy. The Duke of Burgundy having learnt that
the Emperor had recognized his prisoner as Duke of
Lorraine, haughtily opposed the right he arrogated to
himself, and protested that he alone had the power of
disposing of the fate of Rene.*
This reply, so discouraging to the two princesses,
caused Margaret of Bavaria to endeavour to procure,
by a personal application, the mediation of King
Charles VII. She set out accompanied by Henri de
Ville, Bishop of Toul, and Conrad Bayer, Bishop of
Metz. At Lyons she found the Count of Genoa, the
brother-in-law of the Duke of Burgundy and his father,
the Duke of Savoy, whom she sought to interest in the
release of Rene. She then proceeded to rejoin the
King of France, who was at that time traversing a part
of Dauphine.
Isabella of Lorraine also presented herself before
King Charles, being unable to restrain her impatience
to learn his resolves. Several ladies and gentlemen of
her court attended Isabella on this journey, and to this
visit has been attributed the origin of the passion of
King Charles for the fair and amiable Agnes Sorel,
who accompanied her benefactress on this occasion.
The beautiful Agnes, placed in the flower of her age
near the person of Isabella of Lorraine, had received
in her palace and under her eye the most finished
education, and the example of every virtue ; but the
attractions of her mind and person became the unfor-
tunate snare which led to a brilliant celebrity, and the
" Damoiselle de Fromenteau," deceived by bad coun-
sels, had the weakness to sacrifice her reputation to
the dangerous pride of passing for the mistress of her
king. It was her gaiety, pleasing manners, and agree-
able conversation which fascinated this monarch as
much as her beauty. Of this last it was said, that it
* ViUeneuva Bargemont.
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 149
-exceeded the beauty of any other woman in France,
.and she was distinguished as " la belle des belles."
When she had attained the rank of declared favourite,
Agnes made use of the influence which the superiority
of her character had given her, to awaken noble senti-
ments in the breast of King Charles who was naturally
inclined to indolence.* She was charitable to the poor,
and liberal in her donations for the repair of churches
and the relief of distress. It was at this time, when
Queen Isabella, full of anxiety and deep interest in the
result of her mission, came to plead on behalf of her
beloved husband, that she sought to avail herself of the
ascendency which the beauty, elegant figure, and intel-
lectual conversation of Agnes Sorel were obtaining
over the King. Isabella engaged the fair Agnes to
espouse her cause, and to use her influence with
Charles VII. to obtain his assistance in procuring the
release of her husband. It must be observed here,
that it was not only the King who was pleased with
the merits of the fair Agnes, but his Queen also ; and
Mary of Anjou, little fearing for her own future happi-
ness, at this period entreated that Isabella of Lorraine
would permit her favourite to enter her service. But
the beauty of the amiable Mary had not yet fixed the
heart of her husband, and the time soon arrived, when,
detained at Loches by a royal order, her days were
passed in sadness; and amidst the joyful exultation of
the triumph of King Charles, the tears of his consort
flowed in her cheerless retreat, not far from the castle
•of Agnes Sorel. When King Charles visited Anjou,
the most brilliant fetes were given for this lady, at
Saumur, whilst the English ravaged the country and
carried mourning and desolation throughout the pro-
vinces of Maine and Anjou.")"
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Hallam ; Monstrelet ; Chalon.
f Bodin ; Monstrelet.
150 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
A short time previous to the arrival of the Duchess;
of Lorraine at the court of France, Rene*, who probably
was ignorant of this step, had sent instructions in full to
his Seneschal, Charles of Haussonville, and others, to
appear in his name in the presence of the Duke of
Burgundy who was then in Flanders, to sustain his.
interests against the Count de Vaudemont. In the
interval, however, Philip had left Lille, and after tra-
versing some of his provinces, came to Dijon on the
1432. 16th of February, 1432, with his nephews, the Counts
of Rethel and Nevers.*
We are told that upon entering this city, so great
was the impatience of the Duke of Burgundy to behold
Rene*, that, without taking any repose, he proceeded
immediately to the Tour de Bar. Thus it was that
in the narrow compass of a prison, these two princes,
both descendants of King John, for the first time be-
held each other; the one being at the height of his
power, called the " Great Duke of the West " and
the " equal of kings," and the other appearing in the
lowest depth of misfortune, as his captive. These
princes were only disunited by the dissensions of their
families, while their brilliant tastes and excellent
qualities were such as to ensure their mutual esteem.
They both experienced much gratification at this
meeting, and Philip especially embraced Rene tenderly.
He dismissed all their attendants, and enjoyed a long
and affectionate interview with his prisoner.
When about to separate, Rene agreeably surprised
the Duke, his cousin, by presenting him with his own
portrait, which he had copied on glass, and also that
of John " Sans Peur," whose features he had rendered
with fidelity. These proofs of the talent of Rene werer
by the orders of Philip, placed in one of the Gothic
windows of the church of the Carthusian friars founded
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 151
by his ancestor, Philip " le Hardi;" and for a long
time they were objects of great interest to travellers,
though now lost to France.
The Duke of Burgundy's visit to Dijon had no rela-
tion to Rene, although he was so eager to behold him.
The design of the Duke in this journey was to preside,
with the utmost pomp which was customary in those
days, over a Chapter of the Order of the Golden
Fleece instituted in January, 1430, on the occasion of
the second marriage of Philip. It is probable that
Isabella of Portugal was there with her husband, and
also that Rene sought permission to assist in a cere-
mony so analogous to his tastes. Philip saw his prisoner
several times, he frequently invited him to his banquets,
and as he became more and more acquainted with the
amiable disposition of Rene and the gentleness and
grace of his manners, he felt all the early prejudices,
which had been instilled into him against this prince,
vanish away.* Nor did he confine himself to these
outward marks of interest. He appointed, on the 1st
of April, the meetings for the consideration of the con- 1432.
ditions which should be exacted for his release, and to
fix the epoch of his liberation. It would even appear
that from the 1st of March, 1432, Rene regarded
himself as free.f In the first session the Chancellor of
the Duke of Burgundy read through the articles of this
provisionally treaty, and at the second meeting they
•were accepted. "Rene therein makes mention at
length of the obligations under which he was to the
affectionate prayers of his mother-in-law and of the
princes of the blood ; he acknowledges the kindness
and courtesy of the Duke of Burgundy ; submits, as a
guarantee of his word, to give as hostages his two
young sons, John and Louis of Anjou ; he moreover
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
f Heures Manuscrites du roi Eene.
152 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
concedes to the Duke Philip the castles of Clermont in
Argonne, Chatillon, Bourmont, and Charmes ; and con-
sents to pay the Burgundian troops that were to form
their garrisons." For greater security, on the 16th of
the same month, thirty gentlemen of Lorraine, who
were devoted to their Duke and the greater part of
whom had been present at Bulgneville, undertook,
upon oath, that "that prince should return within the
Tour de Bar on the 1st of May, 1433," but if he
failed, they were to surrender themselves prisoners at
Dijon one month after the expiration of the term
assigned. Besides these clauses of the treaty, there
was a pecuniary ransom not yet stipulated, and upon
which were exacted in advance, 20,000 saints d'or, as
well as 18,000 florins claimed by the Marshal de Toulon-
geon as the ransom of the Sire de Rodemach. Ren6
subscribed without hesitation to all these conditions, in
order to get free, and that he might return to Lorraine,
once more preside over the government of his states,
and by his presence afford some remedy for the accu-
mulated evils which overwhelmed his people. There
was yet, however, one condition more added to these
numerous exactions, and this was still more painfully
extorted from him.
The imperious Count de Vaudemont had again taken
up arms, and at the head of 7,000 men threatened to
possess himself by force of the duchy with which they
refused to invest him. When he heard of the negotia-
tions entered into at Dijon he again proclaimed his
rights, and took active measures with the approval
of Philip, only consenting to remain at peace in ex-
pectation of a final decision, conditionally, that Rene
should bestow the hand of his eldest daughter Yolande
upon his own son, Ferri of Lorraine.
At first Rene rejected this demand, and his repug-
nance was only too just ; but motives of general policy
MAKOARET OF ANJOU. 153
prevailed, and lie submitted this point to his council.
It was afterwards referred by Rene and Antoine to the
arbitration of the Duke of Burgundy to determine
the conditions of this marriage, and it was finally
settled that Yolande should receive 18,000 florins of
the Rhine as her dower, the half of which sum should
be appropriated to the purchase of a domain for the
betrothed. It was agreed that the parties should be
affianced on the 24th of June of the same year, and that
afterwards the princess Yolande should be conducted to
Neufchatel, and confided to the care of Count Antoine
de Vaudemont until the day of the marriage. This
treaty was signed by the two princes who were recon-
ciled to each other, and all the articles were duly
observed, to the great joy of the people.
In a letter addressed about this time by Rene to the
Regency of Lorraine, in which he required them to send
his two sons to him, we find stated the considerations
which induced him to submit himself to these rigorous
exactions. " The misfortunes and divisions caused in
my states by my detention, make it a law for me," says
he, " to employ as soon as possible all the means in my
power to put a speedy end to them."
The return of Rene was indeed imperatively de-
manded by the grief of his beloved wife and mother,
^s well as by the miserable condition of Lorraine. John
of Fenestranges, Grand Marshal of Lorraine, Gerard of
Haraucourt, Seneschal, James of Haraucourt, Bailiff of
Nanci, Philip of Lenoncourt, and others, conducted
John and Louis of Anjou to Langres and thence
to Dijon, where they arrived on the 28th of April,
previous to their father's liberation. Rene finally
left his prison on the 1st of May, 1432,* and about 1432-
the same period Yolande, his eldest daughter, was
* Moreri ; Monf aucon ; Biographic Universelle ; Sismondi ; Monstrelet ;
Mezerai ; Baudier ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
154 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
separated from her mother, and departed to the
Countess de Vaudemont.*
1432. It was at this time that Rene entered into a treaty
Iet' with two princes, with whom he had been for some
time at war. These were two brothers, the Counts of
St. Pol and of Ligny ; the latter had conquered Guise,
a city which had formed part of the inheritance of the
Duke of Bar, and which Rene had ceded to his mother,
Queen Yolaride, in 1424, when her guardianship ended.
For the security of this place Rene freely gave up the
Castle of Bohein, in the presence of many of his
nobility, by his orders assembled. Upon this occasion
the proposals were made for the marriage of Margaret,
Rene's younger daughter, with the Count of St. Pol's
second son, Peter of Luxembourg ; f but this was de-
ferred until another meeting. J
Margaret of Anjou, the fourth child of Rene and
Isabella, was at this period scarcely three years of
age, and just commencing her education, at Nanci,
under the eye of her illustrious mother. By this tender
parent she was carefully instructed, and gave early
promise of the talents and beauty which afterwards so
much distinguished her.
1433. The Duke of Burgundy, in 1433, held the feast
Monstrelet. after,
being invited by Ame, eighth Duke of Savoy, to be
present at the marriage of his son, the Count of Genoa,
about to be united to the daughter of the King of
Cyprus, at Chambery, the Duke repaired thither with
an escort of two hundred knights and esquires. Rene
of Anjou was also there. He was received with the
greatest respect by the Duke of Savoy, and was placed
at the nuptial banquet next the bride. There were
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Biographic Universelle ; Monstrelet.
f The equerry of the Count of St. Pol had taken Eend prisoner.
J Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 155-
also present, the uncle of the bride, the Cardinal of
Cyprus, the Count of Nevers, and the heir of Cleves.
On the day of the arrival of the Duke of Burgundy,
the wedding took place, and it was followed by a
plentiful feast, and a succession of diversions. At this
court was seen a luxury quite regal, and the most
exquisite politeness.
It was here that Rene beheld for the first and last
time, Margaret, the daughter of the Duke of Savoy,
who, at this time, was preparing to rejoin her husband,
Louis III., Duke of Anjou. This princess, resplendent
in beauty, youth, and grace, was the ornament of the
wedding feast.
After these fetes, Margaret of Savoy immediately
set out for Italy, with a numerous suite. Philip and
Ame also departed; they only separated at Chalons,
where, by an act of the 26th of February, the Duke
of Burgundy completed his marks of generosity towards
his prisoner, by prolonging the period of his freedom,
and allowing his two sons to go and meet him at
Nanci.^
It was in the interval of this journey to the Court of
Savoy that Charles VIL, his Queen Mary, Charles of
Anjou, and the Duke of Bourbon, not satisfied with
the treaty of Brussels, had made overtures to the
Regency of Lorraine, to act directly, and even without
the authority of Rene, with the Emperor Sigismond.
This monarch appeared in fact to be the only arbiter
whose right of decision regarding the sovereignty of
Lorraine could not be disputed. The Bishops of Metz
and Verdun undertook earnestly to commence this
delicate negotiation, and supported by the French
ambassadors, they had all the success they could
anticipate ; consequently, Rene and the Count de
Vaudemont were summoned to Ba.sle, where the
* Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
156 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Emperor was staying, in order that in his presence
they should maintain their respective pretensions.
One thing, however, had not been considered, viz.,
that Rene", who was only free on his parole, could not
.absent himself without the consent of the Duke of
Burgundy, and that it became necessary to inform this
prince of all that passed. The Duke was hurt that
Rene should have thus acted without his knowledge,
and at a moment when he was himself showing so
much generosity towards his captive. At first, he
haughtily refused to permit Rene to depart from
Nanci; but, on reflection, he consented; requiring,
however, that in their father's absence, his two sons,
John and Louis of Anjou, should be conducted to the
Tour de Bar. This order was immediately executed,
and Rene* quitted Lorraine, followed by some gentle-
men, who all arrived at Basle at the same time as the
Count de Vaudemont, on the 23rd of April, 1434.*
The relationship of the Emperor Sigismond to
Rene,f as much as the apparent justice of his cause,
inclined him to favour his young relative. Thus, in
his reception of the two illustrious competitors with the
greatest marks of regard, he yet could not help exhi-
biting peculiar goodwill towards Rene. His court and
Council participated in this feeling, which became so
manifested, that it could not escape the observation of
the Count de Vaudeinont. This prince fearing, and
not without reason, that this prejudice would influence
the decision of the tribunal of the empire, caused an
act to be committed to paper, in Latin, declaring his
opposition to any judgment unless the title produced
by his rival should be first communicated to him ; and
so anxious was he that this writing should be delivered
safely into the hands of Sigismond, that he accom-
* Biographie Universelle ; Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f He was the son of a sister of Louis I. of Anjou.
MAEOAEET OF ANJOU. 1ST
panied the lawyers and advocates who were to present
it. He entered with them into the cabinet of this
monarch, and after it had been read, began to discuss
it himself ; but he was interrupted by Sigismond
immediately, who told him he perfectly understood his
reasons, and that he would confer with his Council
about the matter. This abrupt manifestation of the
Emperor's will did not prevent one of the Count's
advocates beginning a long harangue, in which, going
back to the origin of Lorraine, he sought to prove that
the duchy being a fief male, was not transferable by
marriage ; and in support of his arguments, he brought
so many quotations foreign to the case, that the
Emperor at last offended, withdrew, leaving the Bishop
of Passaw, the Count of (Etingen, and Chicala, his
Aulic Counsellor, to listen to the conclusion of the
discourse.*
The next day, the 24th of April, the Duke, with his
principal officers, went in state to the cathedral of Notre
Dame at Basle, where a mass of people awaited his
arrival, expecting that the investiture of Lorraine must
be irrevocably fixed. Each person was seated according
to his rank. When Sigismond was about to ascend
the magnificent throne which had been prepared for
him in the choir, the Count de Vaudemont advanced
to him, and solicited and obtained from him permission
to plead his cause in public. His advocate then com-
menced his harangue, which, as he entered into minute
details and repeated facts already well known, was of
great length ; but he was, notwithstanding, heard in
profound silence. He had scarcely finished when the
Emperor made a sign to his Aulic Counsellor to pro-
nounce judgment. Chicala then, with a loud voice,
said, " that the Emperor being well instructed on this-
important proceeding, and of the respective titles of
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
158 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the august pretendants, and having reflected on it
maturely, as well as the princes and lords who corn-
posed his Council, gave, by provision or grant, the
Duchy of Lorraine to Rene of Anjou ; yet without
prejudice to the future rights of the Count de Vaude-
mont."
Sigismond then motioned to the young prince to
draw near, received his oath of fidelity, and recognised
him as Duke of Lorraine, according to all the formula
in use from time immemorial. This prompt and un-
looked-for decision much disconcerted the Count de
Vaudemont, who instantly quitted the assembly,
earnestly protesting against the validity of this judg-
ment, and with his mind intent on disturbing anew the
tranquillity of his fortunate rival, he departed from
Basle.*
Rene, meanwhile, full of joy and gratitude, and
desiring to profit by a second prolongation of his
liberty granted to him by the Duke of Burgundy,
dated the 1st of May, bade adieu to Sigismond.
The universal joy upon his arrival at Nanci, con-
vinced this prince how much his presence was desired
by the people of Lorraine, and how perfectly they
comprehended his attachment to them. In their con-
gratulations of one another they seemed to forget their
past sufferings, and even sought to erase their remem-
brance from the minds of those individuals who had
endured the most. Deeply affected by these senti-
ments, Rene in his turn sought to give proof of his
, own satisfaction, and ordered preparations to be made
for a general fete, to be held at Pont-avMousson, on
the llth of the same month. All the lords of the
neighbouring States were invited to join it, with a
guarantee that they should return to their houses in
* Moreri ; Barante ; 'Monfaucon ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Baudier ;
Godard Faultrier ; Mezerai : BiograpMe Universelle.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 159
safety. This precaution was indispensable in those
times, when even the highways were not free from
peril.
At the tournaments, balls, and other amusements
that succeeded, Rene and Isabella presided, which
afforded general satisfaction. The greatest order and
harmony prevailed, interrupted only by one event,
which happened at the close of these diversions and
might have led to serious results.*
Robert de Sarrebruche, not having been invited to
this fete, probably on account of his bad conduct at
Bulgneville,~f~ regarded this neglect as a deadly affront,
and to revenge himself, concealed himself with some
soldiers in a thick wood through which the knights of
Metz would have to pass, and taking them by surprise,
dispersed some and captured eighteen of them, whom
he brought to Commercy.
This audacity was resented by Rene, who assembled
several noblemen of Lorraine and a large body of
troops, and marched upon Commercy, which the
Damoisel resolved to defend to the utmost ; but he
was unable to repel the efforts of Rene, and was only
preserved from the just punishment of his temerity by
the mediation of the Constable of Richemont, to whom
Rene was under some obligations.
These princes resolved to raise the siege of Com-
mercy, and decided that Robert de Sarrebruche should
go to Bar, whither they were themselves about to
proceed. At this place the Damoisel, throwing himself
at the feet of Rene and the Constable, acknowledged
his repentance, and promised upon oath never again
to take up arms against the Duke of Lorraine, on pain
of forfeiture of a large sum of money. After this,
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
f He was one of the knights whose imprudent counsel in favour of the
attack caused the defeat of Eene".
160 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Eobert de Sarrebruche was set free, but soon after-
wards an accidental circumstance rekindled his anger,
and he threatened Rene haughtily. The Constable,
enraged at this conduct, caused him to be arrested, and
compelled him to subscribe to the conditions which had
been exacted from him. At this time also, some other
quarrels with the neighbouring lords engaged the
attention of Rend.*
It would appear that the Duke of Lorraine, although
bound to return to his prison at the expiration of a
year, viz., on the 1st of May, 1433, continued to enjoy
his liberty for two entire years, without any desire
being manifested on the part of the Duke of Burgundy
to terminate it. Had he not, indeed, felt the fullest
confidence in the honour of Ren£, he had his two sons
for hostages, who were answerable for him; in short,
everything seemed to lead to the belief that this prince
would continue still to exercise the same generosity
towards his prisoner.
The solemn judgment, however, pronounced by the
Emperor Sigismond, at Basle, had made the Count de
Vaudemont more than ever the enemy of Rene, and it
was with the utmost vexation that he beheld the
strong attachment of the people of Lorraine to their
Duke. He perceived that his own cause would be
ruined, if his rival remained at liberty, and in the
exercise of the sovereign power ; he therefore renewed
his entreaties with the Duke of Burgundy, that his
rights should be recognised, and complained that they
had taken away from him a prisoner who belonged to him
only, as the chief of the victorious army at Bulgneville.
He even retraced, in a long memoir, the circumstances
of that eventful day ; and in conclusion, supplicated the
Duke of Burgundy to leave him master of the fate of
Rene, or, at least, to oblige him to return to his
* Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 161
prison. These reiterated solicitations at last prevailed
with Philip, who, finding some of the Count's reasons
unanswerable, sent one of his heralds-at-arms to the
gate of Rene's palace, to enjoin him " to return without
delay to the Tour de Bar," agreeably to the act of
the 6th of April, 1432.*
The rejoicings of his family and subjects upon the
decision of the Emperor Sigismond were scarcely over,
when Philip's abrupt command was received by Rene
to return to his prison.
The severe mandate struck with dismay the Council
of Lorraine, who, in unison with the unhappy Isabella,
vainly endeavoured to alter the mind of Philip, or to
delay the accomplishment of the cruel sentence.
Equally useless were their attempts to picture to this
Duke the misfortunes which would inevitably be re-
newed in their country, which had but just been
spared so many miseries — the will of Philip was irre-
vocable.
The people of Lorraine would have fought for the
freedom of Rene, but it was to no purpose that they
urged this noble-minded prince to allow them to do so ;
his word had been pledged, and he said, " he preferred
to submit to the lot which awaited him, rather than
endure the dishonour of breaking his word." His sense
of honour prevailed over natural affection. Unappalled
by a gloomy futurity, he tore himself from the tender
embraces of his family, and while hastening to obey
this cruel sentence and resume his chains, he seemed to
have adopted the saying attributed to his great grand-
father, John, King of France — uQue si la foi et la
verite etoient bannies de tout le reste du monde,
neanmoins elles devroient se retrouver dans la bouche
des rois." Thus did this prince gain the esteem even
* Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Mezerai ; Biographic Universelle ; Baudier ;
•Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
VOL. I. M
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
of his enemies.* This action of Rene was the more
noble, because at this time he was supported by his
relative, Charles VII., by a multitude of his former
companions in arms, and especially by subjects who
were devoted to him, and thus he was able, had he
desired it, to oppose open force to the commands of
Philip. This admirable trait of character has, how-
ever, been blamed by some authors, who, unable to
appreciate his greatness of soul, have beheld in it only
a deficiency of courage and weakness of mind, f
Rene was conveyed again to his prison at Dijon, but
a formidable league having been formed to liberate
him, it was no longer deemed prudent to let him
remain in the Tour de Bar, and they hastened to
conduct him to the chateau de Rochefort.
The lords of Burgundy, hearing that Charles VII.
sought to get him removed from the town, came to
him, and said, " Sir, you have dwelt here long enough ;.
you must come with us." The Duke replied, " Alas I
where do you want to take me to? " To which they
answered, " Never mind, we will take you to a good
place ; we shall make good cheer, and we will live
with you." They then conveyed him to Bracon.J
Again we behold this prince in confinement at the
finest period of his life, and separated from all he held
most dear in the world, and this also when he had
scarcely learnt his power of doing good ; he had be-
sides, at this time, lost every prospect of obtaining his
freedom.
What sources of reflection must have been pre-
sented to him in the caprices of fortune to which he
had already been subject ; and who, more than this,
prince, had reason to dwell with sadness on the chain
of events which often composes man's destiny, when,
* Sismondi ; Biographic Universelle.
f Villeneuve Bargemont. J Clironique de Lorraine.
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 163
amidst the gloom of his prison, a kingdom was pre-
sented to him in perspective, yet in receiving its crown
he was destined to lament the loss of a brother he
tenderly loved !
It was during his imprisonment at Bracon that
Rene was visited by the Baron of Montelar, a gen-
tleman of Provence, who was charged to announce to
him the death of his brother, Louis III., Duke of
Anjou, whose rights and possessions now became the
inheritance of the Duke of Lorraine. He was also
informed by this baron of the favourable intentions
of Queen Joanna towards him, and of the devotion
of the people of Provence.
Rene truly mourned the loss of his brother, which,
together with the sad tidings of another bereavement
quickly succeeding, much augmented the gloom of his
captivity.
Vidal de Cabanis, another gentleman of Provence,
arrived at Bracon on the 15th of March, 1435 : he TTM1435-
• riiip/"\ Villeneuve
came to inform his master of the death of Queen Bargemont.
Joanna II. on the 2nd of February, and of her adoption
of Rene, and confirmation of the disposition which his
brother had made to him of all his rights to the
kingdom of Naples, Sicily, and Jerusalem.* After
having beheld the last moments of the Queen of
Naples, the only offspring of the House of Duraz-
Anjou, Vidal had set off in haste in order to instruct
Rene in all the details which might interest him, and
above all to depict to him the affection of the Nea-
politans for his family — a just and touching homage
to the memory of his father, as well as to that of the
unhappy Louis III. This testimony of devotion on
the part of Vidal de Cabanis much affected Rene,
who embraced his faithful messenger with kindness
* Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Gaufridi ; Sismondi ; Gcdard Faultrier ;
Monstrelet -, Biographic Universelle ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
M 2
164 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
and called him his loyal servant. He shed tears afresh
for the loss of his brother, lamented the death of Queen
Joanna, and endeavoured to understand thoroughly, by
means of his faithful ambassador, the actual condition
of the kingdom of Naples.
It was difficult for Rene to calculate on the part
which the Court of Rome would take at this juncture
between Charles VII., who favoured Rene, and
Alphonso V., the competitor of Rene. The Pope him-
self had even been nourishing, in secret, pretensions to
the kingdom of Naples. The support of this pontiff
could not therefore be relied upon.
With much more certainty did Rene estimate the
friendship of the Duke of Milan ; he thought he could
naturally rely upon his support, since he was doubly
allied to him on account of Valentine, Duchess of Or-
leans, and Margaret of Savoy, whose eldest sister he
had married. It was, nevertheless, highly important
that he should not be forestalled in the good opinion
of Philip Visconti, and also equally necessary that
Rene should show himself in person in Italy, in order
not to give time for the zeal of the Neapolitans to
abate. Rene could now see clearly how much his loss
of liberty would cost him, but he had no hope of soften-
ing the Duke of Burgundy, and the only means he
could adopt for the preservation of Naples was to dis-
miss his consort Isabella very promptly to Provence,
and even to Naples, with the unlimited powers of
Lieutenant-General. The ambassador himself under-
took to go to the Duchess and apprise her of it ; he then
quitted the fort Bracon, and Ren6 became from this
time more than ever a prey to anxiety of mind. *
The elevation to the throne of Naples, so unlocked
for, yet so flattering to the heart of Rene, had no in-
fluence in procuring his liberation from prison. The
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
MABGABET OF ANJOTJ. 165
Duke of Burgundy was even more urgent than ever,
and watchful for the security of his captive. Rene', per-
ceiving at length that his severity was unabated, dis-
missed Queen Isabella into Italy, as he had arranged
with the faithful Vidal de Cabanis, hoping by this means
to preserve in his interests the Pope and the Duke of
Milan, to arouse the zeal of the Angevine party, and
to overthrow the intrigues of Alphoriso, King of
Arragon, who still laid claim to the throne of Naples
in right of his former election.*
Queen Isabella at this time mourned the loss of her
respected mother, Margaret of Bavaria, who had died
on the 27th of August in the previous year, at Nanci.
After the death of Duke Charles, the widowed Mar-
garet had built an hospital at Einville-aux-jurs (which
had been part of her dower), and there she had resided,
in the constant exercise of charity, distributing alms
liberally to the poor, and serving them with her own
hands. Thus had she passed her time to the end of
her pious life.f
The virtues of the noble Isabella appear to have
been called forth by adversity, justly entitled "the
school of heroes." We have now to follow the consort
of Rene in a career in which she displayed a bold and
enterprising spirit, and such superior talents as rendered
her justly deserving to be ranked among the number of
the most illustrious princesses of the fifteenth century.
To great political abilities, Isabella, at the age of five
and twenty, united a persuasive eloquence, and an
exterior affable and imposing. These, added to her
natural vivacity and ardour, rendered her capable of
engaging in a great enterprise, of conquering its ob-
* Dom Calmet. Monf aucon ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Mezerai,
Biographic Universelle ; Godard Faultrier.
f Margaret of Bavaria was interred in the church of St. George, Nanci,
by the side of the Duke of Lorraine, her husband.
166 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
stacles, braving its perils, and bringing to her allegiance
all such Neapolitans as were still undecided, or opposed
to her interests.*
This princess had one great incentive to exertion,
one only object in view, in this vast enterprise ; but
this was dear to her heart, long and earnestly desired
— -the liberation of her husband from captivity —
this it was which nerved her to more than femi-
nine attempts. She despaired of softening the Duke
of Burgundy, and her grief at her husband's misfor-
tunes determined her on sustaining his rights, in the
hope, however remote, that by fulfilling the wishes of
the Proven^aux and the Neapolitans, she might hasten
the time, or obtain the means, to set her husband free.
With these views, Isabella committed the care of her
government of Lorraine and of Bar to the Bishops of
Metz and Verdun, and prepared for her expedition,
while a crowd of lords sued for the honour of accom-
panying her. Two of her children were at this time
absent from her : John, Duke of Calabria, f the eldest,
shared the captivity of his father at Bracon, but whe-
ther through the favour or severity of the Duke of Bur-
gundy is not known ; while Yolande, the eldest daughter
of Isabella, had become the pledge of peace with
the Count de Vaudemont, and had gone to reside
with his Countess. Louis, Marquis of Pont-a-Mous-
son, the second son of Isabella, and Margaret of
Anjou, her youngest daughter, only remained with
her, to share the dangers or participate in the honours
of their mother's enterprise.^ With these beloved
children, this courageous princess set out for Naples.
In her way thither she first visited Provence, and
was received with transports of joy by the people of
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
t This title was inherited by the eldest son of the King of Naples.
J Biographic Universelle ; Bodin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 167
Aix. She there convoked a General Assembly of
the States, and took oath always to maintain the privi-
leges of the capital and of all Provence. In return she
received the homage and oaths of fidelity of that corpo-
ration, and of those of the principal cities of the country.
The Proven^aux had been recently visited by a pesti-
lence, as well as by a long and disastrous war ; but
during the short visit of Isabella, her prudence, firmness,
and the amenity of her manners so gained upon the
hearts of the people, that in spite of their misfortunes
they evinced the utmost eagerness to supply their new
sovereign with men, money, and vessels.
With these supplies the Queen of Naples (for thus
henceforth she must be styled) resolved to embark at
Marseilles. Upon entering this town, another cordial
welcome not a little affected the princess, to whom
these public rejoicings manifested the interest they felt
for her cause.*
Isabella's first care had been to make herself
acquainted with the parties which divided Naples.
Her next precaution, before she set sail for the shores
of Italy, was to ascertain the dispositions of her allies,
and to this end she dismissed the Archbishop of Aix,
Amino Nicolai, on an embassy to the Duke of Milan.
The venerable prelate was accompanied by three
deputies, who had been devoted to Louis III. These,
viz., Vidal de Cabanis, Louis de Bouliers, Viscount de
Reillanne, and Charles de Castillon, were to bring
back the reply of Philip Visconti to Isabella, who,
upon receiving it, was to be prepared to set sail for
Naples.
It is interesting to behold how Queen Isabella, even
at a time when her mind was occupied by these poli-
tical measures of so much importance in the com-
mencement of her new career, — it is interesting, we
* Biographic Universelle.
168 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
say, to regard the tender wife, ever mindful of the
smallest things which could divert the melancholy or
alleviate the sufferings of her unfortunate husband.
Thus having herself admired the picturesque aspect of
the castle of Tarascon, (which had been finished by
Louis II. of Anjou in the year 1400,) Isabella employed
a skilful painter to take a view of it, and then sent the
artist with his work to exhibit it to Rene, at Bracon.
Symptoms of a violent pestilence at Aix had driven
the Queen to take refuge in the village of Tarascon, a
place separated from Languedoc by the Rhone, and
here the appearance of Isabella and her children excited
the most lively joy ; indeed, wherever they went, the
same welcome was manifested. " The people of Taras-
con admired the young Prince and Princess as if they
had been two angels who had descended from heaven.
In the streets, which were decorated with festoons,
garlands, and flowers, there were bonfires blazing,,
songs and public rejoicings ; chants of music in the
churches, and everywhere continual benedictions."*
Queen Isabella was too impatient to show herself at
Naples to wait very long for the return of her ambas-
sadors, and finding they did not appear, she no longer
thought it prudent to delay her departure. She gave
orders to William de Baux, Lord of Maillane and
St. Vallier, to visit in her absence all the posts-
and fortifications on the coasts of Provence which
might require to be defended against the incursions of
the Catalonians. On quitting the Provengaux, Queen
Isabella expressed in the most lively manner her grief
at parting from them, and at leaving her husband and
her son in captivity ; indeed, so affecting was her fare-
well, that her new subjects voted by acclamation a
sum of 25,000 florins for the ransom of the Duke of
Calabria. |
* Chronique de Lorraine. f Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 169
The fleet of Queen Isabella consisted of five galleys,
armed and equipped at Marseilles, which cast anchor
in sight of Frejus about the beginning of October.
The Queen took on board the Bishop of that city, Jean
Bernaud, who was ambassador of Charles VII. at the
Council of Basle, and had been distinguished for his
virtues and extensive information. While in full sail
for the coast of Frejus, the Queen's deputies from
Milan, bringing the most satisfactory despatches, dis-
embarked at Marseilles, and set out again immediately
for Naples. After a fortunate passage, Isabella ap-
peared at Gaeta, and was received with the respect
due to her as sovereign.
Being informed that in this place many of the
partisans of Alphonso had taken refuge, and guided
by some treacherous or imprudent counsels, the Queen
displaced Ottolini Zoppo, whom the Duke of Milan
had made Governor of Gaeta. This act of authority,
the consequence of which Isabella did not foresee,
afterwards proved highly prejudicial to her interests.
She quitted Gaeta, however, in full confidence, and
proceeded to disembark at Naples.*
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
CHAPTER II.
" Why, then I do but dream on sov'reignty,
" Like one that stands upon a promontory,
" And spies a far-off shore where he would tread,
" Wishing his foot were equal with his eye,
" And chides the sea that sunders him from thence,
" Saying, he'll lade it dry, to have his way."
SHAKESPEARE. — Henry VI.
Queen Isabella's reception at Naples — Her talents and influence — Rival
claims— Alphonso set free— The Queen's successes— New efforts to release
Rene' — He is set at liberty — He goes to Tours — Into Anjou and Pro-
vence—Thence to Genoa and Naples — His reception— His poverty — His
cause declines — Naples besieged — Death, of Don Pedro — Alphonso re-
tires— Caldora dies— Rene visits the provinces — Treason of Antoine
Caldora— Rene's losses — Alphonso renews the siege of Naples — He enters
the city — Rene's bravery — He is defeated — Alphonso triumphant— He
is acknowledged by the Pope — Rene returns to France — A marriage
contract — Death of Renews mother — Louis of Anjou dies — Rene at Tours
— A treaty of peace with England — Contract of marriage of Margaret
of Anjou with Henry VI.
IT was somewhat extraordinary that the two com-
petitors for the crown of Naples, after the death of
Queen Joanna, were both prisoners at the same time :
Rene of Anjou being detained in the Tour de Bar
by the Duke of Burgundy, and Alphonso of Arragon
still a prisoner of Philip Galiezzo, Duke of Milan.
When these princes recovered their liberty, the war
was resumed with great vigour; meanwhile, it was
only through the energy and courage of Isabella of
Lorraine that the Angevine cause was sustained in
Naples.
The consort of Rene* of Anjou arrived in the Neapo-
1435. litan capital on the 18th of October, 1435, a few
months after the death of Joanna II. , and found the
people strongly predisposed in her favour, not merely
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 171
from the choice of their late queen, but more especially
from their attachment to Louis III., who, by his great
condescension, had won all their hearts.
Queen Isabella was conducted, with her son Louis
and her daughter Margaret, to the Capuan castle,
the ancient residence of the Angevine princes. In
their way thither, they traversed the city under a
magnificent canopy of velvet, embroidered with gold ;
and they were met by a deputation, headed by the
Count de Nola, of sixteen lords, nominated by the
late queen, who all paid their compliments to their
new sovereign, and gave her a most gracious
reception.
These lords immediately took their oaths of fealty
and obedience to the Angevine queen, and their ex-
ample was followed by a crowd of barons, while
deputations of the various classes of the people pressed
forward to welcome her, and proclaim her the Queen ;
in short, the Neapolitans bestowed the crown on
Isabella of Lorraine amidst transports of universal
This excellent princess was far from exulting in the
high position to which she had, so suddenly, been
advanced ; she was but too well aware that with the
regal diadem come many responsibilities ; and to her,
the anticipation of trials and difficulties, which to
struggle against and overcome would require the
utmost resources of her genius.*
The kingdom of Naples, once so flourishing, was at
this time without troops, finances, or even an influen-
tial chief. The Neapolitan generals had too often
changed sides from caprice or interest ; and finally had
arrogated to themselves independent authority. There-
fore had not Queen Isabella possessed a strong mind,
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Denina ; Sismondi ; 1'Abbe Millot ; Hallam ;
Godard Faultrier.
172 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
she would have been discouraged by the aspect of
affairs ; for she had but a small number of generals of
approved fidelity, and she was, as yet, only acknow-
ledged in the capital; but her firmness, moderation,
goodness, and prudence, soon placed her at the head
of a powerful army, and strengthened the devotedness
of the nobles and old partisans of the House of
Anjou, who already idolized their heroic queen.
Certain it is, that had not fortune, in favouring
Alphonso, created continually unforeseen misfortunes
for Kene, the conduct of his courageous and en-
lightened consort would have confirmed for ever the
crown of Naples to the Duke of Anjou and his pos-
terity, and this testimony has been given by all impar-
tial historians. The result, however, was unfortunate ;
and Queen Isabella sustained, with a noble and
undaunted spirit, only an unequal contest with
Alphonso during three years, at the expiration of
which time she was rejoined by the King, her
husband.*
The claims of the House of Anjou, which Isabella
was so nobly representing, were founded on the adop-
tion of Queen Joanna I. ; who, to punish the ingra-
titude of her cousin, Charles III., had disinherited
the branch of Duraz. No descendant of Charles of
Anjou now remained, but the line of Duraz was not
extinct.
Alphonso, King of Arragon, on the contrary, based
his rights upon the choice of Joanna II. ; for although
his adoption by this princess had been revoked, it was
pretended that it was a reciprocal treaty, and that to
be annulled the consent of both parties was required.
The Spanish king had besides a claim to the Neapo-
litan throne, anterior to that of the Angevine princes,
transmitted by Constance, the daughter of Manfred, to
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 173
the line of Arragon ; and in Sicily, Alplionso already
reigned as the nearest heir of the Normans by whom
this kingdom was founded.*
With no less right than either of these competitors,
Eugene IV. had claimed the crown of this kingdom?
which had been erifeoffed to the three Houses of
Hauteville, Hohenstauffen, and Anjou ; conditionally,
that it should return to the Church on the extinction of
the legitimate line in these Houses. This happened at
the time of Queen Joanna's death, when Eugene IV.
immediately announced his rights, but he found it
impossible to make this important conquest. Being
driven, at length, from the Papal dominions, Eugene
resided at Florence, and, while there, he interdicted the
two rivals righting, at the same time forbidding the
people to obey them ; and he nominated as Governor,
in his own name, Giovanni Witteleschi, Patriarch of
Alexandria, who, no less a soldier than an ecclesiastic,
was able to maintain with the sword the rights of the
Pope, his master.
It had been the design of Alplionso to anticipate the
arrival of the French in Italy, and he speedily or-
ganized a large body of Spanish soldiers from Sicily,
with which he entered the kingdom of Naples, and
was there joined by Giovanni Marzano, Duke of
Suessa, and other nobles, with their followers. With
these he besieged Gaeta, one of the richest and finest
ports on the Mediterranean. The inhabitants had,
upon the death of Queen Joanna, invited the Genoese
to keep a garrison there, until the legitimate heir to
the Neapolitan throne should be acknowledged; and
Francois Spinola had been appointed Commander by
* The illegitimacy of Manfred, however, rendered these claims invalid, as
they also became by the number of females who had passed from House
to House, as well as by a prescription of an hundred and seventy-five
years. — Siamondi ; Denina.
174 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
the Genoese, with Ottolini Zoppo to support him,
who was secretary to the Duke of Milan. Thus was
the town ably defended, the garrison established, being
composed of 300 Genoese soldiers, besides some
Milanese troops, who repulsed Alphonso most effectu-
ally. This prince also found, that although he was
acknowledged as sovereign by many of the Neapoli-
tans, a strong party still remained in favour of
King Kene, which induced the Spanish prince to
seek the assistance of Pope Eugene. This pontiff
constantly refused him, saying, "that if his
claims were as incontestable as he represented, he
could commence by laying down his arms, and ceasing
to make war."
This answer irritated Alphonso, who immediately
sought to show an ardent zeal for the Council of Basle,
and wrote to the Pope to engage him to obey its
decrees. He then advanced to Eome, and had nearly
made himself master of the city, when Witelleschi
appeared, and defeated his project.*
The engagement which decided, for the time being,
this struggle for power, and in which Alphonso was
taken prisoner, occurred on the 5th of August, 1435.
In the following October, Queen Isabella arrived at
Naples, to the support of the Angevine cause. Most
effectually could Pope Eugene have advanced the
interests of this Queen, but all his endeavours were
rendered useless by the peculiar dangers of his own
position, being threatened by the thunders of the
Council of Basle, and his own authority contested.
Thus, finding his tiara insecure, his conduct became
variable, and he finally consulted only his own per-
sonal interests.
The removal of the Governor of Gaeta by Queen
Isabella, served as an excuse for the Arragonese
* Eccles. Hist. ; Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargemont
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 175
faction to raise discontent, suspicion, and division ;
and after the departure of the Queen, the agents of
Alphonso became audacious, and invited Don Pedro,
the brother of Alphonso, to land with his troops and
take possession of Gaeta, which they did with-
out opposition, and made known their success to
Alphonso.*
This prince, meanwhile, had been seeking to pre-
judice the Duke of Milan, whose prisoner he was,
against Isabella. Visconti was a weak, though an
affable and generous prince, and when Alphonso had
discovered his character, he set to work to aggravate
the affront which had been offered by the Queen in
the removal of the Governor of Gaeta. When pos-
sessed of this place, Alphonso became more bold in
his arguments against the Angevines, and exerted
himself to prove to the Duke of Milan, that his
real interests forbade him to support Rene. " If
he is once acknowledged sovereign of the kingdom,
you will soon see," said he, "this prince leagued
against you with the ambitious Charles VII. The
Alps will be an insufficient barrier to protect you.
All Italy will become the object of his efforts, and
the Milanese will, doubtless, be the first invaded.
You are not ignorant that the Court of France has
already discussed whether, even during your lifetime,
she should not assert the rights on this principality,
transmitted by Valentine of Milan. Remember that
the ties of blood are but a vain phantom, that vanishes
before interest or ambition ; and forget not, that the
Duke Galeas, your father (whose sister had espoused
the brother of Charles VI.) , feared nothing so much
as the French. Does Philip then believe he has less
cause to dread them ? " This representation, made by
a prince so eloquent as Alphonso, made so great an
* Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargeniont.
176 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
impression on Philip Visconti, that, adopting with-
out reserve the views of his captive, he gave him
his liberty without ransom at the end of the month
of October, and previous to their separation, a treaty
of alliance was signed between them. The Duke of
Milan did not even consult the Genoese on this step,
so much was he fascinated by his royal prisoner.*
Alphonso of Arragon, having thus obtained his
freedom, hastily quitted Milan. After a short stay
in Spain, he went to Gaeta, and arrived there on the
^n(^ °^ February, 1436. His presence revived the
zeal of his partisans, and attracted to his cause many
who had hitherto been undecided. Deputies came
also from several neighbouring cities to him, and
hoisted his standard ; in short, from this time he had
every reason to hope for success.
One error had, however, been committed by
Alphonso in concluding his treaty with Philip Vis-
conti, viz., in considering Eugene IV. as one of
their enemies. This was impolitic, — and the Pontiff,
already disposed to favour Rene*, now decided on
recognising him as King of Naples, and sent to
Isabella, who needed troops, the same Witteleschi who
had been employed previously to take possession of
the kingdom in the name of the Church. In April
of this year, the Patriarch of Alexandria arrived
in the Neapolitan territories, with 4,000 foot soldiers
and 5,000 horse, to render assistance to the Angevine
queen. They succeeded in taking by assault several
fortresses, and encountered Jean des Ursins, Prince
of Tarentum, the Arragonese chief, whom they
routed, and thus suddenly arrested the efforts of
Alphonso. f
This salutary diversion enabled Isabella to drive
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Sismondi.
f Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MABGABET OF ANJOTJ.
away from their strongholds some seditious captains,
who, until that time, had contrived to maintain them-
selves there. The Queen also dismissed the brave
Michael Attendolo, with the young prince Louis, her
son, to subdue Calabria. Thus, by her activity and
wisdom, Queen Isabella speedily prevailed on the
people to announce themselves in her favour, and she
received the homage of the principal towns in the
kingdom. These first successes, and the alliance with
Eugene IV. — which Isabella sought to confirm —
were celebrated at Naples by demonstrations of the
most lively joy. Brilliant tournaments were, for
several days, held in honour of the Queen, and jousts,
balls, and all the varied amusements customary in
that age.* Isabella showed but little satisfaction at
these multiplied fetes, for her mind was pre-occupied
by the condition of Rene, and of Lorraine.
While striving with all her means, as well as with
all her heart, for the prompt deliverance of her hus-
band, she supplicated Eugene IV., whose benevolence
was never failing, to interest himself in procuring the
freedom of Rene immediately, seeing how much needed
as his presence as chief, in order to preserve the
union and discipline of the army engaged in his cause.
This tender solicitude prevailed with the sovereign
pontiff, who attempted to move the generosity of the
Duke of Burgundy by representing the extraordinary
example of disinterestedness of the Duke of Milan,
and by his earnest prayers that the Duke of Anjou
might be promptly restored to his family and subjects.
This wish had, indeed, become general throughout
France as well as Italy, and its expression became
more energetic.
In the preceding year, while Queen Isabella was
traversing Provence, a meeting had taken place at
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
VOL. I.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT.
Nanci, on the 19th of September, at which were
present the Bishops of Metz and Verdun, and the
ancient knights ; and these engaged, at all sacrifices,
to obtain the release of Rene, and to support him in
the conquest of his kingdom. Again, in November of
that year, the nobles of Barrois and Lorraine assembled,
navirig taken the resolution to employ their persons
and property for the deliverance of their duke.
These affecting details reached even the prison of
the unfortunate Rene, who then thought of making
an appeal to the devotedness and generosity of all
his subjects. This excited a fresh burst of affection
and loyalty, and in reply to his noble confidence, each
one taxed himself to the utmost, being willing to
contribute, according to his ability, for the ransom of
his sovereign. The Regency received from all parts
similar offerings and proposals ; and one knight in
particular, whose name ought to have been recorded in
history, not content with expending a sum of 1 8,000
saluts d'or,* engaged, without reserve, all the fiefs and
domains he possessed.
These unquestionable testimonies of affection were
made known to the Duke of Burgundy at the same
time as the supplications of the Pope, but that prince
had become still more inexorable towards Rene. He
even wished to conceal from his captive the constant
proofs of affection and loyalty so eagerly evinced for
him by his friends and subjects. It appears that all
communications, from his people or from Queen Isa-
bella, to the unhappy prisoner were intercepted by the
Duke of Burgundy; so that, the more earnest the
desire manifested to break his fetters, the closer were
they actually drawn, and the more remote appeared
the day of his liberation, f
* The salut valued 25 sols. — Villeneuve Bargemont.
•f Villeneuve Bargemont.
MARGARET OP ANJOU. 179
From this time Rend was subjected to a discipline
more rigid than before, kept in severe restraint, and
no longer permitted the indulgence of communicating
with any of his family. It was during this solitary
confinement in the castle of Bracon, where Rene", yet
in the flower of his age, was languishing in hopeless
captivity, being secluded from intercourse with man-
kind, and receiving no intelligence of those he loved
and no succours from his numerous allies, that "believ-
ing himself forgotten by everybody," says Duhaillan,
and seeking to express a mute but eloquent grief,, he
painted, very appropriately, round the wralls of the
chamber where he was immured, and on the glasses,
des oublies dor, or wafers of gold, as emblematical
of the isolation into which he was plunged. These
" oublies * or cornets (little horns) of gold," were
painted by him with great taste, and disposed at un-
equal spaces, signifying, by this delicate invention,
that his people had consigned him to oblivion. These
^paintings are still to be seen in the chateau, and are
proofs of the skill of Rene, and of his exquisite taste
in the art. | In addition to these, as we are told,
Rene painted several other subjects on the thick
walls of his prison, and scarcely knowing how to
dissipate the ennui which consumed him, he traced
there also a great number of sentences, or moral re-
flections suggested to him by his melancholy situation.;):
* " On appelle oublie une espece de patisserie legere d'une forme spdciale.
Dans la phrase sur le roi Rene, cette expression forme un jeu de mots. Le
bon roi donnait au mot oublie le sens du latin oblivium, L 'etymologic ve'ri-
table & oublie ne se prete gueres, il est vrai, a la pensee du bon roi : oublie
(petit gateau) vient de oblitus, offert ; mais afin de dormer un corps a 1'ex-
pression de sa pensee, Rene d'Anjou a joue sur les deux sens si differens des
mots oublie, gateau ; et oubli, oblivium. Ce jeu de mots est intraduisible
en Anglais. Le calembourg etait fort en honneur du temps de Rene, et
les blasons en sont pleins."
f Chronique de Provence ; Biographic Universelle ; Dom Calmet ;
Nostradamus.
J Villeneuve Bargemont.
N 2
180 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
At length the period arrived when this prince was
destined to receive the reward of his fortitude and
resignation. The Duke of Burgundy, moved by so
many petitions, appeared to be appeased, and on the
i486, llth of April, 1436, sent his Chancellor, Kolin, and
Bargenmolt. Jean de Fribourg, Governor of Burgundy, to acquaint
his captive with the conditions of his release. These
demands of Philip were so exorbitant, that, when
submitted to the Council of Lorraine, they decreed it
right to reject them. Rene, being informed of their
resolve, wrote to the Regency that they had merited
his esteem, in refusing to sanction a dishonourable
treaty ; that he would never have signed it himself; and
that he would prefer to remain all his life a prisoner,
rather than purchase his liberty on conditions so bur-
densome to his people. " If I die," he added, " in this
cruel captivity, he who detains me gains by it only the
iharne of having thus reated a prince who would not
otherwise be his prisoner. For the rest I place my
confidence in heaven, and in my just rights."
After so many disappointments, Rene happily found
that virtue never loses its empire over a generous heart.
The noble spirit with which he had protested against
an act which he thought injurious to his States, dis-
armed Philip, and perhaps made more impression on
his mind than the persuasions of the Pope, of the
Council of Basle, of Charles VIL, and of all the princes
of the blood, who had all now united to make a last
attempt for the liberation of the Angevine prince. To
effect their object, these combined powers, in concur-
rence with the Council of Lorraine, carried forward
their negotiations with the Duke of Burgundy, and
their efforts were ultimately crowned with success ;
the treaty being ratified and the royal prisoner set free.
There is much obscurity and contradiction in the
writings of this period, some authors asserting that
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 181
Rene* quitted Bracon for the Tour de Bar, and that
he was afterwards conducted to Lille, where Philip
held his court, and where he received the Chancellor,
the Duke of Bourbon, and others, and finally concluded
the treaty. Other historians have, with more truth,
fixed these meetings at Dijon, where Philip was resid-
ing on the 4th of November, 1436, and from whence
he repaired to Arras ; leaving Rene, guarded by thirty
gens d'armes, at the chateau de Talent.
While at Dijon the Duke of Burgundy had shown
great favour towards his young cousin ; he had
evinced great joy at again beholding him, had often
admitted him to his table with the Chancellor, Rolin,
and in their discourses the principal points of his re-
lease were determined. At these interviews Rolin
conceived so favourable an opinion of Rene, that upon
his master's departure he offered him his support.
The treaty commenced at Dijon in November, 1436,
was terminated at Brussels on the 28th of January,
1437. The ransom of Rene of Anjou was fixed at
200,000 golden florins (upwards of 83,000^.) and
the cession of several places ; amongst these were
the manors of Cassell and of La Motte-aux-Bois,
which had been formerly added to the Duchy of Bar
as the dower of a princess of Flanders. Rene engaged
to pay 100,000 crowns in the month of May, 1437,
and the same sum at Dijon the following year; and
the remaining 200,000 whenever he might be in com-
plete possession of the kingdom of Sicily. For secu-
rity Rene gave the seal of twenty lords of Lorraine
and of Bar, ten of Anjou and Maine, and ten of Pro-
vence, and all these lords agreed to become prisoners
in the forts of Besan^on, Dijon, or Salins, should Rene
forfeit his engagement.
There were other articles of the treaty, which they
urged should be mollified, but it was in vain, Philip
182 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
further insisted — First, that Rene should observe a
neutrality between the French, the Burgundians, and
the English. Secondly, that in order to establish
peace between these powers, Rene's second daughter,
Margaret of Anjou, should espouse King Henry VI.
of England, without prejudice to the marriage before
agreed upon between her sister Yolande and Ferri of
Vaudemont.* Thirdly, the Duke of Burgundy re-
quired, that, should the sons of Rend die without male
issue, the inheritance of Lorraine should devolve on
Yolande, or her heirs, and that this princess should also
receive, at her nuptials, a dower, consisting of a large
sum of money.
Such were the terms upon which Rene* could alone
hope to obtain his freedom ; but while the arbiters
of the two parties were discussing the amendments in
this treaty, at Brussels, the captive prince was trans-
ferred anew to the fort Bracon, his son, the Duke of
Calabria, being a prisoner, on parole, in the Tour de Bar.
The modifications which Rene hoped to obtain were
prevented by the artifice of the Count de Vaudemont,
who contrived, by means of one of his friends, to
counteract the generous efforts of the Chancellor,
Rolin, and to neutralize his exertions in favour of the
Angevine prince.| Thus Rene was compelled to sub-
scribe to these hard conditions. He made concessions
of every kind, and after promising a large sum of
money, the cession of several cities, the mortgage of
the Duchy of Bar, and even of his own person — after
consenting to the marriage of his daughter Yolande,
then nine years of age, to Ferri, the eldest son of his
enemy the Count de Vaudemont, by which union Lor-
raine would be restored to the male heir of that family —
* The Pope had granted a dispensation of kindred, for this marriage, on
the 3rd of April, 1435.
f Yilleneuvo Bargemont.
AIAEGARET OF ANJOU. 183
after all these engagements, the unfortunate Rene' was
liberated.*
The news which Rene had received from Italy is
said to have hastened his termination of this treaty,
and after having given his full consent to the condi-
tions, the Duke of Burgundy at first only set him free
on his parole, on the llth of February, 1436; but, if
he profited by this authority for some months, Rene*
must still have been in apprehension of captivity, since
we find that the Duke of Bourbon, the Marshal de la
Fayette, Christopher of Harcourt, the Constable of
Richemont, and the Count de Vendome, arrived at
Rheims, on the 18th of October, to unite with Renaud
of Chartres to obtain the release of Rene from the fort
Bracon. They came to Salins early in November,
and on the 7th of that month the Chancellor, Rolin, in
their presence, drew up and caused to be signed the
act for Rene's liberation. Finally, this prince departed
from his prison of Bracon on the 25th of November, i486,
1436. It being impossible that the enormous sum
demanded by Philip could be raised immediately, a
number of lords of Lorraine, each having four knights,
again offered themselves as hostages, to be confined
in one of the towers of Besangon, for one month
beyond the expiration of the term granted him.
The position of Rene* was so sensibly felt, that, not-
withstanding the embarrassed state of his finances,
he received from King Charles VII. , 20,000 florins ;
from the Bishop of Verdun, 8,000 ; from the Prince
of Orange, 15,000; and a number of persons of
less note also contributed to the first payment of his
ransom.
After a rigorous captivity of five years' duration, the
joy of Rene on quitting the mountains of Jura may
* Biographic Universelle ; Monstrelet ; Bo din ; Sismondi ; Monfaucon ;
Barante ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier ; Mezerai.
184 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTL
well be imagined ; yet even this was not altogether
unalloyed, for he had left his son, the young Duke of
Calabria, still detained as a hostage in the Tour de
Bar. Rene* was accompanied at his departure by the
Chancellor, Rolin, as far as Pont-a-Mousson, the princes
of France having returned to Charles VII. They
afterwards all repaired to the Duke of Burgundy, at
Lille, on the 25th of December, in order to ratify this
important treaty. Rene also went to Lille, after a
short stay at Pont-a«Mousson, and was present, as
well as the Count of Vaudemont, at the Burgundian
court upon this occasion. Rene* happily profited by
this meeting; for Philip, on the 1st of January, re-
ceiving the compliments of the season from Rene,
generously cancelled part of his debt, as a gift, amount-
ing to 200,000 saluts d'or.
Philip then conducted Rene* and the French princes
from Lille to the city of Arras, into which he made
his entry with the utmost display of pomp and mag-
nificence, surrounded by these princes, and the chief
of the nobility of Burgundy, and several of the clergy,
one of whom, the Bishop of Liege, had two hundred
horses in his suite. Fetes and rejoicings followed,
commemorative of the peace just concluded ; and
while thus engaged, Philip sought, by various means,
to make Rene forget the melancholy days of his
imprisonment ; and he gave him a new mark of his
generosity, calculated to affect him much. He offered
him for his son, the young Duke of Calabria, the hand
of Mary of Bourbon, his niece, the daughter of Charles,
Duke of Bourbon, a proposal joyfully accepted by
Rend, after which Philip further remitted him 100,000
saluts d'or.*
The first use which Rene* made of his freedom was
* Monf aucon ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 185
"to go and return thanks to the States of Bar and
Lorraine, for their exertions to procure his release.
The chief nobility of these duchies met him at Pont-a-
Mousson, where he arrived on the 28th of February,
1437. He consulted with them on the necessities of 1437.
his States, on the subject of his ransom, and other
matters. During the course of these deliberations
Rene went to Dijon, and brought back from thence
his son, the Duke of Calabria. To those individuals
whose devotedness and fidelity had been so eminently
displayed towards him, Rene next proceeded to ex-
press, not only in words, but by various acts still in
his power, the gratitude of his heart. Amongst these
were Erard de Chatelet, Henri de Bar, the Sire de
Rodemark, and others, to whom he made gifts of
money or property ; and to the people of Salins, who
had shown so much interest for him, he granted the
privilege of passing through his States without being
subject to any of the tolls which were established there.
The noble liberality of Rene extended even to his
enemies. To the Damoisel de Commercy, (who, ever
faithless to his engagements, had been taken with
arms in his hands by the Regency, in August, 1436,)
this prince gave liberty without ransom. In addi-
tion to these benefits, Rene made provision for the
poor, and sought to render stable and uniform the
administration of Lorraine. Nor was this prince
wanting in his just tribute of gratitude to Charles
VII. Leaving all the magnificent fetes, prepared in
Lorraine and at Metz, to celebrate his return,
Rene quitted Nanci, attended by his chief knights,
and repaired to Tours, where the King of France
was then residing. *
Soon afterwards Rene proceeded to Angers. Here
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Biographic Universelle ; Godard Faultrier.
186 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
he again received fresh testimonies of the affection and
zeal of his people. It was during his stay in this
province that Rene* concluded the marriage of his son
John, the Duke of Calabria, with Mary, the daughter
of the Duke of Bourbon. This union was celebrated
1437. in April, 1437, at the city of Angers.* The Duke of
Bargemont. Calabria, at this time but twelve years of age, had
already shown much aptitude for study, and it was
easy to foresee that he would one day be distinguished
for his talents and virtues. His education had been first
superintended by Henri de Ville, but this prelate died
while his pupil was detained in Burgundy. Those
whom Rene selected to succeed him in this office were
Jean Mauget, Nicholas of Haraucourt, Jean de La-
land, and others, all of them distinguished for their
talents and virtues, and especially Palamede de Forbin,
who had been attached to the young Duke of Calabria
even from his infancy. To the castle of Tuc6, near
Saumur, Rene next repaired, and there he passed a few
days with his mother, Queen Yolande, now advanced in
years. He then visited the other towns of Anjou, and
received the oaths of fidelity of his people ; after which
he departed for Provence, being unable to yield to the
wishes of the Arigevins for his prolonged stay in their
province, the state of his affairs at Naples requiring
his presence, f
After the first successes of Witteleschi, Queen
Isabella had flattered herself that she had found a loyal
and courageous defender; but no sooner had this
general become initiated in the secret of the state, than
he abandoned her cause, and by this perfidy the Queen
lost those advantages she had with such great difficulty
obtained. It was only in Naples that Isabella could
hope for support, and she therefore redoubled her in-
* Some writers date this event in 1434.
f Monfaucon ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 187
stances for the presence and assistance of the King,
her husband.*
Rene had resolved to go to Provence without again
visiting Lorraine, where he had made provision for the
care of his States. He had committed the government
into the hands of the Bishops of Metz and Verdun,
and Erard du Chatelet ; but it would seem that this
gave offence to Antoine de Vaudemont, who doubtless
had expected to see his son, Ferri, appointed to the
Regency during the absence of his new relative, and
that he should himself have unlimited power over this
country. His former resentment revived at the want
of confidence, as he called it, on the part of Rene* ; and
instead of promoting peace, he sought only to excite
civil dissensions. Such was the condition of affairs
when Ren6 of Anjou was preparing for his expedition
to the kingdom of Naples.
In Provence, Rene experienced an enthusiastic recep-
tion. He entered Aries on the 7th of December, and
reached the city of Aix on the 13th of the same month.
He soon gained the affections of his new subjects, and ^auitner-
they evinced their interest and zeal by supplies of men
and money. When he had, with paternal care, pro-
vided for the necessities of this country by wise laws
and regulations, he went to Marseilles. At this place
he received the congratulations of the ambassadors of
Pope Eugene, and of the Doge of Genoa, upon his
release from captivity ; and during his stay at this
port, the Genoese sent him a fleet, with which he sailed
to Genoa. His arrival was celebrated by a number of
fetes, and Rene, while thus detained, formed strong
ties of friendship with Thomas di Fregosa, one of the
most distinguished doges of that republic. At length,
with the additional reinforcements given to him at this
* Villeneure Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
188 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
place, Rene* proceeded to Naples, where lie arrived on
the 9th of May, 1438.
1438. i^ Neapolitans received their king with enthusiasm,
e He entered the capital mounted on a white horse, richly
3nt' caparisoned, dressed in royal robes and having the
crown and sceptre ; the sound of cannon, of church
bells, and of the acclamations of the inhabitants (by
whom he was acknowledged sovereign), testifying
the universal welcome. The renown he had acquired,
and the presence of his consort, had procured for him
a great interest ; but when they beheld the simplicity
of his retinue, and discovered that he brought with
him only military talents, and not gold, their zeal was
sensibly diminished, and their shouts of joy and welcome
were succeeded by a mournful silence.* Rene had
indeed purchased his liberty at an enormous ransom ;
his treasuries were empty, and he had brought no
army, and no subsidy, to this kingdom, which was
already ruined, and whose revenues were divided
amongst factions. Thus his partisans, although charmed
by the goodness of his character and his courage, soon
perceived that his success depended upon their own
exertions, and they suffered their zeal to cool, and the
Angevine cause to decline.
Ren6 resided alternately at the palace of Queen
Joanna, and at the Chateau de l'(Euf,| where he was
soon surrounded by many learned men' and artists. J
Michael Attendolo and Jacques de Caldora specially
attached themselves to the service of Rene, and also
Michelotto, who brought him 1,000 horses. These
* Papon, Hist, de Provence ; Biographie Universelle ; Bodin ; Sismondi ;
Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier.
t An ancient fortress, with eight towers and a Gothic chapel, built on a
rock of an oval shape from whence it took its name. It was here that Rene
presented Isabella with the duchy of Melphe, as a token of his gratitude for
her late enterprises.
£ Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence.
MABGAKET OF ANJOTT. 189
experienced generals were constantly occupied in exer-
cising in the profession of arms, a certain number of
men, whom they employed for him who offered the
highest terms. The Carraccioli family were also de-
voted to Rene*.
On the 9th of August, 1438, Rene left Naples and 1433.
opened the campaign by Abruzzi, where he obtained
possession of Aquila. When informed of the move-
ments of Alphonso, he returned, and beat his squadron
near Nola, in the Terre de Labour, but no action took
place. He then besieged Castello Nuovo,* a strong
fortress, erected by Charles I. of Anjou, for the defence
of Naples, and which had long been in the possession
of Alphonso.
After these successes, the city of Naples abandoned
itself to pleasure. The tournament of Otho Carraccioli
was held, one of the most splendid and remarkable
amongst the jeu d'armes of the age, and so peculiar
was it, that it has never been forgotten. It took place
at the Castle of St. Elmo, on Lundi-gras, 1438, and a
multitude of Angevins, Lorrains, and Proven^aux were
present.f
The details of this feat of arms are not given, but we
are informed that Rene* had awarded two prizes of
great value, to excite the skill and valour of the com-
batants. The first of these, a rose and an aigrette of
diamonds, was offered by the Queen herself to Otho
Carraccioli, who was unanimously proclaimed the victor.
The second, a ring set with precious stones, called the
prix d' amour, was presented by Beatrix de St. Severin
(a young widow whose charms caused her to be styled
" le Soleil des beautes Napolitaines ") to the renowned
Otho who gained with eclat all the honours of this fete.
* The Castello Nuovo, or Chateau Neuf, still possesses towers, admirably
carved, of the thirteenth century.
t Hist. General de Provence ; Godard Faultrier.
190 MAKGAKET OF ANJOU.
While at Naples, the youthful Margaret was pur-
suing her education under the care of her accom-
plished mother, and of Antoine de Salle, her brother's
learned preceptor. She thus early acquired knowledge
of various kinds, and also the surprising eloquence
which distinguished her in her subsequent career.
Yet this period of tranquillity did not last long.
Rene fully justified the high reputation he had ac-
quired at his accession ; his campaign in the Abruzzi
had added new laurels to his fame, and affairs began to
take a new turn. In the spring this prince pursued
his conquest of the farther Abruzzi, and while thus en-
gaged, Alphonso, (whose party was daily increasing,
and who had returned to Italy with a numerous army,)
advanced to the interior of the kingdom, and seized
the opportunity to approach Naples, then only defended
by the courageous Isabella.
The Spanish prince, in besieging Naples, expected
it could not make a long resistance, and the invention
of cannon facilitated the attack ; but the siege con-
tinued a month, when the death of his brother, Don
Pedro, and the continuance of heavy rains, obliged
Alphonso to raise the siege and fall back on Capua.
This unexpected retreat saved the city. The walls
having been shaken by the artillery, and also under-
mined by the waters, fell down of themselves. The
breach thus presented was sufficiently large to admit
the besiegers, but they did not return to the attack
before Rene arrived to the relief of the city.*
Rend was now called upon to practise the lessons of
wisdom which the Doge had given him. In November
Pail39' °f 1439? the brave Jacques de Caldora died, at the age
Godard of sixty. His son, Antoine, succeeded him ; he received
the Constable's sword and the title of Viceroy, but
* Hist. General de Provence ; Godard Faultrier.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 191
he did not inherit the zeal or fidelity evinced by his
father.*
Upon receiving the order to appear with his forces
at Naples to oppose the enemy, the purport of his
answer was, that he could not make the army march
without money ; that to him it seemed necessary that
Rend should show himself in all the provinces in sub-
jection to him, to confirm their fidelity, and to raise
amongst them the necessary sums to enable him to
contend with his enemy.
To obviate every pretext for disobedience, and being
at the same time assured of the loyalty and fidelity of
the Neapolitans, Rend assembled before him the prin-
cipal amongst them, and, mounted on horseback, in the
court of the castle, with about forty French noblemen
around him, he addressed them as follows : " Do not
believe, my friends, that I have degenerated from the
virtue of my ancestors ; there is no peril which I
would not brave to preserve so flourishing a kingdom,
and so many valiant subjects. You know that Antoine
de Caldora is master of all our forces. I commanded
him to come to our assistance ; he has replied, that
without money the army cannot march ; that it was
my interest to go and join him myself; and that, with
the funds drawn from the provinces which obey me, I
should be able to overcome the difficulties which now
arrest me. I am going ; I hope soon to return ; and
shall act in such a manner that this city shall continue
what it has ever been, the capital of the kingdom. I
commend it to you during my absence ; I commend to
you also the Queen and my sons, whom I leave in your
hands." Saying this he rode off, amidst the acclama-
tions of the Neapolitans, who prayed for his success,
and assured him, that "they would die sooner than
* Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Hist. General de Provence ; Mariana.
192 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
suffer any banner than his to be established in
Naples."
In this expedition Rene* was followed by some young
noblemen, who, in their haste, being unable to pro-
cure horses, went after him on foot, accompanied by
eighty foot soldiers. These, headed by Raymond de
Bartlotte, were exposed to many dangers ; sometimes
in peril of their lives, or of being taken by the bands
of Alphonso, while they traversed the country ; at other
times compelled, in crossing mountains covered with
snow, to make new paths for themselves. Rene also
marched on foot, and from time to time, turning to his
followers with a gay and cheerful countenance, he
told them that "if they partook of his dangers and
fatigues, they should also share the fruits of his vic-
tory." Thus did he show his condescension and
generosity throughout this journey, and rendered him-
self beloved.
During this difficult march Rene*, one day, while pass-
ing through a village, was attacked by some of the
peasants, five of whom were secured and brought
before him for punishment ; but when they threw
themselves at his feet to beseech his mercy, he treated
them with kindness, and restored them to freedom, gra-
ciously adding that, " as a monarch he wished to fulfil
all the duties of a monarch, the first of which was cle-
mency; and that, far from destroying any of his subjects,
he would be occupied only for their happiness."*
This march of Rend and his followers was performed
in the winter season, and the snow torrents and the
ascent of steep mountains greatly impeded his pro-
gress, yet he triumphed over these accumulated diffi-
culties, and in spite of a thousand dangers, he finally
arrived at Santo Angelo di Scala, a barony belonging
* Hist. General de Provence.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 193
to Carraccioli, where he obtained shelter and pro-
visions. He afterwards went to Benevento, where
the celebrated battle had taken place between
Charles I. of Anjou and Mainfroy, in which the former
triumphed.* The vigour and energy of Rene would,
we are told, have been crowned with success, in re-
ducing the rebel provinces, but for the treason of
Antoine de Caldora, who, having been upon some
offence cast into prison by the Angevine monarch, now
thirsted for revenge. He ultimately caused the un-
popularity of Rene, for the other generals followed the
example of Caldora, and being bribed by the agents of
Alphonso, and discontented at the poverty of Renews
court, they changed sides. A great part of the army
of Rene revolted, and the loss of a galley from France,
bearing large sums of money, precipitated his ruin.
The siege of Naples was renewed, in the meantime,
by Alphonso, who gained Pozzuoli. Rene returned
in haste to the city, but while approaching it, disaffec-
tion appeared amongst his troops. The treason of
Caldora was perceived; he had been distributing the
gold of Alphonso. Upon this, the Italians, touched by
the misfortunes of Rene and aroused by one of
those changes of feeling so natural to that people,
swore to bury themselves with their leader beneath
the walls of Naples ; yet such was their levity, that
they subsequently abandoned him. The burst of 1441.
loyalty, however, for the moment revived a gleam of
hope, and Fregosa, the illustrious Doge of Genoa,
engaged to support the Angevine monarch, who, shut
up in Naples, (even while a frightful famine prevailed
there,) was preparing to defend himself to the last
extremity, sending back to Provence his consort
Isabella, and his children.f This step was greatly
* Godard Faultrier.
f Hist. General de Provence ; Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Mariana.
VOL. i. o
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
prejudicial to Rene's cause, the people interpreting
that he had but little hope of preserving the kingdom.
The populace too often exhibit a natural disposition
to regard things in the worst point of view, in short,
to look to the dark side ; wherefore reputation, in war-
like matters, contributes infinitely to success.
Rene had so secured to himself the love of the
people of Naples, that they were willing to undergo
many privations and dangers for his sake, especially
when they beheld him so willingly participate in their
'sufferings.
The hopes of the besieged rested on Count Sforza,
who had been earnestly solicited by Rend to come to
his aid. This general was still at the head of a
1442. flourishing army, and he set out in January, 1442, to
defend or reconquer the fiefs he had inherited in the
kingdom of Naples. In this expedition, however, he
was so unsuccessful that before the expiration of the
year, he no longer possessed a single fief of all those
which his father had acquired with so much labour and
such numerous victories. In the details of this war it
would appear that the conduct of the Pope, which was
in contempt of a sworn peace, occasioned the defeat of
Sforza, and thus deprived Rene of his last hope of the
conquest of the kingdom of Naples.* Alphonso had
obtained possession of Capria, Gaeta, Aversa, and
Acerre. A fresh treason soon gave him the command
of the capital.
After he had provided for the safety of his family,
the courage of Rene seemed to be aroused. He gave
his orders with energy, and going with activity from
place to place in the town, he divided with his people
the small store of provisions which remained to them.
These were, however, insufficient for their necessities^
and hunger pressed hard upon them; at last, one
* Daniel ; Mariana.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 195
poor widow was refused bread. In her despair, this
woman ran to the conduit-maker, Annello, who was a
partisan of Alphonso, and told him of a subterranean
passage, by which the Spanish troops could enter the
town. This news was conveyed by Annello to Al-
phonso, who despatched some of his generals with 250
soldiers, under the guidance of Annello. These Arra-
gonese invested the capital by night. Their guide
enabled them to introduce themselves with lighted
o
torches, at midnight, through the same aqueduct
which, nine centuries before, had enabled Belisarius to
obtain possession of the city. When Rene was in-
formed that his enemies had penetrated into the town,
he ran in great haste to the combat, but the darkness
increased the confusion. The walls were scaled, and
a desperate fight ensued. Rene fought bravely, for
he still had hopes ; but the gates were forced in, and
the Arragonese columns, one after another, rushed
into the city. Thus was Naples taken by Alphonso,
while the Angevine prince, in the midst of a thousand
dangers, had only time to escape, sword in hand and
with his horse covered with blood and foam, to the
Chateau-Neuf. This was his only retreat on the fatal
night of the 3rd of June, 1442.* 1442.
After this catastrophe, the faithful Genoese offered Faultier
their vessels to Rene, who, having no longer any re-
source, availed himself of this means to make a hasty
retreat into France.
Two days after his defeat, Rene embarked. He
sailed first to Porto Pisano, and from thence went to
Florence to complain to Pope Eugene IV. of his want
of faith. This pontiff, to console him, gave him the
investiture of the kingdom which he had just been
compelled to abandon. In the vain contest for this
kingdom Rene had experienced the treacherous and
* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Mariana ; Daniel.
196 MAKGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
selfish desertion of his numerous allies. After the
capture of Aversa all the very powerful and wealthy
family of Caldora went over to Alphonso, and the
army of Sforza, sent to his aid by the Duke of Milan,
was beaten near Troya, in Apulia. Thus Alphonso
gained the ascendancy, and Rene was compelled to
yield the field to his adversary, who founded the line
of Arragonese kings in Naples upon claims more
splendid than just.*
About the same period that the Spanish monarch
was engaged in the capture of Naples, a league had
been formed by Pope Eugene, the Venetians, Flo-
rentines, and Genoese, to drive out the Arragonese
from all Italy ; but this enterprise failed, owing to the
want of unity amongst their forces ; and after the
departure of Rene, the conqueror became possessed of
the whole of the kingdom. Alphonso made a trium-
phal entry into Naples ; and being earnestly desirous
of a reconciliation with Pope Eugene, he prevailed on
him to acknowledge him the following year as king,
and also his son Ferdinand as his successor, f
From Florence Rene repaired to Genoa, where he
experienced a friendly reception from the Doge, Fre-
gosa. He then proceeded to Marseilles, and after an
absence of four years and a half, arrived there at the
1442. end of the year 1442.J
The general testimony of historians is, that Rene' of
Anjou, although so unfortunate in the issue of his
enterprise in Italy, " had perfectly fulfilled all the
duties of a valiant soldier and a skilful general." At
this period even he felt that he could not, and ought
not, to renounce all hope ; and he, therefore, sent into
* Bodin ; Mariana ; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Sismondi :
Eccles. Hist.
f Mariana ; 1'Abb^ Millot.
t Daniel ; (rodard Faultrier : Eccles. Hist.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 197
Italy, Vidal de Cabanis and Charles de Chatillon, in
order that they should send him such intelligence as
might be favourable to his future interests.
Many troubles had arisen in Lorraine during Rene's
expedition into Italy; the prince did not, therefore,
prolong his stay in Provence. Being, however, de-
sirous of visiting the principal cities, he went to Taras-
con at the commencement of February, 1443. At Vilje4n4^;ve
this place Rene' received William Haraucourt, Bishop Bargemont;
of Verdun, Pierre de Beaufremont, Seigneur Charny, caimet.
and Antoine de Gaudei, the secretary of the Duke of
Burgundy, who had been sent by this prince to nego-
tiate the marriage of his nephew, Charles, Count of
Nevers, with the second daughter of Rend, Margaret
of Anjou.
This princess had nearly attained her fourteenth
year, and already gave indications of those personal
charms and mental qualifications for which she was'
afterwards so much distinguished ; and these, doubt-
less, had great influence in fixing the choice of her
new suitor. The Count of Nevers had been affianced
to Jane of Bar, daughter of Robert of Bar, Count of
Marche, and afterwards had been on the point of mar-
rying the Duchess of Austria, but finally he decided
in favour of Margaret of Anjou.
Both Rene and his consort, Queen Isabella (who
had arrived at Tarascon), eagerly accepted these pro-
posals, and the contract of marriage was signed on the-
4th of February, 1443.
Rene agreed to give with his daughter the sum of
50,000 livres as her dowry, and the Duke of Bur-
gundy guaranteed to settle upon her a jointure of 40,000
livres ; but Rene, on his side, wished that in conside-
ration of this alliance the Duke would forego the
80,600 ecus d'or, which he owed him, and for which
he held, as security, the cities of Neufchateau, Preny,
198 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
and Longuy. The Duke, at length, consented to remit
that sum, and the interests, in consideration of a reason-
able indemnity, and upon this, Rene, as an equivalent,
gave up Clermont, Varennes, and Vienne, in Argonne.
There was one clause, however, inserted, which gave
infinite displeasure to the Count de Vaudemont. It
declared that the children of Margaret should be heirs
of Sicily, Provence, and Bar, to the exclusion of the
children of Yolande, her eldest sister, who was affianced
to Ferri de Vaudemont, the son of Antoine ; yet with
a reservation, that, if Yolande should marry a second
time, the male children of that alliance should exclude
the descendants of Margaret from the paternal succes-
sion, in reservation of the duchy of Bar, to which they
were legally entitled. King Rene could not possibly
have marked in a more decisive manner the displea-
sure he felt against the House of Vaudemont. This
" arrangement was bitterly complained of by both father
and son, and the former carried his complaints to King
Charles, the arbiter and guarantee of the late treaty
which had fixed the pretensions of the two houses.
Charles VII. then demanded reparation of Rene, and
even threatened to take up arms should he oppose
the treaty of 1441. Antoine still claimed Rene as his
prisoner, and King Charles referred the affair to the
Parliament, the proper judge of the Duke of Bur-
gundy; but he reserved to himself that which re-
lated to the said treaty. Thus was the marriage
of the Count of Nevers deferred, and ultimately its
accomplishment prevented, for while these questions
were agitated, another, and a more irresistible offer
was made for the hand of the Princess Margaret.*
1443. The rest of this year, 1443, was passed by Rene
e^tner at Aix or Marseilles, where he devoted himself
to the administration, and especially to the most
* Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 199
effectual means to prevent the landing of the Arra-
gonese forces. While at Marseilles, Rene received
intelligence of the death of his mother, Yolande of
Arragon, Queen Dowager of Sicily. She died on the
14th of December, 1443, at the Castle of Saumur,* and
was interred in the Cathedral of St. Maurice, at Angers.
The life of this princess had been distinguished by a
multitude of acts of piety and benevolence, and the
Proven^aux, who had been acquainted with her
virtues and estimable qualities, sincerely united in the
just regrets of their sovereign.")"
At the time of the departure of Rene for Naples, the
Count de Vaudemont had felt offended, for two reasons :
first, because he did not form one of the Regency
Council, and next, at the reports circulated of the King's
repugnance to grant his daughter Yolande to his son,
Ferri. Being apprehensive lest this princess should be
taken away from him, or, perhaps, embittered against
Rene's ministers, he collected his troops, encouraged the
incursions of the rebels, and even took great numbers
of them into pay, and enticed to his party Robert de
Sarrebruche, who was ever ready to break his oaths.J
Thus hostilities commenced, and Antoine and the
Regency were alternately conquerors at this period,
which was signalized by pillage, conflagration, and
murderous combats. Charles VII. at length resolved
to put an end to these excesses, and summoned the
parties to appear before him ; at first, they apparently
submitted to the conditions this monarch imposed, but
the war again broke out with increased fury.
At this period Louis of Anjou, having been appointed 1*43,
Lieutenant-General, entered Lorraine. He found the
* The castle of Saumur had been granted to Queen Yolande, as part of
her dowry, in order that she might pass there the remainder of her days,
f Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
J Villeneuve Bargemont.
200 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
country devastated by bloodshed and civil contention,
and he was compelled at once to take decisive measures.
Although only twelve years of age, he defended with
vigour the town of Bar, caused the siege to be raised,
and compelled Robert de Sarrebruche to capitulate in
the citadel of Commercy ; but while the laurels of
victory were thus gathering on his youthful brow, death
suddenly deprived the country of this hero of noble
• promise.
Louis, Marquis of Pont-4-Mousson, expired, after a
1444. short illness, in 1444,* and had not the happiness of
again beholding his father, who was preparing to come
to Lorraine, to endeavour by his presence to terminate
the troubles of his people. Rene, however, subse-
quently abandoned this intention, either through the
grief he felt on his son's death, or from his anxiety
to defend his province of Anjou from the attacks of
the English, who had been making great progress in
Maine.
Louis de Beauvau having been dismissed with un-
limited powers into Lorraine, Rene set out for Poitiers,
to rejoin the King of France, while Queen Isabella
departed for Nanci.
King Charles VII. and Rene afterwards proceeded
together to the city of Tours, where they arrived at the
same time as Charles of Orleans, who had just re-
appeared at the French court, after many years of
captivity in England. It was here that this prince, so
renowned for his mental accomplishments and poetic
talents, for the first time beheld Rene, and they con-
tracted an intimate friendship, the constancy of which
shed many charms on their subsequent lives. Rene also
found himself in the presence of all his old companions
in arms, and he again resigned himself to his taste for
* Louis died, it is believed, in January, 1444, but the precise date is not
recorded. He was interred in the church of St. Antoine, Pont-a-Mousson.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 201
fetes, which had only been interrupted, or laid aside,
whilst he engaged in his warlike expeditions. The
whole court rejoiced at his coming, for he was known
to be a prince who loved pleasure, and brought in
his train men of wit and amusement. *
The presence of Rene' at Tours was of great service
to King Charles, who, upon the occasion of the treaty
of peace with England, about to be concluded, specially
charged this prince with the care of directing this
important affair.
Rene first obtained a truce for eight months, and he
then discussed with consummate skill their reciprocal
interests, thus striking at the root of the negotiation,
and by his firmness and clear perception, contrived to
terminate the disagreements which might have occa-
sioned a new war. Many were the conferences held
with a view to establish a permanent peace, but so
many difficulties arose that it was found to be imprac-
ticable, and only a truce was agreed upon, the terms
of which were dated the 21st of May, 1444.
During the course of this negotiation, in the month
of April, a proposal was made on the part of Eng-
land, which apparently altered the position of Rene*,
and ought to have consoled him for his late mis-
fortunes. This was a treaty of marriage, proposed
by the Duke of Suffolk, between his master, King
Henry VI., and Margaret of Anjou, the second daughter
of King Rene. I
The satisfaction of Rene may readily be imagined,
for such a measure could not have been anticipated,
since the King of England was, at this time, considered
as all but betrothed to the daughter of the Count of
Armagnac, and this new offer seemed also to remove
every prospect of a fresh dissension between the two
* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f Villeueuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet.
202 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
kingdoms, and placed the daughter of Rene in a
rank the most flattering to the ambition of a father.
The only dowry exacted by King Henry was the
cession of the rights, transmitted to Rene by Yolande
of Arragon, on the kingdom of Minorca. He re-
nounced the rest of her succession, and he restored
the town of Le Mans to Charles of Anjou, and to
Rend all his possessions which had been taken from
him by the English.*
By this marriage, which was willingly agreed to by
all parties, and soon after concluded, the House of
Anjou-Plantagenet was, after the lapse of several
centuries, united, on the throne of England, to the
Second House of Anjou-Sicily.f
* Villeneuve Bargemont. f Godard Faultrier.
CHAPTER III.
KING HENRY. — ' Was ever king that joy'd an earthly throne
' And could command no more content than I ?
' No sooner was I crept out of my cradle,
' But I was made king, at nine months old ;
' Was ever subject long'd to be a king,
' As I do long and wish to be a subject ? "
SHAKESPEARE.— Henry VI.
King- Henry V. — His death and will — The characters of Bedford and Glou-
cester — Quarrels of Gloucester and Beaufort — Losses in France —
Death of the Duke of Bedford — Contests in the Cabinet — The influence
of Cardinal Beaufort— Education and character of Henry VI.
PREVIOUS to the attempt to delineate the character,
and narrate the eventful career of Margaret of
Anjou, it will be advisable to take a slight survey of
the English court ; that stage whereon she was des-
tined to act so conspicuous a part, and where her
conduct, it has been said, involved the happiness of
almost all her adherents, leading to contentions, civil
warfare, and to the misery of herself and family. That
these unhappy results emanated from the misrule of
the Lancastrian queen may, however, be disproved by
patient inquiry into the facts of history, even amidst
the confusion of the records of turbulent times, ren-
dered almost contradictory through the party spirit of
historians.
It will be found, that, far from being the cause of so
much misery, Margaret was herself misguided and
unhappy ; the victim of the intrigues of designing
men, already at variance in their country, to which she
came as a stranger, yet where her high talents, and the
noble qualities of her mind and heart, alone enabled
204 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
her, subsequently, to maintain her position as sovereign.
Neither did she succumb to her adverse fortunes, until
she had proved, to the utmost, her heroism and devo-
tion to her husband and his country.
1422. Henry V., the conqueror of Agincourt and one of
Hist. ' the greatest heroes of his age, held, for a brief period,
the sceptre of England with an able and vigorous
hand; for he had gained renown by other than military
skill, and had evinced the greatest endowments and
good qualities. In the prime of life, however, and
in the midst of his victories in France, he was seized
with sudden illness, which caused his death ; and he
left his crown to an infant son, nine months old.
It was the destiny of this little prince, Henry VI.,
to lose all the foreign conquests of his warlike sire,
who, as if apprehending misfortunes, had taken many
wise precautions for the futurity of his infant son.
On his death-bed Henry V. conjured his nobility
assembled around him to remain united, in order to
preserve the interests of his son, whose education he
intrusted to the care of the Earl of Warwick, and
appointed his brother, the Duke of Bedford, Regent of
France, and his youngest brother, the Duke of Glou-
cester, Regent of England, during his son's minority.
He recommended them also to cultivate the friend-
ship of the Duke of Burgundy, and to offer him the
Regency of France. His advice also was, that they
should retain their prisoners of war until his son
should be able to judge of their disposal himself, and
on no account should they make peace with the
French, unless by the surrender of Normandy they
could obtain an equivalent for their losses.* Such
were the commands of the dying monarch, who was
so much beloved, respected, and admired. How pru-
dent were these injunctions, but how soon disregarded
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandf ord ; Howel ; Rymer's Fcedera.
MARGABET OF ANJOU. 205
by his relatives and subjects ! Private passions and
individual prejudices too often arise to overthrow the
wisest plans of human foresight.
Shortly after the remains of Henry V. were coil-
signed, with the utmost pomp, to their last earthly Hume-
resting-place, a division took place in the English
Cabinet. Objections were raised to the Regency of the
Duke of Gloucester, whose uncle, Beaufort, Bishop of
Winchester, directing a search into precedents, de-
clared the claims of Gloucester were unconstitutional.
The Council, however, wished to conciliate the Duke,
who strongly urged his right from his relationship
to the crown, and his brother's will appointing him to
that office, more especially from the absence of the
Duke of Bedford in France, but in vain ; he was made
" Protector " of England in the absence of Bedford,
and thus advanced to a dignity which commanded
respect but conferred no real authority.
All real power was vested in the Council of Regency,
at the head of which was the Bishop of Winchester.
This ambitious and grasping prelate appears to have
commenced from this time an incessant rivalry, and a
great contest for power, with his nephew, the Duke of
Gloucester, who naturally felt depreciated and con-
tinued to struggle against his adversary. Thus, during
the infancy of Henry VI., the influence of these two
powerful individuals alternately swayed the Council of
England, rendering her measures ineffective or abortive,
and eventually, most disastrous.
The nation had appeared to acquiesce in the arrange-
ment for the Protectorate. Gloucester, however, from
this period ceased to regard his uncle as a friendly
kinsman, but rather as one who consulted his own
private interests at the expense of his relatives and his
country.
In France, the Duke of Bedford, who was an ac-
206 MAEGABET OF ANJOTL
complished and able prince, sustained the interests
of his nephew, prosecuting the war with vigour,
supported by many skilful generals. Numerous towns
and castles were taken, and finally, a decisive victory
gained at Verneuil*
These rapid successes of the English soon reduced
King Charles VII. , (who had just acceded to the
throne,) to the most desperate condition. He could
not maintain his troops, or the splendours of his
court, and at last found himself unable to procure
even the necessaries of life for himself and the few
who remained attached to his person.
Suddenly a new phase was presented in the drama,
and strange and unexpected events occurred to revive
the spirits of Charles. These were the mission of
Joan of Arc, and the recall of the Duke of Bedford
to England, f
It was to interpose and accommodate in the dis-
sensions of Gloucester with his uncle Beaufort, that
the Regent was compelled to abandon the scene of
action in France, where he had been so prosperous.
The Duke of Bedford was no less prudent in council
than valiant in the field. Endowed with superior
genius, and the perfect master of his own passions,
he found little difficulty in adjusting the differences
of his kinsmen. His brother, Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester, was possessed of eminent virtues and
talents, to which he added such extensive information
in science and literature as would have placed him
on an equality with the Duke of Bedford, had not
his inordinate ambition and violent passions caused
him to commit errors which gave his enemies the
* Holinshed ; Sandford ; Baker ; Rymer's Foedera ; Howel ; Ba-
rante.
f Holinshed ; Rymer's Foedera ; Barante ; Mezerai ; Anquetil ; Milles's
Catalogue.
MAKGARET OF ANJOTJ. 207
advantage. He was also censured for his haughty
demeanour, yet he was the universal favourite of
the people, and when deprived of power in the
Cabinet he took part with the ancient nobility, in
whose neglect and discontent he, in some degree,
shared. The members of the Council were ever
watchful to prevent this duke's assumption of autho-
rity, and as they knew he could not displace them,
they were not afraid of offending him. In time, a
confederacy was formed against him, headed by the
Bishop of Winchester.
The exertions of Gloucester to reform the Church,
and thus to humble his opponents, involved him in
many quarrels with them, in which they gained the
advantage through the hasty temper of the Duke.
The Duke of Gloucester had also imprudently
married the Countess of Hainault, and in the attempt
to secure her inheritance he had employed some
troops sent to the Eegent for the war in France ; he
had, likewise, involved himself in a personal quarrel
with the Duke of Burgundy, whose alliance and friend-
ship were much required in the prosecution of the
French war. In all these matters, in which the in-
terests and welfare of the country were involved, the
Duke of Bedford was compelled to mediate. At first
his remonstrances, and those of the Council, were in-
effectual, so incensed was Gloucester by his dispute
with his uncle, the Bishop, which had indeed risen to 1425-
, • T , & Holinshed.
a great and dangerous height.
Early in the contest for supremacy between
Gloucester and Winchester, the people of London had
taken part with the former, who was their favourite,
but this interference had been resented by the latter,
who caused many persons to be accused of treason
* Rapin ; Carte ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Sharon Turner ; Fabian ;
Barante ; Life of Chicheley ; Pol. Vergil ; Eccles. Hist.
208 MABGABET OF ANJOU.
and thrown into prison. This gave rise to murmurs
and complaints against the arbitrary measures of the
Bishop, who, to suppress the spirit of rebellion,
garrisoned the Tower, and ordered Sir Richard Wide-
ville " to admit no one more powerful than himself."
This step, which exhibited the great power of the
clergy at this time, excited the highest displeasure
in the Duke of Gloucester, who, on returning from
abroad to take up his residence in the Tower, was
refused admittance. His first impulse was to resent
this affront by closing the city gates against the Bishop
of Winchester, and he next applied to the Lord Mayor
for an escort of five hundred men, to conduct him
in safety to the King at Eltham. The Bishop, finding
the city gates closed, attempted to force his entrance,
and then barricaded the road with his numerous
retinue, to prevent the egress of the Duke. In this
hostile position, the effusion of blood seemed inevit-
able ; but a temporary pacification was, with great
difficulty, effected, through the mediation of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Coimbra, a
prince of Portugal, who were obliged to ride eight
times in one day between the offended parties. The
complaints of the two parties were finally referred
to the arbitration of the Duke of Bedford.
To such a height had the differences of these dis-
tinguished adversaries attained, that the general peace
and welfare of the capital was in imminent danger ;
the shops were closed, all traffic obstructed, and the
citizens were obliged to keep watch and ward to
prevent the evil consequences which the hostile
appearance of the partisans in this quarrel hourly
threatened.
The Regent was thus compelled, by a hasty sum-
mons from the Bishop of Winchester, to abandon his
important conquests in France, in order to adjust these
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 209
petty dissensions at home, at a time when, after the
victory of Verneuil, the forces of King Charles might
have been effectually crushed.*
The Duke of Bedford could not approve of the hasty
and passionate conduct of his brother ; neither was he
satisfied with the interference of the citizens of London,
towards whom he evinced his displeasure. He gave
orders for a meeting of peers at St. Alban's, and also
for a Parliament at Leicester, whither the members
were commanded to repair unarmed ; but such was
the animosity of the two parties that there was great
difficulty in enforcing these orders.
The Duke of Gloucester came forward in Parliament
with a personal accusation against his opponent, com-
prised in six articles, four of which related to personal
grievances ; arid in one of these the Bishop was accused
of attempting the life of the Duke on his way from
London, by placing armed men on the road to assault
him. Of the other two accusations, the first charged
that prelate with having garrisoned the Tower, with
intent to get the young King into his power ; in the
last it was intimated that the late King had accused
the Bishop of an attempt on his life, and of having
instigated him to dethrone the King, his father. Of
these last charges the Duke of Bedford readily acquitted
his uncle ; for the favour with which Beaufort had
always been distinguished by Henry V. was sufficient
testimony of his innocence. Finally, the eight lords,
who had been chosen as arbitrators on this occasion,
succeeded in persuading the Bishop of Winchester
to make an apology to the Duke, and thus effected a
reconciliation.
The differences also of the lords who had taken part
with these powerful adversaries were, in their turn,
adjusted, and peace and unanimity restored. This
* Sandford ; Barante ; Kymer's Fcedera ; Baker ; Anquetil.
VOL. i. p
210 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
was a cause of great rejoicing to all who loved tran-
quillity ; and to commemorate the general pacification,
King Henry caused a solemn feast to be made on
Whit Sunday, at Leicester. The little monarch,
then but four years of age, was knighted by his
uncle, the Regent of France ; after which the King
knighted forty of his attendants. At the same time
King Henry created Richard Plantagenet (son and
heir of the Earl of Cambridge) Duke of York, restor-
ing him to his family estates and honours ; and also
advanced John, Lord Mowbray, to the dukedom of
Norfolk. These first acts of Henry VI., which doubt-
less emanated from the Duke of Bedford (the King
being so young at this time), were acts of clemency
and forgiveness much in accordance with the weak
character evinced by Henry in his subsequent life. The
father of the Duke of York, the Earl of Cambridge,
had been beheaded for treason, and Thomas Mowbray,
the father of the Duke of Norfolk, had suffered banish-
ment for a similar offence ; yet notwithstanding, their
estates and titles were restored on this occasion.
These favours, however, proved to be ill-judged,
since ultimately the conduct of these two noted indi-
viduals, who obtained great influence in the kingdom,
turned to the ruin of King Henry and all the Lancas-
trian party.*
The Bishop of Winchester had only been required
by the arbitrators to make a slight apology to the Duke
of Gloucester, yet his conduct appears to have called
forth universal disapprobation. He was either required
or permitted to resign his chancellorship, and it was a
long time before he recovered the influence which this
exposure occasioned him to lose. Upon his resignation,
he requested permission to travel; but he neverthe-
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Monstrelet ; Cobbett's Trials ;
Tkorsby's Leicester.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 211
less remained in England until the next year, and then
he accompanied the Duke of Bedford to the Continent,
where he received the intelligence that Pope Martin
had created him a cardinal. At Calais he was invested ,
.... i'« • • i PI Holms as..
with the insignia 01 that dignity in the presence of the Ling».-»i.
Duke of Bedford and his court.*
The ambitious designs and intriguing disposition of
Beaufort had been exposed by his nephew Gloucester,
who was no less suspected by the Cardinal of the
intention of making himself independent of the Council.
From this time his conduct was watched, and the
members of the Council, influenced by Beaufort, were
employed to disappoint and thwart the views of the
Duke, who became irritated and impatient under this
continued opposition and the failure of his projects.
His union with the Countess of Hainault being declared
invalid by the Court of Rome, Gloucester, as if regard-
less of the censure of the world, married Eleanor
Cobham, daughter of Lord Cobham of Sterborough,
who had long lived his mistress, and was no less
remarkable for her dissolute life than for her great
beauty.
The defection of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brit-
tany, with other causes, operated against the English
in their subsequent wars in France, where Bedford
and the generals who supported him, struggled on to
preserve their acquisitions rather than to achieve the
complete conquest of that kingdom.")*
In England, whither the Bishop, now Cardinal of
Winchester, had returned, the former contests and
rivalry were renewed between the Duke of Gloucester
arid that prelate. In the latter no favourable change
had been effected by his new dignity of cardinalate.
* Bapin ; Baker ; Sandford ; London Chron. ; Holinslied ; Villaret.
t Holinshed ; Sandford ; Baker ; Barante ; Mezerai ; Anqtietil ; Pol.
"Vergil ; Rymer's Foadera.
p 2
212 MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
Henry V., it is said, had withheld this high office from
his uncle, knowing his insatiable ambition, and the
pride which such distinction might excite in him.*
Beaufort was, indeed, naturally of an intriguing dis-
position, and had great abilities and experience united
to love of power, and thirst of gain. The wealth which
accrued to him from the cardinalate enabled him to
obtain greater influence in the kingdom than ever, so
that he even appeared to be the only wealthy indi-
vidual, so much did his riches exceed those of others.
He was called " the rich Cardinal," and his ambition in-
stigated him to take the sole direction of public affairs.
As the power of Beaufort increased that of Glou-
cester decreased. This became apparent in the reduc-
tion of the Duke's salary as Protector from eight
thousand marks to five thousand, and then to four
thousand. Afterwards, the coronation of the young
1429. King, which took place on the 6th of November, 1429,
kenr!hed ' entirely suppressed the Protectorate and established
the authority of Beaufort, "f
The education of Henry VI. had been first intrusted,
by the Council of Regency, to the Duke of Exeter and
the Bishop of Winchester, his great uncles, who were
named his governors ; but after the death of the former,
in 1424, Beauchamp, :[: Earl of Warwick, had been
appointed to fill this high office. The late monarch,
at his death, had given the highest testimony of his
respect for, and confidence in, the Earl of Warwick,
by appointing him to be tutor to his son until he
attained his sixteenth year. For some time this earl
remained in France, and continued engaged in the war
there ; but afterwards Parliament confirmed the dispo-
* Holinshed ; Barante ; Rapin.
f Sharon Turner.
J The name Beauchamp was derived from " Bello Campo." Hugh de
Beauchamp, the first of this noble family, came over from Normandy at the
time of the Conquest.
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 213
sitions of the King, and Warwick entered upon his
new office in England.
The rigid discipline and coercive instructions en-
forced by this nobleman procured from the young and
delicate prince only an unwilling obedience to his
commands, while indeed they were ill calculated to
strengthen and expand a mind naturally weak, and
which, like the tender plant, too often displays by its
growth the ignorance, or the unskilful hand of the culti-
vator. Indeed it has been said of King Henry VI.,
"that he was a monarch early taught to weep."*
The policy of the Duke of Bedford induced him,
under his late severe losses in France, to bring over
the young king. He hoped, by procuring his corona-
tion in Paris, to recover somewhat of his own influence
in that kingdom, and to arouse the energies of those
who still regarded the English monarch as their lawful
sovereign.
At eight years of age Henry VI. was accordingly
crowned king of both realms ; and the genius of the
age was employed to invent amusements for the royal
child, in whom some traced a fancied resemblance to
the hero of Agincourt, while others prognosticated that
his reign would be no less splendid than happy. Alas !
these were idle visions ; and Henry's career far more
resembled the day which dawns amidst sunshine and
joy, and closes in clouds and tears.
There were present at this coronation, which was
performed by the Cardinal of Winchester, in the
church of Notre-Dame, on the 17th of December,
1430, the Archbishop of York, the Dukes of Bedford, 1430.
York, and Norfolk, the Earls of Salisbury, Warwick,
Suffolk, Oxford, and other noblemen.
In the midst of the feasting and rejoicing attendant
* Baker ; Sandford ; Holinshed ; Biograph. Britannica ; Lingard ; Howel ;
Barante ; Monf aucon : Eccles. Hist. ; Kapin.
214 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
on this event, the Cardinal of Winchester gave great
offence to the Duke of Bedford by arrogating to him-
self the first place in the kingdom, and desiring him to
lay aside the title of regent during the stay of the King
in France. Such was the disgust conceived by Bed-
ford at this, that he would not again favour the views
of the Cardinal. By some it has even been asserted
that it was this difference which gave rise to the sub-
sequent divisions amongst the English nobility.
During the period of the King's absence for his
coronation in France, Richard, Duke of York, was
appointed constable of this realm, and it was thought
that it might have been this which gave to the noble-
man (who had just been restored to his family estates
and titles) a foretaste of power, and made him after-
wards so ambitious of regal authority.*
The return of Henry VI. to England was welcomed
with great joy by the nation. Splendid pageants were
exhibited in London by the people, who sought by
every means to show their attachment to the heir of
King Henry V. and of the race of Plantagenets, who
had been the first of their sovereigns to be crowned
King of France. The great exultation and pride of
the nation exhibited on this occasion was afterwards
powerfully contrasted with the melancholy chain of
events in this monarch's reign. Never, perhaps, did
Dame Fortune prove herself so fickle as in her mock
promises to the young King of England, in bestowing
on him " riches, prosperity, and long life ; " for not
one of these did Henry of Windsor enjoy.
1435. This year, 1435, Isabella, Queen of France, died,
' soon afterwards the Duke of Bedford. His death
vergl'. gave a mortai ^iow to tke SUCCesses of the English in
* Holinshed ; Sandford ; Kymer's Fcedera ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ;
Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; Lond. Chron. ; John Rous ; Barante ; Eccles. Hist. ;
Jdonfaucon ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 215
France. Bedford had been a prudent prince, of great
experience in arms and government, and much feared
by his enemies. The Earl of Warwick was judged the
only person capable of repairing his loss. He was
therefore discharged from the care of the person of the
King, and being made Lieutenant-General of France
and Normandy, the highest honour which could be con-
ferred upon an English subject, he was dismissed to
fulfil his office.* Warwick took with him his wife and
son, and was attended by a peculiar officer-at-arms,
called " Warwick Herald," who received from the Earl
an annuity of ten marks.
Some successes attended this earl at first, but he
did not long enjoy his newly conferred dignity. He
died at Rouen, in April, 1439.|
After the treaty of Arras, 'the Duke of Burgundy
sent letters of remonstrance to induce King Henry VI.
to make peace with France, and to explain his own
motives for renouncing his former alliance.
When these letters were read aloud in the Council,
they excited much surprise, and the young King was
so much affected at their contents " that his eyes were
filled with tears, which ran down his cheeks." He
exclaimed, " that he plainly perceived, since the Duke
of Burgundy had acted thus disloyally towards him,
and was reconciled to his enemy, King Charles, that
his dominions in France would fare the worse for it."
Upon this the Cardinal and the Duke of Gloucester
abruptly left the Council, much confused and vexed ;
and their example being followed by others, no deter-
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Anquetil ; Barante ; Hume.
f The Earl of Warwick had by his second countess, one son, named
Henry, and one daughter, Anne. The Countess of Warwick retired, on the
death of her husband, to the monastery of Southwick, in Hampshire ; but
survived the earl only a short time. She died on the 24th of June, 1439>
and was interred in the abbey of Tewkesbury, which she had founded. —
Pol, Vergil ; Barante ; Biograpli. Britaniuca.
216 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
mination could be agreed upon. The parties collected
again in small knots, and abused each other as well as
the Duke of Burgundy. Nor were the populace less
lavish of their opprobrious epithets upon that Duke and
his country, and even collected in bodies, seeking for
obnoxious foreigners, whom they ill-treated, and even
murdered some of them before the tumult was appeased.
When the Council again met, the messengers from the
Duke of Burgundy only obtained a verbal reply from
the Lord Treasurer.*
In 1439 the regency of France was bestowed on
Richard, Duke of York, the son of the Earl of Cam-
bridge, and the Duke of Somerset was appointed to fill
the place of Salisbury, lately slain. It has been sup-
posed that Somerset was ambitious of the regency,
and from envy and hatred of the Duke of York, sought
to prevent his repairing to France to direct the opera-
tions of the war, and maintain the conquests of the
English. However this might be, he so effectually
applied himself to this purpose that the Duke of York
was detained in England until Paris, and many other
of the chief places in France, had been recovered by
the enemy. This ill-will on the part of Somerset was
perceived by the Duke of York, who was inspired with
feelings of the strongest resentment against him, and
although he dissembled his sentiments, he took frequent
occasions to injure and offend him. Thus commenced
a hatred between two powerful families, which ter-
minated only in their annihilation.
The conduct of the Duke of York, upon his landing
in France, has been highly extolled. He rendered
great services to his country, wisely directing the
affairs of the English ; yet the utmost exertions on
their part were insufficient to maintain their former
conquests.
* Monstrelet.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 21 Y
King Charles had recovered from the dismay into
which his early losses had thrown him, and having
attained the age of manhood, when his noble and
generous character unfolded itself to the world, he
found his adherents daily increasing, while Henry, still
a child both in age and capacity, appeared an unequal
rival, incompetent to dispute his crown.* -j
Much praise has been bestowed on the Queen Con-
sort, Mary of Anjou, for the fond energy with which
she urged Charles VII. at this time to grapple with his
misfortunes and his culpable indolence of character.
Nor was this approbation undeserved. Such was
the penury of King Charles when he fixed on the
capital of Berry as the centre of his kingdom, that, we
are told, he sometimes immured himself in his apart-
ments with the Queen, in order that he might not
blush in having a single witness to the rough fare with
which he was obliged to content himself. Even for the
moderate supplies of his table he was indebted to his
steward, Jacques Coeur, and other friends. The good
and generous disposition of Mary of Anjou was mani-
fested in this hour of distress. Her firmness, com-
bined with prudence, supported the King under his trials,
while her tenderness made her think nothing too great a
sacrifice. She was also ingenious in her resources ; she
sold her rings, jewels, plate, and even the silver from
her chapel, to supply the means of remunerating those
whom they desired to attach to their person or party.
She was mainly instrumental in awakening in the
King, her husband, the ardour with which he at last
exclaimed, "God and reason must be on my side!"
while unsheathing his sword, he filled with a new confi-
dence the generals, who speedily surrounded his royal
standard in that extremity. Charles had even medi-
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Anquetil ; Barante ; Howel ; Speed ;
Ryrner's Foedera ; Pol. Vergil.
218 MAEOAEET OF ANJOU.
tated his escape into Dauphine, and thence to Spain
or Scotland, seeing no probability of raising the siege
of Orleans ; but to his queen, Mary of Anjou, was due
the credit of obstructing his weak resolve which was
soon after entirely dissipated by an event unparalleled
in the history of nations.*
The great event, which so speedily changed the
whole face of affairs, was effected by the exploits of
a simple unlettered girl, born at Dom Reme on
the frontiers of Lorraine, and so well known to all
succeeding generations as Joan of Arc.| She had
been already distinguished in her small sphere for her
virtue, courage, and vigour of mind ; but having formed
ambitious aspirations for the honour and good of her
country, her piety and enthusiasm gained her access
to Charles of Lorraine, and through his assistance,
to Charles VII. One of the French writers, speaking
of the Maid of Orleans, says, " She was an extraor-
dinary girl, raised up by God to punish the English,
and to make them feel the injustice of their enterprises
on France. Far from profiting by this singular event,
through which He spoke to them so plainly, they thought
only of revenging themselves on this girl, whom Pro-
vidence had employed to humble them. They accused
her of idolatry, magic, blasphemy, and heresy, and
burnt her to death. God testified his anger against all
those who took part in this injustice. He humbled the
English more and more, and honoured the memory of
this extraordinary girl, by whom He had worked so
many miracles.";);
In the north of France, now become the seat of war,
the Regent continued to struggle under accumulated
* Chalon's France ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f Moreri ; Monf aucon ; Mezerai ; Rapin ; Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Godard
Faultrier.
J Daniel ; Eccles. Hist.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 219
difficulties. In England, the continued contests be-
tween Beaufort and Gloucester caused the neglect of
affairs in France, and no steps were taken to repair their
repeated losses. The death of the Duke of Bedford, and
King Henry's assumption of the regal power (which
he used rather at the discretion of the Cardinal than
his own), deprived the Duke of Gloucester of all in-
fluence in the kingdom ; so that, although sincere in
his attachment to the interests of his nephew, he could
not serve him, or overcome the opposition of his ad-
versary. Amidst these contests, and the affronts
offered to the Duke, his affinity to the crown and his
great popularity gave him an advantage, of which his
hasty temper as often deprived him.
No accommodation could be effected between the
two kingdoms ; but at length a truce was entered into
with the Duke of Burgundy, and the English engaged
to release the Duke of Orleans, the last of the five 1440.
noble princes whom Henry V. had captured and who '
had been a prisoner in England twenty-five years.*
The release of Orleans furnished to the rival parties
in the Cabinet a new subject for contention. Glou-
cester represented the injunctions of the late king, not
to release the prisoners until his son should be of age
to dispose of them himself. He added other powerful
arguments, entered a formal protest against the deter-
mination of the Council, and strenuously endeavoured
to prevent the liberation of this prisoner, but in vain.
The Cardinal, who had been some time exerting him-
self to bring about a peace, had pledged himself to the
Duchess of Burgundy, with whom he had had several
interviews, to effect the release of the Duke of Orleans*
Having more weight in the Council than his nephew,
* Baker ; Hume ; Henry ; Ling-ard ; Sharon Turner ; Rlonstrelet ;
Eapin ; Baraiite ; Mariana.
220 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
he ultimately gained his point, and the Duke of Bur-
gundy paid part of the prisoner's ransom.
The Duke of Orleans, before he left England, not
only paid 40,000 nobles, and gave security for 80,000
more, but engaged to return to his prison at the expi-
ration of the year, unless he succeeded in getting King
Charles to agree to a final peace. The English
monarch promised, on his part, to repay the money on
signature of the treaty, or on the Duke's return to the
Tower of London, where he had passed his tedious
captivity of twenty-five years. Surely no one could
have been more deeply interested in effecting the
object for which, apparently, he was set free, or have
felt more strongly his responsibility in procuring a
peace so desirable for the interests of both realms.
His own happiness, liberty, and future welfare seemed
to be at stake, for he had, moreover, engaged to
marry the niece of the Duke of Burgundy who had
agreed with him to forget former enmities. This
seemed much for Orleans to attempt; for, let it be
remembered, he was the son of the Duke of Orleans
who had been assassinated by John " Sans Peur."
All these conditions were, notwithstanding, ulti-
mately fulfilled.*
1440. When set at liberty, at the end of the year 1440,
Rymer's the Duke of Orleans had much difficulty in effecting
Fcedera. ^ Q^J^ to which he had pledged himself. He found
King Charles surrounded by favourites, who, by their
intrigues, so effectually excluded others from their
monarch's notice, that some time elapsed before he
obtained the influence to which he was entitled by his
rank and abilities. When the King at length yielded
to his suggestions in favour of a peace, no general
basis of a pacification could be found. Thus, only an
armistice for two years was agreed upon. Henry VI.,
* Anquetil..
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 221
meanwhile, was obliged to extend the period fixed
upon for the return of Orleans to his captivity. It was
the hope and expectation of the negotiators of this
peace, the chief of whom were the Duke of Orleans
and the Earl of Suffolk, that during the interval
afforded by this truce some means would be dis-
covered of reconciling the interests of the two nations.
The Duke of Gloucester at this time laid before the 1441
King a written statement of the transgressions of the
Cardinal, contained in twenty-four articles, in which
he sought to lessen his credit with Henry VI., but the
King only referred the examination of these charges
to the Council. The spiritual lords, who chiefly com-
posed this body, were in the interest of Beaufort, and
therefore passed by these charges in silence. Some of
them were undoubtedly true, yet the Cardinal still con-
trived to enjoy favour at court. Many things had, in-
deed, been done without the consent of the King or of
the -Duke, both by the Cardinal and the Archbishop of
York.*
The time, however, approached when party rage,
which repeated aggravations and insults had aug-
mented to the most bitter hatred, was about to vent
itself in a series of attacks on the reputation, family,
and even on the life of its devoted victim.
We have seen how the high estimation with which
the Cardinal of Winchester had been regarded by King
Henry V. aided that prelate's escape from public
censure under the charges laid before the Duke of
Bedford. As his preceptor, the young monarch, Henry
VI., habitually looked upon him with respect and es-
teem, and he ever after submitted to his authority.
This rule over the sovereign it was the interest of the
Cardinal to preserve ; and the pride and avarice of this
* Baker ; Speed ; Hall ; Pol. Vergil ; Hoiinshed ; Fenn's Letters ; Lin-
gard ; Henry ; Hume ; Barante ; Sharon Turner ; Villaret ; Anquetil.
222 MAKOABET OF ANJOU.
ecclesiastical statesman increased with his accumu-
lated wealth and enlarged influence. His continual
opposition to the Duke of Gloucester kept up a never-
failing contest in the Cabinet ; and about this period
there began to be exhibited in every fresh quarrel,
much personality and malice, which were only ex-
tinguished in the grave. History exhibits the cir-
cumstances of this quarrel in various lights ; some
authors advocating the measures of the Cardinal, and
aggravating the faults of the Duke ; but all concur in
attributing to Gloucester many virtues, while the
greatest crime laid to his charge appears to have been
a rash and impetuous temper, which is ever more fatal
to its possessor than to others. This it was which
led him boldly, too boldly for his own safety, to advo-
cate his country's welfare. For instance, at the close
of his address to the King, he adds, " For truth, I dare
" speake of my truth, the poore dare not doo so. And
" if the Cardinal, and the Archbishop of Yorke, may
" afterward declare themselves, of that is, and shall be
" said of them ; you, my right doubted lord, may then
" restore them again to your councell, at your noble
" pleasure." *
The Cardinal and his party were, however, in little
danger of losing the confidence of a prince so accus-
tomed to yield, and who showed too little spirit to
resist the authority of Beaufort, even in favour of an
injured kinsman.
Many attempts were made to destroy the character
of the Duke of Gloucester in the opinion of his
nephew, the King. His patriotic exertions were con-
strued into ambitious attempts at the crown ; and his
hereditary family pride having instigated him to prefer
the fatigues and hazards of a war in which it was pos-
sible to preserve the laurels which his brother had won,
* Holinsiied.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 2'23
to an ignoble peace, his public conduct was regarded with
suspicion, as betraying symptoms "of a disaffected spirit,
ready to revive, upon every opportunity, fresh troubles
and contentions. The lofty spirit of Gloucester, which
had already been tried by many disappointments, was
now compelled to submit to a far greater insult than
any he had before experienced. He, who, on account
of his love of literature and taste, had been styled "the
Maecenas " of his age, had to endure the degradation
of beholding his wife tried and punished on an absurd
and groundless charge of necromancy. The rank of
the lady ought to have commanded respect, and would,
doubtless, have preserved her from such indignities,
had not her former dissolute character and the declin-
ing influence of her husband exposed her to the malice
of his enemies.
We are told that the Cardinal laid this charge
against her, finding no grounds of accusation against the
Duke. Indeed it was highly improbable that a man
who had been distinguished for exposing impostures, and
who, in the encouragement of learning, had founded
the divinity school at Oxford, should have ventured
himself, or encouraged his wife, to tamper with
witches or necromancers. It does not, however, seem
surprising that Henry, already impressed with such
unfavourable sentiments towards his uncle, should have
listened to an accusation against the wife of one so
often aspersed before him.
The Duke had been accused of aspiring to the
crown. This charge went further, and supposed an
ittack on the King's life by means of the necromantic
irt. Upon this plea the Duchess of Gloucester was
Lpprehended. She had been discovered, by the spies
of the Cardinal, engaged in private meetings with Sir
Robert Bolingbroke, a priest and mathematician (for
which last he was suspected of necromancy), and three
224 MAKGAKET OF ANJOU.
others, one of whom was Marjary Gourdimain, called
the "Witch of Eye."" With these persons Eleanor
Cobham, Duchess, of Gloucester, was subjected to a
severe examination before the chief prelates of the
kingdom, viz., the Cardinal, the Archbishop of York,
and Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury.
She was charged with a design to destroy the life of
the King by enchantment. With the assistance of
her accomplices, she was said to have formed an
image of the King in wax, which, by sorcery, was
consumed by slow degrees, and it was intended that
the King should perish in like manner. No trea-
sonable practices were proved against the Duchess,
yet she was sentenced to do public penance in St.
Paul's and two other churches for three days, and
afterwards to be imprisoned for life. This sentence
was executed with great severity. She was first incar-
1441. cerated in the Isle of Man, and afterwards in Kenil-
oward ; worth Castle. Sir Robert Bolingbroke was hanged, and
Marjary Gourdimain burnt at the stake as a reputed
witch.*
There can be little doubt that Gloucester deeply
resented this attack on his wife ; the cruel and unjust
sentence served to widen the breach between this
prince and his uncle, and every after-event only tended
to aggravate their quarrel, f Nothing but the weak-
ness and credulity of the King could have caused him
to give credence to a plot, which only the most artful
malice had devised, to effect the ruin of the Duchess of
Gloucester.
When Henry VI. assumed the regal power, he
betrayed no indications of that vigour and energy
* This unjust condemnation of the Duchess of Gloucester caused a
statute to be made for trying peeresses by their equals, a privilege they had
never before enjoyed. — Stow, Parl. Hist. ; Life of ChicJielej.
f Holinshed ; Speed ; Sandford ; Baker ; Carte ; Fabian ; Rymer's
Foedera ; Stow ; Lond. Chron. ; W. of Worcester ; Life of Chicheley.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 225
which had so eminently distinguished his father. He
had been restrained by the Cardinal in his early years
from attention to public affairs ; and his subsequent
life was marked by a kind of natural imbecility and
incapacity for business. At this time, he seemed to
unite to a weak understanding a temper so easy, yet
so kind and benevolent, that he became rather the sub-
ject than the sovereign of all who surrounded him.
Thus a field was opened for the ambitious and de-
signing ; for that characteristic, which, in a private
individual, would have been considered only as amiable,
was, in a monarch, found to be highly censurable.
It was not difficult for men of understanding to
perceive, that to gain the ear of the King was, in
effect, to rule the kingdom ; and for this several com-
petitors appeared, amongst whom the Cardinal of
Winchester took the lead.* This prelate sought only
his own private interests, and those of his party.
Having been accustomed to rule the King's person
during his minority, and to assume an undue authority
in the realm, he contended sharply with the Duke of
Gloucester for the continuance of that power. He
endeavoured, by various means, to thwart the views of
that nobleman, who, on his part, anxiously sought to
banish all ecclesiastical statesmen from the council-
chamber, " that men might be at their freedom to say
what they thought the truth."
Tims the hatred and envy of these two parties
alternately disturbed and agitated the English court ;
until that period arrived when King Henry, having
attained his twenty-first year, was advised to choose a
consort, to participate his enjoyments and to share his
throne.
* Biondi ; Rymer's Fcedera ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Sharon Turner ;
Henry.
VOL. I.
CHAPTER IV.
" Speak ! hast thou seen her? will she be my Queen ?
" Quick, tell me ev'ry circumstance, each word,
" Each look, each gesture ; didst thou mark them, Suffolk ? "
SHAKESPEARE. — Henry VI.
Did not the Heavens her coming in withstand,
As though affrighted when she came to land ?
The earth did quake her coming to abide,
The goodly Thames did twice keep back his tide ;
Paul's shook with tempests, and that mounting spire,
With light'ning sent from heaven was set on fire ;
Our stately buildings to the ground were blown.
Her pride by these prodigious signs was shown
More fearful visions on the English earth,
Than ever were at any death, or birth." — DRAYTON.
Propositions of marriage for King Henry — He is affianced to the daughter
of the Earl of Armagnac — This earl is taken prisoner — Negotiation for
peace with France, and a proposal for the hand of Margaret of Anjou—
The Earl of Suffolk, his family, and pretensions — His embassy to Tours
—Policy of the English ministers — Margaret of Anjou and her accom-
plishments— A truce signed — The marriage proposed and determined
upon — No dower required — Suffolk returns to England, and obtains the
sanction of Parliament — Suffolk's eulogium of Margaret of Anjou —
Nuptials by proxy — Margaret comes to England — Her illness — The
marriage— Progress to London— The coronation — The King confides in
the Queen, who unites in the party of Cardinal Beaufort.
IT was easy to perceive that the lady, whosoever she
might be, who should become Queen of England,
would decide the balance of power between the con-
tending parties in the Cabinet, and consequently each
became desirous of selecting their king's consort from
a family likely to be favourable to his own peculiar
interests.
The first matrimonial alliance proposed, was by
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 227
the Duke of Gloucester. In the terms of the treaty
for peace with France, in 1439, instructions were
given to propose the marriage of King Henry VI.
with one of the daughters of Charles VII. This
conference, however, was broken up, and this lady
became afterwards the wife of the son of the Duke of
Burgundy.
The continuance of the wars between the two
kingdoms at length excited the commiseration of all
Christendom. The Pope had exhorted the two
monarchs to put an end to the effusion of blood, and
several conferences had taken place between the Car-
dinal of Winchester and the Duchess of Burgundy, the
result of which was the appointment of a meeting to
treat about a peace, the Dukes of Brittany and Orleans
foeing the mediators.*
The Duke of Gloucester next proposed the union
of his young monarch with the daughter of the Earl of
Armagnac, and finding that the rich provinces of Gas-
cony and Auvergne would be this lady's portion, he
thought the marriage would prove acceptable to the
people. It was also expected that this alliance would
serve as a protection to Guienne. The Count of Ar-
magnac, who had taken possession of the inheritance
of the Countess of Cominges for which the King of
France was also a competitor, justly fearing the power
of that monarch, had earnestly sought to ally himself
with England, in order to maintain himself in his new
acquisitions. He proffered the hand of his daughter to
King Henry VL, with a handsome dower, adding to a
large sum of money the full possession of all his towns
and castles in the province of Aquitaine, which had
formerly belonged to England."]"
* Rymer's Foedera ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner.
f Baker ; Sandford ; Hall ; Beckington ; Rymer's Foedera ; Rapin ;
IMonstrelet ; Barante ; Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard.
Q 2
228 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
The ambassadors from the Count of Armagnac were-
graciously received by King Henry, who, on their
return, dismissed Sir Edward Hall, Sir Robert Eoos
and Thomas de Beckington,* the King's secretary, to-
complete the contract.
This marriage had been warmly advocated by the
Duke of Gloucester, but it was no less dreaded by
the Cardinal and his party, who liked not to receive a
princess so much in favour with their opponent; and
it appears not improbable that they gave some hints
respecting the intended match to King Charles, as the
event, which so speedily followed, seemed to show. In
the month of May, 1442, the ambassadors of Henry VI.
set out with his instructions for the conclusion of this*
marriage. Early in the following month, the King of
France, who was much displeased at the combination
forming against him, despatched the Dauphin with a
powerful army to invade Guienne, and this enterprise
was so successful, that within eight days the whole
country had rebelled against King Henry. Treachery
as well as force seems to have been employed to under-
mine the influence of England, a report having been
spread that no relief was to be expected from this
country. The appearance of the ambassadors, and the
perusal of King Henry's letter restored the confidence
of the people, succours being promised them, which
they earnestly desired, but the extraordinary negligence
of the English in the fulfilment of these promises can
with difficulty be explained. The ambassadors ap-
pealed strongly to the King ; they wrote also to Lord
Cromwell, the treasurer, and their messengers were
accompanied by the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who
was deputed by the inhabitants to represent their situ-
ation. Despatches were again sent, on the 17th of
* Thomas Beckington, of Beckington, Somersetshire, Bishop of Bath and.
Wells. A great benefactor to the Church of Wells.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 229
October, to the King, the Duke of Gloucester, and the
Cardinal of Winchester. The letter to His Majesty
'described the state of Guienne, the successes of King
Charles, and the non-arrival of succours from England.
The ambassadors assured the King that if only a few
men had been sent, the French monarch would in all
probability have been made prisoner, and the country
might have been preserved.
It was the general opinion that this marriage was
strenuously opposed by the Earl of Suffolk ; and one
of the subsequent charges against this nobleman
was the breach of this contract. He was charged with
having acquainted the King of France with the pro-
posed marriage the moment it was agitated, and with
having thus caused the invasion of Guienne, in the
month of June.* From this period, until the close of
that year, the rapid successes of the French, and the
surprising negligence of the English in not sending
succours to that province, caused a change in the
sentiments of the Count of Armagnac ; and if the
conduct of the Count, which had excited the suspicions
>f the English ambassadors, did not finally dispose
ang Henry to break off this alliance, the result was
inevitable, from the seizure of the dominions and
person of the Count, who, with his two daughters
and youngest son, were taken prisoners by King
Charles.
Thus was the marriage of the King of England de-
ferred, or rather set aside ; for this nation did not
scruple to put an affront on a prince who was unfortu-
,nate and unable to revenge himself; and while the
princes of Christendom united their endeavours to
establish peace between the two kingdoms, another
union, more agreeable to King Henry though not
* Monstrelet, on Hall's authority, says that this was done by the Cardinal
of Winchester, from hatred of Gloucester.
230 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
more fortunate for the English nation, was decided
upon.*
The Cardinal of Winchester, on his part, had also
selected a bride for his sovereign. His choice had not
been determined with less political foresight than that;
of his rival ; and great secrecy appears to have been
observed before this important decision was divulged,
to the public. It was two years after the negotiation.
1444. with' the Count of Armagnac, that the Cardinal, (ever
Holinshed. • i -i • i •
anxious to procure peace, while in his eagerness to
frustrate the measures of his opponents he seemed
even to disregard the public good,) dismissed an em-
bassy to negotiate with France, and to adjust the
terms of a peace, to which the late severe losses had
inclined the people to agree. f
After the death of the Duke of Bedford, the Cardinal
had introduced into the Council William de la Pole,
Earl of Suffolk, who had so far succeeded in ingratiating
himself into the royal favour that the King became
attached to him, and blindly followed his suggestions.
From this time it would appear that the Cardinal made
this earl instrumental in his own ambitious projects,
employing him to gain the King's consent to the new
alliance he proposed, and to receive all his instructions
for the completion of this marriage.
The Earl of Suffolk did not inherit the great talents
which had distinguished some of his ancestors. His
grandfather, Michael de la Pole, was born of mean
parents, but his eminent abilities enabled him speedily
to obtain great wealth, and also the notice of
Edward III., who took him into the number of his
privy council. He became Chancellor of England, and
* Baker ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Sandford ; Carte ; Fabian ;
Monstrelet ; Beckington's Journal ; Villaret ; Mezerai ; Eapin ; Sharo a
Turner ; Barante.
f Carte ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Barante ; Villaret.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 231
in 1385, Richard II. created him Earl of Suffolk ; but
with the decline of the authority of this monarch, the
influence of Michael de la Pole decreased also, and he
died an exile from his native land. His son, Michael,
lost his life at the siege of Harfleur, and the earldom
was bestowed by Henry V. on the third son of this
nobleman ; but he was slain at the battle of Agincourt,
in 1415. Thus, his brother William succeeded to
the titles and estates, to which he added the ample
dower of his wife, Alice, the granddaughter of
Geoffrey Chaucer, the poet.* The Earl, although not
endowed with more than ordinary abilities, was
courageous and ambitious. He expected to advance
himself and his party to the highest estimation with
his sovereign, but this attempt was not unaccom-
panied with danger ; supported, however, by the
favour of the Cardinal, he was well received at court,
and successful in obtaining the young King's sanction
for him to procure for his consort the lovely princess
Margaret, the daughter of Rene of Anjou.f
The learning and surpassing charms of the poor
but unrivalled daughter of King Rene* had been re-
ported to the young sovereign of England, " who was
anxious to enter into the endearing restraints of the
most holy Sacrament of marriage;" and he resolved,
if possible, to obtain her hand. For this purpose a
secret negotiation with her father was commenced ;
and the King obtained a portrait of the youthful
Margaret, which made him more than ever desirous to
conclude the contract.
King Henry, though feeble and destitute of those
* Alice Chaucer had been already twice married ; having1 first espoused
Sir John Philips, Knt. Her second husband was Thos. Montecute, Earl of
Salisbury, who, at his death, left her great riches. — Stow ; Millcs's Cata-
logue ; Ly son's Mag. Brit.; Allen's York; Monstrelet ; Blograpli. Brit-
tanica.
f Rapin ; Barante.
232 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
commanding talents which shone conspicuously in
his father and his grandfather, was still peculiarly
susceptible of the influence of learning and great
talents. It was for these — possessed by Margaret of
Anjou in so eminent a degree — that she was selected
by Cardinal Beaufort for the consort of his sovereign.
He had the discernment, doubtless, to perceive how
singularly fitted was this princess to guide the well-
meaning, but weak and irresolute Henry, who seemed
formed by nature as well as by education, to be
governed implicitly.
When on the point of engaging in this embassy, the
Earl of Suffolk showed a little reluctance, whether
feigned or real, and professed himself unequal to the
undertaking. He was not ignorant of the risk he
incurred ; and however ambitious of advancing himself
with his sovereign and the nation, he confessed his
incapacity, and presenting a petition to the King,
modestly begged to be released from this undertaking ;
or, if denied this favour, entreating to be secured from
any after penalty, should he fail in the object of his
embassy. He also showed great caution in receiving
his instructions. It is probable that he might justly
fear the resentment of the Duke of Gloucester, who
wTould be sure to oppose this measure ; or, it might be,
that he was conscious that he should incur the penalty
of an Act passed in the reign of Henry V. against any
one who should conclude peace with the King of
France without the consent of the three estates in both
realms.
To remove these objections an instrument was signed
by the King and his Parliament, which granted pardon
beforehand to the Earl (who in this instrument is called
"grand seneschal of his household, and ambassador")
for . any error of judgment which he might commit in
his double capacity, provided he arranged the nego-
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 233
tiation for the peace and the marriage to the utmost of
his abilities.* Thus provided, the Earl of Suffolk set
out, about the beginning of Lent, 1444, for the city 1444.
of Tours, where this important negotiation was com-
menced. He was accompanied by Dr. Adam Moulins,
Keeper of the King's privy seal and Dean of Salisbury,
Sir Robert Roos f (the former colleague of Beckington),
Richard Andrews | (Doctor of Laws), the King's secre-
tary, Sir Thomas Hoo, Knight, and John Wenlock,
Esqr..§
These distinguished individuals were met in the city
of Tours, where King Charles held his court, by many
foreign ambassadors and persons of illustrious birth,
amongst whom the Angevine princes held a distin-
guished place. Thither repaired, on the part of King
Charles, the Duke of Orleans, Louis of Bourbon, the
Earl of Vendome, Grand Master of the King's House-
hold, Pierre de Breze (steward of Poitou), and Bertram
de Beauvau, Lord of Persigne, who had all been
appointed by this monarch to adjust the terms of the
peace with England. The ambassadors from Spain,
Denmark, and Hungary appeared as mediators between
the two kings.
It was a large assembly, and great sums were ex-
pended, and there was much display in apparel at these
* See Appendix, p. 415.
f It is probable that it was for Sir Kobert's services on this occasion the
offices of Chamberlain and Customer of the town of Berwick were granted
to him for life, by Henry VI., in 1445.
J Eichard Andrews was a Fellow of New College, and Warden of All
Souls' College. This last he resigned in 1442 for a more conspicuous
station. Besides ecclesiastical preferments of great value, he filled the
honourable office of Secretary to King Henry, and took, in that capacity, a
part in the treaties of this reign. He was especially distinguished by his
attendance on Margaret of Anjou in France, and on her progress to Eng-
land for her coronation. — Life of Cldclieley.
§ Stow ; Carte ; Speed ; Holinshed ; Rymer's Fcedera ; Paston Letters ;
Allen's York; Eccles. Hist. ; Beckington's Journal; Life of Chicheley; Daniel;
Barante ; Monstrelet ; Baudier ; Godfrey's Charles VII. ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Davies's Chron.
234 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
meetings at Tours, which were frequently held, and
various subjects discussed, in order to effect a per-
manent peace between the two kingdoms. But all
these efforts were ineffectual. Fresh doubts arose on
both sides, and it became quite impossible to arrive
at unanimity. A truce only was at length concluded,
for the period of eighteen months, which was signed
on the 28th of May, 1444.
The Earl of Suffolk, finding that he had failed in
this part of his embassy, still endeavoured to obtain
for his country such influence with the foreign powers
as should, at a more distant period, be productive of
that reconciliation which the English nation universally
appeared to desire. He next entered on the marriage,
which, as one means of establishing the peace, was
regarded by the ministers as the chief, object of this
embassy.
The union between King Henry VI. and Margaret of
Anjou had been agreed upon, arranged, nay, even
secretly negotiated, during the preceding year,
although nothing was publicly made known respecting
it. This secrecy may be better understood if we
reflect on the motives for the conduct of the King's
counsellors. Being aware of the infirm state of the
health of King Henry, they feared, should he die, that
their rival, the Duke of Gloucester, who was presump-
tive heir to the crown, might have it in his power to
gratify his resentment against them, and punish them
as they deserved.
The Earl of Suffolk readily concluded the contract,
and agreed to the cession of Maine and Anjou on the
part of his master, after which the treaty was ratified
in due form. The demands of Eene might have been
thought even reasonable by Suffolk, acting as he did
in perfect accordance with the instructions of Beaufort,
who was esteemed the most clear-headed statesman of
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 235
his time. This step was, however wise and politic,
very unpopular, and gave rise to the suspicions of the
English nation concerning the Duke, which ultimately
endangered his life.'*
Two years had elapsed since Rene's expedition to
Naples, when this proposal was made for the hand of
his second daughter, Margaret. He had been on the
point of uniting her to the Count of Nevers, but the
superior eligibility of this union with the English
monarch at once ended the discussion on the former
marriage, to which King Charles had raised some
opposition. At this time Rene was not in possession
of any territory, although styled King of Sicily, Naples,
and Jerusalem ; his natural inheritance of Maine and
Anjou had been long in the power of the English ;
he had not a single castle to call his own, his duchy of
Bar, and even his very person being mortgaged for
the payment of his ransom to the Duke of Burgundy,
which he had not yet been able to discharge. Such,
indeed, was his extreme poverty that he not unfre-
quently became dependent on the liberality of his
friends and relatives.
In this destitute condition he was altogether unable
to bestow on his daughter any bridal portion, and even
on this account he had experienced the grief of behold-
ing her hand refused by several princes. It could not
be expected, therefore, that Rene was able to defray
the necessary expenses of the nuptials, or of Margaret's
escort into England.
This princess, indeed, although entitled by her birth
to an honourable marriage, could hardly aspire to so
advantageous an union as this with the English
monarch. Margaret's want of fortune was, however,
* Holinshed ; Biondi ; Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Speed ; Eymer's Fcedera j
Carte ; Sandford ; Monf aucon ; Godfrey ; Baudier ; Villaret ; Monstrelet ;
Anquetil ; Sismondi ; Mezerai ; Eapin ; Olivier de la Marche.
236 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the very occasion of her advancement to one of the
first thrones in Europe, for it exactly met the views
of the English ministers, who, in elevating to the
rank of sovereignty a lady of their own selecting,
wished to render her grateful for the favour they con-
ferred, and to unite her, if possible, in their interests.
They imagined also, that by giving to their weak
monarch a wife who could rule him entirely, they
should, through her means, be able to preserve their
own influence. The beauty, youth, and talents of the
Princess Margaret seemed also to favour the execution
of their project.* The honour and welfare of the
nation were thus lost sight of by these narrow-minded
politicians, who, in their anxiety to promote this mar-
riage, altogether overlooked that which ought to have
been a paramount objection, viz., that Margaret being
a niece of the Queen of France, her father had not the
right of disposing of her without the consent of the
King, who could not be expected to signify his appro-
bation without such concessions on the part of the
English as would further his views, and put an end to
a war so destructive to his kingdom.
The objections to the expediency of this marriage
did not, however, extend to the person of Margaret
herself, for it is impossible to find amongst our
illustrious queens one of equal beauty and talents ; yet
was she destined, from the cradle to the tomb, to
misery and vicissitude. This princess has been
described at the period of her marriage as " the most
accomplished of her age, both in body and mind.*" To
an enterprising and lively disposition she joined great
firmness and resolution, a solidity of judgment, and a
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Stow ; Carte ; Rymer's Fcedera ; Biondi ; Bau-
dier ; Daniel ; PAbbe Millot ; Speed ; Monstrelet ; Monfaucon ; Barante ;
Villaret ; Biographic Universelle ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ;
Sharon Turner.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 23T
penetration which admirably fitted her to command,
and seemed to qualify her for that ascendency over the
King of England which his ministers so anxiously
desired she should obtain, and by which they hoped
to rule according to their own will and pleasure. Such
was Margaret of Anjou in her fourteenth year; and
even at this early period of life, the fame of her beauty
and wit resounded throughout France ; and it was
said, that "there was not in Christendom a more
accomplished princess than the daughter of Rene."*
This prince had bestowed upon his daughter an
education proportionate to her birth ; and as she
advanced in age, she was acknowledged to be perfectly
beautiful in person, and amiable in disposition. Having
shared, in her early years, the dangers and misfortunes
of her parents, the natural strength of her mind had
not been weakened by indulgence. While in Italy she
had participated in the pleasing studies of her brother,
under the same masters, and her tastes must have-
been rapidly formed with the cultivation of her mind,
amidst the beauty and grandeur of the Neapolitan
scenery. Doubtless, every feminine sympathy was-
awakened by her father's perils, which she could not
brave, and by her mother's sorrows, which she could
not alleviate ; yet her sentiments and feelings thus
suddenly illicited (even as the beauteous flower by
meridian sunshine), became perfected and condensed at
an early age, to be manifested to the world, at a subse-
quent period of her life, in her conjugal affection, and
her courage and strength of mind under every trial.
As the niece of the consort of King Charles VII.,
Margaret was, while very young, distinguished by the
marked partiality of this monarch ; and we are even
told that she was indebted to her relationship to the
* Rapin ; Barante ; Hume ; Baudier ; Villaret ; Sharon Turner.
238 MARGAKET OF ANJOTJ.
blood royal of France, for obtaining the notice of King
Henry, and thus becoming the pledge of reunion
between two hostile nations. It is more probable,
however, that the English ministers, and even the
King, were led to make this choice through the fame
of the personal charms and splendid talents of
Margaret, which could not be concealed even in the
humble and obscure court of her father. They seemed
indeed to be formed to wield a sceptre, and to direct
the vacillating mind of her husband.*
Such was the consort selected by the Cardinal, who
considered this union would be favourable to the attain-
ment of peace, (his chief object at this time,) and also
the means by which he hoped to triumph over his
rival in the Cabinet. In his desire to arrive at this
end, he overlooked one objection, which, at another
time, would have been a formidable one, viz., the
poverty of Rene ; but this, and every obstacle, yielded
to the universal desire for peace, f
This peace had been resolved upon ; and Suffolk,
believing that, upon his success in obtaining it, de-
pended the gratification of his ambition in procuring
to himself the premiership, determined, whatever sacri-
fices of principle, or of prudence it might require,
whatever risk or trouble it might occasion him, to incur
all, rather than fail in his undertaking. No dower was
demanded with the bride — no territory required. The
Earl of Suffolk agreed to receive the lady without
any portion ; but then an objection was raised in the
absurdity of King Henry's marrying the daughter of
one from whom he withheld his patrimonial do-
minions ; and the French ambassadors intimated their
expectation of the surrender of Le Mans, and the
provinces of Maine and Anjou, as the appanage of
* Barante ; Lingard ; Hume ; Memoires d'Angleterre, publie en 1726.
f Villaret.
MARGARET OF AXJOU. 239
Charles of Anjou, the brother of Rene and Prime
Minister of France. To these demands the Earl
acceded ; indeed it has been thought by some that
the French Court availed themselves of their intelli-
gence of what was passing in England, to make these
stipulations.*
The Earl of Suffolk was accused of proposing this
alliance without sufficient authority, and of acting of
his own accord without the consent of his associates,
or the instructions of his sovereign ; but the act
already alluded to, signed by King Henry, (which
provided against all after penalties, and in which
both the marriage and the peace are mentioned,) suffi-
ciently clears the Earl from this imputation. f
The suspicion appears to have arisen from the
secrecy with which this marriage was kept from the
public, and which undoubtedly gave rise to many
reports injurious to the reputation of the Earl. One
of these charged him with yielding to bribery in
conceding to Rene the provinces of Maine and Anjou,
as if he had some personal views to promote by this
marriage ; yet it must be acknowledged, that the
object of his policy appeared to be, in subserviency
to the views of the Cardinal, to arrive at some
plausible means of procuring peace ; and the near
relationship of Margaret to the French King seemed
to secure her influence with Charles VI I. , and to render
probable a reconciliation between the two kingdoms.
When we review the situation of Rene, it will also
seem probable that this cession, so very advanta-
geous to the interests of France, was extorted by that
prince, who, perceiving the eagerness of Henry's
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Stow ; Rymer's Fcedera ; John Rons ; Biogra-
phic Universelle ; Barante ; Daniel ; Rapin ; Anquetil ; Baudier ; Lingard ;
Robinson ; Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner.
f Baker ; Biondi ; Sandford ; Carte.
240 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
ministers to obtain the hand of Margaret for their
master, seized the opportunity of repairing his shattered
fortunes and those of his family.
A meeting now took place between Eene and the
King of France, between Chartres and Eouen ; and the
terms being agreed to, the Earl of Suffolk, with his
associates, left France to obtain for these measures the
sanction of Parliament, and the approbation and final
instructions of King Henry.
This was found no difficult task ; so many of the
chief counsellors, as well as the King himself, having
already signified privately their assent to these pro-
ceedings.* The opinion of the nation had not, how-
ever, yet been consulted; for it was not until the
preliminaries of this marriage were settled, that the
important secret became known, and when promulgated
the surprise of the English people was only equalled
by their discontent. It became even necessary for the
Earl of Suffolk to appease them on the subject of
the surrender of Maine and Anjou, which appeared too
much like an unnecessary sacrifice which he had volun-
tarily made.
It had been for ages past the custom to give a
dower with the bride. When King Henry V. ap-
plied for the hand of the Princess Catherine, h&
required so enormous a dower, that it was hardly
possible for the French king to bestow it. The por-
tion he demanded was two millions of crowns, and
the restoration of Normandy and all the southern
provinces which were once the inheritance of Eleanor
of Aquitaine.
It seemed to be now compulsory on the part of the son
of Henry V. to purchase his consort by the resignation
of the provinces of Maine and Anjou. This was a great
* Eapin ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ; Vil-
laret ; Eymer's Fcedera ; Godfrey.
.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 241
Averse of circumstances, and the people loudly com-
plained.* It was the custom, in the patriarchal ages,
for the portion to be bestowed by the husband ; and
this even appeared, originally, as though intended as a
gift or compensation to the parents for their separation
from their offspring. In the early periods of the English
history, we also find the husband bound by the articles
of marriage, to bestow part of his property as a settle-
ment on his wife, while, according to some authors, the
bride went to her consort penniless. This custom still
prevails in the East amongst the Turks and Persians.")"
The marriage of King Henry VI., and the coronation
of his queen, occurred, unfortunately, at a time when
this monarch was very necessitous, and great expenses
were unavoidable, not only for the feasting and mag-
nificence of these ceremonies, but also for the worthy
reception of the bride.
The Duke of Gloucester had actively opposed the
marriage of Henry with Margaret of Anjou. No one
else had dared to do so; but he perceived its tendency,
and the designs of those who had promoted it, which
was to establish their own authority by advancing one
who would become attached to their interests. The
inveterate hatred evinced against this nobleman by his
political antagonists, if it had deprived him of some
portion of his weight in the Council, had not robbed
him of the courage and spirit to advocate the interests
of his country, and he came forward alone, and un-
supported, to speak the truth before his enemies, and
even to oppose the wishes of the King himself.
He urged two powerful reasons against this marriage :
they were unanswerable, for they were founded in
truth and good faith. The first was the King's en-
gagement to the daughter of the Count of Armagnac,
* Fabian ; Anquetil.
f Malcolm's Manners and Customs ; Thevenot's Travels.
VOL. I. R
242 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
which it would be highly dishonourable in him to set
aside, and especially as he had no excuse to offer. The
Count had been released from captivity ; he had obtained
the pardon of the King of France ; he had been restored
to his estates ; and was now prepared to fulfil the condi-
tions of his contract with England. It was, indeed,
believed by the people of this country that this match
was all but concluded. The second reason urged by
the Duke was no less forcible, viz., that the Earl of
Suffolk having engaged for the restitution of Maine
and Anjou, the former, being the bulwark of Normandy,
could not be resigned without evident danger to that pro-
vince. These arguments were, however, totally disre-
garded, and in spite of the anxiety of Gloucester to promote
this marriage, he was not able to procure its approval.
The Earl of Suffolk, after laying the contract of
marriage with the Angevine princess before the Coun-
cil, rose, and in a long speech extolled the high birth,
extraordinary beauty, and admirable qualities of Mar-
garet of Anjou, " which," he said, " were more valuable
than all the gold and silver in the world." He further
stated that this union would be the means of terminat-
ing the war, as this lady, being nearly related to the
King, Queen, and Prime Minister of France, would
doubtless exert her influence to procure a speedy and
honourable peace. He added, " that she ought to be
considered as the certain pledge of that peace ; and
as a compensation for all the advantages he had laid
before them, were the provinces of Maine and Anjou
too great a sacrifice?" In reply to this eloquent ha-
rangue, the ministers, who were already in the secret,
loudly applauded the Earl. The young King was much
flattered and delighted by the eulogium of his intended
bride ; and the people, some out of complacency to the
Earl, and all willing to gratify their monarch, ap-
peared to approve, however in their hearts they might
MABGAKET OF ANJOU. 243
dissent from the eligibility of this marriage.* Parlia-
ment immediately granted two fifteenths,")" one and a
half of which the Earl of Suffolk had demanded for the
expenses of bringing over the Princess Margaret, and
the other half being required, probably, to defray the
costs at the coronation.
All opposing factions and opinions seemed at length
to give way to the general desire of the nation to
obtain peace, and the wish became universal, to
behold a princess, who had been portrayed by the
Earl of Suffolk in such lively colours.
Meanwhile, the Earl of Vendome, with the Arch-
bishop of Rheims and others, came over as ambas-
sadors on the part of King Charles. They were
honourably received by the English monarch, and the
marriage contract being signed and all preliminaries
adjusted, they returned home, laden with presents and
every mark of distinction.^
To testify his satisfaction at these nuptials, King 1444
Henry created the Earl of Suffolk a Marquis ; John Baker \
Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, Duke of Exeter ; Hum-
phrey, Earl of Stafford, Duke of Buckingham ; the
Earl of Somerset, Duke of Somerset ; Lord Talbot he
created Earl of Shrewsbury ; the Earl of Dorset, Mar-
quis of Dorset ; and the Earl of Warwick, Duke of
War wick. § This last duke was much beloved by
Henry VI. He was the son of Richard Beauchamp,
Earl of Warwick, who had been the King's tutor,
and who, after the death of the Duke of Bedford,
* Holinshed ; Biondi ; Baker ; Fabian ; Hall ; Carte ; Sandford ; Stow ;
Rymer's Foedera ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Lingard ; Hume ; Speed ;
Barante ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Sharon Turner.
f A fifteenth of the value of all goods, (whether of the clergy or laity,) to
which the king had no right unless given him by Parliament, or by the
clergy in convocation. These grants were made by the ministers, upon the
application of the king, solely to meet some extraordinary exigence.
J Hall ; Biondi ; Holinshed ; Stow.
§ Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Virgil ; Paston Letters ; Biograph. Brit. ;
Davies's Chron.
B 2
244 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
was dismissed to France to supply his place, and
while serving as Lieutenant-general, died in that country.
His son Henry evinced great enterprise and courage,
and when scarcely nineteen years of age, offered his
services for the defence of Normandy, which so pleased
the King that he created him Premier Earl of England,
and as a mark of distinction, permitted him, and his
heirs afterwards, to wear a gold coronet upon his head
in his own presence, as well as elsewhere. He also
gave him a seat in Parliament. He granted him also
the reversion, after the death of the Duke of Gloucester,
of the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Sark, Herm, and
Alderney, for the yearly rent of a rose, to be paid at
the feast of St. John the Baptist. Besides these, he
conferred upon his favourite the government of Calais,
the castle of Bristol, and many other grants. At last,
as the utmost extent of his prerogative, he made him
King of the Isle of Wight. This Duke, who, from his
extreme youth was called in the public documents of
that period, "the Child Warwick," received so many
favours from King Henry, that it excited the envy of
the Duke of Buckingham, and as much was to be
apprehended at this time from the feuds of the nobility,
in order to prevent any ill consequences from the dif-
ferences of these two noblemen, it was declared by Act
of Parliament, " for the appeasing of the strife betwixt
them for pre-eminence, that from the 2nd of December
next ensuing, they should take precedence of each
other alternately, one that year and the other the
next, as long as they should live together." Further,
it was enacted that the survivor should, during his life-
time, have the precedence of the other's heir. By the
death of Warwick in the following year, the main point
was determined, and the Duke of Buckingham then
obtained a grant immediately to himself and his heirs,
" above all dukes whatsoever, whether of England or
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 245
of France, excepting those of the blood royal." This
unpardonable pride in Buckingham was united to a
baser avarice, and from an old record we learn of his
imprisonment of two gentlemen, whom he thus obliged
to sign away their right to an inheritance, which the
Duke divided with a younger brother of the family.*
Henry VI., whose attachment to the Duke of War-
wick, his great favourite, had induced him to create
him " King of the Isle of Wight,"f in the year 1445,
crowned him with his own hands. This was the
highest honour he could bestow to express his affection
for this young nobleman, and to show his respect for
his father's memory, and remembrance of his services.
It proved the last favour the Duke could receive, since
he was taken off in the flower of youth, on the llth
of June, 1445, at twenty-two years of age ; and was
buried at Tewkesbury.J
How much contrasted were the characters of the
Dukes of Warwick and Buckingham, and how deeply
the former must have been regretted by the youthful
monarch.
King Henry, after having conferred the distinctions
on his chief nobility, dismissed the Marquis of Suffolk
to the Continent to espouse, and bring over, the
Princess Margaret. In this embassy the Marquis was
* Dugdale ; Biograph. Britannica.
f This island was possessed by Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who held
it until his death, when it fell into the King's hands.
J The Duke left an only daughter, but two years old, who became
Countess of Warwick. This young lady was afterwards committed to the
care of Queen Margaret, consort of Henry VI., and then intrusted to
William de la Pole, Marquis of Suffolk, at whose manor of Newelme, in
Oxfordshire, she died on the 3rd of January, 1449, having not quite
attained her sixth year. She was buried in the Abbey of Reading, near
the remains of her great grandmother, Constance Lady Despenser, daughter
of Edmund Langley, Duke of York. After her death, Ann, the sister of
the late Duke, became his sole heir, and her husband, Richard Neville, Earl
of Salisbury, took, in her right, the title of Earl of Warwick. — Biograpli.
Brit.; Stow; D-ug dale's Antiq. ; Milled s Catalogue; Barante ; Baker;
Mastcrs's Corp. Chr., Cam.; Scldcn ; Monstrclct ; Paston Letters.
246
MABGARET OF ANJOU.
not only accompanied by his lady, the Marchioness
of Suffolk, but his escort consisted of many lords and
ladies of title and distinction, richly attired, and adorned
with jewels.* They took with them many handsome
chariots and gorgeous horse litters, and carried letters
to King Rene*.f Amongst the ladies who attended on
this occasion, it may not be uninteresting to remark
that one of them was the Lady Elizabeth Grey, after-
wards the consort of King Edward IV.
With this splendid escort, the Marquis of Suffolk
left England and proceeded towards the city of Tours.
With his associates in this embassy he landed at
Harfleur, and thence proceeded to Rouen and Le Mans.
When they reached Vendome, the conference was com-
menced, and continued satisfactorily on both sides ; so
much so, that it was expected this auspicious and
amicable beginning would finally lead to the most
favourable results. At the end of a week, these
English commissioners sailed down the river Loire,
from the city of Blois, where the Marquis of Suffolk had
visited his friend and former prisoner, the Duke of
* The following list of names of those who composed this escort, is
given in an authentic document of the times : — l
Thomas Lord Clifford.
Ralph Lord Graystock.
James de Bomonord.
Beatrice Lady Talbot, Baroness.
Emma Lady Scales, Baroness.
Sir Thomas Stanley.
Sir Edward Hall.
Sir William BonviUe.
Sir Richard Roos.
Sir Robert Harcourt.
Sir John Holland.
Sir Hugh Cokesey.
Sir Robert Wynchelsey.
Sir Robert Hungerford.
Lady Elizabeth Grey.
Lady Elizabeth Hall.
Master Walter Lyzard, the Queen's
Chaplain and Confessor.
William Breust, Clerk.
Rose Merston, damsel.
Margaret Stanlewe.
Henry Quarranto, Clerk and Secre-
tary to the Lady, the Queen.
Michael Trigory, the Queen's Chap-
lain.
Henry Trevilean, Chaplain and Alms-
giver.
John Bridd, servant.
George Pavier, Master of the Navy,
called Christopher of Newcastle,
f Sandford ; Biondi ; Fabian ; Stov: ; Rymer's Foedera ; Hall ; Holin-
shed ; Baker ; Carte ; Speed ; Baudier ; Monstrelet.
1 Egerton MSS., and Addit. MSS., in the British Museum.
HAKOARET OF ANJOU. 247
Orleans ; and they joined the royal family, then residing
at Tours. At the gates of this city, the envoys of
King Henry were welcomed by the King of Sicily, his
•son, the Duke of Calabria, the Dukes of Bretagne and
Alen9on, and a splendid retinue of nobles. The next
day, at the castle of Montils near Tours, they were
presented to King Charles, who exhibited an earnest
desire to confirm all the preliminaries, to which his
ministers had already agreed.
The Duke of Burgundy joined the royal party ; and
-the day following the Queen of Sicily arrived at Tours,
bringing with her the Lady Margaret of Anjou, her
daughter.
At the beginning of November, 1444,* in the church 1444.
of St. Martin's, at Tours, the Princess Margaret of
Anjou was affianced to King Henry VI., the Marquis
of Suffolk acting as proxy for his sovereign.
These espousals were honoured by the presence of
the Pope's legate, Petrus de Monte, who was staying
at Tours, and of King Charles and his Queen, Mary
of Anjou (who were uncle and aunt to the bride), and
of all the chief personages of the court of France.
Hene, the father of this Princess, and Isabella of
Lorraine, her mother, were there ; and also there were
present her brother, the Duke of Calabria, the Dukes
of Orleans, Alen^on, and Brittany, seven earls, twelve
barons, and twenty bishops, besides others, knights and
gentlemen. |
After the solemnization of this marriage the two
courts removed to Nanci, the usual residence of the
King of Sicily. The bridal festivities were of no
ordinary kind, and however great the troubles which
this ill-fated marriage entailed upon the innocent
* No author gives the precise day of this marriage.
t Holinshed ; Biondi ; Hall ; Stow ; Beckington's Jonrn. ; Davies's
"Chron. ; Moreri ; Carte ; Rymer's Foedera ; Rapin ; Daniel ; Villaret ;
Anquetil ; Monstrelet ; G-odard Faultrier ; Biographic Universelle.
248 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Margaret, no union ever took place under more auspi-
cious aspects.
Eight days were passed in fetes and tournaments to
commemorate these nuptials, and the apparent recon-
ciliation of the Houses of Anjou and Burgundy. The
King of France had shown his satisfaction at this
alliance with the English monarch, by honouring with
his presence the marriage ceremony ; and while he
stayed to share in the splendid entertainments which
followed, he, no doubt, rejoiced (harassed and half
ruined as he was) at the prospect, to which this event
seemed to lead, of the restoration of peace to his
distracted kingdom. All the beauty of England,
France, Lorraine, and Burgundy were congregated
together at Nanci.* Here were assembled all the
princes of the age, who were most expert in these
fetes and amusements. Of these, Rene of Anjou was
reputed the best j ouster of his time ; there came also
Charles of Anjou, Count of Maine, the brother of Rene,
the Marshal of Loheac, the Count of St. Pol, the
Sire de Lalaing, the Sire de Charme, and other
knights of Burgundy, who were all distinguished ;
Ferri of Lorraine was also present, and the Count
of Foix, who, as well as the Count of Maine, was
young, and jealous of appearing with eclat; in short,
the court of France was seen completely united to
that of Lorraine. Another individual was also present
at these diversions, whose name must not be forgotten ;
it was the Sire de Breze, Lord of Varenne and
Seneschal of Normandy, who had been one of those
who had negotiated this marriage. Breze was spe-
cially esteemed by King Charles, and he had also
gained the confidence of all the princes of France,
not only as a wise and clever counsellor, but as a bold
* It was perhaps the removal to Nanci which led to the error of Bodin,.
and other writers, who say that the marriage was solemnized at Nanci.
MAEGAKET OF ANJOU. 2 4 a
kniglit, than whom there was no one more graceful,
nor who better knew how to please.
The attire and equipages of the company were
magnificent ; and there were delicate banquets and
costly feasting. At the entertainment which followed
the betrothal, the company were amused by the appear-
ance of two giants, carrying each a large tree in his
hands. Then came in two camels bearing towers on
their backs, in each of which an armed man appeared,
who fought the one with the other.
Amongst the amusements was a trial of skill in
archery, the proposition of Suffolk and Pierre de Breze.
The contest was between the archers of France and
England. The prize (1,000 crowns,) was won by the
French, contrary to the general expectation ; but some
choice marksmen had been selected by them, from the
Scottish guard, and put forward on this occasion, who
were regarded as denizens of France. Again, we are
told, that, at this season of gaiety, the Queen and
the Dauphiness, (Margaret of Scotland,) rode out into
the country one afternoon, attended by three hundred
noblemen and other knightly attendants.
The two Kings, Charles and Rene, equally full of
courtesy, were happy in the opportunity of indulging
their natural gallantry amidst so many beautiful and
amiable women. The Queens of France and Sicily
were both witnesses of these noble pastimes, and also
the Dauphiness (the Princess of Scotland), the Countess
de Vaudemont, the Duchess of Calabria, and Queen
Margaret, with all their attendants.
The young Queen, upon the occasion of these fetes,
made choice of the Daisy for her badge, the emblem
of " fidelity in love," and as such worn in the days
of chivalry at tournaments. Thus was the " Mar-
guerite"0 or daisy assumed by all the admirers and
* The common daisy in France is called " Marguerite."
250 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
devoted attendants of the fair Queen, and shone con-
spicuous when worn in the scarfs of the nobility and
chivalrous knights of her native land ; as the poet
expresses it, —
" When in his scarf the knight the daisy bound,
" And dames at tournays shone with daisies crowned."
How appropriate was this choice of Margaret of this
modest flower "whose white investments figure inno-
cence," to her own character and career as King
Henry's consort, destined as she was, throughout her
life, to such trials and vicissitudes which probably no
other queen ever endured ! Indeed no flower was
ever more the poets' favourite than the daisy ; they
all write in praise of the " modest, crimson, wee-
tipped flower;"* and one of them, most eloquent,
exclaims, —
" There is a flower, a little flower,
" With silver crest and golden eye,
" That welcomes every changing hour,
" And weathers every sky.
" On waste and woodland, rock and plain,
" Its humble buds unheeded rise ;
" The rose has but a summer reign,
" The Daisy never dies." f
Another noted person in this assembly, whose sur-
passing brilliancy astonished, but whose presence did
not gladden the hearts of the virtuous matrons who
beheld her, was the celebrated Agnes Sorel, called
the " Lady of Beauty/' She appeared in the dress
of an Amazon, — a fanciful suit of armour glittering
with jewels, — and mounted on a fine charger richly
caparisoned. Such was the morality of that age, that
the presence of "la belle Agnes " was thought to add
to the splendour of these festivities. While Maid-of-
Honour to Isabella of Lorraine, in whose court the
* Burns. f Montgomery.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 251
fair Agnes had been educated, twelve years previous,
she had first attracted the notice of King Charles VII.,
and smitten with her beauty, he had loaded her with
favours. At this period it was said of her, that in
personal charms, and in magnificence of attire, she
surpassed her sex, and equalled in splendour any
princess of her times.
More than once King Charles engaged in the lists,
and bore on his shield the serpent of the fairy
Melusina. He tilted with Rene, but was vanquished
by him. Those who were most distinguished in this
tournament in honour of the beautiful bride, Mar-
garet of Anjou, were her uncle Charles of Anjou,
Pierre de Breze, and more particularly, the Count of
St. Pol, who received the prize from the hands of
the Queens of France and Sicily. The Marquis of
Suffolk took no part in these jousts, which were ill-
suited to his graver years.* The spot whereon the
tournament was held was thence denominated, " la
Place de Carriere."
It was during this season of gaiety and of rejoicing
that the marriage of Yolande of Anjou, the elder sister
of Margaret, took place, under somewhat romantic
circumstances. Ferri de Vaudemont, to whom she
had been affianced nine years before, had become
desperately enamoured of the beautiful Yolande, and,
grown impatient of the repeated delays of her father,
(who never intended she should be united to him,) he
formed a project which he accomplished. With the aid
of a few young and bold chevaliers, he succeeded in
carrying off the Princess Yolande during the tournament
in honour of her sister's nuptials. This affair gave great
displeasure to King Rene ; but, upon the mediation of
King Charles and his queen, as well as some others of
* Suffolk is reported to have attained the age of fifty.
252 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
this noble company, lie forgave the gallant son of his
great adversary, the Count de Vaudemont.
After this followed a general reconciliation, and all
former enmities being overlooked and forgotten, the
company returned with renewed zest to their fetes
and amusements.*
Great expense was incurred for these pageants and
games, and it has been remarked, that the magnifi-
cence attendant on these espousals, was very un-
suitable to the situation of the two Kings and the
poverty of Queen Margaret. f Such, indeed, were the
mean circumstances of the King of Sicily at this time,
that the expenses of the splendid progress of Queen-
Margaret through France, were necessarily defrayed
by King Henry.
Margaret of Anjou was much beloved by her
family, and she had now to endure a mournful separa-
tion from all her affectionate relatives and attached
friends. The fetes being ended, the young queen
was delivered, with some solemnity, to the care of
the Marquis of Suffolk, who, accompanied by the
Marchioness, and their noble escort of lords and
ladies (now also graced by the Queens of France and
Sicily), set out on their progress towards England.
They proceeded thither less rapidly than might have
been expected, since it was not until the month of
April in the following year that Queen Margaret beheld
her royal consort.
The departure of Margaret of Anjou for England
occasioned so deep a sorrow to the court of Charles
VII. and that of Rene, that if the possibility of pre-
sentiments be admitted, a remarkable one might be
found, in the report of historians, of the separation of
* Barante ; Chastellaine; Hall; Holinshed ; Buchon ; Monf aucon ;
Baudier ; Stow ; Monstrelet ; Godfrey ; Daniel ; Villaret ; Dorn ; Calmet ;
Godard Faultrier.
f Biondi ; Rapin ; Baudier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. ' 253
the King of France from his niece. Having accom-
panied this princess more than two leagues from
Nanci, King Charles embraced her several times,
gazed on her long without speaking, and at last pro-
nounced these words with tears in his eyes : — " I am
" doing little for you, my daughter, in placing you on
" one of the greatest thrones of Europe, since there are
" none worthy of possessing you." His grief would
not allow him to add more, sobs choked his utterance,
and the young queen only answered by a torrent of
tears ; they then separated, never on earth to meet
again.*
The following lines, translated from the French of
that time, depict the general bereavement felt at the
departure of the Lady, Queen Margaret : —
" Then came the Earl of Suffolk there
" T' escort his Queen from scenes of mirth ;
1 ' And tears fell fast in sad despair,
' ' And some did sink upon the earth.
# * * *
' ' Then noble dames and damsels fair
" Took, one by one, their last embrace ;
" And none could soothe the pangs, or dare
" To bid adieu to that loved face.
" And pity 'twas, and terrible to see,
' ' A world of feeling waked so cruelly.
»-*•».*
" The Queen takes leave, the Queen departs,
" The revelry that had been made,
' ' Then changes into aching hearts ;
" What bliss unsafe, what joy decayed !
• ' Alas ! of cheer, and pomp, and mirth,
" What is there here that lasteth long ?
" Now feasting, now laid in cold earth,
" Now grief, ere while the dance and song."
After parting from Queen Margaret, the King of
France repaired to Chalons, in Champagne, where the
fetes and diversions were renewed upon the arrival of
Isabella of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy. This
Villeneuve Bargemonb ; Barante ; Monstrelet.
254 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
princess had exhibited so much skill and prudence m
the peace of Arras, that she was ever after intrusted
with the affairs of Burgundy, and engaged in all
matters of treaty. She appeared brilliantly attended
by the chief nobles and ladies of Burgundy ; and, as
the representative of her house, she submitted to the
King the grievances of the Duke, her husband.
Her success was not, however, proportionate to her
exertions, and on this occasion she was compelled to
make some concessions. A definitive treaty was con-
cluded between Rene of Anjou and this princess, the
King of France being arbiter of the differences of the
Dukes of Anjou and Burgundy ; and thus were ter-
minated the discussions, that had been so incessantly
revived, on the subject of the entire payment of the
ransom of that prince. The Duke of Burgundy was
obliged to restore to Ren6 the two cities of Neu-
chateau in Lorraine, and Clermont in Argonne, of
which he had obtained possession, and to acquit him
of the sum he had engaged to pay for his ransomr
conditionally, that he should settle on the Duke and
his heirs the town and castlewick of Cassel in Flan-
ders.* Rene had received these by gift from his late
uncle, the Cardinal of Bar.
The news of the truce and of the alliance with
England was received universally with the utmost
joy. The oppressed inhabitants of certain portions of
France and Normandy were even so sanguine as to
imagine that their misfortunes were at an end ; while
those who had been confined for so long a time within
the fortified towns rejoiced in again returning to the
country to cultivate their neglected lands, and the
tradesmen to resume their long forsaken business.
The intercourse between the two nations was again
conducted on more advantageous terms to both par-
* Barante ; Biog. Universelle ; Monstrelet ; Daniel ; Godfrey; Monfaucon.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 2o5
ties, and their commodities were exchanged to their
mutual satisfaction.
The festivities attendant on the departure of the
young queen to her husband further strengthened and
confirmed the kindly feeling which had been revived
between the two countries ; and when Queen Margaret
herself appeared with her splendid cavalcade of English
nobility on their way to England, led on by the
Marquis of Suffolk, they were welcomed with heart-
felt rejoicings and demonstrations of universal joy.
King Kene and Queen Isabella accompanied their
daughter as far as Bar-le-Duc, where they bade her
farewell, with "floods of tears" and many prayers
to God for her welfare. Her brother, the Duke of
Calabria, and the Duke of Alen^on, then attended her
as far as St. Denis. How tenderly must Margaret
have been beloved, and how worthy was she of such
love, that so much grief and regret was evinced on
her leaving an impoverished father to share in all the
honours of a throne !
The young queen proceeded to the land of her hus-
band, conducted by the Marquis of Suffolk, with suit-
able magnificence, first to Paris, in which city she was
well received, and thence she was afterwards conveyed
through the province of Normandy.*
Many and curious are the details of the expenses of
the Lady Queen Margaret's tedious progress. These
interesting and amusing accounts, by John Breknoke
and John Everdon, of the outlay for the Queen's
escort and attendants — " the chief nobles, barons,
ladies, damsels, knights, scuttifs, and other officers,
besides servants, sailors, running footmen, horses,
&c." — are well and minutely described; and besides,
we gather from these statements some facts of this
journey which unavoidably fall in with these honest
* Godfrey's Hist, of France.
256 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
accounts, simply called— " names, diet, offerings, an
almsgivings, necessaries, salaries, and wages."*
" The salary of each baron was 4s. 6d. per day.
This sum was paid to Thomas Lord Clifford, and the.
same to Ralphe Lord Greystocke, also to James de
Ormond, and two others. Each baron had with him
three scutifers (or esquires) and two valets. The for-
mer received Is. 6d. per day, and the latter 6d.
This was considered at the rate of war pay, for the
space of half a year, and this was for proceeding
from the county of Suffolk to parts of France to bring
over the Lady, Queen Margaret, into the presence
of King Henry in England, in the 23rd year of the said
king; and for thither crossing and remaining and
returning during half a year — viz., for 182 days being
in the King's service, within the time of the present
accompt, 91Z. to each baron."
" To the Baroness Beatrice Lady Talbot, for her
wages at 4s. 6d. per day ; and to the Baroness Emma
Lady de Scales, the same salary, 4s. Qd. per day :
each of these ladies having one scutifer, two damsels,
one chamberer, and one valet, to whom was paid
Is. Qd. to the three former, and 6d. per day to the two
latter. Each of these ladies coming from the county
of Suffolk received for half a year, or 182 days, spent
in the lord, the King's service, 91£."
11 In the same manner, Thomas Stanley, Knt., comp-
troller of the lord the King's household, had for his salary
25. 6d, having one esquire at Is. 6c?., and seven valets
at Qd. each per day, — for the half year, 45 1. 10s."
* From one document we learn that these expenses extended from the
17th of July, 1444, to the 16th of October, 1445 ; the sum received by the
above named clerks of the King's household from the Lord Treasurer being
4,233Z. 12s. 9d., beyond which, they drew from other sources 995Z. 9s. 2d. The
outlay, arranged under several heads, included offerings made at mass in
France, Normandy, and England (only the moderate sum of 4Z. 10s.), alms-
givings, &c.
MABGABET OF ANJOU. , 257
" Edward Hull, Knt,, attendant of our lady, the
Queen, had 2s. 6d. per day, one esquire at Is. 6 d.,
and two valets at 6d. each ; these amounted to 45 £.
10s. for their service to the King of 182 days." °
A brief but interesting diary follows : —
"On the 13th of November, 1444, the Lady, Queen
Margaret, was at Cambec, and was conveyed the same
day from this place to Rouen, by one John Oliver, who
for one summerset for his conduct by boat, various
harness, carriage and stabling, received 6s. 8d"
11 On the 28th of November, the Queen was at
Honnflete, and thence returned to Rouen by boat,
being accompanied by Beatrice Lady Talbot, and other
ladies and damsels appointed to attend her." f
" We find the Queen again passed on from Rouen to
Honnflete, and from thence to Caeri, under the care
and assistance of Laurence Werkham and Merlin,
pursuivants, who were sent from Honnflete to Caen,
and divers other places, to provide for and wait upon
the lady the queen and her suite, for their expenses, and
those of their men and horses, as well as for various
boats for the conduct, and to await and provide for the
same. These were paid for their services 38s."
" On the 12th of December, Queen Margaret was at
Vernon." Previous to this day the Queen had been
passing and repassing at three different times to and
from Rouen and Honnflete ; no doubt awaiting, with
interest and some anxiety, the arrival of despatches
and commands from her lord the King.
However gratifying to the young Queen had been her
* Addit. and Egerton MSS.
f " Richard Ap Evan, and Richard Enny, in two summersets, conducted
them ; and for the managing- the lading- of them for the passage, and for
three boats and trappings, they received in consideration thereof, 38s. Also
John Disse, a sailor, for boating and freighting various harness for the
offices, and victualling the household of our Lady, the Queen, from Honn-
flete to Rouen, and reconveying the same harness from Rouen to Honnflete.
&c., &c., in consideration thereof, received 48s. ±d."
VOL. i. a
ANJOTJ.
journey through France, her uncle King Charles's domi-
nions, it must have been no little disappointment to her
to find that her progress was arrested when so near the
point of her destination. The delay of three or four
months, which ensued at this spot, must have tested the
small amount of philosophy to which, at her early age,
she might have attained. We know not how far this
period proved tedious or distressing to the youthful bride,
when she found herself detained, with her noble escort,
who, like herself, might impatiently desire the termina-
tion of this embassy, to rejoin their relatives at home.
Various conjectures might be formed as to the
manner in which this protracted stay was rendered
agreeable to Queen Margaret, or, it might have been
that this time was a great transition from joy to
sorrow, or even to tranquil meditation. The news
of the sudden death of her dear and charming
friend, the Princess of Scotland, which followed on
her steps, might possibly have cast sadness on the
heart already rendered anxious by delays and hope
deferred.
The vicissitudes of life are nowhere more remark-
able than in the courts of kings, and amidst the splen-
dours of the nobility ; it was even whilst the rejoicings
at Chalons were continued, that this event, the most
melancholy and unlooked-for, occurred, and for awhile
checked the universal gaiete du coeur. Margaret
Steward, Princess of Scotland, the wife of the Dau-
' phin, (afterwards Louis XI.,) had been present at the
marriage, by proxy, of Margaret of Anjou, and had
shared in the late festivities ; but, alas ! she was soon
after removed in the bloom of youth ! This lovely
and amiable princess had been generally esteemed and
admired ; she was generous and compassionate, the
patroness of literature, and enthusiastically fond of the
sciences, to which she devoted, not only her days,
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 259
but a great portion of her nights ; and she was, besides
all this, rigidly virtuous. No wonder that she was
greatly lamented by the king and his court, and
regretted by all who knew her.0
What a loss such a friend must have been to the
youthful Margaret of Anjou ! Surely, amidst the re-
joicings which welcomed her on her progress, as
England's queen, her regret for the loss of her friend
must, for a time, have interrupted her dream of enjoy-
ment. This sad event might have been called the
first prognostic of the future misfortunes of this queen,
whose bridal morn was thus clouded by sorrow.
It was also during the period of Margaret's deten-
tion on the Continent, that she formed a lasting
friendship with the Marquis and Marchioness of Suf-
folk, and also with the Earl and Countess of Shrews-
bury. There can be little doubt, however, that these
friendships, which, under such circumstances, must
have arisen so naturally, and as one might be led to
think, so auspiciously, for the welfare of the young
bride, were the chief cause of her misfortunes, and,
so to speak, the rock on which her bark was subse-
quently wrecked.
Already has it been seen how deeply interested was
the Marquis of Suffolk in obtaining the good opinion
of his royal mistress, to suit the purpose of his own
ambition. That he succeeded in doing so, is sufficiently
attested by the calumnies afterwards cast upon the
reputation of this princess, who so innocently fell into
the snare laid for her by the ministers. The Marchioness
of Suffolk, granddaughter of the poet Chaucer, was
also a first cousin of Cardinal Beaufort, by whom she
would, without doubt, be considered the most eligible
person to chaperon the fair bride of his sovereign,
and to predispose her youthful mind to unite with his
* Barante ; Villaret ; Anquetil ; Baudier ; Monstrelet ; Daniel.
R 2
260 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
party, and thus prepare the way for the execution of
their ungenerous purposes.
That Margaret had, at this time, many amiable and
estimable qualities has been sufficiently shown by the
deep sympathy and regrets of her family circle arid
friends when she left France. In the home of her
childhood, that home where care and misfortune still
hovered, she had been able to form friendships with
sincerity, and without caution ; and experience had
not yet taught her the peril which might possibly be
incurred where the judgment is not exercised. During
the previous summer, — a season when nature seems
to reflect back in a thousand objects around the joy. of
the youthful heart, — no doubt the beautiful bride had
indulged in many buoyant hopes and pleasing antici-
pations of a destiny which appeared so much beyond
her expectations, and to which her ambition could
hardly have aspired. Possibly she might have even
been ignorant of the discord which prevailed in the
court whither she was proceeding, and of that train of
evils in which she was too speedily to be involved, but
could she, indeed, have foreseen the trials and diffi-
culties which lay in her path, and the embarrassments
she had to encounter, it is not improbable that, at her
early age, she might have regretted, with feminine
sorrow, her departure from the paternal roof.
At Harfleur, Queen Margaret was welcomed with
joy, and her entry into that city was like a triumph.
Here a number of the English nobility had awaited
her arrival, and they afterwards joined her at Rouen.
When- the Queen reached Mantes, she found certain
boats awaiting her, in which she embarked, and pro-
ceeded down the Seine to Rouen,0 where the inhabi-
* Queen Margaret, while in the city of Eouen, purchased certain pieces
of plate which had been the property of the Cardinal Henry of Luxembourg,
Chancellor of France, lately deceased. His arms were removed from these
silver \essels, and those of the Queen were substituted. This was done by
MAKGAEET OF ANJOU. 261
tants also received her, and her noble escort, with the
most rapturous rejoicing ; indeed we are told that their
route to the coast was one continued triumphal pro-
cession.
The Queen was most liberal in her private gifts and
almsgivings. In her progress between Harfieur and
Mantes she bestowed 22s. 4d. to various poor per-
sons, besides which she distributed to fourteen women
as many dresses and hoods of grey cloth, and a pair of
shoes, and to each one of them besides a gift of four-
teen pence. These were bestowed on Maundy Thurs-
day, when pious Catholics in good old times observed
the custom of bestowing gifts at the " feet washing,"
and of almsgiving to the poor. The age of the donor
decided the number of the gowns and hoods given to
the women ; and in this case shows the age of Queen
Margaret, whose benefaction cost the sum of SI.
When Queen Margaret reached Pontoise, on the 144
18th of March, where the territories of her husband,
King Henry, commenced, she was met by the Duke
of York, who was anxious to evince his respect to the
consort of his royal master. This he earnestly showed,
since his attention to the Queen caused him to neglect
to reply to King Charles, who had directed to him
letters on the important subject of a marriage between
one of his daughters and the eldest son of the Duke.0
a goldsmith of Rouen, named John Tobaude, who also polished them for
the Queen ; and, on the 12th of March following-, he received of William
Elmseley, (the valet who took charge of the Queen's jewels,) the sum of
53.v. 4d.
* Afterwards Edward IV.
The letters from the King of France (dated Nanci, the 19th of February,
1445), were at length replied to, but not until a verbal communication had
been made through the Duke of Suffolk expressing King Charles's willing--
ness for the marriage. The Duke of York, in his letter of explanation to
the King, first alluding to the message through Suffolk, and concerning this
union for his son, goes on to say : —
" Concerning the which thing, most high, most excellent, and most power-
" ful prince, arid most redoubted lord, I am much comforted and joyful, in
262 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
From the arrival of the Queen at Pontoise, each day
is especially recorded, by which we trace her progress
to the English shores.
" On Thursday, the 18th of March, at Pontoise, the
lady, Queen Margaret, came to supper with her friends,
at the lord the King's expense."
" On the 19th of March the Queen supped with the
Duke of York at Maunte, and the following day she
dined with the Duke at Vernon, where she passed
three days."
" On the 21st of March, being Palm Sunday, she
attended High Mass."
" On the 23rd of the month she went from Vernon
to the ' Loge Nupti' and Rouen, and again, on the
following day, to both these places."
"From the 24th of March Queen Margaret remained
at Rouen for seven days, and on the last day of the
month went to Bocamshard." °
" consequence of the singular and true desire which I have to acquire your
" friendship and society, and with all my affection I thank you for it most
" humbly."
" Your said letters by me received, I was immediately inclined to send
<' my ambassadors to your highness for the business, a thing which I could
" not do and accomplish so speedily as I could well have wished, in conse-
" quence of the arrival on this side of my lady the Queen, whom after that
" she was brought to and had arrived at the town of Pontoise I have accom-
" panied, as reason was, until she had embarked on the sea to go into Eng-
" land to the King, your nephew and my sovereign lord."
" So I entreat you most humbly that of the delay of the mission of my
" said embassy to you, you would be pleased to have and hold me excused."
" Written at Kouen the 18th day of April."
" Your most humble kinsman,"
" THE DUKE OP YORK.'*
« R. YORK."
* In the course of her progress through France, this queen made various
offerings at different places, on the occasion of the celebration of high mass
in her presence : — viz., " at Maunte, in the church of the Blessed Mary on
the 39th of March, when she gave 13s. 4d. Another time, at Vernon, on
Sunday, in cloth ' Palmar,' on the 21st of March, at grand mass in the
castle, 6s. Sd. During her stay at Rouen, on the 23rd of March, in the mo-
nastery of the Blessed Mary of Rhotomarensis, she bestowed 13s. 4d. Also,
on Ash- Wednesday, at grand mass, celebrated in her presence, in the castle
of Rouen, she gave 6s. Sd. Another time, when the Lord's Supper was
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 263
"On the 1st of April she was at the same place and
went that day to Pont Audemar."
" On the 2nd of April she went from Pont Audemar
to Honnflete, and there she stayed until the 3rd of this
month."
" On the 3rd of April Queen Margaret was conveyed
by a boatman, called Collin Freon, and three of his
friends, sailors, with supplies and provisions required,
from Honnflete to a boat called the ' Cok John,' of
Cherbourg, which had been especially appointed to
convey ' the lady the queen ' and some of her atten-
dants. The rest of her household being conveyed in
other boats by these sailors, to a boat called the
* Mary of Hampton,' also well furnished and supplied
with provisions."
After such frequent sailing up and down the river
Seine, to find herself upon the open sea and making
fair progress towards England, must have been a
delightful change to the young bride.
On the 10th of April, while coasting between
Portsmouth and Southampton, the royal squadron
were serenaded from two Genoese galleys, having
seven trumpeters on board, who were rewarded by
the Queen with 23s. 4d."
Let us turn now from this pleasing scene to the
youthful monarch. Long, very long, had the royal
bridegroom been waiting with patient anxiety for the
arrival of his consort. He had been very desirous of
receiving his bride with great splendour ; but that
poverty which had attended Margaret in her father's
court seemed to await her also on the throne of her
husband. It was some time before King Henry could
raise the needful supplies to give his future consort a
administered, in presents, for its celebration, at high mass in the castle of
Rouen, on Easter-day, 6s. 8d. Again, on 31st March, at the Abbey of Bo-
camshard, 6s. 8d. And at Honnflete in the church of the Blessed Mary, on
the 3rd of April, 3s. 4d"
264 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
due and fitting reception. Thus was she detained on
the continent for several months, after her espousals,
before she could be transported into England.0
The poor King was endeavouring to reCruit his
exhausted exchequer, and to restore some of the royal
palaces")" to a condition fit for a queen's residence ; but,
such was the destitution of the royal privy purse at
this time, that King Henry was compelled to pawn his
jewels and household plate to provide for the equi-
pages and other requisites for his marriage, and for
the coronation of his Queen.^
It became necessary for King Henry to call a new
Parliament, to obtain the supplies which he required ;
and, at this Parliament, which met at Westminster
on the 23rd of February, 1445, the King being pre-
sent, Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, explained,
in a kind of political sermon, why they had been
summoned. His text was, " Justice and peace have
kissed each other." He then made known the sus-
pension of warfare in France, and the union of
their monarch with Margaret, the daughter of Rene
of Anjou ; and he added, " by these two happy
events, he nothing doubted, but, through God's grace,
justice and peace should be firmly established through-
out the realm." Upon this a half-fifteenth was
accorded by Parliament to defray the expenses of
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Stow ; Carte ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monstre-
let ; Barante ; Henry ; Lingard.
f These were at Eltham, Sheen, Westminster, and the Tower.
J As early as the year 1443 we find King Henry had been occupied in
preparing for the arrival of his beloved consort. To the abbot of St. Ed-
mondsbury he addressed some curious original letters for the loan of 100
marks, and for horses, chariots, &c., upon the occasion of his marriage.
We also learn that on the llth of September, 1444, the King sent over,
for the use of the Queen and her attendants, some horses, described under the
head "necessaries ;" as 51 horses, 4 palfrey horses, 24 swift horses, 6 carriage
horses, 8 summer horses, and 7 horses for summer office, and 2 pack horses ;
these, with various other costs and expenses for 182 days required— (the
first day being reckoned, and not the last)— came to 1281. 19s. 2d.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 265
tlie marriage, and of the late commission for the truce
with France.
From a letter of King Henry's we learn that he
waited until his commissioners had raised supplies by
loan before he was able, as he said, " to procure 2,000
marks for his most best beloved wife the Queen, for
her coming now unto our presence, and 2,000 more
for a jewel of St. George, lately bought."0
As early as the month of November King Henry
had been in expectation of his bride's arrival ; and in
writing at this time to the Goldsmiths' Company he
says, " He trusts to have oure entirely well-beloved
wife the quene wythin right brief time;" and enjoins
them that they " wol prepare to meet her in most
goodly wise." This they afterwards did, and arrayed
themselves most bravely with " baudericks of golde
about their necks and short hoods of scarlette jagged."
When the funds so absolutely necessary for the
reception of Queen Margaret had been procured, the
embassy, with their fair sovereign, had proceeded to
the shores of England. After a favourable passage in
the " Cok John," the Queen arrived with all her noble
escort on the 10th of April at Porchester, where King 1-145.
Henry had long awaited her. The voyage had caused f±fed;
the Queen to be so much indisposed that, when they
landed, the Marquis of Suffolk was obliged to convey
her from the vessel to the shore in his arms ; and in a
letter from King Henry we learn that his beloved con-
sort immediately fell " syke of ye labor and indispo-
sition of ye see," and that the marriage was necessarily
deferred.
Scarcely had Queen Margaret set her foot on shore
than a tremendous storm of thunder and lightning com-
menced, truly an inauspicious circumstance, which,
added to her bodily indisposition, might have appalled
* See Appendix, p. 418.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
a less energetic mind than that of Margaret of Anjou.
The people of Porchester, notwithstanding the tempest,
came in crowds to gaze upon their fair sovereign, and
welcomed her loyally, strewing their streets with rushes
for her to pass over.0
In Porchester Castle f the first interview took place
between Queen Margaret arid King Henry the Sixth ;
the monarch receiving his bride in a manner propor-
tionate to her birth and merit.
At this meeting, when Margaret first appeared in
the full charm of youth and beauty, so radiant was she
that u the King could scarce look her steadfastly in
the face," yet these pleasing attractions hardly equalled
her remarkable mental endowments ; while, by her
amiability alone, she had won many hearts on her
progress to the shores of England.
The King bestowed great rewards on all who had
accompanied her, from the Countess of Shrewsbury
even to the master of the vessel J which brought
her over from France, as we learn from Rymer's
" Foedera," in which are many minute and curious
documents, signed by the King, one of which related
to a safe conduct to certain Scotchmen, who, with
their servants, desired to be present at the Queen's
coronation. Another enumerates some New Year's
gifts, bestowed by King Henry in the preceding year ;
also the following description of the wedding ring : viz.,
" A ring of gold garnished with a fair rubie some-
tyme given unto us, by our Bel Oncle, the Cardinal
of Englande, with the which we were sacred, on the
day of our coronation at Parys, delivered unto Mat-
* Porchester was a seaport in Hampshire of great note ; near it Ports-
mouth now stands. — Drayton.
f Holinshed ; Stow ; Carte ; Rapin ; Baudier ; Lingard ; English
Chron. Camd. Soci
J This was Thomas Adam, who received from the King an annual pen-
sion of 20 marks for life. — Sec Appendix, p. 420.
MABGAKET OF ANJOU. 267
thew Philip, to breke, and thereof to meke another
ryng, for the Queen's wedding ryng."0
From Porchester, Queen Margaret proceeded on the
same day of her landing, the 10th of April, with King
Henry to Southampton, by water ; and here she rested
five days in a convent, called " God's House," before
she could be conveyed to Southwyke, to be united to
the King. This building has been described as a
famous hospital, founded in the time of King John
by Peter de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, and dedi-
cated to St. John the Baptist and St. Nicholas."]"
Here the young Queen seems to have stayed even
beyond the 15th of the month, being visited by a
severe and dangerous disorder immediately on her
landing. Doubtless great care and attention were
bestowed on the royal invalid in this noted hospital,
and especially by "Master Francisco, the Queen's
physician, who received on the 10th of April, by
command of the Marquis of Suffolk, at Southampton,
695. 2d. for divers aromatic confections, particularly
and specially purchased by him, and privately made
into medicine for the preservation of the health of
the said lady, the Queen, as well by sea as by
land."!
We are further informed that King Henry was
obliged to furnish considerable additions to the ward-
robe of his bride, which had been so scantily furnished,
(owing to the indigence of the Angevine prince, her
father,) that her array was not suitable to her rank
as Queen of England. This was required to be done
* See Appendix, p. 417 ; Issue Rolls ; Stow ; Baudier ; Kennet.
f Speed; Davies's Chron. ; Stevenson's Monasteries ; Addit. to Dugdale's
Monasticon.
£ Another payment had been also made to Perrin Arogeart, hired to assist
and work in the office of cookery expressly, paid out of regard to him, and
as a gift of our lady, the Queen, by order of the Earl of Suffolk, at South-
ampton, on the loth of April, the sum of 13s. 4oJ.
268 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
previously to her appearance in public before her new
subjects. Accordingly " John Pole, a valet, was sent
from Southampton to London with three horses, by
command of the Marquis of Suffolk, to fetch Margaret
Chamberlayne, tyre maker, to be conducted into the
presence of our lady, the Queen, touching various
business of the said lady, the Queen, and for going
and returning, the said Margaret Chamberlayne was
paid there by gift of the Queen, on the 15th of
April, 20s."
From the mention made by the royal bridegroom in
a letter written in his usual quaint style to his Chan-
cellor, we discover that the malady which had so very
unexpectedly detained his beloved consort was no other
than the small-pox. This alarming disease caused great
anxiety to the King, who, after having so long waited
for his expected bride, was not a little heartstricken at
this sudden affliction on the beloved object of his affec-
tions. Leaving the Queen to the care of her attendants
and others in the hospital, "God's House," for a time,
"the King stayed at South wyke, passing his careful mo-
ments, as well as he could, amidst the charming pas-
tures and forests of Southbere and Porchester." We
are told that King Henry could not keep the feast of
St. George at Windsor Castle, on account of "this
sickness of his most dear and best beloved wife, the
Queen." How long this anxious period lasted we are
not exactly informed ; but when the Queen recovered,
happily without any detriment to her uncommon beauty,
she rejoined the King at Southwyke, where he had
waited, still watching with deep interest until she
became convalescent. Finding then that she was still
unable to bear the fatigues of travelling, he caused his
marriage to be performed, with all the necessary cere-
mony.0
* In the year 1133 King Henry I. had founded in the church of St.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 269
On Thursday, the 22nd of April, 1445, Kemp, 1445.
Archbishop of York, united the royal pair in the Biondi;e
Priory Church of South wyke, near Porchester, in Q^^!**''
Hampshire.0 The venerable Bishop of Salisbury, st°w;
Master Aiscough, gave them the blessing, saying, vniaret.
" This marriage, the people believe, will be pleasing
" to God and to the realm, because that peace and
" abundant crops came to us with it. And I pray
" the Heavenly King that he will so protect them with
" his own right hand that their love may never be dis-
" solved, and that they may receive such blessing as
"the Psalmist speaks of; i Thy wife shall be as a
" fruitful vine by the sides of thy house : thy children
" like olive plants round about thy table. Behold,
" that thus shall the man be blessed that feareth the
"Lord."' (Psal cxxviii.)
The learned prelate made a discourse at some length
on the dignity of marriage, and in praise of that sacra-
ment. In conclusion, he said, " I desire that iny lord
"may abide in that sacred alliance on which he has
" now entered, and may in faith possess these good
" things of marriage which have been assigned to it by
" St. Augustine — ' faith, that he may not break his con-
jugal vow — offspring, which may both be lovingly
" brought up and religiously educated — and a sacra-
" mental vow, that the wedlock may never be dissolved:
"for these are the great things of marriage.' Oh!
" may this wedding be, as was in old time the wedding
" of Tobias and Sarah, of which it is said, that ' they
" celebrated their marriage feast in the fear of the
Mary's at Porchester a priory of canons of the order of St. Austin, which
seems to have been not long after removed to South wyke, where it con-
tinued until the dissolution. — Dug dale ; Speed; Tanner's Notitie Monastica.
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Carte ; Howell ; Eng-. Chron., Carnd.
Soc. ; Baker ; Speed ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Kymer's
Foedera ; Beckington ; Kennet ; Sharon Turner ; Henry ; Warner's Hamp-
shire.
270
MAEGAKET OF ANJOTJ.
" Lord.' (Tobias ix.) * Oh ! may it be the cause of
"peace among the people, even as peace was given
" unto the Jews on the marriage of Esther.' (Esther
"ix. 18.) I0h! may it be so high and holy an
"ordering, that, at the last, those words may be
"worthily verified in the case of the married pair,
" l Blessed are they which are called unto the marriage
" supper of the Lamb.' " (Rev. xix.)°
When the marriage ceremony was concluded, Queen
Margaret received as a bridal gift, from one of her
attendants, a lion, — a very unsuitable present for a
lady's pet; but it was graciously received, and con-
veyed, at the King's expense, to the Tower of London,!
Where this noble compagnon de voyage came from we
are not informed ; but his keep, and travelling expenses,
with a separate carriage, were included in the outlay of
the King's servants, the sum of 3Z. 6s. 4d. being paid
to John Fouke of Peryn, galleyman, who took charge
of the lion.
This strange gift would seem to have been made
from one acquainted with the courage and fortitude
of the Queen, and given in compliment to those high
personal qualities which became afterwards so promi-
nent in the eventful and stormy circumstances of her
reign. Had the King himself been able to wield the
sceptre, how different would have been Queen Mar-
garet's course ; but the whole career of Henry VI.
showed him to be a good and pious man, but totally
unequal to rule a divided realm like that of England.
He loved the Queen with an ardour to which his
heart and pure mind required him to set no bounds ;
and they might have been happy in their marriage had
not the personal friends of the Queen been unfortu-
* Capgrave's Illust. Henries ; English Chron. Camd. Soc. ; Davies's
Chron.
f Robert Mansfield was the keeper of the menagerie in this reign, and
had a good salary for his office.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 271
nately regarded as the enemies of the people. The
King, and also the Queen, saw the evils of war and the
desirableness of peace, and they laboured incessantly
to this end ; but the people were not cured of their
penchant for war, and preferred the uncertain spoils of
victory to the more certain gains of trade and industry.
As soon as the Queen could travel, (about the begin-
ning of May,) she commenced her progress to the capital,
which she entered on the 18th of May, 1445. In her 1445.
journey to the metropolis she received every possible e<
demonstration of respect and admiration, and even of
enthusiasm.
All ranks of her new subjects eagerly came forward
to welcome the arrival of a princess, of whose personal
and mental accomplishments they had heard so much ;
and her youth, beauty, and elegance converted even
her enemies into admirers, making them forget their
prejudices against her, on account of her relationship
to the royal family of France, and the poverty of her
father which had obliged King Henry to receive his
bride without a dower. All those who had most op-
posed this marriage now became eager to evince their
respect to their charming sovereign. The Duke of
Gloucester, especially, hastened at this time to prove to
his new mistress that principle alone had actuated him
in his late opposition, and he sought, by his marked
attentions to the Queen, to show her that he also
shared in the general admiration of her personal
charms. At the head of five hundred of his retainers,
handsomely arrayed in his livery arid badge, he met
her at Blackheath, and conducted her to his palace,
named "Placentia," at Greenwich, where she was in-
vited to refresh herself ; the Duke taking this oppor-
tunity to ingratiate himself into her favour.0
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Carte ; Stow ; London Chron. ; Kennet ;
Speed ; Henry ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Sharon Turner.
272
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
The chief nobility rivalled each other in the splen-
dour of their equipages and their tokens of respect,
bringing their retainers and servants in liveries, and
exhibiting all the pomp and splendour possible. They
wore in their caps and bonnets, in compliment to
the Queen, the humble Marguerite, or daisy, which
seemed even more surprisingly to have started into
notice and esteem than the beautiful queen herself;0
and, as the poet writes, —
" Of either sex, who doth not now delight
" To wear the daisy for Queen Marguerite ? " f
This little flower, chosen by the Queen, was, indeed,
a true emblem of her conjugal fidelity ; for amidst the
misfortunes and rude tempests of her after life, her
constancy to her husband, and his fortunes, remained
unshaken.;):
The authorities and livery companies of the city
also came out to meet Queen Margaret, as well as
many of inferior rank. These were dressed in blue
gowns and red hoods, writh sleeves embroidered, each
of them with some device, expressive of their art or
trade, by which they might be known. By this eques-
trian procession the new Queen and her escort were
conducted through Southwark to the city, and lodged
in the bishop's palace, near St. Paul's.§
Upon her entrance into the capital, the Queen
was greeted by many splendid shows and goodly
pageants, agreeable to the taste of the age. South-
wark and the city of London were " beautified," as
Stow relates, "with pageants of divers histories, and
other shows of welcome ; marvellous, costly, and sump-
tuous." There were represented gods and goddesses,
* This little flower also slione conspicuoiis upon the royal plate,
f Drayton. J Holinshed ; Stow.
§ Holinshed ; Stow ; Fabia,n ; Carte ; London Chron. ; Baudier ; Ken-
net ; Chron. of London Bridge.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 273
angels, and ancient worthies. The cardinal virtues,
personified, were seen issuing forth from artificial woods
and temples, constructed of pasteboard and other flimsy
materials, and were made to recite the praises of Queen
Margaret, while they scattered flowers and garlands at
her feet. On her approach to London Bridge she was
greeted by the most splendid of the famous pageants
prepared for her by her admiring subjects. The first
pageant, erected at the foot of London Bridge, was an
allegorical representation of Peace and Plenty. The
motto was, —
" Ingredimini et replete terram."
" Enter ye, and replenish the earth."
Then were the following lines addressed to the
Queen: — •
' Most Christian Princesse, by influence of grace,
' Daughter of Jerusalem, our plesaunce
' And joie, welcome as ever Princess was,
' With hert entire, and hool affiaunce ;
' Cawser of welthe, joye, and abundaunce,
' Youre citee, your people, your subjects all,
' With hert, with worde, with dede, your highness to avaunce,
'Welcome! welcome! welcome! unto you call. "
These verses were from the pen of Lydgate ; he was
the universal muse of his age, and so easy of access,
that he was consulted on all occasions. He was the
poet of the world, as well as of the monastery to which
he belonged. His talents were resorted to, with equal
success, whether a mask for the King was intended, or
a May-game for the aldermen and sheriffs. Lydgate
was also the champion of the fair sex, and wrote a
panegyric, not on their personal charms or accom-
plishments, but giving a recital of their inflexible
chastity and religious fortitude, by which he ennobled
their character, and gave a better demonstration of hisj
own respect and esteem.
VOL. I. t
MABGAEET OF ANJOU.
Upon the bridge another pageant was placed. It
represented Noah's ark, bearing the words,
" Jam non ultra irascar super terrain ; "
" Henceforth there shall no more be a curse upon the earth."*
The verses recited before it were : —
' So trusteth your people, with assuraunce,
' Throwghe your grace, and high benignitie,
' 'Twixt the realmes two, England and France,
' Pees shall approche, rest and unity ;
' Mars set asyde with all his cruelty,
' Which too longe hathe trowbled the realmes twayne,
' Bydynge your comforte, in this adversite*,
1 Most Christian Princesse, our Lady Soverayne.
' Right as whilom, by God's myght and grace,
' Noe this arke dyd forge and ordayne,
' Wherin he and his might escape, and passe
' The flood of vengeaunce caused by trespasse ;
' Conveyed about as God list him to gyne, [gye]
' By meane of mercy found a restinge place
' After the flud upon this Armonie.
' Unto the Dove that browght the braunche of peas,
' Resemblinge your simpleness, columbyne,
* Token and sygne that the flood shuld cesse,
' Conduct by grace and power devyne ;
' Source of comfort 'gynneth faire to shine
' By your presence, whereto we synge and seyne
' Welcome of joye right extendet lyne,
' Moste Christian Princesse, our Lady Soverayne."
At Leadenhall was "Madam Grace, Chancellor de
Dieu," and again verses were recited. At St. Mar-
garet's Inn, Cornhill, other verses were given. At the
Great Conduit, in Cheapside, another recitation was
made, and " the five wise and five foolish virgins " were
represented. Lastly, at the Cross in the Cheape, "the
heavenly Jerusalem ;" and at Paul's Gate, " the funeral,
resurrection, and judgment;" both these last having,
like the preceding pageants, appropriate verses from
the pen of Lydgate.f
* Gen. viii. 21.
f Stow; Fabian; Londiniana ; Harl. MS.; Chron. Lond. Bridge; Speed;
Sharon Turner ; Warton's Eng. Poetry.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU. 275
Amidst these demonstrations of joy, and of welcome,
was the admiring Queen conducted in royal state into
the metropolis, previous to her coronation ; everything
calculated to afford her pleasure having been provided
at considerable expense.
Margaret, who was at that time little more than
fifteen years of age, must have been highly gratified
with her reception in England. After her splendid
progress through the city, she was conducted to the
Tower, where she reposed during one day. Then fol-
lowed the ceremony of coronation, which took place on
Sunday (being the first Sunday after Trinity), the 30th
of May, 1445. The Queen rode to Westminster Abbey, 1445.
where the solemn rites of her coronation were per-
formed by John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury,
and were attended with even more than the accustomed
L/ingard j
magnificence, for Parliament was then sitting, having sismondi
met on the 25th day of February, previous to the
arrival of the Queen.
The coronation feasts were splendid.* No expense
was spared, and various royal gifts were bestowed,
and many valuable crown jewels redeemed, in order to
be presented to the beautiful queen at " the tyme of
ye solempnytie of her coronation." Amongst these
were the "Ilkyngton coler," a costly gift ; also a " pec-
toral," adorned with gems, for which King Henry had
just paid a sum equal to £15,000.|
A tournament was held for three days, in proof of
the universal joy of the nation. The feasting being
held within the sanctuary, and the jousts in the court-
yard before the Abbey, and in the royal presence. The
people departed, as the contemporary chroniclers have
declared, " well satisfied.";):
* To the chief butler alone was given 1,0001.
f See Appendix, p. 419.
j Holinshed ; Biondi ; Fabian ; Carte ; Eng-. Chron. Camd. Soc. ; Hall ;
Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Chron. of Brute ; bib. Harl. ; Stow ;
T 2
276 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Such was the commencement of the career of
Queen Margaret, — such the favourable reception of the
fair sovereign from whom so much was expected ! The
disappointment of the people, however, began early to
be manifested, and sad and bitter must have been the
reflections of Margaret, at a subsequent period, upon
those events which, after such a gracious reception,
had deprived her of the love of her people.
This marriage has been universally esteemed most
unfortunate for King Henry, for his Queen, and for the
English nation.* Those historians, however, who call
Queen Margaret "proud and vindictive,"| and who
attribute all the evils of this disastrous reign to her
wilful passions, must surely be blinded by prejudice,
arid forgetful of that impartiality which ought ever to
be the distinguishing characteristic of an historian.
We are also more especially guided to liberality in
our judgment of this queen, when we reflect on the
general high esteem with which she was regarded by
her own nation, and by the French king ; and when
we consider the united praises, by all historians, of her
early character and conduct. One author informs us
— "her talents and noble qualities had been so much
celebrated, that it was reasonable to expect, that when
she should mount the throne, they would break out,
and shine with still superior lustre. " Another says,
" she was a princess who, to the beauties of her body,
added all the perfections of the rnind." A third says,
" she was endowed with an excellent understanding,
sagacity, and prudence, very reasonable and conside-
rate, and diligent in all her designs, &c."{ Again, we
are told that " in personal beauty she was superior
to most women, in mental capacity equal to most men;"
Toplis ; Baudier ; Rapin ; Siemondi ; Loud. Chron. ; Lingard ; Sharon Tur-
ner ; Beckington ; Cont. Hist. Croyland.
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Speed ; Kapin ; Stow.
f Biondi ; ViUaret. J Hume ; Baudier ; Female Worthies.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 277
and another writer says of this queen, that " she
was a beautiful woman, and of a genius and capacity
superior to most women ; and also of a bold and
masculine spirit."*
It should also be remembered that at the age of
fifteen, when, notwithstanding her aspiring temper,
she could not have acquired much experience, she was
at once introduced to a court where two violent and
turbulent factions prevailed ; to a nation prepared, by
the example of their governors, for mutiny and com-
plaints ; and to a weak king, who, far from being able
to govern others, had scarcely a will of his own.
Of the duties of Margaret's newly-acquired dignity,
perhaps this last, the guidance of her husband, was
not the least difficult to accomplish. As her husband
and sovereign she owed to him respect and obedience ;
but even these the easy temper and feeble frame of
King Henry disposed him to yield up, while the
natural goodness of his heart claimed only the love
and good-will of his consort, his servants, and his sub-
jects. Meanwhile his consort was called upon to rule,
almost without a helm or guide ; yet we are not in-
formed of any open violation of duty on the part of
the youthful queen, but on the contrary, she even
preserved the affections of her husband entire, and
remained faithful to his fortunes throughout life.
King Henry, who had been easily gained by the
praises bestowed on the Princess Margaret before he
beheld her, was even more readily captivated by her
charms when united to her. Won by her address,
he resigned the reins of government to her more able
hands ; and Margaret, quickly perceiving the incapacity
of her husband, seized the opportunity of appropriating
to herself an authority, which, probably, she had been
desirous of obtaining. j" Her lively arid ambitious
* Lingard ; Topi is. t Baker ; Henry.
278 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
temper might have made her eager to reach that
open arena, where the natural vigour and activity of
her character would have room to unfold itself.
It was for her vigorous and aspiring disposition that
Margaret had been chosen by the English ministers to
be their queen ; and they believed that they should,
by her means, render their own authority permanent.
Nor were they mistaken in their calculations ; as they
had foreseen, Margaret, ere long, obtained a complete
ascendency over the King, and it was then that, not
being unmindful of the individuals to whom she owed
her exaltation, she eagerly adopted the sentiments and
projects of the party whose selfish purposes she had
been selected to advance. Admirably, yet perhaps
unconsciously, did she further their ignoble views ;
for she not only confirmed them in the good-will and
favour of their sovereign, but she even entered into
their passions and interests, and especially in their
aversion to the Duke of Gloucester. She attached
herself to their party, seconded all their measures,
and, in short, as the ministers' sole object was to
keep on good terms with their royal mistress, they
very soon became strictly united.*
The party, which ruled in the Cabinet, and also the
land, had projected this foreign alliance for their so-
vereign to further their own ends ; and they not only
rewarded all who accompanied the Queen to England,
but handsomely paid her foreign suite. This lavish
expenditure, however, was a cause, subsequently, of
complaint on the part of the Queen's enemies. f
* Kymer's Fcedera ; W. of Worcester ; Baudier ; Rapin ; Henry ;
Hume ; Villaret ; Smollett ; Allen's York,
f Issue Kolls.
CHAPTER V.
' Thou know'st how I (thy beauty to advance)
' For thee refused the infanta of France,
' Brake the contract Duke Humphry first did make
' 'Twixt Henry and the Princess Arminac ;
' Only that here thy presence I might gain,
' I gave Duke Ragner Anjou, Mons, and Maine,
' Thy peerless beauty for a dower to bring,
' As of itself sufficient for a king." — DRAYTON.
(The DUKE OP GLOUCESTER to KING HENRY.)
' Ah, gracious lord, these days are dangerous !
' Virtue is chok'd with foul ambition,
' And charity chas'd hence by rancour's hand ;
' Foul subornation is predominant,
' And equity exil'd your highness' land.
' I know their complot is to have my life ;
' And if my death might make this island happy,
' And prove the period of their tyranny,
' I would expend it with all willingness ;
' But mine is made the prologue to their play ;
' For thousands more, that yet suspect no peril,
' Will not conclude their plotted tragedy."
SHAKESPEARE. — Henry VI.
The Queen obtains great influence— Gloucester's accusation— His popu-
larity, arrest, and death. — His character, literature, and care of the
State — King Henry's pusillanimity — The mock execution of the Duke's
servants— Death of Winchester— His character— Colleges founded— The
Queen's arbitrary rule — Reproaches of Suffolk — His defence— Loyalty of
the people — The Queen's mistrust of York — His insinuations — He is de-
prived of the Regency of France — York and Somerset's opposition —
Honours conferred on Suffolk.
THE new queen soon obtained great influence in
the kingdom, and the English people appeared to be
disposed to keep the peace with France, of which their
fair sovereign had been the pledge. As had been
expected, Queen Margaret of Anjou was found to be
clever, proud, courageous, and enterprising. Her
280 MABGARET OF ANJOTJ.
beauty and wisdom surpassed that of all others of her
times, while her courage exceeded that of her own sex.
She also added much foresight ; indeed, her great wit,
skill, diligence, grace, and many admirable talents, qua-
lified her to obtain that renown and distinction of which
she had already become ambitious. At times she was
irritated by obstacles, and disposed to take sudden re-
solves which she would no less suddenly alter, and her
desire for absolute power caused her subsequently to
be charged with bringing trouble on the kingdom.*
There might appear, indeed, to be some foundation for
this charge, considering her first acts and conduct
towards the King's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester. His
decided opposition to her marriage had already pre-
possessed her against him, and she soon discovered
that in spite of his influence and popularity with the
people, (with whom he was deservedly a favourite,) his
frequent contentions with the ministers increased their
animosity against him, and this caused some trouble,
and served to irritate the mind of Queen Margaret.
The great talents and beauty of the Queen enabled
her in a short time to obtain a complete ascendency over
the mind of the King. She observed that he was
quite unable to act for himself, and that he was
entirely under the direction of the Duke of Gloucester ;
therefore rightly judging that Henry, being of age to
govern, ought not to be kept under such control, she
became anxious to effect a change, and determined
gradually to release the King from this thraldom, and
to deprive the Duke of his great power.
It cannot be surprising, nay, it might even appear
natural, that Queen Margaret, on finding this position of
affairs, should have felt ambitious of holding the reins of
government herself, especially as she was. " desirous
* Barante ; Monfaucon ; Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ;
Lingard ; Mezerai ; Toplis.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 281
of honour." Her early character showed her worthy
of obtaining this honour, as historians all testify ; for,
say they, " in proportion as King Henry was feeble in
mind and body, his queen was found to be courageous,
skilful, and intelligent."0
The Duke of Gloucester had endeavoured, as we have
seen, to efface from the mind of his royal mistress the
unfavourable impression which he had made by his
opposition to her marriage to King Henry, by appear-
ing with his retainers to welcome her upon her arrival ;
but this prudent step failed in its object, and the Queen
still entertained feelings of resentment against him.")"
Young and inexperienced, as she was at this time, Queen
Margaret could not appreciate the worth of this able
minister, and while her gratitude towards her favourites
for promoting her elevation to the throne of England
served to unite their interests to hers, it had no less
influence in alienating her friendship from the Duke.
Unfortunately, the rage of the party she had chosen
was bent against the object who had incurred her
resentment, and she probably did not stay to balance
the hypocritical motives of those who had ingratiated
themselves into her favour : thus, the first step of this
Queen in her public career, far from conciliating the
hearts of her subjects, was the cause of their estrange-
ment from her for ever.
It was, besides, the advice of King Rene to his
daughter that she should, with her husband, assume the
regal power, and not permit the control of ministers,
as though they were not themselves of age to govern. J
The Parliament, which was sitting at the time of
Queen Margaret's arrival, had been adjourned twice ;
(the second time, on account of a pestilence in London,)
* Pol. Vergil ; Holinshed ; Milles's Catalogue ; Daniel.
f Pol. Vergil ; Villaret ; Henry.
J Holinshed ; Hall ; Barante ; Sharon Turner.
282 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
but, previous to this last prorogation, the Duke of
Suffolk had made a speech to each of the Houses,
filling them with hopes of peace, and praising his own.
services and conduct in the war, and also extolling his
discretion and prudence in treating for the truce and
contract of marriage so entirely to the satisfaction of
the nation. His conduct, thus set forth in the fairest
light, was readily approved, and he was secured from
molestation for his advice to his master by the repeal
of the stipulation at the treaty of Troyes, which obliged
the parties contracting to make no peace or truce with
the enemy without the consent of the three estates of
this realm.*
1445. At this meeting, the Speaker recommended to the
King's favour the Marquis of Suffolk, and in a long
speech eulogized his valour and noble conduct, both at
home and abroad, as deserving of some token of appro-
bation, and particularly for his duty and promptitude
in the charge intrusted to him concerning the marriage
of the King with the Princess Margaret of Anjou.
Upon this, the Duke of Gloucester fell on his knees,
and humbly petitioned, with divers lords, that his
Majesty would grant some especial favour to the Mar-
quis of Suffolk, and King Henry willingly gave his
gracious assent to an Act which declared the conduct
of Suffolk true and loyal.
The part which the Duke of Gloucester took at this
time seems unaccountable, since he had ever shown a
steady opposition to this marriage ; yet here he stood,
foremost in soliciting the royal favour for Suffolk. The
cession of Maine and Anjou were included in these acts
of Suffolk, (although he carefully avoided alluding to
this subject in his speech), and Gloucester must have
approved of them, if he was sincere. . As a member of
the Council, he could not have been unacquainted
* Issue Eolls ; Eymer's Fcedera ; Stow.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 283
with this, if even the Commons were ignorant of it.
The Duke of Gloucester was subsequently charged
with conspiring against the government ; a charge
which, had it been substantiated, would have accounted
for his pretended friendship for Suffolk by which on
this occasion he sought to disguise his real purpose.*
In the same Parliament an Act was passed to provide
for the Queen's dower, but it only amounted to half the
sum which had been assigned to the queens, her pre-
decessors.
King Henry had already (in his Parliament, held on
the 25th of February), by the advice of his lords spiritual
and temporal, granted for the use of his beloved con-
sort, Queen Margaret, the sum of £1,000; besides a
handsome dower, by way of gift, " to have and to hold "
to the end of her life, from the Feast of St. Michael of
the ensuing year. The details of this dower are very
curious,"]" giving a minute account of the various sources
whence the smaller sums were derived. The aggregate
amount, annually, was 5,000 marks, or £3,666 13s. 4c?.,
which had been finally settled as the dower of Queen
Margaret. The tributary sums were drawn from many
of the possessions of King Henry in various counties
in England, viz., in Leicester, Northampton, and War-
wick ; in Stafford, Derby, Hereford, Oxford, and Bucks;
also 40 marks per annum were gathered from the
fruitful farm of Gunthorp, in the county of Notting-
ham; the castle and estate of Plecy, the manors of
Walden and Dunmowe, with others in the counties of
Essex, Hertford, Surrey, and Middlesex ; an hotel in
the city of London, called Blanch Appleton, with a
house named Steward's Inn, in the parish of St. Olaves
in that city ; the castle and town of Hertford ; J
* Parl. Roll ; Rymer ; Speed ; Stow ; Lingard.
f See Appendix, p. 421.
^ The manorial courts were held in the Queen's name at Hertford ; and
284 MABGAKET OF ANJOU.
Kenilworth, and other castles and manors. Besides
these, certain castles and domains pertaining to Duke
Henry of Lancaster, together with the lands and estates
of the military and ecclesiastics, to the end of her
life. Also, to the said consort of Henry, annually, a
sum drawn from divers annuities pertaining to Henry,
Duke of Cornwall, with other emoluments in England
and Wales. It was further conceded, that " the said
most beloved consort of Henry should by no means
be burdened or compelled to return any computation
of profits, or returns of the said castles and other things
promised, so that she might be quiet, and unannoyed
in any manner."
All these things were, "by the said authority con-
fided, given, conceded, and assigned on the 19th day
of March, in the twenty-fourth year of Henry's reign,
by the said Parliament of Henry, then sitting."*
Of the two years succeeding this auspicious mar-
riage scarcely a record can be discovered; but it
appears to have been a tranquil period, since we learn
that the King and the Queen occasionally shared in
the enjoyment of the chase, their favourite diversion.
King Henry, however, took no part in the tournaments,
in which Lord Rivers alone appeared to support the
honour of England ; and the calamitous civil warfare,
within a short space, entirely superseded all these
mimic sports.
In the month of July, 1445, a special embassy was
sent into England by Charles VII. , for the purpose
of establishing a permanent peace between the two
realms.
The Archbishop of Rheims, the Counts of Laval
a horse-fair, by her permission and charter to the bailiffs, was also held
wheresoever they founi it expedient. — Rot. Parl.; Turner's Hertford;
Encyclopedia Britanidca.
* Rot. Parl.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 285
and Vendome, the Lord of Precigny, and other nobles,
with ambassadors of the King of Spain, Rene King
of Sicily, and the Duke of Alen^on, with a hundred
knights and esquires, (also three hundred horses), all
richly dressed in silk and cloth of gold, left Calais, on
the 3rd of July, for Dover, whence they proceeded to
Canterbury and Rochester, where they tarried several
days. They entered London on the 14th of July, es-
corted by King Henry's ambassadors, and were met
by the Lord Mayor, and sixty citizens clothed in scarlet
and fur, and all the " companies " of the city, richly
attired, the streets being thronged with thousands of
spectators.
After this joyful reception the embassy proceeded
by water to Westminster, where they were received
by the King with much ceremony. His Majesty wore
a robe of red cloth of gold ; he was seated on a high
stool of blue tapestry, and surrounded by golden
tapestry bearing the arms of France. With the King
were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Cardinal of
York, the Dukes of Gloucester, Buckingham, and
Warwick, and many others.
King Henry took by the hand each member of the
deputation, after which the Archbishop of Rheims
addressed him in French, and presented letters from
King Charles. These were gladly received by the
King, who replied through his Chancellor in Latin,
rejoicing much at the good disposition of his uncle
towards himself, and at his desire for peace. Another
interview with the Ambassadors took place on the
following day, .when the King more fully expressed
his own wishes in respect to the peace. The Embassy
were entertained by the nobility for several days, and
on the 30th of the month the King received them again,
at Fulham. After a long private conference the final
reply given was, that King Henry must deliberate,
286 MAEGA]
and might possibly confer himself with King Charles
in France, or send deputies for this purpose.
How remarkable that an embassy so heartily wel-
comed should have so signally failed in accomplishing
its object !
1445. The following letter addressed to the King of France
by Queen Margaret, before the close of the same year,
bears evidence of her regard for her uncle, and is
expressive of her own desire for peace.
" To the very high and powerful prince, our very dear
" uncle of France, Marguerite, by the grace of
" God, Queen of France and of England, greet-
" ing, with all affection and cordial love.
" Most high and powerful prince, our very dear
" uncle, we have received by master Guillaume Cousinet,
" the master of requests of your household, and Jehan
" Havart, esquire, your valet carver, your gracious
11 letters, of the contents of which, because we know
" that you have a lively memory of them, we do not at
" present make long record."
" But inasmuch as we perceive the good love and
" the entire will that you have towards my lord and
" myself, the great desire which you have to see us,
" and also the fruitful disposition and liberal inclination
" which we know to be in you in regard to peace
" and good concord between both of you, we herein
" praise our Creator, and thank you thereof with a
" good heart, and as kindly as ever we may ; for no
" greater pleasure can we have in this world, than to
" see an arrangement for a final peace between him
" and you, as well for the nearness of lineage in which
" you stand the one to the other, as also for the relief
" and repose of the Christian people, which has been
" so long disturbed by war. And herein to the pleasure
" of our lord, we will, upon our part, stretch forth the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 287
" hand, and will employ ourselves herein effectually to
" our power in such wise that reason would that you,
" and all others, ought herein to be gratified.
"And as to the deliverance which you desire to
" have of the Comte of Maine, and other matters coii-
" tained in your said letters, we understand that my
" said lord has written to you at considerable length
" about this : and yet herein we will do for your plea-
" sure the best that we can do, as we have always
" done, as you may be certified of this by the above-
" said Cousinet and Havart, whom may it graciously
" please you to hear, and give credence to what shall
" be related to you by them upon our part at this time,
" making us frequently acquainted with your news, and
" of your good prosperity and health ; and therein we
" will take very great pleasure, and will have singular
" consolation."
" Most high and powerful prince, our very dear
:{ uncle, we pray the sweet Jesus Christ that He will
:< keep you in His blessed protection."
" Given at Shene the xvii day of December,"
"MARGUERITE." *
In the year 1446 King Henry visited Bristol, and
took up his residence near Kadcliffe church. The
house he occupied " being that over which lately stood
a crucifix, and near to Radcliffe," was doubtless the
Hospital of St. John the Baptist; but that King
Henry bestowed it on the Knights Hospitallers is an
error. The King lodged there, since the castle at
this time was probably much dilapidated ; yet why he
abode in a religious house inferior to many others in
Bristol, does not appear, especially as the Queen was
always with him, and they must have had a consider-
able escort, f
* Stevenson's Letters. f Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol.
288 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
1446. On St. Andrew's Day, of this year, in St. Stephen's
chapel at Westminster, Lodovicus Cordona, D.D.,
presented the King with a Golden Rose from Pope
Eugene IV., at the same time expressing its property
and application, with the usual ceremony respecting the
said rose. On this occasion were present John Staf-
ford, Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of
England, Cardinal Kemp, Archbishop of York, and
the Dukes of York and Exeter.*
This remarkable custom (viz., the presentation of a
Golden Rose to crowned heads, or foreign potentates,
distinguished for piety) commenced in the fifteenth
century ; and it was intended that such favours should
keep them in more willing obedience to the papal
authority. The gift to the King of England was there-
fore, at this period, peculiarly significant.
Queen Margaret had early attached herself to the
Duchess-dowager of Bedford, who had been one of
the noble escort who brought her from her native land ;
nor did she forget the early kindness of this lady, who
for some years retained her influence over her royal
mistress. Having married a simple esquire, and thus
leaving her high estate as Duchess-dowager of Bed-
ford, she resided in her castle of Grafton, part of her
dower. There she educated her numerous family ;
and feeling by degrees the necessity of providing for
them, she sought to advance their interests by the
assistance of Queen Margaret of Anjou, with whom
her eldest daughter, the beautiful Elizabeth Woodville,
was placed as maid of honour, her sisters also re-
ceiving promises of promotion and favour. J"
The Queen did not bring over any of her own rela-
tions, however needy, to share her fortunes in this
* Peck's Stamford.
t Elizabeth at a later period married Sir John Gray of Grosby, and
shared her husband's dangers in the campaign in which he lost his life.
— Hall.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 289
country, neither did she engage foreign domestics as
her attendants, with a few exceptions. Her suite con-
sisted of English ladies ; she early became acquainted
with the language of this country, and readily adopted
its customs. It was not until, in later years, when she
was reduced to the greatest extremities, that she applied
for aid from her native land.
While the advice of King Rene had possibly some
influence with his daughter, there is no proof that
Queen Margaret did any injury to the Duke of Glou-
cester, by predisposing his nephew the King against
him, for the Cardinal had already undermined his
credit with Henry before the arrival of the Queen.
Besides the Cardinal of Winchester, the Archbishop
of York and the Marquis of Suffolk looked upon the
Duke of Gloucester as their common enemy, and they
were at this time supported by the power and favour
of their Queen.
The Duke of Gloucester had indeed much to fear
from these his enemies, when, as we are told, they
"persuaded, incensed, and exhorted the Queen to look
well upon the expenses and revenues of the realm, and
thereof to call account, whereby she should evidently
perceive that Gloucester had not so much advanced
and preferred the commonwealth and public utility, as
his own private ends and peculiar objects." Thus
led on by these ministers, (who considered their autho-
rity insecure while Gloucester retained any power
whatever,) Queen Margaret, although so talented and
virtuous, was apparently involved in some measures
injurious to her reputation, and fatal in their results to
the nation. By uniting herself so closely in the inte-
rests of the avowed enemies of the Duke, the Queen
ultimately drew on herself the odium of that guilt
* Hall's Cliron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Carte : Lingard.
290 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
which should have only attached to her ministers.*
Some writers affirm that these ministers had precon-
certed the ruin of the Duke whatever it might cost
them, and that to further these views they had se-
lected Margaret of Anjou for their Queen.f Added to
the number of the Duke's adversaries, there were
other powerful individuals, who, prepared for mischief
and violence, were envious of Gloucester. Of these
especially was conspicuous the Duke of Buckingham,
who entertained a private pique against him for
having promoted the advancement of Henry, Earl of
Warwick, to the precedence of every duke, thus
wounding the pride of many of the nobility of Eng-
land. Buckingham's pompous array of titles, and his
lineal descent from the same race as the rival kings of
York and Lancaster, made him unwilling to forgive
•any infringement of his aristocratic dignity ; thus he
stood foremost in the confederacy to humble the power
of Gloucester, for having once presumed to be greater
than himself. The Marquis of Suffolk, who owed his
elevation to the Cardinal, lost no opportunity to insi-
nuate to his master, that the Cardinal was, of all his
subjects, the most to be confided in ; thus daily sinking
the credit of Gloucester, whose counsels were always
opposed to those of Beaufort. Another who was de-
voted to the Cardinal, the Archbishop of York, was
also instrumental in confirming the suspicions of the
King. In short, they so contrived by their united
efforts, that Henry daily gave his uncle some new
mortification, which the haughty and impetuous spirit
of Gloucester could not brook without complaints or
threats against the authors of these affronts. His
resentment, however, only hastened his ruin.J The
* Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Hall ; Barante ; Rapin ; Speed ; Henry ;
Hume.
f Villaret ; Henry ; Hume.
J Pol. Vergil ; Speed ; Rymer's Fcedera ; Rapin.
MAKGAEET OF ANJOU. 291
frequent attacks of his enemies, added to the disgrace
and captivity of his wife, were motives quite sufficient
for his retiring from court; some assert, however, that
the Duke's great power had excited the jealousy of the
Queen, who was ambitious to reign alone. Certain it
is, that Queen Margaret's first step was to sanction the
endeavours of the Duke's enemies to exclude him from
the Council-chamber, and from all share in the govern-
ment. In this attempt the Cardinal of Winchester and
>the Archbishop of York were the most active. Some
persons were suborned to bring false accusations against
the Duke concerning his conduct during the Protec-
torate ; the chief of which were, that he had put to
death several individuals upon his own authority, and
that he had aggravated the sentence passed on
others.
Such, however, was the rigorous administration of
justice by this virtuous prince, that it had solely called
forth the enmity of those who feared the just punish-
ment of their crimes, and who hated him for his plain-
ness in declaring their offences.*
The Duke of Gloucester had ever spoken in the
Council-chamber with the freedom to which his birth,
rank, and services entitled him ; but this only excited
.the rage of his enemies, who oppressed him and coun-
teracted his influence. He had no longer any weight
in the Cabinet. The Duke's power was, however, con-
siderable in the kingdom, owing to his popularity with
the people, who believed he was zealous for the in-
terests and honour of his country ; and from his high
rank and extensive domains, and also being the pre-
sumptive heir to the throne.")"
When the Duke of Gloucester appeared before the
Council to reply to the charges preferred against him,
* Holiiished ; Hall ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil.
f Baj-ante ; Villaret.
u 2
292 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
so ably did lie prove his innocence, and so clear and
convincing was the evidence he gave, that even his
enemies, who were his judges, were compelled to acquit
him, and to desist from their projects. The citizens of
London raised great commotions in consequence of
this attack upon the character of the " Good Duke,"
and the praises of the public favourite were re-echoed
throughout the streets of the metropolis, and curses
denounced upon his enemies.* From this time Glou-
cester was rising in the public estimation, and the
increase of his popularity still augmented the wrath,
and jealousy of his political antagonists, who, it is said,
became convinced that nothing short of the ruin of the
Duke would enable them to establish their own power.
They feared, and with reason, that in the event of
Gloucester one day mounting the throne, he would
inflict a just punishment on them for the crimes he had
so often endeavoured to expose. The death of Glou-
cester was consequently resolved upon, and the minis-
ters were not slow in effecting their wicked purpose.
They did not resort to the common course of justice
in their iniquitous proceedings, for they had already
found it impracticable, and open assassination was too
hazardous an attempt.
These crafty ministers devised a new and certain
means to get rid of their rival, and by which they
were at the same time enabled to conceal the authors
of the crime. | It has been asserted that this means
for effecting the destruction of the Duke was invented
by Queen Margaret, or at least received her sanction,
and that the ministers would scarcely have ventured
of themselves to attempt the life of the presumptive
heir to the throne. It is added that the Queen's accus-
tomed activity and energy led the people to believe
* Rapin ; Henry ; Holinshed ; Biondi.
f Holinshed ; Hall ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 293
that, without her consent, the enemies of the Duke
could not have dared to take his life.0 That it should
be said the Queen was implicated in such a crime,
merely on account of her natural temperament, seems
unjust. Still more surprising it appears, on reflection,
that one of our historians, who in relating other facts
has been remarkably circumstantial, should on this
subject have contented himself with bare insinuations
as the foundation for this opinion.
But historians differ much with regard to the part
Queen Margaret took in this transaction. Some of
them, by asserting that the Duke died a natural death,
clear the Queen of this imputation altogether, and also
all her ministers ; f another boldly declares that the
Queen first plotted the death of the Duke, and devised
the means for its accomplishment.^ The truth would
seem to lie between these two extremes.
The opinion became general that the Queen gave
her sanction to the measures of her ministers, who,
without it, feared, or pretended to fear, to engage in
this plot. Those historians may perhaps be most
relied upon who represent this affair as transacted
by the Cardinal and his party, apparently under the
authority of the Queen. § All writers of the events
of this period, however, with one exception, concur in
saying that the share Queen Margaret took in this
guilty transaction is uncertain ; yet, without any proof
of her criminality, — any evidence beyond the suspicions
of a discontented and offended nation, — the character of
the estimable and high-minded Margaret of Anjou has
been aspersed, and, thus sullied and defamed, has been
transmitted to succeeding generations.
The surprising courage and bold genius of this
* Plume ; Rapin ; Henry.
•f Wetliamstead ; Ling-ard. J Rapin.
§ Hall ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hurne ; Sharon Turner.
294 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
Queen in her subsequent adversities lias doubtless led
many to conclude that she did not, at this period,
hesitate in the adoption of any means her penetration
suggested as expedient; but let it be remembered,
that " adversity is the school of heroes ; it is there
that man learns to walk alone, to command himself,
and to govern others."
Margaret, with all her talents and political dexterity,,
was still a young woman at this period ; and although
she was not marked by the peculiar foibles of her
sex, she had led, as history portrays her, too pure
and innocent a life to admit without reluctance the
open contemplation of crime. Had it been otherwise,,
she had, long ere the death of Gloucester, suffered
the slander passed upon her by the enemies of the
House of Lancaster, or had it been in their power
to prove her conduct in early life exceptionable. Nor
is it probable that, having passed her youth without
censure, she should have so suddenly changed — so
corrupted by the vile atmosphere of a wicked court-
as to have proposed of her own accord the execution
of this wilful and horrid crime ; human nature shrinks
from the suspicion. Again, when we consider the
youth and inexperience of the Queen and her prejudice
against the Duke of Gloucester, it seems probable that,
she might have been deceived by the artifices of the
Cardinal, and ensnared into concessions, or persuaded
to give her sanction to some project of her ministers,,
without understanding the full extent of their pur-
pose.
Queen Margaret and her counsellors are said ta
have treated the Duke with marked affability previous
to the meeting of Parliament, which had been con-
vened for the month of February, 1447, at Bury St.
Edmunds, where it was supposed the Duke of Glou-
cester had fewer friends than in London, and there-
MABGABET OF ANJOU. 295
fore this place was judged to be more suitable to the
sinister views of the ministers.
The precautions taken on this occasion caused much
surprise, and gave rise to many conjectures. The
knights of the shires were summoned to come there in
arms, the men of Suffolk were arrayed, and the King's
residence well guarded, while patrols watched the
roads leading to this town during the night as well
as the day, " so that many died of cold and waking."0
The favour shewn to Gloucester by the Queen and
her ministers was not intended to win his confidence,
but rather to inspire him with mistrust of their de-
signs, in order to betray him into some step which
might afford a handle against him. It was even hinted
to him, by secret emissaries, that a plot was laid
against him to impeach him of various crimes in the
Parliament of Bury St. Edmunds, which place had
been chosen as most favourable to the designs of his
enemies. Upon this it was expected that the Duke
would withdraw himself, and that thus an appearance
of truth would be thrown on the charges which the
ministers intended to bring forward.")"
It was in vain, however, that this noble-minded
prince was advertised of the machinations of his ene-
mies. Conscious of his own innocence, and too proud
to seek security in flight, which would have afforded a
plausible ground for these accusations, his generous
mind resolved upon boldly confronting his accusers,
and proving the falsehood of their charges.;}; He came
from his castle of Devizes to Bury St. Edmunds, in
Suffolk, with only a small retinue, and as it was cus-
tomary for noblemen to appear in the high court of
Parliament with a numerous suite out of respect to the
King, and Gloucester, not having in his retirement suf-
* Stow ; Lingard.
t Hall ; Rapin ; Barante. £ Hall ; Rapin ; Villaret.
296
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
ficient attendants, sent orders to some of his retainers
and servants at Deptford to meet him at Bury ; when
however, a number of these prepared to obey the
Duke's orders, they were arrested and charged with
a conspiracy.
King Henry having kept his Christmas at Bury St.
Edmunds, remained there until Easter, 1447.
Upon the first day of the meeting of Parliament as
appointed (the 10th of February), the King presided in
person, sitting in a chair of state in the refectory of the
monastery. On this day the Duke of Gloucester
arrived at Bury and was lodged in the hospital, where
soon after he was arrested by Lord Beaumont, the
High Constable of England, the Dukes of Buckingham,
Somerset, and others, who appointed certain of the
King's household to attend upon him, none of his own
domestics being permitted to wait upon him.
Thus was the Duke of Gloucester cast into prison
upon a charge of high treason, and it was reported, in
excuse for his committal, that he had formed a design
to kill his sovereign, usurp the throne, and rescue his
Duchess, who had been a long time confined in Kenil-
worth Castle. The people gave no credit to the first
of these charges, and great disturbances were made
throughout the town on account of the Duke's im-
prisonment; but the clamours were soon appeased,
because it was generally believed that Gloucester was
innocent, therefore no one doubted that he would as
easily clear himself upon this as he had done on the
former occasion.0 The Duke was not, however, per-
mitted the opportunity for his defence, being found
dead in his bed on the morning after his arrest, f
* Hall ; Bioiidi ; Stow ; Carte ; W. of Worcester ; Howel's Med. Hist.
Anglicanae ; Rapin ; Milles's Catalogue ; Sandford ; Baker ; Dugdale's
Baron. ; Holinshed ; Easton Letters ; Fox's Monasteries ; Peck's Stam-
ford ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Barante ; Villaret ; Hume.
f Stow writes that " on the 1 4th day he died, for sorrow, that he might
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 297
The cause publicly assigned for the Duke's death
was apoplexy ; but his unpopularity at court and with
the Queen's party, and the violence which character-
ized this period, seems to give a degree of probability
to that which rests on tradition only, viz., that the
Duke was murdered in an apartment of St. Saviour's
Hospital, then an appendage to the monastery. Nor
did the exposure of the Duke's body, on which no
marks of violence were perceptible, serve to remove
from the public mind the impression, which was gene-
ral, that the Duke of Gloucester had met with his
death by unlawful means. Various conjectures were
formed as to the manner in which this horrid deed had
been perpetrated, and universal was the detestation
with which those persons were regarded who were
judged to have been its authors.0
Such was the unfortunate end of Humphrey, Duke
of Gloucester, one of the first princes of the blood, and
a great favourite with the people, who, for his love of
literature and the rank he held as patron of the genius
and talent of his age, was justly styled the " Maecenas
of his times." He was a magnificent patron and
benefactor of the University of Oxford (where he had
been educated), and founded the Bodleian Library, to
which he presented one hundred and twenty-nine fair
volumes on the sciences, in the year 1440.
Gloucester was a skilful and upright governor ; ever
disposed to favour the poor, and, therefore, much be-
loved by them. He was also "learned and courteous,"
and if we cannot agree with the old chronicler, who
not come to his answer ; " while other authors state that he died on the
14th or 17th day after his arrest, or assert that he was found dead on the
23rd or 28th of February.
* Hall ; Baker ; Biondi ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Sandford ;
Milles's Catalogue ; Carte ; W. of Worcester ; Fabian ; Paston Letters ;
Hist, of Bury St. Edmonds ; Fox's Monasteries ; Howel's Med. Hist. Ang. ;
Speed ; Allen's York.
V
298 MAEGARET OF ANJOU.
adds that "lie was also devoid of pride and ambition,"
we must at least allow him many excellent qualities,
and confess it might be truly said of him, that he
was
" Virtute duce non sanguine nitor."
" Great by deeds of virtue, not of blood."*
On account of his many virtues and the care he
took of the commonwealth, Gloucester obtained from
the people the title of the " Good Duke," and for his
love of justice he was also styled the " Father of his
country." He had governed the kingdom during
twenty-five years, as we are told, " with great com-
mendations, so that neither good men had cause to
complain of, nor bad men to find fault with, his re-
gency." He had been idolized by the nation, and
not without reason, for he had long shown a lively
interest in the welfare of his country, and had, in sup-
port of those points which he deemed essential to its
honour, sustained repeated indignities and affronts. He
had shown that he inherited the spirit of his family, a
spirit which, in his brother Henry V. and the Duke
of Bedford, had been generally esteemed and admired ;
yet he differed from these relatives in the irritability
of his temper and his impetuosity, which doubtless
caused his frequent quarrels with Beaufort, and gave
that prelate a political ascendency over him. It is
probable that the Duke of Gloucester owed his fate
to his active exertions to reform the Church, and to
banish ecclesiastical statesmen from their inordinate
share in the government. In these attempts he could
not fail to humble his rival and to excite his enmity ;
add to which, we are told, that he had attempted to
deprive Beaufort of the see of Winchester, which must
* Biondi ; Paston Letters ; Eapin ; Hume ; I Sharon Turner ; Leigh's
Collections ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Sandford.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 299
have increased his rage against him. Upon this occa-
sion, as on many others, fresh fuel was added to the
flame of discord which burned between these two power-
ful individuals ; and their petty feuds, (otherwise
unworthy of the notice of the historian,) become im-
portant, as being the fruitful source whence sprang
many of the contests and desolating wars of King
Henry's reign.
That the young King should have been early pre-
judiced against his uncle is not surprising, being of so
easy a temper that it required little address to win his
favour; this Beaufort secured for himself, and em-
ployed it against his adversary. The Duke of Glouces-
ter, however, had deserved better at his nephew's
hands ; for he it was who, with more spirit than pru-
dence, had resented King Henry's exclusion from the
Cabinet, when, at the age of seventeen, he had re-
quested admittance there ; and Henry's subsequent
incapacity is mainly attributable to his arbitrary
governors, and his exclusion from, and ignorance of,
public affairs.*
The body of the Duke of Gloucester was interred in 144
the Abbey of St. Albans, to which he had been a RaPin>-
great benefactor. The Abbot Wethamstead, whom he
much esteemed, says repeatedly that the Duke fell ill
immediately after his arrest, and died of his illness.
Wethamstead commends him in these two lines,—
' ' Fidior in regno Regi, Duce non f uit isto
" Plus ne fide stabilis, aut major, amator honoris."
' ' Than Humphrey none of faithfulness had greater store,
" Stood firmer by the King, or loved his honour more."
It was in the Abbey of St. Albans that the Duke de-
tected a man, who pretended to work a miracle in
restoring sight to the blind. Gloucester had a strong
* Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Speed ; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ;
Lingard.
300
MAKGABET OF ANJOU.
predilection for the shrine of St. Albans. He had
bestowed upon it rich vestments to the value of three
thousand marks, and the manor of Pembroke, that the
monks should pray for his soul ; and he had directed
that his remains should be deposited within those holy
walls. The tomb of the Duke was adorned by his
friend, Wethamstead, and part of the expenses borne
by the convent. A monument of stone, of elaborate
workmanship, was erected to his memory behind the
altar, on the south side of the church, where was the
shrine of the patron saint. In a vault beneath, the
remains of this prince were deposited, and great care
and expense were originally taken for their preserva-
tion : they were enclosed in a 'leaden coffin, in a
kind of strong pickle, with an outer coffin of wood.
A crucifix was painted on the wall at the east end of
the vault, with a cup on each side of the head, another
at the side, and a fourth at the feet. These four
chalices were receiving the blood, and a hand pointing
towards it, with a label inscribed " Lord, have mercy
upon me."0
Several knights and esquires in the Duke's service
on the day of his arrest assembled at Greenwich, and
resolved to proceed to Bury to join him. They were
taken prisoners, and accused of conspiring to kill the
King, to raise the Duke of Gloucester to the throne,
and to release Eleanor, his wife, from her prison. They
were tried, and five of them — Sir Roger Chamberlaine,
Richard Middleton, Thomas Herbert, Arthur Tursey,
Esqrs., and Richard Nedham, — were condemned of
* Thus were the remains of the " Good Duke Humphrey " discovered in
1701 (except that the outer case of wood had perished) ; and since that
period they have been frequently exhibited to gratify the public curiosity.
The dry bones and soft, fair, silken tresses of hair were of deep interest to
all acquainted with his character, and tragic end. The inscription and the
title on the cross have been long obliterated.— Stoiv; Pol. Vergil; Sandford;
Rymer; Ma-pin; Pennant; Willis's Abbeys; Paston Letters; Weaver's
Funereal Monuments ; Hlorc^K Monumental Remains ; Lin yard.
MABOAKET OF ANJOIT. 301
liigii treason, and sentence of death passed upon
them. Their judges were appointed by virtue of the
King's commission, and of these the Marquis of Suffolk
was the chief.0 The King granted a pardon to these
unfortunate men. His humanity would not allow
them to suffer. This clemency on the part of King
Henry, we are told, was caused by his attention to a
sermon, which had much affected him, delivered by
Dr. Worthington, a celebrated preacher, on the forgive-
ness of injuries ; and his Majesty declared " that he
could not better show his gratitude for the protection
of the Almighty than by granting a pardon to those
who, he believed, had intended his destruction."
These persons were thirty-two in number when appre-
hended ; the five on whom sentence of death had been
passed were drawn to Tyburn for execution. There
the hangman had actually performed his office — the
vital spark was almost extinguished — when the Mar-
quis of Suffolk produced the tardy pardon upon which
these miserable beings had relied, for it was suspected
that they had been bribed to an acknowledgment of
guilt upon a promise of certain pardon.
This pardon was by some persons conjectured to be
only an artifice by which Suffolk sought to lessen the
odium which might attach to himself after the death of
Gloucester.
No investigation took place as to the cause of the
sudden death of this Duke. It was asserted that he
died a natural death, brought on by apoplexy, or the
effect of anxiety of mind.f This opinion was held by
k three contemporary writers, who were all his friends
and eulogists — Hardyng, the Yorkist ; William of
Worcester, who in recording the meeting of Parlia-
* Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Howel ; Stow ; Rapin ; Henry ;
Hist, of Bury St. Edmonds ; Lingard ; Smollet.
f Pol. Vergil ; Speed ; Carte ; Villaret ; Hume.
302 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
ment at Bury says only, " there died Humphrey, the
Good Duke of Gloucester, the lover of virtue and
the State;" lastly, Wethamstead, his intimate friend,
tells us that, " after being placed in strict confinement,
he sank from sorrow."
The seeds of discontent had been long sown in this
country, and the division of the chief rulers into two
parties had much increased this growing evil, while
the Queen preserved a select favoured party around
her court. Many, very many, had rallied round this
idolized and deservedly esteemed prince ; and the sud-
den bereavement of their favourite called forth their
utmost indignation. They could not penetrate the
apparent mystery, the cause of his death, and regarded
it as a crime, a murder, and sought to attach it to his
different enemies; and, casting off their respect for
the rank of their Queen, they even dared openly to
charge her with this outrage.*
The death of Gloucester, from whatever cause, did
not remove from him the imputation of treason ; it
was still pretended that he was guilty of the charges
laid against him, and for which some of his servants
had been led to execution. These persons had never
been confronted with him, neither were they of the
chief of the Duke's household ; nor were they such
persons as he would probably have chosen to intrust
with a secret so important, had he really entertained
any treasonable projects.
Those individuals who were universally considered
as the authors of Gloucester's death, were of too high
a rank in the kingdom for anyone to have courage
enough to accuse them, much more to inflict the
punishment which, it was believed, they had so justly
deserved. | When, however, hatred and malice had
* Holinshed ; Rapin
f Biondi ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 303
effected their direful purpose, when no human autho-
rity could call the culprits to the bar of justice, the
unerring will of the Almighty, whose omnipresent eye
had regarded this secret deed, so disposed the chain of
succeeding events, that this cruel murder became the
source of continued trials and misfortunes throughout
the lives of its authors.
In whatever manner effected, Gloucester's death
certainly was, as an old historian expresses it, " like
the stroke of an evil angel sent to punish England,
and to make way for the practices of Richard, Duke
of York, who, immediately after the death of Duke
Humphrey, (that grand prop of the red rose-tree,)
began to set on foot his royal title."*
The Duke of Gloucester most probably came by his
death through the inveterate malice of his enemies,
who had preconcerted the destruction of his power.
These were the chief ministers of the Queen, the Car-
dinal of Winchester, the Archbishop of York, the
Duke of Buckingham, and the Marquis of Suffolk.
These four individuals consequently became the par-
ticular objects of popular hatred, and the impression
made by this affair was never afterwards removed
from the public mind. |
The attempts of these ministers to deceive the
nation were fruitless and unworthy artifices. The
arrest of the Duke's servants was a base subterfuge,
which did not answer their purpose, (viz., to screen
themselves from popular resentment) ; but it produced
a contrary effect, in convincing the people by the
favour shown to these unhappy men, that they were,
as well as the Duke, altogether innocent of the charges
laid against them.;):
* Sandford ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Smollet ; Peck's Stamford,
f Speed ; Allen's York.
Villaret.
304 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
How far Queen Margaret of Anjou was really impli-
cated in this affair is left to conjecture.* No existing
proof remains of her guilt, while, on the contrary,
many things may be adduced which must lead the
unprejudiced mind to the conviction of her innocence.
Some, seeking to prove her guilty, allege the indecent
haste with which the large estates of Gloucester were
seized upon by the Queen and Suffolk, and conferred
upon some of their favourites, which, they say, ren-
dered them very unpopular, and served to confirm the
suspicions against them ; while contributing not a little
to render them odious to the nation. f
Eleanor, the wife of Duke Humphrey, on account of
the sentence passed upon her for her misconduct, had
been by Parliament rendered incapable of claiming as
his widow, and a great part of the Duke's estates were
bestowed on the Marquis of Suffolk, his relatives and
followers.
Gloucester had been created Earl of Pembroke by
King Henry V. in 1414. The reversion of this earl-
dom, should the Duke die without heirs, had been
granted by Henry VI. to William de la Pole, Earl of
Suffolk, and Alice his wife, and their heirs ; which, at
the death of the Duke, they enjoyed accordingly. J
The manor of Greenwich had been granted to Glou-
cester by King Henry VI. in 1443, with the royal
license to fortify and embattle his manor-house, and
to make a park of two hundred acres. Gloucester
rebuilt the palace, and called it " Placentia," or " the
manor of pleasaunce."§ On the death of the Duke
this manor reverted to the crown. Baynard Castle
* Hume.
+ Henry ; Kapin.
J Eot. Parl. ; Carte ; Saiidford ; Lingard.
§ This name it lost in the time of Edward IV. The Duke of Gloucester
also enclosed the park, and built a tower on the spot where the Observatory
now stands.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU. 305
(which had been burnt in 1428) was rebuilt by the
Duke of Gloucester, after whose death and attainder
it came into the hands of the King, by whom it was
bestowed on Richard, Duke of York. On the pos-
sessions of Gloucester, we are further informed that the
Marquis of Suffolk had prevailed upon King Henry,
while the Duke was yet living, in 1446, to create John
de Fois, son of Gaston de Fois, Earl of Longuile, Earl of
Kendal. He had 1,000£. bestowed upon him, to main-
tain his dignity, and also the possessions in Guienrie,
which had belonged to the Duke of Gloucester, and
which he had been compelled to resign. John de Fois
had married the niece of Suffolk. The castle of De-
vizes, and other lands in England belonging to Duke
Humphrey, we are informed, were assigned to " Mar-
garet of Anjou ; " and this partition of the Duke's
property served to increase the general suspicion of
his having been murdered. *
It appears probable that King Henry was quite in
ignorance of this plot against his uncle, until informed
of its fatal issue. The people never suspected that he
had any share in it ; but, if indeed the Duke was mur-
dered, nothing would seem to excuse the pusillanimity
of Henry in passing it over in silence. The only excuse
to be found for him would be his incapacity to inter-
fere in public affairs, which deprived him of courage
to punish the offenders, if he even suspected who were
the culprits. This monarch passed his whole time in
his devotions ; the Queen so contrived it, some writers
tell us. It is evident, however, that Henry willingly
resigned the reins of government to his consort, doubt-
less feeling happy to be released from a task for which
nature had unfitted him. He readily signed, without
examination, all the orders which were brought to him,
and thus he lent his name to whatever measures the
* Carte.
306 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
Queen might think proper to adopt.* In support of
the opinion that King Henry was ignorant of his uncle
having been murdered, it has been said that the King,
alluding to the pardon he had granted to the servants
of the Duke, asserted that it had not been suggested to
him either by layman or clergyman, but that it arose
from " religious considerations, and chiefly because
God seemed to have taken the cause into his own
hands, having, during the late year, touched, and
stricken, certain of those who had been disloyal to
him."
The question naturally arises, who were these persons
whom God had stricken ? Gloucester doubtless was
one of them, and this expression, says Lingard, "is
a proof that he died a natural death ; for this religious
prince would never have used it, if the Duke had been
murdered."f There is, however, great reason to believe
that this noble prince was murdered, and one motive
assigned for the cruel deed was that the ministers sup-
posed the Duke would prevent the surrender of Maine
and Anjou, according to the marriage contract.
Their chief object was, undoubtedly, to establish their
own authority at court ; but, by this act, they not only
failed in doing so, but drew on themselves, as well as
on their Queen, the indignation of the country ; and
from this period England became the scene of violence
and civil warfare.^
H47 Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, well known
Hume- as ^e "rica Cardinal," died, at the age of eighty, on
Lingard. the llth of April, 1447 ; having survived but six
weeks his political antagonist, the Duke of Glou-
cester.
He was buried in the cathedral at Winchester. The
* Villaret ; Rapin ; Smollet.
j1 Rymer ; Lingard.
j Holinshed ; Pennant ; Villaret ; Lingard ; Smollet.
MAEGABET OF ANJOTJ. 307
legacies of Beaufort, which were mostly for charitable
purposes, were magnificent ; and in proof of his esteem
for Queen Margaret (who was indeed a great favourite
with him, and often visited at his house) he bequeathed
to her the bed of cloth of Damascus, and the arras
belonging to the chamber in which she had slept at
Waltham.
In his last moments, the Cardinal appears to have
shown some compunction for his conduct in the affair
of Gloucester's death ; " more," it is said, "than could,
have been expected from a man hardened during the
course of a long life in falsehood and in politics." *
The conclusion of a life so spent was, as might be
anticipated, a scene of misery and discontent ; and
Beaufort, whose love of wealth continued his prevailing
passion, even on his death-bed, is pictured as com-
plaining with bitterness that his immense riches were
not able to prolong, even for a day, that life to which
he so fondly clung. " Why should I die," saith he,
" having so much riches ? If the whole realm would
save my life, I am able either by policy to get it, or by
money to buy it ; fie, will not death be hired ? will
money do nothing ? " f
Cardinal Beaufort was more exalted in his birth
than distinguished for learning ; he was proud, wealthy,
and " loved money more than friendship." He was
enterprising, but not persevering, except in his en-
mities, and in the evil purposes of his heart. His
covetousness made him forget the shortness of human
life, and his duties as a Christian and a sub-
ject.:!:
The Jewish historian assures us that Moses required
* Holinshed ; Sandf ord ; Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ;
Speed ; Hume ; Green's Worcester.
f Hall ; Biondi ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner ; Henry ; Villaret ; Barante.
t Hall ; Holinshed ; Kapin.
x 2
308 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
in the priesthood a " double degree of purity," and
this, in comparison with what was expected of the
laity; and we find this also established amongst the
early Christians. How were these commands regarded
by our mercenary prelate ? whose life was as that of
those ambitious and turbulent teachers, who are so
swallowed up in political dreams, as to forget that
"Christ's kingdom is not of this world." °
It was the Cardinal of Winchester, who, in conjunc-
tion with others, passed sentence of death upon Joan
of Arc, and ordered the ashes of the unfortunate girl
to be thrown into the Seine, f Beaufort was called
the " cruel and implacable Cardinal ; " and, indeed, his
ambitious and sordid disposition too often dictated
actions which justified these epithets. How unfitted
was such a character for the guidance of a young and
inexperienced queen!
Formed to shine at court, and to act a conspicuous
part in the political world rather than in the Church,
Beaufort's chief employment, from the time of his
being created a bishop, was to heap up riches. In
this he was so successful, that he was considered the
most wealthy of the English nobility. Having great
skill and discernment in the means suggested by
human prudence to the ambitious, he readily attained
the summit of his wishes. Finally, his birth, talents,
riches, and the office of governor to the King, gave
him great influence both in the Cabinet and in the
kingdom.^
The first occasion of Beaufort's quarrel with the
Duke of Gloucester is not fully known, some being of
opinion that the Bishop was angry at Gloucester's pre-
ferment in the government, which would have pleased
him better than the tutorship of the young King ;
* Josephus ; Milner.
f Barante ; Hume. J Eapin.
MAKGAEET OF ANJOU. 309
others asserting that the Duke had conceived a hatred
against his uncle, because he was ever ready to oppose
his assuming too great an authority as Protector.
Whatever might have been the true cause of their
enmity, it ended only with their lives. The Cardinal
never left off plotting how to supplant his nephew,
until, as the sequel showed, he was at last but too
successful.
The coadjutors of the Cardinal during his adminis-
tration had been the Archbishop of York, Adam
Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester and Keeper of the
Privy Seal ; William de la Pole, Marquis of Suffolk ;
Lord Say, and the Bishop of Salisbury. These ministers
maintained their influence in the Council, under the
direction of Queen Margaret, who now appeared to
govern with arbitrary sway.
This arrangement, however, was displeasing to the
nation, who, unaccustomed to the government of a
woman, raised complaints against the Queen, being
disgusted by her haughty demeanour and partiality in
conferring favours ; but doubtless the supposition that
she had participated in the guilt of Gloucester's murder
had no small share in causing these murmurs, coupled
with personal disrespect. Irritated by the loss of their
favourite, the people did not even care to maintain the
honour of their Queen, when speaking of her liaisons
with the Marquis of Suffolk. This minister they
regarded with the utmost detestation ; and as he
became, on the death of the Cardinal, the first in the
kingdom, and monopolized the Queen's favour, reports
were circulated very unfavourable to the dignity of the
Queen. Like other favourites, he became the object of
jealousy and envy to those who were ambitious of dis-
tinction at court, and his great authority was another
cause for complaint. It was said that he governed the
King at his pleasure, and that too many favours were
310 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
conferred upon him. Amongst these were the ward-
ship of the person and lands of the Countess of War-
wick, and of the Lady Margaret, sole heiress of John,
Duke of Somerset, which gave rise to fresh jealousy.*
The pretext for assembling the Parliament at Bury
St. Edmunds, at the time of the Duke of Gloucester's
arrest, was to propose an interview between the Kings
of England and France, with a view to the establish-
ment of a general peace. At that meeting nothing
was concluded but the prolongation of the truce until
1447. November of the same year, 1447. Again the truce
was prolonged until the following April ; and, after
many difficulties arising to prevent the meeting of the
two kings, as proposed, the former truce was once
more prolonged until April, and again until June,
1449, still in the hope of concluding a general
peace.f
The repeated delays in establishing this peace
called forth the complaints of the people, who, grown
impatient at the fruitless negotiations, evinced, by their
murmurs, their hatred of the Marquis of Suffolk, whom
they looked upon as the author of their grievances.
They loudly complained that he had betrayed the
interests of his sovereign, and of the state ; for the
treaty into which he had entered with the French, as
well as his promise of the surrender of Maine and Anjou,
were alike injurious in their results. The former leading
to a truce of which they anticipated the evil effects,
since it afforded their enemies time to recover them-
selves, and to arm themselves afresh for the renewal of
the war ; the latter seemed to them only as a voluntary
sacrifice to obtain the hand of a princess, whose conduct
had already alarmed their minds as to the future
* Speed ; Villaret ; Barante ; Holinslied ; Carte ; Rapin ; Sharon
Turner ; Rymer ; Lingard ; Smollet.
f Sandford ; Rapin ; Allen's York ; Monstrelet.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 311
calamities they might expect under her arbitrary
government.
The Marquis of Suffolk, no longer able to avoid the
public censures, thought it expedient to endeavour to
silence them, and to establish his innocence, by requesting
the King to hear his defence. In answer to this appeal,
King Henry graciously appointed a day upon which he
might appear before him, arid clear himself of these
charges. In the King's chamber the Marquis accord-
ingly, on the day appointed, arose, and in the presence
of his sovereign, and of several lords assembled, who
were all favourable to him, explained his conduct in
France, and justified himself in the measures he had
adopted, showing that he had been previously provided
with the commands of the King on these matters.
King Henry assured the Marquis that he was satisfied
of his innocence, and gave him letters patent under the
great seal, by which he acquitted him of any misde-
meanors, and forbade anyone, under pain of his
displeasure, to accuse him.0 But the nation, whose
public rights and feelings had been outraged, could not
be so easily appeased.
It was generally expected that the King would be
satisfied with the defence of the Marquis, but the people,
still enraged against the court favourite, and unmoved
by his justification, looked upon him with horror as
one of the murderers of Gloucester. Besides this,
they did not forget that the marriage of the King was
effected by his means, and this also was regarded as a
national calamity. Public feeling prevailed over the
commands of their sovereign, whose exertions were
annulled through the universal hatred felt against the
Marquis. Discontent was general, except in the court
itself. There were those, however, who favoured the
ministers in various parts of the country, who, holding
* Hall; Stow; Speed; Carte; Eapin; Lingard; Henry; Allen's York.
312
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
1448.
lucrative offices under government, were interested in
siding with the court. These parties used their authority
to silence the complaints of the disaffected ; for the
people began to regard Queen Margaret as a foreigner,
whose father and relatives had united with the French
against them, and they showed some disposition to treat
their Queen as a latent enemy of their country.*
In the midst of all this dissatisfaction great respect
was paid to the King. His innocent life and amiable
character endeared him to his subjects so much, that
numbers took part with the court as a principle of
duty ; and thus the authority of the Queen, and of
Suffolk, could not easily be set aside, f
In this year, 1448, Henry VI., who has been
styled by one of our chroniclers " the most illustrious,
the most benign, the most valuable, and most amiable
king," visited the tomb of St. Cuthbert, in Durham.
This pilgrimage he undertook on the 6th of October.
He resided in the castle of the Bishop of Durham, and
remained there until the end of the month. On Sun-
day, the Feast of St. Michael, this monarch was pre-
sent, at the first vespers, in the procession, and at
mass in the second vespers. Afterwards he expressed
his satisfaction in the following letter, addressed to
John Somerset : —
" RIGHT TRUSTY AND WELL-BELOVED, — We greet you
" heartily well, letting you witt that, blessed be the
" Lord God, we have been right merry in our pil-
" grimage, considering three causes : one is, how that
li the church of the province of York and diocese of
" Durham be as noble in doing of divine service, in
" multitude of ministers, as in sumptuous and glorious
" building, as any in our realm. And also, how our
" Lord has radicate in the people his faith and his law,
* Sandford ; Hume. f Rapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 313
" and that they be as catholic people as ever we came
" among, and all good and holy, that we dare say the
" First Commandment may be verified right well in
" them, ' Diligunt Dominum Deum ipsorum in tolis
" animis suis et tota menta sua ' (' They love the Lord
" their God with all their soul and with all their
11 mind*). Also, they have done unto us all great
11 hearty reverence and worship as ever we had, with
" all great humanity and meekness, with all celestial,
" blessed, and honourable speech and blessing as it
" can be thought and imagined, and all good and better
" than we had ever in our life, even as they had been
" celitus inspirati (heavenly inspired). Wherefore, we
" dare well say, it may be verified in them the holy
" saying of the prince of the apostles, St. Peter, ' Qui
" tinebat Dominum et Begem honorificant cum debita
" reverentia ' (* Who fear the Lord, and honour the
" King with all due reverence'). Wherefore, the bless-
" ing that God gave to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
" descend upon them all," &c.
" Wry ten in our city of Lincolne, on the day after
" St. Luke the Evangelist, 1448." *
The same year that King Henry visited Durham he 1443.
also honoured the city of Norwich with his presence.
He obtained a loan of 500 marks from this city (a sum
which was afterwards repaid), and in the following year
this monarch revisited Norwich, and was entertained
at the expense of the bishop, the prior, the mayor, and
commons, f
The Queen accompanied King Henry in all his pro-
gresses, and, by her affability and grace, found much
favour with the citizens, as well at Norwich as else-
where. We find, however, but little notice of her
movements during the period immediately preceding
* Antiq. of Durham ; HutcMnson's Durham,
•j- Parkin's Norwich.
3U MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the impeachment of Suffolk, with one exception, which
brings her before us as the enlightened patroness of
literature.
King Henry VI., previous to his marriage with
Margaret of Anjou, has been described as " advancing
in virtue as he increased in age." He gave himself
up to religious duties, and the worship of God and the
blessed Virgin Mary. He took no share in the political
affairs of his kingdom, committing them to his Council,
neither would he participate in any worldly pleasures.
He took a lively interest in the advancement of religion
and the promotion of learning. In the year 1440 he
had laid the foundation of Eton School, near Windsor,
intending it as a nursery for his college in Cambridge,
which he founded soon after. Eton College had a
provost, ten priests, four clerks, six choristers, twenty-
five poor grammar scholars, and twenty-five poor
men.*
A little later in the year 1443, King Henry had founded
a college at Cambridge to Our Lady and St. Nicholas,
which was called the College Royal, or King's College.
Truly royal and magnificent was the original plan of
this foundation, if we may judge of it by the chapel,
which has called forth universal admiration as one of
the finest specimens of architecture in the world. The
misfortunes, however, of the founder, unhappily pre-
vented the completion of that plan. At its commence-
ment, the King ordered that the ancient castle of Cam-
bridge should be pulled down to supply materials for
this great work. King Henry also translated to this
place a certain hostle near Clare Hall, called the
" House of God," (which had been erected by William
Bingham, rector of St. John Zacchary, in London, in
the year 1442, for grammarians), placing therein a pro-
* The supporters to the arms of King Henry on Eton College gate were
two antelopes.
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 315
vost, four fellows, and scholars. This building having
been taken into the bounds of King's College, the
King would have increased the number of scholars to
sixty, had not the subsequent fatal wars obstructed his
pious design. To the maintenance of this college and
that of Eton King Henry gave annually £3,400. He
also bestowed 120 volumes on the library at Cambridge.
Henry, Duke of Warwick, (who had continued until his
death the especial favourite of Henry VI.) , was enrolled
as one of the benefactors of this college.0
The same care and beneficence were bestowed by the
King on certain colleges at Oxford. The New College
there, within the walls, received from this monarch
certain possessions, and likewise the College of Oriel.
Henry VI. was also a magnificent benefactor to Pem-
broke Hall, which was called the " King's Adopted
Daughter" and King's College, Cambridge, his " True
and First-begotten Daughter" This magnificent plan |
of King Henry called forth the poetic effusions of Wai-
pole, who thus exclaims : —
When Henry bade the pompous temple rise,
Nor with presumption emulate the skies,
Art and Paladio had not reach' d the land
Nor methodiz'd the Vandal builder's hands :
Wonders unknown to rule these piles disclose,
The walls, as if by inspiration rose;
The edifice, continued by his care,
With equal pride had form'd the sumptuous square,
Had not th' assassin disappointed part,
And stabb'd the growing fabric in his heart. "J
* Howel ; John Rons of Warwick ; Carter's Cambridge ; Toplis ; Baker ;
Eapin ; Parker's Cambridge ; Henry ; Magna Britannica ; Gough's Sepul.
Monuments.
f The intentions of King Henry were long afterwards effected by his
pious relative Margaret, Countess of Richmond, the mother of Henry VII.,
who obtained from her son a licence, and plentifully endowed the college
out of her own lands and possessions, that the revenues afforded mainte-
nance for a master, 12 fellows, and 47 scholars. The original plan is still to
be seen in the library of the college.
J Walpole's Fugitive Pieces.
316 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
We are informed that Queen Margaret, observing
the singular piety of her husband which led him to
become founder of King's College, Cambridge, resolved
on the establishing of another college close to it, and
which obtained from its foundress the name of Queen's
College. This building was erected on the borders of
the monastery of the Carmelites. The chapel was
dedicated to St. Margaret and St. Bernard, and Sir
John Wenlock, Knight, laid the first stone, in the name
H48. of the foundress, on the 15th of April, 1448. On the
Carter's corner stone was engraved, at the express desire of
Cambridge. Queen Margaret, " Erit Domince nostrce Eegince Mar-
gar etce Dominus in refugium, et lapis iste in signum "
(" The Lord will be a refuge to our Lady Queen Mar-
garet, and this stone shall be the sign, or monument
thereof"). The college was richly endowed by the
Queen bestowing on it to the value of £200 a year,
to maintain a master and four fellows. King Henry
also conferred additional gifts upon it. This edifice
was involved in the calamities incidental to the reign
of this Queen, and which, even while it was in its
infancy, caused it to be near perishing. It was, how-
ever, preserved by the care and diligence of Andrew
Ducket, who had been appointed its first president by
the foundress ; and during forty years, while he con-
tinued in that office, he procured for it many bene-
factors through his solicitations, so that he might even
be esteemed its preserver or second founder.*
* When the civil wars compelled Queen Margaret, at the head of the Lancas-
trian party, to defend her husband's rights, this noble work of the college was
suspended, until King Edward's queen, Elizabeth Woodville, animated, it would
seem, by the good example of her predecessor, sought to emulate her fame
in the completion of this noble building. This was happily accomplished
in 1465, and many privileges granted it by King Edward. It was, however,
chiefly owing to the active zeal of the president, Andrew Ducket, that the
queen of Edward IV. took such interest in this undertaking ; and it was
through his persuasions, also, that the Countess of Richmond became so
noble a patroness to King's College. He was appointed by this lady to the
mastership, in which he continued thirty-six years, and prevailed on the
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 3 IT
In the chapel of Queen's College was a curious altar-
piece, on three panels, representing " Judas betraying
Christ," "The Resurrection," and " Christ appearing to
the Apostles after the Resurrection." These fine paint-
ings, supposed to have been presented by the foundress,
Margaret of Anjou, were afterwards removed to the
president's lodge. *
The distracted state of the public affairs, and the
discontents of the people, first inspired Richard, Duke
of York and Lord of Stamford, with the hope of one
day being able to establish his right to the crown.
He had of late risen in power and popularity, and
was a prince of great valour and abilities ; he was
also prudent in his conduct, and mild in his disposition.
He was the only heir to the House of Mortimer, or
March, and was descended, on his mother's side, from
Lionel, the second son of Edward III., and elder
brother of John of Ghent, whose descendant was
Henry VI. , the monarch at this period occupying the
throne, f
When the truce with France had been prolonged,
in 1445, the Duke of York had returned to England,
after his regency there, and had been graciously received
at court, and many acknowledgments made to him for
his services. The King, to show in an especial manner
his gratitude, appointed him again Regent of France for
most generous of the nobility to furnish large sums of money ; and amongst
these we find the Duke of Clarence, Cicely Duchess of York, Mannaduke
Lumley, and others, who became great benefactors to this college. Andrew
Ducket, a worthy and discreet man, died on the 6th of November, 1484.—
Sandford; Toplis; Henry; Rapin; Leland; Baiter; Carter's Cambridge;
IA/SSOII'S Cambridge; Parker's Cambridge.
* This college, with the general title of " Queen's College," bears her
hereditary arms. In the president's lodge is still to be seen a portrait of
Queen Margaret of Anjou, and near to it that of her successor on the throne,
Elizabeth "Woodville. At the invitation of Bishop Fisher, Erasmus visited
Cambridge many years later, and took up his residence in a tower of this
college.
f Sandford ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin ; Biondi.
318 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the ensuing five years. Before this period had expired,
however, the Duke became an object of serious mis-
trust to the Queen and her ministers, who, had they
preserved the good opinion of the nation, or had the
" Good Duke of Gloucester" been alive to maintain
his rights, would not have had reason to fear these
projects, as, in either case, it is highly improbable
that the Duke of York would have ever asserted his
claim.*
The Duke did not at first openly assert his preten-
sions ; it would have been dangerous to him to do so,
while he was as yet ignorant of the dispositions of the
people. He therefore proceeded with such caution
that his intentions could not be discovered. He con-
tented himself with making his right known to the
people by secret agents. It was circulated that the
House of Lancaster had usurped the throne, and that,
although the usurpation had been tolerated whilst its
kings were men of ability and virtue, and governed
to the satisfaction of the nation ; yet, having now no
longer that expectation in their present king, they
were unwilling to maintain it for the sake of a queen,
a foreigner, and one whose arbitrary government was
so much to their disadvantage. That the House of
March had been unjustly deprived of the succession,
and that the Duke of York, as sole heir of that dis-
tinguished house, ought to be acknowledged king, and
advanced to a dignity to which his virtues, talents, and
the services he had rendered his country, justly entitled
him. By these secret intimations, the Duke soon
obtained a party amongst the people ; but he did not
himself appear, his friends only exerted their influence
in his favour.
In support of the present administration there were
still many persons of great power and influence in the
* Holinshed ; Speed ; Henry.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 319
kingdom ; of these were the Earl of Northumberland,
the Duke of Somerset and his brother, the Dukes of
Exeter and Buckingham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the
Lords Stafford, Clifford, Dudley, Scales, Audley, and
others.*
The late reports had not passed unheeded by the
Queen and her Council; and they were not slow in
attributing them to their true author, who, if concealed
from others, could not easily deceive such quick-sighted
persons as those who were themselves so interested in
making this discovery. These parties came at once to
the resolution, if possible, to lessen the credit of the
Duke of York. They were more desirous of doing
this, as they suspected the Duke would, as Regent of
France, obstruct the surrender of Maine and Anjou,
promised to Charles of Anjou at the treaty of 1444.f
The desired opportunity soon presented itself.
The Duke of Somerset, whose family interests were
ever opposed to those of York, had endeavoured to
hinder the dispatch of this Duke on his first appoint-
ment to the Regency of France. He became again so
envious of the distinction of his rival, that he pre-
vailed on the King to repeal the grant he had made to
the Duke of York ; and, assisted by the Marquis of
Suffolk, he obtained the same grant for himself.
This treatment was highly resented by the Duke of
York, and gradually the mutual enmity of these two
nobles led to their ruin, and also that of many others
who became involved with them.
The Duke of Somerset, who had upon his brother's
death succeeded to the family title, was dismissed to
France to take upon him the office of Regent in the
place of York, who was thus removed previous to the
expiration of the period for which it had been be-
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Hume ; Rapiu ; Henry ; Villaret.
f Rapin.
320 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
stowed upon him.* York resolved to be revenged,
but for a time dissembled his resentment. The
haughty disposition of Somerset gave him great
offence also, and he became his determined enemy.
We shall soon have occasion to observe how private
pique, and the irritating sense of injustice, contributed
to increase the general dissatisfaction of the nation.
Discontent is a growing evil, which oft takes its rise
from some trivial cause ; it needs the skilful hand of a
physician to eradicate its earliest symptoms, or it will
not fail to grow into an incurable disease.
Queen Margaret knew not how to stem the torrent
of dissatisfaction to which her conduct had given rise.
She seemed, at this time, as if she braved the people
by lavishing favours on the object of their aversion.
She caused the King, who submitted entirely to her
guidance, to create the Marquis of Suffolk a duke, and
by this a new pretext was afforded to the enemies of
Queen Margaret to stir up the people against her.
The King's weakness becoming daily more appa-
rent, the nation seemed at this period to be wholly
ruled by the Queen and Suffolk. The great power of
this minister is thus set forth by a writer of that day,
who tells us, " There shall be no man so hardy to do,
neither say, against my lord of Suffolk, nor none that
longeth to him, and all that have done and said against
him, they shall soon repent them."f
It is doubtless an error in the ruler of a state to
listen only to the nobility, or to those courtiers who
immediately surround the throne. The voice of the
people should never be totally disregarded ; and there
are, at times, concessions necessary to be made, even
to the meanest subjects in the realm.
* Sandford ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Stow ; Carte ; Speed ; Rapin ; Lin-
gard ; Barante ; Villaret ; Leland's Ireland.
t Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Speed ; Pol. Vergil ; Eapin ; Pas-
ton Letters ; Villaret; Allen's York.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 321
The honour lately conferred upon Suffolk was pro-
bably not intended to offend the people, but solely as
a compensation to the Duke for the complaints to
which he had been subjected ; and possibly given to
add weight to the King's declaration, and apparent con-
viction, of the Duke's innocence. Surely it could not
have been expected that the Queen would pass censure
on the conduct of Suffolk in the affair of her mar-
riage, or be offended with a treaty by which she
became Queen of England ! This treaty, too, having
been signed, and the conditions agreed to, would it be
honourable not to fulfil them ? Doubtless the Queen
and her minister reasoned thus ; and we have seen
that they were influenced by it to remove the Duke of
York from his Regency, that he might not obstruct the
surrender of Maine and Anjou.
For this surrender, which appeared to them as an act
of justice, they were severely blamed ; and the more
so, because these territories, being given up to Charles
of Anjou, the uncle of Queen Margaret, it seemed to
be done to favour the interests of her family.
VOL. I.
CHAPTER VI.
(Lord Say.} f( Tell me wherein I have offended most ?
" Have I affected wealth or honour, speak ?
" Are my chests fill'd with extorted gold ?
" Is my apparel sumptuous to behold ?
" Whom have I injur'd, that ye seek my death." — SHAKESPEARE.
(Duke of York.) " T'was men I lack'd and you will give them me,
" I take it kindly ; yet be well assured,
" You put sharp weapons in a madman's hands,
" Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mighty band,
" 'Twill stir up in England some black storm
' Shall blow ten thousand souls to heaven or hell,
' And this fell tempest shall not cease to rage
' Until the golden circuit on my head,
' Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams,
' Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw." — SHAKESPEARE.
'The surrender of Maine and An jou— Losses in France — Complaints of the
English — The arrest of York prevented — An affray at Coventry— Rebellion
in Ireland — York is dismissed thither — Parliament meets — Suffolk
accused of treason — His defence — He is sent to the Tower, and then
banished the kingdom — His departure — His death — His character and
enemies — The merits of the Duke of York — Reinforcements are sent to
Somerset — Loss of Caen — The conduct of Sir David Hall— Somerset
returns to^England — Cade's rebellion and death.
IT had been stipulated at the treaty of Tours, that
the counties of Maine and Anjou should be surrendered
to the French ; but Le Mans was still garrisoned by
the English, who, unwilling to quit so important a
city, had repeatedly delayed the restitution ; at first,
on account of the opposition made to this measure by
the Duke of Gloucester, and afterwards, by the Duke
of York.*
King Charles demanded the full restitution which
* Rapin ; Barante ; Daniel ; Villaret.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 323
had been promised him ; and, at length, grown im-
patient of the delay, he dismissed Count Dunois with a
powerful army, to lay siege to Le Mans. Upon this,
King Henry commanded that the city should be given
up ; but, at the same time, he declared that it was but
during the time of the truce, and that he reserved to
himself the right of sovereignty.* The surrender was 1443.
accordingly made in the year 1448. Rapin
The feebleness of the English ministry at this period, Hume
while it served to encourage the discontents of the
people, inspired their enemies, the French, with hopes
of recovering their kingdom. Although they had
again prolonged the truce, it was but to prepare for a
renewal of war on the part of France. An unexpected
circumstance, however, put an end to the truce sooner
than was anticipated by any of the parties. The town
of Fougiers, in Brittany, was suddenly seized upon by
an Arragonese, named Surienne, who had been many
years in the service of the English, and who had been
governor of Le Mans at the time of its surrender to
King Charles. He had, at first, refused compliance
with the orders for this surrender, either doubting their
authority, or anxious to retain his government as his
only fortune ; but, upon being compelled to yield it to
the French, under Count Dunois, he withdrew with
his troops, amounting to 2,500 men,f into Normandy,
expecting to be quartered in some other town by the
Duke of Somerset, who was Governor of Normandy.
In this he failed, for Somerset refused to receive him,
not being able to provide for his numerous followers,
and displeased at his late disobedience.
Surienne, upon this, committed many ravages in
Brittany, took the town of Fougiers, and supported his
troops by his depredations.
* Holinshed ; Barante ; Hume ; Carte ; Villaret ; Rapin ; Monstrelet.
t Monstrelet says Surienne had only 700 men.
T 2
324 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
The Duke of Brittany laid his complaints before
King Charles, and this monarch required from
Somerset compensation for these injuries. It was in-
vain that the latter represented that these depredations
were committed without his privity, and that he had no
power to restrain these adventurers ; equally vain was
his promise of affording satisfaction to the Duke of
Brittany. The King of France rendered an accommo-
dation impossible. He insisted on the recall of the
plunderers, and that reparation should be made for the
damages, which he caused to be estimated at the
exorbitant sum of 1,600,000 crowns. This monarch
had been occupied during the truce in establishing
discipline in his army, in suppressing faction, repairing
his finances, and promoting order and justice in his
kingdom. Thinking this a fit opportunity for the
renewal of the war, and conscious of his own superiority
over the English, he dismissed two ambassadors to
England to demand satisfaction for the insult offered
to the Duke of Brittany ; and should he even obtain
this reparation, the King was prepared with another
pretext to occasion a rupture with England. His ally,
the King of Scots, had been engaged in a conflict with
the English, who were charged by King Charles with
having broken the truce with that monarch ; but King
James had not sought an advocate in his quarrel, and
it was only because the French King had resolved on
war that he made use of these pretexts.*
In England nothing but discord prevailed ; the
court was divided into factions, ever contending against
each other, and exhibiting their mutual animosity;
the people, displeased with their government, were
full of complaints. In the midst of these dissensions
the conquests in France were no longer attended to.
* Holinshed ; Hall : Barante ; Baker ; Monfaucon ; Hume ; PoL
Vergil; Speed; Villaret ; Ridpath.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 325
The Queen and her counsellors did not even seem to
think of preserving the acquisitions of Henry V.
The truces with France and Scotland had both been
broken through, and there was much pillaging on the
coasts, which were greatly exposed to such attempts.
All these circumstances led to such great disorders,
that men began to apprehend a rebellion. In the
Past on Letters we find this, and similar expressions,
" God save the King, and send us peace," which seem
to imply a fear for the King's safety at this time, and
alarm lest the discord so prevalent throughout the
country should lead to civil war.*
The condition of England at this period, (when the 1448-
Queen, and her chief minister, Suffolk, directed all
public affairs, and when the discontents of the Yorkists
were becoming more manifest,) render it highly probable
that the hostilities on the northern borders originated,
rather with the ambition and animosity of the chieftains
of the Marches than from any public commands.
The Scotch writers affirm that the English first violated
the truce. The Earls of Northumberland and Salisbury,
who were the Wardens of the East and West Marches,
invaded Scotland, at the head of two different armies,
and destroyed the towns of Dunbar and Dumfries.
A speedy revenge was taken by James Douglas,
Lord of Balveny, (a brother of the Earl of Douglas,)
by spoiling and laying waste the county of Cumber-
land, and burning the town of Alnwick. The English
retaliated, and a considerable army marched against
the Scotch, led over the Western March by the Earl of
Northumberland, who encountered, near the Kiver Sark
in Annandale, the Scotch army, commanded by Hugh,
Earl of Ormond, another brother of Earl Douglas. A
bloody battle ensued, in which the Scots were
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Milles's Catalogue ; Paeton
Xetters.
326
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
1449.
triumphant, and 3,000 English were killed, or, in their
flight, were drowned in the Frith of Solway. Many
were likewise taken prisoners, and amongst them
Lord Percy, while bravely endeavouring to rescue his
father from a similar fate. The Scots lost 600 men,
and their chief, Sir Thomas Wallace, of Craigie, to
whose prowess they were much indebted for their
success. A short truce, the next year, was entered
into, which ended these hostilities.* The King of
Scots at this time celebrated his marriage with Mary
of Gueldres.
In France, the Duke of Somerset was so ill-supplied
with money, that he was obliged to disband great part
of his army, and was unable to keep his towns and
castles in repair; his exactions, too, in Normandy,
rendered him hateful to the people of that province.
In this unhappy position of affairs, he was at once
attacked by four different armies, well disciplined and
commanded; one of them by the King of France,
another by the Duke of Brittany, and the other two by
the Duke of Alen^on, and Count Dunois. These forces
no sooner appeared before the different cities than
their inhabitants submitted. The French thus obtained
possession of Verneuil, Nogent, Chateau Galliard,
Ponteau de Mer, Gisors, Mantes, Vernon, Argentin,
Liseaux, Fecamp, Coutances, Belesme, and Pont de
1'Arche. So far from being able to lead his army into
the field to oppose the enemy, the Duke of Somerset
had not even the means of garrisoning the towns, or
of furnishing them with provisions. He, therefore, had
the mortification of beholding all the chief cities of this
province fall successively into the hands of the French,
while he retired with a few troops to Rouen, to
endeavour to preserve this city from the general fate, .
and to await the arrival of succours from England;.
* Ridpath. ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Pinkerton ; Monstrelet.
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 32 T
but even in Rouen the English could not long hope to
maintain their ground, and they were soon besieged
there. The Counts Dunois and St. Pol first encamped
before the city, and as their heralds were not permitted
to enter, they failed in their object of getting the
people to declare for them. There were, however,
numbers of the inhabitants already disposed to
mutiny.*
The first assault failed ; and King Charles, (who,
accompanied by Rene of Anjou, arrived at this time at
the camp,) thought it prudent to withdraw to Pont de
1'Arche. Meanwhile Somerset, who, from the dis-
tracted state of affairs in England, could have but little
hope of receiving succours, thought proper to treat
with King Charles. Having obtained a safe conduct
from the French King, the Archbishop and the chief
citizens of Rouen, accompanied by several of the
English generals deputed by Somerset, met, and con-
ferred with Count Dunois, the Chancellor of France,
and others. The Archbishop and his citizens accepted
the terms offered by the French King, and engaged to
use their endeavours for the surrender of the city ; but
with the English nothing was concluded.
The former kept their engagement, and the French
troops were introduced into the city, amidst the
universal joy of the inhabitants ; while the Duke of
Somerset and the Earl of Shrewsbury, with only
800 men, were compelled to withdraw to the palace,
the castle, the gates, and other parts, for security, f
The Duke of Somerset demanded an interview with
the King ; and when conducted to him, he found him
in the midst of his Council. Somerset required the
same terms for the English as had been granted to the
* Barante ; Monf aucon ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Monstrelet.
f Baker ; Eapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Barante ; Monf aucon ; Anquetil ;
Villaret.
328 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
citizens, viz., permission to depart tlie city without
molestation. To this request King Charles would not
accede ; but added, that he now required the surrender
of Harfleur, and of all the fortresses in the Pays de
Caux.
"Ah!" exclaimed Somerset, "give up Harfleur;
" that can never be ! It was the first city which sur-
" rendered to our glorious King Henry V., five-and-
" thirty years ago." He then left the Council, and with
melancholy forebodings retraced his way to the castle,
amidst shouts of " Vive le Boi!" and other demonstra-
tions of the joy of the people.*
The siege was renewed by the French, and the
Duke being unable, for want of provisions, to hold out
many days, was, at last, compelled to capitulate.
Somerset surrendered his artillery and six of the chief
cities of the province, and made a payment of 50,000
crowns ; he was also obliged to leave the Earl of
Shrewsbury and Lord Butler as hostages for the per-
formance of these conditions, and was then permitted
to depart the city.f It was believed that the city
would not have been lost if the citizens had remained
faithful to the English ; but the deficiency of supplies
from England caused the Duke of Somerset to make
large exactions on the people, and thus excited their
ill-will.
Some authors, in speaking of the losses in France,
assure us that the English were so weakened, that
they could no longer resist the power of the French ;
while others blame the Duke of Somerset because he
neglected to maintain a sufficient number of soldiers.
It is certain, however, that the only true reason of all
the evil was the divisions in England, where every
* Barante ; Monstrelet.
f Holinshed ; Baker ; Monfaucon ; Rapin ; Stow ; Henry ; Villaret ;
Speed ; Pol. Vergil.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 329
one was seeking his private revenge, instead of
uniting to resist their foreign enemies. Whilst there
seemed to prevail a kind of stupor in the English
Cabinet, and no attention was paid to the earnest
entreaties of Somerset, arid others, for supplies for
the war, the whole realm was torn and distracted by
contentions.
The misrule of the Queen and her ministers, the
pride and hatred amongst the nobility, and the com-
plaints of the people, all these were sufficient, even
more than sufficient, to paralyse any political power or
healthy action. It was the early manifestation of a
morbid condition which preceded the terrific scenes of
the civil war which speedily followed.
The Queen's inactivity about this time made it
almost appear that she was in league with her
husband's enemies ; but it is evident that the English
were totally unprepared for war, and, therefore, that
Surienne acted independently in taking Fougiers ;
yet, if the English were unable to continue the war,
and could not furnish the means for preserving their
acquisitions in France, some effectual step ought to
have been taken to establish peace.*
The conduct of the English ministers was faulty in
the extreme ; they suffered King Charles to amuse them
with fruitless negotiations while he prepared for war ;
<md, on their own part, they neither contrived to
observe the truce, by making restitution to the Duke
of Brittany, nor did they take any measures for de-
fence. Inexcusable as were these faults of the minis-
ters, yet an accommodation with France would have
proved impossible, since King Charles was bent on
war, taking advantage of the dissensions in England.
These dissensions were rather aggravated than allayed
* Holinshed ; Hume ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Villaret.
330 MAKGAEET OF ANJOU.
by King Henry and his Queen, the former not heeding
them, and the latter being influenced by bad coun-
sellors.
While the ministers were selected rather to favour
the interests of the Queen, and to be subservient to
her views and those of Suffolk, persons without talent
and incompetent to rule the state were appointed, and
others who had courage to oppose this party, (often
men of merit and ability,) were dismissed from favour
and excluded from any share in the administration. The
people even complained that persons devoid of religion
and without principle were chosen, in order that there
might be fewer scruples in the way of any measure
proposed by this party.
The Queen's government, as well as her choice of
improper ministers, caused bitter complaints ; and the
people, impatient at the evident neglect of foreign
affairs, became angry against the Duke of Suffolk,
who, they said, had, by the surrender of Maine, been the
cause of the losses in Normandy. They accused him of the
murder of the Duke of Gloucester, whose memory was
still cherished by the nation, and this served to throw
a greater odium on all who were suspected of his
death. Suffolk was likewise considered to have wasted
the King's treasure, and to have removed from the
royal presence his good and virtuous counsellors, and
to have substituted persons of doubtful character, and
enemies of the country. They even asserted that he had
assisted in the removal of Gloucester, in order that this
prince might not, with his wonted spirit and activity^
penetrate or obstruct his designs.*
The Queen, too, became very obnoxious to the
people ; for, at this time, looking on Suffolk as the
author of her power, she seemed to adopt his passions
* Holinslied ; Sandford ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York ; Eapin ; Baker -r
Hume.
MAEGAEET OE ANJOU. 331
as her own ; and, using her authority over the King,
she found means to load the Duke with favours, follow-
ing his advice in all things, and appearing to treat him
as her confidant.*
This conduct was very unwise on the part of Queen
Margaret, and highly prejudicial to her. It could
only have been occasioned by her youth and inexperi-
ence. Yet the consequent imputations cast upon the
Duke of Suffolk and Queen Margaret were not only
untrue, but absurd and ridiculous, as may be believed
when we consider the family of Suffolk, his character in
private life, and his great age. Suffolk had attained his
fiftieth year before the death of his great patron and
friend, the Cardinal of Winchester, who had, as well as
the Queen, shown him especial favour, yet exhibiting it
towards him with the most judicious care.
The aspersions cast upon herself and Suffolk were
not unnoticed by the Queen, who began to fear they
tended to the destruction of the Duke, and perhaps might
even be fatal to herself. It is said that Queen Margaret
adjourned the Parliament, assembled at that time at
Blackfriars, to Leicester, and again from thence to
Westminster.")"
Many private dissensions originated at this period of 1449.
our history ; and some of them still remain involved in
mystery. Amongst them may be named the enmity
between Lord Bonville and the Earl of Devon. In
1449 the latter nobleman was engaged in besieging
Lord Bonville in his castle of Taunton, which caused a
great disturbance throughout the West of England.
Assistance was most unexpectedly rendered to the
besieged by Richard, .Duke of York, Lord Molines,
William Herbert, and others; and we are informed
that Bonville delivered himself up to the Duke of
York. The origin of this quarrel does not appear, but
* Carte. f Baker.
332 MAKGARET OF ANJOU.
Lord Bonville from this period espoused the interests
of the House of York ; and even at this time Richard
aimed at the crown.*
There were many changes also in the high offices of
the kingdom. In this year the Bishop of Lincoln died ;
and, through the intercession of Suffolk, this bishopric
was given to Marmaduke Lumley, Bishop of Car lisle, f
John, Lord Beauchamp was made Treasurer, and Lord
Cromwell, Chamberlain. Somewhat later the former
was driven from office, and John Tiptoff, Earl of
Worcester, was made Treasurer in his place ; and,
although Cromwell continued to be Chamberlain, we
are told that the kingdom was ruled by the party of
Somerset. This Duke was, indeed, sharing the royal
favour. He was made Captain of Calais by King Henry,
upon the occasion of the celebration of the festival of
Christmas, held by this monarch at Greenwich in
During the preceding summer a marriage had taken
place, which had proved the unhappy source of con-
tention. Thomas Neville, the son of the Earl of Salis-
bury, was united to the granddaughter J of Lord
Cromwell, at Tattersalls, in Lincolnshire ; and in re-
turning from these nuptials a quarrel arose between
the bridegroom and Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont,
near York ; which, adds the historian, " gave rise to
the greatest trouble in England. "§ This, and many
other dissensions, like the gathering clouds in the dis-
tance, were portentous of the approaching political
storms of this realm.
Amidst the confusion which prevailed at this period,
a lawyer's apprentice, named Bry stall, moved that the
King, having no heir to give security to his title, an
heir apparent should be elected ; and he proposed the
* Toulmin's Taunton ; Lingard. f W. of Worcester.
$ Or niece, as others say. § Lingard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 333
Duke of York. But for this offence Brystall was
afterwards committed to the Tower.*
The Duke of York, at this time, first began to
afford Queen Margaret cause for serious inquietude.
At a meeting between this nobleman and the King-
he made some demands on the royal favour, to
which, if this monarch was, by his meek and yield-
ing temper, disposed to listen, we are informed that
Queen Margaret was decidedly opposed ; and the Duke
departed in satisfaction with his sovereign, but not in
the same " good conceit" with his royal mistress. It
was, indeed, rumoured that if the Duke of Bucking-
ham had not, by his interference, prevented it, the
Duke of York would have been arrested. The part
which Buckingham took on this occasion was caused
by the offence he had taken at the sudden dismissal of
his two brothers from their offices of Chancellor and
Treasurer, for this Duke usually sided with the Queen, f
He was also the friend of Somerset, whose part he
took during an affray at Coventry, in which two or three
townsmen were killed and the alarm-bell rung, when
a general insurrection took place, to the annoyance of
the nobility; and "all this arose from the general
hatred of the Duke of Somerset." J
The aversion was even more general against the 1449.
Duke of Suffolk, who upon one occasion (in 1449) was,
with Lord Cromwell and others, in the Star Chamber,
when William Taylboys, with a numerous party of his
attendants — who were all secretly armed — surrounded
the door of Westminster Hall and the Star Chamber,
as Cromwell asserted, with intent to kill him. This
was denied by Taylboys, and Suffolk admitted his ex-
cuses ; yet the Council committed him to the Tower.
* W. of Worcester.
f Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester.
j Lingard ; Paston Letters.
334 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
Lord Cromwell afterwards obtained a verdict against
him ; and, although it was against the wish of Suffolk,
Taylboys was thrown into prison. Lord Cromwell also
caused Suffolk to be called to account by the Commons
for his disloyalty.
On the 6th of November in this year John, Viscount
Beaumont was made Lord Chamberlain of England ;
Henry de Bromefield was created Lord Vesey; and
William Bonville was created Lord Bonville. Wil-
liam Beauchamp was also created Lord St. Amaraud,
and Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont. John Stafford,
Archbishop of Canterbury, dying in this year, he was
succeeded by John Kemp, Cardinal of York.*
A rebellion in Ireland at this time added to the
troubles in which the English Court was involved;
but it afforded Queen Margaret an opportunity of dis-
missing the Duke of York from her presence, who had
made himself particularly obnoxious to her by the
rumours lately circulated respecting his pretensions to
the crown. He was created Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land, and dismissed to quell the insurrection, for which
office, it was pretended, no one else was so well quali-
fied. Only a few troops were, however, furnished
him ; and it is said that his enemies hoped he would,
by a failure in this enterprise, forfeit his reputation
with the people, or, that the chance of war would for
ever remove this object of their mistrust.")'
The Duke was keen enough to penetrate their de-
signs ; but he was so skilful that, by his condescension
and mildness, he gained the good opinion of the Irish ;
and it must, injustice to the Duke, be said, that the Acts
he passed during his administration were very credit-
able to his memory. He brought them back to their
* W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Collinson's Somersetshire ;
Lysson's Mag. Brit,
t Baker ; Stow ; Rapin ; Burdy's Ireland.
MABGABET OF ANJOU. 335
duty ; and, without having recourse to arms, he accom-
modated their differences : nay, he did more than this,
for he so won their affections that they ever afterwards
remained faithful to his interests, and those of his
family, even in their greatest troubles.* It was thus
the Duke of York became all-powerful amongst this
people ; add to which, his vast possessions in Ireland
increased his importance. He was Earl of Ulster
and Cork, Lord of Connaught, Clare, Trim, and
Meath, including at least a third of the kingdom in his
inheritance.
In accepting the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land, the Duke had taken care that it should be
attended with all the honours and power which his
most distinguished predecessors had enjoyed. He had
stipulated to hold his government for ten years ; to
receive the whole revenue of Ireland without account ;
with a pension annually of two thousand marks, and
the same sum in advance. He was also empowered to
let the King's lands, to dispose of all offices, to levy all
such forces as he might consider necessary, to name
his own Deputy, and to return to England at his
pleasure, f
Two rival powers at this time contended for supre-
macy amongst the Irish- at the head of which were
the Earls of Desmond and Ormond. Of these it may
be observed, that the former was a powerful leader,
although his authority had been acquired by a kind of
usurpation of the rights of his nephew.
The Earl of Ormond, struggling amidst many diffi-
culties and troubles, had been twice unjustly accused
to Henry VI., whose lenity and kindness to this noble-
man seems to have originated the lasting attachment
* Stow ; Speed ; Leland's Ireland ; Moore's Ireland ; Lingard ; Burdy's
Ireland ; Rapin ; Hume ; Ellis's Orig. Letters.
Leland's Ireland.
336 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
of the family of Butlers to the House of Lancaster.*
The leaders of the two opposing factions were chosen
by the Duke of York, upon the birth of his son, George,
Duke of Clarence, in the Castle of Dublin, to be the
sponsors for the child; which incident had its full
effect on Desmond, who became confirmed in his ad-
herence to the House of York ; and by the use
which the Duke of York made of his power, he enabled
his party, in the subsequent contests with the Lancas-
trians, to draw forces from Ireland to maintain their
cause. It is also said that the zeal of the Irish was
much augmented by the flattery of the Duke whenever
called upon to support his cause in the subsequent
wars.
The use of the English bow was much encouraged
by the Duke in Ireland, and it was enacted that every
one holding lands or possessions to the value of 201.
should entertain an archer, arrayed and horsed after
the English manner. This provision, though appa-
rently designed for the Irish, was really intended to
maintain the Duke's cause in England, whenever he
should openly assert his claims to the Crown.*
During the absence of Duke Bichard in Ireland the
dissensions at home continued, and no attempt was
made to accommodate them. Three predominant evils
still harassed the country, and seemed to threaten its
ruin. First, the misgovernment of the Queen and her
ministers ; secondly, the pride and evil passions, espe-
cially covetousness, of the lords spiritual and temporal ;
and lastly, the discontents of the people, occasioned by
the said misgovernment. There were many changes
in the rulers, and frequent commotions throughout
England, which could scarcely be allayed ; the aristo-
cracy, growing more and more powerful, contended
against each other, and while yielding to their hatred
* Leland's Ireland.
MARGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 337
and private animosities, the national welfare was for-
gotten.
To add to the murmurings of the people at this
time, a considerable tax was laid upon the citizens of
London.
The Bishop of Chichester, possibly discerning the
coming disasters, resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and
retired to Portsmouth, where, on the 9th of January,
1450, he was cruelly murdered by some sailors, said 1450.
to have been hired for that purpose by Richard, Duke Speed'
of York. Indeed the Duke's guilt was so apparent,
that King Henry, two years afterwards, in his reply
to the Duke of York's letter of complaint, con-
fidently alluded to it. It has been suggested by
some writers, that the Duke's hatred to all who were
either wise or valiant enough to uphold King Henry,
prompted him to this despicable action, and the
sincerity of the Bishop could not fail to be a crime in
the eyes of York. This was but one of many perfi-
dious acts done by the adherents or accomplices of
Richard, while he remained in Ireland. The people
generally, however, appear to have taken part in this
cruel deed, since they cried out that the Bishop was
" a traitor to the King and Queen, and one of the
" barterers of Normandy."
Adam Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester, who was of
the baronial family of Moleyns, was also Dean of
Salisbury. The old chroniclers call him " a wise and
" stout man." He was one of the ambassadors who,
conjointly with Sir Robert Roos and others, had
agreed for the cession of Maine and Anjou.'*
In the same year, though somewhat later, the great 1450.
power of Richard, Duke of York, was again made
* Adam Moleyns was succeeded by Sir Reginald Peacock in the bishopric
of Chichester. — Stow; Speed; Carte; W. of Worcester; Toulmin; Howel's
Med. Hist. Ang.
VOL. i. z
338 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
apparent. In the city of Gloucester he took Reginald,
Abbot of St. Peter's, and sent him, with others, to the
castle of Gloucester. This act was immediately on
the Duke's return from Ireland.*
1450. The annals of this year were filled with tragical
events, which exhibited the ferocious spirit of the
times, and seemed to be precursors of the coming
national calamities. One dark and mysterious page
relates the cruel destruction of William Ascough,
Bishop of Salisbury. He was descended from an
ancient family, seated at Kelsey, in Lincolnshire. On
the 26th of July, 1438, he had been consecrated
to the above see, in the chapel of Windsor, and
soon after appointed the King's confessor ; this
being the first instance of a bishop fulfilling this
office.
Having occupied this see nearly twelve years, he
had become obnoxious to the Commons of Leicester,
who pointed him out as an object of public resent-
ment, and when the rebel Jack Cade and his followers
came to Edginton, in Lincolnshire, where the Bishop
then was, some of this prelate's own tenants joined
the rebels, and falling upon his carriages, plundered
them, carrying off no less than 10,000 marks in
money. They assaulted the Bishop himself on the
following day, the 29th of June, 1450, even whilst
officiating at the altar in his vestments ; and dragging
him away to a neighbouring hill, they barbarously
murdered him. WThile kneeling down and offering
his last prayer, one of the party clove his skull with a
bill ; then tearing his bloody shirt in pieces, to be pre-
served in memory of the action, they left his body
naked on the spot.|
* Stow ; Fosbroke's Gloucestershire.
f Stow ; Fabian Speed ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Lingard ; Fuller's
Worthies.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 339
Dr. Fuller, in speaking of this tragedy, gives this
distich : —
" By people's fury mitre thus cast down
" We pray henceforward God preserve the crown."
The motive for this cruel treatment is not at first
apparent. Bishop Godwin cannot account for it ; but
Dr. Fuller imagines it was because the Bishop of Salis-
bury was "learned, pious, and rich," three capital
crimes in a clergyman ; and the last of these suffi-
ciently accounted for the horrid tragedy, it being very
probable, that, having robbed the good Bishop, they
afterwards murdered him to secure his riches.
When we again consider the tearing of the bloody
shirt to pieces, to be borne away as a trophy of the
act, it does not appear that it was avarice which
actuated the murderers. The circumstance of the
Bishop's own tenants having joined in the attack would
seem to show that he was, though perhaps unjustly,
held to be a haughty or cruel master.*
Amidst the general dissatisfaction, which extended Rapin.
itself even to the members of the Council, Parliament
met to arrange the affairs of France, and to devise
some means for the recovery of their losses. The
Queen perceived the necessity of their assistance to
prosecute the war in France, lest they should be
compelled to withdraw from that kingdom, and
thus afford fresh cause for displeasure to the nation.
The divisions in the Cabinet suggested to the mind
of Queen Margaret that she might obtain her object
with more facility by the removal of the Parliament
to Leicester, where she hoped to find herself more
popular than in London ; but her design was so
earnestly opposed by the Lords, that she was compelled
to abandon it, and the meeting was held at West-
* Fuller's Worthies ; Biograph. Britannica.
z 2
340 MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT.
minster. The Lords assembled there were very nu-
merous, and it seems they had apprehended some
secret plot, similar to that which had led to the fate
of the Duke of Gloucester.*
At this meeting of Parliament the Duke of Suffolk
was accused of high treason. The articles of im-
peachment were numerous, of which the chief were
the following :—
1st. His having treated with the French ambas-
sadors, to persuade King Charles to invade England,
with a view to placing his own son, John, on the
throne, whom he proposed to marry to Margaret,
the daughter of John, Duke of Somerset, and who,
it was pretended by him, was next lawful heir to the
crown.
2ndly. That he had been bribed by the French to
release the Duke of Orleans.
3rdly. That he had advised the said Duke of
Orleans, before his departure from England, to per-
suade the King of France to make war in Normandy,
by which advice the English had lost that province.
4thly. That he had agreed at the treaty of Tours
for the surrender of Maine and Anjou, including the
city of Mans, to the King of Sicily and his brother,
Charles of Anjou, without the consent of his asso-
ciates in this embassy ; and that, upon his return to
England, he prevailed upon the King and the Council
to perform his engagement, to their great loss and
disadvantage.
5thly. That he had traitorously made known to
the French, while abroad, the weakness of the English
garrisons in their kingdom, which information induced
them to assault them.
6thly. That he had betrayed the secrets of the
English Cabinet to their enemies.
* Hall; Holinshed; Baker; Stow; Rapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 341
7thly. That he prevented the conclusion of peace,
by betraying the purposes and instructions of the
ambassadors sent to treat with France.
Sthly. That he had boasted before some lords, that
his influence and credit at the French court was as
great as in England.
9thly. That he had, in compliance with the views of
King Charles, by whom he had been bribed, detained
the forces prepared to oppose their enemies.
lOthly. That he had omitted in the treaty for the
truce the names of the King of Arragon and the
Duke of Brittany (both comprised on the part of
France), by which neglect the kingdom was deprived
of both these allies.*
The Duke of Suffolk came forward boldly to assert
his innocence ; and in answer to these charges he gave
a formal denial to the greater part of them, while he
replied to others by producing the written commands
of the King. It was not in vain that the Duke had
taken the precaution to provide himself with this in-
strument. Suffolk cleared himself before the Council
of all these charges, except "the last, which concerned
the King of Arragon and the Duke of Brittany, which
he still left a mystery ; yet the popular rage could not
be appeased.
The Commons sent up to the Lords, a month
later, a new impeachment, charging Suffolk with im-
provident waste of the public money, and of advising
the King to impoverish himself by needless grants;
of bestowing public offices on disloyal persons, and
of screening from justice a notorious outlaw, named
William Taylboys. In neither of these impeach-
ments was any mention made of the death of Glou-
cester, which, by some, has been considered as a
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Stow ; Speed : Fabian ; W. of Worcester ; Eapin ;
Allen's York ; Hume; Villaret.
342
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
proof that there was no evidence of his having been
murdered.
In the House of Lords the Duke of Suffolk arose
and complained of the clamours raised against him.
He insisted on his innocence, and expressed his concern
that, after having served his country during thirty-four
campaigns, seventeen of which he had passed abroad
without seeing his native land ; after having suffered
in its cause an imprisonment, from which he had only
been released by paying a large ransom ; having lost
his father and three brothers in the cause of the Crown,
that he should be suspected of yielding to bribery, and
of betraying his sovereign, who had liberally rewarded
him with the richest of gifts, and highest honours in
his power to bestow.* This speech, however, failed to
calm the resentment of the Duke's enemies, who were
rather provoked by it to insist on the truth of their
charges ; yet these accusations were absurd and ill-
founded, and adopted, rather upon the clamours of
the people, than out of regard to justice and truth. |
It may be observed that greater skill and prudence
were required for the defence of the English posses-
sions in France, in the present position of affairs, than
formerly had been necessary for Henry V. to acquire
them ; but this the people of England did not compre-
hend ; and although they had granted very willingly
the necessary supplies for the war, they complained
bitterly of the loss of their acquisitions. It was not
probable that a minister so high in the esteem of his
sovereign, could abandon his foreign conquests, and
invite the enemy, to assert his personal rights at home.
The surrender of Maine might deserve to be censured,
but Suffolk maintained that some of the Council had
* Rot. Parl. ; Speed ; Lingard ; Allen's York ; Kapin ; Hume ; Villa-
ret ; Monstrelet.
t Howel ; Hume ; Allen's York.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 343
given their consent to it; and that, as the English
could not garrison all their fortresses abroad, it was
proposed to contract their forces, and thus to make
them more formidable. The subsequent loss of Nor-
mandy ought not to have been ascribed to this sur-
render, as it was already open to invasion.* There
would be little credibility in the idea of a person of
the rank and character of Suffolk endeavouring to
obtain the crown for his son; to effect which, he would
have to call in the arms of the French to depose his
own sovereign, whose right had been hitherto uncon-
troverted, and whose mild and inoffensive manners had
made him beloved by his subjects. Queen Margaret,
also, was far too active and penetrating to suffer such a
purpose to escape her observation. Had she discovered
it, there is no doubt that she would have withdrawn her
favour from such an aspiring person, even if she had
not resented it by inflicting some severe punishment ;
but the Queen remained the patroness of the Duke,
and sought to screen him from the rage of the people.")"
It was also proved by the Duke of Suffolk before the
peers, that Margaret of Somerset, to whom, it was
said, he proposed to marry his son, had no title to the
Crown ; and he also appealed to some of those who
were present, and who were acquainted with his inten-
tion of uniting his son to one of the co-heirs of the
Earl of Warwick, had he not been disappointed in
doing so by the death of that lady. The losses in
France were accounted for by the negligence of the
English ministers, and the people's discontent, which
caused the foreign affairs to be forgotten, or but ill
attended to, while King Charles was improving his
states and preparing for war.
To appease the Commons, the Queen caused the
Duke of Suffolk to be sent to the Tower ; and thinking
* Hume ; Croyland Cont. t W. of Worcester.
344 MAKGAEET OF ANJOU.
that this would satisfy them, she soon afterwards
ordered him to be released, when he was received,
into his former favour at court. It appears, however,
that from this time Suffolk, dreading the popular resent-
ment, usually went out with a guard to protect him.
The news of the Duke's liberation gave occasion for
a sedition in Kent ; but this was soon appeased.*
The Queen, in April this year, procured an adjourn-
ment of the Parliament to Leicester, fearing that the
enemies of Suffolk would persist in impeaching him.
At this meeting the Duke appeared, in attendance on
the King and Queen, in quality of Prime Minister,
which gave great offence to the Commons, as it
seemed to be done in contempt of them ; nor were
they slow in resenting this conduct. They came for-
ward in a body to petition the King to punish all
those persons who had been instrumental in the sur-
render of Normandy, and they accused the Duke of
Suffolk, John, Bishop of Salisbury, Lord Say, and
others. As there appeared no other means of quieting
the people, the King removed Lord Say, (Treasurer of
England,) from office, and also the other adherents of
Suffolk. '
The Duke was, meanwhile, reserved for a severer
fate. His ruin seemed to be determined by the Com-
mons, and there was no alternative but to punish him,
or to engage in an open quarrel with that House ; the
Queen, therefore, judging that any sentence passed at
such a moment must, necessarily, be a severe one,
endeavoured to save the Duke from some part of the
punishment which might, probably, be intended for
him, by preventing a formal sentence.
The King assembled his Lords in his own apartment,
and caused the Duke to appear before them, when he
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Biondi ; Hall ; Stow ; Speed ; Fasten Letters ;
Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Baudier ; Villaret.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 345
demanded of him what he could urge in his defence.
The Duke of Suffolk denied the charge, but threw him-
self on the mercy of the King, upon which King Henry
passed upon him sentence of banishment for the period
of five years.*
During the trial of Suffolk, the people were in a
state of great agitation ; and when the sentence was
made known to them, they openly threatened the life
of the Duke, and a party of 2,000 men even attempted
to intercept him in his way from prison ; but they only
succeeded in seizing his horse, and ill-treating his ser-
vants, and the Duke proceeded to his estates in Suffolk, f
Finding that his banishment was his only means of
safety from the rage of the populace, the Duke of
Suffolk hastened to embark. J
When about to depart his country, he assembled all
the knights and esquires of his neighbourhood, and
took oath on the sacrament, in their presence, that he
was not guilty of the crimes of which he had been
accused. He also wrote an eloquent and affectionate
letter to his son ; and we are assured by one of our
historians, that " whoever has read this affecting com-
position will find it difficult to persuade himself that
the writer could have been either a false subject or a
bad man.";): Judging from historic facts only, it still
appears that Suffolk had been in some way implicated
in Gloucester's removal from court, if not in his
death, § probably being influenced by the Cardinal of
Winchester. He might have been ensnared into some
measures which his heart and conscience did not
approve, for the epistle of this nobleman to his son
bears evident marks of a penitent mind, and of an
* Sandford ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Stow ; Speed ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Henry ; Allen's York ; Baudier ; Villaret.
f Lingard ; Hall ; W. of Worcester.
j Rapin ; Henry ; Allen's York.
§ Lingard ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester
346 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
anxious desire to preserve his son from the con-
sequences of such evil counsels and designs as he had
himself fallen under. The letter is as follows : —
" MY DEAR AND ONLY WELL-BELOVED SON, 1 beseech
" our Lord in Heaven, the Maker of all the world, to
" bless you, and to send you ever grace to love Him,
" and to dread Him ; to the which, as far as a father
" may charge his child, I both charge you and pray
" you to set all your spirits and wits to do and to know
" His holy laws and commandments, by the which ye
" shall, with His great mercy, pass all the great
" tempests and troubles of this wretched world/'
" And that also, weetingly, ye do nothing for love
" nor dread of any earthly creature that should dis-
" please Him. And there as (whenever) any frailty
u maketh you to fall, beseech His mercy soon to call you
" to Him again with repentance, satisfaction, and contri-
" tion of your heart, never more in will to oifend him."
" Secondly, next Him, above all earthly things, to be
" true liegeman in heart, in will, in thought, in deed
" unto the King, our aldermost (greatest) high and
•" dread sovereign lord, to whom both ye and I be
" so much bound to ; charging you, as father can and
" may, rather to die than to be the contrary, or to
" know anything that were against the welfare or pro-
" sperity of his most royal person : but that, as far as
" your body and life may stretch, ye live and die to
" defend it, and to let His Highness have knowledge
" thereof in all the haste you can."
" Thirdly, in the same wise I charge you, my dear
" son, alway as ye be bounden by the commandment
" of God to do, to love, to worship your Lady and
" Mother ; and also that ye obey alway her command-
" ments, and to believe her counsels and advices in all
" your works, the which dread not but shall be best
" and truest to you."
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 347
" And if any other body would steer you to the con-
u trary to flee the counsel in any wise, for ye shall find
" it nought and evil."
" Furthermore, as far as father may and can, I charge
" you in any wise to flee the company and counsel
" of proud men, of covetous men, and of flattering
" men, the more especially and mightily to withstand
14 them, and not to draw nor to meddle with them,
" with all your might and power; and to draw to you,
" and to your company, good and virtuous men, and
" such as be of good conversation and of truth, and
;' by them shall ye never be deceived nor repent
" ye of."
" Moreover, never follow your own wit in no wise,
" but in all your works, of such folks as I write of
" above, ask your advice and counsel, and doing thus,
;' with the mercy of God, ye shall do right well,
" and live in right much worship, and great heart's
" rest and ease."
" And I will be to you as good Lord and Father as
" my heart can think."
" And last of all, as heartily and as lovingly as ever
''father blessed his child in earth, I give you the bless-
" ing of our Lord and of me, which, of His infinite
" mercy, increase you in all virtue and good living ;
" and that your blood may, by his grace, from kindred
" to kindred multiply in this earth to His service in
u such wise, as after the departing from this wretched
" world here, ye and they may glorify him eternally
" amongst his angels in heaven,"
"Written of mine hand,
" The day of my departing from this land,"
" Your true and loving father,"
" April, 1450, " SUFFOLK." *
" 28 Henry VI."
* Fasten Letters.
348 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
The Duke of Suffolk had so incurred the hatred of
the English nation that he was regarded with equal
detestation by all ranks in the kingdom. The nobility
were envious of his exaltation to the premiership, and
of the great favour shown him at court, and they could
not bear to behold the preference given to one of infe-
rior birth to themselves, and who was but the descen-
dant of a merchant. His immense acquisitions also
excited their envy, and as they took from the Crown
(already reduced to the most shameful poverty), they
appeared, even to the indifferent, to be highly cen-
surable. The people, already exasperated at the Duke's
supposed share in procuring the death of Gloucester,
complained of his arbitrary measures, and of the injus-
tice of his conduct. It may, however, be observed,
that Suffolk and his associates in the ministry were
compelled to adopt some measures which, in the eyes
of the vulgar, might appear unnecessary, owing to the
impoverished state of the revenues of the Crown, and
their load of debt, amounting to £372,000, which
could not be discharged ; and the purveyors of the
King, for the support of his household, were even
compelled to become exorbitant upon the people, and
to extend their demands to the utmost of their pre-
rogative.*
1450. The Duke of Suffolk sailed from Ipswich with two
small vessels and a little spinner. This last the Duke
sent forward with letters, by some of his most faithful
servants, towards Calais, to ascertain how he might be
received there ; but danger awaited him even in his
flight from his native land. His enemies, perceiving
that he still possessed the Queen's confidence, and that
the irregular proceedings were intended for his preser-
vation— -judging, also, that it was probable he would,
on the first opportunity, be restored to his former
* Hume.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 349
dignities and favour at court — engaged the captain of
a vessel of war to waylay him on his passage to
France.* This vessel, carrying 150 men, had other
ships in company, and its master having met the little
spinner on its way, learnt of the coming of the Duke.
The ships of Suffolk were captured, and the Duke
himself ordered on board the Nicholas of the Tower,
one of the largest vessels in the navy, belonging to the
Duke of Exeter, Constable of the Tower.
Suffolk inquired the name of the ship ; and on hear-
ing it, he remembered the words of Stacy, who had
foretold of him, that " if he might escape the danger of
the Tower he should be safe;" and his heart failed
him, believing himself deceived.
When the Duke of Suffolk entered this vessel, he
was received with the awful salutation of " Welcome,
traitor!" He remained two nights on board, during
which time he wrote a letter to the King, had much
converse with his confessor, and was compelled to
submit to a mock trial before the sailors, who passed
sentence of death upon him. He was, upon the second
morning, let down into a small boat alongside the
vessel, which was furnished with a block, a rusty
sword, and an executioner, who, after requiring him to
die like a knight, at the sixth blow struck off his head.
The sailors next seized his gown of russet and his
doublet of velvet mailed, and the body, thus stripped,
was laid upon the sands near Dover, and his head,
fixed upon a pole, was set by it. The hatred of the
murderers of this nobleman was only directed against
him personally, and did not extend to his followers,
who were permitted to disembark unhurt. The atten-
dants of the Duke, placing themselves by the remains
of their master, offered up their prayers. Then the
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Pol.
Vergil ; Fabian ; Speed ; Allen's York ; Lingard ; Henry.
350 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Sheriff of Kent watched the body while he dismissed
the Under-Sheriff to the judges, and then to the King,
for some commands respecting it.
The Duke's remains were afterwards delivered to
his widow, and buried in the collegiate church of
Wingfield, in Suffolk.*
Thus perished one of Queen Margaret's first friends
in England; yet he had occasioned her many misfor-
tunes.
There was no inquiry made after the perpetrators
of this illegal act. The death of Suffolk was regarded
by some persons as a just punishment from God for
procuring the murder of Gloucester. His guilt, how-
ever, in this affair has not been proved ; and if
this accusation was unjust, still there can be little
doubt that he caused many evils to his country, and
to his ill conduct must be attributed the repeated
losses in France. He had nevertheless previously
distinguished himself for twenty-four years at the
head of the English armies in France, had gained
many signal victories, and, on the death of the Earl
of Salisbury at the siege of Orleans, the chief com-
mand devolved on Suffolk, and he vigorously continued
the siege.
When the English were defeated before Orleans, and
subsequently, when many disasters befel them, Suffolk
exhibited much bravery. He was at one time taken
prisoner, but soon released in exchange for one of the
French nobility, of whom many were in the hands of
the English.!
The King and Queen were both grieved at the death
* By some, however, it has been said that he was interred at Kingston-
upon-Hull. His effigies in armour, carved in wood, painted and gilt, were
placed upon his altar-tomb. — Holinshed; Baker ; Paston Letters; Hall;
Sandford; W. of Worcester; Stow; Pol. Vergil; Fabian; London Cliron.;
Henry; Lingard; Allen's York.
f Eapin ; Holinshed ; Speed ; Allen's York.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 351
of Suffolk. Queen Margaret was much enraged at the
manner in which this deed was effected, and even
threatened to be revenged, especially on the people of
Kent ; and this threat, we are told, became a plea for
a formidable rebellion, which took place not long after
in that county.*
The death of the Duke of Suffolk appears to have
been effected by a party who had sworn his destruc-
tion. This party consisted of some of the first persons
in the kingdom, and whose vengeance was not to be
averted by the failure of his prosecution, or by his
escape from the mob, who attempted to intercept him
in his way from prison. Of the motives of these
persons we are left in ignorance.
It has been conjectured by some writers that the
enemies of the Duke, and who procured his death,
were those ambitious nobles who envied him for the
preference shown him in the Council chamber. Others
have concluded that he was removed through the
policy of the Duke of York, because his presence was
a bar to the attainment of his views ; and in support
of this opinion they allege that some of the noblemen,
who afterwards actively espoused the cause of York,
came to the Parliament at Leicester, at which Suffolk was
impeached, with hundreds of their retainers in arms.t
If we admit the agency of Suffolk in the murder of
the Duke of Gloucester, we at once account for many
of the irregular and apparently mysterious proceedings
of the nobility of that period, and which, until the
principles and motives which influenced them be ex-
plained, cannot be at all understood. The Duke of
York was the friend of Gloucester, and it is probable
that he might have resented the treatment shown him ;
and upon his death, when a new path appeared to be
laid open to his ambition, which he resolved to pursue,
* Henry ; Lirgard. f Lingard ; Paston Letters.
352 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
he might have endeavoured to remove one obstacle to
his views in the person of Suffolk, when, by so doing,
he might think he was only inflicting a just punish-
ment on the murderer of his friend. This was but one
instance of the summary vengeance to which Duke
Richard had recourse, and it was peculiar to his times.
The Duke of Gloucester had long enjoyed the favour
and affections of the people, and it was the earnest de-
sire of York to obtain these also ; but he had been
twice depreciated in their eyes by one who had already
incurred his resentment.
He had been removed from his Regency in France
to make way for his rival, the Duke of Somerset, and
afterwards dismissed into Ireland to quell a rebellion
there, with inadequate forces ; and both of these mea-
sures originated with Suffolk.*
These causes would seem to account for the re-
moval of Suffolk by the agency of the Duke of York,
especially as he was himself in Ireland, which pre-
vented suspicion falling on him, while his two great
friends, Warwick and Mowbray, with their armed re-
tainers, seemed to have prepared themselves for resist-
ance at Leicester, should any suspicion rest on them,
or should the Queen or her party seek to revenge
themselves for this murder.
There appears to have been a premeditated scheme
to destroy the Duke of Suffolk, as these noblemen
arriving at Leicester previous to this murder, they
seem to have awaited its results, and agreeably to a
previous acquaintance with this design. Both the
Commons and people hated the Duke. The Queen and
her party alone sought to defend him ; and, as the last
means for his safety, suddenly came to the resolution
to banish him the realm.
The haste and secrecy observed in the execution of
* Baker.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 353
this determination, and the King's private council, would
make it probable that the Queen had discovered some
fresh cause for alarm. The people and the Commons
had, neither of them, concerted any general plan by
which to get rid of their enemy. The capture of the
vessel also must have been by a very superior force to
that of Suffolk, as his attendants did not make the
least resistance, and yet they were attached to his
person, as appears evident from their conduct when
put on shore.*
This powerful rival of York being removed while
he was in Ireland, engaged in pacifying the Irish, the
Duke continued to receive from his friends particular
accounts of the proceedings in England, where his secret
agents contrived to serve him by extolling his merits
to the people, and by reminding them of the King's
incapacity and of the Queen's arbitrary government.
These representations had the more weight, as the ge-
neral discontent increased on the subject of the losses
in Normandy, and the Duke's party was augmented
daily, while Richard thus cherished the displeasure
of the nation instead of redressing their wrongs, f
The Queen, perceiving that the dissatisfaction, so
general in the country, arose partly from the repeated
losses abroad, despatched a reinforcement of 1,500 men
to the Duke of Somerset, under the command of Sir
Thomas Keriel. These forces were joined by many
other troops, with their leaders, from the English gar-
risons, which much augmented their numbers ; but
they were met by the Constable Richmont at Four-
migni, where, after having defended themselves with
great valour, they were entirely routed and their com-
mander taken prisoner.;];
* Paston Letters ; Allen's York,
f Hall ; HowePs Med. Ang. ; Rapin.
j Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Anque-
til; Monstrelet; Villaret.
VOL. I. A A
354 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
Somerset, who had retired to Caen after the sur-
render of Rouen, was now left without resource. King
Charles's forces surrounded that city, led on by his
most skilful generals, and amongst them the Constable,
who had just been victorious at Fourmigni. There
came also the Counts Dunois, Clermont, d'Eu, and
Nevers, with the different armies of France. They
had already conquered Harfleur, Bayeux, Honfleur,
Avranches, and other cities, and now they were joined
by the King, who came to besiege in person the city of
Caen, attended by the King of Sicily, the Dukes of
Calabria, Alengon, St. Pol, and many others.
The besieged were well supplied with provisions and
ammunition, and a long siege was expected.*
It was in vain for the Duke to resist these united
forces, yet with but little hope the English defended
themselves, and with much skill and courage per-
severed in repulsing their assailants. The walls
sustained some damage, but the castle, which was
situated on a rock, and had within it a dungeon
which was inaccessible, received no injury.
Sir Robert Veer was captain of the castle, Sir Henry
Bedford of the dungeon, while Sir David Hall, who
had been appointed to the care of the city under the
Duke of York, was still permitted to retain this office.
It happened that while the cannonading of the city
was continued daily, in a manner that was more
alarming than dangerous, a stone shot fell in the
town, and, as it chanced, came between the Duchess
of Somerset and her children, which so terrified this
lady that she implored her husband, on her knees, to
have compassion on his family, and to procure their
safe departure from the city.f Whether the Duke was
influenced by the persuasions of his wife, or foresaw
* Barante ; Baker ; Monfaucon ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Anquetil.
f Holinshed ; Hall.
MAHGABET OF ANJOTJ. 355
that the city must soon surrender, (for it was on the
eve of being taken by storm,) the Duke resolved to
capitulate, and it is said that he did so contrary to the
advice of the other governors, who declared that it
was not yet time to think of yielding.* The city was
saved the horrors of an assault, and by the clemency
of King Charles, the Duke and his family, and all the
garrison were permitted to depart, leaving only their
artillery and 300 crowns.f
Sir David Hall, who had been always faithful and
diligent in his trust, and who would have still defended
the town if others had supported him, now remember-
ing the interests of his former master, the Duke of
York, departed with some of his trusty friends to
Cherbourg, and there embarking, sailed for Ireland,
where he recounted to this nobleman the unfortunate
issue of the war and the loss of Caen. This recital
served to excite still more anger and hatred against
the Duke of Somerset in the heart of one already suffi-
ciently his enemy, and who never afterwards ceased to
persecute him until his enmity was silenced in the tomb. J
The remainder of Normandy was soon subdued, and
after two campaigns the King of France beheld him-
self master of this province. Not one town now
belonged to the English of all their fair possessions.
The duties of the Duke of Somerset being ended, he
returned to England to take an active part in the con-
tentions so general, to supply the place of Suffolk in
the hatred of the people, and to be equally confirmed
in the good opinion of Queen Margaret. §
It was during the same year in which the French
had been so triumphant, and had recovered entirely a
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Kapin ; Barante ; Villaret.
f Baker ; Stow ; Olivier de la Marche ; Monstrelet.
J Hall ; History of Shrewsbury.
§ Barante ; Rapin ; Sandford ; Monfaucon ; Milles's Catalogue ; W. of
Worcester.
A A 2
356 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
province which the English had been possessed of for
thirty years, that the discontents of the English nation,
hitherto confined to complaints and menaces, and only
vented upon individuals, broke out into open rebellion.
The Queers credit had sensibly declined, since, not-
withstanding her threats, she could devise no means of
punishing those who had been the murderers of Suf-
folk. She appears to have been left at this period to
stand alone at the helm of government, and she is said
to have shown great firmness during the troubles with
which she had to contend.*
The war was apparently at an end, a truce having
been concluded ; yet the minds of the chief nobility
were agitated continually, and none of them obtained
the peace which they had been so long anticipating.
This was owing, as we are informed, to the great
lenity of the King, who, had he shown greater firm-
ness and exerted his regal authority, might have over-
ruled all ranks and composed their differences. f
i4r.o. A bill at this time was passed in the Lower House
to attaint the memory of the Duke of Suffolk, and
another to remove the Duke of Somerset from Court,
and also the Duchess of Suffolk and most of the friends
of the King; but King Henry would not give his
assent to the first. This bill was expressed in the
language of the Kentish insurgents, viz. : — " That Suf-
folk had been the cause of the arrest and death of
Gloucester, and of abridging the days of other princes
of the blood." While the Duke was alive they dared
not to bring forward these charges, which has been
considered as a proof of the innocence of Suffolk.
Thus began to appear the rebellious spirit which
marked these times. £
* Sandford ; Rapin ; Home ; Henry ; Barante ; Villaret ; Holinshed.
f Baudier ; Milles's Catalogue,
j Rot. Part, j Lingard.
MARGABET OF ANJOTJ. 357
It has been maintained by many historians that the 34.50.
Duke of York, fearing openly to lay claim to the
crown, wished, during his stay in Ireland, to try
the dispositions of the people towards himself, and
thus to judge of the probability of his future sue-
cess ; to this end he instigated an Irishman, named
Cade, of low extraction and of desperate character, to
become the leader of a rebellion amongst the Kentish-
men. Jack Cade had formerly been in the service of
Sir Thomas Dacre, and had fled to France to escape
punishment for a murder of which he had been con-
victed. While abroad he had served in the French
armies, and had acquired some skill and experience
in military affairs ; and his naturally bold and adven-
turous spirit well fitted him for the leader of a rebel-
lious people. To give importance to his enterprise,
Cade assumed the name of John Mortimer, of the
House of March ; and endeavoured, as it is believed, to
pass himself off for the son of the nobleman of that
name, who had been, in the former reign, condemned
and executed for high treason.
In the present disaffection to the government, num-
bers were ready to listen to any one who would
promise to redress their grievances ; and the friends
of the Duke of York, who were numerous in the
county of Kent, soon rallied round the adventurer
who had assumed so popular a name.* Cade thus
assembled great numbers, pretending that his object
was a reformation in the government, and the relief
of the people ; and he assured his followers that his
enterprise was both " honourable to God and the King,
and profitable to the whole realm." He also added,
that should the King or Queen fall into their hands,
they should be treated with respect. The army of
this adventurer was speedily augmented to the num-
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Bake^; Hume ; Kapin ; Villaret.
358 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
ber of 20,000 ; and with these he proceeded to Black-
heath, and there encamped. The King sent to the
insurgents, to demand the occasion of their taking up
arms ; and received for answer, that they designed no
harm to their sovereign, but that they desired to
petition Parliament to punish bad ministers, and to
show more regard for the happiness of the people.
The King marched against these rebels with an army
of more than 15,000 men ; but, upon his approach,
Cade retreated to Sevenoaks, and there lay in am-
bush; while Henry, supposing that they had fled
through fear, returned to the city, and contented him-
self with sending a small force against them, under
the command of Lord Stafford. These troops were
surprised by the insurgents, and defeated ; their leader
was slain, and Cade arrayed himself in the armour
of that knight. At first the petitions of the insur-
gents were regarded as seditious, and only to be
silenced by force of arms ; they were now considered
to be more reasonable. The rebels even inquired why
they should fight against their own countrymen, see-
ing they were but asserting their national rights?
Two petitions had been presented already by Cade,
containing the demands of his followers. They were
called " the complaints of the Commons of Kent," and
" the requests of the captain of the great assembly in
Kent." They represented the grievances of the
country, viz., that the King designed to punish the
people of Kent for the murder of the Duke of Suffolk,
of which they were innocent ; that he gave away the
revenue of the crown, and maintained himself by tax-
ing the Commons ; that the lords of the blood-royal
were excluded from the Cabinet, while men of low
extraction were admitted to supply their places ; that
the sheriffs, collectors, and others, were insupportable
extortioners; and that.Jn the election of knights the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 359
commoners did not obtain their just influence. In
short, that justice was not duly and speedily ad-
ministered.
They demanded that the relatives of Suffolk should
be banished from court; and that the King should
receive into favour the Dukes of York, Exeter, Buck-
ingham, and Norfolk, with other earls and barons.
They required the punishment of all who had shared
in the destruction of the Duke of Gloucester, and of
those who had been the cause of the loss of Maine,
Anjou, and Normandy, as well as of several well-
known traitors, called Slegge, Cromer, Lisle, and
Robert Este. These petitions also contained many
assurances of loyalty and affection to the King, in
whose service they professed themselves willing to
suffer even to death. These demands appeared plau-
sible ; and as the insurgents, although elated with
their victory, maintained a show of moderation, even
promising that if their grievances were redressed, and
certain obnoxious persons punished, (the chief of whom
were Lord Say, the late Treasurer, and Cromer, High
Sheriff of Kent), they would lay down their arms,
the King's Council found it difficult to persuade the
people to advance against them. It was not merely
the common people, but also persons of wealth and
high rank who inclined to the side of these rebels, and
so general was the unwillingness to fight against
them, and the persuasion that pacific measures should
be adopted, that the Archbishop of Canterbury and
the Duke of Buckingham were sent to confer with
them.
Cade behaved upon this occasion with propriety,
but with decision ; and while he showed them respect,
he refused to disband his troops until his petitions had
been complied with.
Some concessions were now deemed indispensable ;
360
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
and upon the return of these deputies Lord Say was
committed to prison, and Lord Scales being appointed
to the care of the Tower of London with a sufficient
garrison, the King disbanded his army, and withdrew,
for greater security, to the castle of Kenilworth.0
Cade and his followers, who had resumed their posi-
tion on Blackheath, next proceeded to London. Here
it had been already determined, in a Council held by
the Lord Mayor, that no resistance should be offered
them. The gates were thrown open, and the insur-
gents, whose numbers were vastly augmented since the
late victory, came into the city triumphantly. Cade,
as he entered, cut the ropes of the drawbridge, and
afterwards, passing London Stone, he struck it with
his sword, exclaiming, " Now is Mortimer lord of this
city!"
After their entrance into the capital, Cade con-
trived for some time to maintain the utmost disci-
pline amongst his followers, whom he forbade, under
threats of severe punishment, to injure the citizens.
He even led his troops, to prevent disorder, every
evening back to the Borough. Cade insisted on the
Lord Mayor and the Judges assembling in Guildhall,
and he caused Lord Say to be arraigned. Sentence
was passed upon him, as well as upon the Duchess of
Suffolk, and others, who were considered to be the
accomplices of Suffolk. Lord Say was soon after
beheaded, and his son-in-law, Cromer, the Sheriff of
Kent, being found, shared the same fate. After this
cruelty the head of the ill-fated nobleman, and also
that of Cromer, were fixed on poles, and carried
through the streets of the metropolis, with acts of
shocking brutality, by the populace.
When the vengeance of the rebels had been somewhat
satiated with the blood of these two individuals, they
* See Appendix, p. 435.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 361
became less circumspect in their conduct ; Cade him-
self is said to have relaxed in his discipline, and to
have plundered the house of a tradesman who had
received him with hospitality. Upon this, the rabble
eagerly sought to enrich themselves with the plunder
of the. wealthy, and several houses were entered and
pillaged ; at length, the rich citizens taking the alarm,
concerted measures with Lord Scales to prevent the
repetition of these injuries. Cade receiving intelli-
gence, however, that they purposed to defend the
drawbridge, and not to admit his party on the ensuing
day, a riot followed, and during six hours a severe
conflict was maintained between the two parties, when
the citizens obtaining the advantage, Cade was com-
pelled to retreat. It was agreed on both sides to
suspend hostilities, being weary of the contest.
At this juncture, the Archbishops of York and
Canterbury, who remained in the Tower, dismissed
the Bishop of Winchester (William Waynfleet),* to the
borough of Southwark, whither the rebels had re-
treated, to offer them a pardon, under the Great Seal,
to all except their leader, provided they immediately
laid down their arms, and returned peaceably to their
homes. The Kentishmen, discouraged by their late
defeat, accepted the proposal with gratitude, and dis-
persed themselves ; but Cade, suspecting that the
King would not extend his mercy to the leader of the
rebellion, repented, and once more attempted to
assemble the disaffected. He found many still ready
to support him ; but the authority he had once lost
could not be regained. The common cause was for-
gotten by these ruffians, who sought only to enrich
themselves with the plunder which had been conveyed
* On the death of the Cardinal, William Waynfleet had been advanced
to the bishopric of Winchester. He exhibited great abilities, integrity, and
prudence, especially in this insurrection.
362
MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
from the city. At length, Cade, hopeless of re-esta-
blishing unanimity amongst them, fled on horseback
into Sussex.
He was soon traced to his place of retreat, where,
(defending himself courageously to the last,) he was
slain by the new Sheriff of Kent, Alexander Iden.
The head of this rebel, for which a reward of a thou-
sand marks had been offered by the King, was carried
to London, and placed on the bridge.
Several of the associates of Cade in this rebellion
suffered on the scaffold; and it was afterwards laid
to the charge of the Duke of York, that they had
acknowledged that their design was to place him
upon the throne, had their enterprise succeeded.*
King Henry, however, failed to turn to advantage
the success he had thus gained over the insurgents,
and his inactivity at this crisis proved detrimental to
his cause. The ministers of the King had offended
the people, yet their attachment to the House of Lan-
caster remained firm and unshaken, and had Henry
acted at once with great decision and spirit, the
ambitious hopes of the Duke of York would have been
early crushed, and the rights of the Lancastrian
sovereign firmly established in the land.
* Baker ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Fabian ; Stow ; Biondi ; W.
of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; London Chron. ; Bapin ; Villaret ; Philpott's
Kent ; Birch's Illus. Persons of Great Britain.
CHAPTER VII.
(Clarence.} " A little fire is quickly trodden out ;
' ' Which, being suffer' d, rivers cannot quench. "
(King Henry.) " Thus stands my state, 'twixt Cade and York distress'd ;
" Like to a ship, that, having 'scap'd a tempest,
" Is straightway calm'd and boarded with a pirate :
" But now is Cade driven back, his men dispers'd ;
" And now is York in arms to second him."
( Warwick.) " I'll plant Plantagenet, root him up who dares ;
" Resolve thee, Richard ; claim the English crown." — SHAKESPEARE.
Clamours against Somerset— He is sent to the Tower — The people murmur
and suspect Queen Margaret — The Duke of York returns to England —
He assembles his friends— The Earls of Westmoreland, Salisbury and
Warwick, and the Duke of York described — Their connections — The
Duke of York retires to Wales, raises an army and returns to London
— He encamps at Brent Heath, — He disbands his army — Interview
between the Dukes of York and Somerset — York is apprehended and
released — Treaty of peace with Scotland — The Queen goes to Norwich
— Her condescension — Her letters — An effort made to recover Guienne
— Talbot's success — His death — His character — Tastes — Gift to the
Queen — Loss of France — Death of the Queen's mother — Complaints
against the Queen — King Henry's illness — Birth of Prince Edward
— Calumnies against Queen Margaret — The Duke of York urges his
claim to the crown — His character — His party obtains great influence
— Somerset arrested and sent to the Tower — The Duke of York
made "Protector" — He holds a Parliament and gets possession of
Calais — King Henry recovers — He resumes his authority, and Somerset
is released— The King tries to reconcile York and Somerset— York is
offended and withdraws into Wales to raise an army.
QUEEN MARGARET had accompanied the King when
he marched at the head of his army of 15,000 against
the rebels, but on the latter retreating, the Queen, far
from being animated with the warlike spirit which
marked her subsequent career, did not encourage her
364
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
consort to follow up his success by the pursuit of the
insurgents. Yielding rather to feminine weakness, or
fear, she entreated that the King would not place
himself in personal peril, but resign to his lieutenants
this easy victory.
The prayers of Margaret prevailed, and Henry,
giving Sir Humphrey Stafford charge of his forces,
retired with the Queen to the castle of Kenilworth.
Surely in the midst of the troubles and difficulties
with which Queen Margaret had so lately been sur-
rounded, it can hardly be doubted, that she must have
greatly required the skill and experience of the several
nobles and statesmen of whose services she had, in so
brief a period, been deprived. Her indignation had
been excited by the cruel murder of the Duke of
Suffolk, whom she had vainly endeavoured to protect ;
and while deploring the loss of her earliest friend in
England (who had brought her hither, and had braved
with her the public enmity and hatred), how painful
must it have been to her to endure alone these trials !
Even more than Suffolk must the youthful Queen
have missed the talented Cardinal of Winchester,
whose skill and discernment had, for so many years,
been employed in the direction of political affairs. He
might indeed, like the helm, have guided safely the
tempest-tossed vessel in the late rebellion, during
which, it may even be believed that the saving hand
of a Gloucester would have been welcome !
At such a time as this, the return of the Duke of
Somerset was considered fortunate, and we are told
that the royal pair " hailed his arrival as a blessing."
Somerset was indeed the nearest relative of the King ;
and at this moment, when the court was beginning
to be distracted by the pretensions of the Duke of
York, it was hoped that the services and attachment
of one whose interests were allied to those of the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT. 365
crown, would successfully oppose the ambitious pro-
jects of that nobleman. By some historians, Somerset
has been considered as the only faithful minister of
Henry VI., who, by his care, watchfulness, and good
counsels, sought to deliver the kingdom from factions,
and preserve peace. The Duke of York, therefore,
justly anticipated the opposition he would raise to his
projects, and determined to excite against him the
hatred of the people and the envy of the nobility.
Certain it is, that the presence of Somerset was
attended with new troubles to the Queen. The people
immediately raised clamours against the Duke ; they
accused him of not having done his duty in Normandy,
and blamed him for the loss of that province, but
especially for his conduct at the siege of Caen. The
Commons, adopting these complaints, presented a peti-
tion to the King, praying that the conduct of Somerset
might be investigated, and that, in the meantime, he
should be sent to the Tower. Their request was 1451.
granted, for Henry was unwilling to offend the House
of Commons.* Upon receiving the news of the im-
prisonment of the Duke, the populace evinced such
transports of delight that they immediately attacked
and plundered his palace ; and in spite of the exertions
of the King's officers, they created such a tumult as
could not be appeased until one of the ringleaders
had been despatched.
At the breaking up of Parliament the Duke was
liberated, and placed in the same situation at court as
the Duke of Suffolk had occupied. He was created
Prime Minister, and the Queen showed him great
* This arrest of Somerset appears, according to some authors, to have
been by the advice of the lords of the King's council, for the safety of his
person, and to prevent his falling into the hands of his adversary ; besides,
that the power of the Lancastrian party was sufficiently strong to prevent
his being brought to trial. His imprisonment was only for fourteen
months. Paston Letters ; Rapin; Lingard ; Villaret; Daniel.
366 MABGAEET OF ANJOU.
favour, by which, it would appear, that she did
censure his conduct ; yet we are assured, by some
writers, that the Duke of Somerset justly deserved
the reproaches of his country for his treachery and
cowardice.*
The surprising success of the French in the recovery
of Normandy, prompted them to carry their arms into
Guienne. This province being much farther off than
the former, it was not in the power of the English to
afford it a better defence, had they even desired to do
so ; but it does not appear that they had the intention
of preserving this country. No army was dismissed
to the relief of the cities, which, one by one, sur-
rendered after making a faint resistance. Thus King
Charles became possessed of Bergerac, Geusac, Mont-
serrand, Chalais, St. Fois, and other cities; and the
conquests of the French continued uninterruptedly
until they obtained possession of the whole of this
province, excepting only Bayonne and Bourdeaux.
This last entered into treaty with the enemy, and
engaged to submit to King Charles should they not
be supported by succours from England before the
24th of October. At the expiration of that period no
army appeared, and this city, as well as all the other
towns in the duchy, were forced to open their gates to
the French.
The city of Bayonne, only, refused to acknowledge
the sovereignty of the French King, and to be included
in the treaty. An army was dismissed against it under
the command of the Count Dunois, who, obliging them
to capitulate, ended the war in that province where the
English had preserved their authority since the time
of Henry the Second, a period of three hundred years.f
* Pol. Vergil ; Paston Letters ; Villaret ; Baudier ; Daniel,
f Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Sandford ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ;
Hume ; Barante ; Anquetil ; Monstrelet.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 367
No sooner were the foreign wars over than the in-
testine divisions were renewed. The cession of Maine
and Anjou had rendered the people of England sus-
picious of treachery ; and when Normandy and Guienne
surrendered to the victorious arms of King Charles,
this nation bitterly complained of the government, and
of those whom they judged had had any share in
these misfortunes.
The practice about this period was adopted of
writing satirical verses on those individuals who, by
their political conduct, had become obnoxious to the
people. Some of these verses, written in April, 1451,
were intended for William Boothe, Bishop of Lichfield
and Coventry, or Chester, as the diocese was generally
called; on account of his taking part with the Duke of
Suffolk in the King's Council. The petition of the
Commons wTas, that Boothe and several others might
be removed from the royal presence for the rest of their
lives. They were charged with " misbehaving about
His Majesty's person," and elsewhere, leading to
neglect of law and non-observance of the peace of
the realm.*
The King only complied by banishing some of these
for one year. The offence of the Bishop was soon
overlooked, for in the following year, 1452, he was
translated to the see of York.
Reflections were made in some of the verses alluded
to, on the character of Boothe, and he was charged
with procuring his advancement, not by his knowledge
and talents, but by simony, usury, and the influence of
his family. The writer adds, " by simoni and usur bild
is thy bothe" and in another place, " breke up thy
botke." These and similar puns were the taste of the
age. In addressing Boothe the writer speaks of the
* See Appendix, p. 428.
368 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
fall of Rome, and warns him that a similar fate awaited
England if the existing abuses were not removed ; he
cites the proverb, that " The voice of the people is the
voice of God." Allusion is also made to De la Pole,
Duke of Suffolk, and the following pun made upon his
name : —
" The pool is so perilous for men to pass
" That few of the bank royal can escape."*
The nobility, while they reproached one another, all
united in blaming the Duke of Suffolk as the author of
their troubles. Queen Margaret was regarded as a
foreigner, and an enemy ; and her father and relatives
being engaged in advancing the interests of the French,
it was not expected that the Queen would very strenu-
ously oppose such measures as were favourable to them
in the Council-chamber, where she held the most un-
limited sway.f
It was not surprising that such an opinion should
have gained credit amongst the people, (who were
already blinded by their prejudices against the Queen,)
when we remember that the House of Anjou, and
especially one member of that House, the Count of
Maine, (who was uncle to Queen Margaret,) was always
in such high favour with King Charles. Rene also
had accompanied this prince to the siege of Rouen,
and was present at the taking of other cities.^ It is
certain that the observance of a neutrality on the part
of these princes would have been of the utmost service
to Queen Margaret.
Such indeed was the disaffection of the people to-
wards the Queen's government, that she found her-
self unable to adopt any measures against the Duke
of York, whose popularity increased. Doubtless the
* Bentley's Excerpt. Hist. ; Rot. Parl. f Hume.
£ Barante ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 369
people would have supported this Duke in any new
enterprise, and that he meditated some attempt against
the throne began to be apparent.*
It was privately whispered, at this time, that King
Henry was of weak capacity, and easily abused ; that
Queen Margaret was ambitious and malignant ; that
the Council did not seek the public good, but their
own ; and that, through these causes, France was lost :
finally, that God would not bless the possessions of the
usurper, Henry VI.
There seems to have been little doubt that the late
rebellion had been commenced through the instigation
of the Duke of York, whose object was to ascertain
the disposition of the people towards the House of
March ; but the death of the leader had prevented the
evidence being adduced which would have determined
the truth of this opinion. |
Great alarm began to prevail at court, as to the
projects of the Duke of York. He was suspected of
a design to bring over some Irish troops, doubtless
with rebellious intent ; and orders were therefore des-
patched to the sheriffs of Wales, Shropshire, and
Cheshire, to prevent the landing of the Duke upon
the coast ; and should he succeed in doing so, they
were commanded to refuse him lodging and entertain-
ment.:}: This precaution was not only unnecessary, but
ill judged, as it betrayed to the people that the c Durt
stood in awe of the Duke, and this, as leading them to
enquire the cause, would have been best concealed ; it
also served as a caution to the Duke to be on his
guard, and gave him a pretence to complain of
suspicions which, for the present at least, were, or
* Baker ; Rapin.
f Leland ; Hume ; Hist, of Shrewsbury.
I These instructions were particularly insisted on at Chester and Shrews-
bury.
VOL. i. B B
370 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
seemed to be, altogether without foundation.* Queen
Margaret appears also, in this procedure, to have
adopted a course widely different from her former
conduct, for she had even anticipated the designs of
the Duke, and had begun openly to oppose them.
Had she concealed her suspicions, she might have
betrayed him into some snare, or false step, which
would have been his ruin, or justified her measures
against him.f
Previous to the Duke of York's return from Ireland,
he had opened his views to his friends in a letter from
Dublin, in June 1450, addressed to the Earl of Salis-
bury, whose sister he had married. He began by
complaining of the deficiency of supplies from England,
owing to which he could not resist the rebels. He
continues, " my power cannot stretch to keep it in the
" King's obeisance, and verie necessity will compell me
" to come into England, to live there, upon my poor
" livelihood. For I had leave be dead than any in-
" convenience should fall thereunto by my default,"
&G. &C.
The Duke's intimation of leaving his command with-
out orders justly excited the displeasure of the court,
and caused alarm amongst the ministers. They con-
sequently determined to seize his person and prevent
his approach to King Henry.J
The conduct of the Duke, however, proved these
suspicions to be erroneous. He embarked for England
with only his own domestics, and, conscious that his
enemies had no proof to bring against him of a trea-
sonable nature, he boldly attempted to land on the
coast of Wales ; but finding an armed force at Beau-
maris, headed by Lord de Lyle, ready to oppose him,
he was compelled to proceed to another port, where
* Hume ; Leland.
t Rapin. j Hist, of Shrewsbury.
MABGAKET OP ANJOU. 371
he was more successful.* We are told that one of the
motives for this hasty return of the Duke from Ireland
was, that he feared, on hearing of the loss of Caen, that
he should be deprived of his large estates in that island,
which he inherited through the Mortimers from the
Lacys and De Burghs, which caused him to resolve, on
his immediate return to England, to attack the minis-
ters, and endeavour to place himself at the head of the
government.
While the Duke was passing through Northampton-
shire, in his way to London, he sent for William Tre-
sham, a lawyer, and the late Speaker of the House of
Commons, who had been very zealous in the prosecu-
tion of the Duke of Suffolk. Scarcely had Tresham
left his own house at Multon Park, near Northampton,
when he was intercepted and murdered by a band of
ruffians, 160 in number, armed with swords and spears,
belonging to Lord Grey of Ruthyn ; but how far this
nobleman sanctioned the act of his servants is not
known. It is probable that the life of Tresham was
taken in revenge for his late conduct in procuring the
death of Suffolk; and if not from private pique, it
must have been caused by the public animosity. It
may at least be called a sign of the lawlessness of that
period. The Duke proceeded on his way, and the
murderers of Tresham were outlawed.")"
The friends of the Duke were numerous, and they
had had frequent conferences together ; but, being un-
able to resolve upon any step without his assistance,
they had been anxiously expecting him. When the
Duke of York arrived in the capital they assembled
around him ; and as they must, from their wealth and
influence in the kingdom, have appeared a most formid-
able faction in the eyes of a young and inexperienced
* W. of Worcester ; Leland ; Rapin ; Henry,
f Hot. Parl. ; Lingard.
372 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Queen, who had been, from various circumstances,
deprived of almost all good counsel, and who unhappily
had lost the best inheritance of a sovereign — the love
of her people — it will not be amiss to introduce the
reader to a personal acquaintance with the House of
York, its alliances, and its friendships.
Richard, Duke of York derived his claim to the
£rown from his mother, (a descendant of the House of
Mortimer) who had married the Earl of Cambridge,
beheaded in the preceding reign ; he held, in right of
his father, the rank of first prince of the blood, which
•conferred a lustre on his title derived from his mother ;
for the family of Mortimer, although of high descent,
was equalled by others in the kingdom.* Being the
representative of three distinct successions, viz., those
of Cambridge, York, and Mortimer, the present Duke
became the inheritor of immense possessions. To
these were also united the estates of Clarence and
Ulster, and the patrimonial property of the House of
March.j
The Duke had obtained considerable influence
amongst the chief nobility by his marriage with Cecilia,
the daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland,
whose family was perhaps the most powerful ever
known in England. The individuals who composed
that family, although extremely wealthy, were not so
much distinguished by their opulence as by their pecu-
liar characters and intrinsic merits.
Of this " noble, ancient, and spreading family " of
the Earl of Westmoreland were the Bishop of Dur-
ham, the Lords Onsley, Latimer, Fauconbridge, and
Abergavenny, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick.
The two last were amongst the most distinguished of
the English nobility.
The Earl of Salisbury was the eldest son of Ralph
* Baker ; Hume. f Milles's Catalogue.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 373
Neville by his second marriage, and obtained his title
and estates by his union with the daughter of Monta-
cute, Earl of Salisbury, who died at Orleans. Richard
de Beauchamp, son of the Earl of Salisbury, also ob-
tained the title and inheritance of another ancient and
distinguished family, no less wealthy and powerful than
the former, by his marriage with the daughter* of
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who died while Governor
of France. Thus, the Earl of Westmoreland, his son,
and his grandson, were eminently distinguished by the
gifts of fortune, but even still more remains to be said
of their personal merits, f
Besides this family the Duke of York hai many
other adherents. Of these the chief were Mowbray,
Duke of Norfolk, (whose hereditary animosity towards
the House of Lancaster had induced him to attach
himself to the interests of York,) Courtney, Earl of
Devonshire, (son-in-law of the Duke of Somerset,) and
Edward Brooke, Baron of Cobham.J
Such a powerful combination amongst the principal
nobility could not but be formidable when the dis-
satisfaction of the people was so general.
At the time of the Duke of York's return from
Ireland the court was absent from the metropolis, upon 1451.
a progress in the western counties of England. The
King visited his castle of Kenilworth, and the city of
Coventry. He was joined by the Duke of Buckingham,
" who came by command of his sovereign, with a
" strong guard ; also he attended about the King's
" person with great costs and expenses. "§
The rebellion of Cade had satisfied the mind of the
* This lady was sister of Henry,, Earl of Warwick (after his father), and
the favourite of King Henry.
f Holinshed ; Milles's Catalogue ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Barante ; Hume ;
Lingard.
£ Holinshed ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard,
§ Rapin ; Issue Roll.
374
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
Duke as to the support he would be likely to obtain
from the people ; for, if such vast numbers were dis-
posed to support the pretensions of one who had
such slight claims to their notice, what might not
be expected when the true heir of the House
of March should step forward to demand their sup-
port?* The general discontent at the Queen's con-
duct, and that of her ministers, also warranted his
hopes, and encouraged him in the first steps of his
ambitious career.
This nobleman held a consultation with his friends
and adherents, with whom it was determined that the
Duke should retire into Wales, where he had many
partisans, and there secretly secure an army to support
his pretensions. f
1451. The Duke lost no time in executing his designs.
dinsLi When he had raised an army of 10,000 men in Wales,
he addressed, from his castle of Ludlow, a monitory
letter to the King, previously to his taking any steps
which might be construed into rebellion. He therein
complained, that during his stay in Ireland, he had
been calumniated to the King; and that certain per-
sons, set as spies, had been lying in wait in six several
places to seize him, with intent to convey him to
Conway Castle. Also, that his landing in England had
been opposed by the King's officers ; and that letters
had been despatched to Chester, Shrewsbury, and other
places, to prevent his reception. He also complained
of the malicious attempts of certain persons to indict
him for treason, to his great injury, and that of his
family, and "for all this, he required, that justice should
be done him." The Duke also complained of the
general disaffection to the ministry, and especially
* Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry.
t Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Lin-
gard.
MAEOAKET OF ANJOTJ. 375
towards the Duke of Somerset, whose conduct, he
prayed, might be inquired into, and satisfaction afforded
to the nation. He offered his assistance in the execu-
tion of this purpose ; and further complained, of
Somerset's restoration to favour without being sub-
jected to any examination.*
It was evident to the ministers that the Duke of
York sought to quarrel with them ; but, in the present
position of affairs, they dared not show him any resent-
ment. King Henry, in his reply to the Duke's letter,
alluded to the fact of the Duke having unlawfully
slain the Bishop of Chester, as one of the causes of the
frequent complaints against him ; also, that the rumours
of the ambitious sayings of the Duke had led the
court, although uncertain of their truth, to act on the
defensive, by placing troops to oppose his landing ; but
that the manner of the Duke's appearing, being un-
armed, had sufficiently evinced his loyalty ; and that
his reception by the King would have been different
had not the suddenness of his coming, without previous
notice, occasioned the servants of the crown to act on
their former orders. The King wrote also to this
effect, viz., that he had some time since resolved to
reform the government ; and that for this purpose he
intended to appoint certain counsellors of talent and
virtue, amongst whom the Duke should be included ;
that it required some deliberation before he could
bring to justice the traitors, of whom the Duke had
complained ; but that he would not permit them to go
unpunished, not even the Duke of Somerset. f
This moderate reply, which was altogether unex-
pected by the Duke of York, took from him every
pretence for rebellion ; yet he resolved that the King's
refusal to punish the ministers immediately should
* Hall ; Fabian ; Rapin ; Hume ; Phillips's Shrewsbury,
t Holinshed.
376 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
furnish him with a pretext for employing an army
already prepared; and that he would not be turned
from his purpose by a moderation which might be real,
or designed to deceive him.*
Thus it was that ambition stifled the dictates of
reason, and led on to civil warfare.
The Duke of York marched at the head of his new
army towards London ; but he had not proceeded far
before he learnt that the royal forces were prepared to
oppose him.
The Queen, who had anticipated his design, had
been more active than he expected. She had raised, in
the King's name, a body of troops, but without inform-
ing them for what purpose ; and thus, while the Duke
had retired into Wales, she had been engaged in pre-
paring an army to advance against him.j*
It was not the Duke's object to risk a battle yet,
without a better pretence to win the people to his side,
and to justify his rebellion. He well knew also that
the citizens of London were of themselves sufficiently
powerful to incline the balance in favour of either
party, and therefore he resolved to gain that city over
to his interests. On a sudden, therefore, he dtered his
course on hearing of the King's approach, although he
was not deficient in courage, or in experience 4 He
endeavoured, by a rapid march, to get before the
King, and expected on reaching the capital to be well
received there ; but, to his great disappointment, he
found the gates shut, the citizens being unwilling to
declare for him, while their King was so near at hand,
with a much larger army. The Duke of York was
therefore obliged to cross the Thames, at Kingston.
He encamped at Brent Heath, near Dartford, twelve
miles from London, whither the King followed him,
* Eapin ; PoL Vergil,
t Baker. * Eapin.
MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 377
and pitched his camp at a distance of four miles from
the insurgents. An engagement seemed inevitable ;
but the King dismissed the Bishops of Winchester and
Ely to demand the reason of the Duke of York
taking up arms ; and the latter finding it expedient,
at this juncture, to make his peace at court, for fear of
ruining his affairs by precipitation, alleged that it had
never been his intention to desert his sovereign ; but
that he only desired to remove from the Council certain
evil-disposed persons, of whom the Duke of Somerset
was the chief; and that he was willing to disband his
troops, if the King would consent to the imprisonment
of Somerset, so long as Parliament should decree.
King Henry's compliance with this request occa-
sioned no less surprise to the Duke than he had before
felt at his moderation, in the answer to his letter. He
knew that both the King and Queen were guided by
the advice of Somerset, whose interest it was to reject
these demands ; and for whose sake (as York wished
it to appear) the ministers did not hesitate to involve
the country in a civil war. The King not only en-
gaged to comply with the Duke's request, but imme-
diately caused the Duke of Somerset to be apprehended.
Then would York gladly have retracted his word ; but
he was thus compelled to disband his forces, which he
preferred doing to the risk of losing the favour of the
people.*
Upon this the Duke boldly appeared in court, with-
out taking any precautions for his own safety ; nay, he
even ventured, in the presence of the King, to accuse
the Duke of Somerset, with much vehemence, of
having sacrificed the interests of his country to his own
ambitious and sordid views. At this moment, whilst
he was boldly proclaiming his enemy to be a traitor,
* Sandford ; Baker ; MLQes's Catalogue ; Daniel ; Stow ; Pol.
Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Liiigard ; Birch's Illus. Persons of Great B
378 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
what was his astonishment when Somerset presented
himself before him, having been concealed behind the
hangings of the tent, and he, on his part, accused the
Duke of York of a conspiracy to dethrone his sove-
reign?
Greatly was the Duke of York dismayed at the
sudden and unexpected rencontre, yet, perceiving the
danger of his own situation, he did not lose his pre-
sence of mind ; he moderately complained of the want
of faith shown to him, and threw the odium of this
treachery upon the Duke of Somerset. Yet he was no
sooner dismissed the presence than he was apprehended
by the orders of King Henry ; who then proceeded to
London, the Duke of York, as his prisoner, riding
before him.*
Thus betrayed into the power of his enemies, the
Duke of York would most probably never have escaped
the effects of their resentment had they dared to pro-
ceed against him, but they feared the opposition and
hatred of the people, which had already often been
manifested, and they knew the Duke was too popular
to be unrevenged. Two other reasons also contributed
to preserve him ; first, a report that the Earl of March,
the eldest son of the Duke of York, was advancing at
the head of a powerful army to effect his release, and
it seemed probable that the troops lately disbanded
would unite with them. In addition to this, the deputies
of Guienne had sought succours of the King, promising
to reduce that province to his authority. The forces,
however, designed by King Henry for this war must
necessarily be employed at home, in the event of such
a civil contest as was likely to result upon the punish-
ment of the Duke of York, and thus would a fair
opportunity be lost for the recovery of Guienne.
* Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabian ;
Daniel ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Henry.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 379
A treaty of peace had been lately signed between 1451.
England and Scotland, to which both kingdoms had
been inclined, through the rebellions of the Douglas
family in the latter, besides the agitated state of the
Borderers, and the dissensions amongst the English
people. The ambassadors of the two kings met in the
church of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle, on the 14th of
August, 1451, when the peace was concluded.*
Queen Margaret, alarmed at the report of the ap-
proach of the Earl of March towards London, in her
anxiety to secure friends, visited Norwich and other
places, accompanied by Edmund of Hadham, and
Jasper of Hatfield, the King's half-brothers. The
Queen's familiarity and obliging address pleased the
gentry, and indeed she well knew how to conciliate
the affections of those whom she wished to gain over to
her interests. We are told that the people of Norwich
advanced 100 marks as a loan to their King, and the
aldermen presented the Queen with 60 marks, to
which the Commons added 40 more, and in return
obtained a general pardon for past offences, and the
grant of a new charter, on paying a fine of 20 marks, f
The King, being disturbed at this period by the
claims of the Duke of York, prudently sought, by all
possible means, to strengthen himself against him, and
to this end he created his two half-brothers, Edmund, 1452.
Earl of Richmond, and Jasper, Earl of Pembroke.
These were sons of Owen Tudor, who had married
Catherine, Queen Dowager of England, the King's
mother. After her death, Owen lost that respect
which had been shown him, and he was twice com-
* Mackenzie's Newcastle.
•)* They also advanced to the Queen the whole fee farm of the city for the
last year, being £121) 11s. 4d. This charter, dated the 17th of March, at West-
minster, was consented to in full parliament. — Hall; Holinshed; Baker ;
Paston Letters; Pol. Vergil; Stow; Rapin; Lingard; Henry; Parkin's
Norwich,
380 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
mitted to prison, from which he escaped. When his
sons had such high honours conferred upon them, the
Welshmen were flattered by the promotion of their
young countrymen, and continued ever after to adhere
faithfully to the House of Lancaster. The next year
(1453) King Henry knighted his two brothers.*
The Queen's stay at Norwich was but short, only
two days ; while there (as we learn from the letter of
Margaret Paston) " she sent for Elizabeth Clere, by
" Sharinborn, to come to her, and she dared not dis-
" obey her commandment, and came to her; and when
" she came into the Queen's presence, the Queen made
" right much of her, and desired her to have a hus-
" band ; and the Queen was right well pleased with
" her answer, and reporteth of her in the best wise,
u and saith, by her truth, she saw no gentlewoman,
" since she came into Norfolk, that she liked better
" than she doth her."f The cousin of Elizabeth, no
doubt, felt some satisfaction herself while she thus
narrated the interview with royalty.
This was by no means a solitary instance of the
Queen's address and condescension. Like the trou-
badour king, her father, she had a tinge of romance
in her character, and a genuine flow of feeling and
sympathy for the unfortunate, which, ever and anon,
was elicited by circumstances such as made her
acquainted with the wants of others, and their need
of her royal influence. This she exerted for the
benefit of her personal attendants and others, without
reserve. All those who were in interesting positions
of difficulty or distress, needing a friend to help them,
found that friend in their gifted sovereign. When
her personal eloquence was not available, her pen was
often employed to persuade, to urge, and to excite
* Stow ; Pennant's Wales. i Paston Letters.
MAEGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 381
those whom she addressed; to overcome their obstacles,
and to consent to the happiness of their relatives.
Her arguments, however, too often proved unavailing ;
a matter of 110 great surprise when we consider that
many of these letters, (which, through party ani-
mosity, were consigned to oblivion for a period of 400
years,) were written during the first ten years after
her marriage ; that unhappy period, when the clouds
gathered around her, when she became unpopular, and
the national discontents were followed by the loss of
her ministers, and open rebellion. It was during a
succession of terrible events, which might have appalled
any but a lion-hearted queen, like Margaret of Anjou,
(between the year 1445, when, as one of the brilliant
flowers of France, she came to England in all her
pride and beauty, and the year 1455, the date of the
first battle of St. Albans, two remarkable epochs, much
contrasted with each other;) that these interesting letters
were written.*
The pleasing condescensions of this queen were,
during this period, frequently elicited. It is agreeable to
find this new and charming phase in her character, and
should especially be dwelt upon at this, the commence-
ment of her eventful career. Her tastes resembled those
of her father. She exhibited great fondness for poetry
and music ; nay, she even inclined to the gentle arts.
Her courage and heroism were blended with gentleness
and sympathy for the unfortunate, especially in affairs
of the heart. These letters of the Queen are proof of
this ; and it is to be regretted that in the absence of
this testimony afforded by her correspondence, histo-
rians have been so apt to dwell on the belligerent
* These letters were discovered in 1860 at Emral, in Flintshire ; they
had been transcribed, in the same century that they were written, by one
John Edwards, of Kirkland. A daughter of this family married into that
of Puliston, of Emral, where the MS. volume of letters, seventy-five in
number, was found. — Letters of Queen Margaret, edited by Cecil Monro.
382 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
character which Queen Margaret was compelled to
assume in the subsequent Wars of the Roses. Thus
has the character of this Queen been traduced, and
her excellent qualities ignored ; even as in natural objects
it sometimes happens that the darkest shades are per-
mitted to become most prominent.
Queen Margaret, although conspicuous for the beauty
of her person, arid the richness of her attire, sought
by higher influences than these to gain the attachment
of those more immediately around her. She especially
invited the young ladies to visit her; put to them
questions about their lovers, and professed herself
gratified by their answers. Never was the course of
true love obstructed but Queen Margaret aroused her
energies to remove the cause, and set all right again ;
and this, whenever she perceived that any member of
her household, or their friends, required her support
to further their suit. Most earnestly and pleasingly
did the Queen act as mediatrix, and plead for the
lovers.
One of her letters, written when Suffolk was chief
minister, was addressed to Eobert Kent, supposed to
have been a " spiritual lawyer." She pleads for one
of her attendants thus : —
" By the Quene.
" Welbeloved, we grete, &c., and late you wite
" that our welbeloved servant, Thomas Shelford, whom
" for his vertues, and the agreable service that he
" hath don unto us herbefore, and in especial now late
" in the company of our cousin of Suffolk, we have
" taken into oure chambre, there to serve us abowte
" our personne, hath reported unto us, that for the
" good and vertuous demening that he hath herd of a
" gen til woman beyng in your governance, which was
" doghter to oon, Hall of Larkfeld, he desireth full
" hertly to do hir worship by wey of marriage, as he
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 383
" seith; wherfor, we desire and praye you hertly, that,
" setting apart all instances or labours, that have or
" shalbe made unto you for eny other personne what
" so ever he be, ye wol by all honest and leaful menes
" be welwilled unto the said marriage, entreting the
" said gentil woman unto the same, trusty ng to G odd's
" mercy e that it shalbe both for His worship, and
" availle in tyme to come. And if ye wol doo yor
" tendre diligence to perfourme this oure desire, ye
" shal therin deserve of us right good and especial
" thanke, and cause us to showe unto you therefore
" the more especial faver of oure good grace in tyme
" to come."
"Geven," &c.
It is worthy of remark, that Thomas Shelford, the
wooer, had never seen the lady, but had fallen in love
with her on hearsay of her virtues.
On another occasion, Queen Margaret requests of
the executors of Cardinal Beaufort, to assist " one
Frutes and Agnes Knoghton, poor creatures, and of
virtuous conversation, purposing to live under the
law of God, in the order of wedlock," that they may
be helped forward by means of the alms at the dis-
posal of these executors, " in their laudable intention."
This letter was written soon after the death of the
Cardinal, in 1447, who left by his will the residue of
his goods not disposed of, to be used for charitable
works, according to the discretion of the executors,
for the relief of poor religious houses, — " for marrying
poor maidens, and for the help of the poor and needy ;
and in such works of piety," he adds, "as they deem
will most tend to the health of his soul." The Queen,
in her letter, alludes to the last words of this clause,
and, on several occasions, applies to the same fund for
the relief of the indigent, in furtherance of the inten-
tions of her uncle, the Cardinal.
384 MARGABET OF ANJOTJ.
The influence of Queen Margaret was also exercised
in favour of one, Thomas Burneby, " sewer for our
mouth," who would fain unite himself to Jane, the well-
endowed widow of Sir Nicholas Carew, the lady having
seventeen manors in her own right, a circumstance not
overlooked by the suitor when he induced his royal
mistress to write for him. The Queen tells her, but
in vain, that Burneby loves her " for the womanly and
" virtuous governance that ye be renowned of," speaks
of his merits, and hopes that " at reverence of us the
" lady will be inclyning to his honest desire at this
"time."* The widow lady of thirty-six gave no heed
to the pleading of her youthful mistress, but married
Sir Robert Vere, brother of John, the twelfth Earl of
Oxford.!
At another time, Queen Margaret writes urging a
father to persuade his daughter to consent to the suit
of Thomas Fountairie, yeoman of the crown. Eliza-
beth Gascarick could not be prevailed upon to regard
most kindly the trusty yeoman, although the Queen
warrants his virtues and fidelity to both the King and
herself, and pleads his love and zeal for his fair lady.
The Queen then writes to William Gascarick the father,
to whom she says, " We pray right affectuously that,
" at reverence of us, since your daughter is in your
" rule and governance, as reason is, you will give your
" good consent, benevolence and friendship to induce
" and to excite your daughter to accept my said lord's
" servant and ours, to her husband, to the good con-
* This letter of the Queen was written from Eltham between 1447 and
1450. Burneby, the favoured "sewer of the mouth," was a legatee under
the will of Cardinal Beaufort. He steadily adhered to tho Lancastrians,
and accompanied the Queen in her flight to Scotland, in 1461.
f Her son by Sir Robert Vere became subsequently the fifteenth Earl of
Oxford. This lady became a second time a widow, and dwelt in the manor
of Haccombe, with right to do according to her pleasure, except that, while
she was permitted to enjoy the fruit, she was restricted from making "any
cyder thereof."
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 385
" elusion, and tender exploit of the said marriage, as
" our full trust is in you."
Quite useless, however, was the pleading of both
queen and father ; neither of them had any influence
over this lady, who is said to have married Henry
Booth, of Lincolnshire.
The prayers of the Queen were much disregarded
by all those to whom she addressed them.
One of these royal letters was directed to Edith
Bonham, the Abbess of Shaftesbury, respecting the
promotion of her chaplain, Michael Tergory. Mar-
garet doubtless esteemed him highly ; his merits
having been, indeed, well attested. After having
studied at several of the colleges at Oxford, he had
been one of the earliest rectors of the University
of Caen, founded by Henry VI. , in 1431. He was
Archdeacon of Barnstaple, in the diocese of Exeter,
in 1445, and then became the Queen's Chaplain.
Very earnestly did Queen Margaret write in his
favour from her residence at Fleshy, on the llth of
March, in 1447, the time when the Bishopric of Li-
sieux was vacant. To this see the King, as well as
the Queen, sought to promote him ; and it is said King
Henry entertained a special respect for him ; but
fruitless were the recommendations of Michael Ter-
gory, for Thomas Basin succeeded to the vacant see of
Lisieux.*
The same ill .success attended the application of
the Queen to the Master of St. Giles-in-the-Fields,
with whom she pleads for the admission into the leper-
house, of a young chorister " named Robert Uphome,
"aged only seventeen years, late chorister unto the
* The chaplain became, at length, Archbishop of Dublin, and died in
1471. He was buried in St. Patrick's Cathedral. Michael Tergory wns
called, by Anthony Wood " the ornament of the university." Another
author says of him, that he was a man of great wisdom and learning.
VOL. I. CO
386 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
"most reverende fadre in God our beal uncle the
" Cardinal, (whom God assoile,) at his college at Win-
" chester, who is now by Godd's visitation become
"lepour."
Margaret was not, however, to be deterred from her
good intentions, or her willingness to be of use to any
one, even to Lory, our cordwainer, who being fully
employed in fitting her Majesty, and other fair ladies,
her subjects, with shoes, the Queen writes to the Mayor
and Sheriffs of London, and prays, that, " at such
" tymes as we shall have nede of his crafte, and send
" for hym, that he may not appere, and attend in
" enquests, (jurys^) in the Cite of London, that he
" may not be empannelled, but therein sparing hym at
" reverence of us," &c., &c.* This prayer was pro-
bably unheeded also.
The testimony of the Queen was even given to the
" famous and clean living of her clerks," in the hope of
gaining preferment for them, which she urgently be-
sought of some persons, who, had they been willing,
could have granted her request. Nay, she could not,
without difficulty, obtain for a lay servant even a poor
servile appointment. All this disloyalty and indiffer-
ence to the Queen's authority exhibit the aspect of
the times, and betoken a season approaching of con-
flicts and rebellion.
In the correspondence of Queen Margaret no men-
tion is made of her personal trials nor her difficulties.
Her letters f are not on affairs of state, nor at all poli-
tical. In some of them she speaks of the money owing
to her ; also of her wishes to be exempted from the
dues of the customs on her imported finery ; while in
* This letter was written soon after the Queen's marriage. The cord,
wainers had only lately been incorporated.
t Many of tie Queen's letters were dated from Windsor, and from
Fleshy, a few rom Eltham. The dates of the remainder have not been
preserved.
MARGAKET OP ANJOTJ. 387
others she writes about her parks, the care of her deer,
and of her bloodhounds.
One of these was addressed to the " Parker of Ware,"
and from this letter it would appear that when it was
written the Queen was on terms of friendship with
the Earl of Salisbury,* and that the condescension
was mutual. This earl, although favouring in secret
the Duke of York, did not openly espouse his cause
until the year 1455. It was probably soon after the
marriage of Margaret, and the assignment of her dower,
(in which the castle of Hertford was included,) that she
wrote as follows : —
" By the Queen,
" Wei beloved, for as much as we knowe
' verrily that oure cousin, therl of Salisbury, wol be
;' right well content and pleased that, at our resorting
u unto our castell of Hertford, we take our disporte
" and recreation in his parke of Ware ; we embedding
' us therof, desire arid pray you that the game there
;' be spared, kepte and cherished for the same entent,
' without suffering eny other personne there to hunte,
" or have shet (shot or shooting) cource, or other
u disporte, in destroing or amentissment (diminution)
:' of the game above-said, until (such) tyme (as) ye
'l have other commandment from our said cousin in
:' that behalf. As we trust you," &c.f
The number of Queen Margaret's letters dated from
Fleshy, in Essex (which castle formed part of her
dower, with the manor belonging thereto), leads to the
conjecture that this was a favourite residence to which
the Queen resorted for seclusion.;):
* The father of the Earl of Warwick.
t Letters of Queen Margaret, edited by Cecil Monro.
J Fleshy was formerly called " Castell de Placeto," and was the abode
for centuries of the lords high constables of England. The village, eight
miles from Chelmsford, is now only distinguished by its ancient castle.
There is, however, one space of ground, on which are some fine trees
c c 2
388 MARGAEET OF ANJOTT.
1452. A Council was called to meet at Westminster,* for
the purpose of hearing the accusations of the two
Dukes, who mutually charged each other with many
crimes and offences. Somerset, strongly suspecting
the part which Richard, Duke of York, shortly after
adopted, earnestly entreated the ministers to compel
his adversary to acknowledge his purpose ; and, after
having thus convicted him of treason, to execute jus-
tice on him, and on his children ; intending by the
destruction of the Duke, and his heirs, to suppress re-
bellion amongst the people, and to restore peace to the
kingdom. The certainty that York not only aimed at
his own life, but also at that of the king, and that he
aspired to the crown, caused Somerset to become vehe-
ment in his solicitations, and he even prayed that God
would not permit this enemy of his king and country
long to escape the hand of justice. f
Had the advice of Somerset been followed, the Duke
of York would have been tried and executed ; but the
merciful Henry shrunk from the idea of shedding the
blood of a cousin : his own word had been pledged for
his safety, also the public faith was engaged ; and the
Duke's death at this time would have seemed rather the
gratification of the revenge of Somerset than effected to
secure the peace of the country .J Many things were
in the Duke's favour, and seemed to set forth his inno-
cence ; of these were, first, his coming voluntarily to
the King, unsupported by his followers ; and, secondly,
his humble submission, and reasonable demands for
himself and for the people ; which argued that he did
not aspire to the crown.
situated between the rampart, called " the mounds," and the church, which
still retains the name of " the Queen's garden."
* This council was adjourned from Westminster to Reading, on account of
the plague.
t Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Mag. Britannica.
£ Sandford ; Lingard.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 389
After deliberating on these points, Queen Margaret
and her ministers determined to release the Duke,
although the private interests of the House of Lan-
caster demanded the sacrifice of his life ; indeed it is
not improbable that the subsequent misfortunes inci-
dental to this reign might have been prevented, had
this nobleman been punished for his first revolt. * To
secure themselves as much as possible from any future
designs on the part of the Duke of York, the Queen
and her Council compelled him to take an oath " never
again to appear in arms against his sovereign, but to
be his faithful and obedient subject throughout life."
This oath was taken in St. Paul's Cathedral, in the
presence of the King, the Bishop of Winchester, and
most of the nobility ; it was also taken at Westminster,
Coventry, and other places. After all this, the Duke
was liberated, and retired to his castle of Wigmore.f
Somerset, now without a rival, continued in high
favour at court. £
At this time it was resolved to make an effort for 1452-
the recovery of Guienne. The people of this province p»ston'
had only submitted to the King of France because the
English had neglected to send them relief; and, as
they yielded so unwillingly, it was not surprising that
they should endeavour to free themselves from the
yoke. The French army had no sooner quitted that
province, than the inhabitants of Bourdeaux, with the
principal lords of Guienne, determined to revolt to
their former governors, provided that they would assist
them ; and they dismissed some ambassadors to London
to represent their case.
This seemed a flattering prospect to the English for
* Rapin.
t Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Lond.
Chron. ; Lingard ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Birch's Illust. Persons of
Great Britain.
J Pol. Vergil.
390
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
regaining their lost authority ; and the Queen and the
ministers still hoped to retrieve their credit with the
people by the success of this enterprise.
Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, (one of England's
most courageous generals,) was dismissed to France,
with an army of 7,000 men, to reconquer this province.
This general, although about eighty years of age,
engaged with the utmost alacrity in this expedition, for
his country's honour. He speedily embarked with his
troops, having assurances of further supplies to be sent
after him ; and, on his arrival on the Continent, lost no
time in prosecuting the war. The day after he landed
he entered the city of Bourdeaux, one of the gates
being opened to him by the citizens who commanded
it; and so unexpected was this blow to the French
garrisons, that they could not even effect their escape.
The Earl of Shrewsbury quickly regained several of
the towns of Guienne ; but the approach of winter
put a stop to his conquests at a time when he was in
a fair way for recovering the whole of this province.
The following spring, the King of France, (who had
been engaged in punishing an offence offered him by
the Dauphin,) sent two of his generals, with an army
of 10,000 men, to oppose the English. The Earl of
Clermont followed with the rest of the French troops.
Chaloin and Chastillon were besieged, and vigorously
defended by their garrisons. The French, through
fear of the Earl of Shrewsbury, whose long experience
and courage they well knew, adopted some expedients
to which they seldom had recourse.
Lord Talbot considering that should the Earl of
Clermont unite his forces with those of the generals
who preceded him, their numbers would so far exceed
his own that a defeat would be inevitable, determined
to prevent this by a bold attack. He drew out all his
army, and leaving Bourdeaux, presented himself before
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 391
the enemy's camp. Here he fell upon them with a
force and energy which had only been witnessed upon
the field of Agincourt, or in similar battles. At first,
the French were repulsed and driven to their camp,
when, the English pressing on to complete their victory,
they were attacked in their rear and compelled to halt
by a troop of the enemy's horse ; this gave the French
an opportunity to recover themselves, and turned the
fate of the battle.
The brave Lord Talbot was wounded in the thigh,
and his horse killed under him. Turning to his son
who fought by his side, this nobleman exclaimed, —
"Leave me, my son, our enemies have gained the
day ; there be no shame to you in flying, for it is thy
first battle ; " but the young man thought riot of any
future services he might render to his country, and
disdained an ignoble flight, preferring to lose his life
along with his respected parent, and he was soon after
slain. Lord Talbot was so disfigured by his wounds
that his body, when borne from the field of battle,
could not be recognised, and even an English herald,
who came to seek him, hesitated on being shown the
corpse ; but at last he identified him by putting his
finger in his mouth, and ascertaining by the defi-
ciency of a tooth ; then, indeed, the faithful servant
yielded to an excess of grief. Upon the death of their
general, the English were overpowered by numbers,
and completely routed. They are said to have lost
2,000 men; but the death of the noble veteran, whose
valour and skill supported their hope, was much more
deplored. Lord Talbot had been twenty years in
the King's service abroad, and had been rewarded by
many signal honours. He was buried at Rouen, but
his remains were afterwards removed to Whitchurch
in Shropshire.
To complete the successes of the French, the Ear1
392 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
of Clermont arrived after the battle. Bourdeaux and
all the other English cities were successively besieged,
and surrendered, until the whole province fell again
into the hands of King Charles, and the English were
driven out, never again to return.
The unfortunate termination of this war took from
the English every hope of the recovery of Guienne.
Calais and Guisnes now only remained in their posses-
sion of all that fair portion of France which they had
once held.*
1453. In this year, 1453, King Henry, who was always
a weak monarch, and unable to hold the reins of
government, fell dangerously ill. His disease, (which
possibly he inherited from his maternal grandfather,
Charles VI. of France,) was a severe malady of the
brain, attended with total aberration of reason. So
much was the natural imbecility of King Henry in-
creased, that he could not even preserve the semblance
of his royal dignity. He was so much afflicted that
he appeared to be deranged, and was conveyed by the
Queen, by slow degrees, from Clarendon, where he was
staying, to Westminster.
The distressing condition of this monarch occasioned
the prorogation of Parliament, and the Duke of York
was recalled into the Cabinet, f Henry's acute sen-
sibility and tendency to fever of the brain, had been
too much disturbed and excited by the turmoil of the
late public events ; and under the difficulties he had
had to contend with, his mental and bodily powers alike
gave way, and left but little hope of his recovery.
The situation of Queen Margaret at this time, when
she was expecting to become a mother, must have
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Lend. Chron ; Speed ; Stow ; Monfaucon ;
Barante ; Rapin ; Andrew's Great Britain ; Henry ; Phillips's Shrews-
bury ; John Rons ; Pennant ; Monstrelet.
f Baker ; Sandf ord ; Stow ; Hume ; Lingard ; Hallam ; W. of Wor-
cester.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 393
been most painful. The Duke of York was enjoying
the supreme authority. The people were still dis-
contented at the ineffectual attempts to recover their
foreign possessions, and they blamed their Queen and
her ministers, as if it were in their power to effect
impossibilities.
The grievances of the nation were much augmented
by the Duke of York, who, taking advantage of the
King's incapacity and of the people's dissatisfaction,
hastened to assert his title, which he was still more
than ever resolved to maintain, since the oath which
he had so lately taken was regarded by him only as
a political expedient, by which he had succeeded to
extricate himself from imminent peril.*
During the late war in Guienne, the Queen had lost
another of her best and earliest friends in Lord Talbot,
who had, with his lady, joined in the escort of his fair
sovereign, when she came from her native land to
espouse King Henry. This noble warrior, (who had
terminated his career in France like a hero,) was
no less the sincere friend of Margaret, the polite
courtier, and the enlightened peer of England.
Highly intellectual and of refined taste, he was
able to appreciate the talents and acquirements of his
royal mistress, and, gratified on beholding her fondness
for the arts, he presented to her a magnificent volume
of illuminated manuscript. |
In this gift to the Queen, his own taste, and acquaint-
ance with literature and the arts are also admirably dis-
played; and his dedicatory lines to Queen Margaret
bear satisfactory evidence of his admiration of her
abilities and accomplishments. He asks of her "to
explain to his lord, the Kino;, anything that may
appear difficult to understand in the book; for," he
* Hume ; Henry ; Rapin ; Monf aucon.
t This MS. is still preserved in the British Museum.
394 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
adds, "though you speak English so well, you have
not forgotten your French."
The illuminated title-page of this costly work ex-
hibits a stately hall, in which the Queen, seated beside
King Henry, and surrounded by their courtiers, is re-
ceiving from Lord Talbot his magnificent folio. In the
hall is represented a rich oriel behind the royal seat,
over which is a vaulted ceiling, groined, and painted
blue, with golden stars ; the long lancet-shaped win-
dows are rounded at the top. From pillar to pillar is
extended an arras of gold and colours, with the royal
arms in checkers, forming the back-ground of the
royal seat. The King and Queen are both arrayed in
regal costume ; the right hand of Margaret being locked
in Henry's hand. The Queen wears a royal crown upon
her head, from beneath which her pale golden-coloured
hair flows in graceful profusion over her back and
shoulders, and her pale purple mantle is fastened
around the bust with bands of gold and gems.
Her dress, beneath the mantle, is of furred cote-hardi.
Margaret appears thus portrayed in the youth and
beauty of her twentieth year, uniting the royal majesty
to her own genuine loveliness. In this highly-finished
picture Lord Talbot kneels before her with his offer-
ing; his faithful dog attending him. Queen Margaret's
emblem, the daisy flower, is abundantly scattered over
the title-page, also clustered round her armorial bear-
ings, and appears in every corner of the pages of this
valued manuscript. Another ornament is the Queen's
initial, a crowned M., around which is the garter with
its motto. A striking feature in the picture, and a novel
one, is the appearance of the Queen's ladies in their
newly adopted attire, viz., heart-shaped caps. They
were made of a roll wreathed with gold and gems,
and formed into a turban over a close caul of gold
cloth, or net, brought to a point, low in front, and
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 395
rising behind the head. King Henry's nobles are
crowded to the right of their sovereign, clothed in full
surtouts of whole colours, and trimmed with fur. They
have black caps, or their hair cut close to the head, the
custom prevalent in time of war, when the growth of
the hair was prevented by the pressure of the helmet.
The Earl of Shrewsbury has, in this unique work,
paid another compliment to the Queen, by portraying
Queen Olympias with her features, and arrayed in
her royal robes. The kirtle of the Queen of Mace-
donia is also powdered with the daisy flower. At
the close of this volume, an allegorical piece re-
presents the Queen and the chief ladies of her court
as the Virtues ; Margaret, having on her crown and
purple robe, is characterized as Faith, and King
Henry as Honour.
The death of Lord Talbot was felt as a national mis-
fortune, for the people had honoured him as the greatest
general of his time. His noble character, and literary
merits, had also gained him the high esteem of Queen
Margaret and her court, who especially deplored his
loss.
The ill success of the English army in France in-
creased the distress and gloom of this period, and the
clamorous Yorkists began to be regarded as enemies of
the King. Still heavier trials than these awaited the
Queen, who, in the spring of this year, had to mourn
the loss of her beloved and devoted mother, with whom,
in her early years, she had shared in difficulties and
dangers, and learned the lessons of adversity."*
Isabella of Lorraine died on the 28th of February,
1453, after a lingering and painful illness, in which
she received the soothing care and attentions of her
eldest daughter Yolande, and her husband, Ferri de
* Queen Margaret's mourning- weeds were blue, perhaps of that dark,
deep shade called French black.
396 MAKGABET OF ANJOTJ.
Vaudemont. Queen Margaret, although not able to
share these duties, was deeply afflicted, and sym-
pathized in the grief of Rene, who for a time appeared
inconsolable.
If it be true that highly gifted intellects are apt to
grasp at the probable future, and to guide their actions
thereby, we may suppose that Queen Margaret, ob-
serving the passing clouds which oft overshadowed the
reasoning faculties of her husband, formed some anti-
cipation, that by a more heavy oppression he might be
visited. She felt the urgent need of judging and act-
ing for him when he was unable to decide on public
affairs which perplexed and excited him. She there-
fore adopted the course of leading him to pass his time
in peaceful occupations and amusements. Some have
blamed this prudence, saying these pursuits were
more suitable for a monk than for a king. Yet
the Queen evinced in this her gentleness and affec-
tion for her consort no less than the correctness of
her judgment.
It was during this unhappy position of affairs that
Queen Margaret gave birth to her only child, Prince
Edward. This summer the Queen had been residing
at the Palace of Westminster, and here it was that
her son, the heir of King Henry's now disputed throne,
first saw the light, on the 13th of October, (St. Ed-
ward's day,) in 1453. The Queen was attended by
the Duchess of Somerset, to whom she was much
attached.
The nation rejoiced greatly at the birth of their
prince. The little infant was baptized in Westminster
Abbey, the ceremony being performed, with great
splendour, by the pious William Waynfleet, Bishop of
Winchester,* who was King Henry's most beloved
* This prelate immediately afterwards confirmed tlie infant prince, ac-
cording to the Roman Catholic rites.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 397
friend and counsellor ; and the Duke of Somerset, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duchess of Buck-
ingham were the sponsors. The font was arrayed in
russet cloth of gold, and surrounded by a blaze of
tapers. The " Crysome " or king's mantle, in which
the royal babe was received after his immersion, with
other accessories, cost the sum of £554 16s. Sd. This
mantle was very rich with embroidery of pearls and
precious stones, and was lined with a fine white linen
wrapper, to prevent the brocade and gems from
coming in contact with the delicate skin of the new-
born prince.*
On the 18th of November the ceremony of the
churching of the Queen took place at the Palace of
Westminster, a writ of summons under the privy seal
having been issued to command the attendance of
ladies of the highest rank in England. On this oc-
casion were present ten duchesses, eight countesses,
one viscountess, and sixteen baronesses.")"
King Henry was still suffering under his severe
mental malady, and in such a state of aberration of
mind that he could not notice his little son. The con-
dition of the King, at this time, is portrayed in an
interesting passage in a letter addressed to the Duke
of Norfolk, as follows : — " As touchyng tythynges,
" please it you to wite, that at the Princes comyng to
'* Wyndesore* the Duke of Buk' toke hym in his armes,
" and presented hym to the Kyng in godely wise, be-
" sechyng the Kyng to blisse him; and the Kyng gave
" no maner answere. Natheles the Duk abode stille
" wit the Prince by the Kyng ; and whan he coude
" no maner answere have, the Queene come in, and
" toke the Prince in hir armes, and presented hym in
* Issue Rolls ; Fabian ; Milles's Catalog-lie.
f Five hundred and forty "brown sable backs" adorned the Queen's
eHurching-robe. See Appendix, p. 435.
398 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
" like fourme as the Duke had done, desiryng that he
" shuld blisse it ; but alle their labour was in veyne,
" for they departed thens witout out any answere or
" countenaunce, sauyng onely that ones he loked on
" the Prince, and caste downe his eyene agen witout
" any more."*
Previous to the birth of her son, the King had pre-
sented Queen Margaret with a token of regard, viz., a
jewel, called a demy ceynt, bought by him of his
jeweller, John Wynne of the city of London, and as he
says, " delyverede by oure commandment unto oure
" moost dere and moost entierly belovede wyf, the
" quene." f
The royal infant had received from his mother the
name of Edward, a name much dearer to the country
than that of his father and grandfather. The choice of
this name showed the wisdom and policy of Queen
Margaret; still seeking, if it were possible, to ingra-
tiate herself with the people. The little Prince was
carried to Windsor, and there, on Pentecost Sunday,
1454, he was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn-
wall, and Earl of Chester, in the presence of the Queen,
the Chancellor, the Duke of Buckingham, and many
lords. To these titles were afterwards added the castle
and lordship of Buelt and Montgomery; which, it would
appear, belonged to this prince by right, but had been
omitted in his former patent, through thl interference
oftheDukeofYork.J
It may be presumed by the provision made at this
period in favour of the young Prince that the recovery
of the King was hopeless. What a season of anxiety
* Egerton MSS.
t As long after as the year 145G, the King writes from the castle of
Eccleshall to command payment of 2001. for the above gift.
t These creations are placed by some Of our historians in the year 1457,
three years later ; but a letter in the Paston Collection proves this to be
erroneous.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 399
for the unfortunate Queen ! We are told, indeed, that
her child awakened in his mother's breast the fondest
affection, but it was united to the. deepest anxiety;
and truly, it was his destiny to cause her many griefs.*
From his infancy, however, this prince gave presage
of a most excellent disposition, which, in after years,
was confirmed, and, as he arrived at years of discre-
tion, he advanced in amiability and virtue.
The birth of Prince Edward gave rise immediately
to some very unjust and unfavourable reports, in which
the malice of the Queen's enemies was but too appa-
rent. Some individuals boldly asserted that this child
was not the King's son. Others, while they main-
tained this opinion, and called him supposititious,
acknowledged that they had no other foundation for
their opinion than the improbability of the Queen
having a son, after having passed nine years of her
wedded life without having any children, f
The legitimacy of the Prince was, however, soon
established by the concurrent voice of the people ; and
while these remarks were circulated by the enemies of
Queen Margaret, to the injury of her reputation,
others, more liberally disposed, who questioned not the
honour or virtue of their Queen, regarded the birth of
her child as auspicious of better fortune ; hoping, that
having a son and heir, Queen Margaret would feel a
more lively interest in the welfare of the nation. She
had, in fact, become the object of popular dislike, if not
of hatred, throughout the kingdom, and was universally
considered as too well affected towards France.^ Had
this last imputation been true, it is most certain that
Queen Margaret must have incurred the penalty of her
* Sandford ; Toplis ; Milles's Catalogue; Paston Letters; Nugas'An-
tiquae ; Stow ; Fabian ; Howel's Med. Hist. Ang. ; Pol. Vergil ; Hallam ;
Hume ; Birch's Illust. ; Ormerod's Chester.
*h Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry.
J Rapin ; Lingard.
400 MABGABET OF ANJOTJ.
deviation from rectitude ; for the war with France was
no sooner over than the active and discontented spirit
of the English nobility broke out in a long and bloody
civil contest, and all that courage and energy, (which
had formerly gained them the brightest laurels in a
foreign land,) were productive only of the most perni-
cious results, when employed in desolating their own
country to gratify their personal resentments. * Had
the birth of the Prince of Wales happened earlier, it
might have contributed, perhaps, to cairn the public
mind ; which by this time had been prepared, by the
insinuations of the Yorkists, to receive the Duke of
York, if not as their king at this period, at least to
acknowledge him as Henry's successor. This hope
was destroyed by the inopportune claimant, the infant
Edward, and Queen Margaret's enemies industriously
circulated doubts of the legitimacy of her child, assail-
ing her with calumnies which could not fail to be
impressed on the minds of the people, who were so ill-
disposed towards her.|
During the late events Richard, Duke of York, was
staying in the city of York. It was reported that
Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, was also there
covertly, and the writer (a Lancastrian) adds, " God
send him good counsel hereafter."
The Duke of York remained in that city until after
the feast of Corpus Christi. He paid great attention
to the religious solemnities, which gratified the people,
and gained him much popularity.
The characteristics of this Duke had been displayed
both in Ireland and in France, viz., his valour and
ability, his prudent conduct and mild disposition ; and
these had gained him many friends. He was, besides,
extremely cautious, and even betrayed some fear in his
* Holinshed. t Fabian.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 401
subsequent proceedings against the King.* Had not
the death of Gloucester paved the way for the ambi-
tious schemes of York, it seems probable that the latter
would never have asserted his right to the crown ; and,
having now done so, he encountered so many obsta-
cles, that he might have been diverted from his pur-
pose, had not the general discontent of the people
encouraged him to proceed.
The repeated indisposition of the King had caused
great vacillation in the minds of the people, for although
they respected their sovereign, and were attached to
him for his meek and amiable disposition, they could
not but acknowledge that he was only the shadow of
a king ; and that he lent his name to anything pro-
posed to him by the Queen and her ministers. These 1453.
ministers, by the bad use they made of their autho- Eapm'
rity, had lost their influence and respect with the
people, who loudly complained of Somerset's choice
of men devoid of principle and talent, to fill the offices
of state, and even the Council-chamber. They went
so far as to suspect him of a design to suppress religion
and morality altogether, and of not allowing the
correction of the abuses and disorders of the country.")"
The loss of France had irritated the people, and while
the King was thought to be incapable of retrieving the
honour of the nation, the Queen was considered too
zealous for the interests of the French, and ambitious
of monopolizing all power ; finally, that Somerset was
a greedy minister, eager to enrich himself at the public
expense.
Such was the condition of the public mind at this
period. No wonder that they should listen to the
claims of York, and that the birth of the Prince, by
depriving this Duke of his right as heir apparent,
* Paston Letters ; Hume,
f Rapin.
VOL. I. D D
402
MARGAEET OF ANJOTT.
should increase the irritation of all parties, and ex-
clude every hope of his peaceable succession to the
throne.*
The Duke of York perceived the advantage he
derived from the disposition of the people, and resolved
to insinuate himself into their affections, under the
plea of redressing their grievances, by obliging the
King to appoint more competent ministers. He was
convinced that could he succeed in excluding his
enemies from the Cabinet, he should be enabled to
establish his own friends there, and eventually
triumph.
Many of the nobility were predisposed to any new
arrangement, through their dislike to the ministry.
The Duke, therefore, to effect his purpose, engaged
several lords in his interest, under pretence of driving
the Duke of Somerset away from court ; for he was
envied and hated by all. He next stirred up the people
against his rival, and tried to lessen the credit of his
sovereign, by reminding the people of his incapacity
to govern.f
The unfortunate Henry was indeed totally unfitted
by his illness to assume even the semblance of regal
power. He lay senseless, and was unable either to
walk or to stand. Yet the hope of his recovery sus-
tained the Queen in this trying hour whilst absorbed
in maternal cares, and in watchful anxiety over the
afflicting malady of her husband. Amidst the political
changes of this period Margaret took no part. She
would not risk the safety of her child by any attempt
to seize the reins of government, but she acted with
prudence and dignity. She maintained her state as
Queen, held courts and audiences, but having no
longer the King's authority to support her, she was
* Monfaucon ; Hume ; Rapin.
f Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOTJ. 403
compelled to yield to the torrent, and to suffer her
enemies to govern as they pleased.*
A graphic and interesting account has been afforded
us in a letter from the peri of a Yorkist. He speaks
of party gatherings about this time, and of individual
movements ; unconnectedly he speaks of both factions ;
it is, as it were, the history of one eventful year (1454) U54-
preceding the commencement of the civil wars. Anxiety
for personal safety, or alarm for the public weal, seems
to be, on every heart, portrayed. It would be difficult
to fix the date to each of these particulars, but as a
whole they exhibit a period symptomatic of the com-
ing troubles, and show the misrule of the Yorkists
and the confusion of the Lancastrians.
The purport of this letter is as follows : —
" At the beginning of the year 1454, we find the
11 Duke of Buckingham giving orders for 2,000 bands
" or scarfs, distinguished by the Stafford knot ; men
;< were at a loss to know for what purpose." f
61 The Cardinal had commanded all his servants
"to be prepared with all such habiliments of war as
;< they knew how to use, in the defence of his person." J
" The Earl of Wiltshire and Lord Bon vile have
" made known, in Taunton, in Somersetshire, that
" every man who will join them, and serve them,
" shall have provision daily so long as they abide with
" them. The Duke of Exeter hath been to Tuxforth,
" near Doncaster, in the north country, and there Lord
" Egremond met him, and those two were sworn to-
" gether ; and the Duke is come home again."
" The Earl of Wiltshire, the Lord Beaumont,
* Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Eapin ; Hume ; Henry.
f Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was a firm Lancastrian, and
in attendance on both King- and Queen.
J Cardinal Kemp was of great age, and the burden of his charge of
affairs in Church and State too heavy. His active measures in favour of
the Queen might have caused him to fear an attack on his life.
» D 2
404
MAKGABET OF ANJOTJ.
" Panynges, Clyfford, Egremond, and Bonvile, are get-
u ting all the forces they can to come hither with them."
" Tresham, Joseph, Daniel, and Trevilian, have
" made a bill to the Lords, desiring to have a garrison
" kept at Windsor for the safeguard of the King and
" Prince, and that they may have money for wages of
" them, and other, that shall keep the garrison. Thorp
" of the Exchequer, articulethe fast against the Duke
*' of York, but what his articles were is unknown. The
u Duke of Somerset's herbergeour hath taken up all
" the lodgings that might be had near the Tower, in
" Thames Street, Mark Lane, St. Katherine's, Tower
" Hill, and thereabout."
" The Queen has made a bill of five articles, which
" she desires to be granted her. First, that she desires
" to have the whole rule of this land ; the second, that
" she may appoint the Chancellor, Treasurer, Privy
" Seal, and all other officers of this land, with sheriffs,
" and all other officers that the King should make ;
" the third is, that she may give all the bishoprics of
" this land, and all other benefices belonging to the
" King's gift ; the fourth is, that she may have suffi-
" cient livelihood assigned her for the King, the Prince,
" and herself; the fifth article was omitted."
In continuance, the writer describes the corning, on
the 25th January, of the Duke of York to London,
with his friends, Salisbury, Warwick, the Earls of
March, Richmond, and Pembroke, each one of them
with a formidable array of armed retainers. Next, he
adds ; — " Every one who is of the opinion of the Duke
" of Somerset makes himself ready to be as strong as
" he can make him."
Then follows a caution to York to watch and be-
ware of the snares of his enemies ; for, he adds, " the
" Duke of Somerset has spies going in every lord's
" house of this land ; some go as brothers, some as
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 400
" shipmen and otherwise, which make known to him
" all that they see or hear relating to the Duke ;
" therefore," he repeats, "beware and watch."*
According to the information conveyed in this
letter,f the Duke of York made his appearance in the
metropolis, accompanied by his most powerful adhe-
rents arid friends, each of them bringing a numerous
retinue. The Court took alarm ; and to prevent dis-
sensions and warfare, which they apprehended, the
Queen reluctantly consented to admit the Duke of
York, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, to the
Council.
The Parliament which had been summoned to meet
at Reading on the 12th of November, 1453, was, in
consequence of the King's illness, adjourned until the
llth of the February following,; and again until the
14th of the same month in 1454, when the meeting
was appointed to be held at Westminster.
Previous to the events of this year, 1454, York had
taken the resolution to remove the unfavourable im-
pressions inspired by his former conduct, by adopting
a mild and submissive course, at the same time seek-
ing to win the public favour. His willingness to dis-
band his troops, and his oath of fidelity to the King,
were, he well knew, likely to remove any suspicions of
his evil intentions. J
The King's malady was at its height in the year 1453,
and the government was then chiefly administered
by the aged Chancellor Kemp. It is true Queen
Margaret herself exercised the regal authority in the
* Egerton MSS.
f The object of the writer appears to have been to convey information
privately, which had been collected by several persons belonging to the
household of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, one of the lords of the York-
ists' party, that their master might be acquainted with the events passing
in London, and other places, before his arrival in the capital.
J Hapin.
406 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
name of her husband, but the counsels to which she
deferred were those of the Chancellor Kemp, and of
the Duke of Somerset.
The former had, as the Queen knew, formed one of
the Cabinet before her marriage to King Henry, whose
unlimited confidence he had enjoyed.
Queen Margaret, however, lost this acute and faith-
ful counsellor just when the political horizon of this
country began to be obscured, and the threatening
storm rendered his services more than ever necessary
to his royal mistress.
1454) In February, 1454, the Duke of York opened the
session in the name of the King, with the title of Lieu-
tenant.
The death of the Chancellor Kemp, who was also
Archbishop of Canterbury, occurred on the 24th of
March, at his palace, Lambeth. A deputation forthwith
waited on the King at Windsor, to convey the intelli-
gence, and to consult his royal pleasure in appointing
persons to fill these high offices; but, upon their re-
turn, they reported that although they had three times
earnestly solicited an interview, they could not obtain
it ; nor did they receive any other reply than that "the
King was sick."
This evidence of King Henry's inability to govern
was sufficient. The Duke of York was created " Pro-
tector " of the kingdom during the pleasure of the
King, or until the young Prince should arrive at years
of discretion. This Act also granted to the Duke, as
" Protector," a salary of 2,000 marks annually.*
The Duke and his two friends, Salisbury and
Warwick, had no sooner taken their seats in Par-
liament than they carried all before them. The
first act of Richard of York was to proceed boldly
* Milles's Catalogue ; Lond. Chron. ; Hume ; Hallam's Middle Ages
Henry ; Lingard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 407
against the Duke of Somerset, and to have him
arrested. This took place even in the Queen's
chamber, from whence he was hurried to the Tower,
where he was confined during the Christmas season.
An accusation was also laid against him in the House
of Peers, charging him with the loss of Caen. This
impeachment, however, was not prosecuted, no suffi-
cient evidence against him being adduced.
At this time the Duke of Norfolk distinguished him-
self as one of the enemies of Somerset; he rose in
the house and made an artful and eloquent harangue
against him, Somerset was deprived of his govern-
ment of Calais ; of which place, (always very important
in times of trouble as a refuge,) the Duke of York
took possession himself, for the period of seven
years.*
After these abrupt and decided measures of her
enemies, arid the disrespect shown to Queen Margaret,
in the seizure of Somerset in her chamber, it is highly
improbable that the articles, (alluded to in the pre-
ceding letter,) which she had drawn up, if presented at
all, would be listened to by the Lords. In like man-
ner, the petitions of her party must also have fallen to
the ground.
The proceedings of this session, so much under the
influence of the Protector, are difficult to trace. Many
lords absented themselves, and were compelled by
heavy fines to attend.
It was decided in the Parliament, held by the Duke 1454-
of York, on the 15th of March, 1454, that a medical
Commission should be appointed, of three physicians
and two surgeons, to watch the health of the King, and
to attend on him. Those who were chosen for this office
were John Arundell, John Faceby, and William
* Sandford ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Paston Letters ; Lond. Chron. ;
Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Bapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; Hume,
408
MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
Hatclyff,* physicians, with Robert Wareyn and John
March all, surgeons, who were empowered to act
according to their own discretion and the exigency of
the case.f
1454. At the meeting of Parliament on the 2nd of April,
the King's three Great Seals, one of gold and the
other two of silver, were brought in a wooden chest,
and delivered by the Duke of York to the newly
appointed Chancellor, Richard, Earl of Salisbury, who
from this time became, (the first so styled) Lord
Chancellor of England.
After conferring this distinction on his brother-in-
law, the Protector next favoured the succession of
Thomas Bouchier to the Archbishopric of Canterbury,
at the same time nominating William Gray, Bishop
of Ely in the room of Bouchier, the new Primate.
Five noblemen were also selected from the two
contending parties, to be intrusted with the custody
of the seals for seven years ; these were the Earls
of Shrewsbury, Worcester, Wiltshire, and Salisbury,
and the Lord Stourton.
During this period of the rule of the Yorkists,
the Commons, steadfast in the cause of the King,
vainly petitioned for the restoration of their Speaker,
Thomas Thorp, who had been thrown into prison
by the Duke of York.J The latter had, while in
chief authority, prepared in the palace of the Bishop
of Durham, habiliments of war ; and these arms had
been seized by Thorp at the command of the King,
upon which the Duke brought his action against
Thorp, and upon trial recovered 1,000/. damages ;
and the unfortunate Speaker was committed to the
Fleet prison in execution.
* One of the Foundation Fellows of Cambridge University, and chief
physician to the King.
f Nicholas's Acts of the Privy Council.
t Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rot. Parl. ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 409
The whole House pleaded for him, urging his pri-
vilege by common custom, time out of memory of
man, and " ever afore these times used in every of
the Parliaments of the King's noble progenitors."
The Duke of York, however, declared in the House
of Lords that Thorp, having been cast in an action of
trespass for carrying away his goods, lay now in prison
in execution, where he, (the Duke,) prayed that he
might remain. This had the force of a command, for
the Duke had great power ; and, therefore, while the
Commons, overlooking their grievances, appointed a
new Speaker, Thorp was detained in prison notwith-
standing his privilege, and was compelled to pay the
exorbitant damages required of him. He contrived
to escape to the King, but, being retaken, was sent
to Newgate, and afterwards to the Marshalsea. This
Baron Thorp was a faithful adherent of Henry VI. ,
and was especially employed by him, both in peace
and war, against the headstrong lords. He became thus
the inveterate enemy of the Duke of York, who was
much swayed from his usual disposition in procuring
from the Commons so unwarrantable a determination
against him ; but at this time the country was fast
verging on civil war.*
The Lancastrians had contrived to maintain the
rights of their King. They declared that the title of
" Protector" carried with it no authority, merely giving
to the Duke precedence in the Council, and the com-
mand of the army in time of war; that it might be
revoked at the King's pleasure, and should not affect
the rights of the young Prince of Wales, who had
been created Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester,
and, when of age, the Protectorate would devolve upon
him, should the illness of the King continue, f
* Baker ; Stow ; Hallam ; Townsend's House of Commons,
t Rymer ; Rot. Parl. ; Ling-aid.
410
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
During the imprisonment of the Duke of Somerset,
and the King's indisposition, Queen Margaret had
been compelled to yield to the rival power; but
Henry's malady was not permanent. He recovered
his health, and the use of his reason, about Christmas,
and was conveyed to London.
The interview between the Queen and this monarch,
upon his recovery, has been thus described in one of
the Paston Letters : —
" On the Monday afternoon the Queen came to him,
" and brought my Lord Prince with her ; and then he
" asked what the Prince's name was, and the Queen
" told him, Edward ; and then he held up his hand, and
" thanked God thereof. And he said, 'he never knew him
" till that time, nor wist not what was said to him, nor
" wist not where he had been, whilst he had been sick,
" till now;' and he asked, who were godfathers? and
" the Queen told him, and he was well apaid (content).
u And she told him that the Cardinal was dead ; and
" he said, he never knew thereof till that time ; and
" he said, one of the wisest lords in this land was dead.*
" And my Lord of Winchester,! and my Lord of Saint
" John's \ were with him on the morrow after Twelfth
" Day, and he spake to them as well as ever he did ;
" and when they came out, they wept for joy.
" And he saith, he is in charity with all the world ;
" and so he would all the lords were. And now he
" saith matins of Our Lady, and Evensong, and heareth
" his mass devoutly."
"Written at Greenwich, on Thursday after Twelfth-Day,
" By your Cousin,
" EDMUND CLERC."
" 10th January, 1455.
" 33 Henry VI."
* This was John Kemp, whom the King commended, f William Waynfleet.
J Robert Botill, lord prior of St. John of Jerusalem, in Middlesex.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 411
This brief and curious account of King Henry's
illness is interesting as coming from himself. His total
loss of memory, to which he alludes, commenced about
October llth, in 1453, and continued until Christmas,
1454. This letter also exhibits the King's true cha-
racter for charity, meekness, and discretion. The
writer of this epistle, who had some appointment at
court, was then staying at Greenwich, and had there-
fore good opportunity for observation.
No sooner was the King's health restored, than
Queen Margaret instigated him to revoke the Duke of
York's commission, and to resume his own proper
authority ; with which the King complied, at the same
time treating the Duke with his accustomed kindness.
Thus ended the " Protectorate." * The late inactivity
of the Queen had lulled the Duke of York into an
imaginary security. He did not expect to be thus
suddenly deprived of his newly -acquired power : his
affairs were not, however, sufficiently advanced to give
him authority to dispute this point, although it was
evident that the King's resumption of power was only
to intrust the government into the hands of the
Queen.
Margaret, on recovering her former influence, im-
mediately released the Duke of Somerset from the
Tower, the Duke of Buckingham offering bail for him,
together with the Earl of Wiltshire, and two other
knights ; but these were, a month after, freed from
their engagement. Somerset had been accused and
apprehended by orders of the Council, and it was
therefore considered that the King had no power to
release him without consulting that body; but no
regard was paid to this opinion ; and, without having
been submitted to any trial, the Duke took his seat in
* Sandford ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; Carte ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry ;
Milles's Catalogue.
412 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
the Cabinet, where the Queen, supported by this
favourite minister, regained her former importance,
and York and his party were no longer able to pre-
serve any authority.*
The enmity between the Dukes of York and
Somerset, upon this, rose to a great pitch, and some
of the more prudent of the members exerted their
interest to reconcile them ; nor did this appear imprac-
ticable, the object of both parties being to preserve the
good opinion of the people, which they could not hope
for should they suffer their ambitious motives to be-
come apparent. These noblemen consented to submit
to arbitration; and agreed that whichever refused to
yield to this decision should forfeit to his rival the sum
of 20,000 marks, and that the award should be given
before the 20th of June. Eight persons were chosen
as arbitrators, viz., the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of Ely, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earls of
Wiltshire and Worcester, Viscount Beaumont, and the
Lords Cromwell and Stourton. These all met at
Coventry, and held their controversy in the presence
of the King. It was represented, meanwhile, to this
monarch by the Duke of Somerset, that he had been
deprived of his government of Calais upon an accusa-
tion against him, which had not been proved ; and that
it was still detained from him unjustly by the Duke of
York.
With much earnestness did King Henry labour to
reconcile his two irascible subjects. He now took from
the Duke of York the government of Calais, and,
under pretence of maintaining a neutrality between the
parties, he declared that he would himself assume that
government; but this arrangement proved highly dis-
pleasing to the Duke of York, who immediately, with
feelings of deep resentment, retired from court.
* Stow ; Baker j Carte ; Lingard ; Henry.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 413
For his personal safety he went into Wales, but his
chief object was to prepare an army to enforce his
claims to a throne, which he found he could not obtain
by policy and address.* The Duke had become con-
vinced that nothing but force could displace his
enemies ; the Queen ' and Somerset having, through
their influence over the King, so much the advantage.
The friends of the Duke — Salisbury, Warwick, Lord
Cobham, and others, — soon joined him. They had
also arrived at the same conclusions, viz., that
remonstrances and public accusations were in-
effectual.
It was resolved, finally, that their disputes should be
settled by force of arms. An army was speedily levied,
and their pretext for this hostile movement was, the
release of the Duke of Somerset without legal autho-
rity ; a plea, they well knew, which would draw many to
their standard. From his castle of Ludlow, the Duke
of York addressed a letter, in February, 1455, to the ^4
bailiffs, burgesses, and commons of Shrewsbury, com-
plaining of the misconduct of the Duke of Somerset ;
and setting forth his intention, viz., to remove this
minister by force from the King's Council and person ;
and he further exhorted them to aid him in this
enterprise.
In the march of the Duke of York towards London
he was supported by the Earls of Salisbury and War-
wick, the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord Cobham, with all
their followers, amounting to 3,000 men.
On the side of the royalists were the Dukes of
Somerset and Buckingham, the Earls of Northumber-
land, Stafford, Dorset, Pembroke, and others, with an
army of 8,000 men,f with the King at their head.
* Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; Lingard ;
Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Phillips's Shrewsbury.
f Stow says more than 2,000.
414
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
These all encamped the night before their encounter
at Watford, and the following morning entered St.
Albans.*
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Sandf ord ; Carte ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ;
Howel ; Hume ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry.
APPENDIX
TO THE FIEST VOLUME.
(Rymer's Fcedera, voLxi.) A.D. 1444. 22 Henry VI.
For the Earl of Suffolk upon his scruples in the execution of the Embassy
entrusted to him.
The King to all, &c. : —
Know that, as we have commissioned our dearly beloved cousin,
William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Great Seneschall of our Household,
our Ambassador, and others in his suite in our kingdom of France, to our
Uncle and Adversary of France, upon certain matters touching Us, our
Kingdom, our dominions and the quiet of our subjects.
And as our cousin fears to exceed the bounds of his commission as
granted by Act of our Council under our own hand and Seal.
We, wishing to remove all occasion of fear and scruple from our afore-
said cousin, and all doubt in the execution of our laws and commands,
and every like feeling in the hearts of our subjects.
To all and every we wish to be known, in our great desire for peace,
the matrimony of our person, and the quiet and tranquillity of our faithful
English subjects, &c., &c.
Here follows a declaration exonerating the Ambassador and his heirs
for ever and ever from any consequences resulting from the discharge of
his embassy, and freeing him and his heirs from all molestation, or
demands on the part of the King, his heirs or successors.
Witness the King at Westminster,
Feb. 25.
Mandate for the Payment of Moneys for the expenses of the Queen's
journey into England.
Henri, by the grace of God, kyng of Englande and of Fraunce,
and lord of Irlande, to the tresorere and chamberlains of
cure Eschequier, greting,
We, by the advice of oure counsail, have maade certain advisamentz of
416 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
dispenses and coustages that by estinacione wolde suffise for the bringing
oute of our reaume of Fraunce unto oure presence of oure mooste beste
beloved wyf the quene, as by ij copies of the said advises, the whiche we
sende unto you closed withinne thees, it may appere unto you more at
plain. We wol therefore, by thadvis of oure saide counsail, and charge
you that yedeliver, by way of apprest, unto oure welbeloved servantz
Johne Breknoke and to Johne Everdone, clercs in oure householde, or
to the oon of theim, whom we have assigned to entende for and aboute
the said expenses, the sommes conteigned in the said cedules after the
tenour of theim, to paie the same sommes after the teneure of the said
advises.
Yevene undre oure Prive Seal, at Westminster, the xix day of Augst,
the yere of oure regne xxij.
BENET.
(The Second Schedule.)
Five barons and baronesses, each four shillings and sixpence the
day, and three esquires, each at twenty-three pence the day, two valets,
each at sixpence the day for ninety-one days.
The controuller at two shillings and sixpence the day, and one
esquire at eighteen pence the day, two valets each at sixpence the day,
for ninety-one days.
Thirteen knights, each at two shillings and sixpence the day, and six
valets, each at sixpence the day, for ninety-one days.
Forty-seven esquires, each at eighteen pence the day, and one valet,
each at sixpence the day, for ninety-one days.
Eighty-two valets, each at sixpence the day, for ninety-one days.
Twenty sumpterrnen and others, each at four pence the day, for ninety,
one days.
BENET.
On Safe Conduct to see the Coronation of the Queen.
The King, by his letters patent to remain in force the next half year,
doth take under his especial protection, safe keeping, and defence, for
safe and sure conduct, William Monypeny, Esqr., and Master Donald
Motmulon, Clerk, Scotsmen, and their sixteen servants, in their journey
in the Kingdom of the King of England, by land or by sea, by water, on
foot or on horseback, with their gold and silver in bars and wallets,
and all other goods whatever, on their coming to see the solemnity of the
Coronation of the Queen.
Here follows permission to come to any place within his Majesty's
dominions, Territories, and Jurisdiction, to abide and to go backwards and
forwards as often, and in what way they please, during the term of the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 417
Safe Conduct, without let, hindrance, or obstruction from the servants and
officers of the King.
Provided always, that they conduct themselves well and honestly
towards the King and his people, and that neither by word or deed they
say, or attempt anything that may tend to the prejudice of the King or
people — provided always, that they do not enter into any Castle, Fortress,
or fortified Town of the King, without shewing to the proper Authorities
the letters of Safe Conduct.
Witness the King at Westminster,
Dec. 5.
(Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI.
Concerning the ring with which the King was sacred on the day of his
Coronation at Paris, to be remade for the marriage of the Queen, and
of various presents,
Eight trusty and well-beloved,
For, as moch as oure Trusty and well beloved Squire John Merston,
Tresorier of oure Chamber and Keeper of our Jewels, hath by
oure special commandement delivered these jewelles under written ;
that is to say : —
A Eyng of Gold garnished with a fayr rubie, somtyme yeven unto us
by our Bel oncle the Cardinal of Englande, with the which we were
sacred in the day of our Coronation at Parys, delivered unto Matthew
Philip to Breke and thereof to make another ryng for the Queen's wed-
ding ring.
Here follows an enumeration of various articles of gold and jewellery
with their prices, presents from the King to various persons, on the New
Year's day previous.
A Tabulet of Gold with an Ymage of the Pite of Our Lord, Gar-
nished with Stones and Perle, bought of Matthew Philip, and yeven
unto oure bel oncle, the Due of Gloucester, by us on Neweyere's Day last
passed, price xc^fr.
A Cuppe of Golde covered and chased, bought of John Pattesley,
goldsmith of London, and yeven by us to oure bel oncle the Cardinale
of England, on the said Neweyere's Day, price xclib. vijs.
An Ouche of Gold Garnished with a Balys, a Saphyr, and a great
Perle, bought of the said Mathew, and yeven by us unto the Due of
Exeter on the said Neweyere's Day, price Ix I.
A Tabulet of Gold garnished with stones and perle, Bought of the said
John Pattesley, and Yeven by Us unto the Archebishop of Canterbury
on the said Neweyere's Day, price 1 lib.
A Tabulet of Gold with an Ymage of Our Lady, garnished with stonys
and perle, Bought of the said John, and Yeven by Us unto the Duchesse
of Buckingham on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxxiiH. vis. viijd.
An Ouche of Gold made in manner of a Gentil- woman, garnished with
stones and perle, bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto
the Earl of Warwick on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxx I.
VOL. i. BE
418 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
A Tabulet of Gold with an Ymage of St. Katerine, garnished with
stonys and perle. Bought of the same Mathew and Yeven unto the
Bishop of Sarum on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxvi/. xiiis.
and iiij d.
A Gipser of Gold, garnished with Rubies and perle, bought of the said
Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto cure Cousin, the Viscount Beaumont,
on the said Neweyere's Day, price xx I.
An Ouche of Gold made in manner of a pare, garnished with Stonys
and Perle, and bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by us unto the
Lord of Sydeley, on the sayd Neweyere's Day, price xx I.
An Ouche, garnished with a Balys, a Saphyr, and six Perles,
bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto Sir James Fenys,
Knight, on the same Neweyere's Day.
An Ouche of Gold made in manner of a Peche, garnished, bought of
the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto Sir John Beauchamp, Knight,
Steward of cur Howshold, on the same Neweyere's Day.
An Ouche of Gold and in the middes a Flour de Lyes, bought of the
said Mathew, and Yeven to Sir Roger Fenys, Knight, Tresorier of oure
household on the same Neweyere's Day.
And an Ouche of Gold garnished with a greet Perle, a Rubie, and a
Diamond playn, taken of the Stuff of our Jewelhows, and Yeven by Us
unto Rose Merston on the sayd Neweyere's Day.
We wol and Charge you, that, under our Prive Seal, being in your
Warde, ye do make oure Letters of Warrant sufficient and in due forme
unto oure said Squire for his discharge for the deliverance of the Jewelles
aforesaid, and theese our Letters shall be your Warrant.
Yeven under our Signet at our Castle of Wyndesore the xij day of
January the yere of oure Regne xxiii.
Dors.
To our Right Trusty and Well beloved Clerc, Maister Adam Moleyns,
Keper of oure Prive Sele.
Concerning the jewels prepared for the Coronation of the Queen, &c.} &c.
(Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI.
R.
To the Tresorer and Chamberleins, &c., Greting.
We Wol and Charge you that ye Deliver sufficient assignement of the
Half XVth Graunted unto Us by the Lay People of this oure Reaume
in this oure present Parlement of Four Thousand Marc, as for Monnoye
Lent unto Us in manere and fourme as foloweth ; that is for to sey,
Of Two Thousand Marc to Us into oure Chambre by the Handes of
John Merston, Keper of oure Jewells, for a Jewell of Saint George the
whiche we have Bought of oure trusty and welbeloved Knight, William
Estfeld.
And of the other Two Thousand Marc, for Two Thousand Marc the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 419
whiche oure said Knight hath lent nowe unto Us in Prest Money at the
Contemplacion of our moost best beloved Wief the Queene for hir com-
myng nowe unto oure Presence.
Yeven, &c., at Wyndesore the Sext Day of Aprill, the Yere, &c., xxiiL
E., &c.
To the Tresorer and Chamberleins of oure Eschequier Greting.
We Wol and Charge you that, for such things as oure right entierly
Welbeloved Wyf the Queene most necessaryly have for the Solempnitee
of hir Coronation, ye Deliver, of oure Tresour, unto oure trusty and wel-
beloved squier John Merston, Keper of oure Jewell, a Pusan of Golde,
called Ilkyngton Coler, Garnished with iv Eubees, iv greet Sapphurs,
xxxii greet Perles, and liii other Perles. And also a Pectoral of Golde
Garnished with Eubees, Perles, and Diamonds, and also with a greet
Owche Garnished with Diamondes, Eubees, and Perles, sometyme
bought of a March ant of Couleyn for the Price of Two Thousand Marc,
He as wel to Deliver the saide Pusan as the said Pectoral unto oure
saide Wyf of oure Guft.
Yeven, &c., at Southwyk the xviii Day of Aprill, the Yere, &c., xxiii.
(Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI.
Concerning the attendance of the Queen to England.
The King to all greeting : —
Be it known that we, in consideration of the great care, trouble, and
expense, which our trusty and faithful Secretary, Eichard Andrew, in
our business, as our Ambassador, and especially in his attendance on our
well-beloved Consort, on her departure from our Kingdom of France,
and on her coming to our presence, has had and sustained, and also of the
valuable, acceptable, and praiseworthy services which he has rendered
us, and will render to us in future, in our especial favor, we have granted
him One hundred pounds, to be received every year from the last past
Festival of St. Michael.
To wit — Sixty Pounds from our Customs on Wool, Tan, and Skins in
the port of our Town of Southampton, to be paid by the Collectors of
those duties for the time being, at the Easter and Michaelmas Quarters,
in equal portions of forty pounds from our Customs on Wool, Tan, and
Skins, in our port of London, to be paid by the Collectors of those duties
for the time being at the aforesaid periods in equal portions.
Confirming all other grants and gifts formerly made by us to the said
Eichard, all and every statute, act, ordonance, restriction, on any cause or
matter whatever otherwise made or provided notwithstanding.
In virtue whereof, &c.,
Witness the King at Westminster,
15th day of May.
K E 2
420
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
<Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI.
Concerning the customary gifts for the Master of the Ship who brought the
Queen -to England.
The King to all, &c., greeting : —
Know that, as we have been informed that it has always been a custom
on those occasions, when Queens have arrived in this our kingdom, that
certain gifts should be granted to the masters of those vessels in which
they have crossed the seas.
We, therefore, in consideration of the good and faithful services which
our trusty Thomas Adam, late master of the Ship called Cok John of
Cherbourg, in which our well-beloved and chosen Queen voyaged to our
said kingdom, rendered to our aforesaid Consort on her passage, in our
especial favor do grant him 20 marks annually to the end of his life, on
the death of John Williams, seaman, of our Customs, in port of ^our
Town of Southampton, to be paid by the Collectors of Customs for the
time being, at Michaelmas and Easter, in equal portions.
In virtue whereof, &c., &c.,
Witness the King at Westminster,
June 10.
Issue Roll, 23 Henry VI.
18th June. — To five minstrels of the King of Sicily, who lately came
to England -to witness the state and grand solemnity on the day of the
Queen's coronation, and to make a report thereof abroad. In money paid
to them in discharge of j£50, viz. : — to each of them £10 which the
Lord the King commanded to be paid, to be had of his gift by way of
reward. By writ, &c. ,£50.
To two minstrels of the Duke of Milan, who came to England to wit-
ness the solemnization of the Queen's coronation, and report the same to
the princes and people in their country. In money paid to them by the
hands of Edward Grymeston, in discharge of 10 marks ; viz. : — to each of
them 5 marks, which the Lord the King, with the advice and assent of his
Council, commanded to be paid to the said minstrels, to be had of his
gift. By writ, &c. £Q 13s. 4d.
To John de Surenceurt, an esquire of the King of Sicily, and steward
of the Queen's household abroad, who came previously to the Queen's
reception, to witness the solemnization of her coronation, and to report
the same as .above. In money paid to him by the hands of Edward
Grymeston, in discharge of 50 marks, which the Lord the King, with £
advice and assent of his Council, commanded to be paid to the spP.
John, &c. By writ, &c. £33 6s. 8d.
To John d'Escoce, an esquire of the King of Sicily, who, as a tfue sub-
ject of the Queen's father, left his own occupations ^abroad and came in
the Queen's retinue to witness the solemnity on the day of her corona-
tion. In money paid to mm, &c. By writ, &c. £6G 13s. 4d.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 421
19th June. — To Sir Almeric Chaperon, knight, and Charles de Caste-
lion, clerk, Ambassadors from the King of -Sicily, lately sent to the Lord
the King, in the Queen's retinue, upon certain affairs on behalf of the
said Lord, the King of Sicily. In money paid to them in discharge of
200 marks, which the said Lord the King commanded to be paid to the
said Almeric and Charles ; viz. : — to each 100 marks, to. have of his gift
by way of reward. By writ, &c., £133 6s. 8&
Issue RolL 27 Henry VI.
14th Nov. — To William Flour, of London, goldsmith. In money
paid to him. by assignment made this day, in discharge of 20 marks,
which the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the said William, to
be had by way of reward, because the said Lord the King stayed in the
house of the said William on the day that Queen Margaret, his consort,
set out from the Tower of London for her coronation at Westminster,
By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of Michaelmas Term, in the
24th year of the said King. £13 6s. 8d.
PETITIONS IN PARLIAMENT IN THE TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OP HENRY VI.
(From original Documents in the Tower of London.}
So it bailie as Srs. A D> ^4
Grace be to the Lord.
" Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord TIie
of Ireland, to all the present members of his Parliament Saluting. Dower &
Ye know how, when the honour of high rank of King took its first
origin, and to which we have attained, it was disposed of by God to be
administered by his rule, that the subordinate powers might be bestowed
on all those needing and deserving the Eoyal munificence. In like man-
ner it is fitting that the King's Majesty should be the more studious to
provide for the Queen, as relating to her dowry ; and since the ineffable
providence of the Eternal King, ever bestowing his favours upon us,
decided wisely on both sides ; he has taken in marriage the most illus~
trious daughter of the King of Naples and Jerusalem, and Grand Duke
Lorraine, the Queen Margaret, born of Isabella, according to the
ment of our nuptials.
do therefore tenderly solicit your wills and custom in the dowry
ofl^Consort herself of Henry ; following nobly the recorded works of
our an^tojSjthe titles of her right, declaring that it should be given
her at this demand in... the following form ; by the advisement and assent
of the Lords present and temporal, and of the authority of King Henry
of England in the present Parliament at Wettqftinster ; begun and held
422
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
on the twenty-fifth day of February, in the twenty-third year of King
Henry's reign, and until the twenty-ninth day of April then next follow-
ing, adjourned and prorogued ; and afterwards until the twentieth day
of October then next following, adjourned ; and from the said twentieth
day of October, until the twenty-fourth day of January then next fol-
lowing, adjourned and prorogued ; by authority of those belonging to
the said Parliament : " We do give and concede to the said consort of
Henry, the castle, town, possessions and honours of Leicester, with its
members and dependencies in the county of Leicester, namely the Manor
of Desseford,the Bale of Desseford, the Manor of Shulton,the Bale of Shul-
ton, the Manor of Hinkeley. the Borough of Hinkeley from without the Bale
of Hynkeley ; the Bale of Glenfeld, the Bale of Belgrave, and Syleby, with
40 marks per annum from the fruitful farm of the town of Gunthorp in the
county of Nottingham, the Bale of Curleton, the Manor of Stapulford, the
Bale of Stapulford, Hethelye, with the deed of the thrifty Frith, the Bale
of the Honor of Leicester in the Counties of Northampton, Warwick, and
Leicester, the Manor of Swannington, the farm and Mills of the town
of Leicester, the Manor of Fouston, the Manor of Sweton, and the Manor
of Langton in the County of Leicester, fixed at the value of 250Z. 8s. Of d.
per annum. The Castle, the Manor, and Honor of Tudbury, with their
members and appurtenances, viz., the Manor of Eolleston, the Manor of
Barton, the Manor of Marchington, Manor of Uttoxhatter, Manor of
Adgarseley, the Bale of one part, called Anard, of the other part, called
Kodman, the Bale lately freed in the County of Stafford, the Ward of
Tudbury, Ward of Barton, Ward of Yoxhale, the Ward of Marching-
ton, and the Ward of Uttoxhatter, in the County of Stafford ; and in the
County of Derby, the Manor of Duffeld, the Manor of Beaurepaire, Manor
of Holbrok, Manor of Allerwassle, Manor of Southwode, Manor of
Heighege, the Hundreds of Gresley, the Manor of Edrichay, Manor of
Holand, Manor of Byggyng, Manor of Irtonwode, Manor of Bonteshale,
Manor of Brassington, Manor of Matloke, Manor of Hertington, Manor
of Spondon, Manor of Scropton, the Hundreds of Appaltre, the Bale for
filling up lately freed in the County of Derby ; the Ward of Duffeld,
the Ward of Holand, the Ward of Colbrok, Ward of Beaurepare, the
Castle and Manor of Melbourne, the farm Querrere of Rouclif, the
Castle and estate of Alti Pecci, the Landsend called Wynnclondes, the
new freedom in Pecco in the County of Derby, fixed at the value of
927J. 17s. 7^d. per annum. The Manor of Yerkhull in the county of
Hereford, at the value of 61. 13s. 4d. per annum. The Manor of Croudon
in the County of Bucks, at the value of 20Z. 11*. 4d. per annum. The
Manor of Haseley, Manor of Kirtelington, Manor of Dadington, Manor
of Firyton, and the Manor of Ascot in the County of Oxfordshire, to the
value of 155£. 7s. IQ±d. per annum. The Castle and Estate of Plecy, the
Manor of Heighestre, Manor of Waltham, Manor of Masshebury, Manor
of Badewe, Manor of Dunmowe; Manor of Lighes, Manor of Wykes,
Manor of Walden, Manor of Dependen, Manor of Quenden, Manor of
Northampstede, Manor of Farnham, Manor of Shenfeld, the Bale of the
Honor of Tudbury, Lancaster and Leicester, in the Counties of Essex,
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 423
Hertford, Middlesex, London and Surrey, the Manor of Enfeld, and a
building called Hackeys, in the Connty of Middlesex, an Hotel in the
city of London, called Blanch Appleton, with a house, called Steward's
Inn, in the parish of St. Olive's in that city ; the Castle and town of
Hertford, the Manor of Hertfordingbury, Manor of Esgudeu, and the
Manor of Bayford in the County of Hertfordshire ; and the Manor of
Walton in the county of Surrey, to the value of 555£. 16s. 0£d. per an-
num. The Estate in the County of Essex, to the value of 40/. 10s. lOrf.
per annum. The Manor of Wathersfield, in the County of Essex, to the
value of 271. 10s. 7d. per annum ; and the Castle and possessions of
Kenelworth, with dependencies in the County of Warwick, to the value
of 151. 4s. 6^d. per year. And certain Castles, Towns and honours, do-
maines, manors, lands and houses, and other things pertaining to Duke
Henry of Lancaster, are promised and are held per annum at the value
of 2,OOOZ. To be had, held and kept of the said Consort of Henry, all
the appointed Castles, Honours, Towns, Domains, Manors, Wapentaches,
Bales, county estates, sites of France, carriages, landed farms, renewed
yearly, the lands, houses, possessions and other things promised, with all
their members and dependencies, together with the lands of the Mili-
tary, Ecclesiastic advocacies, Abbotcies, Priories, Deaneries, Colleges,
Capellaries, singing academies, Hospitals, and of other religious houses,
by wards, marriages, reliefs, food, iron, merchandize, liberties, free cus-
toms, franchise, royalties, fees of honour, returned in a short time, and
other our commands, given in our presence, and by executions on the
game things by outlets, boundaries, and amercements, forests, chaises,
parks, woods, meadows, fields, pastures, warrens, vivaries, ponds, fish
waters, mills, mulberry trees, fig trees, and all other things pertaining to
the same Castles, Honours, Towns, Estates, Manors, Possessions, lands,
houses, and ether things promised ; however they may tend, or pertain
to them ; together with such returns of lands and tenements in the
dowry, to the end of her life, or years ; and by all other returns made
to the appointed Castles, Towns, Honours, Possessions, Manors, W^apin-
taches, Bales, Lands, Houses, and other things promised however, tend-
ing, or pertaining thereto ; to be given at the feast of the sacred Michael
the Archangel, in the 24th year of King Henry, to the end of her life, in
respect of her dowry, and so freely and honestly, until some restoring or
making over to Us, or the heirs of Henry, so that we may inherit them,
or be indebted to his heir if we hold them at the hands of Henry. And
if it should happen that some of the appointed Castles, Honours, Towns,
Dominions, Manors, Wappentaches, Bales, County Estates, Annuities,
sites of France, carriages, landed Farmes, Restoration Lands, Tene-
ments, possessions, or other things promised, should so be assigned
through us to the said Consort of Henry in respect to her dowry, or
some parcel of the same, that they shall be shown and recovered out of
the hands of the said Consort of Henry, or that she herself shall be law-
fully expelled from thence, or from some parcel of thence ; then We will
and concede, that the said Consort of Henry do receive the necessary
satisfaction, and recompence of us, the heirs and successors of Henry,
424 MARGARET OF ANJOTL
having so shown or recovered them by this means. And that the same
Consort of Henry, when her authority is allowed, shall have and coerce
for her whole life, through herself and her ministers, all things and all
such like privileges, franchises, liberties, state affairs, with executions,
for grant and proclamation of the same, concerning the Castles, Honoures,
Towns, Dominions, Manors, Bales, and other things promised, assigned,
and conceded, to the same Consort of Henry in the form appointed, such
as we have appointed to Duke Henry in the said ways. And since
diverse annuities to the amount of 324Z. 11s. 3d. annually accruing, con-
ceded to different persons before these times, to the end of the life of
the same separately, of Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements,
and other things promised, pertaining to the Duke Henry of Lancaster,
are ended ; that it is appointed that such, should be assigned to the
Consort of Henry in respect to her dowry. We have conceded, and we
do concede, when her authority is. allowed, to the said Consort of Henry,
324£ 11s. 3d. to be had and held of the said Consort of Henry annually,
from the said feast of the Sacred Michael to the end of her life ; on
account of the issues, profits and returns of Henry, Duke of Cornwall,
and on account of the issues, profits and returns of the Tin Coinages in
the Counties of Cornwall and Devon, through the hands of the General
Receiver, the said Duke Henry, our heirs and successors, and of whatever
other Receivers, Occupiers, or Holders of the said profits, issues, and
returns, for the time being, in recompense for the appointed 324Z. 11s. 3d.
of the appointed Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and
other Possessions appointed, in the annuities being ended, which were
given to the end of the lives of the divers persons separately. Provided
always, that after that, it should happen, that any person inheriting any
annuity by concession or confirmation of Henry, whether of any one of
our progenitors, or ancestors, in the said Castles, Dominions, Lands,
Tenements, and other possessions of the said Consort of Henry in respect
to her dowry, above assigned, shall retire, whilst the appointed Consort
of Henry is living ; that then such a sum as the same person may thus
receive per annum from thence, or from some parcel thence, shall be
annually deduced and cut off, during the life of the said Consort of Henry,
for the use of Henry and our heirs, from the appointed 324Z. 11s. 3d.
conceded by the same Consort of Henry, as is appointed in recompense,
and so singly during the life of the said Consort of Henry, after the
decease of whose person some annuity in the appointed Castles, Domi-
nions, Manors, Lands, Tenements and possessions appointed, shall be
assigned to the said Consort of Henry, in the appointed form, as part of
her dowry, by concession or confirmation of Henry, or of our fore fathers,
or ancestors, as it is appointed, the heir dying, such a sum as the said
person in his life may receive of the appointed 324Z. 11s. 3d. annually,
above repeated, during the life of the said Consort of Henry, shall be
deduced and cut off, for the use of Henry and our heirs. We will also,
and by granted authority ordain that the Chancellor, Duke Henry
of Lancaster, for the time being, in writing under the seals of the same
acknowledged Duke, shall certify before the Saint Henry to the Trea-
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 425
surers and Barons of the same Saint for the time being, other men, and
single persons, for the said annuities of the said Castles, Dominions,
Manors, and other things promised, pertaining to the same Duke, as part
of the dowry that is promised to be assigned, or of some parcel of the
same, inherited in whatever manner, besides the sums and quantity of
this annuity of the same persons, that the same Treasurer and Barons
may be able particularly to receive nothing in deducing and cutting off
the said 3242. 11s. 3d. in recompense of the things conceded. And that
all those who inherit, or are now about to inherit any farms belonging
to the specified Castles, Manors, Honours, Lands, Tenements, Posses-
sions, Profits, Emoluments, or commodities of whatever kind belonging
to the Duke Henry of Cornwall through the said Royal patents of the
great seal of Henry, or otherwise are held, or shall be held, to return,
or pay whatever gains they themselves make through us for those farms,
that they pay, and are compelled and held to pay, such gains to the
Receiver-General, Henry, Duke of Cornwall, and not to the Reception
of St. Henry, nor any others by any means. And that the same Dwellers
on the soils of this said Receiver Henry, called Duke Henry for the time
being, his farms made and appointed through the acquaintance or ac-
quaintances of the Receiver himself, with St. Henry, and of our heirs,
do testify the sum, or sums of monies received and paid of this same, to
us, Henry's heirs and successors, that they may inherit the allowed
allocation, and live quiet and free, and without pretext of any other
payment, or by other means done. We concede also, and by granted
authority of the said Consort of Henry we concede, a thousand pounds
to be had and received of the same Consort of Henry, to the end of
her life, annually, from the said feast of St. Michael, to the end of
the Passover and St. Michael, in respect of her dowry, or marriage
portion, from the issues, profits and returns of other remains of
Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, Honours, Services,
Possessions and Heritages, and other emoluments of whatever kind
belonging to Duke Henry of Lancaster, as in England, so in Wales
existing and remaining in the hands of Henry, beyond the said
Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and other things pro-
mised, pertaining to the Duke aforesaid, in respect of the dowry
assigned, by the hands of the General Receiver, Henry, our heirs and
successors, of the same Duke Henry of Lancaster for the time being.
And if the said annual return of a thousand pounds or any part per-
taining thereto, on the contrary should not be paid to the same Consort
of Henry to any end aforesaid, then we will and concede, by authority
and assent of the aforesaid, that it shall be held well lawful for the
same Consort of Henry, through her officials and ministers in all the
Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, and Tenements of Henry remaining
appointed to the said Duke Henry of Lancaster, existing and remaining
in the hands of Henry, to bind fast, and to carry off, the bond thus taken,
to escape and hold back themselves from punishment until it is satisfied
and paid to the same Consort of Henry by the same return and arrange-
ments of the same party. And moreover lest perhaps the said possessions,
426
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
and other things promised belonging to the Duke Henry of Lancaster
remaining in the hands of Henry, should be diminished or accumulated
by imposition, through which it might be likely that the said Consort of
Henry should be retarded by any one from receiving payment of her said
annual return of .£1,000, by the said assent and authority we ordain and
establish, that if any person of whatever rank or station he may be, shall
adopt and receive any of the said patent royalties, under Seal of Duke
Henry of Lancaster, or any other seal of Henry or of our heirs, or succes-
sors, in diminution, accumulation, or lessening of the same possessions
and other things promised, after the Feast of Pentecost which will be in
the year of our Lord 1446, that these said patents shall be deprived of
vigour and authority in his cause. And moreover by the said authority
We will, concede, and ordain, that all donations and concessions given
after the said Feast of Pentecost henceforward through us to any person,
or persons, by the said Henry, under the Seal of the Duke Henry of
Lancaster, or any other seal of Henry, of any Dominions, Manors, Lands,
Tenements, Eestorations, and Services, of the said Duke Henry of Lan-
caster, or of any annuity proceeding from the same, made in any manner,
shall be void in law, and that all that so given or conceded and contained
in the said Henry's patents then finished, made known or specified, forth-
with and immediately after the donation or concession of the same as is
appointed to be done, shall remain to the said Consort of Henry, to be
held to the end of her life, as part of the deduction of the said £1,000
assigned and conceded to the same Consort of Henry as is appointed in
respect to her dowry or marriage portion. Provided always, that the
true annual value of this thing so given or conceded, be annually deducted
and pruned out of the said .£1,000 for the use of Henry and our heirs :
and in order that for better security it be paid annually to the same
Consort of Henry out of her said annuity of £1,000 through us, as it is
appointed to be conceded to her, by the hands of the General Eeceiver
Henry for the time being, we will and ordain, by the aforesaid authority,
that no particular Eeceiver for any one of the Castles, Dominions,
Manors, Honors, Grounds, and other things promised of the Duke Henry
of Lancaster remaining in the hands of Henry, shall have any demand
in his computations henceforth returned through the Auditors of the
same Duke Henry, of any sums of money whatever out of the issues of
his office through any other person except that to be paid by Henry the
Eeceiver-General, the said Duke Henry, during the life of the said Con-
sort of Henry ; always excepted whatever sums of money are inherited
by any persons as any annuities, by the concession, or confirmation of
Henry before these times, received by any person of the said Duke
Henry, through such his annuities, and through the grounds and walks
of the Officials and Ministers of Henry, by and under the said Duke
Henry paid annually, besides by the necessary Keepers and repairers of
the Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, and Tenements of the said Duke
Henry, existing in the hands of Henry, and by other repairers and re-
builders of the same. And if any such particular Eeceiver should make
any payment out of the issues of his office otherwise than as it is ap-
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 427
pointed by the Eeceiver-General Henry, the said Duke Henry, he shall
l>e burdened still in his computation by sums so paid through him to us.
We concede also, and by the said authority moreover we assign to the
same Consort of Henry, £3,666 13s. 4d. to be had and received of the
same Consort of Henry, annually, to the end of her life, from the
said Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, to the end of the Passover
and St. Michael, by equal portions, as a part of her dowry, in the
subsequent form, viz., .£1,000 thence annually to the end of the afore-
said time, both from the small and great Customs of Henry, our heirs
and successors in the Port of the Town of Southampton belonging
to Henry, through the hands of the Collector of the same Customs
for the time being. And £1,008 15s. 5d. thence per annum, to the
end of the said time, from the issues, returns, and profits of the said
Duke Henry of Cornwall, and from the issues, profits, and returns of
the Pewter and Tin Coinage in the Counties of Cornwall and Devon,
through the hands of the Eeceiver-General Henry, heirs and suc-
cessors of the same Duke, and of whatever other Eeceivers, occupiers,
or Dwellers of the same Profits, issues, and returns for the time being.
And £1,657 17s. lid. thence per annum, to the same end, to the Saint
Henry, our heirs and successors through the hands of the Treasurers and
Chamberlains of the same Saint for the time being, as well from the first
monies proceeding from the advances of our Vice-Counsellor and Com-
missary, our heirs and successors, as from whatever other issues, profits,
farms, debts, and returns are paid to the said Saint, until We, the heirs
and successors of Henry, shall have made provision and recompense to
the same Consort of Henry, from the Lands, Tenements, Eeturns, and
other ^possessions to the value of the said £3,666 13s. 4d. per annum,
within Henry's kingdom of England, as part of her dowry, or other
things to be held to the end of her life. And moreover by the said
authority, We will and concede, that the aforesaid Consort of Henry
shall be provided and recompensed out of the lands, tenements, returns,
and possessions, which first come or fall into the hands of Henry, or of
our heirs through us, and the said heirs of Henry, according to
the deduction and satisfaction of the said £3,666 13s. 4d. to be held
as part of her said dowry. And by the aforesaid assent and authority,
We will and concede that the said Consort of Henry shall have so many
and such Baronial fees as may be allowed by Law, and unemployed,
by demand, and other Baronial fees and other Warrants so many
and such as may be necessary and opportune to be conceded and
assigned to her in this part, for the payment of sums and annuities
to her, as it is promised, and for the execution of the promised things.
And that the Chancellor, Henry of England, and the Keeper of the
private Seal of Henry, besides the Chancellor, Duke Henry of Lancaster,
We, being heirs and successors for the time being, do make, without
delation from the tenor of those presents, such Baronial fees and
Warrants, from time to time whensoever and wheresoever on the part of
the Consort of Henry ronabiliter, they may be requisite. Save whatever
things are bound to the state of Henry, or his possession, right, title and
428
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
interest, in the customs, issues, profits, and returns of the said Duke of
Cornwall, the Pewter and Tin Coinages, and in the said Castles, Towns,
Dominions, Manors, Honors, Bales, Grounds, Lands, Tenements, Wapen-
taches, sleek cattle, Hundreds, Franchises, Liberties, Farms, Eeturns,
profits, Commodities, Possessions, and other things promised to the same
Consort of Henry in the said form conceded and assigned both in the
said Dukedom of Henry of Lancaster, and in Grounds, Roads, Annuities}
Custodies, Offices, and Farms whatever in or about the Dukedom of Henry
of Lancaster, or other parcels of the things promised, if such are contained
in the same.
We concede moreover to the said most beloved Consort of Henry, that
she shall by no means whatever be burdened or compelled to return to Us
or the heirs of Henry, any computation of any issues, profits, or returns
of the said Castles, Dominions, Lands, Tenements, and other things pro-
mised, or of any one of the same : so that she may be quiet and un-
annoyed in any manner by any computation and other burdens whatever
thence, regarding Us and the heirs of Henry. But all these things
are through Us, by the said authority, confided, given, conceded, and
assigned, on the 19th day of March, in the Twenty Fourth year of
Henry's reign, by the said Parliament of Henry then sitting."
" In whose reign/' &c^ &c.
Issue Boll 24 Henry VI.
30th May. — To Margaret, Queen of England. In money paid to her
by assignment made this day by the hands of John Norrys, in discharge
of ,£1,000 which the lord the King commanded to be paid to the said
Queen, as well for the daily expenses of her chamber as in relief of the
great charges which the said Queen incurred on the day of the Circum-
cision of our Lord last past. By writ, &c., .£1,000.
Amidst the agitation caused by the disastrous public events, and
whilst the spirit of resistance to the government was beginning to mani-
fest itself, songs and poetry, as a means of promoting the general discon-
tent, were much used, and even assumed a bold character. Some of
these, which have happily been preserved, are most valuable. There
are many allusions in one of them to persons of rank and influence, each
of whom is described by his badge. It appears that this poem was
written after 1447, as Cardinal Beaufort, who died in that year, is
spoken of as having " his velvet hat closed."
The deaths of the Dukes of Bedford, Gloucester, Exeter, and Somerset,
and of Cardinal Beaufort, are first enumerated, and the commencement
of the troubles in England is dated from the capture of Eouen in 1417.
The Duke of Norfolk " laid to sleep," meaning bribed by Suffolk, who
MAKGAKET OP ANJOU. 429
envied him. The gallant Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, in reference to
his name and badge, " our good dog," was perhaps " bounden " by the
grant of the Earldom of Waterford, &c., in 1446. By Lord Fauconberg
having " lost his angle-hook," his capture by the French is implied.
Lord Willoughby de Eresby seems accused of indolence, and by the
bear being " bound that was so wild, for he had lost his ragged staff,"
allusion was intended to Eichard Neville having been created Earl of
Warwick, which distinction may have satisfied his wishes, and thus, to
use the metaphor, the bear was deprived of his staff. The Duke of
Buckingham's " wheel " became spokeless from his having taken offence
at the dismissal of his brothers, (the Chancellor and Treasurer,) by Suffolk;
and also from having induced the King to receive with kindness, the
Duke of York. Thomas Daniel, John Norreys, and John Trevilian are
particularly mentioned, since the last-named is said "often to have
blinded the King," and their names appear among those indicted by the
Commons, in 1451, " for mysbehaving about the King's roiall persone."
The Earl of Arundel having refused to support Suffolk's power, became
popular in Sussex and Kent. Bourchier, and some other noble, who is
described as the wine bottle, (possibly the Earl of Oxford, since a long-
necked silver bottle was one of his badges,) and the Prior of St. John's,
are mentioned as having united with the Bishop of Exeter. The Earl
of Devonshire is related to have retired into his own country, instead of
helping "with shield and spear" the attempt then contemplated to
overthrow the obnoxious minister ; while the Duke of York's anxiety
and irresolution are admirably described under his cognizance, a falcon,
flying hither and thither, uncertain where to build her nest.
ON THE POPULAR DISCONTENT AT THE DISASTERS
IN FRANCE.1
Bedforde 2 Gloucetter 3
" The Rote is ded, the Swanne is goone
Excetter *
" The firy Cressett hath lost his lyght ;
" Therfore Inglond may make gret mone,
" Were not the helpe of Q-odde almyght.
Roone 5
" The castelle is wonne where care begowne
Somerset 6
" The Portecolys is leyde adowne
Cardinalle?
" Iclosid we have oure welevette hatte
" That keveryed us from mony stormys hrowne,
1 Verses in the Cotton. Rolls, ii. 23.
2 John Plantagenet, Duke of Bedford, third son of Henry IV. Badge,— the
Root of a tree.
3 Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, fourth son of Henry IV.
Badge,— th^ Swan.
4 John Holland, Duke of Exeter. " A Cressett with burning fire," i.e., a fire
beacon, said to have been the badge of the Admiralty.
5 Rouen, surrendered to the French in 1447.
6 John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset. Badge,— a Portcullis.
' Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester " Cardinal of England."
430
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
Northfolkei
The White Lioun is leyde to slepe
Southfolk'
" Thorouz the envy of the Ape clogge,
And he is bownden that oure dore shuld kepe,
" That is Talbott oure goode dogge3
Fawkenberge *
The Fisshere hathe lost his hangulhooke ;5
" Gete theym agayne when it wolle be,
Wylloby«
Oure Mylle-saylle wille not abowte,
" Hit hath so longe goone emptye.
Warwick 7
The Bere is bound that was so wild,
" Ffor he hath lost his ragged staffe,
Bokynghame8
The Carte nathe9 is spokeless,
11 For the counseille that he gaffe,
Danyelleio
The Lily is both faire and grene ;
Norreys n
" The Coundite rennyth not, as I wene,
" The Cornysshe Chowgh 13 offt with his trayne
Rex
" Hath made oure Egulle blynde.
Arundelle"
" The White Harde is put out of mynde,
" Because he wolle not to hem consent ;
" Therfore the commyns saith is both trew and kynde,
" Bothe in Southesex and in Kent.
Bowser15
" The Water-Bowge and the Wyne-Botelle,
Prior of Saint Johanis
" With the Vetturlockes cheyne bene fast.
Excettur
" The Whete-yere wolle theym susteyne
" As longe as he may endure and last.
1 John de Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk. Badge, — a White Lion.
2 William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk. Badge, — the Clog argent and
Chain or.
3 John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who had been recalled from active service
in France.
4 William Neville, Lord Fauconberg, one of the heroes of the French wars.
Badge, — the " fysshe hoke. "
6 A hook for angling, or a fish-hook.
6 Robert, Lord Willoughby, another hero of the French wars. Badge, — the
Mill-sail.
7 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick. Badge, — the Bear and ragged staff.
8 Humphrey de Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Badge, — a Cart-wheel.
9 The nave of a cart.
10 Thomas Daniel, " armiger," or esquier, one of the unpopular courtiers.
11 John Norris, one of the officers of the household to Henry VI.
12 Daniel Trevilian. Badge, — a Cornish Chough.
13 The bird.
14 William Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel. Badge, — the White Horse, here signi-
fied by the " White Harde."
16 Henry, Lord Bourchier, whose arms were argent a cross, ingrailed gules,
between four water bougets.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
431
Pevynshire1
"The Boore is farre into the west,
" That shold us helpe with shilde and spere,'
Yorke*
" The Fawkoun fleyth, and hath no rest,
" Till he witte where to bigge3 his nest."
Another of these compositions is addressed to the lords of the court,
and contains a warning for the King himself. The courtiers, who ruled
the King, are called upon to restore the grants they had obtained from
him, for they had reduced him to such poverty that he was obliged " to
beg from door to door " through his tax gatherers. Untruth, oppression,
and evil-doing prevailed throughout the land much more than the King
knew ; but vengeance was at hand. So poor a King and such rich
nobles were never seen before ; while the Commons could support their
burdens no longer, in spite of the resolution of the Lord Say to tread
them under foot. The Earl of Suffolk had sold Normandy, and now
sought to make the King take the blame of his treason.
A WARNING TO KING HENRY.4
" Ye that have the kyng to demene5
" And ffrauncheses gif theyme ageyne,
" Or els I rede6 ye fle ;
" Ffor ye have made the kyng so pore,
' ' That now he beggeth fro dore to dore ;
" Alas, hit shuld so be.
" Tome of Saye" and Danielle bothe,
" To begyn be not to lothe ;
" Then shalle ye have no shame.
" Who wille not, he shalle not chese,8
" And his life he shalle lese,9
" No resoun wille us blame.
" Trowthe and pore men ben appressede
' ' And myscheff is nothyng redressede ;
" The kyng knowith not alle.
" Thorowout alle Englande,
' ' On tho that holdene the fals bonde
" Vengeaunce will cry and calle.
" The traytours wene10 they ben so sly,
' ' That no mane can hem aspy ;
1 ' We cane do theme no griffe.
1 Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire.
8 Richard Plantagenet, Dake of York. Badge, — a Falcon.
Cotton. Charters.
5 To direct or lead.
To build.
6 To counsel or advise.
7 James Fienes, Lord Saye and Sele, lord treasurer, one of the unpopular
statesmen of the day. This song was written before this nobleman was thrown
into the Tower. 8 To choose.
9 To lose. 10 To think.
432
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
" We swere by hym that hairwede1 helle
" They shalle no lenger in eresy dwelle
" Ne in ther fals beleve.
" So pore a kyng was never scene,
" Nor richere lordes alle bydene ; 2
" The communes may no more.
" The lorde Saye biddeth holde hem downe,
" That worthy dastarde of renowne,
" He techithe a fals loore.
" Suffolk Normandy hath swolde,3
" To gete heyt agayne he is bolde,
" How acordeth these to in one ;
" And he wynethe,4 withouten drede,
" To make the kyng to avowe his dede,
" And calle hit no tresoun.
" We trow the kyng be to leere,5
" To selle bothe menne and lond in feere ;
" Hit is agayne resoun.
" But yef the commyns of Englonde
" Helpe the kyng in his fonde,6
" Suffolk wolle bere the crowne.
" Be ware, kynge Henre, how thou doos ;
" Let no lenger thy traitours go loos ;
" They wille never be trewe.
" The traytours are sworne alle togedere
" To holde fast as they were brother ;7
" Let them drynk as they hanne8 brewe."
" 0 rex, si rex es, rege te, vel eris sine re rex;
" Nomen habes sine re, nisi te recte regas"
The following extract is from a spirited ballad on the death of the
Duke of Suffolk. It commemorates how, in the month of May, Jack
Napes, as the favourite is here termed, had gone to sea as a mariner, but
was arrested on the way by death ; and that Nicholas (possibly the
name of the ship's commander) offered to be his confessor.
' ' In the monthe of Maij, when gresse groweth grene,
" Flagrant9 in her floures, w* swet savour,
" Jack Napes10 wolde ouer the see, a maryner to ben,
" With his cloge,11 and his cheyn, to seke more tresour,
" Syche a payn prikkede hym, he asked a confessour.
' ' Nicholas said, ' I am redi, this confessour to be. '
" He was holden so, that he ne passede that hour,
" Fpr Jack Napes soul, Placebo and Dirige".12
1 Harrowed. 2 At once, or at the same time. 3 Sold.
4 Thinketh. 5 Empty or weak. 6 Dilemma.
7 Brethren. 8 Have> 9 Fragrant.
0 A nickname for William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.
A Clog argent with a Chain or, the badge of Suffolk. 12 Cottonian MS.
MARGAEET OP ANJOU. 433
A poem more general in satire was written, just before the civil wars
commenced, on the troubles arising in the land.
"HOW MYSCHAUNCE REGNETH IN INGLONDE.
" Now God, that syttyst an hyglie in tronc,
" Help thy peple in here greet nede,
" That trowthe and resoun regne may sone
" For thanne schal they leve owt of drede.
" In that wyse conscience schal hem lede,
" Hem to brynge onto good governaunce ;
' ' That y t may sone be doon in dede ;
" Of alle cure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce.
" Meed1 and falseheed assocyed are ;
' ' Trowthe bannyd ys, the blynde may not se ;
' ' Manye a man they make fulle bare,
" A strange compleynt ther ys of every degre,
" The way is now past of tranquyllyte,
" The wyche causyth a full greet varyaunce ;
" Amange the comunys ther ys no game nor gle ;
" Of alle oure synnys, God, make a delyveraunce.
" Murder medelythe ful ofte, as men say ;
" Usure and rapyne stefly clothe stande,
' ' Here abydyne ys wythe her that goon ful gay ;
" For whanne they wele they have hem in hande,
" Ful manye they brynge to myschaunce.
' ' Wyse men, beholden, be wayr al afore hande ;
' ' Of alle our synnys, God, make a delyveraunce.
" Wyght ys blak, as many men seye,
' ' And blak ys wyght, but summe men sey nay ;
" Auctoryteys for hem they toleye ;2
" Large conscience causyth they croked way,
' ' In thys reame they make a foul aray,
' ' Whanne the dyse renne, ther lakkythe a chaunce
' ' Clene conscience bakward goth alway ;
" Of alle our synnys, God, make a delyveraunce.
" Myscheef mengid3 ys, and that in every syde ;
' ' Dyscord medelythe ful fast amonge ;
" The gate's of glaterye4 standen up wyde,
" Hem semythe that al ys ryghte and no wronge,
" Thus endurid they have al to longe ;
" Crosse and pyle standen in balaunce ;
" Trowthe and resoun be no thynge stronge ;
" Of alle our syunys, God, make a delyveraunce.
1 Mode, — reward or bribe. 2 Toleye, — to put forward,
3 Mengid,— reminded. 4 Glaterye, — flattery.
VOL. I. F F
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
" Uychesse renewyd causith the perdicioun
" Of trowthe, that scholde stande in prosperyte
' ' Between here and hope ys mayd a divisioun,
" And that ys al for lak of charyte ;
" Wherefore ther regnethe no tranquillyte* :
" Thys mateer causith the fool ignoraunce,
" That the peple may not in eese be ;
" Of alle our synnys, God, make a delyveraunce.
" Now, God, that art ful of al pletevousnesse ; l
11 Of al vertuys grace and charyte,
" Putte from us al thys unsekyrnesse,2
" That we stande in grete necessyte,
" That agayn trowthe no varyeng be.
' ' Al tymes that art f ounteyne of al f elycite',
" Of al oure synnys, thou make a delyverauuce." s
In a curious metrical prophecy, still more obscure, we are told that
disastrous occurrences are to take place, and among them a battle on
the banks of the Humber, " when Eome shall be removed into England,
and every priest shall have the Pope's power in hand." Another poem
describes England as in a state of universal contention ; that there were
much people of light consciences ; many knights possessing little power ;
many laws with little justice ; little charity but much flattery ; great
show of living on small wages, and many gentlemen but few ser-
vants ; &c.
ON THE TIMES.
" Now ys Yngland alle in fyght ;
" Moche peple of consyens lyght ;
" Many knyghtes, and lytyll myght ;
' ' Many lawys, and lytylle ryght ;
" Many actes of parlament,
' ' And few kept wyth tru entent ;
" Lytylle charyte', and fayne to plese ;
" Many a galant penyles ;
' ' And many a wonderf ulle dysgyzyng 4
" By unprudent and myssavyzyng ;5
" Grete countenanse and smalle wages ;
" Many gentyllemen, and few pages ;
" Wyde gownys, and large slevys ;
" \Yele besene, and strong thevys ;
*' Moch bost of there clothys,
" But wele I wot6 they lake7 none othys. &
1 Plentevousness, — abundance. 2 Unsekyrnesse, — insecurity.
3 MSS. in the University Library, Cambridge, in a handwriting of the reign of
Henry VI.
4 Disguising. 5 Bad counsel. 6 Know. * Lack.
8 MS3. in Corpus Christ! College, Oxford.
MAKG-AKET OF ANJOU. 435
Issue Roll. 32 Henry VI.
To Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, who, by the King's command,
n the month of September, in the 29th year of his reign, went to the
said Lord the King at his castle of Kyllyngworth, and to hia city of
Coventry, with a strong guard ; also attended at great costs and expenses
about the King's person. In money paid to him by assignment made
this day by the hands of John Andrew, ,£400, which the Lord the King
commanded to be paid him, &c. By writ, &c., £400.
Issue Roll, Easter. 32 Henry VI.
\*ltli July. — To Margaret Queen of England. In money paid to
her by assignment made this day, by the hands of Kobert Tunfield, for
divers sums of money paid by the said Queen for an embroidered cloth,
called " Crisome" for the baptism of the Prince, the King's son, and for
20 yards of russet cloth of gold, called "tisshu," and "540 brown sable
bakkes," worth altogether .£554 16s. 8d. The said Queen to have the
same by the King's command of his gift. By writ, &c., ,£554 165. 8d.
Issue Roll, Michaelmas. 33 Henry VI.
19th February.— To the Prior and Convent of the Blessed Peter, West-
minster. In money paid to them by the hands of John Wode in
discharge of .£10, which the Lord the King, with the advice of his
Council, commanded to be paid to the said Prior and Convent, for the
wax lights burnt at the baptism of Edward, the son of our Lord the
King. By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term. £10.
%lst February. — To Margaret, Duchess of Somerset, who, by the King's
command, resided and remained in attendance in the city of London
and suburbs thereof from the feast of Lent, in the 31st year, to the
llth of August then next following, at her great cost and charge. In
money paid to her, &c., in discharge of £100, which the said Lord the
King commanded to be paid to the said Duchess, of his gift, &c.
By writ of privy seal, £100.
END OF VOLUME I.
BRADBURY, EVANS, AND CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRTAR3
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