The life and voyages of Christopher Columbus, to which are added those of his companions

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THE WORKS

WASHINGTON HIVING.

NEW EDITION, EEVISED,

VOL. IIL

LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS.

IN THREE, VOLUMES.— VOL. L

NEW YOEK :

G. P. PUTNAM, 441 BROADWAY.
1863.

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2011 with funding from

The Institute of Museum and Library Services through an Indiana State Library LSTA Grant

http://www.archive.org/details/lifevoyagesofchr01inirvi

Mi

Q

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

ismwYOKK G p i>t]r:..-_Mi.f

THE

LIFE AISTD YOYAGES

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS:

TO WniCn ARE ADDED THOSE OF

HIS COMP AIsTION'S.

BY

WASHINGTON IRVING.

Venient annis
Ssecula seris, quibus Occanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Tethysque novos
Detegat Orbes, nee sit terris
Ultima Thule.

Seneca : Medea.

AUTHOK'S EEVISED EDITION.

VOL. I.

NEW YORK:

G. P. PUTNAM, 441 BROADWAY

1863,

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S60, by

Ebenezer Ieving,

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of Xew York.

JOHN F. TROW
PEINTER, STERECTYPEH, AND ELECTROTTPEH,
46, 48 & 50 Greene Street,
New York.

i

CONTENTS.

PAGB

Preface, 9

BOOK I.

Introduction, 17

Chap. I. — Birth, Parentage, and Early Life of Columbus, . . 20

Chap. II. — Early Voyages of Columbus, 26

Chap. III. — Progress of Discovery under Prince Henry of Portugal, 32
Chap. IV. — Residence of Columbus at Lisbon. — Ideas concerning

Islands in the Ocean, 40

Chap. V. — Grounds on which Columbus founded his Behef of the

Existence of Undiscovered Lands in the West, ... 48
Chap. VI. — Correspondence of Columbus with Paulo Toscanelli. —
Events in Portugal relative to Discoveries. — Proposition of Co-
lumbus to the Portuguese Court. — Departure from Portugal, 59

BOOK II.

Chap. I. — Proceedings of Columbus after leaving Portugal. — His

Applications in Spain. — Characters of Ferdinand and Isabella, "73
Chap. II. — Columbus at the Court of Spain, .... 81
Chap. III. — Columbus before the Council at Salamanca, . . 85
Chap. IV. — Further Applications at the Court of Castile. — Colum-
bus follows the Court in its Campaigns, 96

6 CONTENTS.

PAGB

Chap. V. — Columbus at the Convent of La Rabida, . . . 105
Chap. VI. — Application to the Court at the time of the Surrender

of Granada, 110

Chap. VII. — Arrangement with the Spanish Sovereigns. — Prepara-
tions for the Expedition at the Port of Palos, . . . 117

Chap. VIII. — Columbus at the Port of Palos. — Preparations for the

Voyage of Discovery, 123

BOOK III.

Chap. I. — Departure of Columbus on his First Voyage, . . . 131

Chap. II. — Continuation of the Voyage. — First Notice of the Vari-

, ation of the lieedle, . . . . . . . . 138

Chap. III. — Continuation of the Voyage. — Various Terrors of the

Seamen, 1-43

Chap. IV. — Continuation of the Voyage. — Discovery of Land, . 152

BOOK IV.

Chap. I. — First Landing of Columbus in the New "World, . . 163

Chap. II. — Cruise among the Bahama Islands, .... 1T3

Chap. III. — Discovery and Coasting of Cuba, .... 182

Chap. IV.— Further Coasting of Cuba, 192

Chap. V. — Search after the supposed Island of Babeque. — Desertion

of the Pinta, 200

Chap. VI. — Discovery of Hispaniola, 205

Chap. VII. — Coasting off Hispaniola, 213

Chap. VIII.— Shipwreck, 219

Chap. IX. — Transactions with the Xatives, .... 22-i

Chap. X. — Building of the Fortress of La Xavidad, . . . 231
Chap. XL — Regulation of the Fortress of La Xavidad. — Departure

of Columbus for Spain, 23 <

BOOK V.

Chap. I. — Coasting towards the Eastern End of Hispaniola. — Meet-
ing with Pinzon. — Affiiir with the Natives at the Gulf of
Samana, 2-i3

CONTENTS. 7

PAGE

Chap. II. — Return Voyage. — Violent Storms. — Arrival at the

Azores, . • -^ •. •. . .. • . . . 252
Chap. III. — Transactions at the Island of St. Mary's, . . . 260
Chap. IV. — Arris'al at Portugal. — Visit to the Court, . . . 265
Chap, V. — Reception of Columbus at Palos, .... 275
Chap. VI. — Reception of Columbus by the Spanish Court at Bar-
celona, 281

Chap. VII. — Sojourn of Columbus at Barcelona. — Attentions paid

him by the Sovereigns and Courtiers, .... 287

Chap. VIII. — Papal Bull of Partition. — Preparations for a Second

Voyage of Columbus, . . . . . . . . 294

Chap. IX. — Diplomatic Negotiations between the Courts of Spain

and Portugal with respect to the New Discoveries, . . 304
Chap. X. — Further Preparations for the Second Voyage. — Character
of Alonso de Ojeda. — Difference of Columbus with Soria and
Ponseca, 310

BOOK VI.

Chap. I. — Departure of Columbus on his Second Voyage. — Discov-
ery of the Caribbee Islands, ...... 319

Chap. II. — Transactions at the Island of Guadaloupe, . . . 324

Chap. III. — Cruise among the Caribbee Islands, . . . 332

Chap. IV. — Arrival at the Harbor of La Navidad. — Disaster of the

Fortress, 339

Chap. V. — ^Transactions with the Natives. — Suspicious Conduct of

Guacanagari, ......... 350

Chap. VI. — Founding of the City of Isabella. — Maladies of the Span-
iards, 357

Chap. VII. — Expedition of Alonso de Ojeda to explore the Interior

of the Island. — Despatch of the Ships to Spain, . . . 363

Chap. VIII. — Discontents at Isabella. — Mutiny of Bernal Diaz de
Pisa, 3*71

Chap. IX. — Expedition of Columbus to the Mountains of Cibao, . 376

Chap. X. — ^Excursion of Juan de Luxan among the Mountains. — Cus-
toms and Characteristics of the Natives. — Columbus returns to
IsabeUa, 387

8. CONTENTS.

PAGB

Chap. XI. — ^Arrival of Columbus at Isabella. — Sickness of the

Colony, 402

Chap. XII. — Distribution of the Spanish Forces in the Interior. —

Preparations for a Voyage to Cuba, 409

BOOK VII.

Chap. I. — Voyage to the East End of Cuba, . . . . 415

Chap. II. — Discovery of Jamaica, 422

Chap. III. — Return to Cuba. — Navigation among the Islands called

the Queen's Gardens, 42"?

Chap. IV. — Coasting of the Southern side of Caba, . . . 433
Chap. V. — Return of Columbus along the Southern Coast of Caba, 444
Chap. VI. — Coasting Voyage along the South side of Jamaica, . 452
Chap. VII. — Voyage along the South side of Hispaniola, and Return

to Isabella, 45'7

PEEFAC E.

piEIN'G at Bordeaux, in the winter of 1825-6, I re-
•*-^^ ceivecl a letter from Mr. Alexander Everett, Minister
Plenipotentiary of tlie United States at Madrid, inform-
ing me of a work then in the press, edited by Don
Marthi Fernandez de Navarrete, Secretary of the Koyal
Academy of History, &c., &c., containing a collection
of documents relative to the voyages of Columbus,
among which were many of a highly important nature,
recently discovered. Mr. Everett, at the same time,
expressed an opinion that a version of the work into
English, by one of our own country, would be pecu-
liarly desirable. I concurred with him in the opinion ;
and, having for some time intended a visit to Madrid,
I shortly afterwards set oif for that capital, with an idea
of undertaking, while there, the translation of the work.
Soon after my arrival, the publication of M. Navar-
rete made its appearance. I found it to contain many
documents, hitherto unknown, which threw additional
lights on the discovery of the New World ; and which
reflected the greatest credit on the industry and activity
Vol. I.— 1*

10 PKEFAOE.

of the learned editor. Still the whole presented rather
a mass of rich materials for history, than a history it-
self. And invaluable as such stores may be to the
laborious inquirer, the sight of disconnected papers and
official documents is apt to be repulsive to the general
reader, who seeks for clear and continued narrative.
These circumstances made me hesitate in my proposed
undertaking ; yet the subject was of so interesting and
national a kind, that I could not willingly abandon it.

On considering the matter more maturely, I per-
ceived that, althougli there were many books, in many
languages, relative to Columbus, they all contained
limited and incomplete accounts of his life and voyages ;
while numerous valuable tracts on the subject existed
only in manuscript or in the form of letters, journals,
and public muniments. It appeared to me that a his-
tory, faithfully digested from these various materials,
was a desideratum in literature, and would be a more
satisfactory occupation to myself, and a more acceptable
work to my country, than the translation I had contem-
plated

I was encouraged to undertake such a work, by the
great facilities which I found within my reach at Mad-
rid. I was resident under the roof of the American
Consul, O. Rich, Esq., one of the most indefatigable
bibliographers in Europe, who, for several years, had
made particular researches after every document rela-
tive to the early history of America, In his extensive
and curious library, I found one of the best collections

PKKFAOK, 11

extant of Spanish colonial history, containing many
documents for which I might search elsewhere in vam.
This he put at my absolute command, with a frankness
and unreserve seldom to be met with among the pos-
sessors of such rare and valuable works ; and his library
has been my main resource throughout the whole of my
labors.

I found also the iloyal Library of Madrid, and the
library of the Jesuits' College of San Isidro, two noble
and extensive collections, open to access, and conducted
with great order and liberality. From Don Martin
Fernandez de Kavarrete, who communicated various
valuable and curious pieces of information, discovered
in the course of his researches, I received the most oblig-
ing assistance ; nor can I refrain from testifying my
admiration of the self-sustained zeal of that estimable
man, one of the last veterans of Spanish literature, who
is almost alone, yet indefatigable in his labors, in a
country where, at present, literary exertion meets with
but little excitement or reward.

I must acknowledge, also, the liberality of the Duke
of Yeraguas, the descendent and representative of Co-
lumbus, who submitted the archives of his family to
my inspection, and took a personal interest in exhibiting
the treasures they contained. ISTor, lastly, must I omit
my deep obligation to my excellent friend Don Antonio
de Uguina, treasurer of the Prince Francisco, a gentle-
man of talents and erudition, and particularly versed
in the history of his country and its dependencies. To

12 PEEFACE.

Hs unwearied investigations, and silent and unavowed
contributions, the worid is indebted for much of the
accurate information, recently imparted, on points of
early colonial history. In the possession of this gentle-
man are most of the papers of his deceased friend, the
late historian Munos, Avho was cut off in the midst of
his valuable labors. These, and various other docu-
ments, have been imparted to me by Don Antonio, with
a kindness and urbanity which greatly increased, yet
lightened the obligation.

With these, and other aids incidentally aiforded me
by my local situation, I have endeavored, to the best
of my abilities, and making the most of the time Avhich
I could allow myself during a sojourn in a foreign coun-
try, to construct this history. I have diligently collated
all the works that I could find relative to my subject,
in print and manuscript ; comparing them, as far as in
my power, with original documents, those sure lights
of historic research ; endeavoring to ascertain the truth
amid those contradictions which will inevitably occur,
where several persons have recorded the same facts,
viewing them from diiferent points, and under the in-
fluence of different interests and feelings.

In the execution of this work I have avoided in-

»

dulging in mere speculations or general reflections, ex-
cepting such as rose naturally out of the subject, pre-
ferring to give a minute and circumstantial narrative,
omitting no particular that appeared characteristic of
the persons, the events, or the times ; and endeavoring

PKEFACE. 13

to place every fact in such a point of view, that the
reader might perceive its merits, and draw his own
maxims and conckisions.

As many points of the history required explanations,
drawn from contemporary events and the literature of
the times, I have preferred, instead of incumbering the
narrative, to give detached illustrations at the end of
the work. This also enabled me to indulge in greater
latitude of detail, where the subject was of a curious
or interesting nature, and the sources of information
such as not to be within the common course of reading.

After all, the work is presented to the public with
extreme diffidence. All that I can safely claim is, an
earnest desire to state the truth, an absence from prej-
udices respecting the nations mentioned in my history,
a strong interest in my subject, and a zeal to make up
by assiduity for many deficiences of which I am con-
scious.

Washington Ieving.
Madrid, 1827.

P. S. I have been surprised at finding myself ac-
cused by some American writer of not giving sufficient
credit to Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete for the
aid I have derived from his collection of documents.
I had thought I had sufficiently shown, in the preceding
preface, Avhich appeared with my first edition, that his
collection first prompted my work, and subsequently
furnished its principal materials : and that I had illus-

14 PREFACE.

trated this by citations at the foot or ahiiost every page.
Ill preparing this revised edition, I have carefully and
conscientiously examined into the matter, but find noth-
ing to add to the acknowledgments already made.

To show the feelings and oj^inions of M. Xavarrete
himself with respect to my work and myself, I subjoin
an extract from a letter received from that excellent
man ; and a passage from the introduction to the third
volume of his collection. Nothing but the desh'e to
vindicate myself on this head would induce me to
publish extracts so laudatory.

From a letter dated Madrid, April Ist, 1831.

I congratulate myself that the documents and notices
which I published in my collection about the first occur-
rences in the history of America, have fallen into hands
so able to appreciate their authenticity, to examine
them critically, and to circulate them in all directions ;
establishing fundamental truths which hitherto have
been adulterated by jDartial or systematic writers.

To me complazeo en que los documentos y noticias
que publico en mi coleccion sobre los j:)rimeros aconte-
cimientos de la historia do America, hayan recaido en
manos tan luibiles para apreciar su autenticidad, para
examinar las con critica y propagarlas por todos partes
echando los fundamentos de la verdad que hasta ahora
ha sido tan adulterada par los escritores parciales o sis-
tcmaticos.

PKEFACE. 15

In the introduction to the third volume of his Col-
lection of Spanish Yoyages, Mr. Navarrete cites various
testimonials he has received since the publication of his
two first volumes, of the utility of his work to the
republic of letters.

" A signal proof of this," he continues, " is just
given us by Mr. Washington Irving in the History of
the Life and Yoyages of Christopher Columbus, which
lie has published with a success as general as it is well
merited. We said in our introduction that we did not
propose to write the history of the admiral, but to pub-
lish notes and materials that it might be written with
veracity ; and it is fortunate that the first person to
profit by them, should be a literary man, judicious and
erudite, already known in his own country and in Eu-
rope by other works of merit. Resident in Madrid,
exempt from the rivalries which have influenced some
European natives with respect to Columbus and his dis-
coveries ; having an opportunity to examine excellent
books and precious manuscripts ; to converse with per-
sons instructed in these matters, and having always at
hand the authentic documents which we had just pub-
lished, he has been enabled to give to his history that
fullness, impartiality, and exactness, which make it
much superior to those of the writers Mdio preceded
him. To this he adds his regular method, and conven-
ient distribution ; his style animated, pure, and ele-
gant ; the notice of various personages who mingled in
the concerns of Columbus ; and the examination of

16 PKEFACE.

various questions, in wliicli always sliiue sound criti-
cism, erudition, and good taste."

Insigne prueba de esto mismo acaba de darnos el
Seiior AVasliington Irving en la Historia de la Yida y
de los Viages de Cristobal Colon que ha publicado con
una aceptacion tan general como bien merecida. Digi-
mos en nuestra introduccion (1 § 56 pag. Ixxxii.) que no
nos proponiamos escribir la historia de aqual almirante,
sino publicar noticias y materiales para que se escribiese
con veracidad, y es una fortuna que el primero que se
hay a aprovechado de ellas sea un literato juicioso y
erudito, conocido ya en su patria y en Europa por otras
obras apreciables. Colocado en Madrid exento de las
rivalidades que han dominado entre algunas naciones
Europeas sobre Colon y sus descubrimientos ; con la
jDroporcion de examinar excelentes libros y preciosos
nianuscritos, de tratar a personas instruidas en estas
materias, y teniendo siempre a la mano los autenticos
documentos que acabamos de publicar, lia logrado dar
a su historia aquella extension imparcialidad y exactitud
que la hacen niuy superior a las de los escritores que le
preeedieron. Agregase a esto su nietodico arreglo y
conveniente distribucion ; su astilo animado, puro y
elegante ; la noticia de varios personages que interve-
nieron en los sucesos de Colon, y el exanien de varias
cuestiones en que luce siempre la mas sana critica, la
erudicion y buen gusto. — Prologo al tomo 3°.

THE

LIFE AE^D YOTAGES

OP

COLUMBUS.

BOOK I.

WHETHER in old times, beyond the reach of history or
tradition, and in some remote period of civilization,
when, as some imagine, the arts may have flourished to a de-
gree unknown to those whom we term the Ancients, there
existed an intercourse between the opposite shores of the
Atlantic ; whether the Egyptian legend, narrated by Plato,
respecting the island of Atalantis was indeed no fable, but the
obscure tradition of some vast country, ingulfed by one of
those mighty convulsions of our globe, w^hich have left traces
of the ocean on the summits of lofty mountains, must ever
remain matters of vague and visionary speculation. As far
as authenticated history extends, nothing was known of terra
firma, and the islands of the western hemisphere, until their
discovery towards the close of the fifteenth century. A wan-

18 LIFE AisD VOYAGES OF [BoOK L

dering bark may occasionally have lost sight of the landmarks
of the old continents, and been driven by tempests across the
wilderness of waters long before the invention of the compass,
but never returned to reveal the secrets of the ocean. And
though, from time to time, some document has floated to the
shores of the old world, giving to its wondering inhabitants
evidences of land far beyond their watery horizon ; yet no
one ventured to spread a sail, and seek that land enveloped in
mystery and peril. Or if the legends of the Scandinavian
voyagers be correct, and their mysterious Yinland was the
coast of Labrador, or the shore of Newfoundland, they had
but transient glimpses of the new world, leading to no certain
or permanent knowledge, and in a little time lost again to
mankind,* Certain it is that at the beginning of the fifteenth
century, when the most intelligent minds Avere seeking in
every direction for the scattered lights of geographical knowl-
edge, a profound ignorance prevailed among the learned as to
the western regions of the Atlantic ; its vast waters were re-
garded with awe and wonder, seeming to bound the world as
with a chaos, into which conjecture could not penetrate, and
enterprise feared to adventure. We need no greater proofs
of this than the description given of the Atlantic by Xerif al
Edrisi, surnamed the Nubian, an eminent Arabian writer,
whose countrymen were the boldest navigators of the middle
ages, and possessed all that was then known of geography.

" The ocean," he observes, '"' encircles the ultimate bounds
of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is imknown. No one
has been able to verify any thing concerning it, on account of

* See Illustrations at the end of this work, article Scasdixatian Dis-
coveries.

Introd.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 19

its difficult and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its
profound depth, and frequent tempests ; through fear of its
mighty fishes, and its haughty winds ; yet there are many
islands in it, some peopled, others uninhabited. There is no
mariner who dares to enter into its deep waters ; or if any
have done so, they have merely kept along its coasts, fearful
of departing from them. The waves of this ocean, although
they roll as high as mountains, yet maintain themselves with-
out breaking ; for if they broke, it would be impossible for
ship to plough them." *

It is the object of the following work to relate the deeds
and fortunes of the mariner who first had the judgment to
divine, and the intrepidity to brave the mysteries of this per-
ilous deep ; and who, by his hardy genius, his inflexible con-
stancy, and his heroic courage, brought the ends of the earth
into communication with each other. The narrative of his
troubled life is the link which connects the history of the old
world with that of the new

* Description of Spain, by Xerif al Edrisi : Conde's Spanish transla-
tion. Madrid, 1199.

20

LIFE AND VOYAGES OF

[Book L

CHAPTEE I.

BIRTH, PAEENTAGE, AND EAELT LIFE OF COLUMBUS.

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, or Co-
lombo, as the name is written in Ital-
ian,* was born in the city of Genoa, about
the year 1435. He was the son of Domin-
ico Colombo, a wool comber, and Susannah
Eonatanarossa, his wife, and it would seem
that his ancestors had followed the same handicraft for several
generations in Genoa. Attempts have been made to prove
him of illustrious descent, and several noble houses have laid
claim to him since his name has become so reiiowned as to
confer rather than receive distinction. It is possible some of
them may be in the right, for the feuds in Italy in those ages
had broken down and scattered many of the noblest fixmilies,

* Columbus latinized his name in his letters, according to the usage
of the time, when Latin was the language of learned correspondence
In subsequent life when in Spain he recurred to what was supposed to
be the original Roman name of the family, Colcnus, which he abbrevi-
ated to Colon, to adapt it to the Castiliau tongue. Hence he is known
in Spanish history as Christoval Colon. In the present work the name
■will be written Columbus, being the one by which he is most known
throughout the world.

Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUJVrBL'S. ^ 21

and ■while some branches remained in the lordly heritage of
castles and domains, others were confounded with the humblest
population of the cities. The fact, however, is not material to
his fame ; and it is a higher proof of merit to be the object of
contention among various noble families, than to be able to
substantiate the most illustrious lineage. His son Fernando
had a true feeling on the subject, " I am of opinion," says
he, " that I should derive less dignity from any nobility of
ancestry, than from being the son of such a father." *

Columbus was the oldest of four children ; having two
brothers, Bartholomew and Giacom.o, or James (written
Diego in Spanish), and one sister, of whom nothing is known
but that she was married to a person in obscure life, called
Giacomo Bavarello. At a very early age Columbus evinced
a decided inclination for the sea ; his education, therefore, was
mainly directed to fit him for maritime life, but was as gen-
eral as the narrow means of his father would permit. Be-
sides the ordinary branches of reading, writing, grammar, and
arithmetic, he was instructed in the Latin tongue, and made
some proficiency in drawing and design. Eor a short time,
also, he was sent to the university of Pavia, where he studied
geometry, geography, astronomy, and navigation. He then
returned to Genoa, where, according to a contemporaiy his-
torian, he assisted his father in his trade of wool-combing, f

* The reader will find the vexed questions about the age, birthplace,
and lineage of Columbus severally discussed in the Appendix.

f Agostino Giustiniani, Ann. de Genova. His assertion has been
echoed by other historians, viz., Anton Gallo de Navigatione Colombi,
&c., Muratori, torn. 23, Barta Senartga, do rebus Genuensibus, Muratori,
torn. 24.

22 LIFE AND VOYAGE-S OF [Book I.

This assertion is indignantly contradicted by his son Fer-
nando, though there is nothing in it improbable, and he gives
us no information of his father's occupation to supply its
place. He could not, however, have remained long in this
employment, as, according to his own account, he entered
upon a nautical life when but fourteen years of age,*

In tracing the early history of a man like Columbus,
whose actions have had a vast effect on human affairs, it is
interesting to notice how much has been owing to external
influences, how much to an inborn propensity of the genius.
In the latter part of his life, when, impressed with the sublime
events brought about through his agency, Columbus looked
back upon his career with a solemn and superstitious feeling,
he attributed his early and irresistible inclination for the sea,
and his passion for geographical studies, to an impulse from
the Deity preparing him for the high decrees he was chosen
to accomplish, f

The nautical j)ropensity, however, evinced by Columbus
in early life, is common to boys of enterprising spirit and
lively imagination brought up in maritime cities ; to whom
the sea is the high road to adventure and the region of ro-
mance. Genoa, too, walled in and straitened on the land side
by rugged mountains, yielded but little scope for enterprise
on shore, while an opulent and widely extended commerce,
visiting every country, and a roving marine, battling in every
sea, naturally led forth her children upon the waves, as their
propitious element. !Many, too, were induced to emigrate by
the violent flictions which raged within the bosom of the city,

* Hist, del Almiraiitc, cap. 4.

I Letter to tlic CasiiliMii Sovereigns, 1501.

Chap, L] CHRISTOPHER C0LXJMBU3. ' 23

and often dyed its streets with blood. A historian of Genoa
laments this proneness of its youth to wander. They go,
said he, with the intention of returning when they shall have
acquired the means of living comfortably and honorably in
their native place ; but we know from long experience, that
of twenty who thus depart scarce two return ; either dying
abroad, or taking to themselves foreign wives, or being loth
to expose themselves to the tempest of civil discords which
distract the republic*

The strong passion for geographical knowledge, also, felt
by Columbus in early life, and which inspired his after career,
was incident to the age in which he lived. Geographical dis-
covery was the brilliant path of light which was forever to
distinguish the fifteenth century. During a long night of
monkish bigotry and false learning, geography, with the other
sciences, had been lost to the European nations. Fortunately
it had not been lost to mankind : it had taken refuge in the
bosom of Africa. While the pedantic schoolmen of the
cloisters were wasting time and talent, and confounding eru-
dition by idle reveries and sophistical dialectics, the Arabian
sages, assembled at Senaar, were taking the measurement of
a degree of latitude, and calculating the circumference of the
earth, on the vast plains of Mesopotamia.

True knowledge, thus happily preserved, was now making
its way back to Europe. The revival of science accompanied
the revival of letters. Among the various authors which the
awakening zeal for ancient literature had once more brought
into notice, were Pliny, Pomponius Mek;, and Strabo. Erom

* Foglieta, Istoria de Geneva, lib. ii.

24 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

these was regained a fund of geographical knowledge, which
had long faded from the public mind. Curiosity was aroused
to pursue this forgotten path, thus suddenly reopened. A
translation of the work of Ptolemy had been made into
Latin, at the commencement of the century, by Emanuel
Chrysoleras, a noble and learned Greek, and had thus been
rendered more familiar to the Italian students. Another
translation had followed, l)y James Angel de Scarpiaria, of
which fair and beautiful copies became common in the Italian
libraries.* The writings also began to be sought after of
Averroes, Alfraganus, and other Arabian sages, who had kept
the sacred fire of science alive, during the interval of Euro-
pean darkness.

The knowledge thus reviving was limited and imperfect ;
yet, like the return of morning light, it seemed to call a new
creation into existence, and broke, with all the charm of won-
der, upon imaginative minds. They were surprised at their
own ignorance of the world around them. Every step was
discovery, for every region beyond their native country was
in a manner terra incognita.

Such was the state of information and feeling with respect
to this interesting science, in the early part of the fifteenth
century. An interest still more intense Avas awakened by the
discoveries which began to be made along the Atlantic coasts
of Africa ; and must have been particularly felt among a
maritime and commercial people like the Genoese. To these
circumstances may we ascribe the enthusiastic devotion which
Columbus imbibed in his childhood for cosmographical
studies, and which influenced all his after fortunes.

* Andres, Hist. B. Let., ib. iii. cap. 2.

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 25

The short time passed by him at the university of Pavia
"was barely sufficient to give him the rudiments of the neces-
sary sciences ; the familiar acquaintance with them, which he
evinced in after life, must have been the result of diligent
self-schooling, in casual hours of study amid the cares and
vicissitudes of a rugged and wandering life. He was one of
those men of strong natural genius, who, from having to con-
tend at their very outset with privations and impediments,
acquire an intrepidity in encountering and a facility in van-
quishing difficulties, throughout their career. Such men learn
to effect great purposes with small means, supplying this de-
ficiency by the resources of their own energy and invention.
This, from his earliest commencement, throughout the whole
of his life, was one of the remarkable features in the history
of Columbus. In every undertaking, the scantiness and ap-
parent insufficiency of his means enhance the grandeur of his
achievements.

Vol. I.— 2

26 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

CHAPTEE II.

EAKLY VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS.

COLUMBUS, as has been observed, commenced his nautical
career -when about fourteen years of age. His first voy-
ages were made with a distant relative named Colombo, a
hardy veteran of the seas, who had risen to some distinction
by his bravery, and is occasionally mentioned in old chroni-
cles ; sometimes as commanding a squadron of his own, some-
times as an admiral in the Genoese service. He appears to
have been bold and adventurous ; ready to fight in any cause,
and to seek quarrel wherever it might lawfully be found.

The seafaring life of the Mediterranean, in those days,
was hazardous and daring. A commercial expedition resem-
bled a warlike cruise, and the maritime merchant had often
to fight his way from port to port. Piracy was almost le-
galized. The frequent feuds between the Italian states ; the
cruisings of the Catalonians ; the armadas fitted out by pri-
vate noblemen, who exercised a kind of sovereignty in their
own domains, and kept petty armies and navies in their pay ;
the roving ships and squadrons of private adventurers, a kind

Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 27

of naval Condottieri, sometimes employed by hostile govern-
ments, sometimes scouring the seas in search of lawless booty ;
lliese, with the holy Avars waged against the Mahometan
powers, rendered the narrow seas, to which navigation was
principally confined, scenes of hardy encounters and trying
reverses.

Such was the rugged school in which Columbus was
reared, and it would have been deeply interesting to have
marked the early development of his genius amidst its stern
adversities. All this instructive era of his history, however,
is covered with darkness. His son Fernando, who could have
best elucidated it, has left it in obscurity, or has now and then
perplexed us with cross lights ; perhaps unwilling, from a
principle of mistaken pride, to reveal the indigence and ob-
scurity from which his father so gloriously emerged.

The first voyage in which w^e have any account of his being
engaged was a naval expedition, fitted out in Genoa in 1459
by John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, to make a descent upon
Naples, in the hope of recovering that kingdom for his father
King Reinier, or Renato, otherwise called Eene, Count of
Provence. The republic of Genoa aided him with ships and
money. The brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the
attention of daring and restless spirits. The chivalrous noble-
man, the soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the desperate
adventurer, the mercenary partisan, all hastened to enlist
under the banner of Anjou. The veteran Colombo took a
part in this expedition, either with galleys of his own, or as a
commander of the Genoese squadron, and with him embarked
his youthful relative, the future discoverer.

The struggle of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples

28 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book L

lasted about four years, with varied fortune, but was finally
unsuccessful. The naval part of the expedition, in which
Columbus was engaged, signalized itself by acts of intre-
pidity ; and at one time, when the Duke was reduced to take
refuge in the island of Ischia, a handful of galleys scoured and
controlled the bay of Naples *

In the course of this gallant but ill-fated enterprise, Co-
lumbus was detached on a perilous cruise, to cut out a galley
from the harbor of Tunis. This is incidentally mentioned by
himself in a letter written many years afterwards. It hap-
pened to me, he says, that King Eeinier (whom God has
.taken to himself) sent me to Tunis, to capture the galley
Fernandina, and when I arrived off the island of St. Pedro, in
Sardinia, I was informed that there were two ships and a car-
rack with the galley ; by which intelligence my crew were so
troubled that they determined to proceed no further, but to
return to Marseilles for another vessel and more people ; as
I could not by any means compel them, I assented apparently
to their wishes, altering the point of the compass and spread-
ing all sail. It was then evening, and next morning we were
within the Cape of Carthagena, while all were firmly of opin-
ion that they were sailing towards Marseilles, f

We have no further record of this bold cruise into the
harbor of Tunis ; but in the foregoing particulars we behold
early indications of that resolute and persevering spirit which
insured him success in his more important undertakings. His
expedient to beguile a discontented crew into a continuation

* Colenuccio, Istoria de Nap. lib. vii. cap. 17.

f Letter of Columbus to the Catholic sovereigns, vide Hist, del
Almirante, cap. 4.

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 29

of the enterprise, by deceiving them with respect to the ship's
course, will be found in unison with a stratagem of altering
the reckoning, to which he had recourse in his first voyage of
discovery.

During an interval of many years we have but one or
two shadowy traces of Columbus. He is supposed to have
been principally engaged on the Mediterranean and up the
Levant ; sometimes in commercial voyages ; sometimes in
the warlike contests between the Italian states ; sometimes in
pious and predatory expeditions against the Infidels. His-
torians have made him in 1474 captain of several Genoese
ships, in the service of Louis XI. of France, and endangering
the peace between that country and Spain by running dowii
and capturing Spanish vessels at sea, on his own responsi-
bility, as a reprisal for an irruption of the Spaniards into
Roussillon.* Again, in 1475, he is represented as brushing
with his Genoese squadron in ruffling bravado by a Venetian
fleet stationed off" the island of Cyprus, shouting " Viva San
Georgio ! " the old war-cry of Genoa, thus endeavoring to
pique the jealous pride of the Venetians and provoke a com-
bat, though the rival republics were at peace at the time.

These transactions, however, have been erroneously at-
tributed to Columbus. They were the deeds, or misdeeds,
cither of his relative the old Genoese admiral, or of a nephew
of the same, of kindred spirit, called Colombo the Younger,
to distinguish him from his uncle. They both appear to have
been fond of rough encounters, and not very scrupulous as to
the mode of bringing them about. Fernando Columbus de-
scribes this Colombo the Younger as a famous corsair, so

* Chaufepie Suppl. to Bayle, vol. ii. article " Columbus."

30 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

terrible for his deeds against the Infidels, that the Moorish
mothers used to frighten their unruly children -with his name.
Columbus sailed with him occasionally as he had done with
his uncle, and, according to Fernando's account, commanded
a vessel in his squadron on an eventful occasion.

Colombo the Younger, having heard that four Venetian
galleys richly laden were on their return voyage from Flan-
ders, laid in wait for them on the Portuguese coast, between
Lisbon and Cape St. Vincent. A desperate engagement took
place ; the vessels grappled each other, and the crews fought
hand to hand, and from ship to ship. The battle lasted from
morning until evening, with great carnage on both sides. The
vessel commanded by Columbus was engaged Avith a huge
Venetian galley. They threw hand-grenades and other fiery
missiles, and the galley was wrapped in flames. The vessels
were fastened together by chains and grappling irons, and
could not be separated ; both were involved in one conflagra-
tion, and soon became a mere blazing mass. The crews threw
themselves into the sea ; Columbus seized an oar, which was
floating within reach, and being an expert sw'nimer, attained
the shore, though full two leagues distant. It pleased God,
says his son Fernando, to give him strength, that he might
preserve him for greater things. After recovering from his
exhaustion he repaired to Li'sbon, where he found many of
his Genoese countrymen, and was induced to take up his
residence.*

Such is the account given by Fernando of his flither's first
arrival in Portugal ; and it has been cui-rently adopted by

* Hist, del Alinirante, cap. 5. See Illustrations at the end of tJiis
work, article " Capture of the Venetian Galleys."

CiiAP. IL] CnKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 31

modern historians ; but on examining various histories of the
times, the battle here described appears to have happened
several years after the date of the arrival of Columbus in that
country. That he was engaged in the contest is not im-
probable ; but he had previously resided for some time in
Portugal. In fact, on referring to the history of that king-
dom, we shall find, in the great maritime enterprises in which
it was at that time engaged, ample attractions for a person of
his inclinations and pursuits ; and we shall be led to con-
clude, that his first visit to Lisbon was not the fortuitous
result of a desperate adventure, but was undertaken in a spirit
of liberal curiosity, and in the pursuit of honorable fortune.

32 LIFE AJS^D VOYAGES OF [BoOK I.

CHAPTER III.

PEOGEESS OF DISCOVERT UNDER PRINCE HENET OP PORTUGAL.

npHE career of modern discovery had commenced shortly
-*- before the time of Columbus, and at the period of which
we are treating was prosecuted v/ith great activity by Portu-
gal. Some have attributed its origin to a romantic incident
in the fourteenth century. An Englishman of the name of
Macham, flying to France with a lady of whom he was enam-
ored, was driven far out of sight of land by stress of weather,
and after wandering about the high seas, arrived at an un-
known and uninhabited island, covered with beautiful forests,
which was afterwards called Madeira.* Others have treated
this account as a fable, and have pronounced the Canaries to
be the first fruits of modern discovery. This famous group,
the Fortunate Islands of the ancients, in which they placed
their garden of the Hesperides, and whence Ptolemy com-
menced to count the longitude, had been long lost to the
world. There arc vague accounts, it is true, of their having
received casual visits, at wide intervals, during the obscure

* See Illustrations, article " Discovery of Madeira."

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 33

ages, from the wandering bark of some Arabian, Norman, or
Genoese adventurer ; but all this was involved in uncertainty,
and led to no beneficial result. It was not until the fourteenth
century that they were effectually rediscovered, and restored
to mankind. From that time they were occasionally visited
by the hardy navigators of various countries. The greatest
benefit produced by their discovery was, that the frequent
expeditions made to them emboldened mariners to venture
far upon the Atlantic, and familiarized them, in some degree,
to its dangers.

The grand impulse to discovery was not given by chance,
but was the deeply meditated effort of one master mind.
This was Prince Henry of Portugal, son of John the First,
surnamed the Avenger, and Philippa of Lancaster, sister of
Henry the Fourth of England. The character of this illus-
trious man, from whose enterprises the genius of Columbus
took excitement, deserves particular mention.

Having accompanied his father into Africa, in an expedi-
tion against the Moors, at Ceuta he received much informa-
tion concerning the coast of Guinea, and other regions in the
interior, hitherto unknown to Europeans, and concei\'ed an
idea that important discoveries were to be made by navigating
along the western coast of Africa. On returning to Portugal,
this idea became his ruling thought. Withdrawing from the
tumult of a court to a country retreat in the Algarvcs, near
Sagres, in the neighborhood of Cape St. Vincent, and in full
view of the ocean, he drew around him men eminent in science,
and prosecuted the study of those branches of knowledge con-
nected with the maritime arts. He was an able mathemati-
Vol. I.— 2*

34 LIFE AND VOYAGES 01" [Book I.

cian, and made himself master of all the astronomy known to
the Arabians of Spain.

On studying the works of the ancients, he found what he
considered abundant proofs that Afi-ica was circumnavigable.
Eudoxus of Cyzicus was said to have sailed from the lied Sea
into the ocean, and to have continued on to Gibraltar ; and
Ilanno the Carthaginian, sailing from Gibraltar with a fleet of
sixty ships, and following the African coast, was said to have
reached the shores of Arabia.* It is true these voyages had
been discredited by several ancient writers, and the possibility
of circumnaviiiatino; Africa, after beina; for a loni; time ad-
mitted by geographers, was denied by Hipparchus, who con-
sidered each sea shut up and land-bound in its peculiar basin ;
and that Africa was a continent continuing onward to the south
pole, and surrounding the Indian sea, so as to join Asia
beyond the Ganges. This opinion had been adojDted by
Ptolemy, whose works, in the time of Prince Henry, were
the highest authority in geography. The prince, however,
clung to the ancient belief, that Africa was circumnavigable,
and found his opinion sanctioned by various learned men of
more modern date. To settle this question, and achieve the
circumnavigation of Africa, was an object worthy the ambition
of a prince, and his mind was fired with the idea of the vast
benefits that would arise to his country should it be accom-
plished by Portuguese enterprise.

The Italians, or Lombards, as they were called in the
north of Europe, had long monopolized the trade of Asia.
They had formed commercial establishments at Constantinople

* See Illustrations, article " Circumnavigation of Africa by the
Ancients."

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 35

and in the Black Sea, where they received the rich produce
of the SpicG Islands, lying near the equater ; and the silks,
the gums, the perfumes, the precious stones, and other luxu-
rious commodities of Egypt and southern Asia, and distrib-
uted them over the whole of Europe. The republics of Venice
and Genoa rose to opulence and power in consequence of this
trade. They had factories in the most remote parts, even in
the frozen regions of Moscovy and Norway. Their merchants
emulated the magnificence of princes. All Europe was tribu-
tary to their commerce. Yet this trade had to pass through
various intermediate hands, subject to the delays and charges
of internal navigation, and the tedious and uncertain journeys
of the caravan. For a long time, the merchandise of India
was conveyed by the Gulf of Persia, the Euphrates, the Indus,
and the Oxus, to the Caspian and the Mediterranean seas ;
thence to take a new destination for the various marts of
Europe. After the Soldan of Egypt had conquered the
Arabs, and restored trade to its ancient channel, it was still
attended with great cost and delay. Its precious commodities
had to be conveyed by the Red Sea ; thence on the backs of
camels to the banks of the Nile, whence they were transported
to Egypt to meet the Italian merchants, Tlius, while the
* opulent traffic of the East was engrossed by these adventurous
monopolists, the price of every article was enhanced by the
great expense of transportation.

It M'as the grand idea of Prince Plenry, by circumnavigat-
ing Africa to open a direct and easy route to the source of
this commerce, to turn it in a golden tide upon his coinitry.
He was, however, before the age in thought, and had to coun-
teract ignorance and prejudice, and to endure the delays to

36 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

which vivid and penetrating minds are subjected, from the
tardy co-operations of the dull and the doubtful. The naviga-
tion of the Atlantic was yet in its infancy. Mariners looked
with distrust upon a boisterous expanse, which appeared to
have no opposite shore, and feared to venture out of sight of
the landmarks. Every bold headland, and far-stretching
promontory, was a wall to bar their progress. They crept
timorously along the Barbary shores, and thought they had
accomplished a wonderful expedition when they had ventured
a few degrees beyond the Straits of Gibraltar. Cape Non
was long the limit of their daring ; they hesitated to double
its rocky point, beaten by winds and waves, and threatening
to thrust them forth upon the raging deep.

Independent of these vague fears, they had others, sanc-
tioned by philosophy itself. They still thought that the earth,
at the equator, was girdled by a torrid zone, over which the
sun held his vertical and fiery course, separating the hemi-
spheres by a region of impassive heat. They fancied Cape
Bojador the utmost boundary of secure enterprise, and had a
superstitious belief, that whoever doubled it would never
return.* They looked with dismay upon the rapid currents
of its neighborhood, and the furious surf which beats upon its
arid coast. They imagined that beyond it lay the frightful
region of the torrid zone, scoreh'ed by a blazing sun ; a region
of fire, Avhere the very weaves, which beat upon the shores,
boiled under the intolerable fervor of the heavens.

To dispel these errors, and to give a scope to navigation,
equal to the grandeur of his designs. Prince Henry estab-
lished a naval college, and erected an observatory at Sagres,

* Mariana, Hist. Ksp., lib. ii. cap. 22.

Chap. III.] CIIKISTOPIIEK COLUMBUS. 37

and he invited thither the most eminent professors of the
nautical faculties ; appointing as president James of Mallorca,
a man learned in navigation, and skilful in making charts and
instruments.

The effects of this establishment -were soon apparent. All
that was known relative to geography and navigation was
gathered together and reduced to system. A vast improve-
ment took place in maps. The compass was also brought
into more general use, especially among the Portuguese,
rendering the mariner more bold and venturous, by enabling
him to navigate in the most gloomy day, and in the darkest
night. Encouraged by these advantages, and stimulated by
the munificence of Prince Henry, the Portuguese marine
became signalized for the hardihood of its enterprises, and the
extent of its discoveries. Cape Bojador was doubled ; the
region of the tropics penetrated, and divested of its fancied
terrors ; the greater part of the African coast, from Cape
Blanco to Cape de Verde, explored ; and the Cape de Verde
and Azore islands, which lay three hundred leagues distant
from the continent, were rescued from the oblivious empire
of the ocean.

To secure the quiet prosecution and full enjoyment of his
discoveries, Henry obtained the protection of a papal bull,
granting to the crown of Portugal sovereign authority over
all the lands it might discover in the Atlantic, to India inclu-
sive, with plenary indulgence to all who should die in these
expeditions ; at the same time menacing, with the terrors of
the Church, all who should interfere in these Christian con-
quests.*

* Vasconcelos, Hist, de Juan II.

38 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I,

Henry died on the 13tk of November, 1473, without ac-
complishing the great object of his ambition. It was not until
many years afterwards, that Vasco de Gama, pursuing with a
Portuguese fleet the track ho had pointed out, realized his
anticipations by doubling the Cape of Good IJopc^ sailing
along the southern coast of India, and thus opening a high-
way for commerce to the opulent rcgioi:'S of the East. Henry,
however, lived long enough to reap some of the richest re-
wards of a great and good mind. He beheld, through his
means, his native country in a grand and active career of
prosperity. The discoveries of the Portuguese were the
wonder and admiration of the fifteenth century, and Portugal,
from being one of the least among nations, suddenly rose to
be one of the most important.

All this was effected, not by arms, but by arts ; not by
the stratagems of a cabinet, but by the wisdom of a college.
It was the great achievement of a prince, who has well been
described " full of thoughts of lofty enterprise, and acts of
generous spirit :" one who bore for his device the magnani-
mous motto, " The talent to do good,"' the only talent worthy
the ambition of princes.*

Henry, at his death, left it in charge to his country to
prosecute the route to India. He had formed companies and
associations, by which commercial zeal was enlisted in the
cause, and it was made a matter of interest and comijetition
to enterprising individuals.! From time to time Lisbon was
thrown into a tumult of excitement by the launching forth of
some new expedition, or the return of a squadron with ac-

* Joam de Barros, Asia, dccad. i.

\ Lafitau, Conquetcs des Poi-tugais, torn. i. lib. i.

Chap. III.] CIIRISTOPIIEE COLUMBUS. 30

counts of new tracts explored, and new kindgoms visited.
Every thing was confident promise, and sanguine anticipation.
The miserable hordes of the African coast were magnified into
powerful nations, and the voyagers continually heard of opu-
lent countries forther on. It was as yet the twilight of geo-
graphic knowledge ; imagination went hand in hand with
discovery, and as the latter groped its slow and cautious way,
the former peopled all beyond with wonders. The fame of
the Portuguese discoveries, and of the expeditions continually
settino; out, drew the attention of the world. Strangers from
all parts, the learned, the curious, and the adventurous, re-
sorted to Lisbon to inquire into the particulars or to partici-
pate in the advantages of these enterprises. Among these
was Christopher Columbus, whether thrown there, as has
been asserted, by the fortuitous result of a desperate adven-
ture, or drawn thither by liberal curiosity, and the pursuit of
honorable fortune.*

* Herrera, decad. i. lib.

4:0 LIFE AUB VOYAGES OF [Book L

CHAPTER lY.

RESIDENCE OF COLUMBUS AT LISBON. — IDEAS CONCERNING
ISLANDS IN THE OCEAN.

/COLUMBUS arrived at Lisbon about the year 1470. He
^^ was at that time in the full vigor of manhood, and of an
engaging presence. Minute descriptions are given of his per-
son by his son Fernando, by Las Casas, and others of his con-
temporaries.* According to these accounts, he was tall, well-
formed, muscular, and of an elevated and dignified demeanor.
His visage was long, and neither full nor meagre ; his com-
plexion fair and freckled, and inclined to ruddy ; his nose
aquiline ; his cheek-bones were rather high, his eyes light
gray, and apt to enkindle ; his whole countenance had an air
of authority. His hair, in his youthful days, was of a light
color ; but care and trouble, according to Las Casas, soon
turned it gray, and at thirty years of age it was quite white.
He was moderate and simple in diet and apparel, eloquent in
discourse, engaging and affable with strangers, and his amia-
bleness and suavity in domestic life strongly attached his

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 3. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. lib. i. cap. 2, MS.

Chap. IV.] CIIEISTOPHEB COLUMBUS. 41

household to his person. His temper was naturally irrita-
ble ; * but he subdued it by the magnanimity of his spirit,
comporting himself with a courteous and gentle gravity, and
never indulging in any intemperance of language. Throughout
his life he was noted for strict attention to the offices of relig-
ion, observing rigorously the fasts and ceremonies of the
church ; nor did his piety consist in mere forms, but partook
of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm with which his whole
character was strongly tinctured.

AVhile at Lisbon, he was accustomed to attend religious
service at the chapel of the convent of All Saints. In this
convent were certain ladies of rank, either residents as board-
ers, or in some religious capacity. With one of these,
Columbus became acquainted. She was Dona Felipa, daugh-
ter of Bartolomeo Moiiis de Perestrello, an Italian cavalier,
lately deceased, who had been one of the most distinguished
navigators under Prince Henry, and had colonized and gov-
erned the island of Porto Santo. The acquaintance soon
ripened into attachment, and ended in marriage. It appears
to have been a match of mere affection, as the lady was desti-
tute of fortune.

The newly married couple resided with the mother of the
bride. The latter, perceiving the interest which Columbus
took in all matters concerning the sea, related to him all she
knew of the voyages and expeditions of her late husband, and
brought ■ him all his papers, charts, journals, and memoran-
dums.! In this way he became acquainted with the routes
of the Portuguese, their plans and conceptions ; and having,

* Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, lib. vi.

f Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. ii. cap. 2.

42 JLJFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I,

by his marriage and residence, become naturalized in Portugal,
he sailed occasionally in the expeditions to the coast of Guinea
When on shore, he supported his family by making maps
and charts. His narrow circumstances obliged him to observe
a strict economy ; yet we are told that he appropriated a part
of his scanty means to the succor of his aged father at Genoa.'^
and to the education of his younger brothers. f

The construction of a correct map or chart, in those days,
re4uired a degree of knowledge and experience sufficient to
entitle the possessor to distinction. Geography was but just
emerging from the darkness which had enveloped it for ages.
Ptolemy was still a standard authority. The maps of the
fifteenth century display a mixture of truth and error, in
which facts handed down from antiquity, and others revealed
by recent discoveries, are confused with popular fables, and
extravagant conjectures. At such a period, when the passion
for maritime discovery was seeking every aid to facilitate its
enterprises, the knowledge and skill of an able cosmographer,
like Columbus, would be projierly appreciated, and the supe-
rior correctness of his maps and charts would give him noto-
riety among men of science. J "We accordingly find him, at an

* Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. ii. cap. 2.

f Muiioz, Hist, del N. Mundo, lib. ii.

X The importance which began to bo attached to cosmograpliical
knowledge is evident from the distinction which Mauro, an Italian friar,
obtained from having projected an universal map, esteemed. the most
accurate of the time. A fac-siniilc of this map, upon the same scale as
the original, is now deposited in the British JIuseum, and it has been
published, with a geographical commentary, by the learned Zurlu. The
Venetians struck a medal in honor of him, on which they denominated
him Cosmographus incomparabilis (Collinc del Bussol. Xaut. p. 2, c. 5).
Yet Ramusio, who had seen his map in the monastery of San Michele de

Chap. IV.] OHKISTOPfIi;i? COLUJirBUS. 4:3

early period of his residence in Lisbon, in correspondence
with Paulo Toscanelli, of Florence, one of the most scientific
men of the day, whose communications had great influence in
inspiriting him to his subsequent imdertakings.

While his geographical labors thus elevated him to a com-
munion with the learned, they were peculiarly calculated to
foster a train of thoughts favorable to nautical enterprise.
From constantly comparing maps and charts, and noting the
progress and direction of discovery, he was led to perceive
how much of the world remained unknown, and to meditate
on the means of exploring it. His domestic concerns, and the
connections he had formed by marriage, were all in unison
with this vein of speculation. He resided for some time at
the recently discovered island of Porto Santo, where his wife
had inherited some property, and during his residence there
she bore him a son, whom he named Diego. This residence
brought him, as it were, on the very frontier of discovery.
His wife's sister Avas married to Pedro Correo, a navigator of
note, who had at one time been governor of Porto Santo.
Being frequently together in the familiar intercourse of domes-
tic life, their conversation naturally turned upon the discov-
eries prosecuting in their vicinity along the African coasts ;
upon the long sought for route to India ; and upon the possi-
bility ofvsomc unknown lands existing in the west.

In their island residence, too, they must have been fre-

Murano, considers it merely an improved copy of a map brought from
Cathay by Marco Polo (Ramusio, t. ii. p. 17. Ed. Veuet. 1606). "\Vc
are told that Americus Yespucius paid one hundred and thirty ducats
(equivalent to five hundred and fifty-five dollars in our time) for a map
of sea and land, made at Mallorca, in 1439, by Gabriel de Valseca (Bar-
ros, D. 1. i. 0. 15. Derroto por Tofino Introd. p. 25).

4:4: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

quently visited by the voyagers going to and from Guinea.
Living thus, surrounded by the stir and bustle of discovery,
communing with persons who had risen by it to fortune
and honor, and voyaging in the very tracks of its recent tri-
umphs, the ardent mind of Columbus kindled up to enthusi-
asm in the cause. It was a period of general excitement to
all who were connected with maritime life, or who resided in
the vicinity of the ocean. The recent discoveries had in-
flamed their imaginations, and had filled them with visions of
other islands, of greater wealth and beauty, yet to be discov-
ered in the boundless wastes of the Atlantic. The opinons
and fimcies of the ancients on the subject were again put in
circulation. The story of Antilla, a great island in the ocean,
discovered by the Carthaginians, was frequently cited, and
Plato's imaginary Atalantis once more found firm believers.
Many thought that the Canaries and Azores were but wreclcs
which had survived its submersion, and that other and laz*ger
fragments of that drowned land might yet exist, in remoter
parts of the Atlantic.

One of the strongest symptoms of the excited state of the
popular mind at this eventful era, was the prevalence of rumors
respecting unknown islands casually seen in the ocean. Many
of these were mere fables, fabricated to feed the predominant
humor of the public ; many had their origin in the heated
imaginations of voyagers, beholding islands in those summer
clouds which lie along the horizon, and often beguile the sailor
with the idea of distant lands.

On such airy basis, most probably, was founded the story
told to Columbus by one Antonio Leone, an inhabitant of
Madeira, who affirmed that sailing thence westward one hun-

Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 45

dred leagues, he had seen throe islands at a distance. But the
tales of the kind most positively advanced and zealously
maintained, were those related by the people of the Canaries,
who were long under a singular optical delusion. They im-
gined that, from time to time, they beheld a vast island to the
westward, with lofty mountains and deep valleys. Nor was
it seen in cloudy and dubious weather, but in those clear days
common to tropical climates, and with all the distinctness
with which distant objects may be discerned in their pure,
transparent atmosphere. The island, it is true, was only seen
at intervals : while at other times, and in the clearest weather,
not a vestige of it was to be descried. When it did appear,
however, it was always in the same place, and under the same
form. So persuaded were the inhabitants of the Canaries of
its reality, that application was made to the king of Portugal
for permission to discover and take possession of it ; and it
actually became the object of several expeditions. The island,
however, was never to be found, though it still continued oc-
casionally to cheat the eye.

There were all kinds of wild and fantastic notions concern-
ing this imaginary land. Some supposed it to be the Antilla
mentioned by Aristotle ; others, the Island of Seven Cities, so
called from an ancient legend of seven bishops, who, with a
multitude of followers, fled from Spain at the time of its con-
quest by the Moors, and, guided by Heaven to some unknown
island in the ocean, founded on it seven splendid cities ;
while some considered it another legendary island, on which,
it was said, a Scottish priest of the name of St. Brandan had
landed, in the sixth century. This last legend past into cur-
rent belief. The fancied island was called by the name cf

46 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

St. Brandan, or St. Borondon, and long continued to be actu-
ally laid down in maps for to the west of the Canaries,* The
same was done with the fobulous island of Antilla; and these
erroneous maps, and phantom islands, have gi^•en rise at
various tmies to assertions, that the New World had been
known prior to the period of its generally reputed discovery.

Columbus, however, considers all these appearances of land
as mere illusions. He supposes that they may have been
caused by rocks lying in the ocean, wdiich, seen at a distance,
under certain atmospherical influences, may have assumed the
appearance of islands ; or that they may have been floating
islands, such as arc mentioned by Pliny and Seneca and others,
formed of twisted roots, or of a light and porous stone, and
covered with trees, and which many have been driven about
the ocean by the "winds.

The islands of St. Brandan, of Antilla, and of the Seven
Cities, have long since proved to be fabulous tales, or atmos-
pherical delusions. Yet the rumors concerning them derive
interest, from showing the state of public thought with respect
to the Atlantic, while its western regions were yet unknown.
They were all noted down with curious care by Columbus,
and may have had some influence over his imagination. Still,
though of a visionary spirit, his penetrating genius sought in
deeper sources for the aliment of its meditations. Aroused
by the impulse of passing events, he turned anew, says his
son Fernando, to study the geographical authors which he had
read before, and to consider the astronomical reasons which
might corroborate the theory gradually forming in his mind.
He made himself acquainted with all that had been written

* See Illustrations, article " Island of St. Brandan."

Chap. IV.] CHUISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 47

by the ancients, or discovered by the moderns, relative to
geography. His own voyages enabled him to correct many
of their errors, and appreciate many of their theories. His
genius having thus taken its decided bent, it is interesting to
notice from what a mass of acknowledged facts, rational hypo-
theses, fanciful narrations, and popular rumors, his grand pro-
ject of discovery was wrought out by the strong workings of
Ms vigorous mind.

48

LIFE AND YOYAGES OF

[Book I.

CHAPTEE y.

GROOTTDS ON "WHICH COLUMBUS FOUNDED HIS BELIEF OF THE
EXISTENCE OF UNDISCOVERED LANDS IN THE WEST.

TT has been attempted, in the preceding chaptei;s, to show
how Columbus was gradually kindled up to his grand
design by the spirit and events of the times in which he lived.
His son Fernando, however, undertakes to furnish the precise
data on which his father's plan of discovery was founded.*
" He does this," he observes, " to show from what slender
argument so great a scheme was fabricated and brought to
light ; and for the purpose of satisfying those who may desire
to know distinctly the circumstances and motives which led
his father to undertake this enterprise."

As this statement was formed from notes and documents
found among his father's papers, it is too curious and interest-
ing, not to deserve particular mention. In this memorandum
he arranged the foundation of his father's theory under three
heads: 1. The nature of things. 2. The authority of learned
writers. 3. The reports of navigatoi's.

* Hist, del Almirantc, cap. 6, 7, 8.

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 49

Under the first head, he set down as a fundamental princi-
ple, that the earth Avas a terraqueous sphere or globe, which
might be traveled round from east to west, and that nien stood
foot to foot, when on opposite points. The circumference
from east to west, at tlic equator, Columbus divided, accord-
ing to Ptolemy, into twenty -four hours of fifteen degrees each,
making three hundred and sixty degrees. Of these he imag-
ined, comparing the globe of Ptolemy with the earlier map
of Marinus of Tyre, that fifteen hours had been known to the
ancients, extending from the Straits of Gibraltar, or rather
from the Canary Islands, to the city of Thin^e in Asia, a place
set down as at the eastern limits of the known world. The
Portuguese had advanced the western frontier one hour more
by the discovery of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands.
There remained, then, according to the estimation of Colum-
bus, eight hours, or one-third of the circumference of the earth,
unknown and unexplored. This space might, in a great meas-
ure, be filled up by the eastern regions of Asia, which might
extend so far as nearly to surround the globe, and to approach
the western shores of Europe and Africa. The tract of ocean,
intervening between these countries, he observes, would be
less than might at first be supposed, if the opinion of Alfrag-
anus, the Arabian, were admitted, who, by diminishing the
size of the degrees, gave to the earth a smaller circumference
than did other cosmographers ; a theory to which Columbus
seems at times to have given faith. Granting these premises,
it was manifest, that, by pursuing a direct course from east
to west, a navigator would arrive at the extremity of Asia,
and discover any intervening land.

Under the second head, are named the authors whose
Vol.. I.~S

50 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

writings had weight in convincing him that the intervening
ocean could be but of moderate expanse, and easy to be tra-
versed. Among these, he cites the opinion of Aristotle,
Seneca, and Pliny, that one might pass from Cadiz to the
Indies in a few days ; of Strabo, also, who observes, that the
ocean surrounds the earth, bathing on the east the shores of
India ; on the west, the coasts of Spain and Mauritania ; so
that it is easy to navigate from one to the other on the same
parallel.*

In corroboration of the idea, that Asia, or, as he always
terms it, India, stretched far to the east, so as to occupy the
greater part of the unexplored space, the narratives are cited
of Marco Polo and John Mandeville. These travellers had
visited, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the remote
parts of Asia, far beyond the regions laid down by Ptolemy ;
and their accounts of the extent of that continent to the east-
ward, had a great effect in convincing Columbus that a voyage
to the west, of no long duration, would bring him to its shores,
or to the extensive and wealthy islands which lie adjacent.
The information concerning Marco Polo, is probably derived
from Paulo Toscanelli, a celebrated doctor of Florence,
already mentioned, with whom Columbus corresponded in
1474, and who transmitted to him a copy of a letter which he
had previously written to Fernando Martinez, a learned
canon of Lisbon. This letter maintains the facility of arriving
at India by a western course, asserting the distance to be but
four thousand miles, in a direct line from Lisbon to the prov-
ince of Mangi, near Cathay, since determined to be the north-

* Strab. Cos. lib. i. ii.

Chap. V.] CHRISTOrilER COLUMBUS. 51

ern coast of China. Of this country he gives a magnificent
description, drawn from the work of Marco Polo. He adds,
that in the route lay the islands of Antilla and Cipango, dis-
tant from each other only two hundred and twenty -five leagues,
abounding in riches, and offering convenient places for ships
to touch at and obtain supplies on the voyage.

Under the third head, are enumerated various indications
of land in the west, which had floated to the shores of the
known world. It is curious to observe, how, when once the
mind of Columbus had beome heated in the inquiry, it at-
tracted to it every corroborating circumstance, however vague
and trivial. He appears to have been particularly attentive
to the gleams of information derived from veteran marin-
ers, who had been employed in the recent voyages to the
African coasts, and also from the inhabitants of lately discov-
ered islands, placed, in a manner, on the frontier posts of geo-
graphical knowledge. All these are carefully noted down
among his memorandums, to be collocated with the facts and
opinions already stored up in his mind.

Such, for instance, is the circumstance related to him by
Martin Vicenti, a pilot in the service of the king of Portugal ;
that, after sailing four hundred and fifty leagues to the west
of Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the water a piece of
carved wood, which evidently had not been labored with an
iron instrument. As the winds had drifted it from the west,
it might have come from some unknown land in that direc-
tion.

Pedro Correa, brother-in-law of Columbus, is likewise
cited, as having seen, on the island of Porto Santo, a similar
piece of wood, which had drifted from the same quarter. He

52 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

had heard also from the King of Portugal, that reeds of an
immense size had floated to some of those islands from the
west, in the description of which, Columbus thought he recog-
nized the immense reeds said by Ptolemy to grow in India.

Information is likewise noted, given him by the inhabi-
tants of the Azores, of trunks of huge pine trees, of a kind
that did not grow upon any of the islands, wafted to their
shores by the westerly winds ; but especially of the bodies of
two dead men, cast upon the island of Flores, whose features
differed from those of any known race of people.

To these is added the report of a mariner of the port of
St. Mary, who asserted that, in the course of a voyage to Ire-
land, he had seen land to the west, which the ship's company
took for some extreme part of Tartary. Other stories, of a
similar kind, are noted, as well as rumors concerning the
fancied islands of St. Brandan, and of the Seven Cities, to
which, as has already been observed, Columbus gave but little
faith.

Such is an abstract of the grounds, on which, according
to Fernando, his father proceeded from one position to an-
otlier, until he came to the conclusion, that there was undis-
covered land in the western part of the ocean ; that it was
attainable ; that it was fertile ; and finally, that it was in-
habited.

It is evident, that several of the fliets herein enumerated,
must have become known to Columbus after he had formed
his opinion, and merely served to strengthen it ; still, every
thing that throws any light upon the process of thought, which
led to so great an event, is of the highest interest ; and the
chain of deductions here furnished, though not perhapS' the

Chap. V.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 53

most logical in its concatenation, yet, being extracted from the
papers of Columbus himself, remains one of the most interest-
ing documents in the history of the human mind.

On considering this statement attentively, it is apparent
that the grand argument which induced Columbus to his en-
terprise, was that placed under the first head, namely, that
the most eastern part of Asia knowTi to the ancients, could
not be separated from the Azores by more than a third of the
circumference of the globe ; that the intervening space must,
in a great measure, be filled up by the unknown residue of
Asia ; and that, if the circumference of the world was, as he
believed, less than was generally supposed, the Asiatic shores
could easily be attained by a moderate voyage to the west.

It is singular how much the success of this great undertak-
ing depended upon two happy errors, the imaginary extent of
Asia to the east, and the supposed smallness of the earth ;
both, errors of the most learned and profound philosophers,
but without which Columbus would hardly have ventured
upon his enterprise. As to the idea of finding land by sailing
directly to the west, it is at present so familiar to our minds,
as in some measure to diminsh the merits of the first concep-
tion, and the hardihood of the first attempt : but in those days,
as has well been observed, the circumference of the earth was
yet unknown ; no one could tell whether the ocean were not
of immense extent, impossible to be traversed ; nor were the
laws of specific gravity and of central gravitation ascertained,
by which, granting the rotundity of the earth, the possibility
of making the tour of it would be manifest.* The practi-

* Malte-Brun, Geographie Univcrsellc, torn. xiv. Note eur le Decou-
vcrte de I'Amerique.

54 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

cability, therefore, of finding land by sailing to the west, avhs
one of those mysteries of nature which are considered incred-
ible whilst matters of mere speculation, but the simplest things
imaginable when they have once been ascertained.

When Columbus had formed his theory, it became fixed
in his mind with singular firmness, and influenced his entire
character and conduct. He never spoke in doubt or hesitation,
but with as much certainty as if his eyes had beheld the
promised land. No trial nor disappointment could divert
him from the steady pursuit of his object. A deep religious
sentiment mingled with his meditations, and gave them at
times a tinge of superstition, but it was of a sublime and lofty
kind : he looked upon himself as standing in the hand of
Heaven, chosen from among men for the accomplishment of
its high purpose ; he read, as he supposed, his contemplated
discovery foretold in Holy Writ, and shadowed forth darkly in
the mystic revelations of the prophets. The ends of the earth
were to be brought together, and all nations and tongues and
languages united under the banners of the Redeemer. This
was to be the triumphant consummation of his enterprise,
brinsina; the remote and unknown regions of the earth into
communion with Christian Europe ; carrying the light of the
true faith into benighted and Pagan lands, and gathering their
countless nations under the holy dominion of the Church.

The enthusiastic nature of his conceptions gave an eleva-
tion to his spirit, and a dignity and loftiness to his whole de-
meanor. He conferred with sovereigns almost with a feeling
of equality. His views were princely and unbounded ; his
proposed discovery was of empires ; his conditions were
proportionally magnificent ; nor would he ever, even after

Chap. V.] CIllilSTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 55

long delays, repeated disappointments, and under the pressure
of actual penury, abate what appeared to be extravagant de-
mands for a mere possible discovery

Those who could not conceive how an ardent and compre-
hensive genius could arrive, by presumptive evidence, at so
firm a conviction, sought for other modes of accounting for it.
When the glorious result had established the correctness of
the opinion of Columbus, attempts were made to prove that
he had obtained previous information of the lands which he
pretended to discover. Among these, was an idle tale of a
tempest-tossed pilot, said to have died in his house, bequeath-
ing him written accounts of an unknown land in the west,
upon which he had been driven by adverse winds. This story,
according to Fernando Columbus, had no other foundation
than one of the popular talcs about the shadowy island of St.
Brandan, which a Portuguese captain, returning from Guinea,
fancied he had beheld beyond Madeira. It circulated for a
time in idle rumor, altered and shaped to suit their purposes,
by such as sought to tarnish the glory of Columbus. At
length, it found its way into print, and has been echoed by
various historians, vai^ying with every narration, and full of
contradictions and imj)robabi]ities.*

An assertion has also been made, that Columbus was pre-
ceded in his discoveries by Martin Behom, a contemporary
cosmographer, who, it was said, had landed accidentally, on
the coast of South America, in the course of an African expe-
dition ; and that it was with the assistance of a map, or globe,
projected by Behem, on which was laid down the nowly-dis-

* See Illustrations, article " Rumor concerning the Pilot who died in
thf House of Columbus."

56 Ln^E AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

covered country, that Columbus made his voyage. This
rumor originated in an absurd misconstruction of a Latin
manuscript, and was unsupported by any documents ; yet it
has had its circulation, and has even been revived not many
years since, with more zeal than discretion ; but is now com-
pletely refuted and put to rest. The land visited by Behem,
was the coast of Africa beyond the equator ; the globe he
projected was finished in 1492, while Columbus was absent
on his first voyage : it contains no trace of the New World,
and thus furnishes conclusive proof, that its existence was yet
unkno-vvn to Behem.*

There is a certain meddlesome spirit, which, in the garb
of learned research, goes prying about the traces of history,
casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its
fairest trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate great
names from such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of the
most salutary purposes of history, that of furnishing examples
of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accomplish.
For this purpose, some pains have been taken in the preced-
ing chapters, to trace the rise and progress of this grand idea
in the mind of Columbus ; to show that it was the conception
of his genius, quickened by the impulse of the age, and aided
by those scattered gleams of knowledge, which fell ineffec-
tually upon ordinary minds.

* See Illustrations, article " Behem."

Chap. XI.]

CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

57

PAnT OF A

TEKEESTEIAL GLOBE,

Made at Nueemberg,

In the yoiir 1492,

By Mautin Beuem.

FOR DESCEIPTION SEE REVEESE PAGE.

Vor,. I.— 3*

68 LIFE AifD VOYAGES OF [Book L

The terrestrial globe, of which a segment is given on the reverse
page, was made at Nuremberg in the year 1492, the very year on which
Columbus departed on his first voyage of discovery. Martin Behem, the
inventor, was one of the most learned cosmographers of the time, and,
having resided at Lisbon in the employ of the king of Portugal, he had
probably seen the map of Toscanelli, and the documents submitted by
Columbus to the consideration of the Portuguese government. His globe
may, therefore, be presumed illustrative of the idea entertained by
Columbus of the islands in the ocean near the extremity of Asia, at the
time he undertook his discovery.

Chap. VI.] CUKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 59,

CHAPTEE VI.

COEEESPONDENCE OF COLUIMBUS WITH PAULO TOSCANELLL—
EVENTS IN POETUGAL EELATIVE TO DI8C0VEEIES.-PE0P0SI-
TION OF COLUMBUS TO THE POETUGUESE COUET.— DEPARTUEE
FEOM POETUGAL.

TT is impossible to determine the precise time when Colum-
bus first conceived the design of seeking a western route
to India. It is certain, however, that he meditated it as early
as the year 1474, though as yet it lay crude and unmatured
in his mind. This fact, which is of some importance, is suffi-
ciently established by the correspondence already mentioned
with the learned Toscanelli of Florence, which took place in
the summer of that year. The letter of Toscanelli is in reply
to one from Columbus, and applauds the design which he had
expressed of making a voyage to the west. To demonstrate
more clearly the facility of arriving at India in that direction,
he sent him a map, projected partly according to Ptolemy,
and partly according to the descriptions of Marco Polo, the
Venetian. The eastern coast of Asia was depicted in front of
the western coasts of Africa and Europe, with a moderate
space of ocean between them, in which were placed at conve-

60 LIFE AJJD VOYAGES OF [Boos. L

nient distances Cipango, Antilla, and the other islands.* Colum-
bus was greatly animated by the letter and chart of Toscanelli,
who was considered one of the ablest cosmographers of the
day. He appears to have procured the work of Marco Polo,
which had been translated into various languages, and existed
in manuscript in most libraries. This author gives marvellous
accounts of the riches of the realms of Cathay and Mangi, or
Mangu, since ascertained to be Northern and Southern China,
on the coast of which, according to the map of Toscanelli, a
voyager sailing directly west would be sure to arrive. He
describes in unmeasured terms the power and grandeur of the
sovereign of these countries, the Great Khan of Tartary, and
the splendor and magnitude of his capitals of Cambalu and
Quinsai, and the wonders of the island of Cipango or Zipangi,
supposed to be Japan. This island he places opposite Cathay,
five hundred leagues in the ocean. He represents it as
abounding in gold, precious stones, and other choice objects
of commerce, with a monarch whose palace was roofed with
plates of gold instead of lead. The narrations of this traveller
were by many considered fabulous ; but though full of what
appear to be splendid exaggerations, they have since been
found suT)stantially correct. They are thus particularly
noted, from the influence they had over the imagination of
Columbus. The work of Marco Polo is a key to many parts
of his history. In his applications to the various courts, he

* This map, by which Columbus sailed on his first Tovage of discovery,
Las Casas (lib. i. cap. 12) says he had in his possession at the time of
writing his history. It is greatly to be regretted that so interesting a
document should be lost. It may yet exist among the chaotic lumber of
the Spanish archives. Few documents of mere curiosity would be more
precious.

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHER COLUJrBUS. 61

represented the countries he expected to discover as those re-
gions of inexhaustible wealth which the Venetian had des-
cribed. The territories of the Great Khan were the objects
of inquiry in all his voyages ; and in his cruisings among the
Antilles, he was continually flattering himself with the hopes
of arriving at the opulent island of Cipango, and the coasts of
Mangi and Cathay.*

While the design of attempting the discovery in the west
was maturing in the mind of Columbus, he made a voyage to
the north of Europe. Of this we have no other memorial
than the following passage, extracted by his son from one of
his letters : — " In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one
hundred leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which is
seventy-three degrees distant from the equator, and not sixty-
three, as some pretend ; neither is it situated within the line
which includes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more wester-
ly. The English, principally those of Bristol, go with their
merchandise to this island, which is as large as England.
When I was there, the sea was not frozen, and the tide was
so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathom." |

The island thus mentioned is generally supposed to have
been Iceland, which is for to the west of the Ultima Thule of
the ancients, as laid down in the map of Ptolemy.

Several more years elapsed, without any decided efforts
on the part of Columbus to carry his design into execution.
He was too poor to fit out the armament necessary for so
important an expedition. Indeed it was an enterprise only to

* A more particular account of Marco Polo and his writings is given
among the Illustrations.

■j- Hist, del Almirante, cap. 4.

62 ' LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

be undertaken in the employ of some sovereign state, which
could assume dominion over the territories he might discover,
and reward him with dignities and privileges commensurate
to his services. It is asserted that he at one time endeavored
to engage his native country, Genoa, in the undertaking, hut
without success. No record remains of such an attempt,
though it is generally believed, and has strong probability in
its favor. His residence in Portugal placed him at hand to
solicit the patronage of that power, but Alphonso, who was
then on the throne, was too much engrossed in the latter part
of his reign with a war with Spain, for the succession of the
Princess Juana to the crown of Castile, to engage in peaceful
enterprises of an expensive nature. The public mind, also,
was not prepared for so perilous an undertaking. Notwith-
standing the many recent voyages to the coast of Africa and
the adjacent islands, and the introduction of the compass into
more general use, navigation was still shackled with impedi-
ments, and the mariner rarely ventured far out of sight of
land.

Discovery advanced slowly along the coasts of Africa, and
the mariners feared to cruise far into the southern hemisphere,
with the stars of which they were totally unacquainted. To
such men, the project of a voyage directly westward, into the
midst of that boundless waste, to seek some visionary land,
appeared as extravagant as it would be at the present day to
launch forth in a balloon into the regions of space, hi quest
of some distant star.

The time, however, was at hand, that was to extend the
sphere of navigation. The era was propitious to the quick
advancement of knowledge. The recent invention of the art

Chap. VI.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 63

of printing enabled men to communicate rapidly and exten-
sively their ideas and discoveries. It drew forth learning
from libraries and convents, and brought it familiarly to the
reading-desk of the student. Volumes of information, which
before had existed only in costly manuscripts, carefully treas-
ured up, and kiept out of the reach of the indigent scholar and
obscure artist, were now in every hand. There was, hence-
forth, to be no retrogression in knowledge, nor any pause in
its career. Every step in advance, Avas immediately, and
simultaneously, and widely promulgated, recorded in a thou-
sand forms, and fixed forever. There could never again be
a dark age ; nations might shut their eyes to the light, and
sit in willful darkness, but they could not trample it out ; it
would still shine on, dispensed to happier parts of the world,
by the diffusive powers of the press.

At this juncture, in 1481, a monarch ascended the throne
of Portugal, of different ambition from Alphonso, John II.,
then in the twenty-fifth year of his age, had imbibed the pas-
sion for discovery from his grand-uncle, Prince Henry, and
with his reign all its activity revived. His first care was to
build a fort at St. George de la Mina, on the coast of Guinea,
to protect the trade carried on in that iieighborhood for gold
dust, ivory, and slaves.

The African discoveries had conferred great glory upon
Portugal, but as yet they had been expensive rather than
profitable. The accomplishment of the route to India, how-
ever, it was expected would repay all cost and toil, and open
a source of incalculable wealth to the nation. The project of
Prince Henry, which had now been tardily prosecuted for
half a century, had excited a curiosity about the remote parts

64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

of Asia, and revived all the accounts, true and fabulous, of
travellers.

Beside the work of Marco Polo, already mentioned, there
was the narrative of Rabbi Benjaniiin ben Jonah, of Tudela, a
Spanish Jew, who set out from Saragossa in 1173, to visit the
scattered remnants of the Hebrew tribes. Wandering with
unwearied zeal on this pious errand, over most parts of the
known world, he penetrated China, and passed thence to the
southern islands of Asia.* There were also the narratives of
Carpini and Ascclin, two friars, despatched, the one in 1246,
the other in 1247, by Pope Innocent IV., as apostolic ambas-
sadors, for the purpose of converting the Grand Khan of Tar-
tary ; and the Journal of William Rubruquis (or Ruysbroek),
a celebrated Cordelier, sent on a similar errand in 1253, by
Louis IX. of France, then on his unfortunate crusade into
Palestine. These pious but chimerical missions had proved
abortive; but the narratives of them being revived in the
fifteenth century, served to inflame the public curiosity re-
specting the remote parts of Asia.

In these narratives we first find mention made of the re-
nowned Prester John, a Christian king, said to hold sway in
a remote part of the East, who was long an object of curiosity
and research, but whose kingdom seemed to shift its situation
in the tale of every traveller, and to vanish from the search as
eflfectually as the unsubstantial island of St. Brandan. All the
speculations concerning this potentate and his oriental realm

* Bergeron, Voyages en Asie, torn. i. The work of Beujamin of
Tudela, originally written in Hebrew, was so much in repute, that the
translation went through sixteen editions. Andres, Hist. B. Let., ii.
cap. 6.

Chap, VI.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBLS. 65

were again put in circulation. It was fancied that traces of
his empire were discovered in the interior of Africa, to the
east of Benin, whci-e there was a powerful prince, who used a
cross among the insignia of royalty. John II. partook largely
of the popular excitement produced by these narrations. In
the early part of his reign he actually sent missions in quest
of Prester John, to visit whose dominions became the roman-
tic desire of many a religious enthusiast.* The magnificent
idea he had formed of the remote parts of the East, made him
extremely anxious that the splendid project of Prince Henry
should be realized, and the Portuguese flag penetrate to the
Indian seas. Impatient of the slowness with which his dis-
coveries advanced along the coast of Africa, and of the impedi-
ments which every cape and promontory presented to nautical
enterprise, he called in the aid of science to devise some
means by which greater scope and certainty might be given
to navigation. His two physicians, Roderigo and Joseph,
the latter a Jew, the most able astronomers and cosmogra-
phers of his kingdom, together with the celebrated Martin
Behem, entered into a learned consultation on the subject.
The result of their conferences and labors was the application
of the astrolabe to navigation, enabling the seaman, by the
altitude of the sun, to ascertain his distance from the cquator.f
This instrument has since been improved and modified into
the modern quadrant, of which, even at its first introduction,
it possessed all the essential advantages.

It is impossible to describe the effect produced upon navi-
gation by this invention. It cast it loose at once from its long

* See Illustrations, article " Prester John."

f Barros, decad. 1, lib. iv. cap. 2. MafiFci, lib. vi. p. 6 and 7.

Q6 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

bondage to the land, and set it free to rove the deep. The
mariner now, instead of coasting the shores like the ancient
navigators, and, if driven from the land, groping his way back
in doubt and apprehension by the uncertain guidance of the
stars, might adventure boldly into unknoAvn seas, confident of
being able to trace his course by means of the compass and
the astrolabe.

It was shortly after this event, which had prepared guides
for discovery across the trackless ocean, that Columbus made
the first attempt, of which we have any clear and indisputalde
record, to procure royal patronage for his enterprise. Tlie
court of Portugal had shown extraordinary liberality in re-
warding nautical discovery. Most of those who had suc-
ceeded in her service had been appointed to the government
of the islands and countries they had discovered, although
many of them were foreigners by birth. Encouraged by this
liberality, and by the anxiety evinced by King John II. to ac-
complish a passage by sea to India, Columbus obtained an
audience of that monarch, and proposed, in ease the king
would furnish him with ships and men, to undertake a shorter
and more direct route than that along the coast of Africa.
His plan was to strike directly to the west across the Atlantic.
He then unfolded his hypothesis with respect to the extent of
Asia, describing also the immense riches of the island of
Cipango, the first land at Avhich he expected to arrive. Of this
audience we have two accounts, written in somewhat of an
opposite spirit ; one by his son Fernando, the other by Joan
de Barros, the Portuguese historiographer. It is curious to
notice the different views taken of the same transaction by

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 67

the enthusiastic son, and by the cool, perhaps prejudiced, his-
torian.

The king, according to Fernando, listened to his father
with great attention, but was discouraged from engaging in any
new scheme of the kind, by the cost and trouble already sus-
tained in exploring the route by the African coast, which as
yet remained unaccomplished. His father, however, support-
ed his proposition by such excellent reasons, that the king
was induced to give his consent. The only difficulty that re-
mained was the terms ; for Columbus, being a man of lofty
and noble sentiments, demanded high and honorable titles and
rewards, to the end, says Fernando, that he might leave be-
hind him a name and family worthy of his deeds and merits.*

Barros, on the other hand, attributes the seeming acquies-
cence of the king, merely to the importunities of Columbus.
He considered him, says the historian, a vainglorious man,
fond of displaying his abilities, and given to fantastic fancies,
such as that respecting the island of Cipango.f But in fact,
this idea of Columbus being vain, was taken up by the Portu-
guese writers in after years ; and as to the island of Cipango,
it was far from being considered chimerical by the king, who,
as has benn shown by his mission in search of Prester John,
was a ready believer in these travellers' tales concerning the
East. The reasoning of Columbus must have produced an
effect on the mind of the monarch, since it is certain that he
referred the proposition to a learned junto, charged with all
matters relating to maritime discovery.

Tills junto was composed of two able cosmographers, mas-

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 10.

\ Barros, Asia, decad. 1, lib. iii. cap. 2.

68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

ters Roderigo and Joseph, and the king's confessor, Diego
Ortiz de Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, a man greatly reputed for
his learning, a Castilian by birth, and generally called Caza-
dilla, from the name of his native place. This scientific body
treated the project as extravagant and visionary.

Still the king does not appear to have been satisfied. Ac-
cording to his historian Vasconcelos,* he convoked his coun-
cil, composed of prelates and persons of the greatest learning
in the kingdom, and asked their advice, whether to adopt this
new route of discovery, or to pursue that which they had
already opened.

It may not be deemed superfluous to notice briefly the
discussion of the council on this great question. Vasconcelos
reports a speech of the bishop of Ceuta, in which he not only
objected to the proposed enterprise, as destitute of reason, but
even discountenanced any further prosecution of the African
discoveries. " They tended," he said, " to distract the atten-
tion, drain the resources, and divide the power of the nation,
already too much weakened by recent war and pestilence.
While their forces were thus scattered abroad on remote
and unprofitable expeditions, they exposed themselves to
attack from their active enemy the king of Castile. Tlie
greatness of monarchs," he continued, " did not arise so much
from the extent of their dominions, as from the wisdom and
ability with which they governed. In the Portuguese nation
it would be madness to launch into enterprises without first
considering them in connection with its means. The king had
already sufficient undertakings in hand of certain advantage,
without engaging in others of a wild, chimerical nature. If

* Vasconcelos, Vida del Rev Don Juan II., lib. iv.

Chap. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 69

he wished employment for the active valor of the nation, the
war in which he was engaged against the Moors of Barbary
was sufficient, wherein his triumphs were of solid advantage,
tending to cripple and enfeeble those neighboring foes, who
had proved themselves so dangerous when possessed of
power."

This cool and cautious speech of the bishop of Ceuta,
directed against enterprises which were the glory of the Por-
tuguese, touched the national pride of Don Pedro de Meneses,
count of Villa Real, and drew from him a lofty and patriotic
reply. It has been said by an historian, that this reply was
in support of the proposition of Columbus ; but that does not
clearly appear. He may have treated the proposal with re-
spect, but his eloquence was employed for those enterprises
in which the Portuguese were already engaged.

" Portugal," he observed, " was not in its infancy, nor
were its princes so poor as to lack means to engage in dis-
coveries. Even granting that those proposed by Columbus
were conjectural, why should they abandon those commenced
by their late Prince Henry, on such solid foundations, and
prosecuted with such happy prospects 1 Crowns," he ob-
served, " enriched themselves by commerce, fortified them-
selves by alliance, and acquired empires by conquest. The
views of a nation could not always be the same ; they extend-
ed with its opulence and prosperity. Portugal was at peace
with all the princes of Europe. It had nothing to fear from
engaging in an extensive enterprise. It would be the greatest
glory for Portuguese valor to penetrate into the secrets and
horrors of the ocean sea, so formidable to the other nations of
the world. Thus occupied, it would escape the idleness en-

TO LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

gendered in a long interval of peace — idleness, that source of
vice, that silent file, which, little by little, wore away the
strength and valor of a nation. It was an affront," he added,
" to the Portuguese name to menace it with imaginary perils,
when it had proved itself so intrepid in encountering those
which were most certain and tremendous. Great souls were
formed for great enterprises. He wondered much, that a
prelate, so religious as the bishop of Ceuta, should oppose this
undertaking ; the ultimate object of which was to augment
the Catholic faith, and spread it from pole to pole ; reflecting
glory on the Portuguese nation, and yielding empire and last-
ing fame to its princes." He concluded by declaring that,
" although a soldier, he dared to prognosticate, with a voice
and spirit as if from heaven, to whatever prince should achieve
this enterprise, more happy success and durable renown, than
had ever been obtained by sovereign the most valorous and
fortunate."* The warm and generous eloquence of the count
overpowered tlie cold-spirited reasonings of the bishop as far
as the project of circumnavigating Africa was concerned,
which was prosecuted with new ardor and triumphant success :
the proposition of Columbus, however, was generally con-
demned by the couneil.

Seein<T that King John still manifested an inclination for
the enterprise, it was suggested to him by the bishop of Ceuta,
that Columbus might be kept in suspense while a vessel
secretly dispatched in the direction he should point out might
ascertain whether there were any foundation for his theory.
By this means all its advantages might be secured, without

* Vasconcelos, lib. W. La Clede, Hist. Portugal, lib. xiii. torn. iii.

Chap. VI.] CHEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 11

committing the dignity of the crown by formal negotiations
about what might prove a mere chimera. King John, in an
evil hour, had the weakness to permit a stratagem so incon-
sistent with his usual justice and magnanimity. Columbus
was required to furnish for the consideration of the council a
detailed plan of his proposed voyage, with the charts and
documents according to which he intended to shape his course.
These being procured, a caravel was despatched with the
ostensible design of carrying provisions to the Cape de Verde
islands ; but with private instructions to pursue the designat-
ed route. Departing from those islands the caravel stood
westward for several days, until the weather became stormy ;
when the pilots, seeing nothing but an immeasurable waste of
wild tumbling waves still extending beibre them, lost all
courage and put back, ridiculing the project of Columbus as
extravagant and irrational.*

This unworthy attempt to defraud him of his enterprise
roused the indignation of Columbus, and he declined all offers
of King John to renew the negotiation. The death of his wife,
which had occurred some time previously, had dissolved the
domestic tie which bound him to Portugal ; he determined,
therefore, to abandon a country where he had been treated
with so little faith, and to look elsewhere for patronage. Be-
fore his departure, he engaged his brother Bartholomew to
carry proposals to the king of England, though he does not
appear to have entertained great hope from that quarter ;
England by no means possessing at the time the spirit of
nautical enterprise which has since distinguished her. The

* Hist, del Almirante, cap 8. Herrera, decad. 1, lib. i. cap. 7.

72 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book I.

great reliance of Columbus was on his own personal exer-
tions.

It was towards the end of 1484 that ho left Lisbon, taking
with him his son Diego. His departure had to be conducted
with secrecy, lest, as some assert, it should be prevented by
King John ; but lest, as others surmise, it should be prevented
by his creditors.* Like many other great projectors, while
engaged upon schemes of vast benefit to mankind, he had suf-
fered his own affairs to go to ruin, and was reduced to struggle
hard with poverty ; nor is it one of the least interesting cir-
cumstances in his eventful life, that he had, in a manner, to
beg his way from court to court, to offer to princes the dis-
covery of a world.

* This surmise is founded on a letter from King John to Columbus,
written some years afterwards, inviting him to return to Portugal, and
insuring him against arrest on account of any process, civil or criminal,
which might be pending against him. See Navarrete, CoUeo. torn,
ii. doc. 3.

Chap. I.] CKKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 73

BOOK II.
CHAPTEE I.

PKOCEEDINGS OF COLUMBUS AFTER LEAVING POETUGAL.— HIS
APPLICATIONS m SPAIN.— CnAKACTEES OF FERDINAND AND
ISABELLA.

[1485.]

rilllE immediate movements of Columbus on leaving Por-
-*- tugal are involved in uncertainty. It is said that about
this time he made a proposition of his enterprise, in person,
as he had formerly done by letter, to the government of
Genoa. The republic, however, was in a languishing decline,
and embarrassed by a foreign war. Caffa, her great deposit
in the Crimea, had fallen into the hands of the Turks, and her
flag was on the point of being driven from the Archipelago.
Her spirit was broken with her fortunes ; for with nations, as
with individuals, enterprise is the child of prosperity, and is
apt to languish in evil days when there is most need of its
exertion. Thus Genoa, disheartened by her reverses, shut
her ears to the proposition of Columbus, which might have
elevated her to tenfold splendor, and perpetuated within her
Vol. I— 4

74 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

grasp the golden wand of commerce. While at Genoa,
Columbus is said to have made arrangements, out of his
scanty means, for the comfort of his aged father. It is also
affirmed, that about this time he carried his proposal to
Venice, where it was declined on account of the critical state
of national affairs. This, however, is merely traditional, and
unsupported by documentary evidence. Tlie first firm and
indisputable trace we have of Columbus after leaving Portu-
gal is in the south of Spain, in 1485, where we find him seek-
ing his fortune among the Spanish nobles, several of whom
had vast possessions, and exercised almost independent sov-
ereignty in their domains.

Foremost among these were the dukes of Medina Sidonia
and Medina Celi, who had estates like principalities lying
along the sea-coast, with ports and shipping and hosts of
retainers at their command. They served the crown in its
Moorish wars more as allied princes than as vassals, bringing
armies into the field led by themselves, or by captains of their
own appointment. Their domestic establishments were on
almost a regal scale ; their palaces were filled with persons
of merit, and young cavaliers of noble birth, to be reared
under their auspices, in the exercise of arts and arms.

Columbus had many interviews with the duke of Medina
Sidonia, who was tempted for a time by the splendid pros-
pects held out ; but their very splendor threw a coloring of
improbability over the enterprise, and he finally rejected it as
the dream of an Italian visionary.

The duke of Medina Celi was likewise favorable at the
outset. He entertained Columbus for some time in his house,
and was actually on the point of granting him three or four

Chap. I.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 75

caravels which lay ready for sea in his harbor of Port St.
Mary, opposite Cadiz, when he suddenly changed his mind,
deterred by the consideration that the enterprise, if successful,
would involve discoveries too important to be grasped by any
but a sovereign power, and that the Spanish government
might be displeased at his undertaking it on his own account.
Finding, however, that Columbus intended to make his next
application to the king of France, and loth that an enterprise
of such importance should be lost to Spain, the duke wrote
to Queen Isabella recommending it strongly to her attention.
The queen made a favorable reply, and requested that Colum-
bus might be sent to her. He accordingly set out for the
Spanish court, then at Cordova, bearing a letter to the queen
from the duke, soliciting that, in case the expedition should
be carried into effect, he might have a share in it, and the
fitting out of the armament from his port of St. Mary, as a
recompense for having waived the enterprise in favor of the
crown.*

The time when Columbus thus sought his fortunes at the
court of Spain coincided with one of the most brilliant periods
of the Spanish monarchy. The union of the kingdoms
of Arragon and Castile, by the marriage of Ferdinand and

* Letter of the duke of Medina Cell to the grand cardinal. Navarrete,
Collect, vol. ii. p. 20.

N. B. In the previous editions of this work, the first trace we have
of Columbus in Spain is at the gate of the convent of La Rabida, in
Andalusia. Subsequent investigations have induced me to conform to the
opinion of the indefatigable and accurate Navarrete, given in his third
volume of documents, that the first trace of Columbus in Spain was
his application to the dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina Celi,
and that his visit to the convent of La Rabida was some few years sub-
sequent.

76 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

Isabella, had consolidated the Christian power in the Peninsula,
and put an end to those internal feuds, which had so long dis-
tracted the country, and insured the domination of the Mos-
lems. The whole force of united Spain was now exerted in the
chivalrous enterprise of the Moorish conquest. The Moors,
who had once spread over the whole country like an inunda-
tion, were now pent up within the mountain boundaries of the
kingdom of Granada. The victorious armies of Ferdinand
and Isabella were continually advancing, and pressing this
fierce people within narrower limits. Under these sovereigns,
the various petty kingdoms of Spain began to feel and act as
one nation, and to rise to eminence in arts as well as arms.
Ferdinand and Isabella, it has been remarked, lived together
not like man and wife, whose estates are common, under the
orders of the husband, but like two monarchs strictly allied.*
They had separate claims to sovereignty, in virtue of their
respective kingdoms ; they had separate councils, and were
often distant from each other in different parts of their empire,
each exercising the royal authority. Yet they were so hap-
pily united by common views, common interests, and a great
deference for each other, that this double administration never
prevented a unity of purpose and of action. All acts of sov-
ereignty were executed in bjoth their names ; all public
writings were subscribed with both their signatures ; their
likenesses were stamped together on the public coin ; and the
royal seal displayed the united arms of Castile and Arragon.
Ferdinand was of the middle stature, well proportioned,
and hardy and active from athletic exercise. His carriage

* Voltaire, Essai sur les Mceurs, &c.

Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 77

was free, erect, and majestic. He had a clear serene forehead,
which appeared more lofty from his head being partly bald.
His eyebrows were large and parted, and, like his hair, of a
bright chestnut ; his eyes were clear and animated ; his com-
plexion was somewhat ruddy, and scorched by the toils of
war ; his mouth moderate, well formed, and gracious in its
expression ; his teeth white, though small and irregular ; his
voice sharp ; his speech quick and fluent. His genius was
clear and comprehensive ; his judgment grave and certain.
He was simple in dress and diet, equable in his temper, devout
in his religion, and so indefatigable in business, that it was
said he seemed to repose himself by working. He was a
great observer and judge of men, and unparalleled in the
science of the cabinet. Such is the picture given of him by
the Spanish historians of his time. It has been added, how-
ever, that he had more of bigotry than religion ; that his am-
bition was craving rather than magnanimous ; that he made
war less like a paladin than a prince, less for glory than for
mere dominion ; and that his policy was cold, selfish, and
artful. He was called the wise and prudent in Spain ; in
Italy, the pious ; in France and England, the ambitious and
perfidious.* He certainly was one of the most subtle states-
men, but one of the most thorough egotists, that ever sat upon
a throne.

While giving his picture, it may not be deemed imperti'
ncnt to sketch the fortunes of a monarch whose policy had
such an effect upon the history of Columbus and the destinies
of the New World. Success attended all his measures.

* Voltaire, EssaJ sur Ics Moeurs, ch. 14.

78 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK II.

Though a younger son, he had ascended the throne of Arragon
by inheritance ; Castile he obtained by marriage ; Granada
and Naples by conquest ; and he seized upon Navarre as
appertaining to any one who could take possession of it, when
Pope Julius 11. excommunicated its sovereigns, Juan and Cata-
lina, and gave their throne to the first occupant.* He sent
his forces into Africa, and subjugated, or reduced to vassalage,
Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and most of the Barbary powers. A
new world was also given to him, without cost, by the discov-
eries of Columbus, for the expense of the enterprise was
borne exclusively by his consort Isabella. He had three ob-
jects at heart from the commencement of his reign, which he
pursued with bigoted and persecuting zeal ; the conquest of
the Moors, the expulsion of the Jews, and the establishment
of the Inquisition in his dominions. He accomplished them
all, and was rewarded by Pope Innocent VIII. with the appella-
tion of Most Catholic Majesty — a title which his successors
have tenaciously retained.

Contemporary writers have been enthusiastic in their de-
scriptions of Isabella, but time has sanctioned their eulogies.
She is one of the purest and most beautiful characters in the
pages of history. She was well formed, of the middle size,
with great dignity and gracefulness of deportment, and a
mingled gravity and sweetness of demeanor. Her complexion
was fair ; her hair auburn, inclining to red ; her eyes were of
a clear blue, with a benign expression, and there was a singu-
lar modesty in her countenance, gracing, as it did, a wonderful

* Pedro Salazar di Mendoza, Monarq. de Esp. lib. iii. cap. 5. (Madrid,
1770, torn. i. p. 402.) — Gonzalo de Illescas, Hist. Pontif. lib. ri. cap.
23, §3

Chap. 1.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. T9

firmness of purpose, and earnestness of spirit. Though
strongly attached to her husband, and studious of his fame,
yet she always maintained her distinct rights as an allied
prince. She exceeded him in beauty, in personal dignity, in
acuteness of genius, and in grandeur of soul.* Combining
the active and resolute qualities of man with the softer chari-
ties of woman, she mingled in the warlike councils of her
husband, engaged personally in his enterprises,f and in some
instances surpassed him in the firmness and intrepidity of her
measures ; while, being inspired with a truer idea of glory,
she infused a more lofty and generous temper into his subtle
and calculating policy.

It is in the civil history of their reign, however, that the
character of Isabella shines most illustrious. Her fostering
and maternal care was continually directed to reform the laws,
and heal the ills engendered by a long course of internal wars.
She loved her people, and while diligently seeking their good,
she mitigated, as much as possible, the harsh measures of her
husband, directed to the same end, but inflamed by a mistaken
zeal. Thus, though almost bigoted in her piety, and perhaps
too much under the influence of ghostly advisers, still she was
hostile to every measure calculated to advance religion at the
expense of humanity. She strenuously opposed the expulsion
of the Jews, and the establishment of the Inquisition, though,
unfortunately for Spain, her repugnance was slowly van-
quished by her confessors. She was always an advocate for

* Garibay, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ii. l:b. xviii. cap. 1.

f Several suits of armor cap-a-pie^ worn by Isabella, and still preserved
in the royal arsenal at Madrid, show that she was exposed to personal
danger in her campaigns.

80 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

clemency to the Moors, although she was the soul of the war
against Granada. She considered that Avar essential to pro-
tect the Christian faith, and to relieve her subjects from fierce
and formidable enemies. While all her public thoughts and
acts were princely and august, her private habits were simple,
frugal, and unostentatious. In the intervals of state business,
she assembled round her the ablest men in literature and
science, and directed herself by their counsels, in promoting
letters and arts. Through her patronage, Salamanca rose to
that height which it assumed among the learned institutions
of the age. She promoted the distribution of honors and
rewards for the promulgation of knowledge ; she fostered the
art of printing, recently invented ; and encouraged the estab-
lishment of presses in every part of the kingdom ; books
were admitted free of all duty, and more, we are told, were
printed in Spain, at that early period of the art, than in the
present literary age.*

It is wonderful how much the destinies of countries depend
at times upon the virtues of individuals, and how it is given
to great spirits, by combining, exciting, and directing the
latent powers of a nation, to stamp it, as it were, with their
own greatness. Such beings realize the idea of guardian
angels, appointed by Heaven to watch over the destinies of
empires. Such had been Prince Henry for the kingdom
of Portugal ; and such was now for Spain the illustrious
Isabella.

* Elogio de la Reina Catholica, por Diego Clemencin. Madrid, 1S21.

Chap. I1.J CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 81

CHAPTEE II.

COLUMBUS AT THE COUET OF SPAIN.

HEN Columbus arrived at Cordova he was given in
charge to Alonzo de Quintanilla, comptroller of the
treasury of Castile, but was disappointed in his expectation
of receiving immediate audience from the queen. He found
the city in all the bustle of military preparation. It was a
critical juncture of the war. The rival kings of Granada,
Muley Boabdil the uncle, and Mohammed Boabdil the
nephew, had just formed a coalition, and their league called
for prompt and vigorous measures.

All the chivalry of Spain had been summoned to the field ;
the streets of Cordova echoed to the tramp of steed and sound
of trumpet, as day by day the nobles arrived with their
retainers, vieing with each other in the number of their troops
and the splendor of their appointments. The court was like
a military camp ; the king and queen were surrounded by the
flower of Spanish chivalry ; by those veteran cavaliers who
had distinguished themselves in so many hardy conflicts with
the Moors ; and by the prelates and friars Avho mingled in
Vol. I.— 4*

82 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

martial council, and took deep interest and agency in this war
of the Faith.

This was an unpropitious moment to urge a suit like that
of Columbus. In fact the sovereigns had not a moment of
leisure throughout this eventful year. Early in the spring,
the king marched off to lay siege to the Moorish city of
Loxa ; and though the queen remained at Cordova, she was
continually employed in forwarding troops and supplies to
the army, and, at the same time, attending to the multiplied
exigencies of civil government. On the 12th of June, she
repaired to the camp, then engaged in the siege of Moclin,
and both sovereigns remained for some time in the Vega of
Granada, prosecuting the war with unremitting vigor. They
had barely returned to Cordova to celebrate their victories
by public rejoicings, when they were obliged to set out for
Gallicia, to suppress a rebellion of the count of Lemos.
Thence they repaired to Salamanca for the winter.

During the summer and autumn of this year Columbus
remained at Cordova, a guest in the house of Alonzo de Quin-
tanilla, who proved a warm advocate of his theory. Through
his means he became acquainted with Antonio Geraldini, the
pope's nuncio, and his brother, Alexander Geraldini, preceptor
to the younger children of Ferdinand and Isabella ; both
valuable friends about court. Wherever he obtained a candid
hearing from intelligent auditors, the dignity of his manners,
his earnest sincerity, the elevation of his views, and the prac-
tical shrewdness of his demonstrations, commanded respect
even where they failed to produce conviction.

While thus lingering in idle suspense in Cordova, he
became attached to a lady of the city, Beatrix Euriquez by

Chap. II.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 83

name, of a noble family, though in reduced circumstances.
Their comiection Avas not sanctioned by marriage ; yet he
cherished sentiments of respect and tenderness for her to his
dying day. She was the mother of his second son, Fernando,
born in the following year (1487), whom he always treated
on terms of perfect equality with his legitimate son Diego,
and who, after his death, became his historian.

In the winter, Columbus followed the court to Salamanca.
Here his zealous friend, Alonzo de Quintanilla, exerted his
inflence to obtain for him the countenance of the celebrated
Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo and grand
cardinal of Spain. This was the most important personage
about the court ; and Avas facetiously called by Peter Martyr,
the " third king of Spain." The king and queen had him
always by their side, in peace and war. He accompanied
them in their campaigns, and they never took any measure
of consequence Avithout consulting him. He was a man of
sound judgment and quick intellect, eloquent in conversation,
and able in the despatch of business. His appearance was
lofty and venerable ; he was simple yet curiously nice in his
apparel, and of gracious and gentle deportment. Though an
elegant scholar, yet, like many learned men of his d;iy, he
was but little skilled in cosmography. When the theory of
Columbus was first mentioned to him, it struck him as involv-
ing heterodox opinions, imcompatible with the form of the
earth as described in the Sacred Scriptures. Further expla-
nations had their force with a man of his quick apprehension
and sound sense. He percsiA'ed that at any rate there could
be nothing irreligious in attempting to extend the bounds of
human knowledge, and to ascertain the works of creation : his

84: LIFE AlfD VOYAGES OF [Book II.

scruples once removed, he permitted Columbus to be intro-
duced to him, and gave him a courteous reception. The latter
knew the importance of his auditor, and that a conference
with the grand cardinal was almost equivalent to a communi-
cation with the throne ; lie exerted himself to the utmost,
therefore, to explain and demonstrate his proposition. The
clear-headed cardinal listened with profound attention. He
was pleased with the noble and earnest manner of Columbus,
which showed him to be no common schemer ; he felt the
grandeur, and, at the same time, the simplicity of his theory,
and the force of many of the arguments by which it was sup-
ported. He determined that it was a matter highly worthy
of the consideration of the sovereigns, and through his repre-
sentations Columbus at length obtained admission to the royal
presence.*

We have but scanty particulars of this audience, nor can
we ascertain whether Queen Isabella was present on the occa-
sion ; the contrary seems to be most probably the case.
Columbus appeared in the royal presence with modesty, yet
self-possession, neither dazzled nor daunted by the sj^lcndor
of the court or the awful majesty of the throne. He unfolded
his plan with eloquence and zeal, for he felt himself, as he
afterwards declared, kindled as with a fire from on high, and
considered himself the agent chosen by Heaven to accomplish
its grand designs.f

Ferdinand was too keen a judge of men not to appreciate
the character of Columbus. He perceived that, however
soaring might be his imagination, and vast and visionary his

* Oviedo, lib. ii. cap. 4. Salazar, Cron. G. Cardinal, lib. i. cap. G2.
f Letter to the Sovereigns in 1501.

Chap, II.] CHBISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. ' 85

views, his scheme had scientific and practical foundation.
His ambition was excited by the possibility of discoveries
far more important than those which had shed such glory
upon Portugal ; and perhaps it was not the least recommen-
dation of the enterprise to this subtle and grasping monarch,
that, if successful, it would enable him to forestall that rival
nation in the fruits of their long and arduous struggle, and by
opening a direct course to India across the ocean, to bear off
from them the monopoly of oriental commerce.

Still, as usual, Ferdinand was cool and wary, and would
not trust his own judgment in a matter that involved so many
principles of science. He determined to take the opinion of
the most learned men in the kingdom, and to be guided by
their decision. Fernando de Talavera, prior of the monastery
of Prado and confessor of the queen, one of the most erudite
men of Spain, and high in the royal confidence, was com-
manded to assemble the most learned astronomers and cosmo-
graphers for the purpose of holding a conference with Colum-
bus, and examining him as to the grounds on which he
f(;unded his proposition. After they had informed them-
selves fully on the subject, they were to consult together and
make a report to the sovereign of their collective opinion.*

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. xi.

86 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

CHAPTER III.

COLUMBUS BEFOEE THE COUNCIL AT SALAMANCA
[148G.]

^T^HE interesting conference relative to the proj)osition of
-*- Columbus took place in Salamanca, the great seat of
learning in Spain. It was held in the Dominican convent
of St. Stephen, in which he was lodged and entertained with
great hospitality during the course of the examination.*

Religion and science were at that time, and more espe-
cially in that country, closely associated. The treasures of
learning were immured in monasteries, and the professors'
chairs were exclusively filled from the cloister. The domina-
tion of the clergy extended over the state as well as the church,
and posts of honor and influence at court, with the exception
of hereditary nobles, were almost entirely confined to ecclesi-
astics. It was even common to find cardinals and bishops in
helm and corslet at the head of armies ; for the crosier had
been occasionally thrown by for the lance, during the holy
M'ar against the Moors. The era was distinguished for the

* Hist, de Chiapa por Remcsal, lib. ii. cap. '21.

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 87

revival of learning, but still more for the prevalence of reli-
gious zeal, and Spain surpassed all other countries in Christen-
dom in the fervor of her devotion. The Inquisition had just
been established in that kingdom, and every opinion that
savored of heresy made its owner obnoxious to odium and
persecution.

Such was the period when a council of clerical sages was
convened in the collegiate convent of St. Stephen, to investigate
the new theory of Columbus. It was composed of professors of
astronomy, geography, mathematics, and other branches of
science, together with various dignitaries of the church, and
learned friars. Before this erudite assembly, Columbus
presented himself, to propound and defend his conclusions.
He had been scoffed at as a visionary by the vulgar and the
ignorant ; but he was convinced that he only required a body
of enlightened men to listen dispassionately to his reasonings,
to insure triumphant conviction.

The greater part of this learned junto, it is very probable,
came prepossessed against him, as men in place and dignity
are apt to be against poor applicants. There is always a
proncness to consider a man under examination as a kind of
delinquent, or impostor, whose faults and errors are to be
detected and exposed. Columbus, too, appeared in a most
unfavorable light before a scholastic body : an obscure navi-
gator, a member of no learned institution, destitute of all the
trappings and circumstances which sometimes giA^e oracular
authority to dulness, and depending upon the mere force of
natural genius. Some of the junto entertained the popular
notion that he was an adventurer, or at best a visionary ; and
others had that morbid impatience of any innovation upon

88 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

established doctrine, which is apt to grow upon dull and
pedantic men in cloistered life.

What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent
have presented at this memorable conference ! A simple mari-
ner, standing forth in the midst of an imposing array, of
professors, friars, and dignitaries of the church ; maintaining
his theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, pleading
the cause of the new world. We are told that when he began
to state the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen
alone paid attention to him ; * that convent being more
learned in the sciences than the rest of the university. The
others appear to have intrenched themselves behind one
dogged position : that, after so many profound philosophers
and cosmographers had been studying the form of the world,
and so many able navigators had been sailing about it for
several thousand years, it was great presumption in an ordi-
nary man to suppose that there remained such a, vast dis-
covery for him to make.

Several of the objections proposed by this learned body
have been handed down to us, and have provoked many a
sneer at the expense of the university of Salamanca ; but they
arc proofs, not so much of the peculiar deficiency of that
institution, as of the imperfect state of science at the time,
and the manner in which knowledge, though rapidly ex-
tending, was still impeded in its progress by monastic bigotry.
All subjects were still contemplated through the obscure
medium of those ages when the lights of antiquity were
trampled out and faith was left to fill the place of inquiry.
Bewildered in a maze of religious controversy, mankind had

* Remesal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. xi. cap. 1.

Chap. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 89

retraced their steps, and receded from the boundary line
of ancient knowledge. Thus, at the very threshold of the
discussion, instead of geographical objections, Columbus was
assailed with citations from the Bible and the Testament : the
book of Genesis, the psalms of David, the prophets, the epis-
tles, and the gospels. To these were added the expositions
of various saints and reverend commentators : St. Chrysos-
tom and St. Augustine, St. Jerome and St. Gregory, St.
Basil and St. Ambrose, and Lactantius Firmianus, a redoubted
champion of the faith. Doctrinab points were mixed up with
philosophical discussions, and a mathematical demonstration
was allowed no weight, if it appeared to clash with a text of
Scripture, or a commentary of one of the fathers. Thus the
possibility of antipodes, in the southern hemisphere, an
opinion so generally maintained by the wisest of the ancients,
as to be pronounced by Pliny the great contest between the
learned and the ignorant, became a stumbling-block with some
of the sages of Salamanca. Several of them stoutly contra-
dicted this fundarnental position of Columbus, supporting
themselves by quotations from Lactantius and St. Augustine,
who were considered in those days as almost evangelical
authority. But, though these Avritcrs were men of consum-
mate erudition, and two of the greatest luminaries of what
has been called the golden age of ecc^siastical learning, yet
their writings were calculated to perpetuate darkness in respect
to the sciences.

The passage cited from Lactantius to confute Columbus,
is in a strain of gross ridicule, unworthy of so grave a theo-
logian. " Is there any one so foolish," he asks, " as to believe
that there are antipodes with their feet opposite to ours ;

90 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book 11.

people who walk with their heels upward, and their heads
hanging down ? That there is a part of the world in which
all things arc topsy-turvy : where the trees grow with their
branches downward, and where it rains, hails and snows
upward ? The idea of the roundness of the earth," he adds,
" was the cause of inventing this fable of the antipodes, with
their heels in the air ; for these philosophers, having once
erred, go on in their absurdities, defending one with another."

Objections of a graver nature were advanced on the
authority of St. Augustine. He pronounces the doctrine of
antipodes to be incompatible with the historical foundations
of our faith ; since, to assert that there were inhabited lands
on the opposite side of the globe, would be to maintain that
there were nations not descended from Adam, it being impos-
sible for them to have passed the intervening ocean. This
would be, therefore, to discredit the Bible, which expressly
declares, that all men arc descended from one common
parent.

Such were the unlooked-for prejudices which Columbus
had to encounter at the very outset of this conference, and
which certainly relish more of the convent than the university.
To his simplest proposition, the spherical form of the earth,
were opposed figurative texts of Scripture. Tliey observed
that in the Psalms, the heavens are said to be extended like a
hide,* that is, according to commentators, the curtain or
covering of a tent, which, among the ancient pastoral nations,
was formed of the hides of animals ; and that St. Paul, in his
Epistle to the Hebrews, compares the heavens to a tabernacle,

* Extendens coelum sicut pellem. Psal. 108. In the English transla-
tion it is Psal. 104, ver. 3.

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEE COLTJMBUS. 91

or tent, extended over the earth, which they thence inferred
must be flat.

Columbus, who was a devoutly religious man, found that
he was in danger of being convicted not merely of error, but
of heterodoxy. Others more versed in science admitted the
globular form of the earth, and the possibility of an opposite
and habitable hemisphere ; but they brought up the chimera
of the ancients, and maintained that it would be impossible to
arrive there, in consequence of the insupportable heat of the
torrid zone. Even granting this could be passed, they ob-
served that the circumference of the earth must be so great
as to require at least three years to the voyage, and those
who should undertake it must perish of hunger and thirst,
from the impossibility of carrying provisions for so long a
period. He was told, on the authority of Epicurus, that
admitting the earth to be spherical, it was only inhabitable in
the northern hemisphere, and in that section only was
canopied by the heavens ; that the opposite half was a chaos,
a gulf, or a mere waste of water. Not the least absurd
objection advanced was, that should a ship even succeed in
reaching, in this way, the extremity of India, she could never
get back again ; for the rotundity of the globe would present
a kind of mountain, up which it would be impossible for her
to sail with the most favorable wind.*

Such are specimens of the errors and prejudices, the min-
gled ignorance and erudition, and the pedantic bigotry, with
which Columbus had to contend throughout the examination
of his theory. Can w^e wonder at the difficulties and delays
which he experienced at courts, when such vague and crude

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 11.

ySJ LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BooK 11.

notions were entertained by the learned men of a university 1
We must not suppose, however, because the objections here
cited are all which remain on record, that they are all which
were advanced ; these only have been perpetuated on account
of their superior absurdity. They were probably advanced
by but few, and those persons immersed in theological studies,
in cloistered retirement ; where the erroneous opinions de-
rived from books, had little opportunity of being corrected
by the experience of the day.

There were no doubt objections advanced more cogent in
their nature, and more worthy of that distinguished univer-
sity. It is but justice to add also, that the replies of Colum-
bus had great weight with many of his learned examiners.
In answer to the Scriptural objections, he submitted that the
inspired -WTitcrs were not speaking technically as cosmogra-
phers, but figuratively, in language addressed to all compre-
hensions. The commentaries of the fathers he treated with
deference as pious homilies, but not as philosophical propo-
sitions which it was necessary either to admit or refute. The
objections drawn from ancient philosophers he met boldly
and ably upon equal terms ; for he was deeply studied on all
points of cosmography. lie showed that the most illustrious
of those sages believed both hemispheres to be inhabitable,
though they imagined that the torrid zone precluded com-
munication ; and he obviated conclusively that difficulty ; for
he had voyaged to St. George la !Mina in Guinea, almost
under the equinoctial line, and had found that region not
merely traversable, but abounding in population, in fruits and
pasturage.

When Columbus took his stand before this learned body,

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 93

ho had appeared the plain and simple navigator ; somewhat
daunted, perhaps, by the greatness of his task, and the august
nature of his auditory. But he had a degree of religious feel-
ing which gave him a confidence in the execution of what he
conceived his great errand, and he was of an ardent tempera-
ment that became heated in action by its own generous fires.
Las Casas, and others of his contemporaries, have spoken of
his commanding person, his elevated demeanor, his air of .au-
thority, his kindling eye, and the persuasive intonations of
his voice. How must they have given majesty and force to
his words, as, casting aside his maps and charts, and discard-
ing for a time his practical and scientific lore, his visionary
spirit took fire at the doctrinal objections of his opponents,
and he met them upon their own ground, pouring forth those
magnificent texts of Scripture, and those mysterious predic-
tions of the prophets, which, in his enthusiastic moments, he
considered as types and annunciations of the sublime discovery
which he proposed !

Among the number who were convinced by the reasoning,
and warmed by the eloquence of Columbus, was Diego de
Deza, a worthy and learned friar of the order of St. Dominick,
at that time professor of theology in the convent of St. Ste-
phen, but who became afterwards archbishop of Seville, the
second ecclesiastical dignitary of Spain. This able and
erudite divine was a man whose mind was above the
narrow bigotry of bookish lore ; one who could appreciate
the value of wisdom even when uttered by unlearned lips.
He was not a mere passive auditor ; he took a generous in-
terest in the cause, and by seconding Columbus with all his
powers, calmed the blind zeal of his more bigoted brethren,

94 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

SO as to obtain for him a dispassionate, if not an imprejudiced
hearing. By their united efforts, it is said, they brought over
the most learned men of the schools.* One great difficulty
was to reconcile the plan of Columbus with the cosmography
of Ptolemy, to which all scholars yielded implicit faith. How
would the most enlightened of those sages have been aston-
ished, had any one apprised them that the man, Copernicus,
was then in existence, whose solar system should reverse the
grand theory of Ptolemy, which stationed the earth in the
centre of the universe !

Notwithstanding every exertion, however, there was a
preponderating mass of inert bigotry, and learned pride, in
this erudite body, which refused to yield to the demonstra-
tions of an obscure foreigner, without fortune or connections,
or any academic honors. " It was requisite," says Las Casas,
" before Columbus could make his solutions and reasonings
understood, that he should remove from his auditors those
erroneous principles on which their objections were founded ;
a task always more difficult than that of teaching the doc-
trine." Occasional conferences took place, but without pro-
ducing any decision. The ignorant, or what is worse, the
prejudiced, remained obstinate in their opposition, with the
dogged perseverance of dull men ; the more liberal and intel-
ligent felt little interest in discussions Avearisome in them-
selves, and foreign to their ordinary pursuits ; even those
who listened with approbation to the plan, regarded it only
as a delightful vision, full of probability and promise, but one
which never could be realized. Fernando de Talavera, to
whom the matter was especially intrusted, had too little es-

* Remcsal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. xi. cap. 7-

Chap. Ili.J CHRISTOPIIEK COLUMBUS. 95

teem for it, and was too much occupied with the stir and
bustle of public concerns, to press it to a conclusion ; and
thus the inquiry experienced continual procrastination and
neglect.

96 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF fBooK 11.

CHAPTEK ly.

rUETHER APPLICATIOXS AT THE COURT OF CASTILE.— C0LUMBU3
FOLLOWS THE COUET IN ITS CAMPAIGNS.

ri^HE Castilian court departed from Salamanca early in the
-^ spring of 1487 and repaired to Cordova, to prepare for the
memorable campaign against Malaga. Fernando de Tala-
vera, now bishop of Avila, accompanied the queen as her
confessor, and as one of her spiritual counsellors in the con-
cerns of the war. The consultations of the board at Sala-
manca were interrupted by this event, before that learned
body could come to a decision, and for a long time Columbus
was kept in suspense, vainly awaiting the report that was to
decide the fate of his application.

It has generally been supposed that the several years
which he wasted in irksome solicitation, were spent in the
drowsy and monotonous attendance of antechambers ; but it *
appears, on the contrary, that they were often passed amidst
scenes of peril and adventure, and that, in following up his
suit, he was led into some of the most striking situations of
this wild, rugged, and mountainous war. Several times he
was summoned to attend conferences in the vicinity of the

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 07

sovereigns, when besieging cities in the very heart of the
Moorish dominions ; but the tempest of warlike affairs, which
hurried the court from place to place and gave it all the bustle
and confusion of a camp, prevented those conferences from
taking place, and swept away all concerns that were not im-
mediately connected with the war. Whenever the court had
an interval of leisure and repose, there would again be mani-
fested a disposition to consider his proposal, but the hurry
and tempest would again return and the question be again
swept away.

The spring campaign of 1487, which took place shortly
after the conference at Salamanca, was full of incident and
peril. King Ferdinand had nearly been surprised and cut off
by the old Moorish monarch before Velez Malaga, and the
queen and all the court at Cordova were for a time in an
agony of terror and suspense until assured of his safety.

When the sovereigns were subsequently encamped before
the city of Malaga, pressing its memorable siege, Columbus
was summoned to the court. He found it drawn up in its
silken pavilions on a rising ground, commanding the fertile
valley of Malaga ; the encampments of the w^arlike nobility of
Spain extended in a semicircle on each side, to the shores of
the sea, strongly fortified, glittering with the martial pomp
of that chivalrous age and nation, and closely investing that
important city.

The siege was protracted for several months, but the vig-
orous defence of the Moors, their numerous stratagems, and
fierce and frequent sallies, allowed but little leisure in the
camp. In the course of this siege, the application of Colum-
bus to the sovereigns was nearly brought to a violent close ;
Vol. I.— 5

98 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

a fanatic Moor having attempted to assassinate Ferdinand
and Isabella. Mistaking one of the gorgeous pavilions of the
nobility for the royal tent, he attacked Don Alvaro de Por-
tugal and Doria Beatrix de Bobadilla, marchioness of Moya,
instead of the king and queen. After wounding Don Alvaro
dangerously, he was foiled in a blow aimed at the marchion-
ess, and immediately cut to pieces by the attendants.* The
lady here mentioned was of extraordinary merit and force
of character. She eventually took a great interest in the suit
of Columbus, and had much influence in recommending it to
the queen, with whom she was a particular favorite, f

Malaga surrendered on the 18th of August, 1487. There
appears to have been no time during its stormy siege to at-
tend to the question of Columbus, though Fernando de Tala-
vera, the bishop of Avila, was present, as appears by his en-
tering the captured city in solemn and religious triumph.
The campaign being ended, the court returned to Cordova,
but was almost immediately driven from that city by the
pestilence.

For upwards of a year the court was in a state of contin-
ual migration ; part of the time in Saragossa, part of the time
invading the Moorish territories by the way of Murcia, and
part of the time in Valladolid and Medina del Campo. Co-
lumbus attended it in some of its movements, but it was vain
to seek a quiet and attentive hearing from a court surrounded
by the din of arms, and continually on the march. "Wearied
and discouraged by these delays, he began to think of applying
elsewhere for patronage, and appears to have commenced ue-

* Pulgar, Cronica, cap. 87. P. Martyr.
f Retrato del Buen Vassallo, lib. ii. cap. IC.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 99

gotiations with King John II. for a return to Portugal. He
wrote to that monarch on the subject, and received a letter in
reply dated 20th of March, 1488, inviting him to return to
his court, and assuring him of protection from any suits of
either a civil or criminal nature, that might be pending against
him. He received, also, a letter from Henry VII, of England,
inviting him to that country, and holding out promises of en-
couragement.

There must have been strong hopes, authorized about this
time by the conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, to induce Co-
lumbus to neglect these invitations ; and we find ground for
such a supposition in a memorandum of a sum of money paid
to him by the treasurer Gonzalez, to enable him to comply
with a summons to attend the Castilian court. By the date
of this memorandum, the payment must have been made im-
mediately after Columbus had received the letter of the king
of Portugal. It would seem to have been the aim of King
Ferdinand to prevent his carrying his proposition to another
and a rival monarch, and to keep the matter in suspense, un-
til he should have leisure to examine it, and, if advisable, to
carry it into operation.

In the spring of 1489, the long-adjourned investigation ap-
peared to be on the eve of taking place. Columbus was sum-
moned to attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the
city of Seville ; a royal order was issued for lodgings to be
provided for him there ; and the magistrates of all cities and
towns through which he might pass, on his way, were com-
manded to furnish accommodations gratis, for himself and his
attendants. A provision of the kind was necessary in those
days, when even the present wretcjaed establishments, called

100 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

posadas, for the reception of travellers, were scarcely
known.

The city of Seville complied with the royal command,
but as usual the appointed conference was postponed, being
interrupted by the opening of a campaign, " in which," says
an old chronicler of the place, " the same Columbus was found
fighting, giving proofs of the distinguished valor which ac-
companied his wisdom and his lofty desires." *

The campaign in which Columbus is here said to have
borne so honorable a part, was one of the most glorious of the
war of Granada. Queen Isabella attended with all her court,
including as usual a stately train of prelates and friars, among
whom is particularly mentioned the procrastinating arbiter
of the pretensions of Columbus, Fernando de Talavera.
Much of the success of the campaign is ascribed to the pres-
ence and counsel of Isabella, The city of Baza, which was
closely besieged and had resisted valiantly for upwards of six
months, surrendered soon after her arrival ; and on the 22d
of December, Columbus beheld Muley Boabdil, the elder of
the two rival kings of Granada, surrender in person all his
remaining possessions, and his right to the crown, to the
Spanish sovereigns.

During this siege a circumstance took place which appears
to have made a deep impression on the devout and enthusi-
astic spirit of Columbus. Two reverend friars arrived one
day at the Spanish camp, and requested admission to the sov-
ereigns on business of great moment. They were two of the
brethren of the convent established at the holy sepulchre at
tTerusalem. They brought a message from the grand Soldim

* Diego Ortiz de Zufiiga. Ann. de Scvilla, lib. xii., anno 14S9, p. 404.

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 101

of Egypt, threatening to put to death all the Christians in his
dominions, to lay waste their convents and churches, and to
destroy the sepulchre, if the sovereigns did not desist from the
war against Granada. The menace had no effect in altering
the purpose of the sovereigns, but Isabella granted a yearly
and perpetual sum of one thousand ducats in gold,* for the
support of the monks who had charge of the sepulchre ; and
sent a veil, embroidered with her own hands, to be hung up
at its shrine, f

The representations of these friars of the sufferings and
indignities to which Christians were subjected in the Holy
Land, together with the arrogant threat of the Soldan, roused
the pious indignation of the Spanish cavaliers, and many
burned with ardent zeal once more to revive the contests of
the faith on the sacred plains of Palestine, It was probably
from conversation with these friars, and from the pious and
chivalrous zeal thus awakened in the warrior throng around
him, that Columbus first conceived an enthusiastic idea, or
rather made a kind of mental vow, which remained more or
less present to his mind until the very day of his death. He
determined that, should his projected enterprise be successful,
he would devote the profits arising from his anticipated dis-
coveries, to a crusade for the rescue of the holy sepulchre from
the power of the Infidels.

If the bustle and turmoil of this campaign prevented the
intended conference, the concerns of Columbus fared no better
during the subsequent rejoicings. Ferdinand and Isabella en-
tered Seville in February, 1490, with great pomp and tri-

* Or 1423 dollars, equivalent to 4269 dollars in our time.
I Garabay, Compend. Hist. lib. xviii. cap. 36.

102 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book IL

umph. There were then preparations made for the marriage
of their eldest daughter, the Princess Isabella, with the Prince
Don Alonzo, heir apparent of Portugal. The nuptials were
celebrated in the month of April, with extraordinary splendor.
Throughout the w^hole winter and spring the court was in a
continual tumult of parade and pleasure, and nothing was to
be seen at Seville but feasts, tournaments, and torch-light
processions. What chance had Columbus of being heard
amid these alternate uproars of war and festivity ?

During this long course of solicitation, he supported him-
self, in part, by making maps and charts, and was occasionally
assisted by the purse of the worthy friar Diego de Deza. It
is due to the sovereigns to say, also, that whenever he was
summoned to follow the movements of the court, or to attend
any appointed consultation, he Avas attached to the royal suite,
and lodgings were provided for him and sums issued to defray
his expenses. Memorandums of several of these sums still
exist in the book of accounts of the royal treasurer, Francisco
Gonzalez, of Seville, which has lately been found in the ar-
chives of Simancas ; and it is from these minutes that we have
been enabled, in some degree, to follow the movements of
Columbus during his attendance upon this rambling and war-
like court.

During all this time he was exposed to continual scoffs
and indignities, being ridiculed by the light and ignorant as
a mere dreamer, and stigmatized by the illiberal as an adven-
turer. The very children, it is said, pointed to their fore-
heads as he passed, being taught to regard him as a kind of
madman.

The summer of 1490 passed away, but still Columbus

I

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPIIEK COLUMBUS. 103

was kept in tantalizing and tormenting suspense. The subse-
quent winter was not more propitious. He was lingering at
Cordova in a state of irritating an.siiety, when he learnt that
the sovereigns were preparing to depart on a campaign in the
Vega of Grenada, with a determination never to raise their
camp from before that city, until their victorious banners
should float upon its towers.

Columbus was aware that when once the campaign was
opened and the sovereigns were in the field, it would be in
vain to expect any attention to his suit. He was wearied, if
not incensed, at the repeated postponements he had expe-
rienced, by which several years had been consumed. He now
pressed for a decisive reply with an earnestness that would
not admit of evasion. Fernando de Talavera, therefore, was
called upon by the sovereigns to hold a definite conference
with the scientific men to whom the project had been referred,
and to make a report of their decision. The bishop tardily
complied, and at length reported to their majesties, as the
general opinion of the Junto, that the proposed scheme was
vain and impossible, and that it did not become such great
princes to engage in an enterprise of the kind on such weak
groinids as had been advanced.*

Notwithstanding this unfavorable report, the sovereigns
were unwilling to close the door upon a project which might
be productive of such important advantages. Many of the
learned members of the Junto also were in its favor, particu-
larly Fray Diego de Deza, tutor to Prince Juan, who from
his situation and clerical character had access to the royal ear,
and exerted himself strenuously in counteracting the decision

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 2.

104 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK II.

of the board. A degree of consideration, also, had gradually
grown up at court for the enterprise, and many men, distin-
guished for rank and merit, had become its advocates. Fer-
nando de Talavera, therefore, was commanded to inform Co-
lumbus, who was still at Cordova, that the great cares and
expenses of the wars rendered it impossible for the sovereigns
to engage in any new enterprise ; but that when the war was
concluded they would have both time and inclination to treat
with him about what he proposed.*

This was but a starved reply to receive after so many
days of weary attendance, anxious expectation, and deferred
hope ; Columbus was unwilling to receive it at second hand,
and repaired to the court at Seville to learn his fate from
the lips of the sovereigns. Their reply was virtually the
same, declining to engage in the enterprise for the present,
but holding out hopes of patronage wheii relieved from the
cares and expenses of the war.

Columbus looked upon this indefinite postponement as a
mere courtly mode of evading his importunity, and supposed
that the favorable dispositions of the sovereigns had been
counteracted by the objections of the ignorant and bigoted.
Renouncing all further confidence, therefore, in vague prom-
ises, which had so often led to disappointment, and giving up
all hopes of countenance from'the throne, he turned his back
upon Seville, indignant at the thcrughts of having been be-
guiled out of so many precious years of waning existence.

* Hist, del Almirautc, ubi sup.

CuAP. v.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 105

CHAPTER V.

COLUMBUS AT THE CONVENT OF LA EABIDA.

A BOUT half a league from the little sea-port of Palos de
-^^ Moguer in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand
at the present day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars,
dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida. One day a stranger on
foot, in humble guise, but of a distinguished air, accompanied
by a small boy, stopped at the gate of the convent, and asked
of the porter a little bread and water for his child. While
receiving this humble refreshment, the prior of the convent,
Juan Perez de Marchena, happening to pass by, v,as struck
with the appearance of the stranger, and observing from his
air and accent that he was a foreigner, entered into conversa-
tion with him, and soon learned the particulars of his story.
That stranger was Columbus.* He was on his way to the

* " Lo dicho Almirante Colon yeniendo a la Rabida, que es un
monasterio de frailes en esta villa, el qual demando a la portcria que le
diesen para aquel ninico, que era niiio, pan i agua que bebiese." The
testimony of Garcia Fernandez exists in mnnuscript among the multifari-
ous writings of the Pleito or lawsuit, which are preserved at Seville. I
have made use of an authenticated extract, copied for the late historian,
Juan Baut. Muiioz.

Vol. I.— 5*

106 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

neighboring town of Huelva, to seek his brother-in-law, who
had married a sister of his deceased wife.*

The prior was a man of extensive information. His at-
tention had been turned in some measure to geographical and
nautical science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, the in-
habitants of which were among the most enterprising navi-
gators of Spain, and made frequent voyages to the recently
discovered islands and countries on the African coast. He
was greatly interested by the conversation of Columbus, and
struck with the grandeur of his views. It was a remarkable
occurrence in the monotonous life of the cloister, to have a
man of such singular character, intent on so extraordinary an
enterprise, applying for bread and water at the gate of his
convent.

When he found, however, that the voyager was on the
point of abandoning Spain to seek patronage in the court of
France, and that so important an enterprise was about to be
lost forever to the country, the patriotism of the good friar
took the alarm. He detained Columbus as his guest, and,
diffident of his own judgment, sent for a scientific friend to
converse with him. That friend was Garcia Fernandez, a
physician, resident in Palos, the same who furnishes this in-
teresting testimony. Fernandez was equally struck with the
appearance and conversation of the stranger ; several confer-
ences took place at the convent, at which several of the vet-
eran mariners of Palos were present. Among these was
Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family of wealthy and

* Probably Pedro Correa, already mentioned, from whom he had
received information of signs of land in the ^vest, observed near Puerto
Santo.

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHER COLtTMBUS. 107

experienced navigators of the place, celebrated for their ad-
venturous expeditions. Facts were related by some of these
navigators in support of the theory of Columbus. In a word,
his project was treated with a deference in the quiet cloisters
of La Rabida, and among the seafaring men of Palos, which
had been sought in vain among the sages and philosophers of
the court. Martin Alonzo Pinzon especially, was so con-
vinced of its feasibility that he offered to engage in it with
purse and person, and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a
renewed application to the court.

Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the con-
currence of those learned and practical councillors. He had
once been confessor to the queen, and knew that she was al-
ways accessible to persons of his sacred calling. He proposed
to write to her immediately on the subject, and entreated
Columbus to delay his journey until an answer could be re-
ceived. The latter was easily persuaded, for he felt as if, in
leaving Spain, he was again abandoning his home. He was
also reluctant to renew, in another court, the vexations and
disappointments experienced in Spain and Portugal.

The little council at the convent of La Rabida now cast
round their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon this mo-
mentous mission. They chose one Sebastian Rodriguez, a
pilot of Lepe, one of the most shrewd and important person-
ages in this maritime neighborhood. The queen was, at this
time, at Santa Fe, the military city which had been built in
the Vega before Granada, after the conflagration of the royal
camp. The honest pilot acquitted himself faithfully, expe-
ditiously, and successfully, in his embassy. He found access
to the benignant princess, and delivered the epistle of the

108 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

friar. Isabella had always been favorably disposed to the
proposition of Columbus. She wrote in reply to Juan Perez,
thanking him for his timely services, and requesting that he
would repair immediately to the court, leaving Christopher
Columbus in confident hope mitil he should hear further from
her. This royal letter was brought back by the pilot at the
end of fourteen days, and spread great joy in the little junto
at the convent. No sooner did the warm-hearted friar re-
ceive it, than he saddled his mule, and departed privately,
before midnight, for the court. He journeyed through the
conquered countries of the Moors, and rode into the newly-
erected city of Santa Fe, where the sovereigns were superin-
tending the close investment of the capital of Granada.

The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready en-
trance in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; and, once
admitted to the presence of the queen, his former relation, as
father confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. He
pleaded the cause of Columbus with characteristic enthusiasm,
speaking, from actual knowledge, of his honorable motives,
his professional knowledge and experience, and his perfect
capacity to fulfil the undertaking; he represented the solid
principles upon Avhich the enterprise was founded, the advan-
tage that must attend its success, and the glory it must shed
upon the Spanish crown. It is probable that Isabella had
never heard the proposition urged with such honest zeal and
impressive eloquence. Being naturally more sanguine and
susceptible than the king, and more open to warm and gener,
ous impulses, she was moved by the representations of Juan
Perez, which were warmly seconded by hor favorite, the
Marchioness of Moya, who entered into the afflxir with a

Chap. V.] CKBISTOPHEK COLUMBrS. 109

woman's disinterested enthusiasm.* The queen requested
that Columbus might be again sent to her, and, with the liind
considerateness which characterized her, bethinking herself of
his poverty, and his humble plight, ordered that twenty thou-
sand maravedies f in florins should be forwarded to him, to
bear his travelling expenses, to provide him with a mule for
his journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he
might make a respectable appearance at the court.

The worthy friar lost no time in communicating the result
of his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a letter, by
the hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician Garcia
Fernandez, who delivered them to Columbus. The latter
complied with the instructions conveyed in the epistle. He
exchanged his threadbare garb for one more suited to the
sphere of a court, and, purchasing a mule, set out once more,
reanimated by hopes, for the camp before Granada. J

* Retrato del Buen Yasallo, lib. ii. cap. 16.

f Or 72 dollars, and equivalent to 216 dollars of the present day.

:): Most of the particulars of this visit of Columbus to the convent of
La Rabida are from the testimony rendered by Garcia Fernandez in the
lawsuit between Diego, the son of Columbus, and the crown.

110 LIFE A2^D VOYAGES OF [Book U.

CHAPTER YI.

APPLICATION TO THE COUPvT AT THE TIME OF THE SXIERENDER
OF GRANADA

[1462.]

TTTHEN Columbus arrived at the court, he experienced a
' ' favorable reception, and was given in hospitable charge
to his steady friend Alonzo de Quintanilla, the accountant-
general. The moment, however, was too eventful for his
business to receive immediate attention. He arrived in time
to witness the memorable surrender of Granada to the Spanish
arms. He beheld Boabdil, the last of the Moorish kings,
sally forth from the Alhambra, and yield up the keys of that
favorite seat of Moorish power ; while the king and queen,
with all the chivalry, and rank, and magnificence of Spain,
moved forward in proud and solemn procession, to receive
this token of submission. It was one of the most brilliant
triumphs in Spanish history. After near eight hundred years
of painful struggle, the crescent was completely cast down,
the cross exalted in its place, and the standard of Spain was
seen floating on the highest tower of the Alhambra. The
whole court and army were abandoned to jubilee. The air

Chap. VI.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. Ill

resounded with shouts of joy, with songs of triumph, and
hymns of thanksgiving. On every side were beheld military
rejoicings and religious oblations ; for it was considered a
triumph, not merely of arms, but of Christianity. The king
and queen moved in the midst, in more than common magnifi-
cence, while every eye regarded them as more than mortal ;
as if sent by Heaven for the salvation and building up of
Spain.* The court was thronged by the most illustrious of
that warlike country, and stirring era ; by the flower of its
nobility, by the most dignified of its prelacy, by bards and
minstrels, and all the retinue of a romantic and picturesque
age. There was nothing but the glittering of arms, the
rustling of robes, the sound of music and festivity.

Do we want a picture of our navigator during this bril-
liant and triumphant scene ? It is furnished by a Spanish
writer. " A man obscure and but little known followed at
this time the court. Confounded in the crowd of importunate
applicants, feeding his imagination in the corners of antecham-
bers with the pompous project of discovering a world, mel-
ancholy and dejected in the midst of the general rejoicing,
he beheld with indifference, and almost with contempt, the
conclusion of a conquest which swelled all bosoms with jubilee,
and seemed to have reached the utmost bounds of desire.
That man was Christopher Columbus." f

The moment had now arrived, however, when the mon-
archs stood pledged to attend to his proposals. The war
with the Moors was at an end, Spain was delivered from its
Intruders, and its sovereigns might securely turn their views

* Mariana, Hist, de Espana, lib. xxv. cap. 18.
t Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Catolica, p. 20.

112 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

to foreign enterprise. They kept their word with Columbus,
Persons of confidence were appointed to negotiate with him,
among whom was Fernando de Talavera, who, by the recent
conquest, had risen to be archbishop of Granada. At the
very outset of their negotiation, however, unexpected diffi-
culties arose. So fully imbued was Columbus with the
grandeur of his enterprise, that he would listen to none but
princely conditions. His principal stipulation was, that he
should be invested with the titles and privileges of admiral
and viceroy over the countries he should discover, with one-
tenth of all gains, either by trade or conquest. The courtiers
who treated with him were indignant at such a demand. Their
pride was shocked to see one, whom they had considered as
a needy adventurer, aspiring to rank and dignities superior
to their own. One observed with a sneer that it was a
shrewd arrangement which he proposed, whereby he was
secure, at all events, of the honor of a command, and had
nothing to lose in case of failure. To this Columbus promptly
replied, by offering to furnish one-eighth of the cost, on con-
dition of enjoying an eighth of the profits. To do this, he no
doubt calculated on the proffered assistance of Martin Alonzo
Pinzon, the wealthy navigator of Palos.

His terms, however, were pronoimced inadmissible. Fer-
nando de Talavera had always considered Columbus a dream-
ing speculator, or a needy applicant for bread ; but to see
this man, who had for years been an indigent and threadbare
solicitor in his antechamber, assuming so lofty a tone, and
claiming an office that approached to the awful dignity of the
throne, excited the astonishment as well as the indignation of
the prelate. He represented to Isabella, that it would be

Chap. VI.] CIIKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 113

degrading to the dignity of so illustrious a crown to lavish
such distinguished honors upon a nameless stranger. Such
terms, he observed, even in case of success, would be exorbi-
tant ; but in case of failure, would be cited with ridicule, as
evidence of the gross credulity of the Spanish monarchs.

Isabella was always attentive to the opinions of her
ghostly advisers, and the archbishop, being her confessor, had
peculiar influence. His suggestions checked her dawning
favor. She thought the proposed advantages might be pur-
chased at too great a price. More moderate conditions were
offered to Columbus, and such as appeared highly honorable
and advantageous. It was all in vain ; he would not cede one
point of his demands, and the negotiation Avas broken off.

It is impossible not to admire the great constancy of pur-
pose and loftiness of spirit displayed by Columbus, ever since
he had conceived the sublime idea of his discovery. More
than eighteen years had elapsed since his correspondence with
Paulo Toscanelli of Florence, wherein he had announced his
design. The greatest part of that time had been consumed
in applications at various courts. During that period, what
poverty, neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had
he not suffered ! Nothing, however, could shake his persever-
ance, nor make him descend to terms which he considered
beneath the dignity of his enterprise. In all his negotiations
he forgot his present obscurity, he forgot his present indi-
gence ; his ardent imagination realized the magnitude of his
contemplated discoveries, and he felt himself negotiating
about empire.

Though so large a portion of his life had worn away in
fruitless solicitings ; though there was no certainty that the

114 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IL

sfinie weary career was not to be entered upon at any other
court ; yet so indignant was he at the repeated disappoint-
ments he had experienced in Spain, that he determined to
abandon it forever, rather than compromise his demands.
Taking leave of* his friends, therefore, he mounted his mule,
and sallied forth from Santa Fe in the beginning of February,
1492, on his way to Cordova, whence he intended to depart
immediately for France.

When the few friends who were zealous believers in the
theory of Columbus saw him really on the point of abandon-
ing the country, they were filled with distress, considering his
departure an irreparable loss to the nation. Among the
number was Luis de St. Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical
revenues in Arragon. Determined if possible to avert the
evil, he obtained an immediate audience of the queen, accom-
panied by Alonzo de Quintanilla. The exigency of the
moment gave him courage and eloquence. He did not confine
himself to entreaties, but almost mingled reproaches, ex-
pressing astonishment that a queen who had evinced the spirit
to undertake so many great and perilous enterprises, should
hesitate at one where the loss could be so trifling, while the
gain might be incalculable. He reminded her how much might
be done for the glory of God, the exaltation of the Church, and
the extension of her own power and dominion. What cause
of regret to herself, of triumph to her enemies, of sorrow to
her friends, should this enterprise, thus rejected by her, be
accomplished by some other power ! He reminded her what
lame and dominion other princes had acquired by their dis-
coveries ; here was an opportunity to surpass them all. He
entreated her majesty not to be misled by the assertions of

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 115

learned men, that the project was the dream of a visionary.
He vindicated the judgment of Columbus, and the soundness
and practicability of his plans. Neither would even his
failure reflect disgrace upon the crown. It was worth the
trouble and expense to clear up even a doubt upon a matter
of such importance, for it belonged to enlightened and magnan-
imous princes to investigate questions of the kind, and to
explore the wonders and secrets of the universe. He stated
the liberal offer of Columbus to bear an eighth of the expense,
and informed her that all the requisites for this great enter-
prise consisted but of two vessels, and about three thousand
crowns.

These and many more arguments were urged with that
persuasive power which honest zeal imparts, and it is said
the Marchioness of Moya, who was present, exerted her
eloquence to persuade the queen. The generous spirit of
Isabella was enkindled. It seemed as if, for the first time,
the subject broke upon her mind in its real grandeur, and she
declared her resolution to undertake the enterprise.

There was still a moment's hesitation. The king looked
coldly on the affair, and the royal finances were absolutely
drained by the war. Some time must be given to replenish
them. How could she draw on an exhausted treasury for a
measure to which the king was adverse ! St. Angel watched
this suspense with trembling anxiety. The next moment re-
assured him. With an enthusiasm worthy of herself, and of
the cause, Isabella exclaimed, " I undertake the enterprise for
my own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jewels to raise
the necessary funds." This was the proudest moment in the

116 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

life of Isabella ; it stamped her renown forever as the
patroness of the discovery of the New World.

St. Angel, eager to secure this noble impulse, assured her
majesty that there would be no need of pledging her jewels,
as he w^as ready to advance the necessary funds. His offer
was gladly accepted ; the funds really came from the coffers
of Arragon ; seventeen thousand florins were advanced by
the accountant of St. Angel out of the treasury of King Fer-
dinand. That prudent monarch, however, took care to have
his kingdom indemnified some few years afterwards ; for in
remuneration of this loan, a part of the first gold brought
by Columbus from the New World was employed in gilding
the vaults and ceilings of the royal saloon in the grand palace
of Saragoza, in Arragon, anciently the Aljaferia, or abode of
the Moorish kings.*

Columbus had pursued his lonely journey across the Vega
and reached the bridge of Pinos, about two leagues from
Granada, at the foot of the mountain of Elvira ; a pass
famous in the INIoorish wars for many a desperate encounter
between the Christians and infidels. Here he was overtaken
by a courier from the queen, spurring in all speed, Avho sum-
moned him to return to Santa Ye. He hesitated for a mo-
ment, being loth to subject himself again to the delays and
equivocations of the court ; when informed, however, of the
sudden zeal for the enterprise excited in the mind of the queen,
and the positive promise she had given to undertake it, he no
longer felt a doubt, but, turning the reins of his mule, has-
tened back, with joyful alacrity to Santa F6, confiding in the
noble probity of that princess.

* Argensola Anales de Arragon, lib. i. cap. 10.

Chap. VII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 117

CHAPTEE YIL

AKEANGEMENT WITH THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS.— PEEPAEATI0N3
FOR THE EXPEDITION AT THE POET OF PALOS.

[1492.]

ON arriving at Santa Fe, Columbus had an immediate
audience of the queen, and the benignity with which she
received him atoned for all past neglect. Through deference
to the zeal she thus suddenly displayed, the king yielded his
tardy concurrence, but Isabella was the soul of this grand
enterprise. She was prompted by lofty and generous enthu-
siasm, while the king proved cold and calculating in this as in
all his other undertakings.

A perfect understanding being thus effected with the sover-
eigns, articles of agreement were ordered to be drawn out by
Juan de Coloma, the royal secretary. They were to the
following effect : —

1. That Columbus should have, for himself during his life,
and his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in
all the lands and continents which he might discover or

118 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IL

acquire in the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to
those enjoyed by the high admiral of Castile in his district.

2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all
the said lands and continents ; with the privilege of nominating
three candidates for the government of each island or province,
one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns.

3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one-
tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all
other articles and merchandises, in whatever manner found,
bought, bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs
being first deducted.

4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in
all causes and disputes arising out of traffic between those
countries and Spain, provided the high admiral of Castile had
similar jurisdiction in his district.

5. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an
eighth part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this
enterprise, and receive an eighth part of the profits.

The last stipulation, which admits Columbus to bear an
eighth of the enterprise, was made in consequence of his in-
dignant proffer, on being reproached with demanding ample
emoluments while incurring no portion of the charge. He
fulfilled this engagement, through the assistance of the Pin-
zons of Palos, and added a third vessel to the armament.
Thus one-eighth of the expense attendant on this grand expe-
dition, undertaken by a powerful nation, was actually borne
by the individual who conceived it, and who likewise risked
his life on its success.

The capitulations were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella,

Chap. VII.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 119

at the city of Santa Fe, in the Vega or plain of Granada, on
the 17th of April, 1492. A letter of privilege, or commission
to Columbus, of similar purport, was drawn out in form, and
issued by the sovereigns in the city of Granada, on the thir-
tieth of the same month. In this, the dignities and preroga-
tives of viceroy and governor were made hereditary in his
family ; and he and his heirs were authorized to prefix the
title of Don to their names, a distinction accorded in those
days only to persons of rank and estate, though it has since
lost all value, from being universally used in Spain.

All the royal documents issued on this occasion bore
equally the signatures of Ferdinand and Isabella, but her
separate crown of Castile defrayed all the expense ; and,
during her life, few persons, except Castilians, were permitted
to establish themselves in the new territories.*

The port of Palos de Moguer was fixed upon as the place
where the armament was to be fitted out, Columbus calculat-
ing, no doubt, on the co-operation of Martin Alonzo Pinzon,
resident there, and on the assistance of his zealous friend the
prior of the convent of La Eabida. Before going into the
business details of this great enterprise, it is due to the
character of the illustrious man who conceived and conducted
it, most especially to notice the elevated, even though
visionary spirit by which he was actuated. One of his prin-
cipal objects was undoubtedly the propagation of the Christian
faith. He expected to arrive at the extremity of Asia, and to
open a direct and easy communication with the vast and
magnificent empire of the Grand Khan. The conversion of
that heathen potentate had, in former times, been a favorite

* Charlevoix Hist. S. Domingo, lib. i. p. 79.

120 LIFE AND TOYAGES OF fBoOK 11.

aim of various pontiffs and pious sovereigns, and various
missions had been sent to the remote regions of the East for
that purpose. Columbus now considered himself about to
effect this great work ; to spread the light of revelation to the
very ends of the earth, and thus to be the instrument of
accomplishing one of the sublime predictions of Holy Writ.
Ferdinand listened with complacency to these enthusiastic
anticipations. With him, however, religion was subservient
to interest ; and he had found, in the recent conquest of
Granada, that extending the sway of the Church might be
made a laudable means of extending his own dominions.
According to the doctrines of the day, every nation that re-
fused to acknowledge the truths of Christianity, was feir spoil
for a Christian invader ; and it is probable that Ferdinand
was more stimulated by the accounts given of the wealth of
Mangi, Catliay, and other provinces belonging to the Grand
Khan, than by any anxiety for the conversion of him and his
semi-barbarous subjects.

Isabella had noble inducements ; she was filled with a
pious zeal at the idea of effecting such a great work of salva-
tion. From different motives, therefore, both of the sover-
eigns accorded with the views of Columbus in this particular,
and when he afterwards departed on his voyage, letters were
actually given him for the Grand Khan of Tartary.

The ardent enthusiasm of Columbus did not stop here.
Anticipating boundless wealth from his discoveries, he sug-
gested that the treasures thus acquired should be consecrated
to the pious purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre of Jerusa-
lem from the power of the infidels. The sovereigns smiled
at this sally of the imagination, but expressed themselves well

Chap. VII.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 121

pleased with it, and assured him that even without the funds
he anticipated, they should be well disposed to that holy
undertaking.* What the king and queen, however, may have
considered a mere sally of momentary excitement, was a deep
and cherished design of Columbus. It is a curious and charac-
teristic fact, which has never been particularly noticed, that
the recovery of the holy sepulchre was one of the great objects
of his ambition, meditated throughout the remainder of his
life, and solemnly provided for in his will. In fact, he subse-
quently considered it the main work for which he was chosen
by Heaven as an agent, and that his great discovery was but
a preparatory dispensation of Providence to furnish means for
its accomplishment.

A home-felt mark of favor, characteristic of the kind and
considerate heart of Isabella, was accorded to Columbus before
his departure from the court. An albala, or letter-patent, was
issued by the queen on the 8th of May, appointing his son
Diego page to Prince Juan, the heir apparent, with an allow-
ance for his support ; an honor granted only to the sons of
persons of distinguished rank.f

Thus gratified in his dearest wishes, after a course of de-
lays and disappointments sufficient to have reduced any ordi-
nary man to despair, Columbus took leave of the court on the
12th of May, and set out joyfully for Palos. Let those who
are disposed to faint under difficulties, in the prosecution of

* Protest^ a vuestras Altezas que toda la ganancia desta mi empresa
se gastase en la conquista de Jerusalem, y vuestras Altezas se rieron, y
dijeron que les placia, y que sin este tenian aquella gana. Primer
Viage de Colon Navarrete, torn. i. p. IIT.

f Navarrete, Colec. de Viages, torn. ii. doc. 11.
Vol. I.— 6

122 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BooK II.

any great and worthy undertaking, remember that eighteen
years elapsed after the time that Columbus conceived his
enterprise, before he was enabled to carry it into effect ; that
the greater part of that time was passed in almost hopeless
solicitation, amidst poverty, neglect, and taunting ridicule ;
that the prime of his life had wasted away in the struggle, and
that when his perseverance was finally crowned with success,
he was about his fifty -sixth year. His example should en-
courage the enterprising never to despair.

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 123

b

CHAPTER YIII.

COLUMBUS AT THE POr.T OF PALOS. — PKEPAEATIONS FOR THE
VOYAGE OF DISGOVERr.

ON arriving at Pales, Columbus repaired immediately to
the neighboring convent of La Rabida, where he was re-
ceived with open arms by the worthy prior, Fray Juan Perez,
and again became his guest.* The port of Palos, for some
misdemeanor, had been condemned by the royal council to
serve the crown for one year with two armed caravels ; and
these were destined to form part of the armament of Colum-
bus, who was furnished with the necessary papers and vouchers
to enforce obedience in all matters necessary for his expedi-
tion.

On the following morning, the 23d of May, Columbus,
accompanied by Fray Juan Perez, whose character and station
gave him great importance in the neighborhood, proceeded to
the church of St. George in Palos, where the alcalde, the
regidors, and many of the inhabitants of the place had been
notified to attend. Here, in presence of them all, in the porch
of the church, a royal order was read by a notary public,

* Oviedo, Cronica de las Iiidias, lib, ii. cap. 5.

124 LIFE Aim VOYAGES OF [BoOK IL

commanding the authorities of Palos to have two caravels
ready for sea within ten days after this notice, and to place
them and their crews at the disposal of Columbus. The lat-
ter was likewise empowered to procure and fit out a third
vessel. The crews of all three were to receive the ordinary
wages of seamen employed in armed vessels, and to be paid
four months in advance. They were to sail in such direction
as Columbus, under the royal authority, should command,
and were to obey him in all things, with merely one sti2Dula-
tion ; that neither he nor they were to go to St. George la
Mina, on the coast of Guinea, nor any other of the lately dis-
covered possessions of Portugal. A certificate of their good
conduct, signed by Columbus, was to be the discharge of their
obligation to the crown.*

Orders were likewise read, addressed to the public author-
ities, and the people of all ranks and conditions, in the mari-
time borders of Andalusia, commanding them to furnish sup-
plies and assistance of all kinds, at reasonable prices, for the
fitting out of the vessels ; and penalties were denounced on
such as should cause any impediment. No duties were to be
exacted for any articles furnished to the vessels ; and all
criminal processes against the person or property of any indi-
vidual engaged in the expedition was to be suspended during
his absence, and for two months after his return. f

With these orders the authorities promised implicit com-
pliance ; but, when the nature of the intended expedition came
to be known, astonishment and dismay fell upon the little
community. The ships and crews demanded for such a des-
perate service were regarded in the light of sacrifices. Tlie

* Navarrete, Colec. de Viages, torn. ii. doc. 6. f Idem, doc. 8, 9.

Chap, VIII.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 125

owners of vessels refused to furnish them ; the boldest seamen
shrank from such a wild and chimerical cruise into the wilder-
ness of the ocean. All kinds of frightful tales and fables were
conjured up concerning the unknown regions of the deep; and
nothing can be a stronger evidence of the boldness of this
undertaking than the extreme dread of it in a community
composed of some of the most adventurous navigators of the
age.

Weeks elapsed without a vessel being procured, or any
thing else being done in fulfilment of the royal orders. Further
mandates were therefore issued by the sovereigns, ordering the
magistrates of the coast of Andalusia to press into the service
any vessels they might think proper, belonging to Spanish
subjects, and to oblige the masters and crews to sail with
Columbus in whatever direction he should be sent by royal
command. Juan de Peiialosa, an officer of the royal house-
hold, was sent to see that this order was properly complied
with, receiving two hundred maravedis a day as long as he
was occupied in the business, which sum, together with other
penalties expressed in the mandate, was to be exacted from
such as should be disobedient and delinquent. This letter was
acted upon by Columbus in Palos and the neighboring town
of Moguer, but apparently with as little success as the preced-
ing. The communities of those places were thrown into com-
plete confusion ; tumults took place ; but nothing of conse-
quence was effected. At length Martin Alonzo Pinzon step-
ped forward, with his brother, Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon ; both
navigators of great courage and ability, o%vners of vessels, and
having seamen in their employ. They were related, also, to
many of the seafaring inhabitants of Palos and Moguer, and

126 LIFE AND Y0TAGE8 OF [Book II.

had great influence throughout the neighborhood. They en-
gaged to sail on the expedition, and furnished one of the vessels
required. Others, with their owners and crews, were pressed
into the service by the magistrates under the arbitrary man-
date of the sovereigns ; and it is a striking instance of the
despotic authority exercised over commerce in those times,
that respectable individuals should thus be compelled to en-
gage, with persons and ships, in what appeared to them a mad
and desperate enterprise.

During the equipment of the vessels, troubles and difficul-
ties arose among the seamen who had been compelled to
embark. These were fomented and kept up by Gomez
Rascon and Christoval Quintero, owners of the Pinta, one of
the ships pressed into the service. All kinds of obstacles
were thrown in the way, by these people, and their friends,
to retard or defeat the voyage. The calkers employed upon
the vessels did their work in a careless and imperfect manner,
and on being commanded to do it over again absconded.*
Some of the seamen who had enlisted willingly repented of
their hardihood, or were dissuaded by their relatives, and
sought to retract ; others deserted and concealed themselves.
Every thing had to be effected by the most harsh and arbitrary
measures, and in defiance of popular prejudice and opposition.

The influence and example of the Pinzons had a great effect
in allaying this opposition, and inducing many of their friends
and relatives to embark. It is supposed that they had fur-
nished Columbus with funds to pay the eighth part of the ex-
pense which he was bound to advance. It is also said that
Martin Alouzo Pinzon was to divide with him his share of

* Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 77, M!^.

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUlsrBUS. 127

the profits. As no immediate profit, however, resulted from
this expedition, no claim of the kind was ever brought forward.
It is certian, however, that the assistance of the Pinzons was
all-important, if not indispensable, in fitting out and launching
the expedition.*

After the great difficulties made by various courts in
patronizing this enterprise, it is surprising how inconsiderable
an armament was required. It is evident that Columbus had
reduced his requisitions to the narrowest limits, lest any great
expense should cause impediment. Three small vessels were
apparently all that he had requested. Two of them were light
barks, called caravels, not superior to river and coasting craft
of more modern days. Representations of this class of ves-
sels exist in old prints and paintings. f They are delineated
as open, and without deck in the centre, but built up high at
the prow and stern, with forecastles and cabins for the ac-
commodation of the crew. Peter Martyr, the learned contem-
porary of Columbus, says that only one of the three vessels
was decked. The smallness of the vessels was considered an
advantage by Columbus, in a voyage of discovery, enabling
him to run close to the shores, and to enter shallow rivers
and harbors. In his third voyage, when coasting the Gulf of
Paria, he complained of the size of his ship, being nearly a
hundred tons burthen. But that such long and perilous expe-
ditions, into unknown seas, should be undertaken in vessels
without decks, and that they should live through the violent

* These facts concerning the Pinzons are mostly taken from the
testimony given, many years afterwards, in a suit between Don Diego,
the son of Columbus, and the crown.

f See Illustrations, article " Ships of Columbus."

128 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book II.

tempests, by which they were frequently assailed, remain
among the singular circumstances of these daring voyages.

At length, by the beginning of August, every difficulty -was
vanquished, and the vessels were ready for sea. The largest,
which had been prepared expressly for the voyage, and was
decked, was called the Santa Maria : on bord of this ship
Columbus hoisted his flag. The second, called the Pinta, was
commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, accompanied by his
brother, Francisco Martin, as pilot. The third, called the Nina,
had latino sails, and was commanded by the third of the
brothers, Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon. There were three other
pilots, Sancho Ruiz, Pedro Alonzo Niiio, and Bartolomeo Eol-
dan. Roderigo Sanchez of Segovia was inspector-general of
the armament, and Diego de Arana, a native of Cordova, chief
alguazil. Roderigo de Escobar went as royal notary, an
officer always sent in the armaments of the crown, to take
official notes of all transactions. There were also a physician
and a surgeon, together with various private adventurers,
several servants, and ninety mariners ; making in all, one
hundred and twenty persons.*

The squadron being ready to put to sea, Columbus, im-
pressed with the solemnity of his undertaking, confessed him-
self to the frair Juan Perez, and partook of the sacrament of
the communion. His example was followed by his officers
and crew, and they entered upon their enterprise full of awe,
and with the most devout and affecting ceremonials, commit-
ting themselves to the especial guidance and protection of
Heaven. A deep gloom was spread over the whole commu-

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. Mufioz, Tlist. Xucvo Mundo,
lib. ii.

Chap. VIIL] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 129

nity of Palos at their departure, for almost every one had some
relative or friend on board of the squadron. The spirits of
the seamen, already depressed by their own fears, were still
more cast down at the affliction of those they left behind,
who took leave of them with tears and lamentations, and dis-
mal forebodings, as of men they were never to behold again.

Vol. I.--6*

BOOK III.
CHAPTEE I.

DEPAETUKE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FIKST VOYAGE.
[1492.]

WHEN Columbus set sail on this memorable voyage, he
commenced a regular journal, intended for the inspec-
tion of the Spanish sovereigns. Like all his other trar.sac-
tions, it evinces how deeply he was impressed with the gran-
deur and solemnity of his enterprise. He proposed to keep
it, as he afterwards observed, in the manner of the Commen-
taries of Cesar, It opened with a stately prologue, wherein,
in the following words, were set forth the motives and views
which led to his expedition.

" In nomine D. N. Jesu Christi. Whereas most Christian,
most high, most excellent, and most powerful princes, king and
queen of the Spains, and of the islands of the sea, our sover-
eigns, in the present year of 1492, after your highnesses had
put an end to the war with the Moors who ruled in Europe,
and had concluded that warfare in the great city of Granada,
where, on the second of January, of this present year, I saw

132 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

the royal banners of your highnesses placed by force of arms
on the towers of the Alhambra, which is the fortress of that
city, and beheld the Moorish king sally forth from the gates
of the city, and kiss the royal hands of your highnesses and of
my lord the prince ; and immediately in that same month, in
consequence of the information which I had given to your
highnesses of the lands of India, and of a prince who is called
the Grand Khan, which is to say in our language, king of
kings ; how that many times he and his predecessors had sent
to Rome to entreat for doctors of our holy faith, to instruct
him in the same ; and that the holy father had never provided
him with them, and thus so many people were lost, believing in
idolatries, and imbibing doctrines of perdition ; therefore your
highnesses, as catholic Christians and princes, lovers and pro-
moters of the holy Christian faith, and enemies of the sect of
Mahomet, and of all idolatries and heresies, determined to
send me, Christopher Columbus, to the said parts of India, to
see the said princes, and the people and lands, and discover
the nature and disposition of them all, and the means to be
taken for the conversion of them to our holy faith ; and ordered
that I should not go by land to the east, by which it is the
custom to go, but by a voyage to the west, by which course,
unto the present time, we do not know for certain that any
one liath passed. Your highnesses, therefore, after having ex-
pelled all the Jews from your kingdoms and territories, com-
manded me, in the same month of January, to proceed with a
sufficient armament to the said parts of India ; and for this
purpose bestowed great favors upon me, ennobling me, that
thenceforward I might style myself Don, appointing me higli
admiral of the Ocean sea, and perpetual viceroy and governor

Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 133

of all the islands and continents I should discover and gain,
and which henceforward may be discovered and gained in the
Ocean sea ; and that my eldest son should succeed me, and so
on from generation to generation forever. I departed, therefore,
from the city of Granada, on Saturday, the 12th of May, of
the same year 1492, to Palos, a seaport, where I armed three
ships, w^ell calculated for such service, and sailed from that
port well furnished with provisions and with many seamen,
on Friday, the 3d of August, of the same year, half an hour
before sunrise, and took the route for the Canary Islands of
your highnesses, to steer my course thence, and navigate until
1 should arrive at the Indies, and deliver the embassy of your
highnesses to those princes, and accomplish that which you
had commanded. For this purpose I intend to write during
this voyage, very punctually from day to day, all that I may
do, and see, and experience, as will hereafter be seen. Also,
my sovereign princes, beside describing each night all that
has occurred in the day, and in the day the navigation of the
night, I propose to make a chart, in which I wall set down the
waters and lands of the Ocean sea in their proper situations
under their bearings : and further, to compose a book, and
illustrate the whole in picture by latitude from the equinoc-
tial, and longitude from the west ; and upon the whole it will
be essential that I should forget sleep and attend closely to
the navigation to accomplish these things, which will be a
great labor." *

Thus are formally and expressly stated by Columbus the
objects of this extraordinary voyage. The material facts still

* Navarrctc, Colec. Viag., torn. i. p. 1

134 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book IIL

extant of his journal will be found incorporated in the present
work.*

It was on Friday, the 3d of August, 1492, early in the
morning, that Columbus set sail from the bar of Saltes, a small
island formed by the arms of the Odiel, in front of the town
of Huelva, steering in a southwesterly direction for the
Canary Islands, whence it was his intention to strike due west.
As a guide by which to sail, he had prepared a map or chart,
improved upon that sent him by Paulo Toscanelli, Neither
of those now exist, but the globe or planisphere finished by
Martin Behem in this year of the admiral's first voyage is still
extant, and furnishes an idea of what the chart of Columbus
must have been. It exhibits the coasts of Europe and Africa
from the south of Ireland to the end of Guinea, and opposite
to them, on the other side of the Atlantic, the extremity of
Asia, or, as it was termed, India. Between them is placed
the Island of Cipango, or Japan, which, according to Marco
Polo, lay fifteen hundred miles distant from the Asiatic coast.

* An abstract of this journal, made by Las Casas, has recently been
discovered, and is published in the first volume of the collection of Senor
Navarreto. Many passages of this abstract had been previously inserted
by Las Casas in his History of the Indies, and the same journal had been
copiously used by Fernando Columbus in the history of his father. In
the present account of this voyage, the author has made use of the
journal contained in the work of Senor Navarrete, the manuscript history
of Las Casas, the History of the Indies by Herrera, the Life of the
Admiral by his son, the Chronicle of the Indies by Oviedo, the manuscript
history of Ferdinand and Isabella by Andres Bernaldes, curate of Los
Palacios, and the Letters and Decades of the Ocean Sea, by Peter Martyr ;
all of whom, with the exception of Herrera, were contemporaries and
acquaintances of Columbus. These are the principal authorities which
have been consulted, though scattered lights have occasionally been ob-
tained from other sources.

Chap, I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 135

In his computations Columbus advanced this island about a
thousand leagues too much to the east, supposing it to be
about the situation of Florida ;* and at this island he hoped
first to arrive.

The exultation of Columbus at finding himself, after so
many years of baffled hope, fairly launched on his grand en-
terprise, was checked by his want of confidence in the reso-
lution and perseverance of his crews. As long as he remained
within reach of Europe, there was no security that, in a mo-
ment of repentance and alarm, they might not renounce the
prosecution of the voyage, and insist on a return. Symptoms
soon appeared to warrant his apprehensions. On the third
day, the Pinta made signal of distress ; her rudder was dis-
covered to be broken and unhung. This Columbus surmised
to be done through the contrivance of the owners of the cara-
vel, Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, to disable their
vessel, and cause her to be left behind. As has already been
observed, they had been pressed into the service greatly
against their will, and their caravel seized upon for the expe-
dition, in conformity to the royal orders.

Columbus was much disturbed at this occurrence. It gave
him a foretaste of further difficulties to be apprehended from
crews partly enlisted on compulsion, and all full of doubt
and foreboding. Trivial obstacles might, in the present criti-
cal state of his voyage, spread panic and mutiny through his
ships, and entirely defeat the expedition.

The wind was blowing strongly at the time, so that he
could not render assistance without endangering his own ves-
sel. Fortunately, Martin Alonzo Pinzon commanded the

* Malte-Brun, Geograph. Universcllc, torn. ii. p. 283.

k

136 LIFE AlfD VOYAGES OF [Book III.

Pinta, and being an adroit and able seaman, succeeding in
securing the rudder with cords, so as to bring the vessel into
management. This, however, was but a temporary and inade-
quate expedient ; the fastenings gave way again on the follow-
ing day, and the other ships were obliged to shorten sail until
the rudder could be secured.

This damaged state of the Pinta as well as her being in a
leaky condition, determined the admiral to touch at the Ca-
nary islands, and seek a vessel to replace her. He consid-
ered himself not far from those islands, though a different opin-
ion was entertained by the pilots of the squadron. The event
proved his superiority in taking observations and keeping
reckonings, for they came in sight of the Canaries on the
morning of the 9th.

They were detained upwards of three weeks among these
islands, seeking in vain another vessel. They were obliged,
therefore, to make a new rudder for the Pinta, and repair her
for the voyage. The latine sails of the Niiia were also altered
into square sails, that she might work more steadily and
securely, and be able to keep company with the other
vessels.

"While sailing among these islands, the crew were terrified
at beholding the lofty peak of TenerifFe sending forth volumes
of flame and smoke, being ready to take alarm at any extra-
ordinary phenomenon, and to construe it into a disastrous
portent. Columbus took great pains to dispel their appre-
hensions, explaining the natural causes of those volcanic fires,
and verifying his explanations by citing Mount Etna, and other
well-known volcanoes.

While taking in wood and water and provisions in th^

i

Chap. I.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 137

island of Gomera, a vessel arrived from Ferro, which reported
that three Portuguese caravels had been seen hovering off that
island, with the intention, it was said, of capturing Columbus.
The admiral suspected some hostile stratagem on the part of
the king of Portugal, in revenge for his having embarked in
the service of Spain ; he therefore lost no time in putting to
sea, anxious to get far from those islands, and out of the track
of navigation, trembling lest something might occur to defeat
his expedition, commenced under such inauspicious circum-
stances.

k

LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK III.

CHAPTEE II.

CONTraTJATION OF TIIK VOYAGE.— FIRST NOTICE OF THE
VAPJATION OF THE NEEDLE.

[1492.]

TT^AIiLY in the morning of the 6th of September, Columbus
-'-^ set sail from the island of Gomera, and now might be
said first to strike into the region of discovery ; taking leave
of these frontier islands of the old world, and steering west-
ward for the unknown parts of the Atlantic. For three days,
however, a profound calm kept the vessels loitering with flag-
ging sails, within a short distance of the land. This was a
tantalizing delay to Columbus, who was impatient to find him-
self for out of sight of either land or sail ; which, in the pure
atmospheres of these latitudes, may be descried at an immense
distance. On the following Sunday, the 9th of September, at
daybreak, he behold Ferro, the last of the Canary islands,
about nine leagues distant. This was the island whence the
Portuguese caravels had been seen ; he was therefore in the
very neighborhood of danger. Fortunately a breeze sprang
up with the sun, their sails were once more filled, and in the

Chap, II,] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 139

course of the day the heights of Ferro gradually faded from
the horizon.

On losing sight of this last trace of land, the hearts of the
crews failed them. They seemed literally to have taken leave
of the world. Behind them was every thing dear to the heart
of man ; country, family, friends, life itself : before them every
thing was chaos, mystery, and peril. In the perturbation of
the moment, they despaired of ever more seeing their homes.
Many of the rugged seamen shed tears, and some broke into
loud lamentations. The admiral tried in every way to soothe
their distress, and to inspire them with his own glorious antici-
pations. He described to them the magnificent countries to
which he was about to conduct them : the islands of the Indian
seas teeming with gold and precious stones ; the regions of
Mangi and Cathay, with their cities of unrivalled wealth and
splendor. He promised them land and riches, and every thing
that could arouse their cupidity, or inflame their imaginations,
nor were these promises made for purposes of mere de-
ception ; he certainly believed that he should realize them
all.

He now issued orders to the commanders of the other
vessels, that, in the event of separation by any accident, they
should continue directly westward ; but that after sailing
seven hundred leagues, they should lay by from midnight
until daylight, as at about that distance he confidently expected
to find land. In the mean time, as he thought it possible he
might not discover land within the distance thus assigned, and
as he foresaw that the vague terrors already awakened among
the seamen would increase with the space which intervened
between them and their homes, he commenced a stratagem

140 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

which he continued throughout the voyage. lie kept two
reckonings j one correct, in which the true way of the ship
was noted, and which was retained in secret for his own gov-
ernment ; in the other, which was open to general inspection,
a number of leagues was daily subtracted from the sailing of
the ship, so that the crews were kept in ignorance of the real
distance they had advanced.*

On the 11th of September, when about one hundred and
fifty leagues west of Ferro, they fell in with part of a mast,
which from its size appeared to have belonged to a vessel of
about a hundred and twenty tons burthen, and which had
evidently been a long time in the water. The crews, trem-
blingly alive to every thing that could excite their hopes or
fears, looked with rueful eye upon this wreck of some unfor-
tunate voyager, drifting ominously at the entrance of those
unknown seas.

On the 13th of September, in the evening, being about two
hundred leagues from the island of Ferro, Columbus, for the
first time, noticed the variation of the needle ; a phenomenon
which had never before been remarked. He perceived, about
nightfall, that the needle, instead of pointing to the north star,
varied about half a point, or between five and six degrees, to
the northwest, and still more on the following morning.
Struck Avith this circumstance, he observed it attentively for

* It has been erroneously stated that Columbus kept two journals.
It was merely in the reckoning, or log-book, that he deceived the crew.
His journal was entirely private, and intended for his own use and the
perusal of the sovereigns. In a letter written from Granada, in 1503, to
Pope Alexander YII., he says that he had kept an account of his voyages,
in the style of the Commentaries of Cesar, which he intended to submit
to his holiness.

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 141

three days, and found that the variation increased as he ad-
vanced. He at first made no mention of this phenomenon,
knowing how ready his people were to take alarm, but it
soon attracted the attention of the pilots, and filled them with
consternation. It seemed as if the very laws of nature were
changing as they advanced, and that they were entering another
Avorld, subject to unknown influences.* They apprehended
that the compass was about to lose its mysterious virtues,
and, without this guide, what was to become of them in a vast
and trackless ocean 1

Columbus tasked his science and ingenuity for reasons with
which to allay their terror. He observed that the direction
of the needle was not to the polar star, but to some fixed and
invisible point. The variation, therefore, was not caused by
any fallacy in the compass, but by the movement of the north
star itself, which, like the other heavenly bodies, had its
changes and revolutions, and every day described a circle
round the pole. The high opinion which the pilots enter-
tained of Columbus as a profound astronomer gave weight to
this theory, and their alarm subsided. As yet the solar sys-
tem of Copernicus was unknown : the explanation of Colum-
bus, therefore, was highly plausible and ingenious, and it shows
the vivacity of his mind, ever ready to meet the emergency
of the moment. The theory may at first have been advanced
merely to satisfy the minds of others, but Columbus ap-
pears subsequently to have remained satisfied with it himself.
The phenomenon has now become familiar to us, but we still
continue ignorant of its cause. It is one of those mysteries of

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 6.

14:2 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BooK III.

nature, open to daily observation and experiment, and appar-
ently simple from their familiarity, but -which on investiga-
tion make the human mind conscious of its limits ; baffling
the experience of the practical, and humbling the pride of
science.

t

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. ] 43

CHAPTEK III.

CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE.— VAEIOUS TEEEOES OF THE
SEAMEN.

[1492.]

ON the 14th of September, the voyagers were rejoiced by
the sight of what they considered harbingers of land. A
heron, and a tropical bird called the Rabo de Junco,* neither
of which are supposed to venture far to sea, hovered about the
ships. On the following night they were struck with awe at
beholding a meteor, or, as Columbus calls it in his journal, a
great flame of fire, which seemed to fall from the sky into the
sea, about four or five leagues distant. These meteors, com-
mon in warm climates, and especially under the tropics, are
always seen in the serene azure sky of those latitudes, falling
as it were from the heavens ; but never beneath a cloud. In
the transparent atmosphere of one of those beautiful nights,
where every star shines with the purest lustre, they often leave
a luminous train behind them which lasts for twelve or fifteen
seconds, and may well be compared to a flame.

* The water-wagtail.

144: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

The wind had hitherto been favorable, with occasional,
though transient, clouds and showers. They had made great
progress each day, though Columbus, according to his secret
plan, contrived to suppress several leagues in the daily reckon-
ing left open to the crew.

They had now arrived within the influence of the trade wind,
which, following the sun, blows steadily from east to west
between the tropics, and sweeps over a few adjoining degrees
of ocean. With this propitious breeze directly aft, they were
wafted gently but speedily over a tranquil sea, so that for
many days they did not shift a sail. Columbus perpetually
recurs to the bland and temperate serenity of the weather,
which in this tract of the ocean is soft and refreshing without
being cool. In his artless and expressive language he compares
the pure and balmy mornings to those of April in Andalusia,
and observes that they wanted but the song of the nightingale
to complete the illusion. " He had reason to say so," observes
the venerable Las Casas ; " for it is marvellous the suavity
which we experience when half way towards these Indies ; and
the more the ships approach the lands, so much more do they
perceive the temperance and softness of the air, the clearness
of the sky, and the amenity and fragrance sent forth from the
groves and forests ; much mpre certainly than in April in
Andalusia." *

They now began to see large patches of herbs and weeds
drifting from the west, and increasing in quantity as tliey ad-
vanced. Some of these weeds were such as grow about rocks,
others such as are produced in rivers ; some were yellow and

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 36, MS.

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 145

withered, others so green as to have apparently been recently
washed from land. On one of these patches was a live crab,
which Columbus carefully preserved. They saw also a white
tropical bird, of a kind which never sleeps upon the sea.
Tunny fish also played about the ships, one of which was
killed by the crew of the Nifia. Columbus now called to
mind the account given by Aristotle of certain ships of Cadiz,
which, coasting the shores outside of the straits of Gibraltar,
were driven westward by an impetuous east wind, until they
reached a part of the ocean covered with vast fields of weeds,
resembling sunken islands, among which they beheld many
tunny fish. He supposed himself arrived in this weedy sea,
as it had been called, from which the ancient mariners had
turned back in dismay, but which he regarded with animated
hope, as indicating the vicinity of land. Not that he had yet
any idea of reaching the object of his search, the eastern end
of Asia ; for, according to his computation, he had come but
three hundred and sixty leagues* since leaving the Canary
islands, and he placed the main land of India much farther on.

On the 18th of September the same weather continued ; a
soft steady breeze from the east filled every sail, while, to
use the words of Columbus, the sea was as calm as the Guad-
alquiver at Seville. He fancied that the water of the sea
grew fresher as he advanced, and noticed this as a proof of
the superior sweetness and purity of the air. f

The crews were all in high spirits ; each ship strove to
get in the advance, and every seaman was eagerly on the

* Of twenty to the degree of latitude, the unity of distance used
throughout this work.

f Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 36.
Vol. I.— 7

146 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

look-out ; for the sovereigns had promised a pension of ten
thousand maravadis to him who should first discover land.
Martin Alonzo Pinzon crowded all canvas, and as the Pinta
was a fast sailer, he generally kept the lead. In the afternoon
he hailed the admiral and informed him, that, from the flight
of a great number of birds, and from the appearance of the
northern horizon, he thought there was land in that direction.

There was in fact a cloudiness in the north, such as often
hangs over land ; and at sunset it assumed such shapes and
masses that many fancied they beheld islands. There was a
universal wish, therefore, to steer for that quarter. Colum-
bus, however, was persuaded that they were mere illusions.
Every one who has made a sea voyage must have witnessed
the deceptions caused by clouds resting upon the horizon,
especially about sunset and sunrise ; v/hich the eye, assisted
by the imagination and desire, easily converts into the wished-
for land. This is particularly the case within the tropics,
where the clouds at sunset assume the most singular appear-
ances.

On the following day there were drizzling showers, unac-
companied by wind, which Columbus considered favorable
signs ; two boobies also flew on board the ships, birds which,
he observed, seldom fly twenty leagues from land. He
sounded, therefore, with a line of two hundred fathoms, but
found no bottom. He supposed he might be passing between
islands, lying to the north and south ; but was unwilling to
waste the present favoring breeze by going in search of them ;
beside, he had confidently affirmed that land was to be found
by keeping steadfastly to the west ; his whole expedition had
been foiuided on such a presumption ; he should, therefore,

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 147

risk all credit and authority with his people were he to ap-
pear to doubt and waver, and to go groping blindly from
point to point of the compass. He resolved, therefore, to
keep one bold course always westward, until he should reach
the coast of India ; and afterwards, if advisable, to seek these
islands on his return.*

Notwithstanding his precaution to keep the people igno-
rant of the distance they had sailed, they were now growing
extremely uneasy at the length of the voyage. They had ad-
vanced much farther west than ever man had sailed before,
and though already beyond the reach of succor, still they con-
tinued daily leaving vast tracts of ocean behind them, and
pressing onward and onward into that apparently boundless
abyss. It is true they had been flattered by various indica-
tions of land, and still others were occurring ; but all mocked
them with vain hopes : after being hailed with a transient joy,
they passed away, one after another, and the same intermi-
nable expanse of sea and sky continued to extend before them.
Even the bland and gentle breeze, uniformly aft, was now
conjured by their ingenious fears into a cause of alarm ; for
they began to imagine that the wind, in these seas, might al-
Avays prevail from the east, and if so, would never permit
their return to Spain.

Columbus endeavored to dispel these gloomy presages,
sometimes by argument and expostulation, sometimes by
awakening fresh hopes, and pointing out new signs of land.
On the 20th of September the wind veered, with light breezes

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 20. Extracts from Journal of Columb.
Navarrete, T. i. p. 16.

148 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK KL

from the south-west. These, though adverse to their pro-
gress, had a cheering effect upon the people, as they proved
that the wind did not always prevail from the east.* Several
birds also visited the ships ; three, of a small kind which keep
about groves and orchards, came singing in the morning, and
flew away again in the evening. Their song cheered the
hearts of the dismayed mariners, who hailed it as the voice of
land. The larger fowl, they observed, were strong of wing,
and might venture far to sea ; but such small birds were too
feeble to fly far, and their singing showed that they were not
exhausted by their flight.

On the following day there was either a profound calm,
or light winds from the south-west. The sea, as far as the
eye could reach, was covered with weeds ; a phenomenon
often observed in this part of the ocean, which has sometimes
the appearance of a vast inundated meadow. This has been
attributed to immense quantities of submarine plants, which
grow at the bottom of the sea until ripe, w^hen they are de-
tached by the motion of the waves and currents, and rise to
the surface, f These fields of weeds Avere at first regarded
with great satisfaction, but at length they became, in many
places, so dense and matted, as in some degree to impede the
sailing of the ships, which must have been under very little
headway. The crews now called to mind some tale about the
frozen ocean, where ships were said to be sometimes fixed
immovable. They endeavored, therefore, to avoid as much

* Mucho me fue necesario este viento contrario, porque mi gente
andaban muy estimulados, que pensaban que no vcutabaii estos mares
vientos para volver h Espana. Primer Yiage de Colou. Navarrete,
tom. i. p. 12.

f Humboldt, Personal Narrative, book i. cap. 1.

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBTIS. 149

as possible these floating masses, lest some disaster of the
kind might happen to themselves.* Others considered these
weeds as proofs that the sea was growing shallower, and be-
gan to talk of lurking rocks, and shoals, and treacherous quick-
sands ; and of the danger of running aground, as it were, in
the midst of the ocean, where their vessels might rot and fall
to pieces, far out of the track of human aid, and without any
shore where the crews might take refuge. They had evidently
some confused notion of the ancient story of the sunken island
of Atalantis, and feared that they were arriving at that part
of the ocean where navigation was said to be obstructed by
drowned lands, and the ruins of an ingulfed country.

To dispel these fears, the admiral had frequent recourse
to the lead ; but though he sounded with a deep sea line, he
still found no bottom. The minds of the crews, however,
had gradually become diseased. They were full of vague
terrors and superstitious fancies : they construed every thing
into a cause of alarm, and harassed their commander by in-
cessant murmurs.

Tor three days there was a continuance of light summer
airs from the southward and westward, and the sea was as
smooth as a mirror. A whale was seen heaving up its huge
form at a distance, which Columbus immediately pointed out
as a favorable indication, affirming that these fish were gen-
erally in the neighborhood of land. The crews, however,
became uneasy at the calmness of the weather. They ob-
served that the contrary winds which they experienced were
transient and unsteady, and so light as not to ruffle the sur-
face of the sea, which maintained a sluggish calm like a lake

* Hist, del A.lmirante, cap. 18.

150 LITE iLND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

of dead water. Every thing differed, they said, in these
strange regions from the world to which they had been ac-
customed. The only winds which prevailed with any con-
stancy and force, were from the east, and they had not power
to disturb the torpid stillness of the ocean ; there was a risk,
therefore, either of perishing amidst stagnant and shoreless
waters, or of being prevented, by contrary winds, from ever
returning to their native country.

Columbus continued with admirable patience to reason with
these fancies ; observing that the calmness of the sea must
undoubtedly be caused by the vicinity of land in the quarter
whence the wind blew, which, therefore, had not space suffi-
cient to act upon the surface, and heave up large waves. Ter-
ror, however, multiplies and varies the forms of ideal danger,
a thousand times faster than the most active wisdom can dis-
pel them. The more Columbus argued, the more boisterous
became the murmurs of his crew, until, on Sunday, the 25th
of September, there came on a heavy swell of the sea, unac-
companied by wind. This phenomenon often occurs in the
broad ocean ; being either the expiring undulations of some
past gale, or the movement given to the sea by some distant
current of wind ; it was, nevertheless, regarded with astonish-
ment by the mariners, and dispelled the imaginary terrors oc-
casioned by the calm.

Columbus, who as usual considered himself under the im-
mediate eye and guardianship of Heaven in this solemn entcB-
prise, intimates in his journal that this swelling of the sea
seemed providentially ordered to allay the rising clamors of
his crew ; comparing it to that which so miraculously aided

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 151

Moses when conducting the children of Israel out of the cap-
tivity of Egypt.*

* " Coino la mar estuvicse mansa y liana murmuraba la gente diciendo
que, pues por alii no habia mar grande que nunca ventaria para volver il
Espaiia ; pcro despuesalzosemucho lamary sin viento, que losasombraba;
por lo cual dice aqui el Alniirante ; asi que muy neccsario me fue la mar
alta, que no parecio, salvo el tiempo de los Judios cuando salieron de Egipto
contra Moyses que los sacaba de captiverio." — Journal of Columb. Navar-
rete, torn i. p. 12.

I

152 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

CHAPTEE lY.

CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE.— DISCOVEKT OF LAND.
[1492.]

rpHE situation of Columbus was daily becoming more and
-■- more critical. In proportion as he approached the re-
gions where he expected to find land, the impatience of his
crews augmented. The favorable signs which increased his
confidence, were derided by them as delusive ; and there was
danger of their rebelling, and obliging him to turn back, when
on the point of realizing the object of all his labors. They
beheld themselves with dismay still wafted onward, over the
boundless wastes of what appeared to them a mere watery
desert, surrounding the habitable world. What was to be-
come of them should their provisions fail 1 Their ships were
too weak and defective even for the great voyage they had
already made, but if they were still to press forward, adding
at every moment to the immense expanse behind them, how
should they ever bo able to return, having no intervening
port where they might victual and refit 1

In this way they fed each other's discontents, gathering

CUAP. IV.] CHBISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 153

together in little knots, and fomenting a spirit of mutinous
opposition : and when we consider the natural fire of the
Spanish temperament and its impatience of control ; and that
a great part of these men were sailing on compulsion ; we
cannot v.'onder that there was imminent danger of their break-
ing forth into open rebellion and compelling Columbus to
turn back. In their secret conferences they exclaimed against
him as a desperado, bent, in a mad fantasy, upon doing
something extravagant to render himself notorious. What
were their sufferings and dangers to one evidently content to
sacrifice his own life for the chance of distinction ? What
obligations bound them to continue on with him ; or when
were the terms of their agreement to be considered as ful-
filled 1 They had already penetrated unknown seas, untra-
versed by a sail, far beyond where man had ever before ven-
tured. They had done enough to gain themselves a character
for courage and hardihood in undertaking such an enterprise
and persisting in it so far. How much further were they to
go in quest of a merely conjectured land 1 Were they to sail
on until they perished, or until all return became impossible ?
In such case they would be the authors of their own destruc-
tion.

On the other hand, should they consult their safety, and
turn back before too late, who would blame them 1 Any
complaints made by Columbus would be of no weight ; he
was a foreigner without friends or influence ; his schemes
had been condemned by the learned, and discountenanced by
people of all ranks. He had no party to uphold him, and a
host of opponents whose pride of opinion would be gratified
by his failure. Or, as an effectual means of preventing his
Vol. I.— 7*

154 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

complaints, they might throw him into the sea, and give out
that he had fallen overboard while busy with his instruments
contemplating the stars ; a report which no one would have
either the inclination or the means to controvert.*

Columbus was not ignorant of the mutinous disposition
of his crew ; but he still maintained a serene and steady coun-
tenance, soothing some with gentle words, endeavoring to
stimulate the pride or avarice of others, and openly menacing
the refi-actory with signal punishment, should they do any
thing to impede the voyage.

On the 25th of September, the wind again became favor-
able, and they were able to resume their course directly to
the west. The airs being light, and the sea calm, the vessels
sailed near to each other, and Columbus had much conversa-
tion with Martin Alonzo Pinzon on tho subject of a chart,
which the former had sent three days before on board of the
Pinta. Pinzon thought that, according to the indications of
the map, they ought to be in the neighborhood of Cipango,
and the other islands which the admiral had therein deline-
ated. Columbus partly entertained the same idea, but
thought it possible that the ships might have been borne out
of their track by the prevalent currents, or that they had not
come so far as the pilots had reckoned. lie desired that the
chart might be returned, and Pinzon tying it to the end of a
cord, flung it on board to him. "While Columbus, his pilot,
and several of his experienced mariners were studying the
map, and endeavoring to make out from it their actual posi-
tion, they heard a shout from the Pinta, and looking up, be-

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 19. Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad L lib. i.
cap. 10.

Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLTJMBUS. 155

held Martin Alonzo Pinzon mounted on the stern of his vessel,
crying " Land ! land ! SeSor, I claim my reward ! " He
pointed at the same time to the southwest, where there was
indeed an appearance of land at about twenty -five leagues'
distance. Upon this Columbus threw himself on his knees
and returned thanks to God ; and Martin Alonzo repeated
the Gloria in excelsis, in which he was joined by his own crew
and that of the admiral.*

The seamen now mounted to the mast-head 'or climbed
about the rigging, straining their eyes in the direction pointed
out. The conviction became so general of land in that quar-
ter, and the joy of the people so ungovernable, that Columbus
found it necessary to vary from his usual course, and stand
all night to the southwest. The morning light, however, put
an end to all their hopes, as to a dream. The fancied land
proved to be nothing but an evening cloud, and had vanished
in the night. With dejected hearts they once more resumed
their western course, from which Columbus would never have
varied, but in compliance with their clamorous wishes.

For several days they continued on with the same pro-
pitious breeze, tranquil sea, and mild, delightful weather.
The water was so calm that the sailors amused themselves
with swimming about the vessel. Dolphins began to abound,
and flying fish, darting into the air, fell upon the decks. The
continued signs of land diverted the attention of the crews,
and insensibly beguiled them onward.

On the 1st of October, according to the reckoning of the
pilot of the admiral's ship, they had come five hundred and

* Journal of Columb., Primer Viage, Navarrete, torn. 1.

156 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [BoOK lH.

eighty leagues west since leaving the Canary islands. The
reckoning which Columbus showed the crew, was five hun-
dred and eighty-four, but the reckoning which he kept pri-
vately, was seven hundred and seven.* On the following
day, the weeds floated from east to west ; and on the third
day no birds were to be seen.

The crews now began to fear that they had passed be-
tween islands, from one to the other of which the birds had
been flying. Columbus had also some doubts of the kind,
but refused to alter his westward course. The people again
uttered murmurs and menaces ; but on the following day
they were visited by such flights of birds, and the various in-
dications of land became so numerous, that from a state of
despondency they passed to one of confident expectation.

Eager to obtain the promised pension, the seamen were
continually giving the cry of land, on the least appearance of
the kind. To put a stop to these false alarms, which pro-
duced continual disappointments, Columbus declared that
should any one give such notice, and land not be discovered
within three days afterwards, he should thenceforth forfeit all
claim to the reward.

On the evening of the 6th of October, ^Martin Alonzo
Pinzon began to lose confidence in their present course, and
proposed that they should stand more to the southward.
Columbus, however, still persisted in steering directly wcst.f
Observing this difference of opinion in a person so important
in his squadron as Pinzon, and fearing that chance or design
might scatter the ships, he ordered that, should eitiier of the

* Navarrctc, torn. i. p. 16.

f Journ. of Columbus, Navarrete, torn. i. p. 11 .

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 157

caravels be separated from him, it should stand to the west,
and endeavor as soon as possible to join company again : he
directed, also, that the vessels should keep near to him at sun-
rise and sunset, as at these times the state of the atmosphere
is most favorable to the discovery of distant land.

On the morning of the 7th of October, at sunrise, several
of the admiral's crew thought they beheld land in the west,
but so indistinctly that no one ventured to proclaim it, lest
he should be mistaken, and forfeit all chance of the reward :
the Niiia, however, being a good sailer, pressed forward to
ascertain the fact. In a little while a flag was hoisted at her
mast-head, and a gun discharged, being the preconcerted sig-
nals for land. New joy was awakened throughout the little
squadron, and every eye was turned to the west. As they
advanced, however, their cloud-built hopes faded away, and
before evening the fancied land had again melted into air.*

The crews now sank into a degree of dejection propor-
tioned to their recent excitement ; but new circumstances oc-
curred to arouse them. Columbus, having observed great
flights of small field-birds going towards the southwest, con-
cluded they must be secure of some neighboring land, where
they would find food and a resting-place. He knew the im-
portance which the Portuguese voyagers attached to the flight
of birds, by following which they had discovered most of their
islands. He had now come seven hundred and fifty leagues,
the distance at which he had computed to find the island of
Cipango ; as there was no appearance of it, he might have

* Hist, del Almirante, cap, 20. Journ. of Columbus, Navarrete,
torn. i.

168 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book III.

missed it through some mistake in the latitude. He deter-
mined, therefore, on the evening of the 7th of October to alter
his course to the west-southwest, the direction in which the
birds generally flew, and continue that direction for at least
two days. After all, it was no great deviation from his main
course, and would meet the wishes of the Pinzons, as well as
be inspiriting to his followers generally.

For three days they stood in this direction, and the fur-
ther they went the more frequent and encouraging were the
signs of land. Flights of small birds of various colors, some
of them such as sing in the fields, came flying about the ships,
and then continued towards the southwest, and others were
heard also flying by in the night. Tunny fish played about
the smooth sea, and a heron, a pelican, and a duck, were seen,
all bound in the same direction. The herbage which floated
by was fresh and green, as if recently from land, and the air,
Columbus observes, was sweet and fragrant as April breezes
in Seville.

All these, however, were regarded by the crews as so
many delusions beguiling them on to destruction ; and when
on the evening of the third day they beheld the sun go down
upon a shoreless ocean, they broke forth into turbulent cla-
mor. They exclaimed against this obstinacy in tempting fate
by continuing on into a boundless sea. They insisted upon
turning homeward, and abandoning the voyage as hopeless.
Columbus endeavored to pacify them by gentle words and
promises of large rewards ; but finding that they only in-
creased in clamor, he assumed a decided tone. lie told them
it was useless to murmur ; the expedition had been sent by
the sovereigns to seek the Indies, and, happen what might, he

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 159

was determined to persevere, until, by the blessing of God, he
should accomplish the enterprise.*

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 20. Las Casas, lib. i. Journal of Columb.,
Navarrete, Colec. torn. i. p. 19.

It has been asserted by various historians, that Columbus, a day or
two previous to coming in sight of the New World, capitulated with his
mutinous crew, promising, if he did not discover land within three days,
to abandon the voyage. There is no authority for such an assertion,
either in the history of his son Fernando or that of the Bishop Las Casas,
each of whom had the admiral's papers before him. There is no mention
of such a circumstance in the extracts made from the journal by Las
Casas, which have recently been brought to light, nor is it asserted by
either Peter Martyr or the Curate of Los Palacios, both contemporaries
and acquaintances of Columbus, and who could scarcely have failed to
mention so striking a fact, if true. It rests merely upon the authority
of Oviedo, who is of inferior credit to either of the authors above cited,
and was grossly misled as to many of the particulars of this voyage by a
pilot of the name of Ilernan Perez Matheo, who was hostile to Columbus.
In the manuscript process of the memorable lawsuit between Don Diego,
son of the admiral, and the fiscal of the crown, is the evidence of one
Pedro de Bilbao, who testifies that he heard many times that some of the
pilots and mariners wished to turn back, but that the admiral promised
them presents, and entreated them to wait two or three days, before
which time he should discover land. ("Pedro de Bilbao oyo muchas
veces que algunos pilotos y marineros querian volvcrse sino fuera por el
Almirante que les prometio donos, les rogo cspcrasen dos o tros diaa i
que antes del termino descubriera tierra.") This, if true, implies no
capitulation to relinquish the enterprise.

On the other hand, it was asserted by some of the witnesses in the
above-mentioned suit, that Columbus, after having proceeded some few
hundred leagues without finding land, lost confidence and wished to turn
back ; but was persuaded and even piqued to continue by the Pinzons.
This assertion carries falsehood on its very face. It is in total contradic-
tion to that persevering constancy and undaunted resolution displayed
by Columbus, not merely in the present voyage, but from first to last of
his difficult and dangerous career. This testimony was given by some
of the mutinous men, anxious to exaggerate the merits of the Pinzons,
and to depreciate that of Columbus. Fortunately, the extracts from the
journal of the latter, written from day to day with guileless simplicity,
and all the air of truth, disprove these fables, and show that on the very

160 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book HI.

Columbus was now at open defiance with his crew, and
his situation became desperato. Fortunately the manifesta-
tions of the vicinity of land were such on the following day as
no longer to admit a doubt. Beside a quantity of fresh weeds,
such as grow in rivers, they saw a green fish of a kind which
keeps about rocks ; then a branch of thorn with berries on it,
and recently separated from the tree, floated by them ; then
they picked up a reed, a small board, and, above all, a staff
artificially carved. All gloom and mutiny now gave way to
sanguine expectation ; and throughout the day each one was
eagerly on the watch, in hopes of being the first to discover
the long-sought-for land.

In the evening, when, according to invariable custom on
board of the admiral's ship, the mariners had sung the salve
regina, or vesper hymn to the Virgin, he made an impressive
address to his crew. He pointed out the goodness of God in
thus conducting them by soft and favoring breezes across a
tranquil ocean, cheering their hopes continually with fresh
signs, increasing as their fears augmented, and thus leading
and guiding them to a promised land. He now reminded
them of the orders he had given on leaving the Canaries, that,
after sailing westward seven hundred leagues, they should not
make sail after midnight. Present appearances authorized
such a precaution. He thought it probable they would make
land that very night ; he ordered, therefore, a vigilant look-
out to be kept from the forecastle, promising to whomsoever
should make the discovery, a doublet of velvet, in addition to
the pension to be given by the sovereigns.*

day previous to his discovery, lie expressed a peremptory determination
to persevere, in defiance of all dangers and difficulties.
* Hist. del. Almirantc, cap. 21.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. lOl

Tlie breeze had been fresh all day, with more sea than
usual, and they had made great progress. At sunset they had
stood again to the west, and were ploughing the waves at a
rapid rate, the Pinta keeping the lead, from her superior
sailing. The greatest animation prevailed throughout the
ships ; not an eye was closed that night. As the evening
darkened, Columbus took his station on the top of the castle
or cabin on the high poop of his vessel, ranging his eye along
the dusky horizon, and maintaining an intense and unremitting
watch. About ten o'clock, he thought he beheld a light glim-
mering at a great distance. Fearing his eager hopes might
deceive him, he called to Pedro Gutierrez, gentleman of the
king's bed-chamber, and inquired whether he saw such a light ;
the latter replied in the affirmative. Doubtful whether it
might not yet be some delusion of the fancy, Columbus called
Eodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and made the same inquiry. By
the time the latter had ascended the round-house, the light had
disappeared. They saw it once or twice afterwards in sudden
and passing gleams ; as if it were a torch in the bark of a fish-
erman, rising and sinking with the waves ; or in the hand of
some person on shore, borne up and down as he walked from
house to house. So transient and uncertain were these gleams,
that few attached any importance to them ; Columbus, how-
ever, considered them as certain signs of land, and, moreover,
that the land was inhabited.

They continued their course until two in the morning,
when a gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land. It
was first descried by a mariner named Eodrigo do Triana ;
but the reward was afterwards adjudged to the admiral, for
having previously perceived the light. The land was now

k

162 LITE AND VOYAGES, ETC. [Book III.

clearly seen about two leagues distant, whereupon they took
in sail, and laid to, waiting impatiently for the dawn.

The thoughts and feelings of Columbus in this little space
of time must have been tumultuous and intense. At length
in spite of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished
his object. The great mystery of the ocean was revealed ;
his theory, which had been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly
established ; he had secured to himself a glory durable as the
world itself.

It is difficult to conceive the feelings of such a man, at such
a moment ; or the conjectures which must have thronged upon
his mind, as to the land before him, covered with darkness.
That it was fruitful, was evident from the vegetables which
floated from its shores. He thought, too, that he perceived
the fragrance of aromatic groves. The moving light he had
beheld proved it the residence of man. But what were its
inhabitants 1 "Were they like those of the other parts of the
globe ; or were they some strange and monstrous race, such
as the imagination was prone in those times to give to all re-
mote and unknown regions 1 Had he come upon some wild
island ftir in the Indian sea ; or was this the famed Cij^ango
itself, the object of his golden flmcies ? A thousand specula-
tions of the kind must have swarmed upon him, as, with his
anxious crews, he waited for the night to pass away ; wonder-
ing whether the morning light would reveal a savage wilder-
ness, or dawn upon spicy groves, and glittering fanes, and
gilded cities, and all the splendor of oriental civilization.

BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.

FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW "WORLD.

TT was on Friday morning, the 12th of October, that
-*- Columbus first beheld the new world. As the day dawned
he saw before him a level island, several leagues in extent,
and covered with trees like a continual orchard. Though
apparently uncultivated, it was populous, for the inhabitants
were seen issuing from all parts of the woods and running to
the shore. They were perfectly naked, and as they stood
gazing at the ships, appeared by their attitudes and gestures
to be lost in astonishment. Columbus made signal for the
ships to cast anchor, and the boats to be manned and armed.
He entered his own boat, richly attired in scarlet, and holding
the royal standard ; whilst Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and Vin-
cent Jaiiez his brother, put off in company in their boats, each
with a banner of the enterprise emblazoned with a green
cross, having on either side the letters F. and Y., the initials
of the Castilian monarchs Fernando and Ysabel, surmounted
by crowns.

164 LITE MiT> VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

As he approached the shore, Columbus, who was disposed
for all kinds of agreeable impressions, was delighted with the
purity and suavity of the atmosphere, the crystal transparency
of the sea, and the extraordinary beauty of the vegetation.
He beheld, also, fruits of an unknown kind upon the trees
which overhung the shores. On landing, he threw himself on
his knees, kissed the earth, and returned thanks to God with
tears of joy. His example was followed by the rest, whose
hearts indeed overflowed with the same feelings of gratitude.
Columbus then rising drew his sword, displayed the royal
standard, and assembling around him the two captains, with
Rodrigo de Escobedo, notary of the armament, Rodrigo San-
chez, and the rest who had landed, he took solemn possession
in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, giving the island the
name of San Salvador. Having complied with the requisite
forms and ceremonies, he called upon all present to take the
oath of obedience to him, as admiral and viceroy, representing
the persons of the sovereigns.*

The feelings of the crew now burst forth in the most ex-
travagant transports. They had recently considered them-
selves devoted men, hurrying forward to destruction ; they
now looked upon themselves as favorites of fortune, and gave
themselves up to the most unbounded joy. They thronged

* In the Tablas Chronologicas, of Padre Claudio Clemente, is con-
served a form of prayer, said to have been used by Columbus on this
occasion, and which, by order of the Castilian sovereigns, was afterwards
used by Balboa, Cortez, and Pizarro in their discoveries. " Domine
Deus ffiterne et omnipotens, sacro tuo verbo caelum, ct tcrram, ct mare
creasti; benedicatur el gloi'ificetur nomen tuum, laudetur tua niajcstas,
quaa dignita est per humilem servum tuum, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnos-
catur, et pr£edicetur in hac altera mundi parte." Tab. Chron. de lo3
Pescub., decad. i. Valencia, 1689.

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 165

around the admiral with overflowing zeal, some embracing
him, others kissing his hands. Those who had been most
mutinous and turbulent during the voyage, were now most
devoted and enthusiastic. Some begged favors of him, as if
he had already wealth and honors in his gift. Many abject
spirits, who had outraged him by their insolence, now crouched
at his feet, begging pardon for all the trouble they had caused
him, and promising the blindest obedience for the future.*

The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, they
had beheld the ships hovering on their coast, had supposed
them monsters which had issued from the deep during the
night. They had crowded to the beach, and watched their
movements with awful anxiety. Their veering about, appa-
rently without effort, and the shifting and furling of their
sails, resembling hugh wings, filled them with astonishment.
When they beheld their boats approach the shore, and a num-
ber of strange beings clad in glittering steel, or raiment of
various colors, landing upon the beach, they fled in affright to
the woods. Finding, however, that there was no attempt to
pursue nor molest them, they gradually recovered from their
terror, and approached the Spaniards with great awe ; fre-
quently prostrating themselves on the earth, and making signs
of adoration. During the ceremonies of taking possession,
they remained gazing in timid admiration at the complexion,
the beards, the shining armor, and splendid dress of the
Spaniards. The admiral particularly attracted their atten-
tion, from his commanding height, his air of authority, his
dress of scarlet, and the deference which was paid him by his

* Oviedo, lib. i. cap. 6. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 40.

166 LIFE AUB VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

companions ; all which pointed him out to be the com-
mander.* When they had still further recovered from their
fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their beards,
and examined their hands and faces, admiring their whiteness.
Columbus was pleased with their gentleness and confiding
simplicity, and suffered their scrutiny with perfect acquies-
cence, winning them by his benignity. They now supposed
that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firmament which
bounded their horizon, or had descended from above on their
ample wings, and that these marvelous beings were inhabitants
of the skies. f

The natives of the island were no less objects of curiosity
to the Spaniards, differing, as they did, from any race of men
they had ever seen. Their appearance gave no promise of
either wealth or civilization, for they were entirely naked, and
painted with a variety of colors. With some it was confined
merely to a part of the face, the nose, or around the eyes ;
with others it extended to the whole body, and gave them a
wild and fantastic appearance. Their complexion was of a
tawny or copper hue, and they were entirely destitute of
beards. Their hair was not crisped, like the recently-disco-
vered tribes of the African coast, under the same latitude, but
straight and coarse, partly cut short above the ears, but some
locks were left long behind and falling upon their shoulders.

* Las Casas, ubi gup.

\ The idea that the whitcmcn came from heaven was universally
entertained by the inhabitants of the New World. "When, in the course
of subsequent voyages, the Spaniards conversed with the cacique
Nicaragua, he inquired how they came down from the skies, whether
flying, or whether they descended on clouds. Herrera, decad. iii. lib.
iv. cap. 5.

L

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. l67

Their features, though obscured and disfigured by paint, were
agreeable ; they had lofty foreheads and remarkably fine eyes.
They were of moderate stature and well shaped ; most of
them appeared to be under thirty years of age : there was
but one female with them, quite young, naked like her com-
panions, and beautifully formed.

As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an
island at the extremity of India, he called the natives by the
general appellation of Indians, which was universally adopted
before the true nature of his discovery was known, and has
since been extended to all the aboriginals of the New World.

The islanders were friendly and gentle. Their only arms
were lances, hardened at the end by fire, or pointed with a
flint, or the teeth or bone of a fish. There was no iron to be
seen, nor did they appear acquainted with its properties ;
for, when a drawn sword was presented to them, they unguard-
edly took it by the edge.

Columbus distributed among them colored caps, glass
beads, hawks' bells, and other trifles, such as the Portuguese
were accustomed to trade with among the nations of the gold
coast of Africa. They received them eagerly, hung the beads
round their necks, and were wonderfully pleased with their
finery, and with the sound of the bells. The Spaniards
remained all day on shore refreshing themselves after their
anxious voyage amidst the beautiful groves of the island ; and
returned on board late in the evening, delighted with all they
had seen.

On the following morning, at break of day, the shore was
thronged with the natives ; some swam off to the ships, others
came in light barks which they called canoes, formed of a

168 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

single tree, hollowed, and capable of holding from one man to
the number of forty or fifty. These they managed dexterously
with paddles, and, if overturned, swam about in the water
with perfect unconcern, as if in their natural element, right-
ing their canoes with great facility, and baling them with cala-
bashes.*

They were eager to procure more toys and trinkets, not,
apparently, from any idea of their intrinsic value, but because
every thing from the hands of the strangers possessed a
supernatural virtue in their eyes, as having been brought from
heaven ; they even picked up fragments of glass and earthen-
ware as valuable prizes. They had but few objects to offer
in return, except parrots, of which great numbers were
domesticated among them, and cotton yarn, of which they had
abundance, and would exchange large balls of five and twenty
pounds' weight for the merest trifle. They brought also cakes
of a kind of bread called cassava, which constituted a princi-
pal part of their food, and was afterwards an important
article of provisions with the Spaniards. It was formed from
a great root called yuca, which they cultivated in fields. This
they cut into small morsels, which they grated or scraped,
and strained in a press, making a broad thin cake, which was
afterwards dried hard, and would keep for a long time, being
steeped in water when eaten. It was insipid, but nourishing,
though the water strained from it in the preparation was a
deadly poison. There was another kind of yuca destitute of

* The calabashes of the Indians, which served the purposes of glass
and earthenware, supplying them with all sorts of domestic utensils, were
produced on stately trees of the size of elms.

Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHEK COLTJlMBrS. 169

this poisonous quality, which was eaten in the root, either
boiled or roasted.*

The avarice of the discoverers was quickly excited by the
sight of small ornaments of gold, worn by some of the na-
tives in their noses. These the latter gladly exchanged for
glass beads and hawk's bells ; and both parties exulted in the
bargain, no doubt admiring each other's simplicity. As gold,
however, was an object of royal monopoly in all enterprises
of discovery, Columbus forbade any traffic in it without his
express sanction ; and he put the same prohibition on the
traffic for cotton, reserving to the crown all trade for it, wher-
ever it should be found in any quantity.

He inquired of the natives where this gold was procured.
They answered him by signs, pointing to the south, where, he
understood them, dwelt a king of such wealth that he was
served in vessels of -wrought gold. He understood, also, that
there was land to the south, the southwest and the northwest'
and that the people from the last mentioned quarter frequently
proceeded to the southwest in quest of gold and precious
stones, making in their way descents jpon the islands, and
carrying "off the inhabitants. Several of the natives showed
him scars of wounds received in battles with these invaders.
It is evident that a great part of this fancied intelligence was
self delusion on the part of Columbus ; for he was under a
spell of the imagination, which gave its own shapes and colors
to every object. He was persuaded that he had arrived
among the islands described by Marco Polo, as lying opposite
to Cathay, in the Chinese sea, and he construed every thing

* Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. iv. cap. 17.
Vol. I —8

lYO LIFE AND VOyAGES OF [Book IV.

to accord with the account given of tlwse opulent regions.
Thus the enemies which the natives spoke of as coming from
the northwest, he concluded to be the people of the mainland
of Asia, the subjects of the great Khan of Tartary, who were
represented by the Venetian traveler as accustomed to make
war upon the islands, and to enslave their inhabitants. The
country to the south, abounding in gold, could be no other
than the famous island of Cipango ; and the king who was
served out of vessels of gold, must be the monarch whose
magnificent city and gorgeous palace, covered with plates of
gold, had been extolled in such splendid terms by Marco
Polo.

The island where Columbus had thus, for the first time,
set his foot upon the New World, was called by the natives,
Guanahane. It still retains the name of San Salvador, which
he gave to it, though called by the English, Cat Island.* The
light which he had seen the evening previous to his making
land, may have been on Watling's Island, which lies a few
leagues to the east. San Salvador is one of the great cluster
of the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, which stretch southeast
and northwest, from the coast of Florida to Hispaniola,
covering the northern coast of Cuba.

On the morning of the 14th of October, the admiral set
off at daybreak with the boats of the ships to reconnoitre the
island, directing his course to the northeast. The coast was
surrounded by a reef of rocks, within which there was depth

* Some dispute having recently arisen as to the island on M-hich
Columbus first landed, the reader is referred for a discussion of this
question to the Illustrations of this work, article " First Landing of
Columbus,"

k

Chap. I.] CKRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 171

of water and sufficient harbor to receive all the ships in
Christendom. The entrance was very narrow ; within there
were several sand-banks, but the water was as still as in a
pool.*

The island appeared throughout to be well wooded, with
streams of water, and a large lake in the centre. As the
boats proceeded, they passed two or three villages, the inhab-
itants of which, men as well as women, ran to the shores,
throwing themselves on the ground, lifting up their hands
and eyes, either giving thanks to Heaven, or worshipping the
Spaniards as supernatural beings. They ran along parallel to
the boats, calling after the Spaniards, and inviting them by
signs to land, offering them various fruits and vessels of water.
Finding, however, that the boats continued on their course,
many threw themselves into the sea and swam after them, and
others followed in canoes. The admiral received them all
with kindness, giving them glass beads and other trifles, which
were received with transport as celestial presents, for the
invariable idea of the savages was, that the white men had
come from the skies.

In this way they pursued their course, until they came to
a small peninsula, which, with two or three days' labor, might
be separated from the main-land and surrounded with water,
and was therefore specified by Columbus as an excellent situa-
tion for a fortress. On this were six Indian cabins, surrounded
by groves and gardens as beautiful as those of Castile. The
sailors being wearied with rowing, and the island not appearing
to the admiral of sufficient importance to induce colonization,
he returned to the ships, taking seven of the natives with him,

* Primer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, tom. 1

172 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

that they might acquire the Spanish language and serve as
interpreters.

Having taken in a supply of wood and water, they left
the island of San Salvador the same evening, the admiral
being impatient to arrive at the wealthy country to the south,
which he flattered himself would prove the famous island of
Cipango.

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 173

CHAPTER II.

CEUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS.
[1492.]

ON leaving San Salvador, Columbus was at a loss which
way to direct his course. A great number of islands,
green and level and fertile, invited him in different directions.
The Indians on board of his vessel, intimated by signs that
they were innumerable, well peopled, and at war with one
another. They mentioned the names of above a hundred.
Columbus now had no longer a doubt that he was among the
islands described by Marco Polo as studding the vast sea of
Chin, or China, and lying at a great distance from the main-
land. These, according to the Venetian, amounted to between
seven and eight thousand, and abounded with drugs and spices
and odoriferous trees ; together with gold and silver and
many other precious objects of commerce.*

Animated by the idea of exploring this opulent archi-
pelago, he selected the largest island in sight for his next
visit ; it appeared to be about five leagues' distance, and he
understood from his Indians, that the natives were richer than

* Marco Polo, book iii. chap. 4 ; Eng. translation by W. Marsdon.

174 LIFE AJS^D VOYAGES OF [BoOK IV.

those of San Salvador, wearing bracelets and anklets, and
other ornaments of massive gold.

The night coming on, Columbus ordered that the ships
should lie to, as the navigation was difficult and dangerous
among these unknown islands, and he feared to venture upon
a strange coast in the dark. In the morning they again made
sail, but meeting with counter-currents, it was not until sunset
that they anchored at the island. The next morning (16th)
they went on shore, and Columbus took solemn possession,
giving the island the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion.
The same scene occurred with the inhabitants as with those
of San Salvador. They manifested the same astonishment
and awe ; the same gentleness and simplicity, and the same
nakedness and absence of all wealth. Columbus looked in
vain for bracelets and anklets of gold, or for any other
precious articles : they had been either fictions of his Indian
guides, or his own misinterpretations.

Returning on board, he prepared to make sail, when one
of the Indians of San Salvador, who was on board of the
Niiia, plunged into the sea, and swam to a large canoe filled
with natives. The boat of the caravel put off in pursuit, but
the Indians managed in their light bark with too much velocity
to be overtaken, and reaching the land, fled to the woods.
The sailors took the canoe as a prize, and returned on board
the caravel. Shortly afterwards a small canoe approached one
of the ships, from a different part of the island, with a single
Indian on board, who came to offer a ball of cotton in ex-
change for hawk's bells. As he paused M'hcn close to the
vessel, and feared to enter, several sailors threw themselves
into the sea and took him prisoner.

Chap. II.] CHBISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 175

Columbus having seen all that passed from his station on
the high poop of the vessel, ordered the captive to be brought
to him ; he came trembling with fear, and humbly offered his
ball of cotton as a gift. The admiral received him with the
utmost benignity, and declining his offering, put a colored cap
upon his head, strings of green beads around his arms, and
hawks' bells in his ears, then ordering him and his ball of
cotton to be replaced in the canoe, dismissed him, astonished
and overjoyed. He ordered that the canoe, also, which had
been seized and fastened to the Niiia, should be cast loose, to
be regained by its proprietors. When the Indian reached the
shore, his countrymen thronged around him, examining and
admiring his finery, and listening to his account of the kind
treatment he experienced.

Such were the gentle and sage precautions continually
taken by Columbus to impress the natives favorably.
Another instance of the kind occurred after leaving the island
of Concepcion, when the caravels stood for the larger island,
several leagues to the west. Midway between the two
islands, they overtook a single Indian in a canoe. He had a
mere morsel of cassava bread and a calabash of water for
sea-stores, and a little red paint, like dragon's blood, for per-
sonal decoration when he should land, A string of glass
beads, such as had been given to the natives of San Salvador,
showed that he had come thence, and was probably passing
from island to island, to give notice of the ships. Columbus
admired the hardihood of this simple navigator, making such
an extensive voyage in so frail a bark. As the island was
still distant, he ordered that both the Indian and his canoe
should be taken on board ; where he treated him with the

I

176 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

greatest kindness, giving him bread and honey to eat, and
wine to drink. The weather being very calm, they did not
reach the island until too dark to anchor, through fear of
cutting their cables with rocks. The sea about these islands
was so transparent, that in the day-time they could see the
bottom and choose their ground ; and so deep, that at two
gun-shot distance there was no anchorage. Hoisting out the
canoe of their Indian voyager, therefore, and restoring to him
all his effects, they sent him joyfully ashore, to prepare the
natives for their arrival, while the ships lay to until morning.

This kindness had the desired effect. Tlie natives sur-
rounded the ships in their canoes during the night, bringing
fruits and roots, and the pure water of their springs. Colum-
bus distributed trifling presents among them, and to those who
came on board he gave sugar and honey.

Landing the next morning, he gave to this island the name
of Fernandina, in honor of the king ; it is the same at present
called Exuma. The inhabitants were similar in every respect
to those of the preceding islands, excepting that they appeared
more ingenious and intelligent. Some of the women wore
mantles and aprons of cotton, but for the most part they Avere
entirely naked. Their habitations were constructed in the
form of a pavilion or high circular tent, of branches of trees,
of reeds and palm leaves. They were kept very clean and
neat, and sheltered under spreading trees. For beds they had
nets of cotton extended from two posts, which they called
hamacs, a name since in universal use among seamen.

In endeavoring to circumnavigate the island, Columbus
found, within two leagues of the northwest cape, a noble
harbor, sufficient to hold a hundred ships, with two entrances

\

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 1T7

formed by an island which lay in the mouth of it. Here,
while the men landed with the casks in search of water, he
reposed under the shade of the groves, which, he says, were
more beautiful than any he had ever beheld ; " the country
was as fresh and green as in the month of May in Andalusia ;
the trees, the fruits, the herbs, the flowers, the very stones for
the most part, as different from those of Spain as night from
day.* The inhabitants gave the same proofs as the other
islanders, of being totally unaccustomed to the sight of civil-
ized man. They regarded the Spaniards with awe and admira-
tion, approached them with propitiatory offerings of whatever
their poverty, or rather their simple and natural mode of life,
afforded ; the fruits of their fields and groves, the cotton,
which was their article of greatest value, and their domes-
ticated parrots. They took those who were in search of water
to the coolest springs, the sweetest and freshest runs, filling
their casks, and rolling them to the boats ; thus seeking in
every way to gratify their celestial visitors.

However pleasing this state of primeval poverty might
be to the imagination of a poet, it was a source of continual
disappointment to the Spaniards, whose avarice had been
whetted to the quick by scanty specimens of gold, and by the
information of golden islands continually given by the In-
dians.

Leaving Fernandina on the 19th of October, they steered
to the southeast in quest of an island called Saometo, where
Columbus understood, from the signs of the guides, there
was a mine of gold, and a king, the sovereign of all the sur-

* Primer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, lib. i.
Vol. I.— 8*

1T8 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

rounding islands, who dwelt in a large city and possessed
great treasures, wearing rich clothing and jewels of gold.
They found the island, but neither the monarch nor the mine.
Either Columbus had misunderstood the natives, or they,
measuring things by their own poverty, had exaggerated the
paltry state and trivial ornaments of some savage chieftain.
Delightful as the other islands had appeared, Columbus de-
clared that this surpassed them all. Like those, it was covered
with trees and shrubs and herbs of an unknown kind. The
climate had the same soft temperature ; the air was delicate
and balmy ; the land was higher, with a fine verdant hill ;
the coast of a fine sand, gently laved by transparent billows.

At the southwest end of the island he found fine lakes of
fresh water, overhung with groves, and surrounded by banks
covered with herbage. Here he ordered all the casks of the
ships to be filled. " Here are large lakes," says he, in his
journal, " and the groves about them are marvelous ; and here,
and in all the island, every thing is green, as in April in
Andulusia. The singing of the birds is such, that it seems as
if one would never desire to depart hence. There are flocks
of parrots which obscure the sun, and other birds, large and
small, of so many kinds, all different from ours, that it is
Avonderful ; and beside, there are trees of a thousand species,
each-having its particular fruit and all of marvelous flavor, so
that I am in the greatest trouble in the world not to know
them, for I am very certain that they are each of great value.
I shall bring home some of them as specimens, and also some
of the herbs." To this beautiful island he gave the name of
his royal patroness, Isabella ; it is the same at present called
I«ila Larga and Exumeta. Colunibus was intent on discovering

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 179

the drugs and spices of the east, and on approaching this
island, had fancied he perceived in the air the spicy odors said
to be wafted from the islands of the Indian seas. " As I ar-
rived at this cape," says he, " there came thence a fragrance
so good and soft of the flowers or trees of the land, that it
was the sweetest thing in the world, I believe there are here
many herbs and trees which would be of great price in Spain
for tinctures, medicines, and spices ; but I know nothing of
them, which gives me great concern." *

The fish, which abounded in these seas, partook of the
novelty which characterized most of the objects in this new
world. They rivaled the birds in tropical brilliancy of color,
the scales of some of them glancing back the rays of light like
precious stones ; as they sported about the ships, they flashed
gleams of gold and silver through the clear waves ; and the
dolphins, taken out of their element, delighted the eye with
the changes of colors ascribed in fable to the chameleon.

No animals were seen in these islands excepting a species
of dog which never barked, a kind of coney or rabbit called
" utia " by the natives, together with numerous lizards and
guanas. The last were regarded with disgust and horror by
the Spaniards, supposing them to be fierce and noxious ser-
pents ; but they were found afterwards to be perfectly harm-
less, and their flesh to be esteemed a great delicacy by the
Indians.

For several days Columbus hovered about this island,
seeking in vain to find its imaginary monarch, or to establish
a communication with him, until, at length, he reluctantly
became convinced of his error. No sooner, however, did one

* Primer Viagc de Colon. Navarrete, cap. 1.

180 LIFE AiS'D VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

delusion fade away, than another succeeded. In reply to the
continual inquiries made by the Spaniards, after the source
whence they procured their gold, the natives uniformly pointed
to the south. Columbus now began to hear of an island in
that direction, called Cuba, but all that he could collect con-
cerning it from the signs of the natives was colored by his
imagination. He understood it to be of great extent, abound-
ing in gold, and pearls, and spices, and carrying on an exten-
sive commerce in those precious articles ; and that large
merchant ships came to trade with its inhabitants.

Comparing these misinterpreted accounts with the coast
of Asia, as laid down in his map, after the descriptions of
Marco Polo, he concluded that this island must be Cipango,
and the merchant ships mentioned must be those of the Grand
Khan, who maintained an extensive commerce in these seas.
He formed his plan accordingly, determining to sail imme-
diately for this island, and make himself acquainted with its
ports, cities, and productions, for the purpose of establishing
relations of traffic. He would then seek another great island
called Bohio, of which the natives gave likewise marvelous
accounts. His sojourn. in those islands would depend upon
the quantities of gold, spices, precious stones, and other objects
of oriental trade which he should find there. After this he
would proceed to the main-land- of India, which must be within
ten days' sail, seek the city Quinsai, which, according to
Marco Polo, was one of the most magnificent capitals in the
world ; he would there deliver in person the letters of the
Castilian sovereigns to the Grand Khan, and, Avhcn he received
his reply, return triumphantly to Spain with this document,
to prove that he had accomplished the great object of his

Ghap. II.l CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 181

voyage.* Such was the splendid scheme with which Columbus
fed his imagination, when about to leave the Bahamas in quest
of the island of Cuba.

* Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, torn. i.

182 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

CHAPTER III.

DISCOVERY AXD COASTIXO OF CUBA,
[1492.]

TT^OR several days the departure of Columbus was delayed
-*- by contrary winds and calms, attended by heavy showers,
which last had prevailed, more or less, since his arrival among
the islands. It was the season of the autumnal rains, which
in those torrid climates succeed the parching heats of sum-
mer, commencing about the decrease of the August moon,
and lasting until the month of November.

At length, at midnight, October 24th, he set sail from the
island of Isabella, but was nearly becalmed until mid-day ;
a gentle wind then sprang up, and, as he observes, began to
blow most amorously. Every sail was spread, and he stood
towards the west-southwest, the direction in which he was
told the land of Cuba lay from Isabella. After three days'
navigation, in the course of which he touched at a group of
seven or eight small islands, Avhich he called Islas de Arena,
supposed to be the present Mucaras islands, and having crossed
the Bahama bank and channel, he arrived, on the morning of
the 28th October, in sight of Cuba. The part which ho first

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 183

discovered, is supposed to be the coast to the west of Nuevi-
tas del Principe.

As he approached this noble island, he was struck with its
magnitude, and the grandeur of its features ; its high and airy
mountains, which reminded him of those of Sicily ; its fertile
valleys, and long sweeping plains watered by noble rivers ;
its stately forests ; its bold promontories, and stretching head-
lands, which melted away into the remotest distance. He
anchored in a beautiful river, of transparent clearness, free
from rocks and shoals, its banks overhung with trees. Here,
landing, and taking possession of the island, he gave it the
name of Juana, in honor of Prince Juan, and to the river the
name of San Salvador.

On the arrival of the ships, two canoes put off from the
shore, but fled on seeing the boat approach to sound the river
for anchorage. The admiral visited two cabins, abandoned by
their inhabitants. They contained but a few nets made of the
fibres of the palm-tree, hooks and harpoons of bone, and some
other fishing implements, and one of the kind of dogs he had
met with on the smaller islands, which never bark. He or-
dered that nothing should be taken away or deranged.

Returning to his boat, he proceeded for some distance up
the river, more and more enchanted with the beauty of the
country. The banks were covered with high and wide-
spreading trees ; some bearing fruits, others flowers, while in
some both fruit and flower were mingled, bespeaking a per-
pertual round of fertility : among them were many palms,
but different from those of Spain and Africa ; with the great
leaves of these, the natives thatched their cabins.

The continual eulogies made by Columbus on the beauty

184 LIFE AND YOYAGES OF [Book IY.

of the country were warranted by the kind of scenery he -was
beholding. There is a wonderful splendor, variety, and
luxuriance in the vegetation of those quick and ardent cli-
mates. The verdure of the groves, and the colors of the
flowers and blossoms, derive a vividness from the transparent
purity of the air, and the deep serenity of the azure heavens.
The forests, too, are full of life, swarming with birds of bril-
liant plumage. Painted varieties of parrots and woodpeckers
create a glitter amidst the verdure of the grove, and humming-
birds rove from flower to flower, resembling, as has well been
said, animated particles of a rainbow. The scarlet flamingoes,
too, seen sometimes through an opening of a fqrest in a distant
savanna, have the appearance of soldiers drawn up in battalion,
with an advanced scout on the alert, to give notice of ap-
proaching danger. Nor is the least beautiful part of animated
nature the various tribes of insects peopling every plant, and
displaying brilliant coats of mail, which sparkle like precious
gems.*

Such is the splendor of animal and vegetable creation in
these tropical climates, where an ardent sun imparts its own
lustre to every object, and quickens nature into exuberant
fecundity. The birds, in general, are not remarkable for their
notes, for it has been observed that in the feathered race
sweetness of song rarely accompanies brilliancy of plumage.
Columbus remarks, however, that there were various kinds
which sang sweetly among the trees, and he frequently de-
ceived himself in fancying that he heard the voice of the

* The ladies of Havanna, on gala occasions, wear in their hair num-
bers of those insects, which have a brilliancy equal to rubies, sapphires,
or diamonds.

Chap. III.] CIIKISTOPHEK COLUaiBUS. 185

nightingale, a bird unknown in these countries. lie was, in
fact, in a naood to see every thing through a favoring medium.
His heart was full to overflowing, for he was enjoying the
fulfillment of his hopes, and the hard-earned but glorious
reward of his toils and perils. Every thing around him was
beheld with the enamored and exulting eye of a discoverer,
where triumph mingles with admiration ; and it is difficult to
conceive the rapturous state of his feelings, while thus ex-
ploring the charms of a virgin world, won by his enterprise
and valor.

From his continual remarks on the beauty of scenery, and
from his evident delight in rural sounds and objects, he appears
to have been extremely open to those happy influences, exer-
cised over some spirits, by the graces and wonders of nature.
He gives utterance to these feelings with characteristic enthu-
siasm, and at the same time with the artlessness and simplicity
of diction of a child. When speaking of some lovely scene
among the groves, or along the flowery shores of these
favored islands, he says, " one could live there for ever." —
Cuba broke upon him like an elysium. " It is the most beau-
tiful island," he says, " that eyes ever beheld, full of excellent
ports and profound rivers." The climate was more temperate
here than in the other islands, the night being neither hot nor
cold, while the birds and crickets sang all night long. Indeed
there is a beauty in the tropical night, in the depth of the
dark blue sky, the lambent purity of the stars, and the
resplendent clearness of the moon, that spreads over the rich
landscape and the balmy groves, a charm more captivating
than the splendor of the day.

In the sweet smell of the woods, and the odor of the

186 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IT.

flowers, Columbus fancied he perceived the fragrance of orien-
tal spices ; and along the shores he found shells of a kind of
oyster which produces pearls. From the grass growing to
the very edge of the water, he inferred the peacefulness of the
ocean which bathes these islands, never lashing the shores with
angry surges. Ever since his arrival among these Antilles, he
had experienced nothing but soft and gentle weather, and he
concluded that a perpetual serenity reigned over these happy
seas. lie Avas little suspicious of the occasional bursts of fury
to which they are liable. Charlevoix, speaking from actual
observation, remarks, " The sea of those islands is commonly
more tranquil than ours ; but, like certain people who are
excited with difficulty, and whose transports of passion are as
violent as they are rare, so when the sea becomes irritated, it
is terrible. It breaks all bounds, overflows the country,
sweeps away all things that oppose it, and leaves frightful
ravages behind, to mark the extent of its inundations. It is
after these tempests, kno^^^l by the name of hurricanes, that
the shores are covered with marine shells, which greatly sur-
pass in lustre and beauty those of the European seas."* It is
a singular fact, however, that the hurricanes, which almost
annually devastate the Bahamas, and other islands in the im-
mediate vicinity of Cuba, have, been seldom known to extend
their influence to this favored land. It would seem as if the
very elements were charmed into gentleness as they ap-
proached it.

In a kind of riot of the imagination, Columbus finds at
every step something to corroborate the information ho had
received, or fancied he had received, from the natives. He

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 20. Paris, IT 30.

Chap. III.] CIIEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 187

had conclusive proofs, as he thought, that Cuba possessed mines
of gold, and groves of spices', and that its shores abounded with
pearls. He no longer doubted that it was the island of Cipan-
go, and weighing anchor, coasted along westward, in which di-
rection, according to the signs of his interpreters, the magnifi-
cent city of its king was situated. In the course of his voyage,
he landed occasionally, and visited several villages ; particu-
larly one on the banks of a large river, to which he gave the
name of Rio de los Mares.* The houses were neatly built
of branches of palm-leaves in the shape of pavilions ; not
laid out in regular streets, but scattered here and there, among
the groves, and under the shades of broad spreading trees, like
tents in a camp ; as is still the case in many of the Spanish
settlements, and in the villages in the interior of Cuba. The
inhabitants fled to the mountains, or hid themselves in the
woods. Columbus carefully noted the architecture and furni-
ture of their dwellings. The houses were better built than
those he had hitherto seen, and were kept extremely clean.
He found in them rude statues, and wooden masks, carved
with considerable ingenuity. All these were indications of
more art and civilization than he had observed in the smaller
islands, and he supposed they would go on increasing as he
approached terra firma. Finding in all the cabins implements
for fishing, he concluded that these coasts were inhabited
merely by fishermen, who carried their fish to the cities in the
interior. He thought also he had found the skulls of cows,
which proved that there were cattle in the island ; though
these are supposed to have been skulls of the manati or sea-
calf found on this coast.

* Now called Savannah la Mer.

188 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

After standing to the northwest for some distance, Colum-
bus came in sight of a great headland, to which, from the
groves with which it was covered, he gave the name of the
Cape of Palms, and which forms the eastern entrance to what
is now known as Laguna de Moron. Here three Indians, na-
tives of the island of Guanahan^, who were on board of the
Pinta, informed the commander, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, that
behind the cape there was a river, whence it was but four daj's'
journey to Cubanacan, a place abounding in gold. By this
tlfey designated a province situated in the centre of Cuba ;
nacan, in their language, signifying the midst. Pinzon, how-
ever, had studied intently the map of Toscanelli, and had im-
bibed from Columbus all his ideas respecting the coast of Asia.
He concluded, therefore, that the Indians were talking of
Cublai Khan, the Tartar sovereign, and of certiau parts of his
dominions described by Marco Polo.* He understood from
them that Cuba was not an island, but terra firma, extending
a vast distance to the north, and that the king who reigned in
this vicinity was at war with the Great Khan.

This tissue of errors and misconceptions, he immediately
communicated to Columbus. It put an end to the delusion
in which the admiral had hitherto indulged, that this was the
island of Cipango ; but it substituted another no less agree-
able. He concluded that he must have reached the mainland
of Asia, or as he termed it, India, and if so, he could not be
at any great distance from Mangi and Cathay, the ultimate
destination of his voyage. The prince in question, who reigned
over this neighboring country, must be some oriental poten-
tate of consequence ; he resolved, therefore, to seek the river

* Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 44, MS.

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 189

beyond the Cape of Palms, and despatch a present to the mon-
arch, with one of the letters of recommendation from the Castil-
ian sovereigns ; and after visiting his dominions, he would
proceed to the capital of Cathay, the residence of the Grand
Khan.

Every attempt to reach the river in question, however,
proved ineffectual. Cape stretched beyond cape ; there was
no good anchorage ; the wind became contrary, and the ap-
pearance of the heavens threatening rough weather, he put
back to the Eio de los Mares.

On the 1st of November, at sunrise, he sent the boats on
shore, to visit several houses, but the inhabitants fled to the
woods. He supposed they must have mistaken his armament
for one of the scouring expeditions sent by the Grand Khan
to make prisoners and slaves. He sent the boat on shore
again in the afternoon, with an Indian interpreter, who was
instructed to assure the people of the peaceable and beneficent
intentions of the Spaniards, and that they had no connection
with the Grand Khan. After the Indian had proclaimed this
from the boat to the savages upon the beach, part of it, no
doubt, to their great perplexity, he threw himself into the
water and swam to shore. He was well received by the
natives, and succeeded so effectually in calming their fears,
that before evening there were more than sixteen canoes about
the ships, bringing cotton yarn and other simple articles of
traffic. Columbus forbade all trading for any thing but gold,
that the natives might be tempted to produce the real riches
of their country. They had none to offer ; all were destitute
of ornaments of the precious metals, excepting one, who wore
in his nose a piece of wrought silver. Columbus understood

190 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

this man to say that the king lived about the distance of four
days' journey in the interior ; that many messengers had been
despatched to give him tidings of the arrival of the strangers
upon the coast ; and that in less than three days' time messen,
gers might be expected from him in return, and many mer.
chants from the interior, to trade with the ships. It is curious
to observe how ingeniously the imagination of Columbus
deceived him at every step, and how he wove every thing into
a uniform web of false conclusions. Poring over the map of
Toscanelli, referring to the reckonings of his voyage, and mus-
ing on the misinterpreted words of the Indians, he imagined
that he must be on the Borders of Cathay, and about one
hundred leagues from the capital of the Grand Khan.
Anxious to arrive there, and to delay as little as possible in
the territories of an inferior prince, he determined not to await
the arrival of messengers and merchants, but to dispatch two
envoys to seek the neighboring monarch at his residence.

For this mission he chose two Spaniards, Rodrigo de
Jerez and Luis de Torres ; the latter a converted Jew, who
knew Hebrew, and Chaldaic, and even something of the Arabic,
one or other of which Columbus supposed might be known to
this oriental prince. Two Indians were sent with them as
guides, one a native of Guanahane, and the other an inhabitant
of the hamlet on the banlc ' of the river. The ambassadors
were furnished with strings of beads and other trinkets for
traveling expenses. Instructions were given them to inform
the king that Columbus had been sent by the Castilian sover-
eigns, a bearer of letters and a present, which he was to deliver
personally, for the purpose of establishing an amicable inter-
course between the powers. They were likewise to inform

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 191

themselves accurately about the situation and distances of cer-
tian provinces, ports, and rivers, which the admiral specified
by name from the descriptions which he had of the coast of
Asia. They were moreover provided with specimens of spices
and drugs, for the purpose of ascertaining whether any articles
of the kind abounded in the country. With these provisions
and instructions the ambassadors departed, six days being
allowed them to go and return. Many, at the present day,
will smile at this embassy to a naked savage chieftain in the
interior of Cuba, in mistake for an Asiatic monarch ; but such
was the singular nature of this voyage, a continual series of
golden dreams, and all interpreted by the deluding volume of
Marco Polo.

192 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

CHAPTER 17.

FUKTHEE COASTING OF CUBA.

WHILE awaiting the return of his ambassadors, the ad-
miral ordered the ships to be careened and repaired ;
and employed himself in collecting information concerning
the country. On the day after their departure, he ascended
the river in boats for the distance of two leagues, until he
came to fresh water. Here landing, he climbed a hill to ob-
tain a view of the interior. His view, however, was shut in
by thick and lofty forests, of wild but beautiful luxuriance.
Among the trees were some which he considered linaloes ;
many were odoriferous, and he doubted not possessed valu-
able aromatic qualities. There was a general eagerness among
the voyagers to find the precious articles of commerce which
grow in the favored climes of the East ; and their imagina-
tions were continually deceived by their hopes.

For two or three days the admiral was excited by reports
of cinnamon-trees, and nutmegs, and rhubarb ; but, on exam-
ination, they all proved flillaeious. He showed the natives
specimens of those and various other spices and drugs, and
understood from them that those articles abounded to the

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLTJMBrS. 193

south-east. He showed them gold and pearls also, and several
old Indians spoke of a country -where the natives wore orna-
ments of them round their necks, arms, and ankles. They re-
peatedly mentioned the word Bohio, which Columbus supposed
to be the name of the place in question, and that it was some
rich district or island. They mingled, however, great extrav-
agancies with their imperfect accounts, describing nations at a
distance who had but one eye ; others who had the heads of
dogs, and who were cannibals — cutting the throats of their
prisoners and sucking their blood.*

All these reports of gold, and pearls, and spices, many of
which were probably fabrications to please the admiral, tended
to keep up the persuasion that he was among the valuable
coasts and islands of the East. On making a fire to heat the
tar for careening the ships, the seamen found that the wood
they burnt sent forth a powerful odor, and, on examining it,
declared that it was mastic. The wood abounded in the neigh-
boring forests, insomuch that Columbus flattered himself a
thousand quintals of this precious gum might be collected
every year ; and a more abundant supply procured than that
furnished by Scios, and other islands of the Archipelago. In
the course of their researches in the vegetable kingdom, in
quest of the luxuries of commerce, they met with the potato,
a humble root, little valued at the time, but a more precio.us
acquisition to man than all the spices of the East.

On the 6th of November, the two ambassadors returned,

• and every one crowded to hear tidings of the interior of the

country, and of the prince to whose capital they had been sent.

* Primer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, Ixxi. p. 48.
Vol. I.— 9

194- LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

After penetrating twelve leagues, they had come to a village
of fifty houses, built similarly to those of the coast, but larger ;
the whole village containing at least a thousand inhabitants.
The natives received them with great solemnity, conducted
them to the best house, and placed them in what appeared to
be intended for chairs of state, being wrought out of single
pieces of wood, into the forms of quadrupeds. They then of-
fered them fruits and vegetables. Having complied with the
laws of savage courtesy and hospitality, they seated them,
selves on the ground around their visitors, and waited to hear
what they had to commimicate.

The Israelite, Luis de Torres, found his Hebrew, Chaldaic,
and Arabic, of no avail, and the Lucayen intei'preter had to
be the orator. He made a regular speech, after the Indian
manner, in which he extolled the power, the wealth, and mu-
nificence of the white men. When he had finished, the Indians
crowded round these wonderful beings, whom, as usual, they
considered more than human. Some touched them, examin-
ing their skin and raiment, others kissed their hands and feet
in token of submission or adoration. In a little while the men
withdrew, and were succeeded by the women, and the same
ceremonies were repeated. Some of the women had a slight
covering of netted cotton round the middle, but in general
both sexes were entirely naked. There seemed to be ranks
and orders of society among them, and a chieftain of some
authority ; whereas among all the natives they had previously
met with, a complete equality seemed to prevail.

There was no appearance of gold, or other precious arti-
cles, and when they showed specimens of cinnamon, pepper,
and other spices, the inhabitants told them they wore not ta

Chap, IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 195

be found in that neighborhood, but far off to the south-
west.

The envoys determined, therefore, to return to the ships.
The natives would fain have induced them to remain for
several days ; but seeing them bent on departing, a great num-
ber were anxious to accompany them, imagining they were
about to return to the skies. They took with them, however,
only one of the principal men, with his son, who were attended
by a domestic.

On their way back, they for the first time witnessed the
use of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has since
converted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the opposi-
tion of the senses. They beheld several of the natives going
about with firebrands in their hands, and certain dried herbs
which they rolled up in a leaf, and lighting one end, put the
other in their mouths, and continued exhaling and puffing out
the smoke. A roll of this kind they called a tobacco, a name
since transferred to the plant of which the rolls were made.
The Spaniards, although prepared to meet with wonders, were
struck with astonishment at this singular and apparently
nauseous indulgence.*

* PrimccViage de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 51.

" Hallaron per el camiiio mucha gente que atravesaban a sus pueblos
mugeres y hombres : siempre los hombres con un tison en las manos y
ciertos yerbas para tomar sus sahumerios, que son unas yerbas secas
metidas en una cierta hoja seca tambicn h manera de mosquete hccho de
papel de los que hacon los mucbacbos la Pascua del Espiritu Santo, y
encondido por una parte de el, por la otra chupan 6 sorban 6 reciben con
el resuello por adentro aquel humo ; con el qual se adormcccn la
carnes y cuasi emborracbo, y asi diz que no sienten el caasancio. Estoa
mosquetos, 6 como los llamaremas, llamen ellos tabacos,"— Las Casas,
Hist. Gen. Ind., lib. i. cap. 46.

196 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

On their return to the ships, they gave favorable accounts
of the beauty and fertility of the country. They had met
with many hamlets of four or five houses, well peopled, em-
bowered among trees, laden with unknown fruits of tempting
hue and delightful flavor. Around them were fields, cultivated
with the agi or sweet pepper, potatoes, maize or Indian corn,
a species of lupin or pulse, and yuca, whereof they made their
cassava bread. These, with the fruits of the groves, formed
their principal food. There were vast quantities of cotton,
some just sown, some in full growth. There was great store
of it also in their houses, some wrought into yarn, or into nets,
of which they made their hammocks. They had seen many
birds of rare plumage, but unknown species ; many ducks ;
several small partridges ; and they heard the song of a bird
which they had mistaken for the nightingale. All that they
had seen, however, betokened a primitive and simple state
of society. The wonder with which they had been regarded,
showed clearly that the people were strangers to civilized
men, nor could they hear of any inland city superior to the
one they had visited.

The report of the envoys put an end to many splendid
fancies of Columbus, about the barbaric prince and his capital.
He was cruising, however, in a region of enchantment, in
which pleasing chimeras started up at every step, exercising
by turns a power over his imagination. During the absence
of the emissaries, the Indians had informed him, by signs, of
a place to the eastward, whore the people collected gold along
the river banks by torch-liglit, and afterwards wrought it into
bars with hammers. In speaking of this place they again used
the words Babeque and Bohio, which he, as usual, supposed

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 197

to be the proper names of islands or countries. The true
meaning of these words has been variously explained. It is
said that they were applied by the Indians to the coast of terra
firma, called also by them Caritaba.* It is also said that Bo-
hio means a house, and was often used by the Indians to sig-
nify the populousness of an island. Hence it was frequently
applied to Hispaniola, as well as the more general name of
Hayti, which means high land, and occasionally Quisqueya
(i. e. the whole), on account of its extent.

The misapprehension of these, and other words, was a
source of perpetual error to Columbus. Sometimes he sup-
posed Babeque and Bohio to signify the same island ; some-
times to be different places or islands ; and Quisqueya he sup-
posed to mean Quisai or Quinsai, (?'. e. the celestial city) men-
tioned by Marco Polo.

His great object was to arrive at some opulent and civil-
ized country of the East, with which he might establish com-
mercial relations, and whence he might carry home a quantity
of oriental merchandise as a rich trophy of his discovery.
The season was advancing ; the cool nights gave hints of ap-
proaching winter ; he resolved, therefore, not to proceed fur-
ther to the north, nor to linger about uncivilized places, which,
at present, he had not the means of colonizing, but to return
to the east-south-east, in quest of Babeque, which he trusted
might prove some rich and civilized island on the coast of
Asia.

Before leaving the river, to which he had given the name
of Rio de Mares, he took several of the natives to carry with
him to Spain, for the purpose of teaching them the language,

* Mufioz, Hist. N. Mundo, cap. 3. ,

198 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [BoOK lY.

that, in future voyages, they might serve as interpreters. He
took them of both sexes, having learned from the Portuguese
discoverers, that the men were always more contented on the
voyage, and serviceable on their return, when accompanied by
females. With the religious feeling of the day, he anticipated
great triumphs to the faith, and glory to the cro^\^l, from the
conversion of these savage nations, through the means of the
natives thus instructed. He imagined that the Indians had no
system of religion, but a disposition to receive its impressions ;
as they regarded with great reverence and attention the relig-
ious ceremonies of the Spaniards, soon repeating by rote any
prayer taught them, and making the sign of the cross with
the most edifying devotion. They had an idea of a future state,
but limited and confused. " They confess the soul to be im-
mortal," says Peter Martyr, " and having put off the bodily
clothing, they imagine it goes forth to the woods and the
mountains, and that it liveth there perpetually in caves *, nor
do they exempt it from eating and drinking, but that it should
be fed there. The answering voices heard from caves and
hollows, which the Latines call echoes, they suppose to be the
souls of the departed, wandering through those places." *

From the natural tendency to devotion which Columbus
thought he discovered among them, from their gentle natures,
and their ignorance of all warlike arts, he pronomices it an
easy matter to make them devout members of the Church,
and loyal subjects of the crown. He concludes his speculations
upon the advantages to be derived from the colonization of
these parts by anticipating a great trade for gold, which must
abound in the interior ; for pearls and precious stones, of

* P. Martyr, decad. viii. cap. 9 ; M. Lock's translation, 1612.

CUAP. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 199

which, though he had seen none, he had received frequent ac-
counts ; for gums and spices, of which he thought he had
found indubitable traces ; and for the cotton, which grew wild
in vast quantities. Many of these articles, he observes, would
probably find a nearer market than Spain, in the ports and
cities of the Great Khan, at which he had no doubt of soon
arriving.*

* Primer Viage do Colon. Navarrete. torn. i.

200 UFE AND VOYAGES OF

[Book IV.

CHAPTEE Y.

SEARCH AFTEE THE SUPPOSED ISLAND OF BABEQUE.— DESEETION
OF THE PINTA.

[1492.]

ON the 12th of November, Columbus turned his course to
the east-south-east, to follow back the direction of the
coast. This may be considered another critical change in his
voyage, which had a great effect upon his subsequent discover-
ies. He had proceeded ftir within what is called the old chan-
nel, between Cuba and the Bahamas. In two or three days
more, he would have discovered his mistake in supposing
Cuba a part of terra firma : an error in which he continued
to the day of his death. He might have had intimation also
of the vicinity of the continent, and have stood for the coast
of Florida, or have been carried thither by the gulf stream,
or, continuing along Cuba where it bends to the south-west,
might have struck over to the opposite coast of Yucatan, and
have realized his most sanguine anticipations in becoming the
discoverer of Mexico. It was sufficient glory for Columbus,
however, to have discovered a new world. Its more golden

Chap. V.] CHEISTOPHEB COLUMBUS. 201

regions were reserved to give splendor to succeeding enter-
prises.

He now ran along the coast for two or three days without
stopping to explore it, as no populous towns or cities were to
be seen. Passing by a great cape, to which he gave the name
of Cape Cuba, he struck eastward in search of Babeque, but
on the 14th a head wind and boisterous sea obliged him to
put back and anchor in a deep and secure harbor, to whch ho
gave the name of Puerto del Principe. Here he erected a
cross on a neighboring height, in token of possession. A few
days were passed in exploring with his boats an archipelago
of small but beautiful islands in the vicinity, since known as
El jardin del Bey, or the king's garden. The gulf, studded
with these islands, he named the sea of Nuestra Seiiora ; in
modern days it has been a lurking-place for pirates, who
have found secure shelter and concealment among the channels
and solitary harbors of this archipelago. These islands were
covered with noble trees, among which the Spaniards thought
they discovered mastic and aloes.

On the 19th Columbus again put to sea, and for two days
made ineffectual attempts, against head winds, to reach an
island directly east, about sixty miles distant, which he sup-
posed to be Babeque. The wind continuing obstinately adverse
and the sea rough, he put his ship about towards evening of
the 20tli, making signals for the other vessels to follow him.
His signals were unattended to by the Pinta, which was con-
siderably to the eastward. Columbus repeated the signals,
but they were still unattended to. Night coming on, he
shortened sail and hoisted signal lights to the mast-head,
thinking Pinzon would yet join him, which he could easily do,
Vol. I.— 9*

202

LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

having the wind astern ; but when the morning dawned, the
Plnta was no longer to be seen.*

Columbus was disquieted by this circumstance. Pinzon
Avas a veteran navigator, accustomed to hold a high rank
among his nautical associates. The squadron had in a great
measure been manned and fitted out through his influence
and exertions ; he could ill brook subordination therefore to
Columbus, whom he perhaps did not consider his superior in
skill and knowledge, and who had been benefited by his
purse. Several misunderstandings and disputes had accord-
ingly occurred between them in the course of the voyage, and
when Columbus saw Pinzon thus parting company, without
any appointed rendezvous, he suspected either that he in-
tended to take upon himself a separate command and prose-
cute the enterprise in his OAvn name ; or hasten back to Spain
and bear off the glory of the discovery. To attempt to seek
him, however, was fruitless : he was far out of sight ; liis
vessel was a superior sailer, and it was impossible to say
what course he had steered. Columbus stood back, therefore,
for Cuba, to finish the exploring of its coast ; but he no longer
possessed his usual serenity of mind and imity of purpose,
and was embarrassed in the prosecution of his discoveries by
doubts of the designs of Pinzon,

On the 24th of November he regained point Cuba, and
anchored in a fine harbor formed by the mouth of a river, to
which he gave the name of St. Catherine. It was bordered
by rich meadows ; the neighboring mountains were well
wooded, having pines tall enough to make masts for the finest

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., torn. J. cap. 27. Hist, del Alniirante, cap. 29.
Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, toni. i.

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 203

ships, and noble oaks. In the bed of the river were found
stones veined with gold.

Columbus continued for several days coasting the residue
of Cuba, extolling the magnificence, freshness, and verdure
of the scenery, the purity of the rivers, and the number and
commodiousness of the harbors. Speaking in his letters to
the sovereigns, of one place, to which he gave then ame of
Puerto Santo, he says, in his artless but enthusiastic language :
" The amenity of this river, and the clearness of the water,
through which the sand at the bottom may be seen ; the
multitude of palm-trees of various forms, the highest and
most beautiful that I have met with, and an infinity of other
great and green trees ; the birds in rich plumage and the
verdure of the fields, render this country, most serene princes,
of such marvellous beauty, that it surpasses all others in
charms and graces, as the day doth the night in lustre. For
which reason I often say to my people, that, much as I en-
deavor to give a complete account of it to your majesties, my
tongue cannot express the whole truth, nor my pen describe
it ; and I have been so overwhelmed at the sight of so much
beauty, that I have not known how to relate it." *

The transparency of the water, which Columbus attributed
to the purity of the rivers, is the property of the ocean in
these latitudes. So clear is the sea in the neighborhood of
some of these islands, that in still weather the bottom may
be seen, as in a crystal fountain ; and the inhabitants dive
down four or five fathoms in search of conchs, and other shell-
fish, which are visible from the surface. The delicate air and
pure waters of these islands are among their greatest charms.

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 29.

204 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IT.

As a proof of the gigantic vegetation, Columbus mentions
the enormous size of the canoes formed from single trunks of
trees. One that he saw was capable of containing one hun-
dred and fifty persons. Among other articles found in the
Indian dwellings was a cake of wax, which he took to present
to the Castilian sovereigns, " for Avhere there is wax," said
he, " there must be a thousand other good things," * It is
since supposed to have been brought from Yucatan, as the
inhabitants of Cuba were not accustomed to gather wax.f

On the 5th of December he reached the eastern end of
Cuba, which he supposed to be the eastern extremity of Asia ;
he gave it, therefore, the name of Alpha and Omega, the be-
ginning and the end. He was now greatly perplexed what
course to take. If he kept along the coast as it bent to the
south-west, it might bring him to the more civilized and opu-
lent parts of India ; but if he took this course, he must aban-
don all hope of finding the island of Babeque, which the In-
dians now said lay to the north-east, and of which they still
continued to give the most marvellous accounts. It was a
state of embarrassment characteristic of this extraordinary
voyage, to have a new and unkno^vn world thus spread out to
the choice of the explorer, where wonders and beauties invited
him on every side ; but where, whichever way he turned, he
might leave the true region of profit and delight behind.

* Journal of Columbus. Xavarrete, torn. i.
f Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i.

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 205

CHAPTER YI.

DISCOVERY OF HISPANIOLA,
[1492.]

1 ITIIILE Columbus was steering at large beyond the east-
' ' ern extremity of Cuba, undetermined what course to
take, he descried land to the south-east, gradually increasing
upon the view ; its high mountains towering above the clear
horizon, and giving evidence of an island of great extent.
The Indians, on beholding it, exclaimed Bohio, the name by
which Columbus understood them to designate some country
which abounded in gold. When they saw him standing in
that direction, they showed great signs of terror, imploring
him not to visit it, assuring him, by signs, that the inhabitants
were fierce and cruel, that they had but one eye, and were
cannibals. The wind being unfavorable and the nights long,
during which they did not dare to make sail in these unknown
seas, they were a great part of two days working up to the
island.

In the transparent atmosphere of the tropics, objects are
descried at a great distance, and the purity of the air and
serenity of the deep blue sky give a magical effect to the
Bcenery. Under these advantages, the beautiful island of

206 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK IV.

Hayti revealed itself to the eye as they approached. Its
mountains were higher and more rocky than those of the
other islands ; but the rocks rose from among rich forests.
The mountains swept down into luxuriant plains and green
savannas ; while the appearance of cultivated fields, of numer-
ous fires at night, and columns of smoke by day, showed it to
be populous. It rose before them in all the splendor of
tropical vegetation, one of the most beautiful islands in the
world, and doomed to be one of the most unfortunate.

In the evening of the 6th of December, Columbus entered
a harbor at the western end of the island, to which he gave
the name of St. Nicholas, by which it is called at the present
day. The harbor was spacious and deep, surrounded with
large trees, many of them loaded with fruit ; while a beauti-
ful plain extended in front of the port, traversed by a fine
stream of water. From the number of canoes seen in various
parts, there were evidently large villages in the neighbor-
hood, but the natives had fled with terror at sight of the ships.

Leaving the harbor of St. Nicholas on the 7th, they coasted
along the northern side of the island. It was lofty and moun-
tainous, but with green savannas and long sweeping plains.
At one place they caught a view up a rich and smiling valley
that ran far into the interior, between two mountains, and
appeared to be in a high state of cultivation.

For several days they were detained in a harbor which
they called Port Conception ; * a small river emptied into
it, after winding through a delightful country. The coast

* Now known by the name of the Bay of Moiistique.

Note. — The author has received very obhging and interesting letters,
dated in 1841, from T. S. Heneken, Esq., many years a resident of St.

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 207

abounded with fish, some of which even leaped into their
boats. They cast their nets, therefore, and caught great
quantities, and among them several kinds similar to those of
Spain, — the first fish they had met with resembling those of
their own country. The notes of the bird which they mis-
took for the nightingale, and of several others to which they
were accustomed, reminded them strongly of the groves of
their distant Andalusia. They fancied the features of the sur-
rounding country resembled those of the more beautiful
provinces of Spain, and, in consequence, the admiral named
the island Hispaniola. *

Desirous of establishing some intercourse with the natives,
who had abandoned the coast on his arrival, he despatched six
men, well armed, into the interior. They found several cul-
tivated fields, and traces of roads, and places Avhere fires had
been made, but the inhabitants had fled with terror to the
mountains.

Though the whole country was solitary and deserted,
Columbus consoled himself with the idea, that there must be
populous towns in the interior, where the people had taken
refuge, and that the fires he had beheld had been signal fires,
like those lighted up on the mountains of Spain, in the times
of Moorish war, to give the alarm when there was any in-
vasion of the seaboard.

On the 12th of December, Columbus, with great solem-
nity, erected a cross on a commanding eminence, at the en-
trance of the harbor, in sign of having taken possession. As

Domingo, giving names, localities, and other particulars connected with
the transactions of Columbus in that island. These will be thankfully
made use of and duly cited in the course of the work.

k

208 LIFE AlfD VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

three sailors were rambling about the vicinity, they beheld a
large number of the natives, who immediately took flight ; but
the sailors pursued them, and captured a young female, whom,
they brought to the ships. She was perfectly naked ; a bad
omen as to the civilization of the island ; but an ornament of
gold in the nose, gave hope of the precious metal. The ad-
miral soon soothed her terror by his kindness, and by pres-
ents of beads, brass rings, hawks' bells, and other trinkets,
and, having had her clothed, sent her on shore accompanied by
several of the crew, and three of the Indian interpreters. So
well pleased was she with her finery, and with the kind treat-
ment she had experienced, that she would gladly have re-
mained with the Indian women whom she found on board.
The party sent with her returned on board late in the night,
without venturing to her village, which was far inland. Con-
fident of the favorable impression which the report of the woman
must produce, the admiral, on the following day, despatched
nine stout-hearted, well-armed men, to seek the village, ac-
companied by a native of Cuba as an interpreter. They found
it about four and a half leagues to the south-east, in a fine
valley, on the banks of a beautiful river.* It contained one
thousand houses, but the inhabitants fled as they approached.
Tlie interpreter overtook them, and assured them of the good-
ness of these strangers, who had descended from the skies,
and went about the world making precious and beautiful
presents. Thus assured, the natives ventured back, to the
number of two thousand. They approached the Spaniards

* This village was formerly known b)' the name of Gros Morue, situ-
ated on the banks of the river of " Trois Rivieres," which empties itself
half a mile west of Port de Paix. Xavarrete, torn. i.

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 209

with slow and trembling steps, often pausing, and putting
their hands upon their heads, in token of profound reverence
and submission. They were a well-formed race, fairer and
handsomer than the natives of the other islands.* While the
Spaniards were conversing with them by means of their inter-
preter, another multitude approached, headed by the husband
of the female captive. They brought her in triumph on their
shoulders, and the husband was profuse in his gratitude for
the kindness with which she had been treated, and the magnifi-
cent presents which had been bestowed upon her.

The Indians now conducted the Spaniards to their houses,
and set before them cassava bread, fish, roots, and fruits of
various kinds. They brought also great numbers of domesti-
cated parrots, and indeed offered freely whatever they pos-
sessed. The great river flowing through this valley was
bordered with noble forests, among which w^ere palms,
bananas, and many trees covered with fruit and flowers. The
air was as mild as in April ; the birds sang all day long, and
some were even heard in the night. The Spaniards had not
learned as yet to account for the difference of seasons in this
opposite pai't of the globe ; they were astonished to hear the
voice of this supposed nightingale singing in the midst of
December, and considered it a proof that there was no winter
in this happy climate. They returned to the ships enraptured
with the beauty of the country ; surpassing, as they said, even
the luxuriant plains of Cordova. All that they complained
of was, that they saw no signs of riches among the natives.
And here it is impossible to refrain from dwelling on the
picture given by the first discoverers, of the state of manners

* Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 53, MS.

210 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

in this eventful island before the arrival of the white men.
According to their accounts, the people of Hayti existed in
that state of primitive and savage simplicity, which some
philosophers have fondly pictured as the most enviable on
earth ; surrounded by natural blessings, without even a
knowledge of artificial wants. The fertile earth produced the
chief part of their food almost without culture ; their rivers
and sea-coast abounded with fish, and they caught the utia, the
guana, and a variety of birds. This, to beings of their frugal
and temperate habits, was great abundance, and what nature
furnished thus spontaneously, they willingly shared with all
the world. Hospitality, we are told, was with them a law of
nature universally observed ; there was no need of being
known to receive its succors ; every house was as open to the
stranger as his own.* Columbus, too, in a letter to Luis de
St. Angel, observes : " True it is, that after they felt confidence,
and lost their fear of us, they were so liberal with what they
possessed, that it would not be believed by those who had not
seen it. If any thing was asked of them, they never said no,
but rather gave it cheerfully, and showed as much amity as if
they gave their very hearts ; and whether the thing were of
value, or of little price, they were content with whatever was
given in return. * * * In all these islands it appears to
me that the men are all content with one wife, but they give
twenty to their chieftain or king. The women seem to work
more than the men, and I have not been able to understand
whether they possess individual property ; but rather think

* Charlevoix. Hist. St. Doming., lit. i.

Chap. VI.] CILRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 211

that whatever one has all the rest share, especially in all arti-
cles of provisions." *

One of the most pleasing descriptions of the inhabitants
of this island is given by old Peter Martyr, who gathered it, as
he says, from the conversations of the admiral himself " It
is certain," says he, " that the land among these people is as
common as the sun and water ; and that ' mine and thine,'
the seeds of all mischief, have no place with them. They are
content with so little, that in so large a country they have
rather superfluity than scarceness ; so that they seem to live
in the golden world, without toil, living in open gardens ; not
intrenched with dykes, divided with hedges, or defended with
walls. They deal truly one with another, without laws, with-
out books, and without judges. They take him for an evil
and mischievous man, who taketh pleasure in doing hurt to
another ; and albeit they delight not in superfluities, yet they
make provision for the increase of such roots whereof they
make their bread, contented with such simple diet, whereby
health is preserved and disease avoided." f

Much of this picture may be overcolored by the imagina-
tion, but it is generally confirmed by contemporary historians.
They all concur in representing the life of these islanders as
approaching to the golden state of poetical felicity ; living
under the absolute but patriarchal and easy rule of their
caciques, free from pride, with few wants, an abundant coun-
try, a happily- tempered climate, and a natural disposition to
careless and indolent enjoyment.

* Letter of Columbus to Luis de St. Angel. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 161.
f P. Martyr, decad. i, lib. iii ; Transl. of Richard Eden, 1555.

212

LIFE AJS'D VOYAGES OF

[Book IY.

Galley coasting the island of Hispaniola, from an illustration of a
lettei' written by Columbus to Don Raphael Xansis, treasurer of the
King of Spain. An extremely rare edition of the letter exists in the
library of Milan. The original sketch is supposed to have been made
with a pen by Columbus.

Chap. VII.] CKRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 213

CHAPTEE VII.

COASTING OFF HISPANIOLA.

[1492.]

WHEN the weather became favorable, Columbus made
another attempt, on the 14th of December, to find the
island of Babeque, but ivas again baffled by adverse winds.
In the course of this attempt, he visited an island lying oppo-
site to the harbor of Conception, to which, from its abounding
in turtle, he gave the name of Tortugas.* The natives had
fled to the rocks and forests, and alarm fa^es blazed along the
heights. The country was so beautiful, that he gave to one
of the valleys the name of Valle de Paraiso, or the Vale of
Paradise, and called a fine stream the Guadalquiver, after that
renowned river which flows through some of the fairest prov-
inces of Spain. f

Setting sail on the 16th of December at midnight, Colum-
bus steered again for Hispaniola. When half-way across the

* This island in after times became the head-quarters ef the famous
Buccaneers.

f Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, Colec, torn. .. p. 91.

214 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

gulf which separates the islands, he perceived a canoe navi-
gated by a single Indian, and, as on a former occasion, "vvas
astonished at his hardihood in venturing so far from land in
so frail a bark, and at his adroitness in keeping it above water,
as the wind was fresh, and there was some sea running. He
ordered both him and his canoe to be taken on board ; and
having anchored near a village on the coast of Hispaniola, at
present known as Puerto de Paz, he sent him on shore well
regaled and enriched with various presents.

In the early intercourse with these people, kindness never
seems to have failed in its effect. The favorable accounts
given by this Indian, and by those with whom the SpLniards
had communicated in their previous landings, dispelled the
fears of the islanderc. A friendly intercourse soon took place,
and the ships were visited by a cacique of the neighborhood.
From this chieftain and his counsellors, Columbus had further
information of the island of Babeque, which was described as
lying at no great distance. No mention is afterwards made
of this island, nor does it appear that he made any further
attempt to seek it. No such island exists in the ancient
charts, and it is probable that this was one of the numerous
misinterpretations of Indian words, which led the first dis-
coverers into so many fruitless researches. The people of
Hispaniola appeared handsomer to Columbus than any he had
yet met with, and of a gentle and peaceable disposition. Some
of them had ornaments of gold, which they readily gave away
or exchanged for any trifle. The country was finely diversi-
fied with lofty mountains and green valleys, which stretched
away inland as far as the eye could reach. The mountains
were of such easy ascent, that the highest of them might be

Chap. VII.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 215

ploughed with oxen, and the luxuriant growth of the forest
manifested the fertility of the soil. The valleys were watered
by numerous clear and beautiful streams ; they appeared to
be cultivated in many places, and to be fitted for grain, for
orchards, and pasturage.

While detained at this harbor by contrary winds, Colum-
bus was visited by a young cacique, who came borne by four
men on a sort of litter, and attended by two hundred of his
subjects. The admiral being at dinner when he arrived, the
young chieftain oi'dcred his followers to remain without, and
entering the cabin, took his seat beside Columbus, not permit-
ting him to rise or use any ceremony. Only two old men
entered with him, who appeared to be his counsellors, and who
seated themselves at his feet. If any thing were given him to
eat or drink, he merely tasted it, and sent it to his followers,
maintaining an air of great gravity and dignity. He spoke
but little, his two counsellors watching his lips, and catching
and communicating his ideas. After dinner, he presented the
admiral with a belt curiously wrought, and two pieces of gold.
Columbus gave him a piece of cloth, several amber beads,
colored shoes, and a flask of orange-flower water ; he showed
him a Spanish coin, on which were the likenesses of the king
and queen, and endeavored to explain to him the power and
grandeur of those sovereigns ; he displayed, also, the royal
banners and the standard of the cross ; but it was all in vain
to attempt to convey any clear idea by these symbols ; the
cacique could not be made to believe that there was a region
on the earth which produced these wonderful people and won-
derful things ; he joined in the common idea that the Spaniards

21G LIFE AliD VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

were more than mortal, and that the country and sovereigns
they talked of must exist somewhere in the skies.

In the evening the cacique was sent on shore in the boat
with great ceremony, and a salute fired in honor of him. He
departed in the state in which he had come, carried on a litter,
accompanied by a great concourse of his subjects ; not far
behind him was his son, borne and escorted in like manner,
and his brother on foot, supported by two attendants. The
presents which he had received from the admiral were carried
triumphantly before him.

They procured but little gold in this place, though what-
ever ornaments the natives possessed they readily gave away.
The region of promise lay still further on, and one of the old
counsellors of the cacique told Columbus that he would soon
arrive at islands rich in the precious ore. Before leaving this
place, the admiral caused a large cross to be erected in the
centre of the village, and from the readiness with which the
Indians assisted, and their implicit imitation of the Spaniards
in their acts of devotion, he inferred that it would be an easy
matter to convert them all to Christianity.

On the 19th of December they made sail before daylight,
but with an unfavorable wind, and on the evening of the 20th
they anchored in a fine harbor, to which Columbus gave the
name of St. Thomas, supposed to be what at present is called
the Bay of Aciil. It was surrounded by a beautiful and well-
peopled country. The inhabitants came off, some in canoes,
some swimming, bringing fruits of various unknown kinds,
of great fragrance and flavor. These they gave freely, with
whatever else they possessed, especially their golden ornaments,
which they saw were particularly coveted by the strangers.

Chap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 217

There was a remarkable frankness and generosity about these
people ; they had no idea of trafile, but gave away every thing
with spontaneous liberality. Columbus would not permit his
people, however, to take advantage of this free disposition,
but ordered that sonictliing should always be given in ex-
change. Several of the neighboring caciques visited the ships,
bringing presents, and inviting the Spaniards to their villages,
where, on going to land, they were most hospitably enter-
tained.

On the 22d of December, a large canoe filled with natives
came on a mission from a grand cacique named Guacanagari,
who commanded all that part of the island. A principal ser-
vant of the chieftain came in the canoe, bringing the admiral
a present of a broad belt, wrought ingeniously with colored
beads and bones, and a wooden mask, the eyes, nose, and
tongue of which were of gold. He delivered also a message
from the cacique, begging that the ships might come opposite
to his residence, which was on a part of the coast a little fur-
ther to the eastward. The wind preventing an immediate
compliance with this invitation, the admiral sent the notary
of the squadron, with several of the crew, to visit the cacique.
He resided in a town, situated on a river, at what they called
Punta Santa, at present Grande Eiviere. It was the largest
and best built town they had yet seen. The cacique received
them in a kind of public square, which had been swept and
prepared for the occasion, and treated them with great honor,
giving to each a dress of cotton. The inhabitants crowded
around them, bringing provisions and refreshments of various
kinds. The seamen were received into their houses as dis-
tinguished guests ; they gave them garments of cotton, and
Vol. I— If)

218 LIFE JlND voyages OF [Book IY.

whatever else appeared to have value in their eyes, asking
nothing in return, but if any thing were given, appearing to
treasure it up as a sacred relic.

The cacique would have detained them all night, but their
orders obliged them to return. On parting with them, he
gave them presents of parrots and pieces of gold for the
admiral, and they were attended to their boats by a crowd of
the natives, carrying the presents for them, and vying with
each other in rendering them service.

During their absence, the admiral had been visited by a
great number of canoes and several inferior caciques : all as-
sured him that the island abounded with wealth ; they talked,
especially, of Cibao, a region in the interior, further to the
east, the cacique of which, as far as they could be understood,
had banners of wrought gold. Columbus, deceiving himself
as usual, fancied that this name Cibao must be a corruption
of Cipango, and that this chieftain with golden banners must
be identical with the magnificent prince, of that island, men-
tioned by Marco Polo.*

* Journal of Columb. Navarrete, Colec, torn. i. Hist, del Almirante,
cap. 32. Herrera, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 15, 16.

Chap, VIIL] CHKISTOFHEK COLUMBTJS. 219

CHAPTEE YIII.

SHIPWEECK

[1492.]

ON the morning of the 24th of December, Columbus set
sail from Port St. Thomas before sunrise, and steered to
the eastward, with an intention of anchoring at the harbor
of the cacique Guacanagari. The wind was from the land,
but so light as scarcely to fill the sails, and the ships made
but little progress. At eleven o'clock at night, being Christ-
mas eve, they were within a league or a league and a half of
the residence of the cacique ; and Columbus, who had hitherto
kept watch, finding the sea calm and smooth, and the ship
almost motionless, retired to rest, not having slept the preced-
ing night. He was, in general, extremely wakeful on his coast-
ing voyages, passing whole nights upon deck in all weathers ;
never trusting to the watchfulness of others, where there was
any difficulty or danger to be provided against. In the pres-
ent instance he felt perfectly secure ; not merely on account
of the profound calm, but because the boats on the preceding

220 LITE ANB VOYAGES OF [Book IY.

day, in their visit to the cacique, had reconnoitred the coast,
and had reported that there were neither rocks nor shoals in
their course.

No sooner had he retired, than the steersman gave the
helm in charge to one of the ship-boys, and went to sleep.
This was in direct violation of an invariable order of the
admiral, that the helm should never be intrusted to the boys.
The rest of the mariners who had the watch took like advan-
tage of the absence of Columbus, and in a little while the
whole crew was buried in sleep. In the mean time the treach-
erous currents, which run swiftly along this coast, carried the
vessel quietly, but with force, upon a sand-bank. The heed-
less boy had not noticed the breakers, although they made a
roaring that might have been heard a league. No sooner,
however, did he feel the rudder strike, and hear the tumult of
the rushing sea, than he began to cry for aid. Columbus,
whose careful thoughts never permitted him to sleep pro-
foundly, was the first on deck. The master of the ship, whose
duty it was to have been on watch, next made his appearance,
followed by others of the crew, half-awake. The admiral
ordered them to take the boat and carry out an anchor astern,
to warp the vessel off. Tlie master and the sailors sprang
into the boat ; but, confused, as men are apt to be when sud-
denly awakened by an alarm, instead of obeying the com-
mands of Columbus, they rowed off to the other caravel, about
half a league to windward.

In the mean time the master had reached the caravel, and
made known the perilous state in which he had left the vessel.
He was reproached with his pusillanimous desertion ; the
commander of the caravel manned his boat and hastened to

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 221

the relief of the admiral, followed by the recreant master
covered with shame and confusion.

It was too late to save the ship, the current having set her
more upon the hank. The admiral, seeing that his boat had
deserted him, that the ship had swung across the stream, and
that the water was continually gaining npon her, ordered the
mast to be cut away, in the hope of lightening her sufficiently
to float her off. Every effort was in vain. The keel was
firmly bedded in the sand ; the shock had opened several
seams ; while the swell of the breakers, striking her broad-
side, left her each moment more and more aground, until she
fell over on one side. Fortunately the weather continued
calm, otherwise the ship must have gone to pieces, and the
whole crew might have perished amidst the currents and
breakers.

The admiral and his men took refuge on board the caravel.
Diego de Arana, chief judge of the armament, and Pedro
Gutierrez, the king's butler, were immediately sent on shore
as envoys to the cacique Guacanagari, to inform him of the
intended visit of the admiral, and of his disastrous shipwreck.
In the mean time, as a light wind had sprung up from shore,
and the admiral was ignorant of his situation, and of the rocks
and banks that might be lurking around him, he lay to until
daylight.

The habitation of the cacique was about a league and a
half from the wreck. When he heard of the misfortune of
his guest, he manifested the utmost affliction, and even shed
tears. He immediately sent all his people, with all the
canoes, large and small, that could be mustered ; and so
active were they in their assistance, that in a little while the

222 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

vessel was unloaded. The cacique himself, and his brothers
and relatives, rendered all the aid in their power, both on sea
and land ; keeping vigilant guard that every thing should be
conducted with order, and the property secured from injury
or theft. From time to time he sent some one of his family,
or some principal person of his attendants, to console and
cheer the admiral, assuring him that every thing he possessed
should be at his disposal.

Never, in a civilized country, were the vaunted rites of
hospitality more scrupulously observed, than by this unculti-
vated savage. All the effects landed from the ships were
deposited near his dwelling ; and an armed guard surrounded
them all night, until houses could be prepared in which to
store them. There seemed, however, even among the com-
mon people, no disposition to take advantage of the misfor-
tune of the stranger. Although they beheld what must in
their eyes have been inestimable treasures, cast, as it were,
upon their shores, and open to depredation, yet there was not
the least attempt to pilfer, nor, in transporting the effects
from the ships, had they appropriated the most trifling article.
On the contrary, a general sympathy was visible in their
countenances and actions ; and to have witnessed their con-
cern, one would have supposes! the misfortune to have hap-
pened to themselves.*

" So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people,"
says Columbus in his journal, " that I swear to your Majes-
ties, there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 32. Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 9.

Chap. VIII.] CHEISTOPHEB COLUSEBUS. 223

land. They love their neighbors as themselves ; and their
discourse is ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied with a
smile ; and though it is true that they are naked, yet their
manners are decorous and praiseworthy."

224

LITE AND VOYAGES OF

[Book IV.

CHAPTEE IX.

TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.

[1492.]

ON the 26th of December, Guacanagari came on board of
the caravel Niiia, to visit the admiral, and observing
him to be very much dejected, was moved to tears. He re-
peated the message which he had «ent, entreating Columbus
not to be cast down by his misfortune, and offering every
thing he possessed, that might render him aid or consolation.
He had already given three houses to shelter the Spaniards,
and to receive the effects landed from the wreck, and he
offered to furnish more if necessary.

While they were conversing, a canoe arrlA'cd from an-
other part of the island, bringing pieces of gold to be ex-
changed for hawks' bells. There was nothing upon which the
natives set so much value as upon these toys. The Indians
were extravagantly fond of the dance, which they performed
to the cadence of certain songs, accompanied by the sound of
a kind of drum, made from the trunk of a tree, and the rat-
tling of hollow bits of wood ; but when they hung the hawks'

Chap. IX.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 225

bells about their persons, and heard the clear musical sound
responding to the movements of the dance, nothing could ex-
ceed their wild delight.

The sailors who came from the shore informed the admiral
that considerable quantities of gold had been brought to bar-
ter, and large pieces were eagerly given for the merest trifle.
This information had a cheering effect upon Columbus. The
attentive cacique, perceiving the lighting up of his countenance,
asked what the sailors had communicated. When he learnt
its purport, and found that the admiral was extremely desir-
ous of procuring gold, he assured him by signs, that there
was a place not far off, amongst the mountains, where it
abounded to such a degree as to be held in little A'alue, and
promised to procure him thence as much as he desired. The
place to which he alluded, and which he called Cibao, was in
fact a mountainous region afterwards found to contain valua-
ble mines; but Columbus still confounded the name with that
of Cipango.*

Guacanagari dined on board of the caravel with the admi-
ral, after which he invited him to visit his residence. Here
he had prepared a collation, as choice and abundant as his
simple means afforded, consisting of utias, or coneys, fish,
roots, and various fruits. He did every thing in his power
to honor his guest, and cheer him under his misfortune, show-
ing a warmth of sympathy yet delicacy of attention, which
could not have been expected from his savage state. Indeed
there was a degree of innate dignity and refinement displayed
in his manners, that often surprised the Spaniards. He was

* Primer Viage de Colon, Navarrete, torn. i. p. 114.
YoL. I.— -10*

226 LIFE AUD VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

remarkably nice and decorous in his mode of eating, "U'hich
was slow and with moderation, washing his hands when he
had finished, and rubbing them with sweet and odoriferous
herbs, which Columbus supposed was done to preserve their
delicacy and softness. He was served with great deference
by his subjects, and conducted himself towards them with a
gracious and prince-like majesty. His whole deportment, in
the enthusiastic eyes of Columbus, betokened the inborn grace
and dignity of lofty lineage.*

In feet, the sovereignty among the people of this island
was hereditary, and they had a simple but sagacious mode of
maintaining, in some degree, the verity of descent. On the
death of a cacique without children, his authority passed to
those of his sisters, in preference to those of his brothers, be-
ing considered most likely to be of his blood ; for they
observed, that a brother's reputed children may by accident
have no consanguinity with their uncle; but those of his sister
must certainly be the children of their mother. The form of
government Avas completely despotic ; the caciques had entire
control over the lives, the property, and even the religion of
their subjects. They had few laws, and ruled according to
their judgment and their "will ; but they ruled mildly, and
Avere implicitly and cheerfully obeyed. Throughout the
course of the disastrous history of these islanders, after their
discovery by the Europeans, there are continual proofs of
their affectionate and devoted fidelity to their caciques.

After the collalson, Guacanagari conducted Columbus to
the beautiful groves which surrounded his residence. Tliey

* Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 70, MS. Primer Yiage de Colon. Nararrete,
torn. i. p. 114.

Chap. IX.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 227

were attended by upwards of a thousand of the natives, all
perfectly naked, who performed several national games and
dances, which Guacanagari had ordered, to amuse the melan-
choly of his guest.

When the Indians had finished their games, Columbus
gave them an entertainment in return, calculated at the same
time to impress them with a formidable idea of the military
power of the Spaniards. He sent on board the caravel for a
Moorish bow and a quiver of arrows, and a Castilian who had
served in the wars of Granada, and was skilful in the use of
them. When the cacique beheld the accuracy with which
this man used his weapons, he was greatly surprised, being
himself of an unwarlike character, and little accustomed to
the use of arms. He told the admiral that the Caribs, who
often made descents upon his territory, and carried off his
subjects, were likewise armed with bows and arrows. Colum-
bus assured him of the protection of the Castiliaii monarchs,
who would destroy the Caribs, for he let him know that he
had weapons far more tremendous, against which there was
no defence. In proof of this, he ordered a Lombard or heavy
cannon, and an arquebus, to be discharged.

On hearing the report the Indians fell to the ground, as
though they had been struck by a thunderbolt ; and when
they saw the effect of the ball, rending and shivering tho trees
like a stroke of lightning, they were filled with dismay. Be-
ing told, however, that the Spaniards would defend them with
these arms against their dreaded enemies the Caribs, their
alarm was changed into exultation, considering themselves
under the protection of the sons of heaven, who had come
from the skies armed with thunder and lightning.

228 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

The cacique now presented Columbus with a mask carved
of wood, with the eyes, ears, and various other parts of gold ;
he hung plates of the same metal round his neck, and placed
a kind of golden coronet upon his head. He dispensed pres-
ents also among the followers of the admiral; acquitting him-
self in all things with a munificence that would have done
honor to an accomplished prince in civilized life.

Whatever trifles Columbus gave in return were regarded
with reverence as celestial gifts. The Indians, in admiring
the articles of European manufacture continually repeated the
word turey, which in their language signifies heaven. They
pretended to distinguish the different qualities of gold by the
smell ; in the same way, when any article of tin, of silver, or
other white metal was given them, to which they were unac-
customed, they smelt it, and declared it '■ turey," of excellent
quality ; giving in exchange pieces of the finest gold. Every
thing, in fact, from the hands of the Spaniards, even a rusty
piece of iron, an end of a strap, or a head of a nail, had an
occult and supernatural value, and smelt of turey. Hawks'
bells, however, were sought by them with a mania only
equalled by that of the Spaniards for gold. They could not
contain their ecstasies at the sound, dancing and playing a
thousand antics. On one occasion an Indian gave half a hand-
ful of gold dust in exchange for one of these toys, and no
sooner was he in possession of it, than lie bounded away to
the woods, looking often behind him, fearing the Spaniards
might repent of having parted so cheaply with such an inesti-
mable jewel.* «

The extreme kindness Ox the cacique, the gentleness of his

* Las Casas, lib. i. cap. YD, MS.

Chap. IX.] CHKISTOPHEE COLUTVIBUS. 229

people, the quantities of gold which were daily brought to be
exchanged for the veriest trifles, and the information continual-
ly received of sources of wealth in the interior of this island,
all contributed to console the admiral for his misfortune.

The shipwrecked crew, also, became fascinated with their
easy and idle mode of life. Exempted by their simplicity
from the cares and toils which civilized man inflicts upon him-
self by his many artificial wants, the existence of these island-
ers seemed to the Spaniards like a pleasant dream. They
disquieted themselves about nothing. A few fields, cultivated
almost without labor, furnished the roots and vegetables
which formed a great part of their diet. Their rivers and
coasts abounded with fish ; their trees were laden with fruits
of golden or blushing hue, and heightened by a tropical sun
to delicious flavor and fragrance. Softened by the indulgence
of nature, and by a voluptuous climate, a great part of their
day was passed in indolent repose, and in the evenings they
danced in their fragrant groves, to their national songs, or the
sound of their sylvan drums.

Such was the indolent and holiday life of these simple
people ; which if it had not the great scope of enjoyment, nor
the high-seasoned poignancy of pleasure which attend civiliza-
tion, was certainly destitute of most of its artificial miseries.
The venerable Las Casas, speaking of their perfect nakedness,
observes, it seemed almost as if they were existing in the
state of primeval innocence of our first parents, before their
fall brought sin into the world. He might have added, that
they seemed exempt likewise from the penalty inflicted on the
children of Adam, that they should eat their bread by the
sweat of their brow.

230 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

When the Spanish mariners looked back upon their own
toilsome and painful life, and reflected on the cares and hard-
ships that must still be their lot if they returned to Europe,
it is no wonder that they regarded with a wistful eye the easy
and idle existence of these Indians. Wherever they went
they met "with caressing hospitality. The men were simple,
frank, and cordial ; the Avomen loving and compliant, and
prompt to form those connections which anchor the most wan-
dering heart. They saw gold glittering around them, to be
had without labor, and every enjoyment to be procured with-
out cost. Captivated by these advantages, many of the
seamen represented to the admiral the difficulties and suffer-
ings they must encounter on a return voyage, where so many
would be crowded in a small caravel, and entreated permis-
sion to remain in the island.'*

* Primer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 116.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 231

CHAPTEE X.

BUILDING OF THE FOETKESS OF LA NAVIDAD.
[U92.]

ri'^HE solicitude expressed by many of his people to be left
-*- behind, added to the friendly and pacific character of the
natives, now suggested to Columbus the idea of forming the
germ of a future colony. The wreck of the caravel would
afford materials to construct a fortress, which might be de-
fended by her guns, and supplied with her ammunition ; and
he could spare provisions enough to maintain a small garrison
for a year. The people who thus remained on the island
could explore it, and make themselves acquainted with its
mines, and other sources of wealth ; they might, at the same
time, procure by traffic a large quantity of gold from the
natives ; they could learn their language, and accustom them-
selves to their habits and manners, so as to be of great use in
future intercourse. In the mean time, the admiral could return
to Spain, report the success of his enterprise, and bring out
reinforcements.

No sooner did this idea break upon the mind of Colum-
bus, than he set about accomplishing it with his accustomed

232 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK IV,

promptness and celerity. The -wreck was broken up and
brought peacemeal to shore ; and a site chosen, and prepara-
tions made for the erection of a tower. When Guacanagari
was informed of the intention of the admiral to leave a part
of his men for the defence of the island from the Caribs, while-
he returned to his country for more, he was greatly overjoyed.
His subjects manifested equal delight at the idea of retaining
these wonderful people among them, and at the prospect of
the future arrival of the admiral, with ships freighted with
hawks' bells, and other precious articles. They eagerly lent
their assistance in building the fortress ; little dreaming that
they were assisting to place on their necks the galling yoke
of perpetual and toilsome slavery.

The preparations for the fortress were scarcely commenced,
when certain Indians, arriving at the harbor, brought a report
that a great vessel, like those of the admiral, had anchored
in a river at the eastern end of the island. These tidings, for
a time, dispelled a thousand uneasy conjectures which had
harassed the mind of Columbus, for of course this vessel could
be no other than the Pinta. He immediately procured a
canoe from Guacanagari, with several Indians to navigate it,
and dispatched a Spaniard with a letter to Pinzon, couched in
amicable terms, making no complaints of his desertion, but
urging him to join company imniediately.

After three days' absence the canoe returned. The Span-
iard reported that he had pursued the coast for twenty leagues,
but had neither seen nor heard any thing of the Pinta ; he
considered the report, therefore, as incorrect. Other rumors,
however, were immediately afterwards circulated at the harbor,
of this large vessel to the eastward ; but, on investigation,

Chap. X.] CHBISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 233

they appeared to Columbus to be equally undeserving of
credit. He relapsed, therefore, into his doubts and anxieties
in respect to Pinzon. Since the shipwreck of his vessel, the
desertion of that commander had become a matter of still
more serious moment, and had obliged him to alter all his
plans. Should the Pinta be lost, as was very possible in a
voyage of such extent, and exposed to so many uncommon
perils, there would then be but one ship surviving, of the three
which had set sail from Palos, and that one an indifferent
sailer. On the precarious return of that crazy bark, across
an immense expanse of ocean, would depend the ultimate suc-
cess of the expedition. Should that one likewise perish, every
record of this great discovery would be swallowed up with it ;
the name of Columbus would only be remembered as that of
a mad adventurer, who, despising the opinions of the learned
and the counsels of the wise, had departed into the wilds of
the ocean never to return ; the obscurity of his fate, and its
imagined horrors, might deter all future enterprise, and thus
the new woi-ld might remain, as heretofore, unknown to civ-
ilized man. These considerations determined Columbus to
abandon all further prosecution of his voyage ; to leave unex-
plored the magnificent regions which were inviting him on
every hand ; to give up all hope for the present of finding his
way to the dominions of the Grand Khan, and to lose no
time in returning to Spain and reporting his discovery.

While the fortress was building, he continued to receive
every day new proofs of the amity and kindness of Guacana-
gari. Whenever he went on shore to superintend the works,
he was entertained in the most hospitable manner by that
chieftain. He had the largest house in the place prepared

234 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book IT.

for his reception, strewed or carpeted with palm-leaves, and
furnished with low stools of a black and shining wood that
looked like jet. When he received the admiral, it was always
in a style of princely generosity, hanging round his neck some
jewel of gold, or making him some present of similar value.

On one occasion, he came to meet him on his landing, at-
tended by five tributary caciques, each carrying a coronet of
gold ; they conducted him with great deference to the house
already mentioned, where, seating him in one of the chairs,
Guacanagari took off his own coronet of gold and placed it upon
his head : Columbus in return took from his neck a collar of
fine-colored beads, which he put round that of the cacique ;
he invested him with his own mantle of fine cloth, gave him
a pair of colored boots, and put on his finger a large silver
ring, uj)on which metal the Indians set a great value, it not
being found in their island.

The cacique exerted himself to the utmost to procure a
great quantity of gold for the admiral before his departure for
Spain. The supplies thus furnished, and the vague accounts
collected through the medium of signs and imperfect interpre-
tations, gave Columbus magnificent ideas of the wealth in the
interior of this island. The names of caciques, mountains,
and provinces, were confused together in his imagination, and
supposed to mean various place's where great treasure was to
be found ; above all, the name of Cibao continually occurred,
the golden region among the mountains, whence the natives
procured most of the ore for their ornaments. In the pimento
or red pepper which abounded in the island, he fancied he
found a trace of oriental spices, and he thought he had met
with specimens of rhubarb.

Chap. X.] chkistopher coltjmbus. 235

Passing, with his usual excitability, from a state of doubt
and anxiety to one of sanguine anticipation, he now considered
his shipwreck as a providential event mysteriously ordained
by heaven to work out the success of his enterprise. With-
out this seeming disaster, he should never have remained to
find out the secret wealth of the island, but should merely
have touched at various parts of the coast, and passed on.
As a proof that the particular hand of Providence was exerted
in it, he cites the circumstance of his having been wrecked in a
perfect calm, without wind or wave ; and the desertion of the
jDilot and mariners, when sent to carry out an anchor astern ;
for, had they performed his orders, the vessel would have been
hauled off, they would have pursued their voyage, and the
treasures of the island would have remained a secret. But
now he looked forward to glorious fruits to be reaped from
this seeming evil ; " for he hoped," he said, " that when he
returned from Spain, he should find a ton of gold collected in
traffic by those whom he had left behind, and mines and spices
discovered in such quantities, that the sovereigns before three
years, would be able to undertake a crusade for the deliver-
ance of the holy sepulchre ;" the grand object to which he had
proposed that they should dedicate the fruits of this enter-
prise.

Such was the visionary, yet generous, enthusiasm of Co-
lumbus, the moment that prospects of vast wealth broke upon
his mind. What in some spirits would have awakened a
grasping and sordid avidity to accumulate, immediately filled
his imagination with plans of magnificent expenditure. But
how vain are our attempts to interpret the inscrutable decrees
of Providence ! The shipwreck, which Columbus considered

236 * LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

an act of divine favor, to reveal to him the secrets of the land,
shackled and limited all his after discoveries. It linked his
fortunes, for the remainder of his life, to this island, which
was doomed to be to him a source of cares and troubles, to
involve him in a thousand perplexities, and to becloud his
declining years with humiliation and disappointment.

Chap. XL] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 237

CHAPTEK XI.

b

KEGULATION OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVID AD.— DEPARTURE
OF COLUMBUS FOR SPAIN.

O great was the activity of the Spaniards in the construc-
tion of their fortress, and so ample the assistance rendered
by the natives, that in ten days it was sufficiently complete
for service. A large vault had been made, over which was
erected a strong wooden tower, and the whole was surrounded
by a wide ditch. It was stored with all the ammunition saved
from the wreck, or that could be spared from the caravel ;
and, the guns being mounted, the whole had a formidable as-
pect, sufficient to overawe and repulse this naked and unwar-
like people. Indeed Columbus was of opinion that but little
force was necessary to subjugate the whole island. He con-
sidered a fortress, and the restrictions of a garrison, more
requisite to keep the Spaniards themselves in order, and pre-
vent their wandering about, and committing acts of licentious-
ness among the natives.

The fortress being finished, he gave it, as well as the adja-
cent village and the harbor, the name of La Navidad, or the
Nativity, in memorial of their having escaped from the ship-

238 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

wreck on Christmas day. Many volunteered to remain on
the island, from whom he selected thirty-nine of the most
aide and exemplary, and among them a physician, ship-car-
penter, calker, cooper, tailor, and gunner, all expert at their
several callings. The command was given to Diego de Arana,
a native of Cordova, and notary and alguazil to the armament,
who was to retain all the powers vested in him by the catho-
lic sovereigns. In case of his death, Pedro Gutierrez was to
command, and, he dying, Rodrigo de Escobedo. The boat of
the wreck was left with them, to be used in fishing ; a variety
of seeds to sow, and a large quantity of articles for traffic,
that they might procure as much gold as possible against the
admiral's return.*

As the time drew nigh for his departure, Columbus assem-
bled those who were to remain in the island, and made them
an earnest address, charging them, in the name of the sover-
eigns, to be obedient to the officer left in command ; to main-
tain the utmost respect and reverence for the cacique Guacana-
gari and his chieftains, recollecting how deeply they were in-
debted to his goodness, and how important a continuance of it
was to their welfare. To be circumspect in their intercourse
with the natives, avoiding disputes, and treating them always
with gentleness and justice ; and, above all, being discreet in
their conduct towards the Indian women, misconduct in this
respect being the frequent source of troubles and disasters m
the intercourse with savage nations. He warned them, more-
over, not to scatter themselves asunder, but to keep together,

* Primer Viage de Colou. Navarrete, torn. i. Hist, del Almirante,
cap. 33.

Chap. XI.J CHEISTOPHEE COLTJMBUS. 239

for mutual safety ; and not to stray beyond the friendly terri-
tory of Guacanagari. Pie enjoined it upon Arana, and the
others in command, to acquire a Ivnowledge of the productions
and mines of the island, to procure gold and spices, and to
seek along the coast a better situation for a settlement, the
present harbor being inconvenient and dangerous, from the
rocks and shoals which beset its entrance.

On the 2d of January, 1493, Columbus landed to take a
farewell of the generous cacique and his chieftains, intending
the next day to set sail. He gave them a parting feast at the
house devoted to his use, and commended to their kindness
the men who were to remain, especially Diego de Arana, Pe-
dro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo de Escobedo, his lieutenants, as-
suring the cacique that, when he returned from Castile, he
would bring abundance of jewels more precious than any he
or his people had yet seen. The worthy Guacanagari showed
great concern at the idea of his departure, and assured him
that, as to those who remained, he would furnish them with
provisions, and render them every service in his power.

Once more to impress the Indians with an idea of the war-
like prowess of the white men, Columbus caused the crews
to perform skirmishes and mock-fights, with swords, bucklers,
lances, cross-bows, arquebuses, and cannon. The Indians were
astonished at the keenness of the swords, and at the deadly
power of the cross-bows and arquebuses ; but they were struck
with awe when the heavy Lombards were discharged from
the fortress, wrapping it in wreaths of smoke, shaking the
forest with their report, and shivering the trees with the balls
of stone used in artillery in those times. As these tremen-
dous powers, however, were all to be employed for their

240 LIFE AJS^D VOYAGES OF [Book IV.

protection, they rejoiced while they trembled, since no Carib
would now dare to invade their island.*

The festivities of the day being over, Columbus embraced
the cacique and his principal chieftains, and took a final leave
of them, Guacanagari shed tears ; for while he had been
awed by the dignified demeanor of the admiral, and the idea
of his superhuman nature, he had been completely won by the
benignity of his manners. Indeed, the parting scene was sor-
rowful on all sides. The arrival of the ships had been an
event of wonder and excitement to the islanders, who had as
yet known nothing but the good qualities of their guests, and
had been enriched by their celestial gifts ; while the rude sea-
men had been flattered by the blind deference paid them, and
captivated by the kindness and unlimited indulgence with
which they had been treated.

The sorest parting was between the Spaniards who em-
barked and those Avho remained behind, from the strong sym-
pathy caused by companionship in perils and adventures.
The little garrison, however, evinced a stout heart, looking
forward to the return of the admiral from Spain with large
reinforcements, when they promised to give him a good ac-
count of all things in the island. The caravel was detained a
day longer by the absence of some of the Indians whom they
were to take to Spain. At length the signal-gun was fired ;
the crew gave a parting cheer to the handful of comrades thus
left in the wildeiniess of an unknown world, who echoed their
cheering as they gazed wistfully after them from the beach,
but who were destined never to welcome their return.

* Primer Viage de Colon. Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 121.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 241

Note about the localities in the preceding chapter, extracted from the let-
ter of T. B. Heneken, Esq.

Guacanagari's capital town was called Guarico. From the best infor-
mation I can gather, it was situated a short distance from the beach,
where the village of Petit Anse now stands ; which is about two miles
southeast of Cape Haytien.

Oviedo says that Columbus took in water for his homeward voyage
from a small stream to the northwest of the anchorage ; and presum-
ing him to have been at anchor off Petit Anse, this stream presents itself
falHng from the Picolet mountain, crossing the present town of Cape
Haytien, and emptying into the bay near the Arsenal.

The stream which supplied Columbus with water was dammed up at
the foot of the mountain by the French when in possession of the coun-
try, and its water now feeds a number of public fountains,

Punta Santa could be no other than the present Point Picolet.

Beating up from St. Nicholas Mole along an almost precipitous and
iron-bound coast,.a prospect of unrivalled splendor breaks upon the view
on turning this point ; the spacious' bay, the extensive plains, and the
distant Cordilleras of the Cibao mountains, impose upon the mind an
impression of vastness, fertility, and beauty.

The fort of La Navidad must have been erected near Haut du Cap,
as it could be approached in boats by rowing up the river, and there is
no other river in the vicinity that admits a passage for boats.

The locality of the town of Guacanagari has always been known by
the name of Guarico. The French first settled at Petit Anse ; subsequent-
ly they removed to the opposite side of the bay and founded the town
of Cape Francois, now Cape Haytien ; but the old Indian name
Guarico continues in use among all the Spanish inhabitants of the
vicinity.

Vol. I.— 11

BOOK V.
CHAPTEE I.

COASTING TOWARDS THE EASTERN END OF IIISPANIOLA. — MEET-
ING WITH PINZON.— AFFAIR WITII TUE NATIVES AT THE GULF
OF SAMANA.

[1493.]

TT was on the 4th of January that Columbus set sail from
-*- La Navidad on his return to Spain. The wind being light,
it was necessary to tow the caravel out of the harbor, and
clear of the reefs. They then stood eastward, towards a lofty
promontory destitute of trees, but covered with grass, and
shaped like a tent, having at a distance the appearance of a
towering island, being connected with Hispaniola by a low
neck of land. To this promontory Columbus gave the name
of ]\Ionte Christi, by which it is still known. The country
in the immediate neighborhood was level, but further inland
rose a high range of mountains, well wooded, with broad,
fruitful valleys between them, watered by abundant streams.
The wind being contrary, they were detained for two days
in a large bay to the west of the promontory. On the 6th,
they again made sail with a land breeze, and, weathering the

244 LIFE A^B VOYAGES OF [Book V

cape, advanced ten leagues, when the wind again turned to
blow freshly from the east. At this time a sailor, stationed
at the mast-head to look out for rocks, cried out that he be-
held the Pinta at a distance. The certainty of the fact glad-
dened the heart of the admiral, and had an animating effect
throughout the ship ; for it was a joyful event to the mariners ■
once more to meet with their comrades, and to have a com-'
panion bark in their voyage through these lonely seas.

The Pinta came sweeping towards them, directly before
the wind. The admiral was desirous of having a conversation
with Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and seeing that all attempt was
fruitless from the obstinacy of the adverse wind, and that
there was no safe anchorage in the neighborhood, he put back
to the bay a little west of Monte Christi, whither he was fol-
lowed by the Pinta. On their first interview, Pinzon endeav-
ored to excuse his desertion, alleging that he had been com-
pelled to part company by stress of weather, and had ever
since been seeking to rejoin the admiral. Columbus listened
passively but dubiously to his apologies ; and the suspicions
he had conceived appeared to be warranted by subsequent in-
formation. He was told that Pinzon had been excited by ac-
counts given him by one of the Indians on board of his vessel
of a region to the eastward, abounding in gold. Taking ad-
vantage, therefore, of the superior sailing of his vessel, he had
worked to windward, when the other ships had been obliged
to put back, and had sought to be the first to discover and
enjoy this golden region. After separating from his compan-
ions he had been entangled for several days among a cluster
of small islands, supposed to have been the Caicos, but had at
length been guided by the Indians to Hispaniola. Here he

I

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHEK COLTJMBIIS. 24:5

remained three weeks, trading with the natives in the river
already mentioned, and collected a considerable quantity of
gold, one half of which he retained as captain, the rest he
divided among his men to secure their fidelity and secrecy.

Such were the particulars privately related to Columbus ;
who, however, repressed his indignation at this flagrant breach
of duty, being unwilling to disturb the remainder of his
voyage with any altercations with Pinzon, who had a power-
ful party of relatives and townsmen in the armament. To
such a degree, however, was his confidence in his confederates
impaired, that he determined to return forthwith to Spain,
though, under other circumstances, he would have been
tempted to explore the coast in hopes of freighting his ships
with treasure.*

The boats were accordingly dispatched to a large river,
in the neighborhood, to procure a supply of wood and water,
for the voyage. This river, called by the natives the Yaqui,
flows from the mountains of the interior and throws itself into
the bay ; receiving, in its course, the contributions of various
minor streams. Many particles of gold were perceived among
the sands at its mouth, and others, were found adhering to the
hoops of the water casks. f Columbus gave it, therefore, the
name of Rio del Oro, or the Golden Eiver : it is at present
called the Santiago.

In this neighborhood were turtles of great size. Colum-
bus also mentions in his journal that he saw three mermaids

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 34.

f Las Casas suggests that these may have been particles of marcasite,
•which abounds in this river, and in the other streams which fall from the
mountains of Cibao. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 76.

246 LIFE AinJ VOYAGES OF [Book V.

which elevated themselves above the surface of, the sea, and
he observes that he had before seen such on the coast of
Africa. He adds that they were by no means the beautiful
beings that they had been represented, although they possessed
some traces of the human countenance. It is supposed that
these must have been manati, or sea-calves, seen indistinctly
at a distance ; and that the imagination of Columbus, disposed
to give a wonderful character to every thing in this new
world, had identified these misshapen animals with the sirens
of ancient story.

On the evening of the 9th January they again made sail,
and on the following day arrived at the river where Pinzon
had been trading, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio
de Gracia ; but it took the appellation of its original dis-
coverer, and long continued to be known as the river of [Mar-
tin Alonzo.* The natives of this place complained that Pin-
zon, on his previous visit, had violently carried off four men
and two girls. The admiral, finding they were retained on
board of the Pinta to be carried to Spain and sold as slaves,
ordered them to be 'immediately restored to their homes, with
many presents, and well clothed, to atone for the wrong they
had experienced. This restitution was made with great unwill-
ingness, and many high words, on the part of Pinzon.

The wind being favorable, for in these regions the trade
wind is often alternated during autumn and winter by north-
westerly breezes, they continued coasting the island, until they
came to a high and beautiful headland, to which they gave the
name of Capo del Enamorado, or the Lover's Cape, but which

* It is now called Porto Caballo, but the surrounding plain is called
the Savanna of Martin Alonzo. — T. S. Henekkn.

I

Chap. I.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 247

at present is known as Cape Cabron. A little beyond this,
they anchored in a bay, or rather gulf, three leagues in breadth,
and extending so far inland, that Columbus at first supposed
it an arm of the sea, separating Hispaniola from some other
land. On landing, they found the natives quite different from
the gentle and pacific people hitherto met with on this island.
They were of a ferocious aspect, and hideously painted. Their
hair was long, tied behind, and decorated with the feathers of
parrots and other birds of gaudy plumage. Some were armed
with war-clubs ; others had bows of the length of those used
by the English archers, with arrows of slender reeds, pointed
with hard wood, or tipped with bone or the tooth of a fish.
Their swords were of palm-wood, as hard and heavy as iron ;
not sharp, but broad, nearly of the thickness of two fingers,
and capable, with one blow, of cleaving through .a helmet to
the very bivains.* Though thus prepared for combat, they
made no attempt to molest the Spaniards ; on the contrary,
they sold them two of their bows and several of their arrows,
and one of them was prevailed upon to go on board of the
admiral's ship.

Columbus was persuaded, from the ferocious looks and
hardy undaunted manner of this wild warrior, that he and his
companions were of the nation of Caribs, so much dreaded
throughout these seas, and that the gulf in which he was an-
chored must be a strait separating their island from Hispan-
iola. On inquiring of the Indian, however, he still pointed to
the east, as the quarter where lay the Caribbean islands. He
spoke also of an island, called Mantinino, which Columbus

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 11, MS.

248 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

fancied him to say was peopled merely by women, who re-
ceived the Caribs among them once a year, for the sake of
continuing the population of their island. All the male pro-
geny resulting from such visits were delivered to the fathers,
the female remained with the mothers.

This Amazonian island is repeatedly mentioned in the
course of the voyages of Columbus, and is another of his self-
delusions, to be explained by the work of Marco Polo. That
traveller described two islands near the coast of Asia, one
inhabited solely by women, the other by men, between which
a similar intercourse subsisted ; * and Columbus, supposing
himself in that vicinity, easily interpreted the signs of the
Indians to coincide with the descriptions of the Venetian.

Having regaled the warrior, and made him various pres-
ents, the admiral sent him on shore, in hopes, through his
mediation, of opening a trade for gold with his companions.
As the boat approached the land, upwards of fifty savages,
armed with bows and arrows, war-clubs, and javelins, were
seen lurking among the trees. On a word from the Indian
who was in the boat, they laid by their arms and came forth
to meet the Spaniards. The latter, according to directions
from the admiral, endeavored to purchase several of their
weapons, to take as curiosities to Spain. They parted with
two of their bows ; but, suddeiily conceiving some distrust,
or thinking to overpower this handful of strangers, they
rushed to the place where they had left their w^eapons, snatched
them up, and returned with cords, as if to bind the Spaniards.
The latter immediately attacked them, wounded two, put the

* Marco Polo, book iii. chap. 34 ; Eng. edit, of Marsden.

Chap. I.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 249

rest to flight, and would have pursued them, but -were re-
strained by the pilot who commanded the boat. This was the
first contest with the Indians, and the first time that native
blood was shed by the white men in this new world. Colum-
bus M'as grieved to see all his exertions to maintain an ami-
cable intercourse vain : he consoled himself with the idea,
however, that if these were Caribs, or frontier Indians of war-
like character, they would be inspired with a dread of the force
and weapons of the white men, and be deterred from molesting
the little garrison of Fort Nativity. The fact was, that these
were of a bold and hardy race, inhabiting a mountainous
district called Ciguay, extending five and twenty leagues along
the coast, and several leagues into the interior. They differed
in language, look, and manners from the other natives of ths
island, and had the rude, but independent and vigorous char-
acter of mountaineers.

Their frank and bold spirit was evinced on the day after
the skirmish, when a multitude appearing on the beach, the
admiral sent a large party, well armed, on shore in the boat.
The natives approached as freely and confidently as if
nothing had happened ; neither did they betray, throughout
their subsequent intercourse, any signs of lurking fear or
enmity. The cacique who ruled over the neighboring country
was on the shore. He sent to the boat a string of beads
formed of small stones, or rather of the hard part of shells,
which the Spaniards understood to be a token and assurance
of amity ; but they were not yet aware of the full meaning
of this symbol, the wampum belt, the pledge of peace, held
sacred among the Indians. The chieftain followed shortly
Vol. I.— 11*

250 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

after, and entering the boat with only three attendants, was
conveyed on board of the caravel.

This frank and confiding conduct, so indicative of a brave
and generous nature, was properly appreciated by Columbus ;
he received the cacique cordially, set before him a collation
such as the caravel afforded, particularly biscuits and honey,
which were great dainties with the Indians, and after showing
him the wonders of the vessel, and making him and his attend-
ants many presents, sent them to land highly gratified. The
residence of the cacique was at such a distance that he could
not repeat his visit ; but, as a token of high regard, he sent
to the admiral his coronet of gold. In speaking of these inci-
dents, the historians of Columbus have made no mention of
the name of this mountain chief; he was doubtless the same
who, a few years afterwards, appears in the history of the
island under the name of Mayonabex, cacique of the Ciguay-
ans, and will be found acquitting himself with valor, frank-
ness, and magnanimity, under the most trying circumstances.

Columbus remained a day or two longer in the bay, during
which time the most friendly intercourse prevailed with the
natives, who brought cotton, and various fruits and vegetables,
but still maintained their warrior character, being always
armed with bows and arrows. Four young Indians gave such
interesting accounts of the islands situated to the cast, that Co-
lumbus determined to touch there on his way to Spain, and pre-
vailed on them to accompany him as guides. Taking advantage
of a favorable wind, therefore, he sailed before daylight on the
16th of January from this bay, to which, in consequence of
the skirmish with the natives, he gave the name of Golfo de

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 251

las Flechas, or the Gulf of Arrows, but which is now known
by the name of the Gulf of Samana.

On leaving the bay, Columbus at first steered to the
northeast, in which direction the young Indians assured him
he would find the island of the Caribs, and that of Mantinino,
the abode of the Amazons ; it being his desire to take several
of the natives of each, to present to the Spanish sovereigns.
After sailing about sixteen leagues, however, his Indian guides
changed their opinion, and pointed to the southeast. This
would have brought him to Porto Eico, which, in fact, was
known among the Indians as the island of Carib. The admiral
immediately shifted sail, and stood in this direction. He had
not proceeded two leagues, however, when a most favorable
breeze sprang up for the voyage to Spain. He observed a
gloom gathering on the countenances of the sailors, as they
diverged from the homeward route. Reflecting upon the little
hold he had upon the feelings and affections of these men, the
insubordinate spirit they had repeatedly evinced, the uncer-
tainty of the good faith of Pinzon, and the leaky condition of
his ships, he was suddenly brought to a pause. As long as he
protracted his return, the whole fate of his discovery was at
the mercy of a thousand contingencies, and an adverse accident
might bury himself, his crazy barks, and all the records of
his voyage forever in the ocean. Repressing, therefore, the
strong inclination to seek further discoveries, and determined to
place what he had already made beyond the reach of accident,
he once more shifted sail, to the great joy of his crews, and
resumed his course for Spain.*

* Journal of Columb. Navarrete, torn. 1. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i.
cap. 7V. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 34, 35.

252

LIFE AKD VOYAGES OF

[Book V.

CHAPTEE II.

KETUEN VOYAGE.— VIOLENT ST0EM3.— AREIVAL AT THE AZOEEa

[1493.]

rpiIE trade-winds which had been so propitious to Columbus

on his outward voyage, were equally adverse to him on

his return. The favorable breeze soon died away, and
throughout the remainder of January there was a prevalence
of light winds from the eastward, which prevented any great
progress. He was frequently detained also by the bad sailing
of the Pinta, the foremast of which was so defective that it
could carry but little sail. The weather continued mild and
pleasant, and the sea so calm, that the Indians whom they
were taking to Spain would frequently plunge into the water,
and swim about the ships. They saw many tunny fish, one of
which they killed, as likewise a-large shark ; these gave them a
temporary supply of provisions, of which they soon began to
stand in need, their sea stock being reduced to bread and wine
and Agi peppers, which last they had learnt from the Indians
to use as an important article of food.

In the early part of February, having run to about the
thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, and got out of the track

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEE COLTJMBUS. 253

swept by the trade-winds, they had more favorable breezes,
and were enabled to steer direct for Spain. From the fre-
quent changes of their course, the pilots became perplexed in
their reckonings, differing widely among themselves, and still
more widely from the truth. Columbus, beside keeping a
careful reckoning, was a vigilant observer of those indications
furnished by the sea, the air, and the sky ; the fate of himself
and his ships, in the unknown regions which he traversed,
often depended upon these" observations ; and the sagacity at
which he arrived, in deciphering the signs of the elements,
was looked upon by the common seamen as something almost
supernatural. In the present instance, he noticed where the
great bands of floating weeds commenced, and where they
finished ; and in emerging from among them, concluded him-
self to be in about the same degree of longitude as when he
encountered them on his outward voyage ; that is to say,
about two hundred and sixty leagues west of Ferro. On the
10th of February, Vicente Yaiies Pinzon, and the pilots Ruiz
and Bartolomeo Roldan, who were on board of the admiral's
ship, examined the charts and compared their reckonings to
determine their situation, but could not come to any agree-
ment. They all supposed themselves at least one hundred
and fifty leagues nearer Spain than what Columbus believed
to be the true reckoning, and in the latitude of Madeira,
whereas he knew them to be nearly in a direction for the
Azores. He suffered them, however, to remain in their error,
and even added to their perplexity, that they might retain but
a confused idea of the voyage, and he alone possess a clear
knowledge of the route to the newly-discovered countries.*

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. VO.

254: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

On the 12th of February, as they were flattering them-
selves with soon coming in sight of land, the wind came on to
blow violently, with a heavy sea ; they still kept their course
to the east, but with great labor and peril. On the following
day, after sunset, the wind and swell increased ; there were
three flashes of lightning in the north-northeast, considered by
Columbus as signals of an approaching tempest. It soon
burst upon them with frightful violence : their small and
crazy vessels, open and without decks, were little fitted for
the wild storms of the Atlantic ; all night they were obliged
to scud under bare poles. As the morning dawned of the
14th, there was a transient pause, and they made a little sail ;
but the wind rose again from the south with redoubled vehe-
mence, raging throughout the day, and increasing in fury in
the night ; while the vessel labored terribly in a cross sea,
the broken waves of which threatened at each moment to
overwhelm them, or dash them to pieces. For three days,
they lay to, with just sail enough to keep them above the
Vvaves ; but the tempest still augmenting, they were obliged
again to scud before the wind. The Pinta was soon lost
sight of in the darkness of the night. The admiral kept as
much as possible to the northeast, to approach the coast of
Spain, and made signal lights at the mast-head for the Pinta
to do the same, and to keep in c6mpany. The latter, however,
from the weakness of her foremast, could not hold the wind,
and was obliged to scud before it, directly north. For some
time she replied to the signals of the admiral, but her lights
gleamed more and more distant, until they ceased entirely,
and nothing more was seen of her.

Columbus continued to scud all night, full of forebodings

i

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 255

of the fate of his own vessel, and of fears for the safety of
that of Pinzon. As the day dawned, the sea presented a
frightful waste of wild broken waves, lashed into fury by the
gale ; he looked round anxiously for the Pinta, but she was
nowhere to be seen. He now made a little sail, to keep his
vessel ahead of the sea, lest its huge waves should break over •
her. As the sun rose, the wind and the waves rose with it,
and throughout a dreary day, the helpless bark was driven
along by the fury of the tempest.

Seeing all human skill baffled and confounded, Columbus
endeavored to propitiate heaven by solemn vows and acts of
penance. By his orders, a number of beans, equal to the
number of persons on board, were put into a cap, on one of
which was cut the sign of the cross. Each of the crew made
a vow, that, should he draw forth the marked bean, he would
make a pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de Guadalupe,
bearing a wax taper of five pounds' weight. The admiral was
the first to put in his hand, and the lot fell upon him. From
that moment he considered himself a pilgrim, bound to per-
form the vow. Another lot Avas cast in the same way, for a
pilgrimage to the chapel of our Lady of Loretto, which fell
upon a seaman named Pedro de Villa, and the admiral engaged
to bear the expenses of his journey. A third lot was also
cast for a pilgrimage to Santa Clara de Moguer, to perform a
solemn mass, and to watch all night in the chapel, and this
likewise fell upon Columbus.

The tempest still raging with unabated violence, the ad-
miral and all the mariners made a vow, that, if spared,
wherever they first landed, they would go in procession bare-
footed and in their shirts, to offer up prayers and thanks-

256 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book V.

givings in some church dedicated to the Holy Virgin. Beside
these general acts of propitiation, each one made his private
vow, binding himself to some pilgrimage, or vigil, or other
rite of penitence and thanksgiving at his favorite shrine. The
heavens, however, seemed deaf to their vows ; the storm grew
still more wild and frightful, and each man gave himself up
for lost. The danger of the ship was augmented by the want
of ballast, the consumption of the water and provisions having
lightened her so much, that she rolled and tossed about at the
mercy of the waves. To remedy this, and to render her more
steady, the admiral ordered that all the empty casks should
be filled with sea-water, which in some measure gave relief.

During this long and awful conflict of the elements, the
mind of Columbus was a prey to the most distressing anxiety.
He feared that the Pinta had foundered in the storm. In such
case the whole history of his discovery, the secret of the New
World, depended upon his own feeble bark, and one surge of
the ocean might bury it forever in oblivion. The tumult of
his thoughts may be judged from his own letter to the sove-
reigns. " I could have supported this evil fortune with less
grief," said he, " had my person alone been in jeopardy, since
I am debtor for my life to the supreme Creator, and have at
other times been within a step of death. But it was a cause
of infinite sorrow and trouble, to think that, after having
been illuminated from on high with faith and certainty to
undertake this enterprise, after having victoriously achieved
it, and when on the point of convincing my opponents, and
securing to your highnesses great glory and vast increase of
dominions, it should please the divine Majesty to defeat all by
my death. It would have been more supportable also, had I

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLtT&IBIJS. 257

not been accompanied by others who had been drawn on by
my persuasions, and who, in their distress, cursed not only
the hour of their coming, but the fear inspired by my words
which prevented their turning back, as they had at various
times determined. Above all, my grief was doubled when I
thought of my two sons, whom I had left at school in Cor-
dova, destitute, in a strange land, without any testimony of
the services rendered by their father, which, if known, might
have inclined your highnesses to befriend them. And al-
though, on the one hand, I was comforted by faith that the
Deity would not permit a work of such great exaltation to
his church, wrought through so many troubles and contradic-
tions, to remain imperfect ; yet, on the other hand, I reflected
on my sins, as a punishment for which he might intend that
I should be deprived of the glory which would redound to me
in this world."*

In the midst of these gloomy apprehensions, an expedient
suggested itself, by which, though he and his ships should
perish, the glory of his achievement might survive to his
name, and its advantages be secured to his sovereigns. He
wrote on parchment a brief account of his voyage and dis-
covery, and of his having taken possession of the newly-found
lands in the name of their catholic majesties. This he sealed
and directed to the king and queen ; superscribing a promise
of a thousand ducats to whosoever should deliver the packet
unopened. He then wrapped it in a waxed cloth, which he
placed in the centre of a cake of wax, and enclosing the whole
in a large barrel, threw it into the sea, giving his men to sup-
pose he was performing some religious vow. Lest this

* Hist, del Alinirante, cap. 36.

258 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book Y.

memorial should never reach the land, he enclosed a copy in a
similar manner, and placed it upon the poop, so that, should
the caravel be swallowed up by the waves, the barrel might
float off and survive.

These precautions in some measure mitigated his anxiety,
and he was still more relieved when, after heavy showers,
there appeared at sunset a streak of clear sky in the west,
giving hopes that the wind was about to shift to that quarter.
These hopes were confirmed, a favorable breeze succeeded,
but the sea still ran so high and tumultuously, that little sail
could be carried in the night.

On the morning of the 15th, at daybreak, the cry of land
was given by Rui Garcia, a mariner in the main-top. The
transports of the crew, at once more gaining sight of the Old
World, were almost equal to those experienced on first be-
holding the New. The land bore east-northeast, directly over
the prow of the caravel ; and the usual diversity of opinion
concerning it arose among the pilots. One thought it the
island of Madeira ; another the rock of Cintra near Lisbon ;
the most part, deceived by their ardent wishes, placed it near
Spain. Columbus, however, from his private reckonings and
observations, concluded it to be one of the Azores. A nearer
approach proved it to be an island : it was but five leagues
distant, and the voyagers were congratulating themselves
upon the assurance of speedily being in port, when the wind
veered again to the east-northeast, blowing directly from the
land, while a heavy sea kept rolling from the west.

For two days they hovered in sight of the island, vainly
striving to reach it, or to arrive at another island of which
they caught glimpses occasionally through the mist and rack

Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 259

of the tempest. On the evening of the 17th they approached
so near the first island as to cast anchor, but parting their
cable, had to put to sea again, where they remained beating
about until the following morning, when they anchored under
shelter of its northern side. For several days, Columbus had
been in such a state of agitation and anxiety, as scarcely to
take food or repose. Although suffering greatly from a gouty
affection to which he was subject, yet he had maintained his
watchful post on deck, exposed to wintry cold, to the pelting
of the storm, and the drenching surges of the sea. It was
not until the night of the 17th, that he got a little sleep, more
from the exhaustion of nature than from any tranquillity of
mind. Such were the difficulties and perils which attended
his return to Europe : had one-tenth part of them beset his
outward voyage, his timid and factious crew would have risen
in arms against the enterprise, and he never would have dis-
covered the New World.

260 LIFE Am) VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

CHAPTEE III.

TEANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF ST. MARY'S.
[1493.]

N sending the boat to land, Columbus ascertained the island
to be St. Mary's, the most southern of the Azores, and a
possession of the crown of Portugal. The inhabitants, when
they beheld the light caravel riding at anchor, were astonished
that it had been able to live through the gale which had raged
for fifteen days with unexampled fury ; but when they heard
from the boat's crew that this tempest-tossed vessel brought
tidings of a strange country beyond the ocean, they wer& filled
with wonder and curiosity. To the inquiries about the place
where the caravel might anchor securely, they replied by
pointing out a harbor in the vicinity ; but prevailed on three
of the mariners to remain on shore, and gratify them with
further particulars of this unparalleled voyage.

In the evening, three men of the island liailed the caravel,
and a boat being sent for them, they brought on board fowls,
bread, and various refreshments, from Juan de Castaiieda,

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 261

governor of the island, who claimed an acquaintance with
Columbus, and sent him many compliments and congratula-
tions. He apologized for not coming in person, owing to the
lateness of the hour, and the distance of his residence, but
promised to visit the caravel the next morning, bringing fur-
ther refreshments, and the three men, whom he still kept with
him to satisfy his extreme curiosity respecting the voyage.
As there were no houses on the neighboring shore, the mes-
sengers remained on board all night.

On the following morning, Columbus reminded his people
of their vow to perform a pious procession at the first place
where they should land. On the neighboring shore at no
great distance from the sea, was a small hermitage or chapel
dedicated to the Virgin, and he made immediate arrangements
for the performance of the rite. The three messengers, on
returning to the village, sent a priest to perform mass, and
one-half of the crew landing, walked in procession, barefooted,
and in their shirts, to the chapel ; while the admiral awaited
their return, to perform the same ceremony with the re-
mainder.

An ungenerous reception, however, awaited the poor tem-
pest-tossed mariners on their first return to the abode of civil-
ized men, far different from the sympathy and hospitality they
had experienced among the savages of the New World.
Scarcely had they begun their prayers and thanksgivings
when the rabble of the village, horse and foot, headed by the
governor, surrounded the hermitage and took them all prison-
ers.

As an intervening point of land hid the hermitage from
the view of the caravel, the admiral remained in ignorance of

262 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

this transaction. When eleven o'clock arrived without the
return of the pilgrims, he began to fear that they were detained
by the Portuguese, or that the boat had been shattered upon
the surf-beaten rocks which bordered the island. Weighin"
anchor, therefore, he stood in a direction to command a view
of the chapel and the adjacent shore ; whence he beheld a
number of armed horsemen, who, dismounting, entered the
boat and made for the caravel. The admiral's ancient suspi-
cions of Portuguese hostility towards himself and his enterpri-
ses, were immediately revived ; and he ordered his men to
arm themselves, but to keep out of sight, ready either to de-
fend the vessel or surprise the boat. The latter, however,
approached in a pacific manner, the governor of the island was
on board, and, coming within hail, demanded assurance of
personal safety in case he should enter the caravel. This the
admiral readily gave, but the Portuguese still continued at a
wary distance. The indignation of Columbus now broke
forth ; he reproached the governor with his perfidy, and with
the wrong he did, not merely to the Spanish monarchs, but to
his own sovereign, by such a dishonorable outrage. He in-
formed him of his own rank and dignity ; displayed his let-
ters patent, sealed with the royal seal of Castile, and threat-
ened him with the vengeance of his government. Castaiieda
replied in a vein of contempt' and defiance, declaring that all
he had done was in conformity to the commands of the king
his sovereign.

After an unprofitable altercation, the boat returned to
shore, leaving Columbus much perplexed by this unexpected
hostility, and fearful that a war might have broken out be-
tween Spain and Portugal, during his absence. The next day

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 263

the weather became so tempestuous that they were driven
from their anchorage, and obliged to stand to sea toward the
island of St. Michael. For two days the ship continued beat-
ing about in great peril, half of her crew being detained on
shore, and the greater part of those on board being landsmen
and Indians, almost equally useless in difficult navigation.
Fortunately, although the waves ran high, there were none
of those cross seas which had recently prevailed, otherwise,
being so feebly manned, the caravel could scarcely have lived
through the storm.

On the evening of the 22d, the weather having moderated,
Columbus returned to his anchorage at St. Mary's. Shortly
after his arrival, a boat came off, bringing two priests and a
notary. After a cautious parley and an assurance of safety,
they came on board, and requested a sight of the papers of
Columbus, on the part of Castaiieda, assuring him that it was
the disposition of the governor to render him every service in
his power, provided he really sailed in service of the Spanish
sovereigns. Columbus supposed it a manoeuvre of Castaiieda
to cover a retreat from the hostile position he had assumed ;
restraining his indignation, however, and expressing his thanks
for the friendly disposition of the governor, he showed his
letters of commission, which satisfied the priests and the no-
tary. On the following morning, the boat and mariners were
liberated. The latter, during their detention, had collected
information from the inhabitants which elucidated the conduct
of Castaiieda.

The king of Portugal, jealous lest the expedition of Colum-
bus might interfere with his own discoveries, had sent orders
to his commanders of islands and distant ports to seize and

264

LIFE AND VOYAGES OF

[Book V.

detain him whenever he should be met with.* In compliance
with these orders, Castaneda had, in the first instance, hoped
to surprise Columbus in the chapel, and, failing in that at-
tempt, had intended to get him in his power by stratagem,
but was deterred by finding him on his guard. Such was the
first reception of the admiral on his return to the old world,
an earnest of the crosses and troubles with which he was to
be requited throughout life, for one of the greatest benefits
that ever man conferred upon his fellow-beings.

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 39. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. '72.

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 265

CHAPTEK lY.

AEEIVAL AT POETUGAL.— VISIT TO THE COUET.
[1493.]

COLUMBUS remained two days longer at the island of St.
Mary's, endeavoring to take in wood and ballast, but was
prevented by the heavy surf which broke upon the shore.
The wind veering to the south, and being dangerous for ves-
sels at anchor off the island, but favorable for the voyage to
Spain, he set sail on the 24th of February, and had pleasant
weather until the 27th, when, being within one hundred and
twenty-five leagues of Cape St. Vincent, he again encountered
contrary gales and a boisterous sea. His fortitude was
scarcely proof against these perils and delays, which appeared
to increase, the nearer he approached his home ; and he could
not help uttering a complaint at thus being repulsed, as it
were, " from the very door of the house." He contrasted the
rude storms which raged about the coasts of the old world,
with the genial airs, the tranquil seas, and balmy weather
which he supposed perpetually to prevail about the coun-
tries he had discovered, " Well," says he, " may the sacred
Vol. I.— 12

266 LITE AND VOYAGES OF

[Book V.

theologians and sage philosophers declare that the terrestrial
paradise is in the uttermost extremity of the East, for it is the
most temperate of regions."

After experiencing several days of stormy and adverse
weather, about midnight on Saturday the 2d of March, the
caravel was struck by a squall of wind, which rent all her sails,
and continuing to blow with resistless violence, obliged her to
scud under bare poles, threatening her each moment with des-
truction. In this hour of darkness and peril, the crew again
called upon the aid of Heaven. A lot was cast for the perform-
ance of a barefooted pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de
la Cueva in Iluelva, and, as usual, the lot fell upon Columbus.
There was something singular in the recurrence of this circum-
stance. Las Casas devoutly considers it as an intimation from
the Deity to the admiral that these storms were all on his ac-
count, to humble his pride, and prevent his arrogating to him-
self the glory of a discovery which was the work of God, and
for which he had merely been chosen as an instrument.*

Various signs appeared of the vicinity of land, which they
supposed must be the coast of Portugal : the tempest, however,
increased to such a degree, that they doubted whether any of
them would survive to reach a port. The whole crew made
a vow, in case their lives were spared, to fast upon bread and
water the ibilowing Saturday. The turbulence of the elements
was still greater in the course of the following night. The
sea was broken, wild, and mountainous ; at one moment the
light caravel was tossed high in the air, and the next moment
seemed sinking in a yawning abyss. The rain at times fell in

* Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. T3.

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 267

torrents, — and the lightning flashed and thunder pealed from
various parts of the heavens.

In the first watch of this fearful night, the seamen gave the
usually welcome cry of land, but it now only increased the
general alarm. They knew not where they were, nor where
to look for a harbor ; they dreaded being driven on shore, or
dashed upon rocks ; and thus the very land they had so ear-
nestly desired was a terror to them. Taking in sail, therefore,
they kept to sea as much as possible, and waited anxiously
for the morning light.

At daybreak on the 4th of, March, they found themselves
off the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. Though
entertaining a strong distrust of the good-will of Portugal,
the still prevailing tempest left Columbus no alternative but
to run in for shelter ; he accordingly anchored about three
o'clock, opposite to the Eastello, to the great joy of the crew,
who returned thanks to God for their escape from so many
perils.

The inhabitants came off from various parts of the shore,
congratulating them upon what they considered a miraculous
preservation. They had been watching the vessel the whole
morning with great anxiety, and putting up prayers for her
safety. The oldest mariners of the place assured Columbus
they had never known so tempestuous a winter ; many ves-
sels had remained for months in port, weather-bound, and
there had been numerous shipwrecks.

Immediately on his arrival, Columbus dispatched a cour-
ier to the king and queen of Spain, with tidings of his discov-
ery. He wrote also to the king of Portugal, then at Valpa-
raiso, requesting permission to go with his vessel to Lisbon ;

268 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

for a report had gone abroad that his caravel was laden with
gold, and he felt insecure in the mouth of the Tagus, in the
neighborhood of a place like Rastello, scantily peopled by
needy and adventurous inhabitants. To prevent any mis<
understanding as to the nature of his voyage, he assured the
king that he had not been on the coast of Guinea, nor to any
other of the Portuguese colonies, but had come from Cipango
and the extremity of India, which he had discovered by sailing
to the west.

On the following day, Don Alonzo de Acuiia, the captain
of a large Portuguese man-of-war, stationed at Rastello, sum-
moned Columbus on board his ship, to give an account of him-
self and his vessel. The latter asserted his rights and digni-
ties as admiral of the Castilian sovereigns, and refused to leave
his vessel, or to send any one in his place. No sooner, how-
ever, did the commander learn his rank, and the extraordi-
nary nature of his voyage, than he came to the caravel with
great sound of drums, fifes, and trumpets, manifesting the
courtesy of a brave and generous spirit, and making the
fullest offer of his services.

When the tidings reached Lisbon of this wonderful bark,
anchored in the Tagus, freighted with the people and produc-
tions of a newly discovered world, the effect may be more
easily conceived than described. Lisbon, for nearly a centu-
ry, had derived its chief glory from its maritime discoveries,
but here was an achievement that eclipsed them all. Curios-
ity could scarcely have been more excited had the vessel come
freighted with the wonders of another planet. For several days
the Tagus presented a gay and moving picture, covered with
barges and boats of every kind, swarming round the caravel.

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 269

From merning till night the vessel was thronged with visi-
tors, among whom were cavaliers of high distinction, and
various officers of the crown. All hung with rapt attention
upon the accounts given by Columbus and his crew, of the
events of their voyage, and of the New World they had dis-
covered ; and gazed with insatiable curiosity upon the speci-
mens of unknown plants and animals, but above all, upon the
Indians, so different from any race of men hitherto known.
Some were filled with generous enthusiasm at the idea of a
discovery, so sublime and so beneficial to mankind ; the ava-
rice of others was inflamed by the description of wild, unap-
propriated regions, teeming with gold, with pearls and spices ;
while others repined at the incredulity of the king and his
councillors, by which so immense an acquisition had been for-
ever lost to Portugal.

On the 8th of March, a cavalier, called Don Martin de
Noroiia, came with a letter from King John, congratulating
Columbus on his arrival, and inviting him to the court, which
was then at Valparaiso, about nine leagues from Lisbon. The
king, with his usual magnificence, issued orders at the same
time that every thing which the admiral required, for himself,
his crew, or his vessel, should be furnished promptly and
abundantly, without cost.

Columbus would gladly have declined the royal invitation,"
feeling distrust of the good faith of the king ; but tempestuous
weather had placed him in his power, and he thought it pru-
dent to avoid all appearance of suspicion. He set forth, there-
fore, that very evening for Valparaiso, accompanied by his
pilot. The first night he slept at Sacamben, where prepara-
tions had been made for his honorable entertainment. The

270 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

weather being rainy, he did not reach Valparaiso until the
following night. On approaching the royal residence, the
principal cavaliers of the king's household came forth to meet
him, and attended him with great ceremony to the palace.
His reception by the monarch was worthy of an enlightened
prince. He ordered him to seat himself in his presence, an
honor only granted to persons of royal dignity ; and after
many congratulations on the result of his enterprise, assured
him that every thing in his kingdom that could be of service
to his sovereigns or himself, was at his command.

A long conversation ensued, in which Columbus gave an
.account of his voyage, and of the countries he had discovered.
The king listened with much seeming pleasure, but with secret
grief and mortification : reflecting that this splendid enterprise
had once been offered to himself, and had been rejected. A
casual observation showed what was passing in his thoughts.
He expressed a doubt whether the discovery did not really
appertain to the crown of Portugal, according to the capitula-
tions of the treaty of 1479 with the Castilian sovereigns.
Columbus replied that he had never seen those capitulations,
nor knew any thing of their nature : his orders had been not
to go to La Mina, nor the coast of Guinea, which orders he
had carefully observed. The king made a gracious reply, ex-
pressing himself satisfied that he had acted correctly, and per-
suaded that these matters would be readily adjusted between
the two powers, without the need of umpires. On dismissing
Columbus for the night, he gave him in charge as guest, to the
prior of Crato, the principal personage present, by whom he
was houorably and hospitably entertained.

On the following day, the king made many minute inqui-

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 271

ries as to the soil, productions, and people of the newly-discov-
ered countries, and the route taken in the voyage ; to all which
Columbus gave the fullest replies, endeavoring to show in the
clearest manner, that these were regions heretofore undiscov-
ered and unappropriated by any Christian power. Still the
king was uneasy lest this vast and undefined discovery should
in some way interfere with his own newly-acquired territo-
ries. He doubted Avhether Columbus had not found a short
way to those very countries which were the object of his own
expeditions, and which were comprehended in the papal bull,
granting to the crown of Portugal all the lands which it should
discover from Cape Non to the Indies.

On suggesting these doubts to his councillors, they eagerly
confirmed them. Some of these were the very persons who
had once derided this enterprise, and scoffed at Columbus as
a dreamer. To them, its success was a source of confusion ;
and the return of Columbus, covered with glory, a deep hu-
miliation. Incapable of conceiving the high and generous
thoughts which elevated him at that moment above all mean
considerations, they attributed to all his actions the most petty
and ignoble motives His rational exultation was construed
into an insulting triumph, and they accused him of assuming
a boastful and vainglorious tone, when talking with the king
of his discovery, as if he would revenge himself upon the mon-
arch for having rejected his propositions.* With the greatest

* Vasconcelos, Vida de D. Juan II., lib. vi. The Portuguese his-
torians in general cliarge Columbus with having conducted himself loftily,
and talked in vaunting terms of his discoveries, in his conversations with
the king. It is evident their information must have been derived from
prejudiced courtiers. Faria y Souza, in his Europa Portuguesa (Parte
iii, cap. 4), goes so far as to say that Columbus entered into the port of

272 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book Y.

eagerness, therefore, they sought to foster the doubts which
had sprung up in the royal mind. Some who had seen the
natives brought in the caravel, declared that their color, hair,
and manners, agreed with the descriptions of the people of
that part of India which lay within the route of the Portuguese
discoveries, and which had been included in the papal bull.
Othei's observed that there was but little distance between the
Tercera Islands, and those which Columbus had discovered,
and that the latter, therefore, clearly appertained to Portugal.
Seeing the king much perturbed in spirit, some even went so
far as to propose, as a means of impeding the prosecution of
these enterprises, that Cohmibus should be assassinated ; de-
claring that he deserved death for attempting to deceive and
embroil the two nations, by his pretended discoveries. It was
suggested that his assassination might easily be accomplished
without incurring any odium ; advantage might be taken of
his lofty deportment to pique his pride, provoke him into an
altercation, and then dispatch him as if in casual and honor-
able encounter.

It is difficult to believe that such wicked and dastardly
counsel could have been proposed to a monarch so upright as
John II. but the fact is asserted by various historians, Portu-
guese as w^ell as Spanish,* and it accords with the perfidious
advice formerly given to the monarch in respect to Columbus.
There is a spurious loyalty about courts, which is often prone
to prove its zeal by its baseness ; and it is the weakness of

Rastello merely to make Portugal sensible, by the sight of the trophies
of his discovery, how much she had lost by not accepting his proposi-
tions.

* Vasconcelos, Vida del Rei, Don Juan II., lib. vi. Garcia de Eesendei
vida do Dom Joam II. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. lib. i. cap. 74, MS.

Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 273

kings to tolerate the grossest faults when they appear to arise
from personal devotion.

Happily, the king had too much magnanimity to adopt the
iniquitous measure proposed. He did justice to the great merit
of Columbus, and honored him as a distinguished benefactor of
mankind ; and he felt it his duty, as a generous prince, to pro-
tect all strangers driven by adverse fortune to his ports.
Others of his council suggested a more bold and martial line
of policy. They advised that Columbus should be permitted
to return to Spain ; but that, before he could fit out a second
expedition, a powerful armament should be dispatched, under
the guidance of two Portuguese mariners, who had sailed with
the admiral, to take possession of the newly-discovered coun-
try ; possession being after all the best title, and an appeal to
arms the clearest mode of settling so doubtful a question.

This counsel, in which there was a mixture of courage and
craft, was more relished by the king, and he resolved private-
ly, but promptly, to put it in execution, fixing upon Don
Francisco de Almeida, one of the most distinguished captains
of the age, to command the expedition.*

In the mean time, Columbus, after being treated with dis-
tinguished attention, Avas escorted back to his ship by Don
Martin de Noroiia, and a numerous train of cavaliers of the
court, a mule being provided for himself, and another for his
pilot, to whom the king made a present of twenty espadinas,
or ducats of gold.f On his way, Columbus stopped at the

* Vasconcelos, lib. vi.

f Twenty-eight dollars in gold of the present day, and equivalent to
seventy-four dollars, considering the depreciation of the precious
metals.

Vol. I.— 12*

2Y4: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

monastery of San Antonio, at Villa Franca, to visit the queen,
who had expressed an earnest wish to see this extraordinary
and enterprising man, whose achievement was the theme of
every tongue. He found her attended by a few of her favor-
ite ladies, and experienced the most flattering reception. Her
majesty made him relate the principal events of his voyage,
and describe the countries he had found ; and she and her
ladies hung with eager curiosity upon his narration. That
night he slept at Llandra, and being on the point of departing
in the morning, a servant of the king arrived, to attend him
to the frontier, if he preferred to return to Spain by land, and
to provide horses, lodgings, and every thing he might stand
in need of, at the royal expense. The weather, however, hav-
ing moderated, he preferred returning in his caravel. Putting
to sea, therefore, on the 13th of March, he arrived safely at the
bar of Saltes on sunrise of the 15th, and at mid-day entered
the harbor of Palos ; whence he had sailed on the od of August
in the preceding year, having taken not quite seven months
and a half to accomplish this most momentous of all maritime
enterprises.*

* Works generally consulted in this chapter : — Las Casas, Hist. Ind.
lib. cap. IV ; Hist, del Almirante, cap. 39, 40, 41 ; Journal of Columb.
Navarrete, torn. i.

Chap. V.] CKRISTOPHEE COLUMBtrs. 275

CHAPTEE Y.

EECEPTION OF COLUMBUS AT PALOS.
[1493.]

ri^HE triumphant return of Columbus was a prodigious event
-*- in the history of the little port of Palos, where everybody
was more or less interested in the fate of his expedition. The
most important and wealthy sea-captains of the place had en-
gaged in it, and scarcely a family but had some relative or
friend among the navigators. The departure of the ships, upon
what appeared a chimerical and desperate cruise, had spread
gloom and dismay over the place ; and the storms which had
raged throughout the winter had heightened the public des-
pondency. Many lamented their friends as lost, while imag-
ination lent mysterious horrors to their fate, picturing them
as driven about over wild and desert wastes of water without
a shore, or as perishing amidst rocks, and quicksands, and
whirlpools ; or a prey to those monsters of the deep, with
which credulity peopled every distant and unfrequented sea.
There was something more awful in such a mysterious fate
than in death itself, under any defined and ordinary form.*

* In the maps and charts of those times, and even in those of a much
later date, the variety of formidable and hideous monsters depicted ia

276 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

Great was the agitation of the inhabitants, therefore, when
they beheld one of the ships standing up the river ; but when
they learnt that she returned in triumph from the discovery
of a world, the whole community broke forth into transports
of joy. The bells were rung, the shops shut, all business
was suspended : for a time there was nothing but hurry and
tumult. Some were anxious to know the fate of a relative,
others of a friend, and all to learn the particulars of so won-
derful a voyage. When Columbus landed, the multitude
thronged to see and welcome him, and a grand procession
was formed to the principal church, to return thanks to God
for so signal a discovery made by the people of that place, —
forgetting, in their exultation, the thousand difficulties they had
thrown in the way of the enterprise. "Wherever Columbus
passed, he was hailed with shouts and acclamations. What
a contrast to his departure a few months before, followed by
murmurs and execrations ; or, rather, what a contrast to his
first arrival at Palos, a poor pedestrian, craving bread and
water for his child at the gate of a convent !

Understanding that the court was at Barcelona, he felt dis-
posed to proceed thither immediately in his caravel ; reflecting,
however, on the dangers and disasters he had already experi-
enced on the seas, he resolved to proceed by land. He dis-
patched a letter to the king and queen, informing them of his
arrival, and soon after departed for Seville to await their or-

all remote parts of the ocean, evince the terrors and dangers ^vith which
the imagination clothed it. The same may also be said of distant and
unknown lands ; the remote parts of Asia and Africa have monsters
depicted in them Avhich it would be difficult to trace to any originals in
natural history.

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 277

ders, taking wath him six of the natives whom he had brought
from the New World. One had died at sea, and three were
left ill at Palos.

It is a singular coincidence, which appears to be well au-
thenticated, that on the very evening of the arrival of Columbus
at Palos, and while the peals of triumph were still ringing
from its towers, the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo
Pinzon, likewise entered the river. After her separation from
the admiral in the storm, she had been driven before the gale
into the Bay of Biscay, and had made the port of Bayonne.
Doubting whether Columbus had survived the tempest, Pii:izon
had immediately written to the sovereigns, giving information
of the discovery he had made, and had requested permission to
come to court, and communicate the particulars in person.
As soon as the weather permitted, he had again set sail, anti-
cipating a triumphant reception in his native port of Palos.
When, on entering the harbor, he beheld the vessel of the
admiral riding at anchor, and learnt the enthusiasm with which
he had been received, the heart of Pinzon died within him.
It is said that he feared to meet Columbus in this hour of his
triumph, lest he should put him under arrest for his desertion
on the coast of Cuba ; but he was a man of too much resolu-
tion to indulge in such a fear. It is more probable that a
consciousness of his misconduct made him unwilling to appear
before the public in the midst of their enthusiasm for Colum-
bus, and perhaps he sickened at the honors heaped upon a
man whose superiority he had been so unwilling to acknowl-
edge. Getting into his boat, therefore, he landed privately
and kept out of sight until he heard of the admiral's departure.
He then returned to his home, broken in health, and deeply

278 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

dejected, considering all the honors and eulogiums heaped upon
Columbus as so many reproaches on himself. The reply of
the sovereigns to his letter at length arrived. It was of a re-
proachful tenor, and forbade his appearance at court. This
letter completed his humiliation ; the anguish of his feelings
gave virulence to his bodily malady, and in a few days he died,
a victim to deep chagrin.*

Let no one, however, indulge in hard censures over th6
grave of Pinzon ! His merits and services are entitled to the
highest praise ; his errors should be regarded with indulgenca
He was one of the foremost in Spain to appreciate the pro-
ject of Columbus, animating him by his concurrence and aid
ing him with his purse, when poor and unknown at Palos,
He afterwards enabled him to procure and fit out ships, Avhen
even the mandates of the sovereigns were ineffectual ; and
finally embarked in the expedition with his brothers and his
friends, staking life, property, every thing upon the event.
He thus entitled himself to participate largely in the glory of
this immortal enterprise ; but, unfortunately, forgetting for a
moment the grandeur of the cause, and the implicit obedience
due to his commander, he yielded to the incitements of self-in-
terest, and committed that act of insubordination which has
cast a shade upon his name. In extenuation of his fault, how-
ever, may be alleged his habits of command, which rendered
him impatient of control ; his consciousness of having rendered
great services to the expedition, and of possessing property in
the ships. That he was a man of great professional merit is
admitted by all his contemporaries ; that he naturally pos-

* Mufioz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. iv. § 14. Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domin.
lib. ii.

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHER COLIJiklBUS. 279

sessed generous sentiments and an honorable ambition, is evi-
dent from the poignancy with which he felt the disgrace drawn
on him by his miscoriduct. A mean man would not have
fallen a victim to self-upbraiding for having been convicted of
a mean action. His story shows how one lapse from duty
may counterbalance the merits of a thousand services ; how one
moment of weakness may mar the beauty of a whole life of
virtue ; and how important it is for a man, under all circum-
stances, to be true, not merely to others, but to himself.*

* After a lapse of years, the descendants of the Pinzons made stren-
uous representations to the crown of the merits and services of their
family, endeavoring to prove, among other things, that but for the aid
and the encouragement of Martin Alonzo and his brothers, Columbus
would never have made his discovery. Some of the testimony rendered
on this and another occasion was rather extravagant and absurd, as will
be shown in another part of this work.f The Emperor Charles V. how-
ever, taking into consideration the real services of the brothers in the
first voyage, and the subsequent expeditions and discoveries of that able
and intrepid navigator Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon, granted to the family
the well-merited rank and privileges of Hidalpiia, a degree of nobility
■which constituted them noble hidalgos, with the right of prefixing the
title of Don to their names. A coat of arms was also given them, em-
blematical of their services as discoverers. These privileges and arms
are carefully preserved by the family at the present day.

The Pinzons at present reside principally in the little city of Moguer,
about a league from Palos, and possess vineyards and estates about the
neighborhood. They are in easy, if not affluent circumstances, and in-
habit the best houses in Moguer. Here they have continued, from gener-
ation to generation, since the time of the discovery, filling places of pub-
lic trust and dignity, enjoying the good opinion and good will of their
fellow-citizens, and flourishing in nearly the same state in which they
were found by Columbus, on his first visit to Palos. It is rare indeed to
find a family, in this fluctuating world, so little changed by the revolu-
tions of nearly three centuries and a half.

Whatever Palos may have been in the time of Columbus, it is now a

t Vide niustrations, article "Martin Alonzo Pinzon."

280 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

paltry village of about four hundred inhabitants, who subsist chiefly by
laboring in the fields and vineyards. The convent of La Eabida still
exists, but is inhabited merely by two friars, with a noviciate and a lay
brother. It is situated on a hill, surrounded by a scattered forest of
pine trees, and overlooks the low sandy country of the sea-coast, and
the windings of the river by which Columbus sallied forth upon the
ocean.

CmjlP. VI.J CHKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 281

CHAPTER YI.

RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY THE SPANISH COURT AT BAECE-

LONA.

rilHE letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs, had pro-
-■- duced the greatest sensation at court. The event he an-
nounced was considered the most extraordinary of their pros-
perous reign, and following so close upon the conquest of
Granada, was pronounced a signal mark of divine favor for
that triumph achieved in the cause of the true faith. The
sovereigns themselves were for a time dazzled by this sudden
and easy acquisition of a new empire, of indefinite extent, and
apparently boundless wealth ; and their first idea was to secure
it beyond the reach of dispute. Shortly after his arrival in
Seville, Columbus received a letter from them expressing their
great delight, and requesting him to repair immediately to
court, to concert plans for a second and more extensive expe-
dition. As the summer, the time favorable for a voyage, was
approaching, they desired him to make any arrangements at
Seville or elsewhere that might hasten the expedition, and to
inform them, by the return of the courier, what was to be
done on their part. This letter was addressed to him by the

282 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK T.

title of " Don Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the ocean
sea, and Viceroy and Governor of the islands discovered in the
Indies ; " at the same time he was promised still further re-
wards. Columbus lost no time in complying with the com-
mands of the sovereigns. He sent a memorandum of the
ships, men, and munitions requisite, and having made such dis-
positions at Seville as circumstances permitted, set out for
Barcelona, taking with him the six Indians, and the various
curiosities and productions brought from the New World.

The fame of his discovery had resounded throughout the
nation, and as his route lay through several of the finest and
most populous provinces of Spain, his journey appeared like
the progress of a sovereign. Wherever he passed, the coun-
try poured forth its inhabitants, who lined the road and
thi'ongcd the villages. The streets, windows, and balconies
of the towns were filled with eager spectators, who rent the
air with acclamations. His journey was continually impeded
by the multitude pressing to gain a sight of him and of the In-
dians, who were regarded with as much astonishment as if they
had been natives of another planet. It was impossible to satisfy
the craving curiosity which assailed him and his attendants at
every stage with innumerable questions ; popular rumor, as
usual, had exaggerated the truth, and had filled the newly-found
country with all kinds of wonders.

About the middle of April Columbus arrived at Barcelona,
where every preparation had been made to give him a solemn
and magnificent reception. The beauty and serenity of the
weather in that genial season and favored climate, contributed
to give splendor to this memorable ceremony. As he drew
near the place, many of the youthful courtiers, and hidalgos,

Chap. VI.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 283

together with a vast concourse of the populace, came forth to
meet and welcome him. His entrance into this noble city
has been compared to one of those triumphs which the Romans
were accustomed to decree to conquerors. First, were paraded
the Indians, painted according to their savage fashion, and
decorated with their national ornaments of gold. After these
were borne various kinds of live parrots, together with stuffed
birds and animals of unknown species, and rare plants sup-
posed to be of precious qualities ; while great care was taken
to make a conspicuous display of Indian coronets, bracelets,
and other decorations of gold, which might give an idea of the
wealth of the newly-discovered regions. After this, followed
Columbus on horseback, surrounded by a brilliant cavalcade
of Spanish chivalry. The streets were almost impassable from
the countless multitude ; the windows and balconies were
crowded with the fair ; the very roofs were covered with spec-
tators. It seemed as if the public eye could not be sated
with gazing on these trophies of an unknown world ; or on the
remarkable man by whom it had been discovered. There was
a sublimity in this event that mingled a solemn feeling with
the public joy. It was looked upon as a vast and signal dis-
pensation of Providence, in reward for the piety of the mon-
archs ; and the majestic and venerable appearance of the dis-
coverer, so different from the youth and buoyancy generally
expected from roving enterprise, seemed in harmony with the
grandeur and dignity of his achievement.

To receive him with suitable pomp and distinction, the
sovereigns had ordered their throne to be placed in public,
under a rich canopy of brocade of gold, in a vast and splendid
saloon. Here the king and queen awaited his arrival, seated

284: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK V,

in state, with the Prince Juan beside them, and attended by
the dignitaries of their court, and the principal nobility of
Castile, Valentia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all impatient to be-
hold the man who had conferred so incalculable a benefit upon
the nation. At length Columbus entered the hall, surrounded
by a brilliant crowd of cavaliers, among whom, says Las
Casas, he was conspicuous for his stately and commanding
person, which with his countenance, rendered venerable by his
gray hairs, gave him the august appearance of a senator of
Eome : a modest smile lighted up his features, showing that
he enjoyed the state and glory in which he came ; * and cer-
tainly nothing could be more de(;ply moving to a mind in-
flamed by noble ambition, and conscious of having greatly
deserved, than these testimonials of the admiration and grati-
tude of a nation, or rather of a world. As Columbus ap-
proached, the sovereigns rose, as if receiving a person of the
highest rank. Bending his knees, he offered to kiss their
hands ; but there was some hesitation on their part to permit
this act of homage. Raising him in the most gracious man-
ner, they ordered him to seat himself in their presence ; a
rare honor in this proud and punctilious court. f

At their request, he now gave an account of the most strik-
ing events of his voyage, and a description of the islands dis-
covered. He displayed specimens of unknown birds, and
other animals ; of rare plants of medicinal and aromatic vir-
tues ; of native gold in dust, in crude masses, or labored into
barbaric ornaments ; and, above all, the natives of these coun-
tries, Avho were objects of intense and inexhaustible interest.

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. '78, MS.

f Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib, i. cap. 78. Hist. del. Almirante, cap. 81.

i

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 285

All these he pronounced mere harbingers of greater discov-
eries yet to be made, which would add realms of incalculable
wealth to the dominions of their majesties, and whole nations
of proselytes to the true faith.

When he had finished, the sovereigns sank on their knees,
and raising their clasped hands to heaven, their eyes filled with
tears of joy and gratitude, poured forth thanks and praises to
God for so great a providence : all present followed their ex-
ample ; a deep and solemn enthusiasm pervaded that splendid
assembly, and prevented all common acclamations of triumph.
The anthem Te Deum laudamus, chanted by the choir of the
royal chapel, with the accompaniment of instruments, rose in
full body of sacred harmony ; bearing up, as it were, the feel-
ings and thoughts of the auditors to heaven, " so that," says
the venerable Las Casas, " it seemed as if in that hour they
communicated with celestial delights." Such was the solemn
and pious manner in which the brilliant court of Spain cele-
brated this sublime event ; offering up a grateful tribute of
melody and praise, and giving glory to God for the discovery
of another world.

When Columbus retired from the royal presence, he was
attended to his residence by all the court, and followed by the
shouting populace. For many days he was the object of uni-
versal curiosity, and wherever he appeared, was surrounded by
an admiring multitude.

While his mind was teeming with glorious anticipations,
his pious scheme for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre was
not forgotten. It has been shown that he suggested it to the
Spanish sovereigns, at the time of first making his propositions,
holding it forth as the great object to be effected by the profits

286 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book Y.

of his discoveries. Flushed with the idea of the vast "wealth
now to accrue to himself, he made a vow to furnish within
seven years an army, consisting of four thousand horse and
fifty thousand foot, for the rescue of the holy sepulchre, and a
similar force within the five following years. This vow was
recorded in one of his letters to the sovereigns, to which he
refers, but which is no longer extant ; nor is it certain whether
it was made at the end of his first voyage, or at a subsequent
date, when the magnitude and wealthy result of his discover-
ies became more fully manifest. He often alludes to it vague-
ly in his writings, and he refers to it expressly in a letter to
Pope Alexander VI., written in 1502, in which he accounts
also for its non-fulfilment. It is essential to a full comprehen-
sion of the character and motives of Columbus, that this vis-
ionary project should be borne in recollection. It will be
found to have entwined itself in his mind with his enterprise
of discovery, and that a holy crusade was to be the consumma-
tion of those divine purposes, for which he considered himself
selected by Heaven as an agent. It shows how much his mind
was elevated above selfish and mercenary views — how it was
filled with those devout and heroic schemes, which in the time
of the crusades had inflamed the thoughts and directed the en-
terprises of the bravest warriors and most illustrious princes.

Chap. VII.] chkistophee columbus. 287

CHAPTER YII.

SOJOTTEN OF C0LUMBU3 AT BAECELONA— ATTENTIONS PAID HIM
BY THE SOVEREIGNS AND COUETIEES.

rilHE joy occasioned by the great discovery of Columbus
-^ was not confined to Spain ; the tidings were spread far
and wide by the communications of ambassadors, the corre-
spondence of the learned, the negotiations of merchants, and
the reports of travellers, and the whole civilized world was
filled with wonder and delight. How gratifying would it have
been, had the press at that time, as at present, poured forth
its daily tide of speculation on every passing occurrence !
With what eagerness should we seek to know the first ideas
and emotions of the public, on an event so unlooked for and
sublime ! Even the first announcements of it by contempo-
rary writers, though brief and incidental, derive interest from
being written at the time ; and from showing the casual way
in which such great tidings were conveyed about the world.
Allegretto Allegretti, in his annals of Sienna for 1493, men-
tions it as just made known there by the letters of their mer-
chants who were in Spain, and by the mouths of various trav-
ellers.* The news was brought to Genoa by the return of her

* Diarj Senesi de Alleg. Allegretti. Muratori, Ital. Script., torn, xxiii.

288 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BooK V.

ambassadors, Francisco Marches! and Giovanni Antonio Gri-
maldi, and was recorded among the triumphant events of the
year : * for the republic, though she may have slighted the
opportunity of making herself mistress of the discovery, has
ever since been tenacious of the glory of having given birth
to the discoverer. The tidings were soon carried to England,
which as yet was but a maritime power of inferior importance.
They caused, however, much wonder in London, and great talk
and admiration in the court of Henry VII,, where the discov-
ery was pronounced " a thing more divine than human." We
have this on the authority of Sebastian Cabot himself, the
future discoverer of the northern continent of America, who
was in London at the time, and was inspired by the event Avith
a generous spirit of emulation. f

Every member of civilized society, in fact, rejoiced in the
occurrence, as one in which he was more or less interested.
To some it opened a new and unbounded field of inquiry ; to
others, of enterprise ; and every one awaited with intense
eagerness the further development of this unknoAvn world, still
covered with mystery, the partial glimpses of which were so
full of wonder. We have a brief testimony of the emotions
of the learned in a letter, written at the time, by Peter Mar-
tyr, to his friend Pomponius Laetus. " You tell me, my
amiable Pomponius," he writes, " that you leaped for joy, and
that your delight was mingled with tears, when you read my
epistle, certifying to you the hitherto hidden world of the an-
tipodes. You have felt and acted as became a man eminent
for learning, for I can conceive no aliment more delicious than

* Foglieta, Istoria do Gcnova, lib. ii.

■f- Hackluyt, Collect. Voyages, vol. iii. p. 1.

Chap. VII.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 289

such tidings to a cultivated and ingenuous mind. I feel a
wondei'tul exultation of spirits when I converse with intelligent
men who have returned from these regions. It is like an
accession of wealth to a miser. Our minds, soiled and debased
, by the common concerns of life and the vices of society, be-
come elevated and ameliorated by contemplating such glori-
ous events." *

Notwithstanding this universal enthusiasm, however, no
one was aware of the real importance of the discovery. No
one had an idea that this was a totally distinct portion of the
globe, separated by oceans from the ancient world. The opin-
ion of Columbus was universally adopted, that Cuba was the
end of the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were
in the Indian seas. This agreed with the opinions of the an-
cients, heretofore cited, about the moderate distance from Spain
to the extremity of India, sailing w^estwardly. The parrots
were also thought to resemble those described by Pliny, as
abounding in the remote parts of Asia. The lands, therefore,
which Columbus had visited were called the West Indies ; and
as he seemed to have entered upon a vast region of unexplored
countries, existing in a state of nature, the whole received the
comprehensive appellation of" The New World."

During the whole of his sojourn at Barcelona, the sover-
eigns took every occasion to bestow on Columbus personal
marks of their high consideration. He was admitted at all
times to the royal presence, and the queen delighted to con-
verse with him on the subject of his enterprises. The king,
too, appeared occasionally on horseback, with Prince Juan on

* Letters of P. Martyr, let. 153.
Vol.. I.— 1.3

290 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

one side, and Columbus on the other. To perpetuate in his
family the glory of his achievement, a coat of arms was as-
signed him, in which the royal arms, the castle and lion, were
quartered with his proper bearings, which were a group of
islands surrounded by waves. To these arms was afterwards
annexed the motto :

A Castilla y a Leon,
Nuevo mundo dio Colon.

(To Castile and Leon
Columbus gave a new world.)

The pension which had been decreed by the sovereigns to
hiin who in the first voyage should discover land, was adjudged
to Columbus, for having first seen the light on the shore. It
is said that the seaman who first descried the land, was so in-
censed at being disappointed of what he conceived his merited
reward, that he renounced his country and his faith, and going
into Africa turned Mussulman ; an anecdote Avhich rests
merely on the authority of Oviedo,* who is extremely incor-
rect in his narration of this voyage, and inserts many false-
hoods told him by the enemies of the admiral.

It may, at first sight, appear but little accordant with the
acknowledged magnanimity of Columbus, to have borne
away the prize from this poor sailor, but this was a subject in
which his whole ambition was involved, and he was doubtless
proud of the honor of being personally the discoverer of the
land as well as projector of the enterprise.

* Oviedo, Cronieo de las Indias, lib. ii. cap. 2.

Chap. VII.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 291

Next to the countenance shown him by the king and queen,
may be mentioned that of Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, the
grand cardinal of Spain, and first subject of the realm ; a man
Avhose elevated character for piety, learning, and high prince-
like qualities, gave signal value to his favors. He invited Co-
lumbus to a banquet, where he assigned him the most honor-
able place at table, and had him served with the ceremonials
which in those punctilious times were observed towards sov-
ereigns. At this repast is said to have occurred the well-
known anecdote of the egg. A shallow courtier present, im-
patient of the honors paid to Columbus, and meanly jealous
of him as a foreigner, abruptly asked him whether he thought
that, in case he had not discovered the Indies, there were not
other men in Spain, who would have been capable of the en-
terprise ? To this Columbus made no immediate reply, but,
taking an egg, invited the company to make it stand on one
end. Every one attempted it, but in vain ; whereupon he
struck it upon the table so as to break the end, and left it
standing on the broken part ; illustrating in this simple man-
ner, that when he had once shown the way to the New World,
nothing was easier than to follow it.*

The favor shown Columbus by the sovereigns, insured him
for a time the caresses of the nobility ; for in a court every
one vies with his neighbor in lavishing attentions upon the
man " whom the king delighteth to honor." Columbus bore
all these caresses and distinctions with becoming modesty,

* This anecdote rests on the authority of the Italian historian Bcnzoni,
( lib. i. p. 12, ed. Venetia, 1572.) It has been condemned as trivial, but
the simplicity of the reproof constitutes its severity, and was character-
istic of the practical sagacity of Columbus. The universal popularity of
the anecdote is a proof of its merit.

292 LIFK AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

though he must have felt a proud satisfaction in the idea that
they had been wrested, as it were, from the nation, by his
courage and perseverance. One can hardly recognize in the
individual thus made the companion of princes and the theme
of general wonder and admiration, the same obscure stranger,
who but a short time before had been a common scoff and jest
in this very court, derided by some as an adventurer, and
pointed at by others as a madman. Those who had treated
him with contumely during his long course of solicitation, now
sought to efface the remembrance of it by adulations. Every
one who had given him a little cold countenance, or a few
courtly smiles, now arrogated to himself the credit of having
been a patron, and of having promoted the discovery of the
New World. Scarce a great man about the court, but has
been enrolled by his historian or biographer among the bene-
factors of Columbus ; though, had one-tenth part of this boasted
patronage been really exerted, he would never have had to
linger seven years soliciting for an armament of three cara-
vels, Columbus knew well the weakness of the patronage
that had been given him. The only friends mentioned by
him with gratitude, in his after letters, as having been really
zealous and effective, were those two worthy frairs, Diego de
Deza, afterwards bishop of Palencia and Seville, and Juan
Perez, the prior of the convent of La Eabida.

Thus honored by the sovereigns, courted by the great,
idolized by the people, Columbus, for a time, drank the hon-
eyed draught of popularity, before enmity and detraction liad
time to drug it with bitterness. His discovery burst with
such sudden splendor upon the world, as to dazzle envy it-
self, and to call forth the general acclamations of mankind.

Chap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 293

Well would it be for the honor of human nature, could his-
tory, like romance, close with the consummation of the hero's
wishes ; we should then leave Columbus in the full fruition
of great and well-merited prosperity. But his liistory is des-
tined to furnish another proof, if proof be wanting, of the in-
constancy of public favor, even when won by distinguished
services. No greatness was ever acquired by more incontest-
able, unalloyed, and exalted benefits rendered to mankind, yet
none ever drew on its possessor more unremitting jealousy
and defamation ; or involved him in more unmei-ited distress
and difficulty. Thus it is with illustrious merit : its very efful-
gence draws forth the rancorous passions of low and grovel-
ling minds, which too often have a temporary influence in ob-
scuring it to the world ; as the sun emerging with full splen-
dor into the heavens, calls up, by the very fervor of its rays,
the rank and noxious vapors, which, for a time, becloud its
glory.

294 LD'E AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

CHAPTEK YIII.

PAPAL BULL OP PAETITION.— PEEPAKATIONS FOE A SECOND TOT-
AGE OF COLUMBUS.

[1493.]

XN the midst of their rejoicings, the Spanish sovereigns lost
-*- no time in taking every measure necessary to secure their
new acquisitions. Although it -was supposed that the coun-
tries just discovered were part of the territories of the Grand
Khan, and of other oriental princes, considerably advanced in
civilization, yet there does not appear to have been the least
doubt of the right of their catholic majesties to take possession
of them. During the crusades, a doctrine had been established
among Christian princes extremely favorable to their ambitious
designs. According to this, they had the right to invade, rav-
age, and seize upon the territories of all infidel nations, under
the plea of defeating the enemies of Chirst, and extending the
sway of his church on earth. In conformity to the same doc-
trine, the pope, from his supreme authority over all temporal
things, was considered as empowered to dispose of all heathen
lands to such potentates as would engage to reduce them to
the dominion of the church, and to propagate the true faith

Chap. VIIL] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 295

among their benighted inhabitants. It was in virtue of this
power, that Pope Martin V. and his successors had conceded
to the crown of Portugal all the lands it might discover from
Cape Bojador to the Indies ; and the catholic sovereigns, in a
treaty concluded in 1479 with the Portuguese monarch, had
engaged themselves to respect the territorial rights thus ac-
quired. It was to this treaty that John II. alluded, in his con-
versation with Columbus, wherein he suggested his title to the
newly-discovered countries.

On the first intelligence received from the admiral of his
success, therefore, the Spanish sovereigns took the immediate
precaution to secure the sanction of the pope. Alexander VI.
had recently been elevated to the holy chair; a pontiff whom
some historians have stigmatized with every vice and ci'ime
that could disgrace humanity, but whom all have represented
as eminently able and politic. He was a native of Valencia,
and being born a subject of the crown of Arragon, it might
be inferred, was favorably disposed to Ferdinand ; but in cer-
tain questions which had come before him, he had already
shown a disposition not the most cordial towards the eatholic
monarch. At all events, Ferdinand was well aware of his
worldly and perfidious character, and endeavored to manage
him accordingly. He despatched ambassadors, therefore, to the
court of Rome, announcing the new discovery as an extraor-
dinary triumph of the faith ; and setting forth the great glory
and gain which must redound to the church from the dissemi-
nation of Christianity throughout these vast and heathen lands.
Care was also taken to state, that the present discovery did
not in the least interfere with the possessions ceded by the
holy chair to Portugal, all which had been sedulously avoided.

296 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

Ferdinand, who was at least as politic as he was pious, insinu-
ated a hint at the same time, by which the pope might per-
ceive that he was determined, at all events, to maintain his
important acquisitions. His ambassadors were instructed to
state that, in the opinion of many learned men, these newly-
discovered lands having been taken possession of by the catholic
sovereigns, their title to the same did not require the papal
sanction ; still, as pious princes, obedient to the holy chair,
they supplicated his holiness to issue a bull, making a conces-
sion of them, and of such others, as might be discovered, to
the crown of Castile.

The tidings of the discovery were received, in fact, with
great astonishment and no less exultation by the court of
Rome. The Spanish sovereigns had already elevated them-
selves to high consequence in the eyes of the church, by their
war against the Moors of Spain, which had been considered
in the light of a pious crusade ; and though richly repaid by
the acquisition of the kingdom of Granada, it was thought to
entitle them to the gratitude of all Christendom. The present
discovery was a still greater achievement ; it was the fulfil-
ment of one of the sublime promises to the church ; it was
giving to it '*' the heathen for an inheritance, and the uttermost
parts of the earth for a possession." No difficulty, therefore,
was made in granting what was considered but a modest re-
quest for so important a service ; though it is probable that the
acquiescence of the worldly-minded pontiff was quickened by
the insinuations of the politic monarch.

A bull was accordingly issued, dated May 2d, 1493, ced-
ing to the Spanish sovereigns the same rights, privileges, and
indulgences, in respect, to the newly-discovered regions, as had

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 297

been accorded to the Portuguese with regard to their Afiican
discoveries, under the same condition of planting and propa-
gating the catholic faith. To prevent any conflicting claims,
however, between the two powers in the wide range of their
discoveries, another bull was issued on the following day, con-
taining the famous line of demarcation, by which their terri-
tories were thought to be clearly and pennanently defined.
This was an ideal line drawn from the north to the south pole,
a hundred leagues to the west of the Azores, and the Cape de
Verd islands. All land discovered by the Spanish navigators
to the west of this line, and which had not been taken posses-
sion of by any Christian power before the preceding Christ-
mas, was to belong to the Spanish crown ; all land discovered
in the contrary direction, was to belong to Portugal. It seems
never to have occurred to the pontiff, that, by pushing their
opposite careers of discovery, they might some day or other
come again in collision, and renew the question of territorial
right at the antipodes.

In the mean time, without waiting for the sanction of the
court of Rome, the utmost exertions were made by the sover-
eigns to fit out a second expedition. To insure regularity
and dispatch in the affairs relative fco the New World, they
Avere placed under the superintendence of Juan Rodriguez de
Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, who was successively promoted
to the sees of Bajadoz, Palencia, and Burgos, and finally ap-
pointed patriarch of the Indies. He Avas a man of family and
influence ; his brothers Alonzo and Antonio were seniors, or
lords, of Coca and Alaejos, and the latter was comptroller-
general of Castile. Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca is represented
by Las Casas as a worldly man, more calculated for temporal
Vol. I.— 13*

298 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book. V.

than spiritual concerns, and well adapted to the bustling oc-
cupation of fitting out and manning armadas. Notwithstand-
ing the high ecclesiastical dignities to which he rose, his world-
ly employments seem never to have been considered incom-
patible with his sacred functions. Enjoying the perpetual
though unmerited favor of the sovereigns, he maintained the
control of Indian affairs for about thirty years. He must
undoubtedly have possessed talents for business, to insure him
such a perpetuity of office : but he was malignant and vindic-
tive; and in the gratification of his private resentments not
only heaped wrongs and sorrows upon the most illustrious of
the early discoverers, but frequently impeded the progress of
their enterprises, to the great detriment of the crown. This
he was enabled to do privately and securely by his official sit-
uation. His perfidious conduct is repeatedly alluded to, but
in guarded terms, by contemporary writers of weight and
credit, such as the curate of Los Palacios, and the bishop Las
Casas ; but they evidently were fearful of expressing the ful-
ness of their feelings. Subsequent Spanish historians, always
more or less controlled by ecclesiastical supervision, have like-
wise dealt too fiivorably with this base-minded man. He de-
serves to be held up as a warning example of those perfidious
beings in office, who too ofteji lie like worms at the root of
honorable enterprise, blighting, by their unseen influence, the
fruits of glorious action, and disappointing the hopes of
nations.

To assist Fonseca in his duties, Francisco Pinelo was as-
sociated with him as treasurer, and Juan de Soria as contador,
or comptroller. Their office, for the transaction of Indian
affairs, was fixed at Seville ; extending its vigilance at the same

Chap. VIIL] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 299

time to the port of Cadiz, where a custom-house was established
for this new branch of navigation. Such was the germ of the
Eoyal India House, which afterwards rose to such great power
and importance. A correspondent office was ordered to be
instituted in Hispaniola, under the direction of the admiral.
These officers were to interchange registers of the cargoes,
crews, and munitions of each ship, by accountants who sailed
with it. All persons thus employed were dependants upon
the two comptrollers-general, superior ministers of the royal
revenue ; since the crown was to be at all the expenses of the
colony, and to receive all the emoluments.

The most minute and rigorous account was to be exacted
of all expenses and proceeds ; and the most vigilant caution
observed as to the persons employed in the concerns of the
newly-discovered lands. No one was permitted to go there
either to trade or to form an establishment, without express
license from the sovereigns, from Columbus, or from Fonseca,
under the heaviest penalties. The ignorance of the age as to
enlarged principles of commerce, and the example of the Por-
tuguese in respect to their African possessions, have been cited
in excuse of the narrow and jealous spirit here manifested j but
it always more or less influenced the policy of Spain in her
colonial regulations.

Another instance of the despotic sway maintained by the
crown over commerce, is manifested in a royal order, that all
ships in the ports of Andalusia, with their captains, pilots, and
crews, should be held in readiness to serve in this expedition.
Columbus and Fonscca were authorized to freight or purchase
any of those vessels they might think proper, and to take
them by force, if refused, even though they had been freighted

300 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF TBoOK V.

hy other persons, paying what they should conceive a reason-
able price. They were furthermore authorized to take the re-
quisite provisions, arms, and ammunition, from any place or
vessel in which they might be found, paying a fair price to the
owners ; and they might compel, not merely mariners, but
any officer holding any rank or station whatever, Avhom they
should deem necessary to the service, to embark on the fleet
on a reasonable pay and salary. The civil authorities, and all
persons of rank and standing, were called upon to render all
requisite aid in expediting the armament, and warned against
creating any impediment, under penalty of privation of office
and confiscation of estate.

To provide for the expenses of the expedition, the royal
revenue arising from two-thirds of the church-tithes was
place at the disposition of Pinclo ; and other funds were drawn
from a disgraceful source, from the jewels and other valuables,
the sequestrated property of the unfortunate Jews, banished
from the kingdom, according to a bigoted edict of the preced-
ing year. As these resources were still inadequate, Pinelo
was authorized to supply the deficiency by a loan. Requisi-
tions were likewise made for provisions of all kinds, as well
as for artillery, powder, muskets, lances, corselets, and cross-
bows. This latter weapon, notwithstanding the introduction
of firearms, was still preferred by many to the arquebus, and
considered more formidable and destructive ; the other hav-
ing to be used with a match-lock, and being so heavy as to
require an iron rest. The military stores which had accumu-
lated during the war with the Moors of Granada, furnished a
great part of these supplies. Almost all the preceding orders
were issued by the 23d of May, while Columbus was yet at

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 301

Barcelona. Rarely has there been witnessed such a scene of
activity in the dilatory offices of Spain.

As the conversion of the heathens was professed to be the
grand object of these discoveries, twelve zealous and able
ecclesiastics were chosen for the purpose, to accompany the ex-
pedition. Among these w^as Bernardo Buyl or Boyle, a Bene-
dictine monk, of talent and reputed sanctity, but one of those
subtle politicians of the cloister, who in those days glided into
all temporal concerns. He had acquitted himself with success
in recent negotiations with France, relative to the restitution
of Rousillon. Before the sailing of the fleet, he was appointed
by the pope his apostolical vicar for the New World, and
placed as superior over his ecclesiastical brethren. This pious
mission was provided with all things necessary for the dignified
performance of its functions ; the queen supplying from her
own chapel the ornaments and vestments to be used in all
solemn ceremonies. Isabella, from the first, took the most
warm and compassionate interest in the welfare of the Indians.
Won by the accounts given by Columbus of their gentleness
and simplicity, and looking upon them as committed by Heaven
to her especial care, her heart was filled with concern at their
destitute and ignorant condition. She ordered that great care
should be taken of their religious instruction ; that they should
be treated with the utmost kindness ; and enjoined Colum-
bus to inflict signal punishment on all Spaniards who should
be guilty of outrage or injustice towards them.

By way, it was said, of offering to Heaven the first-fruits
of these pagan nations, the six Indians whom Columbus had
brought to Barcelona were baptized with great state and cere-
mony ; the king, the queen, and Prince Juan officiating as

302 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V.

sponsors. Great hopes were entertained that, on their return
to their native country, they would facilitate the introduction
of Christianity among their countrymen. One of them, at
the request of Prince Juan, remained in his household, but
died not long afterwards : a Spanish historian remarked that,
according to what ought to be our pious belief, he Avas the
first of his nation that entered heaven.*

Before the departure of Columbus from Barcelona, the
provisional agreement made at Santa Fe was confirmed, grant-
ing him the titles, emoluments, and prerogatives of admiral,
viceroy, and governor of all the countries he had discovered,
or might discover. He was intrusted also with the royal seal,
with authority to use the name of their majesties in granting
letters patent and commissions within the bounds of his juris-
diction ; with the right also, in case of absence, to appoint a
person in his place, and to invest him, for the time, with the
same powers.

It had been premised in the agreement, that for all vacant
offices in the government of the islands and mainland, he should
nominate three candidates, out of which number the sovereign
should make a choice ; but now, to save time, and to show
their confidence in Columbus, they empowered him to appoint
at once such persons as he thought proper, who were to hold
their offices during the royal pleasure. He had likewise the
title and command of captain-general of the armament about
to sail, with unqualified powers as to the government of the
crews, the establishments to be formed in the New World, and
the ulterior discoveries to be undertaken.

* Herrcra, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.

CiiAP. VIII.J CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 303

This was the honey-moon of royal favor, during which
Columbus enjoyed the unbounded and well-merited confidence
of his sovereigns, before envious minds had dared to insinuate
a doubt of his integrity. After receiving every mark of pub-
lic honor and private regard, he took leave of the sovereigns
on the 28th of May. The whole court accompanied him from
the palace to his dwelling, and attended, also, to pay him fare-
well honors on his departure from Barcelona for Seville.

ii;U4 Lli'E AKD VOYAGES OF [Book Y

CHAPTER IX.

DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE COUNTS OE SPAIN
AND POETUGAL WITH RESPECT TO THE NEW DISCOVERIES.

[1493.]

npHE anxiety of the Spanish monarchy for the speedy de-
-^ parture of the expedition was heightened by the proceed-
ings of the court of Portugal. John II. had unfortunately
among his councillors certain politicians of that short-sighted
class, who mistake craft for wisdom. By adopting their per-
fidious policy, he had lost the New World when it was an
object of honorable enterprise ; in compliance with their advice,
he now sought to retrieve it by stratagem. He had accord-
ingly prepared a large armament, the avowed object of which
was an expedition to Africa, but its real destination to seize
upon the newly-discovered countries. To lull suspicion, Don
Ruy de Sande was sent ambassador to the Spanish court, re-
questing permission to procure certain prohibited articles from
Spain for this African voyage. He required also, that the
Spanish sovereigns should forbid their subjects to fish beyond
Cape Bojador, until the possessions of the two nations should

Chap. IX.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 305

be properly defined. The discovery of Columbus, the real
object of solicitude, was treated as an incidental affair. The
manner of his arrival and reception in Portugal was men-
tioned ; the congratulations of King John on the happy result
of his voyage ; his satisfaction at finding that the admiral had
been instructed to steer westward from the Canary Islands,
and his hope that the Castilian sovereigns would continue to
enjoin a similar track on their navigators, — all to the south of
those islands being granted by papal bull to the crown of Por-
tugal. He concluded by intimating the entire confidence of
King John, that should any of the newly-discovered islands ap-
pertain by right to Portugal, the matter would be adjusted in
that spirit of amity which existed between the two crowns.

Ferdinand was too wary a politician to be easily deceived.
He had received early intelligence of the real designs of King
John, and before the arrival of his ambassador had himself
despatched Don Lope de Herrera to the Portuguese court, fiu'-
nished with double instructions, and with two letters of widely
opposite tenor. The first was couched in affectionate terms,
acknowledging the hospitality and kindness shown to Colum-
bus, and communicating the nature of his discoveries ; request-
ing at the same time that the Portuguese navigators might be
prohibited from visiting those newly-discovered lands, in the
same manner that the Spanish sovereigns had prohibited their
subjects from interfering with the African possessions of Por-
tugal. .

In case, however, the ambassador should find that King
John had either sent, or was about to send, vessels to the New
World, he was to withhold the amicable letter, and present
the other, couched in stern and peremptory terms, and forbid-

306 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book V

ding any enterprise of the kind.* A keen diplomatic game
ensued between the two sovereigns, perplexing to any sj)ecta-
tor not acquainted with the secret of their play. Eesende. in
his history of King John II., informs us, that the Portuguese
monarch, by large presents, or rather bribes, held certain of the
confidential members of the Castilian cabinet in his interest,
Avho informed him of the most secret councils of their court.
The roads were thronged with couriers ; scarce was an inten-
tion expressed by Ferdinand to his ministers, but it was con-
veyed to his rival monarch. The result was, that the Spanish
sovereigns seemed as if under the influence of some enchant-
ment. King John anticipated all their movements, and ap-
peared to dive into their very thoughts. Their ambassadors
were crossed on the road by Portuguese ambassadors, empow-
ered to settle the very points about which they were going to
make remonstrances. Frequently, when Ferdinand proposed
a sudden and perplexing question to the envoys at his court,
which apparently would require fresh instructions from the
sovereigns, he would be astonished by a prompt and positive
reply ; most of the questions which were likely to occur hav-
ing, through secret information, been foreseen and provided
for. As a surmise of treachery in the cabinet might naturally
arise. King John, while he rewarded his agents in secret, en-
deavored to divert suspicions from them upon others, making
rich presents of jewels to the Duke de Infmtado, and other
Spanish grandees of incorruptible integrity. f

* Herrera, Hist. Iiid., decad. 1. lib. ii. Zurita, Analcs dc Aragon. lib.
i. cap. 25.

f Rcsende, Vida del Tlcj Dom Joam II. cap. 15Y. Faria j Souza,
Europa Portugucsa, torn. ii. cap. 4, p. 3.

Chap. IX.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 307

Such is the intriguing diplomatic craft which too often
passes for refined policy, and is extolled as the wisdom of the
cabinet ; but all corrupt and disingenuous measures are unwor-
thy of an enlightened politician and a magnanimous prince.
The grand principles of right and wrong operate in the same
way between nations as between individuals ; fair and open
conduct, and inviolable faith, however they may appear adverse
to present purposes, are the only kind of policy that will in-
sure ultimate and honorable success.

King John, having received intelligence, in the furtive
manner that has been mentioned, of the double instructions
furnished to Don Lope de Ilerrera, received him in such a
manner as to prevent any resort to his peremptory letter.
He had already despatched an extra envoy to the Spanish
court to keep it in good humor, and he now appointed Doctor
Pero Diaz and Don Ruy de Pena ambassadors to the Spanish
sovereigns, to adjust all questions relative to the new discov-
eries, and promised that no vessel should be permitted to sail
on a voyage of discovery within sixty days after their arrival
at Barcelona.

These ambassadors were instructed to propose, as a mode
of effectually settling all claims, that a line should be drawn
from the Canaries due west : all lands and seas north of it to
appertain to the Castilian court ; all south to the crown of
Portugal, excepting any islands already in possession of either
power.*

Ferdinand had now the vantage-ground ; his object was to
gain time for the preparation and departure of Columbus, by

* Zurita, lib. i. cap. 25. Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.

308 LIFE AUG VOYAGES OF [Book V.

entangling King John in long diplomatic negotiations.* In
reply to his proposals, he despatched Don Pedro de Ayala
and Don Garcia Lopez de Caravajal on a solemn embassy to
Portugal, in which there was great outward pomp and parade,
and many professions of amity, but the whole purport of which
was to propose to submit the territorial questions which had
risen between them to arbitration, or to the court of Rome.
This stately embassy moved with becoming slowness, but a
special envoy was sent in advance to apprise the king of Por-
tugal of its approach, in order to keep him waiting for its com-
munications.

King John understood the whole nature and object of the
embassy, and felt that Ferdinand was foiling him. The am-
bassadors at length arrived, and delivered their credentials
with great form and ceremony. As they retired from his
presence, he looked after them contemptuously : " This em-
bassy from our cousin," said he, " wants both head and feet."
He alluded to the character both of the mission and the en-
voys. Don Garcia de Caravajal was vain and frivolous, and
Don Pedro de Ayala was lame of one leg.f

In the height of his vexation, King John is even said to
have held out some vague show of hostile intentions, taking
occasion to let the ambassadors discover him reviewing his
cavalry and dropping ambigu6us words in their hearing, which
might be construed into something of menacing import.|
The embassy returned to Castile, leaving him in a state of
perplexity and irritation ; but whatever might be his chagrin,

* Vasconcelos, Don Juan II. lib. vi.

f Vasconcelos, lib. vi. Barros, Asia, d. i., lib. iii. cap. 2.

X Vasconcelos, lib. vi.

Chap. IX. CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 809

his discretion prevented him from coming to an open rupture.
He had some hopes of interference on the part of the pope, to
whom he had sent an embassy, complaining of the pretended
discoveries of the Spaniards, as infringing the territories
granted to Portugal by papal bull, and earnestly imploring
redress. Here, as has been shown, his wary antagonist had
been beforehand with him, and he was doomed again to be
foiled. The only reply his ambassador received, was a refer-
ence to the line of partition from pole to pole, so sagely de-
.vised by his holiness.* Such was this royal game of diplom-
acy, where the parties were playing for a newly-discovered
world. John II. was able and intelligent, and had crafty coun-
cillors to advise him in all his moves ; but whenever deep and
subtle policy was required, Ferdinand was master of the
game.

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.

310 UFE A>,-D TOTAGES OF [Book Y.

CHAPTEPw X.

FTHBTHEE PEEPAEATIOXS FOB THE SECOXD VOYAGE.— CHAEAC-
TER OF AXOXSO DE OJEDA.— DIFFEEEKCE OF COLUMBUS "WITH
SOBIA A^TD FOXSECA.

[1493.]

DISTRUSTFUL of some attempt on the part of Portugal
to interfere with their discoveries, the Spanish sovereigns,
in the course of their negotiations, wrote repeatedly to Colum-
bus, urging him to hasten his departure. His zeal, however,
needed no incitement ; immediately on arriving at Seville, in
the beginning of June, he proceeded with all diligence to fit out
the armament, making use of the powers given him to put in
requisition the ships and crews which were in the harbors of
Andalusia. He was joined soon after by Fonseca and Soria,
who had remained for a time at Barcelona : and %vith their
united exertions, a fleet of seventeen vessels, large and small,
n'as soon in a state of preparation. The best pilots were cho-
sen for the se^^"ice, and the crews were mustered in presence
of Soria the comptroller. A number of skilful husbandmen,
miners, carpenters, and other mechanics, were engaged for the
projected colony. Horses, both for military purposes and

Chap. X.J CHKISTOPHEK COLUISIBUS. 311

for stocking the country, cattle, and domestic animals of all
kinds, were likewise provided. Grain, seeds of various plants,
vines, sugar-canes, grafts, and saplings, were embarked, to-
gether with a great quantity of merchandise, consisting of trin-
kets, beads, hawks' bells, looking-glasses, and other showy
trifles, calculated for trafficking with the natives. Nor was
there wanting an abundant supply of provisions of all sorts,
munitions of war, and medicines and refreshments for the sick.
An extraordinary degree of excitement prevailed respect-
ing this expedition. The most extravagant fancies were en-
tertained with respect to the New World. The accounts given
by the voyagers who had visited it were full of exaggeration ;
for in fact they had nothing but vague and confused notions
concerning it, like the recollection of a dream, and it has been
shown that Columbus himself had beheld every thing through
the most delusive medium. The vivacity of his descriptions,
and the sanguine anticipations of his ardent spirit, while they
roused the public to a wonderful degree of enthusiasm, pre-
pared the way for bitter disappointment. The cupidity of the
avaricious was inflamed with the idea of regions of unappro-
priated wealth, where the rivers rolled over golden sands, and
the mountains teemed with gems and precious metals ; where
the groves producd spices and perfumes, and the shores of the
ocean were sown with pearl. Others had conceived visions
of a loftier kind. It was a romantic and stirring age, and the
wars with the Moors being over, and hostilities with the French
suspended, the bold and restless spirits of the nation, impa-
tient of the monotony of peaceful life, were eager for employ-
ment. To these, the New World presented a vast field for
wild enterprise and extraordinary adventure, so congenial to

312 XIFE AND VOYAGES OF. [Book V.

the Spanish character in that period of its meridian fervor and
brilliancy. Many hidalgos of high rank, officers of the royal
household, and Andalusian cavaliers, schooled in arms, and in-
spired with a passion for hardy achievements by the romantic
wars of Granada, pressed into the expedition, some in the
royal service, others at their own cost. To them it was the
commencement of a new series of crusades, surpassing in ex-
tent and slpendor the chivalrous enterprises of the Holy Land.
They pictured to themselves vast and beautiful islands of the
ocean to be overrun and subdued ; their internal wonders to
be explored, and the banner of the cross to be planted on the
walls of the cities they were supposed to contain. Thence
they were to make their way to the shores of India, or rather
Asia, penetrate into Mangi and Cathay, convert, or what was
the same thing, conquer, the Grand Khan, and thus open a
glorious career of arms among the splendid countries and
semi-barbarous nations of the East. Thus, no one had any
definite idea of the object or nature of the service on which
he was embarking, or the situation and character of the region
to which he was bound. Indeed, during this fever of the im-
agination, had sober facts and cold realities been presented,
they would have been rejected with disdain ; for there is noth-
ing of which the public is more impatient than of being dis-
turbed in the indulgence of any of its golden dreams.

Among the noted personages who engaged in the expedi-
tion, was a young cavalier of the name of Don Alonso de
Ojeda, celebrated for his extraordinary personal endowments
and his daring spirit ; and who distinguished himself among
the early discoverers by many perilous expeditions and singu-
lar exploits. He was of a good flxmily, cousin-german to the

Chap. X.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 313

venerable Father Alonso de Ojcda, Inquisitor of Spain ; had
been brouo-ht up under the patronage of the Duke of Medina
Celi, and had served in the wars against the Moors. He was
of small stature, but vigorous make, well proportioned, dark
complexioned, of handsome, animated countenance, and in-
credible strength and agility. Expert at all kinds of weapons,
accomplished in all manly and warlike exercises, an admi-
rable horseman, and a partisan soldier of the highest order ;
bold of heart, free of spirit, open of hand ; fierce in fight,
quick in brawl, but ready to forgive and prone to forget an
injury ; hcAvas for a long time the idol of the rash and roving
youth who engaged in the early expeditions to the New World,
and has been made the hero of many wonderful tales. On
introducing him to historical notice, Las Casas gives an anec-
dote of one of his exploits, which would be unworthy of record,
but that it exhibits the singular character of the man.

Queen Isabella being in the tower of the cathedral at Se-
ville, better known as the Giralda, Ojeda, to entertain her
majesty, and to give proofs of his courage and agility, mounted
on a great beam which projected in the air, twenty feet from
the toAver, at such an immense height from the ground, that
the people below looked like dwarfs, and it was enough to
make Ojeda himself shudder to look down. Along this beam
he walked briskly, and with as much confidence as though he
had been pacing his chamber. When he arrived at the end,
he stood on one leg, lifting the other in the air ; then turning
nimbly round, he returned in the same way to the tower, un-
affected by the giddy height, whence the least false step would
have precipitated him and dashed him to pieces. He after-
wards stood with one foot on the beam, and placing the other
Vol. T.— 14

314 LIFE A:^D voyages of [Book V.

against the wall of the building, threw an orange to the sum-
mit of the tower, a proof, says Las Casas, of immense muscu-
lar strength. Such was Alonso de Ojeda, who soon became
conspicuous among the followers of Columbus, and was always
foremost in every enterprise of an adventurous nature ; who
courted peril as if for the very love of danger, and seemed to
fight more for the pleasure of fighting than for the sake of
distinction.*

The number of persons permitted to embark in the expe-
dition had been limited to one thousand ; but such was the
urgent application of volunteers to be allowed to enlist with-
out pay, that the number had increased to twelve hundred.
Many more were refused for want of room in the ships for
their accommodation, but some contrived to get admitted by
stealth, so thut eventually aboiit fifteen hundred set sail in the
fleet. As Columbus, in his laudable zeal for the welfare of
the enterprise, provided every thing that might be necessary
in various possible emergencies, the expenses of the outfit ex-
ceeded what had been anticipated. This gave rise to occa-
sional demurs on the part of the comptroller Juan de Soria,
Avho sometimes refused to sign the accounts of the admiral,
and in the course of their transactions seemed to have forgot-
ten the deference due both to his character and station. For
this he received repeated and severe reprimands from the sov-
ereigns, who emphatically commanded that Columbus should
be treated with the greatest respect, and every thing done to
facilitate his plans and yield him satisfaction. From similar
injunctions inserted in the royal letters to Fonseca, the arch-

* Las Casas, lib. i., MS. Pizarro, Yarones Illustres. Herrera, Hist.
Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 6.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 315

deacon of Seville, it is probable that he also had occasionally
indulged in the captious exercise of his official powers. He
appears to have demurred to various requisitions of Colum-
bus, particularly one for footmen and other domestics for his
immediate service, to form his household and retinue as ad-
miral and viceroy ; a demand which was considered superflu-
ous by the prelate, as all who embarked in the expedition
were at his command. In reply, the sovereigns ordered that
he should be allowed ten escuderos de a pie, or footmen, and
twenty persons in other domestic capacities, and reminded
Fonseca of their charge that, both in the nature and mode of
his transactions with the admiral, he should study to give him
content ; observing that, as the whole armament was intrusted
to his command, it was but reasonable that his wishes should
be consulted, and no one embarrass him with punctilios and
difficulties.*

These trivial differences are worthy of particular notice,
from the effect they appear to have had on the mind of Fon-
seca, for from them we must date the rise of that singular
hostility which he ever afterwards manifested towards Colum-
bus ; which every year increased in rancor, and which he
gratified in the most invidious manner, by secretly multiply-
ing impediments and vexations in his path.

While the expedition was yet lingering in port, intelligence
was received that a Portuguese caravel had set sail from Ma-
deira and steered for the west. Suspicions were immediately
awakened that she was bound for the lately discovered lands.
Columbus wrote an account of it to the sovereigns, and pro

* Navarrete, Colec, torn. ii. Documentos, No. G2-G6.

316 LIFE AJ^D VOYAGES OF [BoOK V.

posed to despatch a part of his fleet in pursuit of her. His
proposition was approved, but not carried into effect. On
remonstrances being made to the court of Lisbon, King John
declared that the vessel had sailed without his permission, and
that he would send three caravels to bring her back. This
only served to increase the jealousy of the Spanish monarchs,
who considered the whole a deep-laid stratagem, and that it
Avas intended the vessels should join their forces and pursue
their course together to the New World. Columbus was
urged, therefore, to depart without an hour's delay, and in-
structed to steer "wide of Cape St. Vincent, and entirely avoid
the Portuguese coasts and islands, for fear of molestation.
If he met with any vessels in the seas he had explored, he was
to seize them, and inflict rigorous punishment on the crews.
Fonseca Avas also ordered to be on the alert, and in case any
expedition sailed from Portugal to send double the force after
it. These precautions, however, proved unnecessary. Whether
such caravels actually did sail, and whether they were sent
with sinister motives by Portugal, does not appear ; nothing
was either seen or heard of them by Columbus in the course
of his voyage.

It may be as well, for the sake of distinctness, to anticipate,
in this place, the regular course of history, and mention the
manner in which this territorial question was finally settled
between the rival sovereigns. It was impossible for King
John to repress his disquiet at the indefinite enterprises of the
Spanish monarchs ; he did not know how for they might ex-
tend, and whether they might not forestall him in all his an-
ticipated discoveries in India. Finding, however, all attempts
fruitless to gain by stratagem an advantage over his wary and

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 317

skilful antagonist, and despairing of any further assistance from
the court of Rome, he had recourse, at last, to fair and amica-
ble negotiations, and found, as is generally the case with those
who turn aside into the inviting but crooked paths of craft,
that had he kept to the line of frank and open policy, he would
have saved himself a world of perplexity, and have arrived
sooner at his object. He offered to leave to the Spanish sov-
ereigns the free prosecution of their w' estern discovery, and to
conform to the plan of partition by a meridian line: but he
represented that this line had not been drawn far enough to
the west ; that while it left the wide ocean free to the range
of Spanish enterprise, his navigators could not venture more
than a hundred leagues west of his possessions, and had no
scope or sea-room for their southern voyages.

After much difficulty and discussion, this momentous dis-
pute w'as adjusted by deputies from the two crowns, who met
at Tordesillas in Old Castile, in the following year, and on the
7th of June, 1494, signed a treaty, by which the papal line of
partition was moved to three hundred and seventy leagues
west of the Cape de Verd Islands. It was agreed that within
six months an equal number of caravels and mariners, on the
part of the two nations, should rendezvous at the island of the
Grand Canary, provided with inen learned in astronomy and
navigation. They were to proceed thence to the Cape de Verd
Islands, and thence westward three hundred and seventy
leagues, and determine the proposed line from pole to pole,
dividing the ocean between the two nations.* Each of the
two powers engaged solemnly to observe the bounds thus pre-

* Zurita, Hist, del Key Feniand., lib. i. cap. 29. Vasconcelos, lib. vi.

318 LIFE AND A'OYAGES, ETC. [BooK V.

scribed, and to prosecute no enterprise beyond its proper lim-
its ; though it was agreed that the Spanish navigators might tra-
verse freely the eastern parts of the ocean in prosecuting their
rightful voyages. Various circumstances impeded the pro-
posed expedition to determine the line, but the treaty re-
mained in force, and prevented all further discussions.

Thus, says Vasconcelos, this great question, the greatest ever
agitated between the two crowns, for it was the partition of a
new world, was amicably settled by the prudence and address
of two of the most politic monarchs that ever swayed the scep-
tre. It was arranged to the satisfaction of both parties, each
holding himself entitled to the vast countries that might be
discovered within his boundary, without any regard to the
rights of the native inhabitants.

BOOK VI.
CHAPTEE I.

DEPAKTUKE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE.— DISCOVEKT
OF THE CAPwIBBEE ISLANDS.

[1493.]

ri^HE departure of Columbus on his second voyage of discov-
-■- ery, presented a brilliant contrast to his gloomy embar-
kation at Palos. On the 25th of September, at the dawn of
day, the bay of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet. There were
three large ships of heavy burden,* and fourteen caravels,
loitering with flapping sails, and awaiting the signal to get
under way. The harbor resounded with the well-known note
of the sailor, hoisting sail, or weighing anchor ; a motley
crowd were hurrying on board, and taking leave of their friends
in the confidence of a prosperous voyage and triumphant re-
turn. There was the high-spirited cavalier, bound on roman-

* Peter Martyr says they were carracks (a large species of merchant
vessel, principally used in coasting trade), of one hundred tons burden,
and that two of the caravels were piuch larger than the rest, and
more capable of bearing decks from the size of their masts. — Decad. i.
lib. i.

320 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

tic enterprise ; the hardy navigator, ambitious of acquiring
laurels in these unknown seas ; the roving adventurer, seek-
ing novelty and excitement ; the keen, calculating speculator,
eager to profit by the ignorance of savage tribes ; and the pale
missionary from the cloister, anxious to extend the dominion
of the church, or devoutly zealous for the propagation of the
faith. All were full of animation and lively hope. Instead
of being regarded by the populace as devoted men, bound
upon a dark and desperate enterprise, they were contemplated
with envy, as favored mortals, bound to golden regions and
happy climes, where nothing but wealth, and wonder, and de-
lights awaited them. Columbus, conspicuous for his height
and his commanding appearance, was attended by his two sons,
Diego and Fernando, the eldest but a stripling, who had come
to witness his departure,* both proud of the glory of their fa-
ther. Wherever he passed, every eye followed him with ad-
miration, and every tongue praised and blessed him. Before
sunrise the whole fleet was under way ; the weather Avas serene
and propitious, and as the populace watched their parting sails
brightening in the morning beams, they looked forward to
their joyful return, laden with the treasures of the New
World.

According to the instructions of the sovereigns, Columbus
steered wide of the coasts of Portugal and of its islands, stand-
ing to the south-west of the Canaries, Mhere he arrived on the
1st of October. After touching at the Grand Canary, he an-
chored on the 5th at Gomera, to take in a supply of wood and
water. Here also he purchased calves, goats, and sheep, to

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 44.

i

Chap. I.] CHitlSTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 321

stock the island of Hispaniola ; and eight hogs, from which,
according to Las Casas, the infinite number of swine was
propagated, with which the Spanish settlements in the New
World subsequently abounded. A number of domestic fowls
were likewise purchased, which were the origin of the species
in the New World ; and the same might be said of the seeds
of oranges, lemons, bergamots, melons, and various orchard
fruits,* which were thus first introduced into the islands of the
west, from the Hesperides or Fortunate Islands of the Old
World.f

On the 7th, when about to sail, Columbus gave to the com-
mander of each vessel a sealed letter of instructions, in w'hich
was specified his route to the harbor of Nativity, the residence
of the cacique Guacanagari. This was only to be opened in
case of being separated by accident, as he wished to make a
mystery, as long as possible, of the exact route to the newly-
discovered country, lest adventurers of other nations, and pai*-
ticularly the Portuguese, should follow in his track, and inter-
fere w^ith his enterprises. J

After making sail from Gomera, they were becalmed for a
few days among the Canaries, until, on the 13th of October,
a fair breeze sprang up from the cast, which soon carried them
out of sight of the island of Ferro. Columbus held his course
to the south-west, intending to keep considerably more to the

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 83.

f Humboldt is of opinion that there were wild oranges, small and
bitter, as well as wild lemons, in the New World, prior to the discovery.
Caldcleugh also mentions that the Brazilians consider the small bitter
wild orange of native origin. — Humboldt, Essai Politique sur I'Isle de
Cuba, torn. i. p. 68.

j^. Las Casas, M. Sup.
Vol. I.— 14*

322 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YL

southward than in his first voyage, in hopes of falling in with
the islands of the Caribs, of which he had received such vague
and wonderful accounts from the Indians.* Being in the region
of the trade- winds, the breeze continued fair and steady, with
a quiet sea and pleasant weather, and by the 24th they had
made four hundred and fifty leagues west of Gomera, without
seeing any of those fields of sea-weeds encountered within a
much less distance on their first voyage. At that time their
appearance was important, and almost providential, inspiring
continual hope, and enticing them forward in their dubious
enterprise. Now they needed no such signals, being full of
confidence and lively anticipation, and on seeing a swallow cir-
cling about the ships, and being visited occasionally by sudden
showers, they began to look out cheerily for land.

Towards the latter part of October they had in the night
a gust of heavy rain, accompanied by the severe thunder and
lightning of the tropics. It lasted for four hours, and they
considered themselves in much peril, until they beheld several
of those lambent flames playing about the tops of the masts,
and gliding along the rigging, which have always been objects
of superstitious fancies among sailors. Fernando Columbus
makes remarks on them, strongly characteristic of the age in
which he lived. " On the same Saturday, in the night, was
seen St. Elmo with seven lighted tapers, at the topmast : there
was much rain and great thunder ; I mean to say, that those
hghts were seen, which mariners affirm to be the body of St.
Elmo, on beholding which they chant litanies and orisons,
holding it for certain, that in the tempest in which he appears,
do one is in danger. Be that as it may, I leave the matter to

* Letter of Dr. Chanca.

Chap. I.l CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 323

them ; but if we may believe Pliny, similar lights have some-
times appeared to the Roman mariners during tempests at
sea, which they said were Castor and Pollux, of which likewise
Seneca makes mention." *

On the evening of Saturday, the 2d of November, Colum-
bus was convinced from the color of the sea, the nature of the
waves, and the variable winds and frequent showers, that they
must be near to land ; he gave orders, therefore, to take in
sail, and to maintain a vigilant watch throughout the night.
He had judged with his usual sagacity. In the morning a
lofty island was descried to the west, at the sight of which
there were shouts of joy throughout the fleet. Columbus gave
to the island the name of Dominica, from having discovered
it on Sunday. As the ships moved gently onward, other isl-
ands rose to sight, covered with forests, while flights of par-
rots, and other tropical birds, passed from one to the other.

The* crews were now assembled on the decks of the several
ships, to return thanks to God for their prosperous voyage,
and their happy discovery of land, chanting the Salve Regina
and other anthems. Such was the solemn manner in which
Columbus celebrated all his discoveries, and which, in fact,
was generally observed by the Spanish and Portuguese voy-
agers.

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 45. A similar mention is made of this
nautical superstition in the voyage of Magellan. " During these gv*jat
storms, they said that St. Elmo appeared at the topmast with a lighted
candle, and sometimes with two, upon which the people shed tears of joy,
receiving great consolation, and saluted him according to the custom of
mariners. He remained visible for a quarter of an hour, and then disap-
peared, with a great flash of lightning, which blinded the people."-—
Herrera, decad. ii. lib. iv. cap. 10.

324 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF \_BooK VI.

CHAPTEK II.

TRANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF GUABALOUPE.
[1493.]

THE islands among which Columbus had arrived, were
a part of that beautiful cluster called by some the Antilles,
which sweep almost in a semicircle from the eastern end of
Porto Rico to the coast of Paria on the southern continent,
forming a kind of barrier between the main ocean and the
Caribbean Sea.

During the first day that he entered this archipelago, Co-
lubus saw no less than six islands of different magnitude.
They were clothed in tropical vegetation, and the breezes from
them were sweetened by the fragrance of their forests.

After seeking in vain for good anchorage at Dominica, he
stood for another of the group, to which he gave the name of
his ship, Marigalante. Here he landed, displayed the royal
banner, and took possession of the archipelago in the name of
his sovereigns. The island appeared to be uninhabited ; a
rich and dense forest overspread it ; some of the trees M'cre in
blossom, others laden with unknown fruits, others possessing

i

Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 325

spicy odors — among which was one with the leaf of the laurel
and the fragrance of the clove.

Hence they made sail for an island of larger size, with a
remarkable mountain ; one peak, which proved afterwards to
be the crater of a volcano, rose to a great height, with streams
of water gushing from it. As they approached within three
leagues, they beheld, a cataract of such height, that, to use the
words of the narrator, it seemed to be falling from the sky.
As it broke into foam in its descent, many at first believed it
to be merely a stratum of Avhite rock.* To this island, which
was called by the Indians Turuqueira,f the admiral gave the
name of Guadaloupe, having promised the monks of our Lady
of Guadaloupe in Estremadura, to call some newly-discovered
place after their convent.

Landing here on the 4th, they visited a village near the
shore, the inhabitants of which fled, some even leaving their chil-
dren behind in their terror and confusion. These the Spaniards
soothed with caresses, binding hawks' bells and other trinkets
round their arms. This village, like most of those of the island,
consisted of twenty or thirty houses, built round a public place
or square. The houses were constructed of trunks of trees
interwoven with reeds and branches, and thatched with palm-
leaves. They were square, not circular, like those of the other
islands,]; and each had its portico or shelter from the sun.
One of the porticos Avas decorated with images of serpents
tolerably carved in wood. For furniture they had hammocks

* Letter of Dr. Chanca.

f Letter of Dr. Chanca. Peter Martyr calls it Carucueira, or
Queraquiera, decad. i. lib. ii.

:j: Hist, del Almirante, cap. 62.

326 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book TI,

of cotton net, and utensils formed of calabashes or earthen-
ware, equal to the best of those of Hispaniola. There were
large quantities of cotton ; some in the wool, some in yarn, and
some wrought into cloth of very tolerable texture ; and many
bows and arrows, the latter tipped with sharp bones. Provis-
ions seemed to abound. There were many domesticated geese,
like those of Europe, and parrots as large as household fowls,
Avith blue, green, white, and scarlet plumage, being the splen-
did species called guacamayos. Here also the Spaniards first
met with the anana, or pine-apple, the flavor and fragrance of
which astonished and delighted them. In one of the houses
they were surprised to find a pan or other utensil of iron, not
having ever met with that metal in the New World. Fernan-
do Colon supposes that it was formed of a certain kind of
heavy stone found among those islands, which, when burnt,
has the appearance of shining iron ; or it might have been
some utensil brought by the Indians from Hispaniola. Cer-
tain it is, that no native iron was ever found among the people
of these islands.

In another house was the stern-post of a vessel. How had
it reached these shores, which appeared never to have been
visited by the ships of civilized man 1 Was it the wreck of
some vessel from the more enlightened countries of Asia,
which they supposed to lie somewhere in this direction ? Or
a part of the caravel which Columbus had lost at the island of
Hispaniola during his first voyage 1 Or a fragment of some
European ship which had drifted across the Atlantic ? The
latter was most probably the case. The constant current
which sets over from the coast of Africa, produced by the
stately prevalence of the trade-winds, must occasionally bi-ing

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHKR COLUMBUS.

327

wrecks from the Old World to the New ; and long before the
discovery of Columbus, the savages of the islands and the
coasts may have gazed with wonder at fragments of European
barks which have floated to their shores.

What struck the Spaniards with horror was the sight of
human bones, vestiges, as they supposed, of unnatural repasts ;
and skulls, apparently used as vases and other household uten-
sils. These dismal objects convinced them that they were now
in the abodes of the Cannibals, or Caribs, whose predatory
expeditions and ruthless character, rendered them the terror
of these seas.

The boat having returned on board, Columbus proceeded
upwards of two leagues, until he anchored, late in the evening,
in a convenient port. The island on this side extended for the
distance of five and twenty leagues, diversified with lofty
mountains and broad plains. Along the coast were small vil-
lages and hamlets, the inhabitants of which fled in afiright.
On the following day the boats landed, and succeeded in taking
and bringing off" a boy and several women. The information
gathered from them confirmed Columbus in his idea that this
was one of the islands of the Caribs. Pie learnt that the in-
habitants were in league with two neighboring islands, but
made war upon all the rest. They even went on predatory
enterprises, in canoes made from the hollowed trunks of trees,
to the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues. Their arms
were bows and arrows pointed with the bones of fishes, or
shells of tortoises, and poisoned with the juice of a certain herb.
They made descents upon the islands, ravaged the villages,
carried off" the youngest and handsomest of the women, whom

32S LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [BooK VL

they retained as servants or companions, and made prisoners
of the men, to be killed and eaten.

After hearing such accounts of the natives of this island,
Columbus was extremely uneasy at finding, in the evening,
that Diego Marque, a captain of one of the caravels, and eight
men, were missing. They had landed early in the morning
without leave, and straying into the woods, had not since been
seen or heard of. The night passed away without their re-
turn. On the following day parties were sent in various direc-
tions in quest of them, each with a trumpeter to sound calls
and signals. Guns were fired from the ships, and arquebuses
on shore, but all to no purpose, and the parties returned in
the evening, wearied with a fruitless search. In several ham-
lets, they had met with proofs of the cannibal propensities of
the natives. Human limbs were suspended to the beams of
the houses, as if curing for provisions ; the head of a young
man recently killed, was yet bleeding ; some parts of his body
were roasting before the fire, others boiling with the flesh of
geese and parrots.*

Several of the natives, in the course of the day, had been
seen on the shore, gazing with wonder at the ships, but when
the boats approached, they fled to the woods end mountains.
Several women came off" to the Spaniards for refuge, being
captives from other islands. Columbus ordered that they
should be decorated with hawks' bells, and strings of beads
and bugles, and sent on shore, in hopes of enticing off" some of
the men. They soon returned to the boats stripped of their
ornaments, and imploring to be taken on board the ships.

* P. Martyr, Letter 147, to Pomponio Lceto. Idem, decad. i. lib. ii.

Chap. II.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 329

The admiral learnt from them that most of the men of the isl-
and were absent, the king having sailed some time before with
ten canoes and three hundred warriors, on a cruise in quest of
prisoners and booty. When the men went forth on these ex-
peditions, the women remained to defend their shores from,
invasion. They were expert archers, partaking of the warrior
spirit of their husbands, and almost equalling them in force
and intrepidity.*

The continued absence of the wanderers perplexed Colum-
bus extremely. He was impatient to arrive at Hispaniola, but
unwilling to sail while there was a possibility of their being
alive, and being recovered. In this emergency Alonzo de
Ojeda, the same young cavalier whose exploit on the tower of
the cathedral at Seville has been mentioned, volunteered to
scour the island with forty men in quest of them. He de-
parted accordingly, and during his absence the ships took in
wood and water, and part of the crews were permitted to land,
wash their clothes, and recreate themselves.

Ojeda and his followers pushed far into the interior ; firing
off arquebuses and sounding trumpets in the valleys and from
the summits of cliffs and precipices, but were only answered
by their own echoes. The tropical luxuriance and density
of the forests rendered them almost impenetrable ; and it was
necessary to wade a great many rivers, or probably the wind-
ings and doublings of the same stream. The island appeared
to be naturally fertile in the extreme. The forests abounded
with aromatic trees and shrubs, among which Ojeda fancied
he perceived the odor of precious gums and spices. There was

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. ix.

330 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

honey in hollow trees and in the clefts of rocks : abundance
of fruit also ; for, according to Peter Martyr, the Caribs, in
their predatory cruisings, were accustomed to bring home the
seeds and roots of all kinds of plants from the distant islands
and countries which they overran.

Ojeda returned without any tidings of the stragglers. Sev-
eral days had now elapsed since their disappearance. They
were given up for lost, and the fleet was about sailing, when,
to the universal joy, a signal was made by them from the
shore. When they came on board, their haggard and ex-
hausted looks bespoke what they had suffered. For several
days they had been perplexed in trackless forests, so dense as
almost to exclude the light of day. They had clambered rocks,
waded rivers, and struggled through briers and thickets.
Some who were experienced seamen, climbed the trees, to get
a sight of the stars, by which to govern their course ; but the
spreading branches and thick foliage shut out all view of the
heavens. They were harassed with the fear that the admiral,
thinking them dead, might set sail and leave them in this wil-
derness, cut off forever from their homes and the abodes of
civilized man. At length, when almost reduced to despair,
they had arrived at the sea-shore, and following it for some
time, beheld, to their great joy, the fleet riding quietly at an-
chor. They brought with them several Indian women and
boys ; but in all their wanderings they had not met with any
man ; the greater part of the warriors, as has been said, being
fortunately absent on an expedition.

Notwithstanding the hardships they had endured, and his
joy at their return, Columbus put the captain under arrest,

Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 331

and stopped part of the rations of the men, for having strayed
away without permission ; for in a service of such a critical
nature it was necessary to punish every breach of disci-
pline.*

* Dr. Chanca's Letter. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 46.

332 LIFE AXD VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

CHAPTEE III.

CEUISE AMONG THE CAEIBBEE ISLANDS.
[1493.]

WEIGHING anchor on the 10th of November, Columbus
steered to the north-west, along this beautiful archipel-
ago, giving names to the islands as they rose to view ; such as
Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la Antigua,
and San Martin. Various other islands, lofty and well wooded,
appeared to the north, south-west, and south-cast ; but he fore-
bore to visit them. The weather proving boisterous, he an-
chored on the 14th at an island called Ayay by the Indians,
but to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz. A boat well
manned was sent on shore to get water and procure informa-
tion. They found a village, deserted by the men ; but secured
a few women and boys, most of them captives from other isl-
ands. They soon had an instance of Carib courage and fe-
rocity. While at the village they beheld a canoe from a dis-
tant part of the island come round a point of land, and arrive
in view of the ships. The Indians in the canoe, two of whom
were females, remained gazing in mute amazement at the

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 333

ships, and were so entranced that the boat stole close upon
them before they perceived it. Seizing their paddles they at-
tempted to escape, but the boat being between them and the
land, cut off their retreat. They now caught up their bows and
arrows, and plied them with amazing vigor and rapidity. The
Spaniards covered themselves with their bucklers, but two of
them were quickly wounded. The women fought as fiercely
as the men, and one of them sent an arrow with such force
that it passed through and through a buckler.

The Spaniards now ran their boat against the canoe, and
overturned it ; some of the savages got upon sunken rocks,
others discharged their arrows while swimming, as dexterously
as though they had been upon firm land. It was with the ut-
most difficulty they could be overcome and taken : one of
them who had been transfixed with a lance, died soon after be-
ing brought aboard the ships. One of the women, from the
obedience and deference paid to her, appeared to be their
queen. She was accompanied by her son, a young man
strongly made, with a frowning brow and lion's face. He had
been wounded in the conflict. The hair of these savages was
long and coarse, their eyes were encircled M'ith paint, so as
to give them a hideous expression ; and bands of cotton were
bound firmly above and below the muscular parts of the arms
and legs, so as to cause them to swell to a disproportioned
size ; a custom prevalent among various tribes of the New
World. Though captiv^es in chains, and in the power of their
enemies, they still retained a frowning brow and an air of
defiance. Peter Martyr, who often went to see them in Spain,
declares, from his own experience, and that of others who ac-
companied him, that it was impossible to look at them with-

334 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

out a sensation of horror ; so menacing and terrible was their
aspect. The sensation was doubtless caused in a great meas-
ure by the idea of their being cannibals. In this skirmish,
according to the same writer, the Indians used poisoned ar-
rows ; and one of the Spaniards died within a few days, of a
wound received from one of the females.*

Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in sight of a
great cluster of islands, some verdant and covered with forests,
but the greater part naked and sterile, rising into craggy
mountains ; with rocks of a bright azure color, and some of a
glistering white. These, with his usual vivacity of imagination,
he supposed to contain mines of rich metals and precious
stones. The islands lying close together, with the sea beating
roughly in the narrow channels which divided them, rendered
it dangerous to enter among them with the large ships. Co-
lumbus sent in a small caravel with lateen sails, to reconnoi-
tre, which returned with the report that there were upwards of
fifty islands, apparently inhabited. To the largest of this
group he gave the name of Santa Ursula, and called the others
the Eleven Thousand Virgins.f

Continuing his course, he arrived one evening in sight of
a great island covered with beautiful forests, and indented with
fine havens. It was called by the natives Boriquen, but he
gave it the name of San Juan Bautista ; it is the same since
known by the name of Porto Rico. This was the native island
of most of the captives who had fled to the ships for refuge
from the Caribs. According to their accounts it was fertile

* P. Martyr, decad. i. lib, ii. Hist, del Almirante, cap. iT. Las
Cusas, Hist. Ind., cap. 85, MS. Lett, of Dr. Chanca.
f P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca.

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 335

and populous, and under the dominion of a single cacique.
Its inhabitants were not given to rove, and possessed but few
canoes. They were subject to frequent invasions from the
Caribs, who were their implacable enemies. They had be-
came warriors, therefore, in their own defence, using the bow
and arrow and the war club ; and in their contests with their
cannibal foes, they retorted upon them their own atrocities,
devouring their prisoners in revenge.

After running for a whole day along the beautiful coast of
this island, they anchored in a bay at the west end, abounding
in fish. On landing, they found an Indian village, constructed
as usual round a common square, like a market-place, with
one large and well-built house. A spacious road led thence
to the sea-side, having fences on each side, of interwoven reeds,
enclosing fruitful gardens. At the end of the road was a kind
of terrace, or look-out, constructed of reeds, and overhanging
the water. The whole place had an air of neatness and ingenu-
ity, superior to the ordinary residences of the natives, and
appeared to be the abode of some important chieftain. All,
however, was silent and deserted. Not a human being was
to be seen during the time they remained at the place. The
natives had concealed themselves at the sight of the squadron.
After remaining here two days, Columbus made sail, and
stood for the island of Hispaniola. Thus ended his cruise
among the Caribbee islands, the account of whose fierce and
savage people was received with eager curiosity by the learned
of Europe, and considered as settling one dark and doubtful
question to the disadvantage of human nature. Peter Martyr,
in his letter to Pomponius Lsetus, announces the fact with fear-
ful solemnity. " The stories of the Lestrigonians and of Poly-

336 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

phemus, who fed on human flesh, are no longer doubtful !
Attend, but beware, lest thy hair bristle with horror ! "

That many of the pictures given us of this extraordinary
race of people have been colored by the fears of the Indians
and the prejudices of the Spaniards, is highly probable. They
were constantly the terror of the former, and the brave and
obstinate opponents of the latter. The evidences adduced of
their cannibal propensities must be received with large allow-
ances for the careless and inaccurate observations of seafarinsf
men, and the preconceived belief of the fact, which existed in
the minds of the Spaniards. It was a custom among the natives
of many of the islands, and of other parts of the New World,
to preserve the remains of their deceased relatives and friends ;
sometimes the entire body ; sometimes only the head, or some
of the limbs, dried at the fire; sometimes the mere bones.
These, when found in the dwellings of the natives of Hispan-
iola, against whom no prejudice of the kind existed, were cor-
rectly regarded as relics of the deceased, preserved through
affection or reverence ; but any remains of the kind found
among the Caribs, were looked upon with horror as proofs of
cannibalism.

The M'arlike and unyielding character of these people, so
different from that of the pusillanimous nations around them,
and the wide scope of their enterprises and wanderings, like
those of the nomad tribes of the Old World, entitle them to
distinguished attention. They were trained to war from their
infancy. As soon as they could walk, their intrepid mothers
put in their hands the bow and arrow, and j^rt^P^i^'^d them to
take an early part in the hardy enterprises of their fathers.
Their distant roamings by sea made them observant and intel-

Chap. III.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 337

ligent. The natives of the other islands only knew how to
divide time by day and night, by the sun and moon ; where-
as these had acquired some knowledge of the stars, by which
to calculate the times and seasons.* ^

The traditional accounts of their origin, though of course
extremely vague, are yet capable of being verified to a great
degree by geographcial facts, and open one of the rich veins
of curious inquiry and speculation which abound in the New
World. They are said to have migrated from the remote
valleys embosomed in the Apalachian mountains. The earli-
est accounts we have of them represent them with weapons in
their hands, continually engaged in wars, winning their way
and shifting their abode, until, in the course of time, they
found themselves at the extremity of Florida. Here, aban-
doning the northern continent, they passed over to the Lucayos,
and thence gradually, in the process of years, from island to
island of that vast and verdant chain, which links, as it were,
the end of Florida to the coast of Paria, on the southern con-
tinent. The archipelago extending from Porto Rico to Tobago
was their stronghold, and the island of Guadaloupe in a man-
ner their citadel. Hence they made their expeditions, and
spread the terror of their name through all the surrounding
countries. Swarms of them landed upon the southern conti-
nent, and overran some parts of terra firma. Traces of them
have been discovered far in the interior of that vast country
through which flows the Oroonoko. The Dutch found colo-
nies of them on the banks of the Ikouteka, which empties into
the Surinam ; along the Esquibi, the Maroni, and other rivers

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 62.
Yor. T.-15

838 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

of Guayana ; and in the country watered by the windings of
the Cayenne ; and it would appear that they extended their
wanderings to the shores of the Southern Ocean, where, among
the aboriginals of Brazil, were some who called themselves
Caribs, distinguished from the surrounding Indians by their
superior hardihood, subtlety, and enterprise.*

To trace the footsteps of this roving tribe throughout its
wide migrations from the Apalachian mountains of the north-
ern continent, along the clusters of islands which stud the Gulf
of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, to the shores of Paria, and
so across the vast regions of Guayana and Amazonia to the
remote coast of Brazil, would be one of the most curious re-
searches in aboriginal history, and throw much light upon the
mysterious question of the population of the New "World.

Rochefort, Hist. Nat. des lies Antilles ; Rotterdam, 1665.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLTJMBUS. 339

CHAPTEE IV.

AEKIVAL AT THE HAEBOE OF LA NAVIDAD — DISASTEE OF THE

FORTRESS

[1493.]

ON the 22d of November, the fleet arrived off what was
soon ascertained to be the eastern extremity of Hayti,
or, as the admiral had named it, Hispaniola. The greatest
excitement prevailed throughout the armada at the thoughts
of soon arriving at the end of their voyage. Those who had
been here in the preceding voyage, remembered the pleasant
days they had passed among the groves of Hayti ; and the
rest looked forward with eagerness to scenes painted to them
with the captivating illusions of the golden age.

As the fleet swept with easy sail along the green shore, a
boat was sent to land to bury a Biseayan sailor, who had died
of the wound of an arrow received in the late skirmish. Two
light caravels hovered near the shore to guard the boat's crew,
while the funeral ceremony was performed on the beach, under
the trees. Several natives came off* to the ship, with a mes-
sage to the admiral from the cacique of the neighborhood, in-

340 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

viting him to land, and promising great quantities of gold ;
anxious, however, to arrive at La Navidad, Columbus dis-
missed them with presents, and continued his course. Arriv-
ing at the gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now called, the gulf
of Semana, the place where, in his preceding voyage, a skir-
mish had occurred with the natives, he set on shore one of the
Indians of the place, who had accompanied him to Spain, and
had been converted to Christianity. He dismissed him finely
apparelled, and loaded with trinkets, anticipating favorable
effects from his accounts to his countrymen of the wonders he
had seen, and the kind treatment he had experienced. The
young Indian made many fair promises, but either forgot them
all, on regaining his liberty and his native mountains, or fell
a victim to envy caused by his wealth and finery. Nothing
Avas seen or heard of him more.* Only one Indian of
those who had been to Spain now remained in the fleet ; a
young Lucayan, native of the island of Guanahani, who had
been baptized at Barcelona, and had been named after the ad-
miral's brother, Diego Colon. He continued always faithful
and devoted to the Spaniards.

On the 25th, Cohnnbus anchored in the harbor of Monte
Christi ; anxious to fix upon a place for a settlement in the
neighborhood of the stream to which, in his first voyage, he
had given the name of the Rio del Oro, or the Golden River.
As several of the mariners were ranging the coast, they found,
on the green and moist banks of a rividet, the bodies of a man
and boy ; the former with a cord of Spanish grass about his
neck, and his arms extended and tied by the wrists to a stake
in the form of a cross. The bodies were in such a state of

* Herrera, Hist. Ind.. decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 9.

L

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 341

decay, that it was impossible to ascertain v/hether they were
Indians or Europeans. Sinister doubts, however, were enter-
tained, which were confirmed on the following day ; for on
revisiting the shore, they found, at some distance from the
former, two other bodies, one of which, having a beard, was
evidently the corpse of a whfte man.

The pleasant anticipations of Columbus on his approach
to La Navidad were now overcast with gloomy forebodings.
The experience recently had of the ferocity of some of the in-
habitants of these islands, made him doubtful of the amity of
others, and he began to fear that some misfortune might have
befallen Arana and his garrison.

The frank and fearless manner, however, in which a num-
ber of the natives came off" to the ships, and their unembar-
rassed demeanor, in some measure allayed his suspicions ; fvr
it did not appear probable that they would venture thus con-
fidently among the white men, with the consciousness of hav-
ing recently shed the blood of their companions.

On the evening of the 27th, he arrived opposite the harbor
of La Navidad, and cast anchor about a league from the land,
not daring to enter in the dark, on account of the dangerous
reefs. It was too late to distinguish objects. Impatient to
satisfy his doubts, therefore, he ordered two cannon to be
fired. The report echoed along the shore, but there was no
reply from the fort. Every eye was now directed to catch
the gleam of some Signal light ; every ear listened to hear
some friendly shout ; but there was neither light nor shout,
nor any other sign of life : all was darkness and deathlike
silence.*

* Letter of Dr. Chanca. Navarrete, Colec. de Yiage, torn. i.

342 LIFE AND VOyAGKS OF [Book VI.

Several hours were passed in dismal suspense, and every
one longed for the morning light, to put an end to his uncer-
tainty. About midnight a canoe approached the fleet ; when
within a certain distance, it paused, and the Indians who were
in it, hailing one of the vessels, asked for the admiral. When
directed to his ship they drew near, but would not venture on
board until they saw Columbus. lie showed himself at the
side of his vessel, and a light being held up, his countenance
and commanding person were not to be mistaken. They now
entered the ship without hesitation. One of them was a cousin
of the cacique Guacanagari, and brought a present from him
of two masks ornamented with gold. Columbus inquired about
the Spaniards who had remained on the island. The informa-
tion which the native gave was somewhat confused, or perhaps
was imperfectly understood, as the only Indian interpreter
on board was the young Lueayan, Diego Colon, whose native
language was different from that of Hayti. He told Colum-
bus that several of the Spaniards had died of sickness ; others
had fallen into a quafrel among themselves, and others had
removed to a diflferent part of the island, where they had taken
to themselves Indian wives. That Guacanagari liad been as-
sailed by Caonabo, the fierce cacique of the golden mountains
of Cibao, who had wounded him in battle, and burnt his vil-
lage ; and that he remained ill of his wound in a neighboring
hamlet, or he would have hastened in person to welcome the
admiral.*

Melancholy as were these tidings, they relieved Columbus
from a dark and dismal surmise. Whatever disasters had

* Dr. Chanca's Letter, Hist, del Alinirante, cap. 48. Herrera, Hist.
Ind., decad. i. lib. i. cap. 9.

Chap. IV.] CKRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 343

overwhelmed his garrison, it had not fallen a sacrifice to the
perfidy of the natives : his good opinion of the gentleness and
kindness of these people had not been misplaced ; nor had
their cacique forfeited the admiration inspired by his benevo-
lent hospitality. Thus the most corroding care was dismissed
from his mind ; for, to a generous spirit, there is nothing so
disheartening as to discover treachery where it has reposed
confidence and friendship. It would seem also that some of
the garrison were yet alive, though scattered about the island ;
they would doubtless soon hear of his arrival, and would has-
ten to rejoin them, well qualified to give information of the
interior.

Satisfied of the friendly disposition of the natives, the cheer-
fulness of the crews was in a great measure restored. The
Indians who had come on board were well entertained, and
departed in the night gratified with various presents, promis-
ing to return in the morning with the cacique Guaeanagari.
The mariners now awaited the dawn of day with reassured
spirits, expecting that the cordial intercourse and pleasant
scenes of the first voyage would be renewed.

The morning dawned and passed away, and the day ad-
vanced and began to decline, without the promised visit from
the cacique. Some apprehensions were now entertained that
the Indians who had visited them the preceding night might be
drowned, as they had partaken freely of wine, and their small
canoe was easy to be overset. There was a silence and an
air of desertion about the whole neighborhood extremely sus-
picious. On their preceding visit the harbor had been a scene
of continual animation ; canoes gliding over the clear waters,
Indians in groups on the shores, or under the trees, or swim-

344 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book \L

niing off to the caravel. Now, not a eanoe was to be seen,
not an Indian hailed them from the land ; nor was there any
smoke rising fiom among the groves, to give a sign of hab-
itation.

After waiting for a long time in vain, Columbus sent a
boat to the shore to reconnoitre. On landing, the crew has-
tened and sought the fortress. It was a ruin ; the palisadoes
were beaten down, and the whole presented the appearance of
having been sacked, burnt, and destroyed. Here and there
were broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the ragged remains
of European garments. Not an Indian approached them.
They caught sight of two or three lurking at a distance among
the trees, and apparently watching them ; but they vanished
into the woods on finding themselves observed. ^Meeting no
one to explain the melancholy scene before them, they re^
turned with dejected hearts to the ships, and related to the
admiral what they had seen.

Columbus was greatly troubled in mind at this intelligence,
and the fleet having now anchored in the harbor, he went him-
self to shore, on the following morning. Repairing to the ruins
of the fortress, he found every thing as it had been described,
and seax'ched in vain for the remains of dead bodies. No
traces of the garrison were to be seen, but broken utensils,
and torn vestments, scattered here and there among the grass.
There were many surmises and conjectures. If the fortress
had been sacked, some of the garrison might yet survive, and
might either have fled from the neighborhood, or been carried
into captivity. Cannon and arquebuses were discharged, in
hopes, if any of the survivors were hid among rocks and thick-
ets, they might hear them, and come forth ; but no one made

Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 345

his' appearance. A mournful and lifeless silence reigned over
the place. The suspicion of treachery on the part of Guacana-
gari was again revived, but Columbus was unwilling to in-
dulge it. On looking further, the village of that cacique was
found a mere heap of burnt ruins, which showed that he had
been involved in the disaster of the garrison.

Columbus had left orders with Arana and the other officers
to bury all the treasure they might procure, or, in case of
sudden danger, to throw it into the well of the fortress. He
ordered excavations to be made, therefore, among the ruins,
and the well to be cleared out. "While this search was mak-
ing, he proceeded with the boats to explore the neighborhood,
partly in hopes of gaining intelligence of any scattered sur-
vivors of the garrison, and partly to look out for a better situ-
ation for a fortress. After proceeding about a league he came
to a hamlet, the inhabitants of which had fled, taking whatever
they could with them, and hiding the rest in the grass. lu the
houses were European articles, which evidently had not been
procured by barter, such as stockings, pieces of cloth, and an
anchor of the caravel, which had been wrecked, and a boautiful
Moorish robe, folded in the form in which it had been brought
from Spain.*

Having passed some time in contemplating these scattered
documents of a disastrous story, Columbus returned to the
ruins of the fortress. The excavations and search in the well
had proved fruitless ; no treasure was to be found. Not far
from the fort, however, they had discovered the bodies of eleven
men, buried in different places, and which were known, by

* Letter of Dr. Chanca. Cura de los Palacios, cap. 120.
Vol. I.— 15*

346 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK Yl.

their clothing, to be Europeans, They had evidently been for
some time in the ground, the grass having grown upon their
graves.

In the course of the day a number of the Indians made
their appearance, hovering timidly at a distance. Their ap-
prehensions were gradually dispelled until they became per-
fectly communicative. Some of them could speak a few words
of Spanish, and knew the names of all the men who had re-
mained with Arana. By this means, and by the aid of the
interpreter, the story of the garrison Avas in some measure as-
certained.

It is curious to note this first footprint of civilization in
the New World. Those whom Columbus had left behind,
says Oviedo, with the exception of the commander, Don Diego
Arana, and one or two others, were but little calculated to fol-
low the precepts of so prudent a person, or to discharge the
critical duties enjoined upon them. They were principally
men of the lowest order, or mariners who knew not how to
conduct themselves with restraint or sobriety on shore.* No
sooner had the admiral departed, than all his counsels and
commands died away from their minds. Though a mere hand-
ful of men, surrounded by savage tribes, and dependent upon
their own prudence and good conduct, and upon the good will
of the natives, for their very existence, yet they soon began to
indulge in the most wanton abuses. Some were prompted by
rapacious avarice, and sought to possess themselves, by all
kinds of wrongful means, of the golden ornaments and other
valuable property of the natives. Others were grossly sen-
sual, and not content w'ith two or three wives allowed to each

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 12

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 347

by Guacanagari, seduced the wives and daughters of the In-
dians.

Fierce brawls ensued among them about their ill-gotten
spoils and the favors of the Indian women ; and the natives
beheld with astonishment the beings whom they had wor-.
shipped, as descended from the skies, abandoned to the grossest
of earthly passions, and raging against each other with worse
than brutal ferocity.

Still these dissensions might not have been very danger-
ous, had they observed one of the injunctions of Columbus,
and kept together in the fortress, maintaining military vigi-
lance ; but all precaution of the kind was soon forgotten. In
vain did Don Diego de Arana interpose his authority ; in vain
did every inducement present itself which could bind man and
man together in a foreign land. All order, all subordination,
all unanimity was at an end. Many abandoned the fortress,
and lived carelessly and at random about the neighborhood ;
every one was for himself, or associated with some little knot
of confederates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions
broke out among them, until ambition arose to complete the
destruction of their mimic empire. Pedro Gutierrez and
Rodrigo de Escobedo, w^hom Columbus had left as lieutenants
to the commander, to succeed to him in case of accident, took
advantage of these disorders, and aspired to an equal share in
the authority, if not to the supreme control.* Violent affrays
succeeded, in which a Spaniard named Jacomo was killed.
Having failed in their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo with-
drew from the fortress with nine of their adherents, and a num-

* Oviedo, Hist. Iiid., lib. ii. cap. 12.

348 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

ber of their women ; and turned their thoughts on distant en-
terprise. Having heard marvellous accounts of the mines of
Cibao, and the golden sands of its mountain rivers, they set
off for that district, flushed with the thoughts of amassing im-
mense treasure. Thus they disregarded another strong injunc-
tion of Columbus, which was to keep within the friendly ter-
ritories of Guacanagari. The region to which they repaired
was in the interior of the island, within the province of Magua-
na, ruled by the famous Caonabo, called by the Spaniards the
Lord of the Golden House. This renowned chieftain was a
Carib by birth, and possessed the fierceness and enterprise of
his nation. He had come an adventurer to Hispaniola, and
by his courage and address, and his warlike exploits, had made
himself the most potent of its caciques. The inhabitants uni-
versally stood in awe of him from his Carib origin, and he
was the hero of the island, when the ships of the white men
suddenly appeared upon its shores. The wonderful accounts
of their power and prowess had reached him among his moun-
tains, and he had the shrewdness to perceive that his conse-
quence must decline before such formidable intruders. Tlie
departure of Columbus gave him hopes that their intrusion
would be but temporary. The discords and excesses of those
who remained, while they moved his detestation, inspired him
with increasing confidence. No sooner did Gutierrez and Es-
cobedo, with their companions, take refuge in his dominions,
than he put them to death. He then formed a league with the
cacique of Marien, whose territories adjoined those of Guacana-
gari on the west, and concerted a sudden attack upon the
fortress. Emerg-ino; with his warriors from among the moun-
tains, and traversing great tracts of forest with profound se-

Chap, IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 34:9

crecy, he arrived in the vicinity of the village without being
discovered. The Spaniards, confiding in the gentle and pacific
nature of the Indians, had neglected all military precautions.
But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana, and these
do not appear to have maintained any guard. The rest were
quartered in houses in the neighborhood. In the dead of the
night, when all were wrapped in sleep, Caonabo and his war-
riors burst upon the place with frightful yells, got possession
of the fortress before the inmates could put themselves upon
their defence, and surrounded and set fire to the houses in which
the rest of the white men were sleeping. Eight of the Span-
iards fled to the sea-side, pursued by the savages, and rushing
into the waves, were drowned ; the rest were massacred.
Guacanagari and his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their
guests, but not being of a warlike character, were easily routed;
the cacique was wounded by the hand of Caonabo, and his vil-
lage was burnt to the ground.*

Such was the history of the first European establishment
in the New World. It presents in a dminutive compass an
epitome of the gross vices which degrade civilization, and the
grand political errors which sometimes subvert the mightiest
empires. All law and order being relaxed by corruption and
licentiousness, public good was sacrificed to private interest
and passion, the community was convulsed by divers flictions
and dissensions, until the whole was shaken asunder by two
aspiring demagogues, ambitious of the command of a petty
fortress in a wilderness, and the supreme control of eight-and-
thirty men.

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i., lib. ii. cap. 9. Letter of Dr. Chanca.
Peter Martyr, decad. i, lib. ii. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 49. Cura de
los Palacios, cap. 120, MS. Murioz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. iv.

350 LITE AiJD VOYAGES OF [Book VL

CHAPTEK V.

TEANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.— SUSPICIOUS COXDUCT OF
GUACANAGAEI.

[1493.]

THE tragical story of the fortress, as gathered from the In-
dians at the harbor, received confirmation from another
quarter. One of the captains, Melchor Maldonado, coasting
to the east with his caravel in search of some more favorable
situation for a settlement, was boarded by a canoe in -which
were two Indians. One of them was the brother of Guacana-
gari, and entreated him, in the name of the cacique, to visit
him at the village where he lay ill of his wound. Maldonado
immediately went on shore with two or three of his compan-
ions. They found Guacanagari confined by lameness to his
hammock, surrounded by seven of his wives. The cacique
expressed great regret at not being able to visit the admiral.
He related various particulars concerning the disasters of the
garrison, and the part which he and his subjects had taken in
its defence, showing his wounded leg bound up. His story
agreed with that already related. After treating the Span-

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 351

iards with his accustomed hospitality, he presented to each of
them at parting a golden ornament.

On the following morning, Columbus repaired in person
to visit the cacique. To impress him with an idea of his
present power and importance, he appeared with a numerous
train of officers, all richly dressed or in glittering armor. They
found Guacanagari reclinins; in a hammock of cotton net. He
exhibited great emotion on beholding the admiral, and immedi-
ately adverted to the death of the Spaniards. As he related
the disasters of the garrison he shed many tears, but dwelt
particularly on the part he had taken in the defence of his
guests, pointing out several of his subjects present who had
received wounds in the battle. It was evident from the scars
that the wounds had been received from Indian weapons.

Columbus was readily satisfied of the good faith of Guacana-
gari. When he reflected on the many proofs of an open and
generous nature, which he had given at the time of his ship-
wreck, he could not believe him capable of so dark an act of
perfidy. An exchange of presents now took place. The
cacique gave him eight hundred beads of a certain stone called
ciba, which they considered highly precious, and one hundred
of gold, a golden coronet, and three small calabashes filled
with gold dust, and thought himself outdone in munificence
when presented with a number of glass beads, hawks' bells,
knives, pins, needles, small mirrors, and ornaments of copper,
which metal he seemed to prefer to gold.*

Guacanagari's leg had been violently bruised by a stone.
At the request of Columbus, he permitted it to be examined
by a surgeon who was present. On removing the bandage

* Letter of Dr. Chanca. Navarrete, Colec, torn. i.

352 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book Y1.

no signs of a wound were to be seen, although he shrunk with
pain whenever the limb was handled.* As some time had
elapsed since the battle, the external bruise might have disap-
peared, while a tenderness remained in the part. Several
present, however, who had not been in the first voyage, and had
witnessed nothing of the generous conduct of the cacique,
looked upon his lameness as feigned, and the whole story of
the battle a fabrication, to conceal his real perfidy. Father
Boyle especially, who was of a vindictive spirit, advised the
admiral to make an immediate example of the chieftain. Co-
lumbus, however, viewed the matter in a different light.
Whatever prepossessions he might have were in favor of the
cacique ; his heart refused to believe in his criminality.
Though conscious of innocence, Gnacanagari might have feared
the suspicions of the white men, and have exaggerated the ef-
fects of his wound ; but the wounds of his subjects made by
Indian weapons, and the destruction of his village, were strong
proofs to Columbus of the truth of his story. To satisfy
his more suspicious followers, and to pacify the friar Avithout
gratifying his love for persecution, he observed that true pol-
icy dictated amicable conduct towards Guacanagari, at least
until his guilt was fidly ascertained. They had too great a
force at present to apprehend any thing from his hostility, but
violent measures in this early stage of their intercourse with
the natives might spread a general panic, and impede all their
operations on the island. Most of his officers concurred in
this opinion ; so it was determined, notwithstanding the in-
quisitorial suggestions of the friar, to take the story of the In-

* Letter of Dr. Cbanca. Cura de los Palacios, cap. 120.

Chap. V.] CIIKISTOPIIEK COLUMBUS. 353

dians for cui-rent truth, and to continue to treat them with
friendship.

At the invitation of Columbus, the cacique, though still
apparently in pain from his wound,* accompanied him to the
ships that very evening. He had wondered at the power and
grandeur of the white men when they first visited his shores
with two small caravels ; his wonder was infinitely increased
on beholding a fleet riding at anchor in the harbor, and on
going on board of the admiral's ship, which was a vessel of
heavy burden. Here he beheld the Carib prisoners. So great
was the dread of them among the timid inhabitants of Ilayti,
that they contemplated them with fear and shuddering, even
though in chains. f That the admiral had dared to invade
these terrible beings in their very island, and had dragged them
as it were from their strongholds, was, perhaps, one of the
greatest proofs to the Indians of the irresistible prowess of
the white men.

Columbus took the cacique through the ship. The various
works of art ; the plants and fruits of the Old World ; domes-
tic fowls of different kinds,' cattle, sheep, swine, and other ani-
mals, brought to stock the island, all were wonders to him ;
but what most struck him with amazement, was the horses.
He had never seen any but the most diminutive quadrupeds,
and was astonished at their size, their great strength, terrific
appearance, yet perfect docility. J He looked upon all these
extraordinary objects as so many wonders brought from
heaven, which he still believed to be the native home of the
white «ien.

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 89.

f Peter Martyr, letter 153 to Pomponius Lffitus.

J Hist, del Almirante, ubi sup. Letter of Dr. Chanca.

354 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

On board of the ship were ten of the women delivered
from Carib captivity. They were chiefly natives of the
island of Boriquen, or Porto Eico. These soon attracted the
notice of the cacique, who is represented to have been of ar
amorous complexion. He entered into conversation with
them ; for though the islanders spoke different languages, or
rather, as is more probable, different dialects of the same lan-
guage, they were able, in general, to understand each other.
Among these women ■was one distinguished above her com-
panions by a certain loftiness of air and maimer ; she had been
much noticed and admired by the Spaniards, who had given
her the name of Catalina. The cacique spoke to her repeat-
edly with great gentleness of tone and manner, pity in all
probability being mingled with his admiration ; for though res-
cued from the hands of the Caribs, she and her companions
were in a manner captives on board of the ship.

A collation was now spread before the chieftain, and Co-
lumbus endeavored in every way to revive their former cor-
dial intercourse. He treated his guest with every manifesta-
tion of perfect confidence, and talked of coming to live with
him in his present residence, and of building houses in the
vicinity. The cacique expressed much satisfaction at the idea,
but observed that the situation of the place was unhealthy,
which was indeed the case. ' Notwithstanding every demon-
stration of friendship, however, the cacique was evidently ill
at ease. The charm of mutual confidence was broken. It was
evident that the gross licentiousness of the garrison had great-
ly impaired the veneration of the Indians for their heaven-born
visitors. Even the reverence for the symbols of the Christian
faith, which Columbus endeavored to inculcate, Avas frustrated

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 355

by the profligacy of its votaries. Though fond of ornaments,
it was with the greatest difficulty the cacique could be prevailed
upon by the admiral to suspend an image of the Virgin about
his neck, when he understood it to be an object of Christian
adoration.*

The suspicions of the chieftain's guilt gained ground with
many of the Spaniards. Father Boyle, in particular, regarded
him with an evil eye, and privately advised the admiral, now
that he had him on board, to detain liim prisoner ; but Colum-
bus rejected the counsel of the crafty friar, as contrary to
sound policy and honorable faith. It is difficult, however, to
conceal lurking ill-will. The cacique, accustomed, in his for-
mer intercourse with the Spaniards, to meet with faces beam-
ing with gratitude and friendship, could not but perceive their
altered looks. Notwithstanding the frank and cordial hospi-
tality of the admiral, therefore, he soon begged permission to
return to land.f

The next morning there was a mysterious movement
among the natives on shore. A messenger from the cacique
inquired of the admiral how long he intended to remain at the
harbor, and was informed that he should sail on the following
day. In the evening the brother of Guacanagari came on board,
under pretext of bartering a quantity of gold ; he was observed
to converse in private with the Indian women, and particularly
with Catalina, the one whose distinguished appearance had
attracted the attention of Guacanagari. After remainingr some
time on board, he returned to the shore. It would seem from
subsequent events, that the cacique had been touched by the

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 49.
f Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii.

356 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI,

situation of this Indian beauty, or captivated by her charms ;
and had undertaken to deliver her from bondage.

At midnight, when the crew were buried in their first sleep,
Catalina awakened her companions. The ship Avas anchored
full three miles from the shore, and the sea was roush ; but
they let themselves down from the side of the vessel, and
swam bravely for the shore. With all their precautions, they
were overheard by the watch, and the alarm was given. The
boats were liastily manned, and gave chase in the direction of
a light blazing on the shore, an evident beacon for the fugi-
tives. Such was the vigor of these sea-nymphs, that thev
reached the land in safety ; four were retaken on the beach ]
but the heroic Catalina with the rest of her companions made
good their escape into the forest.

When the day dawned, Columbus sent to Guacanagari to
demand the fugitives ; or if they were not in his possession,
that he would have search made for tliem. The residence of
the cacique, however, was silent and deserted ; not an Indian
was to be seen. Either conscious of the suspicions of the Span-
iards, and apprehensive of their hostility, or desirous to enjoy
his prize unmolested, the cacique had removed with all his
effects, his household, and his followers, and had taken refuge
with his island beauty in the interior. This sudden and mys-
terious desertion gave redoubled force to the doubts hereto-
fore entertained, and Guacanagari was generally stigmatized as
a traitor to the white men, and the perfidious destroyer of the
garrison,*

* Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca, Cura de los
Palacios, cap, 120, MS.

i

Chap. VI.] GHEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 357

CHAPTEE YI.

FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF ISABELLA.— MALADIES OF THE
SPANIARDS.

[1493.]

r|"^HE misfortunes of the Spaniards both by sea and land, in
-■- the vicinity of this harbor, threw a gloom round the
neighborhood. The ruins of the fortress, and the graves of
their murdered countrymen, were continually before their
eyes, and the forests no longer looked beautiful while there
was an idea that treachery might be lurking in their shades.
The silence and dreariness, also, caused by the desertion of
the natives, gave a sinister appearance to the place. It began
to be considerd by the credulous mariners, as under some
baneful influence or malignant star. These were sufficient
objections to discourage the founding of a settlement, but there
were others of a more solid nature. The land in the vicinity
was low, moist, and unhealthy, and there was no stone for
building ; Columbus determined, therefore, to abandon the
place altogether, and found his projected colony in some more
favorable situation. No time was to be lost ; the animals on
board the ships were suffering from long confinement ; and the

358 LIFE AKD VOYAGES OF [BoOK VI.

multitude of persons, unaccustomed to the sea, and pent up in
the fleet, languished for the refreshment of the land. The lighter
caravels, therefore, scoured the coast in each direction, enter-
ing the rivers and harbors, in search of an advantageous site.
They were instructed also to make inquiries after Guacanagari,
of whom Columbus, notwithstanding every suspicious ap-
pearance, still retained a favorable opinion. The expeditions
returned after ranging a considerable extent of coast without
success. There were fine rivers and secure ports, but the coast
was low and marshy, and deficient in stone. The country was
generally deserted, or if any natives were seen, they fled im-
mediately to the woods. Melchor Maldonado had proceeded
to the eastward, until he came to the dominions of a cacique,
who at first issued forth at the head of his warriors, with
menacing aspect, but was readily conciliated. From him he
learnt that Guacanagari had retired to the mountains. Another
party discovered an Indian concealed near a hamlet, having
been disabled by a wound received from a lance when fighting
against Canobao. His account of the destruction of the for-
tress agreed with that of the Indians at the harbor, and con-
curred to vindicate the cacique from the charge of treachery.
Thus the Spaniards continued uncertain as to the real perpe-
trators of this dark and dismal tragedy.

Being convinced that there was no place in this part of the
island favorable for a settlement, Columbus weighed anchor
on the 7th of December, with the intention of seeking the
port of La Plata. In consequence of adverse weather, how-
ever, he was obliged to put into a harbor about ten leagues
east of Monte Christi ; and on considering the place, was struck
with its advantages.

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 359

The harbor was spacious, and commanded by a point of
land protected on one side by a natural rampart of rocks, and
on another by an impervious forest, presenting a strong posi-
tion for a fortress. There were two rivers, one large and the
other small, watering a green and beautiful plain, and offering
advantageous situations for mills. About a bow-shot from
the sea, on the banks of one of the rivers, was an Indian vil-
lage. The soil appeared to be fertile, the waters to abound
in excellent fish, and the climate to be temperate and genial ;
for the trees were in leaf, the shrubs in flower, and the birds
in song, though it was the middle of December. They had
not yet become familiarized with the temperature of this fa-
vored island, where the rigors of winter are unknown, where
there is a perpetual succession, and even intermixture of fruit
and flower, and where smiling verdure reigns throughout the
year.

Another grand inducement to form their settlement in this
place, was the information received from the Indians of the
adjacent village, that the mountains of Cibao, where the gold
mines were situated, lay at no great distance, and almost
parallel to the harbor. It was determined, therefore, that
there could not be a situation more favorable for their colony.

An animated scene now commenced. The troops and
various persons belonging to the land-service, and the various
laborers and artificers to be employed in building, were dis-
embarked. The provisions, articles of traffic, guns, and am-
munition for defence, and implements of every kind, were
brought to shore, as were also the cattle and live stock, which
had suffered excessively from long restraint, especially the
horses. There was a general joy at escaping from the irksome

360 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book TI.

confinement of the ships, and once more treading the firm
earth, and breathing the sweetness of the fields. An encamp-
ment was formed on the margin of the plain, around a basin
or sheet of water, and in a little while the whole place was in
activity. Thus was founded the first Christian city of the New
World, to which Columbus gave the name of Isabella, in honor
of his royal patroness.

A plan was formed, and streets and squares projected.
The greatest diligence was then exerted in erecting a church,
a public store-house, and a residence for the admiral. These
were built of stone, the private houses were constructed of
wood, plaster, reeds, or such materials as the exigency of the
case permitted, and for a short time every one exerted him-
self with the utmost zeal.

Maladies, however, soon broke out. Many, unaccustomed
to the sea, had suffered greatly from confinement and sea-sick-
ness, and from subsisting for a length of time on salt provis-
ions much damaged, and mouldy biscuit. They suffered great
exposure on the land also, before houses could be built for
their reception ; for the exhalations of a hot and moist climate,
and a new, rank soil, the humid vapors from rivers, and the
stagnant air of close forests, rendered the wilderness a place of
severe trial to constitutions accustomed to old and highly cul-
tivated countries. The labor also of building houses, clearing
fields, setting out orchards, and planting gardens, having all to
be done with great haste, bore hard upon men, who, after
tossing so long upon the ocean, stood in need of relaxation and
repose.

The maladies of the mind mingled with those of the body.
Many, as has been shown, had embarked in the expedition

I

Chap. VI.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 361

with visionary and romantic expectations. Some had antici-
pated the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, where they
were to amass wealth without toil or trouble ; others a region
of Asiatic luxury, abounding with delights ; and others a splen-
did and open career for gallant adventures and chivalrous en-
terprises. What then was their disappointment to find them,
selves confined to the margin of an island ; surrounded by
impracticable forests ; doomed to struggle with the rudeness
of a wilderness ; to toil painfully for mere subsistence, and to
attain every comfort by the severest exertion. As to gold,
it was brought to them from various quarters, but in small
quantities, and it was evidently to be procured only by patient
and persevering labor. All these disappointments sank deep
into their hearts ; their spirits flagged as their golden dreams
melted away, and the gloom of despondency aided the ravages
of disease.

Columbus himself did not escape the prevalent maladies.
The arduous nature of his enterprise, the responsibility under
which he found himself, not merely to his followers and his
sovereigns, but to the world at large, had kept his mind in con-
tinual agitation. The cares of so large a squadron ; the inces-
sant vigilance required, not only against the lurking dangers
of these unknown seas, but against the passions and follies of
his followers ; the distress he had suflfered from the fate of his
murdered garrison, and his uncertainty as to the conduct of
the barbarous tribes by which he was surrounded ; all these
had harassed his mind and broken his rest while on board
the ship : since landing, new cares and toils had crowded upon
him, which, added to the exposures incident to his situation in
this new climate, completely overpowered his strength. Still,
Vol. I.— 16

862 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

though confined for several weeks to his bed by severe illness,
his energetic mind rose superior to the sufferings of the body,
and he continued to give directions about the building of the
city, and to superintend the general concerns of the expedi-
tion.*

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 50. Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii.,
cap. 10. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca, &c.

I

Chap. VII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 363

CHAPTEE yil.

EXPEDITION OF ALOXSO DE OJEDA TO EXPLOBE THE INTEKIOE
OF THE ISLAND.— DESPATCH OF THE SHIPS TO SPAIN.

[1493.]

rpHE ships having discharged their cargoes, it was necessary
-*- to send the greater part of them back to Spain. Here
new anxieties pressed upon the mind of Columbus. He had
hoped to find treasures of gold and precious merchandise ac-
cumulated by the men left behind on the first voyage ; or at
least the sources of wealthy traffic ascertained, by which speedi-
ly to freight his vessels. The destruction of the garrison had
defeated all those hopes. He was aware of the extravagant
expectations entertained by the sovereigns and the nation.
What would be their disappointment when the returning ships
brought nothing but a tale of disaster ! Something must be
done, before the vessels sailed, to keep up the fame of his dis-
coveries, and justify his own magnificent representations.

As yet he knew nothing of the interior of the island. If
it were really the island of Cipango, it must contain populous
cities, existing probably in some more cultivated region, be-
yond the lofty mountains with which it was intersected. All

364 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

the Indians concurred in mentioning Cibao as the tract of
country whence they derived their gold. The very name of
its cacique, Caonabo, signifying " The Lord of the Golden
House," seemed to indicate the wealth of his dominions. The
tract where the mines were said to abound, lay at a distance
of but three or four days' journey, directly in the interior ;
Columbus determined, therefore, to send an expedition to ex-
plore it, previous to the sailing of the ships. If the result
should confirm his hopes, he would then be able to send home
the fleet with confidence, bearing tidings of the discovery of
the golden mountains of Cibao.*

The person he chose for this enterprise was Alonso de
Ojeda, the same cavalier who has been already noticed for his
daring spirit and great bodily force and agility. Delighting
in all service of a hazardous and adventm'ous nature, Ojeda
was the more stimulated to this expedition from the formid-
able character of the mountain cacique, Caonabo, whose do-
minions he was to penetrate. He set out from the harbor,
early in January, 1494, accompanied by a small force of well-
armed and determined men, several of them young and spir-
ited cavaliers like himself. He struck directly southward into
the interior. For the two first days, the march was toilsome
and difficult, through a country abandoned by its inhabitants ;
for terror of the Spaniards extended along the sea-coast. On
the second evening they came to a lofty range of mountains,
which they ascended by an Indian path, winding up a steep
and narrow defile, and they slept for the night at the summit.
Hence, the next morning, they beheld the sun rise with great
glory over a. vast and delicious plain, covered with noble for-

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 10.

Chap. VII.] CUKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 365

ests, studded with villages and hamlets, and enlivened by tJie
shinina; waters of the Yagui.

Descending into this plain, Ojeda and his companions
boldly entered the Indian villages. The inhabitants, far from
being hostile, overwhelmed them with hospitality, and, in fact,
impeded their journey by their kindness. They had also to
ford many rivers in traversing this plain, so that they were
five or six days in reaching the chain of mountains which
locked up, as it were, the golden region of Cibao. They pene-
trated into this district, without meeting with any other obsta-
cles than those presented by the rude nature of the country.
Caonabo, so redoubtable for his courage and ferocity, must
have been in some distant part of his dominions, for he never
appeared to dispute their progress. The natives received them
with kindness ; they were naked and uncivilized, like the other
inhabitants of the island, nor were there any traces of the im-
portant cities which their imaginations had once pictured forth.
They saw, however, ample signs of natural wealth. The sands
of the mountain-streams glittered with particles of gold ; these
the natives would skilfully separate, and give to the Spaniards,
without expecting a recompense. In some places they picked
up large specimens of virgin ore from the beds of the tor-
rents, and stones streaked and richly impregnated with it.
Peter Martyr affirms that he saw a mass of rude gold weigh-
ing nine ounces, which Ojeda himself had found in one of the
brooks.*

All these were considered as mere superficial washings of
the soil, betraying the hidden treasures lurking in the deep
Veins and rocky bosoms of the mountains, and only requiring

* Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii.

366 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

the hand of labor to bring them to light. As the object of his
expedition was merely to ascertain the nature of the country,
Ojeda led back his little band to the harbor, full of enthusias-
tic accounts of the golden promise of these mountains. A
young cavalier of the name of Gorvalan, who had been des-
patched at the same time on a similar expedition, and who had
explored a different tract of country, returned with similar re-
ports. These flattering accounts served for a time to reani-
mate the drooping and desponding colonists, and induced Co-
lumbus to believe that it was only necessary to explore the
mines of Cibao, to open inexhaustible sources of riches. He
determined, as soon as his health would permit, to repair in
person to the mountains, and seek a favorable site for a min-
ing establishment.*

The season was now propitious for the return of the fleet,
and Columbus lost no time in despatching twelve of the ships
under the command of Antonio de Torres, retaining only five
for the service of the colony.

By this opportunity he sent home specimens of the gold
found among the mountains and rivers of Cibao, and all
such fruits and plants as were curious, or appeared to be
valuable. He wrote in the most sanguine terms of the expe-
ditions of Ojeda and Gorvalan, the last of whom returned to
Spain in the fleet. He repeated his confident anticipations of
soon being able to make abundant shipments of gold, of pre-
cious drugs, and spices ; the search for them being delayed for
the present by the sickness of himself and people, and the cares
and labors required in building the infant city. He described
the beauty and fertility of the island ; its range of noble moun-

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 50.

Chap. VIL] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 367

tains ; its wide, abundant plains, watered by beautiful rivers ;
the quick fecundity of the soil, evinced in the luxuriant growth
of the sugar-cane, and of various grains and vegetables brought
from Europe.

As it would take some time, however, to obtain provisions
from their fields and gardens, and the produce of their live
stock, adequate to the subsistence of the colony, which consisted
of about a thousand souls ; and as they could not accustom
themselves to the food of the natives, Columbus requested
present supplies from Spain. Their provisions were already
growing scanty. Much of their wine had been lost, from the
badness of the casks ; and the colonists, in their infirm state
of health, suffered greatly from the want of their accustomed
diet. There was an immediate necessity of medicines, cloth-
ing, and arms. Horses were required, likewise, for the public
works, and for military service ; being found of great effect in
awing the natives, who had the utmost dread of those animals.
He requested also an additional number of workmen and
mechanics, and men skilled in mining, and in smelting and
purifying ore. He recommended various persons to the no-
tice and favor of the sovereigns, among whom was Pedro
Margerite, an Arragonian cavalier of the order of St. Jago,
who had a wife and children to be provided for, and who, for
his good services, Columbus begged might be appointed to a
command in the order to which he belonged. In like manner
he entreated patronage for Juan Aguado, who was about to
return in the fleet, making particular mention of his merits.
From both of these m.en he was destined to experience the
most signal ingratitude.

In these ships he sent also the men, women, and children

368 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

taken in the Caribbee Islands, recommending that they should
be carefully instructed in the Spanish language and the Chris-
tian faith. From the roving and adventurous nature of these
people, and their general acquaintance with the various langua-
ges of this great archipelago, he thought that, Avhen the precepts
of religion and the usages of civilization had reformed their
savage manners and cannibal propensities, they might be ren-
dered eminently serviceable as interpreters, and as means of
propagating the doctrines of Christianity.

Among the many sound and salutary suggestions in his
letter, there is one of a most pernicious tendency, written in
that mistaken view of natural rights prevalent at the day, but
fruitful of much wrong and misery in the world. Consider-
ing that the greater the number of these cannibal pagans trans-
ferred to the catholic soil of Spain, the greater would be the
number of souls put in the way of salvation, he proposed to
establish an exchange of them as slaves, against live stock, to
be furnished by merchants to the colony. The ships to bring
such stock were to land nowhere but at the island of Isabella,
w^here the Carib captives would be ready for delivery. A
duty was to be levied on each slave for the benefit of the royal
revenue. In this way the colony would be furnished with all
kinds of live stock free of expense ; the peaceful islanders
would be freed from warlike and inhuman neighbors ; the
royal treasury would be greatly enriched ; and a vast number
of souls would be snatched from perdition, and carried, as it
were, by main force to heaven. Such is the strange sophistry
by which upright men may sometimes deceive themselves.
Columbus feared the disappointment of the sovereigns in re-
spect to the product of his enterprises, and was anxious to

Chap. VIL] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 569

devise some mode of lightening their expenses until he could
open some ample source of profit. The conversion of infidels,
by fair means or foul, by persuasion or force, was one of the
popular tenets of the day ; and in recommending the enslav-
ing of the Caribs, Columbus thought that he was obeying the
dictates of his conscience, when he was in reality listening to
the incitements of his interest. It is but just to add, that the
sovereigns did not accord wath his ideas, but ordered that the
Caribs should be converted like the rest of the islanders ; a
command which emanated from the merciful heart of Isabella,
who ever showed herself the benign protectress of the Indians.
The fleet put to sea on the 2d of February, 1494. Though
it brought back no wealth to Spain, yet expectation was kept
alive by the sanguine letter of Columbus, and the specimens
of gold which he transmitted : his favorable accounts were
corroborated by letters from Friar Boyle, Doctor Chanca, and
other persons of credibility, and by the personal reports of
Gorval^n. The sordid calculations of petty spirits were as yet
overruled by the enthusiasm of generous minds, captivated
by the lofty nature of these enterprises. There was something
wonderfully grand in the idea of thus introducing nev/ races
of animals and plants, of building cities, extending colonies,
and sowing the seeds of civilization and of enlightened empire
in this beautiful but savage world. It struck the minds of
learned and classical men with admiration, filling them with
pleasant dreams and reveries, and seeming to realize the poet-
ical pictures of the olden time. " Columbus," says old Peter
Martyr, " has begun to build a city, as he has lately written
to me, and to sow our seeds and propagate our animals !
"Who of us shall now speak with wonder of Saturn, Ceres, and
Vol. I.— 16*

370 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VL

Triptolernus, travelling about the earth to spread new inven-
tions among mankind ? Or of the Phoenicians, who built Tyre
or Sidon 1 Or of the Tyrians themselves, whose roving de-
sires led them to migrate into foreign lands, to build new cities,
and establish new communities ? " *

Such were the comments of enlightened and benevolent
men, who hailed with enthusiasm the discovery of the New
World, not for the wealth it would bring to Europe, but for
the field it would open for glorious and benevolent enterpri-
ses, and the blessings and improvements of civilized life, which
it would widely dispense through barbarous and uncultivated
regions.

* Letter 153 to Pomponius Laetus.

NOTE.

Isabella at the present day is quite overgrown with forests, in the
midst of which are still to be seen partly standing, the pillars of the
church, some remains of the king's storehouses, and part of the residence
of Columbus, all built of hewn stone. The small fortress is also a prom-
inent ruin ; and a little north of it is a circular pillar about ten feet high
and as much in diameter, of solid masonry, nearly entire ; which appears
to have had a wooden gallery or battlement round the top for the con-
venience of room, and in the centre of which was planted the flag-staff.
Having discovered the remains of an iron clamp imbedded in the stone,
which served to secure the flag-staff itself, I tore it out, and now con-
sign to you this curious relic of the first foothold of civilization in
the New World, after it has been exposed to the elements nearly
three hundred and fifty yea.v9.— From the Letter of T. S. Heneken, Esq.

Chap. VIII.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 371

CHAPTEE YIII.

DISCONTENTS AT ISABELLA— MUTINY OF BEENAL DIAZ DE PISA,

[1494.]

THE embryo city of Isabella was rapidly assuming a form.
A dry stone wall surrounded it, to protect it from any
sudden attack of the natives ; although the most friendly dis-
position was evinced by the Indians of the vicinity, who
brought supplies of their simple articles of food, and gave
them in exchange for European trifles. On the day of the
Epiphany, the 6th of February, the church being sufficiently
completed, high mass was celebrated Avith great pomp and
ceremony, by Friar Boyle and the twelve ecclesiastics. The
affairs of the settlement being thus apparently in a regular
train, Columbus, though still confined by indisposition, began
to make arrangements for his contemplated expedition to the
mountains of Cibao, when an unexpected disturbance in his
little community for a time engrossed his attention.

The sailing of the fleet to Spain had been a melancholy
sight to many, whose terms of enlistment compelled them to
remain on the island. Disappointed in their expectations of
immediate wealth, disgusted with the labors imposed on them,

372 LIFE AIS'D VOYAGES OF [Book Yl.

and appalled by the maladies prevalent throughout the com-
munity, they began to look with horror upon the surrounding
wilderness, as destined to be the grave of their hopes and of
themselves. When the last sail disappeared, they felt as if
completely severed from their country ; and the tender recol-
lections of home, which had been checked for a time by the
novelty and bustle around them, rushed with sudden force
upon their minds. To return to Spain became their ruling
idea, and the same want of reflection which had hurried them
into the enterprise, without inquiring into its real nature, now
prompted them to extricate themselves from it, by any means
however desperate.

Where popular discontents prevail, there is seldom want-
ing some daring spirit to give them a dangerous direction.
One Bernal Diaz de Pisa, a man of some importance, who had
held a civil office about the court, had come out with the ex-
pedition as comptroller : he seems to have presumed upon
his official powers, and to have had early difterences with the
admiral. Disgusted with his employment in the colony, he
soon made a faction among the discontented, and proposed
that they should take advantage of the indisposition of Colum-
bus, to seize upon some or all of the five ships in the harbor,
and return in them to Spain. It would be easy to justify their
clandestine return, by preferring' a complaint against the ad-
miral, representing the fallacy of his enterprises, and accusing
him of gross deceptions and exaggerations in his accounts of
the countries he had discovered. It is probable that some of
these people really considered him culpable of the charges
thus fabricated against him ; for, in the disappointment of
their avaricious hopes, they overlooked the real A'alue of those

Chap. VIII.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 373

fertile islands, which were to enrich nations by the produce of
their soil. Every country was sterile and unprofitable in their
eyes, that did not immediately teem with gold. Though they
had continual proofs, in the specimens brought by the natives
to the settlement, or furnished to Ojeda and Gorvalan, that
the rivers and mountains in the interior abounded with ore,
yet even these daily proofs were falsified in their eyes. One
Fermin Cedo, a wrong-headed and obstinate man, who had
come out as assayer and purifier of metals, had imbibed the
same prejudice against the expedition with Bernal Diaz, He
pertinaciously insisted that there was no gold in the island ;
or at least that it was found in such inconsiderable quantities
as not to repay the search. He declared that the large grains
of virgin ore brought by the natives had been melted ; that
they had been the slow accumulation of many years, having
remained a long time in the families of the Indians, and handed
down from generation to generation ; Avhich in many instances
was probably the case. Other specimens, of a large size, he
pronounced of a very inferior quality, and debased with brass
by the natives. The words of this man outweighed the evi-
dence of facts, and many joined him in the belief that the isl-
and was really destitute of gold. It was not until some time
afterwards that the real character of Fermin Cedo was ascer-
tained, and the discovery made, that his ignorance was at least
equal to his obstinacy and presumption ; qualities apt to en-
ter largely into the compound of a meddlesome and mischiev-
ous man.*

Encouraged by such substantial co-operation, a number of
turbulent spirits concerted to take immediate possession of

* Cura de los Palacio?, cap. 120, 122, MS. . .

374 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK VI.

the ships and make sail for Europe. The influence of Bernal
Diaz de Pisa at court would obtain for them a favorable hear-
ing, and they trusted to their unanimous representations, to
prejudice Columbus in the opinion of the public, ever fickle in
its smiles, and most ready to turn suddenly and capriciously
from the favorite it has most idolized.

Fortunately this mutiny was discovered before it proceeded
to action. Columbus immediately ordered the ringleaders to
be arrested. On making investigations, a memorial or infor-
mation against himself, full of slanders and misrepresentations,
■was found concealed in the buoy of one of the ships. It was
in the handwriting of Bernal Diaz. The admiral conducted
himself with great moderation. Out of respect to the rank
and station of Diaz, he forbore to inflict any punishment ;
but confined him on board one of the ships, to be sent to Spain
for trial, together with the process or investigation of his of-
fence, and the seditious memorial which had been discovered.
Several of the inferior mutineers were punished according to
the degree of their culpability, but not with the severity which
their oflfence deserved. To guard against any recurrence of a
similar attempt, Columbus ordered that all the guns and naval
munitions should be taken out of four of the vessels, and put
into the principal ship, which was given in charge to persons
in whom he could place implicit confidence.*

This was the first time Columbus exercised the right of
punishing delinquents in his new government, and it immedi-
ately awakened the most violent animadversions. His meas-
ures, though necessary for the general safety, and characterized

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 11. Hist, del Almirante,
cap, 50.

Chap. VIII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 375

by the greatest lenity, were censured as arbitrary and vindic-
tive. Already the disadvantage of being a foreigner among
the people he was to govern was clearly manifested. He had
national prejudices to encounter, of all others the most gen-
eral and illiberal. He had no natural friends to rally round
him ; whereas the mutineers had connections in Spain, friends
in the colony, and met with sympathy in every discontented
mind. An early hostility was thus engendered against Colum-
bus, which continued to increase throughout his life, and the
seeds were sown of a series of factions and mutinies which
afterwards distracted the island.

376 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VL

CHAPTEE IX.

EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS TO THE MOUNTAINS OF CIBAO.
[1494.]

AVING at length recovered from his long illness, and the
mutiny at the settlement being effectually checked, Co-
lumbus prepared for his immediate departure for Cibao. He
intrusted the command of the city and the ships, during his
absence, to his brother Don Diego, appointing able persons
to counsel and assist him. Don Diego is represented by Las
Casas, who knew him personally, as a man of great merit and
discretion, of a gentle and pacific disposition, and more char-
acterized by simplicity than shrewdness. He was sober in his
attire, wearing almost the dress of an ecclesiastic, and Las
Casas thinks he had secret hopes of preferment in the church ;*
indeed Columbus intimates as much when he mentions him in
his will.

As the admiral intended to build a fortress in the moun-
tains, and to form an establishment for working the mines, he
took with him the necessary artificers, workmen, miners,

* Las Caeas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 82, MS. •

Chap. IX.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 3T7

munitions, and implements. He Avas also about to enter the
territories of the redoubtable Caonabo : it was important,
therefore, to take with him a force that should not only secure
him against any warlike opposition, but should spread through
the counti-y a formidable idea of the power of the white men,
and deter the Indians from any future violence either towards
communities or wandering individuals. Every healthy per-
son, therefore, who could be spared from the settlement, was
put in requisition, together with all the cavalry that could be
mustered ; and every arrangement was made to strike the
savages with the display of military splendor.

On the 12th of March, Columbus set out at the head of
about four hundred men well armed and equipped, with shin-
ing helmets and corslets ; with arquebuses, lances, sAVords, and
cross-bows, and followed by a multitude of the neighboring
Indians. They sallied from the city in martial array, with
banners flying, and sound of drum and trumpet. Their march
for the first day was across the plain between the sea and the
mountains, fording two rivers, and passing through a fair and
verdant country. They encamped in the evening in the midst
of pleasant fields, at the foot of a wild and rocky pass of the
mountains.

The ascent of this rugged defile presented formidable diffi-
culties to the little army, encumbered as it was with various
implements and munitions. There was nothing but an Indian
footpath, winding among rocks and precipices, or through
brakes and thickets, entangled by the rich vegetation of a
tropical forest. A number of high-spirited young cavaliers
volunteered to open a route for the army. They had probably
learnt this kind of service in the Moorish wars, where it was

3T8 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK YI.

often necessary, on a sudden, to open roads for the march of
troops, and the conveyance of artillery across the mountains
of Granada. Throwing themselves in advance with laborers
and pioneers, whom they stimulated by their example, as well
as by promises of liberal reward, they soon constructed the
first road formed in the New World ; and which was called
El Puerto de los Hidalgos, or The Gentlemen's Pass, in honor
of the gallant cavaliers who effected it.*

On the following day the army toiled up this steep defile,
and arrived where the gorge of the mountain opened into the
interior. Here a land of promise suddenly burst upon their
view. It was the same glorious prospect which had delighted
Ojeda and his companions. Below lay a vast and delicious
plain, painted and enamelled, as it were, with all the rich variety
of tropical vegetation. The magnificent forests presented that
mingled beauty and majesty of vegetable forms kno^^^l only
to these generous climates. Palms of pi'odigious height, and
spreading mahogany trees, towered from amid a wilderness
of variegated foliage. Freshness and verdure were maintained
by numerous streams, which meandered gleaming through the
deep bosom of the woodland ; while various villages and ham-
lets, peeping from among the trees, and the smoke of others,
rising out of the midst of the forests, gave signs of a numerous
population. The luxuriant landscape extended as flir as the
eye could reach, until it appeared to melt away and mingle
with the horizon. The Spaniards gazed with rapture upon
this soft voluptuous country, which seemed to realize their

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 50. Hidalgo, i. e., Hijo de Algo, literally,
" a son of somebody," in contradistinction to an obscure and low-born
man, a son of nobody.

Chap. IX.] CUKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 379

ideas of a terrestrial paradise ; and Columbus, struck with its
vast extent, gave it the name of the Vega Real, or Royal
Plain.*

Having descended the rugged pass, the army issued upon
the plain, in martial style, with great clangor of warlike in-
struments. When the Indians beheld this shining band of
warriors, glittering in steel, emerging from the mountains
with prancing steeds and flaunting banners, and heard, for the
first time, their rocks and forests echoing to the din of drum

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS.

JExtract of a Letter from T. 8. Ilejieken, Esq., dated Santiago {St. Do-
mingo), 20th September, 1847. — The route over which Columbus traced
his course from Isabella to the mountains of Cibao, exists in all its prim-
itive rudeness. The Puerto de los Hidalgos is still the narrow rugged
footpath winding among rocks and precipices, leading through the only
practicable defile which traverses the Monte Christi range of mountains
in this vicinity, at present called the Pass of Marney ; and it is somewhat
surprising that, of this first and remarkable footprint of the white man
in the New World, there does not at the present day exist the least tra-
dition of its former name or importance.

The spring of cool and delightful water met with in the gorge, in a
deep dark glen overshadowed by palm and mahogany trees, near the
outlet where the magnificent Vega breaks upon the view, still continues
to quench the thirst of the weary traveller. When I drank from this
lonely little fountain, I could hardly realize the fact that Columbus must
likewise have partaken of its sparkling waters, when at the height of his
glory, surrounded by cavaliers attired in the gorgeous costumes of the
age, and warriors recently from the Moorish wars.

Judging by the distance stated to have been travelled over the plain,
Columbus must have crossed the Yaqui near or at Ponton ; which very
likely received its name from the rafts or pontoons employed to cross the
river. Abundance of reeds grow along its banks, and the remains of an
Indian village are still very distinctly to be traced in the vicinity. By
this route he avoided two large rivers, the Amine and the Mar, which
discharge their waters into the Yaqui opposite Espei-anza.

The road from Ponton to the river Hanique passes through the defiles
of La Cuesta and Nicayagua.

380 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

and trumpet, they might well have taken such a wonderful
pageant fur a supernatural vision.

In this way Columbus disposed of his forces whenever he
approached a populous village, placing the cavalry in front,
for the horses inspired a mingled terror and admiration
among the natives. Las Casas observes, that at first they
supposed the rider and his horse to be one animal, and noth-
ing could exceed their astonishment at seeing the horsemen
dismount ; a circumstance which shows that the alleged origin
of the ancient fable of the Centaurs is at least founded in na-
ture. On the approach of the army the Indians generally fled
with terror, and took refuge in their houses. Such was their
simplicity, that they merely put up a slight barrier of reeds
at the portal, and seemed to consider themselves, perfectly
secure. Columbus, pleased to meet with such artlessncss, or-
dered that these frail barriers should be scrupulously respected,
and the inhabitants allowed to remain in their fancied secu-
rity.* By degrees their fears were allayed through the medi-
ation of interpreters, and the distribution of trifling presents.
Their kindness and gratitude could not then be exceeded, and
the march of the army was continually retarded by the hos-
pitality of the numerous villages through which it passed.
Such was the frank communion among these people, that the
Indians who accompanied the army entered without ceremony
into the houses, helping themselves to any thing of which they
stood in need, without exciting surprise or anger in the inhab-
itants : the latter offered to do the same with respect to the
Spaniards, and seemed astonished when they met a repulse.
This, it is probable, was the case merely with respect to arti-

* Las Casas, lib. sup. li. cap 90.

Chap. IX.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 381

cles of food ; for we are told, that the Indians were not careless
in their notions of property, and the crime of theft was one of
the few which were punished among them with great severity.
Food, however, is generally open to free participation in sav-
age life, and is rarely made an object of barter, until habits
of trade have been introduced by the white men. The untu-
tored savage, in almost every part of the world, scorns to
make a traffic of hospitality.

After a inarch of five leagues across the plain, they arrived
at the banks of a large and beautiful stream, called by the na-
tives Yagui, but to which the admiral gave the name of the
River of Reeds. He was not aware that it was the same
stream, which, after winding through the Vega, falls into the
sea near Monte Christi, and which, in his first voyage, he had
named the River of Gold. On its green banks the army en-
camped for the night, animated and delighted with the beauti-
ful scenes through which they had passed. They bathed and
sported in the waters of the Yagui, enjoying the amenity of the
surrounding landscape, and the delightful breezes which pre-
vail in that genial season. " For though there is but little
difference," oberves Las Casas, '■ from one month to another
in all the year in this island, and in most parts of these Indias,
yet in the period from September to May, it is like living in
paradise." *

On the following morning they crossed this stream by the
aid of canoes and rafts, swimming the horses over. For two
days they continued their march through the same kind of
rich level country, diversified by noble forests, and watered by
abundant streams, several of which descended from the moun-

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS

382 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

tains of Cibao, and were said to bring down gold dust mingled
with their sands. To one of these, the limpid waters of which
ran over a bed of smooth round pebbles, Columbus gave the
name of Rio Verde, or Green River, from the verdure and
freshness of its banks. Its Indian name was Nicayagua, which
it still retains.* In the course of this march they passed
through numerous villages, where they experienced generally
the same reception. The inhabitants fled at their approach,
putting up their slight barricadoes of reeds, but, as before, they
were easily won to familiarity, and tasked their limited means
to entertain the strangers.

Thus penetrating into the midst of this great island, where
every scene presented the wild luxuriance of beautiful but un-
civilized nature, they arrived on the evening of the second day
at a chain of lofty and rugged mountains, forming a kind of
barrier to the Vega. These Columbus was told were the
golden mountains of Cibao, whose region commenced at the
rocky summits. The country now beginning to grow I'ough
and difficult, and the people being way-worn, they encamped
for the night at the foot of a steep defile, which led up into the
mountains, and pioneers were sent in advance to open a road
for the army. From this place they sent back mules for a
supply of bread and wine, their provisions beginning to grow
scanty, for they had not as yet' accustomed themselves to the
food of the natives, which was afterwards found to be of that
light digestible kind suitable to the climate.

On the next morning they resumed their march up a narrow

* The name of Rio Verde was afterwards given to a small stream
which crosses the road from Santiago to La Vega, a branch of the river
Yuna.

Chap. IX.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 383

and steep glen, winding among craggy rocks, where they were
obliged to lead the horses. Arrived at the summit, they once
more enjoyed a prospect of the delicious Vega, which here
presented a still grander appearance, stretching far and wide
on either hand, like a vast verdant lake. This noble plain,
according to Las Casas, is eighty leagues in length, and from
twenty to thirty in breadth, and of incomparable beauty.

They now entered Cibao, the famous region of gold, which,
as if nature delighted in contrarieties, displayed a miser-like
poverty of exterior, in proportion to its hidden treasures.
Instead of the soft luxuriant landscape of the Vega, they beheld
chains of rocky and sterile mountains, scantily clothed with
lofty pines. The trees in the valleys also, instead of possessing
the rich tufted foliage common to other parts of the island,
were meagre and dwarfish, excepting such as grew on the
banks of streams. The very name of the country bespoke the
nature of the soil, — Cibao, in the language of the natives, sig-
nifying a stone. Still, however, there were deep glens and
shady ravines among the mountains, watered by limpid rivu-
lets, where the green herbage, and strips of woodland, were
the more delightful to the eye from the neighboring sterility.
But what consoled the Spaniards for the asperity of the soil,
was to observe among the sands of those crystal streams glit-
tering particles of gold, which, though scanty in quantity,
were regarded as earnests of the wealth locked up within the
mountains.

The natives having been previously visited by the explor-
ing party under Ojeda, came forth to meet them with great
alacrity, bringing food, and, above all, grains and particles of
gold collected in the brooks and torrents. From the quanti-

884: LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

ties of gold dust in every stream, Columbus -was convinced
there must be several mines in the vicinity. He had met with
specimens of amber and lapis lazuli, though in very small
quantities, and thought he had discorered a mine of copper.
He was about eighteen leagues from the settlement ; the rug-
ged nature of the mountains made a communication, even from
this distance, laborious. He gave up the idea, therefore, of
penetrating further into the country, and determined to estab-
lish a fortified post in this neighborhood, with a large number
of men, as well to work the mines as to explore the rest of the
province. He accordingly selected a pleasant situation on an
eminence almost entirely surrounded by a small river called
the Yanique, the waters of which were as pure as if distilled,
and the sound of its current musical to the ear. In its bed
were found curious stones of various colors, large masses of
beautiful marble, and pieces of pure jasper. From the foot
of the height extended one of those graceful and verdant plains,
called savannas, which was freshened and fertilized by the
river.*

On this eminence Columbus ordered a strong fortress of
wood to be erected, capable of defence against any attack of
the natives, and protected by a deep ditch on the side which
the river did not secure. To this fortress he gave the name
of St. Thomas, intended as a pleasant, though pious, reproof
of the incredulity of Firmin Cedo and his doubting adherents,
who obstinately refused to believe that the island produced
gold, until they beheld it with their eyes and touched it with
their hands. f

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS.

f Ibid. — From the Letter of T. S. Heneken, Esq., 1847.— Trace3 of

Chap. IX.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 385

The natives, having heard of the arrival of the Spaniards
in their vicinity, came flocking from various parts, anxious to
obtain European trinkets. The admiral signified to them that
any thing would be given in exchange for gold ; upon hearing

the old fortress of St. Thomas still exist, though, as has happened
to the Puerta de los Hidalgos, all tradition concerning it has long been
lost.

Having visited a small Spanish village known by the name of Hanique,
situated on the banks of that stream, I heard by accident the name of a
farm at no great distance, called La Fortaleza. This excited my curios-
ity, and I proceeded to the spot, a short distance up the river ; yet noth-
ing could be learnt from the inhabitants ; it was only by ranging the
river's banks through a dense and luxuriant forest, that I by accident
stumbled upon the site of the fortress.

The remarkable turn in the river ; the ditch, still very perfect ; the
entrance and the covert ways on each side for descending to the river,
with a fine esplanade of beautiful short grass in front, complete the pic-
ture described by I.as Casas.

The square occupied by the fort is now completely covered with for-
est trees, undistinguishable from those of the surrounding country ; which
corresponds to this day exactly with the description given above, three
centuries since, by Columbus, Ojeda, and Juan de Luxan.

The only change to notice is, that the neat little Indian villages,
swarming with an innocent and happy population, have totally disap-
peared ; there being at present only a few scattered huts of indigent
Spaniards to be met with, buried in the gloom of the mountains.

The traces of those villages are rarely to be discovered at the present
day. The situation of one near Ponton, was well chosen for defence,
being built on a high bank between deep and precipitous ravines. A
large square occupied the centre ; in the rear of each dwelling were
thrown the sweepings of the apartments and the ashes from the fires,
which form a line of mounds, mixed up with broken Indian utensils. As
it lays in the direct road from Isabella, Cibao and La Vega, and eommands
the best fording place in the neighborhood for crossing the river Yaqui
in dry seasons, it must, no doubt, have been a place of considerable resort
at the time of the discovery — most likely a pontoon or large canoe was
stationed here for the facility of communication between St. Thomas and
Isabella, whence it derived its name.
Vol. I.— 17

386 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK VI.

this some of them ran to a neighboring river, and gathering
and sifting its sands, returned in a little while with consider-
able quantities of gold dust. One old man brought two pieces
of virgin ore, weighing an oiuice, and thought himself richly
repaid when he received a hawk's bell. On remarking that
the admiral was struck with the size of these specimens, he
affected to treat them with contempt, as insignificant, inti-
mating by signs, that in his country, which lay within half a
day's journey, they found pieces of gold as big as an orange.
Other Indians brought grains of gold weighing ten and twelve
drachms, and declared that in the country whence they got
them, there were masses of ore as large as the head of a child.*
As usual, however, these golden tracts were always in some
remote valley, or along some rugged and sequestered stream ;
and the wealthiest spot was sure to be at the greatest dis-
tance,— for the land of promise is ever beyond the mountain.

* Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 387

CHAPTER X.

EXCUKSION OF JUAN DE LUXAN AMONG THE MOUNTAINS.— CUS-
TOMS AND CHARACTERISTICS OE THE NATIVES.-COLUMBUS EE-
TUENS TO ISABELLA.

[1494.]

WHILE the admiral remained among the mountains, su-
perintending the building of the fortress, he dispatched
a young cavalier of Madrid, named Juan de Luxan, with a
small band of armed men, to range about the country, and
explore the whole of the province, which, from the reports of
the Indians, appeared to be equal in extent to the kingdom of
Portugal. Luxan returned, after a few days' absence, with
the most satisfactory accounts. He had traversed a great
part of Cibao, which he found more capable of cultivation than
had at first been imagined. It was generally mountainous,
and the soil covered with large round pebbles of a blue color,
yet there was good pasturage in many of the valleys. The
mountains, also, being watered by frequent showers, produced
grass of surprisingly quick and luxuriant growth, often reach-
ing to the saddles of the horses. The forests seemed to Luxan
to be full of valuable spices ; he being deceived by the odors

388 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book AT

emitted by those aromatic plants and herbs which abound in
the woodlands of the tropics. There were great vines also,
climbing to the very summits of the trees, and bearing clus-
ters of grapes entirely ripe, full of juice, and of a pleasant flavor.
Every valley and glen possessed its streams, large or small,
according to the size of the neighboring mountain, and all
yielding more or less gold, in small particles. Luxan was
supposed, likewise, to have learned from the Indians many of
the secrets of their mountains ; to have been shown the parts
where the greatest quantity of ore was found, and to have been
taken to the richest streams. On all these points, however,
he observed a discreet mystery, communicating the particulars
to no one but the admiral.*

The fortress of St. Thomas being nearly completed, Colum-
bus gave it in command to Pedro Margarite, the same cavalier
whom he had recommended to the favor of the sovereigns ;
and he left him with a garrison of fifty-six men. He then set
out on his return to Isabella. On arriving at the banks of
the Rio Verde, or Nicayagua in the Royal Vega, he found a
number of Spaniards on their w^ay to the fortress with sup-
plies. He remained, therefore, a few days in the neighbor-
hood, searching for the best fording place of the river, and
establishing a route between the fortress and the harbor.
During this time, he resided in 'the Indian villages, endeavor-
ing to accustom his people to the food of the natives, as well
as to inspire the latter with a mingled feeling of good-will and
reverence for the white men.

From the report of Luxan, Columbus had derived some
information concerning the character and customs of the ua-

* Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 389

tives, and he acquired still more from his own observations
in the course of his sojourn among the tribes of the mountains
and the plains. And here a brief notice of a few of the char-
acteristics and customs of these people may be interesting.
They are given, not merely as observed by the admiral and
his officers during this expedition, but as recorded some time
afterwards, in a crude dissertation, by a friar of- the name of
Roman ; a poor hermit as he styled himself, of the order of
the leronimitcs, who was one of the colleagues of Father
Boyle, and resided for some time in the Vega as a mission-
ary.

Columbus had already discovered the error of one of his
opinions concerning these islanders, formed during his first
voyage. They were not so entirely pacific, nor so ignorant
of warlike arts, as he had imagined. He had been deceived by
the enthusiasm of his own feelings, and by the gentleness of
Guacanagari and his subjects. The casual descents of the Ca-
ribs had compelled the inhabitants of the sea-shore to acquaint
themselves with the use of arms. Some of the mountain
tribes near the coast, particularly those on the side which
looked towards the Caribbee islands, were of a Biore hardy
and warlike character than those of the plains. Caonabo, also,
the Carib chieftain, had introduced something of his own war-
rior spirit in the centre of the island. Yet, generally speak-
ing, the habits of the people were mild and gentle. If wars
sometimes occurred among them, they were of short duration,
and unaccompanied by any great effusion of blood ; and, in
general, they mingled amicably and hospitably with each
other.

Columbus had also at first indulged in the error that the

390 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

natives of Hayti were destitute of all notions of religion, and
he had consequently flattered himself that it -would be easier
to introduce into their minds the doctrines of Christianity ;
not aware that it is more difficult to light up the fire of devo-
tion in the cold heart of an atheist, than to direct the flame
to a new object, when it is already enkindled. There are few
beings, however, so destitute of reflection, as not to be im-
pressed with the conviction of an overruling deity. A nation
of atheists never existed. It was soon discovered that these
islanders had their creed, though of a vague and simple na-
ture. They believed in one supreme being, inhabiting the sky,
who was immortal, omnipotent, and invisible ; to whom they
ascribed an origin, who had a mother, but no father.* They
never addressed their worship directly to him, but employed
inferior deities, called Zemes, as messengers and mediators.
Each cacique had his tutelar deity of this order, whom he in-
voked and pretended to consult in all his public undertakings,
and who was reverenced by his people. He had a house apart,
as a temple to this deity, in which was an image of his Zemi,
carved of wood or stone, or shaped of clay or cotton, and gen-
erally of some monstrous and hideous form. Each fomily and
each individual had likewise a particular Zemi, or protecting
genius, like the Lares and Penates of the ancients. They
were placed in every part of their houses, or carved on their
furniture ; some had them of a small size, and bound them
about their foreheads when they went to battle. They be-
lieved their Zemes to be transferable, with all their powers,
and often stole them from each other. "When the Spaniards
came among them, they often hid their idols, lest they should

* Escritura de Fr. Koniar.. Hist, del Aluiiiante.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 391

be taken away. They believed that these Zemes presided
over every object in nature, each having a particular charge
or government. They influenced the seasons and the elements,
causing sterile or abundant years ; exciting hurricanes and
whirlwinds, and tempests of rain and thunder, or sending sweet
and temperate breezes and fruitful showers. They governed
the seas and forests, the springs and fountains ; like the
Nereids, the Dryads, and Satyrs of antiquity. They gave
success in hunting and fishing ; they guided the waters of the
mountains into safe channels, and led them down to wander
through the plains, in gentle brooks and peaceful rivers ; or,
if incensed, they caused them to burst forth into rushing tor-
rents and overwhelming floods, inundating and laying waste
the valleys.

The natives had their Butios, or priests, who pretended to
hold communion with these Zemes. They practised rigorous
fasts and ablutions, and inhaled the powder, or drank the in-
fusion of a certain herb, which produced a temporary intoxi-
cation or delirium. In the course of this process, they pro-
fessed to have trances and visions, and that the Zemes res'ealed
to them future events, or instructed them in the treatment of
maladies. They were, in general, great herbalists, and well
acquainted with the medicinal properties of trees and vege-
tables. They cured diseases through their knowledge of sim-
ples, but always with many mysterious rites and ceremonies,
and supposed charms ; chanting, and burning a light in the
chamber of the patient, and pretending to exorcise the malady,
to expel it from the mansion, and to send it to the sea or to
the mountain.*

* Oviedo, Cronic, lib. v. cap. 1.

392 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book TL

Their bodies were painted or tattooed with figures of the
Zemes, which were regarded with horror by the Spaniards, as
so many representations of the devil ; and the Butios, esteemed
as saints by the natives, were abhorred by the former as necro-
mancers. These Butios often assisted the caciques in practis-
ing deceptions upon their subjects, speaking oracuhirly through
the Zemes, by means of hollow tubes ; inspiriting the Indians
to battle by predicting success, or dealing forth such prom-
ises or menaces as might suit the purposes of the chieftain.

There is but one of their solemn religious ceremonies of
which any record exists. The cacique proclaimed a day when
a kind of festival was to be held in honor of his Zemes. His
subjects assembled from all parts, and formed a solemn pro-
cession ; the married men and women decorated with their
most precious ornaments, the young females entirely naked.
The cacique, or the principal personage, marched at their head,
beating a kind of drum. In this way they proceeded to the
consecrated house or temple, in which were set up the images
of the Zemes. Arrived at the door, the cacique seated him-
self on the outside, continuing to beat his drum while the pro-
cession entered, the females carrying baskets of cakes orna-
mented with flowers, and singing as they advanced. These
offerings were received by the Butios with loud cries, or rather
bowlings. They broke the cakes, after they had been offered
to the Zemes, and distributed the portions to the heads of fomi-
lies, who preserved them carefully throughout the year, as
preventive of all adverse accidents. This done, the females
danced at a given signal, singing songs in honor of the Zemes,
or in praise of the heroic actions of their ancient caciques.

Chap. X.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 393

The whole ceremony finished by invoking the Zemes to watch
over and protect tlie nation.*

Besides the Zemes, each cacique had three idols or talis-
mans, which were mere stones, but which were held in great
reverence by themselves and their subjects. One they sup-
posed had the power to produce abundant harvests, another
to remove all pain from women in travail, and the third to call
forth rain or sunshine. Three of these were sent home by
Columbus to the sovereigns, f

The ideas of the natives with respect to the creation were
vague and undefined. They gave their own island of Hayti
priority of existence over all others, and believed that the sun
and moon originally issued out of a cavern in the island to
give light to the world. This cavern still exists, about seven
or eight leagues from Cape Fran9ois, now Cape Haytien, and
is known by the name of La Voute a Minguet. It is about
one hundred and fifty feet in depth, and nearly the same in
height, but very narrow. It receives no light but from the
entrance, and from a round hole in the roof, whence it was
said the sun and moon issued forth to take their places in the
sky. The vault was so fair and regular, that it appeared a
work of art rather than of nature. In the time of Charlevoix
the figures of various Zemes were still to be seen cut in the
rocks, and there were the remains of niches, as if to receive
statues. This cavern was held in great veneration. It was
painted, and adorned with green branches, and other simple
decorations. There were in it two images or Zemes. When
there was a want of rain, the natives made pilgrimages and

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 56.
f Hist. del. Alniirantc, cap. 61.
Vol. I.— 1"*

394 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book TI.

processions to it, with songs and dances, bearing offerings of
fruits and flowers.*

They believed that mankind issued from another cavern,
tlic large men from a great aperture, the small men from a
little cranny. They were for a long time destitute of women,
but, wandering on one occasion near a small lake, they saw
certain animals among the branches of the trees, which proved
to be women. On attempting to catch them, however, they
were found to be as slippery as eels, so that it w^as impossi-
ble to hold them. At length they employed certain men,
whose hands were rendered rough by a kind of leprosy. These
succeeded in securing four of these slippery females, from
whom the world was peopled.

While the men inhabited this cavern, they dared only to
venture forth at night, for the sight of the sun w^as fatal to
them, turning them into trees and stones. A cacique, named
Vagoniona, sent one of his men forth from the cave to fish,
who lingering at his sport until the sun had risen, was turned
into a bird of melodious note, the same which Columbus mis-
took for the nightingale. They added, that yearly about the
time he had suffered this transformation, he came in the night,
with a mournful song, bewailing his misfortune ; which was the
cause why that bird always sang in the night season. f

Like most savage nations, they had a tradition concerning
the universal deluge, equally foncifnl with most of the preced-
ing ; for it is singular how the human mind, in its natural
state, is apt to account, by trivial and familiar causes, for great
events. They said that there once lived in the island a mighty

* Charlevoix, Hist, de St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 60.

f Fray Roman. Hist, del Alniiraute. P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ix.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 395

cacique, who slew his only son for conspiring against him.
He afterwards collected and picked his bones, and preserved
them in a gourd, as was the custom of the natives with the
relics of their friends. On a subsequent day, the cacique and
his wife opened the gourd to contemplate the bones of their
son, when, to their astonishment, several fish, great and small,
leaped out. Opon this the cacique closed the gourd, and
placed it on the top of his house, boasting that he had the sea
shut up within it, and could have fish whenever he pleased.
Four brothers, however, who had been born at the same birth,
and were curious intermeddlers, hearing of this gourd, came
during the absence of the cacique to peep into it. In their
carelessness they suffered it to fall upon the ground, Avhere it
was dashed to pieces ; when lo ! to their astonishment and
dismay, there issued forth a mighty flood, with dolphins, and
sharks, and tumbling porpoises, and great spouting whales ;
and the water spread, until it overflowed the earth, and formed
the ocean, leaving only the tops of the mountains uncovered,
which are the present islands.*

They had singular modes of treating the dying and the
dead. When the life of a cacique was despaired of, they
strangled him out of a principle of respect, rather than suffer
him to die like the vulgar. Common people were extended
in their hammocks, bread and water placed at their head, and
they were then abandoned to die in solitude. Sometimes
they were carried to the cacique, and if he permitted them the
distinction, they were strangled. After death the body of a
cacique was opened, dried at a fire, and preserved ; of others
the head only was treasured up as a memorial, or occasionally

* Escritura de Fray Roman, pobre Heremito.

89G LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book \L

a limb. Sometimes the whole body was interred in a cave,
with a calabash of water, and a loaf of bread ; sometimes it
Avas consumed with fire in the house of the deceased.

They had confused and uncertain notions of the existence
of the soul when separated from the body. They believed in
the apparitions of the departed at night, or by daylight in
solitary places, to lonely individuals ; sometimes advancing as
if to attack them, but upon the traveller's striking at them they
vanished, and he struck merely against trees or rocks. Some-
times they mingled among the living, and Avere only to be
known by having no navels. The Indians, fearful of meeting
with these apparitions, disliked to go about alone, and in the
dark.

They had an idea of a place of reward, to which the spirits
of good men repaired after death, where they were reunited
to the spirits of those they had most loved during life, and to
all their ancestors. Here they enjoyed uninterruptedly, and
in perfection, those pleasures which constituted their felicity
on earth. They lived in shady and blooming bowers, with
beautiful women, and banqueted on delicious fruits. The
paradise of these happy spirits was variously placed, almost
every tribe assigning some favorite spot in their native prov-
ince. Many, however, concurred in describing this region as
being near a lake in the western part of the island, in the beau-
tiful province of Xaragua. Here there were delightful val-
leys, covered with a delicate fruit called the mamey, about the
size of an apricot. They imagined that the souls of the de-
ceased remained concealed among the airy and inaccessible
cliffs of the mountains during the day, but descended at night
into these happy valleys, to regale on this consecrated fruit.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 397

The living were sparing, therefore, in eating it, lest the souls
of their friends should suffer from want of their favorite nour-
ishment.*

The dances to which the natives seemed so immoderatelj
addicted, and which had been at first considered by the Span-
iards mere idle pastimes, were found to be often ceremonials
of a serious and mystic character. They form indeed a singu-
lar and important feature throughout the customs of the abo-
riginals of the New World. In these are typified, by signs
well understood by the initiated, and as it were by hierogly-
phic action, their historical events, their projected enterprises,
their hunting, their ambuscades, and their battles, resembling
in some respects the Pyrrhic dances of the ancients. Speak-
ing of the prevalence of these dances among the natives of
Hayti, Peter Martyr observes that they performed them to the
chant of certain metres and ballads, handed down from genera-
tion to generation, in which were rehearsed the deeds of their
ancestors. "These rhymes or ballads," he adds, " they call
areytos ; and as our minstrels are accustomed to sing to the
harp and lute, so do they in like manner sing these songs, and
dance to the same, playing on timbrels made of shells of cer-
tain fishes. These timbrels they call maguey. They have
also songs and ballads of love, and others of lamentation or
mourning ; some also to encourage them to the wars, all sung
to tunes agreeable to the matter." It was for these dances,
as has been already observed, that they were so eager to pro-
cure hawks' bells, suspending them, about their persons, and
keeping time with their sound to the cadence of the singers.

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 61. Peter Martyr, deead. i. lib. ix. Chale-
voix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i.

398 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK YI.

This mode of dancing to a ballad, has been compared to the
dances of the peasants in Flanders during the summer, and to
those prevalent throughout Spain to the sound of the castinets,
and the wild popular chants said to be derived from the Moors ;
but which, in fact, existed before their invasion, among the
Goths who overran the peninsula.*

The earliest history of almost all nations has generally
been preserved by rude heroic rhymes and ballads, and by
the lays of the minstrels ; and such was the case with the
areytos of the Indians. " When a cacique died," says Oviedo,
" they sang in dirges his life and actions, and all the good that
he had done was recollected. Thus they formed the ballads
or areytos which constituted their history." f Some of these
ballads were of a sacred character, containing their traditional
notions of theology, and the superstitions and fables which
comprised their religious creeds. None were permitted to
sing these but the sons of caciques, Avho were instructed in
them by their Butios. They were chanted before the people
on solemn festivals, like those already described, accompanied
by the sound of a kind of drum, made from a hollow tree. J

Such are a few of the characteristics remaining on record
of these simple people, who perished from the face of the earth
before their customs and creeds were thought of sufficient im-
portance to be investigated. The present Avork does not pro-
fess to enter into detailed accounts of the countries and people
discovered by Columbus, otherwise than as they may be use-

* Mariana, Hist. Esp., lib. v. cap. 1.

f Oviedo, Cron. de las Indias, lib. v. cap. 3.

X Fray Roman. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 61. P. Martyr, dccad.
i. lib. ix. Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 4. Oviedo, lib. v.
cap. 1.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 399

ful for the illustration of his history ; and perhaps the fore-
going are carried to an unnecessary length, but they may serve
to give greater interest to the subsequent transactions of the
island.

Many of these particulars, as has been observed, were col-
lected by the admiral and his officers, during their excursion
among the mountains and their sojourn in the plain. The
natives appeared to them a singularly idle and improvident
race, indifferent to most of the objects of human anxiety and
toil. They were impatient of all kinds of labor, scarcely giv-
ing themselves the trouble to cultivate the yuca root, the
maize, and the potato, which formed the main articles of sub-
sistence. For the rest, their streams abounded with fish;
they caught the utia or coney, the guana, and various birds ;
and they had a perpetual banquet from the fruits spontaneous-
ly produced by their groves. Though the air was sometimes
cold among the mountains, yet they preferred submitting to a
little temporary suffering, rather than take the trouble to
weave garments from the gossampine cotton which abounded
in their forests. Thus they loitered away existence in vacant
inactivity, under the shade of their trees, or, amusing them-
selves occasionally with various games and dances.

In fact, they were destitute of powerful motive to toil,
being free from most of those wants which doom mankind in
civilized life, or in less genial climes, to incessant labor. They
had no sterile winter to provide against, particularly in the
valleys and plains, where, according to Peter Martyr, ''■ the
island enjoyed perpetual spring-time, and was blessed with
continual summer and harvest. The trees preserved their
leaves throughout the year, and the meadows continued always

400 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YI.

green." " There is no province, nor any region/' he again
observes, " which is not remarkable for the majesty of its
mountains, the fruitfuhiess of its vales, the pleasantness of its
hills, and delightful plains, with abundance of fair rivers run-
ning through them. There never was any noisome animal
found in it, nor yet any ravening four-footed beast ; no lion,
nor bear ; no fierce tigers, nor crafty foxes, nor devouring
wolves, but all things blessed and fortunate."*

In the soft region of the Vega, the circling seasons brought
each its store of fruits ; and while some were gathered in full
maturity, others were ripening on the boughs, and buds and
blossoms gave promise of still future abundance. What need
was there of garnering up and anxiously providing for coming
days, to men who lived in a perpetual harvest ? What need,
too, of toilfully spinning or laboring at the loom, where a gen-
ial temperature prevailed throughout the year, and neither
nature nor custom prescribed the necessity of clothing 1

The hospitality which characterizes men in such a simple
and easy mode of existence, was evinced towards Columbus
and his followers during their sojourn in the Vega. Wherever
they went it was a continual scene of festivity and rejoicing.
The natives hastened from all parts, bearing presents, and lay.
ing the treasures of their groves, and streams, and mountains,
at the feet of beings whom they still considered as descended
from the skies to bring blessings to their island.

Having accomplished the purposes of his residence in the
Vega, Columbus, at the end of a few days, took leave of its
hospitable inhabitants, and resumed his march for the harbor,

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. ix., translated by R. Eden. London,
1555.

Chap. X.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 401

returning with his iitle army through the lofty and rugged gorge
of the mountains called the Pass of the Hidalgos. As we ac-
company him in imagination over the rocky height, whence
the Vega first broke upon the eye of the Europeans, we can,
not help pausing to cast back a look of mingled pity and ad-
miration over this beautiful but devoted region. The dream
of natural liberty, of ignorant content, and loitering idleness,
was as yet unbroken, but the fiat had gone forth ; the white
man had penetrated into the land ; avarice, and pride, and
ambition, and pining care, and sordid labor, and withering
poverty, were soon to follow, and the indolent paradise of the
Indian was about to disappear forever.

402 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

CHAPTER XI.

AEKIYAL OF COLUMBUS AT ISABELLA.— SICKNESS OF TPIE
COLONY.

[1494.]

ON the 29th of March Columbus arrived at Isabella, higlil y
satisfied with his expedition into the interior. The ap-
pearance of every thing in the vicinity of the harbor was cal-
culated to increase his anticipations of prosperity. The plants
and fruits of the Old World, which he was endeavoring to
introduce into the island, gave promise of rapid increase. The
orchards, fields, and gardens, were in a great state of forward-
ness. The seeds of various fruits had produced yoimg plants ;
the sugar-cane had prospered exceedingly ; a native vine,
trimmed and dressed with care, had yielded grapes of toler-
able flavor, and cuttings from European vines already began
to form their clusters. On the oOth of March a husbandman
brought to Columbus ears of wheat which had been sown in
the latter part of January. The smaller kind of garden herbs
came to maturity in sixteen days, and the larger kind, such as
melons, goui-ds, pompions and cucumbers, were fit for the

Chap. XI. ] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 403

table within a month after the seed had been put into the
ground. The soil, moistcnied by brooks and rivers, and fre-
quent showers, and stimulated by an ardent sun, possessed
those principles of quick and prodigal fecundity which surprise
the stranger, accustomed to less vigorous climates.

The admiral had scarcely returned to Isabella, when a mes-
senger arrived from Pedro Margarite, the commander at fort
St. Thomas, informing him that the Indians of the vicinity had
manifested unfriendly feelings, abandoning their villages, and
shunning all intercourse with the white men ; and that Cao-
nabo was assembling his warriors and preparing to attack the
fortress. The fact was, that the moment the admiral had de-
parted, the Spaniards, no longer awed by his presence, had,
as usual, listened only to their passions, and exasperated the
natives by wresting from them their gold, and wronging them
with respect to their women. Caonabo also had seen with
impatience these detested intruders, planting their standard
in the very midst of his mountains, and he knew that he had
nothing to expect from them but vengeance.

The tidings of Margarite, however, caused but little solici-
tude in the mind of Columbus. From what he had seen of
the Indians in the interior, he had no apprehensions from their
hostility. He knew their weakness, and their awe of white
men, and above all, he confided in their terror of the horses,
which they regarded as ferocious beasts of prey, obedient to
the Spaniards, but ready to devour their enemies. He con-
tented himself, therefore, with sending Margarite a reinforce-
ment of twenty men, with a supply of provisions and ammu-
nition, and detaching thirty men to open a road between the
fortress and the port.

404: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

What gave Columbus real and deep anxiety, was the sick-
ness, the discontent, and dejection which continued to increase
in the settlement. The same principles of heat and humidity
which gave such fecundity to the fields, were fatal to the peo-
ple. The exhalations from undrained marshes, and a vast
continuity of forest, and the action of a burning sun upon a
reeking vegetable soil, produced intermittent fevers, and vari-
ous other of the maladies so trying to European constitutions
in the uncultivated countries of the tropics. Many of the
Spaniards suffered also under the torments of a disease hither-
to unknown to them, the scourge, as was supposed, of their
licentious intercourse with the Indian females ; but the origin
of which, whether American or European, has been a subject
of great dispute. Thus the greater part of the colonists were
either confined by positive illness, or reduced to great debil-
ity. The stock of medicines was soon exhausted ; there was
a lack of medical aid, and of the watchful attendance which is
even more important than medicine to the sick. Every one
Avho was well, was either engrossed by the public labors, or
by his own wants or cares ; having to perform all menial
offices for himself, even to the cooking of his provisions. The
public works, therefore, languished, and it was impossible to
cultivate the soil in a sufficient degree to produce a supply of
the fruits of the earth. Provisions began to fail, much of the
stores brought from Europe had been wasted on board ship,
or suffered to spoil through carelessness, and much had per-
ished on shore from the warmth and humidity of the climate.
It seemed impossible for the colonists to accommodate them-
selves to the food of the natives ; and their infirm condition
I'cquired the aliments to which they had been accustomed. To

Chap. XI.] CHRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 405

avert an absolute famine, therefore, it was necessary to put the
people on a short allowance even of the damaged and unhealthy
provisions which remained. This immediately caused loud
and factious murmurs, in which many of those in office, who
ought to have supported Columbus in his measures for the
common safety, took a leading part : among those was Father
Boyle, a priest as turbulent as he was crafty. He had been
irritated, it is said, by the rigid impartiality of Columbus, who,
in enforcing his salutary measures, made no distinction of rank
or persons, and put the frair and his household on a short al-
lowance as well as the rest of the community.

In the midst of this general discontent, the bread began to
grow scarce. The stock of flour was exhausted, and there was
no mode of grinding corn but by the tedious and toilsome
process of the hand-mill. It became necessary, therefore, to
erect a mill immediately, and other works were required
equally important to the welfare of the settlement. Many of
the workmen, however, were ill, some feigning greater sick-
ness than they really suffered ; for there was a general disin-
clination to all kinds of labor which was not to produce im-
mediate wealth. In this emergency, Columbus put every
healthy person in requisition ; and as the cavaliers and gentle-
men of rank required food as well as the lower orders, they
were called upon to take their share in the common labor.
This was considered a cruel degradation by many youthful
hildalgos of high blood and haughty spirit, and they refused
to obey the summons. Columbus, however, was a strict dis-
ciplinarian, and felt the importance of making his authority
respected. He resorted, therefore, to strong and compulsory
measures, and enforced their obedience. This was another

406 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

cause of the deep and lasting hostilities that sprang up against
him. It aroused the immediate indignation of every person
of birth and rank in the colony, and drew upon him the resent-
ment of several of the proud families C)f Spain. He was in-
veighed against as an arrogant and upstart foreigner, who, in-
flated with a sudden acquisition of power, and consulting only
his own wealth and aggrandizement, was trampling upon the
rights and dignities of Spanish gentlemen, and insulting the
honor of the nation.

Columbus may have been too strict and indiscriminate in
his regulations. There are cases in which even justice may
become oppressive, and where the severity of the law should
be tempered with indulgence. What was mere toilsome labor
to a common man, became humiliation and disgrace when
forced upon a Spanish cavalier. Many of these young men
had come out, not in the pursuit of wealth, but with romantic
dreams inspired by his own representations ; hoping, no doubt,
to distinguish themselves by heroic achievements and chival-
rous adventure, and to continue in the Indies the career of
arms which they had commenced in the recent "vvars of Gra-
nada. Others had been brought up in soft, luxurious indul-
gence, in the midst of opulent families, and were little calcu-
lated for the rude perils of the seas, the fatigues of the land,
and the hardships, the exposures, and deprivations, which at-
tend a new settlement in the wilderness. When they fell ill,
their case soon became incurable. The ailments of the body
were increased by sickness of the heart. They suffered under
the irritation of wounded pride, and the morbid melancholy
of disappointed hope ; their sick-bed was destitute of all the
tender care and soothing attention to which they had been ac-

Chap. XI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 407

customed ; and they sank into the grave in all the sullenness
of despair, cursing the day of their departure from their
country.

The venerable Las Casas, and Herrera after him, record,
with much solemnity, a popular belief current in the island at
the time of his residence there, and connected with the untime-
ly fate of these cavaliers.

In after years, when the seat of the colony was removed
from Isabella on account of its unhealthy situation, the city
fell to ruin, and was abandoned. Like all decayed and de-
serted places, it soon became an object of awe and superstition
to the common people, and no one ventured to enter its gates.
Those who passed near it, or hunted the wild swine which
abounded in the neighborhood, declared they heard appalling
voices issue from within its walls by night and day. The
laborers became fearful, therefore, of cultivating the adjacent
fields. The story went, adds Las Casas, that two Spaniards
happened one day to wander among the ruined edifices of the
place. On entering one of the solitary streets, they beheld two
rows of men, evidently, from their stately demeanor, hidalgos
of noble blood, and cavaliers of the court. They were richly
attired in the old Castilian mode, Avith rapiers by their sides,
and broad travelling hats, such as were worn at the time. The
two men were astonished to behold persons of their rank and
appearance apparently inhabiting that desolate place, unknown
to the people of the island. They saluted them, and inquired
whence they came and when they had arrived. The cavaliers
maintained a gloomy silence, but courteously returned the
salutation by raising their hands to their sombreros or hats,
in taking off which their heads came off also, and their bodies

408 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YL

stood decapitated. The whole phantom assemblage then van-
ished. So great was the astonishment and horror of the be-
holders, that they had nearly fallen dead, and remained stupe-
fied for several days.*

The foregoing legend is curious, as illustrating the super-
stitious character of the age, and especially of the people with
whom Columbus had to act. It shows, also, the deep and
gloomy impression made upon the minds of the common peo-
ple by the death of these cavaliers, wliich operated materially
to increase the unpopularity of Columbus ; as it was mischiev-
ously represented, that they had been seduced from their
homes by his delusive promises, and sacrificed to his private
interests.

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 92, MS. Herrera, Hist. Ind.,
decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 12.

Chap. XII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 409

CHAPTEE XII.

DISTEIBUTION OF THE SPANISH FORCES IN THE INTEEIOE.—
PEEPAEATIONS FOE A VOYAGE TO CUBA.

[1494.]

THE increasing discontents of the motley population of
Isabella, and the rapid consumption of the scanty stores
which remained, were causes of great anxiety to Columbus.
He was desirous of proceeding on another voyage of discov-
ery, but it was indispensable, before sailing, to place the
affairs of the island in such a state as to secure tranquillity.
He determined, therefore, to send all the men that could be
spared from Isabella, into the interior ; with orders to visit
the territories of the different caciques, and explore the island.
By this means they would be roused and animated ; they
would become accustomed to the climate and to the diet of the
natives, and such a force would be displayed as to overawe the
machinations of Caonabo, or any other hostile cacique. In
pursuance of this plan, every healthy person, not absolutely
necessary to the concerns of the city or the care of the sick,
was put under arms, and a little army mustered, consisting of
two hundred and fifty cross-bow men, one hundred and ten
Vol. I.— 18

410 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VI.

ai-quebusiers, sixteen horsemen, and twenty officers. The gen,
eral command of the forces was intrusted to Pedro Margarite,
in whom Columbus had great confidence as a noble Cataloni-
an, and a knight of the order of Santiago. Alonso de Ojeda
was to conduct the army to the fortress of St. Thomas, where
he was to succeed Margarite in the command ; and the latter
was to proceed with the main body of the troops on a military
tour, in which he was particularly to explore the province of
Cibao, and subsequently the other parts of the island.

Columbus wrote a long and earnest letter of instructions
to Margarite, by which to govern himself in a service requir-
ing such great circumspection. He charged him above all
things to observe the greatest justice and discretion in respect
to the Indians, protecting them from all wrong and insult, and
treating them in such a manner as to secure their confidence
and friendship. At the same time they were to be made to
respect the property of the white men, and all thefts were to
be severely punished. Whatever provisions were required
from them for the subsistence of the army, were to be fairly
purchased by persons whom the admiral appointed for that
purpose ; the purchases were to be made in the presence of
the agent of the comptroller. If the Indians refused to sell
the necessary provisions, then Margarite was to interfere and
compel them to do so, acting, however, with all possible gen-
tleness, and soothing them by kindness and caresses. No
traffic was to be allowed between individuals and the natives,
it being displeasing to the sovereigns and injurious to the
service ; and it was always to be kept in mind, that their ma-
jesties were more desirous of the conversion of the natives
than of any riches to be derived from them.

Chap. XII.] CHKISTOPHKR COLUMBUS. 411

A strict discipline was to be maintained in the army, all
breach of orders to be severely punished, the men to be kept
together, and not suffered to wander from the main body
either singly or in small parties, lest they should be cut off
by the natives ; for though these people were pusillanimous,
there were no people so apt to be perfidious and cruel as
cowards.*

These judicious instructions, which, if followed, might have
preserved an amicable intercourse with the natives, are more
especially deserving of notice, because Margarite disregarded
them all, and by his disobedience brought trouble on the col-
ony, obloquy on the nation, destruction on the Indians, and
unmerited censure on Columbus,

In addition to the foregoing orders, there were particular
directions for the surprising and securing of the persons of
Caonabo and his brothers. The warlike character of that
chieftain, his artful policy, extensive power, and implacable
hostility, rendered him a dangerous enemy. The measures
proposed were not the most open and chivalrous, but Colum-
bus thought himself justified in opposing stratagem to strata-
gem with a subtle and sanguinary foe.

The 9th of April, Alonso de Ojeda sallied forth from Isa-
bella, at the head of the forces, amounting to nearly four
hundred men. On arriving at the Rio del Oro in the Royal
Vega, he learnt that three Spaniards, coming from the fortress
of St. Thomas, had been robbed of their effects by five Indians,
whom a neighboring cacique had sent to assist them in fording
the river ; and that the cacique, instead of punishing the thieves,
had countenanced them and shared their booty. Ojeda was a

* Letter of Columbus. Navarrete, Colec, (om. ii. Document No. 12.

.412 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book VL

quick, impetuous soldier, whose ideas of legislation were all of
a military kind. Having caught one of the thieves, he caused
his ears to be cut off in the public square of the village : he
then seized the cacique, his son, and nephew, and sent them in
chains to the admiral, after which he pursued his march to the
fortress.

In the mean time the prisoners arrived at Isabella, in deep
dejection. They were accompanied by a neighboring cacique,
who, relying upon the merit of various acts of kindness which
he had shown to the Spaniards, came to plead for their for-
giveness. His intercessions appeared to be of no avail. Co-
lumbus felt the importance of striking awe into the minds of
the natives with respect to the property of the white men.
He ordered, therefore, that the prisoners should be taken to
the public square, with their hands tied behind them, their
crime and punishment proclaimed by the crier, and their heads
struck off. Nor was this a punishment disproportioned to
their own ideas of justice, for we are told that the crime of
theft was held in such abhorrence among them, that, though
not otherwise sanguinary in their laws, they punished it with
impalement.* It is not probable, however, that Columbus
really meant to carry the sentence into effect. At the place
of execution the prayers and tears of the friendly cacique were
redoubled, pledging himself that there should be no repetition
of the offence. The admiral at length made a merit of yield-
ing to his entreaties, and released the prisoners. Just at this
juncture a horseman arrived from the fortress, who, in passing
by the village of the captive cacique, had found five Spaniards
in the power of the Indians. The sight of his horse had put

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind., lib. v. cap. 8.

Chap. XII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 413

the multitude to flight, though upwards of four hundred in
number. He had pursued the fugitives, wounding several
with his lance, and had brought off his countrymen in tri-
umph.

Convinced by this cii'cumstance that nothing was to be
apprehended from the hostilities of these timid people as long
as his orders were obeyed, and confiding in the distribution
he had made of his forces, both for the tranquillity of the col-
ony and the island, Columbus prepared to depart on the prose-
cution of his discoveries. To direct the affairs of the island
during his absence, he formed a junta, of which his brother
Don Diego was president, and Father Boyle, Pedro Fernandez
Coronel, Alonzo Sanchez Caravajal, and Juan de Luxan, were
councillors. He lefb his two largest ships in the harbor, being
of too great a size and draft of water to explore unknown coasts
and rivers, and took with him three caravels, the Nifia or
Santa Clara, the San Juan, and the Cordera.

BOOK VII.
CHAPTEE I.

VOYAGE TO THE EAST END OF CUBA.
[1494.]

THE expedition of Columbus, which we are now about to re-
cord, may appear of minor importance at the present day,
leading as it did to no grand discovery, and merely extending
along the coasts of islands with which the reader is sufficiently
familiar. Some may feel impatient at the development of
opinions and conjectures which have long since been proved
to be fallacious, and the detail of exploring enterprises under-
taken in error, and which they know must end in disappoint-
ment. But to feel these voyages properly, we must, in a
manner, divest ourselves occasionally of the information we
possess relative to the countries visited ; we must transport
ourselves to the time, and identify ourselves with Columbus,
thus fearlessly launching into seas where as yet a civilized
sail had never been unfurled. We must accompany him, step
by step, in his cautious but bold advances along the bays
and channels of an unknown coast, ignorant of the dangers

416 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

which might lurk around, or which might await him in the
interminable region of mystery that still kept breaking upon
his view. We must, as it were, consult with him as to each
new reach of shadowy land, and long line of promontory,
that we see faintly emerging from the ocean and stretching
along the distant horizon. We must watch with him each
light canoe that comes skimming the billows, to gather from
the looks, the ornaments, and the imperfect communications
of its wandering crew, whether those unknown lands are also
savage and uncultivated, whether they are islands in the ocean,
untrodden as yet by civilized man, or tracts of the old conti-
nent of Asia, and wild frontiers of its populous and splendid
empires. We must enter into his very thoughts and fancies,
find out the data that assisted his judgment, and the hints that
excited his conjectures, and, for a time, clothe the regions
through which we are accompanying him, with the gorgeous
coloring of his own imagination. In this way we may delude
ourselves into participation of the delight of exploring un-
known and magnificent lands, where new wonders and beauties
break upon us at every step, and we may ultimately be able,
as it were from our own familiar acquaintance, to form an
opinion of the character of this extraordinary man, and of the
nature of his enterprises.

The plan of the present expedition of Columbus was to
revisit the coast of Cuba at the point where he had abandoned
it on his first voyage, and thence to explore it on the southern
side. As has already been observed, he supposed it to be a
continent, and the extreme end of Asia, and if so, by follow-
ing its shores in the proposed direction, he must eventually
arrive at Cathay and those other rich and commercial, though

Chap. I.] CHEISTOPHER COLLTVIBUS. 41T

semi-barbarous countries described by Mandeville and Marco
Polo*

He set sail with his little squadron from the harbor of
Isabella on the 24th of April, and steered to the westward.
After touching at Monte Christi, he anchored on the same daj
at the disastrous harbor of La Navidad. His object in revis-
iting this melancholy scene was to obtain an interview with
Guacanagari, who, he understood, had returned to his former
residence. He could not be persuaded of the perfidy of that
cacique, so deep was the impression made upon his heart by
past kindness ; he trusted, therefore, that a frank explanation
would remove all painful doubts, and restore a friendly inter-
course, which would be highly advantageous to the Spaniards,
in their present time of scarcity and suffering. Guacanagari,
however, still maintained hii^ : ^uivocal conduct, absconding at
the sight of the ships ; and tho jgh several of his subjects as-
sured Columbus that the cacique would soon make him a
visit, he did not think it advisable to delay his voyage on such
an uncertainty.

Pursuing his course, impeded occasionally by contrary
winds, he arrived on the 29th at the port of St. Nicholas,
whence he beheld the extreme point of Cuba, to which in his
preceding voyage he had given the name of Alpha and Omega,
but which was called by the natives Bayatiquiri, and is now
known as Point Maysi. Having crossed the channel, which is
about eighteen leagues wide, he sailed along the southern
coast of Cuba for the distance of twenty leagues, when he an-
chored in a harbor, to which, from its size, he gave the name

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 123, MS.
Vol. I.— 18*

il8 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIL

of Puerto Grande, at present called Guantanamo. The en-
trance was narrow and winding, though deep ; the harbor ex-
panded within like a beautiful lake, in the bosom of a wild
and mountainous country, covered with trees, some of them in
blossom, others bearing fruit. Not far from the shore were
two cottages built of reeds, and several fires blazing in various
parts of the beach gave signs of inhabitants. Columbus landed
therefore, attended by several men well armed, and by the
young Indian interpreter Diego Colon, the native of the island
of Guanahani, who had been baptized in Spain. On arriving
at the cottages, he found them deserted ; the fires also were
abandoned, and there was not a human being to be seen. The
Indians had all fled to the woods and mountains. The sud-
den arrival of the ships had spread a panic throughout the
neighborhood, and apparently 'nterrupted the preparations
for a rude but plentiful banquet. There were great quantities
of fish, utias, and guanas ; some suspended to the branches of
the trees, others roasting on wooden spits before the fires.

The Spaniards, accustomed of late to slender fore, fell with-
out ceremony on this bounteous feast, thus spread before them,
as it were, in the wilderness. They abstained, however, from
the guanas, which they still regarded with disgust as a species
of serpent, though they were considered so delicate a food by
the savages, that, according to Peter Martyr, it was no more
lawful for the common people to eat them, than of peacocks
and pheasants in Spain.*

After their repast, as the Spaniards were roving about the
vicinity, they beheld about seventy of the natives collected on
the top of a lofty rock, and looking down upon them with great

* P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.

Chap, I.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 419

awe and amazement. On attempting to approach them, they
instantly disappeared among the woods and clefts of the
mountain. One, however, more bold or more curious than
the rest, lingered on the brow of the precipice, gazing with
timid wonder at the Spaniards, partly encouraged by their
friendly signs, but ready in an instant to bound away after
his companions.

By order of Columbus, the young Lucayan interpreter
advanced and accosted him. The expressions of friendship, in
his own language, soon dispelled his apprehensions. He came
to meet the interpreter, and being informed by him of the
good intentions of the Spaniards, hastened to communicate
the intelligence to his comrades. In a little while they were
seen descending from the rocks, and issuing from their forests,
approaching the strangers with great gentleness and venera-
tion. Through the means of the interpreter, Columbus learnt
that they had been sent to the coast by their cacique, to pro-
cure fish for a solemn banquet, which he was about to give to
a neighboring chieftain, and that they roasted the fish to pre-
vent it from spoiling in the transportation. They seemed to
be of the same gentle and pacific character with the natives
of Hayti. The ravages that had been made among their pro-
visions by the hungry Spaniards gave them no concern, for
they observed that one night's fishing would replace all the
loss. Columbus, however, in his usual spirit of justice, or-
dered that ample compensation should be made them, and,
shaking hands, they parted mutually well pleased.*

Leaving this harbor on the 1st of May, the admiral con-
tinued to the westward, along a mountainous coast, adorned

* Peter Martyr, ubi sup.

420 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

by beautiful rivers, and indented by those commodious har-
bors for which this island is so remarkable. As he advanced,
the country grew more fertile and populous. The natives
crowded to the shores, man, woman, and child, gazing with
astonishment at the ships, which glided gently along at no
great distance. They held up fruits and provisions, inviting
the Spaniards to land ; others came off in canoes, bringing
cassava bread, fish, and calabashes of water, not for sale, but
as offerings to the strangers, whom, as usual, they considered
celestial beings descended from the skies. Columbus distrib-
uted the customary presents among them, which were received
with transports of joy and gratitude. After continuing some
distance along the coast, he came to another gulf or deep bay,
narrow at the entrance and expanding within, surrounded by
a rich and beautiful country. There were lofty mountains
sweeping up from the sea, but the shores were enlivened by
numerous villages, and cultivated to such a degree as to resem-
ble gardens and orchards. In this harbor, which it is probable
was the same at present called St. Jago de Cuba, Columbus
anchored and passed a night, overwhelmed, as usual, with the
simple hospitality of the natives.*

On inquiring of the people of this coast after gold, they
uniformly pointed to the south, and, as far as they could be
understood, intimated that it ab()unded in a great island Avhich
lay in that direction. The admiral, in the course of his first
voyage, had received information of such an island, which
some of his followers had thought might be Babeque, the ob-
ject of so much anxious search and chimerical expectation.
He had felt a strong inclination to diverge from his course

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 124, MS.

Chap. I.] cheistopher columbus. 421

and go in quest of it, and this desire increased with every new
report. On the following day, therefore (the 3d of May ),
after standing westward to a high cape, he turned his prow
directly south, and abandoning for a time the coast of Cuba,
steered off into the broad sea, in quest of this reported island.

422 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [BooK YIL

CHAPTEE II.

DISCOVERY OF JAMAICA.
[1494.]

COLUMBUS had not sailed many leagues before the blue
summits of a vast and lofty island, at a great distance,
began to rise like clouds above the horizon. It was two days
and nights, however, before he reached its shores, filled with
admiration, as he gradually drew near, at the beauty of its
mountains, the majesty of its forests, the fertility of its valleys,
and the great number of villages with which the whole face of
the country was animated.

On approaching the land, at least seventy canoes, filled
with savages gayly painted and decorated with feathers, sal-
lied forth more than a league from the shore. They advanced
in warlike array, uttering loud yells, and brandishing lances
of pointed wood. The mediation of the interpreter, and a few
presents to the crew of one of the canoes, which ventured
nearer than the rest, soothed this angry armada, and the squad-
ron pursued its course unmolested. Columbus anchored in a
harbor about the centre of the island, to which, from the great

Chap. II.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 423

beauty of the surrounding country, he gave the nariie of Santa
Gloria.*

On the following morning, he weighed anchor at daybreak,
and coasted westward in search of a sheltered harbor, where
^his ship could be careened and calked, as it leaked consider-
ably. After proceeding a few leagues, he found one appa-
rently suitable for the purpose. On sending a boat to sound
the entrance, two large canoes, filled with Indians, issued forth,
hurling their lances, but from such distance as to fall short of
the Spaniards. Wishing to avoid any act of hostility that
might prevent future intercourse, Columbus ordered the boat
to return on board, and finding there was sufficient depth of
water for his ship, entered and anchored in the harbor. Im-
mediately the whole beach was covered with Indians painted
with a variety of colors, but chiefly black, some partly clothed
with palm leaves, and all wearing tufts and coronets of feath-
ers. Unlike the hospitable islanders of Cuba and Hayti, they
appeared to partake of the warlike character of the Caribs,
hurling their javelins at the ships, and making the shores re-
sound with their yells and war-whoops.

The admiral reflected that further forbearance might be
mistaken for cowardice. It was necessary to careen his ship,
and to send men on shore for a supply of water, but pre-
viously it was advisable to strike an awe into the savages,
that might prevent any molestation from them. As the cara-
vels could not approach sufficiently near to the beach where
the Indians were collected, he despatched the boats well
manned and armed. These, rowing close to the shore, let fly
a volley of arrows from their cross-bows, by which several

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 125.

424 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

Indians were wounded, and the rest thrcwn into confusion.
The Spaniards then sprang on shore, and put the whole mul-
titude to flight ; giving another discharge with their cross-
bows, and letting loose upon them a dog, who pursued them
with sanguinary fury.* This is the first instance of the use
of dogs against the natives, which were afterwards employed
with such cruel effect by the Spaniards in their Indian wars.
Columbus now landed and took formal possession of the isl-
and, to which he gave the name of Santiago ; but it has re-
tained its original Indian name of Jamaica. The harbor, from
its commodiousness, he called Puerto Bueno : it was in the
form of a horse-shoe, and a river entered the sea in its vicin-

During the rest of the day, the neighborhood remained
silent and deserted. On the following morning, however,
before sunrise, six Indians were seen on the shore making
signs of amity. They proved to be envoys sent by the ca-
ciques with proffers of peace and friendship. These were cor-
dially returned by the admiral ; presents of trinkets were sent
to the chieftains ; and in a little while the harbor again
swarmed with the naked and painted multitude, bringing
abundance of provisions, similar in kind, but superior in qual-
ity, to those of the other islands.

During three days that the 'ships remained in this harbor,
the most amicable intercourse was kept up with the natives.
They appeared to be more ingenious, as well as more warlike,
than their neighbors of Cuba and Hayti, Their canoes were
better constructed, being ornamented with carving and paint-
ing at the bow and stern. Many were of great size, though

* Cura de los Palaclos, cap. 125. f Hist, del Almirante, ubi sup.

Chap. II.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUIUBUS. 425

formed of the trunks of single trees, often from a species of
the mahogany. Columbus measured one, which was ninety-
six feet long, and eight broad,* hollowed out of one of those
magnificent trees which rise like verdant towers amidst the
rich forests of the tropics. Every cacique prided himself on
possessing a large canoe of the kind, which he seemed to regard
as his ship of state. It is curious to remark the apparently
innate difference between these island tribes. The natives of
Porto Rico, though surrounded by adjacent islands, and sub-
ject to frequent incursions of the Caribs, were of a pacific
character, and possessed very few canoes ; while Jamaica, sep-
arated by distance from intercourse with other islands, pro-
tected in the same way from the dangers of invasion, and em-
bosomed, as it were, in a peaceful, mediterranean sea, was in-
habited by a warlike race, and surpassed all the other islands
in its maritime armaments.

His ship being repaired, and a supply of water taken in,
Columbus made sail, and continued along the coast to the
westward, so close to the shore that the little squadron was
continually surrounded by the canoes of the natives, who came
off from every bay, and river, and headland, no longer mani-
festing hostility, but anxious to exchange any thing they pos-
sessed for European trifles. After proceeding about twenty-
four leagues, they approached the western extremity of the
island, where the coast bending to the south, the wind became
unfavorable for their further progress along the shore. Being
disappointed in his hopes of finding gold in Jamaica, and the
breeze being fair for Cuba, Columbus determined to return
thither, and not to leave it until he had explored its coast to a

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 124.

426 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YII.

sufficient distance to determine the question, whether it -were
terra firma or an island.* To the last place at which he
touched in Jamaica, he gave the name of the Gulf of Buen-
tiempo (or Fair Weather), on account of the propitious wind
which blew for Cuba. Just as he was about to sail, a young
Indian came off to the ship, and begged the Spaniards would
take him to their country. He was followed by his relatives
and friends, who endeavored by the most aftecting supplica-
tions to dissuade him from his purpose. For some time he
was distracted between concern for the distress of his family,
and an ardent desire to see the home of these wonderful stran-
gers. Curiosity, and the youthful propensity to rove, pre-
vailed ; he tore himself from the embraces of his friends, and,
that he might not behold the tears of his sisters, hid himself
in a secret part of the ship. Touched by this scene of natural
affection, and pleased with the enterprising and confiding
spirit of the youth, Columbus gave orders that he should be
treated with especial kindness. j-

It would have been interesting to have known something
more of the fortunes of this curious savage, and of the impres-
sions made upon so lively a mind by a first sight of the won-
ders of civilization — whether the land of the white men
equalled his hopes ; whether, as is usual with the savages, he
pined amidst the splendors of cities for his native forests, and
whether he returned to the arms of his fomily. The early
Spanish historians seem never to have interested themselves
in the feelings or fortunes of these first visitors from the New
to the Old World. No further mention is made of this youth-
ful adventurer.

* Hist, del Almirantc, cap. 54 f Ibid.

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 427

CHAPTEE III.

EETUEie TO CUBA.— NAVIGATION AMONG THE ISLANDS CALLED
THE QUEEN'S GAEDENS.

[1494.]

OETTING sail from the gulf of Buentiempo, the squadron
^ once more steered for the island of Cuba, and on the 18th
of May arrived at a great cape, to which Columbus gave the
name of Cabo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Here, land-
ing at a large village, he was well received and entertained by
the cacique and his subjects, who had long since heard of him
and his ships. In fact, Columbus found, from the report of
this chieftain, that the numerous Indians who had visited his
ships during the cruise along the northren coast in his first
voyage, had spread the story far and near of these wonderful
visitors who had descended from the sky, and had filled the
whole island with rumors and astonishment.* The admiral
endeavored to ascertain from this cacique and his people,
whether Cuba was an island or a continent. They all replied
that it was an island, but of infinite extent ; for they declared

* Cura de los Palacios, cap, 126.

428 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF ^BooK VII.

that no one had ever seen the end of it. This reply, while it
manifested their ignorance of the nature of a continent, left
the question still in doubt and obscurity. The Indian name
of this province of Cuba was Macaca.

Resuming his course to the west on the following day, Co-
lumbus came to where the coast suddenly swept away to the
north-east for many leagues, and then curved around again to
the west, forming an immense bay, or rather gulf. Here he
was assailed by a violent storm, accompanied by awful thunder
and lightning, which in these latitudes seem to rend the very
heavens. Fortunately the storm was not of long duration,
or his situation would have been perilous in the extreme ;
for iie found the navigation rendered difficult by numerous
keys* and sand-banks. These increased as he advanced, until
the mariner stationed at the mast-head, beheld the sea, as far
as the eye could reach, completely studded with small islands ;
some were low, naked, and sandy, others covered with ver-
dure, and others tufted with lofty and beautiful forests. They
were of various sizes, from one to four leagues, and were gen-
erally the more fertile and elevated, the nearer they were to
Cuba. Finding them to increase in number, so as to render
it impossible to give names to each, the admiral gave the
whole labyrinth of islands, which in a manner enamelled the
face of the ocean with variegated verdure, the name of the
Queen's Gardens. He thought at first of leaving this archi-
pelago on his right, and standing farther out to sea ; but he
called to mind that Sir John Mandeville and Marco Polo had
mentioned that the coast of Asia was fringed Avith islands to

* Keys, from Cayos, rocks which occasionally form small islands on
the coast of America.

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 429

the amount of several thousand. He persuaded himself that
he was among that cluster, and resolved not to lose sight of
the mainland, by following which, if it were really Asia, he
must soon arrive at the dominions of the Grand Khan.

Entering among these islands, therefore, Columbus soon
became entangled in the most perplexed navigation, in which
he was exposed to continual perils and difficulties from sand-
banks, counter currents, and sunken rocks. The ships were
compelled, in a manner, to grope their way, with men sta-
tioned at the mast-head, and the lead continually going.
Sometimes they were obliged to shift their course, within the
hour, to all points of the compass ; sometimes they were
straitened in a narrow channel, where it was necessary to
lower all sail, and tow the vessels out, lest they should run
aground ; notwithstanding all which precautions, they fre-
quently touched upon sand-banks, and were extricated with
great difficulty. The variableness of the weather added to the
embarrassment of the navigation ; though after a little while
it began to assume some method in its very caprices. In the
morning the wind rose in the east with the sun, and following
his course through the day, died away at sunset in the
west. Heavy clouds gathered with the approach of evening,
sending forth sheets of lightning, and distant peals of thunder,
and menacing a furious tempest ; but as the moon rose, the
whole mass broke away, part melting in a shower, and part
dispersing by a breeze which sprang up from the land.

There was much in the character of the surrounding scen-
ery to favor the idea of Columbus, that he was in the Asiatic
archipelago. As the ships glided along the smooth and glassy
canals which separated these verdant islands, the magnificence

430 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

of their vegetation, the soft odors wafted from flowers, and
blossoms, and aromatic shrubs, and the splendid plumage of
the scarlet cranes, or rather flamingoes, which abounded in the
meadows, and of other tropical birds which fluttered among
the groves, resembled what is described of Oriental climes.

These islands were generally uninhabited. They found a
considerable village, however, one of the largest, where they
landed on the 22d of May. The houses were abandoned by
their inhabitants, who appeared to depend principally on the
sea for their subsistence. Large quantities of fish were found
in their dwellings, and the adjacent shore was covered with
the shells of tortoises. There were also domesticated parrots,
and scarlet cranes, and a number of dumb dogs, which it was
afterwards found they fattened as an article of food. To this
island the admiral gave the name of Santa Marta.

In the course of his voyage among these islands, Columbus
beheld one day a number of the natives in a canoe on the still
surface of one of the channels, occupied in fishing, and was
struck with the singular means they employed. They had
a small fish, the flat head of which was furnished with numer-
ous suckers, by which it attached itself so firmly to any object,
as to be torn in pieces rather than abandon its hold. Tying a
line of great length to the tail of this fish, the Indians permit-
ted it to swim at large ; it generally kept near the surface of
the water, until it perceived its prey, when, darting down
swiftly, it attached itself by the suckers to the throat of a fish
or to the under shell of a tortoise, nor did it relinquish its prey,
until both were drawn up by the fishermen and taken out of
the water. In this way the Spaniards witnessed the taking of
a tortoise of immense size, and Fernando Columbus affirms that

Chap. III.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 431

he himself saw a shark caught in the same manner on the
coast of Veragua. The fact has been corroborated by the ac-
counts of various navigators ; and the same mode of fishing is
said to be employed on the eastern coast of Africa, at Mozam-
bique and at Madagascar. " Thus," it has been observed,
" savage people, who probably have never held communica-
tion with each other, offer the most striking analogies in their
modes of exercising empire over animals." * These fishermen
came on board of the ships in a fearless manner. They fur-
nished the Spaniards with a supply of fish, and would cheer-
fully have given them every thing they possessed. To the
admiral's inquiries concerning those parts, they said that the
sea was full of islands, to the south and to the west, but as to
Cuba, it continued running to the westward without any ter-
mination.

Having extricated himself from this archipelago, Columbus
steered for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba about
fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large village on
the 3d of June. Here he was received with that kindness and
amity which distinguished the inhabitants of Cuba, whom he
extolled above all the other islanders for their mild and pacific
character. Their very animals, he said, were tamer, as well
as larger and better, than those of the other islands. Among
the various articles of food which the natives brought with
joyful alacrity from all parts, were stockdoves of uncommon
size and flavor ; perceiving something peculiar in their taste,
Columbus ordered the crops of several newly killed to be
opened, in which were found sweet spices.

While the crews of the boats were procuring water and

* Humboldt, Essai Politique sur 1' He de Cuba, torn. i. p. 364.

432 LIFE AlID VOYAGES OF [Book YII.

provisions, Columbus sought to gather information from the
venerable cacique, and several of the old men of the village.
They told him that the name of their province was Ornofay ;
that further to the westward the sea was again covered with
innumerable islands, and had but little depth. As to Cuba,
none of them had ever heard that it had an end to the west-
ward ; forty moons would not suffice to reach to its extrem-
ity ; in fact, they considered it interminable. They observed,
however, that the admiral would receive more ample informa-
tion from the inhabitants of Mangon, an adjacent province,
which lay towards the west. The quick apprehension of Co-
lumbus was struck with the sound of this name ; it resembled
that of Mangi, the richest province of the Grand Khan, bor-
dering on the Ocean. He made further inquiries concerning
the region of Mangon, and understood the Indians to say, that
it was inhabited by people who had tails like animals, and
wore garments to conceal them. He recollected that Sir John
Mandeville, in his account of the remote parts of the East,
had recorded a story of the same kind as current among cer-
tian naked tribes of Asia, and told by thcmi in ridicule of the
garments of their civilized neighbors, which they could only
conceive useful as concealing some bodily defect.* He be-
came, therefore, more confident than ever, that, by keeping
along the coast to the westward, he should eventually arrive
at the civilized realms of Asia. He flattered himself with the
hopes of finding this region of Mangon to be the rich province
of Mangi, and its people with tails and garments, the long-
robed inhabitants of the empire of Tartary.

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 127.

Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS* 433

CHAPTEE lY.

COASTINa OF THE SOUTHEKN SIDE OF CUBA.
[1494.]

ANIMATED by one of the pleasing illusions of his ardent
imagination, Columbus pursued his voyage, with a pros-
perous breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia. He was
now opposite that part of the southern side of Cuba, where,
for nearly thirty-five leagues, the navigation is unembarrassed
by banlis and islands. To his left was the broad and open
sea, the dark blue color of which gave token of ample depth ;
to his right extended the richly-wooded province of Ornofay,
gradually sweeping up into a range of interior mountains ; the
verdant coast watered by innumerable streams, and studded
with Indian villages. The appearance of the ships spread
wonder and joy along the sea-coast. The natives hailed with
acclamations the arrival of these wonderful beings, whose fame
had circulated more or less throughout the island, and who
brought with them the blessings of heaven. They came off
swimming, or in their canoes, to offer the fruits and produo-
VoL. I.-19

434: LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [BoOK VIL

tions of the land, and regarded the white men almost with
adoration. After the usual evening shower, when the breeze
blew from the shore and brought off the sweetness of the land,
it bore with it, also, the distant songs of the natives and the
sound of their rude music, as they were probably celebrating,
with their national chants and dances, the arrival of the white
men. So delightful were these spicy odors and cheerful sounds
to Columbus, who was at present open to all pleasurable in-
fluences, that he declared the night passed away as a single
hour.*

It is impossible to resist noticing the striking ccmtrasts
which are soinetimes presented by the lapse of time. The
coast here described, so populous and animated, rejoicing in
the visit of the discoverers, is the same that extends westward
of the city of Trinidad, along the gulf of Xagua. All is now
silent and deserted : civilization, which has covered some parts
of Cuba with glittering cities, has rendered this a solitude.
The whole race of Indians has long since -passed away, pining
and perishing beneath the domination of the strangers whom
they welcomed so joyfully to their shores. Before me lies
the account of a night recently passed on this very coast, by
a celebrated traveller ; but with what different feelings from
those of Columbus ! '' I passed," says he, " a great part of the
night upon the deck. What deserted coasts ! not a light to an-
nounce the cabin of a fisherman. From Batabano to Trinidad,
a distance of fifty leagues, there does not exist a village. Yet
in the time of Columbus this land was inhabited even along
the margin of the sea. When pits are digged in the soil, or
the torrents plough open the surface of the earth, there are

* Cura de los Palacios.

Chap. IV.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 435

often found hatchets of stone and vessels of copper, relics of
the ancient inhabitants of the island." *

For the greater part of two days the ships swept along
this open part of the coast, traversing the wide gulf of Xagua.
At length they came to where the sea became suddenly as
white as milk, and perfectly turbid, as though flour had been
mingled with it. This is caused by fine sand or calcareous
particles, raised from the bottom at certain depths by the agi-
tation of the waves and currents. It spread great alarm
through the ships, which was heightened by their soon finding
themselves surrounded by banks and keys, and in shallow
water. The further they proceeded, the more perilous became
their situation. They were in a narrow channel, where they
had no room to turn, and to beat out ; where there was no
hold for their anchors, and where they were violently tossed
about by the winds, and in danger of being stranded. At
length they came to a small island, where they found toler-
able anchorage. Here they remained for the night, in great
anxigty ; many were for abandoning all further prosecution
of the enterprise, thinking that they might esteem them-
selves fortunate should they be able to return whence they
came. Columbus, however, could not consent to relinquish
his voyage, now that he thought himself in the route for a
brilliant discovery. The next morning he despatched the
smallest caravel to explore this new labyrinth of islands, and
to penetrate to the mainland in quest of fresh water, of which
the ships were in great need. The caravel returned with a
report that the canals and keys of this group were as numer-
ou!s and intricate as those of the Gardens of the Queen ; that

* Humboldt, Essai Pol. sur Cuba, torn. ii. p. 25.

436 LIFE AUD VOYAGES OF [Book YIL

the mainland was bordered by deep marshes and a m^uddy
coast, where the mangrove trees grew within the water, and
so close together, that they formed, as it were, an impenetrable
wall : that within, the land appeared fertile and mountainous ;
and columns of smoke, rising from various parts, gave signs
of numerous inhabitants.* Under the guidance of this caravel,
Columbus now ventured to penetrate this little archipelago ;
working his way with great caution, toil, and peril, among
the narrow channels which separated the sand-banks and isl-
ands, and frequently getting aground. At length he reached
a low point of Cuba, to which he gave the name of Point Sera-
fin ; within which the coast swept off to the east, forming so
deep a bay, that he could not see the land at the bottom. To
the north, however, there were mountains afar off, and the-in-
termediate space was clear and open ; the islands in sight
lying to the south and west ; a description which agrees with
that of the great bay of Batabano. Columbus now steered for
these mountains, with a fair wind and three fathoms of water,
and on the following day anchored on the coast near a beau-
tiful grove of palm-trees.

Here a party was sent on shore for wood and water ; and
they found two living springs in the midst of the grove.
While they were employed in cutting wood and filling their
water casks, an archer strayed into the forest with his cross-
bow in search of game, but soon returned, flying with great
terror, and calling loudly upon his companions for aid. He
declared that he had not proceeded far, when he suddenly es-
pied, through an opening glade, a man in a long white dress,
so like a friar of the order of St. Mary of ISIercy, that at first

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 128.

Chap. IV.] CHBISTOPHEK COLTJMBUS. 437

sight he took him for the chaplain of the admiral. Two others
followed, in white tunics reaching to their knees, and the three
were of as fair complexions as Europeans. Behind these ap-
peared many more to the number of thirty, armed with clubs
and lances. They made no signs of hostility, but remained
quiet, the man in the long white dress alone advancing to ac-
cost him ; but he was so alarmed at their number, that he had
fled instantly to seek the aid of his companions. The latter,
however, were so daunted by the reported number of armed
natives, that they had not courage to seek them nor to wait
their coming, but hurried, with all speed, to the ships.

When Columbus heard this story he was greatly rejoiced,
for he concluded that these must be the clothed inhabitants of
Mangon, of whom he had recently heard, and that he had at
length arrived at the confaies of a civilized country, if not
within the very borders of the rich province of Mangi. On
the following day he despatched a party of armed men in quest
of these people clad in white, with orders to penetrate, if
necessary, forty miles into the interior, until they met with
some of the inhabitants ; for he thought the populous and cul-
tivated parts might be distant from the sea, and that there
might be towns and cities beyond the woods and mountains
of the coast. The party penetrated through a belt of thick
forests which girdled the shore, and then entered upon a great
plain or savanna, covered with rank grass and herbage as tall
as ripe corn, and destitute of any road or footpath. Here
they were so entangled and fettered, as it were, by matted
grass and creeping vegetation, that it was with the utmost
difficulty they could penetrate the distance of a mile, when

438 LIFE AJSTD VOYAGES OF [Book YII.

they had to abandon the attempt, and return, weary and
exhausted, to the ships.

Another party was sent on the succeeding day to penetrate
in a different direction. They had not proceeded far from the
coast, when they beheld the footprints of some large animal
with claws, which some supposed the tracks of a lion, others
of a griffon,* but which were probably made by the alligators
which abound in that vicinity. Dismayed at the sight, they
hastened back towards the seaside. In their way they passed
through a forest, with lawns and meadows opening in various
parts of it, in which were flocks of cranes twice the size of
those of Europe. Many of the trees and shrubs sent forth
those aromatic odors which were continually deceiving them
with the hope of finding oriental spices. They saw also abun-
dance of grape-vines, that beautiful feature in the vegetation
of the New World. Many of these crept to the summits of
the highest trees, overwhelming them with foliage, twisting
themselves from branch to branch, and bearing ponderous
clusters of juicy grapes. The party returned to the ships un-
successful as their predecessors, and pronounced the country
wild and impenetrable, though exceedingly fertile. As a proof
of its abundance, they brought great clusters of the wild grapes,
which Columbus afterwards transmitted to the sovereigns.

* Cardinal Pierre do Aliaco, a favorite author with Columbus, speaks
repeatedly, in his Ima*o Mundi, of the existence of griifons in India ;
and Glanville, whose work, De Proprietatibus Reruni, was familiar to
Columbus, describes them as having the body and claws of a lion, and
the head and wings of an eagle, and as infesting the mountains which
abounded with gold and precious stones, so as to rendt?r the access
to them extremely perilous. — Dt Proprietatibus Hcrum, lib. xviii. cap.
150.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 439

together with a specimen of the water of the White Sea,
through which he had passed.

As no tribe of Indians was ever discovered in Cuba wearing
clothing, it is probable that the story of the men in white
originated in some error of the archer, who, full of the idea of
the mysterious inhabitants of Mangon, may have been startled
in the course of his lonely wandering in the forest, by one of
those flocks of cranes which it seems abounded in the neighbor-
hood. These birds, like the flamingoes, feed in company, with
one stationed at a distance as sentinel. When seen through
the openings of the woodlands, standing in rows along a smooth
savanna, or in a glassy pool of water, their height and erect-
ness give them, at the first glance, the semblance of human
figures. Whether the story originated in error or in false-
hood, it made a deep impression on the mind of Columbus,
who was predisposed to be deceived, and to believe every thing
that favored the illusion of his being in the vicinity of a civil-
ized country.

After he had explored the deep bay to the east, and ascer-
tained that it was not an ai'm of the sea, he continued Avest-
ward, and proceeding about nine leagues, came to an inhab-
ited shore, where he had communications with several of the
natives. They were naked as usual ; but that he attributed
to their being mere fishermen, inhabiting a savage coast ; he
presumed the civilized regions to lie in the interior. As his
Lucayan interpreter did not understand the language, or
rather dialect, of this part of Cuba, all the information which
he could obtain from the natives Avas necessarily received
through the erroneous medium of signs and gesticulations.
Deluded by his own favorite hypothesis, he understood from

44:0 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIL

them that, among certain mountains which he saw far off to the
west, there was a powerful king, who reigned in great state
over many populous provinces ; that he wore a white garment
which swept the ground ; that he was called a saint ; * that he
never spoke, but communicated his orders to his subjects by
signs, which were implicitly obeyed. f In all this we see the
busy imagination of the admiral interpreting every thing into
unison with his preconceived ideas. Las Casas assures us that
there was no cacique ever known in the island who wore gar-
ments, or answered in other respects to this description. This
king, with a saintly title, was probably nothing more than a
reflected image haunting the mind of Columbus, of that mys-
terious potentate, Prester John, who had long figured in the
narrations of all eastern travellers, sometimes as a monarch,
sometimes as a priest, the situation of whose empire and court
was always a matter of doubt and contradiction, and had re-
cently become again an object of curious inquiry.

The information derived from these people concerning the
coast to the westward was entirely vague. They said that it
continued for at least twenty days' journey, but whether it
terminated there they did not know. They appeared but lit-
tle informed of any thing out of their immediate neighbor-
hood. Taking an Indian from this place as a guide, Columbus
steered for the distant mountains, said to be inhabited by this
cacique in white raiment, hoping they might prove the confines
of a more civilized country. He had not gone far before he
was involved in the usual perplexities of keys, shelves, and sand-

* Que le Llamaban santo e que traia tunica blanca que le arastra por
el suelo. — Cura de los Palacios, cap. 128.

f Herrera, Hist. Ind., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 14.

Chap. IV.l CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 441

banks. The vessels frequently stirred up the sand and slime
from the bottom of the sea ; at other times they were almost
imbedded in narrow channels, where there "vvas no room to
tack, and it was necessary to haul them forward by means of
the capstan, to their great injury. At one time they came to
where the sea was almost covered with tortoises ; at another
time flights of cormorants and wood-pigeons darkened the sun,
and one day the whole air was filled with clouds of gaudy but-
terflies, until dispelled by the evening shower.

When they approached the mountainous regions, they
found the coast bordered by drowned lands or morasses ; and
beset by such thick forests, that it was impossible to penetrate
to the interior. They were several days seeking fresh water,
of which they were in great want. At length they found a
spring in a grove of palm-trees, and near it shells of the pearl
oyster, from which Columbus thought there might be a valu-
able pearl-fishery in the neighborhood.

While thus cut off" from all intercourse with the interior
by a belt of swamp and forests, the country appeared to be
well peopled. Columns of smoke ascended from various parts,
which grew more frequent as the vessels advanced, until they
rose from every rock and woody height. The Spaniards
were at a loss to determine whether these arose from villages
and towns, or whether from signal fires, to give notice of the
approach of the ships, and to alarm the country ; such as were
usual on European sea-shores, when an enemy was descried
hovering in the vicinity.

For several days Columbus continued exploring this per-
plexed and lonely coast, whose intricate channels are seldom
visited, even at the present day, excepting by the solitary
Vol. I.— 19*

442 LITE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

and lurking bark of the smuggler. As he proceeded, however,
he found that the coast took a general bend to the southwest.
This accorded precisely with the descriptions given by Marco
Polo of the remote coast of Asia. He now became fully as-
sured that he was on that part of the Asiatic continent which
is beyond the boundaries of the Old World as laid down by
Ptolemy. Let him but continue his course, he thought, and he
must surely arrive to the point where this range of coast ter-
minated in the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients.*

The ardent imagination of Columbus was always sallying
in the advance, and suggesting some splendid track of enter-
prise. Combining his present conjectures as to his situation
with the imperfect lights of geography, he conceived a trium-
phant route for his return to Spain. Doubling the Aurea
Chersonesus, he should emerge into the seas frequented by the
ancients, and bordered b}^ the luxurious nations of the East.
Stretching across the gulf of the Ganges, he might pass by
Taprobana, and continuing on to the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb,
arrive on the shores of the Red Sea. Thence he might make
his way by land to Jerusalem, take shipping at Joppa, and
traverse the Mediterranean to Spain. Or should the route
from Ethiopia to Jerusalem be deemed too perilous from
savage and warlike tribes, or should he not choose to separate
from his vessels, he might sail round the whole coast of
Africa, pass triumphantly by the Portuguese, in their midway
groping along the shores of Guinea, and after having thus
circumnavigated the globe, furl his adventurous sails at the
Pillars of Hercules, the 7ie plus idtra of the ancient world !
Such was the soaring meditation of Columbus, as recorded by

* The present peninsula of Malacca.

Chap. IV.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 443

one of his intimate associates ;* nor is there any thing surpris-
ing in his ignorance of the real magnitude of our globe. The
mechanical admeasurement of a known part of its circle has
rendered its circumference a familiar fact in our day ; but in
his time it still remained a problem with the most profound
philosophers.

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 123, MS.

444 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

CHAPTEE Y.

EETUEN OF COLUMBUS ALONG THE SOUTHEEN COAST OF CUBA.

[1494.]

npHE opinion of Columbus, that he was coasting the conti-
-*- nent of Asia, and approaching the confines of eastern civ-
ilization, was shared by all his fellow-voyagers, among whom
were several able and experienced navigators. They were
far, however, from sharing his enthusiasm. They were to de-
rive no glory from the success of the enterprise, and they
shrunk from its increasing difficulties and perils. The ships
were strained and crazed by the various injuries they had re-
ceived, in running frequently aground. Their cables and rig-
ging were worn, their provisions were growing scanty, a great
part of the biscuit was spoiled by the sea- water, which oozed
in through innumerable leaks. The crews were worn out by
incessant labor, and disheartened at the appearance of the sea
before them, which continued to exhibit a mere wilderness of
islands. They remonstrated, therefore, against persisting any
longer in this voyage. They had already followed the coast
far enough to satisfy their minds that it was a continent, and

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. M5

though they doubted not that civilized regions lay in the route
they were pursuing, yet their provisions might be exhausted,
and their vessels disabled, before they could arrive at them.

Columbus, as his imagination cooled, was himself aware of
the inadequacy of his vessels to the contemplated voyage ;
but felt it of importance to his fame and to the popularity of
his enterprises, to furnish satisfactory proofs that the land he
had discovered was a continent. He therefore persisted four
days longer in exploring the coast, as it bent to the south-west,
until every one declared there could no longer be a doubt on
the subject, for it was impossible so vast a continuity of land
should belong to a mere island. The admiral was determined,
however, that the fact should not rest on his own assertion
merely, having had recent proofs of a disposition to gainsay
his statements, and depreciate his discoveries. He sent round,
therefore, a public notary, Fernand Perez de Luna, to each
of the vessels, accompanied by four witnesses, who demanded
formally of every person on board, from the captain to the
ship-boy, whether he had any doubt that the land before him
was a continent, the begining and end of the Indies, by which
any one might return overland to Spain, and by pursuing the
coast of which, they could soon arrive among civilized people.
If any one entertained a doubt, he was called upon to express
it, that it might be removed. On board of the vessels, as has
been observed, were several experienced navigators and men
well versed in the geographical knowledge of the times. They
examined their maps and charts, and the reckonings and jour-
nals of the voyage, and after deliberating maturely, declared,
under oath, that they had no doubt upon the subject. They
grounded their belief principally upon their having coasted

446 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book YII,

for three hundred and thirty-J5ve leagues,* an extent unheard
of as appertahiing to an island, while the land continued to
stretch forward interminably, bending towards the south, con-
formably to the description of the remote coasts of India.

Lest they should subsequently, out of malice or caprice,
contradict the opinion thus solemnly avowed, it was pro-
claimed by the notary, that whoever should offend in such
manner, if an officer, should pay a penalty of ten thousand
maravedies ; if a ship-boy, or person of like rank, he should
receive a hundred lashes, and have his tongue cut out. A
formal statement was afterwards drawn up by the notary, in-
cluding the depositions and names of every individual ; which
document still exists.f This singular process took place near
that deep bay called by some the bay of Philipina, by others
of Cortes. At this very time, as has been remarked, a ship-
boy from the mast-head might have overlooked the group of
islands to the south, and beheld the open sea beyond. J Two
or three days further sail would have carried Columbus round
the extremity of Cuba ; would have dispelled his illusion,
and might have given an entirely different course to his subse-
quent discoveries. In his present conviction he lived and died ;
believing, to his last hour, that Cuba was the extremity of the
Asiatic continent.

Relinquishing all further investigation of the coast, he stood
to the southeast on the 13th of June, and soon came in sight
of a large island with mountains rising majestically among

* This calculation evidently includes all the courses of the ships in
their various tacks along the coast. Columbus could hardly have made
such an error as to have given this extent to the southern side of the
island, even including the inflections of the coast.

f Navarrete, Colec, torn. ii. ^ Munoz. Hist. N. Mundo, lib. v. p. 217.

Chap. V.] CItRISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 44T

this labyrinth of little keys. To this he gave the name of
Evangelista. It is at present known as the island of Pines,
and is celebrated for its excellent mahogany.

Here he anchored, and took in a supply of wood and water.
He then stood to the south, along the shores of the island,
hoping by turning its southern extremity to find an open route
eastward for Hispaniola, and intending, on his way, to run
along the southern side of Jamaica. He had not proceeded
far before he came to what he supposed to be a channel, open-
ing to the southeast between Evangelista and some opposite
island. After entering for some distance, however, he found
himself inclosed in a deep bay, being the Lagoon of Siguanca,
which penetrates far into the island.

Observing dismay painted on the faces of his crew at find-
ing themselves thus land-locked and almost destitute of pro-
visions, Columbus cheered them with encouraging words,
and resolved to extricate himself from this perplexing maze by
retracing his course along Cuba. Leaving the Lagoon, there-
fore, he returned to his last anchoring-place, and set sail thence
on the 25th of June, navigating back through the groups of
islands between Evangelista and Cuba, and across a track of
the White Sea, which had so much appalled his people. Here
he experienced a repetition of the anxieties, perils, and toils
which had beset him in his advance along the coast. The
crews were alarmed by the frequent changes in the color of
the water, sometimes green, sometimes almost black, at other
times as white as milk ; at one time they fancied themselves
surrounded by rocks, at another the sea appeared to be
a vast sand-bank. On the 30th of June, the admiral's ship ran
aground with such violence as to sustain great injury. Every

44:8 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book TIL

effort to extricate her by sending out anchors astern was in-
effectual, and it was necessary to drag her over the shoal by
the prow. At length they emerged from the clusters of isl-
ands called the Jardins and Jardinelles, and came to the open
part of the coast of Cuba. Here they once more sailed along
the beautiful and fertile province of Ornofay, and Avere again
delighted with fragrant and honeyed airs wafted from the land.
Among the mingled odors, the admiral fancied he could per-
ceive that of storax proceeding from the smoke of fires blazing
on the shores.*

Here, Columbus sought some convenient harbor where he
might procure wood and water, and allow his crews to enjoy
repose and the recreations of the land ; for they were exceed-
ingly enfeebled and emaciated by the toils and privations of
the voyage. For nearly two months they had been struggling
with perpetual difficulties and dangers, and suffering from a
scarcity of provisions. Among these uninhabited keys and
drowned shores, their supplies from the natives had been pre-
carious land at wide intervals ; nor could the fresh provisions
thus furnished last above a day, from the heat and humidity
of the climate. It was the same case with any fish they might
chance to catch, so that they had to depend almost entirely
upon their daily allowance of ships' provisions, which was re-
duced to a pound of mouldy bread, and a small portion of
wine. With joy, therefore, they anchored on the 7th of July
in the mouth of a fine river, in this genial and abundant re-
gion. The cacique of the neighborhood, who reigned over an

* Humboldt (in his Essai Polit., torn. ii. p. 24) speaks of the fragrance
of flowers and honey which exhales from this same coast, and which ia
perceptible to a considerable distance at sea.

r

Chap. V.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 44:9

extensive territory, received the admiral with demonstrations
of mingled joy and reverence, and his subjects came laden with
whatever their country afforded, utias, birds of various kinds,
particularly large pigeons, cassava bread, and fruits of a rich
and aromatic flavor.

It was a custom with Columbus in all remarkable places
which he visited, to erect crosses in conspicuous situations, to
denote the discovery of the country, and its subjugation to the
true faith. He ordered a large cross of wood, therefore, to be
elevated on the bank of this river. This was done on a Sun-
day morning with great ceremony, and the celebration of a
solemn mass. When he disembarked for this purpose, he was
met upon the shore by the cacique, and his principal favorite,
a venerable Indian, fourscore years of age, of grave and digni-
fied deportment. The old man brought a string of beads, of
a kind to which the Indians attached a mystic value, and a
calabash of a delicate kind of fruit ; these he presented to the
admiral in token of amity. He and the cacique then each
took him by the hand and proceeded with him to the grove,
where preparations had been made for the celebration of the
mass : a multitude of the natives followed. While mass was
performing in this natural temple, the Indians looked on with
awe and reverence, perceiving from the tones and gesticula-
tions of the priest, the lighted tapers, the smoking incense,
and the devotion of the Spaniards, that it must be a ceremony
of a sacred and mysterious nature. When the service was
ended, the old man of fourscore, who had contemplated it with
profound attention, approached Columbus, and made him an
oration in the Indian manner.

" This which thou hast been doing," said he, " is well, for

450 LIFE AliTD VOYAGES OF [Book VII,

it appears to be thy manner of giving thanks to God. I am
told that thou hast lately come to these lands with a mighty
force, and subdued many countries, spreading great fear among
the people ; but be not, therefore, vainglorious. Know that,
according to our belief, the souls of men have two journeys to
perform after they have departed from the body. One to a
place, dismal, and foul, and covered with darkness, prepared
for those who have been unjust and cruel to their fellow-men ;
the other pleasant and full of delight, for such as have pro-
moted peace on earth. If, then, thou art mortal and dost ex-
pect to die, and dost believe that each one shall be rewarded
according to his deeds, beware that thou wrongfully hurt no
man, nor do harm to those who have done no harm to thee." *
The admiral, to whom this speech was explained by his Lu-
cayan interpreter, Diego Colon, was greatly moved by the
simple eloquence of this untutored savage. He told him in
reply that he rejoiced to hear his doctrine respecting the future
state of the soul, having supposed that no belief of the kind
existed among the inhabitants of these countries. That he
had been sent among them by his sovereigns, to teach them
the true religion ; to protect them from harm and injury ; and
especially to subdue and punish their enemies and persecutors,
the Cannibals. That, therefore, all innocent and peaceable
men might look up to him with confidence, as an assured friend
and protector.

The old man was overjoyed at these words, but was equally
astonished to learn that the admiral, whom he considered so
great and powerful, was yet but a subject. Ilis wonder in-

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. xi., cap. 14. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 57.
Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii. Cura de los Pakcios, cap. 1 30.

Chap. V.] CKRISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 451

creased when the interpreter told him of the riches, and splen-
dor, and power of the Spanish monarchs, and of the wonder-
ful things he had beheld on his visit to Spain. Finding him-
self listened to with eager curiosity by the multitude, the in-
terpreter went on to describe the objects which had most
struck his mind in the country of the white men. The splen-
did cities, the vast churches, the troops of horsemen, the great
animals of various Itinds, the pompous festivals and tourna-
ments of the court, the glittering armies, and, above all, the
bull-fights. The Indians all listened in mute amazement, but
the old man was particularly excited. He was of a curious
and wandering disposition, and had been a great voyager, hav-
ing, according to his account, visited Jamaica, and Hispaniola,
and the remote parts of Cuba.* A sudden desire now seized
him to behold the glorious country thus described, and, old as
he was, he offered to embark with the admiral. His wife and
children, however, beset him with such lamentations and re-
monstrances, that he was obliged to abandon the intention,
though he did it with great reluctance, asking repeatedly if the
land they spoke cf were not heaven, for it seemed to him im-
possible that earth could produce such wonderful beings. f

* Hist. del. Almirante, cap. 5*7. f Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.

452 LIFE Airt) VOYAGES OF [Book YII.

CHAPTEK VI.

COASTING VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OF JAMAICA.
[1494.]

COLUMBUS remained for several days at . anchor in the
river, to which, from the Mass performed on its banlvs, he
gave the name of Rio de la Misa. At length, on the 16th of
July, he took leave of the friendly cacique and his ancieiit
counselor, who beheld his departure with sorrowful counte-
nances. He took a young Indian with him from this place,
whom he afterwards sent to the Spanish sovereigns. Leaving
to the left the Queen's Gardens, he steered south for the broad
open sea and deep blue water, until having a free navigation
he could stand eastward for Hispaniola. He had scarcely got
clear of the islands, however, when he was assailed by furious
gusts of wind and rain, which for two days pelted his crazy
vessels, and harassed his enfeebled crews. At length, as he
approached Cape Cruz, a violent squall struck the ships, and
nearly threw them on their beam ends. Fortunately they
were able to take in sail immediately, and, letting go their
largest anchors, rode out the transient gale. The admiral's
ship was so strained by the injuries received among the isl-

Chap. VI.] CHEISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 453

ands, that she leaked at every seam, and the utmost exertions
of the weary crew could not prevent the water from gaining
on her. At length they were enabled to reach Cape Cruz,
where they anchored on the 18th of July, and remained three
days, receiving the same hospitable succor from the natives
that they had experienced on their former visit. The wind
continuing contrary for the return to Hispaniola, Columbus,
on the 22d July, stood across for Jamaica, to complete the
circumnavigation of that island. For nearly a month he com
tinned beating to the eastward along its southern coast, expe-
riencing just such variable winds and evening showers as had
prevailed along the shores of Cuba. Every evening he was
obliged to anchor under the land, often at nearly the same
place whence he had sailed in the morning. The natives no
longer manifested hostility, but followed the ships in their
canoes, bringing supplies of provisions. Columbus was so
much delighted with the verdure, freshness, and fertility of
this noble island, that, had the state of his vessels and crews
permitted, he would gladly have remained to explore the in-
terior. He spoke with admiration of its frequent and excel-
lent harbors, but was particularly pleased with a great bay,
containing seven islands, and surrounded by numerous vil-
lages.* Anchoring here one evening, he was visited by a ca-
cique who resided in a large village, situated on an eminence
of the loftiest and most fertile of the islands. He came at-
tended by a numerous train, bearing refreshments, and mani-
fested great curiosity in his inquiries concerning the Spaniards,
their ships, and the region whence they came. The admiral

* From the description, this must be the great bay east of Portland
Point at the bottom of which is Old Harbor.

454: LIFE iLND VOYAGES OF [BoOK YII.

made his customary reply, setting forth the great power, and
the benign intentions of the Spanish sovereigns. The Lucayan
interpreter again, enlarged upon the wonders he had beheld in
Spain, the prowess of the Spaniards, the countries they had
visited and subjugated, and, above all, their having made de-
scents on the islands of the Caribs, routed their formidable
inhabitants, and carried several of them into captivity. To
these accounts the cacique and his followers remained listen-
ing in profound attention until the night was advanced.

The next morning the ships were under way and standing
along the coast with a light wind and easy sail, when they
beheld three canoes issuing from among the islands of the bay.
They approached in regular order ; one, which was very large
and handsomely carved and painted, was in the centre, a little
in advance of the two others, which appeared to attend and
guard it. In this was seated the cacique and his family, con-
sisting of his wife, two daughters, two sons, and five brothers.
One of the daughters was eighteen years of age, beautiful in
form and countenance ; her sister was somewhat younger ;
both were naked, according to the custom of these islands,
but were of modest demeanor. In the prow of the canoe
stood the standard-bearer of the cacique, clad in a mantle of
variegated feathers, with a tuft of gay plumes on his head,
and bearing in his hand a fluttering white banner. Two Indi-
ans with caps or helmets of feathers of uniform shape and col-
or, and their faces painted in a similar manner, beat upon
tabors ; two others, with hats curiously wrought of green
feathers, held trumpets of a fine black wood, ingeniously
carved ; there were six others, in large hats of white feathers,
who appeared to be guards to the cacique.

Chap. VI. CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 455

Having arrived along side of the admiral's ship, the ca-
cique entered on board with all his train. He appeared in full
regalia. Around his head was a band of small stones of vari-
ous colors, but principally green, symmetrically arranged
with large white stones at intervals, and connected in front by
a large jewel of gold. Two plates of gold were suspended to
his ears by rings of very small green stones. To a necklace
of white beads, of a kind deemed precious by them, was sus-
pended a large plate, in the form of a fleur-de-lys, of guanin,
an inferior species of gold ; and a girdle of variegated stones,
similar to those round his head, completed his regal decora-
tions. His wife was adorned in a similar manner, having also
a very small apron of cotton, and bands of the same round her
arms and legs. The daughters were without ornaments, ex-
cepting the eldest and handsomest, who had a girdle of small
stones, from which was suspended a tablet, the size of an ivy
leaf, composed of various colored stones, embroidered on net-
work of cotton.

When the cacique entered on board the ship, he distributed
presents of the productions of his island among the officers
and men. The admiral was at this time in his cabin, engaged
in his morning devotions. When he appeared on deck, the
chieftain hastened to meet him with an animated countenance.
" My friend," said he, " I have determined to leave my coun-
try, and to accompany thee. I have heard from these Indians
who are with thee, of the irresistible power of thy sovereigns,
and of the many nations thou hast subdued in their name.
Whoever refuses obedience to thee is sure to suffer. Thou
hast destroyed the canoes and dwellings of the Caribs, slaying
their warriors, and carrying into captivity their wives and

4:56 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

children. All these islands are in dread of thee ; for who can
withstand thee now that thou knowest the secrets of the land,
and the weakness of the people ? Rather, therefore, than thou
shouldst take away my dominions, I will embark with all my
household in thy ships, and will go to do homage to thy king
and queen, and to behold their country, of which thy Indians
relate such wonders." "When this speech was explained to
Columbus, and he beheld the wife, the sons and daughters of
the cacique, and thought upon the snares to which their igno-
rance and simplicity would be exposed, he was touched with
compassion, and determined not to take them from their native
land. He replied to the cacique, therefore, that he received
him under his protection as a vassal of his sovereigns, but
having many lands yet to visit before he returned to his coun-
try, he would at some future time fulfil his desire. Then tak-
ing leave with many expressions of amity, the cacique, with
his wife and daughters, and all his retinue, re- embarked in the
canoes, returning reluctantly to their island, and the ships con-
tinued on their course.*

* Hitherto, in narrating the voyage of Columbus along the coast of
Cuba, I have been guided principally by the manuscript history of the
curate de los Palacios. His account is the most clear and satisfactory as
to names, dates, and routes, and contains many characteristic particulars
not inserted in any other history.' His sources of information were of
the highest kind. Columbus was his guest after his return to Spain iu
1496, and left with him manuscripts, journals, and memorandums ;
from these he made extracts, collating them with the letters of Doctor
Chanca, and other persons of note who had accompanied the admiral.

I have examined two copies of the MS. of the curate de los Palacios,
both in the possession of 0. Rich, Esq. One written in an ancient hand-
writing, in the early part of the sixteenth century, varies from the other,
but only in a few trivial particulars.

Chap. VII.] CHEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 457

CHAPTER YII.

VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OP HISPANIOLA, AND RETURN
TO ISABELLA.

[1494.]

ON the 19th of August, Columbus lost sight of the eastern
extremity of Jamaica, to which he gave the name of
Cape Farol, at present called Point Morant. Steering east-
ward, he beheld, on the following day, that long peninsula of
Hispaniola, known by the name of Cape Tiburon, but to which
he gave the name of Cape San Miguel. He was not aware
that it was a part of the island of Hayti, until, coasting along
its southern side, a cacique came off on the 23d of August, and
called him by his title, addressing him with several words of
Castilian. The sound of these words spread joy through the
ship, and the weary seamen heard with delight that they were
on the southern coast of Hispaniola. They had still, however,
many toilsome days before them. The weather was boister-
ous, the wind contrary and capricious, and the ships were sep-
arated from each other. About the end of August, Columbus
anchored at a small island, or rather rock, which rises singly
Vol. I.— 20

458 IJFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

out of the sea opposite to a long cape, stretching southward
from the centre of the island, to which he gave the name of
Cape Beata. The rock at which he anchored had the appear-
ance, at a distance, of a tall ship under sail, from which cir-
cumstance the admiral called it " Alto Velo." Several sea-
men were ordered to climb to the top of the island, which
commanded a great extent of ocean, and to look out for the
other ships. Nothing of them was to be seen. On their re-
turn, the sailors killed eight sea-wolves, which were sleeping
on the sands ; they also knocked down many pigeons and
other birds with sticks, and took others with the hand ; for in
this unfrequented island, the animals seemed to have none of
that wildness and timidity produced by the hostility of man.

Being rejoined by the two caravels, he continued along the
coast, passing the beautiful country w^atered by the branches
of the Neyva, where a fertile plain, covered with villages and
groves, extended into the interior. After proceeding some
distance farther to the east, the admiral learnt from the natives
who came off to the ships, that several Spaniards from the
settlement had penetrated to their province. From all that he
could learn from these people, every thing appeared to be go-
ing on well in the island. Encouraged by the tranquillity of
the interior, he landed nine men here, with orders to traverse
the island, and give tidings of his safe arrival on the coast.

Continuing to the eastward, he sent a boat on shore for
water near a large village in a plain. The inhabitants issued
forth with bows and arrows to give battle, while others were
provided with cords to bind prisoners. These were the natives
of Higuey, the eastern province of Hisjjaniola. They were
the most warlike people of the island, having been inured to

CUAP. VII.] (JIIKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 459

arms from the frequent descents of the Caribs. They were
said also to make use of poisoned arrows. In the present in-
stance, their hostility was but in appearance. When the crew
landed, they threw by their weapons, and brought various
articles of food, and asked for the admiral, whose fame had
spread throughout the island, and in whose justice and mag-
nanimity all appeared to repose confidence. After leaving
this place, the weather, which had been so long variable and
adverse, assumed a threatening appearance. A huge fish, as
large as a moderate sized whale, raised itself out of the Avater
one day, having a shell on its neck like that of a tortoise, two
great fins like wings, and a tail like that of a tunny fish. At
sight of this fish, and at the indications of the clouds and sky,
Columbus anticipated an approaching storm, and sought for
some secure hai-bor.* lie found a channel opening between
Hispaniola, and a small island, called by the Indians Adama-
ney, but to which he gave he name of Saona : here he took
refuge, anchoring beside a key or islet in the middle of the
channel. On the night of his arrival there Avas an eclipse of
the moon, and taking an observation, he found the difference
of longitude between Saona and Cadiz to be five hours and
twenty-three minutes.f This is upward of eighteen degrees
more than the true longitude ; an error which must have re-
sulted from the incorrectness of this table of eclipses. J

For eight days the admiral's ship remained weather-bound

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 15. Hist, del Almirante,
cap. 59.

\ Herrera, ubi. sup. Hist. Almirante, ubl. sup.

:[: Five hours, twenty-five minutes, are equal to 80° 45' ; whereas the
true longitude of Saona is 62° 20' west of Cadiz.

460 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VII.

in this channel, during which time he suffered great anxiety
for the fate of the other vessels, which remained at sea, exposed
to the violence of the storm. They escaped, however, unin-
jured, and once more rejoined him when the weather had mod-
erated.

Leaving the channel of Saona, they reached, on the 24th
of September, the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which
Columbus gave the name of Cape San Kafael, at present known
as Cape Engaiio. Hence they stood to the southeast, touch-
ing at the island of Mona, or, as the Indians called it, Amona,
situated between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. It was the in-
tention of Columbus, notwithstanding the condition of the
ships, to continue farther eastward, and to complete the dis-
covery of the Caribbee Islands, but his physical strength did
not correspond to the efforts of his lofty spirit.* The extra-
ordinary fatigues both of mind and body, during an anxious
and harassing voyage of five months, had preyed upon his
frame. He had shai'ed in all the hardships and privations of
the commonest seaman. He had put himself upon the same
scanty allowance, and exposed himself to the same buffetings
of winds and weathers. But he had other cares and trials from
which his people were exempt. When the sailor, worn out
with the labors of his watch, slept soundly amidst the howling
of the storm, the anxious commander maintained his painful
vigil, through long sleepless nights, amidst the pelting of the
tempest, and the drenching surges of the sea. The safety of
his ships depended upon his watchfulness ; but, above all, he
felt that a jealous nation, and an expecting Avorld, Averc anx-
iously awaiting the result of his enterprise. During a great

* Mufloz. Hist. N. Mundo, lib. v. sec. 22.

Chap. VII.] CHKISTOPHEK COLUMBUS. 461

part of the present voyage, he had been excited by the con-
stant hope, of soon arriving at the known parts of India, and
by the anticipation of a triumphant return to Spain, through
the regions of the East, after circumnavigating the globe.
When disappointed in these expectations, he was yet stimu-
lated by a conflict with incessant hardships and perils, as he
made hir way back against contrary winds and storms. The
moment he was relieved from all solicitude, and beheld him-
self in a known and tranquil sea, the excitement suddenly
ceased, and mind and body sank exhausted by almost super-
human exertions. The very day on which he sailed from
Mona, he was struck with a sudden malady, which deprived
him of memory, of sight, and all his faculties. He fell into a
deep lethargy, resembling death itself. His crew, alarmed at
this profound torpor, feared that death.was really at hand.
They abandoned, therefore,, all further prosecution of the voy-
age ; and spreading their sails to the east wind so prevalent
in those seas, bore Columbus back, in a state of complete in-
sensibility, to the harbor of Isabella.

END OF VOL. I.

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