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LUDLOW'S    MEMOIRS 


C.  H.  FIRTH 


bonbon 
HENRY    FROWDE 

0-XFORU  University  Press  Warehol-sk 
Amen  Corner,  E.C. 


(lUro  'IJorft 

MACMILLAN    &    CO.,   66   FIFTH   AVENUE 


KROM    A    DRAWING   BV   R.    WIMTK,    MAbK    IN    1689 


THE  MEMOIRS 


OF 


EDMUND  LUDLOW 

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  OF  THE   HORSE 

IN    THE 

ARMY  OF  THE   COMMONWEALTH   OF  ENGLAND 

1625  —1672 

EDITED  WITH  APPENDICES  OF 
LETTERS  AND  ILLUSTRATIVE   DOCUMENTS 

BY 

C.    H.    FIRTH,   M.A. 


IN    TWO   VOLUMES 
VOL.    I 


©Xforb 

AT    THE    CLARENDON    PRESS 

1894 


Orfori 

PRINTED    AT    THE    CLARENDON     PRESS 

J»V    HUKACK    HART,    PRINTER   TO    THE    UNIVERSITY 


CONTENTS   OF   VOL.    I 


Editor's  Introduction          ......  vii 

Errata  ..........  Ixxi 

Preface  to  the  Edition  of  1698        ....  5 

Memoirs 9 

Appendices  : — 

I,   The  Pedigree  of  Ludlow     ....  438 

II.    Sketch  of  the  Civil  War  in  Wiltshire.  439 

III.  The  Account  of  Lieut.-Gen.  Ludlow         .  482 

IV.  Ludlow's  Services  in   Ireland,  1651-1654 .  486 
V.   The  Wiltshire  Election  of  1654       .         .  545 


INTRODUCTION 


Ludlow's  Memoirs  were  first  published  in  1698,  six 
years  after  their  author's  death,  in  two  octavo  volumes,  said 
on  the  title-page  to  be  printed  at  Vevay.  A  third  volume 
containing  the  post-restoration  part  of  the  Memoirs  followed 
in  1699.  Since  that  date  they  have  been  frequently  re- 
printed. A  second  English  edition  appeared  in  1721-2, 
unless  it  is  simply  the  first  edition  with  a  new  title-page. 
In  1 75 1  an  edition  in  three  duodecimo  volumes  was 
published  at  Edinburgh,  and  during  the  same  year  also 
an  edition  in  one  folio  volume  edited  by  Richard  Baron. 
These  were  followed  in  1771  by  a  fifth  in  quarto,  which 
Lowndes  terms  the  best  edition.  A  French  translation  of 
the  first  two  volumes  was  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1699, 
and  a  second  edition  in  1 707  in  three  volumes.  They  were 
included  in  1827  in  Guizot's  Collection  des  Memoires  relatifs 
a  la  revolution  d'Angleterre.  These  numerous  reprints  are 
sufficient  proof  of  the  historical  interest  of  Ludlow's  work. 
The  justification  of  the  present  edition  lies  in  the  fact  that 
it  is  the  first  to  restore  a  number  of  passages  suppressed 
by  Ludlow's  editor,  and  the  first  containing  critical  and 
explanatory  notes,  and  adding  the  letters  of  Ludlow. 

The  Memoirs  are  at  once  an  autobiography  and  a  history 
of  Ludlows  own  time.  The  aim  of  this  Introduction  is 
partly  to  complete  Ludlow's  account  of  himself,  and  partly 
to  estimate  the  value  of  his  contribution  to  the  general 
history  of  the  period. 


Vlll 


hitroduction. 


As  to  the  date  at  which  Ludlow's  IMemoirs  were  written 
there  is  no  conchisive  evidence.  The  opening  sentence 
shows  that  he  began  to  write  after  the  Restoration,  and  in 
all  probability  some  time  after  the  Restoration.  Ludlow 
was  too  much  a  man  of  action  and  too  little  a  man  of 
letters,  to  take  up  his  pen  in  the  first  moment  of  his  exile, 
and  devote  himself  to  the  task  of  undeceiving  posterity.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  idea  of  writing  his  Memoirs  was  first 
suggested  to  him  by  some  incident  such  as  that  which  he 
describesas  happening  in  1663.  At  the  solemn  banquet  which 
the  senators  of  Bern  gave  to  Ludlow  and  some  of  his  friends, 
one  of  his  hosts  desired  to  hear  from  the  lips  of  their  guest 
the  causes  of  the  fall  of  the  English  republic. 

'  Dinner  being  over,  a  question  was  started  by  Colonel  Weiss, 
"  How  it  came  lo  pass  that  we,  who  for  many  years  had  the 
whole  power  of  the  three  nations  in  our  hands,  were  removed 
from  the  government  without  shedding  one  drop  of  blood  ? " 
To  which  I  answered,  that  "  for  the  right  understanding  of  the 
affairs  that  had  lately  passed  in  England,  it  would  be  necessary 
to  take  up  the  matter  from  the  beginning."  ' 

And  after  a  little  pressing  Ludlow  related  the  story  of 
the  civil  wars,  and  told  them  how  the  republic  had  been 
founded,  and  how-  the  ambition  of  Cromwell  and  the  craft 
of  Monck  had  brought  back  the  Stuarts.  The  scene 
recalls  the  picture  of  Aeneas  recounting  to  Dido  the  Fall 
of  Troy.  This  incident,  or  some  other  of  the  same  nature, 
may  well  have  instigated  Ludlow  to  commit  to  writing  his 
reminiscences  of  the  events  in  which  he  had  played  so  large 
a  part,  and  his  theory  of  the  causes  which  had  led  to  the 
overthrow  of  his  party. 

*  I  cannot  think  it,'  he  says,  '  a  misspending  of  part  of  my  leisure 
to  employ  it  in  selling  down  the  most  remarkable  counsels  and 
actions  of  the  parties  engaged  in  the  late  Civil  War;  wherein 
I  shall  not  strictly  confine  my.self  to  a  relation  of  such  things  only 
in  which  1  was  j)ersonally  concerned,  but  also  give  the  best  account 


Date  of  the  Composition  of  the  Memoirs,     ix 

I  can  of  such  other  memorable  occurrences  of  those  times  as  I  have 
learned  from  persons  well  informed  and  of  unsuspected  fidelity.' 

What  external  evidence  there  is  as  to  the  date  at  which 
Ludlow  commenced  to  write,  consists  in  a  story  about 
Ludlow  and  the  celebrated  Colonel  Blood,  told  in  a  pamphlet 
published  in  answer  to  the  Memoirs  in  1698  : — 

'  When  Blood  was  in  his  prime  of  action,  and  sent  over  to 
Geneva  by  a  party  then  meditating  disturbance  of  the  government, 
as  believing  Ludlow  the  most  proper  person  to  head  and  command 
'em,  that  man  of  a  quick  and  penetrating  judgment,  brought  over 
but  a  very  slender  account  of  that  great  Lieutenant-General  of 
Horse.  For  Blood's  report,  which  he  often  upon  other  occasions 
signified  to  others,  was,  that  he  found  him  very  unable  for  such 
an  employment ;  only  that  he  was  writing  a  History  as  he  called  it, 
which  he  told  the  Colonel  would  be  as  true  as  the  gospel ;  and 
which  in  all  probability  were  these  two  volumes  of  Memoirs  now 
lately  printed  \' 

Blood's  visit  cannot  be  exactly  fixed  ;  but  he  made  his 
peace  with  Charles  the  Second  in  1671,  and  spent  some 
time  in  Holland  after  the  failure  of  his  plot  to  surprise 
Dublin  Castle  in  1663.  His  mission  to  Ludlow  most 
probably  took  place  between  1663  and  1666,  and  it  is  very 
likely  that  he  was  one  of  the  emissaries  employed  by 
the  exiles  in  Holland  to  persuade  Ludlow  to  seize  the 
opportunity  offered  by  the  war  between  England  and  the 
United  Provinces. 

The  Memoirs  end  abruptly  with  the  year  1672,  and  the 
latter  part  of  them  has  all  the  air  of  a  contemporary  record, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  greater  exactness  and  accuracy  of 
its  details.  Another  argument  for  the  comparatively  early 
completion  of  the  Memoirs  may  be  derived  from  the  manner 
in  which  Ludlow  speaks  of  certain  persons  he  has  occasion 
to  mention.     Had  he  written  after  the  execution  of  Algernon 

'  A  Modest  Vindication  of  Oliver  tions  of  Lieut. -Gen.  Ludlow,  1698, 
Cromwell   from   the    unjust   accusa-       p.  2. 


X  Introduction. 

Svdncy,  which  occurred  in  1682,  he  would  surely  have 
made  some  reference  to  his  fate  when  relating  Sydney's 
visit  to  Vevay,  and  their  subsequent  communications.  In 
the  same  way  had  he  written  after  1674,  when  Shaftesbury 
abandoned  the  Court  and  became  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
popular  party,  he  would  probably  somewhat  have  softened 
the  extreme  severity  with  which  he  always  speaks  of  him. 

From  these  different  indications  it  may  be  inferred,  in 
the  absence  of  better  evidence,  that  the  Memoirs  were 
probably  written  between  1663  and  1673.  The  original 
manuscript,  which  might  have  elucidated  these  questions, 
is  apparently  no  longer  in  existence.  A  manuscript  copy 
was  sonic  j-ears  ago  in  the  possession  of  a  member  of  the 
Ludlow  family ;  but  whether  it  was  the  original  or  simply 
a  transcript  from  which  the  Memoirs  were  printed  I  have 
been  unable  to  ascertain,  for  it  has  been  appropriated  by 
a  person  to  whom  the  owner  lent  it. 

The  Memoirs  were  first  published  six  years  after  Ludlow's 
death.  By  whom  they  were  edited,  and  how  they  came 
into  the  editor's  hands,  are  questions  on  which  it  is  not 
easy  to  obtain  satisfactory  evidence.  A  pamphlet  criticising 
the  Memoirs,  published  in  ]  700,  gives  the  following  account 
of  their  history.     Speaking  of  Ludlow,  the  author  observes  : 

'  'Tis  generally  presumed  the  last  of  his  acquaintance  and  con- 
fidents was  S[iings]by  B[eth]el,  witli  whom  those  many  reams  of 
paper,  he  had,  whilst  grumbling  in  Swisserland,  emptied  his  galls 
into,  were  entrusted  :  and  report  speaks  that  he  was  tricked  of 
them  by  a  republican  confident  who  best  understood  to  make  the 
l>esl  of  them,  as  well  for  the  Good  Old  Cause  as  his  own  advantage  ; 
which  'lis  further  said  the  churlish  Nabal  was  very  angry  at,  and 
would  have  resented  accordingly,  had  not  death  interposed  and  put 
an  end  to  that  dispute  '.  The  usurper  of  the  copy,  having  now  got 
quiet  and  sole  jtossession,  consulted  more  than  once  the  whole 
Calves-head  fraternity,  not  without  some  representatives,  as  to  the 

'  Feb.  1696. 


The  Editor  of  the  Me^noirs.  xi 

most  creditable  way  of  publishing;  where  in  conclusion  it  was 
resolved  to  cut  off  the  superfluities  of  that  slovenly  Swiss  dress  'twas 
left  in,  and  notwithstanding  the  book's  and  their  many  prejudices 
against  France  send  it  forth  in  that  allamode  way  of  Memoirs  \' 

The  name  of  the  mysterious  republican  who  so  faith- 
lessly obtained  possession  of  these  Memoirs  is  not  men- 
tioned by  the  pamphleteer.  It  is  believed  that  he  was 
Isaac  Littlebury,  author  of  a  translation  of  Herodotus, 
published  in  1 709,  which  went  through  three  editions  in 
the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  has  twice 
been  reprinted  in  this.  Thomas  Hollis,  well  known  for  his 
ostentatious  republicanism,  and  a  careful  collector  of  all  the 
literary  traditions  of  his  party,  presented  a  copy  of  Ludlow's 
Memoirs  to  the  library  of  Bern  in  175H,  and  inserted 
Littlebury's  name  at  the  conclusion  of  the  preface  '^. 
Thomas  Tyers,  in  his  curious  Political  Conferences,  makes 
a  similar  statement,  and  even  goes  so  far  as  to  call  in 
question  the  genuineness  of  the  Memoirs. 

'  There  are  well  founded  suspicions  against  the  authenticity  of 
Ludlow's  Memoirs.  The  editor  of  these  Conferences  is  not  certain 
that  doubts  are  not  already  thrown  out  on  this  point  in  Rawlinson's 
Method  of  Studying  History''.  But  the  information  he  has  to  lay 
before  the  reader  he  received  many  years  ago  from  an  oracle  in 
history  to  whom  it  was  communicated  by  the  late  Mr.  Andrew 
Stone,  who  derived  his  intelligence  from  Buckley,  the  splendid 
editor  of  Thuanus.  The  purport  of  it  is,  that  after  Ludlow's  death, 
which  was  at  Vevay  in  Switzerland,  his  papers,  which  were  numerous, 
were  transmitted  to  England  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  Littlebury, 
the    translator   of  Herodotus;    who    fabricated    or   prepared   the 

'  Regicides  no  Saints, nor  Martyrs,  moirs   drawn   up   in  England  under 

8vo.   1700,    p.   I.     A  supplement  to  the  masque  of  Ludlow,  by  one  who 

the    'Just    Defence    of    the    Royal  was  a  favourer  and  defender  of  his 

Martyr'  by  the  same  author.  principles,    and    if    not    acquainted 

^  Stern,  Briefe  Englischer  Flucht-  -with    at    least    an    admirer    of    his 

linge  in    der  Schweiz,    1874,  p.  xi ;  person    and    practices.'     Rawlinson, 

Life  of  Thomas  Hollis,  1780,  p.  69.  ii_  ^^^, 

^  '  Some  have  thought  these  Me- 


xii  Introduction. 

Memoirs,  from  those  materials,  for  the  press.  They  could  not 
have  been  entrusted  to  a  better  person  to  do  Ludlow  or  his  cause 
justice ;  for  Liitlebury  was  so  immutable  a  republican  that  he  did 
not  appear  at  the  court  of  King  William  to  thank  him  for  his 
appointment  to  be  writer  of  the  Gazette  ^' 

Tyers  carried  his  scepticism  too  far  in  expressing  a  doubt 
as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  Memoirs.  They  have  every 
internal  sign  of  genuineness,  and  stand  every  test  which  can 
be  applied  to  their  contents.  On  the  other  hand,  his 
positive  statement  that  the  anonymous  editor  was  Little- 
bury  may  be  safely  accepted.  The  political  views  of  Little- 
bury  agree  with  those  expressed  by  the  editor  of  Ludlow's 
Memoirs.  The  preface  to  vol.  iii.  of  the  Memoirs  contains 
allusions  to  contemporary  politics  which  were  obviously 
the  utterances  of  a  disappointed  Whig.  The  account  of 
the  Protectorate  supplied  him  with  a  weapon  against  the 
government  of  William  III,  which  at  that  moment — in  March 
1699 — was  especially  effective.  'Men  may  learn,'  he  says, 
'  from  the  history  of  the  Cromwellian  tyranny  that  liberty 
and  a  standing  mercenary  army  are  incompatible  ^.'  It  was 
the  burden  of  this  army,  he  argues,  and  the  unrulinesss  of 
these  mercenaries  which  compelled  the  people  to  suffer  the 
return  of  Charles  II,  hinting  plainly  that  similar  causes  might 

'  Tyers,  Political  Conferences,  2nd  tjTanny  of  the  usurper  and  his 
ed.  1781,  p.  88.  The  author  of  the  bashas  under  the  name  of  majors- 
preface  to  vol.  iii  of  the  Memoirs  was  general,  and  afterwards  compelled 
extremely' hostile  to  standing  armies.  the  people  to  suffer  the  return  of 
So  was  Littlebury.  Charles  II.     The  ingratitude  of  this 

'•'  The  preface  continues,  '  For  'tis  prince  to  the  Presbyterians,  who  had 

as  clear  as  the  sun  at  noon-day,  that  so  well   deserved   from   him  by  be- 

the  Parliament  bj'  neglecting  to  put  traying  all  into  his  hands,  may  serve 

a  period  to  the  exorbitant  greatness  to  admonish  those  who  go  under  that, 

of    Oliver     Cromwell     immediately  orany  other  denomination  of  religion 

after  the  battle  of  Worcester,  drew  or  party,  that  no  trust  can  be  safely 

destruction  upon  themselves  and  the  reposed,   where    there    is   found    an 

whole  Commonwealth  ;  and  gave  the  incompatibility  of  manners  and  prin- 

army   such   an    opportunity   to    feel  ciples,    and    that    a    revenge    taken 

their  strength  as  naturally  led  them  against    those   who  will    not    let  us 

to  counsels  destructive  to  the  govern-  possess  all,  is  a  slender  satisfaction 

mcnt.    This  produced  that  monstrous  for  the  hazard  of  utter  ruin.' 


The  Printer  of  the  Memoirs.  xiii 

lead  them  to  recall  James  II.  When  this  was  written  the 
struggle  between  William  III  and  his  parliament  about  the 
disbanding  of  the  army  was  at  its  height.  Now  Littlebury 
is  known  to  have  taken  part  in  that  controversy,  in  one  of 
the  most  famous  of  the  many  pamphlets  published  against 
the  government.  '  An  Argument  shewing  that  a  Standing 
Army  is  inconsistent  with  a  Free  Government  '—said  to  have 
been  the  work  of  a  club  of  Whig  gentlemen — was  proved 
to  have  been  carried  to  the  press  by  Littlebury  ^. 

On  the  title-page  Ludlow's  Memoirs  are  said  to  have 
been  printed  at  Vevay,  though  the  type  and  the  style 
of  the  work  sufficiently  show  that  it  was  issued  from  an 
English  press.  The  contemporary  critic  of  the  Memoirs 
comments  on  this  transparent  fraud  in  the  following  words  - : 

'  For  what  reason  they  affected  so  much  umbrage  as  to  date 
their  preface  from  Bern,  and  suppose  the  impression  at  Vevay 
I  shall  not  concern  myself;  had  they  said  at  Darby  it  had  been 
nigher  home,  and  nigher  truth  too;  nay  certainly  so,  by  a  little 
quibbling  transition  from  place  to  person.' 

This  is  equivalent  to  saying  that  the  Memoirs  were 
printed  by  John  Darby  of  Bartholomew  Close,  a  well-known 
publisher  of  anti-governmental  literature".  What  renders 
the  identification  still  more  probable  is  that  Darby  was  the 
printer  to  whom  Littlebury  had  conveyed  the  manuscript 
of  the  Argument  against  a  Standing  Army. 

Accepting  therefore  the  story  which  makes  Littlebury 
the  editor  ^  and  Darby  the  printer  of  the  Memoirs,  the  next 

'  Published  in   1697.      For  Little-  Dick  Baldwin  in  Tom  Brown's  Letters 

bury's  connexion    with    it  see   Lut-  from  the  Dead  to  the  Living,  pub- 

trell's  Diary,  iv.  313,  315.      Another  lishedin  1702.    Browne's  works,  ed. 

of  these  pamphlets,  'A  Short  History  1730,11.9.   '  Mr.  Darby,' says  Dunton, 

of    Standing  Armies    in     England,'  '  printed  that  excellent  Speech  of  my 

1698,    is    full    of    reminiscences    of  Lord   Russell  and  several  pieces  of 

Ludlow's  Memoirs.  Col.  Sidney,  and  is  a  true  assertor  of 

^  Regicides  no  Saints,  p.  9.  English  liberties.'    Dunton's  Life  and 

*  '  Have  no  fresh  batte;ries  attacked  Errors,  ed  by  Nichols,  i.  247;  Nichols, 

the    court    lately   from    honest    Mr.  Literary  Anecdotes,  i.  290  ;  iii.  291. 

Darby's  in  Bartholomew  Close?' asks  *  The  name  of  John  Toland   has 


xiv  Introduction. 

question  to  be  considered  is  the  manner  in  which  the 
editor  handled  Ludlow's  manuscript.  It  has  been  shown 
that  in  his  preface  he  seized  the  opportunity  to  use  the 
Memoirs  as  a  text  for  a  Whig  sermon^  and  he  has  been 
suspected  of  interpolating  the  text  for  the  same  purpose. 
But  a  careful  examination  detects  no  sign  of  any  such  inter- 
polations. On  the  other  hand  it  is  certain  that  Littlebury 
used  his  position  to  suppress  certain  passages  reflecting  on 
Shaftesbury,  which  are  now  for  the  first  time  restored  to 
their  proper  place  in  the  text  of  the  Memoirs.  These 
passages  were  printed  by  Mr.  W.  D.  Christie  in  1S71,  in 
an  Appendix  to  his  Life  of  Shaftesbury  ^. 

He  gives  the  following  account  of  their  origin  : — 

'These  suppressed  passages  of  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  all  relating 
to  Sir  A.  A.  Cooper,  are  in  Locke's  handwriting  among  his  papers 
in  the  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Lovelace.  There  is  no  explanation 
in  the  manuscript  as  to  how  Locke  obtained  these  suppressed 
passages.  I  have  made  many  endeavours  to  trace  the  manuscript 
of  Ludlow's  ]\Iemoirs,  but  have  entirely  failed  to  obtain  any  clue. 
If  it  is  in  existence,  it  would  probably  be  found  that  more  has  been 
suppressed.  Ludlow's  Memoirs  were  first  printed  at  Vevay  in 
Switzerland,  and  published  in  1698  and  1699:  Ludlow  had  died 
there  in  1693.  Locke  died  in  1704.  There  is  no  trace,  thatl  am 
aware  of,  of  intercourse  between  Locke  and  Ludlow.  It  is  clear 
that  every  passage  containing  depreciatory  mention  of  Shaftesbury 
was  purposely  suppressed,  when  Ludlow's  Memoirs  were  published. 
At  that  time  the  memory  of  Shaftesbury  was  dear  to  Whigs ; 
and  Ludlow  had  possibly  himself  lived  to  wish  that  these  passages 
should  not  see  the  light.' 

also  been  coupled  with  the  'Memoirs,'  however  certainl3^  ascribes  to  Toland 

and  in  the  Bodleian   Catalogue   the  the  selection  of  the  papers  printed 

editorship    of    the    third  volume  is  at  the  end  of  volume  three.  He  does 

ascribed    to    him.     The    views    ex-  not  mention  him  by  name,  but  refers 

pressed    in    the    preface  agree  very  to  him  as  '  a  spiteful  young  fellow,' 

well  with    those   of  Toland,  but  so  w^hom  he  terms  '  Amyntor,'  '  Milton 

far  as  I  am  aware  there  is  no  good  junior,'  and  the  '  son  of  a  potato.' 
evidence    for    this   ascription.     The  '  Life     of    Shaftesbury,     vol.     i. 

author    of    'Regicides     no    Saints'  Appendix,  p.  Ivi. 


Ludlow  s  Parentage  and  Education.  xv 

Fortunately  the  history  of  Ludlow's  own  life  is  much 
clearer  than  the  history  of  his  writings.  This  is  not  due 
to  his  own  care  to  inform  posterity  about  it,  for  so  little 
did  he  intend  to  write  an  autobiography  that  he  omits  to 
mention  the  most  important  event  in  his  life.  Lord  Herbert 
of  Cherbury  gives  a  long  account  of  his  parents,  but  Ludlow 
does  not  even  mention  the  names  of  his  father  or  mother. 
Herbert  even  records  the  precise  hour  of  his  own  birth 
(though  he  neglects  to  mention  the  month  or  the  year), 
but  Ludlow  nowhere  states  either  his  age  or  the  date  of  his 
birth.  He  was  born  at  Maiden  Bradley  in  Wiltshire,  about 
i6i7,asthe  matriculation  registerof  the  University  of  Oxford 
proves  ^  His  father  was  Sir  Henry  Ludlow,  knight,  head 
of  a  family  settled  in  Wiltshire  from  the  fifteenth  century : 
his  mother,  Elizabeth  daughter  of  Richard  Phelips  of 
Whitchurch,  Dorset,  and  niece  of  Sir  Edward  Phelips  of 
Montacute.  As  to  his  own  education  Ludlow  is  equally 
silent.  It  may  be  surmised  that  he  was  put  to  school  at 
Blandford  in  Dorsetshire.  In  1651,  when  Ludlow  was 
setting  out  for  Ireland,  his  old  acquaintance  Payne  Fisher 
addressed  a  poem  to  him  in  which  he  celebrated  his  early 
excellence  in  athletics^: — 

O  mihi  post  longos  semper  memorande  sodales ! 
Praesidium  columenque  meum  I  quo  carmine  laudes 
Depromam  tantas  ?  Quae  prima  examina  sumam  ? 
Candorem  priscum  pectusque  ingentius  annis 
An  memorem  teneris  ?  Puer  aut  quot  symbola  pugnae 
Tunc  Blanfordiacae  dederas  memoranda  palaestrae} 
Quis  versare  pilas,  athletae  aut  promptior  arte, 
Grande  vel  excusso  lignum  vibrare  lacerto? 
Talibus  ornata  est  aetatula  prima  trophaeis. 

^  Memoirs,  i.  32,  66,  and  Appendix  dum    Ludloum    cum    versus    lernam 

I.     See  also  Hoare,  Modern    Wilts,  proficisceretur   soteria.'     Printed  at 

Heytesbury,  p.  15.  the  end  of  Fisher's  '  Irenodia  Gratu- 

^  'Adinvictissimum  virumEdmun-  latoria,' 1652.     Cf.  Memoirs,  i.  83. 


xvi  Introduction. 

Ludlow  matriculated  at  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  on 
September  lo,  1634,  and  took  the  degree  of  B.  A.  on 
November  14,  1636  ^  Though  he  gained  no  distinction  as 
a  scholar,  he  already  showed  signs  of  the  qualities  he  was 
afterwards  to  exhibit  in  a  larger  sphere.  His  chief  charac- 
teristic in  his  political  career,  says  a  hostile  critic,  was 

'  a  gruff,  posiiive  humour,  resolutely  bent  upon  whatever  his  own 
will  suggested,  of  which  unmanageable  disposition  he  gave  an  early 
specimen  in  that  little  while  he  was  at  Trinity  College,  where  the 
then  president  kept  a  strict  discipline,  and  would  frequently  moderate 
at  the  young  students'  disputations  himself.  It  happened  upon  a 
lime  this  positive  Sir  was  engaged  in  argument  about  "  Species 
Intentionales  "  and  "  Reales  "  or  some  such  like  topick,  for  he  confi- 
dently affirmed  something  to  be  real  which  was  very  far  from  it. 
The  good  Doctor  endeavoured  to  convince  him  by  the  following 
instance. 

'  "  The  fox  wagging  his  tail  and  seeing  its  shadow  upon  the  wall, 
said  it  was  an  horn  ;  was  that  an  horn  ? "  quoth  he  to  Ludlow ; 

'  "  Yes,  it  was  a  horn,  a  real  horn." 

'  Wherein  he  so  pertinaciously  persisted  as  the  old  man  fell  into 
a  little  passion,  and  put  an  end  to  that  debate  with  this  resolve, 
"  Well,  if  it  be  an  horn,  then  toot  it,  you  fool  you."  How  it  was 
expressed  in  Latin  was  not  related ;  but  I  had  the  passage  from 
a  right  reverend  person  of  great  eminency  who  some  time  after  was 
in  the  same  presidentship,  and  upon  a  general  discourse  of  fanatick 
obstinacy  gave  this  particular  instance  how  naturally  some  men's 
dispositions  lead  them  thereto.  For  at  the  same  contradicting  rate 
he  went  on  in  the  whole  course  of  his  life,  and  tho'  as  heavy  as  lead 
as  stiff  as  iron  would  bend  to  none  ^.' 

It  might  fairly  be  added  that  even  in  his  later  life  Ludlow 
did  not  always  discover  the  difference  between  shadows 
and  realities. 

'  Wood,     Fasti,     1636 ;      Foster,  similar    story,  without    mention    cf 

Alumni    Oxonienscs,    1500-1714,   p.  Ludlow,  is  told  by  Aubrey,  Letters 

948.  from  the  Bodleian,  ii.  403. 

'  Regicides  no  Saints,  p.  49.      A 


Ludlow  s  Marriage.  xvii 


•&' 


On  leaving  Oxford,  Ludlow  betook  himself  to  London, 
to  obtain  the  tincture  of  law  which  was  held  necessary  to 
complete  a  country  gentleman's  education.  He  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  Inner  Temple  in  1638.  There  some  three 
years  later  occurred  the  first  incident  in  his  life  which  he 
thinks  worth  recording— a  quarrel  with  a  fellow  student  in 
defence  of  the  Long  Parliament  \  About  the  same  time 
his  fancy  turned  to  thoughts  of  marriage,  but  in  a  business- 
like rather  than  sentimental  way.  By  a  curious  chance  the 
Domestic  State  Papers  ^  contain  an  agreement  between 
Edmund  Ludlow,  of  Maiden  Bradley,  Wilts,  of  the  one 
part,  and  Anthony  Etherington  of  London,  and  Francis 
Bukley  of  Studley,  of  the  other  part.  If  Bukley  and 
Etherington  shall  procure  Ludlow  a  wife  worth  at  the 
time  of  his  marriage  with  her  four  thousand  pounds,  he 
will  pay  them  fifty  pounds  apiece.  And  in  case  the 
wife  so  procured  shall  be  worth  more  than  four  thousand 
pounds  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  out  of  every  thousand 
pounds,  he  promises  to  pay  a  hundred  pounds  to  the  said 
Etherington  and  Bukley.     Dated  July  17,  1641. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  probably  prevented 
this  bargain  from  resulting  in  a  match.  When  Ludlow's 
marriage  took  place  he  does  not  say,  but  it  may  be 
fixed  with  tolerable  certainty  in  1649.  Characteristically 
enough,  he  first  refers  to  his  wife  when  he  tells  us  how  he 
invested  her  dowry ".  On  her  name  and  family  he  is 
silent.  She  was  Elizabeth  Thomas,  daughter  of  William 
Thomas,  of  Wenvoe,  Glamorganshire,  and  Jane  Stradling, 
daughter  of  Sir  John  Stradling,  baronet,  of  St.  Donats"*. 
William  Thomas  died  in  1636,  and  his  widow  married 
Michael   Oldsworth,   member    for    Salisbury  in    the    Long 

1  Memoirs^  i.  23.  ^  G.    T.    Clark,   The    Genealogies 

^  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1641-3,  p.  54.  of    Morgan    and    Glamorgan,    i886, 

^  Memoirs,      i.    235,    247.       The  p.     558.       Elizabeth     Thomas     was 

dowry  seems  to  have  been  less  than  probably  born  about  1631. 

£4000  after  all. 

VOL.  I.  b 


xviii  Introduction. 

Parliament,  whom  Ludlow  consequently  refers  to  as  '  my 
father  Oldsworth  ^'  Edmund  Thomas,  Mrs.  Ludlow's 
brother,  represented  Glamorganshire  in  the  parliaments  of 
1654  and  1656,  and  is  mentioned  by  Ludlow  as  one  of  the 
few  gentlemen  of  old  family  who  condescended  to  sit  in 
Cromwell's  .House  of  Lords  ^. 

From  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  Ludlow's  personal 
history  becomes  clearer.  His  father,  who  represented  Wilt- 
shire in  the  Long  Parliament,  belonged  to  the  extremest 
section  of  the  popular  party,  and  having  openly  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  Charles  was  unworthy  to  be  King 
of  England,  was  denounced  in  the  royal  declarations  as 
guilty  of  high  treason.  At  his  father's  invitation,  and  in 
consideration  of  his  age  and  vigorous  constitution,  Ludlow 
thought  it  his  duty  as  an  Englishman  to  take  up  arms 
for  the  Parliament.  In  his  view  the  question  at  issue 
was  perfectly  simple. 

'  The  question  in  dispute  between  the  King's  party  and  us  being, 
as  I  apprehended,  whether  the  King  should  govern  as  a  god  by  his 
will,  and  the  nation  be  governed  by  force  like  beasts :  or  whether 
the  people  should  be  governed  by  laws  made  by  themselves,  and 
live  under  a  government  derived  from  their  own  consent  ^.' 

Like  Fleetwood,  Harrison,  and  many  other  distinguished 
officers,  Ludlow  began  his  military  career  as  a  private 
in  the  Earl  of  Essex's  life  guard,  which  consisted  of  a 
hundred  gentlemen  under  the  command  of  Sir  Philip 
Stapleton.  When  these  gentlemen  showed  any  capacity  they 
usually  received  commissions,  and  were  sent  to  raise  forces 
in  those  parts  of  the  country  where  their  estates  gave  thein 
local  influence.  In  this  way  Ludlow,  after  eight  months' 
service  in  the  guards,  received  a  captain's  commission  in 
the  regiment  of  horse  to  be  raised  by  Sir  Edward  Hunger- 
ford  for  service  in  Wiltshire.     Next  month  he  was  appointed 

*  Memoirs,  i.  423;   ii.  15,  43.  ^  lb.  ii.  31.  '  lb.  i.  206. 


Ludlow s  Exploits  in   Wiltshire.  xix 

governor  of  Wardour  Castle,  and  received  a  second  com- 
mission as  captain  of  foot.  The  success  of  the  royalist 
arms  in  the  west  of  England  during  the  campaign  of  1643 
completely  isolated  Wardour  Castle,  which  by  the  be- 
ginning of  1644  was  the  only  place  in  the  county  held  for 
the  Parliament.  Ludlow  was  obliged  to  surrender  it  on 
March  18,  1644,  and  was  conveyed  a  prisoner  to  Oxford 
Castle.  The  courage  and  tenacity  with  which  he  had 
maintained  his  post,  and  the  boldness  of  his  answers  to  the 
summons  of  the  besiegers,  had  gained  him  a  wide  reputation 
amongst  his  own  party.  '  Amongst  castle  sieges,'  said 
a  contemporary  preacher,  '  that  of  Wardour  in  Wilts  will 
be  famous  to  posterity,  both  for  passive  and  active  valour 
to  the  utmost^.'  Ludlow  was  accordingly  exchanged  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  on  May  10,  1644,  received  a  com- 
mission as  major  of  Sir  Arthur  Hesilrige's  regiment  of 
cavalry  in  Sir  William  Waller's  army  ^. 

He  remained  with  Waller  only  a  few  weeks  and  then 
returned  to  Wiltshire.  In  consequence  of  his  father's  death 
Ludlow  had  succeeded  to  the  family  estates,  and  Parlia- 
ment at  the  request  of  the  local  gentry  had  appointed  him 
sheriff  of  Wiltshire.  Waller  gave  him  a  commission  to  raise 
and  command  a  regiment  of  horse  and  allowed  him  to  take 
his  own  troop  of  Hesilrige's  regiment  to  form  its  nucleus. 
Bad  luck  followed  the  regiment  from  the  moment  of 
its  formation.  As  soon  as  Ludlow  entered  Wiltshire,  he 
suffered  a  severe  defeat  in  which  his  original  hundred  men 
were  reduced  to  about  thirty  (July  6,  1644).  In  December, 
1645,  he  was  surprised  at  Salisbury,  and  lost  about  eighty 
more  men.  A  dispute  about  the  question  whether  he  should 
hold  his  commission  from  Waller,  or  take  a  new  one  from 
Essex,  resulted  in  his  soldiers  being  unpaid.  Finally  the 
major,  after  frequently  refusing  obedience  to  his  colonel's 

'  John    Bond,    Occasus    Occiden-  ''■  Memoirs,  i.   pp.  39,  49,  90,  91, 

talis,  or  Job  in  the  West.  and  Appendix  III. 

b  2 


XX  Introduction. 

orders,  deserted  with  about  thirty  men  to  the  royalists. 
Ludlow's  command  came  to  an  end  April  2,  1645,  when 
owing  to  some  difference  with  the  Wiltshire  committee,  he 
resigned  his  commission,  or  as  he  puts  it  '  was  laid  aside  ^.' 
He  had  been  suggested  for  the  command  of  a  regiment  in 
the  New  Model,  but  it  was  now  too  late,  as  the  list  of  its 
officers  had  been  agreed  upon.  Nevertheless  Hesilrige 
gave  his  late  major  a  recommendation  to  Fairfax  in  the 
hope  that  he  might  find  him  some  post  in  its  ranks. 
The  letter,  dated  May  12,  1645,  was  addressed  to  Fairfax's 
secretary.  John  Rushworth^. 

'  Mr.   Rushworlh,    I   entreate   you   to   present   this  gentleman, 

Colonel  Ludlowe  to  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax.     You  may  let  him  know 

what  a  good  patriole  his  father  was,  and  what  honor  this  Colonel 

hath  gayned  by  holding  oute  the  siege  at  Warder  Castle  after  halfe 

of  it  was  blowen  up.     I  pray  you  do  him  what  good  offices  you  can. 

I  present  my  service  to  yourself,  and  so  rest  your  loving  frende  and 

servant, 

'  Arthur  Hesh^rige.' 

But  this  letter  proved  fruitless,  and  Ludlow's  military 
career  ended  for  the  present. 

The  portion  of  Ludlow's  Memoirs  relating  to  the  first 
Civil  War  is  of  greater  value  for  local  than  for  general 
history.  His  accounts  of  the  battle  of  Edgehill  and  the 
second  battle  of  Newbury  are  important  exceptions  to  this 
rule^.  ]3ut  even  with  regard  to  the  war  in  Wiltshire  he 
confines  himself  to  a  narrative  of  his  personal  adven- 
tures, and  omits  to  mention  many  events  of  greater  local 
importance*.  On  the  other  hand  none  of  the  memoirs  of 
the  period — except  perhaps  Mrs.   Hutchinson's  life  of  her 

'  Memoirs,  i.  ii6,  482,  484.  i.  40,  47. 

^  Nichols,  Leicestershire,  ii.  744.  ^  The    sltetch    of  this   local    civil 

^  Memoirs,  i.  42-46,  102-105.    His  war    in    Appendix    II    is    meant    to 

accountsof  the  skirmish  at  Worcester,  rectify  these  omissions,  and  to  supply 

and  of  the  affair  at  Brentford,  also  materials  for  an  estimate  of  Ludlow's 

contain  details  deserving  attention  ;  services. 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  xxi 

husband — give  so  lively  a  picture  of  what  may  be  termed 
the  everyday  life  of  the  war.  Ludlow  has  been  re- 
proached for  chronicling  petty  skirmishes  and  trivial 
incidents,  but  it  is  by  recording  such  things  that  he  holds 
up  to  us  the  very  form  and  pressure  of  the  times.  The 
chief  actor  himself  is  a  typical  specimen  of  the  local  leaders 
of  the  early  part  of  the  Civil  War — men  without  regular 
military  training,  but  of  boundless  courage  and  devotion 
to  their  cause,  owing  their  commands  originally  rather  to 
territorial  influence  than  military  skill,  but  gradually 
acquiring  the  latter  from  the  hard  teaching  of  experience. 
What  he  describes  in  Wiltshire  was  happening  in  every 
quarter  of  England.  While  the  great  war  which  fixes  the 
attention  of  historians  was  slowly  proceeding,  every  county 
had  its  little  civil  war  too.  On  every  little  stage  the  great 
drama  was  reproduced,  with  its  alternate  tragedies  and 
triumphs,  and  alarums  and  incursions  at  every  moment. 
Sometimes  even  a  family  was  divided  against  itself.  Ludlow 
relates  that  during  an  attempt  to  storm  Wardour  Castle 
one  brother  killed  another.  In  his  own  case,  while  his 
brothers  and  his  kinsmen  of  his  own  name  generally  took 
the  parliamentary  side,  a  large  number  of  his  relatives 
fought  in  the  royalist  army.  His  uncle  Benjamin  Ludlow 
and  his  brother  Robert  Ludlow  lost  their  lives  in  the 
parliament's  service  ;  one  cousin,  Gabriel  Ludlow,  was  killed 
by  his  side  at  Newbury,  and  another,  William,  was  severely 
wounded  in  one  of  the  skirmishes  in  Wiltshire  ^.  On  the 
other  hand,  whilst  Ludlow  was  besieged  in  Wardour  Castle, 
first  one  and  then  another  of  his  royalist  kin  appeared  in 
the  camp  of  the  besiegers  and  tried  their  arguments  upon 
him.  First  came  '  Colonel  Robert  Philips,  my  friend  and 
kinsman '  with  a  party  of  horse,  and  a  demand  for  a  private 
interview,  which  of  course  led  to  no  result.  Next  a  '  kinsman 
of  mine  was  sent  from    Oxford,  to  offer  me  what  terms 

^  Memoirs,  i.  65,  69,  103,  131. 


xxii  Introduction. 

I  would  desire.'  Then  '  a  relation  of  mine,  one  Captain 
Henr\-  Williams,'  who  commanded  a  company  in  the 
regiment  which  was  besieging  the  castle,  '  endeavoured  to 
persuade  me  to  a  surrender."  Even  the  ferocious  Sir  Francis 
Doddington,in  summoning  Ludlow  for  the  last  time,  before 
the  intended  assault,  begins  "'  by  taking  notice  of  the  relation 
between  our  families  ^.'  And  during  Ludlow's  captivity, 
another  relation,  Colonel  Richard  [Manning,  who  com- 
manded a  regiment  of  horse  in  the  King's  service,  came  to 
give  him  a  friendly  warning  to  be  careful  in  his  language. 
In  the  ranks  of  the  King's  army  Ludlow  also  met  two  old 
schoolfellows.  One  incurred  the  censure  of  his  own  com- 
mander by  too  great  anxiety-  for  Ludlow's  comfort  when  he 
was  a  prisoner :  the  other  behav^ed  with  some  treachery-. 
Ver\-  curious  is  Ludlow's  account  of  his  meeting  with  the 
latter.  His  troop  was  skirmishing  with  a  party  of  royalist 
horse  before  the  walls  of  Winchester  Castle : — 

'  Amongst  whom  obser\ing  one  ^Ir.  William  Xeale,  who  was  of  my 
acquaintance  and  formerly  my  schoolfellow,  I  called  to  him  telling 
him,  that  I  was  sorry  to  see  him  there ;  bat  since  it  was  so  I  offered 
to  exchange  a  shot  with  him.' 

But  Neale,  whilst  pretending  to  accept  the  challenge, 
decoyed  Ludlow  under  the  fire  of  the  royalist  musketeers, 
and  he  was  glad  to  escape  with  only  the  loss  of  his 
horse  -. 

Guizot  describes  Ludlow  as  waging  war  like  a  gentleman, 
and  not  like  a  fanatic  ".  His  opponents  certainly  desen,-e 
the  same  praise.  Ludlow  takes  part  in  the  siege  of  Lord 
Arundel's  house,  and  holds  it  against  the  royalists  till  it  is 
a  heap  of  ruins.  Arundel  inter\-enes  to  save  his  life,  and 
Ludlow  subsequently  repays  his  kindness  by  endeavouring 
to  save  Arundel's  estate.  Penruddock,  the  royalist  high- 
sheriff  of  Wiltshire,  and  Doddington,  Ludlow's  captor,  both 

'  Memoirs,  i.  56,  62.  67,  ~i.  83,  '  '  II  fit  la  guerre  en  gentflhomme, 

-  lb.  u  83,  94.  HDQ  en  sectaire.' 


The  Developmejit  of  Ltidlows  Ophiioiis.    xxiii 

treat  him  with  the  greatest  courtesy  i.  Doubtless  this  treat- 
ment may  be  partly  accounted  for  by  the  desire  of  the  royalist 
leaders  in  Wiltshire  to  win  over  Ludlow  to  the  King's 
side.  The  ill  usage  of  the  prisoners  in  Oxford  Castle,  and 
Doddington's  crueltj'^  to  the  garrison  of  Woodhouse,  show 
the  darker  side  of  the  Ci\-il  War  -.  But  it  is  evident  that  in 
the  earlier  days  of  the  contest,  before  the  minds  of  the  two 
parties  became  permanently  embittered,  political  divisions 
did  not  entirely  obliterate  the  memory  of  the  old  relations. 
And  class  feeling  also  helps  to  explain  the  different  treat- 
ment accorded  to  Ludlow  and  his  followers. 

In  Ludlow's  own  case  his  temper  became  fiercer  and  his 
views  more  extreme  as  the  struggle  proceeded.  The 
difficulties  with  which  the  good  cause  had  to  contend, 
roused  his  surprise  and  indignation.  When  he  first  took 
up  arms  he  expected  a  speedy  triumph.  '  I  thought  the 
justice  of  that  cause  I  had  engaged  in  to  be  so  evident, 
that  I  could  not  suppose  it  to  be  attended  with  so  much 
difficulty'.'  The  clerg}-  and  the  courtiers  might  adhere  to 
the  King,  but  the  people  '  would  not  be  either  such  enemies 
to  themselves,  or  so  ungrateful  to  those  they  had  trusted,' 
as  not  to  support  the  Parliament  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power.  Before  long  he  found  that  ^  many  of  the  nobility 
and  gentr}'  were  contented  to  serve  the  King's  arbitrary 
designs,  if  they  might  have  leave  to  insult  over  such  as  were 
of  a  lower  order.'  He  discovered  that  those  of  the  nobility 
who  had  taken  the  parliamentan,-  side  '  had  no  further 
quarrel  with  the  King,  than  till  they  could  make  their 
terms  with  him,'  and  were  willing  to  restore  him  to  his 
power  without  any  guarantees  against  future  misgovem- 
ment.  He  obsen-ed  also '  the  strange  dix^sions  amongst  our 
own  party,  every-  one  stri\*ing  to  enlarge  his  own  power  in 
a  factious  and  ambitious  way,  not  caring  tho'  thereby  they 
obstructed  and  mined  the  cause  itself.'     Most  grievous  of 

*  Memoirs,  L  78,  &2.  455.  '  lb.  i.  So.  95. 


XX I V  Introduction. 

all  was  '  the  great  corruption  of  the  nation  '  at  large.  When 
the  elections  of  1645  took  place,  he  feared  that  the  people 
would  choose  '  such  as  were  most  likely  to  be  for  peace 
upon  any  terms,  corruptly  preferring  the  fruition  of  their 
estates  and  sensual  enjoyments  before  the  public  interest  ^' 

Ludlow's  political  career  began  with  his  election  as 
member  for  Wiltshire  in  May  1646,  From  the  first  he 
associated  himself  with  the  extreme  section  of  the  popular 
party,  whom  he  terms  '  the  Commonwealth  party  '  or  '  the 
Commonwealths-men  ^.'  In  the  House  they  were  few  in 
number,  and  outside  it  they  had  little  influence,  except  in 
London  and  the  army.  Cromwell,  as  Ludlow  records,  once 
angrily  described  them  as  '  a  proud  sort  of  people,  and  only 
considerable  in  their  own  conceits.'  Their  friends,  such  as 
Lilburne,  styled  them  significantly  '  the  honest  men  of  the 
Parliament  ^.'  Marten  was  the  leader  of  the  party,  and  the 
chief  article  in  its  political  creed  was  the  necessity  of 
turning  England  into  a  republic. 

Of  Ludlow's  personal  action  in  Parliament  little  is  known 
beyond  the  facts  which  he  relates  himself.  He  was  a  poor 
speaker  and  probably  took  little  part  in  its  debates.  When 
the  London  mob  attempted  to  coerce  the  Parliament  he 
was  one  of  those  members  who  urged  an  appeal  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  army,  and  his  name  appears  in  the  list  of 
those  who  signed  the  engagement  of  August  4,  1647^.  He 
disapproved  of  the  negotiations  of  the  army-leaders  with 
the  King,  and  also  of  the  renewed  negotiations  between 
the  King  and  the  Parliament  which  took  place  in  the 
autumn  of  1647.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  he  was 
one  of  the  small  minority  of  thirty-four  members  who  sup- 
ported, on  Sept.  22,  1647,  Marten's  proposal  that  no  further 
addresses  should  be  made  to  the  King.     Less    than  four 

'  Memoirs,  i.  38,  96,  105,  132.  '■'  lb.  i.  141. 

^  Lilburne,  Legal  Fundamental  Liberties,  1646,  p.  36. 
*   Rushworth,  vii.  755. 


Ludlow  s  Republicanism.  xxv 

months  later  the  majority  came  round  to  the  opinion  of  the 
minority,  and  agreed  to  vote  a  similar  resolution.  It  then 
became  possible  for  the  Commonwealth  party  to  put 
forward  their  proposals  for  the  future  government  of  the 
nation,  and  they  did  so  in  the  conferences  recorded  by 
Ludlow.  They  declared  that  Monarchy '  was  neither  good 
in  itself,  nor  for  us,'  and  demanded  that  the  Parliament 
should  call  the  King  to  an  account  for  shedding  the  people's 
blood,  and  then  proceed  '  to  the  establishment  of  an  equal 
commonwealth  founded  upon  the  consent  of  the  people,  and 
providing  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  all  men  ^'  But  neither 
the  leaders  of  the  Parliament  nor  the  chiefs  of  the  army 
were  at  present  prepared  to  adopt  such  drastic  remedies, 
and  it  needed  the  teaching  of  a  second  civil  war  to  produce 
agreement. 

The  second  civil  war  was  now  drawing  near,  and  a 
Scottish  army  was  making  ready  to  enter  England.  '  I 
hear  of  a  northern  vapour,'  wrote  one  of  Ludlow's  con- 
stituents, '  a  wind  which  seems  to  threaten  a  persecution. 
Brave  Christian  and  Wiltshire's  honoured  servant,  fear  not, 
they  can  but  kill  the  bodyV  Ludlow  was  not  in  much 
danger,  for  he  took  no  active  part  in  the  second  war,  though 
he  was  busily  employed  in  disarming  and  arresting  Wilt- 
shire royalists  ^.  A  proposal  which  he  made  for  raising 
troops  in  the  county  drew  upon  him  the  abuse  of  the 
royalist  newspapers.  Amongst  the  Commissioners  for 
levying  money  for  these  troops,  Ludlow  proposed  '  one 
Read,  a  serving  man,  and  such  other  paltry  contemptible 
fellows,  all  of  them  sectaries.'  To  the  objection  that  these 
persons  had  no  estates  in  the  county,  he  and  his  friends 
answered  that  'they  were  godly  men.'  '  If  Ludlow,'  said 
Mercurius  Pragmaticus,  '  had   any  spark   of  ingenuity,  he 

'  Memoirs,  i.  184-6. 

*  John  Long  to  Ludlow,  March  13,  1648;  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1648-9,  p.  28. 

^  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1648-9,  pp.  126,  134. 


XXV  i  Introchtction. 

would  never  have  made  himself  thus  odious,  by  setting  up 
base  fellows  to  trample  down  the  gentry  \'  In  spite  of  all 
his  aristocratic  prejudices — and  of  these  there  are  many  signs 
in  the  Memoirs — the  stress  of  the  struggle  had  forced  him 
to  accept  the  view  which  Cromwell  had  expressed:  'men 
of  honour  and  birth'  were  to  be  employed  if  possible,  '  but 
seeing  it  was  necessary  the  work  must  go  on,  better  plain 
men  than  none.'  The  same  necessity  drew  Ludlow  and 
the  Commonwealth  party  in  general  nearer  to  Cromwell, 
from  whom  they  had  been  alienated  by  his  negotiations 
with  the  King,  his  avowed  preference  for  monarchy,  and 
his  suppression  of  the  Levellers  in  the  army.  Now  they 
felt '  obliged  to  strengthen  his  hands  in  that  necessary  work  ' 
of  resisting  the  invading  army  of  Duke  Hamilton,  and 
promised  him  all  assistance  in  their  power.  The  negotia- 
tions at  Newport  completed  the  reconciliation  between  the 
Commonwealthsmen  and  the  army.  Ludlow  went  down  to 
Colchester  to  urge  Fairfax  and  his  officers  to  interpose,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  conclusion  of  a  hollow  and  dangerous 
peace.  His  own  view  was  that  '  an  accommodation  with  the 
King  was  unsafe  to  the  people  of  England,  and  unjust  and 
wicked  in  the  nature  of  it.'  That  it  was  unsafe  the  King's 
duplicity  had  proved.  That  it  was  wrong  he  was  convinced 
'  by  the  express  words  of  God's  law;  That  blood  defileth 
the  land,  and  the  land  cannot  be  cleansed  of  the  blood  that 
is  shed  therein,  but  by  the  blood  of  him  that  shed  it.'  The 
Presbyterian  majority  in  Parliament  designed  'at  the  most 
only  to  punish  some  inferior  instruments,  whilst  the  capital 
offender  should  not  only  go  free,  but  his  authority  be  still 
acknowledged  and  adored,  and  so  the  nation  more  enslaved 
than  ever  to  a  power,  which  though  it  destroys  the  people 
by  thousands  must  be  accountable  to  none  but  God  for  so 
doing  -.'      Ludlow  and    the  Commonwealthsmen  held    not 

'  Mercurius  Pragmaticus,  Aug.  i-8,  '■  Memoirs,  i.  135, 172,  200,207, 135, 

Aug.  8-15,  1648.  215. 


Lttdlow  and  Prides  Purge.  xxvii 

only  that  the  King  should  be  punished  with  death,  as  guilty 
of  all  the  blood  shed  in  the  war,  but  that  the  monarchy 
itself  should  be  abolished  for  ever.  The  army  leaders,  taught 
by  experience,  had  at  last  come  round  to  their  view. 

On  the  negotiations  between  the  officers  and  their  allies 
in  the  Parliament,  Ludlow  is  the  most  important  and  almost 
the  only  authority.  Over  one  point  only  was  there  much 
difference  between  the  contracting  parties^,  but  small  though 
the  difference  seemed  it  was  fraught  with  future  division. 
The  military  republicans  urged  that  their  friends  should 
withdraw  from  Westminster,  and  constitute  themselves 
a  provisional  government  under  the  protection  of  the  army, 
until  a  new  Parliament  could  be  summoned.  The  Parlia- 
mentary republicans  preferred  a  purgation  to  a  dissolution, 
and  demanded  that  their  friends  in  the  army  should  main- 
tain them  at  Westminster,  and  expel  their  opponents  from 
the  house. 

'  Seeing  there  was  more  than  a  sufficient  number  of  members  in 
the  Parliament  to  make  a  House,  who  were  most  affectionate  to  the 
public  cause,  it  would  be  more  proper  for  the  army  to  relieve  them 
from  those  who  rendered  them  useless  to  the  public  service,  thereby 
preserving  the  name  and  place  of  the  Parliament,  than  for  the 
members  thereof  to  quit  their  stations  wherein  they  were  appointed 
to  serve,  and  to  leave  the  civil  authority  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
would  ....  attempt  to  frustrate  what  should  be  agreed  on  by  them 
and  the  army  \' 

'  Memoirs,  i.   206.     Burnet    com-  any  sort  of  resentment  for  what  he 

ments    on    Ludlow's    inconsistency  had  done,  he  owns  the  share  he  had 

in    approving    Pride's     Purge    and  in  the  force  put  on  the  Parhament  at 

condemning  Cromwell's  conduct  in  this  time.     The  plain  reconciling  of 

1653  : —  this  is,    that  he    thought  when    the 

'  Ludlow,  in  his  Memoirs,  justifies  army  judged  the  Parliament  was  in 
this  force  put  on  the  Parliament,  as  the  wrong,  they  might  use  violence, 
much  as  he  condemns  the  force  that  but  not  otherwise :  which  gives  the 
Cromwell  and  the  army  afterwards  army  a  superior  authority,  and  an 
put  on  the  House:  and  he  seems  to  inspection  into  the  proceedings  of 
lay  this  down  for  a  maxim,  that  the  the  Parliament.  This  shows  how 
military  power  ought  always  to  be  impossible  it  is  to  set  up  a  Common- 
subject  to  the  civil:  and  yet,  without  wealth  in  England  :  for  that  cannot 


xxviii  Introdttction. 

The  army  accepted  the  plan  of  its  friends  in  Parliament. 
In  Pride's  Purge  Ludlow  played  a  leading  part.  He 
attended  eleven  meetings  of  the  court  which  judged  the 
King,  and  put  his  name  to  the  death  warrant.  The  fact 
that  he  was  one  of  the  five  persons  charged  to  select  the 
members  of  the  new  Council  of  State,  and  was  added  to 
that  body  by  a  special  vote  of  the  House,  is  a  further 
testimony  to  his  importance.  At  the  expiration  of  his  first 
year  of  ofifice  he  was  again  elected  to  the  Council. 

One  of  the  reasons  to  which  Ludlow  owed  his  influential 
position  was  doubtless  his  connexion  with  the  Levellers. 
Though  he  could  scarcely  be  regarded  as  one  of  their  party, 
and  did  not  share  many  of  their  views,  they  looked  upon 
him  as  their  friend.  '  Levelling  Ludlow'  is  the  nickname 
given  him  in  a  list  of  members  of  Parliament  by  a  contem- 
porary pamphleteer.  On  three  occasions  he  intervened  on 
behalf  of  Lilburne,  to  obtain  redress  for  his  grievances, 
ofifer  bail  for  him,  or  procure  his  release  from  prison  ^. 

It  is  also  evident,  though  the  fact  is  proved  rather  by  his 
subsequent  actions  and  the  general  tone  of  the  Memoirs, 
than  by  the  little  known  of  his  Parliamentary  action  in 
the  first  two  years  of  the  Commonwealth,  that  Ludlow 
was  in  sympathy  with  the  extremer  sectaries.  He  continu- 
ally couples  together  the  clergy  and  the  lawyers  as  the 
'  corrupt  interests  '  hindering  the  work  of  reformation  ^. 
When  he  was  a  candidate  for  Wiltshire  at  the  election  of 
1654,  the  established  clergy,  Presbyterians  and  moderate 
Independents  alike,  were  his  chief  opponents.  They  branded 
him  with  the  name  of  '  Anabaptist,'  exhorted  the  voters  to 
stand  up  for  the  Church,  and  cried  with  open  mouth,  *  No 
Ludlow,  No  Ludlow,'  till  they  were  hoarse  again.     What 

be  brought  about  but  by  a  military  '  England's  Confusion,  1659,  p.  10; 

force:    and  they  will  ever  keep  the  C.  J.,  v.  657;  Lilburne's  Trial,  1649, 

Parliament    in    subjection    to    them,  p.    153 ;    Picture    of  the    Council    of 

and  so  keep  up  their  own  authority.'  State,  1649,  p.  15. 

Own  Time,  ed.  1833.  i.  84.  ^  Memoirs,  i.  245. 


Ludlow  s  zeal  for  Reformation.         xxlx 

Ludlow's  view  on  the  question  of  an  established  Church 
was  is  seen  by  the  emphatic  praise  he  gives  to  a  scheme 
propounded  by  the  restored  Long  Parliament  in  1659. 
That  body  proposed  '  to  ease  the  people  of  the  payment  of 
tithes,  and  in  lieu  of  them,  to  appropriate  a  certain  sum 
of  money  for  the  maintenance  and  encouragement  of  the 
ministry  .  .  .  hoping  if  this  could  be  effected,  that  the  clergy 
would  no  longer  have  any  other  interest  to  promote  than 
that  of  the  whole  Commonwealth,  nor  be  a  distinct  party 
from  the  people  ^.' 

So  long  as  Ireland  and  Scotland  were  still  in  arms  against 
the  republic,  there  was  no  possibility  of  the  reformation  in 
Church  and  State,  which  Ludlow  desired.  In  the  summer 
of  1650  Cromwell  returned  from  Ireland  and  offered  Ludlow 
the  post  of  second  in  command  in  that  country.  With 
some  misgivings  he  accepted  it  ^.  His  friends  endeavoured 
to  persuade  him  that  Cromwell  wished  to  get  him  out  of 
the  way,  lest  he  should  prove  an  obstruction  to  his 
ambitious  designs.  This  is  not  probable,  but  it  is  probable 
that  political  reasons  played  a  considerable  part  in  the 
appointment.  Ludlow's  military  experience  was  small, 
and  he  had  never  commanded  more  than  a  regiment  in  the 
field.  However  the  man  needed  in  Ireland  was  not  simply 
a  soldier,  but  a  soldier  who  was  something  of  a  statesman. 
At  any  moment  during  the  war  the  second  in  command 
might  be  called  upon  to  replace  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
and  to  conduct  important  negotiations.  As  soon  as  the 
war  ended,  and  indeed  even  earlier,  he  might  be  required 
to  decide  questions  of  great  political  importance  connected 
wuth  the  resettlement  of  the  conquered  country.  It  was 
therefore  desirable  that  the  man  chosen  should  possess  some 
political  capacity,  and  be  assured  of  some  parliamentary 
support.      Ludlow   possessed    the   necessary  qualifications 

'  The  copy  of  a  letter  sent  out  of  Wiltshire,  Appendix  i.  545  ;  ii.  161,  169. 
"  Memoirs,  i.  244-249. 


XXX  Introduction. 

whilst  better  officers  did  not,  and  the  vigour  and  ability 
with  which  he  fulfilled  his  task  eventually  justified  his 
appointment. 

In  January  1651,  when  Ludlow  landed  in  Ireland,  the 
country  was  still  far  from  conquered.  Cromwell's  first 
campaign  had  placed  the  coast-towns  of  the  south,  east, 
and  part  of  the  north  under  the  sway  of  the  Parliament  ; 
but  as  he  himself  reported  to  Lenthall,  though  he  had 
gained  '  a  great  longitude  of  land  along  the  shore,  yet 
hath  it  but  little  depth  in  the  country.'  During  the  spring 
of  1650  he  had  added  Cashel,  Kilkenny,  and  Clonmel  to 
his  earlier  conquests,  and  Ireton  during  the  rest  of  the 
year  captured  Carlow,  Duncannon,  and  Waterford.  At 
Scarriffhollis  in  July  1650  Sir  Charles  Coote  had  routed 
and  destroyed  the  best  army  the  Irish  could  bring  together. 
But  the  strong  cities  of  Limerick  and  Galway  were 
still  unconquered,  and  in  the  bogs  and  mountains  of 
every  province  large  bands  of  Irish  still  maintained  them- 
selves, cutting  off  convoys,  making  raids  even  up  to  the 
walls  of  Dublin,  and  sometimes  recapturing  the  smaller 
English  garrisons.  The  difficulty  of  driving  the  Irish 
out  of  these  '  vast  great  bogs,'  which  were  '  better  to 
them  in  point  of  strength  than  walled  towns,'  is  vividly 
pictured  in  a  letter  from  Ludlow  and  his  fellow  Com- 
missioners to  the  Council  of  State '.  The  hardships  of  the 
war  were  far  more  fatal  to  the  invading  army  than  the 
swords  of  the  Irish.  Dysentery,  'the  country  disease.' 
as  Ludlow  significantly  terms  it,  slew  its  thousands.  The 
plague  and  malignant  fevers  raged  both  amongst  the 
Irish  and  the  English.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  English 
Commanders  to  reduce  the  Irish  to  submission  by  destroy- 
ing their  means  of  subsistence  ;  and  in  consequence  the 
army  was  obliged  to  draw  most  of  its  supplies  from 
England,   and  suffered   severely  from    the  scarcity  it   had 

'  Memoirs,  i.  497. 


Ludlow  s  Accotint  of  the  h'ish  War.      xxxi 

itself  created  ^.     Under  such  circumstances  its  ranks  were 
rapidly  thinned,  and  constant  reinforcements  were  necessary. 

'  It  is  a  sad  thing  to  consider,'  wrote  the  Commissioners  on  Feb.  5, 
1652,  *  what  vast  numbers  of  men  have  perished  in  Ireland  by  the 
hardships  of  the  service,  cold  (through  want  of  clothes),  and  diseases 
of  the  country.  We  are  credibly  informed  by  high  officers  that  one 
third  part  of  the  recruits  you  sent  over  the  last  year  are  not  now 
alive ;  whereby  your  lordships  may  perceive  what  need  there  is  of 
hastening  over  the  number  of  recruits  desired  well  clothed,  and  that 
aged,  diseased  persons,  and  children  may  not  be  sent  over,  of  which 
sort  many  of  the  last  years  recruits  were,  which  hath  been  a  great 
charge  to  the  hospitals,  and  of  no  use  for  your  service  ^.' 

Ludlow's  account  of  the  reconquest  of  Ireland  is  neither 
a  clear  nor  a  coherent  narrative  of  that  process.  The  part 
which  relates  to  Cromwell's  two  campaigns  contains  very 
serious  chronological  blunders.  The  part  which  deals  with 
his  own  services  is  in  the  main  a  history  of  his  personal 
adventures.  But  like  the  corresponding  account  of  the 
civil  war  in  Wiltshire  it  reproduces  the  life  and  the  spirit 
of  the  times  far  better  than  any  formally  accurate  record 
of  sieges  and  military  operations.  By  a  hundred  little 
touches  he  incidentally  reveals  not  merely  the  character 
of  the  war,  but  the  temper  in  which  it  was  prosecuted  by 
the  conquerors.  He  relates  wnthout  any  disapproval  the 
slaughter  of  the  garrison  of  Drogheda,  and  excuses  it  as 
Cromwell  did  :  '  this  slaughter  was  continued  all  that  day 
and  the  next ;  which  extraordinary  severity  I  presume  was 
used  to  discourage  others  from  making  opposition  ^.' 

Ludlow  approves  also  of  the  executions  which  Ireton 
ordei"ed  after  the  capture  of  Limerick,  though  he  seems  to 
have  voted  for  sparing  the  life  of  Hugh  O'Neill'*.  If  he 
praises  Ireton  for  cashiering  an  officer  who  put  some 
Irish  to  the  sword  after  they  had  surrendered  under  the 

'  Memoirs,  i.  235,  239,  261,  278,  286,  303.  ^  Irish  Records. 

^  Memoirs,  i,  234.  *   lb.  i.  288. 


xxxii  Introduction. 

belief  that  they  would  obtain  mercy,  it  was  rather  the 
breach  of  faith  than  the  cruelty  which  moved  his  censure  ^. 
While  he  describes  how  he  stopped  his  soldiers  from 
killing  a  party  of  fugitive  countrymen,  he  relates  with  equal 
complacency  how  he  smoked  out  a  score  of  others  in 
a  cave,  and  put  most  of  them  to  the  sword  ^.  Like  his 
fellow-officers,  like  the  English  people  in  general,  he  had 
the  massacres  of  1641  always  in  his  mind,  and  he  was 
inclined  to  accept  the  principle  '  that  they  who  had  shown 
no  mercy  could  not  deserve  to  receive  any/  To  every 
overture  from  the  Irish  he  answered  by  a  demand  for 
their  unconditional  submission.  It  seemed  to  him  un- 
reasonable to  expect 

'  that  such  who  are  guilty  of  a  bloody  and  cruel  massacre  (at  least 
engaged  in  withholding  of  them  from  justice  who  are  so)  should 
be  admitted  to  capitulate  about  the  settlement  of  this  nation  with 
the  Parliament  of  England  their  lawful  magistrate  ....  While  you 
insist  upon  the  justice  of  your  cause  and  persevere  in  your  hostility, 
it  is  not  the  advantage  we  may  partake  of  by  a  settlement,  nor  the 
uncertainty  of  a  tedious  war,  nor  fear  of  having  this  country  rendered 
waste  and  useless  to  us,  that  ought  to  deter  us  from  doing  our  duty, 
or  unite  us  to  this  sinful  or  unworthy  compliance  with  you  ■ .' 

Yet  two  months  later  Ludlow  and  his  officers  solemnly 
lamented  in  a  letter  to  the  Parliament  their  '  general 
aptness  to  lenity  towards  and  composure  with  this  enemy, 
and  the  several  visitations  upon  us  which  ordinarily  have 
been  the  consequence  thereof^.' 

From  the  death  of  Ireton  in  November  ]65[  to  the 
landing  of  Pleetwood  in  October  1652,  Ludlow  was  acting 
Commander-in-chief  in  Ireland.  By  the  end  of  1652 
the  work  of  subjugation  was  practically  completed,  and 
it  was  possible  to  lay  the  foundations  of  the  new  order. 
The  principles  on  which  that  settlement  was  based   were 

'  Memoirs,  i.  263.  274,  292.  -   lb.  i.  270,  327. 

■'  lb.  i.  263.  505,  509.  ■*   lb.  i.  512. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Long  Parliament,   xxxiii 

determined  by  the  English  Parliament,  but  it  is  clear 
that  Ludlow  heartily  approved  of  the  policy  he  was 
charged  to  carry  out.  For  his  own  share  in  the  confiscated 
lands  of  the  Irish  he  received  the  estate  of  Walter  Cheevers 
at  Monkstown  near  Dublin,  which  was  granted  to  him  in 
satisfaction  for  his  arrears  of  pay^.  According  to  his  own 
account  however  he  had  expended  in  the  public  service, 
during  his  employment  in  Ireland,  ^4500  over  and  above 
his  pay  and  allowances  -. 

Whilst  the  transplantation  of  the  old  landowners  and 
the  establishment  of  the  soldiers  and  adventurers  on  their 
lands  was  slowly  proceeding,  the  news  that  Cromwell 
had  expelled  the  Long  Parliament  reached  Ireland. 
Looking  back  on  this  event  when  he  wrote  his  Memoirs, 
Ludlow  described  it  as  an  overwhelming  and  irremediable 
catastrophe.  The  ship  of  the  state  had  foundered  just 
as  it  reached  the  port.  The  victorious  Parliament  which 
had  performed  such  great  things,  which  had  established 
the  liberty  of  the  people,  which  had  subdued  all  its  enemies 
at  home  and  abroad,  was  overthrown  by  its  own  servant. 

'  The  enemy  by  the  blessing  of  God  upon  the  counsels  of  the 
Parliament,  and  endeavours  of  their  armies,  was  everywhere  dis- 
persed and  conquered,  and  the  nation  likely  to  attain  in  a  short 
time  that  measure  of  happiness  which  human  things  are  capable  of, 
when  by  the  ambition  of  one  man  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  all 
good  men  were  disappointed,  and  the  people  robbed  of  that  liberty 
which  they  had  contended  for  at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood  and 
treasure '.' 

This  was  Ludlow's  later  view.  At  the  moment  when 
the  expulsion  of  the  Long  Parliament  took  place  he  was  far 
from  regarding  it  either  as  absolutely  fatal  to  the  happiness 
of  the  nation  or  as  entirely  unjustifiable  in  itself.  He  made 
no  sign  of  opposition,  and  continued  to  act  under  the 
new  government  both  in  his  civil  and  his  military  capacity. 

*  Memoirs,  i.  381,  543.      ^  lb.  i.  361.      '  lb.  i.  343  ;  cf.  i.  349  ;  ii.  7.  167,  356. 
VOL.  I.  C 


xxxiv  Introduction. 

This    acquiescence    he    explains    by     his     ignorance    of 
Cromwell's  intrigues. 

'  We  who  were  in  Ireland  being  not  well  informed  of  these  clan- 
destine practices,  and  no  less  confident  that  the  principles  of  some 
men  who  joined  in  this  attempt  were  directed  to  the  good  of  the 
nation  .  .  .  though  we  could  not  but  have  some  doubts  of  the 
ill  consequences  of  these  things,  yet  thought  ourselves  by  the  rules 
of  charity  obliged  to  hope  the  best,  and  therefore  continued  to 
act  in  our  places  and  stations  as  before  \' 

A  comparison  of  the  proclamation  issued  by  Ludlow 
and  his  fellow-commissioners  on  the  expulsion  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  with  that  which  they  published  when 
the  Little  Parliament  came  to  an  untimely  end,  shows 
that  the  latter  event  caused  far  more  searchings  of  heart 
amongst  them  than  the  former.  The  failure  of  the 
Little  Parliament  meant  the  failure  of  the  drastic  schemes 
'to  reform  the  law  and  to  reduce  the  clergy  to  a  more 
evangelical  constitution,'  which  Ludlow  had  always 
advocated.  Rightly  or  wrongly  he  attributed  the  cause 
of  this  failure  entirely  to  Cromwell.  He  it  was  who, 
to  gratify  his  own  'pride  and  ambition,'  had  frustrated 
the  intended  reformation,  by  allying  himself  with  '  the 
corrupt  part  of  the  lawyers  and  clergy  to  prevent  it ; 
and  so  he  became  their  Protector,  and  they  the  humble 
supporters  of  his  tyranny^.'  But  even  if  Cromwell  had 
not  earned  Ludlow's  hatred,  by  converting  an  intended 
revolution  into  a  conservative  reaction,  the  quasi-mon- 
archical form  of  government  established  by  the  instrument 
of  government  would  not  have  been  accepted  by  so 
consistent  a  republican. 

Henceforth  Ludlow  was  Cromwell's  bitterest  and  most 
unyielding  opponent.  He  obstructed  for  several  weeks 
the  proclamation  of  the  Protectorate  in  Ireland,  absented 
himself  ostentatiously  from  the  ceremony,  and  refused  to 

■  Memoirs,  i.  356.  *  lb.  i.  365. 


Ludlow  s  Opposition  to  Cromwell.        xxxv 

act  any  longer  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Ireland,  lest  by  so  doing  he  should  seem  to 
acknowledge  the  lawfulness  of  Cromwell's  authority.  On 
the  other  hand  he  resolved  to  keep  his  military  commission 
until  it  was  forcibly  taken  from  him,  according  to  his 
enemies,  because  it  was  the  more  lucrative  post  of  the  two, 
according  to  his  own  account,  because  he  hoped  some  day 
to  make  use  of  it  against  the  usurper.  Cromwell  was 
reluctant  to  proceed  to  extremities  against  Ludlow,  and 
Fleetwood  exerted  all  his  influence  on  behalf  of  his  old 
comrade  inarms.  He  was  therefore  allowed  to  continue  in 
this  anomalous  position  until  January,  1655,  when  Fleetwood 
discovered  that  he  was  circulating  pamphlets  against  the 
government  ^.  The  surrender  of  Ludlow's  commission  was 
again  imperatively  demanded,  and  to  avoid  giving  it  up 
he  pledged  himself  to  appear  before  Cromwell  within 
a  definite  time,  and  in  the  interim  not  to  act  against  the 
government.  But  as  the  Protector's  advisers  preferred 
to  keep  him  in  Ireland,  the  order  for  his  coming  over 
was  countermanded,  and  when  he  landed  in  England,  he 
was  for  six  weeks  imprisoned  in  Beaumaris  Castle. 

In  the  two  interviews  which  Ludlow  had  with  Cromwell 
and  his  Council,  he  set  forth  with  great  frankness  the 
grounds  of  his  opposition  to  the  Protector's  government. 
It  was  unlawful,  he  told  Lambert,  because  it  was  '  in 
substance  a  reestablishment  of  that  which  we  had  all 
engaged  against,  and  had  with  a  great  expense  of  blood 
and  treasure  abolished.'  Cromwell  justified  his  government 
by  the  substantial  benefits  the  nation  enjoyed  under  his 
rule.  '  What  can  you  desire,'  he  asked,  '  more  than  you 
have  ? '  '  That  which  we  fought  for,'  replied  Ludlow,  '  that 
the  nation  might  be  governed  by  its  own  consent.'  When 
Cromwell  demanded,  where,  amid  conflicting  parties,  that 
consent  was  to   be  found,  Ludlow  was  obliged  to  admit 

^  Memoirs,  i.  375,  377,  407. 
C  % 


xxxvi  Introduction. 

that  he  meant  only  the  consent  of  the  limited  number 
of  persons  whom  he  regarded  as  faithful  to  the  cause. 
That  the  republic  he  advocated  was  essentially  the  govern- 
ment of  a  minority,  and  had  just  as  little  popular  support 
as  the  Protectorate,  Ludlow  was  incapable  of  perceiving. 
Nor  did  he  succeed  in  disproving  the  argument  that  the 
Long  Parliament  was  just  as  much  dependent  on  the  sword 
of  the  army  as  the  government  which  had  succeeded  it. 

On  the  question  of  submitting  to  the  dc  facto  government, 
Ludlow  spoke  out  boldly,  asserting  that  he  had  taken  part 
in  no  plots  and  knew  of  none,  but  declining  to  engage 
himself  not  to  act  against  it. 

'  If  Providence  open  a  way,  and  give  an  opportunity  of  appearing  in 
behalf  of  the  people,  I  cannot  consent  to  tie  my  own  hands  before- 
hand, and  oblige  myself  not  to  lay  hold  on  it.' 

If  he  could  rationally  hope  to  be  supported  by  an 
authority  equal  or  superior  to  the  authority  now  in 
possession,  and  could  be  persuaded  that  the  said  authority 
would  employ  its  power  for  the  good  of  mankind,  he  would 
regard  it  as  sufficient  warrant  to  act. 

'  We  ought  to  be  very  careful  and  circumspect  in  that  i)articular, 
and  at  least  be  assured  of  very  probable  grounds  to  believe  that 
power  under  which  we  engage  to  be  sufficiently  able  to  protect  us 
in  our  undertaking :  otherwise  I  should  account  myself  not  only 
guilty  of  my  own  blood,  but  also  in  some  measure  of  the  ruin  and 
destruction  of  all  those  that  I  should  induce  to  engage  with  me, 
though  the  cause  were  never  so  just '.' 

Cromwell's  government  contented  itself  with  keeping 
Ludlow  under  strict  surveillance,  probably  holding  that  he 
was  not  likely  to  move  unless  there  were  a  general  in- 
surrection, and  that  in  such  an  event  no  engagements 
were  likely  to  hold  good.  But,  as  he  might  have  been 
dangerous  in  parliament,  in  1656  as  in  1654  the  government's 
influence  was  employed  to  prevent  his  election  for  Wiltshire^. 

'  Mcmoiis,  i.  382,  433-436;  ii.  10-14.  -  lb.  i.  388;    ii.  17. 


The  Restoration  of  the  Long  Parliament,  xxxvii 

Cromwell's  death  reopened  political  life  to  Ludlow  and 
his  party.     They  were  once  more  full  of  hope. 

'  The  Commonwealthsmen  were  so  charitable  to  believe  that  the 
soldiery  being  delivered  from  their  servitude  to  the  General — to 
which  they  were  willing  to  attribute  their  former  compliances — would 
now  open  their  eyes  and  join  witli  them,  as  the  only  means  left  to 
preserve  themselves  and  the  people  \' 

Ludlow  was  returned  to  Richard  Cromwell's  parliament 
for  Hindon,  and  succeeded  in  taking  his  seat  without 
giving  the  usual  engagement  not  to  act  against  the  Pro- 
tector. From  the  first  he  devoted  all  his  efforts  to 
effecting  an  alliance  between  the  republican  opposition 
in  the  parliament,  and  the  malcontents  in  the  army.  Of 
the  debates  about  the  recognition  of  the  new  Protector  and 
of  the  attempts  of  the  opposition  to  limit  his  power,  Ludlow 
gives  a  good  summary ;  but  his  narrative  of  their  negotiations 
with  the  officers  is  of  far  greater  historical  value.  On  that 
subject  he  is  the  most  important  and  almost  the  sole 
authority  ^. 

When  the  quarrel  between  the  Protector  and  the  army  had 
resulted  in  the  fall  of  the  house  of  Cromvv^ell  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Long  Parliament,  Ludlow  immediately  became 
one  of  the  most  prominent  persons  in  the  state.  On  the 
day  of  its  return  to  Westminster,  the  Parliament  appointed 
him  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  a  few  days  later 
he  was  made  a  member  of  the  Council  of  State,  and  one  of 
the  seven  Commissioners  for  the  nomination  of  the  officers 
of  the  army.  He  was  also  given  the  command  of  a  regiment 
in  the  English  army,  in  place  of  Col.  Goffe,  who  was  too 
strong  a  supporter  of  the  fallen  house  to  be  allowed  to  keep 
his  commission.  A  month  later  the  Parliament  decided  to 
trust  him  with  the  chief  command  in  L'eland,  giving  him 
the  rank  of  Lieutenant-General,  and  making  him  Colonel 
of  a  regiment  of  horse  as  well  as  of  one  of  foot  ^. 

1  Memoirs,  ii.  47.  ^  Jb.  ii.  64-66,  74-78.  ^  lb.  ii.  94. 


xxxvili  Introduction. 

Ludlow  arrived  in  Ireland  towards  the  end  of  July,  1659, 
and  remained  there  till  the  middle  of  October.  During 
his  stay  he  was  chiefly  occupied  in  the  reorganisation  of 
the  army,  displacing  officers  of  Cromwellian  sympathies, 
and  promoting  staunch  republicans.  For  his  conduct  in 
this  particular  he  subsequently  incurred  the  charge  of 
being  too  partial  to  Anabaptists  and  extreme  Sectaries 
in  general  ^. 

As  soon  as  Ludlow  returned  to  England  he  learnt  that 
Lambeit  had  again  expelled  the  Long  Parliament.  From 
the  beginning  he  had  feared  a  breach  between  the  officers 
and  the  parliamentary  republicans,  and  now  his  fears  were 
realised.  One  of  the  reasons  that  led  him  to  accept  a  military 
command  when  it  was  first  offered  him,  was  the  con- 
sideration that  the  '  greatest  danger  was  like  to  arise  from 
the  army,  the  principal  officers  of  which  had  been  de- 
bauched from  their  duty  by  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  had 
learnt  their  own  strength  when  they  obstructed  his  design 
to  be  King.' 

He  had  observed  with  some  dismay  the 'ruffling  insolence' 
of  the  great  officers  in  their  dealings  with  the  Parliament. 
It  was  to  prevent  the  mischiefs  which  he  feared  the 
ambition  of  the  army  would  bring  upon  the  state,  that  he 
had  obtained  leave  to  return  so  soon  from  Ireland,  and 
before  leaving  for  his  post  he  had  earnestly  begged  the 
leading  officers  '  not  to  violate  the  authority  of  the  Par- 
liament,' and  the  parliamentary  leaders  '  not  to  put  any 
unnecessary  hardships  on  those  of  the  army  -.' 

Faithful  to  this  intention  of  mediating  he  hastened  to 
London,  and  spent  the  next  few  weeks  in  endeavouring  to 
restore  agreement  between  the  army  and  the  Parliament. 
He  refused  to  attach  himself  to  either  party. 

'  It  was  my  judgment  that  if  either  the  Parliament  or  the  army 
'  Memoirs,  ii.  ii6,  121,  468,  475.  *  lb.  ii.  82,  90,  94,  103. 


Mediates  between  Parliament  and  Army,  xxxix 

should  entirely  prevail  one  against  the  other  in  this  juncture,  it  would 
hazard  the  ruin  of  both ;  and  therefore  I  thought  myself  obliged  in 
duty  to  use  the  utmost  endeavours  to  bring  them  to  a  reconciliation, 
before  I  should  think  of  declaring  myself.' 

He  urged  the  leaders  to  lay  aside  their  private  animosities, 
and  unite  their  whole  strength  'to  prevent  the  vessel  of  the 
Commonwealth  from  sinking/  But  the  army  were  stub- 
bornly determined  to  call  a  new  Parliament^  and  the  par- 
h"amentary  leaders  equally  stiff  in  requiring  absolute  sub- 
mission to  their  authority.  The  proposal  for  a  restitution 
of  the  expelled  Parliament  by  common  agreement  had  no 
prospect  of  success  ^ 

Step  by  step  Ludlow  became  committed  to  the  side  of 
the  army.  Though  he  had  refused  to  act  on  their  Committee 
of  Safety,  he  took  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  sub- 
committee appointed  by  it  to  consider  of  a  form  of 
government  for  the  three  nations,  salving  his  conscience 
by  the  resolve  that  its  conclusions  should  be  submitted 
to  the  approval  of  Parliament.  Next  he  agreed  to  the 
summoning  of  a  representative  council  of  the  armies  of  the 
three  nations,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  better  to  be 
governed  by  the  whole  army  than  to  remain  in  servitude 
to  one  particular  section  of  it  ^.  Finally,  when  he  had 
failed  to  prevent  the  army  from  calling  a  new  Parliament, 
he  proposed  a  constitutional  scheme  of  his  own,  interesting 
as  his  one  attempt  at  constructive  statesmanship.  His  aim 
was  to  impose  limits  on  the  sovereignty  of  either  parliament 
or  army.  The  essentials  of  the  cause  were  to  be  clearly 
stated  and  declared  inviolable,  and  twenty-one  persons  of 
known  integrity,  to  be  entitled  '  Conservators  of  Liberty,' 
were  to  be  charged  to  watch  over  the  maintenance  of  these 
essentials,  and  in  case  of  dispute  concerning  them  to 
arbitrate  between  army  and  Parliament.  A  somewhat 
similar  position  had  been  assigned  to  the  Protector  by  the 

*  Memoirs,  ii.  144,  145,  155,  164.  "^  lb.  ii.  144,  149,  159,  165. 


xl  Introduction. 

Instrument  of  Government.  The  defect  of  the  scheme  was 
that  there  was  no  likelihood  that  the  Conservators  would  be 
impartial,  and  that  they  would  have  no  power  to  enforce 
their  decisions.  The  officers  accepted  the  scheme,  but 
only  to  frustrate  it  at  once  by  electing  the  Conservators 
from  their  own  partisans,  and  compromised  Ludlow  still 
further  by  appointing  him  one  of  them  ^ 

Meanwhile  a  conspiracy  was  hatching  in  the  Irish  army 
which  was  speedily  to  end  Ludlow's  authority.  About 
December  22,  1659,  he  received  the  news  that  a  number 
of  officers  had  seized  Dublin  Castle,  arrested  his  fellow 
Commissioners  for  the  government  of  Ireland,  and  declared 
for  the  restitution  of  the  Long  Parliament.  He  hastened 
back,  but  not  being  allowed  to  land  in  Dublin,  threw  himself 
into  Duncannon  fort,  and  was  blockaded  there  by  the  troops 
6till  nominally  under  his  command.  A  few  days  later  he 
heard  from  London  that  he  had  been  accused  before  the 
now  restored  Long  Parliament,  and  removed  by  that 
assembly  from  his  posts  of  Commander-in-Chief  and  Com- 
missioner for  the  civil  government  of  Ireland.  The  result 
of  all  his  attempts  at  mediation  had  simply  been  to  make 
him  suspected  by  the  adherents  of  the  Parliament  without 
gaining  him  the  confidence  of  the  leaders  of  the  army. 

The  portion  of  the  Memoirs  relating  to  this  struggle 
between  the  Parliament  and  the  army  is  of  great  historical 
value,  but  so  far  as  concerns  Ludlow  himself,  it  is  of  the 
nature  of  an  apology.  It  should  be  compared  with  the 
articles  presented  against  him  by  the  Irish  officers,  and 
with  his  contemporary  vindication  of  his  own  conduct. 

Ludlow  hurried  back  to  London  eager  to  justify  himself, 
but  the  hearing  of  his  case  was  deferred  from  week  to  week. 
Monk,  with  whom  he  had  refused  to  co-operate  against 
Fleetwood  and  Lambert,  was  incensed  against  him  for  his 
refusal,  and  had  throughout  acted  in  conjunction  with  his 

'  Memoirs,  ii.  172-174. 


Liidlow  and  the  Restoration.  xH 

opponents  in  Ireland.  Ludlow  was  therefore  condemned 
to  be  a  mere  spectator  of  public  events,  to  witness  with 
impotent  indignation  the  readmission  of  the  members  he 
had  helped  to  expel  in  1648,  and  to  see  the  final  dissolution 
of  the  Long  Parliament.  For  a  moment  he  dreamt  of 
rallying  the  malcontents  of  the  army  and  the  desperate 
remnant  of  the  republican  party,  for  a  last  effort  to  prevent 
the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts,  but  was  obliged  to  hide 
himself  in  the  country  to  avoid  arrest.  He  contrived  to  get 
himself  elected  to  the  Convention  Parliament  as  member 
for  Hindon,  and  was  preparing  to  join  Lambert's  insurrec- 
tion, when  he  heard  of  Lambert's  recapture.  The  last 
chance  of  maintaining  the  republic  had  vanished.  '  Being 
thus  deprived  of  an  opportunity  of  appearing  in  the  field 
for  the  service  of  my  country,  I  resolved  to  go  to  London, 
and  there  to  wait  the  pleasure  of  God,  either  by  acting  or 
suffering  in  his  cause  ^.' 

In  the  Convention  he  found  himself  isolated  and  helpless. 
All  he  could  do  was  to  protest  against  the  Restoration  by 
refusing  to  vote  for  sending  commissioners  to  Charles  II, 
and  that  done  he  was  obliged  again  to  conceal  himself.  From 
the  window  of  the  house  where  he  was  hidden  he  could  see 
the  troopers  of  the  fallen  Republic  return  from  escorting 
the  King  to  Whitehall,  and  day  after  day  he  heard  of  the 
arrests  of  his  friends.  For  some  months  he  succeeded 
in  avoiding  imprisonment,  by  a  series  of  artifices  which 
he  describes  with  great  complacency,  and  employed  the 
respite  in  settling  his  private  affairs.  At  the  end  of  August, 
just  as  the  government  published  a  proclamation^  offering 
three  hundred  pounds  for  his  arrest,  he  succeeded  in 
escaping  to  France  ^ 

The  importance  of  Ludlow's  escape  did  not  lie  simply  in 

••  Memoirs,  ii.  260. 

*  The  proclamation  is  reprinted  in  the  Life  of  Thomas  Hollis,  p.  633. 

^  Memoirs,  ii.  296. 


xlii  Introduction. 

the  fact  that  he  had  been  one  of  the  judges  of  Charles  I  and 
one  of  the  generals  of  the  Pv.epublic.  He  was  dangerous  to  the 
English  gov^ernment  because  he  was  more  than  this.  Many 
of  the  old  leaders  of  the  republican  party  were  in  prison, 
more  were  in  their  graves.  Amongst  the  exiles  there 
were  abler  heads  than  his,  but  Sydney  and  St.  John  had 
drawn  back  when  the  time  came  for  shedding  the  King's 
blood.  Gofife  and  Whalley  and  Hewson  were  soldiers  as 
good  as  Ludlow — perhaps  better — but  they  had  supported 
the  usurpation  of  Cromwell,  and  Desborough  was  too  near 
akin  to  the  Protector.  But  through  good  and  evil  fortune 
Ludlow  had  remained  faithful  to  republican  ideals,  his 
devotion  had  never  hesitated,  his  constancy  never  been 
seduced.  Therefore  the  few  stern  fanatics,  whom  no 
reverses  could  teach  and  no  odds  dismay,  regarded  him  as 
their  destined  leader.  His  unbending  obstinacy  had  become 
a  virtue.  The  field  was  lost,  but  '■  the  unconquerable  will,' 
linked  with  the  '  courage  never  to  submit  or  yield,'  might 
yet  overthrow  the  triumphant  and  careless  conqueror. 
Ludlow  possessed  these  qualities,  and  they  did  not  perceive 
how  much  he  lacked.  He  had  not  the  fertility  in  resources, 
the  readiness  to  seize  opportunities,  the  skill  to  organise  con- 
spirators, the  willingness  to  head  forlorn  hopes,  which  make 
a  good  leader  of  revolts.  His  courage  was  rather  active 
than  passive  in  its  nature,  and  his  mind  was  slow  to  adapt 
itself  to  new  situations.  But  as  yet  neither  the  republicans 
had  discovered  that  their  hopes  were  hollow,  nor  the  govern- 
ment that  their  fears  were  unfounded.  How  much  the 
government  feared  him  the  State  Papers  and  the  State 
Trials  show.  Not  a  plot  was  discovered  for  the  next  few 
years  but  he  was  reported  to  be  at  the  head  of  it.  Spies 
continually  reported  that  he  was  hiding  in  England,  and 
zealous  officials  that  they  hoped  to  arrest  him.  Twice 
during  the  autumn  of  1660  his  capture  was  actually 
announced.     In  October  1661  he  was  said  to  be  lurking  in 


Ludlow  as  a  Conspirator.  xl 


111 


Cripplegate,  ready  to  head  an  attack  on  Whitehall.  Forty 
thousand  old  soldiers  were  to  rise  in  arms,  and  in  a  few 
days,  whispered  his  partisans..  Ludlow  would  be  the  greatest 
man  in  England.  In  July  1662  he  was  expected  to  head 
a  rising  in  the  western  counties.  In  November  people  said 
he  had  been  seen  at  Canterbury,  disguised  as  a  sailor,  and 
Kent  and  Sussex  were  scoured  to  find  him.  The  conception 
which  the  government  of  Charles  II  had  formed  of  his 
character  is  well  set  forth  by  a  royalist  historian  : — 

'  But  the  head,  and  even  the  dictator  of  all  conspiracies,  was 
Ludlow ;  who,  tho'  driven  into  banishment,  did  yet  govern  all  their 
counsels.  Neither  did  they  do  anything,  but  what  he  commanded : 
and  this  principally  increas'd  the  courage  of  the  faction,  that  he 
promised  to  assist  and  support  every  rebellion.  For  he  was  a  brave 
and  warlike  man,  bold,  and  hot,  not  only  a  murtherer  of  his  King, 
but  the  most  inveterate  enemy  of  the  royal  cause  :  for  he  had 
bound  himself  by  oath,  never  to  make  his  peace  with  his  King, 
and  that  he  would  not  accept  of  it,  if  the  King  would  voluntarily 
offer  him  his  pardon  and  his  favour,  but  would  wage  perpetual  war 
with  all  tyrants  (for  so  they  call'd  the  royal  line)  ^' 

Meanwhile  the  real  Ludlow  travelled  peaceably  through 
France,  visiting,  like  an  ordinary  tourist,  the  sights  of  Paris, 
and  noting  the  peculiarities  of  the  French  nation.  He 
remarked  on  the  dirtiness  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth's  palace, 
and  critically  inspected  his  stables,  contrasted  the  numbers 
of  the  clergy  and  the  poverty  of  the  peasants,  and  complained 
that  the  wines  of  the  country  did  not  agree  with  him.  At 
last  he  reached  Geneva,  and  took  lodgings  in  the  house  of 
an  Englishwoman,  where,  he  says, '  I  found  good  beer,  which 
was  a  great  refreshment  to  me  -.'  But  as  he  did  not  find 
himself  sufficiently  secure  in  Geneva,  he  removed  in  April 
1662  to  Lausanne,  and  thence  in  the  following  September 
to  Vevay. 

^  Bishop  Parker's  Histor)- of  his  Own  Time,  trans,  by  Xewlin,  1727,  p.  10. 
*  Memoirs,  ii.  298,  299. 


:xllv  Introduction. 

Two  other  exiled  regicides,  William  Cawleyand  John  Lisle, 
had  also  found  shelter  at  Geneva,  and  removed  with  Ludlow 
to  Lausanne.  To  these  three  the  government  of  the  Canton 
of  Bern  granted  on  April  16,  1662,  an  '  Act  of  Protection  ' 
as  Ludlow  calls  it,  that  is  a  formal  permission  given  them 
under  their  own  proper  names  to  reside  in  the  territories  of 
that  state  ^.  They  were  described  in  the  deliberations  of 
the  Consul  as  refugees  for  their  conscience  sake,  but  the 
magistrates  of  Vevay  assured  them  that  the  principal  reason 
for  their  good  reception  at  Vevay  was  the  consideration 
of  their  sufferings  for  the  liberties  of  their  country.  When 
Ludlow  and  two  others  paid  a  visit  of  thanks  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Bern,  they  were  solemnly  entertained  by  the 
senators,  who  eagerly  sought  to  hear  from  their  lips  the 
history  of  the  revolution  which  had  driven  them  to  seek 
a  refuge  in  Switzerland  -.  But  neither  the  protection  of 
the  government  nor  the  favour  of  the  people  could  entirely 
protect  the  exiles  from  the  attacks  of  their  enemies.  In  the 
autumn  of  1662,  seven  other  refugees  had  added  themselves 
to  the  original  three,  and  in  1663  the  wives  of  Ludlow  and 
Cawley  joined  their  husbands  ^  So  large  a  gathering  could 
not  escape  the  notice  of  the  English  government,  and  from 
November  1663  a  series  of  attempts  to  kill  or  kidnap 
the  exiles  commenced.  Ludlow  was  especially  aimed  at. 
A  friend  warned  him  :  '  You  are  hated  and  feared  more 
than  all  the  rest  of  your  companions;  your  head  is  set  at 
a  great  price  ;  'tis  against  you  they  take  all  this  pains  to 
find  assassins*.'  But  the  only  victim  of  these  plots  was 
John  Lisle,  shot  at  Lausanne  on  August  11,  1664. 

Similar  attempts  either  to  assassinate  the  exiles,  or  by 
diplomatic  means  to  procure  their  expulsion,  continued 
till  1669,  and  possibly  even  later.  Ludlow's  account  of 
these  plots  is  very  detailed  and  was  evidently  written 
whilst  they  were  still  fresh  in  his  memory.     The  extracts 

'   Memoirs,  ii.  336.      ''   lb.  ii.  345,  347-358.       ''   lb.  ii.  363.        *   lb.  ii.  371. 


The  Plots  against  Ludlow.  xlv 

from  the  archives  of  Bern  and  Vevay,  printed  by  Professor 
Alfred  Stern  of  Zurich  in  1874,  show  that  the  account  is 
also  extremely  accurate,  in  all  that  relates  to  the  conduct 
of  the  authorities  towards  the  exiles  ^  The  question 
whether  the  plots  were  instigated  by  the  government  of 
Charles  II  has  been  much  discussed,  and  it  was  vehemently 
denied  by  apologists  for  the  Stuarts  when  these  Memoirs 
were  first  published.  But  the  approving  notices  of  the 
murder  of  Lisle  published  in  the  official  newspapers  and 
the  letters  of  the  head-assassin  to  Lord  Arlington  permit 
no  further  doubt  on  the  question  ^. 

In  promoting  these  treacherous  attempts  against  Ludlow 
the  English  government  stooped  to  unnecessary  baseness. 
He  was  not  so  dangerous  or  so  energetic  as  their  fears 
represented  him.  No  doubt  if  an  insurrection  had  taken 
place  in  England  he  would  have  hurried  to  join  it.  He 
was  in  correspondence  with  the  disaffected  party  both  in 
England  and  abroad,  but  he  was  sensible  of  the  diffi- 
culties of  overthrowing  an  established  government,  and 
of  the  instability  of  foreign  support.  His  correspondence 
with  his  friends  in  Holland  in  1665  and  1666  is  very 
instructive.  Ludlow  seems  to  have  felt  no  scruples  about 
drawing  his  sword  against  his  country.  He  was  perfectly 
ready  to  accept  a  command  from  the  Dutch,  if  the  Dutch 
would  give  adequate  security  for  the  fulfilment  of  their 
promises  to  the  republican  party.  Republicanism  had 
become  a  religion  with  him,  and  had  swallowed  up  national 
feeling.  But  he  was  resolved  to  be  treated  as  an  ally 
and  not  as  a  tool,  and  neither  to  risk  his  own  life,  nor  the 
lives  of  his  friends,  without  something  more  than  promises 
to  depend  upon.  A  heavy  responsibility  was  his.  '  If 
he  would  resolve  to  go,'  he  was  told,  '  all  the  exiles  would 

•  Briefe  Englischer  Fliichtlinge  in  Stern.  Gottingen,  PeppmuUer,  1874, 

der  Schvveiz.    Auseiner  Handschrift  pp.  23-32. 

des    Berner    Staats-Archivs    heraus-  '^  Memoirs,  vol.  ii,  Appendix,  pp. 

gegeben    und    erlautert    von    Alfred  482,  485,  487. 


xlvl  hitroduction. 

accompany  him ;  if  he  refused,  no  man  would  stir^.'  In 
holding  back,  and  refusing  to  act,  Ludlow  did  wisely,  but 
his  caution  disillusioned  the  desperate  spirits  of  his  party. 
Bold  Colonel  Blood  scornfully  declared  '  that  he  was  very 
unable  for  such  an  employment,'  and  others  doubtless  held 
the  same  opinion.  What  part  Ludlow  took  in  the  later 
conspiracies  of  his  party  there  is  hardly  sufficient  evidence 
to  determine.  When  the  Calendars  of  the  Domestic  State 
Papers  for  the  reign  of  Charles  II  are  at  last  completed, 
it  will  be  possible  to  answer  this  question.  Meanwhile 
it  is  certain  that  some  of  the  persons  concerned  in  the  Rye 
House  plot  suggested  Ludlow  as  a  leader.  In  the  winter 
of  1682  Col.  Rumsey.  Captain  Walcot,  who  had  been  an 
officer  in  Ludlow's  regiment,  and  Col.  Rumbold,  dis- 
cussed a  plan  for  a  general  insurrection,  and  agreed, 
inter  alia,  to  send  for  Ludlow^.  It  does  not  appear  that 
this  proposal  was  actually  carried  into  effect.  In  July 
1683  however  two  of  the  Rye  House  conspirators.  Wade 
and  Nelthorpe,  fugitives  from  England  after  the  discovery 
of  their  design,  took  refuge  in  Switzerland,  and  made  new 
efforts  to  persuade  Ludlow  to  head  a  rising. 

'  We  came,'  says  Wade,  '  to  Vivey  in  the  Canton  of  Bern  in 
Swisse,  the  latter  end  of  July,  where  we  were  kindly  received  by 
Col.  Ludlow's  lady,  and  lived  with  them  all  the  time  of  our  abode 
there.  About  October  after  John  Rowe  came  to  us,  who  I  suppose 
is  still  there.  In  April  1684  I  received  a  letter  from  INIr.  Ayloff, 
then  at  Utrecht,  desiring  me  to  try  whether  Col.  Ludlow  might  be 
prevailed  with  to  come  into  Holland,  and  from  thence  to  go  into 
the  West  of  England  to  head  a  party  as  General,  and  informing  me, 
that  there  was  a  design  on  foot  to  make  an  insurrection  both  in 
England  and  Scodand ;  he  prayed  me  to  come  speedily  into 
Holland,  to  give  my  assistance  to  the  design.  I  did  speak  with 
Col.  Ludlow  as  I  was  desired,  but  found  him  no  wayes  disposed  to 

*  Memoirs,  ii.  377-381,  388,  391,  Account  of  the  Rye  House  Plot,  Bvo. 
395.  405.  1696,  p.  48. 

^  The  examination  of  Robert  West. 


Ltidlows  Companions  in  Exile.  xlvii 

the  thing,  saying  he  had  done  his  work  he  thought  in  the  world,  and 
was  resolved  to  leave  it  to  others '.' 

Nothing  is  known  of  Ludlow's  history  between  the  year 
1672  when  the  Memoirs  close,  and  Wade's  visit  to  him  in 
1683.  The  last  of  the  letters  which  Professor  Stern 
discovered  in  the  library  at  Bern,  is  dated  January  25, 
1672^.  These  letters  and  a  few  from  the  spies  of  the 
English  government  complete  the  picture  of  the  life  of  the 
exiles  given  in  the  Memoirs.  The  little  colony  in  Switzer- 
land grew  gradually  smaller.  Colonel  Biscoe  and  John 
Phelps  went  away  in  1662,  hoping  to  make  a  living  as 
traders  in  Holland  and  Germany.  William  Say  left  in 
1664,  frightened  away  by  the  murder  of  Lisle,  and  is 
next  heard  of  in  Holland  ^.  Slingsby  Bethel  returned  to 
England  to  be  chosen  in  1680  one  of  the  Whig  Sheriffs 
of  London,  and  to  be  famous  in  Dryden's  satire.  Cornelius 
Holland  probably  quitted  Switzerland  in  1(571,  in  hopes 
that  the  mineral  springs  of  Germany  would  cure  his 
diseases.  The  first  to  die  was  William  Cawley,  in  January 
1666  ;  the  next  Nicholas  Love,  in  November  1682.  With 
the  death  of  Andrew  Broughton  in  February  1687  Ludlow 
must  have  lost  his  last  companion,  for  the  date  of  the 
death  of  John  Phelps  is  quite  uncertain,  and  though 
there  is  a  tablet  to  him  in  St.  Martin's  Church,  there 
appears  to  be  no  proof  that  he  died  at  Vevay  ■*. 

In  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  English  government  to 
intercept  their  correspondence,  the  exiles  seem  to  have 
maintained  a  pretty  regular  communication  with  their 
friends  in  England.  The  few  letters  of  Ludlow  which 
have  been  preserved,  and  the  extracts  contained  in  the 
Memoirs,  prove  this.  To  conceal  their  identity  from  their 
watchful    enemies    they    used    fictitious    names.     Ludlow 

•  The     Confession     of    Nathaniel  '  lb.  ii.  344,  373. 

Wade.     Harleian  MS.  6845,  p.  269.  *  See  the  Epitaphs  in  the  Appen- 

Cf.  Macaulay,  History  of  England.  dix,  ii.  512. 

*  Memoirs,  ii.  Appendix,  p.  507. 


xlvlii  Introduction. 

adopted  his  mother's  surname,  and  called  himself  Edmund 
Philh'ps,  but  in  his  case,  his  real  name  was  generally- 
known.  Cawley,  whose  father's  Christian  name  was  John, 
became  William  Johnson,  and  John  Ralfeson  was  probably 
the  pseudonym  adopted  by  Cornelius,  son  of  Ralph 
Holland  \ 

At  first  at  any  rate  the  exiles  must  have  lived  a  very 
isolated  life.  Their  ignorance  of  the  language  prevented 
them  from  associating  with  the  natives  of  the  country. 
Ludlow  mentions  their  inability  to  speak  French  or  Ger- 
man, and  on  important  occasions  he  ahvays  preferred  to 
express  himself  in  writing  even  to  the  end  of  his  sojourn 
in  Switzerland.  Cawley  was  accustomed  to  confer  with 
the  local  clergy  in  Latin.  Under  these  circumstances  they 
were  fortunate  in  finding  in  the  principal  minister  of  Bern, 
a  man  who  had  '  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  English, 
tongue,'  was  always  willing  to  act  as  their  interpreter 
with  the  government,  and  was  eager  to  serve  them  by 
every  means  in  his  power.  Mr.  Humelius,  as  Ludlow  terms 
him,  Johann  Heinrich  Hummel,  had  lived  some  time  in 
England,  and  was  now  Dean  of  the  clergy  of  Bern,  and 
both  from  character  and  position  a  man  of  great  influence. 
The  letters  of  Ludlow  and  his  friends  printed  by  Stern 
are  all  addressed  to  Hummel,  and  are  derived  from 
a  volume  of  his  MS.  remains  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  Bern  ^.  His  death  in  1673  is  the  reason  why  no  letters 
of  later  date  have  survived. 

Another  cause  besides  the  difficulty  of  communication 
probably  helped  to  isolate  the  exiles.  Most  of  them  were 
separatists  of  a  rigid  and  uncompromising  type.  They 
held  aloof  from  the  Swiss  Protestants  in  a  manner  which 
gave  rise  to  reports  that  they  were  not  of  their  religion, 

'  Professor   Stern    is    inclined    to       press-mark  of  the  volume  is  : — 'Con- 
identify  Ralfeson  with  Love,  p.  xv.  vents-Archiv,    viii.     Epit.     Hist.     & 
^  According  to  Professor  Stern  the       Epistolae  virorum  Clarorum.  40.' 


Lttdlows  Religion.  xlix 

and  afforded  their  enemies  a  handle  of  which  they  were 
not  slow  to  avail  themselves.  The  government  of  the 
Canton  ordered  an  enquiry  in  1668,  and  the  exiles  were 
obliged  to  justify  their  attitude. 

'  We  hold  and  profess  the  same  doctrinal  points  of  Christian 
faith  which  you  do,'  answered  Holland,  '  and  do  usually  hear  the 
preaching  of  the  word  by  your  ministers.' 

Readmitted  that,  for  divers  reasons,  they  did  not  receive 
the  communion  with  the  congregations,  but  added  that 
they  met  together  several  times  a  we%k  '  to  pray  with 
one  another  and  speak  to  one  another  out  of  the 
Scriptures.'  The  theological  motives  for  this  abstention 
are  set  forth  at  length  by  two  Swiss  ministers,  Mennet 
and  Chevallier.  Chevallier  regarded  their  arguments  as 
untenable,  but  reported  that  they  held  the  same  faith  as 
the  Swiss  Protestants  on  fundamental  points,  and  praised 
their  irreproachable  lives.  Mennet  related  a  dialogue  on 
the  subject.  He  had  once  told  '  ce  brave  monsieur  le 
general  Ludlow '  that  every  one  in  Vevay  regarded  him 
with  favour,  but  many  would  love  him  still  more,  if  he 
came  to  the  communion  with  them.' 

'  Say  to  those  good  people/  replied  Ludlow,  '  what  our  Lord 
Jesus  said  to  his  disciples,  when  they  told  him :  "  We  saw  one 
casting  out  devils  in  thy  name,  and  he  followeth  not  us,  and  we 
forbade  him  because  he  followeth  not  us " ;  to  whom  the  Lord 
answered,  "  Forbid  him  not,  for  he  that  is  not  against  us  is  on  our 
part."  "  We  try,"  he  conUnued,  "  to  live  according  to  the  word  of 
God,  and  to  drive  out  the  devil  by  as  regenerate  a  life  as  we  can 
attain  to,  and  if  we  do  not  follow  you  with  our  bodies  to  the  Lord's 
Supper,  we  are  still  for  the  Lord,  and  not  against  him,"  adding  that 
this  was  his  answer  to  the  hardest  judgment  that  might  be  passed 
upon  them '.' 

Thanks  to  the  tolerance  of  the  Swiss  and  the  good  offices 
ef  Hummel  and  other  friends  this  insidious  attack  failed, 

*  Memoirs,  ii.  496-500. 
VOL.   I.  d 


1  Introduction. 

and  its  author,  as  Ludlow  relates  with  some  satisfaction, 
came  to  a  terrible  end. 

Puritanism  was  not  incompatible  with  a  love  for  field- 
sports,  and  Ludlow  seems  to  have  alleviated  his  exile  by 
their  aid.  Whitelocke  records  that  in  1649  when  he  was 
lieutenant  of  Windsor  forest,  Ludlow  was  very  pressing 
for  a  day's  hunting  there. 

'  I  persuaded  Colonel  Ludlow  that  it  would  be  hard  to  show  him 
any  sport,  the  best  stags  being  all  destroyed,  but  he  was  very 
earnest  to  have  some  sport  and  I  thought  not  fit  to  deny  him.'  Next 
day,  he  continues,  '  my  keepers  did  harbour  a  stag.  Col.  Ludlow, 
Mr.  Oldsworth,  Mr.  Thomas,  and  other  gendemen,  met  me  by  day- 
break. It  was  a  young  stag,  but  very  lusty,  and  in  good  case.  The 
first  ring  which  the  stag  had  led  the  gallants  was  above  twenty  miles  \' 

One  of  the  first  steps  Ludlow  took  after  settling  at 
Vevay  was  to  procure  himself  '  des  chiens  de  chasse,' 
and  Arlington's  spy  reported  that  he  had  also  five  very 
fine  Spanish  horses^.  What  kind  of  sport  he  succeeded 
in  getting  his  letters  do  not  tell  us. 

Of  the  latter  years  of  Ludlow's  life  very  little  is  known 
excepting  a  single  episode.  The  Revolution  of  1688  seemed 
to  open  a  way  for  his  return  to  England,  and  he  eagerly 
took  advantage  of  it.  Age  and  exile  had  not  broken  his 
constitution  and  he  still  felt  fit  for  service.  '  Though 
Mr.  Ludlow  is  very  old,'  says  a  contemporary  journalist, 
'  he  is  still  lusty  and  vigorous,  and  may  be  useful  both  for 
council  and  action  ^.' 

The  editor  of  the  Memoirs  states  positively  that  he  was 
'  sent  for  as  a  fit  person  to  be  employed  '  in  the  recovery  of 

*  Wliitclockc,  Memorials,  iii.  92,93,  concealed  an  immeasurable  ambition, 

^  Memoirs,  ii.  487.  and  who  had  deceived  all  those  who 

^  The     writer     personally    knew  were  engaged  in  his  interests.'     The 

Ludlow.     '  I  myself,'  he  adds, '  have  State  of  Europe,  or  the  Historical 

frequently  heard  him  call  Cromwell,  and    Political    Mercury,    Nov.    1689, 

a  traitor  and  a  perfidious  person,  who  vol.  i.  p.  457  of  the  English  transla- 

undcr  the   pretence   of  public  good  tion. 


Lridlows  rehcrn  to  England.  li 

Ireland  ^.  According  to  tradition  this  summons  came  from 
William  himself,  but  it  is  far  more  likely  to  have  been 
an  unauthorized  message  from  some  one  of  the  extreme 
Whigs,  such  as  Wildman  or  Hampden^.  But  whether  he 
simply  obeyed  his  own  impulse,  or  accepted  the  invitation 
of  others,  it  is  clear  that  he  hoped  to  be  of  some  public 
service.  When  Ludlow  bade  farewell  to  the  magistrates 
of  Vevay,  he  told  them  that  he  had  received  a  call  from 
the  Lord  to  return  to  his  native  country,  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Gideon  who  had  been  raised 
up  to  deliver  the  nation  from  the  house  of  bondage  ^.  His 
farewell  took  place  on  July  25,  1689,  and  by  August  he 
must  have  been  again  in  England.  About  the  middle  of 
September  Luttrell's  Diary  contains  a  note,  probably 
derived  from  some  newsletter  of  the  period,  stating  that 
'  Col.  Ludlow,  an  old  Oliverian,  and  one  of  King  Charles 
the  First  his  judges,  is  arrived  lately  in  this  kingdom  from 
Switzerland  ■*.' 

Those  of  his  old  friends  who  were  still  alive  doubtless 
flocked  to  see  him,  for  a  Tory  pamphleteer  complains  that 
his  house  became  the  rendezvous  of  the  detestable  remains 
of  that  pernicious  crew  ^. 

Public  feeling  still  regarded  the  Regicides  with  horror, 
and  only  a  small  section,  even  of  the  Whigs,  were  willing  to 
tolerate  the  presence  of  one  of  their  leaders  on  English  soil. 
On  Nov.  6  an  obscure  Cornish  member,  Sir  Joseph  Treden- 

'   Memoirs,  i.  8.  of  England,  1858,  v.  135      Boyer  in 

^  A  note  by  Thomas  Hollis,  in  the  his  Life  of  William  III,  1702,  says 

copy  of  Ludlow  he  presented  to  the  definitely    that    Ludlow    '  upon    the 

library  at   Bern,   says   that    Ludlow  encouragement  given  him  by  a  great 

was  sent  for  by  King  William.    Mac-  courtier,  came  over  ...  to  offer  the 

aulay   thus    interprets    the    passage  King    his    service    in    the    reducing 

in  the  preface  :  '  Ludlow's  admirers,  of  Ireland.'  ii.  150. 

some  of  whom  appear  to  have  been  ^  Memoirs,  ii.  509. 

in  high  public  situations,  assured  him  *  Luttrell's  Diary,  i.  502. 

that  he  might  safely  venture  over,  ^  A    Caveat    against    the   Whigs, 

nay,  that  he  might  expect  to  be  sent  17 14,  part  iii.  p.  47.     Boyer  makes  a 

in  high  command  to  Ireland.'  History  similar  statement. 

d  a 


HI  Introdzidion. 

ham,  raised  a  debate  on  the  subject  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, which  ended  in  the  vote  that  an  address  should  be 
presented  to  the  King  to  issue  out  his  proclamation  for 
Ludlow's  apprehension.  No  attempt  was  made  by  any  one 
to  say  anything  in  Ludlow's  defence,  though  doubts  were 
expressed  whether  it  was  desirable  that  Parliament  should 
interfere,  and  whether  the  fact  of  his  presence  was  proved 
by  evidence  enough  to  warrant  a  parliamentary  proceeding. 
The  next  day  a  deputation  headed  by  Sir  Edward  Seymour 
delivered  the  address  to  William  III,  and  the  King  at  once 
promised  to  comply  with  its  request  ^  Seymour,  who 
enjoyed  a  grant  of  Ludlow's  forfeited  estate  in  Wiltshire, 
is  generally  said  to  have  been  the  chief  instigator  of  the 
resolution  of  the  Commons,  and  from  the  fact  that  he 
presented  the  address  the  statement  is  probably  correct  ^. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  very  strange  that  Anchitell  Grey, 
who  records  the  speeches  of  six  other  members  on  the 
subject,  makes  no  mention  of  Seymour  as  taking  part  in 
the  discussion. 

Ludlow  made  his  way  with  very  little  difficulty  to 
Holland,  and  thence  returned  to  Vevay,  which  he  never  left 
again  ^.  Hitherto  he  had  cherished  the  hope  of  ending  his 
days  in  his  native  country,  but  it  was  now  plain  that  he  was 
destined  to  die  an  exile.  It  was  doubtless  at  this  time 
that  he  caused  to  be  carv-ed  over  the  door  of  his  house  at 
Vevay  the  well-known  motto  : 

'  Omnc  solum  forti  j)atria  quia  patris : ' 

words  which  Macaulay  renders,  '  To  him  to  whom  God  is 
a  father  every  land  is  a  fatherland  ^! 

'  Memoirs,  ii.  pp.  510,  511.  that   he   was   timely  arrived   there, 

'^  Boyer,     William     III,    ii.    150;  out  came  the  proclamation.' 
Grey's  Debates,  ix.  398  note.  ♦  For  Macaulay 's   comments,  see 

'  Luttrell,    i.    607.      The    Caveat  History    of    England,    chapter    xvi, 

against  the  Whigs  says,   'He  was  v.   137,  ed.   1858.     'The  first  part,' 

sent  over  into  Holland  with  the  Dutch  says  Addison,  '  is  a  piece  of  verse  in 

ambassadors,  and  after  it  was  known  Ovid,    as   the  last  is   a  cant  of  his 


Ludlow s  Ho2ise  at   Vevay.  lili 

The  question  which  particular  house  at  Vevay  Ludlow 
lived  in,  has  been  a  matter  much  disputed  amongst  local 
antiquarians.  Where  native  authorities  differ  it  would  be 
presumptuous  for  a  stranger  to  attempt  to  decide  ;  but  it 
seems  to  be  very  probable  that  Ludlow  lived  at  dif- 
ferent times  in  both  the  houses  in  question.  The  evidence 
collected  by  M.  Albert  de  Montet  appears  to  prove  con- 
clusively that  during  the  earlier  part  of  his  exile,  Ludlow 
lived  in  the  house  which  M.  de  Montet  terms  the  '  Maison 
de  Sauveur.'  The  situation  of  this  house  agrees  best  with  the 
statements  made  by  Ludlow  himself  in  the  '  Memoirs.' 
On  the  other  hand,  local  tradition  asserts  that  Ludlow 
lived  in  the  so-called  '  Maison  Grenier,'  and  an  inscription 
has  been  put  up  to  commemorate  his  residence  there.  The 
fact  that  the  board  with  Ludlow's  motto  undoubtedly  came 
from  the  '  Maison  Grenier  '  is  a  strong  argument  in  favour  of 
the  truth  of  the  local  tradition.  For  certainly  when  Ludlow 
left  Vevay  in  16(89  he  had  no  intention  of  returning,  and 
doubtless  permanently  abandoned  his  old  quarters  in  the 
'  Maison  de  Sauveur.'  When  he  came  back  again  there  is 
nothing  unreasonable  in  the  supposition  that  he  may  have 
shifted  his  residence  to  the  '  Maison  Grenier  ^.' 

Another  point  on  which  some  doubt  exists  is  the  precise 
date  of  Ludlow's  death.  Biographers  have  universally 
given  it  as  1693,  basing  that  statement  on  a  misunder- 
standing of  his  epitaph,  where  the  monument  which  bears 
it  is  said  to  have  been  erected  by  his  widow  in  1693.  In 
reality  his  death  occurred  towards  the  close  of  the  previous 

own.'      Remarks   on    Italy,   p.   264,  '  See  vol.  ii.  Appendix  ix.  pp.  515- 

ed.  1745.     Ovid's  lines  are  :—  517,  for  M.  de  Montet's  arguments. 

'Gmne   solum  forti  patria  est,  ut  pisci-  The  accounts  of  the   Ludlow  board 

bus  aequor,  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1854, 

Ut  volucri,  vacuo  quicquid  inorbe  patet.'  i.  261,  and  in  Hoare's  Modern  Wilts, 

Fasti,  i.  493.  say    distinctly    that    it    came    from 

Chatham    makes    some    interesting  M.  Grenier's  house.     The  article  in 

comments    on    the    motto.       Corre-  Archaeologia     mentions      Ludlow's 

spondence,  i.  121.  change  of  residence. 


liv  Introdtiction. 

year.  Luttrell's  Diary  notes  under  November  24,  1692,  that 
'Major-General  Ludlow  is  dead  beyond  sea,  in  Switzer- 
land^.' As  the  register  of  burials  at  Vevay  before  1704 
has  been  burnt  it  is  not  possible  to  fix  the  date  with 
absolute  accuracy.  But  the  later  date  of  the  monument 
is  explained  by  the  fact  that  Ludlow's  widow  obtained 
leave  to  disinter  her  husband's  remains,  to  remove  them 
to  another  Chapel,  and  to  put  up  an  epitaph^.  His  final 
resting-place  was  St.  Martin's  Church  at  Vevay ;  the 
northern  wall  of  which  bears  the  black  marble  tablet 
erected  by  his  widow.  On  the  ground  below  is  a  flat 
stone  inscribed  with  the  epitaph  of  Andrew  Broughton, 
who  died  five  years  before  Ludlow.  The  same  Church 
contains  the  recently  discovered  and  deciphered  tomb- 
stones of  Cawley  and  Love,  and  the  modern  monument 
in  memory  of  Phelps  ^. 

Ludlow's  widow  survived  her  husband  about  nine  years. 
She  returned  to  England  very  soon,  and  in  consequence  of 
the  failure  of  the  heirs  of  her  brother  Edmund  inherited 
the  family  estates  in  Glamorganshire.  A  letter  dated 
Nov.  10,  1694,  says: — 

'  There  is  an  estate  of  between  two  thousand  and  three  thousand 
per  annum  fallen  lately  (besides  a  great  personal  estate)  to  the 
widow  of  Major-General  Ludlow,  who  died  in  Switzerland ;  and 
there  being  one  Mr.  Thomas,  a  young  man  of  about  thirty  years 
of  age,  a  lieutenant  in  the  King's  army,  who  pretended  claim 
to  some  part  of  the  estate,  she  hath  lately  married  him,  she  being 
sixty-two  years  of  age  *.' 

This  young  officer  was  probably  a  descendant  of  James 
Thomas,  the  younger  brother  of  Mrs.  Ludlow's  father. 
She  died  on  Feb.  8,  i7o|,aged  seventy-two,  and  was  buried 

'   Brief  Relation  of  State  Aftairs,  ^  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  Appendix  viii. 

ii.  623.  *  Fifth    Report  of   the   Historical 

2  Gentleman's     Magazine,     1854,  MSS.   Comm.   p.   385.     Cf.    Life    of 

1.  263.  Anthony  Wood,  iii.  465. 


Portraits  of  Ltidloiv.  Iv 

at  Wenvoe.  Her  husband,  Sir  John  Thomas,  who  had 
been  created  a  baronet  on  Dec.  24,  1694,  died  on  Jan.  24, 
lyof,  at  the  age  of  thirty-nine  ^ 

The  best  portrait  of  Ludlow  is  that  prefixed  to  the  first 
edition  of  the  Memoirs,  which  is  reproduced  by  collotype 
as  a  frontispiece  to  this  edition.  The  pencil-drawing  from 
which  it  was  taken  was  once  in  the  possession  of  Thomas 
Hollis.     Hollis  describes  it  thus  : — 

'  An  original  drawing  of  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow,  taken  from 
the  life  when  in  England,  on  the  Revolution,  by  R.  White,  and 
purchased  by  me,  1754,  of  Mr.  George  Vertue,  engraver, 
in  Brownlow-street,  Drury-lane.  T.  H.'^ 

For  the  edition  of  1751  the  portrait  was  re-engraved  by 
Ravenet.  Li  the  copy  of  that  edition  of  the  Memoirs 
which  Hollis  presented  to  the  Library  at  Bern,  he  added 
under  the  portrait : — 

'  This  is  a  very  bad  print  from  a  very  good  drawing  on  vellum, 
by  R.  White,  taken  from  the  life,  when  the  General  was  in 
England  in  the  reign  of  K.  William  ^' 

Hollis  also  caused  to  be  engraved  a  portrait  representing 
Ludlow  in  middle  age,  which  according  to  the  inscription 
under  it  was  'drawn  and  etched  1760  by  L  B.  Cipriani  a 
Florentine,  from  a  proof  impression  of  a  seal  ingraved  by 
Thomas  Simon,  in  the  possession  of  Thomas  Hollis  ^.' 

A  third  portrait  of  Ludlow  engraved  by  Van  der  Gucht 
— a  singularly  bad  one — appears  in  Ward's  'History  of 
the  Grand  Rebellion  digested  into  verse,'  8vo,  1713,  and 
was  subsequently  used  to  illustrate  Clarendon's  History  of 
the  Rebellion.  This  was  re-engraved  later  in  Richardson's 
series  of  portraits  to  illustrate  Granger. 

*  G.  T.  Clark,  Genealogies  of  Mor-  ^  Stern,  Briefe  Englischer  Fliicht- 

gan  and  Glamorgan,  1886,  p.  558.  linge,  p.  xi. 

^  Life  of  Thomas  Hollis,  p.  569.  *  Life  of  Thomas  Hollis,  p.  67. 


Ivi  Introduction. 

The  last  portrait  of  Ludlow  which  requires  mention  is 
one  printed  and  sold  by  P.  Stent,  representing  him  on 
horseback,  armed.  Underneath  are  verses  in  Latin  and 
English.     The  Latin  verses  begin 

'  Sic  cataphractatus  castris  fulgebat  Achilles,' 

and  are  doubtless   from  the  pen   of  Payne   Fisher.     The 
English  run  : — 

.     '  Thus  famed  Achilles  in  his  arms  did  shine, 
This  was  Gustavus  picture,  this  is  thine, 
Whose  piety  and  prowess  doth  outdoe 
The  antient  heroes  and  the  modern  too. 
Let  England,  Ireland,  and  remoter  clymes 
Chaunt  forth  thy  atchievements,  that  succeeding  times, 
As  trophies  due  to  thy  great  acts,  may  raise 
Not  single  garlands  but  whole  groves  of  bayes.' 

Originally  this  was  a  portrait  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  by 
Hollar,  done  in  1643.  Later,  doubtless  when  Ludlow  was 
appointed  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse  in  Ireland, 
another  head  was  put  on  Essex's  shoulders,  and  the  print 
sold  as  Ludlow. 

Besides  the  Memoirs  the  only  work  written  by  Ludlow 
was  the  vindication  of  his  own  conduct,  published  early  in 
1660,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Sir  Hardress  Waller.  But 
immediately  after  the  Revolution  several  pamphlets  were 
published  in  his  name,  and  created  a  lively  controversy : — 

(i)  A  Letter  from  Major-General  Ludlow  to  Sir  E[d\vard] 
S[eymour],  comparing  the  tyranny  of  the  first  four  years  of 
K.  Charles  the  Martyr,  with  the  tyranny  of  the  four  years  reign 
of  the  late  abdicated  King  James  II.  .  . .  Amsterdam,  4to,  1691. 

(2)  A  Letter  from  General  Ludlow  to  Dr.  HoUingworth  .  .  . 
defending  his  former  letter  to  Sir  E.  S.  .  .  .  and  vindicating  the 
Parliament  which  began  in  November  1640.  .  .  .  Amsterdam. 
4to,  1692.  The  preface  is  signed  'Edmund  Ludlow,'  and  the  tract 
dated  Jan.  30,  169^. 


Pa7nphlets  attributed  to  Ludlow.  Ivii 

(3)  Ludlow  no  Lyar.  Or  a  detection  of  Dr.  Hollingwortli's 
disingenuity  in  his  second  defence  of  King  Charles  I.  .  .  .  In 
a  letter  from  General  Ludlow  to  Dr.  Hollingworth.  Amsterdam, 
4to,  1692.  The  pamphlet  is  signed  at  the  end  'Edmund  Ludlow,' 
and  dated  Geneva,  May  29,  1692.  There  is  a  preface  of  twenty 
pages  signed  'Jos.  Wilson,'  vindicating  Dr.  Anthony  Walker's 
account  of  Gauden's  share  in  the  Eikon  Basilike  from  Luke 
Milbourn's  attack. 

(4)  Truth  brought  to  Light :  or  the  gross  forgeries  of  Dr.  Holling- 
M-orth  .  .  .  detected.  In  a  Letter  from  Lieut.-General  Ludlow 
to  Dr.  Hollingworth.  London.  4to,  1693.  Signed  at  the  end 
'Edmund  Ludlow,'  and  dated  October  i,  1692  ^ 

The  last  of  these  pamphlets  contains  an  admission  that 
the  name  of  Ludlow  was  merely  assumed.  The  preface 
contains  an  expostulation  addressed  to  Dr.  Hollingworth 
on  his  remarks  about  Ludlow  : — 

•  You  use  General  Ludlow  very  rudely,  a  person  you  do  not 
know,  who  never  meddled  with  you  or  gave  you  any  provocation  . .  . 
you  know  the  book  you  pretend  to  answer,  though  it  bears  his 
name,  is  none  of  his.' 

The  author  of  this  preface  evidently  knew  Ludlow,  and 
was  acquainted  with  facts  concerning  his  residence  in 
Switzerland  which  were  not  generally  known  till  after  the 
publication  of  the  Memoirs.  It  was  probably  written  by 
Slingsby  Bethel,  to  whom  'Ludlow  no  Lyar'  has  also  been 
attributed. 

Ludlow's  Memoirs  were  probably  composed  during  the 
earlier  part  of  his  exile.  The  reasons  for  supposing  them 
to  have  been  written  between  1663  and  1673  have  been 
stated  at  the  beginning  of  this  Introduction.  The  narrow 
life  and  the  bitter  passions  of  the  exile  are  faithfully  reflected 

^  The     first     three     tracts    were  library  of  Bern.     See  Stern,  Briefe 

reprinted  by  Baron  Maseres  in  1813.  Englischer  Fluchtlinge,  p.   xii  ;  and 

A  volume  containing  the  four  was  the  Life  of  Thomas  Hollis,  68,  568, 

presented  by  Thomas  Hollis  to  the  739 -743' 


Iviii  Introduction. 

in  their  pages.  It  would  be  too  much  to  expect  from  a 
man  in  his  position  a  calm  and  unprejudiced  estimate  of  the 
acts  of  his  political  opponents  ;  it  is  sufficient  that  his  facts 
are  fairly  accurate  and  that  he  does  not  intentionally  mis- 
represent. One  of  the  chief  motives  which  led  Clarendon 
to  undertake  a  History  of  the  Rebellion  was  a  desire  to 
vindicate  the  memory  of  those  few  who  out  of  duty  and  con- 
science had  opposed  it.  He  was  resolved  that  virtue  should 
not  lose  its  due  recompense.  And  he  also  held  that '  the 
celebrating  the  memory  of  eminent  and  extraordinary 
persons,  and  transmitting  their  great  virtues  for  the 
imitation  of  posterity'  was  'one  of  the  principal  ends 
and  duties  of  history.'  Ludlow's  view  of  the  duty  of  the 
historian  is  very  similar  : — 

'  As  the  memory  of  those  men  whose  lives  have  been  remarkable 
for  great  and  generous  actions,  ought  to  be  transmitted  to  posterity 
with  the  praises  they  have  deserved,  that  others  may  be  excited 
to  the  imitation  of  their  virtues :  'tis  as  just  that  the  names  of 
those  who  have  rendered  themselves  detestable  by  the  baseness  of 
their  crimes,  should  be  recorded,  that  men  may  be  deterred  from 
treading  in  their  steps,  lest  they  draw  upon  themselves  the  same 
infamy  \' 

Accordingly  Ludlow  holds  up  to  admiration  the  virtues 
of  Bradshaw,  Vane,  Ireton,  and  others  of  his  political 
friends.  When  he  relates  the  trials  of  the  Regicides  he 
inserts  eulogistic  sketches  of  their  lives  and  characters — 
which  induces  a  royalist  writer  amiably  to  term  that  part 
of  the  book  '  the  Martyrology  of  Hell.'  But  on  the  whole 
Ludlow's  inclination  is  rather  to  gibbet  the  memories  of  the 
bad  men  he  had  known,  than  to  make  famous  those  of  the 
good.  Having  seen  his  cause  betrayed,  he  was  eager  to 
expose  the  baseness  of  the  men  who  had  betrayed  it.  To 
have  supported  the  usurpation  of  Cromwell  or  to  have 
assisted  Monk  in  restoring  the  monarchy,  was  a  sin  he  could 

'  Memoirs,  ii.  427. 


The  Prejudices  of  the  Memoirs.  lix 

not  pardon.     He  hated  a  constant  Cavalier  much  less  than 
an  apostate  Republican. 

The  severity  with  which  Ludlow  speaks  of  Sir  Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper  has  already  been  pointed  out.  He  is  charac- 
terized as  '  a  great  instrument '  in  the  '  horrid  treachery  '  by 
which  Monk  overthrew  the  republic,  a  man  '  of  all  interests 
that  agree  in  the  greatening  of  himself,'  a  '  bitter  enemy  to 
the  public  and  to  all  good  men,'  owing  his  influence  to  his 
'  smooth  tongue  and  insinuating  carriage.'  If  Cooper  had 
for  a  time  opposed  the  Protector,  it  was  simply  because  he 
had  been  denied  the  hand  of  Mary  Cromwell  ^.  Monk  is 
concisely  summed  up  as  '  a  person  of  an  ambitious  and 
covetous  temper,  of  loose  or  rather  no  principles,  and 
of  a  vicious  and  scandalous  conversation.'  His  one  aim 
was  'to  bring  back  the  King  without  any  conditions, 
in  hopes  thereby  to  procure  a  recompense  equal  to  the 
greatness  of  his  treachery.'  While  he  hid  his  ambition 
under  the  veil  of  hypocrisy,  he  was  so  openly  dissolute 
that  when  he  was  entertained  by  the  City  Companies  '  it 
was  his  custom  not  to  depart  from  these  public  meetings 
till  he  was  as  drunk  as  a  beast '^.' 

Cromwell's  motives,  like  those  of  Monk,  are  represented 
as  entirely  self-seeking.  He  had  sacrificed  all  the  victories 
and  deliverances  of  the  nation,  all  the  hopes  and  expectations 
of  good  men,  to  '  the  idol  of  his  own  ambition.'  Some  con- 
temporaries, like  Baxter,  regarded  Cromwell  as  a  man 
originally  honest  who  had  fallen  before  a  great  temptation. 
Ludlow,  however,  was  convinced  that  as  far  back  as  1646 
Cromwell  '  had  already  conceived  the  design  of  destroying 
the  supreme  authority,  and  setting  up  of  himself,'  and  that 
all  he  did  afterwards  was  but  the  execution  of  this  design. 
He  interprets  all  Cromwell's  doings  and  sayings,  by  what 
he  terms  'the  comment  of   his   after    actions,'    and    con- 

*   Memoirs,  i.  388 ;  ii.  155,  206  ;  see  also  Errata,  p.  Ixxi. 
"^  lb.  ii.  72,  244,  247. 


Ix'  IntrodiLction. 

sequently  distorts  and  colours  the  facts  and  the  conversa- 
tions he  records.  His  account  of  Cromwell's  words  is 
tolerably  trustworthy  ;  but  his  memory  of  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  were  spoken  is  frequently  at  fault,  and  his 
explanation  of  the  motives  which  actuated  them  is  generally 
an  after-thought.  An  examination  of  the  evidence  fre- 
quently shows  that  Cromwell's  words  are  misinterpreted,  or 
his  actions  mis-stated  ^,  Even  in  1698,  the  publication  of  the 
Memoirs  was  immediately  followed  by  a  modest  Vindica- 
tion of  Oliver  Cromwell  from  the  accusations  of  Lieutenant- 
General  Ludlow  -. 

'  "Oliver,"  says  the  Vindicator,  "was  a  great  man  let  his  detractors 
say  what  they  will ; "  and  after  elaborately  comparing  him  to 
Csesar,  he  adds,  "  I  do  not  undertake  to  defend  all  Cromwell's 
actions,  but  only  such  as  Ludlow's  book,  and  disgusts  against 
him,  assume  a  liberty  to  condemn."  ..."  The  question  as  to 
Ludlow's  particular  is  not  so  much  whether  Oliver's  actions  were 
just  and  laudable,  or  no ;  but  whether  the  Lieutenant-General, 
who  as  it  plainly  appears,  was  a  person  swayed  by  a  violent 
bigotry  to  his  own  party,  were  a  competent  judge  of  the  goodness 
or  badness  of  those  actions."  Politically  Ludlow  was  as  bad 
as  Cromwell,  "  as  deep  in  the  mud  as  Cromwell  was  in  the  mire," 
and  as  being  a  more  inveterate  enemy  of  monarchy,  "  he  may 
rather  be  thought  the  worse  of  the  two."  "  So  that  if  these  INIemoirs 
were  published  to  prejudice  Cromwell's  memory,  they  will  miss 
very  much  of  their  aim  ;  seeing  that  the  reputation  of  a  bad  man 
can  never  receive  much  damage  from  the  accusations  of  one  that 
is  worse  than  himself"  ' 

He  then  contrasts  with  some  humour  the  services  of 
Ludlow  to  his  cause  with  those  of  Cromwell,  and  points 
out  Ludlow's  inconsistency  in  praising  Ireton,  whilst 
condemning  Cromwell. 

'  A  clear  argument  that  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow  was  no  other 
than  a  thick-skulled  officer  of  horse  who  might  have  entered  into 

»  Memoirs,  i.  145,  148,  344,  346,  355. 

"   Reprinted  in  the  Somcrs  Tracts,  ed.  Scott,  vi.  416. 


Ludlow  s  Account  of  Cromzuell.  Ixi 

battle  invulnerable  in  the  forehead  ;  so  to  extol  as  he  does  the 
son-in-law  who  was  the  framer  and  contriver  of  many  of  those 
very  designs  which  he  calls  impious  and  wicked,  at  the  same 
time  that  he  expends  all  the  small  shot  of  his  indignation  against 
the  father-in-law,  for  putting  'em  prudently  and  resolutely  in 
execution.' 

Equally  inconsistent  is  it  of  Ludlow  to  blame  Cromwell 
for  putting  an  end  to  the  Long  Parliament. 

'To  shew  how  partiality  blinds  the  reason  of  some  people, 
I  would  fain  know  where  lay  the  difference  between  purging 
the  House,  and  turning  out  the  members  that  were  treating  with 
the  King  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  dissolving  the  Republican 
Rump :  for  Oliver  was  as  much  a  servant  to  the  one  as  the  other. 
Yet  the  Lieut.-Gen.  could  approve  the  first  act,  whatever  exclama- 
tion he  makes  against  the  latter.  Then  Oliver  was  faithful  and 
an  assertor,  now  a  perfidious  invader  of  the  liberties  of  the 
people.' 

Towards  the  close  of  the  '  Vindication '  the  author  treats 
some  of  the  charges  brought  against  Cromwell  more  in 
detail,  and  appeals  to  the  evidence  of  Whitelocke  and 
Baxter  to  disprove  them.  He  even  goes  so  far  as  to  quote 
Cromwell's  own  speeches  in  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his 
intentions,  and  to  assert  '  there  is  certainly  ^much  more 
reason  to  believe  him,  speaking  as  it  were  in  the  presence 
of  God,  than  to  give  credit  to  an  exasperated  bigot 
jabbering  to  the  Canton  of  Bern.' 

So  spirited  a  defence  of  his  hero  naturally  attracted  the 
attention  of  Carlyle,  who  summarizes  the  criticisms  of  the 
'  Vindication  '  in  the  introduction  to  his  Letters  and  Speeches 
of  Cromwell : — 

'  The  anonymous  critic  explains  to  solid  Ludlow  that  he,  in  that 
solid  but  somewhat  wooden  head  of  his,  had  not  perhaps  seen 
entirely  into  the  centre  of  the  universe  and  workshop  of  the 
destinies;    that  in  fact  Oliver  was  a  questionable  uncommon  man, 


Ixii  Introduction. 

and  he,  Ludlow,  a  common  handfast,  honest,  dull  and  indeed 
partly  wooden  man, — in  whom  it  miglit  be  wise  to  form  no  theory 
at  all  of  Cromwell.' 

Of  other  contemporary  criticisms  on  Ludlow's  Memoirs 
the  only  one  which  requires  mention  is  the  '  Just  Defence  of 
the  Royal  Martyr  K.  Charles  I,  from  the  many  false  and 
malicious  aspersions  in  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  and  some  other 
virulent  libels  of  that  kind,'  8vo,  1699. 

On  the  publication  of  the  third  volume  of  the  Memoirs 
the  anonymous  author  of  this  '  Defence '  continued  it  in 
a  pamphlet  entitled  '  Regicides  no  Saints  nor  Martyrs,' 
published  in  1700.  With  the  exception  of  two  passages 
already  quoted  these  works  contain  little  that  is  worth  ex- 
tracting, and  are  at  once  very  violent  and  very  dull. 
A  juster  appreciation  of  the  value  of  the  Memoirs  appears 
in  the  reference  made  to  them  by  another  Tory  writer, 
Roger  North,  the  vindicator  of  Charles  II  ^ : — 

'  It  is  found  that  the  most  violent  party  men,  being,  in  their  way, 
honest,  have  wrote  most  useful  histories :  for  however  they  hold 
fast  to  their  dogmata  with  respect  to  Church  and  State,  yet  they 
relate  the  common  proceedings  with  veracity,  and  by  that  means, 
truths  come  to  be  known,  that  otherwise  had  been  buried  in 
oblivion  for  ever;  and  of  this,  out  of  many,  I  shall  give  but 
one  single  instance,  and  that  is  of  Ludlow's  Memoirs,' 

Of  more  modern  criticisms  of  the  Memoirs  the  most 
valuable  is  that  by  Guizot,  admirably  qualified  by  his 
studies  of  the  Great  Rebellion  and  the  Commonwealth  to 
estimate  Ludlow's  contribution  to  its  histor)-.  In  the  pre- 
face-to  his   annotated    edition   of  the  'IMemoirs'  he  gives 

'  Examen,  1740,  p.  ix.  partis.'    The  quotations  which  follow 

^  In  1851  this  preface  revised  and  arc  from  the  seventh  edition,  1874, 

augmented  was  republished  by  Guizot  pp.    96-100.     An    English    transla- 

in  a  volume  entitled.  Etudes  sur  la  tion,  by  A.  R.  Scoble,  was  published 

Revolution  d'Angleterre.     Portraits  in  1851,  under  the  title  of  '  Monk's 

poHtiques  des  hommes  des  differents  Contemporaries.' 


Guizofs  Criticism  of  Liidlozu.  Ixiii 

a  sketch  of  Ludlow's  career,  and  passes  judgment  on  his 
character  as  a  politician  and  historian.  His  conclusion  is 
severe  but  not  unjust : — 

'  C'^tait  un  de  ces  esprits  ^troits  et  durs  qui  ne  peuvent  admettre 
qu'une  seule  idde,  et  que  leur  idde  possbde,  quand  lis  Tont  regue, 
avec  I'empire  d'abord  de  la  conscience,  ensuite  de  la  fatalite. 
D^truire  le  roi  et  fonder  la  r^publique  telle  fut,  je  le  repete, 
I'idee  fixe  qui  gouverna  sa  vie.  Le  despotisme  du  Long-Parlement, 
d'abord  sur  le  parti  du  roi,  ensuite  sur  la  nation  quand  la  nation 
voulut  la  paix  avec  le  roi ;  le  despotisme  de  Tarmde  sur  le  Long- 
Parlement,  quand  celui-ci  voulut  la  paix  a  son  tour ;  enfin,  le 
despotisme  du  Rump  sur  I'arm^e  et  sur  la  nation  quand,  apres  la 
mort  de  Cromwell,  toute  I'Angleterre  demandait  un  parlement 
complet  et  libre  qui  ne  pouvait  manquer  de  rappeler  Charles  II ; 
toutes  ces  violences  contradictoires  parurent  a  Ludlow  justes 
et  ndcessaires,  parce  qu'il  s'en  promettait  d'abord  la  ruine  de 
Charles  I^r,  ensuite  le  succes  du  gouvernement  rdpublicain.  A  ce 
nom  seul,  il  immola  successivement  les  lois,  les  libertds,  le  bonheur 
de  ses  contemporains,  et  demeura  profonddment  convaincu  que  la 
trahison,  d'abord  celle  du  roi,  puis  celle  du  parlement,  puis  celle 
de  I'armde,  puis  celle  de  Cromwell,  enfin  celle  de  Monk,  les 
avait  seule  fait  ^chouer,  lui  et  quelques  amis  fiddles,  dans  leurs 
patriotiques  desseins. 

'  Ludlow  se  trompait ;  c'^tait  a  lui-meme,  a  ses  fautes,  a  sa 
deraison,  a  ses  iniquites,  aux  maux  qu'il  avait  fait  peser  sur  le 
pays,  que  le  parti  r^publicain  devait  s'en  prendre  de  son  mauvais 
sort.  II  avait  pretendu  imposer  la  republique  a  I'Angleterre 
comme  Charles  I^"^  voulait  lui  imposer  le  pouvoir  absolu ;  il 
n'avait  tenu  compte  ni  des  interets  r^els  ni  des  sentiments 
nationaux,  ni  des  resultats  immediats  de  I'entreprise,  ni  de  la 
justice  des  moyens.  II  avait  obsdndment  ferme  les  yeux  sur 
les  droits  qu'il  violait,  sur  les  resistances  qu'il  rencontrait,  sur 
les  revers  qu'il  essuyait,  sur  sa  propre  corruption  qui  fut  rapide  et 
finit  par  attirer  le  mepris  sur  les  republicains  pr(!tendus,  le  ridicule 
sur  les  rdpublicains  sinceres.  Dans  son  aveugle  preoccupation, 
Ludlow,  tant  qu'il  eiit  a  agir,  ne  vit  rien  de  tout  cela ;   lorsqu'au 


Ixiv  Introduction. 

fond  de  sa  retraite,  il  ecrivit  ses  INI^moires,  sa  preoccupation  fut  la 
meme ;  en  revenant  sur  le  pass6,  il  n'y  aper^ut  rien  de  ce  qu'il 
n'avait  pas  su  voir  en  y  assistant,  et  ses  souvenirs  furent  aussi 
6troits  que  I'avait  et^  son  jugement  en  prdsence  des  fails.' 

Guizot  then  describes  Ludlow's  return  to  England  in  1689 
and  his  unexpectedly  hostile  reception.  If  he  had  under- 
stood the  temper  of  his  countrymen,  if  he  had  even  under- 
stood the  workings  of  his  own  mind,  he  might  have  foreseen 
this,  but  he  was  wilfully  blind  to  facts  : — 

'  Rien  ne  put  eclairer  Ludlow  sur  les  torts  de  son  parti ;  il  ne 
d^sapprouva  dans  sa  conscience,  et  ne  desavoua  dans  ses  paroles 
aucun  des  actes  auxquels  ilavait  concouru.  Cependant  il  suffit 
de  lire  ses  Mdmoires  pour  se  convaincre  que  le  souvenir  de 
ces  actes,  notamment  de  la  condamnation  de  Charles  \^^,  lui 
etait  facheux  et  pesant.  II  a  soutenu  et  voulu  justifier  sa  conduite, 
mais  il  a  constamment  senti  le  besoin  de  la  justifier.  C'est  la, 
dans  ses  M^moires,  la  pens^e  dont  tout  emane,  a  laquelle  tout  se 
rapporte ;  on  sent  qu'elle  le  poursuit,  qu'elle  I'obsede ;  malgre 
son  desinteressement  patriotique,  il  est  sous  le  joug  d'une  situation 
toute  sp^ciale,  toute  personnelle ;  c'est  lui  meme  qu'il  defend  sans 
cesse  en  racontant  comment  a  succombe  la  liberte  de  son  pays. 
De  la  tant  de  faits  infid^lement  repr^sentes,  tant  d'omissions  et  de 
reticences  qu'il  est  difficile  de  ne  pas  croire  sdmi-volontaires. 
Non-seulement  Ludlow  n'a  pas  vu,  dans  les  dvdnements,  tout 
ce  qu'il  y  fallait  voir,  mais  il  ne  rapporte  meme  pas  tout  ce  qu'il 
y  a  vu ;  il  n'ose  raconter  avec  detail  ni  la  mort  du  roi,  ni  la 
resistance  du  parti  presbytdrien  dans  le  parlement  a  la  tyrannic 
de  I'armee,  ni  une  foule  d'actcs  du  parti  rdpublicain  que  ses 
propres  principes  condamnaient.  II  a  besoin  de  dissimuler,  de 
taire,  de  passer  rapidement  sur  telle  ou  telle  circonstance  qui 
pourtant  a  dtd  grave  et  ddcisive.  En  un  mot,  son  esprit  est 
naturcllement  dtroit,  aveugle ;  et  dans  les  bornes  memes  de  son 
esprit,  il  n'est  pas  libre ;  dans  son  aveuglement  il  est  conlraint 
de  repousser  les  rayons  de  lumiere  qu'il  ne  pent  se  dispenser 
d'entrevoir.' 

In    conclusion,    after    exhibiting    Ludlow  as   a    typical 


The   Trustworthiness  of  the  Memoirs.        Ixv 

example  of  the  lamentable  results  of  fanaticism  and  party- 
spirit,  this  stern  censor  relents  a  little,  and  owns  that  he 
was  at  least  honest  and  sincere  : — 

'  Ami  de  la  v^ritt^  et  du  bien,  ses  actions  furent  desint^ressdes 
et  il  obdit  a  ses  croyances.  Peu  dclair^  sur  ce  qui  se  passait 
autour  de  lui,  incapable  de  comprendre  les  dv^nements  et  les 
hommes,  il  avait  des  instincts  de  justice  et  de  libertd  souvent 
sup^rieurs  aux  lumieres  de  son  temps.  Aisdment  abusd  par 
ses  esp^rances,  il  demeura  constamment  inaccessible  a  la  crainte ; 
s'il  eut  pour  son  pard  des  complaisances  coupables,  Cromwell 
ne  put  jamais  I'intimider  ni  le  corrompre.  II  n'apprit  rien  de 
I'exp^rience,  mais  aussi  il  n'en  fut  point  vaincu;  il  dtait  enlre 
republicain  dans  le  parlement,  il  mourut  rdpublicain  sur  les  bords 
du  lac  de  Geneve.  II  y  a  peu  de  cas  a  faire  de  son  jugement  et 
beaucoup  a  blamer  dans  sa  vie ;  mais  son  nom  a  droit  a  I'estime ; 
et  parmi  ceux  qui,  dje  son  temps,  le  jugeaient  avec  rigueur, 
a  coup  sur  la  plupart  ne  le  valaient  pas.' 

In  like  manner  Carlyle,  after  repeatedly  insisting  on 
Ludlow's  blindness  and  narrowness,  and  his  dogged,  '  not  to 
say  mulish,'  obstinacy,  in  refusing  to  accept  Cromwell's 
government,  confesses  to  a  certain  respect  for  his  courage 
and  his  sincerity.  '  Adieu,'  he  concludes,  '  my  solid  friend, 
if  I  go  to  Vevay  I  will  read  thy  monument  there,  perhaps 
not  without  emotion,  after  all.' 

But  to  return  from  the  question  of  Ludlow's  character  to 
the  question  of  his  trustworthiness  as  an  historian.  His 
memory  of  events  of  which  he  was  an  eyewitness  is  ex- 
tremely accurate,  but  he  is  often  in  error  in  recounting 
affairs  in  which  he  was  not  personally  concerned.  The 
accuracy  of  his  recollections  of  his  own  services  in  Ire- 
land is  in  sharp  contrast  to  the  blunders  contained  in 
his  account  of  Cromwell's  two  campaigns  in  that  country  \ 
In  the  early  part  of  the  Memoirs  mistakes  in  chronology  are 
by  no  means  unfrequent.     It  is  evident  that  in  writing  the 

'   Memoirs,  i.  236-238. 

VOL.  I.  e 


Ixvi  Introduction. 

pre-restoration  part  of  the  Memoirs  Ludlow  must  have 
been  obliged  to  rely  almost  entirely  upon  his  memory.  He 
speaks  of  having  sought  for  assistance  '  from  persons  well 
informed,  and  of  unsuspected  fidelity,'  and  doubtless  learnt 
something  from  his  companions  in  exile.  A  few  anecdotes 
may  be  traced  to  Cawley,  Bethell,  or  Holland  \  but  they  do 
not  seem  to  have  made  any  serious  additions  to  his  know- 
ledge. 

Nor  can  he  have  obtained  much  help  either  from  printed 
or  manuscript  sources.  His  papers,  which  would  have  com- 
promised his  friends  if  they  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  government,  were  doubtless  destroyed  before  he  left 
England.  Sometimes  his  information  seems  to  be  derived 
from  one  or  other  of  the  pamphlets  against  Cromwell 
published  during  the  Protectorate  ^  ;  but  in  these  cases  he 
was  probably  drawing  on  his  reminiscences  of  past  reading, 
not  summarising  or  quoting  books  which  he  had  before 
him.  To  this  rule  there  is  one  great  exception,  which 
Ludlow  expressly  points  out.  He  mentions  Sir  John 
Berkeley's  account  of  the  King's  negotiations  with  the 
army  leaders  and  his  flight  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  '  which 
I  have  seen  in  a  manuscript  written  by  Sir  John  Berkeley 
himself,  and  left  in  the  hands  of  a  merchant  at  Geneva^.' 

From  page  153  to  page  182  of  the  first  volume  of  the 
Memoirs,  Ludlow  follows  this  narrative  very  closely, 
adding  very  little  save  the  account  of  Speaker  Lenthall's 
flight  from  Westminster  and  some  circumstances  connected 
with  the  King's  rejection  of  the  Four  Bills. 

To  this  absence  of  any  documentary  aids  to  his  memory 
may  safely  be  traced  some  of  the  omissions,  chronological 
mistakes,  and  confusions  as  to  the  order  of  events  which  occur 
from  time  to  time  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  Memoirs  *. 

In  the  post-restoration  part  of  the  Memoirs  the  case  is 

*  Memoirs,  i.  134;  ii.  251,  273.  '  lb.  i.  153. 

"^  lb.  i.  365,  366,  370;    ii.  34,  39,  ♦  lb.  i.  68,  147-150,  238,  337. 

45.  62. 


The  Sources  of  the  Memoirs.  Ixvii 

altered.  Not  only  were  the  events  related  more  recent, 
and  Ludlow's  recollection  of  them  therefore  much  more 
exact,  but  he  had  the  assistance  of  a  certain  number  of 
documents.  Some  of  these  he  incorporates  verbatim  in  the 
Memoirs,  such  as  the  address  to  the  Lords  of  Bern,  the 
passport  sent  him  from  D'Estrades,  and  the  letters  from  his 
friends  in  Holland  ^.  He  also  received  at  regular  intervals 
long  accounts  of  the  state  of  public  affairs  in  England, 
which  he  summarises  and  occasionally  extracts  from  in  the 
Memoirs.  Specimens  of  some  of  these  letters  are  given 
in  Ludlow's  correspondence  with  Hummel,  printed  in  the 
Appendix  to  the  second  volume  -.  It  is  evident  that  his 
friends  also  sent  him  the  published  accounts  of  the  trials  of 
the  Regicides.  In  describing  the  fate  of  his  political  asso- 
ciates Ludlow  follows  these  pamphlets  with  such  closeness 
that  he  must  clearly  have  had  them  before  his  eyes  at 
the  very  time  when  he  was  writing.  The  titles  of  these 
three  tracts  are  as  follows  : — 

1.  An  exact  and  most  impartial  account  of  the  Indictment, 
Arraignment  etc.  of  twenty-nine  Regicides,  the  murderers  of  King 
Charles  I.  4to.  1660, 

2.  The  Speeches  and  Prayers  of  some  of  the  late  King's 
Judges  .  .  .  Together  with  several  occasional  speeches  and  passages 
in  their  imprisonment  till  they  came  to  the  place  of  execution. 
Faithfully  and  impartially  collected  for  further  satisfaction.  4to. 
i66o^ 

3.  The  Speeches,  Discourses  and  Prayers  of  Col.  John  Barkstead, 
Col.  John  Okey,  and  Mr.  Miles  Corbet  .  .  .  Together  with  an 
account  of  the  occasion  and  manner  of  their  taking  in  Holland. 
4to.  1662. 

^  Memoirs,  ii.   348,    354,   378-80,  with  additions  intended  to  serve  as 

39I)   395>   397-  an  antidote  toils  pernicious  contents. 

2  lb.  ii.   337,   338,  391,   420,  482,  The  first  of  these  reprints  bears  the 

489,  494,  501,  502,  504,  508.  title    of    '  Rebels    no    Saints,    or    a 

^  This  tract,  which  the  government  Collection  of  the  Speeches,  &c.  With 

had  vainly  endeavoured  to  suppress,  observations  on   the  same   wherein 

was  twice  reprinted  in  1661,  in  8vo,  their  pretended  sanctity  is  refuted, 

e  2 


Ixviii  Introduction. 

There  is  also  a  passage  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  Memoirs 
in  which  Ludlow  makes  use  of  the  second  of  these  three 
pamphlets.  No  part  of  the  Memoirs  is  more  often  quoted 
than  the  description  of  Cromwell's  expulsion  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  its  details 
have  not  been  too  implicitly  accepted.  As  Ludlow  was  in 
Ireland  at  the  time  when  that  event  took  place,  whatever 
he  learnt  about  it  must  have  been  derived  from  others. 
One  of  his  chief  informants  was  Harrison,  with  whom  he 
discussed  the  subject  in  1656,  and  it  seems  clear  that  in 
what  concerns  Harrison's  action  towards  the  Speaker, 
Ludlow  relied  not  simply  on  his  recollections  of  his  con- 
versation with  Harrison,  but  also  on  the  printed  record  of 
Harrison's  utterances  in  prison.  Furthermore  a  comparison 
of  Ludlow's  narrative  with  the  account  given  in  Leicester's 
Diary — the  earliest  and  the  most  trustworthy  of  all  the 
accounts  of  the  incident — shows  that  Ludlow  certainly 
exaggerated  the  violence  of  Cromwell's  behaviour  ^. 

In  conclusion,  it  remains  only  to  state  the  principles 
adopted  in  preparing  this  edition  of  the  Memoirs,  and  to 
thank  those  who  have  assisted  in  the  work. 

The  text  reprinted  is  that  of  the  edition  of  1 698-1699, 
with  the  errata  noted  in  the  third  volume  corrected,  and 
two  or  three  obvious  errors  of  the  press  pointed  out  in  sub- 
sequent editions  amended.  The  spelling  of  the  original  has 
been  preserved,  but  the  punctuation  occasionally  altered, 
and  superfluous  capital  letters  removed. 

and  a  further  inspection  made   into  the  notes  (vol.  i.  354  ;  ii.  6,  304-323) 

the    hves    and    practices    of    those  are  from  the  '  Complete  Collection,' 

unhappy   and   traitorous    politicians.  which  is,  with  the  exceptions  men- 

By  a  person  of  quality,'    The  second,  tioned,  a  mere  reprint  of  the  original 

entitled  'A   complete   collection    of  tract.      'Passages    and    Occasional 

the  Lives, Speeches,private  Passages,  Speeches,'  under  which  name  it  is 

Letters  and    Prayers  of  those   per-  sometimes    referred     to,    is    simply 

sons  lately  executed,'  contains  short  the  running  title  at  the  top  of  the 

biographies  in  addition  to  the  obser-  pages, 

vations.      The   quotations   given    in  ^  i.  352-354 ;  ii.  6. 


Conclusion.  Ixix 

The  names  of  places  and  persons,  often  strangely  misspelt 
in  the  text,  are  corrected  in  the  footnotes  or  the  index.  In 
the  documents  printed  in  the  appendices  the  same  practice 
has  been  followed,  with  the  exception  of  some  cases  pointed 
out  in  the  notes.  The  contractions  of  the  originals  have 
been  extended.  For  the  dates  in  the  margin  of  the  Me- 
moirs, and  for  the  insertions  in  the  text  of  the  documents 
marked  by  square  brackets,  the  editor  is  responsible.  His 
most  sincere  thanks  are  tendered  to  the  following  gentlemen 
for  their  help  :  to  Mr.  H.  H.  Ludlow  Bruges  for  the  pedigree 
of  Ludlow  printed  in  the  appendix,  and  for  information 
liberally  supplied  by  him  on  all  points  of  family  history  ; 
to  Mr.  Robert  Dunlop  for  the  loan  of  the  transcripts  of 
Irish  State  Papers  which  have  been  freely  used  in  the  notes 
and  appendix  ;  to  Professor  Alfred  Stern  of  Zurich  for 
permission  to  reprint  the  letters  and  extracts  from  Swiss 
records  published  by  him  in  1874  in  his  'Briefe  Englischer 
Fliichtlinge  in  der  Schweiz,'  and  in  English  and  foreign 
periodicals ;  to  Mr.  George  Parker  for  his  help  in  making 
the  index  ;  and  to  Mr.  S.  R.  Gardiner  and  Mr.  C.  E.  Doble 
for  much  advice  and  assistance. 

Oxford: 

Feb.  26,  1894. 


ERRATA 

p.  Ii6,  note  2.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  name  of  the  officer  referred  to 
should  be  John  or  Francis  Dowet. 

p.  132,  1.  34, /<7r  baliff  r^aof  bailiff 

p.  153,  note  2,  for  40  pages  read  30  pages 

p.  226,  1.  3,  insert  in  the  margin  the  date  1649. 

p.  277,  note  I,  for  pp.  14,  16  read  p.  1416 

p.  381,  note  2,  for  Appendix  III  read  Appendix  IV 

p.  415, 1.  14,  after  the  words  that  kingdom  insert  the  following  suppressed 
passage  from  Locke's  notes  in  Christie's  Life  of  Shaftesbury,  vol.  i,  Appendix, 
p.  Iviii :  'Sir  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  who  was  first  for  the  King,  then  for  the 
Parliament,  then  in  Cromwell's  first  assembly  for  the  reformation,  and  after- 
wards for  Cromwell  against  that  reformation,  now  being  denied  Cromwell's 
daughter  Mary  in  marriage,  he  appears  against  Cromwell's  design  in  the  last 
assembly,  and  is  therefore  dismissed  the  Council,  Cromwell  being  resolved  to 
act  there  as  the  chief  juggler  himself,  and  one  Colonel  Mackworth,  a  lawyer 
about  Shrewsbury,  a  person  fit  for  his  purpose,  is  chosen  in  his  room-.'  These 
statements  are  refuted  in  Mr.  Christie's  notes. 

p.  498,  1.  z,for  casewayes  read  cause wayes 

p.  513,  in  the  signatures  to  this  letter  read  for  H.  Walker,  H.  Waller;  and 
J.  Reynolds  instead  of  S.  Reynolds 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


Edmund  Ludlow  Efq; 

Lieutenant  General  of  the  Horfe,  Com- 
mander in  Chief  of  the  Forces  in  iFekmd, 
One  of  the  Council  of  State,  and  a  Mem- 
ber of  the  Parliament  which  began  on 
November  3,   1640. 


In  Two  Volumes. 


VOL.  I. 


mm 
mmm 


Switzerland^ 

Printed  at  Vtvay  in  the  Canton  of  Bern. 

MDCXCVIII. 


TO   THEIR   EXCELLENCIES 
THE    LORDS    OF   THE    COUNCIL 

FOR   THE 

CANTON    OF    BERN. 


'\/'OUR  Excellencies  having  been  the  protectors  of  the 
-■-  Author  of  these  Memoirs  during  the  many  years  of 
his  exile,  are  justly  entituled  to  whatever  acknowledgment 
can  be  made  for  those  noble  favours,  which  you  extended 
so  seasonably  and  so  constantly  to  him  and  his  fellow- 
sufferers. 

'Tis  well  known  to  your  Lordships,  that  the  Lieutenant 
General  would  have  accounted  himself  happy  to  lay  down 
that  life  for  your  service,  which  you  had  preserved  by  your 
generosity.  But  since  he  lived  not  to  have  so  glorious  an 
occasion  of  expressing  his  gratitude,  (no  prince,  how 
powerful  soever,  being  hardy  enough  to  attack  that  liberty 
which  is  so  well  secured  by  the  bravery  and  good  discipline 
of  your  own  people)  nothing  now  remains  to  be  a  monument 
of  his  duty,  and  your  bounty,  but  these  papers  ;  and  there- 
fore as  a  just  debt,  they  are  most  humbly  presented  to  your 
Excellencies. 


B  2 


THE   PREFACE 


A  TO  Instojy  can  furnish  us  ivith  the  example  of  a  man  whose 
Ufe  and  actions  have  been  universally  applauded :  malice^ 
or  a  different  interest,  being  always  ready  to  wound  the  noblest 
integrity.  The  vertues  of  Scipio  and  Cato,  the  best  and  greatest 
of  the  Romans,  could  not  preserve  them  from  the  assaults  of 
envy  and  calumny  ;  of  which,  the  groundless  accusations  of  the 
former  to  the  people,  and  the  volumes  of  aspersions  published 
against  the  latter  by  the  usurper  fidius,  are  a  sufficient  testi- 
mony. 'Tis  therefore  no  wonder  that  men  who  endeavour  to 
imitate  those  great  examples,  and  make  the  service  of  their 
country  the  principal  care  of  their  lives,  should  meet  with  the 
same  hard  usage.  What  the  Author  of  these  papers  did  and 
suffered  on  that  account,  the  ensuing  relation  will  in  part  witness; 
zvherein  it  will  appear,  that  he  contended  not  against  persons,  but 
things:  that  he  was  an  enemy  to  all  Arbitrary  Government, 
tho  gilded  over  with  the  most  specious  pretences ;  and  that  he 
not  only  disapproved  the  usurpation  of  Cromzvel,  but  ivould 
have  opposed  him  with  as  much  vigour  as  he  had  done  the  Kmg, 
if  all  occasions  of  that  natvire  had  not  been  cut  off  by  the  ex- 
traordinary jealousy  and  vigilance  of  the  usurper. 

Concerning  his  extraction,  if  that  be  any  thing,  it  may  be 
justly  said,  he  was  descended  of  an  antient  and  ivorthy  family, 


6  The  Preface. 

originally  knoivii  in  Shropshire,  and  from  thence  transplanted 
into  the  county  of  Wilts,  where  his  ancestors  possessed  such  an 
estate  as  placed  them  in  the  first  rank  of  gentlemen  ;  and  their 
personal  merits  usually  concurring  with  their  fortune,  gave  them 
just  pretences  to  stand  candidates  to  represent  the  county  in 
Pai'liamcnt  as  Knights  of  the  Shire,  which  honour  they  seldom 
failed  to  attain.  His  father  Sir  Henry  Ludlow  being  chosen 
by  his  country  to  serve  in  that  Parliament  ivhich  began  on  the  ^d 
of  November,  1640,  was  one  of  those  who  strenuously  asserted  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  against  the  invasions  made  upon 
them  by  the  pretended  prerogatives  of  the  Crown.  Hie  example  of 
his  father,  together  with  a  particular  encouragement  from  him, 
joined  to  a  full  perswasion  of  the  necessity  of  arming  in  defence 
of  lus  country,  mounted  our  Author,  then  very  young,  on  horse- 
back. His  first  essay  was  at  the  Battel  of  Edg-hill,  where  he 
fought  as  voluntier  in  the  Life-guard  of  the  Earl  of  Essex. 
His  father  dying  some  time  after  the  eruption  of  our  troubles, 
he  went  down  to  IViltshire,  and  was  unanimously  chosen  by  that 
county  to  be  one  of  their  Knights  of  the  Shire  to  represent  them 
in  Parliament ;  where  his  integrity  and  firmness  to  the  true 
interest  of  his  country  soon  became  so  remarkable,  that  he  was 
thought  worthy  to  be  intrusted  with  the  command  of  an  in- 
dependent regiment  of  horse,  to  defend  the  county  for  which  he 
served  from  the  incursions  of  the  enemies'  army.  And  how 
great  a  progress  he  made  afterwards  in  the  science  of  war,  the 
military  honours  he  received  in  a  time  when  rewards  were  not 
blindly  bestoivcd,  may  sufficiently  manifest. 

After  the  death  of  King  Charles  the  First,  he  was  sent  into 
Ireland  by  the  Parliament  in  the  quality  of  Lieutenant  General 
of  the  Horse.  This  employment  he  discharged  with  diligence  and 
success  till  the  death  of  the  Lord  Deputy  Ireton,  and  then  acted 
for  some  time  as  General,  tho  ivithout  that  title ;  the  growing 
power  of  Oliver  Cromwel,  who  knew  him  to  be  true  and  faithful 


The  Preface.  7 

to  the  Commonwealth,  always  finding  out  some  pretext  to  hinder 
the  conferring  that  character  upon  him.  The  finishing  part  was 
only  wanting  to  the  compleat  suppression  of  the  Irish  Rebellion, 
and  the  last  stroke  had  been  given  by  this  gentleman,  if  the 
usurpation  of  Cromwel  had  not  prevented  him.  Under  that 
power  he  never  acted:  andtho  the  usurper  employed  all  his 
arts  to  gain  him,  he  remained  immovable,  and  wotdd  not  be 
perswaded  to  give  the  least  colour  or  countenance  to  his  ambition. 
After  the  death  of  Cromwel  some  endeavours  were  made  to 
cause  the  publick  affairs  to  revert  to  their  former  channel,  in 
which  attempts  our  Author  was  not  an  idle  spectator.  But 
Oliver  had  so  choaked  the  springs,  that  the  torrent  took  another 
course  ;  and  all  the  efforts  that  ivere  made  to  restore  the  Common- 
wealth proving  vain  and  fruitless,  Charles  the  Second  zvas  per- 
'mitted  to  act  his  part.  Thereupon  this  gentleman,  who  had  gone 
through  innumerable  hazards  for  the  liberties  of  England,  was 
stripped  of  his  estate,  and  under  the  odious  name  of  traitor  forced 
to  abandon  his  native  country.  That  he  escaped  the  searches 
made  after  him  in  England,  and  safely  arrived  in  Switzerland, 
was  almost  a  miracle.  The  preservation  of  his  life,  which  was 
in  the  utmost  hazard,  by  reason  of  the  prejudices  then  reigning, 
obliged  him  to  confine  himself  to  the  deepest  privacy,  and  for  a 
short  time  kept  him  unknown,  till  his  exemplary  life  tiiade  him 
not  only  to  be  observed,  but  admired.  This  stranger  for  more 
than  thirty  years  was  the  care  of  that  country ;  and  it  may  be 
justly  said,  that  by  their  vigilance  rather  than  his  own,  the 
frequent  designs  that  were  formed  against  his  life,  were  defeated, 
and  some  of  them  exemplarily  punished  on  the  heads  of  their 
authors. 

During  his  exile  he  wrote  the  follozving  Memoirs,  conjectur- 
ing, and  I  think  he  was  not  mistaken,  that  some  of  the  family  of 
Charles  the  Martyr  might  act  such  things  as  ivould  make  his 
country  relish  the  relation,  and  regret  the  usage  he  had  found. 


8  The  Preface. 

But  it  can  never  be  expected  that  all  men  should  be  of  the  same 
mind.  And  therefore  when  the  whole  kingdom  of  Ireland, 
London-derry  only  excepted,  ivas  unhappily  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Irish  Papists,  and  the  Lieutenant  General,  I  hope  I  may 
say  it  without  offence,  was  sent  for,  as  a  fit  person  to  be  employed 
to  recover  it  from  them :  ivhen  the  British  refugees  were  glad  to 
hear  him  named  for  that  service  ;  and  he  in  an  extasie  to  serve 
his  count yy  anywhere,  was  arrived  in  England ;  the  reception 
he  found  there  was  such,  as  ought  rather  to  be  forgotten,  than 
transmitted  to  posterity  with  any  remarks  upon  that  conjuncture. 
Thus  being  denied  the  honour  of  dying  for  his  country,  he 
returned  to  the  more  hospitable  place  from  whence  he  came.  But 
England  had  Jiot  one  good  wish  the  less  from  him  on  the  account 
of  her  last  ttnkindness.  For  at  the  very  article  of  death  some  of 
his  last  words  were  wishes  for  the  prosperity,  peace  and  glory  of 
his  country  ;  and  that  religion  and  liberty  might  be  established 
there  on  so  sure  and  solid  a  foundation,  that  the  designs  of  ill 
men  might  never  bring  them  into  danger  for  the  time  to  come. 


MEMOIRS 

OF 

EDMUND    LUDLOW,    Esq. 


H 


AVING  seen  our  cause  betrayed,  and  the  most  solemn  The  Origin 
promises  that  could  be  made  to  the  asserters  of  it,  Memoirs. 


openly  violated,  I  departed  from  my  native  country.  And 
hoping  that  my  retirement  may  protect  me  from  the  rage 
and  malice  of  my  enemies,  I  cannot  think  it  a  misspending 
of  some  part  of  my  leisure,  to  employ  it  in  setting  down  the 
most  remarkable  counsels  and  actions  of  the  parties  engaged 
in  the  late  Civil  War,  which  spread  itself  through  the 
kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  ;  wherein  I 
shall  not  strictly  confine  myself  to  a  relation  of  such  things 
only  in  which  I  was  personally  concerned,  but  also  give  the 
best  account  I  can  of  such  other  memorable  occurrences  of 
those  times  as  I  have  learn'd  from  persons  well  inform'd, 
and  of  unsuspected  fidelity. 

Those  who  make  any  enquiry  into  the  history  of  K. 
James's  reign,  will  find,  that  tho  his  inclinations  were 
strongly  bent  to  renderhimself  absolute,  yet  he  chose  rather 
to  carry  on  that  design  by  fraud  than  violence.  But  K. 
Charles  having  taken  a  nearer  view  of  despotick  government 
in   his  journey  to  France   and  Spain,  tempted  with   the 


lo         Charles  I  and  his  first  Parliaments. 

glittering   shew  and    imaginary  pleasures  of  that   empty 
pageantry,  immediately  after  his  ascent  to  the  throne  pulled 
off  the  masque,  and  openly  discovered  his  intentions  to 
make  the  Crown  absolute  and  independent. 
1625  In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  marry'd  a  daughter  of 

France,  who  was  not  wanting  on  her  part  to  press  him, 
upon  all  occasions,  to  pursue  the  design  of  enlarging  his 
power,  not  omitting  to  solicite  him  also  to  mould  the 
Church  of  England  to  a  nearer  compliance  with  the  See  of 
Rome :  wherein  she  was  but  too  well  seconded  by  corrupt 
Ministers  of  State,  of  whom  some  were  professed  Papists  ; 
and  an  ambitious  Clergy,  whose  influence  upon  the  King 
was  always  greater  than  could  well  consist  with  the  peace 
and  happiness  of  England.  'Tis  true,  he  called  some  Par- 
liaments in  the  first  years  of  his  reign  ;  but  the  people  soon 
became  sensible  he  did  it  rather  to  empty  their  purses  than 

1628  to  redress  their  grievances.  The  Petition  of  Right,  as  it  was 
called,  passed  in  one  of  them  ;  yet  by  the  manner  of  passing 
it,  and  more  by  the  way  of  keeping,  or  rather  breaking  it 
in  almost  every  particular,  they  clearly  saw  what  they  were 
to  expect  from  him.  And  tho  by  the  votes  passed  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  (after  a  message  from  the  King  to 
require  their  attendance  in  order  to  a  dissolution,  thereby 
to  prevent  their  enquiry  into  his  father's  death)  complaining 
of  the  grievances  of  the  nation,  and  asserting  the  liberties 
thereof,  declaring  it  treason  for  any  to  pay  custom  or  other 

1629  taxes  without  the  authority  of  Parliament,  locking  the  door 
March  2.     q{  the  House  of  Commons,  and  compelling  the  Speaker  to 

continue  in  the  chair  till  it  pass'd,  he  might  have  observed 
the  pulse  of  the  nation  beating  high  towards  liberty ; 
yet  contrary  to  his  promise  to  preserve  the  privileges  of 
Parliament,  he  caused  the  studies  of  their  members  to  be 
searched,  their  papers  to  be  seized,  and  their  persons  to  be 
imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  where  Sir  John  Elliot,  who  w^as  one 
of  them,  lost  his  life.  Divers  others  suffered  in  their  health 
and  estates,  being  prosecuted  with  all  severity  at  the 
common  law,  for  discharging  their  duty  in  Parliament. 
March  27.   After  the  dissolution  of  which,  a  proclamation  was  published. 


The  siege  of  Rochelle.  1 1 

whereby  it  was  made  criminal  in  the  people  to  speak  any- 
more of  Parliaments. 

The  King   having   assumed   this    extraordinary  power,       1627 
resolved  to  make  war  against  France,  not  upon  the  account 
of  those  of  the  reformed   religion,  as  was  pretended,  but 
grounded   upon  personal  discontents,  and   to   gratify  the 
revenge  and  lust  of  his  favourite. 

The  Rochellers,  who  once  before,  upon  encouragement 
from  England,  had  endeavoured  to  defend  their  just  rights 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  French  King,  till  being 
deserted  by  the  King  of  England,  they  were  necessitated  to  1625 
accept  terms  from  their  King  very  disadvantageous  to  their  July  15. 
affairs,  were  again  by  frequent  importunities  and  fair  promises 
prevailed  with  (tho  very  unwillingly)  to  assist  the  English 
with  provisions,  and  such  other  things  as  they  wanted,  in 
their  expedition  against  the  Isle  of  Rhee :  from  whence  our  1627 
forces  being  repulsed,  the  French  King  sent  his  army  against 
the  Protestants  of  Rochel,  whose  provisions  being  before 
exhausted  by  the  English,  they  applied  to  the  King  of 
England  for  succours,  according  to  his  promise :  who,  as  if 
he  intended  to  assist  them  effectually,  caused  a  certain 
number  of  ships  to  be  fitted  out,  under  the  conduct  of  Sir  1625 
John  Pennington  ^.  But  private  differences  being  soon  after 
composed.  Sir  John  receiv'd  a  letter  from  the  King,  signed 
Charles  Rex,  which  was  afterwards  found  by  the  Parliament 
amongst  his  papers,  requiring  him  to  dispose  of  those  ships 
as  he  should  be  directed  by  the  French  King  ;  and  if  any 
should  refuse  to  obey  those  orders,  to  sink  or  fire  them. 
The  King's  command  was  put  in  execution  accordingly, 
and  by  the  help  of  those  ships  the  French  became  masters 
of  the  sea,  and  thereby  inabled  to  raise  a  work  composed  of 
earth,  stones  and  piles,  with  which  they  entirely  shut  up  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  so  prevented  them  from  any 
relief  that  way.  Being  thus  straitned  on  all  sides,  they 
were  forced  to  yield  to  the  pleasure  of  their  King  ;  and  that 

1  Ludlow  here  confuses  the  loan  the  events  of  1627-8.  Gardiner, 
of  Pennington's  ships,  which  took  History  of  England  from  1603  to 
place   in   June-August,   1625,    with       1642,  v.  328-394. 


12  The  Misgovernment  of  Charles  I. 

strong  town  of  Rochel,  wherein  the  security  of  the  Pro- 

1628      testants  of  France  chiefly  consisted, by  this  horrible  treachery 

Oct.  iS.    -vvas  dehvered  up  to  the  Papists,  and  those  of  the  reforni'd 

rehgion  in  all  parts  of  that  kingdom  exposed  to  the  rage 

of  their  bloody  and  cruel  enemies. 

About  this  time  the  most  profitable  preferments  in  the 
English  Church  were  given  to  those  of  the  clergy  who  were 
most  forward  to  promote  the  imposition  of  new  ceremonies 
and  superstitions :  an  oath  was  enjoined  by  them  with  an 
&c.  ^,  several  new  holy  days  introduced,  and  required  to  be 
observed  by  the  people  with  all  possible  solemnity,  at  the 
same  time  that  they  were  encouraged  to  profane  the  Lord's 
1633  Day,  by  a  book  commonly  called,  The  Book  of  Sports, 
printed  and  pubHshed  by  the  King's  especial  command. 

But  this  was  not  the  only  work  of  which  the  clergy  were  . 
judged  capable,  and  therefore  divers  of  them  entered  the 
lists  as  champions  of  the  prerogative,  asserting  that  the 
possessions  and  estates  of  the  subject  did  of  right  belong  to 
the  King,  and  that  he  might  dispose  of  them  at  his  pleasure  ; 
thereby  vacating  and  annulling,  as  much  as  in  them  lay,  all 
the  laws  of  England  that  secure  a  propriety  to  the  people. 
Arbitrary  Courts  were  erected,  and  the  power  of  others  en- 
larged ;  such  were  the  High  Commission  Court,  the  Star- 
Chamber,  the  Court  of  Honour,  the  Court  of  Wards,  the 
Court  of  Requests,  &c.  Patents  and  monopolies  of  almost 
every  thing  were  granted  to  private  men,  to  the  great 
damage  of  the  publick.  Knighthood,  coat  and  conduct- 
money, and  many  other  illegal  methods  w^ere  revived  and 
put  in  execution,  to  rob  the  people,  in  order  to  support  the 
profusion  of  the  Court.  And  that  our  liberties  might  be  ex- 
tirpated at  once,  and  we  become  tenants  at  will  to  the  King, 
that  rare  invention  of  ship-money  was  found  out  by  Finch, 
whose  solicitation  and  importunities  prevailed  with  the 
major  part  of  the  judges  of  Westminster- Hall  to  declare  for 

^  Ludlow  refers  to  the  oath  en-  inaccuracies.  Much  of  it  seems  to 
joined  by  Convocation  in  the  new  consist  of  vague  recollections  of  the 
Canons  of  1640:  Gardiner,  ix.  143.  Grand  Remonstrance  of  i64i,andof 
This  summary  of  the  early  part  of  the  the  Declaration  for  no  further  Ad- 
reign  contains   many   chronological  dresses  to  the  King,  published  in  1648. 


The  Scottish  opposition.  13 

law,  '  That  for  the  supply  of  shipping  to  defend  the  nation,  1637 
the  King  might  impose  a  tax  upon  the  people  :  that  he  Feb.  7. 
was  to  be  judge  of  the  necessity  of  such  supply,  and  of  the 
quantity  to  be  imposed  for  it  ;  and  that  he  might  imprison 
as  well  as  destrain  in  case  of  refusal.'  Some  there  were 
who  out  of  a  hearty  affection  to  the  service  of  their  country, 
and  a  true  English  spirit,  opposed  these  illegal  proceedings : 
amongst  whom  Mr.  John  Hampden  of  Buckingham-shire, 
Judge  Croke,  and  Judge  Hutton,  were  of  the  most  eminent. 
Prerogative  being  wound  up  to  this  height  in  England, 
and  the  affairs  of  the  Church  tending  to  a  conjunction  with 
the  See  of  Rome ;  before  any  farther  progress  should  be 
made  therein  here,  it  was  thought  expedient,  that  the  pulse 
of  Scotland  should  be  felt,  and  they  perswaded  or  compelled 
to  the  like  conformity.  To  this  end  a  Form  of  Publick 
Prayer  was  sent  to  Scotland,  more  nearly  approaching  the 
Roman  office  than  that  used  in  England.  The  reading  of  July  23. 
this  new  service-book  at  Edinburgh  was  first  interrupted 
by  a  poor  woman ;  but  the  people  were  so  generally  dis- 
contented with  the  book  itself,  as  well  as  the  manner  of 
imposing  it,  that  she  was  soon  seconded  by  the  generality 
of  them  ;  those  who  officiated  hardly  escaping  with  their 
lives.  This  produced  divers  meetings  of  many  of  the  nobility, 
clergy  and  gentry,  who  entred  into  an  agreement  or 
covenant  to  root  out  Episcopacy,  heresy,  and  superstition. 

Those  of  the  clergy  of  England,  who  had  been  the  chief 
advisers  and  promoters  of  this  violence,  prevailed  with  the 
King  to  cause  all  such  as  should  persist  in  their  opposition 
after  a  certain  time,  to  be  proclaimed  traitors.  But  the 
Scots  not  at  all  afrighted  with  these  menaces,  resolved  to 
make  good  their  former  undertaking.  Which  the  King  1638 
perceiving,  and  that  this  violent  way  took  not  effect,  began  May. 
to  incline  to  more  moderate  counsels ;  and  by  commission 
empowered  the  Marquiss  of  Hamilton  to  treat  them  into  a 
submission,  consenting  to  the  suppression  of  the  Liturgy, 
High  Commission  Court,  and  Articles  of  Perth,  But  the 
Scots  insisting  upon  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy,  and  the 
King  refusing  his  consent  to  it,  they  did  it  themselves  in 


14  The  Short  Parliament. 

1638  an  Assembly  held  at  Glasco :  and  being  informed  that 
the  King  was  preparing  an  army  to  compel  them  to  obe- 
dience, agreed  upon  the  raising  of  some  forces  to  defend 
themselves. 

1639  The  clergy  in  England  were  not  wanting  to  promote  the 
new  levies  against  the  Scots,  contributing  largely  there- 
unto ;  which  was  but  reasonable,  it  being  manifest  to  all 
that  they  were  the  principal  authors  and  fomentors  of  these 
troubles.  The  nobility  and  gentry  were  likewise  required 
to  further  this  expedition  ;  in  which,  tho  divers  of  them  did 
appear,  yet  was  it  rather  out  of  compliment  than  affection 
to  the  design,  being  sensible  of  the  oppressions  they  them- 
selves lay  under;  and  how  dangerous  to  the  people  of 
England  a  thorow  success  against  the  Scots  might  prove. 

The  King  perceiving  an  universal  dislike  to  this  war,  as 
well  in  the  people  as  in  the  officers  and  souldiers  of  his 
army,  concluded  an  agreement  with  the  Scots  at  Berwick, 
the  17th  of  June,  1639.  But  upon  his  return  to  London, 
under  colour  that  many  false  copies  of  the  said  articles 
were  published  and  dispersed  by  the  Scots,  to  the  great 
dishonour  of  the  King,  the  said  agreement  was  disowned, 
and  order'd  to  be  burnt  by  the  hands  of  the  hangman. 
A640  Thereupon,  hoping  that  a  Parliament  would  espouse  his 

quarrel,  and  furnish  him  with  money  for  the  carrying  on  of 
his  design,  he  summoned  one  to  meet  at  Westminster  on 
the  3d  of  April,  1640,  which,  sitting  but  a  little  time, 
thereby  obtained  the  name  of  the  Short  Parliament.  The 
King  by  his  agents  earnestly  pressed  them  to  grant  him 
present  supplies  for  the  use  of  his  army;  but  they,  sensible 
of  former  usage,  after  they  had  gratified  him  in  that 
particular,  and  of  the  insupportable  burdens  and  oppressions 
they  lay  under,  refused  to  grant  any  subsidies  till  their 
grievances  should  be  redressed  :  whereupon  the  King  put 
a  period  to  their  sitting  the  fifth  of  May  following ;  the 
Earl  of  Strafford,  and  others  of  his  Council,  advising  him 
so  to  do,  and  to  make  use  of  other  means  for  his  supply ; 
as  appeared  to  the  ensuing  Parliament,  by  the  minutes  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  taken  at  that  cabal,  and  produced 


The  second  Scotch   War.  15 

at  the  trial  of  the  said  Earl :  the  sum  of  whose  advice  1640 
was  to  this  effect.  '  Sir,  you  have  now  tried  your  people, 
and  are  denied  by  them,  therefore  you  are  clear  before  God 
and  man,  if  you  make  use  of  other  means  for  your  supply  : 
you  have  an  army  in  Ireland,  &c.'  This  counsel  was  pro- 
secuted, and  new  preparations  made  for  the  carrying  on  of 
the  war  against  the  Scots  ;  all  imaginable  ways  used  to 
raise  supplies,  privy  seals  sent  throughout  the  nation  for 
the  loan  of  money,  ship-money,  coat  and  conduct-money 
pressed  to  the  height  ;  commodities  taken  up  on  credit, 
and  sold  for  ready  money ;  warrants  also  were  delivered 
out  to  press  men  to  serve  in  the  army ;  brass-money  was 
propounded,  and  some  prepared,  but  that  project  took  no 
effect.  The  clergy  being  permitted  and  encouraged  by 
the  King  to  sit  in  Convocation  after  the  dissolution  of 
the  Parliament,  took  upon  them  not  only  to  frame  canons 
and  oaths,  but  also  to  impose  four  shillings  in  the  pound 
upon  ecclesiastical  benefices  throughout  the  kingdom.  The 
King,  to  give  life  to  the  advance  of  his  army,  marched  with 
them  in  person  ;  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  as  most 
popular,  wearing  the  name  of  General,  whilst  Strafford 
with  the  title  of  Lieutenant  General  had  the  principal 
management  of  all. 

The  City  of  London  had  refused  to  pay  some  of  the 
illegal  taxes  before-mentioned  ;  whereupon  divers  of  their 
chief  officers  were  imprisoned,  and  an  order  issued  forth 
to  take  away  the  sword  from  the  Lord  Mayor.  Whereupon 
the  people  rise,  and  beset  the  house  of  the  Arch-bishop 
of  Canterbury,  who,  in  conjunction  with  the  Earl  of  May  n. 
Strafford,  was  supposed  to  put  the  King  upon  these  violent 
and  unwarrantable  courses  ;  but  he  made  his  escape  by 
water  for  that  time  ;  and  one  of  the  most  active  of  the 
people  was  seized  and  executed,  which  served  only  to 
exasperate  the  rest. 

Upon  the  near  approach  of  the  English  and  Scots  army, 
a   considerable  party  of   each  side    encountred  ;    and  the  Aug.  28. 
English,  contrary  to  their  wonted  custom,  retired  in  disorder, 
not    without   shame   and    some   loss.     Of  such  force  and 


1 6        The  Meeting  of  the  Long  Parliament. 

1640  consequence  is  a  belief  and  full  perswasion  of  the  justice 
of  an  undertaking-,  tho  managed  by  an  enemy  in  other 
respects  inconsiderable. 

The  King,  startled  at  the  unsuccessfulness  of  his  first 
attempt,  upon  the  petition  of  a  considerable  number  of  the 

Sept.  5.  well-affected  nobility,  requesting  him,  that  to  avoid  the 
effusion  of  more  blood,  he  would  call  an  assembly  of  the 
nobility,  consented  thereunto.  This  Council  accordingly  met 

Sept.  24.  at  York,  and  advised  the  King  to  a  cessation  of  arms,  and 
the  calling  of  a  Parliament  to  compose  differences  ;  which, 
to  the  great  trouble  of  the  clergy  and  other  incendiaries, 
he  promised  to  do  ;  assuring  the  Scots  of  the  paiment  of 
twenty  thousand  pounds  a  month  to  maintain  their  army, 
till  the  pleasure  of  the  Parliament  should  be  known.  In 
order  to  which,  writs  were  issued  out  for  the  meeting  of 
a  Parliament  on  the  3d  of  November,  1640. 

The  time  prefixM  for  their  assembling  being  come,  they 
met  accordingly :  and  as  they  were  very  sensible  that 
nothing  but  an  absolute  necessity  permitted  their  coming 
together,  so  they  resolved  to  improve  this  happy  opportunity 
to  free  the  people  from  their  burdens,  and  to  punish  the 
authors  of  the  late  disorders.  To  this  end  they  declared 
against  monopolies,  and  expelled  the  authors  of  them  out 
of  the  House.  The  opinions  of  the  judges  concerning 
ship-money  they  voted  unjust  and  illegal,  fining  and  im- 
prisoning those  that  had  warranted  the  lawfulness  thereof. 
And  that  the  offenders  against  the  publick  might  not  escape, 
they  ordered  the  sea-ports  to  be  diligently  guarded,  and  all 
passengers  to  be  strictly  examined. 

This  being  done,  they  impeached  the  Lord  Keeper 
Finch,  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  and  the  Arch-bishop  of 
Canterbury,  of  high  treason,  in  endeavouring  to  subvert 
the  laws,  and  to  erect  an  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  power. 
They  declared,  that  they  would  pay  the  English  and  Scots 
armies  to  the  end  of  May,  1641,  and  assist  the  Prince 
Palatine  with  men  and  money  to  recover  his  country. 
And  now  having  the  charge  of  two  armies  to  pay,  and 
all  men  suspecting  they  might  be  abruptly  dissolved,  as 


The  first  measures  of  the  Long  Parliament.  17 

had  often  hapned  before,  and  therefore  refusing  to  credit  164 1 
them  with  such  sums  as  were  necessary,  unless  an  act  might 
pass  to  secure  their  sitting  till  they  should  think  fit  to 
dissolve  themselves  by  Act  of  Parliament ;  the  King  gave  May  10. 
his  assent  to  one  drawn  up  and  passed  to  that  purpose. 
Another  act  likewise  passed  to  assert,  that  according  to  Feb.  16. 
the  antient  fundamental  laws  of  England,  a  Parliament 
ought  to  be  held  every  year,  and  directing,  that  in  case 
one  was  not  called  in  three  years,  the  Lord  Chancellor  or 
Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  should  issue  out  writs,  as  is 
therein  expressed  ;  and  if  he  fail  in  his  duty,  he  is  declared 
guilty  of  high  treason,  and  a  certain  number  of  Lords 
impowered  to  summon  the  said  Parliament :  and  if  they 
should  neglect  so  to  do,  the  sheriffs  and  constables  are 
vested  with  the  same  authority.  But  if  it  should  happen 
that  all  the  forementioned  powers  should  be  wanting  in 
their  duty,  the  people  of  England  are  thereby  authorised 
to  put  the  said  act  in  execution,  by  meeting  and  electing 
members  to  serve  in  Parliament,  though  not  summoned  by 
any  officers  appointed  to  that  end. 

The  Parliament  then  proceeded  to  correct  the  abuses 
that  had  been  introduced  in  the  preceding  years :  where- 
upon the  Star-Chamber,  the  High  Commission  Court,  the 
Court  of  Honour,  with  some  others,  were  taken  away  by 
Act  of  Parliament  ;  and  the  power  of  the  council-table 
restrained.  The  commissioners  of  the  Custom-House,  who 
had  collected  customs  contrary  to  law,  were  fined  ;  and 
such  as  had  been  imprisoned  by  any  of  the  above-mentioned 
arbitrary  courts,  were  set  at  liberty. 

A  protestation  was  also  agreed  upon  by  the  Lords  and  May  3. 
Commons,  which  they  took,  and  presented  to  others  to 
take ;  whereby  all  those  that  took  it,  obliged  themselves  to 
defend  and  maintain  the  power  and  privileges  of  Parlia- 
ment, the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people,  to  use  their 
utmost  endeavours  to  bring  to  condign  punishment  all 
those  who  should  by  force,  or  otherwise,  do  any  thing  to 
the  contrary,  and  to  stand  by  and  justify  all  such  as  should 
do  any  thing  in  prosecution  of  the  said  protestation. 

VOL.  I.  C 


1 8  The   Trial  of  Straford. 

1641  The  day  prefix'd  for  the  Earl  of  Strafford's  trial  being 

March  22.  come^  he  was  brought  before  the  House  of  Peers  ;  where 
the  charge  against  him  was  managed  by  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons  appointed  to  that  end.  The  chief 
heads  of  the  accusation  were:  That  he  had  governed  the 
Kingdom  of  Ireland  in  an  arbitrary  manner :  That  he  had 
retained  the  revenues  of  the  Crown  without  rendring  a  due 
account  of  them  :  That  he  had  encouraged  and  promoted 
the  Romish  religion :  That  he  had  endeavoured  to  create 
feuds  and  quarrels  between  England  and  Scotland  :  That 
he  had  laboured  to  render  the  Parliament  suspected  and 
odious  to  the  King  :  That  he  was  the  author  of  that  advice, 
'  That  since  the  Parliament  had  denied  to  grant  the  King 
such  supplies  as  he  demanded,  he  was  at  liberty  to  raise 
them  by  such  means  as  he  thought  fit  ;  and  that  he  had 
an  Irish  army  that  would  assist  him  to  that  end.'  It  being 
the  custom  that  a  Lord  High  Steward  should  be  made  to 
preside  at  the  trial  of  a  Peer,  that  honour  was  conferred 
upon  the  Earl  of  Arundel.  The  King,  the  Queen,  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  deputies  of  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
with  many  other  persons  of  quality  of  both  sexes,  were 
there  present.  I  remember  the  Earl  of  Strafford  in  his 
defence  objected  against  the  evidence  of  the  Earl  of  Cork, 
denying  him  to  be  a  competent  witness,  because  his  enemy. 
To  which  George  Lord  Digby,  who  was  appointed  one 
of  the  managers  of  the  charge  against  him,  replied  :  that 
if  that  objection  should  be  of  any  weight  with  the  court, 
the  Earl  of  Strafford  had  found  out  a  certain  way  to  secure 
himself  from  any  farther  prosecution.  Yet  this  man  who 
then  spoke  with  so  much  vigour,  soon  altered  his  language, 
and  made  a  speech  to  the  House  in  his  favour,  which  he 
caused  to  be  printed  ;  and  also  surreptitiously  withdrew  a 
paper  from  the  committee,  containing  the  principal  evidence 
against  the  said  Earl.  The  Parliament  resenting  this  pre- 
varication, ordered  his  speech  to  be  burnt  by  the  hands 
of  the  common  hangman. 

The  House  of  Commons  having  passed  a  Bill  for  the 
May  8.     condemnation   of  the  Earl,  it  was  carried   to  the  Lords 


The  Army-plot.  19 

for  their  concurrence,  which  they  gave.     The  King  not      1641 
satisfied  therewith,  consulted  with  the  Privy  Council,  some 
Judges,  and  four  Bishops.     And  all  of  them,  except  one, 
advise  the  throwing  of  Jonas  overboard  for  the  appeasing 
of  the  storm.     Upon  which  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  Lord    May  10. 
Privy   Seal,  and   two   more  were   commissionated  by  the 
King  to  sign  the  warrant  for  his  execution  :  which  they  did 
upon  the  twelfth  of  May  following;    and  the  22d  of  the    May  12. 
same    month    the    Earl    of   Strafford    was    beheaded    ac- 
cordingly. 

At  this  time  a  treacherous  design  was  set  on  foot,  not 
without  the  participation  of  the  King,  as  appear'd  under 
his  own  hand,  to  bring  up  the  English  army,  and  by  force 
to  dissolve  the  Parliament ;  the  plunder  of  London  being 
promised  to  the  officers  and  souldiers  as  a  reward  for  that 
service:  this  was  confessed  by  the  Lord  Goring,  Mr.  Piercy, 
and  others.  The  Scots  army  was  also  tried,  and  the  four 
Northern  Counties  offered  to  be  given  to  them  in  case  they 
will  undertake  the  same  design.  And  tho  neither  of  these 
attempts  did  succeed,  yet  the  King  pleased  himself  with 
hopes,  that  a  seasonable  time  for  dissolving  the  Parliament 
would  come ;  and  then  all  power  reverting  into  his  own 
hands,  he  would  deal  with  their  new  enacted  Laws  as  he 
had  done  before  with  the  Petition  of  Right,  and  with  their 
members  as  he  had  done  with  those  of  the  former 
Parliaments.  And  that  he  might  not  long  languish  in  this 
expectation,  he  sent  to  the  House,  desiring  that  at  once 
they  would  make  their  full  demands,  and  prepare  Bills 
accordingly  for  his  assent,  assuring  them  of  his  readiness 
to  comply  with  their  desires.  But  they  perceiving  the 
design,  return'd  for  answer :  that  they  could  not  suddenly 
resolve  on  so  weighty  a  work,  but  would  do  it  with  all 
possible  speed.  In  the  meantime,  to  improve  the  present 
opportunity,  they  prevail  with  the  King  to  pass  an  Act  for  1642 
the  exclusion  of  the  Bishops  out  of  the  House  of  Lords;  Feb.  13. 
for  tho  he  was  unwilling  to  grant  the  Parliament  any  thing, 
yet  the  state  of  his  affairs  was  such,  that  he  durst  deny 
them  no  reasonable  thing.     And  now  having  paid  to  the 

C  2 


20  The  Irish  Rebellion. 

1641  Scots  and  English  armies  what  was  due  to  them,  they 
dismissed  them  to  their  respective  homes. 

The  King  having  laid  his  designs  in  Ireland,  as  will 
afterwards  appear,  was,  not  without  great  difficulty,  pre- 
vailde  with  by  the  Parliament,  to  consent  to  the  dis- 
banding of  those  eight  thousand  Irish  papists  that  had 
been  raised  there  by  the  Earl  of  Strafford.  Soon  after 
Aut;u--t.  which  he  resolved  upon  a  journey  to  Scotland  ;  and  tho 
the  Parliament  endeavoured  to  disswade  him  from  it,  or  at 
least  to  defer  it  to  a  fitter  opportunity,  he  refused  to 
hearken  to  them,  under  pretence  that  the  affairs  of  that 
kingdom  necessarily  required  his  presence  :  but  in  truth  his 
great  business  was,  to  leave  no  means  unattempted  to  take 
off  that  nation  from  their  adherence  to  the  Parliament  of 
England.  Before  his  departure  he  signed  a  Commission 
to  certain  persons,  impowering  them  to  pass  the  Bills  that 
should  be  tender'd  in  his  absence. 

Whilst  he  was  about  this  work  in  Scotland,  the  news  of 
the  Irish  Rebellion  was  brought  to  him  ;  that  the  Papists 
throughout  that  kingdom  were  in  arms  ;  that  their  design 
to  surprise  and  seize  the  Castle  of  Dublin  had  not  succeeded, 
t>ct.  23.  being  discovered  by  one  O'Connelly,  a  servant  of  Sir  John 
Clotworthy's  ;  and  that  the  Lord  Macquire  and  Mac-mahon, 
who  were  appointed  to  that  end,  were  taken,  and  sent  into 
England,  where  they  were  soon  after  executed  for  the  same. 
The  news  of  this  rebellion  (as  I  have  heard  from  persons  of 
undoubted  credit)  was  not  displeasing  to  the  King,  tho  it 
was  attended  with  the  massacre  of  many  thousands  of  the 
Protestants  there. 

Having  made  what  progress  he  could  in  Scotland,  con- 
firming by  Act  of  Parliament  not  only  what  he  had  formerly 
granted  them,  but  also  what  they  had  done  in  their  Assembly 
at  Glascow,  and  in  effect  whatsoever  they  desired  of  him, 
he  returned  to  London  ;  where  being  received  with  ac- 
Ni)v.  25.  clamations,  and  treated  at  the  expence  of  the  city,  he 
became  .elevated  to  that  degree,  that  in  his  first  speech  to 
the  Commons  he  sharply  reproved  them,  for  that  instead  of 
thanking  him  for  what  he  had   done,  they  continued   to 


Sttspicions  against  the  King.  21 

multiply  their  demands  and  dissatisfactions  :  whereupon  the  J641 
Parliament  were  confirmed  in  their  suspicions,  that  he 
design'd  to  break  what  he  had  already  granted,  so  soon  as 
he  had  opportunity  and  power  in  his  hands,  to  plead  that 
he  was  under  a  force,  as  some  of  his  predecessors  had  done, 
and  so  reverse  what  had  been  enacted  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  revenge  himself  on  those  who  had  been  instruments 
in  compelling  him  thereto,  and  fortify  himself  against  the  like 
for  the  future.  These  apprehensions  made  them  earnestly 
insist  upon  settling  the  Militia  of  the  nation  in  such  hands 
as  both  Houses  of  Parliament  should  recommend  to  him, 
particularly  representing  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the 
city  of  London  that  Sir  William  Balfour,  for  refusing  to 
permit  the  Earl  of  Strafford  to  escape,  was  dismissed  from  Dec.  21. 
his  charge  of  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  the  government 
of  it  put  into  the  hands  of  one  Lunsford,  a  souldier  of 
fortune,  of  a  profligate  conversation,  and  fit  for  any  wicked 
design.  With  much  difficulty  this  Lunsford  was  removed,  Dec.  26. 
and  Sir  John  Conyers  put  into  his  place  :  but  the  Parliament 
and  city  not  satisfied  with  this  choice,  and  having  discovered 
that  Sir  John  Suckling,  under  pretence  of  raising  a  regiment 
for  Portugal,  was  bringing  together  a  number  of  men  to 
seize  the  Tower  for  the  King,  it  was  at  last  entrusted  to  the 
custody  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  ^. 

About  this  time  great  numbers  of  English  Protestants  1642 
flying  from  the  bloody  hands  of  the  Irish  rebels,  arrived  in 
England,  filling  all  places  with  sad  complaints  of  their 
cruelties  to  the  Protestants  of  that  kingdom.  Where- 
upon the  Parliament  earnestly  pressed  the  King  to  proclaim 
them  rebels,  but  could  not  obtain  it  to  be  done  till  after 
many  weeks ;  and  then  but  forty  of  those  proclamations 
were  printed,  and  not  above  half  of  them  published  :  which 
was  the  more  observed  and  resented,  by  reason  of  the 
different  treatment  that  the  Scots  had  met  with,  who  no 

^  Lunsford  was  succeeded  by  Sir  1641.     On   July  17,   1643,   Conyers 

John  Byron,  who  was  himself  super-  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  Lord 

seded  on  Feb.  11,  1642,  by  Sir  John  Mayor  Pennington.     SeeClarendon, 

Conyers.  Suckling's  plot  was  in  May,  iv.  284;  vii.  202. 


2  2  The   War  in  Ireland. 

1642      sooner  appeared   in  a  much  better  cause,  but  they  were 
forthwith  declared  rebels  in  every  parish-church  within  the 
kingdom  of  England.     The  rebels  in  Ireland  pretended  a 
commission  from   the  King  for  what  they  did,  which  so 
alarm'd   the  people  of   England,   that  the  King   thought 
himself  necessitated  to  do  something  therein  ;  and  there- 
April  8.    fore  to  carry  on  his  design,  he  acquainted  the  Parliament, 
that  when  an  army  was  raised,  he  would  go  in  person  to 
reduce  them :  but  they  apprehending  this  pretended  reso- 
lution to  be  only  in  order  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
an  army,  that  he  might  reduce  the  Parliament  to  his  will, 
refused  to  consent  ;  and  procured  an  Act  to  pass,  for  the 
leaving  of  that  war  to  the  management  of  the  two  Houses  ; 
the  King  obliging  himself  not  to  give  terms  to  any  of  the 
rebels,  or  to  make  peace  with  them  without  the  Parlia- 
M.irch  19,  ment's  consent.     In  this  Act  provision  was  made  for  the 
satisfying  of  such  as  should  advance  money  for  the  re- 
duction  of   Ireland,  out  of   the  rebels'    lands,   in    several 
provinces,  according  to  the  rates  therein  mentioned  :  upon 
which  considerable  sums  of  money  were  soon  brought  in. 
The  Parliament  neglecting  no  opportunity  to  carry  on  this 
necessary   work,  procured    some   forces   to    be   sent   from 
Scotland   into  the  North  of  Ireland,  and  put   into   their 
April,     hands   the   town  and   castle  of  Carrickfergus :    they  also 
dispatched  several  regiments  of  English  thither,  who  were 
blessed   with  wonderful   success   against   the   rebels,   par- 
ticularly about  Dublin,  where  the  Earl  of  Ormond  com- 
manded.    Those   of  the   English    pale   by  fair  pretences 
procured  arms  to  be  delivered  to  them,  yet  basely  cut  off 
a  party  of  five  or  six  hundred  men  sent  to   relieve  Sir 
Richard    Titchburn,   then    besieged    at    Droghedah,   who 
finding  no  hopes  of  relief,  made  his  retreat  to  Dublin  by 
sea.     The  Lord  Forbes,  a  Scots-man,  was  sent  with  a  party 
into  Munster,  where  he  greatly  annoyed  the  enemy;  and 
being  furnished  with  some  ships,  sailed   up  the   Shannon, 
and  secured  several   places   upon   that   river,  particularly 
Bonratte,  the  residence  of  the  Earl  of  Thomond,  where  he 
found  about  threescore  horse  fit  for  service.     Major  Adams 


Threats  against  the  Parliament.  23 

was  made  goveniour  of  that  house :  but  the  enemy  frequently  1643 
resorting  to  a  place  called  Six-Miles-Bridg,  about  two  or 
three  miles  from  thence,  the  English  pressed  the  Earl  to 
assist  them  to  fall  upon  the  Irish ;  who  unwilling  to 
oppose  the  English  interest,  and  no  less  to  make  the  rebels 
his  enemies,  endeavoured  to  excuse  himself;  yet  upon 
second  thoughts  resolved  to  comply,  if  some  care  might  be 
taken  to  spare  his  kindred :  whereupon  some  of  the 
English  officers  proposing  to  him  that  his  relations  should 
distinguish  themselves  by  some  mark,  and  he  concluding  it 
to  be  in  order  to  secure  them  to  the  English  interest, 
chose  rather  to  withdraw  himself  into  England,  and  to 
leave  his  house  to  the  souldiers,  where  (tho  he  pretended 
he  had  no  money  to  lend  them  to  supply  their  wants)  they 
found  two  thousand  pounds  buried  in  the  walls,  which  they 
made  use  of  for  the  paiment  of  their  forces  ^. 

The  King  finding  that  nothing  less  would  satisfy  the  1641 
Parliament  than  a  thorow  correction  of  what  was  amiss, 
and  full  security  of  their  rights  from  any  violation  for  the 
future,  considered  how  to  put  a  stop  to  their  proceedings ; 
and  to  that  end  encouraged  a  great  number  of  loose  December, 
debauch'd  fellows  about  the  town  to  repair  to  Whitehall, 
where  a  constant  table  was  provided  for  their  entertainment. 
Many  gentlemen  of  the  Inns  of  Court  were  tamper'd  with 
to  assist  him  in  his  design,  and  things  brought  to  that 
pass,  that  one  of  them  said  publickly  in  my  hearing :  '  What ! 
shall  we  suffer  these  fellows  at  Westminster  to  domineer 
thus  ?  Let  us  go  into  the  country,  and  bring  up  our  tenants 
to  pull  them  out.'  Which  words  not  being  able  to  bear,  I 
questioned  him  for  them  ;  and  he  either  out  of  fear  of  the 

^  This  short  account  of  affairs  in  by  the  Enghsh  till  occupied  by  Inchi- 

Ireland  is  very  confused.    Sir  Henry  quin's  forces  at   the  close    of   1645. 

Tichborne  was  besieged  in  Drogheda  The  Irish  retook  it  July   13,   1646. 

from  Nov.  30,  1641,  to  the  beginning  Coxe,   Hibernia  Anglicana,    ii.    158; 

of  March,  1642,  when  the  siege  was  Bellings,    Irish    Catholic   Confedera- 

raised.     Some  reinforcements  under  tion,  vi.402;  Carte,  Ormond,  ed.  1851, 

Major  Roper  and  Sir  Patrick  Wemyss  ii.  305,  315.    The  story  of  the  hidden 

were  partially  cut   off  on   Nov.   29.  treasure  is  told  in  the  '  Aphorismical 

Lord  Forbes  made  his  expedition  in  Discovery,'  part  i.  p.  105. 
1642,  but  Bunratty  was  notgarrisoned 


24        The  Acctisation  of  the  Five  Members. 

1642  publick  justice,  or  of  my  resentment,  came  to  me  the  next 
morning,  and  asked  pardon  for  the  same  ;  which  by  reason 
of  his  youth,  and  want  of  experience,  I  passed  by.  By 
these  actions  of  the  King  the  suspicions  of  the  Parliament 
were  justly  increased,  and  therefore  they  desired  leave  to 
provide  a  guard  to  secure  themselves  from  violence  ;  which 
the  King  refused  to  grant,  unless  it  might  be  of  his  own 

Jan.  3.  appointment,  alledging  that  their  fears  were  groundless : 
but  they  thought  otherwise,  being  convinced  that  neither 
what  had  been  already  done  was  sufficiently  secured,  unless 
the  Militia  might  be  placed  in  such  hands  as  they  could 
trust ;  nor  themselves  safe,  unless  attended  by  a  guard  of 
their  own  nomination. 

The  King's  violent  ways  not  succeeding,  he  fell  upon 
other  measures  in  appearance  more  moderate,  yet  con- 
tinued his  resolution   to   subdue   the   Parliament :    and   to 

Jan.  3.  colour  his  proceedings  with  a  form  of  law,  he  sent  Sir 
Edward  Herbert,  his  Attorny  General,  and  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  to  accuse  of  high  treason,  in  the  name 
of  his  Maje-sty,  Mr.  William  Stroud,  Mr.  John  Pym,  Mr. 
John  Hampden,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig,  and  Mr.  Denzil  Hollis, 
members  of  that  House ;  and  the  Lord  Kimbolton  of  the 
House  of  Lords  :  acquainting  them,  that  he  intended  to 
proceed  against  them  according  to  law,  upon  the  following 
articles : 

1 .  That  they  intended  to  change  the  government  of  the 
state,  and  to  dispossess  the  King  of  his  sovereign  and  lawful 
power,  and  to  attribute  to  subjects  an  arbitrary  and  tyran- 
nical power. 

2.  That  by  false  reports  and  calumnies  sown  against  his 
Majesty,  they  had  endeavoured  to  alienate  from  him  the 
affections  of  his  people. 

3.  That  they  had  done  their  utmost  to  debauch  the 
troops  of  his  Majesty,  and  to  engage  them  in  their  per- 
fidious designs. 

4.  That  they  had  traitorously  sought  to  overthrow  the 
rights  and  true  form  of  Parliaments. 

5.  That  they  had  used  force  and  terror  to  constrain  the 


Charles  attempts  to  arrest  the  Five  Members.  25 

Parliament    to   engage  in   their   pernicious    designs  ;    and       1642 
to  that  end  had  stirred  up  tumults  against  the  King  and 
Parliament. 

6.  That  they  had  by  a  great  treason  resolved  to  raise 
arms,  and  had  actually  raised  arms  against  the  King. 

7.  That  they  had  endeavoured  to  procure  a  foreign  power 
to  invade  England. 

Upon  this  the  House  made  answer  to  the  Attorny 
General,  that  they  were  the  proper  judges  of  their  own 
members :  that  upon  his  producing  the  articles  that  he 
had  to  accuse  their  members  with,  and  the  consideration 
of  them,  if  they  found  cause,  they  would  leave  them  to 
be  proceeded  against  according  to  law ;  but  commanded 
him  at  his  peril  not  to  proceed  any  farther  against  them,  or 
any  other  member,  without  their  consent.  After  which 
they  published  a  declaration,  forbidding  the  seizing  of  any 
of  their  members  without  their  order  ;  authorising  them  to 
stand  upon  their  guard  ;  and  requiring  all  Justices  of  the 
Peace,  Constables,  and  other  officers  and  people,  to  be 
assisting  to  them  ;  and  sent  the  Attorny  General  to  prison, 
for  his  proceedings  in  this  matter. 

The  King,  finding  his  instruments  thus  discouraged,  and 
being  resolved  to  remove  all  obstructions  in  his  way,  went 
in  person  to  the  House  of  Commons,  attended  not  only  Jan.  4. 
with  his  ordinary  guard  of  pensioners,  but  also  with  those 
desperadoes  that  for  some  time  he  had  entertained  at 
Whitehall,  to  the  number  of  three  or  four  hundred,  armed 
with  partizans,  sword  and  pistol.  At  the  door  of  the 
House  he  left  his  guard  commanded  by  the  Lord  Roxberry, 
entring  accompanied  only  by  the  Prince  Palatine  ;  where 
taking  possession  of  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  not  seeing 
those  that  he  looked  for,  he  said,  'The  birds  are  flown.' 
For  upon  notice  given  by  a  lady  of  the  court  of  the  King's 
intention,  they  were  retired  into  the  city.  The  King  then 
demanded  of  the  Speaker  where  such  and  such  were, 
naming  the  five  members  :  to  which  he  answered  in  these 
words :  '  I  have  neither  eyes  to  see,  ears  to  hear,  nor 
tongue  to  speak  in  this  place,  save  what  this  House  gives 


26  Failure  of  the  King s  design. 

1642  me.'  The  King  replied,  '  I  think  you  are  in  the  right ' : 
and  then  addressing  himself  to  the  House,  said  ;  that  he 
was  sorry  he  had  been  necessitated  to  come  thither  :  that 
no  King  of  England  had  been  more  careful  to  preserve 
the  privileges  of  Parliament  than  he  desired  to  be  ;  but 
that  those  five  members  being  dangerous  persons,  he  had 
been  obliged  to  pursue  them,  not  by  force,  but  by  the 
ordinary  forms  of  justice :  that  he  hoped  the  Parliament 
would  send  them  to  him,  to  justify  themselves,  if  they 
could  ;  if  not,  he  knew  how  to  find  them :  which  said,  he 
retired.  The  Parliament  sensible  of  this  violation  of  their 
privileges,  and  fearing  they  might  be  further  intrenched 
upon,  ordered  a  committee  of  the  House  to  sit  in  the 
city  of  London,  whither  their  five  members  were  gone 
before  for  protection.  The  king  followed  them  thither 
with  a  slender,  or  rather  no  guard,  (so  far  was  he  from 

Jan.  5.  fearing  either  Parliament  or  City)  designing  to  engage  the 
citizens  to  deliver  up  the  five  members  to  him,  and  to 
stand  by  him  in  this  horrid  enterprise  ;  but  they  would 
not  be  persvvaded  to  comply  with  his  desires  in  that  matter. 
This  violent  attempt  proving  unsuccessful,  the  Parliament, 
to  assert  their  just  rights,  voted  it  to  be  a  breach  of  their 
privileges  ;  and  that  the  like  might  be  prevented  for  the 
future,  after  the  committee  had  sat  a  few  days  in  the  city, 

Jan.  II.  they  returned  to  Westminster,  accompanied  with  guards 
from  the  city  both  by  land  and  water.  Which  the  King 
being  informed  of,  and  finding  that  the  design  which  he 
had  laid  had  highly  provoked  the  Parliament  and  people, 

Jan.  10.  he  retired  to  Hampton-Court,  whither  those  that  he  had 
formerly  entertained  at  Whitehall  soon  repaired  ;  and  at 
Kingston  upon  Thames  appeared  in  a  military  posture, 
with  the  Lord  Digby  and  Colonel  Lunsford  at  the  head 
of  them.  The  two  Houses  having  notice  thereof,  desired 
the  King  to  disperse  the  said  troops,  and  to  return  to  the 
Parliament.  The  Lord  Digby  was  also  required  to  attend 
his  duty  in  the  House:  but  he  being  conscious  of  his  own 
guilt,  and  knowing  that  the  King's  affairs  were  not  yet  in 
a  posture  to  bid  open  defiance  to  the   Parliament,  chose 


Charles  withdraws  to   York.  27 

rather  to  betake  liimscif  to  flight;  as  the  Queen  did  soon  1642 
after,  upon  notice  that  the  two  Houses  were  about  to  accuse  Feb.  23. 
her  of  high  treason :  both  of  them  designing  not  only  to 
withdraw  themselves  from  the  prosecution  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, but  also  to  make  what  preparations  they  could  for 
the  raising  of  an  army  against  them  :  in  order  to  which 
the  Queen  carried  with  her  the  jewels  of  the  crown,  and 
pawned  them  in  Holland  for  arms  and  money.  The 
Parliament  having  discovered  that  the  Lord  Digby  had 
by  a  letter  advised  the  King  to  retire  to  some  place  of 
strength,  and  tlicre  to  declare  against  them,  they  caused 
him  to  be  proclaimed  a  traitor:  notwithstanding  which, 
the  King,  instead  of  returning  to  London  at  the  earnest 
desire  of  both  Houses,  in  prosecution  of  the  Lord  Digby's 
counsel,  went  farther  from  them.  During  his  absence 
many  papers  passed  between  him  and  the  Parliament. 
The  chief  aim  of  those  of  the  latter  was  to  perswade  the 
King  to  return  to  London,  and  to  settle  the  Militia  in  such 
hands  as  the  Parliament  should  advise  ;  that  so  all  jealousies 
between  him  and  his  people  might  be  removed.  Those 
from  the  King  were  to  let  them  know,  that  he  could  not  . 
part  with  the  Militia,  esteeming  it  to  be  the  best  jewel 
of  his  crown  ;  nor  return  to  London  with  safety  to  his 
person.  The  declarations  on  both  sides  proving  ineffectual, 
and  the  King's  designs  both  at  home  and  abroad  being 
grown  ripe,  he  expressed  his  dissatisfactions  more  openly, 
and  withdrew  to  York,  where  several  lords  and  others  March  i.j. 
affected  to  his  interest,  resorted  to  him  with  pkate,  money, 
men,  horses  and  arms  :  amongst  whom  were  many  Papists  ; 
who,  tho  to  cover  the  King's  designs  from  the  people, 
they  were  forbidden  to  come  into  the  court,  were  yet 
privately  encouraged,  and  daily  listed  and  armed.  And 
as  the  distance  of  York  from  the  Parliament  was  one 
reason  why  the  King  went  thither,  so  its  nearness  to  Hull 
was  another.  This  town  he  endeavoured  to  possess  himself 
of,  being  a  place  of  strength,  where  great  quantities  of  arms 
and  ammunition  had  been  laid  up,  upon  disbanding  the 
army  which  was  lately  on  foot   in   those  parts,  and  very 


28         The  attempts  on  Hull  and  Leicester. 

1642  convenient  for  the  landing  of  men  from  Holland.  But  the 
Parliament  suspecting  the  design,  had  sent  Sir  John  Hotham 
thither  to  keep  and  defend  it  for  their  use.  Notwith- 
standing which  the  King  persisted  in  his  resolution,  and 
endeavoured,  by  sending  divers  persons  of  quality  into  the 
town,  to  surprise  it  ;  but  that  way  not  taking  effect,  he 
April  23.  appeared  in  person  before  it,  demanding  entrance  of  Sir 
John  Hotham,  which  he  absolutely  refused  to  permit ; 
alledging,  that  he  w^as  entrusted  with  the  place  by  the 
Parliament  for  the  service  of  his  majesty  and  the  nation, 
and  that  he  could  not  surrender  it  without  their  order. 
The  King  finding  that  he  could  not  prevail  either  by 
promises  or  threatnings,  caused  Sir  John  Hotham  to  be 
proclaimed  a  traitor,  and  returned  to  York  ;  from  whence 
he  complained  to  the  Parliament  of  the  affront  he  had 
received  at  Hull ;  who,  to  manifest  their  approbation  of 
Sir  John  Hotham's  conduct,  declared  that  he  had  done 
his  duty  in  denying  the  King  admittance  into  the  town, 
asserting  that  the  command  of  the  Militia  was  entrusted 
wdth  the  King  to  be  employed  for  the  good  of  the  nation  ; 
of  which  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  sitting  are  the 
proper  judges. 

The  Parliament  began  now  to  provide  for  the  security  of 
all  places,  and  sent  a  committee  of  four  of  their  members  to 
invite  the  King  to  return  to  Westminster,  and  to  endeavour 
to  promote  their  interest  in  the  northern  parts :  and  being 
informed  that  there  was  laid  up  in  the  town  of  Leicester  a 
considerable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition  provided  for 
the  county ;  and  that  Mr.  Hastings,  then  sheriff,  under 
pretence  of  bringing  with  him  a  guard  to  attend  the  judges 
at  the  assizes,  resolved  to  secure  the  said  magazine  for  the 
King's  use  ;  they  made  choice  of  officers  for  three  companies 
of  foot,  impowcring  them  to  raise  the  said  companies  for 
the  defence  of  the  said  magazine.  The  captains  nominated 
to  this  employment  were  one  Major  Grey,  Dr.  Bastwick, 
and  one  of  my  brothers,  who  having  been  for  some  time  in 
the  service  of  the  States  of  Holland,  was  newly  returned  to 
England.     These  three  having  received  their  commissions 


Ludlozvs  brother  taken  prisoner.  29 

from  the  Parliament,  went  to  Leicester,  in  order  to  raise  1642 
their  companies  ;  which  they  had  not  fully  effected,  when 
the  King  with  all  his  cavalry,  consisting  of  about  two 
thousand  horse,  arrived  at  Leicester  ;  against  whom  three  July  22. 
companies  being  no  way  sufficient  to  defend  the  town,  they 
resolved  only  to  secure  that  place  where  the  magazine  lay : 
but  that  not  being  large  enough  to  receive  more  than  one 
company,  the  three  captains  cast  lots  whose  part  it  should 
be  to  defend  it ;  which  falling  upon  Major  Grey,  the  other 
two  dispersed  their  men,  and  set  forwards  for  London,  but 
had  not  rode  many  miles  when  they  were  seized  by  a  party 
of  horse,  which  the  King  commanded  the  sheriff  to  send 
after  them,  who  brought  them  back  to  Leicester,  from 
whence  they  were  removed  to  York,  where  they  were  kept 
in  the  common  gaol,  and  very  cruelly  treated.  These  were 
the  first  prisoners  taken  on  either  side  ^  The  magazine  by 
capitulation  was  dispersed  into  several  parts  of  the  county, 
as  properly  belonging  to  them. 

The  Parliament,  that  they  might  leave  no  means  un- 
attempted  to  perswade  the  King  to  return  to  them,  sent 
down  propositions,  directing  their  commissioners  at  York  to 
deliver  them  to  him  :  and  because  much  of  the  intentions 
of  the  Parliament  appear  in  the  said  proposals,  and  for  that 
they  were  in  effect  the  principal  foundation  of  the  ensuing 
war,  I  conceive  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  recite  them  in  this 
place,  as  they  were  agreed  on  by  both  Houses  the  second 

^  The  King  came  to  Leicester  July  awhile  since  conveyed  from  Leicester 
22,  and  Bastwick  and  Ludlow  were  by  the  Earl  of  Stamford  to  his  house, 
seized  the  same  day.  See  Susanna  w^as  delivered  up  to  the  King  on 
Bastwick's  petition,  Fifth  Report  Monday,  and  then  distributed  into 
Hist.  MSS.  Comm.  p.  42.  A  letter  confidential  hands.'  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. 
of  Sir  Ed.  Nicholas  to  Sir  T.  Roe  1641-3,  p.  363.  Robert  Ludlow  re- 
says  :  '  Dr.  Bastwick,  Sir  Henry  ferred  to  was  the  second  son  of  Sir 
Ludlow's  son,  and  two  other  famous  Henry,  born  1021,  matriculated  at 
firebrands  of  this  state,  who  had  at-  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  12  July, 
tended  the  Parliament  Committee,  1636.  A  contemporary  pamphlet 
and  were  stealing  away  secretly  after  entitled  '  Truths  from  Leicester  and 
them,  provided  of  buff"-coats  and  long  Nottingham'  says,  '  Captain  Ludlow 
pistols,  were  there  discovered,  laid  is  a  stout  man,  with  whom  the  King 
fast,  and  ordered  to  be  brought  safe  is  much  displeased.' 
to    York    Castle.       The    magazine, 


30  The  Nmeteen  Propositions. 

1642  of  June,  1642,  with  the  title  of  their  'Humble  Peti- 
tion and  Advice  in  nineteen  Propositions  sent  to  the 
King.' 

'  The  most  humble  and  most  faithful  subjects  of  your 
Majesty,  the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled  in  Parlia- 
ment, having  nothing  in  their  thoughts  and  desires  more 
precious,  and  of  higher  esteem,  after  the  honour  and  im- 
mediate service  of  God,  than  the  just  and  faithful  discharge 
of  their  duty  towards  your  Majesty  and  this  kingdom  ;  and 
being  most  sensible  of  the  destruction  and  disorders,  and 
of  the  imminent  dangers  and  miseries  which  threaten  your 
Majesty  and  subjects,  the  which  have  proceeded  from  the 
subtle  informations,  malicious  practices,  and  wicked  counsels 
of  persons  ill-affected  to  the  true  religion  of  God,  to  the 
peace  and  honour  of  your  Majesty,  and  to  the  good  of  the 
commonwealth  ;  after  a  serious  consideration  of  the  causes 
of  these  mischiefs,  in  all  humility  and  sincerity  they  present 
to  your  Majesty  this  petition  and  advice,  full  of  duty ;  to 
the  end  that  by  your  royal  prudence,  for  the  establishment 
of  your  honour  and  safety,  and  by  a  tender  sense  of  the 
good  and  safety  of  your  subjects,  and  your  estates,  you  may 
please  to  consent  and  agree  unto  these  humble  desires  and 
propositions,  as  the  most  necessary  and  most  effectual 
means,  by  the  blessing  of  the  Lord,  to  remove  the  jealousies 
and  differences  that  are  unhappily  begot  between  you  and 
your  people,  and  to  procure  to  you  and  them  a  constant 
current  of  honour,  peace  and  happiness. 

^Proposition  i.  That  the  Lords  and  all  others  of  your 
Majesty's  Privy  Council,  and  such  other  Chief  Officers  of 
State,  as  well  within  the  kingdom  as  on  the  other  side  of 
the  sea,  be  put  out  of  all  offices  and  employments,  except 
such  as  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  shall  approve  ;  and 
that  those  who  shall  be  put  into  their  places  shall  be  ap- 
proved by  Parliament ;  and  that  those  of  the  Council  shall 
take  an  oath  for  the  due  execution  of  their  charge  in  such 
form  as  the  Parliament  shall  agree. 

'  3.  That  the  great  affairs  of  the  kingdom  shall  not  be 


The  Nineteen  Propositions.  31 

concluded  nor  passed  by  the  advice  of  private  persons,  nor  1642 
by  any  counsellors  unknown,  or  that  shall  not  have  taken 
oath  ;  but  that  such  matters  as  concern  the  publick,  and  are 
proper  for  the  High  Court  of  Parliament,  that  is  your 
Majesty's  great  and  supreme  Council,  shall  be  debated, 
resolved,  and  passed  in  Parliament,  and  there  only ;  and 
those  who  shall  presume  to  do  any  thing  to  the  contrary, 
shall  be  subject  to  the  censure  and  judgment  of  the 
Parliament :  and  other  matters  of  State  that  are  proper  for 
the  Privy  Council  of  your  Majesty,  shall  be  debated  and 
concluded  by  the  nobles,  and  others  who  shall  be  chosen 
for  that  end,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament ;  and  that  every  publick  Act  that  concerns  the 
affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  shall  be  agreed  by  the  Council, 
shall  be  esteemed  of  no  force,  and  as  not  proceeding  from 
the  royal  authority,  if  at  least  the  greatest  part  of  your 
Council  have  not  consented  thereunto,  and  signed  the  same  ; 
and  that  your  Council  shall  be  brought  to  a  certain  number 
that  shall  not  exceed  twenty  five,  nor  be  under  fifteen  ;  and 
if  it  happen  that  any  counsellor's  place  becomes  void  during 
the  intervals  of  Parliament,  it  shall  be  supplied  by  the 
plurality  of  voices  of  those  of  your  Council,  which  shall  be 
either  confirmed  or  voided  at  the  first  sessions  of  Parlia- 
ment. 

'3.  That  the  Lord  High  Steward  of  England,  the  Great 
Constable,  the  Chancellor,  the  Keepers  of  the  Seals,  the 
Great  Treasurer,  the  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  the  Earl 
Marshal,  the  Admiral,  the  Governour  of  the  Cinque-Ports, 
the  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
the  Master  of  the  Court  of  Wards,  the  Secretaries  of  State, 
the  two  Chief  Justices,  and  the  Chief  Baron,  shall  be 
chosen  with  the  approbation  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  in  the  intei-vals  of  Parliament  by  the  major  part 
of  the  Privy  Council,  with  the  condition  above  mentioned 
in  the  choice  of  the  counsellors  of  State. 

'  4.  That  the  Governour  of  the  children  of  the  King  shall 
be  chosen  with  the  approbation  of  Parliament  ;  and  in  the 
intervals  of  Parliament  in  the  manner  before  mentioned  ; 


32  The  Nineteen  Propositions. 

1642  and  of  the  servants  that  are  already  about  them,  the  Par- 
liament shall  change  such  as  they  think  fit. 

'  5.  That  the  children  of  the  King  shall  not  marry 
without  the  advice  of  the  Parliament ;  and  those  who  shall 
be  employed  therein  v/ithout  their  knowledg,  shall  be 
punished  by  the  Parliament. 

'  6.  That  the  laws  against  Popish  recusants  shall  be  put 
in  effectual  execution,  and  that  those  of  them  who  are 
prisoners,  shall  not  be  set  at  liberty  without  giving  good 
security. 

'  7.  That  Papists  shall  have  no  vote  in  Councils,  and  that 
their  children  shall  be  brought  up  in  the  Protestant 
Religion. 

'  8.  That  the  Parliament  shall  reform  the  Liturgy  and  the 
Government  of  the  Church,  as  they  shall  think  fit,  with  the 
advice  of  divines  :  That  your  Majesty  shall  assist  to  put 
a  stop  to  innovations,  to  expel  suspicious  and  scandalous 
ministers,  and  for  the  countenancing  of  a  godly  and 
preaching  ministry  throughout  the  nation. 

'  9.  That  it  will  please  your  Majesty  to  content  yourself 
with  the  Order  that  the  Parliament  hath  established  in  the 
Militia,  until  an  Act  be  agreed  on  for  that  purpose  ;  and 
that  your  Majesty  will  recal  the  Declarations  and  Procla- 
mations against  the  Orders  given  therein  by  the  Parliament. 

*  10.  That  every  Member  of  Parliament  that  hath  been 
put  out  of  his  employment  or  office,  shall  be  re-established, 
or  satisfaction  given  him. 

'11.  That  the  Privy  Counsellors  and  Judges  shall  take 
such  oath  as  shall  be  agreed  on  by  Parliament,  for  the 
doing  of  justice,  and  observing  the  statutes  that  shall  be 
agreed  on  by  this  Parliament  ;  and  that  report  be  made 
every  Session  of  Parliament,  of  the  evil  administration  of 
justice. 

'  12.  That  all  officers  shall  enjoy  their  places  so  long, 
and  no  longer,  than  they  behave  themselves  well  therein. 

'  13.  That  all  persons  shall  be  subject  to  the  justice  of 
the  Parliament,  even  altho  they  remove  themselves  beyond 
the  seas. 


The  Nineteen  Propositions.  33 

'  14.  That  the  amnesty  accorded  by  your  Majesty  shall      164^ 
have  such  exceptions  therein  as  the  Parliament  shall  think 
fit. 

'  15.  That  the  fortresses  of  the  kingdom  shall  have 
Governours  of  the  choice  of  your  Majesty,  yet  of  the 
approbation  of  the  Parliament,  and  in  the  intervals  of 
Parliament  as  is  afore  said. 

'  16.  That  the  extraordinary  guard  that  your  Majesty 
hath  at  present  about  you,  may  be  discharged,  and  that 
for  the  time  to  come  you  will  raise  no  such  extraordinary 
guards,  but  according  to  law,  in  case  of  actual  rebellion  or 
invasion. 

'  17.  That  it  will  please  your  Majesty  to  confirm  your 
Leagues  with  the  United  Provinces,  and  other  Princes  of 
the  Protestant  religion,  that  you  may  be  the  more  capable 
to  defend  it  against  Popish  attempts ;  which  will  bring 
much  reputation  to  your  Majesty,  and  encourage  your 
subjects  to  endeavour  in  a  parliamentary  way  to  re-establish 
your  sister  and  her  children,  and  other  princes,  oppressed 
for  the  same  cause. 

'  18.  That  it  will  please  your  Majesty  to  clear,  by  an 
Act  of  Parliament,  the  Lord  Kimbolton,  and  the  five 
Members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  so  that  future  Parlia- 
ments may  be  secured  against  the  consequence  of  such  ill 
examples. 

*  19.  That  it  will  please  your  Majesty  of  your  Grace  to 
pass  an  Act,  that  the  Peers  created  hereafter  shall  have 
no  place  nor  voice  in  Parliament,  at  least  unless  they  are 
admitted  thereunto  by  the  Parliament. 

'These  humble  requests  being  granted  unto  us  by  your 
Majesty,  we  shall  endeavour,  as  we  ought,  to  regulate  the 
revenue  of  your  Majesty,  and  to  increase  it  more  and  more, 
in  such  sort,  that  it  shall  support  the  dignity  royal  with 
honour  and  abundance,  beyond  whatever  the  subjects  of 
this  kingdom  have  allowed  to  their  kings  your  Majesty's 
predecessors.  We  will  put  also  the  town  of  Hull  into  such 
hands  as  your  Majesty  shall  please,  with  the  approbation 
of  the  Parliament,  and  will  give  a  good  account  of  the 

VOL.  I.  D 


34  The  Beginning  of  the   War. 

1642  munitions  of  war,  and  of  the  magazine.  And  to  conclude, 
we  shall  chearfully  do  our  endeavours  to  give  unto  your 
Majesty  testimony  of  our  affection,  duty  and  faithfulness, 
to  preserve  and  maintain  your  royal  honour,  the  greatness 
and  safety  of  your  Majesty,  and  of  your  posterity.' 

These  propositions  were  deHvered  to  the  King  by  the 
commissioners  of  the  Parliament,  but  without  success,  he 
being  resolved  to  steer  another  course,  presuming  he  might 
obtain  as  good  terms  as  these,  if  reduced  to  the  last 
extremity  ;  and  that  if  his  arms  succeeded  according  to  his 
hopes,  his  will  might  pass  for  a  law,  pursuant  to  the  opinion 
of  those  who  thought  no  way  so  likely  to  render  his 
authority  absolute,  as  the  making  of  a  war  upon  his  people. 
And  now  the  fire  began  to  break  out  in  the  west ;  Sir  John 
Stawell  and  others  drawing  a  party  together  in  Somersetshire 
for  the  King,  where  Captain  Preston  and  others  opposed 
Aug.  4.  them  ;  and  about  Martials  Elm  on  Polden-Hill  some  of  those 
who  declared  for  the  ParHament  were  killed  ^.  Whereupon 
the  Parliament  ordered  some  horse  to  be  raised,  which  they 
sent  down  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  to 
protect  their  friends  in  those  parts.  By  which  means  the 
enemy  being  forced  to  quit  the  field,  betook  themselves  to 
the  Castle  of  Sherburn  in  Dorsetshire,  which  after  a  short 
siege  was  surrendred  to  the  Parliament.  Portsmouth  was 
also  secured  for  the  Parliament  by  the  young  Lord  Goring, 
Aug.  2.  then  Governour  thereof ;  but  he  afterwards  declaring  for 
Sept.  7.  the  King,  it  was  besieged  and  reduced  by  their  forces, 
and  the  government  of  it  entrusted  to  Sir  William  Lewis  2. 

'  On  the  first  skirmishes  in  Somer-  Pariiamentarians  in  April,  1643,  and 

setshire    see    Mr.    Emanuel    Green's  ordered  to  be   demolished.     Vicars, 

paper  on  the  Civil  War  in  Somerset,  Jehovah  Jireh,  pp.  146,302  ;  C.J.    It 

in  the  Somersetshire  Archaeological  was  again  occupied  for  the  King  in 

and  Natural  History  Society's  Pro-  Oct.  1644,  and  captured  by  Fairfax 

ceedings  for  1867.  on  Aug.  15, 1645.   Walker,  Historical 

-  Sherborne  siege  was  abandoned  Discourses,  p.  99;    Sprigge,   Anglia 

on  account  of  the   desertion  of  the  Rediviva,    p.    95.      On  the  siege   of 

Parliamentar}'  troops,  Sept.  6,  1642.  Portsmouth  and  events  in  Somerset- 

Hist.  MSS.  Comm.  X.  vi.  147.    Sher-  shire  see  Clarendon,  v.  440;   vi.  2, 

borne  was  subsequently  taken  by  the  32. 


The  Kings  hostile  preparations .  35 

The  King  having  set  up  his  standard  at  Nottingham  the  1642 
24th  of  August,  1642,  the  Parliament  thought  themselves  Au^.  22. 
obliged  to  make  some  preparations  to  defend  themselves, 
having  discovered  that  he  had  sent  abroad  to  procure  what 
assistance  he  could  against  his  people,  particularly  applying 
himself  to  the  King  of  Denmark,  acquainting  him,  that  the 
two  Houses^  to  make  their  work  sure  against  him,  were 
endeavouring  to  prove  Queen  Ann  a  whore,  and  thereby 
illegitimate  all  her  issue  ;  earnestly  pressing  him  in  vin- 
dication of  his  injured  sister,  as  well  as  in  considera- 
tion of  his  own  relation  to  him,  to  send  him  succours. 
This  letter  was  intercepted  and  brought  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, who  by  a  declaration  protested  that  no  such  thing 
had  ever  entred  into  their  thoughts  ^.  The  King  also 
endeavoured,  under  pretence  of  law,  to  take  away  the 
lives  of  Dr.  Bastwick  and  Captain  Robert  Ludlow,  for 
acting  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  Parliament ; 
and  had  proceeded  to  their  execution,  had  not  the  Par- 
liament by  a  message  sent  to  Judg  Heath,  and  delivered 
to  him  on  the  bench,  threatned  a  retaliation,  by  exe- 
cuting two  for  one  in  case  they  went  on,  which  put  a 
stop  to  that  design  ^. 

^  On  the  relations  of  Charles   I.  were  made  to  obtain  their  release, 

with  the  King  of  Denmark  see  Mr.  '  I  shall  do  my  best  for  the  relief  of 

Macray's  report  on  the  Danish  Ar-  Mr.  Bastwick  and  Captain  Ludlow,' 

chives  in  the  Forty-seventh  Report  writes    Sir    John    Hotham    to    the 

of  the  Dep.-Keeper   of  Public  Re-  Speaker,  March  17,  1643,  'and  shall 

cords.     The    King's    instructions    to  send  to-day  a  trumpeter  to  offer  any 

Col.  Cochrane  contain  the  statement  two   officers   we   have    in   exchange 

above  referred  to.     They  are  printed  for    them.      They    have    heretofore 

in  the  '  King's  Cabinet  Opened,'  with  insisted  on  the  release  of  Commissary 

the  letters    taken    at    Naseby.     See  Windham  for  them,  which  I  cannot 

also  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  i.  45.  agree  to,   as  he  is  such  a  man  that 

^  The  declaration  of  Parliament  they  have  few  like  him.'  (Report  on 
concerning  Ludlow  and  Bastwick,  the  Portland  MSS.  i.  103.)  Ludlow 
dated  Aug.  11,  1642,  is  printed  in  died  in  prison.  Bastwick  was  ex- 
L.  J.  V.  283.  Ludlow  seems  to  con-  changed  in  Oct.  1644,  for  Col.  Hud- 
fuse  it  with  the  similar  declaration  of  dleston.  Vicars,  Burning  Bush,  p. 
Dec.  17,  1642,  on  behalf  of  Clifton,  44.  Bastwick  gives  an  account  of 
Catesby,  Lilburne,  and  Vivers,  in  his  captivity  in  his  '  Utter  Routing 
which  Heath  is  threatened  by  name.  of  the  Whole  Army  of  the  Indepen- 
Husbands'  Collection,  802.     Efforts  dents  and  Sectaries,'  1646,  p.  653. 

D  2 


36         The  preparations  of  the  Parliament. 

1642  The  Parliament  having  passed  the  following  votes, 

May  20.        ^    ^\\d,\.  the  King  seduced  by  evil  counsel,  intends  to  levy- 
war  against  the  Parliament ; 

2.  That  when  the  King  doth  levy  war  against  the 
Parliament,  he  breaks  his  trust,  and  doth  that  which 
tends  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Parliament ; 

3.  That  whosoever  shall  assist  him  in  such  a  war,  are 
traitors,  and  shall  be  proceeded  against  accordingly ; 

prepared  for  the  raising  of  an  army,  and  published  several 
declarations,  inviting  the  good  people  of  England  to  assist 
them  with  their  prayers,  persons,  and  purses,  to  carry  on  this 
war,  which  they  were  necessitated  to  enter  into  for  the 
defence  of  the  religion,  laws,  liberties,  and  Parliament  of 
England.  The  protestation  taken  by  both  Houses,  and  by 
them  proposed  to  the  people,  to  stand  by  each  other  in  their 
just  and  necessary  undertaking,  was  readily  and  chearfully 
taken  by  many  in  London  and  elsewhere  ;  and  divers 
hundreds  on  horseback  from  the  counties  of  Buckingham, 
Hartford  and  Essex,  came  up  with  their  several  petitions, 
acknowledging  the  care  and  faithfulness  of  the  Parliament 
in  the  discharge  of  their  trust,  and  promising  to  stand  by 
them  in  the  carrying  on  of  what  they  had  declared  for. 

Declarations  were  also  set  forth  by  the  two  Houses, 
encouraging  the  people  to  provide  horses  and  arms,  and  to 
bring  in  plate  and  money  for  their  necessary  defence, 
engaging  the  credit  of  the  publick  for  the  reimbursement  of 
what  should  be  so  advanced.  Which  contributions  arising 
to  the  value  of  a  great  sum,  they  declared  their  intentions 
of  raising  a  certain  number  of  horse  and  foot,  with  a 
July  12.  proportionable  train  of  artillery,  and  voted  the  Earl  of  Essex 
to  be  their  general  ;  whom  the  King  (to  take  him  off  from 
the  publick  interest)  had  lately  made  Chamberlain  of  his 
houshold.  Upon  the  same  account  he  had  also  preferred 
the  Lord  Say  to  be  Master  of  the  Court  of  Wards,  and  Mr. 
Oliver  St.  Johns  to  be  his  Solicitor  General.  But  this  could 
not  corrupt  the  Earl  of  Essex,  nor  hinder  him  from 
discharging  vigorously  that  trust  which  the  Parliament  had 


The  Parliament  raises  an  army.  37 

reposed  in  him  ^  Divers  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  1642 
engaged  their  lives  with  him,  and  under  him  :  of  the  Lords, 
the  Earl  of  Bedford,  who  was  General  of  the  Horse,  the  Lord 
Peterborough,  the  Lord  Willoughby  of  Parham,  the  Lord 
Denbigh,  the  Lord  St.  John,  the  Lord  Rochford  ;  and  of  the 
Commons,  Mr.  Hampden  and  Mr,  Hollis,  who  raised 
regiments ;  Sir  Philip  Stapylton,  who  commanded  the  Earl 
of  Essex's  guard,  and  Mr.  Oliver  Cromwell,  who  com- 
manded a  troop  of  horse,  and  divers  others.  The  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  who  was  High  Admiral,  staid  with  the 
Parliament.  The  Earl  of  Warwick,  whom  they  made  Vice- 
Admiral,  kept  the  greatest  part  of  the  fleet  in  obedience  to 
them. 

Things  being  brought  to  this  extremity,  the  nation  was 
driven  to  a  necessity  of  arming  in  defence  of  the  laws,  openly 
and  frequently  violated  by  the  King  ;  who  had  made  it  the 
chief  business  of  his  reign  to  invade  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  the  people,  raising  taxes  by  various  arts  without  their 
consent  in  Parliament ;  encouraging  and  preferring  a  formal 
and  superstitious  clergy,  discouraging  the  sober  and  vertuous 
amongst  them  ;  imposing  upon  all  the  inventions  of  men  in 
the  room  of  the  institutions  of  God  :  and  knowing  that  Parlia- 
ments were  the  most  likely  means  to  rectify  what  was  amiss, 
to  give  a  check  to  his  ambition,  and  to  punish  the  principal 
instruments  of  that  illegal  power  which  he  had  assumed,  had 
endeavoured  either  to  prevent  their  meeting,  or  to  render 
them  fruitless  to  the  people,  and  only  serviceable  to  his 
corrupt  ends,  by  granting  him  money  to  carry  on  his 
pernicious  designs  :  a  Parliament  being  now  called,  and  an 
act  passed,  authorizing  them  to  sit  till  they  should  think  fit 
to  dissolve  themselves  :  and  it  being  manifest  to  them,  and 
to  all  those  who  had  any  concern  for  the  happiness  of  the 
nation,  that  the  King  would  do  nothing  effectually  to  redress 
the  present,  or  to  secure  the  people  from  future  mischiefs  ; 

^  Essex  had  been  appointed  Lord  signation,  by  letter   dated    April    9, 

Chamberlain  in  place  of  the  Earl  of  1642.      He  resigned  accordingly  on 

Pembroke  in  July,  1641.     The  King  April  12.     Clarendon,  Rebellion,  v. 

ordered   Falkland  to  require  his  re-  31-35. 


TfS  Ludlow  takes  up  arms. 

1642  chusing  rather  to  contend  with  them  by  arms,  than  for  their 
satisfaction  to  entrust  the  MiHtia  in  faithful  hands  ;  resolv- 
ing to  impose  that  by  the  force  of  his  arms  which  he  could 
not  do  by  the  strength  of  his  arguments  :  I  thought  it  my 
duty,  upon  consideration  of  my  age  and  vigorous  constitu- 
tion, as  an  English-man,  and  an  invitation  to  that  purpose 
from  my  father,  to  enter  into  the  service  of  my  country,  in 
the  army  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Essex  under  the 
authority  of  the  Parliament  ^.  I  thought  the  justice  of  that 
cause  I  had  engaged  in  to  be  so  evident,  that  I  could  not 
imagine  it  to  be  attended  with  much  difficulty.  For  tho 
I  supposed  that  many  of  the  clergy,  who  had  been  the 
principal  authors  of  our  miseries,  together  with  some  of  the 
courtiers,  and  such  as  absolutely  depended  upon  the  King 
for  their  subsistence,  as  also  some  foreigners,  would  adhere 
to  him  ;  yet  I  could  not  think  that  many  of  the  people,  who 
had  been  long  oppressed  with  heavy  burdens,  and  now  with 
great  difficulty  had  obtained  a  Parliament,  composed  of  such 
persons  as  were  willing  to  run  all  hazards  to  procure  a  last- 
ing settlement  for  the  nation,  would  be  either  such  enemies 
to  themselves,  or  so  ungrateful  to  those  they  had  trusted, 
as  not  to  stand  by  them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power :  at 
least  (tho  some  might  not  have  so  much  resolution  and 
courage  as  to  venture  all  with  them,  yet)  that  they  would 
not  be  so  treacherous  and  unworthy,  to  strengthen  the  hands 
of  the  enemy  against  those  who  had  the  laws  of  God, 
nature  and  reason,  as  well  as  those  of  the  land  on  their  side. 
Soon  after  my  engagement  in  this  cause,  I  met  with  Mr. 
Richard  Fynes,  son  to  the  Lord  Say^,  and  Mr.  Charles 

^  Ludlow  was  born  in   1617,  and  punished.     Clarendon,  Rebellion,  v. 

was,    therefore,    about    twenty-five  280.   This  is  referred  to  in  a  Royalist 

when  the  war  broke  out.    His  father,  satire,   entitled  'The    Sense  of  the 

Sir  Henry  Ludlow,  was  member  for  House  ' — 

Wiltshire.     On  May  7,  1642,  he  was  >  ^ho  speaks   of  peace,  quoth  Ludlow, 

censured  by  the  Speaker  for  saying  hath  neither  sense  nor  reason, 

openly  in  the  course  of  a  debate  on  For  I  "e'er  spoke  i'  th'  House  but  once, 

one  of  the  King  s  messages  that  the  ^""^  "'^"  ^  "P°'^'^  ^'^"^  ^■■'=^^°"-' 

King  was  not  fit  to  govern.     In  sub-  ^  Richard  Fiennes,  fourth  son  of 

sequent  messages  the  King  complains  William  first  Viscount  Say  and  Sele. 

that  this   speech  was    not  severely  Collins,  Peerage,  ed.  Brydges,vii.  22. 


The  life-gua7'd  of  the  Earl  of  Essex.        39 

Fleetwood,  son  to  Sir  Miles  Fleetwood  then  a  member  of  1642 
the  House  of  Commons^;  with  whom  consulting,  it  was 
resolved  by  us  to  assemble  as  many  young  gentlemen  of 
the  Inns  of  Court,  of  which  we  then  were,  and  others,  as 
should  be  found  disposed  to  this  service,  in  order  to  be 
instructed  together  in  the  use  of  arms,  to  render  our  selves 
fit  and  capable  of  acting  in  case  there  should  be  occasion  to 
make  use  of  us.  To  this  end  we  procured  a  person  experi- 
enced in  military  affairs  to  instruct  us  in  the  use  of  arms  ; 
and  for  some  time  we  frequently  met  to  exercise  at  the 
Artillery-Ground  in  London.  And  being  informed  that 
the  Parliament  had  resolved  to  raise  a  life-guard  for  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  to  consist  of  a  hundred  gentlemen,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Philip  Stapylton,  a  Member  of  Parlia- 
ment^, most  of  our  company  entred  themselves  therein, 
and  made  up  the  greatest  part  of  the  said  guard  ;  amongst 
whom  were  Mr.  Richard  Fynes,  Mr.  Charles  Fleetwood, 
afterwards  Lieutenant  General,  Major  General  Harrison  •'^, 
Colonel  Nathanael  Rich^,  Colonel  Thomlinson,  Colonel 
Twisleton,  Colonel  Bosewell,  Major  Whitby,  and  my  self, 
with  divers  others.  It  was  not  long  before  the  army  under 
the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  was  raised,  and  ready  to 
march ;  so  cheerfully  did  the  people,  hoping  that  the  time 
of  their  deliverance  was  come,  offer  their  persons  and  all 
that  was  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of  that  work.  The 
appearance  for  the  King  was  not  very  considerable  whilst 
he  continued  at  York  ;  but  when  he  removed  to  Shrews-  Sept.  20. 
bury,  great  numbers  out  of  Wales  and  the  adjacent  parts 
resorted  to  him.  The  Earl  of  Essex  having  notice  that  the 
King  directed  his  march  that  way,  advanced  with  his  army 
towards  Worcester ;  and  upon  his  approach  to  that  town 

*  Charles  Fleetwood  was  the  third  of  Richard  Hamson,  sometime  mayor 

son    of    Miles    Fleetwood,    of   Aid-  of  Newcastle-under-Lyme,  was  not  a 

winkle,  Northamptonshire,  and  was  member  of  any  of  the  Inns  of  Court, 

admitted    to    Gray's  Inn,    Nov.    30,  but   clerk   to   Thomas   Houlker,  an 

1638.   D.  N.  B.  xix.  261.  attorney. 

^  Member  for  Boroughbridge ;  d.  *  Nathaniel    Rich,    son   and   heir 

1647.  of  Robert  Rich,  of  Felstead,  Essex, 

^  Thomas  Harrison,  b.  1616,  son  admitted  to  Gray's  Inn,  Aug.  13, 1639. 


40  The  fight  at  Pozvick  Bridge. 

1642  received  advice,  that  a  detachment  commanded  by  Prince 
Rupert  had  possessed  themselves  of  it  for  the  King ;  and 
Sept.  23.  that  a  party  of  ours,  impatient  of  delay,  had  engaged  the 
enemy  before  our  general  could  come  up,  with  great  dis- 
advantage, as  I  afterwards  observed  upon  view  of  the  place. 
Ours  consisted  of  about  a  thousand  horse  and  dragoons, 
the  enemy  being  more  in  number,  and  drawn  up  in  a  body, 
within  musquet-shot  of  a  bridg  between  Parshot  and  Wor- 
cester, over  which  our  men  resolved  to  march  and  attack 
them  ;  but  before  half  their  number  was  got  over,  not  being 
able  to  advance  above  eight  or  ten  abreast  by  reason  of 
a  narrow  lane  through  which  they  were  to  pass,  till  they 
came  within  pistol-shot  of  the  enemy,  they  were  engaged, 
and  forced  to  retreat  in  disorder,  tho  they  did  as  much 
as  could  well  be  expected  from  them  upon  so  disadvan- 
tageous a  ground.  Some  were  killed  upon  the  place ; 
amongst  whom  was  Major  Gunter,  a  very  gallant  man, 
who,  as  I  have  heard,  had  endeavoured  to  disswade  them 
from  that  attempt ;  others  were  drowned,  and  divers  taken 
prisoners  ;  of  the  last  was  Colonel  Sands,  who  commanded 
the  party,  and  was  carried  to  Worcester,  where,  being 
mortally  wounded,  he  soon  died,  with  all  possible  expres- 
sions of  his  hearty  affection  to  the  publick  cause  ^.  The 
body  of  our  routed  party  returned  in  great  disorder  to 
Parshot,  at  which  place  our  life-guard  was  appointed  to 
quarter  that  night ;  where,  as  we  were  marching  into  the 
town,  we  discovered  horsemen  riding  very  hard  towards  us 
with  drawn  swords,  and  many  of  them  without  hats,  from 
whom  we  understood  the  particulars  of  our  loss,  not  without 
improvement  by  reason  of  the  fear  with  which  they  were 
possessed,  telling  us,  that  the  enemy  was  hard  by  in  pursuit 
of  them  :  whereas  it  afterwards  appeared,  they  came  rjot 
within  four  miles  of  that  place.     Our  life-guard  being  for 

'   On  this  skirmish  see  Gardiner,  Nehemiah    Wharton    fix    Sept.    23. 

Great  Civil  War,  i.  35  ;  Webb,  Civil  Gunter  was  not  killed  at  Worcester, 

War  in  Herefordshire,  i.  144;  Claren-  but  at  Chalgrove,  in    the   following 

don,  Rebellion,  vi.  43.     Vicars  and  year.     See  the  Earl  of  Essex's  letter 

Rushworth  give  Sept.  22  as  its  date,  to  the  Speaker,  June  19,  1643. 
but  the  letters  of  Lord  Falkland  and 


Misconduct  of  the  life-guards.  41 

the  most  part  strangers  to  things  of  this  nature,  were  much  1642 
alarm'd  with  this  report ;  yet  some  of  us,  unwilHng  to  give 
credit  to  it  till  we  were  better  informed,  offered  our  selves 
to  go  out  upon  a  further  discovery  of  the  matter.  But  our 
captain,  Sir  Philip  Stapylton,  not  being  then  with  us,  his 
lieutenant,  one  Bainham,  an  old  souldier^  (a  generation  of 
men  much  cried  up  at  that  time),  drawing  us  into  a  field, 
where  he  pretended  we  might  more  advantageously  charge 
if  there  should  be  occasion,  commanded  us  to  wheel  about ; 
but  our  gentlemen  not  yet  well  understanding  the  difference 
between  wheeling  about,  and  shifting  for  themselves,  their 
backs  being  now  towards  the  enemy,  whom  they  thought 
to  be  close  in  the  rear,  retired  to  the  army  in  a  very  dis- 
honourable manner,  and  the  next  morning  rallied  at  the 
head-quarters,  where  we  received  but  cold  welcome  from 
the  general,  as  we  well  deserved".  The  night  following 
the  enemy  left  Worcester,  and  retreated  to  Shrewsbury, 
where  the  King  was ;  upon  which  the  Earl  of  Essex  ad- 
vanced to  Worcester,  where  he  continued  with  the  army  Sept.  24. 
for  some  time,  expecting  an  answer  to  a  message  sent  by 
him  to  the  King  from  the  Parliament,  inviting  him  to 
return  to  London.  This  time  the  King  improved  to  com- 
pleat  and  arm  his  men ;  which  when  he  had  effected,  he 
began  his  march,  the  Earl  of  Essex  attending  him  to  observe 
his  motions :  and  after  a  day  or  two,  on  Sunday  morning, 
the  23d  of  October,  1643,  our  scouts  brought  advice  that 
the  enemy  appeared,  and  about  nine  aclock  some  of  their 
troops  were  discovered  upon  Edge-hill  in  Warwickshire. 
Upon  this  our  forces,  who  had  been  order'd  that  morning 
to  their  quarters  to  refresh  themselves,  having  had  but  little 
rest  for  eight  and  forty  hours,  were  immediately  counter- 

'  Adam  Baynard.    Peacock,  Army  orous,  immediately  fled  so  confusedly 

Lists,  2nd  ed.  p.  26.  that  some  brake  their  horses'  necks, 

^  Nehemiah  Warton  thus  describes  others  their  own  ;  some  were  taken, 

the  conduct  of  the  life-guards  :  '  Even  others  slain,  and  scarce  half  of  them 

our   general's   troop    of  gentlemen,  escaped;   which   is   such   a  blot   on 

going   to   quarter  themselves   about  them  as  nothing  but  some  desperate 

the  country,  were  betrayed  and  beset  exploit  will  wipe   off.'     Cal.    S.   P. 

by  the  enemy,  and,  overmuch  tim-  Dom.  164 1-3,  p.  393. 


42  The  battle  of  EdgehilL 

y(ii,2.  maiided.  The  enemy  drew  down  the  hill,  and  we  into  the 
field  near  Keinton  ^.  The  best  of  our  field-pieces  were 
planted  upon  our  right  wing,  guarded  by  two  regiments  of 
foot,  and  some  horse.  Our  general  having  commanded  to 
fire  upon  the  enemy,  it  was  done  twice  upon  that  part  of 
the  army  wherein,  as  it  was  reported,  the  King  was.  The 
great  shot  was  exchanged  on  both  sides  for  the  space  of 
an  hour  or  thereabouts.  By  this  time  the  foot  began  to  en- 
gage, and  a  party  of  the  enemy  being  sent  to  line  some 
hedges  on  our  right  wing,  thereby  to  beat  us  from  our 
ground,  were  repulsed  by  our  dragoons  without  any  loss  on 
our  side.  The  enemy's  body  of  foot,  wherein  the  King's 
standard  was,  came  on  within  musquet-shot  of  us ;  upon 
which  we  observing  no  horse  to  encounter  withal,  charged 
them  with  some  loss  from  their  pikes,  tho  very  little 
from  their  shot ;  but  not  being  able  to  break  them,  we 
retreated  to  our  former  station,  whither  we  were  no  sooner 
come,  but  we  perceived  that  those  who  were  appointed  to 
guard  the  artillery  were  marched  off :  and  Sir  Philip 
Stapylton,  our  captain,  wishing  for  a  regiment  of  foot  to 
secure  the  cannon,  we  promised  to  stand  by  him  in  defence 
of  them,  causing  one  of  our  servants  to  load  and  level  one 
of  them,  which  he  had  scarce  done,  when  a  body  of  horse 
appeared  advancing  towards  us  from  that  side  where  the 
enemy  was.  We  fired  at  them  with  case-shot,  but  did  no 
other  mischief  save  only  wounding  one  man  through  the 
hand,  our  gun  being  overloaded,  and  planted  on  high  ground  ; 
which  fell  out  very  happily,  this  body  of  horse  being  of  our 
own  army,  and  commanded  by  Sir  William  Balfour,  who 
with  great  resolution  had  charged  into  the  enemy's  quar- 
ters, where  he  had  nailed  several  pieces  of  their  cannon, 
and  was  then  retreating  to  his  own  party,  of  which  the  man 
who  was  shot  in  the  hand  was  giving  us  notice  by  holding 
it  up ;    but  we  did    not  discern  it.     The   Earl  of  Essex 

*  On  the  battle  of  Edgchill,  and  papers  by    Mr.   W.  T.  Arnold   and 

on  the  value  of  the  different  contem-  Col.  Ross  in  the  English  Historical 

porary  narratives  of  it,  see  Gardiner,  Review,  1887,  pp.  136,  533. 
Great  Civil  War,  i.  51,  and  also  two 


Capture  of  the  Kings  standard.  43 

order'd  two  regiments  of  foot  to  attack  that  body  which 
we  had  charged  before,  where  the  King's  standard  was, 
which  they  did,  but  could  not  break  them  till  Sir  William 
Balfour  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  horse  charging  them  in 
the  rear,  and  we  marching  down  to  take  them  in  flank, 
they  brake  and  ran  away  towards  the  hill  ^.  Many  of  them 
were  killed  upon  the  place,  amongst  whom  was  Sir  Edward 
Varney  the  King's  standard-bearer,  who,  as  I  have  heard 
from  a  person  of  honour,  engaged  on  that  side,  not  out 
of  any  good  opinion  of  the  cause,  but  from  the  sense  of 
a  duty  which  he  thought  lay  upon  him,  in  respect  of  his 
relation  to  the  King.  Mr.  Herbert  of  Glamorganshire, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  to  Sir  Edward  Stradling's  regiment, 
was  also  killed,  with  many  others  that  fell  in  the  pursuit. 
Many  colours  were  taken,  and  I  saw  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Middleton,  then  a  reformade  in  our  army,  displaying-  the 
King's  standard  which  he  had  taken  :  but  a  party  of  horse 
coming  upon  us,  we  were  obliged  to  retire  with  our 
standard  ;  and  having  brought  it  to  the  Earl  of  Essex, 
he  delivered  it  to  the  custody  of  one  Mr.  Chambers,  his 
secretary,  from  whom  it  was  taken  by  one  Captain  Smith, 
who,  with  two  more,  disguising  themselves  with  orange- 
colour'd  scarfs,  (the  Earl  of  Essex's  colour)  and  pretending 
it  unfit  that  a  penman  should  have  the  honour  to  carry  the 
standard,  took  it  from  him,  and  rode  with  it  to  the  King, 
for  which  action  he  was  knighted  "".  Retreating  towards  our 
army,  I  fell  in  with  a  body  of  the  King's  foot,  as  I  soon 
perceived  ;  but  having  passed  by  them  undiscovered,  I  met 
with  Sir  William  Balfour's  troop,  some  of  whom  who  knew 
me  not  would  have  fired  upon  me,  supposing   me  to  be 

1  This  body  was  the  royal  foot-  '  Brittannicae  Virtutis  Imago,'  gives 
guards,  known  as  '  the  red  regiment '  a  different  account  of  his  exploit, 
commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Lindsey.  Smith  '  had  afterwards  a  large  medal 
Clarendon  confirms  Ludlow's  account  of  gold  given  him,  with  the  kings 
of  Sir  Edmund  Verney's  motives,  picture  on  the  one  side  and  the 
Life,  ii.  66.  banner  on  the  other,  which   he    al- 

2  Sir  John  Smith,  the  saviour  of  ways  wore  to  his  dying  day,  in  a 
the  royal  standard,  was  killed  in  the  large  green  watered  ribband,  cross 
battle  of  Cheriton,  March  29,  1644.  his  shoulders.'  Bulstrode,  Memoirs, 
A  life  of  Smith  published  in    1644,  p.  83. 


44         The  return  of  Prince  Ritperfs  horse. 

1642  an  enemy,  had  they  not  been  prevented,  and  assured  of 
the  contrary  by  Mr.  Francis  Russell,  who  with  ten  men  well 
mounted  and  armed,  which  he  maintained,  rode  in  the  life- 
guard, and  in  the  heat  of  the  pursuit  had  lost  sight  of  them, 
as  I  myself  had  also  done  ^. 

I  now  perceived  no  other  engagement  on  either  side, 
only  a  few  great  guns  continued  to  iire  upon  us  from  the 
enemy :  but  towards  the  close  of  the  day  we  discovered 
a  body  of  horse  marching  from  our  rear  on  the  left  of 
us  under  the  hedges,  which  the  life-guard  (whom  I  had 
then  found)  having  discovered  to  be  the  enemy,  and  re- 
solving to  charge  them,  sent  to  some  of  our  troops  that 
stood  within  musquet-shot  of  us  to  second  them ;  which 
though  they  refused  to  do,  and  we  had  no  way  to  come  at 
them  but  through  a  gap  in  the  hedg,  we  advanced  towards 
':hem,  and  falling  upon  their  rear,  killed  divers  of  them,  and 
brought  off  some  arms.  In  which  attempt  being  dis- 
mounted, I  could  not  without  great  difficulty  recover  on 
horse-back  again,  being  loaded  with  cuirassier's  arms,  as  the 
rest  of  the  guard  also  were.  This  was  the  right  wing  of 
the  King's  horse  commanded  by  Prince  Rupert,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  the  disorder  that  our  own  horse  had  put  our 
foot  into,  who  had  opened  their  ranks  to  secure  them  in 
their  retreat,  pressed  upon  them  with  such  fury,  that  he  put 
them  to  flight.  And  if  the  time  which  he  spent  in  pursuing 
them  too  far,  and  in  plundering  the  wagons,  had  been  em- 
ployed in  taking  such  advantages  as  offered  themselves  in 
the  place  where  the  fight  was,  it  might  have  proved  more 
serviceable  to  the  carrying  on  of  the  enemy's  designs.  The 
night  after  the  battle  our  army  quartered  upon  the  same 
ground  that  the  enemy  fought  on  the  day  before.  No  man 
nor  horse  got  any  meat  that  night,  and  I  had  touched  none 
since  the  Saturday  before,  neither  could  I  find  my  servant 

*  Probably  Francis  Russell,  son  was  one  of  Cromwell's  lords.  Noble, 
of  Sir  William  Russell,  bart.,  of  House  of  Cromwell,  ii.  407.  White- 
Chippenham,  admitted  to  Gray's  Inn ,  lock  met  Russell  on  the  march  '  with 
15  Aug.  1633.  He  afterwards  re-  twelve  of  his  servants  in  scarlet 
presented  the  county  of  Cambridge  cloaks,  well  horsed  and  armed.' 
in  the  Long  Parliament  (1645),  and  Memorials,  i.  183. 


The  losses  of  the  two  armies.  45 

who  had  my  cloak,  so  that  having  nothing  to  keep  me      1642 
warm   but  a  sute  of  iron,   I   was   obliged  to  walk  about 
all   night,  which  proved  very  cold  by  reason  of  a  sharp 
frost. 

Towards  morning  our  army  having  received  a  reinforce- 
ment of  Colonel  Hampden's  and  several  other  regiments, 
to  the  number  of  about  four  thousand  men  \  who  had  not 
been  able  to  join  us  sooner,  was  drawn  up  ;  and  about  day- 
light we  saw  the  enemy  upon  the  top  of  the  hill :  so  that 
we  had  time  to  bury  our  dead,  and  theirs  too  if  we  thought 
fit.  That  day  was  spent  in  sending  trumpeters  to  enquire 
whether  such  as  were  missing  on  both  sides  were  killed, 
or  prisoners.  Those  of  ours  taken  by  the  enemy  were  the 
Lord  St.  Johns,  who  was  mortally  wounded,  and  declared 
at  his  death  a  full  satisfaction  and  cheerfulness  to  lay  down 
his  life  in  so  good  a  cause ;  Colonel  Walton,  a  member  of 
Parliament,  and  Captain  Austin  an  eminent  merchant  in 
London  ;  of  whom  the  last  died  through  the  hard  usage  he 
received  in  the  gaol  at  Oxford,  to  which  he  was  committed  ^. 
It  was  observed  that  the  greatest  slaughter  on  our  side  was 
of  such  as  ran  away,  and  on  the  enemy's  side  of  those  that 
stood  ;  of  whom  I  saw  about  threescore  lie  within  the  com- 
pass of  threescore  yards  upon  the  ground  whereon  that 
brigade  fought  in  which  the  King's  standard  was.  We  took 
prisoners  the  Earl  of  Lindsey,  General  of  the  King's  army, 
who  died  of  his  wounds  ;  Sir  Edward  Stradling,  and  Colonel 
Lunsford,  who  were  sent  to  Warwick- Castle.  That  night 
the  country  brought  in  some  provisions  ;  but  when  I  got 
meat  I  could  scarce  eat  it,  my  jaws  for  want  of  use  having 
almost  lost  their  natural  faculty. 

Our  army  was  now  refreshed,  and  masters  of  the  field  ; 
and  having  received  such  a  considerable  addition  of 
strength  as  I  mentioned  before,  we  hoped  that  we  should 
have  pursued  the  enemy,  who  were  marching  off  as  fast  as 

^  The    reinforcements    were    the  ^  For  characters  of  Lord  St.  John 

regiments   of    Cols.    Hampden    and  and   the  Earl  of  Lindsey,  see  Clar- 

Grantham,  with  ii  troops  of  horse,  endon,    Rebellion,    vi.    90,  93.     On 

left  behind  to  guard  the  train.     May,  Captain  George  Austin,  see  C.  J.  iii. 

Long  Parliament,  ed.  1854,  p.  257.  320,  366. 


46  The  Kings  attack  on  Brentford. 

1642  they  could,  leaving  only  some  troops  to  face  us  upon  the  top 
of  the  hill  :  but  instead  of  that,  for  what  reason  I  know  not. 
we  marched  to  Warwick  ;  of  which  the  enemy  having 
notice,  sent  out  a  party  of  horse  under  Prince  Rupert,  who 
on  Tuesday  night  fell  into  the  town  of  Keinton,  where  our 
sick  and  wounded  souldiers  lay,  and  after  they  had  cruelly 
murdered  many  of  them,  returned  to  their  army.  The 
King,  as  if  master  of  the  field,  marched  to  Banbury,  and 
summoned  it  ;  and  tho  about  a  thousand  of  our  men 
were  in  the  town,  yet  pretending  it  not  to  be  sufficiently 

Oct.  27.    provided  for  a   siege,  they  surrendred   it  to  him.     From 

Oct.  29.  thence  the  King  went  to  Oxford,  and  our  army  after  some 
refreshment  at  Warwick  returned  to  London,  not  like  men 
that  had  obtained  a  victory,  but  as  if  they  had  been 
beaten.     The  Parliament  ordered   them  to  be  recruited  ; 

Nov.  3.  and  about  the  same  time  sent  to  the  King,  who  was 
advanced  with  part  of  his  army  to  Maidenhead,  or  there- 
abouts, to  assure  him  of  their  earnest  desire  to  prevent  the 
effusion  of  more  blood,  and  to  procure  a  right  under- 
standing between  his  Majesty  and  them.  The  King  in  his 
answer,  which  was  brought  by  Sir  Peter  Killegrew,  pro- 
fessed to  desire  nothing  more,  and  that  he  would  leave 
no  means  unattempted  for  the  effecting  thereof.  Upon 
which  answer  the  Parliament  thought  themselves  secure, 
at  least  against  any  sudden  attempt :  but  the  very  next 
day  the  King  taking  the  advantage  of  a  very  thick  mist, 
marched  his  army  within  half  a  mile  of  Brentford  before 
he  was  discovered,  designing  to  surprize  our  train  of 
artillery,  (which  was  then  at  Hammersmith)  the  Parliament, 
and  City  ;  which  he  had  certainly  done,  if  two  regiments  of 
foot  and  a  small  party  of  horse  that  lay  at  Brentford  had 

Nov.  12.  not  with  unspeakable  courage  opposed  his  passage,  and 
stopt  the  march  of  his  army  most  part  of  the  afternoon  ^ : 
during  which  time  the  army  that  lay  quarter'd  in  and 
about  London  drew  together ;  which  some  of  them,  and 
particularly  the  life-guard,  had  opportunity  the  sooner  to 
do,  being  at  that  very  time  drawn  into  Chelsey-fields  to 

'  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  i.  67  ;  Clarendon,  Rebellion,  vi.  134. 


The  rendezvo2is  on   Tu7'nha77i-green.  47 

muster,  where  they  heard  the  volHes  of  shot  that  passed  1642 
between  the  enemy  and  our  Httle  party ;  the  dispute  con- 
tinued for  some  hours,  till  our  men  were  encompassed 
quite  round  with  horse  and  foot ;  and  then  being  over- 
power'd  with  numbers  on  every  side,  many  brave  and 
gallant  men  having  lost  their  lives  upon  the  place,  the  rest 
chusing  rather  to  commit  themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the 
water,  than  to  those  who  were  engaged  in  so  treacherous 
a  design,  leap'd  into  the  river,  where  many  ofificers  and 
private  souldiers  were  drowned,  and  some  taken  prisoners. 
However  the  enemy's  design  was  by  this  means  defeated, 
and  they  discouraged  from  any  farther  attempt  that  night. 
The  Parliament  also  were  alarm'd  in  such  a  manner  with 
the  danger  and  treachery  of  this  enterprize,  that  they 
used  all  possible  diligence  to  bring  their  forces  together, 
so  that  by  eight  of  the  clock  the  next  morning  we  had  a  Nov.  J3. 
body  of  twenty  thousand  horse  and  foot  drawn  up  upon 
Turnham-green,  a  mile  on  this  side  Brentford  :  those  of 
ours  also  that  lay  at  Kingston  were  marching  to  us  by 
the  way  of  London.  The  enemy  drew  out  a  party  of 
theirs  towards  the  hill  at  Acton,  which  we  attacked, 
and  forced  to  retire  in  disorder  to  their  main  body.  And 
here  again,  in  the  opinion  of  many  judicious  persons,  we 
lost,  as  at  Edge-hill  before,  a  favourable  opportunity  of 
engaging  the  enemy  with  great  advantage,  our  numbers 
exceeding  theirs,  and  their  reputation  being  utterly  lost 
in  the  last  attempt.  But  the  Earl  of  Holland  and  others, 
pretending  to  encourage  our  army  by  their  presence, 
made  use  of  their  time  to  disswade  the  Earl  of  Essex 
from  fighting  till  the  rest  of  our  forces  arrived  ;  magni- 
fying the  power  of  the  enemy  to  him,  and  thereby  giving 
them  an  opportunity  to  draw  off  their  forces  and  artillery  to- 
wards Kingston,  which  they  did  as  fast  as  they  could,  leaving 
only  a  body  of  horse  to  face  us  between  the  two  Brent- 
fords,  the  rest  having  secured  themselves  by  a  timely 
retreat :  upon  this  party  some  of  our  great  guns,  guarded 
by  a  regiment  of  foot,  were,  towards  the  evening,  ordered 
to  be  fired.     The  life-guard  was  drawn   up  in  the  high- 


48  The  King  retires  to  Oxford. 

1642  ways  to  secure  our  foot  from  any  attempt  of  horse  that 
might  be  made  upon  them;  which  some  great  men,  who 
pretended  a  resolution  to  fight  in  that  troop,  blamed, 
charging  the  advisers  thereof  with  rashness,  in  hazarding 
them  in  such  a  pound,  where  they  must  inevitably  be  cut 
off,  if  the  enemy  should  advance  upon  them.  But  I  fear 
this  great  care  was  only  counterfeit,  and  that  those  persons 
well  knew  the  enemy  to  be  in  a  flying,  and  not  in  a 
charging  condition,  as  it  quickly  appeared;  for  our  cannon 
no  sooner  began  to  play  upon  them,  but  they  retired  to 
the  main  body  of  their  army,  the  rear  of  which  had  by 
that  time  recovered  Hounslow-heath.  The  enemy  took 
up  their  head-quarters  at  Kingston,  where,  by  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  bridg  over  the  Thames,  they  hoped  to 
be  able,  tho  inferior  in  number,  to  defend  themselves 
against  a  more  numerous  army,  if  they  should  be  attacked, 
and  to  put  in  execution  any  design  they  might  have  upon 
the  city  or  places  adjacent.  To  prevent  which  our  general 
caused  a  bridg  of  boats  to  be  laid  over  the  river  between 
Putney  and  Battersey,  which  was  no  sooner  finished  but  the 
enemy  retired  to  Oxford  by  the  way  of  Reading,  which 
place  they  fortified,  and  placed  a  garison  therein,  a  party 
of  ours  having  quitted  it  upon  their  approach.  Garisons 
were  also  placed  by  them  in  the  towns  of  Newcastle  upon 
Tyne,  Chester,  Worcester,  and  several  others,  as  they  had 
done  before  in  York  and  Shrewsbury.  Some  of  ours  like- 
wise had  possessed  themselves  of  Glocester,  Bristol,  Exeter, 
Southampton,  Dover,  and  divers  other  places.  The  enemy 
being  retired,  our  army  advanced  to  Windsor,  and  made 
it  our  head-quarters  for  the  most  part  of  that  winter :  and 
so  desirous  was  the  Parliament  to  prevent  any  further 
effusion    of  blood,   that   notwithstanding   the   treacherous 

1643  design  of  the  late  expedition,  they  again  sent  propositions 
Feb.  8.    of  peace  to  the  King  at  Oxford,  being  the  same  in  effect 

with  those  delivered  to  him  before  at  York ;  but  they 
found  no  better  reception  than  the  others  had  done.  I  do 
not  remember  anything  remarkable  pcrform'd  by  either 
party  this  winter,  save  only  an  attempt  of  the  enemy  upon 


Ludlow  goes  into   Wiltshiix.  49 

one  of  our  quarters  at  Henly,  where  two  regiments  of  '643 
foot,  one  of  which  was  Major  General  Skippon's,  then 
were,  who  being  tired  with  a  long  march,  and  dispersed 
to  their  respective  quarters,  were  fallen  upon  by  a  great 
body  of  the  enemy  that  had  advanced  to  the  town's  end 
undiscovered ;  but  a  small  party  of  our  men  getting  to- 
gether, one  of  our  gunners  hastned  to  the  artillery 
which  was  planted  upon  the  avenue,  fired  once  or  twice 
upon  them,  and  made  so  great  a  slaughter,  especially 
of  those  officers  who  were  at  the  head  of  their  party, 
that  they  retreated  in  great  disorder  without  any  farther 
attempt  \ 

Our    General    having    notice    that    the    enemy  had    a    Feij.  27. 
design  upon  Bristol,  sent  a  party  commanded  by  Colonel 
Nathanael  Fines  to  reinforce  that  garison  ;  by  which  means   March  7. 
it  was  prevented,  and  some  of  their  correspondents  in  the 
town  thereupon  executed. 

About  this  time  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  having  obtained 
the  command  of  the  forces  in  the  county  of  Wilts  for  the 
Parliament,  invited  me  to  raise  a  troop  of  horse  in  his 
regiment  :  in  order  to  which  I  attended  him  at  the  Devizes, 
and  from  thence  went  with  him  to  Salisbury,  where  he 
seized  some  quantity  of  horse  and  arms  from  persons  dis- 
affected, and  with  them  mounted  and  armed  part  of  his 
men  ^.  And  I  having  done  what  was  convenient  at  that 
time  for  the  raising  of  my  troop,  returned  to  the  head- 
quarters at  Windsor,  where  I  gave  them  an  account  of  the 
good  condition  of  Colonel  Fines  and  Sir  Edward  Hunger- 
ford,  at  which  they  were  not  a  little  surprized,  having  been 
made  to  believe  that  they  and  their  troops  were  routed  and 
cut  in  pieces  by  the  enemy.     Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  Sir  Bevil 

See   Vicars,    Jehovah    Jireh,    p.  ford  and  his  forces  evacuated  Devizes 

257.  before     23     Feb.      1643.       Waylen, 

A  life  of  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  History  of    Marlborough,    pp.    185- 

is  given  in  D.  N.  B.  vol.  xviii.    He  was  187.     This   expedition   to   Salisbury 

member  for  Chippenham,  one  of  the  seems   to  have  taken  place  in   Feb. 

Parliamentary  militia  commissioners,  1643.      Mercurius  Aulicus,  Feb.  13, 

and    one    of    the    persons    excluded  15,   23,    1643.      Ludlow  returned    to 

from    pardon    by    the    King    in    his  Wiltshire    about    the   end  of   April, 

declaration  of  Nov.  2,  1642.    Hunger-  after  the  capture  of  Reading. 
VOL.  I.                                            E 


50  The  capture  of  Reading. 

1643  Greenvil,  and  others,  were  very  active  in' raising  forces  for 
the  King  in  Cornwall,  and  the  remote  parts  of  Devonshire, 
and  had  possessed  themselves  of  Pendennis,  Dartmouth,  and 
Barnstaple,  as  Colonel  Ashburnham  and  others  had  done 
of  Weymouth  in  Dorsetshire.  And  the  Parliament  had 
ordered  garisons  to  be  put  into  Plymouth,  Lyme,  and  Pool. 
In  the  spring  our  army  was  master  of  the  field,  the  King 
making  it  his  business  to  be  only  upon  the  defensive  till  the 
Queen  should  arrive  in  England  with  an  army  to  his 
assistance,  hoping  to  exhaust  the  treasure  of  the  city  of 
London  by  delays,  and  thereby  to  cause  them  to  abate  their 
zeal  for  the  publick,  omitting  no  opportunity  by  his  emis- 
saries to  create  and  foment  differences  amongst  them,  en- 
deavouring by  all  means  to  procure  an  insurrection  for  him, 
to  compel  the  Parliament  to  submit  to  such  terms  as  he 
pleased  to  impose.     The  Earl  of  Essex  marched  with  the 

April  15.  army  to  besiege  Reading,  a  frontier  town  of  the  King's, 
which  he  had  strongly  fortify'd  and  garison'd.  The  General 
himself  sat  down  on  the  north-west  side,  and  the  Lord  Grey 
of  Wark  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  town  :  the  great 
shot  did  some  damage  to  the  houses  ;  from  one  of  which  a 
tile  falling  upon  the  head  of  Sir  Arthur  Ashton,  a  Papist, 
and  governour  thereof,  disabled  him  from  executing  that 
charge  during  the  rest  of  the  siege,  and  Colonel  Fielding 
was  made  governour  in  his  room.  The  King  thinking  this 
place  to  be  of  great  importance  to  him,  brought  together 
all  the  forces  he  could  ;  and  marching  on  Causam-side  in 

April  25.  order  to  relieve  it,  was  opposed  by  a  small  party  of  ours, 
who  taking  the  advantage  of  some  ditches  and  pales  to 
shelter  themselves,  repulsed   his  men,  and  forced  him   to 

April  26.  retreat  to  Oxford.  Upon  this  the  town  was  surrendrcd  upon 
articles  to  the  Earl  of  Essex,  Colonel  Fielding  the  governour 
retiring  to  Oxford,  where  he  was  tried,  and  condemned  to 
die,  but  not  executed. 

At  my  coming  into  Wiltshire  with  three  more  of  the  life- 
guard, two  whereof  were  to  be  officers  in  my  troop,  and  the 
third  in  another  troop  of  the  same  regiment,  I  found  Sir 
Edward  Plungerford  with  the  forces  of  Wilts,  and  Colonel 


The  capture  of  War  dour  Castle.  51 

Stroud  ^  with  part  of  those  of  Somersetshire,  besieging  1643 
Warder  Castle,  before  which  they  had  been  about  a  week, 
battering  it  with  two  small  pieces,  whereby  they  had  done 
little  other  hurt  save  only  to  a  chimney-piece,  by  a  shot 
entring  at  a  window  :  but  there  being  a  vault  on  each  side 
of  the  castle,  for  the  conveying  away  of  filth,  two  or  three 
barrels  of  powder  were  put  into  one  of  them,  and  being  fired, 
blew  up  some  part  of  it ;  which  with  the  grazing  of  a  bullet 
upon  the  face  of  one  of  the  servants,  and  the  threatning  of 
the  besiegers  to  spring  the  other  mine,  and  then  to  storm  it, 
if  it  was  not  surrendred  before  an  hour-glass,  which  they  had 
turn'd  up,  was  run  out,  so  terrified  the  ladies  therein,  where- 
of there  was  a  great  number,  that  they  agreed  to  surrender  May  8. 
it.  The  government  of  this  castle  was  entrusted  to  my 
care  by  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  who  left  with  me  a  company 
of  foot  commanded  by  Captain  Bean,  and  my  own  troop,  to 
defend  it.  The  Earl  of  Marlborough  with  some  horse  pos- 
sessed himself  of  a  house  in  our  neighbourhood  called  Fount- 
hill,  with  a  design  to  block  us  up  ;  but  Sir  Edward  sent  a 
party  of  horse  who  fell  upon  him  there,  and  obliged  him  to 
quit  it  ^.  I  levelled  the  works  that  had  been  raised  during 
the  siege,  sunk  a  well,  broke  down  the  vaults  about  the 
castle,  and  furnished  it  with  provisions,  expecting  to  be 
besieged,  as  I  was  soon  after.  For  within  a  fortnight  after 
I  was  possessed  of  it,  the  Lord  Arundel ",  to  wdiom  it  be- 
longed, and  whose  father  died  soon  after  he  had  received    May  19. 

^  Not  William    Strode,    M.P.   for  Parliament.     The    House    of   Lords 

Beeralston,  one  of  the  five  members,  ordered  Hungerford  not  to  demand 

d.  1645;  but  Col.  William  Strode  of  money  from    Cottington,  who,  as  a 

Street,  d.  1666.      See  Mr.  Emmanuel  peer  of  the  realm,  would  be  assessed 

Green's  paper  on   the   two  Strodes,  by  the  House,  if  for  the  ser\'ice  of  the 

read   before    the    Somersetshire  Ar-  Parliament.  L.J.  v.  517 ;  Hist.  MSS. 

chaeological  Society  in    1884.     The  Comm.  Rep.  v.  62. 

royalist  account  of  the  siege  of  War-  ^  Thomas  second  Lord  Arundel  of 

dour  is  printed  in  Appendix  H.  Wardour,   died  at  Oxford,   19  May, 

^  Founthill  belonged  to  Lord  Cot-  1643.  Collins,  Peerage,  ed.  Brydges, 
tington,  who  wrote  thence  on  Dec.  vii.  50.  The  peerages  state  that  he 
24,  1642,  complaining  that  Sir  Ed-  was  mortally  wounded  at  the  battle 
ward  Hungerford  had  threatened  to  of  Lansdowne,  July  5,  1643,  con- 
quarter  troops  upon  him  unless  he  fusing  him  with  his  son  Henry,  third 
paid   £1000    to    the    ser\'ice    of    the  lord.    Clarendon,  Rebellion,  vii.  109. 

E  2 


52  Ludlow  s  first  exploits  as  Governor. 

1643  news  that  it  was  taken,  supposing  to  find  me  unprovided, 
came  with  a  party  of  horse,  and  summoned  me  to  dehver 
the  place  for  his  Majesty's  use.  Some  who  were  with  me 
advised  me  so  to  do  ;  yet  I  return'd  the  enemy  answer,  that 
I  was  entrusted  to  keep  the  castle  for  the  service  of  the 
Parliament,  and  could  not  surrender  it  without  their  com- 
mand. The  enemy  not  being  at  that  time  ready  to  make 
any  attempt  upon  us,  retreated  to  their  main  body;  of 
which  tho  the  Marquiss  of  Hertford  carried  the  name  of 
General,  that  thereby  the  country  might  be  encouraged  to 
come  in,  yet  Prince  Maurice,  as  he  had  then  the  principal 
influence  over  them,  so  he  was  soon  after  placed  in  the  head 
of  them,  as  more  likely  to  promote  that  arbitrary  and 
boundless  prerogative  which  the  King  endeavoured  to  set 
up  over  the  people. 

Having  notice  that  some  of  the  King's  forces  were  at 
Salisbury,  I  went  out  with  six  of  my  troop  to  procure  in- 
telligence, and  to  do  what  service  I  could  upon  the  enemy's 
straglers  :  when  I  came  to  Sutton,  I  was  informed  that  six 
of  them  were  gone  up  the  town  just  before.  Whereupon  we 
made  after  them,  and  by  their  horses,  which  we  saw  tied  in  a 
yard,  supposed  them  to  be  in  the  house  to  which  it  belonged  : 
upon  which  I  went  in,  and  was  no  sooner  within  the  door  but 
twoof  them  shut  it  upon  me ;  but  my  party  rushing  in,  they  ran 
out  at  another,  and  escaped ;  a  third  mounted  one  of  my  men's 
horses,  and  rid  away ;  the  other  three  who  were  in  a  roonvof 
the  house  upon  promise  of  quarter  for  life,  surrendred  them- 
selves, with  whom  and  six  horses  we  returned  to  the  castle. 
Our  army  after  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  Reading, 
did  nothing  remarkable  that  summer,  only  there  hapned 

June  18.  some  skirmishes,  in  one  of  which  that  most  eminent  patriot 
Col.  Hampden  lost  his  life  by  a  shot  in  the  shoulder.  Sir 
William  Waller  commanded  a  party  in  the  west,  with  which 
he  did  considerable  service,  tho  it  was  so  small  that  he 
marched   for  the   most   part   in   the   night  to  conceal   his 

March  24.  weakness.  He  reduced  Higham  House,  a  place  of  strength, 
garisoncd  by  the  enemy,  and  protected  the  gentlemen  of 
the  country  whilst  they  were  raising  forces  for  the  Parlia- 


Wallers   Westei^n  Ca^npaign.  53 

ment.  And  being  joined  by  Sir  Arthur  Haslcrig's  regiment  1643 
of  horse,  and  the  forces  of  Wilts,  Somerset  and  Dorset,  with 
as  many  as  could  be  spared  from  Bristol ;  he  was  become 
so  considerable,  as  to  put  a  stop  to  the  march  of  the 
King's  western  army;  which  coming  to  the  town  where 
my  father's  house  was,  wholly  ruined  it,  and  destroyed  his 
park.  But  upon  their  removal  from  thence,  conceiving  I 
might  take  some  straglers,  or  some  way  or  other  annoy  tlie 
enemy,  I  went  thither  the  night  after  with  about  forty  horse, 
where  tho  I  could  hear  of  no  men,  yet  I  found  much 
provision,  which  a  gentlewoman  had  obliged  the  people 
of  the  town  to  bring  together,  and  which  she  was  preparing 
to  send  to  the  King's  army,  with  horses  and  carts  ready 
to  carry  it ;  amongst  which  there  was  half  a  dozen  pasties 
of  my  father's  venison  ready  baked,  which,  with  as  much 
of  the  other  provisions  as  we  could,  we  carried  away  with 
us.  The  two  armies  before  mentioned  engaged  about  July  5. 
Lansdown,  where  the  success  was  doubtful  a  good  while, 
but  at  last  ours  obtained  the  victory.  The  Cornish-men 
commanded  by  Sir  Bevil  Greenvil  stood  their  ground  till 
they  came  to  push  of  pike,  but  were  then  routed,  and  Sir 
Bevil  killed.  The  enemy  retreated  to  the  Devizes,  and 
ours  pursued  them.  The  news  of  this  action  being  brought 
to  us,  I  marched  out  with  my  horse  towards  Warmister ; 
and  in  the  way  searching  the  houses  of  some  persons  dis- 
affected to  the  publick,  we  found  two  of  our  most  active 
enemies,  whom  we  carried  away  prisoners.  But  the  great 
hopes  we  had  conceived  of  enjoying  some  quiet  in  the  west 
by  the  means  of  this  victory  were  soon  blasted  ;  for  a  body 
of  horse  sent  from  Oxford  not  being  attended  by  any  from 
our  army,  (tho  as  I  have  heard  commanded  so  to  do) 
engaged  our  horse  on  Roundway  Hill,  where  the  over-  July  13. 
forwardness  of  some  of  our  party  to  charge  the  enemy  upon 
disadvantageous  ground  was  the  principal  cause  of  their 
defeat.  The  horse  being  routed,  our  foot  also  quitted  their 
ground,  and  shifted  for  themselves  ;  many  of  whom  were 
taken,  and  many  killed,  the  rest  retreated  to  Bristol,  where 
they  made  the  best  preparation  they  could  to  defend  them- 


54    Liidlozu  tugged  by  his  friends  to  surrender. 

1643  selves,  expecting  suddenly  to  be  besieged,  as  it  fell  out. 
.T"ly  27  Sir  William  Waller  with  what  horse  he  had  left  marched 
to  London,  where  no  means  were  omitted  to  recruit  them. 
Sept.  5.  Exeter  was  surrendred  to  the  enemy  upon  terms,  and 
Bristol  besieged,  which  being  stormed  on  one  side,  and 
ours  not  doing  their  duty,  part  of  the  enemy  being  entred, 
July  26.  the  Gcvernour  desired  to  capitulate,  and  delivered  up  the 
town  upon  articles,  which  were  not  well  kept,  in  retaliation, 
as  they  pretended,  for  the  like  breach  by  ours  at  the 
taking  of  Reading.  The  Governour  of  Bristol  was  here- 
Dee.  29.  upon  tried  and  condemned  by  a  court  martial,  how  justly 
I  know  not ;  but  the  Parliament  ordered  the  execution  of 
the  sentence  to  be  suspended.  About  this  time  a  gentle- 
man of  the  country,  related  to  the  Lord  Cottington  ^,  desired 
a  conference  with  me,  wherein  he  endeavoured  to  perswade 
me  to  surrender  the  Castle  of  Warder,  promising  me  any 
terms  I  would  desire,  and  assuring  me  that  several  of  the 
western  gentlemen,  finding  our  affairs  desperate,  had  made 
their  peace  with  the  King,  and  that  the  Kentish  men  who 
were  risen  for  him  would  be  sufficient  to  accomplish  his 
work,  tho  he  had  no  other  army.  Also  Colonel  Robert 
Philips,  my  friend  and  kinsman,  coming  before  the  castle 
some  time  after  with  a  party  of  horse,  and  desiring  to 
speak  with  me,  was  earnest  with  me  to  the  same  effect :  my 
answers  to  both  were,  that  I  had  resolved  to  run  all  hazards 
in  the  discharge  of  that  trust  which  I  had  undertaken  ^. 

^  Mr.  Plott ;  see  pp.  62,  76,  post.  King  Charles  the  Second's  residence. 

^  Ludlow's  mother  was  Elizabeth,  Archaeologia,  vol.    xxxv.      He  was 

daughter  of  Richard  Phelips,  of  Men-  member  for  Stockbridge  in  1661,  and 

tacute,  Somersetshire.      Col.  Robert  for  Andover  in   1685,  groom  of  the 

Phelips  was  the  second   son   of  Sir  bedchamber  to  Charles  II,  one  of  the 

Robert   Phelips    of   Montacute,    and  commissioners  of  the  Privy  Seal  in 

matriculated    at    Wadham    College,  Dec.    1685,    and    chancellor    of    the 

Oxford,    Oct.    24,     1634,    aged    15.  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  May  25,   1687. 

Gardiner,  Wadham  Register,  i.  116.  He    died    before    March    21,    i6|^. 

In  165 1  he  played  an  important  part  See    Chester,    Westminster    Abbey 

in  contriving  the  escape  of  Charles  II  Registers,  pp.    191,   229;  Cal.  S.  P. 

from  England.  Clarendon,  Rebellion,  Dom.    1660-1,  p.    209;     ist    Report 

xii.  103.     In  1656  he  was  at  Bruges,  Hist.     MSS.     Comm. ,    p.     58;     3rd 

holding  the   office  of  groom   of  the  Report,  p.  281.     Some  of  his  letters 

bed-chamber  to  the  Duke   of  York.  are  printed  in  the  Nicholas  Papers, 

Memorials   preserved    in    Bruges  of  vol.  ii. 


Progress  of  the  Irish   War.  55 

The  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  notwithstanding  the  1643 
many  difficulties  they  met  with  at  home,  having  sent  over 
forces  to  subdue  the  rebels  in  Ireland,  thought  it  also  their 
duty  to  send  recruits  thither,  and  at  the  same  time  pre- 
sented the  Earl  of  Ormond  with  a  jewel,  as  a  testi- 
mony of  their  acceptance  of  his  service  at  the  battle  of  March  18. 
Rosse,  where  there  was  above  forty  of  his  own  name 
and  kindred  killed  upon  the  place,  and  the  enemy  totally 
routed,  tho  for  a  long  time  they  had  much  the  better  of 
the  day. 

The  Earl  of  Leicester  having  been  voted  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland  by  the  Parliament,  and  approved  by  the  King, 
wanted  nothing  but  his  commission  to  begin  his  journey 
for  that  kingdom,  which  after  several  delays  he  received 
from  the  King  ;  but  being  at  Chester  in  order  to  take 
shipping,  the  carriages  and  draught-horses  which  lay  there 
for  that  service,  as  also  the  clothes  and  other  provisions 
designed  by  the  Parliament  for  the  souldiers  in  Ireland, 
were  seized  by  the  King's  order,  and  made  use  of  for  his 
service  here ;  whilst  his  agents  there  endeavoured  to  per- 
swade  the  English  souldiers  in  that  country,  that  they  were 
neglected  by  the  Parliament  :  upon  which  false  suggestion 
he  prevailed  with  them  to  serve  him  in  England  against 
the  Parliament ;  and,  contraiy  to  his  engagement  to  both 
Houses  not  to  treat  with  the  rebels  without  their  con- 
currence, made  a  cessation  with  them,  and  brought  over  Sept.  15. 
many  of  them  to  serve  in  his  army  against  the  Parliament : 
who  being  encompassed  with  difficulties  on  all  hands,  and 
understanding  that  the  Queen  was  landing  with  a  con-  Feb.  27,. 
siderable  strength  at  Bridlington  Bay  in  the  county  of 
York,  sent  commissioners  to  treat  with  their  friends  in  July  19- 
Scotland  to  march  into  England  to  their  assistance. 

In  the  mean  time  the  King's  army  besieged  the  city  of  Aug.  10. 
Glocester,  the  King  being  there  in  person  to  countenance 
the  siege.  The  besieged  made  a  vigorous  defence  for  about 
a  month,  during  which  the  Parliament  took  care  to  recruit 
their  army  in  order  to  relieve  them.  Their  rendezvous  was 
appointed  on  Hounslow  Heath,  whither  some  members  of  Aug.  22. 


56  Essex  relieves  Gloucester. 

1643  Parliament  (of  which  my  father  was  one)  were  sent,  to 
inspect  their  condition,  that  their  wants  being  known, 
might  be  the  better  supplied ;  who  found  them  a  very 
shatter'd  and  broken  body :  but  the  city  being  then  very 
affectionate  to  the  publick,  soon  recruited  them,  and  drew 
forth  so  many  of  their  trained  bands  and  auxiliary  regi- 
ments, as  made  them  up  a  gallant  army.     In  their  march 

Sept.  15.  towards  Glocester  some  of  ours  fell  upon  a  party  of  the 
enemy  at  Cirencester,  of  whom  they  took  many  prisoners, 
and  seized  a  great  quantity  of  provisions  which  they  found 
prepared  for   the  enemy,  who  upon  our  approach  raised 

Sept.  7.  the  siege.  The  Earl  of  Essex  having  relieved  the  town, 
was  marching  back  again,  when  he  perceived  the  enemy 
endeavouring  to  get   between  him  and   London  ;  and  to 

Sept.  18.  that  end  falling  upon  his  rear  with  a  strong  party  of  horse, 
they  so  disordered  his  men,  and  retarded  the  march  of 
his  army,  that  he  found  himself  obliged  to  engage  them 

Sept.  20.  at  Newbury.  The  dispute  was  very  hot  on  both  sides, 
and  the  enemy  had  the  better  at  the  first;  but  our  men 
resolving  to  carry  their  point,  and  the  city-regiments 
behaving  themselves  with  great  bravery,  gave  them  before 
night  so  little  cause  to  boast,  that  the  next  morning  they 
were  willing  to  permit  the  Earl  of  Essex  to  march  to 
London  without  interruption.  Few  prisoners  were  taken 
on  either  side  :  the  enemy  had  several  persons  of  quality 
killed ;  the  principal  of  whom  were  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon, 
the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  the  Lord  Falkland,  and  a  French 
Marquiss.  We  lost  a  Colonel  of  one  of  the  city-regiments, 
together  with  some  inferiour  officers. 

Some  of  the  Lords  and  Commons,  contrary  to  their  duty, 
withdrew  themselves  from  the  Parliament  at  Westminster, 
and  went  to  the  King  at  Oxford,  where  they  met  together, 
but  never  did  any  thing  considerable  for  the  King's  service, 
and  shewed  themselves  so  little  willing  to  assume  the  name 
of  a  Parliament,  that  the  King  in  a  letter  to  the  Queen  (a 
copy  whereof  was  afterwards  found  amongst  his  papers) 
called  them  his  Mongrel  Parliament. 

Auf,'.  10.        In  the  mean  time  the  Earl  of  Manchester  received  a 


CromweWs  exploits  in  Lincolnshire.          57 

commission  from  the  Parliament  to  raise  forces  in  the  1643 
associated  counties  of  Suffolk,  Norfolk,  Essex,  Cambridg, 
Huntington,  &c.,  which  was  very  necessary:  for  the  King 
was  master  of  all  places  of  strength  from  Berwick  to  Boston, 
except  Hull  and  two  small  castles  in  Lincolnshire ;  and 
Ferdinando  Lord  Fairfax,  not  able  to  keep  the  field  against 
the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  was  retired  with  his  horse  and  foot 
to  Hull :  the  enemy's  strength  in  the  north  no  way  inferiour 
to  what  it  was  in  the  west,  and  none  considerable  enough 
to  oppose  their  march  into  the  south. 

The  Earl  of  Newcastle,  upon  advice  that  the  Lord 
Willoughby  of  Parham  had  possessed  himself  of  the  town 
of  Gainsborough  for  the  Parliament,  sent  his  brother  Col. 
Cavendish,  Lieutenant-General  of  his  army,  with  a  great 
party  of  horse  and  dragoons  to  summon  it,  himself  marching 
after  with  the  foot.  Col.  Oliver  Cromwell  having  notice 
thereof,  and  understanding  by  fresh  experience  that  victory 
is  not  always  obtained  by  the  greater  number,  having  lately  May  13. 
defeated  near  Grantham  twenty-four  troops  of  the  enemy's 
horse  and  dragoons,  with  seven  troops  only  which  he  had 
with  him,  resolved  to  endeavour  the  relief  of  Gainsborough ; 
and  with  twelve  troops  of  horse  and  dragoons  marched 
thither,  where  he  found  the  enemy,  who  were  drawn  up  July  28. 
near  the  town,  to  be  more  than  thrice  his  number,  and  no 
way  to  attack  them  but  through  a  gate,  and  up-hill ;  not- 
withstanding which  disadvantages  he  adventured  to  fall 
upon  them,  and  after  some  dispute  totally  routed  them, 
killing  many  of  their  officers,  and  amongst  them  Lieutenant- 
General  Cavendish.  Thus  was  Gainsborough  relieved  ;  but 
the  conquerors  had  little  time  to  rejoice,  for  within  two  or 
three  hours  the  routed  enemy  rallying,  and  joining  with  the 
rest  of  Newcastle's  army,  marched  against  them :  upon 
which  they  retreated  to  Lincoln  that  night  in  good  order, 
and  without  any  loss,  facing  the  enemy  with  three  troops 
at  a  time  as  they  drew  off  the  rest.  Lincoln  not  being 
defensible,  Col.  Cromwell  marched  the  next  day  to  Boston, 
that  he  might  join  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  who  with  his 
new-rais'd  forces  had  very  seasonably  reduced  Lynn,  a  town 


58        Lincolnshire  regained  by  Manchester. 

1643  in  Norfolk  not  far  from  the  sea,  naturally  strong,  and  might 
have  proved  impregnable,  if  time  had  favoured  art  and 
industry  to  have  fortified  and  furnished  it  with  provisions. 
But  Sir  Hammond  Lestrange,  who  had  before  surprized  it 
for  the  King,  was  soon  surprized  himself;  and  being  sud- 
denly summoned  by  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  and  threatned 
with  a  storm,  after  he  had  fired  a  few  great  shot  against 

Sept.  16.  the  besiegers,  thought  fit  to  surrender  it  upon  articles. 
From  thence  the  Earl  of  Manchester  marched  to  Boston, 
where  being  joined  by  Col.  Cromwell,  appointed  by  the 
Parliament  to  command  under  him,  and  a  party  of  horse 
brought  by  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  by  sea  from  Hull,  he 
mustered  about  six  thousand  foot,  and  thirty-seven  troops 
of  horse  and  dragoons.  To  prevent  any  further  addition 
to  his  forces,  the  Earl  of  Newcastle  advanced  with  his  army, 
and  sent  a  strong  detachment  of  horse  and  dragoons  towards 
Boston,  appearing  by  their  standards  to  be  eighty-seven 
troops,  commanded  by  Sir  John  Henderson,  an  old  souldier, 
who  hearing  that  Col.  Cromwell  was  drawn  out  towards 
him  with  the  horse  and  dragoons,  made  haste  to  engage 
him  before  the  Earl  of  Manchester  with  the  foot  could 
march   up,   as   accordingly  it  fell    out   at   a  place   called 

Oct.  II.  VVinsby  Field  near  Horncastle.  In  the  first  shock  Col. 
Cromwell  had  his  horse  kill'd  under  him  ;  yet  the  encounter 
was  but  short,  tho  very  sharp,  for  there  being  field-room 
enough,  the  fight  lasted  but  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  the 
Earl  of  Newcastle's  forces  were  totally  routed,  and  many 
of  them  killed  :  amongst  them  the  Lord  Widdrington,  Sir 
Ingram  Hopton,  and  other  persons  of  quality.  The  enemy 
had  no  time  to  rally,  being  pursued  by  ours  almost  as  far 
as  Lincoln,  which  was  fourteen  miles  off;  in  which  pursuit 
divers  of  them  were  killed  and  made  prisoners,  and  many 
horse  and  arms  taken.  Neither  were  they  suffered  to  rest 
at  Lincoln,  the  Earl  of  Manchester  marching  thither  the 
day  following,  where  the  enemy's  broken  troops  had  endea- 
voured to  fortify  the  higher  part  of  the  city  called  the  Close, 
but  had  not  quite  finished  their  works  when  the  Earl 
arrived,   and   summoned  them   to  surrender ;    which  they 


Ludlow  prepares  for  a  siege.  59 

refusing,  our  foot  and  horse  fell  on  and  took  it  by  storm,      1643 
with  little  loss  on  our  side.  Oct.  20. 

About  this  time  a  considerable  party  in  Kent  rose  and  July, 
declared  for  the  King,  which  was  dispersed  by  some  forces 
sent  from  London,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Brown  ; 
whereby  the  committee  of  Kent  were  encouraged  and 
enabled  to  raise  a  good  body  of  horse  and  foot  for  the 
service  of  the  Parliament  '^. 

My  father  apprehending  that  I  was  not  likely  to  be 
relieved  in  three  or  four  months,  in  case  I  were  besieged  ; 
and  knowing  that  the  enemies  were  masters  of  the  field 
in  those  parts,  and  that  I  was  about  twenty  miles  from 
any  of  our  garisons,  procured  an  order  from  the  Parliament, 
impowering  me  to  slight  the  Castle  of  Warder,  and  to 
draw  off  the  garison,  if  I  saw  cause  :  which  care  of  theirs 
quickned  my  zeal  to  their  service,  and  put  me  upon 
endeavouring,  as  well  as  I  could,  to  prepare  for  the  worst. 
To  that  end  being  in  want  of  ammunition,  I  went  to 
Southampton,  where  I  bought  what  they  could  spare, 
and  returned  to  the  castle ;  where  being  in  great  want  of 
money,  having  always  paid  the  country  people  for  what 
soever  I  had  from  them,  I  made  a  seasonable  discovery 
of  money,  plate  and  jewels,  to  the  value  of  about  twelve 
hundred  pounds,  walled  up  by  the  enemy  :  part  of  this 
sum  I  expended  upon  the  garison,  and  gave  an  account 
thereof  to  the  Parliament^.  The  enemy  was  now  begin- 
ning to  draw  about  us,  yet  would  not  actually  besiege  us 
before  they  had  endeavoured  to  reduce  us  by  treachery. 
To  this  end  one  Capt.  White  a  Papist,  of  Dorsetshire, 
having  found  a  boy  at  Shaftsbury  fit  for  the  purpose,  gave 
him  such  instructions  as  he  thought  fit :  he  was  not  above 
twelve  years  of  age,  and  yet,  as  I  was  afterwards  informed, 
had  already  attempted  to  poison  his  grandfather.  This 
boy  he  sent  to  the  castle  to  desire  of  me  to  be  admitted 

'  On     the     Kentish     rising,     see  money,  Ludlow  obtained  loans  from 

Browne's   letter,    5th    Report    Hist.  royalists  and  granted  protections  in 

MSS.  Comm.,  p.  97  ;  Vicars,  God's  return.      See  the   case   of  Thomas 

Ark,  11-18;  Rushworth,  v.  277.  Bennet,  Calendar  of  Committee  for 

^  Amongst  other  ways  of  raising  Compounding,  p.  941. 


6o  A  traitor  in  the  garrison. 

1643  to  turn  the  spit,  or  perform  any  other  servile  employment ; 
to  which  I  consented,  his  youth  freeing  him,  as  I  thought, 
from  any  suspicion.  About  three  or  four  days  after  a 
party  of  the  enemy's  horse  appeared  before  the  castle,  and 
making  a  great  shout,  the  cattle  belonging  to  the  garison, 
consisting  of  about  forty  cows  and  one  bull,  which 
they  all  followed,  ran  away  at  the  noise :  some  of  us 
endeavouring  to  turn  them,  the  enemy  fired  so  thick  upon 
us,  that  one  of  my  souldiers  and  myself  were  forced  to 
betake  our  selves  to  a  tree  for  shelter  ;  where  my  souldier 
levelling  his  musquct  through  a  hole  of  the  tree,  which 
was  about  a  foot  in  diameter,  a  ball  from  the  enemy 
grazing  upon  the  upper  part  of  the  hole,  and  thereby 
forced  downwards,  shot  the  young  man  through  the  hand, 
and  me  into  the  leg,  which  obliged  me  to  keep  my  bed 
for  two  days.  A  great  wall-gun  called  a  Harqiiebii"  de 
Croq  being  fired  from  the  top  of  the  castle,  burst  in  the 
middle.  At  night  as  this  boy  was  sitting  with  the  guard 
by  the  fire,  some  of  them  conceived  a  jealousy  of  him  ; 
and  strictly  examining  him  about  the  cause  of  his  coming, 
he  affirmed  it  to  be  because  the  master  whom  he  served 
had  used  him  cruelly  for  speaking  some  words  in  favour  of 
the  Parliament.  With  which  answer  they  not  being  satis- 
fied, threatned  that  unless  he  would  confess  the  truth, 
they  would  hang  him  immediately ;  and  to  afright  him,  tied 
a  piece  of  match  about  his  neck,  and  began  to  pull  him  up 
on  a  halbert.  Upon  this  he  promised  to  confess  all,  if 
they  would  spare  his  life ;  and  thereupon  acknowledged  that 
Capt.  White  had  hired  him  to  number  the  men  and  arms  in 
the  castle,  to  poison  the  arms,  the  well,  and  the  beer,  to  blow 
up  the  ammunition,  to  steal  away  one  of  my  best  horses  to 
carry  him  back  to  them  ;  for  which  service  he  was  to  receive 
half  a  crown  :  confessing  that  he  had  accordingly  poisoned 
two  cannon  and  the  Harqiiebuz  that  was  broken,  but 
pretended  that  his  conscience  would  not  give  him  leave 
to  poison  the  water  and  the  beer.  The  great  guns  were 
made  serviceable  again  by  oiling,  and  making  a  fire  in 
them.     The  poison  he  used  was  of  a  red  colour,  and  made 


The  beginning  of  the  siege.  6 1 

up  in  the  shape  of  a  candle,  with  part  of  which  he  had  i6 
rubbed  three  of  our  guns  ^.  After  this  deliverance  we  got  in 
some  cattle  for  our  provision,  but  the  enemy  drawing  into  the 
villages  about  us,  soon  prevented  us  from  bringing  in  any- 
more :  yet  we  ventured  one  morning,  knowing  it  to  be 
market-day,  to  draw  out  between  forty  and  fifty  pikes  and 
firelocks,  with  which  we  went  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
the  castle  upon  the  road  that  leads  to  Shaftsbury.  Accord- 
ing to  our  expectation  the  market-people  came  with  carts 
and  horses  loaded  with  corn  and  other  provisions,  which 
we  seized  and  sent  to  the  castle,  paying  for  it  the  market- 
price,  at  which  they  were  not  a  little  surprized.  By  this 
means  we  furnished  our  selves  with  three  months'  more 
provision  than  we  had  before  ;  which  we  had  no  sooner 
taken  in,  when  the  enemy  drew  round  the  castle,  and  from  December. 
that  time  blocked  us  up  more  closely,  raising  a  breastwork 
by  casting  up  of  earth  about  a  tree  which  we  had  cut 
down  on  the  side  of  a  hill ;  from  whence  they  commanded 
the  gate  of  the  castle,  the  only  way  that  we  had  to  sally 
out  upon  occasion,  and  shot  several  of  our  men,  amongst 
the  rest  my  gunner,  as  they  fetched  in  wood.  The  person 
that  commanded  the  party  which  lay  before  us  was  one 
Capt.  Christopher  Bowyer  of  Dorsetshire,  who  to  get  us 
out  of  the  castle,  proposed  to  grant  us  what  terms  we 
desired  ;  to  which  we  replied,  that  we  designed  to  discharge 
our  duty  by  keeping  it  as  long  as  we  could.  Upon  this 
he  threatned  us  with  great  numbers  of  horse  and  foot, 
attended  with  several  pieces  of  cannon^,  which  he  said 
were  drawing  towards  us,  boasting  of  the  justice  of  his  cause, 
and  representing  to  us  the  greatness  of  our  danger,  and 
the  inevitable  ruin  that  must  ensue  upon  our  obstinacy  : 
but  Capt.  Bean,  who  at  that  time  served  as  cannoneer, 
ours  being  shot,  as  I  mentioned  before,  told  him,  that  we 
were  not  at  all  afrighted  with  his  menaces  ;  but  upon 
confidence  of  the  justice   of  our   cause,  were   resolved  to 

^  Poisoning  a  gun  is  also  spoken       War    Tracts,  Chetham  Society,  pp. 
of   in    an    account    of   the    siege    of      174,  178. 
Lathom    House.      Lancashire   Civil 


662  The  garrison  make  a  sally. 

1643  ,  defend  the  place  to  the  utmost ;  and  warning  him  to  look 
to  himself,  fired  a  gun,  with  which  he  wounded  him  in  the 
heel ;  and  it  being  unsafe  for  any  to  carry  him  off  by  day, 
his  wound  gangreened  before  night,  and  he  died  about  two 
days  after.  In  the  room  of  Capt.  Bowyer  one  Col.  Barnes 
was  sent  by  the  King  to  command  the  forces  that  lay  before 
us :  he  was  brother  to  an  honest  gentleman  who  was  chap- 
lain to  my  father,  for  whose  sake,  and  because  he  had  the 
reputation  of  being  an  old  souldier,  a  thing  much  valued  by 
the  Parliament  at  that  time,  my  father  had  procured  him  a 
considerable  employment  in  their  service,  in  which  he  con- 
tinued as  long  as  their  constant  pay  lasted,  but  that  failing, 
he  ran  away  to  the  King  ^  Upon  his  coming  he  raised  a 
fort  within  musquet-shot  of  us,  on  the  hill  that  surrounded 
the  castle,  except  only  on  the  west  side,  where  was  a  pond 
of  about  six  acres.  The  enemy  possessed  themselves  of  all 
the  out-houses,  but  used  them  only  by  night,  not  thinking 
it  safe  to  come  at  them  by  day ;  which  we  observing,  one 
evening  conveyed  forty  men  through  a  vault  leading  to 
those  houses,  ordering  them  to  lie  private,  and  endeavour  to 
surprize  them  when  they  came ;  which  had  been  effected, 
if  one  of  ours,  contrary  to  order,  upon  the  entrance  of  the 
first  of  the  enemy,  had  not  fired  his  pistol,  and  thereby 
given  warning  to  the  rest  to  shift  for  themselves.  The  man 
who  was  the  occasion  of  this  disappointment  was  deprived 
of  the  use  of  his  arms  till  he  should  attempt  something  for 
the  redeeming  of  his  reputation  ;  which  soon  after,  upon  a 
sally  we  made  on  the  enemy,  he  did,  in  which  we  took  two 
of  the  enemy's  horses,  and  made  some  prisoners.  How 
many  of  them  were  killed  we  could  not  learn  :  on  our  side 
some  were  wounded,  of  whom  one  died  soon  after. 

A  kinsman  of  mine,  who  was  related  to  the  Lord  Cot- 

1  At   the  restoration   Col.   George  the  King;  took  Wardour  Castle,  and 

Barnes    petitioned   for  the  place   of  made  Col.  Ludlow  prisoner,  but  was 

Bailiff  of  Sandwich,  and  afterwards  wounded  and  lost  his  only  son  before 

for  the  command  of  a  foot  company  L3'me.      Since  the  disbanding  of  the 

in   Col.  Norton's  regiment,   alleging  forces  he  had  lived  13  years  in  exile 

that   he   had   sold    his    estates   and  in   Holland    and    Italy.      Cal.    State 

raised  a  regiment   of   1200  foot  for  Papers,  Dom.  1660-1,  pp.  240,  443. 


Negotiations  for  surrender  begin.  63 

tington,  was  sent  from  Oxford  to  offer  me  what  terms  I  16 
would  desire.  I  permitted  him  to  come  in,  that  seeing  our 
strength  and  provision,  he  might  make  his  report  to  the 
enemy  to  our  advantage :  for  things  were  so  ordered  by 
removing  our  guards  from  place  to  place,  filling  up  our 
hogsheads  with  empty  barrels,  and  covering  them  with 
beef  and  pork,  and  in  like  manner  ordering  our  corn,  that 
every  thing  appeared  double,  to  what  it  was,  to  them.  The 
substance  of  the  conditions  I  proposed  was :  that  if  I 
understood  from  the  Earl  of  Essex  that  he  could  not  relieve 
us  within  six  months,  we  would  then  deliver  the  castle,  upon 
condition,  that  it  should  not  be  made  a  garison :  that  the 
Parliament  should  have  two  thousand  pounds  for  what  they 
had  expended  in  the  taking  and  keeping  of  it ;  with  some 
other  particulars,  which  the  gentleman  carried  to  Oxford 
with  him :  but  we  never  had  any  return  from  him  about 
them,  neither  indeed  did  we  expect  any.  Our  beer  was  now 
spent,  our  corn  much  diminished,  and  we  had  no  other 
drink  but  the  water  of  our  well,  which  tho  we  drunk  dry 
by  day,  yet  it  was  sufficiently  supplied  every  night.  But 
being  resolved  to  keep  the  castle  as  long  as  we  could,  we 
shortned  our  allowance,  so  that  three  pecks  and  a  half  of 
wheat  one  day,  and  a  bushel  of  barley  another,  served  near 
a  hundred  men,  which  was  all  our  force,  my  troop  being 
sent  away  before  for  want  of  conveniency  for  horse :  this 
allowance  was  so  short,  that  I  caused  one  of  the  horses  we 
had  taken  to  be  killed,  which  the  souldiers  eat  up  in  two 
days,  besides  their  ordinary. 

The  forces  that  had  been  sent  by  the  Parliament  to  the 
assistance  of  the  distressed  Protestants  in  Ireland,  being, 
under  pretence  that  they  were  neglected,  as  hath  been  before 
mentioned,  brought  into  England  to  serve  against  those 
who  raised  them  ;  and  the  rebels,  by  the  pacification  made 
with  them  by  the  King's  order,  contrary  to  his  promise  to 
the  Parliament,  left  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  what  they  had 
gotten  from  the  English  by  rapine  and  murder  ;  part  of 
those  who  came  out  of  Ireland  landed  at  Chester,  and  drew 
before   Nantwich  :   they  were   commanded  by  one   Capt. 


'r3 


64      The  King  reinforced  by  the  Irish  Army. 

i64c44  Sandford  ^  brother  to  Sir  William  Sandford,  a  worthy  person 
of  Gray's  Inn,  to  whom  he  had  solemnly  promised  never  to 
engage  against  the  Parliament  :  yet  did  he  send  in  a  very 
threatning  summons  to  the  town,  and  seconded  it  with  a  most 
furious  assault,  whilst  the  works  were  but  slenderly  defended, 
the  guard  consisting  for  the  most  part  of  townsmen,  who 
were  then  gone  to  dinner :  but  it  so  happened,  that  a  boy 
of  the  age  of  fifteen  firing  a  musquet  from  the  town,  shot 

Jan.  1 8.  him  dead  in  the  place^  which  discouraged  his  souldiers  from 
any  farther  attempt. 

Col.  George  Monk,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Parlia- 
ment into  Ireland  against  the  rebels,  for  some  time  scrupled 
to  quit  that  service,  and  to  engage  in  this,  being  upon  that 
account  secured  on  ship-board  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond, 
whilst  he  sent  those  forces  into  England,  lest  he  should 
have  obstructed  their  going  over  ;  yet  having  afterwards 
his  liberty  to  wait  on  the  King,  was  prevailed  with  to  join 

Jan.  25.  with  them,  and  soon  after  taken  prisoner  by  a  party  from 
Yorkshire,  commanded  by  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  who  sent 
him  prisoner  to  Hull,  from  whence  some  time  after  he  was 
conveyed  to  the  Tower  of  London  ^.  Another  party  of  the 
forces  from  Ireland  landed  in  the  west,  and  marched  as  far 
as  Hinden  towards  Warder  Castle,  in  order  to  besiege  it; 
but  being  informed  that  the  person  whom  they  were  to  dis- 
possess was  a  Protestant,  and  he  into  whose  hands  they  were 
to  put  it  was  a  Papist,  they  mutinied  against  their  ofificers, 
and  refused  to  be  employed  against  us. 

The  Queen  landed  with  an  army  of  French,  Walloons, 

and  other  foreigners,  and  brought  with  her  great  store  of 

ammunition  and  money,  procured  by  pawning  the  crown- 

1643      jewels  in  Holland.     With  these  and  other  forces  the  Earl 

Sci5t.  2.    of  Newcastle  marched  to  besiege  Hull,  of  which  place  the 

'  Captain  Thomas  Sandford;    see  lege,   Oxford,    10   Nov.,    1615,   aged 

his    letters    in     Rushworth,    v.    300,  18. 

301.     William  Sanford,  late  of  Bar-  ^  Monk's    name    is    in    the  list   of 

nard's    Inn,    son    and   heir   of  John  prisoners      appended     to      Fairfax's 

Sanford  of  the  city  of  Bristol,  gent.,  letter.     Rushworth,  v.  302,     He  was 

was  admitted  to  Gray's  Inn,  Feb.  2,  released    from   his  imprisonment    in 

1618;   matriculated  at   Lincoln   Col-  Nov.,  1646. 


Death  of  Sir  Henry  Ludlow.  65 

Lord  Ferdinando  Fairfax  was  governour,  who  with  the  1643 
assistance  of  the  seamen  belonging  to  some  ships  that  lay- 
in  the  harbour,  made  so  fierce  a  sally  upon  the  enemy,  that  Oct.  n. 
they  were  forced  to  quit  some  of  their  guns,  and  withdraw 
to  a  greater  distance,  leaving  many  of  their  men  behind 
them,  of  whom  some  were  killed,  and  others  taken  prisoners. 
Col.  Overton  carried  himself,  as  I  am  well  informed,  with 
much  honour  and  gallantry  in  this  action.  This  bad  success 
so  dispirited  the  enemy,  that  they  abandoned  the  siege,  and 
retired  to  York  ;  to  which  also  the  approach  of  winter,  and 
the  preparations  of  the  Scots  to  march  into  England,  did 
not  a  little  contribute  ;  for  the  Parliaments  of  both  king- 
doms had  at  length  agreed  upon  terms,  and  removed  the 
last  and  greatest  difficulty,  consisting  in  some  doubtful 
words  in  the  covenant,  which  was  to  be  taken  by  both 
nations,  concerning  the  preservation  of  the  King's  person, 
and  reducing  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  both  churches 
to  the  pattern  of  the  best  reformed  :  for  which  Sir  Henry 
Vane,  one  of  the  commissioners  of  the  Parliament,  found 
out  an  expedient,  by  adding  to  the  first  clause  these  or  the 
like  words,  '  in  preservation  of  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
liberty  of  the  subject ';  and  to  the  second,  '  according  to  the 
word  of  God  ^.'  Which  being  an  explanation  that  could  not 
be  refused,  prevented  any  farther  contestation  about  that 
matter. 

About  this  time  the  enemy  by  cruel  usage  put  a  period 
to  the  life  of  my  brother  Capt.  Robert  Ludlow,  who  was 
their  prisoner,  as  I  before  related.  The  news  of  this,  and 
of  the  danger  I  was  in,  so  afflicted  my  father,  together  with 
his  constant  labours  in  the  publick  service,  and  possibly  his 
dissatisfaction  about  the  imprisonment  of  his  good  friend 
Mr.  Henry  Martin,  for  words  spoken  in  the  House,  as  he 
conceived  in  discharge  of  his  duty,  that  he  died,  expressing  October, 
himself  deeply  sensible  of  the  condition  of  the  bleeding 
nation,  and  heartily  praying  for  the  prosperity  of  the  publick 

'  On  the  question  of  Vane's  amend-      27 1 ;  Burnet,  Lives  of  the  Hamiltons, 
ments  to  the  draft  of  the  Covenant,      p.  307,  ed.  1852. 
see    Gardiner,  Great    Civil    War,    i. 

VOL.  I.  F 


66  The  siege  of  Wardour  Castle. 

1643  cause  ^.  The  words  spoken  by  Mr.  Martin  in  the  ParHament 
were  to  this  purpose, '  That  it  was  better  one  family  should 
perish,  than  that  the  people  should  be  destroyed  ':  and  being 
required  to  explain  himself,  he  ingenuously  confessed  that 
he  meant  the  family  of  the  King  ;  for  which  he  was  com- 
Aiig.  16.    mitted  to  the  Tower,but  afterwards  released,  and  re-admitted 

1645  to  his  place  in  the  Parliament.  About  the  same  time 
Mr.  John  Pym  also  died,  who  had  been  very  instrumental 

1643  in  promoting  the  interest  of  the  nation  :  his  body  was  for 
several  days  exposed  to  publick  view  in  Derby-house  before 
it  was  interred,  in  confutation  of  those  who  reported  it  to  be 
eaten  with  lice. 

The  enemy  before  Warder  Castle  kept  their  guards 
within  pistol-shot  of  it  day  and  night,  so  that  we  could  not 
expect  any  more  intelligence  from  abroad  ;  yet  one  of  ours 
sent  by  us  into  the  country  a  week  before,  to  inform  us  of 
the  state  of  affairs,  met,  at  an  honest  man's  house  not  far 
from  the  castle,  a  souldier,  whom  the  enemy  had  pressed  to 
serve  them  ;  whose  heart  being  with  us,  these  two  agreed, 
that  when  relief  should  be  coming,  he  who  was  without 
should  appear  with  a  white  cap  on  his  head,  and  blow  his 
nose  with  his  handkerchief.  In  the  mean  time  the  besiegers 
raised  a  battery,  and  by  a  shot  from  thence  cut  off  the  chain 
of  our  portcullis,  which  rendering  our  gate  unserviceable  to 
us,  we  made  it  so  to  them,  by  barricading  it  up  on  the  inside : 
so  that  now  we  had  no  way  out  but  through  a  window,  our 
other  doors  being  walled  up  before.  But  the  battery  not 
answering  their  expectation,  they  resolved  to  try  other* 
experiments,  either  by  digging  a  hole  in  the  castle-wall,  and 
putting  a  sufficient  quantity  of  powder  therein  to  blow  it  up, 
or  by  undermining  the  said  wall,  and  supporting  it  with 
timber,  and  then  setting  it  on  fire  :  whereby  they  supposed 

'  Sir  Henry  Ludlow,  Knt.,  born  at  Nov.  i,  1643.    He  married  Elizabeth, 

Maiden  Bradley,  1592 ;  matriculated  daughter    of    Richard     Phelips,     of 

at Brasenose College,  Oxford,  Oct.  16,  Montacute,    Somerset.     Her  will  is 

1607,  aged    15 ;   graduated  as  B.A.,  dated     May    18,     1660,    proved    at 

Feb.  6,  1609  ;  High  Sheriff  of  Wilts,  London,    Jan.    19,    166J.     She   was 

1633;  M.P.,  1640.     Died  intestate;  buried    at    St.   Andrew's,   Holborn, 

buried    at    St.    Andrew's,    Holborn,  Nov.  6,  1660. 


The  besiegers  try  a  mine.  67 

to  destroy  that  also  on  which  the  wall  rested,  and  so  to  1643 
bring  down  the  wall.  In  order  to  this  they  prepared 
materials  to  defend  them  whilst  they  were  about  the  work, 
and  brought  together  about  two  dozen  of  oaken  planks  three 
inches  thick,  which  they  endeavoured  in  a  dark  n'ght  to  set 
up  against  the  castle-wall,  half  of  them  on  one  side,  and  half 
on  the  other.  Our  sentinels  discovered  them  on  one  side, 
and  beat  them  off,  forcing  them  to  leave  their  boards  behind 
them.  On  the  other  side  they  set  them  up,  and  in  the 
morning  were  hard  at  work  under  their  shelter.  We  heard 
a  noise  of  digging,  but  for  some  time  could  not  perceive 
where  :  at  length  we  discovered  the  place,  and  endeavoured 
to  remove  them,  by  throwing  down  hot  water  and  melted 
lead,  tho  to  little  purpose.  At  last  with  hand-granadoes  we 
obliged  them  to  quit  their  work,  and  to  leave  their  tools  behind 
them,  with  their  provisions  for  three  or  four  days  :  and  tho 
we  had  no  way  out  of  the  castle  but  by  a  narrow  window, 
yet  we  brought  in  their  materials  and  provisions  :  for  that 
morning  having  shot  the  officer  that  commanded  their 
guard  in  the  head,  their  trenches  not  being  finished  to 
secure  their  approaches  to  the  out-houses,  under  the  shelter 
of  which  they  kept  their  guard  ;  and  being  admonished  by 
what  befel  Capt.  Bowyer,  of  the  danger  of  delaying  to  dress 
a  wound,  they  desired  leave  to  carry  off  their  wounded  man, 
which  I  granted  on  condition  that  they  would  commit  no 
act  of  hostility  in  the  mean  time  :  and  when  five  or  six  of 
them  who  carried  him  off  were  about  pistol-shot  from  the 
"wall,  I  appeared  with  forty  musqueteers  ready  to  fire  on  the 
top  of  the  castle,  and  ordered  three  or  four  men  out  of  the 
window  mentioned  before,  who  brought  in  their  materials. 

A  relation  of  mine,  one  Capt.  Henry  Williams,  who 
commanded  a  company  in  Colonel  Barns  his  regiment, 
desiring  to  be  admitted  to  speak  with  me,  and  I  consenting, 
he  endeavoured  to  perswade  me  to  a  surrender,  offering 
me  any  conditions  I  would  ask  ;  but  his  arguments  made 
no  impression  upon  me. 

In  the  mean  time  the  King,  to  encourage  his  friends  in 
the  City  to  rise  for  him,  sent  them  a  commission  to  that 

F  2 


68         Conspiracies  against  the  Parliament. 

1643  purpose  by  the  Lady  Aubogny,  which  she  brought  made 
up  in  the  hair  of  her  head  ;  but  the  design  being  discovered, 
she  fled  for  refuge  to  the  house  of  the  French  Ambassador  ; 
who  refusing  to  deliver  her  to  Sir  Henry  Vane  and  Mr. 
John  Lisle,  sent  by  the  Parliament  with  a  guard  to  seize 
her,  pretending  his  privilege,  the  House,  being  informed  by 
Sir  Francis  Knowles,  that  at  the  time  of  the  bloody 
massacre  at  Paris,  one  of  the  French  King's  secretaries 
who  was  of  the  reformed  religion  flying  to  the  English 
Ambassador's  house  for  protection,  and  disguizing  himself 
amongst  the  grooms,  was  forced  from  thence  by  the  King's 
command,  ordered  this  Lady  to  be  treated  in  the  like  man- 
ner, which  was  done  accordingly.  Hereupon  an  order  was 
passed  for  the  trial  of  those  who  were  engaged  in  this 
conspiracy,  and  Mr.  Thomson  and  Mr.  Challoner  were 
found  guilty,  and  executed  for  it.  Sir  John  Hotham  and 
his  son  were  also  condemned  to  lose  their  heads  for 
endeavouring  to  betray  the  garison  of  Hull  to  the  enemy ; 
which  sentence  was  put  in  execution  upon  the  son  the  1st 
164I  of  January,  164I,  and  on  the  father  the  day  following.  Sir 
Jan.  I,  2.  Alexander  Carew  was  also  beheaded  for  endeavouring  to 
1644  betray  Plimouth,  with  the  government  of  which  he  was 
^'   entrusted  by  the  Parliament. 

1644  About  the  16th  of  the  same  January  the  Scots  marched 
into  England,  and  having  Berwick  secured  for  them,  the 
first  thing  they  attempted  was  the  taking  of  Newcastle, 
which  they  did  by  storm  ^.  The  Lords  and  Commons  for 
their  encouragement  having  sentenced,  and  caused  execu- 
tion to  be  done  upon  William  Laud,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 

1645  bury,  their  capital  enemy,  on  the  loth  of  the  same  month. 

Sir  William   Waller  being   reinforced  with  some   city- 
regiments,  thought  himself  strong  enough  to  take  the  field  : 
and  because  the  Western  clothiers  were  often  obstructed  in 
1643      their  passage  to  London  by  the  garison  of  Basinghouse, 

'  The  Scots  summoned  Newcastle,  Moor.     The  town  of  Newcastle  was 

Feb.  3,    1644,   at  their  first  coming  stormed    Oct.    19,    the    castle    sur- 

into  England,  but  did  not  take  it  till  rendered  a  few  days  later.     Vicars, 

after  their  return  from   the   capture  Burning  Bush,  pp.  47,  61. 


of  York  and  the  battle  of  Marston 


ti 


Ludlow  s  hopes  of  relief.  69 

which  was  kept  for  the  King,  he  attempted  to  reduce  it,  but      1643 

was    repulsed   with    loss^.     After   which   he   marched   to  Nov.  6-15. 

Arundel  in  Sussex,  where  he  soon  beat  the  King's  garison 

out  of  the  town  into  the  castle,  which  after  some  time, 

and  the  loss  of  some  men,  was  surrendered  to  him,  with      J644 

several  persons  of  quality  therein,  at  mercy.  Jan.  6. 

About  the  middle  of  January  Sir  William  assured  u.s, 
that  if  we  held  out  a  fortnight  longer,  he  would  relieve  us, 
or  lay  his  bones  under  our  walls.  We  had  also  some  hopes 
given  us  from  Southampton  and  Pool,  the  latter  of  which 
places  about  this  time  some  of  the  inhabitants  endeavoured  1643 
to  betray  to  the  Lord  Crawford  ;  but  the  design  being  S'^P'-  ^4- 
discovered,  as  the  enemy  was  entring  the  outworks,  and 
expecting  to  be  admitted  into  the  town,  some  great  guns 
loaded  with  small  shot  were  fired  upon  his  men,  and  made 
a  great  slaughter  amongst  them  2.  Between  these  two 
garisons  of  Southampton  and  Pool  lay  my  troop  of  horse, 
to  do  what  service  they  could  against  the  enemy,  and  to 
favour  our  relief:  where  my  cornet,  afterwards  known  by 
the  name  of  Major  William  Ludlow,  was  shot  through  the 
body,  and  into  the  thigh  and  his  horse  in  two  places,  by 
some  of  the  enemy  from  an  ambuscade ;  being  brought  to 
Southampton,  and  his  wounds  searched,  the  bullet  that 
went  in  at  his  belly  was  found  at  the  chine  of  his  back, 
with  a  piece  of  the  wastband  of  his  breeches,  which  being 
cut  out,  he  wonderfully  recovered  to  be  in  some  measure 
serviceable  to  the  publick  ^, 

To  encourage  the  forces  of  Pool  and  Southampton  to 
come  to  our  relief,  I  sent  them  word,  that  they  should  have 
seven  or  eight  hundred  pounds  to  gratify  them,  which  I 
was  able  to  make  good  with  what  I  had  remaining  of  the 

^  Waller  came  before   Basing  on  ham.       Vicans,     Burning    Bush,    p. 

Nov.  6, 1643,  besieged  it  for  nine  days,  72. 

and  made  three  ineffectual  attempts  ^  William    Ludlow  of  Clarendon, 

to  take  it  by  storm.     G.  N.  Godwin,  son  of  Henry  Ludlow  of  Hill  Deverill 

Civil  War  in  Hampshire,   1882,  pp.  and  Tadley,  born  1619 ;  matriculated 

68-78.  at  St.  Alban's  Hall,  Oxford,  Nov.  25, 

-  Rushworth,  v.    286.     Pool  was  1636,  aged  17;    M. P.  for  Old  Sarum 

under  the  government  of  Col.  Syden-  in  Richard  Cromwell's  Parliament. 


70  Sir  Francis  Doddington  besieges   Wardour. 

1644       plate  which  I  had  found  in  one  of  the  closets  of  the  castle, 
as  I  mentioned  before. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  winter  Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  who 
commanded  the  King's  forces  in  the  West,  being  informed 
that  the  battery  which  had  fired  against  us  for  two  months 
had  done  no  great  execution,  and  that  Col.  Barns  was  more 
employed  in  plundering  the  country  than  in  advancing  the 
King's  service,  sent  Sir  Francis  Doddington  with  a  further 
supply  of  men  to  reduce  us  ;  and  with  him  an  engineer  to 
undermine  the  castle.  To  this  end  they  forced  the  miners  of 
Meinshup  to  assist  them.  As  soon  as  we  heard  the  noise 
of  their  digging,  we  endeavoured  to  countermine  them  ;  but 
the  castle  walls  being  joined  with  an  entire  wall  at  the 
foundation,  the  morter  whereof  was  so  well  tempered  that 
it  was  harder  than  the  stones  themselves,  we  could  by  no 
means  break  through  it.  Our  medicines  were  now  spent 
and  our  chirurgeon,  who  with  eight  of  his  brothers  served 
at  that  time  in  my  troop,  shot  through  the  body  and  dis- 
abled, tho  the  bullet  glancing  missed  the  vitals.  One  of 
his  brothers,  with  another  souldier,  adventured  out  of  the 
window  in  order  to  procure  some  means  for  his  recovery, 
whilst  some  of  ours  by  discourses,  firing,  and  much  noise, 
drew  the  enemy  to  the  other  side  of  the  castle  ;  so  that 
they  safely  passed  their  guards,  and  went  to  the  honest 
man's  house  before  mentioned,  where  they  met  again  that 
friend  of  ours,  who  being  pressed  by  the  enemy  to  serve 
them,  remained  with  them  to  serve  us  ;  and  received  from 
him  a  letter  directed  to  us  from  some  of  our  friends 
encouraging  us  to  hold  out,  and  promising  us  relief  within 
ten  days :  of  whose  approach  this  our  friend  undertook  to 
give  us  notice,  by  the  signs  before  agreed  on.  Our 
messengers  having  furnished  themselves  with  what  they 
went  for,  returned  to  us  with  this  good  news,  this  poor 
honest  man  having  drawn  off  the  sentinel  by  whom  they 
were  to  pass. 

The  ten  days  being  expired,  and  ten  more  after  them, 
without  any  tidings  of  relief,  our  provisions  wasting,  I 
observed  a  great  silence  amongst  the  enemy ;    and  being 


Doddmgtons  letter  to  Ludlow.  71 

desirous  to  know  whether  our  friend  were  upon  the  guard,      1644 
that  we  might  learn  of  him  what  he  knew,  we  took  oc- 
casion from  their  silence  to  desire  of  them,  that  if  they  were 
alive  they  would  make  some  noise,  tho  they  might  not  be 
permitted  to  speak  :    which  one  of  them  doing  by  blowing 
his  nose,  we  were  willing  to  make  a  further  discovery;  and 
having  told  him  he  did  it  in  his  sleeve  for  want  of  a  hand- 
kerchief,   he    by   this    time    understanding    our    meaning, 
appeared  in  sight,  and  with  his  handkerchief  blew  his  nose 
again,  endeavouring  by  signs  and  words   to  inform  us  of 
our  condition,  digging  in  the  wall  of  the  stable,  and  laying 
the  stones   in    order ;    then    discoursing   with    two    of  his 
fellows,  he  challenged  them  to  play  at  football  with  one 
of  them  the  next,  and  with  the  other  the  day  after  ;  saying 
to  them  aloud,  that  we  might  hear, '  If  I  beat  the  first,  I  fear 
not  the  second.'     Tho  we  supposed  that  the  first  danger  he 
designed  to  admonish   us  of  was  the  mine ;    yet   for  the 
more  clear   discovery  thereof,  we  laid  a  train  of  powder 
upon  the  castle  wall,  which  he  by  signs  signified  to  us  to  be 
what  he  intended.     But  we  were  mistaken  in  the  interpreta- 
tion of  his  second  action,  by  which  we  concluded  he  designed 
to  represent  to  us  a  speedy  relief  if  we  could  hold  out  against 
the  first ;  tho  it  was  indeed  another  mine  prepared  to  spring 
immediately  after  the  first,  as  we  afterwards  found,  tho  we 
never  had  the  happiness  to  see  or  speak  with  the  poor  man 
more.     I  received  a  letter  from  Sir  Francis  Doddington,  who 
commanded  in  chief  before  us,  wherein  taking  notice  of  the 
relation  between  our  families,  he  expressed  himself  ready 
to  do  me  any  friendly  office,  and  advised  me  to  a  timely 
delivery  of  the  castle,  lest  by  refusing  so  to  do  I  should 
bring   my  blood   upon  my   own    head.     In   my  answer   I       1644 
acknowledged  his  civility,  assuring  him,  that  being  entrusted  March  i.^. 
with  the  custody  of  it  by  the  authority  of  the  Parliament 
for  the  service  of  the  country,  I  could  cheerfully  lay  down 
my  life  in  discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  me  ;  for  that 
it  would  not  be  only  in  my  defence,  but  in   defence  of  the 
laws  and  liberties  of  the  nation  ;  and  therefore  cautioned 
him  how  he  proceeded  any  farther  in  assaulting  us,  lest  he 


72  The  besiegers  spring  their  mine. 

1644  should  thereby  contract  the  guilt  of  more  innocent  blood. 
His  letter  with  my  answer  he  sent  to  Oxford,  as  appeared 
by  the  weekly  news-paper  of  London,  wherein  they  were 
printed  from  that  of  Oxford,  which  Aulicus  published  to 
shew  my  opiniatrete  and  Britannicus  my  fidelity  to  the 
publick  cause  ^ 

The  two  nights  following  we  all  continued  upon  the 
guard  ;  and  upon  the  Thursday  morning,  being  very  weary, 
I  lay  down  and  slept  till  between  ten  or  eleven  of  the  clock, 
at  which  time  one  of  my  great  guns  firing  upon  the  enemy, 
shook  the  match  which  they  had  left  burning  for  the  spring- 
ing of  the  mine  into  the  powder,  so  that  the  mine  springing 
I  was  lifted  up  with  it  from  the  floor,  with  much  dust 
suddenly  about  me  ;  which  was  no  sooner  laid,  but  I  found 
both  the  doors  of  my  chamber  blown  open,  and  my  window 
towards  the  enemy  blown  down,  so  that  a  cart  might  have 
entred  at  the  breach.  The  party  which  they  had  prepared 
to  storm  us  lay  at  some  distance,  to  secure  themselves  from 
any  hurt  by  the  springing  of  the  mine  :  but  that  being  done, 
they  made  haste  to  storm,  which  they  might  easily  do  at 
my  window,  the  rubbish  of  the  castle  having  made  them  a 
way  almost  to  it.  Those  who  stormed  on  my  side  were  the 
Irish  yellow-coats,  commanded  by  Capt.  Leicester.  My 
pistols  being  wheel-locks,  and  wound  up  all  night,  I  could 
not  get  to  fire,  so  that  I  was  forced  to  trust  to  my  sword 
for  the  keeping  down  of  the  enemy,  being  alone  in  the 
chamber,  and  all  relief  excluded  from  me,  except  such  as 
came  in  by  one  of  my  windows  that  looked  into  the  court 

1  Ludlow's  answer  to  Doddington  and  Hertford  to  secure  Somerset- 
is  printed  in  Appendix  II.  Dodding-  shire  for  the  King  and  was  voted 
ton's  own  letter  has  not  survived.  a  delinquent  on  Aug.  5,  1642,  and 
Francis  Doddington,  son  of  John  for  a  time  imprisoned  by  Parliament. 
Doddington  of  Doddington,  Somerset,  On  account  of  the  cruelties  mentioned 
matriculated  at  Wadham  College,  later  by  Ludlow,  he  was  one  of  the 
Oxford.  June  17,  1621,  aged  17,  and  persons  excepted  from  pardon  by 
was  admitted  of  Lincoln's  Inn  in  Parliament  in  their  propositions  at 
1622;  Gardiner,  Wadham  Registers,  Uxbridge.  See  Cal.  of  Compounders, 
i.  55 ;  Foster,  Alumni  Oxonienses.  p.  1256 ;  Collinson,  Somerset,  iii. 
He  was  knighted,  Sept.  27,  1625.  519. 
He  supported  the  attempts  of  Hopton 


Repulse  of  the  assault,  73 

of  the  castle,  through  which  I  called  to  my  men  there,  1644 
acquainting  them  with  my  condition,  and  requiring  them  to 
hasten  to  my  relief.  Mr.  Gabriel  Ludlow  my  kinsman^ 
not  only  came  himself,  but  ordered  others  to  my  assistance, 
and  to  that  end  placed  a  ladder  under  the  window  before- 
mentioned,  which  being  too  short  by  near  two  yards,  I  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  breach  where  the  enemy  was  ready  to 
enter,  five  or  six  times,  to  take  his  arms  and  himself  in  ; 
which  being  done,  he  helped  in  five  or  six  more,  whom  I 
ordered  to  fill  up  the  breach  and  the  doors  with  the  bed, 
chairs,  table,  and  such  things  as  were  next  at  hand.  This 
place  being  in  some  measure  secured,  I  went  to  see  what 
other  breaches  had  been  made,  and  to  provide  for  their 
defence,  and  found  one  in  the  room  under  me  well  defended, 
but  that  in  the  ground-room  on  the  other  side  not  at  all ; 
there  I  placed  a  guard,  and  ran  to  the  upper  rooms,  which 
had  many  doors  and  windows  blown  open,  at  every  one  of 
which  I  appointed  a  guard  in  some  measure  proportionable 
to  the  danger  ^.  From  thence  I  went  to  the  top  of  the  castle 
which  was  leaded,  and  of  a  sex-angular  figure,  with  a  turret 
upon  each  angle.  Two  of  these  were  blown  down,  with 
part  of  the  leads,  behind  which  the  enemy  sheltered  them- 
selves, so  that  we  could  not  remove  them  by  our  shot ;  but 
by  throwing  down  some  great  stones,  with  which  the  mine 
had  plentifully  furnished  us,  we  killed  one  of  theirs,  and 
wounded  some  others.  Capt.  Leicester  was  one  of  those 
who  sheltered  themselves  behind  this  rubbish,  and  desired 
leave  to  carry  off  the  wounded  men  that  were  with  him  ; 
which  I  readily  granted,  letting  them  know,  that  we  sought 
not  their  blood,  but  our  own  defence.  Soon  after  we  also 
had  occasion  to  make  trial  of  their  humanity ;  for  one  of  our 
souldiers  being  buried  in  the  outward  rubbish  of  the  castle, 
and  yet  alive,  sent  to  acquaint  me  with  his  condition,  and  to 

^  Gabriel  Ludlow,  son  of  another  mounting  the  rebels'  ordnance  that 

Gabriel  Ludlow,  bapt.  Aug.  13,  1622.  lay  upon  the  uppermost  leads,  with 

Admitted  to  the  Inner  Temple,  June  the  slaughter  of  12  men  and  of  the 

1 3)  1638.  governor,  Sir  Henry  Ludlow's  son.' 

*  '  My  Lord  last  night  made  eleven  Letter  of  Feb.   i,   1644.     Cal.  S.   P. 

breaches  in  it  [Wardour  Castle],  dis-  Dom.  1644,  p.  11. 


74  Lzidlow  forced  to  ask  for  terms. 

1644  desire  my  help  :  upon  which  I  desired  of  the  enemy  that 
they  would  dig  him  out,  and  make  him  prisoner  ;  or  suffer 
us  to  do  it,  and  we  would  deliver  him  to  them  :  but  they 
would  consent  to  neither  ;  and  when  I  told  them  that  I  had 
not  used  them  so,  but  had  permitted  them  to  carry  off  their 
wounded  men,  they  replied,  that  tho  it  was  my  favour  to 
suffer  that,  yet  their  chief  officer  would  not  permit  this. 
The  poor  man  lived  in  this  condition  near  three  days,  and 
then  through  most  barbarous  usage,  being  denied  any  relief, 
he  died.  We  lost  three  of  our  men  by  the  springing  of  the 
mine,  but  the  rest  were  most  wonderfully  preserved.  Our 
provision  of  corn,  which  at  the  rate  we  liv'd  would  have 
lasted  three  weeks  longer,  was  blown  up,  with  part  of  our 
ammunition  ;  but  our  provision  of  flesh,  being  for  about 
four  days,  was  preserved.  Whilst  this  lasted,  I  thought  it 
advisable,  having  repulsed  the  enemy,  to  put  the  best 
countenance  we  could  upon  our  affairs,  hoping  by  so  doing 
we  might  bring  the  enemy  to  give  us  the  better  conditions. 
But  Mr.  Balsum  '  our  minister,  with  two  or  three  more 
religious  men,  who  till  that  time  had  carried  themselves 
without  discovering  any  fear,  pressed  me  very  earnestly  to 
propose  a  treaty  to  the  enemy.  I  told  them  that  it  was  a 
very  unseasonable  time  to  do  any  thing  of  that  nature, 
having  beat  off  the  enemy,  and  three  or  four  days'  pro- 
visions left :  that  I  did  not  doubt  before  that  was  spent,  by 
a  good  improvement  of  our  time,  to  bring  the  enemy  to 
reasonable  terms  :  whereas  if  we  should  now  desire  a  treaty 
with  them,  they  would  conclude  our  spirits  low,  our 
condition  desperate,  and  so  hold  us  to  harder  terms,  or  it 
may  be  give  us  none  at  all.  They  replied,  that  if  I  refused 
to  hearken  to  their  proposal,  they  judged  that  all  the  blood 
that  should  be  spilt  in  further  opposition  would  be  charged 
upon  my  account.     This  being  a  very  heavy  charge  laid  on 

^  Robert  Balsum,  born  at  Shipton  afterwards  minister  of  Stoke  in  the 

Montague     in     Somersetshire     and  same  county.     Towards  the  end   of 

educated  at  New  Inn  Hall,  Oxford.  the  Civil  War  he  settled  at  Berwick, 

He  was  for  some  time  an  assistant  and  died  in  1647.     Brook,  Lives  of 

to    that    celebrated    puritan    divine  the  Puritans,  iii.  79. 
Richard  Bernard  of  Batcombe,  and 


The  besiegers  refuse  to  treat.  75 

me  by  men  of  age  and  experience,  of  whose  integrity  I  had  1644 
a  very  good  opinion,  I  durst  not  resist  any  longer,  by  balanc- 
ing my  youth  and  little  experience  against  their  years  and 
judgment,  and  therefore  left  it  to  them  to  do  what  they 
should  think  fit  ;  but  they  assuring  me  they  would  rather 
lose  their  lives  than  do  any  thing  without  me,  I  promised 
that  if  they  would  call  to  the  enemy  for  a  parley,  I  would 
answer.  Whereupon  they  moved  it  to  the  enemy,  who  took 
time  to  acquaint  their  commander  in  chief  with  it.  His 
answer  was,  that  since  we  had  refused  to  treat  with  him 
whilst  the  castle  was  whole,  he  would  not  now  treat  with 
us.  I  could  not  forbear  letting  the  besiegers  know,  that  the 
return  was  no  other  than  I  expected  :  that  the  motion  did 
not  arise  from  me,  but  was  consented  to  by  me  for  the 
satisfaction  of  some  about  me,  who  were  now  resolved  to 
expose  themselves  with  me  to  the  utmost  hazards  in 
defence  of  the  place,  without  demanding  any  terms  again  ; 
not  doubting,  if  we  were  necessitated  to  lay  down  our  lives 
in  this  service,  to  sell  them  at  a  good  rate.  My  friends 
having  found  their  advice  to  produce  no  other  effect  than  I 
had  foretold,  resolved  for  the  future  to  be  wholly  disposed 
of  by  me  ;  so  that  both  officers  and  souldiers  began  to 
prepare  against  the  utmost  extremity.  None  of  ours  had 
been  killed  by  the  shot  during  the  storm,  but  some  slightly 
wounded,  and  their  clothes  shot  through,  a  bullet  from  the 
enemy  having  pierced  my  hat  close  by  my  head.  The 
besiegers  had  ten  killed  by  shot  and  stones  in  the  storm, 
and  divers  wounded  :  amongst  the  former  was  one  Hills- 
deane,  who  a  little  before  he  expired  said,  he  saw  his 
brother  fire  that  musquet  by  which  he  received  his  mortal 
wound  :  which  might  probably  be,  his  brother  being  one  of 
those  who  defended  that  breach  where  he,  attempting  to 
enter,  was  shot :  but  if  it  were  so,  he  might  justly  do  it  by 
the  laws  of  God  and  man,  it  being  done  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty,  and  in  his  own  defence.  The  silver  plate 
belonging  to  the  house,  found  soon  after  we  were  close 
besieged,  I  buried  in  the  cellar,  with  the  help  of  one  of 
my  servants.     On  Saturday  the  enemy  began  to  converse 


76  A  cessation  agreed  upon. 

1644  friendly  with  us,  and  a  cessation  of  acts  of  hostility  being 
agreed  upon,  a  son  of  Col.  Barnes,  Capt.  Farmer,  Mr.  Plott, 
the  gentleman  whom  I  formerly  mentioned  to  be  related  to 
the  Lord  Cottington^,  and  to  have  endeavoured  to  perswade 
me  to  surrender  the  castle  before  the  siege,  with  several 
other  officers,  came  up  close  to  the  breaches,  where  we 
conferred  together ;  and  they  earnestly  pressing  me  to 
surrender,  I  told  them  I  would  not  be  averse  to  it  upon 
fitting  terms ;  for  had  not  those  who  owned  the  castle 
made  use  of  it  to  the  prejudice  of  the  country,  I  presumed 
it  had  not  been  taken  from  them,  and  possessed  by  us  in 
order  to  prevent  the  like  inconveniences  for  the  future; 
against  which  conceiving  sufficient  provision  made  by  the 
springing  of  the  late  mine,  I  was  willing  to  quit  the  same, 
if  we  might  have  liberty  to  march  to  the  next  garison 
belonging  to  the  Parliament,  with  our  arms,  and  what  else 
we  had  in  the  castle.  They  replied,  they  could  not  answer 
to  His  Majesty  the  giving  of  such  conditions  to  us.  Sir 
William  Waller  having  lately  refused  to  receive  Arundel 
Castle  from  some  of  the  King's  party  upon  any  other  terms 
than  at  mercy,  who  they  knew  to  have  been  in  a  much 
better  state  of  defence  than  we  were  ;  and  therefore  pressed 
us  to  deliver  ourselves  upon  the  same  condition,  promising 
us  much  favour.  To  this  I  answered,  that  some  related  to 
us  had  already  experienced  the  favours  they  extended  to 
their  prisoners :  that  the  compliance  of  those  at  Arundel 
ought  to  be  no  precedent  to  us  ;  and  that  unless  we  might 
march  off,  we  would  not  surrender.  They  told  me,  the 
longer  I  held  out  the  worse  it  would  be  for  me ;  and  Mr. 
Plott,  who,  as  he  since  informed  me,  had  prevailed  with 
them  to  propose  this  treaty,  earnestly  pressed  me  to  lay 
hold  on  the  opportunity,  intimating  by  his  words  and 
gestures,  that  if  I  refused  it,  I  should  not  have  another : 
but  I  resolving  to  defend  the  place  as  long  as  I  could,  our 
treaty  came  to  nothing.     I  had  some  thoughts  of  charging 

'  Clarendon  speaks  of 'John  Plott,  Cirencester  and  released  on  its 
a  lawyer  of  very  good  reputation/  capture  by  Rupert.  Rebellion,  vi. 
as  imprisoned  by  the  Roundheads  at       238. 


Ludlow  offers  to  surrender.  77 

through  the  enemy  in  the  beginning  of  the  night,  in  order  1644 
to  force  our  way  to  the  nearest  of  our  garisons,  which  I 
presumed  might  have  been  effected  by  the  morning  ;  but 
the  desperate  condition  in  which  we  must  have  left  our  sick 
and  wounded  men,  diverted  me  from  putting  that  design  in 
execution.  And  now  the  spirits  of  my  souldiers  began  to 
flag ;  my  gunsmith  desiring  leave  to  go  home,  and  several 
others  making  choice  of  one  amongst  them  to  speak  for 
them,  were  very  importunate  with  me  to  surrender ;  with 
which  expressing  myself  displeased,  I  acquainted  them  that 
I  would  take  the  best  time  to  do  it  for  their  advantage,  and 
thereby  quieted  them,  so  that  they  resolved  to  move  me 
no  more  about  it ;  yet  ceasing  not  to  complain  to  each 
other  of  their  wants  and  hardships,  the  enemy  became 
acquainted  therewith,  as  they  afterwards  told  me.  On 
the  Lord's  day  in  the  afternoon  the  besiegers  discoursed 
with  some  of  our  men  who  were  upon  the  leads,  en- 
deavouring to  draw  as  many  of  them  as  they  could  thither, 
that  the  breaches  being  left  unguarded,  they  might  have  an 
opportunity  to  take  us  by  storm  ;  which  I  perceiving,  made 
use  of  it  to  animate  our  men  afresh,  and  succeeded  so  well 
therein,  that  the  enemy  by  our  cheerfulness  began  to 
suspect  that  we  had  some  notice  of  relief  approaching. 
This  suspicion  caused  them  to  continue  discoursing  with 
my  souldiers  most  part  of  the  night,  to  get  the  truth  out 
of  them,  promising  them  liberty  to  march  away,  if  they 
would  deliver  Mr.  Balsum  our  minister,  or  myself  to  them. 
The  next  morning  many  of  them  came  up  to  one  of  the 
breaches,  to  perswade  us  to  surrender ;  which  opportunity 
being  willing  to  improve,  having  ten  doors  blown  open  by 
the  first  mine,  our  walls  that  stood  being  cracked  in  several 
places,  and  another  mine  ready  to  spring  that  would 
probably  level  the  most  part  of  the  castle  with  the  ground, 
not  having  provision  sufficient  for  one  day  left,  nor  any 
hopes  of  relief,  I  propounded  to  them  to  yield  my  self  their 
prisoner,  if  they  would  consent  that  those  with  me  might 
march  off.  To  which  they  answering,  that  tho  my  good 
nature  led  me  to  make  that  offer,  yet  they  could  not  accept 


78  Terms  of  surrender  agreed  upon. 

1644  of  it :  I  told  them,  that  unless  I  might  have  four  things 
granted  I  would  not  deliver  the  castle,  ist.  Quarter 
without  distinction  for  the  lives  of  every  one.  2dly.  Civil 
usage  for  all  my  party.  3dly.  Not  to  be  carried  to  Oxford. 
4thly.  A  speedy  exchange.  They  promised  me  I  should 
have  all  these  made  good  to  the  full ;  and  Col.  Barns  said, 
that  if  I  pleased  to  come  out  to  them,  I  should  find  more 
friends  than  I  expected :  whereupon  requiring  my  men  to 
be  upon  their  guard,  and  not  to  suffer  any  to  come  near 
them  till  my  return,  I  went  out  to  them,  and  they  brought 
me  to  the  Lord  Arundel  and  Sir  Francis  Doddington,  who 
were  without  the  garden-wall,  where  my  Lord  Arundel 
assured  me,  that  what  was  agreed  should  be  made  good  to 
me ;  and  was  pleased  further  to  add,  that  tho  he  preferred 
my  conversion  before  the  enjoyment  of  his  own  children, 
yet  if  I  thought  fit  to  persist  in  the  way  I  had  begun,  he 
would  do  his  utmost  to  endeavour  that  I  might  be  ex- 
changed for  his  two  sons,  who  were  then  prisoners  with  Sir 
William  Waller^,  To  this  I  answered,  that  if  I  were 
convinced  that  the  cause  I  had  engaged  in  was  not  good,  I 
should  soon  recede  from  it  ;  but  till  then  I  could  not  but 
persist  in  the  prosecution  thereof.  Sir  Francis  Doddington 
told  me,  he  was  glad  to  see  me  alive,  but  sorry  to  find  so 
much  resolution  employed  in  so  bad  a  cause.  I  let  him 
know,  that  my  apprehensions  concerning  the  cause  were 
very  different  from  his,  else  I  had  not  hazarded  my  self  as 
I  had  done.  He  also  promised  the  performance  of  the 
articles  to  the  utmost  of  his  power ;  and  for  my  self,  that 
whilst  I  was  in  his  custody  I  should  have  no  other  prison 

1644  but  his  own  lodgings.  Thus  all  things  being  agreed  upon, 
I  returned  to  the  castle,  and  ordered  my  souldiers  to  lay 
down  their  arms  ;  which  being  done,  the  enemy  directed 
them  to  draw  together  into  a  certain  room  in  the  castle, 
where  they  set  a  guard  upon  them  ;  but  gave  me  the 
liberty  of  the  place  upon  my  parole,  offering  me  one  or 
two  of  my  own  company  to  associate  with  me  :  whereupon 

'   In    return    for    this    and    other       half  of  Arundel  in    1653.     See  Ap- 
kindncss  Ludlow  interposed  on  be-       pendix  II. 


Mar.  18. 


A  b7'eack  of  the  articles.  79 

I  desired  that  my  cousin  Gabriel  Ludlow,  Mr.  Balsum,  and  1644 
a  servant,  might  be  permitted  to  come  to  me,  which  was 
granted.  Their  civility  to  me  was  such,  especially  that  of 
the  Lord  Arundel,  that  I  discovered  to  him  the  plate  and 
other  things  that  I  had  hid  in  the  castle :  but  I  cannot  say 
that  they  performed  their  articles  with  me  in  relation  to 
my  men  ;  for  the  second  day  after  their  entrance,  they 
threatned  to  take  away  the  lives  of  two  of  them,  who 
having  been  formerly  pressed  by  them,  and  their  consciences 
not  giving  them  leave  to  serve  them,  chose  rather  to  come 
to  us,  and  be  besieged  with  us,  than  to  have  liberty  to 
range  and  oppress  the  country  with  them.  The  poor  men 
made  their  condition  known  to  me  ;  and  I  went  to  the  chief  , 
officers  of  the  enemy,  and  charged  them  with  it  as  a  breach 
of  that  article  by  which  we  were  to  have  all  our  lives 
secured  to  us,  in  virtue  of  these  words,  '  quarter  without 
distinction.'  Capt.  Leicester,  to  whom  I  principally  applied 
my  self,  because  he  pretended  to  most  experience  in  things 
of  this  nature,  told  me,  that  I  only  conditioned  for  my 
souldiers,  and  that  these  who  ran  from  them  were  not 
mine,  but  theirs :  I  replied,  that  they  were  never  theirs, 
tho  they  had  forced  them  to  be  with  them,  having  pressed 
them  into  their  service,  which  they  had  no  power  to  do ; 
but  tho  it  should  be  granted  that  they  had  been  theirs,  yet 
they  were  now  ours,  and  the  words  of  the  article  were, 
'  quarter  without  distinction.'  He  answered,  that  if  I  had 
intended  to  have  these  included,  I  should  have  particularly 
named  them.  I  told  him,  that  it  was  needless,  every 
particular  being  included  in  the  universal  ;  and  that  if 
I  had  suspected  such  usage,  I  would  have  died  before 
I  would  have  delivered  the  castle  to  them.  He  said,  that 
if  I  disliked  the  conditions,  they  would  withdraw,  and  leave 
me  as  they  found  me.  I  replied,  that  seeing  they  were 
now  acquainted  with  my  necessities,  that  proposition  was 
as  unworthy  and  disingenuous  as  their  interpretation  of  the 
articles ;  and  that  if  they  proceeded  to  extremities  against 
the  two  souldiers,  because  the  power  was  at  present  in  their 
hands,  I  did  not  doubt  that  God  would  give  me  an  oppor- 


8o  Perfidy  of  Doddington. 

1644  tunity  to  resent  it ;  and  if  not,  I  was  fully  assured  that  He 
would  do  it  Himself.  In  the  afternoon  I  was  desired  to  go 
to  Sir  Francis  Doddington's  quarters,  which  were  at  a 
gentleman's  house  about  half  a  mile  from  the  castle ;  to 
which  place  I  was  accompanied  by  one  Lieutenant  Elsing, 
brother  to  the  clerk  of  the  Parliament  of  that  name,  with 
whom  I  had  a  free  debate  concerning  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  and  the  evil  of  their  undertaking,  especially  of  those 
amongst  them,  who,  having  been  sent  by  the  Parliament 
against  the  rebels  in  Ireland,  had  returned  and  drawn  their 
swords  against  those  that  had  raised  them ;  which  was  his 
case.  He  was  so  convinced  of  the  truth  of  what  I  said,  that 
he  took  the  first  opportunity  he  could  find  to  return  to  us  ; 
and  to  that  end  went  to  the  garison  of  Glocester,  where  he 
was  employed,  and  behaved  himself  so  well,  that  he  was 
advanced  to  the  command  of  a  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  a 
regiment  of  foot ;  in  which  capacity  he  went  afterwards 
into  Ireland,  where  he  lost  his  life  against  the  rebels^. 
Having  received  notice  that  a  council  of  war  was  sitting 
upon  the  two  souldiers  before-mentioned,  and  also  that 
they  endeavoured  to  find  some  pretext  to  take  away  the 
life  of  Mr.  Balsum  our  minister,  I  sent  to  admonish  them 
to  be  careful  to  preserve  themselves  from  the  guilt  of 
innocent  blood  ;  putting  them  in  mind,  that  if  they  pro- 
ceeded to  such  a  breach  of  their  faith,  they  must  expect  to 
account  for  it  at  another  time.  Upon  this  message  one 
Capt.  Bishop  observing  them  to  persist  in  their  bloody 
intentions,  withdrew  from  the  council,  and  soon  after  from 
the  party.  But  Sir  Francis  Doddington  and  Capt.  Leicester 
so  ordered  the  matter  at  the  council,  that  the  two  souldiers 
were  condemned,  and  most  perfidiously  executed.  They 
also  discovered  all  imaginable  malice  against  Mr,  Balsum, 
but  finding  no  colour  to  proceed  against  him  in  this  publick 
way,  they  fell  upon  a  more  secret  and  baser  method  to 

^  Henry  Elsing  was  clerk  to  the  was  lieut.-col.  in  the  foot  regiment  of 

Parliament ;  Christopher  Elsing  was  Col.  Robert  Phaire,  which    formed 

ensign  to  the  regiment  of  Sir  Nicholas  part  of  the    army  destined   for  the 

Byron  in  1640.    In  April,  1649,  Elsing  re-conquest  of  Ireland. 


Attempts  to  convert  Ludlow.  8i 

take  away  his  life ;  to  that  end  sending  three  men,  who  1644 
broke  in  upon  him  whilst  he  was  at  prayer ;  but  he  rising 
up,  and  looking  steddily  upon  them,  observing  them  to 
stand  still,  demanded  of  them  the  cause  of  their  coming, 
who  standing  some  time  with  horror  and  confusion  in  their 
faces,  after  some  conference  with  each  other,  confessed  to 
him,  that  they  were  sent  to  destroy  him,  but  that  they 
found  a  superiour  power  restraining  them,  and  convincing 
them  of  the  wickedness  of  their  intentions,  offering  to 
convey  him  out  of  the  hands  of  his  enemies^  or  to  do  any- 
thing else  for  him  that  he  should  desire.  He  thanked  them 
for  their  kindness,  and  being  unwilling  they  should  hazard 
themselves  for  his  sake,  desired  only  some  few  necessaries, 
the  weather  being  cold,  and  he  in  great  want,  which  they 
readily  furnished  him  with.  Soon  after  he  was  carried 
away  to  Salisbury,  and  the  rest  of  the  officers  and  souldiers 
of  our  garison  sent  to  Oxford,  contrary  to  the  express 
words  of  the  third  article  of  our  capitulation,  the  enemy 
pretending  to  a  positive  order  of  the  King  fpr  so  doing. 
Sir  Francis  Doddington  having  dispatched  some  affairs  in 
the  country,  took  me  with  him  to  Winchester,  and  in  our 
way  thither  shewed  me  a  letter  from  Sir  Ralph  Hopton, 
desiring  him  to  use  all  means  possible  to  draw  me  to  their 
party,  which  he  endeavoured  by  making  use  of  the  best 
arguments  he  could,  to  prove  the  justice  of  their  cause,  the 
probability  of  their  success,  and  the  inconsiderableness  of 
our  strength  in  all  parts,  accompanying  them  with  all  the 
incouragements  imaginable.  The  first  night  of  our  journey 
we  lay  at  one  Mr.  Awbery's  of  Chalk,  where  we  met  with 
Dr.  Earl  and  young  Mr.  Gataker,  whom  he  desired  to  assist 
him  in  his  design  to  convert  me^.  Mr.  Gataker  rather  chid 
than  argued  with  me :  Dr.  Earl  accused  the  Parliament  of 
endeavouring  the  destruction  of  learning,  which  I  desiring 

^  Richard  Aubrey,  father  of  John  Wilts,  was  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Aubrey  the  antiquary,  was  at  this  time  Salisbury.  Charles  Gataker  was  son 
lessee  of  the  manor  farm  of  Broad  of  Dr.  Thomas  Gataker,  and  some- 
Chalk,  under  the  Earl  of  Pembroke.  time  chaplain  to  Lord  Falkland.  A 
Britton,  Life  of  Aubrey,  p.  30.  Dr.  life  of  Charles  Gataker  is  appended 
John  Earle,  rector  of  Bishopston,  to  that  of  his  father  in  D.  N.  B. 
VOL.   I.  G 


82       Mr.  Penriiddock^ s  kindness  to  L^idlow. 

1644  him  to  make  appear,  he  told  me,  that  by  abolishing  epis- 
copacy we  took  away  all  encouragement  to  it ;  for  that 
men  would  not  send  their  sons  to  the  University,  had  they 
not  some  hopes  that  they  might  attain  to  that  preferment. 
To  this  I  replied,  that  it  would  be  much  more  honest  for 
such  men  to  train  up  their  children  at  the  plow,  whereby 
they  might  be  certainly  provided  with  a  livelihood,  than 
to  spend  their  time  and  money  to  advance  them  to  an 
office,  pretended  to  be  spiritual,  and  instituted  for  spiritual 
ends,  upon  such  a  sordid  principle  and  consideration.  Sir 
Francis,  as  I  conceived,  ashamed  of  the  doctor's  discourse, 
put  an  end  to  the  conversation.  The  next  day  we  went  to 
Salisbury,  where,  tho  multitudes  of  people  were  in  the 
streets,  and  in  the  inn  where  I  was  lodged,  no  person 
offered  me  the  least  incivility,  tho  I  took  the  liberty  in 
my  chamber  to  maintain  the  justice  of  our  cause  in  the 
presence  of  forty  or  fifty  of  the  town.  Mr.  John  Pen- 
ruddock,  High  Sheriff  of  the  county,  having  confined  Mr. 
Balsum  to  the  county  goal,  and  sent  to  him  to  prepare 
himself  to  die,  assuring  him  that  he  was  to  be  executed 
in  a  short  time,  came  to  me,  and  with  many  other  ex- 
pressions of  kindness,  desired  me,  that  in  case  of  any 
extremity  I  would  send  to  him,  assuring  me,  that  he 
wished  me  as  well  as  his  own  children,  and  promising 
that  he  would  ride  night  and  day  to  serve  me.  This 
poor  gentleman  was  so  unhappy,  during  his  shrievalty, 
to  have  two  of  his  nephews,  presuming  upon  their  uncle's 
interest,  and  pressing  through  his  guards,  killed  by  them, 
he  having  given  order  that  none  should  be  permitted  to 
pass  without  a  strict  examination^.     In  our  way  to  Win- 

^  The    following    account    of    the  nights    hard    duty;    first  pulled   the 

death  of  one  of  Penruddock's  sons  is  poor  gentleman    by  the    hair,    then 

given  in  a  royalist  paper.     '  Colonel  knocked  him  down,  and  broke   the 

Ludlow's   officers,  on  St.  Innocents  stocks  of  two  pistols  about  his  head, 

day    last,    came    into    Mr.    Becket's  never    so    much    as    intending    him 

house  in  Lavington  Parish  in  Wilt-  quarter;  the  gentlewoman  and  her 

shire,  and  finding  Captain  Penrud-  three  daughters  fell  upon  their  knees 

dock  (second  son  to  Sir  John  Pen-  and  begged   for  his  life,  saying   he 

ruddock,  late  High  Sheriff  of  Wilt-  was  a  gentleman,  telling  whose  son 

shire)  asleep  in  a  chair   alter   two  he  was,  which  the  rebels  no  sooner 


Lttdlow  argues  for  his  cause.  83 

Chester  one  Mr.  Fisher,  an  acquaintance  of  mine,  then  an  1644 
officer  of  the  King's  ^,  saluted  me,  and  enquiring  how  I 
did,  I  answered  him,  'As  well  as  one  could  be  in  my 
condition ' ;  he  thereupon  replying,  '  Why,  I  hope  they  use 
you  civilly,  do  they  not  ?  '  '  Yes,'  said  I,  '  very  civilly.'  Sir 
Francis  Doddington  over-hearing  him,  took  it  so  ill,  that 
he  caused  him  to  be  immediately  disarmed,  telling  him, 
that  he  was  too  bold,  to  call  in  question  the  usage  of 
his  prisoner.  Being  arrived  at  Winchester,  I  staid  at  an 
inn  till  a  private  lodging  was  provided  for  Sir  Francis, 
at  whose  quarters,  according  to  his  promise,  I  lodged, 
whilst  in  his  custody.  Most  of  the  officers  about  the 
town  came  to  me  at  the  inn,  several  of  them  pressing 
me  to  discourse,  and  particularly  concerning  the  justice 
of  our  cause :  I  excused  myself,  by  reason  of  my  present 
circumstances  ;  but  they  still  persisting,  I  thought  my  self 
obliged  to  maintain  the  necessity  of  our  taking  up  arms  ' 
in  defence  of  our  religion  and  liberties  ;  but  some  of  them 
being  wholly  biassed  to  their  interest,  as  they  went  from 
me,  met  a  relation  of  mine,  one  Col.  Richard  Manning, 
who,  tho  a  Papist,  commanded  a  regiment  of  horse  in  the 
King's  service^,  and  told  him,  that  they  came  from  one 
of  the  boldest  rebels  that  they  had  ever  seen.  The  colonel 
coming  to  visit  me,  informed  me  of  this  discourse,  advising 
me,  whatsoever  I  thought,  not  to  be  so  free  with  them,  lest 
they  should  do   me  some    mischief.     The  next  morning, 

heard,  but  a  bloody  villain  (a  collier)  life  in  D.  N.  B.     In  1652,  Fisher  ap- 

set  a  pistol  to  his  belly,  swore  he  pended    to    his   '  Irenodia   Gratula- 

would  kill  him  for  his  father's  sake  toria'  some  Latin  verses  addressed 

(a  gentleman  of  known  loyalty),  and  to  Ludlow,  who  was  then  setting  out 

so  most  barbarously  shot  him  dead,  for  his  command  in  Ireland.     Fisher 

though    the    gentlewomen    all    the  reminded  Ludlow  of  his  school-days 

while  were  on  their  knees  begging  at  Blandford,  and  of  his  exploits  in 

with  tears.     But  these  rebels  pros-  their  sports  as  well  as  of  his  feats 

pered   accordingly,   for   these   were  during  the  war. 

part  of  those  Sir  Marmaduke  Lang-  ^  Col.  Richard  Manning  was  killed 

dale  took  and  killed  at  Salisbury  on  at  Alresford  or  Cheriton  fight,  March 

Monday    was    sevennight.'      From  29,1644.   Clarendon,  Rebellion,  XIV. 

'  Mercurius  Aulicus,'  Jan.  8,  164I.  138  ;  Godwin,  Civil  War  in  Hants, 

*  Payne  Fisher,  the  poet,  then  a  p.  133. 
captain   in   the    King's    army.     See 

G  2 


84  Intei^iew  with  Hoptoit. 

1644  before  our  departure  for  Oxford,  Sir  Francis  Doddington 
brought  me  to  Sir  Ralph  Hopton's  lodgings,  which  being 
the  head-quarters,  we  found  there  most  of  the  principal 
officers  of  that  army;  where  the  general,  after  he  had 
saluted  me,  demanded  how  I,  being  a  gentleman,  could 
satisfy  my  self  to  bear  arms  against  my  King:  I  told  him, 
that,  as  I  conceived,  the  laws  both  of  God  and  man  did 
justify  me  in  what  I  had  done.  'Well,'  said  he, '  I  understand 
you  are  so  fixed  in  your  principles,  that  I  am  like  to  do 
little  good  upon  you  by  my  perswasions ;  but  shall  desire 
the  archbishop  of  Armagh  to  take  the  pains  to  speak  with 
you,  when  you  come  to  Oxford  ;  and  if  he  cannot  work  on 
you,  I  know  not  who  can.'  This  bishop  was  very  learned, 
and  of  great  reputation  for  piety;  yet  I  was  assured  by 
one  who  had  his  information  from  Mr.  Bernard  of  Batcomb, 
that  when  the  said  Mr.  Bernard  earnestly  pressed  him  to 
deal  faithfully  with  the  King  in  the  controversy  which  was 
between  him  and  the  Parliament  concerning  episcopacy, 
according  to  his  own  judgment  in  that  matter,  which  he 
knew  to  be  against  it,  representing  to  him  the  great  and 
important  service  he  would  thereby  do  to  the  church  of 
God,  the  archbishop  answered,  that  if  he  should  do  as  Mr. 
Bernard  proposed,  he  should  ruin  himself  and  family, 
having  a  child  and  many  debts.  For  this  reason  those 
arguments  which  could  not  prevail  with  me,  when  used 
by  others,  were  not  likely  to  be  of  more  efficacy  from  him, 
who  in  a  business  of  such  concernment  had  been  diverted 
from  the  discharge  of  his  duty  by  such  low  and  sordid 
considerations^. 

The  next  day  I  came  to  Oxford,  conducted  by  a  party 
of  horse  commanded  by  one  who  was  captain-lieutenant 
to  Sir  Francis  Doddington,  where  reposing  a  while  at  a 
house  near  Christ  Church  till  the  pleasure  of  the  King 
might  be  known  concerning  me,  there  came  to  me  two 

^   Richard    Bernard,    an    eminent  was  in  later  years  one  of  Bernard's 

Puritan  divine,  rector  of  Batcombe,  assistants.       Ludlow    probably    got 

Somersetshire,    died    March,    1641.  the  story  against  Usher  from  Bal- 

Robert    Balsom,  before  mentioned,  som. 


Irishmen  in  the  Kings  service.  85 

persons  very  zealous  to  justify  the  King's  cause,  and  to  1644 
condemn  that  of  the  Parh'ament.  These  men  were  Irish 
Papists,  sent  over  by  the  rebels  in  Ireland  to  treat  with 
the  King  on  their  part,  about  assisting  him  against  the 
Parliament.  This  I  afterwards  understood  from  one  of 
them,  whose  name  was  Callaghan  O'Callaghan,  when, 
together  with  the  brigade  commanded  by  the  Lord 
Musquerry,  he  laid  down  his  arms  to  me  in  Ireland.  The 
King  looking  upon  such  men  as  most  fit  to  be  confided 
in,  gives  the  Presidentship  of  Munster,  vacant  by  the  death 
of  Sir  William  St.  Leger,  to  the  Lord  Musquerry,  an  Irish 
rebel;  which  the  Lord  Inchequin,  son-in-law  to  Sir  William, 
soliciting  for,  and  claiming  a  right  to  it,  took  so  ill,  that 
the  Lord  Broghill,  as  he  since  informed  me,  found  no 
great  difficulty  to  prevail  with  him  to  declare  for  the 
Parliament,  who  thereupon  made  him  their  President  of  July  17. 
Munster  ^.  In  this  capacity  he  performed  many  considerable 
services  against  the  Irish,  taking  great  store  of  plunder 
from  them,  and  not  sparing  even  his  own  kindred,  but  if 
he  found  them  faulty  hanging  them  up  without  distinction. 
Having  brought  together  an  army,  he  marched  into  the 
county  of  Tipperary,  and  hearing  that  many  priests  and 
gentry  about  Cashell  had  retired  with  their  goods  into  the  1647 
church,  he  stormed  it,  and  being  entred,  put  three  thousand  Sept.  4. 
of  them  to  the  sword,  taking  the  priests  even  from  under 
the  altar :  of  such  force  is  ambition  when  it  seizes  upon 
the  minds  of  men. 

About   this  time   Sir   Edward  Deering  came  from  the      1644 
King's  quarters  at  Oxford,   and    surrendered   himself  at   February. 
Westminster;    where   being   examined    in   the    House   of 
Common.s,  he  said,  that  since  the  cessation  made  with  the 
rebels  in  Ireland,  seeing  so  many  Papists  and  Irish  in  the 

*  Sir  William  St.  Leger  died  July  2,  Oxford  to  ask  for  the  presidency  of 

1642.     The  government  of  Munster  Munster,  but  the  King  had  already 

was  then  committed  to  Lords  Inchi-  promised  it  to  the  Earl  of  Portland, 

quin     and    Barrymore    jointly    for  Inchiquin    declared    for   the    Parlia- 

civil  affairs,  and  to  Inchiquin  singly  ment,  July  17,  1644.    Carte,  Ormond, 

for  military  affairs.     After  the  cessa-  iii.  117, 125,  ed.  1851 ;  Coxe,  Hibernia 

tion   of    1643,    Inchiquin    came    to  Anglicana,  ii.  112. 


86         Ludlow  committed  to  Oxford  Castle, 

King's  army,  and  his  councils  wholly  governed  by  them, 
his  conscience  would  not  permit  him  to  remain  longer  with 
the  King,  and  therefore  he  was  come  to  throw  himself  upon 
the  mercy  of  the  Parliament,  and  in  conformity  to  their 
declaration,  to  compound  for  his  delinquency.  Accordingly 
he  was  admitted  to  composition,  and  an  order  made  to 
proceed  in  like  manner  towards  such  as  should  come  in 
after  him.  Whereupon  the  Earl  of  Westmorland,  and  divers 
others,  came  in  to  the  Parliament,  and  desired  the  benefit 
of  their  declaration  for  composition  ^. 

Whilst  I  was  attending  the  King's  pleasure  at  Oxford, 
the  captain  that  conveyed  me  thither  brought  me  word, 
that  he  was  ordered  to  deliver  me  to  Mr.  Thorpe,  the 
keeper  of  the  castle ;  and  pretending  much  affection  to 
me,  told  me,  that  the  said  keeper  would  take  from  me 
my  upper  garment,  my  money,  and  all  that  was  loose 
about  me,  advising  me  therefore  to  leave  such  things  with 
him,  and  promising  to  bring  them  to  me  in  the  morning : 
I  not  suspecting  his  design,  delivered  him  my  cloke,  with 
my  money,  and  some  other  things,  all  which  he  carried 
away  with  him  the  next  day;  neither  could  I  have  any 
redress,  tho  I  wrote  to  Sir  Francis  Doddington,  complaining 
of  this  treachery,  the  keeper  of  the  castle  not  laying  the 
least  claim  to  any  such  thing.  Our  sick  and  wounded 
men,  after  they  had  been  kept  for  some  time  prisoners 
in  the  hall  of  Warder  Castle,  where  a  Popish  priest  very 
solemnly,  with  his  hands  spread  over  them,  cursed  them 
three  times,  were  carried  from  thence  to  Bristol.  In  the 
castle  at  Oxford  I  met  with  Mr.  Balsum,  and  other  friends, 
who  had  been  with  me  in  Warder  Castle,  with  many  more 
who  were  detained  there  for  their  affection  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, amongst  whom  were  Col.  Shilborn  of  Buckingham- 
shire, Col.  Henly  of  Dorsetshire,  Capt.  Haley  of  Glocester- 
shire,  and  Capt.  Abercromy  a  Scotsman.  I  had  a  friend 
in  the  town  who  furnished  me  with  what  I  wanted  :  those 

1  See    'Proceedings    in    Kent    in       face,  p.   50;    Cal.  of  Co.    for   Corn- 
connection  with  the  Parliaments  of       pounding,  p.  832. 
1640,'  Camden  Society,  1861,   pre- 


Treatment  of  prisoners  at  Oxford.  Sy 

who  had  not  any  such  means  of  reHef  were  supph'ed  from  1644 
London  by  a  collection  of  the  sum  of  three  hundred  pounds, 
made  for  them  by  some  citizens,  and  conveyed  down  to 
them.  Neither  was  Oxford  it  self  destitute  of  some  who 
contributed  to  their  relief;  one  Dr.  Hobbs  in  particular, 
who  preached  then  at  Carfax,  an  honest  man  of  the 
episcopal  party,  usually  putting  them  in  mind  of  it  after 
his  sermon.  The  prisoners  taken  by  the  King's  party  had 
been  treated  very  cruelly,  especially  at  Oxford,  by  Smith 
the  Marshal  there  ^  ;  but  the  members  of  Parliament  that 
deserted  their  trust  at  Westminster  coming  thither,  and 
sitting  in  Council  there,  having  not  quite  lost  the  affections 
of  Englishmen,  took  the  examination  of  that  affair  into 
their  hands,  and  suspended  Smith  from  the  execution  of 
his  office,  till  he  should  give  satisfaction  concerning  those 
things  of  which  he  was  accused.  They  committed  the 
management  of  the  place  to  one  Thorp,  and  sent  some  of 
their  number  to  enquire  concerning  our  usage.  In  the 
mean  time  Smith  came  to  me  by  order,  and  offered  me 
the  liberty  of  the  town,  and  to  lodg  where  I  pleased 
therein,  upon  my  parole  to  be  a  true  prisoner :  but  de- 
manding of  him,  whether,  in  case  I  accepted  his  offer,  I 
might  have  the  liberty  to  visit  my  friends  in  the  castle 
when  I  thought  fit ;  and  he  answering,  that  it  would  not 
be  allowed,  I  chose  rather  to  be  confined  with  my  friends 
than  at  liberty  with  my  enemies.  The  Lord  Arundel 
endeavouring  to  make  good  his  promise  of  procuring  my 
exchange   for  his  two  sons,  earnestly  solicited  the  King 

^  On  the  treatment  of  prisoners  at  ed.   Scott,   iv.  502.     Also,    'A  true 

Oxford,  see  two  pamphlets  :    '  The  relation  of  the  taking  of  Cirencester, 

Prisoners  Report :  or  a  true  relation  and  the  cruel  dealing  of  the  merciless 

of  the  cruel  usage  of  the  prisoners  cavaliers  towards  the  prisoners  they 

in  Oxford,'  by  Edward  Wirley,  M.A.,  took,'  ib.  p.  510.    On  Captain  George 

published   March,    1643:    'The    In-  Austin,  see  C.  J.  iii.  320,  366.     Sir 

humanity  of  the  King's  prison  keeper  E.  Nicholas  in  a  letter  dated  March 

at  Oxford  .  .  .  Wherunto  is  added  17,  1644,  mentions  the  confinement 

the    insufferable    cruelty    exercised  of  Smith  by  the  order  of  the  Oxford 

upon  the  Cirencester  men,'  by  Ed-  Parliament.     Cal.  S.  P.   Dom.  1644, 

mund  Chillenden,   1643  ;    the   latter  p.  57. 
is  reprinted  in  the  Somers  Tracts, 


8S    Negotiations  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners. 

1644  to  it  ;  but  tho  he  had  been  a  great  sufferer  for  his  service, 
the  King  positively  refused  to  grant  his  request,  teUing 
him,  he  had  no  use  of  children.  The  Lady  Byron  came 
to  me,  and  desired  me  to  procure  her  husband,  who  was 
prisoner  in  the  Tower,  to  be  exchanged  for  me,  and  carried 
a  letter  from  me  to  my  mother  then  at  London,  about  it  ^ ; 
who  soliciting  the  Earl  of  Essex  our  General  to  that  effect, 
was  desired  by  him  not  to  trouble  her  self  any  more 
therein,  assuring  her  that  he  would  be  as  careful  of  me, 
as  if  I  were  his  own  son.  A  person  from  Sir  Edward 
Stradling  came  also  to  me,  in  order  to  an  exchange 
between  us,  telling  me,  that  the  King  had  promised  that 
nothing  of  that  nature  should  be  done  before  Sir  Edward 
Stradling  and  Col.  Lunsford  were  exchanged  ^.  The  Lord 
Willmot  sent  a  gentleman  to  acquaint  me  that  he  had 
procured  a  grant  from  the  King,  that  I  should  be  ex- 
changed for  Sir  Hugh  Pollard  ;  and  that  if  I  would  write 
a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Essex  with  the  proposal,  he  would 
send  it  by  a  trumpeter ;  but  I  judging  this  exchange  to 
be  very  unequal,  Sir  Hugh  being  a  person  much  esteemed 
for  his  interest  and  experience,  proposed  in  my  letter  to 
the  Lord-General,  that  he  would  put  some  other  person 
with  me  into  the  balance  against  him.  Whilst  I  was  in 
expectation  of  the  General's  answer,  we  received  advice 
that  most  of  our  foot  that  lay  before  Newark,  commanded 

March  21.  by  Sir  John  Meldrum,  a  worthy  Scotsman,  were  defeated 
and  made  prisoners  by  Prince  Rupert  :  but  this  loss  was 
in   some   measure  recompensed   by  a  victory  obtained  at 

March  29.  Cherington  in  Hampshire,  by  our  forces,  commanded  by 
Sir  William  Waller,  against  those  of  the  King  commanded 
by  Sir  Ralph  Hopton.  The  numbers  on  each  side  were 
very  near  equal,  and  the  success  had  been  doubtful  for 
the  most  part  of  the  day,  but  at  last  the  enemy  was  totally 

'  Probably    Sophia,    daughter    of  Collins,  Peerage,  vii,  98. 

Charles    Lambert   and   wife  of  Sir  ^  Cols.  Sir  Edward  Stradling  and 

Nicholas  Byron.    He  had  been  taken  Sir    Thomas    Lunsford   were    both 

prisoner  at  Ellesmere  in  Shropshire,  taken  prisoners  at  Edgehill.    Claren- 

Jan.  II,  1644.   Dugdale,  Diary,  p.  58 ;  don,  Rebellion,  vi.  94. 


Ludlow  is  released.  89 

routed,  and  put  to  flight :  and  had  good  use  been  made  of  1644 
this  victory,  the  controversy  had  soon  been  decided  in  the 
west ;  but  we  were  not  yet  so  happy  to  improve  our  ad- 
vantages :  by  which  neghgence  we  got  Httle  more  than  the 
field,  and  the  reputation  of  the  victory,  tho  the  enemy  lost 
some  of  their  principal  officers  in  the  fight,  amongst  whom 
were  the  Lord  John,  brother  to  the  Duke  of  Lennox,  Sir 
Edward  Stawell,  Col.  Richard  Manning,  formerly  men- 
tioned, and  that  Smith  who  had  been  knighted  by  the 
King  for  rescuing  his  standard  out  of  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Chambers,  secretary  to  the  Earl  of  Essex.  This  fight  at 
Cherington  happened  on  the  29th  of  March,  1644,  about 
a  fortnight  after  the  surrender  of  Warder  Castle,  till  which 
time  had  I  been  able  to  keep  it,  I  should  have  been  re- 
lieved. The  enemy's  officers  came  to  the  castle  at  Oxford 
to  solicit  the  prisoners  to  take  arms  under  them ;  but 
finding  their  endeavours  to  prove  ineffectual,  they  soon 
desisted  from  that  attempt.  After  three  weeks'  confine- 
ment here,  my  exchange  was  agreed,  the  Lord-General 
Essex  expressing  much  generosity  and  readiness  in  it,  as 
he  had  promised  to  my  mother :  for  lest  the  King  should 
be  reminded  of  his  promise  to  Sir  Edward  Stradling  and 
Col.  Lunsford,  or  of  that  to  my  Lord  Willmot  in  favour  of 
Sir  Hugh  Pollard,  and  so  on  either  hand  the  design  of  my 
liberty  come  to  be  obstructed,  he  consented  to  the  exchange 
of  all  the  three  for  Col.  Houghton,  Sir  John  Savil,  Capt. 
Abercromy,  and  my  self.  Col.  Henley  went  off  also  with 
us,  being  exchanged  for  Lieutenant-Colonel  Robert  Sandys. 
I  was  led  blindfold  through  the  city  of  Oxford  till  I  had 
passed  their  works,  and  the  next  day  arrived  at  London, 
where  I  found  the  Earl  of  Essex  disposed  to  an  exchange 
for  my  officers  and  souldiers,  which  was  soon  after  made, 
and  with  them  for  Mr.  Balsum,  whom  he  entertained  as  his 
chaplain  to  the  time  of  his  death.  He  expressed  a  great 
desire  to  provide  me  with  a  command  in  his  army:  but  the 
Parliament,  upon  the  instances  of  the  gentlemen  that 
served  for  the  county  of  Wilts,  having  appointed  me 
Sheriff  thereof,  upon  an  invitation  of  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig 


90  Ltidlow  joins   Waller  s  army. 

1644  to  be  major  of  his  regiment  of  horse  in  Sir  Wilh'am  Waller's 
army,  which  was  designed  for  the  service  of  the  west,  I 
accepted  of  it,  and  mounted  the  choicest  of  my  old  souldiers 
with  me,  Sir  Arthur  buying  a  hundred  horse  in  Smithfield 
for  that  purpose :  the  rest  of  my  men  the  Lord  General 
took  into  his  own  company.  As  soon  as  my  troop  was 
compleated,  and  furnished    with    all    things    necessary,    I 

May.      repaired  to  the  regiment   then  with  Sir  William  Waller 

near  Abingdon,  who  was  directed  by  the  Parliament  with 

his  army  to  block  up  the  King  at  Oxford  on  one  side, 

whilst  the  Earl  of  Essex  should  do  the  same  on  the  other. 

Which  storm  the  Queen  foreseeing,  withdrew  to  Exeter, 

June  16.    where  she  was  delivered  of  a  daughter,  which  she  leaving 

in  the  custody  of  the  Lady  Dalkeith,  returned  to  France,  as 

well  to  secure  her  self  as  to  solicit  for  supplies.     In  the 

June  3.     mean  time  the  King  breaking  out  from  Oxford,  marched 

towards  Worcestershire;    upon  which  the  Earl   of  Essex 

commanded  Sir  William  Waller  to  march  after  him,  whilst 

he  himself  with  his  army  marched  westward.     This  order 

seemed  very  strange  to  the  Parliament,  and  to  most  of  us, 

being  likely  to  break  Sir  William  Waller's  army,  which 

consisted  for  the  most  part  of  western  gentlemen,   who 

hop'd  thereby  to  have  been  enabled  to  secure  the  country, 

and  to  promote  the  publick  service.     The  Parliament  sent 

to  the  Lord-General  to  observe  his  former  orders,  and  to 

attend  the  King's  motions  ;  but  he  sending  them  a  short 

answer,  continued  his  march  west,  in  which  he  took  Wey- 

June  17.    ixiouth,  and  relieved  Lyme,  that  had  endured  a  long  siege, 
June  14.  .  ■'  .  , 

and  with  the  assistance  of  the  seamen,  tho  their  works  were 

inconsiderable,  had  often  repulsed  the  enemy,  and  killed 

great  numbers  of  them  in  several  sallies  that  they  made 

upon  them.     A  party  commanded  by  Sir  Robert  Pye  was 

ordered  to  Taunton,  which  he  reduced  to  the  obedience  of 

the  Parliament.     Upon  the  advance  of  the  Earl  of  Essex, 

the  army  of  the  enemy  commanded   by  Prince  Maurice 

retreated  farther  westward.     Sir  William  Waller,  according 

to  his  orders   from   the   general,  followed   the  King,  but 

could  not  find  an  opportunity  to  engage  him ;  so  that  the 


He  ttndertakes  to  raise  a  regiment.  91 


summer  being  almost  spent,  and  the  western  gentlemen 
observing  little  done  for  the  security  of  those  parts  to  which 
they  were  related,  prevailed  with  him  to  permit  Col. 
Alexander  Popham,  Col.  Edward  Popham  his  brother,  my 
self,  and  some  others,  to  return  into  the  west,  in  order  to 
provide  recruits  for  his  army,  and  to  secure  the  country  ^. 
To  this  end  I  received  a  commission  from  him  to  raise  and 
command  a  regiment  of  horse,  with  a  permission  to  take 
my  own  troop  with  me.  As  soon  as  we  came  into  Wilt- 
shire we  were  earnestly  solicited  to  go  to  the  relief  of 
Major  Wansey  ^,  who  was  besieged  by  the  enemy  in  Wood- 
house,  formerly  purchased  of  my  father  by  Mr.  Arundel, 
brother  to  the  Lord  Arundel  of  Warder^.  Upon  our 
approach  we  understanding  that  their  forces  were  drawn 
off,  staid  a  day  or  two  at  the  Devizes  ;  where  notice  being 
brought  to  us  of  the  enemy's  return  before  that  place,  we 
immediately  advanced,  and  came  that  night  to  Warmister, 
from  whence  we  sent  a  party  of  about  forty  horse,  with 
order  to  bring  us  certain  intelligence  of  the  enemy's 
condition.  This  party  meeting  upon  Warmister  Heath  with 
about  the  like  number  of  theirs,  fought  them,  and  having 


1644 


^  Alexander  and  Edward  Popham 
were  sons  of  Sir  Francis  Popham  of 
Houndstreet,  Somerset,  and  Little- 
cote,  Wilts,  one  of  the  Deputy- 
Lieutenants  of  Wiltshire  and  M.P. 
for  Minehead,  who  died  July  28, 
1644.  Alexander  Popham  was  mem- 
ber for  Bath.  Edward  succeeded 
his  father  in  the  representation  of 
Minehead,  became  one  of  the  ad- 
mirals of  the  fleet  of  the  Common- 
wealth, died  Aug.  19,  1651,  and  was 
buried  on  Sept.  24  in  Westminster 
Abbey.  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dom. 
1644,  p.  382  ;  Chester,  Westminster 
Abbey  Registers,  p.  144 ;  Mercurius 
Politicus,  Sept.  24,  1651.  Essex  in 
his  letters  of  July  10  and  15,  1644, 
speaks  of  Alexander  Popham's  diffi-  • 
culties  in  raising  a  regiment,  and 
of  the  defeat  he  and  Ludlow  ex- 
perienced.      Devereux,      Lives      of 


the  Earls  of  Essex,  ii.  pp.  415, 
417. 

-  Henry  Wansey,  who  is  described 
by  Sir  Edward  Walker  as  '  lately  a 
watchmaker  in  Warminster.'  His- 
torical Discourses,  p.  39.  When 
Penruddock  and  the  royalists  seized 
Salisbury  in  March,  1655,  and  made 
prisoner  Colonel  Dove,  the  sheriff, 
Major  Wansey  with  about  thirty  men 
held  the  sheriff's  house  against  them. 
Mercurius  Politicus.  On  Oct.  26, 
1661,  he  was  arrested  on  suspicion 
and  imprisoned  in  the  Gate  House, 
where  he  still  was  on  Feb.  20,  1662. 
See  his  petition  and  narrative, 
Somers  Tracts,  ed.  Scott,  vii.  533. 

3  William,  or  Sir  William,  Arundel, 
was  owner  of  Woodhouse,  and 
Horningsham  Castle,  Wilts.  See  his 
case  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Com- 
mittee for  Compounding,  p.  1794. 


92  A  skirniish  on  the  downs. 

1644  taken  some  prisoners,  returned  to  us,  with  an  account,  that 
the  enemy  only  drew  off  from  Woodhouse  to  reinforce  them- 
selves for  the  better  carrying  on  of  their  work  ;  in  order  to 
which  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  with  a  thousand  horse  was  come 
from  Bristol.  The  next  morning  a  party  of  the  enemy's 
July  6.  horse  faced  us  on  the  heath,  thereby  to  provoke  us  to 
charge  them,  and  then  by  retreating  from  us,  to  have 
drawn  us  within  their  body  of  horse,  who  were  marching 
on  our  left  amongst  the  hedges,  endeavouring  to  get  into 
our  rear ;  which  we  suspecting,  forbore  making  any 
attempt  upon  them  ;  and  about  noon  finding  that  we  were 
not  in  a  condition  of  performing  what  we  came  about, 
marched  off  towards  Salisbury  ^.  We  were  no  sooner  got 
upon  the  downs,  but  we  discovered  their  body  of  horse 
marching  into  the  town ;  yet  we  continued  our  march, 
observing  the  enemy  as  well  as  we  could,  to  which  end  I 
kept  in  the  rear ;  and  discovering  them  climbing  the  hills 
not  far  from  us,  I  informed  Col.  Alexander  Popham  thereof, 
telling  him,  that  they  appearing  to  be  at  least  four  times 
our  number,  I  thought  it  not  at  all  advisable  to  engage 
them.  But  he  saying,  that  since  they  were  so  near,  we 
could  not  in  honour  avoid  it,  I  promised  him  that  I  would 
not  desert  him.  Whereupon  he  drew  up  his  party  into  one 
body,  which  with  reformed  ofhcers  and  others  consisted  of 
near  a  hundred  ;  and  I  drew  up  my  troop,  consisting  of  the 
like  number,  into  another  body;  but  having  before  sent 
away  my  sumpter  and  led  horses,  upon  suspicion  of  the 
event,  I  was  obliged  to  ride  after  them  to  take  my  sute  of 
arms  which  was  with  them,  having  ordered  my  men  not  to 
stir  from  their  ground  till  I  came  back,  in  which  they  were 
very  punctual.  As  I  was  returning,  I  met  Col.  Popham 
and  all  his  party  flying,  of  whom  demanding  the  cause  of 
this  alteration  of  his  resolution,  he  answered,  that  it  was  by 
no  means  advisable  to  fight  them.  I  found  my  men 
standing  their  ground,  and  the  enemy  advancing  towards 
them  in  twelve  bodies,  each  of  which  seemed  to  be  as  big 
as  ours.     I  thanked  them  for  obeying  my  orders,  and  told 

'  For  royalist  accounts  of  this  skirmish,  see  Appendix  II. 


Ludlow  chased  through  Salisbury.  93 

them,  that  if  they  continued  to  do  so,  I  doubted  not  by  the  1644 
blessing  of  God  to  bring  them  off.  In  order  to  which  I 
sent  my  standard  before  with  half  a  score  chosen  horse, 
and  then  began  to  march  off  with  the  rest  ;  but  finding 
some  of  my  men  beginning  to  ride  for  it,  I  put  my  self  at 
the  head  of  them,  to  let  them  see,  that  I  could  ride  as  fast 
as  they ;  withal  telling  them,  that  if  they  would  stand  by 
me,  I  w^ould  bring  up  the  rear.  By  this  means  I  got  my 
men  to  keep  close  together,  which  contributed  much  to 
their  safety.  The  greatest  part  of  the  other  company 
followed  Col.  Edward  Popham  to  Salisbury ;  but  his 
brother  Col.  Alexander,  with  about  six  horse,  struck  out  of 
the  way,  and  retired  to  Pool.  After  we  had  made  about 
three  miles  of  our  way,  one  of  my  troopers  fell  from  his 
horse,  and  the  beast  running  from  him,  he  was  in  great 
danger  of  being  destroyed  by  the  enemy,  who  was  in 
pursuit  of  us  ;  which  being  willing  to  prevent,  I  took  him 
up  behind  me,  and  his  horse  running  along  with  the 
company,  was  taken  soon  after  on  the  top  of  the  hill  very 
seasonably ;  for  my  horse  was  by  that  time  so  far  spent 
with  the  extraordinary  weight,  that  he  could  not  gallop 
any  longer  ;  but  the  souldier  mounting  his  own  horse,  mine 
soon  recovered  his  wind  and  strength  again.  Twice  or 
thrice  the  enemy  came  up  to  us,  demanding  the  word,  and 
were  as  often  repulsed  to  their  body :  the  last  time  we  shot 
one  of  their  officers,  which  made  them  more  cautious  of 
approaching  us.  Many  of  our  horses  being  spent,  I  com- 
manded the  souldiers  to  quit  them,  and  to  run  them 
through,  that  they  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  advising  the  men  to  shift  for  themselves,  either 
amongst  the  corn,  or  in  the  villages  through  which  we 
passed,  whereby  most  of  them  secured  themselves  ;  but 
some  were  taken  by  the  enemy,  and  killed  in  cold  blood  by 
one  of  their  officers,  after  quarter  given  and  their  lives 
promised  to  them.  At  last  I  came  to  Salisbury  with 
about  thirty  horse,  where  divers  persons  disaffected  to  the 
Parliament  made  a  great  shout  at  our  coming  into  the 
town,  rejoicing  at  our  defeat,  which  they  had  heard  of  by 


94  Ludlow  fights  an  old  school-fellow. 

1644  some  of  our  company,  who  had  passed  through  the  town 
about  an  hour  before.  From  thence  I  continued  my  way 
to  a  place  called  Mutton  Bridg,  on  one  side  of  which  there 
is  a  causway  about  three  foot  broad,  where  I  made  a  halt ; 
and  ordering  my  party  to  continue  their  retreat  towards 
Southampton,  I  kept  some  of  those  who  were  the  best 
mounted  with  me,  and  made  good  that  pass  for  some  time 
against  the  enemy,  who  tho  they  followed  us  as  far  as 
White  Parish,  twenty  miles  from  the  place  where  they  first 
began  their  pursuit,  they  took  no  more  of  our  men  after 
this  halt  which  we  put  them  to  ;  so  that  with  the  rest  I 
arrived  safe  at  Southampton.  Two  days  after  my  coming 
to  Southampton  Col.  Norton  received  advice,  that  the 
enemy  was  preparing  to  send  some  forces,  in  order  to  beat 
off  those  of  ours  that  blocked  up  Basing  House.  He  being 
then  before  Winchester,  and  resolving  to  march  with  his 
troop  to  reinforce  the  besiegers,  desired  me  with  my  troop 
to  supply  his  place  at  Winchester  till  his  return.  Being 
unwilling  to  refuse  any  public  service,  tho  my  men  were 
already  very  much  harassed,  I  marched  thither ;  and  that 
those  in  the  castle  might  see  they  were  not  at  liberty  to 
ravage  the  country,  I  drew  out  my  troop  and  faced  them  : 
upon  which  they  sent  out  what  horse  they  had  to  skirmish 
with  us  ;  amongst  whom  observing  one  Mr.  William  Neale, 
who  was  of  my  acquaintance,  and  formerly  my  school- 
fellow, I  called  to  him  telling  him,  that  I  was  sorry  to 
see  him  there ;  but  since  it  was  so,  I  offered  to  exchange 
a  shot  with  him,  and  riding  up  to  that  purpose,  he  re- 
treated towards  his  party,  where  making  a  stand,  he 
called  to  me  to  come  on,  which  I  did ;  but  he  retreated 
again  till  he  came  within  the  shelter  of  their  foot,  and  one 
with  him  dismounting,  fired  a  musquet  at  me  loaded  with  a 
brace  of  bullets,  of  which  one  went  into  the  belly  of  my 
horse,  the  other  struck  upon  my  breast-plate,  within  half 
an  inch  of  the  bottom  of  it :  my  horse  carried  me  off,  but 
died  that  night.  The  necessities  of  my  men  being  great, 
and  this  service  not  immediately  belonging  to  me,  I 
thought  it  my  duty  to  return  into  Wiltshire,  where  I  might 


Cruelty  of  Sir  Francis  Doddington,         95 

expect  to  be  better  supplied  than  in  Hampshire,  to  which  1644 
county  I  had  no  relation  :  therefore  sending  to  Col.  Norton 
to  make  provision  for  the  service  at  Winchester,  I  marched 
with  fourscore  horse  to  Salisbury;  which  town  having 
triumphed  upon  our  defeat,  I  thought  most  proper  to 
supply  us  with  what  we  wanted :  and  to  that  end  having 
procured  a  list  of  the  disaffected  in  the  town,  I  required 
them,  without  delay,  to  collect  amongst  themselves  five 
hundred  pounds  for  the  recruiting  and  paying  of  my  troop, 
who  had  not  received  any  pay  since  they  came  out.  The 
town  made  many  excuses,  and  at  last  prevailed  with  me  to 
take  two  hundred  pounds,  with  w^hich  I  paid  and  recruited 
my  troop ;  and  having  disposed  them  in  the  best  manner  I 
could  for  the  service  of  the  country,  I  went  to  London  to 
compleat  my  regiment,  and  to  furnish  it  with  arms,  and  all 
such  things  as  were  necessary. 

In  the  mean  time  Sir  Francis  Doddington  had  caused 
the  two  men  that  he  had  taken  at  Warder  to  be  hanged, 
upon  pretence  that  they  ran  away  from  him  ;  and  having 
brought  some  pieces  of  cannon  before  Woodhouse,  made 
a  breach  so  considerable  in  the  wall,  that  the  besieged 
were  necessitated  to  surrender  at  mercy,  but  they  found  July  17. 
very  little,  for  they  were  presently  stripp'd  of  all  that  was 
good  about  them :  and  Sir  Francis  Doddington  being 
informed  by  one  Bacon,  who  was  parson  of  the  parish,  that 
one  of  the  prisoners  had  threatened  to  stick  in  his  skirts,  as 
he  call'd  it,  for  reading  the  Common-Prayer,  struck  the  man 
so  many  blows  upon  the  head,  and  with  such  force,  that  he 
broke  his  skull,  and  caused  him  to  fall  into  a  swound  ;  from 
which  he  was  no  sooner  recovered,  but  he  was  picked  out  to 
be  one  of  the  twelve  which  Sir  Francis  had  granted  to  Sir 
William  St.  Leger  to  be  hanged,  in  lieu  of  six  Irish  rebels 
who  had  been  executed  at  Warum  by  Col.  Sydenham,  in 
pursuance  of  an  order  from  the  Parliament  to  give  them  no 
quarter.  These  twelve  being  most  of  them  clothiers,  were 
hanged  upon  the  same  tree ;  but  one  of  them  breaking  his 
halter,  desired  that  what  he  had  suffered  might  be  accepted, 
or  else  that  he  might  fight  against  any  two  for  his  life  ;  not- 


96        Divisio7is  in  the  parliamentary  party. 

1644  withstanding  which  they  caused  him  to  be  hanged  up  again, 
and  had  proceeded  much  farther,  had  not  Sir  Ralph  Hopton 
sent  orders  to  put  a  stop  to  their  butcheries  ^. 

The  King  having  ranged  about  for  some  time,  thought 
fit  to  return  towards  Oxford  ;  and  being  joined  by  some 
foot  from  thence,  skirmished  with  Sir  WilHam  Waller's 
June  29.  army  at  Cropredy  Bridg,  wherein  little  hurt  being  done  on 
either  side,  the  King  marched  into  the  west,  in  order  to  a 
conjunction  with  his  forces  in  those  parts,  commanded  by 
Prince  Maurice. 

When  I  first  took  arms  under  the  Parliament  in  defence 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  my  country,  I  did  not  think 
that  a  work  so  good  and  so  necessary  would  have  been 
attended  with  so  great  difficulties  :  but  finding  by  experience 
the  strong  combination  of  interests  at  home  and  abroad 
against  them,  the  close  conjunction  of  the  popish  and 
prelatical  parties  in  opposition  to  them  ;  what  vast  numbers 
depended  upon  the  King  for  preferments  or  subsistence ; 
how  many  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  were  contented  to 
serve  his  arbitrary  designs,  if  they  might  have  leave  to 
insult  over  such  as  were  of  a  lower  order  ;  and  adding  to 
all  this  the  great  corruption  of  the  nation,  I  became  con- 
vinced of  my  former  error,  and  began  now  more  to  wonder 
that  they  found  so  many  friends  to  assist  them  in  their 
just  and  lawful  undertaking,  than  I  had  done  before  at 
the  opposition  they  met  with.  In  these  thoughts  I  was 
every  day  more  confirmed  by  observing  the  strange  divisions 
amongst  our  own  party,  every  one  striving  to  enlarge  his 
own  power  in  a  factious  and  ambitious  way,  not  caring  the 
thereby  they  obstructed  and  ruined  the  cause  it  self.  Of 
this  I  had  some  experience  in  my  own  particular,  as  well  as 
others  of  a  much  greater  figure  than  my  self ; "  for  tho  my 

'  See  Devereux,  Lives  of  the  Earls  relieve  Essex: 'This  day  Col.  Ludlow 

of  Essex,  ii.  418 ;  Vicars,  God's  Ark,  came   to   me   with   orders  from  the 

p.  286.  Committee  of  Wilts,  to  surrender  to 

^  On  Sept.  7,  1644,  Waller  wrote  me   his  commission    which   he   had 

to  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  from  me.     There  are  hkewise  orders 

from  Farnham,  his  appointed  rendez-  sent  from   that  Committee  to  those 

vous   for   his   march   westwards    to  troops  of  his  which  were  at  Salis- 


Ludlow  takes  Shir  ton  House.  97 

country-men  had  in  my  absence  prevailed  with  the  Parh'a-  1644 
ment  to  make  me  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Wilts,  and 
engaged  themselves  to  raise  a  regiment  for  me  ;  yet  because 
I  refused  to  deliver  up  my  former  commission  received  from 
Sir  William  Waller,  and  to  take  a  new  one  from  the  earl 
of  Essex,  tho  that  I  had  from  Sir  William  obliged  me  to 
obey  the  said  earl  as  much  as  one  given  me  immediately 
from  himself,  those  of  my  country-men  who  were  of  the 
faction  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  obstructed  me  in  the  raising 
of  my  regiment,  keeping  from  me  those  arms  that  were 
bought  to  that  end,  countenancing  my  major,  for  whom  I  had 
procured  that  employment,  against  me,  and  detaining  our 
pay  from  us  ;  so  that  I  and  my  men  had  nothing  to  keep  us 
faithful  to  the  cause  but  our  affection  to  it.  Yet  were  we 
not  wanting  to  improve  every  opportunity  in  the  best  manner 
we  could,  to  the  service  of  the  country ;  for  having  notice 
that  a  garison  was  put  into  the  Lord  Sturton's  house,  and 
another  into  that  of  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  at  Witham,  I 
marched  in  the  night  first  to  Sturton  House,  which  was 
defended  against  us,  till  each  of  us  carrying  a  fagot  to  one 
of  the  gates,  wherewith  we  set  them  on  fire,  together  with 
one  of  the  rooms  of  the  castle,  those  that  kept  it  slipped  out 

bury  to  draw  awaj'  immediately  to  and  in  such  a  time  wherein  we  cannot 

Malmesbury,  and  not  to  obey  their  admit    those    clashings   without    be- 

colonel   if  he  came  with    my    com-  traying    God's    cause.'      The    same 

mission  to  them.     Last  night  hearing  evening   Waller  received   the   news 

that  those  troops  were  at  Salisbury,  of  Essex's  surrender,  and  an  answer 

I  sent  directions  to  them  not  to  stir  from    Ludlow's    major   declining   to 

Irom  thence  till  they  received  further  obey    his    orders.      Waller's     com- 

orders  from  me,  and  in  the  meantime  mission    made   him    general    of    the 

to  send  out  continual  parties  into  the  forces  of  Wilts,  Gloucester,  Somerset, 

west  to  gain  intelligence.     How  far  Worcester,   and    Shropshire  by    or- 

this  will  now  be  obeyed  I  cannot  tell.  dinance   passed  Feb.   ii,   1643,  and 

I  have  refused  to  accept  Col.  Lud-  he  had  also  been  appointed  to  com- 

low's    commission,    and    given    him  mand  the  forces  sent  west  to  relieve 

order  to  repair  immediately  to  his  Essex,  Aug.  23,  1644.     L.  J.  v.  602  ; 

troops,  and  to  see  my  formei  orders  vi.  685.     Essex,  however,  had  made 

performed,  which  I  make  no  question  Massey   commander-in-chief  of  the 

but  he  will  do  as  far  as  he  can.     My  Gloucestershire  forces,  and  the  Wilts 

Lords,  so  long  as  I  have  a  life  I  will  committee  had  also  voted  Massey  the 

lay  it  out  freely  in  your  service,  but  it  command  of  their  troops.    Cal.  State 

is  a  very  great  discouragement  to  me  Papers,  Dom.  1644,  p.  478. 
to  meet  with  nothing  but  opposition, 

VOL.    L  H 


98  Witham  House  evacuated. 

1644  at  a  back-door  through  the  garden  into  the  park,  which 
they  did  undiscovered,  by  reason  of  the  darkness  of  the 
night  ^.  Having  rendred  that  place  untenable,  we  hastned 
to  Witham,  where  we  found  in  the  park  near  a  hundred 
cattle  belonging  to  Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  which  served  for  the 
paiment  of  my  souldiers  :  those  who  were  within  desired 
to  treat,  and  demanded  liberty  to  return  home ;  which  was 
granted,  upon  condition  to  deliver  up  their  arms,  and  to  en- 
gage to  keep  no  garison  in  that  place  for  the  time  to  come. 
Being  upon  my  return,  I  took  with  me  my  hangings, 
pictures,  best  beds,  and  other  things^  which  my  father's 
servants  had  so  well  conceal'd  at  the  first  breaking  out  of 
the  war  in  a  private  part  of  my  house,  that  they  escaped 
the  search  of  the  enemy,  who  had  plundered  all  they  could 
find,  broken  all  the  windows,  taken  away  the  leads,  and 
pulled  up  the  boards  in  most  parts  of  the  house.  Whilst 
I  was  at  London,  that  party  which  I  left  in  the  country 
had  taken  some  wool  and  other  things  from  the  Lord 
Cottington,  the  Lord  Arundel,  and  others,  which  they  sold, 
and  divided  the  money  amongst  themselves.  From  the 
Lord  Cottington's  they  brought,  amongst  other  things,  a 
horse  that  had  been  taken  from  me  before  at  Warder  Castle. 
The  Lord  Fairfax,  the  Earl  of  INfanchester,  and  the  Scots, 
besieged  York,  of  which  the  Earl  of  Newcastle  was  gov- 
ernour,  having  with  him  a  garison  consisting  of  six  or  seven 
thousand  foot,  besides  horse.  After  some  time  spent  in  the 
siege.  Prince  Rupert  arrived  with  about  eighteen  thousand 
men,  and  caused  the  besiegers  to  raise  the  siege,  who  joining 
their  forces,  resolved  to  observe  his  motions,  and  to  fight  him 
if  they  found  an  occasion  ;  but  that  they  might  be  a  little 
refreshed  and  furnished  with  provisions,  which  they  wanted, 
they  marched  towards  Tadcaster.  If  Prince  Rupert,  who 
had  acquired  honour  enough  by  the  relief  of  York  in  the 
view  of  three  generals,  could  have  contented  himself  with 
it.  and  retreated,  as  he  might  have  done,  without  fighting, 

1  Old  .Stourton  House  was  de-  pended  to  the  history  of  Frustfield, 
stroycd  in  1720.  Views  of  it  are  p.  7;  and  in  the  Wiltshire  Archaeo- 
giveii  in  Hoare's  Modern  Wilts,  ap-       logical  Magazine,  i.  194. 


The  battle  of  Marston  Aloor.  99 

the  reputation  he  had  gained  would  have  caused  his  army  '^t-t 
to  increase  Hke  the  rolling  of  a  snowball ;  but  he  thinking 
this  nothing  unless  he  might  have  all,  forced  his  enemies 
to  a  battel  against  the  advice  of  many  of  those  that  were 
with  him  ;  in  which  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  charging  July  2. 
the  right  wing  of  ours,  consisting  of  English  and  Scots,  so 
totally  routed  them,  that  the  three  generals  of  the  Parliament 
quitted  the  field,  and  fled  towards  Cawood  Castle :  the  left 
wing  of  our  army  commanded  by  Col.  Cromwell,  knowing 
nothing  of  this  rout,  engaged  the  right  wing  of  the  enemy 
commanded  by  Prince  Rupert,  who  had  gained  an  advan- 
tageous piece  of  ground  upon  Marston  Moor,  and  caused  a 
battery  to  be  erected  upon  it,  from  which  Capt.  Walton, 
Cromwell's  sister's  son,  was  wounded  by  a  shot  in  the  knee. 
Whereupon  Col.  Cromwell  commanded  two  field-pieces  to 
be  brought  in  order  to  annoy  the  enemy,  appointing  two 
regiments  of  foot  to  guard  them  ;  who  marching  to  that 
purpose,  were  attacked  by  the  foot  of  the  enemy's  right 
wing,  that  fired  thick  upon  them  from  the  ditches.  Upon 
this  both  parties  seconding  their  foot,  w^ere  wholly  engaged, 
who  before  had  stood  only  facing  each  other.  The  horse 
on  both  sides  behaved  themselves  with  the  utmost  bravery; 
for  having  discharged  their  pistols,  and  flung  them  at  each 
other's  heads,  they  fell  to  it  with  their  swords.  The  King's 
party  were  encouraged  in  this  encounter,  by  seeing  the 
success  of  their  left  wing ;  and  the  Parliament's  forces 
that  remained  in  the  field  were  not  discouraged,  because 
they  knew  it  not,  both  sides  eagerly  contending  for  victory  ; 
which,  after  an  obstinate  dispute,  was  obtained  by  Crom- 
well's brigade,  the  enemy's  right  wing  being  totally  routed 
and  flying,  as  the  Parliament's  had  done  before,  our  horse 
pursuing  and  killing  many  of  them  in  their  flight.  And 
now  the  enemy's  left  wing,  who  had  been  conquerors, 
returned  to  their  former  ground,  presuming  upon  an  entire 
victory,  and  utterly  ignorant  of  what  had  befallen  Prince 
Rupert  ;  but  before  they  could  put  themselves  into  any 
order,  they  were  charged  and  entirely  defeated  by  the 
reserves  of  Cromwell's  brigade.     Prince  Rupert,  upon  the 

H  2 


lOO  Movements  of  Waller  and  Essex. 

1644  routing  of  the  Parliament's  right  wing,  concluding  all  to  be 
his  own,  had  sent  letters  to  the  King,  to  acquaint  him  with 
the  victory,  upon  which  the  bells  were  rung,  and  bonfires 
made  at  Oxford.  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Major-General  Porter, 
Major-General  Tilyard,  with  above  a  hundred  officers  more, 
were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Parliament's  forces :  all  the 
enemy's  artillery,  great  numbers  of  arms,  and  a  good 
quantity  of  ammunition  and  baggage  fell  also  into  their 
hands.  The  Prince's  own  standard,  with  the  arms  of  the 
Palatinate,  was  likewise  taken,  with  many  others  both  of 
horse  and  foot.  Fifteen  days  after  this  fight,  being  the 
1 6th  of  July,  1644.  the  city  of  York  was  surrendred  to  the 
Parliament's  forces  upon  articles  ;  and  the  Earl  of  Newcastle 
having  had  some  dispute  with  Prince  Rupert  before  the 
engagement,  wherein  some  words  had  passed  which  the  earl 
could  not  well  digest,  soon  after  left  England,  and  the 
Prince  retired  to  Bristol. 

The  Earl  of  Essex  was  marched  with  his  army  into 
Cornwall  ;  yet  to  what  publick  end  I  could  never  under- 
stand, for  the  enemy  there  had  already  dispersed  themselves. 
Some  said  that  he  was  perswaded  to  march  thither  by  the 
Lord  Roberts,  to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  collect  his 
rents  in  those  parts.  Upon  this  the  King  drew  out  what 
forces  he  could  from  Oxford,  designing  to  join  them  with 
some  others  in  the  west  ;  by  which  conjunction  the  Par- 
liament apprehending  their  army  under  Essex  to  be  in 
danger,  ordered  Sir  William  Waller  to  observe  the  King's 
motions :  but  whether  the  neglect  of  relieving  him  at  the 
Devizes,  or  the  affront  put  upon  him,  by  commanding  him 
to  follow  the  King  after  he  had  been  ordered  to  attend  the 
service  of  the  west,  or  what  else  it  was  that  had  sower'd  him, 
I  cannot  say ;  yet  visible  it  was,  that  so  much  care  and 
expedition  was  not  used  in  attending  the  King  in  his 
marches  as  was  requisite.  However  Lieutenant-General 
Middleton,  then  under  Sir  William  Waller,  was  sent  with  a 
party  of  horse  to  the  assistance  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  ;  but 
he  kept  at  such  a  distance  from  him,  that  he  afforded  him 
little  help.     Neither  was   there  that  diligence   as   should 


Surrender  of  Essex s  army.  loi 

have  been  then  used  by  the  Earl  of  Essex  himself,  to  1644 
engage  the  King  before  his  conjunction  with  the  western 
forces,  or  to  fight  them  when  they  were  united,  they  not 
much,  if  at  all,  exceeding  ours  in  number,  and  in  courage 
and  affection  to  the  cause  engaged  in  much  inferiour.  But 
the  Earl  of  Essex  and  the  Lord  Roberts  having  led  the 
army  into  a  corner  of  Cornwall,  betook  themselves  to  the 
ships  with  which  the  Earl  of  Warwick  attended  the  motion 
of  the  army.  Being  thus  deserted,  the  horse  broke  through 
the  enemy  under  the  conduct  of  Sir  William  Balfour,  the 
foot  and  train  of  artillery  being  left  with  Major-General 
Skippon  about  Bodmin,  who  was  forced,  about  the  latter 
end  of  September,  1644,  to  make  the  best  terms  he  could  Sept.  2. 
with  the  enemy  for  them,  agreeing  to  leave  their  arms  and 
cannon  behind  them,  and  to  be  conducted  into  the  Par- 
liament's quarters,  with  whatsoever  belonged  to  them  ;  but 
before  the  convoy  had  done  with  them,  they  lost  most  of 
their  clothes,  and  in  that  condition  arrived  at  Portsmouth, 
where  they  found  their  general  the  Earl  of  Essex. 

The  Parliament  soon  caused  them  to  be  armed  and 
clothed  again ;  and  the  horse  having  forced  their  way,  as 
before  mentioned,  the  army  was  speedily  recruited,  scarce 
a  man  having  taken  arms  on  the  other  side.  The  Earl  of 
Manchester  and  Sir  William  Waller  were  ordered  with 
their  forces  to  draw  westward  of  London,  as  well  to  favour 
the  Earl  of  Essex  upon  occasion,  as  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
enemy's  approach,  if  he  should  attempt  it.  The  King 
marched,  as  was  expected,  in  great  triumph  out  of  the  west. 
Sir  William  Waller  lying  about  Basingstoke  ;  from  whom  Oct.  20. 
I  received  a  letter,  inviting  me  to  come  to  their  assistance  : 
in  order  to  which  I  began  my  march  with  some  horse  and 
dragoons  raised  by  Major  Wansey,  who  had  been  com- 
manded by  the  Earl  of  Essex  to  continue  with  me ;  and 
on  the  way  received  an  order  from  the  Committee  of  Both 
Kingdoms,  to  advance  towards  them  with  what  force  I  had  ^. 

^  The  force  at  Salisbury  belong-  they  should  be  ordered  to  join  him, 
ing  to  Ludlow's  regiment  consisted  pointing  out  that  the  new  troops 
of  three  troops.    Waller  pressed  that       belonging  to  Ludlow  were  raised  by 


I02  The  second  battle  of  Newbury. 

1644  We  were  very  well  received  by  them,  having  with  us  about 
five  hundred  horse,  and  particularly  because  they  had  been 
under  some  apprehensions  that  the  enemy  had  intercepted 
us,  who  were  indeed  posted  on  our  way;  yet  we  passed  by 
them  in  the  night  without  disturbance,  and  came  safely  to 
our  friends.  Within  a  day  or  two  our  army  advanced 
towards  Newbury,  of  which  place  the  enemies  had  possessed 
themselves.  The  Earl  of  Essex  being  indisposed,  could 
not  attend  that  service,  and  therefore  the  Committee  of 
Both  Kingdoms  sent  some  members  of  their  own  to  take 
care  that  all  possible  advantages  might  be  taken  against 
the  enemy,  and  to  prevent  any  contention  amongst  our 
friends  concerning  the  command,  or  any  other  matters. 
The  river  that  ran  through  the  town  defended  the  enemy 
on  the  south  side  of  it,  so  that  we  could  not  come  at  them  : 
and  on  the  north  west  part  of  it,  within  cannon-shot,  lay 
Bennington  Castle,  in  which  they  had  placed  a  garison  ;  so 
that  we  had  no  other  way  to  the  town,  but  on  the  north- 
east of  it,  where  they  had  raised  a  breast-work,  and  furnished 
some  houses  that  were  without  it  with  foot,  the  ground 
between  that  and  the  river  being  marshy,  full  of  ditches, 
and  not  passable.  On  the  north  side  of  this  high-way  was 
a  strong  stone  house  belonging  to  one  Mr.  Doleman,  having 
a  rampart  of  earth  about  it,  which  was  also  possessed  by 
the  enemy ;  so  that  little  could  be  done  upon  them  the 
first  day,  save  skirmishing  in  small  parties,  as  they  thought 
fit  to  come  out  to  us.     On  our  side  we  had  the  advantage 

a  commission  granted  by  him,  and  they  should   receive   from    Massey, 

that  Ludlow's  own  troop  belonging  but    Duett    turned    a    deaf    ear    to 

to  Sir  Arthur    Haselrig's  regiment,  Massey's  orders.     Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom. 

was  properly  part  of  his  army.    The  1644,   pp.   479,  484,   488,    501,   524. 

committee  at  the  demand  of  the  Wilt-  Nor  was  Ludlow  himself  very  prompt 

shire    gentlemen  wrote    to   Waller,  to  join  Waller.    '  We  hear  not  a  word 

that   the  three   troops   in  Wiltshire  of  Col.    Ludlow's   horse    coming  to 

being    raised    upon    the    charge   of  us,'  wrote  Waller  and  Haselrig  on 

particular  men,  and  by  them  designed  Oct.  16.     'We   hope  you   will   not 

for  Malmesbury  and  Gloucester,  he  suffer  400  horse  to  be  idle  so  near 

was  not  to  expect  them  to  join  him  us  when  our  lives  and  all  will  be  at 

Their    commanders,    Major    Duett,  stake  upon  a  day's  labour,  and  that 

Capt.   Bernard,  and   Capt.  Goddard  very  shortly,  if  we  mistake  not.'     lb. 

were  ordered  to  obey  what  orders  1644-5,  p.  47. 


The  death  of  Gabriel  Ludlow.  103 

of  a  hill,  which  served  in  some  measure  to  cover  our  men :  1644 
here  we  planted  some  of  our  field-pieces,  and  fired  upon  the  Oct.  27. 
enemy,  who  answered  us  in  the  like  manner  from  the  town. 
In  the  afternoon  they  drew  two  of  their  guns  to  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  and  with  them  fired  upon  that  part  of  ours 
that  lay  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  who  were  much  exposed  to 
that  place  where  their  guns  were  planted  :  my  regiment  being 
that  day  on  the  guards  received  thegreatest  damage  ;  amongst 
others  my  cousin  Gabriel  Ludlow,  who  was  a  cornet  therein, 
and  who  had  behaved  himself  so  well  in  the  defence  of 
Warder  Castle,  was  killed  :  he  died  not  immediately  after 
he  was  shot ;  so  that  having  caused  him  to  be  removed  out 
of  the  reach  of  their  guns,  and  procured  a  chirurgeon  to 
search  his  wounds,  he  found  his  belly  broken,  and  bowels 
torn,  his  hip-bone  broken  all  to  shivers,  and  the  bullet 
lodged  in  it ;  notwithstanding  which  he  recovered  some 
sense,  tho  the  chirurgeon  refused  to  dress  him,  looking 
on  him  as  a  dead  man.  This  accident  troubled  me  ex- 
ceedingly, he  being  one  who  had  expressed  great  affection 
to  me,  and  of  whom  I  had  great  hopes  that  he  would  be 
useful  to  the  publick.  In  this  condition  he  desired  me  to 
kiss  him,  and  I  not  presently  doing  it,  thinking  he  had 
talked  lightly,  he  pressed  me  again  to  do  him  that  favour ; 
whereby  observing  him  to  be  sensible,  I  kissed  him  ;  and 
soon  after  having  recommended  his  mother,  brothers  and 
sisters  to  my  care,  he  died.  Our  enemies  having  secured 
themselves,  as  I  mentioned  before,  we  were  necessitated  to 
divide  our  army,  in  order  to  attack  them  on  the  north-west 
side  of  the  town  by  Bennington  Castle  ;  where  most  of  our 
foot  who  engaged  the  enemy  were  of  those  who  had  been 
lately  stripp'd  by  them  in  Cornwall  ;  which  usage  being 
fresh  in  their  memory,  caused  them  to  charge  with  such 
vigour,  that  some  of  them  ran  up  to  their  cannon,  and 
clapped  their  hats  upon  the  touch-holes  of  them,  falling  so 
furiously  upon  the  enemy,  that  they  were  not  able  to  stand 
before  them,  but  were  forced  to  quit  their  ground,  and  run 
under  the  shelter  of  Bennington  Castle,  leaving  behind  them 
several  pieces  of  cannon,  besides  many  of  their  men  killed 


I04  The  Kings  retreat  to  Oxford. 

1644  and  taken  prisoners.  Those  on  our  side  commanded  by  the 
Earl  of  Manchester  observing  the  enemy  to  retreat  in  that 
disorderly  manner  on  the  other  side,  thought  it  their  duty 
to  endeavour  to  force  their  passage  on  this  ;  and  to  that  end 
our  horse  and  foot,  with  some  cannon,  were  drawn  into  a 
bottom,  between  Doleman's  house  and  the  hill,  where  our 
guns  were  first  planted  :  those  at  the  little  houses,  and  at 
the  breast-work,  fired  thick  upon  us  ;  but  our  foot  ran  up 
to  the  houses,  and  attacked  the  enemy  so  vigorously,  that 
they  were  forced  to  retire  to  their  breast-work ;  between 
which  and  Doleman's  house  our  men  continued  firing  about 
an  hour  and  half.  But  finding  many  to  fall,  and  that  there 
was  no  probability  of  doing  any  good,  they  retreated,  leaving 
two  drakes  behind  them.  Our  horse  had  stood  drawn  up 
within  a  little  more  than  pistol-shot  of  the  enemy's  works 
all  the  while  our  foot  were  engaged,  for  their  encouragement 
and  protection  against  any  horse  that  should  attack  them, 
as  also  to  second  them  in  case  they  had  miade  way.  I  had 
divers  men  and  horse  shot,  and  amongst  the  rest  my  own  ^. 
The  night  coming  on  separated  us,  when  drawing  off  I 
perceived  that  my  major  had  secured  his  troop  in  the  rear 
of  all,  having  taken  care  that  all  the  regiment  might  not  be 
lost  in  one  engagement.  In  the  night  the  enemies  removed 
their  cannon  and  other  carriages  to  Bennington  Castle, 
where  having  lodged  them,  they  marched  between  our  two 
parties  towards  Oxford.  The  next  morning  we  drew 
together,  and  followed  the  enemy  with  our  horse,  which 
was  the  greatest  body  that  I  saw  together  during  the  whole 
course  of  the  war,  amounting  to  at  least  seven  thousand 
horse  and  dragoons  ;  but  they  had  got  so  much  ground  of 
us,  that  we  could  never  recover  sight  of  them,  and  did  not 
expect  to  see  them  any  more  in  a  body  that  year ;  neither 
had  we,  as  I  suppose,  if  encouragement  had  not  been  given 
them  privately  by  some  of  our  own  party.  Col.  Norton's 
regiment  of  horse,  with  some  foot,  being  left  to  block  up 

'  '  I  engaged  myself  to  lead  up  was  fain  to  quit.'  Letter  of  Col. 
Col.  Ludlow's  regiment,  his  horse  Richard  Norton,  quoted  in  Money's 
having  broken  his  bridle  so  that  he       Battles  of  Newbury,  ed.  2,  p.  178. 


The  King  relieves  Dennington.  105 

Basing  House,  he  desired  to  have  more  force  assigned  him  1644 
for  the  more  effectual  carrying  on  that  work,  and  particularly 
my  regiment  of  horse.  I  was  not  ignorant  of  the  hard- 
ship of  that  service,  it  not  being  properly  my  work,  who 
was  raised  by  and  for  the  county  of  Wilts ;  yet  having 
received  an  order  to  that  purpose  from  the  general,  and  sent 
my  major  with  part  of  the  regiment  into  Wiltshire  for  the 
defence  of  that  county,  I  resolved  to  obey,  especially  con- 
sidering that  the  entercourse  between  London  and  the  west 
was  much  interrupted  by  that  garison  ^. 

The  enemy,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  appeared  again 
in  a  body  near  Newbury,  where  our  army  lay,  who  drew 
out  to  oppose  them.  Some  small  skirmishes  happened 
between  them,  but  a  general  engagement  was  opposed  in  a 
council  of  war  by  some  of  the  greatest  amongst  us.  Where- 
upon the  King,  in  the  face  of  our  army,  twice  as  numerous  Nov.  9.  10. 
as  his,  had  time  to  send  his  artillery  from  Dennington 
Castle  towards  Oxford,  without  any  opposition,  to  the 
astonishment  of  all  those  who  wished  well  to  the  publick. 
But  by  this  time  it  was  clearly  manifest  that  the  nobility 
had  no  further  quarrel  with  the  King,  than  till  they  could 
make  their  terms  with  him,  having,  for  the  most  part? 
grounded  their  dissatisfactions  upon  some  particular  affront, 
or  the  prevalency  of  a  faction  about  him.  But  tho  it  should 
be  granted,  that  their  intentions  in  taking  arms  were  to 
oblige  the  King  to  consent  to  redress  the  grievances  of  the 
nation  ;  yet  if  a  war  of  this  nature  must  be  determined  by 
treaty,  and  the  King  left  in  the  exercise  of  the  royal 
authority  after  the  utmost  violation  of  the  laws,  and  the 
greatest  calamities  brought  upon  the  people,  it  doth  not 
appear  to  me  what  security  can  be  given  them  for  the 

^  The  royalist  narrative  of  the  The  siege  was  actually  raised  on 
siege  of  Basing  House,  published  in  Nov.  13.  On  Nov.  6  the  Committee 
1644  (leprint  p.  23),  speaks  of  the  of  Both  Kingdoms  wrote  to  Ludlow 
coming  in  of  Strode's  and  Ludlow's  saying  that  his  regiment  was  to  go 
horse  about  Nov.  5,  1644,  which  into  Wiltshire  so  soon  as  a  regiment 
'  fastened  their  leaguer  almost  on  a  of  the  city  foot  should  arrive  to  re- 
remove,'  i.  e.  prevented  the  parlia-  place  it  at  Basing.  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dora, 
mentarians  from  raising  the  siege.  1644,  p.  loi. 


1  o6  Differences  amongst  the  parliamentary  leaders. 

1644  future  enjoyment  of  their  rights  and  privileges  ;  nor  with 
what  prudence  wise  men  can  engage  with  the  ParHament, 
who  being,  by  practice  at  least,  liable  to  be  dissolved  at 
pleasure,  are  thereby  rendred  unable  to  protect  themselves, 
or  such  as  take  up  arms  under  their  authority,  if  after 
infinite  hardships  and  hazards  of  their  lives  and  estates,  they 
must  fall  under  the  power  of  a  provoked  enemy,  who  being 
once  re-established  in  his  former  authority,  will  never  want 
means  to  revenge  himself  upon  all  those  who,  in  defence  of 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  nation,  adventure  to  resist  him 
in  his  illegal  and  arbitrary  proceedings. 

In  the  council  of  war  before-mentioned,  things  were 
managed  with  such  heat  as  created  great  differences  between 
the  principal  officers  of  the  army,  by  which  this  favourable 
conjuncture  was  lost ;  and  the  season  being  far  advanced, 
the  army  was  dispersed  into  winter-quarters.     The  blockade 

ov.  13.  of  Basing  House  was  also  ordered  to  be  broken  up,  after 
which  I  returned  with  those  under  my  command  into  the 
county  of  Wilts  ^  In  the  winter  the  Parliament  caused 
Abingdon  to  be  fortified,  of  which  place  Col.  Brown  was 
governour,  who  holding  correspondence  with  the  Lord 
Digby,  then  secretary  to  the  King,  promised  him  that  so 
soon  as  he  had  finished  the  fortifications,  and  received  all 
things  necessary  from  the  Parliament  to  defend  it,  he  would 
deliver  it  to  the  King  - ;  by  which  means  he  kept  the  King's 
forces  from  interrupting  him  till  he  had  perfected  the  work. 
But  then,  as  is  probable  by  his  carriage  since,  observing  the 
affairs  of  the  Parliament  in  a  better  posture  than  those  of 
the  King,  he  altered  his  resolution,  and  in  defiance  of  the 
Lord  Digby,  published  the  correspondence  that  had  been 
between  them  about  that  matter.     The  dissatisfaction  that 

'  Originally  Waller  intended  Lud-  westward    till    a    greater    army  be 

low's  regiment   to  make   part  of  a  sent.'     Cal.  S.    P.,   Dom.    pp.    113, 

force    designed    for    the    relief    of  124,  164,  194,  225,  227.     The  siege 

Taunton,    and    on    Nov.    27    orders  of  Basing  was  abandoned  Nov.  13. 

were   issued  to  that  effect,  but  on  Walker,    Historical    Discourses,    p. 

Jan.   I  Ludlow  was  ordered  to  stay  119. 

at    Salisbury   till   further   order  '  in  '^  Brown's  correspondence  is  print- 
regard  of  the  danger  of  his  marching  cd  by  Rushworth,  v.  808. 


Ludlow  sent  to  relieve   Tmmton.  107 

arose  upon  the  permission  given  the  King  to  carry  off  his       1644 
artillery,  rested  not  till  the  House  of  Commons  was  made 
acquainted  with  it  by  Col.  Cromwell,  who  commanded  under   Nov.  25. 
the  Earl  of  Manchester,  whom  he  charged  with  the  breach 
of  his  trust ;  but  he  and  his  friends  endeavoured  to  lay  the 
blame  on  others,  the  Earl  of  Essex  and  his  party  adhering 
to  the  Earl  of  Manchester.     Whilst  I  was  before  Basinsf, 
some  of  the  enemies  under  the  conduct  of  Col.  Coke  came 
to  Salisbury,  and  were  fortifying  the  Close  for  the  King  ;  of 
which  Major  Wansey  having  advice,  marched  thither  with 
the  forces  which  I  had  sent  into  Wiltshire,  and  falling  upon     Dec.  5. 
them,  caused  them  to  retire  in  haste :  but  finding  the  gates 
fortified  against  him,  he  set  fire  to  them,  and  seizing  upon 
all    their   horse,   took    the    colonel    and    fourscore    more 
prisoners,  and  sent  them  to  Southampton. 

At  my  return  into  Wiltshire  I  received  orders  from  the 
Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  to  send  what  men  I  could 
spare  out  of  my  regiment  to  reinforce  a  party  commanded 
by  Major  General  Holborn,  who  was  ordered  to  march  into 
the  west  to  the  relief  of  Col.  Blake,  besieged  by  the  enemy 
in  Taunton.  I  drew  out  two  hundred  horse  for  that  service, 
and  was  necessitated  to  march  with  them  myself,  my  major 
who  had  got  possession  of  good  quarters  at  Deane,  a  house 
belonging  to  Sir  John  Evelyn,  being  not  willing  to  remove  ^. 
Col.  Edward  Popham,  Col.  Starr,  Col.  Brewin,  and  Sir 
Anthony  Ashley,  came  from  London  with  this  party.  In 
our  march  we  were  joined  by  the  forces  of  Dorsetshire. 
When  we  were  advanced  near  the  enemy,  my  troop  was 
ordered  to  a  quarter  of  which  they  were  in  possession,  but 

^  The  manor  house  of  West  Deane,  Modern  Wilts,  Alderley,  p.  24,  and 

belonging  to  Sir  John  Evelyn,  M.P.  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1826,  p. 

for  Ludgershall,  generally  known  as  297.  Evelyn  died  in  1685;  his  epitaph 

Sir  John  Evelyn  of  Wiltshire  to  dis-  is    printed    by   Mr.    Master,   p.    293. 

tinguish   him    from    his    uncle    Sir  The  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms 

John  Evelyn  of  Surrey.    An  account  wrote  to  Major  Duett  on   Dec.    21, 

of  West    Deane   and  its  owners   is  1644,  ordering  him    to  continue    to 

given  in  the  Wiltshire  Archaeological  garrison    West    Deane    till    further 

Magazine,  xxii.  p.   239,  by  the  Rev.  order.     Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.   1644-5,  p. 

G.   S.    Master.     Views    of   the   old  194 ;  Portland  Papers,  i.  197. 
manor  house  are  engraved  in  Hoare's 


loS  Ltidlow  rehunis  to  Salisbury. 

1644  quitted  it  upon  our  approach,  as  they  did  also  the  siege 
Dec.  14.  soon  after,  contrary  to  our  expectation.  We  made  use  of 
the  opportunity,  and  furnished  the  town  with  provisions  and 
all  things  necessary;  which  being  done,  the  forces  of  Wilts 
and  Dorsetshire  marched  back  to  the  said  counties.  Being 
returned  to  Salisbury,  I  was  informed  that  the  enemy  had 
put  a  garison  into  Langford  House,  two  miles  from  thence, 
whereupon  I  resolved  to  fortify  the  belfrey  in  the  Close, 
where  I  might  keep  a  small  guard  to  secure  it  for  a  horse- 
quarter,  and  to  that  end  had  summoned  workmen  to  perform 
that  work.  At  night  having  drawn  up  my  regiment  in  order 
to  acquaint  them  with  the  necessity  that  lay  upon  them  to 
be  more  than  ordinarily  diligent  in  their  duty  at  that 
juncture,  as  also  to  divide  their  watches  between  them,  and 
to  appoint  the  guard  for  that  night,  I  received  an  alarm  of 
the  enemy's  approach,  and  that  they  were  advanced  as  far 
as  Amesbury  :  of  which  desiring  to  have  certain  information, 
I  sent  threescore  horse  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Sadler, 
the  only  captain  of  my  regiment  then  with  me,  some  of  them 
being  absent  with  leave  and  others  without,  to  advance 
towards  the  enemy,  till  by  taking  of  prisoners,  or  some 
other  way,  he  might  get  some  certain  intelligence  concerning 
them,  and  then  to  come  back  to  me.  With  the  rest  of  my 
men  I  marched  slowly  after  him,  being  unwilling  to  retire 
into  our  quarters  till  I  had  made  a  further  discovery  con- 
cerning the  enemy.  Capt.  Sadler,  according  to  his  in- 
structions, marched  to  Amesbury,  and  sent  me  word  from 
thence,  that  he  had  advice  the  enemy  was  not  far  off.  I 
sent  to  him  to  continue  his  march,  with  the  same  orders  as 
before,  my  self  with  the  rest  of  the  regiment  following;  and 
being  come  to  Nether  Haven,as  I  think  it  is  called,  I  received 
notice  from  Capt.  Sadler,  that  he  had  engaged  an  advanced 
party  of  the  enemy,  and  could  not  get  off ;  which  un- 
expected news,  and  contrary  to  my  orders,  caused  me  to 
advance  with  all  diligence  to  his  relief,  who  had  approached 
so  near  their  main  guard,  as  to  give  them  an  alarm  to  draw 
together,  and  yet  had  not  pursued  his  charge,  which  if  he 
had  done,  he  might  easily  have  dispersed  the  guard,  and 


An  indecisive  skirmish.  109 

prevented  the  rest  from  coming  together  ;  but  he  having  1644 
only  alarm'd  them,  stood  looking  upon  them  whilst  they 
drew  up  their  body,  vi^hich,  when  I  came  up,  I  perceived  to 
be  more  numerous  than  all  ours  :  however  thinking  it  unfit 
to  shew  any  backwardness  at  such  a  time,  I  advanced  with 
that  party  that  was  with  me,  w^hich  was  not  above  one  half, 
the  rest  following  as  fast  as  they  could,  in  order  to  charge 
the  enemy's  body;  but  they,  before  we  came  within  pistol- 
shot,  faced  about  and  ran  away.  Thereupon  I  divided  my 
men  into  two  parties,  giving  the  command  of  one  of  them  to 
one  Marshall,  my  major's  lieutenant,  the  chief  officer  then  with 
me,  except  Capt.  Sadler,  with  whose  conduct  the  troopers 
were  so  far  dissatisfied,  that  they  refused  to  follow  him. 
The  other  party  I  headed  my  self,  and  gave  orders  to  both 
not  to  pursue  farther  than  the  town,  w^here  we  agreed  to 
rally,  falling  into  it  by  several  ways.  My  party  halted 
according  to  order,  after  having  killed  and  taken  prisoners 
about  thirty  of  the  enemy,  with  several  of  their  horses  :  but 
that  party  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Marshall  not  ob- 
serving his  orders,  having  pursued  the  enemy  at  least  two 
miles,  met  with  other  bodies  of  the  enemy's  horse  drawn 
together  upon  the  alarm,  who  killed  and  took  some  of  ours 
prisoners,  the  rest  retreating  in  a  disorderly  manner.  At 
my  return  to  Salisbury  I  commanded  all  my  men  to  be 
upon  the  guard  till  the  morning,  without  unbridling  or 
unsadling  their  horses  ;  after  \vhich  I  disposed  my  prisoners 
into  the  belfrey,  and  placed  a  guard  upon  them  ;  and  having 
set  our  sentinels,  I  received  a  letter  from  Col.  Norton, 
desiring  me  to  send  some  horse  to  his  assistance  against 
some  of  the  King's  forces,  which  as  I  was  reading,  one  of 
my  sentinels  brought  me  word  that  the  enemy  appeared  at 
the  town's  end  ^.  Whereupon  I  immediately  mounted 
with  six  more,  ordering  the  rest  to  make  ready ;  and  riding 
up  by  the  Three  Swans,  heard  a  great  noise  of  horses  in  the 
street  that  leads  into  the  city  from  Old  Sarum,  which  caused 
me  to  return  to  the  market-place,  where  finding  many  of 

^  The  royalist  account  of  Langdale's  surprise  of  Ludlow  is  printed  in 
Appendix  II. 


no  Ludlow  surprised  by  Langdale. 

1644  the  enemy's  horse,  I  went  by  the  back-side  of  the  town- 
house  through  a  street  called  the  Ditch,  to  my  guard;  which 
was  drawn  up  in  the  Close,  but  very  short  of  the  number  I 
expected ;  for  some,  contrary  to  orders,  were  gone  to  bed, 
and  others  taking  the  advantage  of  the  night  had  stoln  away, 
so  that  those  remaining  were  not  much  above  thirty  horse. 
Of  these  I  sent  ten  under  a  cornet  to  charge  them,  my  self 
following  after  with  the  rest,  and  ordering  a  trumpet  to 
sound  in  our  rear,  as  if  more  were  coming  on.  Passing  by 
the  chief  cross,  where  we  were  forced  to  march  one  by  one, 
and  entring  the  market-place  I  found  the  cornet  pickeering 
with  the  enemy,  whom  I  with  five  or  six  of  mine  charged 
on  the  left  flank,  so  that  they  gave  ground,  and  thereby 
pressed  so  hard  upon  their  own  men  on  the  right,  and  they 
on  their  file-leaders,  that  the  whole  party  was  soon  routed, 
and  ran  before  us.  We  followed  them  close  in  the  rear, 
and  tho  they  made  many  shot  at  me,  yet  I  received  no 
wound  in  the  whole  action.  About  a  hundred  of  them  ran 
through  Winchester  Gate  to  their  main  body,  and  about 
twice  that  number  fled  up  a  street  called  Endless  Street, 
whom  I  pursuing,  my  horse  fell  backwards  with  me,  by  a 
check  I  gave  him  ;  but  my  own  men  being  in  my  rear,  I 
soon  recovered  on  horseback,  and  continued  the  pursuit,  till 
I  found  the  enemy  to  make  a  stand,  the  street,  according 
to  its  name,  being  walled  up  at  the  farther  end,  and  one  of 
them  breaking  back  upon  me,  and  leaping  the  brook,  but  his 
horse  losing  his  feet,  threw  him  down ;  and  he  perceiving 
himself  to  be  at  my  mercy,  desired  his  life.  His  horse  I 
gave  to  one  of  my  men  who  had  been  dismounted  ;  and 
having  examined  him,  I  found  that  he  was  a  lieutenant- 
colonel,  his  name  Middleton,  and  a  Papist.  He  assured 
me,  that  there  were  three  hundred  men  in  that  party  which 
we  had  routed,  three  hundred  appointed  to  second  them, 
and  three  hundred  more  attending  at  the  town's  end  as  a 
reserve,  and  that  the  whole  body  was  commanded  by  Sir 
Marmaduke  Langdale.  I  acquainted  him  that  my  party 
being  not  so  considerable,  he  might  probably  be  rescued, 
and  therefore  I  could  not  give  him  quarter,  unless  he  would 


Ludlozvs  escape.  1 1 1 

engage  himself  to  be  a  true  prisoner,  which  he  did,  upon  164^ 
condition  that  he  might  be  my  prisoner,  which  I  promised 
him.  And  now  most  of  my  men  being  dispersed,  I  lodged 
my  colours  at  an  honest  man's  house  of  the  town,  delivering 
my  prisoner  and  wounded  men  to  the  guard  in  the  belfrey, 
and  with  five  or  six  made  my  retreat  through  the  Close  by 
one  Mrs.  Sadler's,  at  whose  house  I  quartered,  where  I 
found  a  boy  standing  at  the  door  with  my  sute  of  arms, 
which  I  put  on.  Upon  Harnham  Hill  I  found  a  cornet 
with  about  twelve  of  our  men,  with  whom  I  resolved  to 
return  and  march  after  the  enemy;  but  when  we  came  to 
the  belfrey,  and  were  encouraging  our  little  guard  to  oppose 
the  enemy,  we  discovered  three  of  their  troops  marching 
into  the  Close  from  the  North  Gate,  their  whole  body 
following  them.  Whereupon  having  commanded  the  guard 
to  fire  upon  them,  I  charged  the  enemy  with  as  many  of  my 
party  as  were  willing  to  follow  me,  exchanging  several  shot 
with  them.  Their  first  squadron  soon  began  to  give  ground  ; 
but  my  guard  not  firing  upon  the  enemy  according  to  my 
orders,  and  it  being  now  grown  light,  they  soon  perceived 
the  smalness  of  our  number,  and  refused  to  run  as  before ; 
so  that  I  was  forced  to  retire  as  fast  as  I  could  with  my 
men,  one  of  whom  carried  away  a  sword  of  the  enemy 
which  was  run  through  his  arm.  Before  they  came  to 
Harnham  Bridg  they  overtook  one  of  my  servants  whose 
name  was  Stent,  who  after  he  had  long  defended  himself, 
delivered  up  his  sword  upon  promise  of  quarter ;  after 
which,  contrary  to  their  word,  they  gave  him  several  cuts 
on  the  head,  so  that  above  threescore  splinters  of  bones  were 
afterwards  taken  out  of  his  scull.  Being  come  to  the  other 
side  of  the  bridg,  I  turned  and  faced  the  enemy,  with  one 
of  my  pistols  in  my  hand,  upon  which  they  halted  a  little, 
whereby  my  men  had  time  to  recover  almost  to  the  top  of 
Harnham  Hill.  In  this  posture  I  stood  till  the  enemies 
were  come  within  half  pistol-shot  of  me,  and  then  made  my 
retreat.  Another  of  my  servants,  called  Henry  Coles,  who 
entred  into  my  father's  service  two  days  after  I  was  born, 
fell  also  into  the  enemy's  hands,  being  mortally  wounded, 


112        Loss  of  part  of  Lttdlows  regiment. 

1644  and  died  two  or  three  days  after.  My  groom  also  was  taken 
by  them.  Upon  the  descent  of  the  hill  beyond  Odstock  I 
missed  the  road  by  reason  of  the  snow,  which  lying  upon 
the  ground,  had  covered  the  beaten  way,  so  that  I  was 
obliged  to  cross  some  plow'd  lands  to  get  into  it  again  ; 
which  while  I  was  doing,  one  of  the  enemy  came  up  within 
shot  of  me,  and  calling  me  by  my  name,  asked  if  I  would 
take  quarter  ;  but  as  he  rid  directly  upon  me,  armed  with 
back  and  breast,  I  fired  a  pistol  at  him,  and  shot  him  into 
the  belly;  by  which  wound  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was 
carried  to  the  next  town,  where  he  died  two  days  after,  as 
one  of  my  troopers  afterwards  told  me,  who  was  taken 
prisoner  near  the  same  place.  In  Odstock  Lane  another  of 
the  enemies  being  advanced  within  musquet-shot  of  me, 
called  me  also  by  name,  and  desired  me  to  stay  and  take 
honourable  quarter.  I  hearing  him  give  good  words,  thought 
he  had  proposed  to  render  himself  to  me,  and  therefore 
stopped  my  horse,  that  I  might  hear  him  more  distinctly ;  but 
he  instead  of  that  made  ready  his  carabine  to  fire  at  me, 
which  I  perceiving,  and  sensible  of  my  danger,  by  reason  of 
the  greatness  of  the  enemy's  number,  made  the  best  of  my 
way  towards  Fording  Bridg,  where  having  rested  a  little,  and 
rallied  a  party  of  my  horse,  I  marched  with  them  to  South- 
ampton. At  that  place  I  endeavoured  to  procure  some 
force  for  the  relief  of  those  poor  men  that  were  left  in  the 
belfrey  at  Salisbury ;  which  as  I  was  doing,  I  received 
advice,  that  after  a  vigorous  resistance  for  the  most  part  of 
that  day,  the  enemies  had  forced  a  collier  to  drive  his  cart, 
loaden  with  charcoal,  to  the  door  of  the  belfrey,  (where  he 
lost  his  life)  and  with  it  burnt  down  the  door,  which  in  a 
day's  time  we  should  have  secured  by  a  breast-work  ;  but 
for  want  thereof  Lieutenant-Colonel  Read  was  forced  to  yield 
the  place  to  the  enemy  upon  such  terms  as  he  could  get, 
which  were,  to  have  their  lives,  and  be  prisoners  of  war. 
The  enemy  took  here,  and  in  the  town,  as  also  of  those  who 
pursued  them  in  the  night,  contrary  to  my  orders,  fourscore 
prisoners  ;  and  had  taken  more  if  they  had  not  received  a 
check  upon  their  first  arrival  in  the  town  by  a  handful  of 


Ludlow  in  Hampshire.  1 1  ^ 

men  :  for  they  had  placed  guards  at  the  gates  of  most  of  the  1644 
greatest  inns  in  the  city ;  but  their  party  flying,  those  guards 
also  quitted  their  posts,  whereby  many  of  our  men  had  an 
opportunity  to  get  off.  I  was  slightly  wounded  on  the 
breast  with  a  sword  :  my  horse  was  hurt  with  a  shot,  and 
died  of  it  soon  after.  We  had  about  threescore  of  the 
enemy  prisoners  at  Southampton,  taken  with  Col.  Coke  ; 
these  we  exchanged  for  our  men,  having  engaged  to  procure 
elsewhere  the  discharge  of  as  many  as  we  wanted  of  the 
number  they  had  of  ours,  which  I  made  good  to  them. 
The  most  serviceable  of  my  horse  I  sent  towards  Portsmouth, 
to  take  advantages  against  the  enemy  as  there  should  be 
occasion,  remaining  with  the  rest  about  Limington  and 
Hurst  Castle,  resolving  as  soon  as  I  could  to  mount  my 
men  again.  The  enemy  hoping  to  surprize  me  in  this 
corner  marched  towards  me,  but  failed  in  their  design.  I 
being  gone  into  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  confer  with  our  friends 
there,  whom  I  found  very  well  disposed  to  the  publick 
service ;  and  being  informed  that  the  enemy  designed  to 
attempt  the  garison  of  Christ-Church,  we  imbarked  some 
men  to  reinforce  them,  who  being  ready  to  put  to  sea,  news 
was  brought  that  the  enemies  were  beaten  off,  and  so  saved  1645 
our  men  that  trouble^.  The  Lord  Goring  having  left  a  J.i"-  '.=;• 
considerable  force  in  the  County  of  Wilts,  marched  with  his 
army  into  Somersetshire,  where  being  joined  by  those  who 
had  besieged  Taunton,  they  sat  down  before  it  again  :  Col. 
Massey  was  sent  by  the  Parliament  to  relieve  the  place,  but 
finding  his  forces  not  sufficient  to  that  purpose,  he  durst  not 
attempt  it. 

The  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  ordered  my  regiment       1645 
to  lie  at  Odium  to  prevent  the  excursions  of  the  garison  at  ^i^rch  14. 
Basing  House  ^ ;  but  after  we  had  been  there  a  few  days,  my 

'  Clarendon,  Rebellion,  ix.  7  ;  have  thought  fit  to  appoint  the  Lord- 
Godwin,  Civil  War  in  Hampshire,  general's  life-guard  and  the  troops 
p.  203.  of  Major  Duett  and  Captain  Saville 

''■  The  Committee   of  Both    King-  to  quarter  about  Blackwater  and  the 

doms  wrote  to  Ludlow  on  March  14,  confines    of  Surrey  and    Hants,   to 

1645  :   '  In  the  absence  of  our  forces  presei-ve   those    parts   from   the   in- 

now   gone    towards    the    west    we  cursions  of  the  enemy  from  Basing 

VOL.  L  t  I 


114  Liidlow  7narches  into  Surrey. 

1645  major,  who  had  more  wit  than  courage  or  honesty,  prevailed 
with  the  council  of  officers  to  vote  our  lying  there  unsafe 
and  unadvisable.  I  being  unwilling  to  stay  contrary  to 
their  advice,  without  an  especial  order,  acquainted  the 
Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  with  the  result  of  the  council 
of  officers,  who  approving  their  reasons,  sent  me  orders  to 
draw  off:  in  obedience  to  which  I  marched  into  Surrey, 
and  the  first  night  arrived  at  a  place  called,  as  I  think, 
Godliman  ^  near  Guilford.  Sir  John  Evelyn  endeavoured 
to  perswade  me  to  join  Lieutenant  General  Cromwell,  who 
was  ordered  into  the  west^  ;  but  being  engaged  to  attend 
our  committee  about  the  recruiting  of  my  regiment,  I  was 
not  willing  to  stir  till  that  business  was  effected,  that  I 
might  not  leave  so  many  honest  men  who  had  lost  their 
horses  in  the  service,  before  I  had  procured  some  provision 
to  be  made  for  them.  The  disputes  in  the  mean  time 
continued  in  the  two  Houses  concerning  the  conduct  of  the 
army ;  and  tho  what  was  objected  touching  the  late  mis- 
carriages at  the  fight  of  Newbury,  and  elsewhere,  amounted 
not  to  a  formal  charge,  yet  it  so  far  prevailed  with  the 
House  of  Commons,  as  to  convince  them  of  the  necessity 
of  making  an  alteration  in  the  conduct  of  the  army,  in  order 
to  bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion  ;  which  resolution  was 
1644      taken  by  the  House  upon  a  report  made  to  them  by  Mr. 

Dec.  9.     Zouch  Tate,  chairman  of  the  committee  appointed  for  the 

and  Winchester.  We  have  appointed  defeated    Sir  James    Long   at    De- 

you   to   command    that    party.'     On  vizes,     capturing    400    horses    and 

the  i8th,  Captains  Ramsey,  Stevens,  300    prisoners.     Only   about   thirty 

and    Bruce   were   placed    under  his  of  Long's  regiment  escaped.     Long 

command,   Major  Duett  ordered  to  himself,    the    King's    High    Sheriff 

join  him,  and  the  foot  quartered  at  of     Wiltshire,      was     also      taken. 

Farnham   to    assist    him    if  needed.  '  Colonel     Ludlow,'    says    a    letter 

Ludlow  himself  was  on  both  dates  announcing    the    victory,    '  is    now 

in  London.     Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.  1644-5,  (thanks    be    to     God)     sole     High 

PP-  345?  354j  362.  Sheriff    of    this     county.'      Vicars, 

'  i.  e.  Godalming.  Burning  Bush,  p.   125.     Cal.  S.  P., 

^  On   March  3,  Cromwell  was  in-  Dom.     1644-5,    pp.    334,    384,   399. 

structed   to  join   Waller  and   march  Cromwell  and  Waller  were  at  Salis- 

west  to  relieve  Melcombe  Regis  and  bury   on    April    9   retreating  before 

the      Dorsetshire     parliamentarians.  the    advance    of  Goring.      Carlyle's 

On  March  12,  Waller  and  Cromwell  Cromwell,  Letter  xxiv. 


The  Self -Denying  Ordinance.  1 1 5 

reforming  of  the  army,  wherein  he  represented  that  they  J645 
had  been  endeavouring  to  obey  their  orders,  but  found  the 
condition  of  the  army  as  the  physician  did  the  blood  of  his 
patient,  that  consulted  him  about  the  cure  of  a  slight 
tumour,  when  the  whole  mass  of  his  blood  was  entirely 
corrupted ;  that  therefore  the  committee  had  ordered  him 
to  acquaint  the  House,  that  the  whole  body  of  their  army 
being  infected,  nothing  would  serve  for  their  recovery  less 
than  the  entire  renewing  of  their  constitution.  The  House, 
that  they  might  do  it  without  giving  occasion  to  any  sinister 
reflections  upon  themselves,  agreed  upon  a  Self-Denying 
Ordinance,  the  grounds  whereof  were  expressed  to  be,  the 
clearing  of  the  Parliament  from  the  aspersions  cast  on  them, 
of  prolonging  the  war  on  purpose  to  gratify  each  other  with 
places,  and  neglecting  their  duty  in  the  House  by  holding 
employments  in  the  army:  they  therefore  enacted,  that  all 
Members  of  Parliament  should  surrender  the  offices  they 
held  from  them,  that  they  might  the  better  attend  their 
duty  in  Parliament.  By  this  means  the  Earl  of  Essex, 
the  Earl  of  Manchester,  and  Sir  William  Waller,  were  laid 
aside,  the  latter  rather  to  shew  their  impartiality,  than 
from  any  distrust  of  him,  he  having  never  discovered  to 
that  time  any  inclination  to  favour  the  king's  cause. 
Upon  this  change  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  was  voted  General,  April  i. 
and  Philip  Skippon  Major-General  of  the  foot.  A  com- 
mittee was  also  appointed  to  consider  what  number  of  horse 
and  foot  this  army  should  consist  of,  and  who  under  the 
General  should  command  them.  They  agreed  also  upon 
the  colonels,  some  whereof  were  Scots,  as  Middleton, 
Holborn,  and  others,  who  disliking  the  design,  refused  to 
accept  of  employments.  Pointz  was  commissionated  to 
command  the  forces  in  the  north,  and  Massey  those  in  the 
west,  consisting  chiefly  of  such  as  had  served  under  Sir 
William  Waller  ^     The  committee  would  have  named  me 

^  Ludlow  was  ordered  on  April  10  horse    to    be    commanded    by    Co!, 

to  collect  certain  troops  of  horse  in  Cooke,  and  to  send  it  to  the  assist- 

Surrey  and  march  to  join  Waller.  ance  of  Massey.     This  was  the  regi- 

Waller   was    ordered    at    the    same  ment  to  which  Ludlow  refers.     Cal. 

time  to  make  up  a  regiment  of  600  S.  P.,  Dom.  1644-5,  pp.  397,  8. 

I  a 


1 1 6  Major  Dtiett  deserts. 

1645  for  the  command  of  a  regiment  ^ ;  but  the  gentlemen  who 
served  in  Parliament  for  the  County  of  Wilts,  pretended 
then  that  they  could  not  spare  mc;  yet  soon  after,  observing 
me  not  fit  to  promote  a  faction,  and  solely  applying  my 
self  to  advance  the  cause  of  the  publick,  they  combined 
against  me,  and  procured  me  to  be  laid  aside,  under  colour 
that  they  stood  not  in  need  of  more  than  four  troops  for  the 
service  of  the  county,  of  which  they  offered  me  the  com- 
mand ;  and  I  should  not  have  declined  it,  had  I  found  my 
endeavours  answered  with  sutable  acceptance,  or  that  they 
whom  I  served  had  been  willing  the  publick  cause,  for 
which  I  was  ready  to  sacrifice  my  life,  should  prosper  :  but 
the  contrary  being  most  evident ;  and  tho  some  of  the 
gentlemen  continued  to  manifest  their  fidelity  to  the 
publick,  and  their  affection  to  me,  yet  most  of  them  having 
now  espoused  another  interest,  and  rejoicing  at  any  loss 
that  fell  upon  ours,  I  chose  rather  to  desist  and  wait  for  a 
better  opportunity  to  improve  my  talent  for  the  service  of 
the  publick.  My  major,  notwithstanding  his  artifices,  being 
disappointed  in  his  expectation  to  command  these  troops, 
openly  pulled  off  the  mask,  and  with  about  thirty  of  his 
troop,  and  some  strangers,  under  pretence  of  beating  up  a 
quarter  of  the  enemy,  went  over  to  them,  having  sent  his 
wife  before  to  give  them  notice  of  his  design.  But  his 
lieutenant  continuing  faithful  to  the  publick,  hindred  most 
part  of  his  troop  from  following  him.  Soon  after  he 
undertook  to  raise  a  regiment  in  the  north  parts  of  Wilt- 
shire for  the  King ;  but  whilst  he  was  attempting  to  effect 
1645  it,  an  encounter  happened  between  him  and  some  forces  of 
Nov.  24.  the  ParHament,  wherein  being  worsted,  and  endeavouring  to 
save  himself  by  leaping  over  a  ditch,  he  fell  with  his  horse 
into  it,  and  was  so  bruised  with  his  fall,  that  he  never  spoke 
more,  thereby  receiving  such  a  recompence  as  was  due  to 
his  treachery  ^. 

'  Probably  Haselrig's  recommend-  -  Major    John    Dowet,  or    Duett, 

ation  of  Ludlow  to  Fairfax  was  con-  had  previously  distinguished  himself 

uected  with  his  proposed  employ-  in  the  war  in  the  west.     At  Lans- 

ment  in  the  New  Model.     Sec  the  down   according   to   Vicars   he   did 

letter  quoted  in  the  preface.  'singular  bravely,'  and  is  styled  'a 


The   Wiltshire  Committee  sui^prised.        1 1 7 

About   the  same   time  that   the  Parliament   made   Sir      1645 
Thomas  Fairfax  General  of  their  forces,  the  King  made      1644 
Prince  Rupert  General  of  his,  notwithstanding  his  late  ill    Nov.  r,. 
success  at  Marston  Moor,  to  the   great   dissatisfaction  of 
many  of  his  council. 

The  committee  of  Wilts  divided  themselves,  one  part  of 
them  to  sit  at  Malmsbury,  and  the  other  to  reside  about 
Salisbury;  but  wanting  a  place  for  their  security,  they  put 
a  garison  into  Falston  House  \  and  Capt.  Edward  Doyly 
contending  with  Major  William  Ludlow  for  the  government 
thereof,  the  committee  at  London  gave  it  to  the  latter,  who 
with  his  troop  somewhat  restrained  the  excursions  of  the 
King's  party  from  their  garison  thereabouts.  That  part 
of  the  committee  which  sat  at  Malmsbury  having  some 
affairs  to  dispatch  at  Marlborough,  went  thither  accom- 
panied by  Col.  Devereux,  governour  of  the  place.  The 
first  night  after  their  arrival  a  party  of  the  King's  sur- 
prized them  there,  and  took  some  of  the  committee,  with 
the  said  governour,  and  most  of  the  forces  they  had  with 
them,  prisoners^. 

The  Parliament,  tho  they  were  not  wanting  to  make  all 
fitting  preparations  for  war,  yet  neglected  no  honest  en- 
deavours to  procure  peace,  assuring  themselves  that  they 
should  be  the  better  enabled  to  bear  whatsoever  might  be 
the  event  of  the  war,  if  they  took  care  to  discharge  their 
consciences  in  that  particular,  and  to  manifest,  that  as  they 
had  been  compelled  to  it  by  mere  necessity,  so,  if  it  must 
be  continued,  it  should  not   be  through    their  choice  or 

man  who  hath  given  sufficient  testi-  '  Falston  Manor,  nearWilton,  was 

mony  of  his  valour,  fidelity  and  wis-  the  property  of  Sir  George  Vaughan. 

dom.'     Jehovah  Jireh,  pp.  376,  379.  Cal.    Committee   for   Compounding, 

He   deserted    in  April,    1645,   after  p.  2036. 

giving    some    trouble    by    his    dis-  -  Ludlow   probably   refers    to   the 

obedience  to  orders.  Cal.S.P.,  Dom.  surprise  of  Marlborough  by  Sir  John 

1644-5,  P-  394-    He  was  killed  in  an  Cansfield   in   Jan.    1646,   which   he 

unsuccessful  attack  on  Lechlade  on  appears    to   confuse   with    the   cap- 

Nov.    24,    1645.      Vicars,    Burning  ture  of  Rowden  House  near  Chippen- 

Bush,  p.  324  ;   Waylen's  History  of  ham  a  year  earlier.     See  Appendix 

Marlborough,  pp.  227-31  ;   Portland  H. 
Papers,  i.  316. 


ii8  Negotiations  with  the  King. 

1645  obstinacy.  To  this  end  it  was  agreed,  that  commissioners 
should  be  sent  from  the  Parliament,  to  treat  with  others  to 
be  sent  from  the  King  about  conditions  of  peace.  The 
Jan.  2().  place  of  their  meeting  was  at  Uxbridg,  where  after  the 
King  had  owned  the  two  Houses  as  a  Parliament,  to  which 
he  was  not  without  difficulty  perswaded,  tho  he  had  by  an 
act  engaged  that  they  should  continue  to  be  a  Parliament 
till  they  dissolved  themselves,  which  they  had  not  done ; 
and  consented  that  his  commissioners  should  treat  in  the 
same  quality  they  were  in  before  the  war,  the  commissioners 
of  Parliament  declining  to  give  them  the  titles  conferred 
upon  them  since ;  they  made  some  progress  in  the  treaty, 
which  began  the  13th  of  January,  1645,  but  the  proposition 
concerning  the  bishops  being  rejected,  it  came  to  nothing. 
During  the  treaty  Mr.  Love,  one  of  the  chaplains  attending 
the  commissioners  of  Parliament,  preaching  before  them, 
averred,  that  the  King  was  a  man  of  blood,  and  that  it  was 
a  vain  thing  to  hope  for  the  blessing  of  God  upon  any 
peace  to  be  made  with  him,  till  satisfaction  should  be  made 
for  the  blood  that  had  been  shed.  For  these  words  the 
King's  commissioners  demanded  satisfaction  ;  but  the 
treaty  breaking  up,  nothing  was  done  in  order  thereunto. 
And  now  both  parties  renewed  the  war,  Weymouth  being 
Feb.  ().  seized  for  the  King,  and  some  advantage  obtained  against 
March  i.  the  Parliament  near  Pomfret.  On  the  other  side,  the  forces 
Feb.  22.  of  the  Parliament  surprized  the  important  town  of  Shrews- 
bury, whereby  the  King's  correspondence  with  Wales  be- 
Feb.  28.  came  much  interrupted.  They  also  recovered  Weymouth^ 
by  the  help  of  the  garison  of  Melcolm  Regis,  which  is 
separated  from  the  said  town  by  a  small  arm  of  the  sea, 
with  a  bridg  over  it,  and  which  was  preserved  by  the  in- 
dustry of  the  governour  Col.  Sydenham. 

Col.  Cromwell,  notwithstanding  the  Sclf-Denying  Or- 
dinance, was  dispensed  with  by  the  Parliament ;  and  being 
impowcr'd  to  command  the  horse  under  Sir  Thomas  Fair- 

'  On  the  loss  and  recapture  of  Sir  Richard  Wiseman,  p.  205;  W. 
Weymouth,  see  Vicars,  Burning  M.  Harvey,  History  of  the  Hundred 
Bush,   p.    118;    Longmore,  Life  of       of  Willey,  pp.  91-4. 


Cromweirs  victories.  1 1 9 

fax,  he  marched  with  a  party  of  horse  and  dragoons  from      1645 

Windsor,  and  at  IsHp  Bridg  met,  fought,  and  defeated  the   -^P"l  24- 

Queen's  Regiment  of  Horse,  together  with  the  regiments 

of  the    Earl   of    Northampton,    the    Lord    Wilmot,   and 

Col.  Palmer,  taking  five  hundred  horse  and  two  hundred 

foot  prisoners,  whereof  many  were  officers  and  persons  of 

quality.     After  which  he  summoned  Blechington  House, 

which  was  surrendred  to   him   by    Col.    Windebank,   son 

to   the  late   Secretary   of   State,  who  coming  to  Oxford, 

was  shot  to  death  for  so  doing.     He  forced  Sir  William 

Vaughan,    and    Lieutenant-Colonel    Littleton,  with    three   April  27. 

hundred  and  fifty  men  into  Bampton-bush,  where  he  took 

them    both,    and    two    hundred    of    their    men    prisoners, 

with  their  arms ;  sending  Col.  Fiennes  after  another  party, 

who    took   a    hundred    and    fifty    horse,    three    colonels, 

and   forty   private   souldiers    prisoners,   with    their   arms  : 

and    being   reinforced   by   about   five   hundred    foot    from 

Col.  Brown,  he  attempted  Faringdon  House,  but  without   April  30. 

success. 

General  Fairfax  leaving  Lieutenant  General  Cromwell 
to  block  up  the  King  at  Oxford,  with  the  body  of  the  army 
marched  westward,  with  a  design  to  relieve  Taunton ;  but 
being  ordered  by  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  to 
besiege  Oxford,  he  appointed  Col.  Welden  to  relieve  that 
town,  which  he  easily  effected,  the  enemy  marching  off"  May  1. 
at  his  approach,  apprehending  them  to  be  the  whole  army 
marching  against  them,  as  they  before  had  been  informed. 
The  King  sent  the  Prince  of  Wales,  accompanied  with  Hyde  March  5. 
and  Culpeper,  into  the  west,  to  raise  forces  ;  and  despising 
the  New  Model,  as  it  was  called,  because  most  of  the  old 
officers  were  either  omitted  by  the  Parliament,  or  had 
quitted  their  commands  in  the  army,  judging  himself 
master  of  the  field,  marched  towards  Leicester,  and  by 
this  time  was  grown  so  considerable,  that  the  Committee 
of  Both  Kingdoms  thought  it  high  time  to  look  after  him, 
and  to  that  end  commanded  the  General  with  the  army 
to  march  and  observe  his  motions  ;  but  before  he  could 
overtake   him,    the   King    had    made    himself    master   of 


1 20  The  Battle  of  Naseby. 

1645  Leicester  by  storm,  and  plundered  it,  with  the  loss  of 
^lay  31.  about  seven  hundred  men  on  his  side,  and  about  one 
hundred  of  the  town.  Being  encouraged  with  this  success, 
and  with  the  consideration  that  he  was  to  encounter  with 
an  unexperienced  enemy,  upon  advice  that  our  army  was 
in  search  of  him,  he  advanced  towards  them,  and  both 
armies  met  in  the  field  of  Naseby  on  the  14th  of  June,  1645. 
June  8.  Some  days  before  one  Col.  Vermuyden,  an  old  souldier, 
who  commanded  a  regiment  of  horse,  had  laid  down  his 
commission,  whether  through  diffidence  of  success,  or  what 
other  consideration,  I  know  not :  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  engagement  Major-General  Skippon,  the  only  old 
souldier  remaining  amongst  the  chief  officers  of  the  army, 
received  a  shot  in  the  body  from  one  of  our  own  party, 
as  was  supposed  unwittingly,  whereby  he  was  in  a  great 
measure  disabled  to  perform  the  duty  of  his  place  that  day, 
tho  extreamly  desirous  to  do  it.  Under  these  discourage- 
ments the  horse  upon  our  left  wing  were  attacked  by 
those  of  the  enemy's  right,  and  beaten  back  to  our  cannon, 
which  were  in  danger  of  being  taken,  our  foot  giving  ground 
also.  But  our  right  wing  being  strengthned  by  those  of 
our  left  that  were  rallied  by  their  officers,  fell  upon  the 
enemy's  left  wing,  and  having  broken  and  repulsed  them, 
resolving  to  improve  the  opportunity,  charged  the  main 
body  of  the  King's  army,  and  with  the  assistance  of  two  or 
three  regiments  of  our  infantry,  entirely  encompassed  the 
enemy's  body  of  foot,  who  finding  themselves  deserted  by 
their  horse,  threw  down  their  arms,  and  yielded  themselves 
prisoners.  By  this  means  our  horse  were  at  leisure  to  pursue 
the  King,  and  such  as  fled  with  him  towards  Leicester, 
taking  many  prisoners  in  the  pursuit,  who  with  those 
taken  in  the  field  amounted  in  all  to  about  six  thousand, 
and  amongst  them  six  colonels,  eight  lieutenant  colonels, 
eighteen  majors,  seventy  captains,  eighty  lieutenants, 
eighty  ensigns,  two  hundred  inferiour  officers,  about  one 
hundred  and  forty  standards  of  horse  and  foot,  the  King's 
footmen  and  servants,  and  the  whole  train  of  artillery  and 
baggage.     This  victory  was  obtained  with  the  loss  of  a  very 


A  new  Great  Seal.  121 

few  on  our  side,  and  not  above  three  or  four  hundred  of      164.= 
the  enemy. 

In  the  pursuit  the  King's  cabinet  was  taken,  and  in  it 
many  letters  of  consequence  \  particularly  one  from  the 
Lord  Digby,  advising  the  King,  before  any  act  of  hostility 
on  either  side,  to  betake  himself  to  some  place  of  strength, 
and  there  to  declare  against  the  Parliament ;  by  which  men 
perceived  that  the  design  of  making  war  upon  the  Parlia- 
ment was  resolved  upon  early,  the  King  having  followed 
this  counsel  exactly. 

The  Parliament  had  impeached  Finch  of  high  treason, 
for  advising  the  illegal  tax  of  ship-money,  soliciting  the 
judges  to  declare  it  lawful,  and  threatning  those  who 
refused  so  to  do,  for  which  good  service  the  King  had 
preferred  him  to  be  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal ;  but  the 
place  being  vacant  upon  his  flight,  the  King  would  not 
entrust  it  with  Littleton  before  he  had  obliged  him  by  an 
oath  to  promise  to  send  the  Seal  to  the  King  whensoever  he 
should  by  any  messenger  require  it  of  him ;  which  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  to  have  been  the  cause  why  Littleton 
left  the  Parliament,  not  daring  to  stay,  after  he  had,  ac- 
cording to  his  oath,  sent  the  Seal  to  the  King  by  one  Mr. 
Elliot,  dispatched  to  him  by  the  King  for  that  purpose. 
The  Seal  being  thus  carried  away,  the  Parliament  finding 
justice  obstructed  through  the  want  of  it,  declared,  that 
the  Seal  ought  to  attend  them  during  their  sitting,  and 
therefore  that  all  that  was  or  should  be  done  since  it  was 
carried  to  the  King,  was  null  and  void.  Upon  which  a 
new  Seal  was  ordered  to  be  made,  and  commissioners 
nominated  for  the  keeping  of  it,  and  putting  it  in  execution 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  the  Parliament  thereby  exer- 
cising the  supreme  authority  in  virtue  of  their  frequent 
declarations  ;  '  That  the  King  doth  nothing  in  his  personal 
capacity  as  King,  but  in  his  politick  capacity  according  to 

*  These  letters  are  printed  in  '  The  tions  are  still  more  severe.     Breviary 

King's    Cabinet   Opened,'    1645,— a  of  the  History  of  the  Parliament  of 

pamphlet  published  by  order  of  the  England,  Maseres,  Select  Tracts,  i. 

Parliament,  with  a  preface  making  78.     Cf  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  V^ar, 

similar  comments.     May's   observa-  ii.  223. 


122 


The  Kind's  letters. 


"^ 


1645  law  ;  of  which  the  judges  of  Westminster  Hall  are  judges  in 
the  intervals  of  Parliament ;  and  during  the  sitting  of 
Parliament  the  two  Houses,  being  the  great  council  both  of 
King  and  people,  are  the  sole  judges  thereof 

In  the  King's  cabinet  were  also  found  letters  from  the 
Queen,  blaming  him  for  owning  those  at  Westminster  to 
be  a  Parliament,  and  warning  him  not  to  do  any  thing  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  Roman  Catholicks ;  with  a  copy  of 
his  answer,  wherein  he  promised  his  care  of  the  Papists, 
and  excused  his  owning  the  two  Houses  at  Westminster  to 
be  a  Parliament ;  assuring  her,  that  if  he  could  have  found 
two  of  his  mongrel  Parliament  at  Oxford,  as  he  called 
them,  of  his  mind  therein,  he  would  never  have  done  it ; 
and  that  tho  he  had  done  it  publickly,  the  Parliament 
refusing  to  treat  with  him  otherwise,  yet  he  had  given 
order  to  have  it  entred  in  the  journal  of  his  council,  that 
this,  notwithstanding,  should  not  be  of  any  validity  for  the 
enabling  them  to  be  a  Parliament.  Another  paper  was 
found  with  them,  giving  some  account  of  the  troubles  in 
Ireland,  wherein  the  Papists  who  had  taken  arms  being 
qualified  rebels,  that  term  was  struck  out,  and  the  word 
Irish  added  by  the  King  himself.  There  was  likewise  a 
letter  to  the  French  King,  complaining  of  the  unkindness 
and  ingratitude  of  the  Queen,  and  of  the  reasons  of  the 
removal  of  her  servants  that  she  brought  over  with  her ; 
of  which  it  had  been  discretion  in  the  King  to  have  kept 
no  memorials,  such  matters,  when  buried  in  oblivion,  being 
next  best  to  the  not  having  any  differences  between  so 
near  relations.  Many  more  letters  there  were  relating  to 
the  publick,  which  were  printed  with  observations,  by  order 
of  the  Parliament  ;  and  others  of  no  less  consequence 
suppressed,  as  I  have  been  credibly  informed,  by  some  of 
those  that  were  intrusted  with  them,  who  since  the  King's 
return  have  been  rewarded  for  it.  One  paper  I  must  not 
omit  which  was  here  found,  being  that  very  paper  which 
contained  the  principal  evidence  against  the  Earl  of  Straf- 
ford, and  had  been,  as  before  mentioned,  purloined  from 
the  committee  appointed  by  the  House  of  Commons  to 


The  results  of  Naseby.  1 2  3 

manage  the  charge  against  him,  having  these  words  written  1645 
upon  it  with  the  King's  own  hand, '  This  paper  was  delivered 
to  me  by  George  Digby,'  tho  he,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  that 
committee,  had  solemnly  protested,  that  he  had  neither 
taken  that  paper  away,  nor  knew  what  was  become  of  it  ^ 
The  prisoners  and  standards  taken  in  the  fight  were 
brought  through  London  to  Westminster.  The  standards 
were  ordered  to  be  hung  up  in  Westminster  Hall,  and 
the  prisoners  were  secured  in  the  artillery-ground  near 
Tuttle  Fields ;  a  committee  being  appointed  to  consider 
how  to  dispose  of  them,  who  permitted  those  to  return 
home  that  would  give  security  for  their  living  peaceably 
for  the  future  ;  but  such  as  did  not,  which  was  much  the 
greater  number,  were  shipped  off  to  serve  in  foreign 
parts  upon  conditions  ^  This  success  was  astonishing, 
being  obtained  by  men  of  little  experience  in  affairs  of 
this  nature,  and  upon  that  account  despised  by  their 
enemies  ;  yet  it  proved  the  deciding  battel,  the  King's 
party  after  this  time  never  making  any  considerable  op- 
position. Leicester  capitulated  two  days  after,  and  was  June  iS. 
surrendred ;  and  some  of  our  forces  besieged  Chester, 
whilst  the  Scots  did  the  like  to  Hereford.  The  General 
Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  marched  with  the  army  to  relieve  our 
friends  at  Taunton,  where  Col.  Welden  was  besieged,  took 
Highworth  in  his  march,  and  dissipated  the  club-men, 
defeated  Goring's  forces  at  Lamport,  possessed  himself  of  July  10. 
the  towns  of  Bridgwater  and  Bath  by  capitulation,  and  of  Aug.  5. 
Sherburn  Castle  by  storm.  Bristol  also  was  surrendred  Sept.  1 1 . 
after  the  outworks  and  fort  had  been  taken  by  assault, 
with  divers  other  successes  of  less  importance,  and  there- 
fore unnecessary  to  be  mentioned  here.  Lieutenant  General 
Cromwell  being  sent  to  reduce  such  garisons  as  were  in  the 
way  to  London,  began  with  the  Castle  of  Winchester,  which  Oct.  5. 
was  delivered  to  him  upon  articles  ;  after  which  he  marched 
to  Basing  House,  and  erected  a  battery  on  the  east-side  of  it ; 

'  Cf.    Whitelocke,    Memorials,    i.       taken  at  Naseby,  see  Gardiner,  Great 
127,  ed.  1853.  Civil  War,  ii.  222 ;  Vicars,  Burning 

*  On  the  treatment  of  the  prisoners       Bush,  p.  173. 


124  ^/^^   WiltshiT'e  garrisons  taken. 

1645  by  which  having  made  a  breach,  he  stormed  and  entered  it, 
Oct.  14.  putting  many  of  the  garison  to  the  sword,  and  taking  the 
rest  with  the  Marquiss  of  Winchester,  whose  house  it  was, 
prisoners.  Col.  Robert  Hammond  had  been  before  made  pri- 
soner by  the  Marquiss,  and  was  kept  here  by  him  in  order  to 
secure  his  own  life,  which  he  did  by  putting  himself  under 
the  Colonel's  protection,  when  ours  entred  the  place.  It  was 
suspected  that  Col.  Hammond,  being  related  to  the  Earl  of 
Essex,  whose  half-sister  was  married  to  the  Marquiss  of 
Winchester,  had  suffered  himself  to  be  taken  prisoner  on 
design  to  serve  the  said  marquiss.  The  next  place  he  at- 
tempted was  Langford  House  near  Salisbury,  which  was 
Oct.  17.  yielded  in  a  day  or  two  upon  articles.  The  works  about 
Basing  were  levelled,  Sherborn  Castle  slighted  ^,  as  also 
Falston  House,  of  which  Major  Ludlow  was  governour,  who 
was  removed  to  undertake  the  same  charge  at  Langford 
House,  wherein  the  Parliament  thought  fit  to  keep  a 
garison  by  reason  of  its  nearness  to  the  enemy  ^. 

The  King,  as  well  to  secure  himself  by  getting  as  far 
from  our  forces  as  he  could,  as  to  raise  a  new  army  if 
possible,  marched  with  the  horse  that  he  had  left  towards 
North  Wales,  hoping  in  his  way  to  relieve  Chester,  besieged 
by  Sir  William  Brereton,  and  by  his  presence  in  Wales  to 
prevail  with  them  to  furnish  him  with  a  body  of  foot :  but 
he  found  himself  frustrated  in  both  these  designs :  for 
Sept.  24.  being  worsted  near  Routen  Heath  by  Major-General 
Pointz,  who  commanded  a  brigade  of  the  Parliament's  in 
those  parts,  he  saw  the  face  of  affairs  much  altered  both  in 
North  and  South  Wales  :  in  the  last  of  which,  tho  he  was 
entertained  civilly  by  some  particular  persons,  yet  the 
generality  of  the  country,  that  during  his  successes  had 
subjected  themselves  even  slavishly  to  his  instruments,  now 

^  On  May  4,  1646,  the  House  of  the   command    of    Captain   William 

Commons  resolved  '  that  the  Castle  Ludlow,  then  governor  of  Devizes, 

Hill  and  works  at  the  Devizes  and  and  that  a  garrison  of  150  foot  should 

the   works   about    Langford    House  be  kept  at  Malmesbury.    C.  J.  iv.  534. 

should   be    slighted,'   and    that   the  ^  Accounts   of   the    reduction    of 

forces  to  be  kept  up  in  the  county  Basing  House  and  Langford  House 

should  consist  of  100  horse  under  arc  given  by  Sprigge,  pp.  149,  156. 


The  Conquest  of  Wales.  125 

fearing  he  might  draw  the  army  of  the  Parliament  after  1645 
him,  and  make  their  country  the  seat  of  war,  began  to 
murmur  against  him,  and  drew  together  a  numerous  body 
in  the  nature  of  a  club-army,  whispering  amongst  themselves 
as  if  they  intended  to  seize  his  person,  and  deliver  him  to 
the  Parliament  to  make  their  peace.  Which  being  re- 
ported to  the  King,  he  thought  fit  to  retire  from  thence 
with  his  forces,  only  leaving  a  small  garison  in  the  Castle  of  Aug.  20. 
Cardiff,  which,  together  with  the  county,  was  soon  after 
reduced  to  the  obedience  of  the  Parliament  by  Col.  Pritchard, 
where  Sir  John  Strangwaies  was  amongst  others  taken 
prisoner,  who  by  order  of  the  Parliament  was  sent  up  to 
London,  and  committed  to  the  Tower  ^  The  Isle  of 
Anglesey,  and  such  places  of  North  Wales  as  had  been  1646 
held  for  the  King,  were  surrendred  to  the  Parliament ;  but  June  14. 
Glamorganshire  and  the  parts  adjacent  continued  not  long 
in  their  duty,  but  revolted  at  the  instigation  of  one  Mr. 
Kerne  of  Winny,  who  pretending  great  fidelity  to  the 
Parliament,  was  intrusted  by  them  as  their  Sheriff  for  that 
county,  and  made  use  of  that  authority  to  raise  the  county 
against  them,  and  to  besiege  Colonel  Pritchard,  and  the 
rest  of  their  friends  in  the  Castle  of  Cardiff;  who  being 
reduced  to  some  necessity,  had  been  probably  constrained 
to  surrender  it,  had  not  speedy  relief  been  procured  from 
the  Parliament  under  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Kirle  of 
Glocestershire ;  who  falling  suddenly  upon  the  enemy,  1646 
routed  and  killed  many  of  them.  February. 

The  King's  affairs  being  in  this  low  condition  in  Eng- 
land and  Wales,  he  resolved  to  try  what  might  be  done  in 
Scotland  ;  in  order  to  which,  he  commands  the  Lord  Digby 
to  march  thither  with  a  party  of  sixteen  hundred  horse,  and 
to  join  the  Marquiss  of  Montross  then  in  arms  for  him  in 

^  Cardiff,    of  which    Sir   Richard  besieged  Cardiff  in   Feb.,  1646,  but 

Basset  was  governor,  was  taken  by  the  siege  was  raised  by  Major-Gen. 

Col.  Herbert  in  Sept.  1645,  and  Col.  Rowland  Laugharne.     Phillips,  Civil 

Prichard  was  made  governor  Dec.  i.  War  in  Wales,  i.  319,  357  ;  ii.  298  ; 

1645.     Edward   Came   of   Ewenny,  Vicars,  Burning  Bush,  pp.  276,  370 

High  Sheriff  of  Glamorganshire,  re-  Report  on  the  Portland  MSB.  i.  348- 

volted    from    the     Parliament,    and  35a. 


126  Digby  attempts  to  join  Montrose. 

1645  that  kingdom.  In  obedience  to  the  King's  order,  the  Lord 
Digby  marched  from  Newark,  and  in  his  way  surprized 
about  eight  hundred  of  ours  near  Sherborn ;  but  was  after- 

Oct.  15.  wards  routed  by  CoL  Copley,  who  recovered  the  men  and 
arms  taken  from  ours,  killed  forty  of  the  enemy  upon  the 
spot,  took  four  hundred  of  them  prisoners,  and  about  six 
hundred  horses :  the  Lord  Digby's  coach  and  papers  were 
also  taken.  This  party  was  defeated  a  second  time  by 
Sir  John  Brown,  and  a  third  by  Col.  Bright,  who  took  two 
hundred  of  them  prisoners  ;  the  Lord  Digby  with  about 
twenty  more  hardly  escaping  to  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  from 
thence  to  Ireland  ^ 
July.  At   the  approach    of  Sir  Thomas   Fairfax's  army,  the 

enemy  raised  the  siege  of  Taunton ;  from  thence  the 
General  marched  to  Honyton,  and  the  next  day  to  Colomp- 
ton,  from  whence  the  enemy  retired  in  great  disorder- 
On  October  20,  the  army,  tho  much  weakned  by  hard 
duty  and  the  rigour  of  the  season,  resolved  upon  the 
blockade  of  Exeter.  Carmarthen  Castle,  Monmouth,  and 
divers  other  places  were  surrendred  to  the  Parliament : 
so  that  the  King  looking  upon  the  rebels  in  Ireland  as  his 
last  refuge,  sends  orders  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  not  only 
to  continue  the  cessation,  but  to  conclude  a  peace  with 
them,  upon  condition  they  would  oblige  themselves  to  send 
over  an  army  to  his  assistance  against  the  Parliament  of 
England.  The  Supreme  Council  of  Ireland,  as  they  called 
themselves,  having  notice  of  it,  invited  the  Earl  of  Ormond 
to  Kilkenny  to  treat  about  the  same ;  who  being  willing 
to  see  his  relations  and  his  estate  in  those  parts,  as  also 
to   expedite   that   service,  accepted    their   invitation,  and 

1646  marched  thither  with  about  3000  or  4000,  horse  and  foot, 
Aug.  31.    for  his  guard,  which  by  the  advice  of  the  Lord  Mountgarret 

and  the  Supreme  Council  were  dispersed  into  quarters  in 
the  villages  thereabouts ;  the  Earl  of  Ormond  suspecting 

'  Digby  with  1500  men  left  the  Discourses,  pp.  143-5;  Vicars,  Burn- 
King  at  Welbeck  on  Oct.  14,  and  ing  Bush,  pp.  297-301,  303,  306- 
was  defeated  at  Sherburn  on  Oct.  15.  310,  315  ;  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War, 
On  his  unfortunate  expedition,  see  ii.  351-4.  For  'Colonel  Bright' 
Sir    Edward    Walkers     Historical  read  '  Colonel  Briggs.' 


Treachery  of  the  Irish  toivards  Ormond.    127 

nothing,  having  sent  orders  to  Sir  Francis  Willoughby,  who      1646 
commanded  that  party  under  him,  to  that  purpose :  but  he 
being  an  old  and  experienced  commander,  well  acquainted 
with  the  treachery  of  that  nation,  and  particularly  of  those 
of  the  Popish  religion,  knowing  how  easy  it  would  be  for 
the  Irish  to  cut  them  off  in  the  quarters  assigned  for  them, 
resolved  not  to  consent  to  the  dispersing  of  his  men  ;  and 
therefore  desired  of  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  that  he  might 
quarter   with   them   in   the    field,  or  where  his    Lordship 
should  appoint,  desiring  if  this  would  not  satisfy,  he  might 
have  liberty  to  return  home  ;  advising  him  not  to  trust  his 
person  with  them,  notwithstanding  their  fair  words.     My 
Lord  hereupon  leaves  the  care  of  quartering  his  men  to 
Sir  Francis  Willoughby ;   but  resolves  himself  to  stay  at 
Kilkenny.     Sir  Francis  draws  the  troops  into    Goran,  a 
town  five  miles  from  Kilkenny,  where  he  kept  his  guards 
with  as   much  caution  as  if  he  had  been  in  an  enemy's 
country.     The  enemy  being  by  this  means  disappointed  of 
their  design  to  cut  ofi"  the  party  by  surprize,  resolved  to 
attempt  it  by  open  force  ;  and  all  the  favour  that  the  Earl 
of  Ormond  could  get  amongst  his  relations,  was  to  have 
notice  to  shift  for  himself,  which  with  much  difficulty  he 
did,  sending  orders  to  his  forces  to  march  towards  Dublin,  September 
in  which  he  was  very  readily  obeyed  by  them,  having  had      ""'■''• 
advice  that  the  country  was  rising  upon  them  ;  which  they 
did   in   such   numbers,   that   if  Col.   Bagnal,   governour  of 
Loughlyn,  had  not  permitted  them  to  pass  the  bridg  there, 
they  had  in  all  appearance  been  cut  off.     When  they  had 
recovered  their  own  quarters,  they  discovered  a  piece  of 
treachery,  as  Sir  Francis  Willoughby,  who  gave  me  this 
account,  judged  it  to  be,  tho  he  knew  not  on  whom  to 
charge  it :    for  they  found  that  they  had  not  been  in  a 
condition  to  make  any  opposition,  if  the  enemy  had  fallen 
upon  them,  the  powder  with  which  they  were  furnished 
having  no  force  in  it ;  which  came  to  be  discovered  upon 
the  trial  of  a  musquet  at  a  mark,  by  the  small  report  it 
gave,  and  the  fall  of  the  bullet  half  way  from  it :  whereupon 
searching  further  into  the  matter,  they  found  all  their  store 


128  The  Glamorgan   Treaty. 

1646  to  be  of  the  same  sort.  The  Irish  seized  upon  all  the  Earl 
of  Ormond  s  plate,  and  whatsoever  he  had  with  him  at 
Kilkenny,  his  haste  not  permitting  him  to  save  any  thing  \ 
By  this  usage  his  zeal  for  the  prosecution  of  the  treaty 
with  the  rebels  became  much  abated.  The  King's  com- 
mission to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  was  not  of  so  large  an  extent 
as  he  was  willing  to  allow,  in  case  the  treaty  with  the  Irish 
came  to  any  effect ;  and  therefore  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan, 
afterwards  Earl  of  Worcester,  was  impowered  by  private 
instructions  from  him,  to  promise  them  the  liberty  of 
the  Romish  religion,  with  divers  other  advantages  to 
'^45       the    Irish    rebels,    upon    which    he    treated    with    them. 

Aug.  .'5.  g^^|.  because  this,  when  it  came  to  be  publickly  known 
in  England,  was  highly  resented  by  many  even  of  the 
King's  party,  the  Lord  Digby,  who  was  ordered  by  the 
King  to  assist  in  that  affair,  finding  that  the  treaty  was  not 
like  to  take  effect,  to  give  a  specious  colour  to  the  matter, 
as  if  Glamorgan  had  in  that  particular  exceeded  his  com- 
mission, accused  him  of  high  treason,  and  procured  him  to 

Dec.  26.  be  imprison'd  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond :  but  in  letters 
intercepted  from  the  Lord  Glamorgan  to  his  lady,  he 
desired  that  she  would  not  entertain  any  fears  concerning 
him  ;  for  that  he  doubted  not,  if  he  could  be  admitted 
to  be  heard,  that  he  should  be  able  to  justify  his 
proceedings,  to  the  confusion  of  those  who  had  caused  his 
imprisonment. 

The  English  officers  and  souldiers  provoked  by  the  late 
treachery  of  the  Irish,  and  apprehending  that  without 
assistance  from  England  they  might  fall  into  their  hands, 
would  not  be  satisfied  unless  a  message  was  sent  to  the 
Parliament  to  treat  about  conditions  for  the  putting  of 
Dublin,  and  the  Protestant  forces  of  Ireland,  into  their 
hands  :  in  order  to  which  the  Parliament  sent  over  com- 
missioners to  treat   with    the    Earl    of  Ormond    and  the 

'  Cf.  Carte,  Ormond,  ed.  1851,  iii.  actually  been  agreed  upon  and  pub- 

259-264.     When  these  incidents  oc-  lished.      lb.     p.    246.      Glamorgan's 

curred  the  articles  of  peace  between  negotiations  and    arrest   took   place 

Ormond  and   the  Confederates  had  before  Ormond's  peace,  not  after  it. 


Montrose  defeated  and  Rupert  disgraced.     129 

council  ^.  But  tho  the  Earl  was  not  willing  that  any  thing  1646 
should  be  concluded  at  that  time  ;  yet  Sir  Francis  Wil-  Novemkr. 
loughby  was,  as  I  have  heard  him  say,  so  far  convinced 
of  the  necessity  and  duty  that  lay  upon  them  so  to 
do,  that  he  promised  our  commissioners  to  preserve  the 
Castle  of  Dublin,  of  which  he  was  then  governour,  for 
the  service  of  the  Parliament,  whensoever  they  should 
command  it. 

Montross  having  obtained  a  victory  against  those  whom 
the  Scots  had  left  to  preserve  the  peace  of  Scotland '",  by 
the  means  of  which  he  was  become  master  of  a  great 
part  of  that  kingdom,  David  Lesley  was  sent  thither  from  1645 
Hereford  with  most  of  the  Scotish  horse,  where  he  defeated  Sept.  13. 
the  army  of  Montross,  and  reduced  that  nation  to  its 
former  obedience. 

After  the  surrender  of  Bristol  to  the  forces  of  the  Par-  Sept.  n. 
liament,  Prince  Rupert  who  had  been  governour  thereof 
returned  to  Oxford,  where  he  found  so  cool  a  reception  from  Sept.  15. 
the  King  by  reason  of  the  loss  of  that  place,  that  Col.  Leg 
then  Governour  of  Oxford  was  turned  out  of  that  command  Sept.  17. 
for  being  of  his  faction,  and  the  government  of  that  city  put 
into  the  hands  of  Sir  Thomas  Glenham.  The  Prince  was 
for  some  time  forbidden  to  wear  a  sword  ;  and  tho  he  was 
soon  after  restored  to  that  liberty,  yet  he  was  never  more 
intrusted  with  any  command.  The  House  of  Commons 
finding  their  business  to  increase,  and  their  numbers  to 
diminish  by  the  death  of  some,  and  desertion  of  others  to 
the  King  at  Oxford,  ordered  the  Commissioners  of  the  Seal 
to  issue  out  writs  to  such  counties,  cities,  and  boroughs, 
as  the  House  by  their  particular  order  should  direct,  for 
the  election  of  members  to  serve  in  Parliament  ^.  They 
ordered  also  a  jewel  to  be  prepared  of  the  value  of  about 

^  Carte,  Ormond,  iii.  278.  wark.     During   the   following  week 

^  The  battle  of  Kilsyth,  Aug.  15,  a    large    number    of    constituencies 

1645.  received  favourable  answers  to  their 

'  'On  Aug.    21    it   was    resolved,  petitions  for  permission  to  hold  fresh 

though   only  by  a  narrow  majority  elections.'       Gardiner,    Great    Civil 

of  three,    that  a   new  writ   should  War,  ii.  313  ;    cf.    Masson,    Life   of 

be  issued  for  the  borough  of  South-  Milton,  iii.  400. 

VOL.  I.  K 


i".o 


L^idloiu  goes  into  the   West. 


1645  seven  hundred  pounds,  to  be  presented  to  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  ;  it  had  the  House  of  Commons  represented  on  one 
side,  and  the  battel  of  Naseby  on  the  other  ;  three  members 
of  ParHament  were  deputed  to  carry  the  present  to  him  ^  ; 

September,  the  Opportunity  of  whose  guard  I  took  to  go  into  the  west 
without  disturbance,  which  was  difficult  to  do  at  that  time, 
many  of  the  King's  party  hovering  about  the  downs,  from 
whence  they  were  called  Col.  Downs  his  men  ;  who  rendring 
the  rode  unsafe,  I  procured  a  guard  of  twenty  or  thirty  of 
the  county  horse  to  accompany  me  during  my  stay  in  those 
parts.  So  small  a  number  not  being  sufficient  either  to 
defend  me,  or  to  make  any  attempt,  I  betook  my  self  to 
Col.  Massey's  party,  commanded  at  that  time  by  Col. 
Edward  Cook '",  where  I  had  not  been  long  before  an  alarm 
was  given,  that  a  party  of  horse  from  Oxford  had  marched 

1646  by,  with  a  design  to  relieve  Corfe  Castle,  besieged  at  that 
February,  time   by   our   forces  :    but  before  we  could  get  our   men 

together,  they  had  surprized  part  of  ours  in  Warham,  and 
beaten  off  the  guard  between  that  place  and  the  castle, 
which  they  relieved  with  what  they  could,  and  were  returned 


'  On  June  16,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons voted  a  jewel  of  the  value  of 
^500  to  be  made  for  Sir  T.  Fairfax. 
The  jewel  (which  finally  cost  £800)  is 
described  in  Markham's  Life  of  Fair- 
fax, p.  435.  On  Sept.  27.  John  Ashe 
and  three  other  members  were  sent 
by  the  House  to  Sir  T.  Fairfax,  and 
his  letter  acknowledging  the  gift  is 
dated  Nov.  14  ;  C.  J.  iv.  175,  292,  348. 
See  also  Sprigge,  p.  164. 

^  Col.  Edward  Cooke,  a  j'ounger 
son  of  Sir  Robert  Cooke,  of  High- 
nam,  Gloucestershire,  served  origin- 
ally in  the  army  of  Sir  William 
Waller,  and  was  one  of  the  witnesses 
against  Nathaniel  Ficnncs  after  his 
surrender  of  Bristol.     Cal.  Clarendon 

5.  P.  i.  242;  A  true  Relation  of  Col. 
Fiennes  his  trial,  1644,  Depositions. p. 

6.  In  April,  1645,  Waller  was  ordered 
to  send  him  and  his  regiment  to  rein- 
force Massey  and  assist  in  the  relief 


of  Taunton.  Whilst  engaged  on 
this  service  Cooke  was  severely 
wounded.  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.  1644-5, 
pp.  418,  476;  Sprigge,  Anglia  Redi- 
viva,  pp.  19,  71.  He  seems,  from 
his  subsequent  career,  to  have  shared 
Massey's  political  views.  Cooke  was 
at  Newport  on  Nov.  30,  1648,  when 
the  King  was  seized  and  carried  off 
to  Hurst  Castle.  He  drew  up  a 
narrative  of  the  seizure  which  is 
printed  in  Rushworth,  vii.  1344 ;  cf. 
Tanner  MSS.  Ivii.  f.  437.  After 
the  restoration  Cooke  was  in  great 
favour  with  Charles  H,  who  was 
wont  to  call  him  'honest  Ned  Cooke.' 
Memoirs  of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Ayles- 
bury, pp.  27,  43,  354.  He  was  one 
of  the  commissioners  appointed  to 
carry  out  the  Act  of  Settlement  and 
the  Explanatory  Act  in  Ireland ; 
Carte,  Ormond,  iv.  123,  232. 


The  Conquest  of  the   West.  1 3 1 

back  again  ^.     In  this  action  a  brother  of  my  father's  was       1646 
mortally  wounded,  talcen  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  died 
the  next  day.     Col.   Cook  was  forced  to  content  himself 
to    reinforce  the   besiegers,   and  to  return   to  his   former 
station. 

The  army  commanded  by  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  having 
left  a  strong  party  to  block  up  Exeter,  advanced  westward 
towards  the  enemy  ;  and  at  Bovey  Tracy  fought  the  brigade  Jan.  9. 
commanded  by  the  Lord  Wentworth,  took  four  hundred 
horse,  and  about  a  hundred  foot,  prisoners,  with  six 
standards,  one  of  which  was  the  King's.  Two  regiments  of 
ours  appeared  before  Dartmouth,  and  summoned  it ;  but 
the  garison  being  numerous,  and  furnished  with  all  things 
necessary,  refused  to  surrender  :  upon  which  the  army  ad- 
vancing, possessed  themselves  of  their  outworks,  and  having 
turned  their  cannon  upon  them,  two  forts,  distant  about  a 
mile  from  the  town,  wherein  were  thirty-four  pieces  of 
cannon,  and  two  ships  of  war  that  were  in  the  harbour, 
surrendred ;  which  the  governour  understanding,  capitu-  Jan.  18. 
lated,  and  delivered  the  town  upon  articles,  being  per- 
mitted to  march  off  himself;  but  Sir  Hugh  Pollard,  the 
Earl  of  Newport,  Col.  Seymour,  four  colonels,  with  divers 
others,  were  to  remain  prisoners ;  and  a  French  vessel 
coming  into  the  harbour,  not  knowing  what  had  passed, 
was  seized,  and  letters  of  consequence  found  in  her  from 
the  Queen.  The  Prince  of  Wales,  who  to  countenance 
their  affairs  had  the  name  of  General  in  the  Western  Parts, 
finding  their  affairs  desperate,  shipped  himself  for  Scilly,  March  1. 
leaving  the  command  of  their  forces  to  Sir  Ralph  Hopton, 
who  was  soon  after  summoned  by  General  Fairfax  to  lay 
down  his  arms  ;  and  after  several  messages,  four  com- 
missioners on  each  side  met  at  Trcsilian  Bridg,  and  came  to  March  14. 
an  agreement ;  the  substance  of  which  was,  to  deliver  up 
all  their  arms,  artillery,  and  ammunition,  except  what  was 
excepted  by  the  articles  ;  to  be  admitted  to  compound 
according  to  the  rates  fixed  by  the  Parliament,  and  to  have 

'  On  this  attempted  relief  of  Corfe       Whitelock,  i.  571,   580.     The  uncle 
Castle,   see    Sprigge,    pp.   189-194 ;       mentioned  was  Benjamin  Ludlow. 

K  2 


132  The  nciu  Elections. 

1646  liberty  granted  for  such  as  desired  it  to  go  beyond  sea, 
which  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  and  some  others  did.  The  people 
March  5.  of  Padstow  scizcd  a  ship  coming  from  Ireland,  and  per- 
ceiving a  letter  floating  in  the  sea,  took  it  up,  and  opening 
it,  found  it  to  be  from  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  therein  ac- 
quainting the  King's  party,  that  six  thousand  Irish  were 
ready  to  be  embarked  for  their  assistance,  and  that  four 
thousand  more  should  follow  them  in  a  short  time.  Upon 
the  dispersion  of  Sir  Ralph  Hopton's  army,  most  of  the 
forts  and  tenable  places  in  the  west  procured  the  best  con- 
ditions they  could  for  themselves.     Hereford  was  surprized 

1645  on  the  1 8th  of  December,  by  Col.  Birch  and  Col.  Morgan, 
after  it  had  been  besieged  for  about  two  months  ineffectually 
by  the  Scots  :  in  this  place  was  taken  that  inveterate  enemy 
to  the  Parliament  Serjeant  Jenkins,  with  some  others.     In 

1646  February  following  Byron  the  govern  our  of  Chester  sur- 
teb.  3.     rendrcd  that  place  upon  terms. 

The  best  friends  of  the  Parliament  were  not  without  fears 
what  the  issue  of  their  new  elections  might  be  :  for  tho  the 
people  durst  not  chuse  such  as  were  open  enemies  to  them, 
yet  probably  they  would  such  as  were  most  likely  to  be  for 
a  peace  upon  any  terms,  corruptly  preferring  the  fruition  of 
their  estates  and  sensual  enjoyments  before  the  publick  in- 
terest ;  which  sort  of  men  were  no  less  dangerous  than  the 
other  :  and  therefore  honest  men  in  all  parts  did  what  they 
could  to  promote  the  election  of  such  as  were  most  hearty 
for  the  accomplishment  of  our  deliverance  ;  judging  it  to  be 
of  the  highest  importance  so  to  wind  up  things,  that  we 
might  not  be  over-reach'd  by  our  enemies  in  a  treaty,  that 
had  not  been  able  to  contend  with  us  in  open  war.  To 
this  end  I  endeavoured  that  my  uncle  Mr.  Edmund  Ludlow 
might  be  chosen  for  the  borough  of  Hinden,  w^here  tho  he 
1645  was  elected  and  returned  by  the  principal  burgesses  and 
Dec.  30.  baliff,  yet  the  rabble  of  the  town,  many  of  whom  lived 
upon  the  alms  of  one  Mr.  George  How,  pretending  that 
they  had  chosen  the  latter,  the  Sheriff  returned  them  both  ^. 

*  Edmund     Ludlow    of    Kingston       low,  bapt.  at  Hill  Devcrill,  June  25, 
Devcrill,  brother  of  Sir  Henry  Lud-       1595.      Matriculated    at    Brasenose 


Lttdlow  elected  for  Wiltshire.  133 

By  this  means  Mr.  How  got  first  into  the  House  ;  but  they  1645 
being  informed  of  the  matter  of  fact,  commanded  him  to 
withdraw  till  the  case  should  be  decided  by  the  Committee 
of  Privileges.  Shortly  after  a  writ  being  issued  out  for  the 
election  of  two  knights  to  serve  for  the  County  of  Wilts,  in 
the  room  of  my  father,  who  died  in  their  service,  and  of  Sir 
James  Thynne,  who  contrary  to  his  trust  had  deserted  to 
the  King  at  Oxford,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  sent  to  me,  and 
acquainted  me,  that  he  understood  that  the  county  was 
inclined  to  chuse  me  to  serve  for  one  of  their  knights  in 
Parliament,  desiring  me  to  endeavour  that  his  second  son 
Mr.  James  Herbert  might  be  chosen  for  the  other,  promising 
that  tho  he  w^as  young,  yet  he  would  undertake  he  should 
vote  honestly  for  the  commonwealth.  I  inform'd  him, 
that  I  knew  nothing  of  the  intentions  of  the  county  to  elect 
me,  but  hoped  that  if  they  elected  his  son,  he  would  make 
good  his  promise.  His  son  also  entred  into  the  like  en- 
gagement for  himself.  At  the  day  appointed  for  the 
election,  having  had  several  invitations  so  to  do,  I  attended, 
according  to  custom  and  the  words  of  the  writ,  which 
require  the  candidates  to  be  present  at  the  place  of  election. 
The  Earl  of  Pembroke's  friends  desired  me  to  consent  that 
his  son  might  have  the  first  voice,  which  I  did,  tho  many 
of  the  country  gentlemen  were  unwilling  to  permit  it : 
which  done,  the  county  was  pleased  to  confer  the  trust  1646 
upon  me  without  any  opposition.  Some  who  were  not  May  12. 
present,  took  it  ill  that  I  sent  not  to  them  to  desire  their 
company,  which  I  excused,  assuring  them  that  I  had  not 
sent  to  any  person,  having  forborn  so  to  do,  not  out  of  any 
disrespect  to  them,  or  confidence  in  my  own  interest,  but 
out  of  a  sense  of  my  own  inability  to  undertake  so  great  a 
charge,  as  well  as  out  of  a  desire  to  have  a  clear  and 
unquestionable  right  to  an  employment  of  such  importance. 
When  I  came  to  the  House  of  Commons,  I  met  with  Col. 
Robert  Blake,  attending  to  be  admitted,  being  chosen  for 
Taunton ;  where  having  taken  the  usual  oaths,  we  went 

College,  Oxford,  June  19,  1610,  age       Died   without   issue.      See   on   the 
14.     Will    proved    Nov.    23,    1666.       election,  C.  J.  v.  25,  27,  30. 


1 34  The  end  of  the   War. 

1646  into  the  House  together,  which  I  chose  to  do,  assuring  my- 
self, he  having  been  faithful  and  active  in  the  publick 
service  abroad,  that  we  should  be  as  unanimous  in  the 
carrying  it  on  within  those  doors  ■^. 

The  Parliament  being  sensible  that  the  King  had  cor- 
rupted those  forces  that  they  had  sent  over  to  suppress 
the    rebellion    in   Ireland,   and    that   they   had    no    great 

April  9.  assurance  of  the  Lord  Inchequin,  nominated  the  Lord 
Viscount  Lisle,  son  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  to  be  Lieutenant  for  Ireland, 
looking  upon  him  as  the  most  considerable  person  of 
integrity  they  could  think  upon.  He  procured  the  liberty 
of  Col.  Monk,  then  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  upon  information 
that  he  had  good  experience  in  that  war,  and  an  interest  in 
the  souldiers  there  ;  to  which  Mr.  William  Cawley  gave  his 
single  negative^.  On  the  13th  of  April,  1646,  Exeter 
was  delivered  to  ours  upon  articles,  by  which  all  such  as 
were  in  the  town  and  garison  were  admitted  to  compound 
for   their  estates,  paying  two  years'  value  for  the  same. 

April  15.   Barnstable,  Dunstar  Castle,  and  Michael's  Mount  in  Corn- 

Apni  20.  ^^,^]j^  were  also  surrendred :  in  the  last  of  which  places  the 
Marquiss  of  Hamilton  was  prisoner  by  the  King's  order, 
and  restored  to  his  liberty  upon  the  surrender  of  it,  which 
favour  he  acknowledged  to  the  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  attending  in  person  at  their  door  to  that  end. 
The  most  considerable  body  of  men  remaining  in  the 
field  for  the  King  was  commanded  by  Sir  Jacob  Ashley, 
who  being  on  his  march  towards  Oxford,  was  attacked  by 
Col.   Morgan  and   Sir  William   Brereton  at   Stow  in   the 

March  21.  Woald,  where,  after  a    sharp  dispute  on  both  sides.   Sir 

'  Amongst  the  other  '  Recruiters'  Sarum,  John  Dove  for  SaHsbury,  and 

elected  forWiltshirc  constituencies  at  Edward  Massey  for  Wootton  Basset ; 

this  time,  were  Edmund  Harvey  and  Names  of  Members  returned  to  serve 

HenryHungerford  for  Great  Bcdwin,  in  Parliament,  1878,  p.  496.     Blake 

Rowland  Wilson,  junior,  for  Calne,  was  member  for  Bridgwater,  not  for 

Alexander    Thistlethwaite,     junior,  Taunton. 

for    Downton,    Sir    John    Danvers  ^  Monk's    appointment    was    ap- 

for  Malmesbury,  Charles  Fleetwood  proved  by  the  Commons,  Nov.   12, 

for  Marlborough,  Roger  Kirkham  and  1646;     C.J.  iv.  720.    Cf.  Gardiner, 

afterwards  Sir  Richard  Lucy  for  Old  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  352. 


Divisions  in  the  parliamentary  party.        135 

Jacob  Ashley's  forces  were  entirely  defeated,  many  of  them  1646 
killed  and  wounded,  and  himself  taken  prisoner  ^.  During 
his  confinement  he  was  heard  to  say,  that  now  they  had 
no  hopes  to  prevail  but  by  our  divisions.  Which  desei-ves 
the  more  reflection,  because  he  being  well  acquainted  with 
the  King's  secrets,  was  not  ignorant,  that  many  amongst  us, 
who  at  the  beginning  appeared  most  forward  to  engage 
themselves,  and  to  invite  others  to  the  war  against  the 
King,  finding  themselves  disappointed  of  those  preferments 
which  they  expected,  or  out  of  some  particular  disgusts 
taken,  had  made  conditions  with  the  King  not  only  for 
their  indemnity,  but  for  places  and  advancements  under 
him  ;  endeavouring  by  a  treaty,  or  rather  by  treachery,  to 
betray  what  had  cost  so  much  blood  to  obtain.  These 
men,  to  strengthen  their  interest,  applied  themselves  to  the 
Presbyterian  party,  who  jealous  of  the  increase  of  sectaries, 
of  which  the  army  was  reported  chiefly  to  consist,  readily 
joined  with  them.  By  which  conjunction  most  of  the  new 
elected  members  were  either  men  of  a  neutral  spirit,  and 
willing  to  have  peace  upon  any  terms,  or  such,  who  tho 
they  had  engaged  against  the  King,  yet  finding  things 
tending  to  a  composition  with  him,  resolved  to  have  the 
benefit  of  it,  and  his  favour,  tho  with  the  guilt  of  all  the 
blood  that  had  been  shed  in  the  war  upon  their  heads,  in 
not  requiring  satisfaction  for  the  same,  nor  endeavouring  to 
prevent  the  like  for  the  future  ;  designing  at  the  most  only 
to  punish  some  inferiour  instruments,  whilst  the  capital 
offender  should  not  only  go  free,  but  his  authority  be  still 
acknowledged  and  adored,  and  so  the  nation  more  enslaved 
than  ever  to  a  power,  which  tho  it  destroys  the  people  by 
thousands,  must  be  accountable  to  none  but  God  for  so 
doing ;  whom  some  persons,  as  it  is  apparent  by  their  usage 

*  'Sir  Jacob   Ashley  being  taken  said  (as  was  most  credibly  enformedj 

captive   and  wearyed  in    this    fight,  unto  our  souldiers  :  "  gentlemen,  yee 

and    being    ancient   (for   old    age's  may  now  sit  downe  and  play,  for  you 

silver  haires  had  quite  covered  over  have   done   all  your  worke,   if  you 

his   head   and  beard),  the  souldiers  fall    not  out   among  your   selves.'" 

brought  him  a  drum  to  sit  and  rest  Vicars,  Burning  Bush,  p.  399. 
himselfe  upon ;  who  being  sate,  he 


136  Views  of  the  Scots  and  the  City. 

1646  of  mankind,  either  think  not  to  be,  or  not  at  all  supcriour 
to  them.  Another  sort  of  men  there  was  amongst  us,  who 
having  acquired  estates  in  the  service  of  the  Parliament, 
now  adhered  to  the  King's  party  for  the  preserving  of  what 
they  had  got ;  who,  together  with  such  as  had  been  dis- 
charged from  their  employments  by  the  reform  of  the  army, 
or  envied  their  success,  combined  together  against  the 
commonwealth.  This  party  was  encouraged  and  supported 
upon  all  occasions  by  the  Scots  and  the  City  of  London  : 
the  first  of  them,  tho  they  began  the  war,  and  tho  their 
assembly  of  ministers  had  declared  the  King  guilty 
of  the  blood  of  thousands  of  his  best  subjects,  their 
Covenant  engaging  them  in  the  preservation  of  his  person 
so  far  only  as  might  consist  with  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
liberty  of  the  subject ;  yet  having  had  many  good  oppor- 
tunities in  England,  and  hoping  for  more,  supposing  it  to 
be  in  their  power  to  awe  the  King  to  whatsoever  they 
should  think  fit,  they  were  contented  to  swallow  that  ocean 
of  blood  that  had  been  shed,  pressing  the  Parliament  by 
their  commissioners  to  conclude  upon  such  terms  with  the 
King,  as  shewed  them  rather  advocates,  than  such  as  had 
been  enemies  to  him.  The  latter  having  had  their  treasure 
much  exhausted  by  the  war,  and  their  trade  long  inter- 
rupted, besides  the  influence  the  Scots  had  upon  them  by 
the  means  of  their  ministers,  the  Common  Council  being 
also  debauched  by  Serjeant  Glyn  and  others  of  that  party 
in  the  House  of  Commons ;  it  was  not  so  much  to  be 
wondred  at  if  they  earnestly  solicited  for  a  speedy  deter- 
mination of  the  difference  by  a  treaty.  The  King  also 
perceiving  judgment  to  be  given  against  him  by  that  power 
to  which  both  parties  had  made  their  solemn  appeal, 
thought  it  advisable  to  make  use  of  the  foxes  skin,  and  for 
a  time  to  lay  aside  that  of  the  lion,  sending  messages  to 
the  Parliament  to  desire  of  them  a  safe  conduct  for  his 
coming  to  London  in  honour,  freedom  and  safety,  there 
personally  to  treat  with  the  two  Houses  about  the  means  of 
settling  a  firm  and  lasting  peace ;  the  Scots  in  the  mean 
time  repeating  their  instances  with  the  Parliament,  to  enter 


Disputes  between  Parliament  a^id  the  Scots.   137 

into  the  consideration  of  the  articles  of  religion  contained       1646 
in  the  Covenant,  to  give  a  speedy  peace  to  his  Majesty,  to 
pay  them  near  two  hundred  thousand  pounds,  which  they 
pretended  to  be  due  to  them  for  their  arrears,  and  to  make 
a  just  estimate  of  the  losses  they  had  sustained  by  sea 
and  land  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  for  want  of  such 
supplies  as  were  promised  them,  which  they  computed  at 
more  than   the  former  sum.     The  Parliament,  for  divers 
reasons,  thought   it    not   convenient   to   comply  with   the 
King's  propositions  ;  and  in  answer  to  the  Scots,  demanded 
of  them  an  exact  account  of  what  was  due  to  them,  re- 
quiring them  to  withdraw  their  garisons  from  such  places 
as  they  possessed  in  England.     Some  differences  they  had 
also  with  the  Scots  commissioners  concerning  the  exclusion 
of  the  King  from  having  any  thing  to  do  with  the  militia, 
and  touching  the  Scots  intermedling  with  the  government 
of  England,  about  the  education  of  the  King's  children,  the 
disbanding  of  armies,  and  an  act  of  oblivion  ;    in  which 
matters  the  Parliament  of  England  would  not  permit  the 
Scots    to   interpose;    and    therefore    their    commissioners 
acquainted  them  that  they  had  not  power  to  consent  to 
any  demands  of  that  nature :  whereupon  the  deputies  of 
Scotland  applied  themselves  to  the  two  Houses,  demanding 
that  they  would  enlarge  the  powers  of  their  commissioners 
to  that  end.     But  there  being  found  in  these  demands  of 
the   Scots   some   expressions   highly   reflecting   upon    the 
Parliament,  the  two  Houses  declared  them  to  be  injurious   April  13. 
and  scandalous,  and  ordered  them    to  be   burnt   by  the 
hands  of  the  common  hangman.     After  which  they  com- 
manded the  army  to  besiege  Oxford,  who  in  order  to  that 
design  blocked    up   Farringdon,   Wallingford,  and  Wood- 
stock ;  but  before  they  could  form  the  siege  of  Oxford, 
the  King  escaped  from  thence  on  the  27th  of  April,  1646, 
of  which  notice  being  given   to  the   Parliament  by  Col. 
Rainsborough,  who  lay  before  Woodstock  ;  they  suspecting 
that   he   designed  to   come  to   London  to  raise  a  party 
against    them,    pulblished    an    ordinance,    declaring,    that     May  4. 
whosoever  should  harbour  or  conceal  the  King's  person, 


o 


8  The  King  flies  to  the  Scots. 


1646      should  be  proceeded  against  as  a  traitor  to  the  Common- 
wealth.    Within  three  or  four  days  they  received  a  message 
from    the    Scots   army,    informing  the  Parliament  of  the 
King's  coming  to  them,  and  pretending  to  be  much  sur- 
prized at  it ;  but  it  appeared  afterwards  that  this  resolution 
had  been  communicated  to  them  before.     The  King  was 
accompanied  in  this  expedition  by  one  Hudson,  and  Mr. 
Ashburnham,  passing  as  a  servant  to  the  latter.     Upon 
this  notice,  the  House  of  Commons  sent  an  order  to  their 
commissioners  in  the  Scots  army  to  demand  the  person  of 
the  King,  judging  it  unreasonable,  that  the  Scots  army 
being  in  their  pay,  should  assume  the  authority  to  dispose 
of  the    King   otherwise   than    by   their    order ;    resolving 
May  6.     further  that  the  King  should  be  conducted  to  the  Castle  of 
Warwick,  and  that  those  who   came   out  of  Oxford  with 
him  should  be  brought  to  London.     The  next  day  they 
commanded  their  army  to  advance,  in  order  to  hinder  the 
conjunction   of  the  King's    forces  with    the    Scots.     The 
King,  soon  after  his  arrival  at  the   Scots  quarters,  gave 
order  for  the  delivery  of  Newark  into  their  hands  ^ ;  which 
having    received,    they   surrendred    to    the    English,    and 
May  7-13.  marched  with  the  King  to  Newcastle  ;  whereof  the  House 
of  Commons  being  informed,  and  that  the  Earl  of  Leven, 
General  of  the  Scots  army,  had  by  proclamation  forbidden 
his  forces  to   have    any  communication  with   the   King's 
party,  they  desisted    from  their  resolution  of   advancing 
their   army,   and   of   conducting    the    King   to    Warwick, 
ordering   the    Scots    to   keep    him   for  the   Parliament   of 
England.     Mr.  Ashburnham  was  permitted  by  the  Scots 
to    make    his   escape,    but    Mr.    Hudson  was   brought    to 
London,  and  upon  examination  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  confessed  some  things  about  the  King's  journey 
from    Oxford  2.     Commissioners    being  appointed    by  the 

*  The  articles  for  the  surrender  of  printed  in  the  Appendix  to  Hearne's 

Newark  are  dated   May  6;     Rush-  Chronicle  of  Dunstable,  and  in  Peck's 

worth,  vi.  269.    The  King's  letter  to  Desiderata  Curiosa.  Additional  docu- 

Bellasis  the  governor  is  printed  in  ments  are  yi  the  Portland  Papers,  i. 

the  Portland  Papers,  i.  358.  368-384. 

^  Hudson's       examinations       are 


Commissioners  sent  to  Newcastle.  139 

Parliament  to  be  sent  down  to  the  Scots  army  in  this  con-  1646 
juncture,  they  made  choice  of  two  Lords,  of  whom  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke  was  one,  and  four  of  the  Commons ;  in 
which  number  Col.  Brown  the  wood  monger  being  nomin- 
ated to  that  imployment,  he  turned  about  to  me,  who  sat 
behind  him  in  the  House,  assuring  me  that  he  would  be 
ever  true  to  us  ^.  And  truly  I  then  believed  him,  having 
met  him  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  in  Smithfield  buying 
horses  for  the  service  of  the  Parliament,  where  he  spoke 
very  affectionately  concerning  their  undertaking,  and  served 
them  afterwards  very  successfully,  especially  at  Abingdon, 
as  I  mentioned  before  ;  but  this  wretched  man  soon  dis- 
covered the  corruption  of  his  nature,  and  malignity  that 
lay  concealed  in  his  heart :  for  no  sooner  had  the  King 
found  out  his  ambitious  temper,  and  cast  some  slight 
favours  upon  him,  giving  him  a  pair  of  silk  stockings  with 
his  own  hand,  but  his  low  and  abject  original  and  education 
became  so  prevalent  in  him,  as  to  transform  him  into  an 
agent  and  spy  for  the  King,  proving,  as  will  be  hereafter 
related,  one  of  the  bloodiest  butchers  of  the  Parliament's 
friends. 

The  Scots  having  the  King  in  their  power,  pressed  him 
to  write  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  his  Lieutenant  in  Ireland, 
and  to  the  governours  and  commanders  of  places  that  re- 
mained in  arms  for  him,  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  to 
deliver  the  said  places  to  such  as  the  Parliament  of  Eng- 
land should  appoint  to  receive  them,  acquainting  him  that 
otherwise  they  could  not  protect  him.  Submitting  to  this 
necessity,  he  sent  orders  to  that  effect,  which  some  obeyed, 
and  others  refused  to  comply  with,  looking  upon  him  to  be 
under  a  force.  Amongst  those  who  yielded  obedience  to 
the  King's  orders  was  Montross,  who  disbanded  the  forces  July  30. 
he  had  left,  and  went   beyond  sea.     The  city  of  Oxford 

'  The  Earl  of  Pembroke  with  twp  For  a  life  of  Browne,  see  D.  N.  B. 
other  Lords,  and  six  commoners  of  Browne  was  not  one  of  the  com- 
whom  Richard  Browne  was  one,  missioners  appointed  on  July  7, 
were  appointed  on  Jan.  6,  1647,  to  1646,  to  convey  the  Nineteen  Pro- 
repair  to  Newcastle  and  receive  the  positions  to  the  King;  C.  J.  iv.  606, 
person  of  the  King  from  the  Scots.  642. 


140  The  surrender  of  Oxford. 

1646  having  been  blocked  up  for  some  time,  began  to  capitulate, 
lest  their  farther  obstinacy  should  prove  prejudicial  to  them, 
particularly  in  the  matter  of  compositions  for  their  estates, 
the  most  considerable  of  the  King's  party  being  there. 
Commissioners  were  appointed  on  both  sides  to  treat,  and 
came  to  an  agreement  on  the  sad  of  June,  1646,  upon  such 
terms  as  the  Parliament  were  unwilling  to  confirm  ;  but 
whilst  they  were  in  debate  concerning  the  articles,  they 
understood  that  Prince  Rupert  and  others  of  the  King's 
party  were  marched  out  of  the  town  in  pursuance  of  them  ; 
and  that  the  garison  would  be  entirely  evacuated  before 
they  could  signify  their  pleasure  to  the  army.  Wherefore 
tho  they  did  not  approve  the  conditions,  yet  they  thought 
not  fit  to  do  any  thing  in  order  to  break  them.  The  prin- 
cipal reason  given  by  the  army  of  their  proceeding  so  hastily 
to  a  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  was,  lest  the  King  should  make 
terms  with  the  Scots,  and  bring  their  army  to  the  relief  of 
June  24.  Oxford.  Faringdon  House,  Wallingford  Castle,  and  Wood- 
April^e  stock,  were  surrendred  to  the  Parliament ;  Worcester  and 
July  22.  Litchfield  soon  after,  as  also  Pendennisand  Ragland  Castle. 
Aug!  19.  The  Scots  by  their  commissioners  pressed  the  Parlia- 
ment to  send  propositions  of  peace  to  the  King,  wherein 
Dec.  19.  they  were  seconded  by  an  insolent  address  from  the  Mayor 
and  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  London  ^  ;  in  which 
after  some  acknowledgments  of  the  care  and  courage  of 
the  Parliament  in  the  reformation  of  the  Church,  and 
preservation  of  the  laws,  they  desired  of  them,  that  such 
assemblies  as  were  privately  held  to  introduce  new  sects 
might  be  suppressed,  lest  they  should  breed  disturbances 
in  Church  and  State  ;  that  they  would  hasten  the  estab- 
lishment of  peace  in  the  three  kingdoms  ;  that  they  would 
consider  the  great  services  of  the  Scots,  and  dismiss  those 
who  were  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Independents  from 
all  imployments  ci\il  and  military,  esteeming  them  to  be 
firebrands  that    might  endanger   the  publick  peace,  with 

'   Ludlow    confuses    the     London       in   the    Old    Parliamentary  History, 
petition  of  Dec.  19,  1646,  witli  that       xv.  5,  221. 
of  July  4,  1646.     Both  are  printed 


Discussions  on  disbanding  the  Army.        141 

'Other  particulars  of  the  same  nature.  The  answer  of  the  1646 
Parliament  to  the  said  address  was  not  much  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  petitioners,  being  a  positive  declaration  that 
they  resolved  to  preserve  their  authority  entire  to  them- 
selves. There  was  a  party  in  the  House  of  the  same  temper 
with  the  addressers,  who  earnestly  endeavoured  to  break 
the  army,  as  the  principal  obstacle  to  their  designs,  pre- 
tending the  necessity  of  relieving  Ireland,  the  loss  of  which 
they  said  would  be  infinitely  prejudicial  to  England  ;  and 
that  the  way  to  prevent  it  was  to  send  thither  some  part  of 
the  army,  who  being  united  in  affection,  and  of  great  re- 
putation both  for  courage  and  conduct,  would  strike  a  terror 
into  the  enemy,  and  undoubtedly  accomplish  that  important 
work ;  not  forgetting  to  urge  that  the  people  of  England 
were  not  able  to  bear  their  present  burdens,  and  therefore 
must  be  eased.  To  these  pretences  it  was  replied,  that  it 
could  not  consist  with  the  honour  or  safety  of  the  Parlia- 
ment to  lessen  their  forces,  whilst  they  had  an  army  of 
another  nation  in  their  bowels  ;  who  tho  they  were  united 
in  the  same  cause  and  interest  with  us,  yet  the  best  way  to 
continue  them  so,  was  to  be  in  such  a  posture  as  might 
secure  us  from  any  fear  of  their  breaking  with  us  ;  and  that 
the  more  reputation  the  army  had,  the  fitter  they  were  to 
be  kept  together  for  that  end.  After  a  long  debate,  the 
question  was  put  ;  '  Whether  two  regiments  of  the  army  July  31. 
should  be  sent  to  the  relief  of  Ireland  ? '  and  it  was  carried 
in  the  negative  by  one  voice  only  ^ 

The  Commonwealth-party  taking  advantage  of  the  argu- 
ments used  in  the  House  for  the  relief  of  Ireland,  and 
ease  of  the  people  of  England,  procured  an  order  for  the 
disbanding  of  Col.  Massey's  brigade,  and  money  to  be 
sent  to  the  Devizes  in  the  County  of  Wilts,  where  they 
were  ordered  to  be  drawn  together  for  that  purpose. 
Alderman  Allen,  and  my  self  who  served  for  that  County, 
were  commissionated  to  see  it  put  in  execution :  in  order 

^  The  motion  was  that  four  regi-  be  forthwith  sent  for  the  reHef  of 
ments  of  foot  and  two  regiments  of  Ireland.  It  was  lost  by  91  to  90 
horse  from  the  army  of  Fairfax  should       votes.     C.  J.  iv.  631. 


142         The  disbanding  of  Massey  s  troops. 

1646  to  which  we  repaired  to  the  Lord-General,  who  lay  then 
at  Cornbury,  and  prevailed  with  him  and  Commissary- 
General  Ireton,with  two  regiments  of  horse,  to  draw  to  the 
Devizes,  which  we  found  to  be  very  necessary  :  for  tho 
many  of  that  brigade  were  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  return 
home  to  their  several  callings,  having  taken  up  arms  and 
hazarded  their  lives  purely  to  serve  the  publick  ;  yet  divers 
idle  and  debauched  persons,  especially  the  foreigners 
amongst  them,  not  knowing  how  to  betake  themselves  to 
any  honest  employment,  endeavoured  to  stir  up  the  brigade 
to  a  mutiny  ;  but  not  being  able  to  effect  that,  some  of  them 
listed  themselves  to  serve  against  the  rebels  in  Ireland, 
under  Sir    William    Fenton    and    others  there  present   to 

Oct.  22.  receive  them,  for  which  we  had  instructions  from  the 
Parliament ;  the  rest  dispersed  themselves,  and  returned 
home  \  The  forces  also  that  served  in  the  North  under 
Major-General  Pointz  were  soon  after  disbanded. 

July  4.  The  City  of  London  had  made  it  their  request  in  the 
petition  before  mentioned,  that  some  commissioners  from 
them  might  accompany  those  from  the  Parliament  to  the 
King ;  but  their  own  party  in  the  House  fearing  perhaps 
to  be  outbid  by  them,  or  it  may  be  not  having  quite  lost 

July  II.  all  sense  of  honour,  rejected  that  motion  with  contempt, 
alledging  that  they  had  their  representatives  in  Parliament, 
and  were  concluded  by  what  they  acted  as  well  as  other 
men :  upon  which  Mr.  Martin  said,  '  That  tho  he  could 
not  but  agree  with  what  had  been  affirmed  touching-  their 


'  On  May  6,  1646,  the  House  of  to  repress  their  insolencies.  lb. 
Commons  referred  to  Fairfax  the  581,615,617,  638.  The  disbanding 
disbanding  of  the  horse  late  under  finally  took  place  in  October,  1646. 
Massey's  command,  empowering  him  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  ii.  530; 
to  send  those  he  did  not  think  fit  to  BibHotheca  Gloucestrensis,  cxc. ; 
employ  in  his  own  army  to  serve  Spriggc,  p.  314;  and  Ludlow's  own 
under  Lord  Lisle  in  Ireland,  and  letter  in  Appendix  B.  About  2500 
ordering  that  the  officers  should  be  men  were  disbanded,  and  they  re- 
paid \  of  their  arrears.  C.  J.  iv.  537,  ceived  only  six  weeks' pay  out  of  their 
cf.  577.  615,  640.  Many  complaints  large  arrears.  Alderman  Francis 
were  made  of  the  disorders  of  Allen, who  died  in  1658,  was  member 
Massey's  men,  and  Fairfax  was  for  Cockermouth.  See  Noble,  Lives 
ordered  to  send  troops  into  Wilts  of  the  Regicides,  i.  69. 


The  Newcastle  Propositions.  143 

being  involved  in  what  their  representatives  did,  and  their  1646 
not  sending  commissioners  as  desired  ;  yet  as  to  the  sub- 
stance of  what  they  proposed,  he  could  not  so  much  blame 
them  as  others  had  done,  they  therein  shewing  themselves 
in  the  end  of  the  war  no  less  prudent  than  they  had 
expressed  themselves  honest  in  the  beginning :  for  as  when 
the  Parliament  invited  them  to  stand  by  them  in  the  war 
against  the  King,  in  defence  of  their  religion,  lives,  liberties 
and  estates,  they  did  it  heartily,  and  therein  shewed  them- 
selves good  christians  and  true  English  men  ;  so  now  the 
war  being  ended,  and  the  Parliament  upon  making  terms 
with  the  King,  and  thinking  fit  to  sue  him,  now  their 
prisoner,  for  peace,  whom  they  had  all  incensed  by  their 
resistance,  the  citizens  having  considerable  estates  to  lose, 
shewed  themselves  prudent  men,  in  endeavouring  to  pro- 
cure their  pardons  as  well  as  others :  and  tho,  said  he,  you 
will  not  permit  them  to  send  as  they  desire,  they  have 
expressed  their  good  will,  which  without  doubt  will  be  well 
accepted.'  The  commissioners  of  Parliament  joining  with 
those  who  were  before  with  the  King,  endeavoured  to  per- 
swade  him  to  agree  to  the  Propositions  of  the  Parliament ; 
but  he  disliking  several  things  in  them,  and  most  of  all  the 
abolition  of  Episcopacy,  to  which  interest  he  continued 
obstinately  stedfast,  refused  his  consent,  upon  private  en-  Kwg.  1 
couragement  from  some  of  the  Scots  and  English,  to  expect 
more  easy  terms,  or  to  be  received  without  any  at  all. 
The  Parliament  willing  to  bring  this  matter  to  a  conclusion, 
sent  the  same  Propositions  a  second  time  to  the  King,  and 
desired  the  Scots  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  procure 
his  consent  to  them.  The  Scots  commissioners,  especially 
the  Lord  Loudon,  pressed  the  King  very  earnestly  to 
comply  with  them,  telling  him,  that  tho  the  Propositions 
were  higher  in  some  particulars  than  they  could  have 
wished,  notwithstanding  their  endeavours  to  bring  them  as 
low  as  they  could,  according  to  their  promises  ;  yet  if  he 
continued  to  reject  them,  he  must  not  expect  to  be  received 
in  Scotland,  whither  they  must  return,  and  upon  his 
refusal  of  the  conditions  offered,  deliver  him  up   to  the 


144  ^-^^  Scots  deliver  tip  the  King. 

1646  Parliament  of  England.  But  whatsoever  they  or  the  Eng- 
lish could  say,  making  no  impression  upon  the  King,  the 
Parliament's  commissioners  returned  with  a  negative  from 
him^. 

The  interposition  of  the  Scots  in  this  affair  proving 
ineffectual,  the  war  being  at  an  end,  and  such  considerable 
forces  altogether  unnecessary,  the  Parliament  appointed 
commissioners  to  confer  with  those  of  Scotland  concerning 
such  things  as  remained  to  be  performed  by  the  treaty  be- 
tween them  ;  that  the  fraternal  union  might  continue,  and 
the  Scots  depart  towards  their  own  country.  In  order  to 
which  the  accounts  of  their  army  were  adjusted,  and  a  great 
sum  of  money  agreed  to  be  paid  to  them  at  the  present, 
and  other  sums  upon  certain  days,  to  their  full  satisfaction. 
Major-General  Skippon,  with  a  considerable  body  of  men, 
carried  down  the  money  in  specie  for  the  paiment  of  the 
Scots  army  ;  which  being  received  by  them,  they  delivered 
the  King  into  the  hands  of  the  Parliament's  commissioners 

1647  that  attended  him  there,  and  began  their  march  for  Scot- 
Jan.  30.    land,   having    delivered    Newcastle    to   the    English,   and 

drawn  their  men  out  of  Berwick  and  Carlisle,  which  two 
places  were  agreed  not  to  be  garisoned  without  the  consent 
of  both  kingdoms. 
1646  About  this  time  the  Earl  of  Essex  having  over-heated 

•■^cpt-  14-  himself  in  the  chace  of  a  stag  in  Windsor  forest,  departed 
this  life :  his  death  was  a  great  loss  to  those  of  his  party, 

Oct.  22.  who  to  keep  up  their  spirits  and  credit  procured  his  funeral 
to  be  celebrated  with  great  magnificence  at  the  charge  of 
the  publick,  the  Lords  and  Commons  with  a  great  number 
of  officers  and  gentlemen  accompanying  him  to  the  grave  ~. 
In  the  mean  time  I  observed  that  another  party  was  not 
idle ;  for  walking  one  morning  with  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell    in    Sir   Robert    Cotton's   garden,  he  inveighed 

'  The    propositions    sent    to    tiie  Ludlow's  account  of  the  negotiations 
King  at  Newcastle  with    his   three  is  confused  and  inaccurate.   Loudon's 
answers  are    printed  in   Gardiner's  speech  (Rushworth,  vi.  319)  was  de- 
Constitutional    Documents    of    the  livered  in  July,  1646. 
Puritan    Revolution,    pp.    208-227;  '■'  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  ii.  530. 


Cromwell  on  the  Parliament.  145 

bitterly  against  them,  saying  in  a  familiar  way  to  me  ;  '  If  1646 
thy  father  were  alive,  he  would  let  some  of  them  hear  what 
they  deserve  : '  adding  farther,  '  that  it  was  a  miserable  thing 
to  serve  a  Parliament,  to  whom  let  a  man  be  never  so  faithful, 
if  one  pragmatical  fellow  amongst  them  rise  up  and  asperse 
him,  he  shall  never  wipe  it  off.  Whereas,'  said  he,  '  when 
one  serves  under  a  General,  he  may  do  as  much  service,  and 
yet  be  free  from  all  blame  and  envy  ^.'  This  text,  together 
with  the  comment  that  his  after-actions  put  upon  it,  hath 
since  perswaded  me,  that  he  had  already  conceived  the 
design  of  destroying  the  civil  authority,  and  setting  up  of 
himself;  and  that  he  took  that  opportunity  to  feel  my  pulse 
whether  I  were  a  fit  instrument  to  be  employed  by  him  to 
those  ends.  But  having  replied  to  his  discourse,  that  we 
ought  to  perform  the  duty  of  our  stations,  and  trust  God 
with  our  honour,  power,  and  all  that  is  dear  to  us,  not 
permitting  any  such  considerations  to  discourage  us  from 
the  prosecution  of  our  duty,  I  never  heard  any  more  from 
him  upon  that  point. 

Whilst  the  King  was  at  Newcastle,  the  President  de 
Bellievre  came  over  into  England  in  the  quality  of  an 
ambassador  from  the  French  King,  with  orders  to  en- 
deavour a  reconciliation  between  the  King  and  the  Par- 
liament. He  had  a  favourable  audience  from  the  two  July  17. 
Houses,  and  their  permission  to  apply  himself  to  the  King  ; 
but  being  on  his  way  towards  him,  upon  farther  debate, 
they  judged  it  not  fit  to  subject  that  affair  to  the  cognizance 
of  any  foreign  prince,  resolving  to  determine  it  themselves  July  n. 
without  the  interposition  of  any,  having  experienced  that 
most  of  the  neighbouring  states,  especially  the  monarchical, 
were  at  the  bottom  their  enemies,  and  their  ambassadors 
and  residents  so  many  spies  upon  them,  as  appeared 
more  particularly  by  letters  taken  in  the  King's  Cabinet 
after   the   battel   of   Naseby,    which   discovered    that   the 

*  Mr.    Gardiner   thinks    that    this  time  of  Essex's  death,  as  Cromwell 

conversation  took  place  about  March,  and    his    party    then    had    a   parlia- 

1647,   on  the  ground   that    it    could  mentary  majority.    Great  Civil  War, 

scarcely  have  taken  place  about  the  iii.  35. 
VOL.  I.                                            L 


146         Prospects  of  the  Kings  restoration. 

1646  Emperor's  resident  in  London  held  a  private  correspond- 
ence with  the  King,  and  there  was  ground  to  beheve 
that  the  ambassador  of  Portugal  did  the  like,  from  letters 
therein  found  from  that  King.  These  applications  to 
the  King,  together  with  the  permission  granted  by  the 
Parliament  to  the  Turky  Company,  to  address  themselves 
to  him,  for  the  commissionating  of  one  whom  they  had 
nominated  to  be  their  agent  with  the  grand  Signior,  under 
pretence  that  he  would  not  otherwise  be  received  :  to 
which  may  be  added  the  frequent  overtures  of  peace  made 
by  the  Parliament  to  the  King,  tho  he  had  not  a  sword  left 
wherewith  to  oppose  them  ;  and  the  great  expectations  of 
the  people  of  his  return  to  the  Parliament,  being  informed 
that  the  heads  of  the  Presbyterian  party  had  promised  the 
Scots,  upon  the  delivery  of  the  King,  that  as  soon  as  they 
had  disbanded  the  army,  they  would  bring  him  to  London 
in  honour  and  safety  :  these  things,  I  say,  made  the  people 
ready  to  conclude,  that  tho  his  designs  had  been  wonder- 
fully defeated,  his  armies  beaten  out  of  the  field,  and  him- 
self delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  Parliament,  against 
whom  he  had  made  a  long  and  bloody  war ;  yet  certainly 
he  must  be  in  the  right  ;  and  that  tho  he  was  guilty  of  the 
blood  of  many  thousands,  yet  was  still  unaccountable,  in  a 
condition  to  give  pardon,  and  not  in  need  of  receiving  any: 
which  made  them  flock  from  all  parts  to  see  him  as  he  was 
brought  from  Newcastle  to  Holmby,  falling  down  before 
him,  bringing  their  sick  to  be  touched  by  him,  and  court- 
ing him  as  only  able  to  restore  to  them  their  peace  and 
settlement  ^ 

The  party  in  the  House  that  were  betraying  the  cause  of 
their  country,  became  cncouragcrs  of  such  petitioners  as 
came  to  them  from  the  city  of  London  and  other  places 
to  that  effect ;  very  many  of  whom  had  been  always  for  the 
King's  interest,  but  their  estates  lying  in  the  Parliament's 

*  '  Marten  this  week,  upon  read-  ment's   Great    Seal    might  do    it   as 

ing  of  letters  from  Holmby,  desiring  well,    if  there    were    an    ordinance 

directions  how  to  deal  with  such  as  for  it.'     Newsletter,  April  26,  1647, 

flock  to    be    touched    by    the    King,  Clarendon     S.     P.     ii.       Appendix, 

said    he   knew  not   but  the    Parlia-  xxxvii. 


Proposed  disbanding  of  the  Army.         147 

quarters,  they  secured  them  by  their  presence  in  the  house,  1647 
and  at  the  same  time  promoted  his  designs  by  their  votes. 
There  was  another  sort  of  men  who  were  contented  to 
sacrifice  all  civil  liberties  to  the  ambition  of  the  Presby- 
terian clergy,  and  to  vest  them  with  a  power  as  great  or 
greater  than  that  which  had  been  declared  intolerable  in 
the  bishops  before.  To  this  end  they  encouraged  the 
reduced  officers  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  such  as  Massey, 
Waller,  Pointz,  and  others,  to  press  the  Parliament  for  their 
arrears  in  a  peremptory  and  seditious  manner,  that  being 
furnished  with  money  they  might  be  enabled  to  stand  by 
these  their  patrons  in  whatsoever  design  they  had  to  carry 
on.  And  the  better  to  facilitate  the  disbanding  of  the 
army,  which  they  so  much  desired,  they  resolved  to  draw 
off  a  considerable  part  of  them  for  the  service  of  Ireland  ; 
and  to  render  the  work  more  acceptable,  voted  Major- 
General  Skippon  to  command  them  ;  joining  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  and  Sir  William  Waller  in  commission  with  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax,  to  draw  out  such  forces  as  were  willing  to 
go,  to  continue  such  as  should  be  thought  necessary  for  the 
security  of  this  nation,  and  to  disband  the  rest  ^.  The  army 
being  well  informed  of  the  design,  begun  to  consult  how  to 
prevent  it  ;  and  tho  many  of  the  officers  were  prevailed 
with  to  engage  by  advancements  to  higher  commands,  yet 
the  major  part  absolutely  refused.  The  commissioners  of 
the  Parliament  having  done  what  they  could  in  prosecution 
of  their  instructions,  ordered  those  who  had  engaged  in  the 
Irish  service  to  draw  off  from  the  army,  which  then  lay  at 
Saffron  Walden  and  about  Newmarket,  and  to  be  quartered 
in  the  way  to  Ireland  ;  which  done,  they  returned  to  London 
with  an  account  of  their  proceedings. 

The    Parliament  being  informed  of  what    passed,  were 
highly  displeased  with  the  carriage  of  the  army;    but  the 

^  Ludlow's  account  of  the  progress  Lord    Dacres,    Sir  William   Waller, 

of  the  revolt  in  the  army  is  extremely  Sir  John    Clotworthy    and    General 

confused.      He    refers    here    to    the  Massey.      They    arrived    at    Saffron 

second    set    of   Commissioners  sent  Walden    on    April     14,    and    made 

by  the  Derby  House  Committee  to  their  report  to   the  House  of  Com- 

the  Army,  viz.  the  Earl  of  Wai-wick,  mons  on  April  27. 

L  2 


148  The  Agitator's  before  Parliament. 

1647  prudence  and  moderation  of  Major-General  Skippon,  in  his 
report  of  that  matter  to  the  House,  much  abated  the  heat  of 
their  resentment.  Yet  some  menacing  expressions  falHng 
from  some  of  them,  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell  took  the 
occasion  to  whisper  me  in  the  ear,  saying,  '  These  men  will 
never  leave  till  the  army  pull  them  out  by  the  ears ' :  which 
expression  I  should  have  resented,  if  the  state  of  our 
affairs  would  have  permitted^.  In  this  conjuncture  five 
regiments  of  horse  chose  their  Agitators,  who  agreed  upon 
a  petition  to  Parliament,  to  desire  of  them  to  proceed  to 
settle  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  to  provide  for  the  arrears 
of  the  army,  and  to  declare  that  they  would  not  disband 
any  of  them  till  these  things  were  done  ;  deputing  William 
Allen,  afterwards  known  by  the  addition  of  Adjutant- 
General,  Edward  Sexby,  afterwards  Col.  Sexby,  and  one 
Philips,  to  present  it,  which  they  did  accordingly  at  the 
Apiii  30-  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons.  After  the  reading  of  the 
petition,  some  of  the  members  moved  that  the  messengers 
might  be  committed  to  the  Tower,  and  the  petition  declared 
seditious  ;  but  the  House  after  a  long  debate  satisfied 
themselves  to  declare,  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the  souldiery 


■  Skippon  was  at  Newcastle  when 
he  was  appointed  to  command  the 
forces  to  be  sent  to  Ireland,  April  2, 
1647.  He  arrived  in  London  about 
April  27,  took  his  seat  in  the  Com- 
mons on  April  29,  and  was  sent 
down  to  the  Army  by  order  of  April 
30,  and  recalled  by  order  of  June  i. 
The  report,  whose  moderation  Lud- 
low praises,  was  probably  made  on 
June  3,  and  could  not  have  been 
made  in  April.  There  is  a  similar 
chronological  inaccuracy  in  the  story 
told  about  Cromwell.  Major  Hunt- 
ington tells  the  same  story  assigning 
it  to  its  proper  date,  between  Aug.  6 
and  Aug.  20,  1647.  *  After  our 
marching  through  London  with  the 
Army,  his  Majesty  being  at  Hamp- 
ton Court,  Lieutenant-General  Crom- 
well and  Commissary-General  Ireton 


sent  the  King  word  several  times, 
that  the  reason  why  they  made  no 
more  haste  in  his  business  was, 
because  the  party  which  did  then 
sit  in  the  House  while  Pelham  was 
Speaker,  did  much  obstruct  the  busi- 
ness, so  that  they  would  not  carry 
it  on  at  present;  the  Lieutenant- 
General  often  saying,  really'  they 
should  be  pulled  out  by  the  ears  ; 
and  to  that  purpose  caused  a  regi- 
ment of  horse  to  rendezvous  at  Hyde- 
Park  to  have  put  that  in  execution 
(as  he  himself  expressed  1  had  it  not 
been  carried  by  vote  in  the  House 
that  day  as  he  desired.'  Major 
Huntington's  Reasons  for  laying 
down  his  Commission,  Maseres,  p. 
402.  Compare  Walker,  History  of 
Independency,  cd.  1661,  i.  49. 


Vote  against  the  Artny-petition.  149 

to  meddle  with  civil  affairs,  nor  to  prepare  or  present  any  1647 
petition  to  the  Parliament  without  the  advice  and  consent 
of  their  General,  to  whom  they  ordered  a  letter  to  be  sent 
to  desire  for  the  future  his  care  therein ;  with  which  ac- 
quainting the  three  agents,  and  requiring  their  conformity 
thereunto,  they  dismissed  them  ^.  But  this  not  satisfying, 
another  petition  was  carried  on  throughout  the  army  much 
to  the  same  effect,  only  they  observed  the  order  of  the 
Parliament  in  directing  it  to  their  general,  desiring  him 
to  present  it.  The  House  having  notice  of  this  combina-  March  29. 
tion  against  them  from  Col.  Edward  Harley,  one  of  their 
members,  who  had  a  regiment  in  the  army,  expressed 
themselves  highly  dissatisfied  therewith,  and  some  of  them 
moved  that  the  petitioners  might  be  declared  traitors, 
alledging  that  they  were  servants,  who  ought  to  obey,  not 
capitulate.  Others  were  not  wanting,  who  resolved  the 
securing  of  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,  suspecting  that 
he  had  under-hand  given  countenance  to  this  design  ;  but 
he  being  advertised  of  it,  went  that  afternoon  towards  the  June  i. 
army,  so  that  they  missed  of  him,  and  were  not  willing  to 
shew  their  teeth  since  they  could  do  no  more.  The  debate 
continued  till  late  in  the  night,  and  the  sense  of  the  House 
was,  that  they  should  be  required  to  forbear  the  prosecution 
of  the  said  petition  ;  but  when  the  house,  wearied  with  long 
sitting,  was  grown  thin,  Mr.  Denzil  Hollis,  taking  that 
opportunity,  drew  up  a  resolution  upon  his  knee,  declaring 
the  petition  to  be  seditious,  and  those  traitors  who  should 
endeavour  to  promote  it  after  such  a  day,  and  promising 

'  The  Agitators  of  eight  regiments  Commons,  but  its  consideration  was 
drew  up  a  letter  to  Fairfax,  Skip-  adjourned  to  April  30.  The  cir- 
pon  and  Cromwell,  which  Skippon  cumstance  that  letter  and  petition 
brought  before  the  House  of  Com-  were  both  discussed  on  the  same 
monson  April  30.  The  three  soldiers  day,  accounts  for  the  manner  in 
who  presented  the  letter,  Edward  which  Ludlow  confuses  them.  He 
Sexby,  William  Allen,  and  Thomas  also  confounds  the  petition  of  the 
Shepherd,  were  sent  for  and  ex-  soldiers,  suppressed  in  March,  with 
amined.  Clarke  Papers,  i.  pp.  21,  33,  the  petition  and  vindication  of  the 
82.  430.  On  April  27,  a  petition  and  officers,  presented  in  April ;  and  mis- 
vindication  of  the  officers  of  the  army  dates  Cromwell's  flight, 
was    presented    to    the    House    of 


150  Joyce  seizes  the  Khig. 

1647  pardon  to  all  that  were  concerned  therein,  if  they  should 
desist  by  the  time  limited.  Some  of  us  fearing  the  con- 
sequence of  these  divisions,  expressed  our  dissatisfaction 
to  it,  and  went  out ;  which  gave  them  occasion,  to  pass 
two  or  three  very  sharp  votes  against  the  proceedings 
of  the  army  ^.  The  Agitators  of  the  army  sensible  of 
their  condition,  and  knowing  that  they  must  fall  under 
the  mercy  of  the  Parliament,  unless  they  could  secure 
themselves  from  their  power  by  prosecuting  what  they 
had  begun  ;  and  fearing  that  those  who  had  shewed  them- 
selves so  forward  to  close  with  the  King,  out  of  principle, 
upon  any  terms,  would  now  for  their  own  preservation 
receive  him  without  any,  or  rather  put  themselves  under 
his  protection,  that  they  might  the  better  subdue  the 
army,  and  reduce  them  to  obedience  by  force,  sent  a  party 
of  horse  under  the  command  of  Cornet  Joyce  on  the 
4th  of  June,  1647,  with  an  order  in  writing  to  take  the 
King  out  of  the  hands  of  the  commissioners  of  Parliament. 
The  Cornet  having  placed  guards  about  Holmby  House, 
sent  to  acquaint  the  King  with  the  occasion  of  his  coming, 
and  was  admitted  into  his  bedchamber,  where  upon  promise 
that  the  King  should  be  used  civilly,  and  have  his  servants 
and  other  conveniences  continued  to  him,  he  obtained  his 
consent  to  go  with  him.  But  whilst  Cornet  Joyce  was 
giving  orders  concerning  the  King's  removal,  the  Parlia- 
ment's commissioners  took  that  occasion  to  discourse  with 
the  King,  and  pcrswaded  him  to  alter  his  resolution  : 
which  Joyce  perceiving  at  his  return  put  the  King  in  mind 
of  his  promise,  acquainting  him  that  he  was  obliged  to 
execute  his  orders  ;  whereupon  the  King  told  him,  that 
since  he  had  passed  his  word,  he  would  go  with  him  ;  and 

^  On  March  29,  a  petition  which  June  3,  1647,  in  order  to  concihate 

was  being  circulated  for  signature  in  the  army.     From   the   reference   to 

the  army  was  communicated  to  the  CromwelTs   leaving  the  House  and 

House  of  Commons  by  a  letter  from  going  to  the  army  it  is  evident  that 

Col.  Harley.     The  Commons  passed  Ludlow  assigns  the  presentation  of 

a  declaration  declaring  the  promoters  the    petition     to    June    instead    of 

of  the  petition  enemies  to  the  state.  March,  and  confuses  the  events  of 

This  declaration  was  expunged  on  the  two  months. 


Charles  brotight  to  the  Army.  151 

to  that  end  descending  the  stairs  to  take  horse,  the  com-  1647 
missioners  of  the  Parliament  being  with  him,  Col.  Brown 
and  Mr.  Crew,  who  were  two  of  them,  publickly  declared, 
that  the  King  was  forced  out  of  their  hands  ;  and  so 
returned,  with  an  account  of  what  had  been  done,  to  the 
Parliament  ^. 

The  King's  officers  who  waited  on  him  were  continued  ; 
and  the  chief  ofificers  of  the  army  began  publickly  to  own 
the  design,  pretending  thereby  to  keep  the  private 
souldiers,  for  they  would  no  longer  be  called  common 
souldiers,  from  running  into  greater  extravagancies  and 
disorders.  Col.  Francis  Russell  and  others,  attending  on 
the  King,  became  soon  converted  by  the  splendor  of  his 
majesty;  and  Sir  Robert  Pye,  a  colonel  in  the  army, 
supplied  the  place  of  a  querry,  riding  bare  before  him  when 
he  rode  abroad  :  so  that  the  King  began  to  promise  to  him- 
self that  his  condition  was  altered  for  the  better,  and  to 
look  upon  the  Independent  interest  as  more  consisting  with 
Episcopacy  than  the  Presbyterian,  for  that  it  could  subsist 
under  any  form,  which  the  other  could  not  do,  and  there- 
fore largely  promised  liberty  to  the  Independent  party, 
being  fully  perswaded  how  naturally  his  power  would 
revive  upon  his  restitution  to  the  throne,  and  how  easy  it 
would  be  for  him  to  break  through  all  such  promises  and 
engagements  upon  pretence  that  he  was  under  a  force. 
The  principal  officers  of  the  army  made  it  so  much  their 
business  to  get  the  good  opinion  of  the  King,  that  Whalley 
being  sent  from  them  with  orders  to  use  all  means  but 
constraint  to  cause  him  to  return  to  Holmby,  and  the  King 
refusing,  Whalley  was  contented  to  bring  him  to  the 
army^.  Yet  in  the  mean  time  a  charge  of  High  Treason  June  16. 
was  drawn  up  by  the  army  against  eleven  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  who  were  Mr.  Denzil  Hollis,  Sir  Philip 

'    Joyce's    own    account    of    his  Holmby  on  the  morning  of  June  3, 

seizure   of  the   King  is  printed   by  and  carried  Charles  away  on  June  4. 

Rushworth,  vi.  513-517;  cf.  Clarke  ^  See  Whalley's  letters  to  Fairfax, 

Papers,  i.  n8.     Joyce  produced  no  Clarke  Papers,  i.  122,  and  Fairfax's 

written  orders  and  pointed  to  his  sol-  letter  to  Lenthall,  June  7,  1647  ;   L. 

diers  as  his  commission.     He  seized  J.  ix.  248. 


152  The  Eleven  Members  impeached. 

1647  Stapylton,  Sir  John  Clotworthy,  Serjeant  Glyn,  Mr. 
Anthony  Nichols,  Mr.  Walter  Long,  Sir  William  Lewis,  Col. 
Edward  Harly,  Commissary  Copley,  Col.  Massey,  and  Sir 
John  Maynard,  for  betraying  the  cause  of  the  Parliament, 
endeavouring  to  break  and  destroy  the  army,  with  other 
June  14.  particulars.  This  charge  they  accompanied  with  a  de- 
claration, shewing  the  reasons  of  what  they  had  done, 
affirming  that  they  were  obliged  by  their  duty  so  to  do, 
as  they  tcndred  the  preservation  of  the  publick  cause,  and 
securing  the  good  people  of  England  from  being  a  prey  to 
their  enemies.  The  great  end  of  this  charge  of  treason 
being  rather  to  keep  these  members  from  using  their 
power  with  the  Parliament  in  opposition  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  army,  than  from  any  design  to  proceed 
capitally  against  them,  they  resolved  rather  to  withdraw 
themselves  voluntarily,  than  to  put  the  Parliament  or  army 
to  any  farther  trouble,  or  their  persons  to  any  more  hazard. 
By  these  means  the  army,  in  which  there  were  too  many 
who  had  no  other  design  but  the  advancement  of  them- 
selves, having  made  the  Parliament,  the  Scots,  and  the 
city  of  London  their  enemies,  thought  it  convenient  to 
enlarge  their  concessions  to  the  King,  giving  his  chaplains 
leave  to  come  to  him,  and  to  officiate  in  their  way,  which 
had  been  denied  before.  Whilst  this  design  was  on  foot, 
I  went  down  to  their  quarters  at  Maidenhead,  to  visit  the 
officers  ^  ;  where  Commissary-General  Ireton  suspecting  that 
these  things  might  occasion  jealousies  of  them  in  me  and 
others  of  their  friends  in  Parliament,  desired  me  to  be 
assured  of  their  stedfast  adherence  to  the  publick  interest, 
and  that  they  intended  only  to  dispense  with  such  things 
as  were  not  material,  in  order  to  quiet  the  restless  spirits 
of  the  Cavaliers,  till  they  could  put  themselves  into  a 
condition  of  serving  the  people  effectually.  I  could  not 
approve  of  their  practices ;  but  many  of  the  chief  of  them 
proceeding  in  the  way  they  had  begun,  gave  out,  that  the 
intentions  of  the  officers  and  souldicrs  in  the  army,  were  to 

^  Ludlow's    visit     probably    took       headquarters  of  the  army  were   at 
place  early  in  July,  1647,  when  the       Reading. 


The  negotiations  of  the  Army  with  the  King.   153 


establish  his  Majesty  in  his  just  rights.  The  news  of  this 
being  brought  to  the  Queen  and  Prince  of  Wales,  who  were 
in  France,  they  dispatched  Sir  Edward  Ford  \  brother- 
in-law  to  Commissary-General  Ireton,  into  England,  to 
sound  the  designs  of  the  army,  and  to  promote  an  agree- 
ment between  the  King  and  them.  Soon  after  which  Mr. 
John  Denham  was  sent  over  on  the  like  errand.  Sir  John 
Barkley  also  upon  his  return  to  the  Queen  from  Holland, 
where  he  had  been  ordered  to  condole  the  death  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  came  into  England  by  the  same  order, 
and  to  the  same  purpose.  It  was  in  his  instructions  to 
endeavour  to  procure  a  pass  for  Mr.  John  Ashburnham,  to 
come  over  to  assist  him  in  his  negotiation  ;  which,  with 
many  other  particulars  relating  to  this  business,  I  have 
seen  in  a  manuscript  written  by  Sir  John  Barkley  himself, 
and  left  in  the  hands  of  a  merchant  at  Geneva-.  Being 
at  Diepe  in  order  to  embark  for  England,  he  met  with 
Mr.  William  Leg,  who  was  of  the  bed-chamber  to  the 
King  ;  and  they  two  came  over  together  into  England. 
They  landed  at  Hastings,  and  being  on  their  way  towards 
London,  were  met  by  Sir  Allen  Appesley,  who  had  been 


1647 


^  Edward  Ford,  son  of  Sir  William 
Ford  of  Harting,  Sussex,  matricu- 
lated at  Trinity  College,  Oxford, 
July  16,  1621,  aged  i6,  and  became 
a  student  of  the  Inner  Temple  in 
1629,  and  was  knighted  at  Oxford, 
Oct.  4,  1643.  He  married  Sarah, 
daughter  of  Jerman  Ireton.  He 
was  High  Sheriff  of  Sussex  in  1643-4 
and  occupied  Arundel  Castle  for 
the  King.  Ford  died  in  Ireland  in 
1670.  Foster,  Alumni  Oxonienses  ; 
Collections  of  the  Sussex  Archaeo- 
logical Society,  v.  37,  45 ;  Cal.  of 
Committee  for  Compounding,  p. 
932  ;  Clarendon,  Rebellion,  viii.  3  ; 
x.  134 ;  Berry,  Sussex  Genealogies, 
p.  182. 

^  For  the  next  forty  pages  Ludlow 
closely  follows  the  Memoirs  of  Sir 
John  Berkeley.  These  memoirs  were 


first  published  in  1699,  but  were 
written  much  earlier.  Sir  Edward 
Nicholas  writes  to  Lord  Hatton, 
April  2,  165 1  :  '  I  pray  get  a  sight  of 
Sir  John  Berkeley's  relation  of  that 
unhappy  business  of  the  King's  going 
to  the  Isle  of  Wight  ...  I  am  now 
told  that  Sir  John  Berkeley  intends 
to  print  that  his  relation.'  Nicholas 
Papers,  i.  233.  Col.  Bampfield  writes 
to  Thurloe  in  June,  1657,  that  Sir 
John  Berkeley,  '  upon  a  submissive 
letter  written  to  the  King,  acknow- 
ledging himself  to  have  been  in  an 
error  .  .  .  and  having  likewise  re- 
canted a  narration,  that  he  had 
written  of  the  transactions  between 
the  late  King  and  the  Army,  wherein 
were  some  undecent  reflections,  is 
restored  to  his  attendance  on  the 
Duke  of  York.'     Thurloe,  vi.  363. 


154  C7'oiuweir s  message  to  Berkeley. 

1647  Lieutenant-Governour  to  Sir  John  Barkley  at  Exeter,  by 
whom  he  understood  that  he  was  sent  to  him  from  Crom- 
well and  some  other  officers  of  the  army,  with  letters  and 
a  cypher,  as  also  particular  instructions  to  desire  Sir  John 
Barkley  to  remember  his  own  discourse  at  a  conference 

1646  with  Col.  Lambert  and  other  officers  upon  the  surrender 
Aj.ril  13.  of  Exeter,  wherein  he  had  taken  notice  of  the  bitter 
invectives  of  those  of  the  army  against  the  King's  person  ; 
and  presuming  that  such  discourses  were  encouraged  in 
order  to  prepare  men's  minds  to  receive  an  alteration  of 
the  government,  had  said,  that  it  was  not  only  a  most 
wicked  but  difficult  undertaking,  if  not  impossible,  for  a 
few  men,  not  of  the  greatest  quality,  to  introduce  a  popular 
government  against  the  King,  the  Presbyterians,  the 
nobility,  gentry,  and  the  genius  of  the  nation,  accustomed 
for  so  many  ages  to  a  monarchical  government ;  ad- 
vising, that  since  the  Presbyterians,  who  had  begun  the  war 
upon  divers  specious  pretences,  were  discovered  to  have 
sought  their  own  advantages,  by  which  means  they  had  lost 
almost  all  their  power  and  credit ;  the  Independent  party, 
who  had  no  particular  obligations  to  the  Crown,  as  many  of 
the  Presbyterians  had,  would  make  good  what  the  Pres- 
bytery had  only  pretended  to,  and  restore  the  King  and 
people  to  their  just  and  antient  rights  ;  to  which  they 
were  obliged  both  by  prudence  and  interest,  there  being 
no  means  under  Heaven  more  likely  to  establish  themselves, 
and  to  obtain  as  much  trust  and  power  as  subjects  are 
capable  of:  whereas  if  they  aimed  at  more,  it  would  be 
accompanied  with  a  general  hatred,  and  their  own  de- 
struction. He  had  orders  also  to  let  him  know,  that  tho 
to  this  discourse  of  his  they  then  gave  only  the  hearing, 
yet  they  had  since  found  by  experience,  that  all,  or  the 
most  part  of  it  was  reasonable,  and  that  they  were  re- 
solved to  act  accordingly,  as  might  be  perceived  by  what 
had  already  passed  :  desiring  that  he  would  present  them 
humbly  to  the  Queen  and  Prince,  and  be  a  suitor  to  them 
in  their  names,  not  to  condemn  them  absolutely,  but  to 
suspend  their  opinions  of  them  and  their  intentions,  till  their 


The  King  becomes  conjident.  1 5  5 

future  behaviour  had  made  full  proof  of  their  innocence,  1617 
whereof  they  had  already  given  some  testimonies  to  the 
world  ;  and  that  when  he  had  done  this  office,  he  would 
return  to  England,  and  be  an  eye-witness  of  their  pro- 
ceedings. Thus  did  the  army-party  endeavour  to  fortify 
their  interest  against  the  Presbyterians,  who  tho  they  were 
very  much  weakned  by  the  absence  of  the  eleven  members, 
yet  not  to  be  altogether  wanting  to  themselves,  passed  a  June  15 
vote  that  the  King  should  be  brought  to  Richmond,  whither 
he  was  inclined  to  go,  having  conceived  a  distrust  of  the  army, 
grounded  chiefly  upon  the  refusal  of  the  officers  to  receive 
any  honours  or  advantages  from  him  ;  and  would  not  be  dis- 
swaded  from  this  resolution,  till  the  army  had  obliged  the 
Parliament  to  recal  their  vote.  After  which  he  insisted  upon  July  i. 
going  to  Windsor,  much  against  the  sense  of  the  army, 
and  could  not  be  prevailed  with  to  pass  by  the  army  in 
his  way  thither.  This  caused  them  to  suspect  that  he 
hearkned  to  some  secret  propositions  from  the  Presby- 
terians, and  designed  to  make  an  absolute  breach  between 
the  Parliament  and  the  army,  which  Commissary-General 
Ireton  discerning,  said  these  words  to  him  ;  'Sir,  you  have 
an  intention  to  be  arbitrator  between  the  Parliament  and 
us,  and  we  mean  to  be  so  between  you  and  the  Parlia- 
ment.' But  the  King  finding  himself  courted  on  all  hands 
became  so  confident  of  his  own  interest,  as  to  think 
himself  able  to  turn  the  scale  to  what  side  soever  he 
pleased.  In  this  temper  Sir  John  Barkley  found  him 
when  he  delivered  the  Queen's  letters  to  him,  which  he 
did,  after  leave  obtained  from  Cromwell,  and  a  confir- 
mation received  from  his  own  mouth  of  what  had  been 
communicated  before  to  him  by  Sir  Allen  Appesley,  with 
this  addition,  that  he  thought  no  man  could  enjoy  his 
life  and  estate  quietly,  unless  the  King  had  his  rights, 
which  he  said  they  had  already  declared  to  the  world 
in  general  terms,  and  would  more  particularly  very 
speedily,  wherein  they  would  comprize  the  several  in- 
terests of  the  Royalists,  Presbyterians,  and  Independents, 
as    far    as    they    were    consistent   with    one    another.     Sir 


156  Attitude  of  the  King. 

1647  John  Barkley  endeavoured  to  perswade  the  King,  that  it 
was  necessary  for  him,  who  was  now  in  the  power  of  the 
army,  to  dissemble  with  them,  and  proposed  that  Mr. 
Peters  might  preach  before  him,  that  he  would  converse 
freely  with  others  of  the  army,  and  gain  the  good  opinion 
of  the  Agitators,  whose  interest  he  perceived  to  be  very 
great  amongst  them.  But  this  advice  made  no  impres- 
sion upon  the  King.  He  gave  him  also  a  relation  of 
what  had  formerly  passed  between  himself  and  Cromwell, 
whom  he  met  near  Causum,  when  the  head-quarters  were 
at  Reading,  where  Cromwell  told  him,  that  he  had  lately 
seen  the  tenderest  sight  that  ever  his  eyes  beheld,  which 
July  15.  was  the  interview  between  the  King  and  his  children; 
that  he  wept  plentifully  at  the  remembrance  thereof, 
saying,  that  never  man  was  so  abused  as  he  in  his  sinister 
opinion  of  the  King,  who,  he  thought,  was  the  most  up- 
right and  conscientious  of  his  kingdom  :  that  they  of 
the  Independent  party  had  infinite  obligations  to  him, 
for  not  consenting  to  the  propositions  sent  to  him  at 
Newcastle,  which  would  have  totally  ruined  them,  and 
which  his  Majesty's  interest  seemed  to  invite  him  to ; 
concluding  with  this  wish,  '  that  God  would  be  pleased 
to  look  upon  him  according  to  the  sincerity  of  his  heart 
towards  the  King.'  With  this  relation  the  King  was  no 
more  moved  than  with  the  rest,  firmly  believing  such 
expressions  to  proceed  from  a  necessity  that  Cromwell 
and  the  army  had  of  him,  without  whom,  he  said,  they 
could  do  nothing.  And  indeed  the  King  was  not  without 
reason  of  that  opinion  ;  for  some  of  the  principal  Agitators 
with  whom  Sir  John  Barkley  conversed  at  Reading,  ex- 
pressing to  him  their  jealousy  that  Cromwell  was  not 
sincere  for  the  King,  desired  of  him,  that  if  he  found  him 
false,  to  acquaint  them  with  it,  promising  that  they  would 
endeavour  to  set  him  right,  cither  with  or  against  his  will, 
Major  Huntington,  a  creature  of  Cromwell,  and  therefore 
entrusted  by  him  to  command  the  guard  about  the  King, 
cither  believing  him  to  be  in  earnest  in  his  pretensions  to 
serve  the  King,  or  else   finding  the    King's   affairs   in  a 


The  Heads  of  the  Proposals  of  the  Army.      157 

rising  condition,  became  one  of  his  confidents,  and  by  i''>47 
order  of  the  King  brought  two  general  officers  to  Sir 
John  Barkley,  recommending  them  to  him  as  persons  upon 
whom  he  might  rely :  these  two  had  frequent  conferences 
with  Sir  John  Barkley,  and  assured  him,  that  a  conjunction 
with  the  King  was  universally  desired  by  the  officers  and 
agitators,  and  that  Cromwell  and  Ireton  were  great  dis- 
semblers if  they  were  not  real  in  it ;  but  that  the  army 
was  so  bent  upon  it  at  present,  that  they  durst  not  shew 
themselves  otherwise ;  protesting  that  however  things 
might  happen  to  change,  and  whatsoever  others  might 
do,  they  would  for  ever  continue  faithful  to  the  King. 
They  acquainted  him  also,  that  proposals  were  drawn  up 
by  Ireton,  wherein  Episcopacy  was  not  required  to  be 
abolished,  nor  any  of  the  King's  party  wholly  ruined, 
nor  the  militia  to  be  taken  away  from  the  Crown ;  ad- 
vising that  the  King  would  with  all  expedition  agree  to 
them,  there  being  no  assurance  of  the  army,  which  they 
had  observed  already  to  have  changed  more  than  once. 
To  this  end  they  brought  him  to  Commissary-General 
Ireton,  with  whom  he  continued  all  night  debating  upon 
the  Proposals  before-mentioned,  altering  two  of  the  articles, 
as  he  saith  himself  in  the  manuscript,  in  the  most  material 
points ;  but  upon  his  endeavouring  to  alter  a  third, 
touching  the  exclusion  of  seven  persons,  not  mentioned 
in  the  papers,  from  pardon,  and  the  admission  of  the 
King's  party  to  sit  in  the  next  Parliament,  Ireton  told 
him,  that  there  must  be  a  distinction  made  between  the 
conquerors  and  those  that  had  been  beaten,  and  that  he 
himself  should  be  afraid  of  a  Parliament  where  the  King's 
party  had  the  major  vote  ^:  in  conclusion,  conjuring  Sir 
John  Barkley,  as  he  tendred  the  King's  welfare,  to  en- 
deavour to  procure  his  consent  to  the  Proposals,  that 
they  might  with  more  confidence  be  offered  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, and   all  differences  accommodated.     Cromwell  ap- 

'  On  the  modifications  made  in  the  The  submission  of  the  Proposals  to 
Proposals,  see  Clarke  Papers,  i.  xli;  the  King  probably  took  place  on 
Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  171.       July  23. 


15S      The  Kings  objections  to  the  Proposals. 

1647  peared  in  all  his  conferences  with  Sir  John  Barkley  most 
zealous  for  a  speedy  agreement  with  the  King,  insomuch 
that  he  sometimes  complained  of  his  son  Ireton's  slowness 
in  perfecting  the  Proposals,  and  his  unwillingness  to  come 
up  to  his  iMajesty's  sense  :  at  other  times  he  would  wish 
that  Sir  John  Barkley  would  act  more  frankly,  and  not 
tie  himself  up  by  narrow  principles ;  always  affirming, 
that  he  doubted  the  army  would  not  persist  in  their  good 
intentions  towards  the  King. 

During  these  transactions  the  army  marched  from  about 
July  21-  Reading  to  Bedford,  and  the  King  with  his  usual  guard 
to  Woburn,  a  house  belonging  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford, 
where  the  Proposals  of  the  army  were  brought  to  him  to 
peruse  before  they  were  offered  to  him  in  publick.  He 
was  much  displeased  with  them  in  general,  saying,  that 
if  they  had  any  intention  to  come  to  an  accommodation, 
they  would  not  impose  such  conditions  on  him  :  to  which 
Sir  John  Barkley,  who  brought  them  to  him,  answered, 
that  he  should  rather  suspect  they  designed  to  abuse  him, 
if  they  had  demanded  less,  there  being  no  appearance  that 
men,  who  had  through  so  many  dangers  and  difficulties 
acquired  such  advantages,  would  content  themselves  with 
less  than  was  contained  in  the  said  Proposals ;  and  that 
a  Crown  so  near  lost  was  never  recovered  so  easily  as  this 
would  be,  if  things  were  adjusted  upon  these  terms.  But 
the  King  being  of  another  opinion,  replied,  that  they 
could  not  subsist  without  him,  and  that  therefore  he  did 
not  doubt  to  find  them  shortly  willing  to  condescend 
farther,  making  his  chief  objections  against  the  three 
following  points:  i.  The  exclusion  of  seven  persons  from 
pardon.  2.  The  incapacitating  any  of  his  party  from 
being  elected  members  of  the  next  ensuing  Parliament. 
3.  That  there  was  nothing  mentioned  concerning  Church- 
government.  To  the  first  it  was  answered,  that  when  the 
King  and  the  army  were  agreed,  it  would  not  be  impossible 
to  make  them  remit  in  that  point;  but  if  that  could  not 
be  obtained,  yet  when  the  King  was  restored  to  his  power 
he  might  easily  supply  seven  persons  living  beyond  the 


Mr,  Askbttrnhants  policy.  159 

seas  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  their  banishment  sup-  1647 
portable.  To  the  second,  that  the  next  ParHament  would 
be  necessitated  to  lay  great  burdens  upon  the  people,  and 
that  it  would  be  a  happiness  to  the  King's  party  to  have 
no  hand  therein.  To  the  third,  that  the  law  was  security 
enough  for  the  Church,  and  that  it  was  a  great  point 
gained,  to  reduce  men  who  had  fought  against  it,  to  be 
wholly  silent  in  the  matter.  But  the  King  breaking 
away  from  them,  said,  '  Well,  I  shall  see  them  glad  ere- 
long to  accept  of  more  equal  terms.' 

About  this  time  Mr.  Ashburnham  arrived,  to  the  King's 
great  contentment,  and  his  instructions  referring  to  Sir 
John  Barkley's  which  they  were  to  prosecute  jointly,  Sir 
John  gave  him  what  light  he  could  into  the  state  of  affairs  : 
but  he  soon  departed  from  the  methods  proposed  by  Sir 
John  Barkley,  and  entirely  complying  with  the  King's 
humour,  declared  openly,  that  having  always  used  the 
best  company,  he  could  not  converse  with  such  sensless 
fellows  as  the  Agitators  ;  that  if  the  officers  could  be  gained 
there  was  no  doubt  but  they  would  be  able  to  command 
their  own  army,  and  that  he  was  resolved  to  apply  himself 
wholly  to  them.  Upon  this  there  grew  a  great  familiarity 
between  him  and  Whalley,  who  commanded  the  guard 
that  waited  on  the  King,  and  not  long  after  a  close  cor- 
respondence with  Cromwell  and  Ireton,  messages  daily 
passing  from  the  King  to  the  head-quarters.  With  these 
encouragements  and  others  from  the  Presbyterian  party, 
the  Lord  Lauderdale  and  divers  of  the  City  of  London 
assuring  the  King  that  they  would  oppose  the  army  to 
the  death,  he  seemed  so  much  elevated,  that  when  the 
Proposals  were  sent  to  him,  and  his  concurrence  humbly  July  28  \^.). 
desired,  he,  to  the  great  astonishment  not  only  of  Ireton 
and  the  army,  but  even  of  his  own  party,  entertained  them 
with  very  sharp  and  bitter  language,  saying,  that  no  man 
should  suffer  for  his  sake ;  and  that  he  repented  him  of 
nothing  so  much  as  that  he  passed  the  bill  against  the 
Earl  of  Strafford :  which  tho  it  must  be  confessed  to  have 
been  an  unworthy  act  in  him,  all  things  considered,  }-et 


i6o  The  Khig  defies  the  Army. 

1647  was  it  no  less  imprudent  in  that  manner,  and  at  that  time, 
to  mention  it  ;  and  that  he  would  have  the  Church 
established  according  to  law  by  the  Proposals.  To  which 
those  of  the  army  replied,  that  it  was  not  their  work  to 
do  it,  and  that  they  thought  it  sufficient  for  them  to  wave 
the  point ;  and  they  hoped  for  the  King  too,  he  having 
already  consented  to  the  abolition  of  the  Episcopal  govern- 
ment in  Scotland.  The  King  said,  tJiat  he  hoped  God 
had  forgiven  him  that  sin,  repeating  frequently  these  or 
the  like  words  ;  '  You  cannot  be  without  me  :  you  will  fall 
to  ruin  if  I  do  not  sustain  you.'  This  manner  of  carriage 
from  the  King  being  observed  with  the  utmost  amazement 
by  many  officers  of  the  army  who  were  present,  and  at 
least  in  appearance  were  promoters  of  the  agreement,  Sir 
John  Barkley  taking  notice  of  it,  looked  with  much  wonder 
upon  the  King,  and  stepping  to  him,  said  in  his  ear,  '  Sir, 
you  speak  as  if  you  had  some  secret  strength  and  power 
which  I  do  not  know  of ;  and  since  you  have  concealed  it 
from  me,  I  wish  you  had  done  it  from  these  men  also.' 
Whereupon  the  King  began  to  recollect  himself  and  to 
soften  his  former  discourse  ;  but  it  was  too  late,  for  Col. 
Rainsborough,  who  of  all  the  army  seemed  the  least  to 
desire  an  agreement,  having  observed  these  passages,  went 
out  from  the  conference,  and  hastened  to  the  army,  in- 
forming them  what  entertainment  their  commissioners 
and  proposals  had  found  with  the  King.  Sir  John  Barkley 
being  desirous  to  allay  this  heat,  demanded  of  Ireton  and 
the  rest  of  the  officers  what  they  would  do  if  the  King 
should  consent :  by  \\hom  it  was  answered,  that  they 
would  offer  them  to  the  Parliament  for  their  approbation. 
The  King  having  thus  bid  defiance  to  the  army,  thought 
it  necessary  to  bend  all  his  force  against  them,  and 
especially  to  strengthen  their  enemies  in  the  Parliament. 
To  this  end  a  petition  was  contrived  to  press  them  to  a 
speedy  agreement  with  the  King,  and  presented  in  a  most 
tumultuous  manner  by  great  numbers  of  apprentices  and 
rabble,  back'd  and  encouraged  by  many  dismissed  and 
disaffected    officers   who   joined    with    them.     Whilst   the 


The  London  Mob  attacks  the  Parlia^nent.    i6i 

two  Houses  were  in  debate  what  answer  to  give  to  this  1647 
insolent  multitude,  some  of  them  getting  to  the  windows  July  26. 
of  the  House  of  Lords,  threw  stones  in  upon  them,  and 
threatned  them  with  worse  usage,  unless  they  gave  them 
an  answer  to  their  liking:  others  knocked  at  the  door  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  requiring  to  be  admitted  ;  but 
some  of  us  with  our  swords  forced  them  to  retire  for  the 
present ;  and  the  House  resolved  to  rise  without  giving 
any  answer,  judging  it  below  them  to  do  anything  by 
compulsion.  Whereupon  the  Speaker  went  out  of  the 
House,  but  being  in  the  lobby,  was  forced  back  into  the 
chair  by  the  violence  of  the  insolent  rabble ;  whereof 
above  a  thousand  attended  without  doors,  and  about 
forty  or  fifty  were  got  into  the  House,  So  that  it  was 
thought  convenient  to  give  way  to  their  rage,  and  the 
Speaker  demanding  what  question  they  desired  to  be  put, 
they  answered,  '  That  the  King  should  be  desired  to  come 
to  London  forthwith  : '  which  question  being  put,  they  were 
asked  again  what  further  they  would  have ;  they  said, 
'  That  he  should  be  invited  to  come  with  honour,  freedom 
and  safety : '  to  both  which  I  gave  a  loud  negative,  and 
some  of  the  members  as  loud  an  affirmative,  rather  out  of 
a  prudential  compliance  than  any  affection  to  the  design 
on  foot.  By  these  votes,  and  the  coming  down  of  divers 
well-affected  citizens  to  appease  them,  the  tumult  was 
somewhat  allayed,  and  the  members  of  Parliament  with 
their  Speaker  passed  through  the  multitude  safely^.  The 
next  morning  I  advised  with  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig  and 
others,  what  was  fittest  to  be  done  in  this  conjuncture ; 
and  it  was  concluded,  that  we  could  not  sit  in  Parliament 
without  apparent  hazard  of  our  lives,  till  we  had  a  guard 
for  our  defence,  it  being  manifestly  the  design  of  the  other 
party  either  to  drive  us  away,  or  to  destroy  us.  There- 
fore we  resolved  to  betake  ourselves  to  the  army  for 
protection.  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig  undertaking  to  perswade 

*  For  accounts  of  the  violence  on       Papers,  i.  217;  Fairfax  Correspond- 
the  House  of  Commons,  see  Rush-       ence,  iii.  381. 
worth,  vi.  640-644;  vii.  747  ;  Clarke 

VOL.  I.  M 


1 62  The  Minority  join  the  Army. 

1647  the  Speaker  to  go  thither,  to  which  he  consented  with  some 
difficulty^;  and  having  caused  a  thousand  pounds  to  be 
thrown  into  his  coach,  went  down  to  the  army,  which  lay 
then  at  Windsor,  Maidenhead,  Colebrook,  and  the  adjacent 
places.  Having  acquainted  as  many  of  our  friends  as  I 
could,  with  our  resolution  to  repair  to  the  army,  I  went 
down  ;    and  the  next   day,  being  the  same   to  which  the 

Aug.  3.  Parliament  had  adjourned  themselves,  the  army  rendez- 
vouzed  upon  Hounslow  Heath,  where  those  members  of 
Parliament,  as  well  Lords  as  Commons,  w4io  could  not 
with  safety  stay  at  Westminster,  appeared  in  the  head  of 
them,  at  which  the  army  expressed  great  joy,  declaring 
themselves  resolved  to  live  and  die  with  them.  At  night 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland;  the  Lord  Say,  the  Lord 
Wharton,  and  other  Lords ;  the  Speaker  and  members 
of  the  House  of  Commons  aforesaid,  with  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  and  many  principal  officers  of  the  army,  met  at 
Sion  House  to  consult  what  was  most  advisable  to  do  in 
that  juncture;  which  whilst  they  were  doing,  an  account 
was  brought  of  the  proceedings  of  those  at  Westminster 
that  day,  by  the  Serjeant  of  the  House,  who  came  with  his 

July  30.  mace,  to  the  no  little  satisfaction  of  the  Speaker^.  He 
acquainted  them,  that  the  remaining  members  being  met 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  had  for  some  time  attended  the 
coming  of  their  Speaker ;  but  being  informed  that  he  was 
gone  to  the  army,  they  had  made  choice  of  one  Mr.  Pelham 
a  lawyer,  and  member  of  the  House,  to  be  their  Speaker : 
after  which  they  had  appointed  a  committee  of  Lords  and 
Commons  to  join  with  the  directors  of  the  militia  of 
London,  in  order  to  raise  forces  for  the  defence  of  the 
Parliament ;  the  success  of  which  attempt  they  desired  to 
sec  before  they  would  declare  against  the  army.  To  this 
end  Massey,  Pointz,  Brown,  and  Sir  William  Waller, 
encouraged  by  the  Common  Council,  and  others,  who  by 
various   artifices    had    been    corrupted,    used    all    possible 

'    On     Lcnthall's    share     in     the  ^  Apparently  Serjeant   Birkhead  ; 

business,  see  Clarke  Papers,!.  218;  sec    C.    J.    vi.    259,    261,   263,   268; 

and     Lcnthall's     Declaration,     Old  Walker,  History  of  Independency, 

Parliamentary  History,  xvi.  196.  i.  41. 


The  Kings  letter  to  Fairfax.  163 

diligence  to  list  men,  and  prepare  a  force  to  oppose  the      1617 
army;  but  their  proceedings  therein  were  much  obstructed 
by  divers  honest  citizens,  who  importunately  solicited  them    Aug.  2.. 
to  treat  with  the  army,  and  also  by  the  news  of  the  general 
rendezvouz  upon  Hounslow  Heath. 

Tho  the  Lords  had  been  removed  from  the  command  of 
the  army,  yet  it  was  manifest  that  their  influence  there  still 
continued  ;  partly  from  a  desire  of  some  great  officers  to 
oblige  them,  and  partly  from  the  ambition  of  others  to  be 
of  their  number,  who  to  shew  their  earnest  desires  to  serve 
the  King,  being  morally  assured  the  Parliament  and  city 
were  likely  to  be  shortly  in  the  power  of  the  army,  who 
might  be  induced  to  take  other  counsels  in  relation  to  the 
King,  upon  such  success,  especially  considering  his  late 
carriage  towards  them  ;  they  sent  an  express  to  Sir  John 
Barkley  and  Mr.  Ashburnham,  advising,  that  since  the 
King  would  not  yield  to  their  Proposals,  that  he  would 
send  a  kind  letter  to  the  army,  before  it  were  known  that 
London  would  submit.  Whereupon  a  letter  was  prepared  Aug.  3. 
immediately;  but  the  King  would  not  sign  it,  till  after 
three  or  four  debates,  which  lost  one  whole  day's  time  -^ : 
at  last  Mr.  Ashburnham  and  Sir  John  Barkley  going 
with  it,  met  with  messengers  from  the  officers  to  hasten 
it.  But  before  they  could  come  to  Sion  House  the  com- 
missioners from  London  were  arrived,  and  the  letter  out  of  Aug.  4. 
season.  For  coming  after  it  was  known  with  what  difficulty 
it  had  been  obtained,  and  that  matters  were  like  to  be 
adjusted  between  the  Parliament  and  army,  it  lost  both  its 
grace  and  efficacy.  Notwithstanding  all  which  the  officers 
being  resolved  to  do  what  they  could,  proposed,  whilst  the 
army  was  in  the  very  act  of  giving  thanks  for  their  success, 
that  they  should  not  be  too  much  elevated  therewith,  but 
keep  still  to  their  former  engagement  to  the  King,  and 
once  more  solemnly  vote  the  Proposals,  which  was  done 
accordingly. 

^  Seethe  King's  letters,  Clarendon       one  prepared,   the  second   the    one 
State   Papers,   ii.   373 ;    Rushworth,       actually  sent. 
.vii.  753.     The  first  seems  to  be  the 

M    3 


164  The  Army  enters  London. 

1647  The  face  of  affairs  in  the  city  was  at  this  time  very 

various,  according  to  the  different  advices  they  received  ; 
for  upon  the  report  of  the  advance  of  the  army,  and  the 
taking  of  some  of  their  scouts,  they  cried  out,  '  Treat,  Treat : ' 
and  at  another  time  being  informed  that  men  listed  in  great 
numbers,  the  word  was,  '  Live  and  die.  Live  and  die  : '  but 
when  Southwark  had  let  in  part  of  the  army,  and  joined 
with  them,  they  returned  to  the  former  cry  of '  Treat,  Treat : ' 
to  which  the  Lord  Mayor,  aldermen  and  Common  Council 
consenting,  were  ready  to  admit  the  army  as  friends,  being 
not  able  to  oppose  them  as  enemies,  and  afterwards  to 
attend  those  members  who  had  retired  to  the  army,  being 
in  all  about  a  hundred,  to  the  Parliament.     Having  resumed 

Aug.  6.  our  places  in  the  House,  as  many  of  the  eleven  members  as 
had  returned  to  act,  immediately  withdrew;  and  Pointz  with 
other  reduced  officers,  who  had  endeavoured  to  form  a  body 
against  the  army,  fled.  But  we  had  other  difficulties  to 
March  30.  encounter  :  for  tho  that  vote  by  which  the  petition  of  the  army 
was  declared  seditious,  and  those  guilty  of  treason,  who 
should  prosecute  the  same  after  such  a  day,  was  razed  out 
of  the  Journal ;  yet  by  reason  that  the  bulk  of  the  opposite 
party  was  left  still  in  the  House,  the  militia  of  London 
could  not  be  changed  without  much  difficulty,  and  some 
other  votes  of  great  consequence  could  not  be  altered  at  all. 

Aug.  6.  However  the  Parliament  appointed  a  committee  to  inquire 
into  the  late  force  that  was  put  upon  them  ;  who  having 
made  their  report,  Sir  John  Maynard  was  impeached,  and 
Recorder  Glyn,  with  Mr.  Clement  Walker  and  others, 
imprisoned. 

Aug.  7.  A  day  or  two  after  the  restitution  of  the  Parliament,  the 
army  marched  through  the  city  without  offering  the  least 
violence,  promising  to  shew  themselves  faithful  to  the  publick 
interest  ;  but  their  actions  furnished  occasion  to  suspect 
them,  particularly  their  discountenancing  the  Adjutators, 
who  had  endured  the  heat  of  the  day :  the  free  access  of  all 
Cavaliers  to  the  King  at  Hampton  Court,  and  the  publick 
speeches  made  for  the  King  by  the  great  officers  of  the 
army  in  a  council  of  war  held  at  Putney,  some  of  that 


Revival  of  the  Newcastle  Propositions.     165 

party  taking  the  same  liberty  in  the  House  of  Commons,  16^7 
where  one  of  them  pubHckly  said,  that  he  thought  God 
had  hitherto  blasted  our  counsels,  because  we  had  dealt  so 
severely  with  the  Cavaliers."  These  things  caused  many  in 
the  army  who  thought  themselves  abused  and  cheated,  to 
complain  to  the  Council  of  Adjutators,  against  the  intimacy 
of  Sir  John  Barkley  and  Mr.  Ashburnham  with  the  chief 
officers  of  the  army,  affirming,  that  the  doors  of  Cromwell 
and  Ireton  were  open  to  them  when  they  were  shut  to 
those  of  the  army.  Cromwell  was  much  offended  with 
these  discourses,  and  acquainted  the  King's  party  with  them, 
telling  Mr.  Ashburnham  and  Sir  John  Barkley,  that  if  he 
were  an  honest  man,  he  had  said  enough  of  the  sincerity  of 
his  intentions  ;  and  if  he  were  not,  that  nothing  was  enough ; 
and  therefore  conjured  them,  as  they  tendred  the  King's 
service,  not  to  come  so  frequently  to  his  quarters,  but  to 
send  privately  to  him,  the  suspicion  of  him  being  grown 
so  great,  that  he  was  afraid  to  lie  in  them  himself.  This 
had  no  effect  upon  Mr.  Ashburnham,  who  said,  that  he 
must  shew  them  the  necessity  of  complying  with  the 
King,  from  their  own  disorders.  About  three  weeks  after 
the  army  entred  London,  the  Scots  prevailed  with  the 
Parliament  to  address  themselves  again  to  the  King,  Sept.  7. 
which  was  performed  in  the  old  Propositions  of  New- 
castle, some  particulars  relating  to  the  Scots  only  ex- 
cepted. The  King  advising  with  some  about  him  con- 
cerning this  matter,  it  was  concluded  to  be  unsafe  for  him 
to  close  with  the  enemies  of  the  army  whilst  he  was  in  it. 
Whereupon  the  King  refused  the  articles,  and  desired  a  Sept.  9. 
personal  treaty  ^.  The  officers  of  the  army  having  seen  his 
answer  before  it  was  sent,  seemed  much  satisfied  with  it, 
and  promised  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  procure  a 
personal  treaty,  Cromwell,  Ireton,  and  many  of  their  party 
in  the  House  pressing  the  King's  desires  with  great  earnest-   Sept.  23- 

'  For  the  King's  answer,  see  commissioners  on  Sept.  9,  and  re- 
Gardiner,  Constitutional  Documents,  ported  by  them  to  the  House  of 
p.  241;  Clarke  Papers,  i.  225.  The  Lords  on  Sept.  14.  See  Gardiner, 
King's  answer  was  delivered  to  the  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  189-195. 


1 66  Cromwell  and  Ire  ton  distrusted. 

1647      ness  ;  wherein,  contrary  to  their  expectations,  they  found  a 
vigorous  opposition  from  such  as   had  already  conceived 
a   jealousy    of  their   private    agreement   with    the    King, 
and  were  now  confirmed    in  that  opinion  ;    and  the  sus- 
picions of  them   grew   to   be  so    strong,  that   they  were 
accounted    betrayers    of  the    cause,   and    lost    almost    all 
their    friends    in    the    Parliament.     The    army    that    lay 
then  about  Putney  were  no  less  dissatisfied  with  their  con- 
duct, of  which  they  were  daily  informed  by  those  that 
came    to    them    from    London ;     so    that   the    Adjutators 
began  to  change  their  discourse,  and  to  complain  openly 
in   council,  both  of  the  King  and  the  malignants  about 
him,  saying,  that  since  the  King  had  rejected  their  pro- 
posals, they  were  not   engaged    any  further  to  him,  and 
that  they  were  now  to  consult  their  own  safety  and  the 
publick  good  :  that  having  the  power  devolved  upon  them 
by   the    decision   of    the    sword,   to    which    both    parties 
had  appealed,  and   being    convinced   that   monarchy  was 
inconsistent  with  the  prosperity  of   the   nation,  they   re- 
solved to  use  their  endeavours  to  reduce  the  government 
of  England  to  the  form  of  a  Commonwealth.     These  pro- 
ceedings strook  so  great  a  terror  into  Cromwell  and  Ireton, 
that   they  thought   it  necessary  to  draw  the  army   to  a 
general  rendezvouz,  pretending  to  engage  them  to  adhere 
to  their  former  proposals  to  the  King  ;  but  indeed  to  bring 
the  army  into  subjection  to  them  and  their  party,  that  so 
they  might  make  their  bargain  by  them  ;  designing,  if  they 
could  carry  this  point  at  the  rendezvouz,  to  dismiss  the 
Council  of  Adjutators,  to  divide  the  army,  and  to  send  those 
to  the  most  remote  places  who  were  most  opposite  to  them, 
retaining  near  them  such  only  as  w-ere  fit  for  their  purpose. 
This  design  being  discovered  by  the  Adjutators,  amongst 
whom  Col.Rainsborough  had  the  principal  interest,  they  used 
all  possible  industry  to  prevent  the  general  muster  which 
was  appointed  to  be  at  Ware  ^  ;    supposing  the  separation 

'  Ludlow  is  seriously  in  error  in  generally  in  the  army  desired  a 
his  account  of  the  Ware  rendezvous.  general  rendezvous  of  the  whole 
TheAgitators  and  the  Levelling  party       army,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 


Charles  meditates  fligJit.  167 

thereupon  intended  to  be  contrary  to  the  agreement  made       1647 
upon  taking  the  King  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Parhament, 
and  destructive  to   the   ends  which   they  thought  it  their 
duty  to  promote. 

In  the  mean  time  Cromwell  having  acquainted  the  King 
with  his  danger,  protesting  to  him.  that  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  undertake  for  his  security  in  the  place  where  he 
was,  assuring  him  of  his  real  service,  and  desiring  the  Lord 
to  deal  with  him  and  his  according  to  the  sincerity  of  his 
heart  towards  the  King,  prepared  himself  to  act  his  part 
at  the  general  rendezvouz.  The  King  being  doubtful  what 
to  do  in  this  conjuncture,  was  advised  by  some  to  go 
privately  to  London,  and  appear  in  the  House  of  Lords  :  to 
which  it  was  answered,  that  the  army  being  masters  of  the 
City  and  Parliament,  would  undoubtedly  seize  the  King 
there  ;  and  if  there  should  be  any  blood  shed  in  his  defence, 
he  would  be  accused  of  beginning  a  new  war.  Others 
counselled  him  to  secure  his  person  by  quitting  the  king- 
dom. Against  which  the  King  objected,  that  the  rendez- 
vouz being  appointed  for  the  next  week,  he  was  not  willing 
to  quit  the  army  till  that  was  passed ;  because  if  the 
superiour  officers  prevailed,  they  would  be  able  to  make 
good  their  engagement ;  if  not,  they  must  apply  them- 
selves to  him  for  their  own  security.  The  Scots  commis- 
sioners also  who  had  been  long  tampering  with  him,  took 
hold  of  this  opportunity  to  perswade  him  to  come  to  their 
terms,  by  augmenting  his  fears  as  much  as  they  could. 
It  was  also  proposed,  that  he  should  conceal  himself  in 
England ;  but  that  was  thought  unsafe,  if  not  impossible. 
Some  there  were  who  proposed  his  going  to  Jersey,  which 
was  then  kept  for  him ;    but  the  King  being  told  by  the 

vote    for   it    in    the   Council   of  the  Ware  was  caused  by  the  attempt  of 

Army  on  Nov.  5.     But  on  Nov.  8,  the  Levellers  to  make  that  gathering 

Cromwell    carried    a   vote  that    the  a  general    rendezvous   instead  of  a 

Agitators  and  representative  officers  rendezvous  of  seven  regiments  only, 

should  be  dismissed  to  their  several  The   first  rendezvous  was  Nov.   15, 

regiments,  and  it  was  also  decided  at  Ware;    the    second   Nov.    17,  at 

that  there  should  be  three  separate  Windsor;    the    third    Nov.    18,    at 

gatherings   instead    of    the    general  Kingston.    Rushworth,  vii.  876,  878  ; 

rendezvous.       The    disturbance    at  Clarke  Papers,  i.  liv. 


1 68  The  flight  from  Hampton  Court. 

J647  Earl  of  Lancrick,  that  the  ships  provided  by  Sir  John 
Barkley  for  that  purpose  had  been  discovered  and  seized, 
tho  Sir  John  affirms  in  his  papers  that  none  were  provided, 
that  design  was  laid  aside.  At  last  the  King  resolved  to 
go  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  being,  as  is  most  probable,  re- 
commended thither  by  Cromwell,  who,  as  well  as  the  King, 
had  a  good  opinion  of  Col.  Hammond  the  governour  there. 
To  this  end  the  King  sent  Mr.  William  Leg  to  Sir  John 
Barkley  and  Air.  Ashburnham,  requiring  them  to  assist 
him  in  his  escape ;  and  horses  were  laid  at  Sutton  in 
Hampshire  to  that  purpose.     On   the  day  following   Sir 

Nov.  II.  John  Barkley  and  Mr.  Ashburnham  waiting  with  horses, 
the  King  with  Mr.  Leg  came  out  towards  the  evening,  and 
being  mounted  they  designed  to  ride  through  the  forest, 
having  the  King  for  their  guide  ;  but  they  lost  the  way; 
so  that  the  night  proving  dark  and  stormy,  and  the  ways 
very  bad,  they  could  not  reach  Sutton  before  break  of  day, 
tho  they  hoped  to  have  been  there  three  hours  before. 
At  Sutton  they  were  informed  that  a  committee  of  the 
county  was  there  sitting  by  order  of  the  Parliament ; 
which  when  the  King  heard,  he  passed  by  that  place,  and 
continued  his  way  towards  Southampton,  attended  only  by 
Mr.  Leg,  and  went  to  a  house  of  the  Earl  of  Southampton 

Nov.  12.  at  Titchfield,  having  sent  Sir  John  Barkley  and  Mr.  Ash- 
burnhanft  to  Col.  Hammond,  governour  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  with  a  copy  of  the  letter  left  upon  the  table  in  his 
chamber  at  Hampton  Court,  and  two  other  letters  which 
he  had  lately  received,  one  of  them  without  a  name, 
expressing  great  fears  and  apprehensions  of  the  ill  inten- 
tions of  the  Commonwealth  party  against  the  King.  The 
other  from  Cromwell,  much  to  the  same  purpose,  with  this 
addition,  that  in  prosecution  thereof,  a  new  guard  was 
designed  the  next  day  to  be  placed  about  the  King,  con- 
sisting of  men  of  that  party.  He  also  sent  by  them  a 
letter  to  Col.  Hammond,  wherein  after  he  had  expressed 
his  distrust  of  the  levelling  part  of  the  army,  as  he  termed 
it,  and  the  necessity  lying  upon  him  to  provide  for  his  own 
safety,  he  assured  him,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  desert  the 


The  Kings  companions  in  the  Isle  of  Wight.   169 

interest  of  the  army,  ordering  his  two  messengers  to  ac-      1647 
quaint  him,  that  of  all  the  army  the  King  had  chosen  to 
put  himself  upon  him,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  person  of  a 
good  extraction,  and  tho  engaged  against  him  in  the  war,  yet 
without  any  animosity  to  his  person,  to  which  he  was  in- 
formed he  had  no  aversion  :  that  he  did  not  think  it  fit  to  sur- 
prize him,  and  therefore  had  sent  the  two  persons  before- 
mentioned  to  advertise  him  of  his  intentions,  and  to  desire  his 
promise  to  protect  the  King  and  his  servants  to  the  best  of 
his  power  ;  and  if  it  should  happen  that  he  was  not  able  to 
do  it,  then  to  oblige  himself  to  leave  them  in  as  good  a  con- 
dition as  he   found    them.     Being   ready  to   depart   with 
these  instructions.  Sir  John  Barkley  said  to  the  King,  that 
having  no  knowledge  of  the  governour,  he  could  not  tell 
whether  he   might   not   detain   them    in    the   island,  and 
therefore  advised,  if  they  returned  not  the  next  day,  that 
he  would  think  no  more  of  them,  but  secure  his  own  escape. 
Towards  evening  they  arrived  at  Limmington^  but  could 
not  pass  by  reason  of  a  violent  storm.     The  next  morning 
they  got  over  to  the  island,  and  went  directly  to  Carisbrook 
Castle,  the  residence  of  the  governour,  where  they   were 
told  that  he  was  gone  towards  Newport.     Upon  this  notice   Nov.  13. 
they  rode  after,  and  having  overtaken  and  acquainted  him 
with  their   message,  he  grew  pale,  and    fell    into  such  a 
trembling,  that  it  was  thought  he  would  have  fallen  from 
his  horse.    In  this  consternation  he  continued  about  an  hour, 
breaking    out   sometimes   into   passionate  and    distracted 
expressions,  saying,  '  O  gentlemen,  you  have  undone  me 
in  bringing  the  King  into  the  island,  if  at  least  you  have 
brought  him  ;  and  if  you  have  not,  I   pray  let  him  not 
come  :  for  what  between  my  duty  to  the  King,  and  grati- 
tude to  him  upon  this  fresh  obligation  of  confidence,  and 
the  discharge  of  my  trust  to  the  army,  I  shall  be  confounded.' 
Upon  this  they  took  occasion  to  tell  him,  that  the  King 
intended  a  favour  to  him  and  his  posterity,  in  giving  him 
this  opportunity  to  lay  a  great  obligation  upon  him,  and 
such  as  was  very  consistent  with  his  relation  to  the  army, 
who  had  solemnly  engaged  themselves  to  the  King  ;  but  if 


lyo        Col.  Hammond  coi7ies  to   Titchfield. 

1647  he  thought  otherwise,  the  King  would  be  far  from  imposing 
his  person  upon  him :  but,  said  the  governour,  if  the  King 
should  come  to  any  mischance,  what  would  the  army  and 
the  King  say  to  him  that  had  refused  to  receive  him  ?  To 
which  they  answered,  that  he  had  not  refused  him  who  was 
not  come  to  him.  Then  beginning  to  speak  more  calmly, 
he  desired  to  know  where  the  King  was,  and  wished  that 
he  had  absolutely  thrown  himself  upon  him,  which  made 
the  two  gentlemen  suspect  that  the  governour  was  not  for 
their  turn  ;  but  Mr.  Ashburnham  fearing  what  would  be- 
come of  the  King  if  he  should  be  discovered  before  he  had 
gained  this  point,  took  the  governour  aside,  and  after  some 
conference  prevailed  with  him  to  declare,  '  That  he  did 
believe  the  King  relied  on  him  as  a  person  of  honour  and 
honesty,  and  therefore  he  did  engage  himself  to  perform 
whatsoever  could  be  expected  from  a  person  so  qualified.' 
Mr.  Ashburnham  replied, '  I  will  ask  no  more  : '  then  said  the 
governour,  '  Let  us  all  go  to  the  King,  and  acquaint  him  with 
it.'  When  they  came  to  Cowes  Castle,  where  a  boat  lay 
to  carry  them  over.  Col.  Hammond  took  Capt.  Basket  the 
governour  of  that  castle  with  him,  and  gave  order  for  a  file 
or  two  of  musqueteers  to  follow  them  in  another  boat. 
When  they  came  to  the  Earl  of  Southampton's  house,  Mr. 
Ashburnham  leaving  Sir  John  Barkley  below  with  Col. 
Hammond  and  Capt.  Basket,  went  up  to  the  King,  and 
having  given  an  account  of  what  had  passed  between  the 
governour  and  them,  and  that  he  was  come  with  them  to 
make  good  what  he  had  promised  ;  the  King  striking  his 
hand  upon  his  breast,  said,  '  What  have  you  brought  Ham- 
mond with  you  ?  O  you  have  undone  me  ;  for  I  am  by  this 
means  made  fast  from  stirring.'  Mr.  Ashburnham  then  told 
him  that  if  he  mistrusted  Hammond,  he  would  undertake  to 
secure  him.  To  which  the  King  replied,  '  I  understand  you 
well  enough  ;  but  if  I  should  follow  that  counsel,  it  would  be 
said  and  believed,  that  he  ventured  his  life  for  me,  and  that 
I  had  unworthily  taken  it  from  him : '  telling  him  further, 
'  That  it  was  now  too  late  to  think  upon  any  thing  but  going 
through  the  way  he  had  forced  him  upon,  wondering  how 


Charles  arrives  at  Carisbrook. 


i/i 


he  could  make  so  great  an  oversight : '  at  which  expression      1647 
Mr.  Ashburnham  having  no  more  to  say,  wept  bitterly.     In 
the  mean  time  Col.  Hammond  and  Capt.  Basket  beginning 
to  be  impatient  of  their  long  attendance  below  in  the  court, 
Sir  John  Barkley  sent  a  gentleman  of  the  Earl  of  South- 
ampton's to  desire  that  the    King   and    Mr.  Asburnham 
would  remember   that  they  were  below.     About  half  an 
hour  after  the  King  sent  for  them   up,  and    before  Col. 
Hammond  and  Capt.  Basket  had  kissed  the  King's  hand, 
he  took  Sir  John  Barkley  aside,  and  said  to  him  ;  'Sir  John, 
I  hope  you    are  not  so  passionate  as  Jack  Ashburnham  : 
do   you    think   you    have    followed    my    directions  ? '    He 
answered,  '  No  indeed  ;    but  it   is   not   my  fault,  as  Mr. 
Ashburnham  can  tell  you,  if  he  please.'     The  King  per- 
ceiving that  it  was  now  too  late  to  take  other  measures, 
received  Col.  Hammond  cheerfully,  who  having  repeated  to 
him  what  he  had  promised  before,  conducted  them  over 
to  Cowes.     The  next  morning  the  King  went  with  the   Nov.  14. 
governour  to  Carisbrook,  and  on  the  way  thither  was  met 
by  divers  gentlemen  of  the  island,  by  whom  he  understood 
that  the  whole   island  was  unanimously   for  him,  except 
the  governours  of  the  castles,  and  Col.  Hammond's  captains  ; 
that  Hammond  might  be  easily  gained,  if  not  more  easily 
forced,  the  castle  being  day  and  night  full  of  the  King's 
party;  and  that  the  King  might  chuse  his  own   time  of 
quitting  the  island,  having  liberty  to  ride  abroad  daily  :  so 
that  not  only  the  King  and  those  that  were  with  him,  but 
also  his  whole  party,  approved  of  the  choice  which  he  had 
made.     The  King  and   Mr.  Ashburnham    applied    them- 
selves to  the  governour  with  so  good  success,  that  he  and 
those  with  him  seemed  to  desire  nothing  more  of  the  King 
than  to  send  a  civil  message  to  both  Houses,  signifying  his   Nov.  i;. 
propensity  to  peace,  which  was  done  accordingly. 

No  sooner  was  the  King's  escape  taken  notice  of  by  the 
guards,  but  Col.  Whalley  hastened  to  the  Parliament  with   Nov.  12. 
the  letter  which  the  King  had  left  upon  his  table,  shewing 
the  reasons  of  his  withdrawing,  and  his  resolution  not  to 
desert  the  interest  of  the  army ;  and  tho  it  was  visible  that 


172  Cromwell  at  Ware. 

1647  the  King  made  his  escape  by  the  advice  of  Cromwell,  and 
therefore  in  all  appearance  with  the  consent  of  Whalley,  yet 
he  pretended  for  his  excuse  to  the  Parliament,  that  Mr. 
Ashburnham  had  broken  his  engagement  to  him  at  his  first 
coming  to  Woburn,  whereby  he  had  undertaken  that  the 
King  should  not  leave  the  army  without  his  knowledg  and 
consent.  Upon  this  advice  the  Parliament  declared  it 
treason  for  any  person  to  conceal  the  King  ;  but  the  manner 
of  his  escape  being  soon  after  discovered,  and  that  he  had 
put  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  governour  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  they  sent  a  messenger  to  the  island  for  Mr. 
Ashburnham,    Sir   John    Barkley,  and    Mr.  Leg,  but  the 

Nov.  19.    governour  refused  to  deliver  them. 

Nov.  15.  The  time  for  the  general  rendezvouz  of  the  army  being 
now  come,  the  Commonwealth  party  amongst  them  declared 
to  stand  to  their  engagement,  not  to  be  dispersed  till  the 
things  they  had  demanded  were  effected,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  nation  established :  to  make  good  which 
resolution  several  regiments  appeared  in  the  field  with 
distinguishing  marks  in  their  hats  :  but  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell  not  contenting  himself  with  his  part  in  an  equal 
government,  puffed  up  by  his  successes  to  an  expectation  of 
greater  things,  and  having  driven  a  bargain  with  the  grandees 
in  the  House,  either  to  comply  with  the  King,  or  to  settle 
things  in  a  factious  way  without  him,  procured  a  party  to 
stand  by  him  in  the  seizing  some  of  those  who  appeared 
at  the  rendezvouz  in  opposition  to  his  designs.  To  this 
end,  being  accompanied  with  divers  officers  whom  he  had 
preferred,  and  by  that  means  made  his  creatures,  he  rode 
up  to  one  of  the  regiments  which  had  the  distinguishing 
marks,  requiring  them  to  take  Ihcm  out,  which  they 
not  doing,  he  caused  several  of  them  to  be  seized  ;  and 
then  their  hearts  failing,  they  yielded  obedience  to  his 
commands  ^  Me  ordered  one  of  them  to  be  shot  dead  upon 
the  place,  delivering  the  rest  of  those  whom  he  had  seized, 

'  The  best  account  of  the  rendez-  preface  to  his  Select  Tracts,  pp.  xl, 
vous  at  Ware  is  contained  in  tlie  Ivi.  The  mutinous  regiments  were 
letters   printed   by    Maseres    in    the       those  of  Lilburnc  and  Harrison, 


Ormond  surrenders  Dtiblin.  173 

being  eleven  in  number,  into  the  hands  of  the  marshal  ;  and  1647 
having  dispersed  the  army  to  their  quarters,  went  to  give 
an  account  of  his  proceedings  to  the  Parliament  :  and  tho 
when  an  agreement  with  the  King  was  carried  on  by  other 
hands,  he  could  countenance  the  army  in  opposition  to  the 
Parliament  ;  yet  now  the  bargain  for  the  people's  liberty 
being  driven  on  by  himself,  he  opposed  those  who  laboured 
to  obstruct  it,  pretending  his  so  doing  to  be  only  in  order 
to  keep  the  army  in  subjection  to  the  Parliament ;  who  being 
very  desirous  to  have  this  spirit  suppressed  in  the  army  by 
any  means,  not  only  approved  what  he  had  done,  but  gave 
him  the  thanks  of  the  House  for  the  same  :  whereunto,  tho  Nov.  ly. 
singly,  I  gave  as  loud  a '  No  '  as  I  could,  being  fully  convinced 
that  he  had  acted  in  this  manner  for  no  other  end  but  to 
advance  his  own  passion  and  power  into  the  room  of  right 
and  reason  ;  and  took  the  first  opportunity  to  tell  him,  that 
the  army  having  taken  the  power  into  their  hands,  as  in 
effect  they  had  done,  every  drop  of  blood  shed  in  that 
extraordinary  way  would  be  required  of  them,  unless  the 
rectitude  of  their  intentions  and  actions  did  justify  them,  of 
which  they  had  need  to  be  very  careful. 

Whilst  these  things  were  doing,  the  Earl  of  Ormond 
finding  that  the  Irish  used  him  treacherously,  and  that  the 
inclinations  of  his  army  tended  towards  a  submission  to 
the  Parliament  of  England,  invited  them  to  send,  com- 
missioners to  treat  about  the  surrender  of  Dublin,  and 
the  forces  commanded  by  him,  into  their  hands.  Which 
was  done,  and  articles  agreed  upon,  indemnifying  all 
Protestants  in  Ireland  for  what  they  had  done  there, 
unless  they  had  been  in  the  rebellion  during  the  first 
year  ;  and  admitting  them  to  compound  for  their  estates 
in  England  at  two  years'  value.  A  certain  sum  was  also 
promised  to  be  paid  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  in  considera- 
tion of  what  he  had  disbursed  for  the  army  ^  This  agree- 
ment being  concluded,  the  city  of  Dublin  and  the  forces   June  iS. 

^  See  on  these  negotiations  Carte,       yC^S.^TT   135.  ^d.,   of  which  all   but 
Ormond,    iii.    305-310,    ed.     1851.       ^1515  were  paid  to  Ormond, 
The  sum  of  money  in  question  was 


174  1^^^^  Four  Bills. 

1647  before  mentioned  were  delivered  to  Col.  Michael  Jones,  who 
was  ordered  by  the  Parliament  to  receive  the  same  ;  and  the 

1648  Earl  of  Ormond  came  to  London,  where  his  money  was  paid 
February,  hini,  and  he  soon  after  retired  into  France. 

The  chief  officers  of  the  army  having  subdued  those  of 
their  body,  who  upon  just  suspicion  had  opposed  their 
treaty  with  the  King,  thought  themselves  obliged  by  their 
1647  former  engagement  to  press  for  a  personal  treaty  with  him, 
Dec.  14.  which  they  procured  to  be  offered,  in  case  he  would  grant 
four  preliminary  bills  :  the  first  of  which  contained  the 
revocation  of  all  proclamations  against  the  Parliament  :  the 
second,  to  make  void  all  such  titles  of  honour  as  had  been 
granted  by  the  King  since  he  had  left  the  Parliament ;  and 
that  for  the  future  none  should  be  conferred  upon  any 
person  without  the  consent  of  Parliament :  the  third  was  a 
bill  to  except  some  persons  from  pardon  :  and  the  fourth 
for  investing  the  militia  in  the  two  Houses.  All  which 
those  who  thought  it  reasonable  and  necessary  to  proceed 
judicially  with  him,  were  afraid  he  would  grant ;  it  being 
visible,  that  had  he  been  restored  to  the  throne  upon  any 
terms,  he  might  easily  have  gratified  his  friends,  and 
revenged  himself  upon  all  his  enemies.  Col.  Hammond 
and  Mr.  Ashburnham  had  frequent  conferences  with  the 
King,  who  had  made  such  promises  to  the  colonel,  that  he 
declared  himself  extremely  desirous  that  the  army  might 
resume  their  power,  and  clear  themselves  of  the  Adjutators, 
whose  authority  he  said  he  had  never  approved.  To  this 
end  he  sent  one  Mr.  Traughton  his  chaplain  to  the  army,  to 
perswade  them  to  make  use  of  their  success  against  the 
Adjutators  ;  and  two  or  three  days  after  earnestly  moved  the 
King  to  send  some  of  those  about  him  to  the  army,  with 
letters  of  compliment  to  the  General,  and  others  of  greater 
confidence  to  Cromwell  and  Ireton,  promising  to  write  to 
them  himself,  which  he  did  ;  conjuring  them  by  their 
engagements,  their  honour  and  conscience,  to  come  to  a 
speedy  agreement  with  the  King,  and  not  to  expose  them- 
selves to  the  fantastick  giddiness  of  the  Adjutators.  Sir 
John  Barklcy  was  made  choice  of  for  this  employment,  who 


The  Kings  appeal  to  the  Army.  175 

taking  Mr.  Henry  Barkley  his  cousin  gcrman  with  him,  1647 
departed  from  the  island  with  a  pass  from  the  governour  of 
Cowes  ;  and  being  on  his  way  met  Mr.  Traughton  on  his 
return  between  Bagshot  and  Windsor,  who  acquainted  him 
that  he  had  no  good  news  to  carry  back  to  the  King,  the 
army  having  taken  new  resolutions  touching  his  person. 
Being  gone  a  little  farther  he  was  met  by  Cornet  Joyce,  who 
told  him,  that  he  was  astonished  at  his  design  of  going  to 
the  army,  acquainting  him,  that  it  had  been  debated  amongst 
the  Adjutators,  whether,  in  justification  of  themselves,  the 
King  should  be  brought  to  a  trial  ;  of  w'hich  opinion  he 
declared  himself  to  be,  not  out  of  any  ill  will,  as  he  said,  to 
the  King's  person,  but  that  the  guilt  of  the  war  might  be 
charged  upon  those  that  had  caused  it.  About  an  hour 
after  his  arrival  at  Windsor,  Sir  John  Barkley  went  to  the  Nov.  li 
General's  quarters,  where  he  found  the  officers  of  the  army 
assembled  ;  and  being  admitted,  delivered  his  letters  to  the 
Genera],  who  having  received  them,  ordered  him  to  with- 
draw^. After  he  had  attended  about  half  an  hour,  he  was 
called  in  again,  and  told  by  the  General,  with  some  severity 
on  his  face,  that  they  were  the  Parliament's  army,  and 
therefore  could  say  nothing  to  the  King's  motion  about 
peace,  but  must  refer  those  matters,  and  the  King's  letters, 
to  their  consideration.  Then  Sir  John  looked  upon 
Cromwell,  Ireton,  and  the  rest  of  his  acquaintance,  who 
saluted  him  very  coldly,  shewing  him  Hammond's  letter  to 
them,  and  smiling  with  disdain  upon  it.  Being  thus  dis- 
appointed, he  went  to  his  lodging,  and  staid  there  from  four 
till  six  of  the  clock,  without  any  company,  to  his  great 
dissatisfaction.  At  last  he  sent  out  his  servant  with  orders 
to  find  out  if  possible  some  of  his  acquaintance,  who  met 
with  one  that  was  a  general  officer  ^,  by  whom  he  was  ordered 
to  tell  his  master,  that  he  would  meet  him  at  midnight  in 
a  close  behind  the  Garter  Inn.  At  the  time  and  place 
appointed  they  met,  where  the  officer  acquainted  him  in 

*  On     Berkeley's     mission,     see       Scout-master-general  Leonard  Wat- 
Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  266.        son. 
'  The  general  officer  was  probably 


1 76     Cromiucll  and  Ire  ton  abandon  the  King. 

1647  general,  that  he  had  no  good  news  to  communicate  to  him  ; 
and  then  descending  to  particulars,  said,  '  You  know  that  I 
and  my  friends  engaged  our  selves  to  you  ;  that  we  were 
zealous  for  an  agreement,  and  if  the  rest  were  not  so,  we 
were  abused  :  that  since  the  tumults  in  the  army,  we  did 
mistrust  Cromwell  and  Ireton,  whereof  I  informed  you.  I 
come  now  to  tell  you,  that  we  mistrust  neither,  and  that  we 
are  resolved,  notwithstanding  our  engagement,  to  destroy 
the  King  and  his  posterity,  to  which  end  Ireton  has  made 
two  propositions  this  afternoon  :  one,  that  you  should  be 
sent  prisoner  to  London  :  the  other,  that  none  should  speak 
with  you  upon  pain  of  death,  and  I  do  now  hazard  my  life 
by  doing  it.  The  way  designed  to  ruin  the  King  is  to  send 
eight  hundred  of  the  most  disaffected  in  the  army  to  secure 
his  person,  and  then  to  bring  him  to  a  trial,  and  I  dare 
think  no  farther.  This  will  be  done  in  ten  days,  and 
therefore  if  the  King  can  escape,  let  him  do  it,  as  he  loves 
his  life.'  Sir  John  then  asking  the  reason  of  this  change, 
seeing  the  King  had  done  all  things  in  compliance  with  the 
army,  and  that  the  officers  were  become  superiour  since  the 
last  rendezvouz  :  he  replied,  that  he  could  not  certainly 
tell ;  but  conceived  the  ground  of  it  to  be,  that  tho  one  of 
the  mutineers,  as  he  call'd  him,  was  shot  to  death,  eleven 
more  made  prisoners,  and  the  rest  in  appearance  over-aw'd, 
yet  they  were  so  far  from  being  so  indeed,  that  two  thirds 
of  the  army  had  been  since  with  Cromwell  and  Ireton,  to 
tell  them,  that  tho  they  were  certain  to  perish  in  the 
enterprize,  they  would  leave  nothing  unattempted  to  bring 
the  whole  army  to  their  sense  ;  and  that  if  all  failed,  they 
would  make  a  division  in  the  army,  and  join  with  any  who 
would  assist  them  in  the  destruction  of  those  that  should 
oppose  them.  That  Cromwell  and  Ireton  argued  thus  :  '  If 
the  army  divide,  the  greatest  part  will  join  with  the 
Presbyters,  and  will  in  all  likelihood  prevail,  to  our  ruin,  by 
forcing  us  to  make  our  applications  to  the  King,  wherein  we 
shall  rather  beg  than  offer  any  assistance  ;  which  if  the  King 
shall  give,  and  afterwards  have  the  good  fortune  to  prevail, 
if  he  shall  then  pardon  us,  it  will  be  all  we  can  pretend,  and 


Cromwell  refuses  the  Kind's  letter. 


1 1 


more  than  we  can  certainly  promise  to  ourselves  : '  thereupon  1647 
conchiding,  that  if  they  could  not  bring  the  army  to  their 
sense,  that  it  was  best  to  comply  with  them,  a  schism  being 
utterly  destructive  to  both.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution 
Cromwell  bent  all  his  thoughts  to  make  his  peace  with  the 
party  that  was  most  opposite  to  the  King ;  acknowledging, 
as  he  knew  well  how  to  do  on  such  occasions,  that  the  glory 
of  this  world  had  so  dazled  his  eyes,  that  he  could  not 
discern  clearly  the  great  works  that  the  Lord  was  doing. 
He  sent  also  comfortable  messages  to  the  prisoners  that  he 
had  seiz'd  at  the  general  rendezvouz,  with  assurances  that 
nothing  should  be  done  to  their  prejudice  ;  and  by  these  and 
the  like  arts  he  perfected  his  reconciliation.  For  my  own  part, 
I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  his  son  Ireton  never  intended 
to  close  with  the  King,  but  only  to  lay  his  party  asleep, 
whilst  they  were  contesting  with  the  Presbyterian  interest  in 
Parliament.  And  now  having  secured  themselves  of  the 
City,  and  perswaded  the  King  to  deny  the  propositions  of 
the  Parliament,  subdued  the  army,  and  freed  themselves 
from  the  importunity  of  the  King  and  his  party,  they 
became  willing  to  quit  their  hands  of  him,  since  their 
transactions  with  him  had  procured  them  so  much  opposition, 
and  to  leave  the  breach  with  him  upon  the  Parliament  ; 
where  they  found  the  Presbyterian  party  averse  to  an  agree- 
ment with  him  upon  any  proposals  of  the  army,  and  the 
Commonwealth  party  resolved  not  to  treat  with  him  upon 
any  at  all. 

Sir  John  Barkley  being  return'd  to  his  lodging,  dispatch'd 
his  cousin  Henry  Barkley  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  with  two 
letters  ;  one  to  the  governour,  containing  a  general  relation, 
and  doubtful  judgment  of  things  in  the  army;  another  in 
cypher,  with  a  particular  account  of  the  foresaid  conference, 
and  a  most  passionate  supplication  to  the  King  to  meditate 
nothing  but  his  immediate  escape.  The  next  morning  he 
sent  Col.  Cooke  to  Cromwell,  to  let  him  know  that  he  had 
letters  and  instructions  to  him  from  the  King,  who  returned 
in  answer  by  the  messenger,  that  he  durst  not  see  him,  it 
being  very  dangerous  to  them  both  ;  bidding  him  be  assured, 
VOL.  I.  N 


1 78        Negotiations  opened  with  the  Scots. 

1647  that  he  would  serve  the  King  as  long  as  he  could  do  it 
without  his  own  ruin  ;  but  desired  that  it  might  not  be  ex- 
pected that  he  should  perish  for  his  sake.  Having  received 
this  answer,  Sir  John  took  horse  for  London,  resolving  not 
to  acquaint  any  with  the  inclinations  of  the  army,  or  with 
the  King's  pretended  escape,  which  he  presumed  would  be 
in  a  few  days,  the  Queen  having  sent  a  ship  to  that  purpose, 
and  pressed  it  earnestly  in  her  letters.  The  next  day  after 
his  arrival  at  London  he  received  a  message  from  the 
Scots  Lords  Lanerick  and  Lauderdale,  desiring  a  meeting 
with  him,  presuming  he  had  a  commission  from  the  King  to 
treat ;  but  he  acquainting  them  that  the  King  had  said  at 
his  parting  from  him,  that  he  would  make  good  whatsoever 
he  should  undertake  to  any  person  in  his  name;  the  Lord 
Lanerick  replied,  he  would  ask  no  other  commission  from 
him.  At  their  second  meeting  they  came  near  to  an 
agreement,  and  resolved  to  conclude  on  the  Monday  follow- 
ing ;  but  the  next  day  Sir  John  Barkley  receiving  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Ashburnham,  requiring  him  in  the  King's  name  to 
lay  aside  all  other  business,  and  to  return  immediately  to 
the  King,  was  constrained  to  go  out  of  town  that  night,  and 
to  leave  the  treaty  unfinished,  to  the  great  dissatisfaction  of 
both  parties.  At  his  return  to  the  island  he  found  the  King 
determined  not  to  attempt  his  escape  till  he  had  concluded 
with  the  Scots,  who,  he  said,  being  very  desirous  to  have 
him  out  of  the  hands  of  the  army,  would  on  that  account 
come  to  an  accommodation  upon  reasonable  conditions ; 
whereas  if  he  should  leave  the  army  before  any  agreement 
with  the  Scots,  they  would  never  treat  with  him  but  upon 
their  own  terms.  To  this  end  the  King  ordered  Sir  John 
Barkley,  Mr.  Ashburnham,  Dr.  Hammond,  and  Mr.  Leg  to 
review  the  papers  relating  to  the  treaty  with  the  Scots, 
which  had  been  managed  in  London  chiefly  by  Dr.  Gough 
a  Popish  Priest  \  who  in  the  Queen's  name  had  conjur'd  the 
King  to  make  his  speedy  escape,  and  in  his  own  beseechcd 

'  Dr.  Stephen  Gough  or  GofTe,  Lord  Jermyn's  foreign  negotiations 
once  cliaplain  of  Goring's  regiment  in  1645.  See  life  in  D.  N.  B.  vol. 
in  the  I-ow  Countries,  employed  in       xxii. 


The  rival  envoys  at  Carisbrook.  179 

him    not  to  insist  too  nicely  upon  terms   in  the  present      1647 
exigency  of  his   affairs:    but  Mr.  Ashburnham    hesitated 
much  upon  many  expressions  in  the   articles  relating  to 
the  Covenant  and  Church  of  England,  of  which  he  was  a 
zealous  professor,  making  many  replies  and  alterations  ;  and 
at  last  insisted  that  the  King  would  send   for  the   Scots 
Commissioners  to  come  to  him.    Accordingly  Sir  William 
Flemming  was  sent  to  that  purpose  ;  and  the  next  day  after 
an   express   came   from    the   said    Commissioners    to   the 
King,  desiring  that  two  papers  might  be  drawn,  the  one  to 
contain  the  least  he  would  be  contented  with,  and  the  other 
the  utmost  that  he  would  grant  to  the  Scots  ;  which  last 
they  desired  he  would  sign,  promising  to  do  the  like  to 
the  first,  and  to  deliver  it  to  Dr.  Gough  upon  the  reception 
of  his  paper  so  signed.     But  this  matter  was  delay'd  so  long, 
that  they  concluded  the   Scots  Commissioners  would   be 
on  their  way  before  another  express  could  be  gone  out  of 
the  Island.     At  the  same  time  that  the  Scots  were  coming    Dec.  24. 
to   the  King,  Commissioners  were  also    sent  to  him    by 
the  Parliament  with  offers  of  a  personal  treaty,  on  con- 
dition that  the  King  in  testimony  of  his  future  sincerity, 
would  grant  the  four  preliminary  bills  formerly  mentioned. 
Whilst  these  two  sorts  of  Commissioners  were  one    day 
attending  the  King  as  he  walked  about  the  castle,  they 
observed  him  to  throw  a  bone  before   two  spaniels    that 
followed  him,  and  to  take  great  delight  in  seeing  them  con- 
testing for  it ;  which  some  of  them  thought  to  be  intended 
by  him  to  represent  that  bone  of  contention  he  had  cast 
between  the  two  parties.     It  was  proposed  by  some  of  his 
party  that  the  King  should  give  a  dilatory  answer  to  the 
Scots,  that  he  might  have  the  better  opportunity  to  escape  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  it  was  moved  that  he  should  offer  the 
four  following  bills  to  the  parliament,  upon  presumption 
that  they  could  not  well  refuse  them,  nor  durst  grant  them  : 
the  first  was  for  the  payment  of  the  army,  and  for  their 
disbanding  as  soon  as  paid :  the  second  to  put  a  period  to 
the  present  parliament :  the  third  to  restore  the  King  and 
Queen  to  the  possession  of  their  revenues :  the  fourth  to 

N  2 


I  So  The  Kimrs  Answer, 


i> 


1647  settle  a  church-government  without  any  coercive  power; 
and  till  such  a  government  were  agreed  on,  the  present  to 
continue  without  any  coercive  authority.  This  they  advised 
upon  apprehensions,  if  the  King  should  give  a  positive 
denial,  that  the  Commissioners  might  have  orders  to  enjoin 
the  governour  to  keep  a  stricter  guard  over  his  person,  and 
thereby  his  designed  escape  be  prevented.  To  this  advice 
the  King  replied,  that  he  had  found  out  a  remedy  against 
their  fears ;  which  was  to  deliver  his  answer  to  the  Com- 
missioners sealed  up.  The  next  day  after  the  English 
Commissioners  had  delivered  their  message,  and  desired  the 
King's  answer  within  three  or  four  days  ;  the  Commissioners 
of  Scotland,  Lowden,  Lanerick,  Lauderdale,  and  others, 
delivered  a  protestation  to  the  King,  subscribed  by  them, 
against  the  parliament's  message,  affirming  it  to  be  contrary 
to  the  Covenant,  being  sent  without  their  participation  or 
consent  ;  and  from  this  time  began  seriously  to  treat  with 
the  King,  concluding  at  last  upon  such  terms  as  they  could 
Dec.  28.  obtain  rather  than  such  as  they  desired  from  him  ^.  When 
the  time  to  receive  the  King's  answer  was  come,  he  sent  for 
the  English  Commissioners,  and  before  he  delivered  his 
answer,  demanded  of  the  Earl  of  Denbigh,  who  was  the 
principal  commissioner,  whether  they  had  power  to  alter 
any  of  the  substantial  or  circumstantial  parts  of  the  message  ; 
and  they  replying  that  they  had  not,  he  delivered  his 
answer  sealed  up  into  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of  Denbigh. 
Having  received  the  King's  answer,  the  Commissioners 
withdrew  for  a  little  time,  and  being  returned,  the  Earl  of 
Denbigh  seem'd  to  be  offended,  that  the  King  had  delivered 
his  message  sealed,  alledging  that  they  were  required  by 
their  instructions  to  bring  his  answer,  which  whether  his 
letter  were  or  no,  they  could  not  know,  unless  they  might 
see  it,  saying  that  he  had  been  his  ambassador,  and  in  that 

'  The  Four  Bills  are  printed  in  the  stitutional  Documents,  p.  248.     The 

Old  Parliamentary  History,  xvi.  405,  engagement  between  the  King  and 

which   gives  also  the  protests  pre-  the  Scots,  dated   Dec.  26,   1647,   is 

seated  by  the  Scots  to  the  House  of  printed    for   the   first   time   by    Mr. 

Lords,  Dec.  14  and  Dec.  17  ;  ibid.  pp.  Gardiner,  ibid.  p.  259. 
429-472.      See  also  Gardiner,  Con- 


Charles  refuses  the  Foiir  Bills.  i8i 

employment  would  never  have  delivered  any  letter  without  1647 
a  preceding  sight  of  it :  the  King  told  him  that  he  had 
employ'd  twenty  ambassadors,  and  that  none  of  them  had 
ever  dared  to  open  his  letters ;  but  having  demanded 
whether  what  the  Earl  of  Denbigh  had  said  were  the  sense 
of  them  all,  and  finding  it  so  to  be :  '  Well  then,'  said  the 
King,  '  I  will  shew  it  to  you  on  condition  you  will  promise 
not  to  acquaint  any  one  with  the  substance  of  it,  before  you 
have  delivered  it  to  the  Parliament';  which  they  consenting 
to,  he  desired  the  company  might  withdraw.  The  Com- 
missioners proposed  that  the  governour  Col.  Hammond 
might  be  permitted  to  stay ;  which  the  King  being  un- 
willing to  allow,  yet  not  thinking  it  convenient  to  refuse, 
gave  way  to,  and  by  this  means  the  governour  as  well  as 
the  Commissioners  came  to  understand  that  the  King  had 
waved  the  interests  both  of  the  parliament  and  army,  to 
close  with  the  Scots,  the  substance  of  his  letter  being  an 
absolute  refusal  of  his  consent  to  the  four  bills  presented  to 
him.  The  impression  which  the  discovery  of  these  things 
made  upon  the  governour  was  so  great,  that  before  he 
departed  from  Carisbrook  to  accompany  the  Parliament's 
Commissioners  to  Newport,  he  gave  orders  for  a  strict 
guard  to  be  kept  in  his  absence  ;  and  at  his  return  com- 
manded the  gates  to  be  lock'd  up,  and  the  guards  to  be 
doubled,  sitting  up  himself  with  them  all  night  ;  whereby 
the  King's  intended  escape  was  obstructed.  -^  The  next 
morning  he  ordered  the  King's  servants  to  remove,  not  Dec.  ^y 
excepting  Dr.  Hammond  his  own  kinsman  -,  who  taking 
leave  of  the  King,  acquainted  him  that  they  had  left  the 

'   Hammond  writes  to  the  Speaker  person  of  the  King,  and  for  removing 

of  the  House  of  Lords  on  Dec.  28  :  all  from  about  him  that  are  not  there 

'  Being  present  this  day  when  the  by   authority   of  Parliament,  and  to 

King   communicated    to    the    Com-  take    all    other   effectual    ways    and 

missioners  of  Parliament  his  answer  means    to    preserve    his    Majesty's 

to  the  Bills  and  Propositions  lately  person  from  departing  hence,  untill 

presented  to  him  from  both  Houses  I    receive   the  further  commands  of 

of    Parliament;    and    finding    it    so  the    Houses.'      Old    Parliamentary 

contrary  to  my  expectation,  I  thought  History,  xvi.  481. 

it    my  duty  to  take  a   stricter   care  ^  Berkeley  and  Ashburnham  now 

than  ordinary  of  the  security  of  the  left  the  King. 


i82  The   Vote  of  No  Addresses. 

1647  captain  of  the  frigat  and  two  trusty  gentlemen  of  the 
island  to  assist  him  in  his  escape,  assuring  him  that  they 
would  have  all  things  in  readiness  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water  to  receive  him.  At  their  departure  the  King  com- 
manded them  to  draw  up  a  declaration,  and  send  it  to 
him  the  next  morning  to  sign,  which  they  did,  and  it  was 
afterwards  published  in  the  King's  name.  When  they  came 
to  Newport  one  Capt.  Burleigh  caused  a  drum  to  beat 
to  draw  people  together  in  order  to  rescue  the  King ;  but 
there  were  io.^  besides  women  and  children  that  followed 
him,  having  but  one  musquet  amongst  them  all,  so  that  the 
King's  servants  thought  not  fit  to  join  with  or  encourage 
them  ;  but  went  over  to  the  other  side,  where  they  con- 
tinued about  three  weeks  expecting  the  King's  arrival  ^  ; 
leaving  Capt.  Burleigh,  who  with  divers  of  his  followers 
was  committed  to  jail  ^.     Upon   the  return  of  the  King's 

1648  negative  to  the  four  previous  bills  before  mentioned,  the 
J'1'1-  .V      Parliament  voted, '  That  no  farther  addresses  should  be  made 

to  the  King  by  themselves,  or  any  other  person,  without 
the  leave  of  both  houses  ;  and  that  if  any  presumed  so  to  do, 

j-eb.  1 1,  they  should  incur  the  guilt  of  high-treason.'  They  also 
publish'd  a  declaration,  prepared  by  Colonel  Nathanael 
Fiennes  •'^,  shewing  the  reasons  of  their  said  resolutions ; 
wherein,  amongst  other  miscarriages  of  the  King's  reign, 
was  represented  his  breaking  of  Parliaments,  the  betraying 
of  Rochel,  his  refusal  to  suffer  any  inquiry  to  be  made  into 
the  death  of  his  father,  his  levying  war  against  the  people 
of  England,  and  his  rejecting  all  reasonable  offers  of  accom- 

Jan.  I.  modation  after  six  several  applications  to  him  on  their  part. 
Col.  Rainsborough  was  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Pleet  "• ; 

*  Here  ends  Berkeley's  narrative.  '  '  It  was  brought  in  by  Mr.  N. 
Ludlow  considerably  abridges  it,  but  Fiennes,  but  seems  penned  by  Sad- 
adds  little  except  the  account  of  the  Icr,'  says  a  letter  to  Lord  Lanark, 
King's  discussion  with  Denbigh,  and  Hamilton  Papers,  i.  155. 
circumstances  in  connection  with  the  *  On  Dec.  24  the  House  cf  Corn- 
Speaker's  flight  to  the  army.  mons  ordered  Rainsborough  to  pro- 

^  On  Captain  Burley's  rising  and  coed  to  sea,  but  the  House  of  Lords 

his  fate,  sec  Hillier,  King  Charles  in  refused   to  agree.       On  Jan.    i    the 

the    Isle    of  Wight,    1852,    pp.   63-  Commons    repeated    their   order    in 

75.  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Lords. 


The  revolt  of  the  fleet.  \  8 


J 


and  Mr.  Holland,  myself,  and  another  member  of  the  1648 
House  of  Commons,  sent  down  to  the  head  quarters  at 
Windsor  with  orders  to  discharge  from  custody  Capt.  Rey- 
nolds, and  some  others  called  in  derision  Levellers,  who 
had  been  imprisoned  by  the  army  for  attempting  to  bring 
about  that  which  they  themselves  were  now  doing,  and  to 
exhort  the  officers  to  contribute  the  best  of  their  endeavours 
towards  a  speedy  settlement. 

The  Scots  in  pursuance  of  their  treaty  with  the  King, 
made  what  preparations  they  could  to  raise  an  army, 
wherein  the  presbyterians  and  cavaliers  join'd,  tho  with 
different  designs.  The  same  spirit  began  to  appear  also  in 
England,  many  of  our  ships  revolting  to  the  King  at  the 
instigation  of  one  Capt.  Batten,  who  had  been  vice-admiral 
to  the  Parliament,  and  others,  encouraged  by  the  city  and 
the  presbyterian  party.  The  seamen  on  board  the  ship 
commanded  by  Col.  Rainsborough  refused  to  receive  him,  May  27. 
having  before-hand  secured  one  of  my  brothers,  with  others 
whom  they  suspected  to  be  faithful  to  their  commander. 
The  Earl  of  Warwick,  as  most  acceptable  to  them,  was 
appointed  to  go  down  to  reduce  them  to  obedience,  by  May  29. 
which  means  part  of  the  fleet  was  preserved  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, who  immediately  issued  out  orders  for  the  fitting  out 
of  more  ships  to  reinforce  them.  With  the  revolted  ships 
Prince  Charles  block'd  up  the  mouth  of  the  river ;  and  August, 
about  the  same  time  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York,  who 
upon  the  surrender  of  Oxford  had  been  brought  by  order 
of  the  Parliament  to  St.  James's,  and  provision  made  for 
him  there,  escaped  from  thence  to  serve  the  King's  designs.  May  21. 
The  castles  of  Deal  and  Sandwich  declar'd  also  for  the 
King,  and  Col.  Rich  was  sent  with  a  party  of  the  army 
to  reduce  them.  In  the  mean  time  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell  not  forgetting  himself,  procured  a  meeting  of 
divers  leading  men  amongst  the  Presbyterians  and  Inde- 
pendents, both  members  of  Parliament  and  ministers,  at  a 
dinner  in  Westminster,  under  pretence  of  endeavouring  a 

He  had  been  originally  appointed  to       and  confirmed  by  the  Lords,  Oct.  2, 
command  the  winter  guard,  Sept.  27,       1647. 


1 84      Cronnucll  attempts  to  reconcile  parties. 

1648  reconciliation  between  the  two  parties '  :  but  he  found  it 
a  work  too  difficult  for  him  to  compose  the  differences 
between  these  two  ecclesiastical  interests  ;  one  of  which 
would  endure  no  superior,  the  other  no  equal ;  so  that  this 
.  meeting  produced  no  effect.  Another  conference  he  con- 
trived to  be  held  in  King  Street  -  between  those  called  the 
grandees  of  the  house  and  army,  and  the  Commonwealths- 
men  ;  in  v/hich  the  grandees,  of  whom  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell  was  the  head,  kept  themselves  in  the  clouds,  and 
would  not  declare  their  judgments  either  for  a  monarchical, 
aristocratical  or  democratical  government ;  maintaining 
that  any  of  them  might  be  good  in  themselves,  or  for  us, 


^  On  Feb.  4,  1648,  '  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  accompanied  with  some  chief 
officers  of  the  army  dined  with  the 
Lord  Mayor  of  the  city  of  London 
and  some  aldermen  of  the  city.' 
Rushworth,  vii.  986.  Walker  de- 
scribes Cromwell  as  at  this  time 
endeavouring  '  to  unite  all  interests 
in  the  Houses,  city,  and  army,'  and 
making  offers  to  the  city  of  '  the 
restitution  of  the  Tower  and  Militia 
and  the  enlargement  of  the  im- 
prisoned aldermen,'  but  the  city, 
'wiser  than  our  first  parents,  re- 
jected the  serpent  and  his  subtleties.' 
History  of  Independency,  i.  83,  ed. 
1661.  A  correspondent  of  the  Earl 
of  Lanark  places  these  overtures  at 
the  end  of  March,  and  adds,  '  This 
averseness  of  the  city  puts  them 
,upon  new  counsels,  which  the  junto 
of  Independents  have  held  thrice  in 
private  since  Thursday  last,  but  have 
not  as  I  hear  concluded  anything ; 
only  'tis  reported  they  have  amongst 
themselves  voted  for  monarchy  ;  and 
then,  the  question  being  who  should 
be  the  monarch,  Marten  said,  "  if  we 
must  have  that  government  we  had 
better  have  this  King  and  oblige 
him,  than  to  have  him  obtruded  on 
us  by  the  Scots,  and  owe  his  re- 
stitution  to    them."     It    is    said    on 


Thursday  next  it  will  be  publicly 
debated  what  government  shall  be 
established.'  Hamilton  Papers,  i. 
170. 

-  During  1646  and  the  first  part  of 
1647  Cromwell  lived  in  Drury  Lane. 
A  letter  of  John  Lilburne's  to  him, 
dated  March  25,  1647,  is  addressed 
to  '  Lieut.  Generall  Cromwell  at  his 
house  in  Drury  Lane,  near  the  Red 
Lion.'  Jonah's  Cry  out  of  the  Whales 
belly,  p.  I.  According  to  Lilburne, 
Joyce  received  the  order  to  secure 
the  King 'in  Cromwell's  own  garden 
in  Drury-lane,  Colonel  Charles  Fleet- 
wood being  by.'  Lilburne's  Im- 
peachment of  High  Treason  against 
Oliver  Cromwell,  1649,  p.  55.  It  is 
curious  to  recall  Goldsmith's  de- 
scription of  the  neighbourhood  : — 

'Where  the  Red  Lion,  staring  o'er  the 
way 

Invites  each  passing  stranger  that  can 
pay  ; 

Where  Calvert's  butt,  and  Parsons' 
black  champagne, 

Regale  the  drabs  and  bloods  of  Drury- 
lane.' 

In  the  summer  of  1647  Cromwell 
took  up  his  residence  in  King  Street, 
Westminster,  whilst  Fairfax  esta- 
blished himself  in  Queen  Street. 
Cromwelliana,  p.  60. 


A  discussion  about  Monarchy.  185 

according-  as  providence  should  direct  us.  The  Common-  164b 
wealths-men  declared  that  monarchy  was  neither  good  in 
itself,  nor  for  us.  That  it  was  not  desirable  in  itself,  they 
urged  from  the  8th  chapter  and  8th  verse  of  the  first 
Book  of  Samuel,  where  the  rejecting  of  the  Judges,  and  the 
choice  of  a  King,  was  charged  upon  the  Israelites  by  God 
himself  as  a  rejection  of  him  ;  and  from  another  passage  in 
the  same  book,  where  Samuel  declares  it  to  be  a  great 
wickedness  ;  with  divers  more  texts  of  scripture  to  the  same 
effect.  And  that  it  was  no  way  conducing  to  the  interest 
of  this  nation,  was  endeavoured  to  be  proved  by  the  infinite 
mischiefs  and  oppressions  we  had  suffered  under  it,  and 
by  it :  that  indeed  our  ancestors  had  consented  to  be 
governed  by  a  single  person,  but  with  this  proviso,  that  he 
should  govern  according  to  the  direction  of  the  law,  which 
he  always  bound  himself  by  oath  to  perform :  that  the 
King  had  broken  this  oath,  and  thereby  dissolved  our 
allegiance  ;  protection  and  obedience  being  reciprocal : 
that  having  appealed  to  the  sword  for  the  decision  of  the 
things  in  dispute,  and  thereby  caused  the  effusion  of  a 
deluge  of  the  peoples  blood,  it  seemed  to  be  a  duty  in- 
cumbent upon  the  representatives  of  the  people  to  call  him 
to  an  account  for  the  same ;  more  especially  since  the  con- 
troversy was  determined  by  the  same  means  which  he  had 
chosen  ;  and  then  to  proceed  to  the  establishment  of  an 
equal  commonwealth  founded  upon  the  consent  of  the 
people,  and  providing  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  all  men, 
that  we  might  have  the  hearts  and  hands  of  the  nation  to 
support  it,  as  being  most  just,  and  in  all  respects  most  con- 
ducing to  the  happiness  and  prosperity  thereof.  Notwith- 
standing what  was  said,  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,  not 
for  want  of  conviction,  but  in  hopes  to  make  a  better  bar- 
gain with  another  party,  professed  himself  unresolved,  and 
having  learn'd  what  he  could  of  the  principles  and  in- 
clinations of  those  present  at  the  conference,  took  up  a 
cushion  and  flung  it  at  my  head,  and  then  ran  down  the 
stairs ;  but  I  overtook  him  with  another,  which  made  him 
hasten  dowai  faster  than  he  desired.     The  next  day  passing 


i86    Cromivell  courts  the  Co>Jimonwealtk-7nen. 

1648  by  me  in  the  house,  he  told  me  he  was  convinced  of  the 
desirableness  of  what  was  proposed,  but  not  of  the  feasible- 
ness of  it ;  thereby,  as  I  suppose,  designing  to  encourage 
me  to  hope  that  he  was  inclined  to  join  with  us,  tho  un- 
willing to  publish  his  opinion,  lest  the  grandees  should  be 
informed  of  it,  to  whom  I  presume  he  professed  himself  to 
be  of  another  judgment. 

Much  time  being  spent  since  the  Parliament  had  voted 
no  more  addresses  to  be  made  to  the  King,  nor  any 
messages  received  from  him,  and  yet  nothing  done  towards 
bringing  the  King  to  a  trial,  or  the  settling  of  affairs  with- 
out him  ;  many  of  the  people  who  had  waited  patiently 
hitherto,  finding  themselves  as  far  from  a  settlement  as 
ever,  concluded  that  they  should  never  have  it,  nor  any 
ease  from  their  burdens  and  taxes,  without  an  accom- 
modation with  the  King ;  and  therefore  entred  into  a  com- 
bination through  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  to 
restore  him  to  his  authority.  To  this  end  petitions  were 
promoted  throughout  all  countries,  the  King  by  his  agents 
fomenting  and  encouraging  this  spirit  by  all  means  possible, 
as  appeared  by  his  intercepted  letters  :  so  that  Lieutenant- 
General  Cromwell,  who  had  made  it  his  usual  practice  to 
gratify  enemies  even  with  the  oppression  of  those  who 
were  by  principle  his  friends,  began  again  to  court  the 
Commonwealth  party,i  nviting  some  of  them  to  confer 
with  him  at  his  chamber  ^ :  with  which  acquainting  me  the 
next  time  he  came  to  the  House  of  Commons,  I  took  the 
freedom  to  tell  him,  that  he  knew  how  to  cajole  and  give 
them  good  words  when  he  had  occasion  to  make  use  of 
them  ;  whereat  breaking  out  into  a  rage,  he  said,  they  were 
a  proud  sort  of  people,  and  only  considerable  in  their  own 
conceits.  I  told  him,  it  was  no  new  thing  to  hear  truth 
calumniated,  and  that  tho  the  Commonwealths-men  were 
fallen  under  his  displeasure,  I  would  take  the  liberty  to  say, 

'   '  I  am  assured  by  one  that  was  enemies    than    they    met.'       Letter 

a  witness  to  it  that  Cromwell  desired  dated  Feb.  22, 1648,  Hamilton  Papers, 

a  meeting  to  be  reconciled  to  Marten,  i.  154. 
but    that    they    parted    much    more 


The  Second  Civil  War  begins.  187 

that  they  had  always  been  and  ever  would  be  considerable      1648 
where    there    was    not    a    total    defection    from    honesty, 
generosity,  and  all  true  vertue,  which  I  hoped  was  not  yet 
our  case. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  with  the  fleet  equipped  for  him  by 
the  Parliament,  fell  down  the  river  towards  the  ships  com- 
manded by  Prince  Charles,  who  presuming  either  that  he 
would  not  fight  him,  or  perhaps  come  over  to  him,  lay  some 
time  in  expectation;  but  finding  by  the  manner  of  his  Aug.  29,30. 
approach  that  he  was  deceived  in  that  particular,  bethought 
it  convenient  to  make  all  the  sail  he  could  for  the  coast  of 
Holland,  Our  fleet  followed  him  as  far  as  the  Texel ;  but 
according  to  the  defensive  principle  of  the  nobility,  our 
admiral  thinking  he  had  sufficiently  discharged  his  duty 
by  clearing  the  downs,  and  driving  the  other  fleet  from 
our  coast,  declined  to  fight  tho  he  had  an  opportunity  to 
engage.  Deal  and  Sandown  Castles  were  reduced  by  Col.  Aug.  25. 
Rich,  and  many  of  our  revolted  ships  not  finding  things 
according  to  their  expectation,  being  constrained  to  serve 
under  Prince  Rupert  instead  of  the  Lord  Willoughby,  who 
they  desired  might  command  them,  returned  to  the  obe- 
dience of  the  Parliament. 

The  Scots  making  all  possible  preparations  to  raise  an 
army  for  the  restitution  of  the  King,  Sir  Thomas  Glenham 
and  Sir  Marmaduke  Langdale  went  to  Scotland  to  join 
with  them  in  that  enterprize,  and  to  draw  what  English 
they  could  to  promote  the  design.  The  first  of  these 
seized  upon  Carlisle  by  order  of  the  Scots,  tho  contrary  to  April  29. 
their  articles  ;  whereupon  the  Parliament  thinking  it  neces- 
sary to  provide  for  the  security  of  Berwick,  placed  a  good  April  28. 
garison  therein,  and  resolving  to  reinforce  the  militia  of 
each  county,  sent  down  some  of  their  members  to  give  life 
to  the  preparations.  Amongst  others  I  was  appointed  to 
go  down  to  the  county  for  which  I  served,  where  we  agreed 
to  raise  two  regiments  of  foot  and  one  of  horse  ^     In  the 

'  On  May  25,  it  was  proposed  in  to  grant  commissions  for  raising 
the  Commons  that  power  should  be  forces  in  different  counties  to  such 
given  to  the  Derby  House  Committee       persons  as  should  be  recommended 


1 88  Disturbances  in  Essex. 

1648      mean  time  the  enemy  was  not  idle,  and  taking  advantage 

March  of  the  discontents  of  Capt.  Poyer  Governour  of  Pembroke, 
they  prevailed  with  him  to  revolt,  and  declare  for  the  King. 
Other  disaffected  parts  of  the  nation,  not  yet  ready  for 
open  opposition,  acted  with  more  caution,  preparing  and 
encouraging  petitions  to  the  Parliament  for  a  personal 
treaty  with  the  King,  of  which  the  principal  were  Surrey, 
Essex,  and  Kent.     In  Essex  they  met  at  Chelmsford  in  a 

June  4.  tumultuous  manner,  and  seized  Sir  William  Masham  and 
other  members  of  Parliament ;    who  being  ready  to  use 

June  5.  all  gentle  methods  to  prevent  farther  inconveniences,  sent 
down  Mr.  Charles  Rich,  second  son  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
and  Sir  Harbottle  Grimston,  two  of  their  members,  to  en- 
deavour to  quiet  that  tumultuous  spirit,  with  instructions 
and  power  to  promise  indemnity  to  all  that  should  desist 
from  the  prosecution  of  what  they  desired  in  this  violent 
way  ^  :  which  commission  they  managed  so  well,  that  upon 
their  promise  to  present  the  requests  of  the  petitioners, 
which  were  drawn  up  in  writing,  to  the  Parliament,  and  to 
return  them  an  answer,  the  people  of  the  country  dispersed 
themselves  to  their  own  houses.     But  the  sedition  of  the 

May  \(\  Surrey-men  was  not  terminated  so  easily,  of  whom  many 
hundreds  came  to  the  doors  of  the  Parliament  ;  and  not 
being  satisfied  with  the  answer  the  Parliament  thought  fit 
to  give  to  their  petition,  after  they  had  been  heated  with 
drink,  and  animated  by  the  Cavalier  party,  they  resolved 

by  the  members  for  the  said  counties  :  22,   1648,  was  presented  to  Parha- 

but    this    was    negatived.     C.    J.    v.  ment,  May  4,    1648.     The  members 

573.      However,   on   Sept.    6,    1648,  for  Essex  were  ordered  down  to  that 

an   ordinance  was  passed    enabling  county  on  May  30,  and  their  presence 

militia  commissioners  named  for  the  not  proving  enough,  a  letter  from  the 

county  of  Wilts,   of  whom  Ludlow  House   to   the   gentlemen   of   Essex 

was  one,  to  raise  horse  and  foot  for  was  drawn  up  on  June  3,  and  Mr. 

the    defence    of    that    county'.       On  Rich    was    sent   as   its  bearer.     Sir 

May  30  Ludlow  was  sent  into  Wilt-  William  Masham  and  others  of  the 

shire    with    Mr.    Dove    and    James  Parliamentary  commissioners   were 

Herbert,  '  to  provide  for,  preserve  seized   about   June   4   by    Goring's 

and  settle  the  peace  of  that  county  ' ;  troops  and  remained  prisoners  during 

ib.  579;  cf.  Rushworth,  vii.  1108.  the  siege   of  Colchester.     C.   J.   v. 

'  The  petition  of  the  grand  jury  573,  579,  589 ;  Gardiner,  Great  Civil 

of  the  county  of  Essex,  dated  March  War,  iii.  395. 


The  Surrey  petition.  1 89 

to  force  from  them  another  answer,  and  with  intolerable  1648 
insolence  pressed  upon  their  guard,  beating  the  sentinels 
to  the  main  guard,  which  was  drawn  up  at  the  upper  end 
of  Westminster  Hall,  where  they  wounded  the  officer  who 
commanded  them  ;  and  being  intreated  to  desist,  became 
more  violent ;  so  that  the  souldiers  were  necessitated,  in 
their  own  defence,  and  discharge  of  their  duty,  to  fire  upon 
them,  whereby  two  or  three  of  the  country-men  were 
killed  :  neither  did  this  quiet  them,  till  some  horse  and 
foot  arrived  to  strengthen  the  guard,  and  dispersed  them. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Cobbet  who  commanded  the  guard, 
being  called  into  the  house  to  give  an  account  of  what  had 
passed,  went  to  the  bar  bleeding  from  the  w^ounds  which  he 
had  received,  and  related  the  passages  before  mentioned  : 
but  some  friends  of  the  petitioners  within  doors  informing 
the  house  that  the  matter  of  fact  was  otherwise  than  had 
been  represented  by  the  Lieutenant-Colonel,  the  Parliament 
appointed  a  committee  to  examine  the  truth  of  it  \ 

Those  of  the  secluded  members  who  w^ere  in  England 
being  returned  to  the  house,  divers  hard  words  passed 
between  them  and  others  of  the  Parliament ;  and  one  day 
Commissary-General  Ireton  speaking  something  concerning 
them,  Mr.  HolHs  thinking  it  to  be  injurious  to  them,  passing 
by  him  in  the  house,  whispered  him  in  the  ear,  telling  him 
it  was  false,  and  he  would  justify  it  to  be  so  if  he  would 
follow  him,  and  thereupon  immediately  went  out  of  the 
house,  with  the  other  following  him.  Some  members  who 
had  observed  their  passionate  carriage  to  each  other, 
and  seen  them  hastily  leaving  the  house,  acquainted  the 
Parliament  with  their  apprehensions  ;  whereupon  they  sent 
their  Serjeant  at  arms  to  command  their  attendance, 
which  he  letting  them  understand  as  they  were  taking  boat 
to  go  to  the  other  side  of  the  water,  they  returned  ;  and  the 
house  taking  notice  of  what  they  were  informed  concerning 

^  On  the  Surrey  petition  and  the  pt.    i ;    Portland    MSS.   i.    453  ;    and 

riot   which    took    place,  see    Rush-  letters   under  May  16,  1648,  in  the 

worth,   vii.   1116;   Walker,    History  Clarke  Papers,  vol.  ii.    Cf.  Gardiner, 

of  Independency,  Epistle  prefixed  to  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  375. 


190  Cromwell  complains  of  jealousies. 


1648  them,  enjoined  them  to  forbear  all  words  or  actions  of 
enmity  towards  each  other,  and  to  carry  themselves  for 
the  future  as  fellow-members  of  the  same  body,  which  they 
promised  to  do  ^ 

Lieutenant-General  Cromwell  perceiving  the  clouds  to 
gather  on  every  side,  complained  to  me,  as  we  were 
walking  in  the  palace-yard,  of  the  unhappiness  of  his 
condition,  having  made  the  greatest  part  of  the  nation  his 
enemies,  by  adhering  to  a  just  cause  :  but  that  which  he 
pretended  to  be  his  greatest  trouble  was,  that  many  who 
were  engaged  in  the  same  cause  with  him  had  entertained 
a  jealousy  and  suspicion  of  him  ;  which  he  assured  me 
was  a  great  discouragement  to  him,  asking  my  advice, 
what  method  was  best  for  him  to  take,  I  could  not  but 
acknowledg  that  he  had  many  enemies  for  the  sake  of  the 
cause  in  which  he  stood  engaged,  and  also  that  many  who 
were  friends  to  the  cause  had  conceived  suspicions  of 
him  :  but  I   observed  to  him,  that  he  could  never  oblige 


^  This  stcry  is  a  year  misplaced. 
The  votes  against  the  eleven  mem- 
bers were  annulled  on  June  3,  1648, 
and  Holies  took  his  seat  again  on 
Aug.  14.  Iretonwas  absent  from  his 
place  all  August,  and  probably  all 
September  also.  The  quarrel  really 
took  place  over  the  vote  against  the 
army  petition,  on  March  30,  1647, 
or  a  day  or  two  later.  A  news- 
letter dated  April  5  says,  'Mr  Holies 
and  Major  Ireton  going  over  the 
water  to  fight,  were  hindered  by  Sir 
William  Waller  and  some  others, 
who  observed  Mr.  Holies  to  deride 
Ireton's  argument  in  justification  of 
the  army's  petition,  which  was  the 
occasion  of  the  quarrell.'  Clarendon 
MS.  2478.  On  April  2,  1647,  'The 
House  being  informed  that  some 
matters  of  difference  had  happened 
between  Mr.  Holies  and  Commissary 
Ireton  ;  It  is  resolved,  &c.  That  Mr. 
Holies  and  Commissary  Ireton  be 
injoined  not  to  proceed,  in  any 
manner,  any  further  upon  the  matter 


of  difference  informed  to  have  hap- 
pened between  them.  Mr.  Speaker 
by  the  command  of  the  House,  laid 
this  injunction  upon  them  accord- 
ingly. Mr.  Holies  and  Commissary 
Ireton  did  publicly  engage  them- 
selves to  submit  unto,  and  perform, 
this  injunction.'  C  J.  v.  133.  Another 
news-letter,  dated  April  15,  says, 
'  It  is  said  that  Mr.  Holies  went  out 
last  week  to  fight  with  Major-General 
Ireton,  but  Ireton  came  into  the 
field  after  him  without  a  sword, 
pretending  it  stood  not  with  his 
conscience  to  fight,  which  confirms 
the  general  opinion  that  all  the  In- 
dependents are  deadly  cowards.' 
Clarendon  MS.  2495.  Clarendon 
himself,  writing  in  167 1,  improves  on 
this  stor^',  and  states  that  Ireton 
refused  to  fight  and  Holies  pulled 
his  nose,  '  telling  him  that  if  his 
conscience  would  keep  him  from 
giving  men  satisfaction,  it  should 
keep  him  from  provoking  them.' 
History,  x,  104. 


Ludlow  s  advice  to  Cromwell.  191 

the  former,  without  betraying  that  cause  wherein  he  was  1648 
engaged  ;  which  if  he  should  do  upon  the  account  of  an 
empty  title,  riches,  or  any  other  advantages,  how  those 
contracts  would  be  kept  with  him,  was  uncertain  ;  but 
most  certain  it  was,  that  his  name  would  be  abominated 
by  all  good  men,  and  his  memory  be  abhorred  by  posterity. 
On  the  other  side,  if  he  persisted  in  the  prosecution  of  our 
just  intentions,  it  was  the  most  probable  way  to  subdue 
his  enemies,  to  rectify  the  mistakes  of  those  that  had 
conceived  a  jealousy  of  him,  and  to  convince  his  friends  of 
his  integrity  :  that  if  he  should  fall  in  the  attempt,  yet  his 
loss  would  be  lamented  by  all  good  men,  and  his  name  be 
transmitted  to  future  ages  with  honour.  He  seemed  to 
take  well  what  I  said,  and  it  might  have  been  no  disservice 
to  him  if  he  had  acted  accordingly  :  but  his  design  was 
rather  to  perswade  me,  for  the  present,  of  the  rectitude  of 
his  intentions,  than  to  receive  counsel  from  me  concerning 
his  conduct  ^. 

About  this  time  we  obtained  some  advantages  in  Ireland, 
where  Col.  Michael  Jones,  who  had  been  order'd  by  the 
Parliament  to  command  at  Dublin  when  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  delivered  it  up,  with  the  forces  he  had,  fought  1647 
the  rebels,  tho  double  his  number,  at  Dungon  Hill,  killed  Aufij.  8. 
some  thousands  of  them,  and  totally  routed  the  rest  ~. 
Of  which  when  the  Parliament  had  received  information, 
they  ordered  five  hundred  pounds  by  year  of  the  forfeited 
lands  in  Ireland  to  be  settled  upon  Col.  Jones  as  a  reward 
for  his  good  service.  In  England  the  defection  began  to 
increase  ;  Capt.  Henry  Lilburn  who  commanded  for  the 
Parliament  in  Tinmouth  Castle,  which  lies  at  the  mouth 
of  the  harbour,  and  is  a  key  to  Newcastle,  declaring  for 
the  King  ;  but  notice  thereof  being  brought  to  Sir  Arthur 
Haslerig  at  Newcastle,  of  which  town  he  was  governour, 
he  with  great  expedition  drew  down  a  party  before  the 

'  Cromwell  set  out  for  Wales  on  between  September,  1647,  and  that 

May  3  or  May  4.     Rushworth,  vii.  date. 

1098.      The    conversation    here    re-  ^  See  Rushworth,  vii.    779 ;  Gar- 

lated  may  have  taken  place  any  time  diner,  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  350. 


192        Norton  defeats  the   Welsh  Royalists. 

1648      place,  and  attacking  it  unexpectedly,  took  it  by  assault, 
Aug.  II.    before  the  men  had   been   thoroughly  confirmed    in   their 
revolt  by  the  governour,  whom  he  put  to  the  sword,  and 
placed  another  garison  therein. 

Many  of  those  who  had  been  for  the  Parliament  in 
South-Wales  now  joining  with  the  King's  party,  they 
grew  to  be  a  considerable  body ;  whereby  Major-General 
Laughern,  who  upon  some  suspicion  had  been  under 
confinement,  was  encouraged  to  get  away  and  join  himself 
to  them  ;  Major-General  John  Stradling,  Sir  Henry  Strad- 
ling.  Col.  Thomas  Stradling,  and  several  other  gentlemen 
of  those  parts  falling  in  with  them.  Col.  Horton,  with 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  foot,  and  dragoons, 
was  sent  into  Wales  to  engage  them  ;  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell  following  with  as  many  more  forces  as  could  be 
spared  from  the  army;  who  being  within  three  or  four 
days'  march  of  Col.  Horton,  received  advice  that  the  enemy, 
to  the  number  of  about  seven  thousand,  had  engaged  the 
May  8.  colonel  at  St.  Faggons  in  Glamorganshire  ;  that  upon  the 
first  attack  our  forces  gave  ground,  but  well  considering 
the  danger  they  were  in,  the  country  being  full  of  enemies, 
and  encouraged  by  their  affection  to  the  cause  wherein 
they  were  engaged,  they  charged  the  enemy's  van,  con- 
sisting of  the  best  of  their  men,  with  so  great  bravery  and 
resolution,  that  they  forced  them  to  give  way ;  which  those 
that  were  in  their  rear,  who  were  for  the  most  part  new- 
raised  men,  perceiving,  began  to  shift  for  themselves.  Upon 
this  ours  followed  their  charge  with  so  much  vigour  and 
success,  that  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy  was  soon  routed 
and  dispersed  ;  many  of  them  were  killed  in  the  pursuit, 
and  many  taken  prisoners :  amongst  the  latter  was  Major- 
General  Stradling,  and  divers  other  ofiicers.  The  news  of 
this  success  was  very  welcome  to  all  those  that  wished  well 
to  the  publick,  and  proved  a  great  discouragement  to  the 
contrary  party  \ 

The    petitioners    of    Surrey  drew   into    a   body,  and  in 
conjunction    with    the    Kcntishmen    of  the    King's   party, 

'  Rushworth,  vii.  mo;    Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  373. 


The  Kentish  rising  suppressed.  193 

appointed   their   rendezvouz    upon    Blackhcath :    but    Sir      1648 
Thomas  Fairfax  with  that  part  of  the  army  which  he  had  with 
him  disappointed   that  design,  by  possessing   himself  of    May  30. 
that  ground  before  them.     However  the  enemy  had  brought 
together  a  considerable  body  of  men,  many  of  whom  were 
induced  to  come  in,  upon  assurances  given  that  they  should 
be   commanded    by  Mr.   Hales,  a  gentleman   of  a  great 
estate  in  Kent ;  tho  afterwards  the  Lord  Goring  appeared 
at  the  head  of  them,  as  had  been  designed  from  the  be- 
ginning.    Upon  the  advance  of  Sir    Thomas  Fairfax  his 
army,  the  enemy,  who  exceeded  him  in  number  by  one 
half  at  least,  divided  their  body,  sending  one  part  to  possess 
themselves   of   Maidstone   and   the   adjacent   places,   and 
another  party  to  block  up   Dover  and   other  forts    upon 
the   coast,  whilst    Goring   remained  with   the    rest  about 
Rochester.     Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  resolving  first  to  attack 
those  about  Maidstone,  fell  upon  them,  and  beat  them  into     June  c. 
the  town,  which  they  had  fortified  before ;  whereupon  tho 
the  numbers  within  the  town  being  at  least  equal  to  those 
without  made  it  a  work  of  great  hazard  and  difficulty,  yet 
considering   that  those  with  the    Lord    Goring   exceeded 
either,  and  might  march  to  the  enemy's  relief,  ours  resolved 
to  storm  the  place,  which  they  did  the  night   following  ; 
the  General  by  his  own  example  encouraging  the  men  to 
fall  on,  who  for  a  good  while  were  not  able  to  make  any 
considerable  progress,  till  Col.  Hewson  with  his  regiment 
opened  a  passage  into  one  of  the  streets,  where  the  dispute 
growing  hot,  he  was  knocked  down  with  a  musquet ;  but 
recovering  himself,  he  pressed   the  enemy  so  hard,  that 
they  were  forced  to  retreat  to  their  main  guard,  and  falling 
in  with  them  at  the  same  time,  so  disordered  them,  that 
they  all  began  to  shift  for  themselves  ;  wherein  they  were 
favoured  by  the  advantage  of  the  night  :  yet  many  of  them 
were  made  prisoners,  and  many  killed  ;  many  horses  and 
all  their  artillery  fell  into  the  hands  of  ours.    The  General, 
as  soon  as  he  had  refreshed   his   men,  advanced   towards 
that  body  commanded   by  the   Lord    Goring,   which   was 
much  increased  in  number  by  the  addition  of  those  who 
VOL.  I.  O 


194  Goring  enters  Essex, 

1648  escaped  from  Maidstone,  but  not  in  resolution,  being  so 
discouraged  with  their  relation  of  what  had  passed  there, 
that  immediately  upon  our  approach  they  began  to  retreat, 
many  of  them  running  away  to  their  own  habitations. 
Notwithstanding  this,  a  considerable  body  continuing  with 
the  Lord  Goring,  he  sent  to  the  city  of  London,  desiring 
leave  to  march  through  the  city  into  Essex,  designing  to 
recruit  his  men  with  such  of  that  county  as  had  lately 
expressed  so  much  affection  to  the  King's  interest.  The 
City,  tho  much  inclined  to  have  the  King  received  upon 
terms,  yet  not  willing  absolutely  to  espouse  the  Cavalier 
party,  especially  in  a  flying  posture  ;  and  considering  that 
there  was  a  great  number  still  amongst  them  who  retained 
their  affection  to  the  publick  cause,  returned  a  positive 
denial  to  Goring :  so  that  he  was  necessitated  to  make  use 
of  boats  or  other  means  to  transport  his  men  over  the  river 
June  3, 4.  into  the  county  of  Essex.  A  party  of  horse  was  sent 
from  the  army  to  keep  a  guard  at  Bow  Bridg,  as  well  to 
prevent  the  disaffected  in  the  City  from  running  to  the 
enemy,  as  to  hinder  them  from  doing  any  thing  to  the 
prejudice  of  London. 

Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,  with  that  part  of  the 
army  which  was  with  him,  besieged  the  castle  and  town 
of  Pembroke,  whither  the  principal  of  that  body  which  fled 
from  St.  Faggons  had  made  their  retreat  \  In  the  mean 
time  the  Presbyterian  party  prevailing  in  the  House,  by 
reason  of  the  absence  of  divers  members  who  belonged  to 
the  arm}-,  and  were  employed  in  all  parts  of  the  nation, 

June  3.     discharged   from   prison   those   who   had    been   committed 

upon  the  account  of  that  force  which  was  put  upon  the 

House  by  the  late  tumults,  and  left  the  Parliament  to  the 

mercy  of  their  enemies  with  a  very  slender  guard.     The 

1647      Lord  Lisle's  commission  to  be  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland 

April  5.  expiring  at  the  same  time,  they  refused  to  renew  it  ;  by 
which  means  the  province  of  Munster  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Lord  Inchequin  as  President,  who  made  use  of  the 

'  Cromwell  began  to  besiege  Pembroke  about  May  22;  Rushworth,  vii. 
1118,  1121,  1128-9.  1131. 


Defections  in  Ireland.  195 

opportunity  to  displace  those  officers  that  had  been  put  in  it>-)7 
by  the  Lord  Lisle,  preferring  his  own  creatures  to  their 
employments,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  English  interest 
in  that  country:  many  others  who  were  acquainted  with  his 
temper  and  principles  quitted  voluntarily;  and  tho  he  still 
pretended  fidelity  to  the  state  of  England,  yet  he  expressed 
himself  dissatisfied  with  the  proceedings  of  the  army-party 
towards  him.  Some  overtures  also  he  had  received  from 
the  Irish  touching  an  accommodation  ;  but  being  straitned 
by  them  in  his  quarters,  and  therefore  advancing  with  his 
army  towards  them,  Col.  Temple  and  some  others  yet 
remaining  in  his  army  being  willing  to  improve  the 
occasion,  pressed  him  so  hard  to  resolve  to  fight,  that  he 
could  not  well  avoid  it.  At  the  beginning  of  the  battel  the  Nov.  13. 
success  seemed  to  be  very  doubtful,  but  in  the  end  ours 
obtained  the  victory,  some  thousands  of  the  enemy  being 
killed,  many  made  prisoners,  and  all  their  baggage  taken  ^ 
Not  long  after  this  he  declared  against  the  Parliament,  and  1648 
joined  with  the  Irish  rebels  :  some  of  the  English  officers  April  3. 
concurred  with  him  in  his  declaration  ;  many  left  him  and 
came  to  the  Parliament,  who  made  provision  for  them,  as 
they  had  done  for  those  that  came  away  before.  Tho  this 
conjunction  of  Inchequin  was  not  concluded  without  the 
King's  consent,  yet  it  was  not  a  proper  season  for  him  to 
condescend  so  far  as  they  desired  :  whereby  great  divisions 
arose  amongst  them  ;  for  there  was  a  party  of  Old  Irish,  as 
they  were  called,  headed  principally  by  Owen  Roe  O'Neal, 
of  whom  several  were  in  the  Supreme  Council,  who,  out  of  an 
innate  hatred  to  the  English  government,  joined  with  those 
who  would  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  to  have  the 
Pope  acknowledged  to  be  their  only  Supreme  Lord  :  so 
that  not  being  able  to  agree,  their  differences  proved  very 
serviceable  to  the  English  interest.  The  like  spirit  of 
division  appeared  amongst  our  enemies  in  Scotland,  where 

^  Inchiquin's  despatch   is  printed  nados,     which     means     in     English 

in   Gary's    Memorials    of    the    Civil  '  shrub  hill.'     The  site  of  the  battle 

War,   i.  360.     This  was   known    as  is    a    few    miles   west    of    Mallow. 

the  battle  of  Knockinoss,  or  Cnoc-  Gardiner,  G.  C.  W.  iii.  354-356. 

o  a 


196  The  Scots  raise  an  army. 

1648  tho  the  number  was  great  of  those  that  professed  their 
constant  adherence  to  their  engagements  contained  in  the 
Covenant,  yet  when  it  came  to  a  trial  in  their  convention, 
the  Anti-covenanters,  who  were  for  restoring  the  King 
without  any  terms,  carried  all  before  them  :  so  that  instead 
of  the  Marquiss  of  Argile,  the  Marquiss  of  Hamilton  was 

May  10.  appointed  general  of  their  army;  all  the  inferiour  officers 
being  of  the  same  mold  and  principle  ;  insomuch  that  the 
pulpits  who  before  had  proclaimed  this  war,  now  accom- 
panied the  army  that  was  preparing  to  march  with  their 
curses  :  for  tho  they  could  have  been  contented  that  the  sec- 
tarian party,  as  they  called  it,  should  be  ruined,  provided  they 
could  find  strength  enough  to  bring  in  the  King  them- 
selves ;  yet  they  feared  their  old  enemy  more  than  their 
new  one,  because  the  latter  would  only  restrain  them  from 
lording  it  over  them  and  others,  affording  them  equal 
liberty  with  themselves  ;  whereas  the  former  was  so  far 
from  that,  as  hardly  to  suffer  them  to  be  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water:  for  those  who  M^ould  have  all  power  both 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  put  into  one  hand,  could  not  possibly 
agree  with  such  as  would  have  it  divided  into  many. 

These  affairs  necessitated  the  Parliament  to  raise  the 
militia,  in  order  to  oppose  this  malevolent  spirit  which 
threatned  them  from  the  north,  and  also  prevailed  with 

Auf,'.  2.  them  to  discountenance  a  charge  of  high  treason,  framed  by 
Major  Huntington,  an  officer  of  the  army,  with  the  advice 
of  some  members  of  both  houses,  against  Lieutenant 
General  Cromwell,  for  endeavouring,  by  betraying  the 
King,  Parliament,  and  army,  to  advance  himself;  it  being 
manifest  that  the  preferring  this  accusation  at  that  time, 
was  principally  designed  to  take  him  off  from  his  command, 
and  thereby  to  weaken  the  army,  that  their  enemies  might 
be  the  better  enabled  to  prevail  against  them  ^ 

'  '  Sundry  Reasons  inducing  Major  answered  by  Samuel  Chidlcy  in  'A 

Robert  Huntington  to  lay  down  his  Back  Blow  to  Major  Huntington  for 

commission.'     L.  J.  x.   408,  Aug.   2,  his  treacherous  accusation  of  Lieut.- 

1648;    reprinted    in    Thurloe    State  gen.    Cromwell,    and    Comm.    Gen. 

Papers,  i.  94,    and  Maseres'   Select  Ireton,' 1648.    See  also  '  Some  Anim- 

Tracts,     i.    395.       Huntington    was  advcrsions    on    Major    Huntington's 


Plots  for  the  Kings  escape.  197 

The  design  of  the  King's  escape  was  still  carried  on  ;  but      1648 
by  the  vigilance  of  the  governour  of  the  Isle  of  Wight  and 
his  officers  it  was  discovered   and    prevented.     The   next 
morning  after  the  discovery  they  found   the   iron   bars  of    Mny  k). 
the  King's  chamber-window  eaten  through  by  something 
applied  to  them  :  whereupon  those  who  were  to  have  been 
instrumental  in  his  escape,  not  knowing  otherwise  how  to 
revenge  themselves  on  those  who  had  defeated  their  enter- 
prize,  accused  Major  Rolfe,  a  captain  in  that  garison  very 
active  and  vigilant  in  his  charge,  of  a  design   to  kill  the 
King,  raising  such  a  clamour  about  it,  that  the  Parliament 
thought  not  fit  to  decline  the  putting  him  upon  his  trial  ; 
but   the   accusation    appearing   to   the    grand  jury  to  be 
grounded  upon  malice,  they  refused  to  find  the  bill.     About   Aufr.  js. 
the  same  time   Capt.  Burleigh,  who  had  beat  a  drum  at 
Newport  for  the  rescuing  of  the  King,  was  brought  to  his    Jan.  23. 
trial ;    and    the    jury    having    found    him    guilty   of  high 
treason,  he  was  executed  according  to  the  sentence.  Feb.  3. 

Those  of  the  enemies  commanded  by  the  Lord  Goring, 
who  had  fled  into  Essex,  grew  to  a  considerable  number  ; 
but  being  new-raised  men,  and  not  well  acquainted  one 
with  another,  upon  the  advance  of  our  army  retreated  to  June  13. 
Colchester,  with  a  body  so  much  exceeding  ours  which 
pursued  and  besieged  them  in  that  place,  that  Commissary 
General  Ireton  compared  the  town  and  those  therein  to  a 
great  bee-hive,  and  our  army  to  a  small  swarm  of  bees 
.sticking  on  one  side  of  it ;  but  the  number  of  ours  was  soon 
increased  by  the  forces  which  the  well-affected  in  the  counties 
of  Essex,  Suffolk,  Norfolk,  and  Cambridg  sent  to  their 
assistance. 

papers,'    prefixed    to    the    pamphlet  tion    he    became    one    of  the    Com- 

edition  of  his  narrative.     On  May  7,  missioners  of  the  Customs,  and  died 

1650,  when  Huntington  appHed  for  April  21,  1684.    Major  Huntington's 

hisarrearsofpay,  Parliamentrefused,  'Relation  of  sundry  particulars  re- 

and  appointed  a  committee  to  con-  lating  to  King  Charles  I  of  blessed 

sider  charges  of  seditious  practices  memory,'    written    for    Sir    William 

against  him.    tC.  J.  vi.  408.)    In  1659  Dugdale  in  1679,  is  printed  with  the 

he   was    major    of  the    Oxfordshire  1702  edition  of  Sir  Thomas  Herbert's 

militia.     Cal.   S.  P.   Dom.    1659-60,  Memoirs  (p.  151  >. 
pp.  219,  241-2.     After  the  restora- 


198  Hoilaftd's  rising  suppressed. 

1648  The    Earl    of    Holland,   who   at   the   beginning  of  the 

Parliament  had  appeared  active  for  them,  and  afterwards 
leaving  them,  had  gone  to  the  King  at  Oxford,  when  he 
supposed  him  to  grow  strong  ;  then  again  returning  to  the 
Parliament  upon  the  declining  of  the  King's  affairs,  publish- 
ing a  declaration  at  his  coming  to  London,  that  he  left  the 
King  because  he  saw  the  Irish  rebels  so  eminently  favoured 
by  him  ;  in  this  low  condition  of  the  Parliament,  revolted 
again,  and  formed  a  party  of  about  a  thousand  horse,  with 

J"b'  5-  which  he  marched  from  London,  and  declared  against  them, 
accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  (whose  seques- 
tration, upon  the  account  of  his  minority  when  he  first 
engaged  with  the  King,  the  Parliament  had  freely  remitted) 
and  the  Lord  Francis  his  brother,  prevailing  also  with 
Dalbeir,  formerly  Quarter-Master-General  to  the  Earl  of 
Essex,  to  join  with  them.  Their  rendezvous  was  appointed 
to  be  upon  Bansted  Downs ;  but  the  vigilance  of  the 
Parliament  was  such,  that  a  party  of  horse  and  foot  was  soon 
sent  after  them,  commanded  by  Sir  Michael  Lewesey,  who 
without  much  dispute  put  those  courtly  gentlemen  to  the 
rout.  The  Lord  Francis  presuming  perhaps  that  his  beauty 
would  have  charmed  the  souldiers,  as  it  had  done  Mrs. 
Kirk,  for  whom  he  made  a  splendid  entertainment  the 
night  before  he  left  the  town,  and  made  her  a  present  of 
plate  to  the  value  of  a  thousand  pounds,  stayed  behind  his 
company,  where   unseasonably   daring   the   troopers,   and 

Jub' 7-  refusing  to  take  quarter,  he  was  killed,  and  after  his  death 
there  was  found  upon  him  some  of  the  hair  of  Mrs.  Kirk 
sew'd  in  a  piece  of  ribbon  that  hung  next  his  skin.     The 

July  10.  rest  fled  towards  St.  Neots  in  the  county  of  Huntington, 
where  being  fallen  upon  again,  they  were  routed  a  second 
time  :  in  which  action  the  Parliament's  souldiers,  to  ex- 
press their  detestation  of  Dalbeir's  treachery,  hewed  him  in 
pieces.  The  Earl  of  Holland  was  taken,  and  sent  prisoner 
to  Warwick  Castle  ;  but  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  escaped, 
and  went  over  to  France. 

June  },.  Pomfret  Castle  being  seized  by  some  of  the  King's  party, 
was  besieged  b)'  the  country,  assisted  by  some  of  the  army, 


The  siege  of  Pomf7'et.  1 99 

Sir  Hugh  Cholmely  commanding  at  the  siege  ;  but  the  1648 
army  finding  little  progress  made  therein,  ordered  Col. 
Rainsborough  with  more  forces  thither,  appointing  him  to 
command  in  the  room  of  Sir  Hugh  Cholmely.  Whilst  he 
was  preparing  for  that  service,  being  at  Doncaster,  ten  or 
twelve  miles  from  Pomfret,  with  a  considerable  force  in  the 
town,  a  party  of  horse  dismounting  at  his  quarters,  and 
going  up  as  friends  to  his  chamber,  under  pretence  of  having 
business  with  him,  seized  him  first,  and  upon  his  refusal  to 
go  silently  with  them,  murdered  him.  After  his  death  Oct.  29. 
another  commander  being  appointed  in  his  place  to  carry 
on  the  siege,  those  in  the  castle  were  reduced  to  such 
extremities,  that  some  of  the  most  desperate  of  them 
resolved,  together  with  their  governour  one  Morris,  who 
had  been  page  to  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  to  endeavour  the 
breaking  through  our  forces  on  horseback ;  which  they 
attempted,  and  tho  most  of  them  were  beaten  back  to  the  1649 
castle  by  the  besiegers,  yet  this  Morris  made  his  way  March  20. 
through  ;  but  was  afterwards  taken  as  he  passed  through 
the  country  in  the  disguise  of  a  beggar,  and  carried  to 
York,  where  he  was  arraigned  before  Justice  Thorpe,  and 
being  found  guilty  of  treason,  was  executed  for  the  same  ^.     An_fj.  23. 

Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,  with  that  part  of  the  army 
which  was  with  him,  besieged  the  town  and  castle  of 
Pembroke,  whither  the  chief  of  that  party  that  fled  from 
St.  Faggons  had  made  their  retreat,  as  I  said  before ;  but 
wanting  great  guns,  he  was  obliged  to  send  for  some  to 
Glocester,  which  with  much  difficulty  were  brought  to  him. 
This  place  detained  the  greatest  part  of  our  army  about 
six  weeks  ;  but  it  was  remarkable,  that  about  the  time  the 
Scots  were  entring  into  England,  the  garison  for  want  of  1648 
provisions    was   forced   to   capitulate   and    surrender  upon    July  n. 

*  On    the    sieges    of    Pontefract,  ward  Peacock.    Sir  Henry  Cholmlej^ 

see     Mr.     Longstaffe's     edition     of  not  his  brother  Sir  Hugh,  was  the 

Drake's  narrative  in  the  Miscellanea  Parliamentary    commander    at    the 

of   the    Surtees    Society,    i860.     A  beginning  of  the  siege,  and  Lambert 

life    of   Rainborowe   (as   he   usually  was  appointed   in    December,   1648. 

'spells     his    name),     is     printed     in  Cf.   Clarendon,   Rebellion,   xi.    116- 

Archeologia,  vol.   xlvi,    by   Mr.   Ed-  120. 


200 


The  Scots  enter  England. 


1648  articles,  by  which  some  of  them  were  to  remain  prisoners, 
and  others  to  be  banished  into  Ireland  for  three  years  ; 
amongst  the  latter  were  Col.  Thomas  Stradling,  Sir  Henry 
Stradling,  Col.  Button  and  Major  Butler^  ;  of  the  first  were 
Col.  Laughern,  Col.  Foyer,  and  Col.  Powell. 

July  8.  Twenty  thousand  Scots  being  upon  their  march  into 
England  under  the  conduct  of  Duke  Hamilton,  with  about 
five  thousand  English,  commanded  by  Sir  Marmaduke 
Langdale,  some  of  us  who  had  opposed  the  Lieutenant- 
General's  arbitrary  proceedings,  when  we  were  convinced  he 
acted  to  promote  a  selfish  and  unwarrantable  design,  now 
thinking  our  selves  obliged  to  strengthen  his  hands  in  that 
necessary  work,  which  he  was  appointed  to  undertake,  writ 
a  letter  to  him  to  encourage  him,  from  the  consideration  of 
the  justice  of  the  cause  wherein  he  was  engaged,  and  the 
wickedness  of  those  with  whom  he  was  to  encounter,  to 
proceed  with  chearfulness,  assuring  him, that  notwithstanding 
all  our  discouragements  we  would  readily  give  him  all  the 

July  22.    assistance  we  could  ^.     The  House  of  Commons  declared 


'  '  My  uncle  Col.  Thomas  Strad- 
ling'  is  mentioned  by  Ludlow  as  one 
of  his  securities  in  1660.  He  was 
probably  a  brother  of  Mrs.  Ludlow's 
mother,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Sir 
John  Stradling.  Cf.  Phillips,  Civil 
War  in  Wales,  ii.  336,  397. 

''■  On  Aug.  I,  1648,  the  House  of 
Commons  released  John  Lilburne 
from  imprisonment,  probably  because 
the  Presbyterian  party  hoped  he 
would  join  Major  Huntington  in 
impeaching  Cromwell.  Lilburne 
protests  that  he  was  earnestly 
solicited  to  it  again  and  again,  but 
refused  'as  not  loving  a  Scotch  in- 
terest then  likely  to  swallow  us  up,' 
and  supported  Cromwell  instead. 
He  names  Cornelius  Holland,  Tom 
Chaloner,  and  Col.  Ludlow  as  well 
knowing  the  truth  of  this  statement. 
He  quotes  also  a  letter  which  he 
sent  Cromwell  by  Mr.  Edward  Sexby, 
'  whom  on  purpose  I  procured  to 
go   down   to   iiim.'     '  Sir,'   runs   the 


letter,  '  What  my  comrade  hath 
written  by  our  trusty  bearer,  might 
be  sufficient  for  us  both ;  but  to 
demonstrate  unto  you  that  I  am  no 
staggerer  from  my  first  principles, 
that  I  engaged  my  life  upon,  nor 
from  you,  if  you  are  what  you  ought 
to  be,  and  what  you  are  now  strongly 
reported  to  be ;  although,  if  I  pro- 
secuted or  desired  revenge  for  an 
hard  and  almost  starving  imprison- 
ment, I  could  have  had  of  late  the 
choice  of  twenty  opportunities  to 
have  paid  you  to  the  purpose ;  but 
I  scorn  it,  especially  when  you  are 
low,  and  this  assure  yourself,  that 
if  ever  my  hand  be  upon  you,  it 
shall  be  when  you  are  in  your  full 
glory,  if  then  you  shall  decline  from 
the  righteous  wa^'S  of  truth  and 
justice  :  which  if  you  will  fixedly  and 
impartiaJl}'  prosecute,  I  am  yours,  to 
the  last  drop  of  my  heart  blood  (for  all 
your  late  severe  hand  towards  me), 
lolin  Lilburne.     From  Westminster 


The  battle  of  Preston.  201 

the  Scots  who  had   invaded  England  to  be  enemies,  and       1648 
ordered  the  Lieutenant-General  to  advance  towards  them, 
and  fight  them:  but  the  Lords  in  this  doubtful  posture  of    July  ;i. 
affairs  declined  to  concur  with  them  in  the  same  :  yet  both 
of  them,  with  the  city  of  London,  joined  in  driving  on  a 
personal  treaty  with  the  King  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  to    July  jy. 
that  end  the  Lords  and  Commons  revoked  the  votes  for 
Non-Addresses ;  whereby  the  King  seemed  to  be  on  sure 
ground,  for  that  if  the  Scots  army  failed,  he  might  still  make 
terms  with  the  Parliament.     The  King's  party  in  Colchester 
were  also  much  encouraged  with  hopes  of  relief  from  the 
Scots  army,  who  were  very  numerous,  and  well  furnished 
with  all  things  but  a  good  cause.     To  fight  this  formidable 
army  the  Lieutenant-General  could  not  make  up  much  above 
seven  thousand   horse   and  foot,   and   those  so  extremely 
harassed  with  hard  service  and  long   marches,   that  they 
seemed  rather  fit  for  a  hospital  than  a  battel.     With  this 
handful  of  men  he  advanced  towards  the  enemy,  and  about 
Preston  in  Lancashire   both   armies  met  on  the    17th   of 
August,  1648.     The  English  who  were  in  the  Scots  army 
had  the  honour  of  the  van,  and  for  a  time  entertained  ours 
with   some    opposition ;  but   being  vigorously  pressed   by 
our  men,  they  were  forced  to  retreat  to  a  pass,  which  they 
maintained  against  us,  whilst  they  sent  to  their  general 
for  succours  ;    which  he  not  sending,  on  purpose,  as  was 
said,  that  the    English   might  be  cut   off,  and  his  party 
kept    intire    to    enable    him    to    set    up   for    himself,   and 
give  law  to  both  nations,  they  began  to  shift  for  them- 
selves :    which   made  such  an  impression  upon  the  Scots 
that  they  soon   followed    their   example,   retreating    in    a 
disorderly  manner.     Ours    followed   them    so   close,   that    Ang.  19. 
most  of   their  foot  threw   down    their  arms,   and   yielded 
themselves  prisoners.     Many  of  the  principal  officers  of  their 
foot  were  taken,  with  all  their  artillery,  ammunition,  and 

this   3   of  August,    1648,  being   the  bably    not    Ludlow,    but    Wildman. 

second  day  of  my  freedom,'     Legal,  Sexby   no    doubt  carried    a   similar 

Fundamental  Liberties,  1649,  p.   32.  letter  from  Ludlow,  and  Ludlow  was 

The  comrade  referred  to  was  pro-  certainly  cognizant  of  this  letter. 


202  Hamilton  taken  p7'isoner. 

1648  baggage:  Hamilton,  with  four  or  five  thousand  horse  in 
Aug.  iS.  a  body,  left  the  field,  and  was  pursued  by  Col.  Thorney,  a 
member  of  Parliament,  and  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  horse, 
a  worthy  and  a  valiant  man,  who  following  them  too  close 
and  unadvisedly  run  himself  upon  one  of  their  lances, 
wherewith  he  was  mortally  wounded,  which  he  perceiving 
by  the  wasting  of  his  spirits,  to  express  his  affection  to  his 
country,  and  joy  for  the  defeat  of  the  enemy,  desired  his 
men  to  open  to  the  right  and  left,  that  he  might  have  the 
satisfaction  to  see  them  run  before  he  died  ^.  The  enemy's 
body  of  horse  kept  themselves  together  for  some  days 
roving  up  and  down  the  country  about  Leicestershire, 
which  county  the  Lord  Grey  of  Grooby  had  raised,  and 
brought  together  about  three  thousand  horse  and  foot  to 
preserve  the  country  from  plunder,  and  to  take  all  possible 
advantages  against  the  enemy :  and  tho  a  body  of  horse 
from  the  army  was  in  pursuit  of  the  Scots,  yet  the  Leicester- 
shire party  came  up  first  to  them  at  Uttoxeter  in  Stafford- 
shire, where  the  body  of  the  enemy's  horse  was  ;  and  whilst 
the  Scots  were  treating  with  the  other  party  from  the 
army,  the  Lord  Grey's  men  observing  no  guards  kept,  entred 
upon  them,  before  any  conditions  were  made  ;  whereupon 
Aug.  22.  Hamilton  surrendred  himself  to  Col.  Wayte,  an  officer  of 
the  Leicestershire  party,  delivering  to  him  his  scarf,  his 
George,  and  his  sword,  which  last  he  desired  him  to  keep 
carefully,  because  it  had  belonged  to  his  ancestors.  By  the 
two  parties  the  Scots  were  all  made  prisoners,  and  all  their 
horses  seized  ;  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  was  carried  prisoner 
to  Windsor- Castle,  and  all  their  standards  of  horse  and  foot 
were  taken  and  sent  up  to  London,  where  the  Parliament 
ordered  them  to  be  hung  up  in  Westminster  Hall  ^.     The 

'  Col.     P^-ancis    Thornliaugh,    an  ^  'This    day    there    was    an    ap- 

account  of  whom  is  given   in   Mrs.  pearance  of  all  the  Scots  colours  in 

Hutchinson's    life    of   her    husband.  Westminster  Hall ;  those  taken  from 

Cromwell    terms     him     (letter    64)  Hamilton    at   Preston   being   hangd 

*a    man    as    faithful    and   gallant    in  up  on    the    one    side,  and   these  at 

your  service  as  any ;  and  one  who  Dunbarr  on  the   other.'     Mercurius 

hath  heretofore  lost  blood   in  your  Politicus,  Sept.  21,  1650.     See  C.  J. 

service  and  now  his  last'     See  Life  vi.  465;  vii.  15. 
of  Col.  Hutchinson,  i.  194;  ii.  131. 


Parliament  treats  with  the  Kimr.  20 


<*> 


House  of  Lords  who  had  avoided  to  declare  the  Scots  1648 
enemies  whilst  their  army  was  entire,  now  after  their  defeat  Aur.  2.',. 
prevented  the  House  of  Commons,  and  moved  that  a  day 
might  be  appointed  to  give  God  thanks  for  this  success. 
The  news  of  this  victory  being  carried  to  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
the  King  said  to  the  governour,  that  it  was  the  worst  news 
that  ever  came  to  England  ;  to  which  he  answered,  that  he 
thought  the  King  had  no  cause  to  be  of  that  opinion,  since  if 
Hamilton  had  beaten  the  English,  he  would  certainly  have 
possessed  himself  of  the  thrones  of  England  and  Scotland  : 
the  King  presently  replied,  'You  are  mistaken,  I  could 
have  commanded  him  back  with  the  motion  of  my  hand.' 
Which  whether  he  could  do  or  no,  was  doubtful  ;  but  what- 
ever reasons  he  had  for  this  opinion,  it  seemed  very  unseason- 
able to  own  it  openly  in  that  conjuncture.  Lieutenant- 
General  Cromwell  marched  with  part  of  his  army  to  Edin- 
burgh, where  he  dispossessed  the  Hamiltonian  party  of  Oct.  4. 
their  authority,  and  put  the  power  into  the  hands  of  the 
Presbyterians ;  by  whom  he  was  received  with  great 
demonstrations  of  joy :  and  tho  lately  they  looked  upon 
the  Independent  party  as  the  worst  of  their  enemies,  yet 
now  they  owned  and  embraced  them  as  their  best  friends 
and  deliverers  ;  and  having  notice  given  them  that  the 
English  army  was  about  to  return  into  England,  they  pre- 
vailed with  the  Lieutenant- General  to  leave  Major- General 
Lambert  with  a  body  of  horse,  till  they  could  raise  more 
forces  to  provide  for  their  own  safety. 

The  treaty  with  the  King  being  pressed  with  more  heat  September 
than  ever,  and  a  design  visibly  appearing  to  render  all  our 
victories  useless  thereby ;  by  the  advice  of  some  friends  I 
went  down  to  the  army,  which  lay  at  that  time  before 
Colchester  ;  where  attending  upon  the  General  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  to  acquaint  him  with  the  state  of  affairs  at  London, 
I  told  him,  that  a  design  was  driving  on  to  betray  the 
cause  in  which  so  much  of  the  people's  blood  had  been  shed  : 
that  the  King  being  under  a  restraint,  would  not  account 
himself  obliged  by  any  thing  he  should  promise  under  such 
circumstances  ;  assuring  him,  that  most  of  those  who  pushed 


204  Ludlow  at  Colchester. 

1648  on  the  treaty  with  the  greatest  vehemency,  intended  not 
that  he  should  be  bound  to  the  performance  of  it,  but  de- 
signed principally  to  use  his  authority  and  favour  in  order 
to  destroy  the  army;  who,  as  they  had  assumed  the  power, 
ought  to  make  the  best  use  of  it,  and  to  prevent  the  ruin  of 
themselves  and  the  nation  ^.  He  acknowledged  what  I  said 
to  be  true,  and  declared  himself  resolved  to  use  the  power 
he  had,  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  publick,  upon  a  clear 
and  evident  call,  looking  upon  himself  to  be  obliged  to 
pursue  the  work  which  he  was  about.  Perceiving  by  such  a 
general  answer  that  he  was  irresolute,  I  went  to  Commissary- 
General  Ireton,  who  had  a  great  influence  upon  him,  and 
having  found  him,  we  discoursed  together  upon  the  same 
subject,  wherein  w^e  both  agreed  that  it  was  necessary  for 
the  army  to  interpose  in  this  matter,  but  differed  about 
the  time  ;  he  being  of  opinion,  that  it  was  best  to  permit  the 
King  and  the  Parliament  to  make  an  agreement,  and  to 
wait  till  they  had  made  a  full  discovery  of  their  intentions, 
whereby  the  people  becoming  sensible  of  their  own  danger, 
would  willingly  join  to  oppose  them  -.  My  opinion  was, 
that  it  would  be  much  easier  for  the  army  to  keep  them 
from  a  conjunction,  than  to  oppose  them  when  united  ;  it 
being  highly  probable  that  the  first  things  they  would  fall 
upon  after  their  union,  would  be  such  as  were  most  taking 
with  the  people,  in  order  to  oblige  them  to  assist  in  the 
disbanding  of  the  army,  under  pretence  of  lessening  their 
taxes:  and  then  if  the  army  should  in  any  manner  signify 

*  On    the    question    of     Ireton's  trusted    about    dates,   but    I    do  not 

share    in    this    inter\"ention    of    the  think  he  would  have  written  that  he 

army,  see  Gardiner,  G.  C.   W.   iii.  went  to  Colchester  if  his  visit  had 

473)  495-500-  been  at  a  later  time  when  the  army 

^  Mr.     Gardiner     concludes     that  was  at  some  other  place.     If  he  did 

Ludlow's    visit    to    the    army    took  go    to    Colchester   his    visit    cannot 

place  in  Aug.  or  SepL,  1647.    'Isee  have  been  later  than  about  Sept.  6, 

no   reason   to  doubt  that   he   really  as  it  was  known  in  London  on  the 

went    either   whilst    the   army  was  8th  that  Ireton  was  no  longer  there.' 

before    Colchester    just    after    the  G.    C.    W.    iii.    471.      Ludlow   was 

surrender,  or  during  the  last  two  or  probably  acting  in  agreement  with 

three  days  of  the  siege,  when  it  was  the  promoters  of  the  London  petition 

quite  certain  that  Colchester  would  of  Sept.  11. 
surrender.      Ludlow   can    never   be 


The  Army  intervenes.  205 

a  dislike  of  their  proceedings,  they  would  be  esteemed  by       1648 
the  majority  of  the  people,  to  be  disturbers  of  the  publick 
peace,  and   accused   of  designing  nothing  save  their  own 
particular  advantages. 

The  King's  party  in  Colchester  expecting  to  be  included 
in  the  peace  which  was  treating  between  him  and  the 
Parliament,  held  out  to  the  utmost ;  but  being  in  extreme 
want  of  provisions,  and  destitute  of  all  hopes  of  relief  since 
the  defeat  of  the  Scots,  they  were  forced  to  surrender  on  the 
28th  of  August^  1648,  upon  articles,  whereby  some  of  the 
principal  of  them  being  prisoners  at  discretion,  the  court 
martial  assembled  and  condemned  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Sir 
George  Lisle,  and  Sir  Barnard  Gascoin  to  die  ;  the  last 
of  whom  being  a  foreigner  was  pardoned,  and  the  other 
two  were  shot  to  death  according  to  the  sentence.  The 
Lord  Goring  and  the  Lord  Capel  were  sent  prisoners  to 
London,  and  committed  to  the  Tower  by  an  order  of  the 
Parliament. 

The  two  Houses  finding  things  in  this  posture,  hastened 
the  departure  of  the  Commissioners  to  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
with  powers  and  instructions  to  treat  with  the  King,  Sept.  18. 
who  principally  insisted  on  that  article  concerning  bishops, 
whom  he  accounted  to  be  by  Divine  right,  or  rather 
essentially  necessary  to  the  support  of  arbitrary  power; 
whereupon  ministers  of  each  side  were  appointed  to  dispute 
touching  that  subject,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  King's  con- 
science. But  the  army  having  now  wonderfully  dispersed 
their  enemies  on  every  part,  began  to  consider  how  to 
secure  themselves  and  the  common  cause  against  those 
counsels  that  were  carried  on  in  opposition  to  them,  under 
pretext  of  making  peace  with  the  King,  and  to  that  end 
drew  up  a  declaration  at  St.  Albans,  dated  the  i6th  of 
November,  1648,  shewing  that  the  grounds  of  their  first 
engagement  was  to  bring  delinquents  to  justice ;  that  the 
King  was  guilty  of  the  blood  shed  in  the  first  and  second 
war,  and  that  therefore  they  could  not  trust  him  with  the 
government.  This  remonstrance  they  presented  to  the 
Parliament  on  the  20th  of  November,   1648.     The   King 


2o6        The  iuinoriiy  unites  with  the  a^nny. 

164S  and  Parliament  seeing  this  cloud  beginning  to  gather, 
endeavoured  by  all  means  possible  to  hasten  their  treaty  to 
a  conclusion.  The  army  also  were  not  wanting  to  fortify 
themselves  against  that  shock,  sending  some  of  their  own 
number  to  those  members  of  Parliament,  whom  they 
esteemed  most  faithful  to  the  common  cause,  to  invite  them 
down  to  the  army,  after  they  should  in  a  publick  manner 
have  expressed  their  dissatisfaction  to  the  proceedings  of 
those  who  had  betrayed  the  trust  reposed  in  them  by  the 
good  people  of  England,  and  declared,  that  finding  it 
impossible  to  be  any  farther  serviceable  in  Parliament,  they 
had  resolved  to  repair  to  the  army  in  order  to  procure  their 
assistance  in  settling  the  government  of  the  nation  upon 
a  just  foundation.  At  a  meeting  of  some  members  of 
Parliament  with  the  said  officers  from  the  army,  it  was 
resolved,  that  the  the  way  proposed  by  them  might  be 
taken  in  case  all  other  means  failed,  yet  seeing  there  was 
more  than  a  sufficient  number  of  members  in  the  Parliament 
to  make  a  House,  who  were  most  afi"ectionate  to  the  public 
cause,  it  would  be  more  proper  for  the  army  to  relieve  them 
from  those  who  rend  red  them  useless  to  the  publick 
service,  thereby  preserving  the  name  and  place  of  the 
Parliament,  than  for  the  members  thereof  to  quit  their 
stations  wherein  they  were  appointed  to  serve,  and  to  leave 
the  civil  authority  in  the  hands  of  those  who  would  be  ready 
to  fall  in  with  any  power  that  would  attempt  to  frustrate 
what  should  be  agreed  on  by  them  and  the  army.  In 
prosecution  of  this  result  the  army  drew  to  Colebrook,  from 
whence  Commissary-General  Ireton  sent  me  word,  that  now 
he  hoped  they  should  please  me,  which  I  must  acknowledg 
they  did  by  the  way  w  hicli  they  were  taking,  not  from  any 
particular  advantages  that  I  expected  from  it,  except  an 
equal  share  of  security  with  other  men  ;  but  that  the  people 
of  England  might  be  preserved  in  their  just  rights,  from  the 
oppressions  of  violent  men  ;  the  question  in  dispute  between 
the  King's  party  and  us  being,  as  I  apprehended,  *  Whether 
the  King  should  govern  as  a  god  by  his  will,  and  the  nation 
be  governed  by  force  like  beasts  :  or  whether  the  people 


The  treaty  of  Newport.  207 

should  be  governed  by  laws  made  by  themselves,  and  live  1648 
under  a  government  derived  from  their  own  consent.'  Being 
fully  perswaded  that  an  accommodation  with  their  King  was 
unsafe  to  the  people  of  England,  and  unjust  and  wicked  in 
the  nature  of  it.  The  former,  besides  that  it  was  obvious  to 
all  men,  the  King  himself  had  proved,  by  the  duplicity  of 
his  dealing  with  the  Parliament,  which  manifestly  appeared 
in  his  own  papers  taken  at  the  battel  of  Naseby,  and  else- 
where. Of  the  latter  I  was  convinced  by  the  express  words 
of  God's  law ;  '  That  blood  defileth  the  land,  and  the  land 
cannot  be  cleansed  of  the  blood  that  is  shed  therein,  but  by 
the  blood  of  him  that  shed  it.'  (Numbers,  chap.  35.  v.  '^->^^ 
And  therefore  I  could  not  consent  to  the  counsels  of  those 
who  were  contented  to  leave  the  guilt  of  so  much  blood 
upon  the  nation,  and  thereby  to  draw  down  the  just 
vengeance  of  God  upon  us  all ;  when  it  was  most  evident 
that  the  war  had  been  occasioned  by  the  invasion  of  our 
rights,  and  open  breach  of  our  laws  and  constitution  on  the 
King's  part. 

The  Commissioners  that  were  appointed  to  manage  the 
treaty  with  the  King,  returned  with  the  King's  answer, 
containing  neither  a  positive  grant,  nor  an  absolute  denial. 
As  to  the  bishops,  he  still  retained  his  principle  of  their 
Divine  right,  and  therefore  declared  that  he  could  not 
dispense  with  the  abolition  of  them  ;  but  for  present 
satisfaction,  hoping  by  giving  ground  to  gain  a  better 
opportunity  to  serve  them,  he  consented  that  those  who 
had  bought  their  lands  should  have  a  lease  of  them  for 
some  years  :  and  for  satisfaction  for  the  blood  that  had 
been  shed,  he  was  willing  that  six  should  be  excepted  ;  but 
withal  care  was  taken,  that  they  should  be  such  as  were  far 
enough  from  the  reach  of  justice.  By  another  article,  the 
militia  was  to  remain  in  the  Parliament  for  ten  years : 
thereby  implying,  if  I  mistake  not,  that  the  right  of 
granting  it  was  in  the  King,  and  consequently  that  we  had 
done  him  wrong  in  contending  with  him  for  it.  By  such 
ways  and  means  did  some  men  endeavour  to  abuse  the 
nation. 


208 


The  debate  on  the  Kmgs  concessions. 


1648  Some  of  our  Commissioners  who  had  been  with  the  King 

pleaded  in  the  House  for  a  concurrence  with  him,  as  if  they 
had  been  imployed  by  him  ;  tho  others  with  more  ingenuity 
acknowledged  that  they  would  not  advise  an  agreement 
upon  those  terms,  were  it  not  to  prevent  a  greater  evil  that 
was  like  to  ensue  upon  the  refusal  of  them.  But  Sir 
Henry  Vane  so  truly  stated  the  matter  of  fact  relating  to 
the  treaty,  and  so  evidently  discovered  the  design  and 
deceit  of  the  King's  answer,  that  he  made  it  clear  to  us, 
that  by  it  the  justice  of  our  cause  was  not  asserted,  nor  our 
rights  secured  for  the  future  ^  ;  concluding,  that  if  they 
should  accept  of  these  terms  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
army,  it  would  prove  but  a  feather  in  their  caps  :  notwith- 
standing which  the  corrupt  party  in  the  House  having 
bargain'd  for  their  own  and  the  nation's  liberty,  resolved  to 
break  through  all  hazards  and  inconveniences  to  make  good 
their  contract,  and  after  twenty  four  hours'  debate,  resolved 
Pecs,  by  the  plurality  of  votes'-^,  'That  the  King's  concessions 
were  ground  for  a  future  settlement.'  At  which  some  of  us 
expressing  our  dissatisfaction,  desired  that  our  protestation 
might  be  entred^;  but  that  being  denied,  as  against  the 


^  Some  account  of  Vane's  speech 
and  of  the  debate  in  general  is  given 
in  Mercurius  Pragmaticus,  Dec.  5-12, 
1648 ;    cf.    Gardiner,  G.    C.    W.    iii. 

531-4- 

^  By  129  to  83  votes. 

'  Mrs.  Hutchinson  states  that  her 
husband  and  four  others  actually 
entered  a  protestation  '  into  the 
house-book'  on  Dec.  5,  which  is 
certainly  erroneous.  Life  of  Col. 
Hutchinson,  ed.  1885,  p.  146.  A 
protest,  however,  was  entered  later. 
The  army  in  their  proposals  of 
Dec.  6  demanded  that  members 
dissenting  from  the  late  vote  should 
have  leave  to  protest,  '  that  the 
kingdom  may  know  who  they  are 
that  have  kept  their  trust'  Old 
Parliamentary  History,  xviii.  460. 
On  Dec.  18  a  Committee  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  House  '  to  consider 


of  the  manner  of  this  dissent,  and 
how  every  member  should  make  it 
in  Parliament,  and  to  draw  up  an 
expedient  to  this  purpose  for  the 
members  to  subscribe  as  dissenters 
from  that  vote,  that  the  King's 
answers  were  a  ground  of  peace.' 
Rushworth,  vii.  1366. 

A  newspaper  gives  the  following 
account  of  the  result : — 
December  20. 

'The  Committee  formerly  ap- 
pointed to  consider  of  the  manner 
of  the  dissent  to  the  vote  of  the 
House,  5th  December,  1648,  that 
the  King's  answer  was  a  ground  for 
settling  the  peace  of  the  kingdom, 
reports  the  same  this  day,  which 
was  thus.  That  every  member  should 
rise  up  from  his  seat  in  the  House  and 
declare  that  he  dissents  to  the  said 
vote ;  the   House  approving  hereof, 


The  Army  decides  to  mtervene. 


209 


orders  of  the  House,  I  contented  my  self  to  declare  publickly, 
that  being  convinced  that  they  had  deserted  the  common 
cause  and  interest  of  the  nation,  I  could  no  longer  join 
with  them  ;  the  rest  of  those  who  dissented  also  expressing 
themselves  much  to  the  same  purpose.  The  day  following 
some  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  army  came  to  London, 
with  expectation  that  things  would  be  brought  to  this 
issue ;  and  consulting  with  some  members  of  Parliament 
and  others,  it  was  concluded  after  a  full  and  free  debate, 
that  the  measures  taken  by  the  Parliament  were  contrary 
to  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  and  tending  to  contract  the 
guilt  of  the  blood  that  had  been  shed  upon  themselves,  and 
the  nation  :  that  it  was  therefore  the  duty  of  the  army  to 
endeavour  to  put  a  stop  to  such  proceedings  ^ ;  having 
engaged  in  the  war,  not  simply  as  mercenaries,  but  out  of 
judgment  and  conscience,  being  convinced  that  the  cause 
in  which  they  were  engaged  was  just,  and  that  the  good  of 
the  people  was  involved  in  it.  Being  come  to  this  resolu- 
tion, three  of  the  members  of  the  House  and  three  of  the 


1468 


several  members,  to  the  number  of 
about  forty,  stood  up  one  after 
another,  and  declared  their  dissents, 
which  the  Clerk  entered  particularly 
in  the  Journal.  The  members'  names 
should  have  been  inserted,  if  wise 
men  had  not  thought  it  might  have 
proved  very  inconvenient  to  them. 
This  done,  the  House  thought  it 
very  requisite  that  any  member  might 
have  liberty  to  express  to  the  House 
that  he  disapproves  of  the  said  vote 
of  the  5th  December,  1648,  and  there- 
fore past  a  vote  to  that  purpose : 
and  because  the  kingdom  may  be 
the  better  satisfied  herein,  and  upon 
what  grounds  they  have  retracted 
and  disannulled  former  votes,  in 
relation  to  the  treaty  and  otherwise, 
they  named  a  Committee  to  draw  a 
Declaration  concerning  the  same ; 
upon  reading  whereof,  they  doubt 
not  but  the  kingdom  will  be  well 
satisfied.'  (The  Moderate,  Dec.  19- 
26,  1648.) 

VOL.  I. 


Clement  Walker  gives  a  list  of  the 
names  of  those  signing  the  protest. 
History  of  Independency,  ii.  48,  ed. 
1661.  See  also  Prynne's  Case  of 
the  old  secured,  secluded,  and  now 
excluded  Members,  1660 ;  and  Cal. 
S.  P.  Dom.  1649-50,  p.  I.  On  Feb. 
21,  1660,  the  House  ordered  the 
protest  and  votes  relating  to  it  to 
be  erased  from  the  Journals. 

'  The  plan  of  the  armj"^  embodied 
in  their  declaration  of  Nov.  30, 
1648,  was  that  the  existing  ParHa- 
ment  should  be  immediately  dis- 
solved, and  that  those  members  who 
sided  with  the  army  should  with- 
draw from  Westminster,  and  act  as 
a  sort  of  provisional  government  till 
the  new  Parliament  came  together. 
To  this  the  leaders  of  the  republican 
minority  objected,  and  proposed  the 
purging  of  the  Parliament  instead  of 
its  forcible  dissolution.  The  result 
was  Pride's  Purge.  Gardiner,  G. 
C.  W.,  iii.  530,  536. 


2IO  Prides  Purge. 

1648  officers  of  the  army  withdrew  into  a  private  room,  to 
consider  of  the  best  means  to  attain  the  ends  of  our  said 
resolution,  where  we  agreed  that  the  army  should  be  drawn 
up  the  next  morning,  and  guards  placed  in  Westminster 
Hall,  the  Court  of  Requests,  and  the  Lobby ;  that  none 
might  be  permitted  to  pass  into  the  House  but  such  as  had 
continued  faithful  to  the  publick  interest.  To  this  end  we 
went  over  the  names  of  all  the  members  one  by  one,  giving 
the  truest  characters  we  could  of  their  inclinations,  wherein 
I  presume  we  were  not  mistaken  in  many ;  for  the  Parlia- 
ment was  fallen  into  such  factions  and  divisions,  that  any 
one  who  usually  attended  and  observed  the  business  of  the 
House,  could,  after  a  debate  on  any  question,  easily  number 
the  votes  that  would  be  on  each  side,  before  the  question 
was  put.  Commissary-General  Ireton  went  to  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax,  and  acquainted  him  with  the  necessity  of  this 
extraordinary  way  of  proceeding,  having  taken  care  to 
have  the  army  drawn  up  the  next  morning  by  seven  of  the 
Dec.  6.  clock.  Col.  Pride  commanded  the  guard  that  attended  at 
the  Parliament-doors,  having  a  list  of  those  members  who 
were  to  be  excluded,  preventing  them  from  entring  into 
the  House,  and  securing  some  of  the  most  suspected  under 
a  guard  provided  for  that  end  ;  in  which  he  was  assisted 
by  the  Lord  Grey  of  Grooby  and  others  who  knew  the 
members.  To  justify  these  proceedings  the  army  sent  a 
message  to  the  House,  representing,  that  whereas  divers 
members  had  been  expelled  the  House  upon  account  of 
the  violence  done  to  the  Parliament  by  the  city  of  London 
and  others,  in  1647,  yet  upon  the  absence  of  many  well- 
affected  members,  by  reason  of  their  employments  in  the 
army  and  elsewhere  against  the  enemy,  the  said  persons 
were  readmitted  without  any  trial  or  satisfaction  in  the 
things  whereof  they  were  accused  ;  whereby  the  Scots  had 
been  drawn  to  invade  this  kingdom,  and  the  House 
prevented  by  the  intruders  and  their  accomplices  from 
declaring  against  the  invaders,  who  had  made  up  the 
number  of  ninety  odd  votes  to  that  purpose  ;  and  whereas 
by  the  prevalency  of  the  same  corrui)t  counsels,  justice  had 


The  House  of  Comiuo7is  submits.  2 1 1 

been  obstructed,  and  a  settlement  of  affairs  hindered  ;  and  1648 
lastly,  the  King's  concessions  declared  to  be  a  ground  for 
the  settlement  of  peace,  notwithstanding  the  insufficiency 
and  defects  of  them  ;  they  therefore  most  humbly  desired 
that  all  those  members  who  arc  innocent  in  these  things, 
would  by  a  publick  declaration  acquit  themselves  from  any 
guilt  thereof,  or  concurrence  therein  ;  and  that  those  who 
shall  not  so  acquit  themselves,  may  be  excluded  or  sus- 
pended the  House  till  they  have  given  clear  satisfaction 
therein ;  that  those  who  have  faithfully  performed  their 
trust,  may  proceed  without  interruption  to  the  execution 
of  justice,  and  to  make  speedy  provision  for  an  equal 
succession  of  representatives,  wherein  differences  may  be 
composed,  and  all  men  comfortably  acquiesce,  as  they 
for  their  parts  thereby  engaged  and  assured  them  they 
would.  The  House,  wherein  there  was  about  six  score, 
was  moved  to  send  for  those  members  v;ho  were  thus 
excluded  by  the  army;  which  they  did,  as  I  presume, 
rather  upon  the  account  of  decency,  than  from  any  desire 
they  had  that  their  message  should  be  obeyed  ;  and  that  it 
might  clearly  appear  that  this  interruption  proceeded  from 
the  army,  and  not  from  any  advice  of  the  Parliament,  to  the 
end  that  what  they  should  act  separately,  might  be  esteemed 
to  be  only  in  order  to  prevent  such  inconveniences  as 
might  otherwise  fall  upon  the  nation,  if  the  whole  power 
should  be  left  in  the  hands  of  an  army;  and  that  their 
actions  appearing  to  be  founded  upon  this  necessity,  they 
might  the  better  secure  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the 
people.  Upon  such  considerations,  when  the  serjeant  re- 
turned and  acquainted  them  that  the  excluded  members 
were  detained  by  the  army,  the  House  proceeded  in  the 
business  before  them  ^. 

Lieutenant-General  Cromwell  the  night  after  the  inter-    Dec.  6. 
ruption  of  the  House  arrived  from  Scotland,  and  lay  at 
Whitehall,  where,  and  at  other  places,  he  declared   that 
he  had  not  been  acquainted  with  this  design  ;    yet  since 

^  See  on  Pride's  Purge  the  Old  Parliamentary  History,  xviii.   447-488, 
Gardiner,  G.  C.  W.,  iii.  537. 

P    3 


2  1 2  The  King  brought  to   Windsor. 

1648  it  was  done,  he  was  glad  of  it,  and  would  endeavour  to 
maintain  it. 

Major-General  Harrison  being  sent  by  the  army  with  a 
party  of  horse  to  bring  the  King  from  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
Col.  Hammond,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  custody  of  him 
by  the  Parliament,  disputed  to  deliver  him  ;  but  finding 
that  those  about  him  inclined  to  comply,  he  thought  it 
not  convenient  to  make  any  farther  opposition  ^  :  so  that 
Dec.  1.  the  King  was  conducted  from  the  island  to  Hurst  Castle, 
Dec.  23.  and  from  thence  to  Windsor,  by  Major-General  Harrison. 
Being  on  his  way,  he  dined  at  Mr.  Leviston's  in  Bagshot 
Park,  who  had  provided  a  horse  for  him  to  make  his  escape  ; 
but  this  design  also  was  discovered,  and  prevented.  The 
King  being  at  Windsor,  it  was  debated  what  should  be 
done  with  him  :  the  army  were  for  bringing  him  to  a  trial, 
for  levying  war  against  the  Parliament  and  people  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  London  pre- 

1649  sented  a  petition  to  the  Parliament  by  the  hands  of  Col. 
Jan.  i.^.  Titchborn  to  that  effect  - ;  but  some  of  the  Commonwealths- 
men  desired  that  before  they  consented  to  that  method,  it 
might  be  resolved  what  government  to  establish,  fearing  a 
design  in  the  army  to  set  up  some  one  of  themselves  in  his 
room  ^ :  others  endeavoured  to  perswade  them  that  the  exe- 
cution of  justice  ought  to  be  their  first  work,  in  respect  of 
their  duty  to  God  and  the  people  ;  that  the  failure  therein 
had  been  already  the  occasion  of  a  second  war,  which 
was  justly  to  be  charged  on  the  Parliament  for  neglecting 

'  The  officers  employed  to  remove  15,  1649,  by  Col.  Robert  Titchborne 

the  King  from  Carisbrook  to  Hurst  '  in  the  name  of  the  Commons  of  the 

Castle  were  Lieut.-Col.  Cobbett  and  City  of  London  in  Common  Council 

Captain  Merriman.     Hammond  was  assembled.'     The   Lord  Mayor  and 

then    absent,   and    Major   Rolph    in  Aldermen  had  refused  to  concur  in 

command  at  Carisbrook.   Rushworth,  it.     C.  J.  vi.    117.     The   petition  is 

vii.     1351.     Harrison   was    sent   to  printed  in  *  The  Moderate '  for  Jan. 

bring    the    King    to     Windsor    in  16-23,1649.   On  Titchborne's  earlier 

pursuance  of  the  vote  of  the  House  career,  see  Clarke  Papers,  i.  395. 
of  Commons  on  Dec.  13,  '  that  the  '  An   account   of  the  discussions 

General   do  keep  the  King  in  safe  referred  to    is   given    in   Lilburne's 

custody  and  do  take  care  that   he  '  Legal  Fundamental  Liberties  of  the 

gocth  not  away.'  People  of  England,'  1649,  ed.  2,  pp. 

'  The  petition  was  presented  Jan.  33-40. 


Preparations  for  the  King  s  trial.  2 1 3 

that  duty;  that  those  who  were  truly  Commonwealths-men  1649 
ought  to  be  of  that  opinion,  as  the  most  probable  means  to 
attain  their  desires  in  the  establishment  of  an  equal  and 
just  government ;  and  that  the  officers  of  the  army,  who 
were  chiefly  to  be  suspected,  could  not  be  guilty  of  so  much 
impudence  and  folly,  to  erect  an  arbitrary  power  in  any  one 
of  themselves,  after  they  had  in  so  publick  a  manner  de- 
clared their  detestation  of  it  in  another. 

In  order  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  important  work 
which  the  House  of  Commons  had  now  before  them,  they 
voted,  'That  by  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  land,  it  is     Jan.  i. 
treason  for  the  King  of  England,  for  the  time  being,  to  levy 
war  against  the  Parliament  and  kingdom.'     To  which  the 
Lords  not  concurring,  they  passed  it  the  next  day  without     Jan.  3. 
their  consent ;  and  the  day  after  declared, '  That  the  people 
are,  under  God,  the  original  of  all  just  power :    that  the     Jan.  4. 
House  of  Commons,  being  chosen  by  and  representing  the 
people,  are  the  supreme  power  in  the  nation  :  that  what- 
soever is  enacted  or  declared  for  law  by  the  Commons  in 
Parliament,  hath  the  force  of  a  law,  and  the  people  are  con- 
cluded thereby,  tho  the  consent  of  King  or  Peers  be  not  had 
thereto.' 

This  obstruction  being  removed,  several  petitions  were 
brought  to  the  Parliament,  for  so  the  House  of  Commons 
now  stiled  themselves,  from  the  city  of  London,  borough 
of  Southwark,  and  most  of  the  counties  in  England,  re- 
questing that  the  King  might  be  brought  to  justice  ;  in  Jan.  C). 
order  to  which  they  passed  an  Act,  authorizing  the  persons 
therein  named,  or  any  thirty  of  them,  to  proceed  to  the 
arraignment,  condemnation,  or  acquittal  of  the  King  ;  with 
full  power,  in  case  of  condemnation,  to  proceed  to  sentence, 
and  to  cause  the  said  sentence  to  be  put  in  execution. 

This  High  Court  of  Justice  met  on  the  8th  of  January, 
1648,  in  the  Painted  Chamber,  to  the  number  of  about  four- 
score, consisting  chiefly  of  members  of  Parliament,  officers 
of  the  army,  and  gentlemen  of  the  country;  where  they 
chose  Serjeant  Aske,  Serjeant  Steel,  and  Dr.  Dorislaus  to 
be  their  counsel ;  Mr.  John  Coke  of  Grays-Inn  to  be  their 


2  14  ^^^'^  opening  of  the   T^'ial. 

1649  solicitor,  and  Mr.  Andrew  Broughton  their  secretary;  and 
sent  out  a  precept  under  their  hands  and  seals  for  pro- 
claiming the  Court  to  be  held  in  Westminster  Hall  on  the 
tenth  of  the  said  month  ;  which  was  performed  accordingly 
by  Serjeant  Dendy,  attended  by  a  party  of  horse,  in 
Cheapside,  before  the  old  Exchange,  and  in  Westminster- 
Hall.  On  the  tenth  they  chose  Serjeant  Bradshaw  to  be 
their  president,  with  Mr.  Lisle  and  Mr.  Say  to  be  his 
assistants  ;  and  a  charge  of  high  treason  being  drawn  up 

Tnn.  I?,,  against  the  King,  the  Court  appointed  a  convenient  place 
to  be  prepared  at  the  upper  end  of  Westminster  Hall  for 
his  publick  trial,  directing  it  to  be  covered  with  scarlet 
cloth,  and  ordered  twenty  halberdiers  to  attend  the  presi- 

Jan.  17.    dent,  and  thirty  the  King  \ 

All  things  being  thus  prepared  for  the  trial,  the  King 
was  conducted  from  Windsor  to  St.  James's:  from  whence 
on  the  2cth  of  January  he  was  brought  to  the  bar  of  the 
High  Court  of  Justice,  where  the  president  acquainted  the 
King  with  the  causes  of  his  being  brought  to  that  place : 
for  that  he  contrary  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  the 
people,  to  see  the  laws  put  in  execution  for  their  good,  had 
made  use  of  his  power  to  subvert  those  laws,  and  to  set  up 
his  will  and  pleasure  as  a  law  over  them  :  that  in  order  to 
effect  that  design,  he  had  endeavoured  the  suppression  of 
Parliaments,  the  best  defence  of  the  people's  liberties :  that 
he  had  levied  war  against  the  Parliament  and  people  of 
England,  wherein  great  numbers  of  the  good  people  had 
been  slain,  of  which  blood  the  Parliament,  presuming  him 
guilty,  had  appointed  this  High  Court  of  Justice  for  the 
trial  of  him  for  the  same.  Then  turning  to  Mr.  Broughton, 
clerk  of  the  Court,  he  commanded  him  to  read  the  charge 
against  the  King  ;  who  as  the  clerk  was  reading  the  charge, 
interrupted  him,  saying,  '  I  am  not  intrusted  by  the  people, 
they  are  mine  by  inheritance  ; '  demanding  by  what  au- 
thority they  brought  him  thither.  The  president  answered, 
that  they  derived  their  authority  from  an  Act  made  by  the 
Commons  of  England  assembled  in  Parliament :  the  King 

'  Nalson,  Trial  of  Charles  I,  folio,  1684,  pp.  33,  35. 


The  Kings  anszaer  to  the  Charge.         215 

said  the  Commons  could  not  give  an  oath  ;  that  they  were       1640 
no  Court,  and  therefore  could  make  no  Act  for  the  trial  of 
any  man,  much  less  of  him.  their  soveraign.      It  was  replied, 
that   the    Commons    assembled    in    Parliament  could    ac- 
knowledg  no  other  soveraign  but  God,  for  that  upon  his 
and  the  people's  appeal  to  the  sword  for  the  decision  of 
their  respective  pretensions,  judgment  had  been  given  for 
the  people  ;  who  conceiving  it  to  be  their  duty  not  to  bear 
the   sword    in   vain,  had    appointed    the    Court    to    make 
inquisition  for  the  blood  that  had  been  shed  in  that  dispute. 
Whereupon  the  president,  being  moved  by  Mr.   Solicitor 
Coke,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  good  people  of 
England,  commanded  the  clerk  of  the  Court  to  proceed 
in  the  reading  of  the  charge   against  him  :   which  being 
done,  the  King  was  required  to  give  his  answer  to  it,  and 
to  plead  guilty,  or  not  guilty.     The  King  demurred  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Court,  affirming  that  no  man,  nor  body  of 
men  had  power  to  call  him  to  an  account,  being  not  in- 
trusted by  man  ;  and  therefore  accountable  only  to  God  for 
his  actions  ;  entring  upon  a  large  discourse  of  his  being  in 
treaty  with  the  Parliament's  commissioners  at  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  his  being  taken  from  thence  he  knew  not  how, 
when  he  thought  he  was  come  to  a  conclusion  with  them  ^. 
This  discourse  seeming  not  to  the  purpose,  the  president 
told  him^  that  as  to  his  pica  of  not  being  accountable  to 
man,  seeing  God  by  His  Providence  had  over-ruled  it,  the 
Court  had  resolved  to  do  so  also  ;  and  that  if  he  would 
give  no  other  answer,  that  which  he  had  given  should  be 
registred,  and  they  w^ould  proceed  as  if  he  had  confessed 
the  charge  :  in  order  to  which  the  president  commanded 
his  answer  to  be  entred,  directing  Serjeant  Dendy,  who 
attended  the  Court,  to  withdraw  the  prisoner  ;    which  as 
he  was  doing,  many  persons  cried  out  in  the  hall,  '  Justice, 
Justice.'     The  King  being  withdrawn,  the  Court  adjourned 

'  '  Ludlow    that    rogue    and    dog,  impudent   a  face   as  if  he    had    not 

vaunting  among  his  friends,  said  that  been  guilty  of  all  the  blood  that  hath 

the  King  was  nothing  at  all  daunted  been  shed  in  this  war.'     Newsletter, 

at  the  charge,  but  looked  with   as  Clarendon  MS.  3003. 


2i6  Charles  refuses  to  plead. 

1649  into  the  Painted  Chamber  to  consider  what  farther  was  fit 
to  be  done  ;  and  being  desirous  to  prevent  all  objections 
tending  to  accuse  them  of  haste  or  surprize,  they  resolved 
to  convene  him  before  them  publickly  twice  more ;  after 
which  if  he  persisted  in  his  demurrer  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Court,  then  to  give  judgment  against  him.  And  that 
nothing  might  be  wanting,  in  case  he  should  resolve  to 
plead,  they  appointed  witnesses  to  be  examined  to  every 
article  of  the  charge.  At  the  King's  second  appearance 
before  the  Court,  which  was  on  the  22nd  of  January,  he 
carried  himself  in  the  same  manner  as  before ;  whereupon 
his  refusal  being  again  entred,  and  he  withdrawn,  the 
Court  adjourned  to  the  Painted  Chamber.  On  the  twenty- 
third  of  January  the  King  was  brought  a  third  time  before 
the  commissioners,  where  refusing  to  plead,  as  he  had  done 
before,  his  refusal  was  entered,  and  witnesses  examined 
publickly  to  prove  the  charge  of  his  levying  war  against 
the  Parliament :  after  which  Solicitor-General  Coke  de- 
manded of  the  Court  that  they  would  proceed  to  the 
pronouncing  of  sentence  against  the  prisoner  at  the  bar : 
whereupon  the  court  adjourned  into  the  Painted  Chamber, 
and  upon  serious  consideration  declared  the  King  to  be  a 
tyrant,  traitor,  murderer,  and  a  publick  enemy  to  the  com- 
monwealth :  that  his  condemnation  extend  unto  death, 
by  severing  his  head  from  his  body,  and  that  a  sentence 
grounded  upon  those  votes  be  prepared ;  which  being 
agreed  upon,  the  King  should  be  ordered  on  the  next  day 
following  to  receive  it  ^  The  sentence  being  engrossed, 
was  read  on  the  27th  of  January;  and  thereupon  the  Court 
resolved,  that  the  same  should  be  the  sentence,  which 
should  be  read  and  published  in  Westminster  Hall  the 
same  day;  that  the  president  should  not  permit  the  King 
to  speak  after  the  sentence  pronounced  ;  that  he  should 
openly  declare  it  to  be  the  sense  and  judgment  of  the 
Court,  and  that  the  commissioners  should  signify  their 
consent  by  standing  up.     In  the  afternoon  the  King  was 

'  January  25  was  spent  in  hearing       sentence   was  read,   agreed   to,  and 
witnesses,  and   on    January  26  the       ordered  to  be  engrossed. 


His  proposal  to  the  Court.  ii^] 

brought  to  the  bar,  and  desired  that  he  might  be  permitted      1649 
to  make  one  proposition  before  they  proceeded  to  sentence  ; 
which  he   earnestly  pressing,  as   that  which   he   thought 
would  tend   to  the  reconcihng  of  all  parties,  and  to  the 
peace  of  the  three  kingdoms,  they  permitted  him  to  offer 
it :  the  effect  of  which  was,  that  he  might  meet  the  two 
Houses  in  the  Painted  Chamber,  to  whom  he  doubted  not 
to  offer  that  which  should  satisfy  and  secure  all  interests  ; 
designing,  as  I  have  been  since  informed,  to  propose  his 
own  resignation,  and  the  admission  of  his  son  to  the  throne 
upon  such  terms  as  should  have  been  agreed  upon.     This 
motion  being  new  and  unexpected  to  the  Court,  who  were 
not  willing  to   deny  or  grant    any   thing  without   serious 
deliberation,  they  withdrew  to  consider  of  it  into  the  inner 
Court   of  Wards  ;    and   being  satisfied  upon  debate,   that 
nothing  but  loss  of  time  would  be  the  consequence  of  it, 
they  returned  into  the  Court  with  a  negative  to  his  demand, 
telling  him  that  they  met  there  as  a  Court  of  justice  com- 
missionated  by  the  Parliament,  of  whose  authority  they  were 
fully  satisfied  :    that  by  their  commission    they  were  not 
authorized  to  receive  any  proposals  from  him,  but  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  trial  of  him  ;  that  in  order  thereto,  his  charge 
had  been  read  to  him,  to  which  if  he  would  have  pleaded, 
the  counsel   for  the   Commonwealth  were  ready  to  have 
proved  it  against  him :  that  he  had  thrice  demurred  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Court,  which  demurrer  the  Court  had 
overruled  and  registred,  ordering  to  proceed  against  him,  as 
if  he  had  confessed  the  charge  ;  and  that  if  he  had  any  pro- 
position to  make,  it  was  proper  for  him  to  address  it  to  the 
Parliament,  and  not  to  them.     Then  the  president  enlarged 
upon  the  horrid  nature  of  those  crimes,  of  which  he  had  been 
accused,  and  was  now  convicted  ;  declaring  that  the  only 
just  power  of  Kings  was  derived  from  the  consent  of  the 
people :  that  whereas  the  people  had  intrusted  him  to  see 
their  laws  put  in  execution,  he  had  endeavoured  throughout 
the  whole  course  of  his  reign  to  subvert  those  good  laws,  and 
to  introduce  an  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  government  in  the 
room  of  them :  that  to  cut  off  all  hopes  of  redress  he  had 


2 1 8  The  sentence  is  pronoimced. 

1649  attempted  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  either  wholly 
to  destroy  Parliaments,  or  to  render  them  only  subservient 
to  his  own  corrupt  designs :  that  tho  he  had  consented,  the 
publick  necessities  so  requiring,  that  this  Parliament  should 
not  be  dissolved  but  by  an  act  of  themselves,  he  had 
levied  war  against  them,  that  he  might  not  only  dissolve 
them,  but  by  the  terrour  of  his  power  for  ever  discourage 
such  assemblies  from  doing  their  duty :  that  in  this  war 
many  thousands  of  the  good  people  of  England  had  lost 
their  lives:  that  in  obedience  to  what  God  commanded, 
and  the  nation  expected,  the  Parliament  had  appointed 
this  Court  to  make  inquisition  for  this  blood,  and  to  try 
him  for  the  same  :  that  his  charge  had  been  read  to  him, 
and  he  required  to  give  an  answer  to  it ;  which  he  having 
thrice  refused  to  do,  he  acquainted  him  that  the  court  had 
resolved  to  pronounce  sentence  against  him,  and  there- 
upon commanded  the  clerk  to  read  it,  which  he  did,  being 
to  this  effect :  that  the  King  for  the  crimes  contained  in 
the  charge,  should  be  carried  back  to  the  place  from 
whence  he  came,  and  thence  to  the  place  of  execution, 
where  his  head  should  be  severed  from  his  body  :  which 
sentence  being  read,  the  commissioners  testified  their 
unanimous  assent  by  their  standing  up.  The  King  would 
have  spoken  something  before  he  was  withdrawn  ;  but  being 
accounted  dead  in  law  immediately  after  sentence  pro- 
nounced, it  was  not  permitted.  The  Court  withdrew  also, 
and  agreed  that  the  sentence  should  be  put  in  execution  on 
the  Tuesday  following,  which  would  be  the  30th  of  January, 
1648,  The  King  having  refused  such  ministers  as  the 
Court  appointed  to  attend  him,  desired  that  Dr.  Juxton, 
late  Bishop  of  London,  might  be  permitted  to  come  to 
him  ;  which  being  granted,  and  Adjutant-General  Allen 
sent  to  acquaint  the  doctor  with  the  King's  condition  and 
desires,  he  being  altogether  unprepared  for  such  a  work, 
broke  out  into  these  expressions,  '  God  save  me,  what  a 
trick  is  this,  that  I  should  have  no  more  warning,  and  I 
have  nothing  ready!'  but  recollecting  himself  a  little,  he 
put  on   his    scarf  and  his  other  furniture,  and  went  with 


The  Exeaitioii  of  the  King.  2 1 9 

him  to  the  King,  where  having  read  the  Common  Prayer  1649 
and  one  of  his  old  sermons,  he  administred  the  sacrament  J^"'  '^'^■ 
to  him  ;  not  forgetting  to  use  the  words  of  the  confession 
set  down  in  the  Hturgy,  inviting  all  those  that  truly  repent 
to  make  their  confession  before  the  congregation  then 
gathered  together :  tho  there  was  none  present  but  the 
King  and  himself. 

The  High  Court  of  Justice  appointed  a  committee  to  in- 
spect the  parts  about  Whitehall  for  a  convenient  place  for 
the  execution  of  the  King,  who  having  made  their  report, 
it  was  agreed  that  a  scaffold  should  be  erected  to  that  pur- 
pose near  the  Banqueting  House,  and  order  given  to  cover 
it  with  black.  The  same  day,  being  the  29th  of  January, 
they  signed  a  warrant  for  his  execution,  to  which  about 
threescore  of  the  commissioners  set  their  hands  and  seals, 
directing  it  to  Col.  Hacker,  Col.  Hunks,  and  Col.  Phaier, 
or  either  of  them  ^.  The  Duke  of  Glocester  and  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  waited  on  the  King  the  same  day  to  take  their 
leave  of  him.  An  extraordinary  ambassador  from  the 
United  Provinces  had  his  audience  in  the  Parliament ;  his 
business  was  to  intercede  with  them  for  the  life  of  the  King, 
and  to  preserve  a  fair  correspondence  between  England 
and  the  States  ^.  The  next  day  about  eight  in  the  morning  Jan.  30. 
the  King,  attended  by  a  guard,  was  brought  from  St.  James's 
through  the  park  to  Whitehall,  where  having  drunk  a  glass 
or  two  of  red  wine,  and  stayed  about  two  hours  in  a  private 
room,  he  was  conducted  to  the  scaffold  out  of  a  window  of 
the  Banqueting  House  ;  and  having  made  a  speech,  and 
taken  off  his  George,  he  kneeled  down  at  the  block,  and 
the  executioner  performed  his  office.  The  body  was 
ordered  to  be  interred  at  Windsor  :  the  Duke  of  Lenox, 
the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  the  Earls  of  Southampton  and 

'  Fifty-nine    signed    the   warrant.  together   with    the    somewhat    curt 

Ludlow's  name  is  the  fortieth  on  the  answer  of  the  Parliament,  are  printed 

list.     Ludlow  was  present  at  eleven  in  Zachary  Grey's  Answer  to  Neal's 

of    the    meetings     of    the     King's  fourth  volume  of  the  History  of  the 

judges.  Puritans,  Appendix,  pp.  1-12.     See 

^  The    letters    of    credence    and  also  Guizot,  History  of  the  English 

address  of  the   Dutch  ambassadors,  Revolution,  Appendix. 


2  20  Royalist  prisoners  escape. 

1649  Lindsey,  with  some  others  having  leave  from  the  Parh'a- 
Feb.  8.     nicnt.  attended  it  to  the  grave. 

Feb.  9.  ^ 

A    report   of  the    proceedings   of  the    High    Court    of 

1650  Justice  being  made  to  the  Parliament,  they  declared,  that 
Dec.  12.  the  persons  imployed  in  that  important  service  had  dis- 
charged their  trust  with  courage  and  fidelity;  that  the 
Parliament  was  well  satisfied  with  the  account  of  their 
proceedings,  ordering  them  to  be  engrossed,  and  recorded 
amongst  the  Parliament-Rolls,  in  order  to  transmit  the 
memory  thereof  to  posterity ;  and  resolved  that  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  Great  Seal  should  issue  a  certiorari  to 
their  clerk  to  record  those  proceedings  in  the  Chancery,  and 
that  the  same  should  be  sent  to  the  other  Courts  at  West- 
minster, and  to  the  Custos  Rotulorum  of  each  county. 
Judg  Jenkins,  Sir  John  Stowel,  and  divers  other  persons, 
who  were  prisoners,  and  had  carried  themselves  very 
insolently,  now  finding  the  Parliament  to  be  in  earnest, 
began  to  come  to  a  better  temper.  Colonel  Middleton, 
who  was  also  a  prisoner  at  Newcastle  upon  parole,  ran 
away  to  Scotland  ;  and  being  required  to  return,  answered, 
that  his  life  was  dearer  to  him  than  his  honour.  Sir  Mar- 
maduke  Langdale  made  his  escape  also  ;  and  Sir  Lewis 
Dives  through  a  house  of  office  in  Whitehall.  The  Lord 
Capel  got  out  of  the  Tower ;  but  being  discovered  by  a 
waterman  as  he  crossed  the  Thames,  he  was  seized  in  a 
house  at  Lambeth.  Duke  Hamilton  also  escaped  out  of 
Windsor  Castle,  and  came  to  Southwark  ;  where  knocking 
at  the  door  of  an  inn,  he  was  seized  by  a  souldier,  who 
knew  him,  and  was  passing  by  that  way;  whereupon  he 
was  committed  to  the  Tower.  The  House  of  Lords  be- 
coming now  the  subject  of  the  consideration  and  debate  of 
the  Parliament,  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell  appeared  for 
them,  having  already  had  a  close  correspondence  with 
many  of  them  ;  and,  it  may  be,  presuming  he  might  have 
farther  use  of  them  in  those  designs  he  had  resolved  to 
carry  on  :  but  they  not  meeting  in  their  House  at  the  time 
to  which  they  had  adjourned,  much  facilitated  their  re- 
moval ;  so  that  the  question  being  put,  whether  the  House 


Abolition  of  the  Monarchy  and  Hotise  of  Lords.  221 

of  Commons  should  take  advice  of  the  House  of  Lords  in      1649 
the  exercise  of  the  legislative  power^  it  was  carried  in  the 
negative,  and  thereupon  resolved, '  That  the  House  of  Peers     Feb.  6. 
was  useless  and  dangerous,  and  ought  to  be  abolished  ; '  and 
an  Act  was  soon  after  passed  to  that  effect.     After  this  they  March  16. 
proceeded  to  declare,  '  That  the  office  of  a  King  in  this     Feb.  7. 
nation  is  unnecessary,  burdensome,  and  dangerous  to  the 
liberty,  safety,  and  publick  interest  of  the  people,  and  there- 
fore ought  to  be  abolished  ;  and  that  they  will  settle  the 
government  of  the  nation  in  the  way  of  a  Commonwealth.' 
To  this  end  they  ordered  a  declaration  to  be  published,    Jan.  30. 
whereby  it  was  declared  treason   for  any  person  to  en- 
deavour to  promote  Charles  Stuart  to  be  King  of  England, 
or  any  other  single  person  to  be  chief  governour  thereof : 
they  also  ordered  the  great  seal,  and  other  seals,  which  had 
the  image  of  the  late  King  on  them,  to  be  defaced  ;  and 
appointed    new   ones  to  be  made  with  the  stamp  of  the 
House  of  Commons  on  one  side,  accompanied  with   this 
inscription,  '  The  Great  Seal  of  the  Parliament  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of  England : '  on  the  other  side  was  engraven 
the   cross   and  the  harp,  being  the  arms  of  England  and 
Ireland,  with  this  inscription,  '  God  with  us  : '  ordering  all 
writs  formerly  running  in  the  King's  name,  to  be  issued  out 
'  in  the  name  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Liberty  of  England.'     A 
High  Court  of  Justice  was  constituted  by  Act  of  Parliament     Feb.  3. 
for  the  trying  of  Duke  Hamilton,  the  Earl  of   Holland, 
the  Lord  Goring,  the  Lord  Capel,  and  Sir  John  Owen  ^. 
Duke  Hamilton  pleaded  that  he  entred  into  England  as  an 
enemy,  being  of  another  nation,  and  born  before  the  Act  of 
Union,  and  consequently  not  to  be  tried  by  the  laws  of  this  ; 
besides  he  had  surrendred  himself  upon  conditions.     The 
rest  of  the  Lords  pleaded  articles  also,  and  so  did  Sir  John 
Owen :  but  that  allegation  appeared  to  be  of  no  weight,  by 
the  testimony  of  the  general,  in  relation  to  the  Lords  Goring 

"^  A   volume    containing    notes   of  cester  MSS.  vol.  70).     The  report  of 

the  proceedings  of  this  High  Court  the  proceedings  in  the  State  Trials 

of  Justice    is    amongst    the    Clarke  gives  the  legal  arguments,  but  not 

Papers  in  Worcester  College  ^Wor-  the  evidence. 


2  22  Trial  and  execittion  of  Hamilton. 

1649  and  Capcl,  and  by  the  evidence  of  Col.  Wayte  touching 
Duke  Hamilton  ;  the  like  being  affirmed  by  other  witnesses 
against  the  Earl  of  Holland  and  Sir  John  Owen  :  for  if 
there  had  been  any  promise  made  to  any  of  them,  either 
implicitely  or  by  word  of  mouth,  it  could  only  extend  to 
protect  them  from  the  military,  not  the  civil  sword  :  and  as 
to  the  plea  for  Duke  Hamilton,  that  he  was  born  before 
the  two  nations  were  united,  it  was  answered  that  they 
tried  him  not  as  Duke  Hamilton,  but  as  earl  of  Cambridg, 
in  which  capacity  he  had  sate  as  a  peer  of  England,  and 
therefore  a  subject  thereof:  so  that  upon  full  evidence  they 

-March  6.  were  all  sentenced  by  the  Court,  to  have  their  heads  struck 
off  for  high  treason,  in  levying  \\2iX  against  the  Parliament 
of  England.     Earnest  solicitations  and  petitions  were  made 

March  8.  for  them  to  the  Parliament ;  but  they  thought  not  fit  to  re- 
prieve the  Duke,  the  Earl  of  Holland,  or  the  Lord  Capel. 
Touching  the  Lord  Goring  the  House  was  equally  divided, 
and  the  Speaker  having  upon  such  occasions  the  deter- 
mining voice,  gave  it  for  his  reprieve.  Commissary-General 
Ireton  observing  no  motion  made  for  Sir  John  Owen,  moved 
the  House  to  consider  that  he  was  a  commoner,  and  there- 
fore more  properly  to  have  been  tried  in  another  way  by 
a  jury:  whereupon  the  House  reprieved  him  also^     The 

March  9.  _  Other  three  were  executed  a  day  or  two  after  in  the  New 
Palace  Yard  before  Westminster  Hall,  in  pursuance  of  a 
warrant  signed  by  the  Court  to  that  purpose,  the  Parliament 
refusing  to  hearken  to  the  Earl  of  Denbigh,  who  proposed 
on  the  behalf  of  Duke  Hamilton  his  brother-in-law,  to  give 
them  a  blank  signed  by  the  said  Duke,  to  answer  faithfully 
to  such  questions  as  should  be  there  inserted.  The  Parlia- 
ment having  resolved  to  constitute  a  Council  of  State,  the 
better  to  carry  on  the  executive  part  of  the  government, 
authorized  five  of  their  members  to  agree  upon  the  number 
and  persons  of  such  as  they  thought  fit  to  be  proposed 
to    the    Parliament    for   their  approbation.     The  five  im- 

Feb.  7.     powered  to  this  end  by  the  Parliament,  were  Mr.  John  Lisle, 

'  On  Uic  escape   of  Sir  Joliii   Owen,  sec  Life  of  Col.  Hutchinson,    ed. 
Firth,  ii.  158-161. 


A   Council  of  State  appointed.  223 

Mr.  Cornelius  Holland,  Mr,  Luke  Robinson,  Mr.  Thomas  1649 
Scot,  and  me,  who  tho  sensible  of  my  unfitness  for  so  great 
a  work,  and  of  the  envy  it  would  be  attended  with,  yet 
being  required  by  my  country  to  assist  in  this  service,  I  re- 
solved to  use  the  best  of  my  endeavours  therein.  The 
number  agreed  upon  was  thirty-five,  which  we  filled  up  with 
such  persons  as  we  thought  best  qualified  with  integrity 
and  abilities  sutable  to  so  important  a  station.  Four  of 
them  were  lords,  and  the  rest  commoners.  The  House 
agreed  to  our  report,  only  they  were  pleased  to  add  us  five  Feb.  14. 
to  the  number  proposed  by  us.  The  Parliament  being 
desirous  to  exclude  from  their  places  those  who  were  likely 
to  undo  what  they  had  done,  and  yet  unwilling  to  lose  the 
assistance  of  many  honest  men,  who  had  been  in  the 
country  during  the  late  transactions,  passed  an  order,  that 
such  members  as  had  not  sate  since  the  trial  of  the  King, 
should  not  be  admitted  to  sit,  till  the  House  should  be  par- 
ticularly satisfied  concerning  them  ;  appointing  the  former  March  5. 
five,  or  any  three  of  them,  to  be  a  committee  to  receive 
satisfaction  touching  the  affections  to  the  publick  interest 
of  every  member  who  had  not  sate  since  the  time  aforesaid, 
and  the  reasons  of  his  absence ;  and  to  make  their  report 
to  the  Parliament  concerning  them. 

Prince  Charles  finding  his  affairs  in  England  to  be  in  a 
desperate  condition,  concluded  an  agreement  with  the  Irish      1649 
rebels,  granting  them    full  indemnity  for  what  they  had    Jan.  17. 
hitherto   acted,   and  encouraging  them   to   carry  on  their 
cruelties   against   the    English   by   his   commission.     The 
Lord  Inchequin  had  already  declared  for  him,  and  joined      1648 
with  the  Irish  rebels.     The  Earl  of  Ormond  was  dispatched      Sept. 
to  Ireland  for  the  same  purpose  ;  and    as   a   pledg   that 
Prince  Charles  would  follow,  his  baggage  and  horses  were 
sent  thither  before. 

The  Scots  fearing  their  clergy  would  not  be  permitted 
long  to  insult  over  the  people,  expressed  themselves  highly       1649 
dissatisfied  with  our  proceedings  in   England,  and   chose     Feb.  5. 
rather  to  espouse  the  interest  of  Prince  Charles,  than  to 
enjoy  the  fruit  of  what  they  had  contended  for  against  his 


2  24      Foreign  policy  of  the  Commonwealth. 

1649      father,  publickly  declaring  that  they  were  obliged  by  the 
covenant  to  promote  the  government  of  a  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons  ;  which  government  the  Parliament  of  England 
had  thought  fit  to  alter.     We  endeavoured  to  satisfy  their 
commissioners,  by  shewing  them  the  reasons  of  our  late  re- 
solutions ;  but  they  refusing  to  hear  them,  returned  home  to 
their  own  country,  where  they  found  things  disposed  to  an 
accommodation  with  Prince  Charles,  upon  presumption  that 
when  by  his  assistance  they  had  destroyed  the  sectarian 
party,  as  they  called  them,  they  should  be  able  to  govern 
him   well  enough :    but  he  supposing   he  had    an    easier 
part  to  act  with  the  Irish,  whose  principles    were   more 
sutable  to  his  inclinations,  refused  to  hearken  to  them  at 
that  time. 
Feb.  24.        Col.   Edward    Popham,   Col.    Richard    Dean,   and    Col. 
Robert  Blake  were  appointed  by  the  Parliament  to  com- 
mand the  fleet ;  the  latter  being  designed  with  a  squadron 
to  cruise  upon  the  Irish  coast,  in  order  to  meet  and  fight 
the  ships  commanded   by   Prince  Rupert.     Col.  Popham 
was    sent   towards  Lisbon  to  intercept  the  Portugal  fleet 
coming  home  from  their  islands,  because  they  had  protected 
some  ships  that  had  revolted  from  us,  and  sheltred  them 
from  our  fleet  that  was  in  pursuit  of  them,  and  had  offered 
some  affronts  to  our  agent  Mr.  Vane,  who  was  sent  thither 
to    endeavour   a    right    understanding    between    the    two 
nations  ^.    General  Dean  with  another  squadron  was  ordered 
to  remain  for  the  service  of  the  channel.     This  they  did, 
well  understanding  how  great  reputation   a   considerable 
fleet  would  give  to  their  affairs,  and  of  what  importance  it 
is  to  this  nation  always  to  guard  the  seas,  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  that  conjuncture. 

The  Parliament  much  inclining  to  preserve  a  good  cor- 
respondence with  the  States  General  of  the  United  Provinces, 

'  On  Jan.  29,  1650,  the  Council  of  1649  50,  pp.  496,  498  ;  cf.  Masson, 

.State  determined  to  send  Anthony  Life  of  Milton,   iv.   161,    217.     Pop- 

Ascham     as     resident     to     Madrid,  ham's  instructions  arc  dated  April  25, 

Richard  Bradshaw  as  agent  to  Ham-  1650.    Thurloe,  i.  134,  144.     Ludlow 

burg,  and  Charles  Vane  in  the  same  confuses  the  events  of  1649  and  1650. 
capacity  to  Portugal.  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. 


Murders  of  Dorislatis  and  Ascham.       225 

sent  Dr.  Dorislaus  into  Holland  to  be  their  agent  there,  who,      1649 
a  little  after   his  arrival  at  the  Hague,  was  assaulted  by    May  ^j. 
about  ten  assassins,  English  and  Scots,  who  broke  into  his 
lodgings  and  murdered  him  :   and  tho  this  action  was  so 
infamous,  and  contrary  to  the  right  of  nations,  yet   the 
Dutch  were  not  very  forward  to  find  out  the  criminals  in 
order  to  bring  them  to  justice.     Mr.  Ascham  who  was  sent 
into  Spain  with  a  publick  character  also,  was  used  in  the 
like   manner,  by  three  persons   coming   to  his  house  at 
Madrid,  where  pretending  to  be  English  merchants,  they 
were  admitted  ;  and  as  he  saluted  the  first  of  them,  was      1650 
struck  into  the  head  by  him  with    a    poniard  ;    and    his     June  6. 
secretary   endeavouring   to    make   his   escape,  was    killed 
with  him  ^,     The  murderers  took  sanctuary  in  a  church  ; 
but  by  an  order  of  state  they  were  forced  from  thence,  and 
committed  to  prison  ;  of  which  the  church-men  loudly  com- 
plained, after  their  usual  manner,  as  an  injurious  violation 
of  their  immunities. 

The  squadron  commanded  by  Col.  Blake  being  first  ready, 
set  sail  for  the  Irish  coast,  where  Prince  Rupert  thinking 
himself  not  in  a  condition  to  fight  him,  retired  with  his  ships      1649 
into  the  harbour  of  Kingsale,  under  the  protection  of  the      June. 
fort.     Col.  Popham  was  next  dispatched  with  his  squadron      1650 
for  Portugal,  and  was  pleased  to  employ  a  brother  of  mine     April. 
as  lieutenant  of  that  ship  which  was  commanded  by  himself. 
The  Spanish  ambassador  was  the  first  that  made  application 
to  us  from  any  foreign  State.    But  the  Parliament  not  being 
satisfied  with  the  address   of  his    credentials,   refused   to 
receive  them  till  it  should  be  directed  to  the  Parliament  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  England  ;  declaring,  that  tho  they 
did  not  affect  any  flattering  titles,  yet  they  resolved  to  have 
their  authority  owned  by  all  those  who  made  their  addresses 
to  them.     With  which  the   court   of  Spain    being   made 
acquainted,  the  ambassador  received  instructions  from  the 

*  An  account  of  the  death  of  Doris-       On    Ascham's    death,   see    Thurloe, 
laus   is   given  in  Gary's    Memorials       i.   148;   Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,   1649-50, 
of  the  Civil  War,    i.    131  ;    cf.    Cal.       xli. 
State  Papers,  Dom.,  1649-50,  xxvii. 
VOL.  I.  Q 


2  26  Adhesions  to  the  Commonwealth. 

1650      King  his  master  to   that   end,  and   framed    the  direction 

Dec.  26.    according  to  our  desires  ^. 

Our  affairs  beginning  to  acquire  reputation,  and  to  carry 
a  fair  probability  of  success,  divers  Members  of  Parliament 
who  had  been  long  absent,  addressed  themselves  to  the 
committee  before  mentioned,  in  order  to  their  admission  to 
sit  in  Parliament,  and  some  of  them  would  not  scruple  to 
give  any  satisfaction  that  was  desired  to  the  questions  pro- 
posed unto  them  ;  which  were,  'Whether  they  joined  in,  or 
approved  that  vote,  declaring  the  King's  concessions  a 
ground  for  a  future  settlement  ?  Whether  they  approved 
of  the  proceedings  against  the  King?  and  whether  they 
would  engage  to  be  true  to  a  Commonwealth  Government^?' 
But  we  apprehending"  such  extraordinary  expulsions  as  had 
been  lately  used,  to  be  extremely  hazardous  to  the  publick 
safety,  made  it  our  endeavour  to  keep  those  from  a  re- 
admission,  who  might  necessitate  another  occasion  of  using 
the  like  remedy.  And  therefore,  tho  all  possible  satisfaction 
were  given  in  words,  we  did,  by  weighing  the  former 
deportment  of  every  particular  member  who  presented  him- 
self, desire  to  be  in  some  measure  assured,  that  they  would 
be  true  to  what  they  promised,  in  case  the  Commonwealth 
interest  should  come  to  be  disputed,  before  we  w'ould  report 
their  condition  to  the  House.  Some  of  the  House  of  Lords 
having  procured  themselves  to  be  chosen  by  the  people,  sat 
in  Parliament  upon  the  foot  of  their  election  :  in  which 
number  was  Philip  Earl  of  Pembroke,  who  being  chosen  by 
the  freeholders  of  the  county  of  Berks,  upon  his  admission 

April  16.  to  the  House,  signed  the  engagement,  as  the  rest  of  the 
members  who  sat  there  had  done ;  the  contents  of  which 
was,  '  To  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  Commonwealth,  as 
it  was  established  without  a    King  or  House  of  Lords.' 

.Sqit.  18.   The  same  engagement  was  taken  by  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 

'  Cardenas  was  informed  by  Uic  and    the    English    Commonwealth, 

English  Government  in  June,  1649,  translation,  ed.  1854,  i.  pp.  229  233, 

that  they  would  not  treat  with  him  391 ;  Sydney  Papers,  cd.  Blencowe, 

unless  he  presented  new  credentials,  p.  105. 

which  he  accordingly  did  on   Dec.  ^  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1649-50,  p.  i. 

26,    1650.      Sec    Guizot,    Cromwell 


Coote  and  3Tonk  treat  with  Owen  Roe.    227 

and   the   Lord    Edward   Howard,   when    they   took   their      1649 
places  in  Parliament,  after  they  had  been  elected  to  serve    May  5. 
there  ^. 

Whilst  we  were  thus  providing  for  our  security  in  England, 
our  affairs  in  Ireland  had  not  the  same  success,  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  having  reconciled  the  English  in  Munster  to  the 
Supreme  Council  of  the  Irish  rebels,  the  Scots  also  in  the 
north  falling  in  with  them  against  us :  with  whom  some 
gentlemen  of  those  parts  joined,  tho  they  had  engaged 
themselves  to  the  contrary.  Yet  one  thing  happened 
tending  very  much  to  the  preservation  of  Dublin,  and  those 
few  places  that  were  kept  for  the  Parliament,  which  was, 
that  Owen  Roe  O'Neal  who  was  general  of  the  Old  Irish, 
as  they  were  termed,  could  by  no  means  be  brought  to  a 
conjunction  with  the  English.  Sir  Charles  Coote  being 
besieged  in  Londonderry,  agreed  to  supply  the  besiegers 
with  powder,  upon  their  engaging  to  furnish  him  with  such 
provisions  as  he  wanted,  which  was  performed  on  both 
sides  :  and  the  Lord  Inchequin  who  was  besieging  Dundalk 
promised  to  do  the  like  for  Colonel  Monk,  who  then  com- 
manded in  that  place,  upon  the  same  conditions  ;  which  was 
performed  on  Monk's  part ;  but  as  his  men  were  carrying 
off  the  ammunition,  they  were  fallen  upon  by  a  party  of 
Inchequin's  horse,  the  ammunition  taken  away,  and  many 
of  them  killed.  The  Scots  drawing  about  Dundalk,  most 
of  the  garison  revolted  to  them  ;  whereupon  Monk  de- 
livered up  the  place,  upon  condition  that  he  should  be 
permitted  to  return  into  England  :  where  being  arrived,  he 
met  with  a  cold  reception  from  the  Parliament,  upon 
suggestion,  that  he  had  corresponded  with  the  Irish  Aug.  10. 
rebels  ^. 

'  The  Earl  of  Pembroke's  election  '  Salisbury,'     notes     the      Earl     of 

for  Berkshire  is  noted  in  Blencowe's  Leicester, '  should  have  done  well  not 

Sydney  Papers,  pp.  68,  69,  72.     He  to  have  protested  against  it  as  much 

had  a  stiff  contest  with  a  schismatical  as  he  did,  unnecessarily  and  almost 

tanner  for  the  seat.     Carte,  Original  in  all   companies.'    Sydney   Papers, 

Letters,   i.    278.     Lord    Howard   of  p.  95. 

Escrick    represented    Carlisle,    and  ^  On    the   treaty   between    Owen 

the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  King's  Lynn.  O'Neill  and  Monk  (May  8,  1649),  see 

Q  2 


2  28   0' Nciirs  agent  before  the  Cotincil  of  State. 

1649  About  this  time  an  agent  from  Owen  Roe  O'Neal  came 

privately  to  London,  and  found  out  a  way  to  acquaint  the 
Council  of  State,  that  if  they  thought  fit  to  grant  him  a  safe 
conduct,  he  would  make  some  propositions  to  them  that 
would  be  for  their  service.  The  council,  to  avoid  any 
misconstruction  of  their  actions,  refused  to  hear  him  ;  but 
appointed  a  committee  to  speak  with  him,  of  which  I  was 
one,  ordering  us  to  report  to  them  what  he  should  propose  ^. 
His  proposition  was,  that  the  party  commanded  by  O'Neal 
should  submit  to,  and  act  for  the  Parliament,  if  they  might 
obtain  indemnity  for  what  was  passed,  and  assurance  of  the 
enjoyment  of  their  religion  and  estates  for  the  time  to  come. 
We  asked  him  why  they  made  application  to  us,  after  they 
had  refused  to  join  with  those  who  had  been  in  treaty  with 
the  King?  He  answered,  that  the  King  had  broken  his 
word  with  them  ;  for  tho  they  had  deserved  well  of  him, 
and  he  had  made  them  many  fair  promises,  yet  when  he 
could  make  better  terms  with  any  other  party,  he  had  been 
always  ready  to  sacrifice  them.  We  asked  him  farther, 
Why  they  had  not  made  their  application  sooner?  he  told 
us,  because  such  men  had  been  possessed  of  the  power,  who 
had  sworn  their  extirpation ;  but  that  now  it  was  believed 
to  be  the  interest  of  those  in  authority  to  grant  liberty  of 


Aphorismical  Discovery,  ii.  216  222,  humiliter    rogo    ut    sileat   dominatio 

228.     On  Aug.    10,  1649,  the  House  sua    illustrissima    vel     saltern     sus- 

of  Commons  declared  its  disapproval  pendat       determinationem       rerum 

of  the  treaty,  whilst  acquitting  Monk  Iberniae.      Deum    maximum    tester 

of  blame.  quantum    in    iis    laboravi,    at    cum 

'  The   agent   mentioned   was   the  quibuspericulisetdifficultatibus,  licet 

Abbot    Crelly.       There    is    in    the  nondum  absolverim,  censeo  et  non 

MS.  of  the  Rinuccini  Memoirs  in  the  absque  fundamento  quod  intra   ter- 

possession  of  Lord  Leicester,  a  letter  minum  viginti  dierum  per  me  ipsum 

from  Crelly  giving  an  account  of  this  vel  per  alium  expressum  Dominationi 

intcr%-iew,  dated  July  1%,  1649.    For  suae    Illustrissimae     omnia    rcferre 

the  following  extract  I  am  obliged  to  voluero.     Res   de    quibus   ago   sunt 

the  kindness  of  Mr.  Gardiner  :  'Intra  gencrales  ct  graves  et  cum  grandibus 

paucos    dies    confidentcr    praesumo  concilio  grandium  deliberate  ductus 

me    intellecturum    rcalem    eventum  in  iis  procedo,  quandoquidem  de  re 

propositi  de  quo  quantocyus  domina-  totius    Religionis    Catholicae    agitur 

tioncm   vestram    Illustrissimam   cer-  ut  aliquando  demonstrabitur.' 
tiorcm  reddam.    Intcrca  cum  liccntia 


Orniond  takes  Drogkeda  and  Dundalk.     229 

conscience  ;  promising,  that  if  such  liberty  might  be  ex-  1649 
tended  to  them,  they  would  be  as  zealous  for  a  Common- 
wealth as  any  other  party,  instancing  in  many  countries 
where  they  were  so.  We  informed  him,  that  it  was  our 
opinion  that  the  council  would  not  promise  indemnity  to  all 
that  party,  they  being  esteemed  to  have  been  the  principal 
actors  in  the  bloody  massacre  at  the  beginning  of  the 
rebellion :  neither  did  we  think  that  they  would  grant 
them  the  liberty  of  their  religion,  believing  it  might  prove 
dangerous  to  the  public  peace.  The  Council  upon  our 
report  of  what  had  passed  at  the  conference,  concurred  with 
our  opinion  ;  so  that  having  no  more  to  do  with  the  agent, 
he  was  required  to  depart  within  a  limited  time.  The  Earl 
of  Ormond,  General  Preston,  and  the  Lord  Inchequin 
beginning  to  draw  their  forces  towards  Dublin,  resolved 
first  to  reduce  Tredah  :  in  order  to  which  they  sent  Col. 
Worden  thither  with  a  strong  detachment  of  horse  and  foot, 
who  attempting  to  take  it  by  assault,  entred  with  most  of 
his  men,  but  was  beat  out  again  by  an  inconsiderable 
number  of  ours.  Notwithstanding  which  the  garison 
wanting  men  to  defend  their  works,  their  provisions  also 
being  almost  consumed,  was  obliged  to  capitulate  and 
surrender,  upon  condition  that  the  souldiers  should  have  June  30. 
liberty  to  march  to  Dublin,  the  rest  to  return  home,  and  to 
enjoy  protection  there. 

Dundalk  and  Tredagh  being  surrendred  to  the  enemy, 
and  Dublin  threatned  with  a  speedy  siege  by  the  forces  of 
the  Royalists  and  Irish,  combined  together  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  English,  the  Parliament  taking  into  their 
serious  consideration  the  deplorable  state  of  their  distressed 
friends,  resolved  to  send  them  relief  with  all  expedition. 
In  the  mean  time  the  enemy  marched  towards  Dublin, 
having  sent  a  party  of  horse  before  to  invest  the  place,  and 
to  prevent  any  relief  from  Meath-side  ;  upon  whose  approach 
Col.  Jones,  with  the  forces  he  had  with  him,  was  obliged  to 
retire  to  Kilcullen.  A  party  of  horse  from  the  town  made 
a  sally  upon  the  enemy,  and  were  repulsed  with  some  loss  ; 
but  being  reinforced  from  England  by  a  regiment  of  horse 


230  Jones  routs  OrinoncVs  Army. 

1649  commanded  by  Col.  Reynolds,  and  two  regiments  of  foot, 
Col.  Jones  being  also  come  into  the  town,  they  resolved 
upon  a  vigorous  defence.  Immediately  after  the  landing  of 
these  supplies,  Dublin  was  formally  besieged  by  the  enemy, 
who  had  a  great  army  provided  with  all  necessaries  for 
the  carrying  on  of  the  siege,  and  furnished  by  the  country 
with  provisions  in  great  abundance,  their  head- quarters 
being  at  Rathmines,  a  mile  from  Dublin  towards  Wicklow. 
They  took  Rathfarnham  by  storm,  and  sent  fifteen  hundred 
men  to  fortify  Baggatrath,  in  order  to  hinder  our  army 
from  landing  at  Ringsend,  being  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
of  it,  and  lying  triangular  with  it  and  Dublin.  Baggatrath 
had  a  rampart  of  earth  about  it,  and  the  enemy  had  wrought 
upon  it,  to  augment  its  strength,  a  whole  night  before  they 
were  discovered.  But  the  next  morning  Col.  Jones  per- 
ceiving their  design,  concluded  it  absolutely  necessary  to 
endeavour  to  remove  them  from  thence  before  their  works 
were  finished.  To  that  end  he  drew  all  his  forces  both 
horse  and  foot  to  the  works  that  faced  the  enemy;  and 
leaving  as  many  as  he  thought  necessary  for  the  defence  of 
Aug.  2.  the  town,  sallied  out  with  the  rest,  being  between  four  and 
five  thousand,  and  falling  upon  them,  beat  them  from  their 
works,  killing  Sir  William  Vaughan  who  commanded  them, 
and  most  of  the  men  that  were  with  him,  closely  pursuing 
the  rest  who  fled  towards  their  main  army,  where  the  Earl 
of  Ormond  thought  fit  at  last  to  throw  down  his  cards, 
which  he  had  before  refused  to  do,  in  contempt  of  our 
forces  ;  and  with  his  Royal  army,  as  it  was  called,  retreated 
in  great  disorder  towards  Rathmines  :  Col.  Jones  pursued 
him  close,  finding  little  opposition,  except  from  a  party  of 
the  Lord  Inchequin's  horse  that  had  formerly  served  the 
Parliament,  who  defended  a  pass  for  some  time,  but  were 
after  some  dispute  broken  and  forced  to  fly.  Having  routed 
these,  he  marched  witii  all  diligence  up  to  the  walls  of 
Rathmines,  which  were  about  sixteen  foot  high,  and  con- 
tained about  ten  acres  of  ground,  where  many  of  the  enemy's 
foot  li.ul  shut  up  tlicmselves ;  but  perceiving  their  army  to 
be   entirely   routed,   and    their  general  fled,   they  yielded 


Parlia77zentary  Finance.  231 

themselves  prisoners  ^  After  this  our  men  continuing  their  1649 
pursuit,  found  a  party  of  about  two  thousand  foot  of  the 
Lord  Inchequin's,  in  a  grove  belonging  to  Rathgar,  who 
after  some  defence  obtained  conditions  for  their  lives,  and 
the  next  day  most  of  them  took  up  arms  in  our  service. 
This  success  was  the  more  remarkable,  because  unexpected 
on  both  sides,  our  handful  of  men  being  led  step  by  step  to 
an  absolute  victory,  whereas  their  utmost  design  at  the 
beginning  of  the  action  was  only  to  beat  the  enemy  from 
Baggatrath  :  and  so  surprizing  to  our  enemies,  that  they  had 
not  time  to  carry  off  their  money,  which  lay  at  Rathfarnham 
for  the  paying  of  their  army,  where  Col.  Jones  seized  four 
thousand  pounds  very  seasonably  for  the  paiment  of  his  men. 
The  Parliament  having  an  army  ready  to  send  to  Ireland, 
a  formidable  fleet  to  put  to  sea,  another  army  to  keep  at 
home  for  their  own  defence,  and  a  considerable  force  to 
guard  the  north  against  the  Scots,  who  had  declared 
themselves  enemies,  and  waited  only  an  opportunity  of 
shewing  it  with  advantage,  thought  themselves  obliged  to 
expose  to  sale  such  lands  as  had  been  formerly  possessed  April  30. 
by  Deans  and  Chapters,  that  they  might  be  enabled  thereby 
to  defray  some  part  of  that  great  charge  that  lay  upon  the 
nation.  To  this  end  they  authorized  trustees  to  sell  the 
said  lands,  provided  they  could  do  it  at  ten  years'  purchase, 
at  the  least  ;  but  such  was  the  good  opinion  that  the  people 
had  conceived  of  the  Parliament,  that  most  of  those  lands 
were  sold  at  the  clear  income  of  fifteen,  sixteen,  and  seven- 
teen years  ;  one  half  of  the  sums  contracted  for  being  paid 
down  in  ready  money :  besides  which  the  woods  were 
valued  distinctly,  and  to  be  paid  for  according  to  the 
valuation.  All  impropriations  belonging  to  the  said  Deans 
and  Chapters,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Bishops,  either  in 
possession  or  reversion,  were  reserved  from  sale  to  enlarge 
the   maintenance   of  poor   ministers.     Yet   this   was   not 

^  Jones   gives  an  account   of  his  Carte's  Collection  of  Original  Letters, 

victory  in  a  letter  printed  in  Cary's  ii.  396.     Cf.  Grey's  Examination  of 

Memorials  of  the  Civil  War,  i.  159.  Neal's  Puritans,  vol.  iv.  Appendix, 

Ormonds    narrative    is    printed    in  p.  13. 


232  Cro7nwell  lands  in  Ireland. 

1649  sufficient  to  restrain  that  generation  of  men  from  inveighing 
against  the  Parliament,  and  conspiring  with  their  enemies 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  to  weaken  their  hands,  and  if 
possible  to  render   them  unable  to  carry  on  the  publick 

1650  ser\'ice.     The    fee-farm    rents    formerly  belonging    to    the 
March  11.  Crown  Were  also  sold  ;  and   yet  such  was   the  necessity 

of  affairs,   that    notwithstanding   all   this   the   Parliament 
found  themselves  obliged  to  lay  a  tax  of  a  hundred  and 

Nov.  26.    twenty  thousand  pounds  a  month  upon  the  nation;  which 

burden  they  bore  for  the  most  part  without  regret,  being 

convinced  that  it  was  wholly  applied   to  the  use  of  the 

publick,  and  especially  because  those  who  imposed  it  paid 

1649      an  equal  proportion  with  the  rest.     The  Crown-lands  were 

July  16.  assigned  to  pay  the  arrears  of  those  souldiers  who  were 
in  arms  in  the  year  1647,  which  was  done  by  the  influence 
of  the  officers  of  the  army  that  was  in  present  service, 
whereby  they  made  provision  for  themselves,  and  neglected 
those  who  had  appeared  for  the  Parliament  at  the  first,  and 
had  endured  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  day. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1649,  the  army  embarked 
and  set  sail  for  Ireland  ;  Commissary-General  Ireton^  with 
one  part  of  them  designing  for  Munster,  and  Lieutenant- 
General  Cromwell,  being  appointed  Lieutenant  of  Ireland, 
with  the  rest,  for  Dublin  :  but  the  wind  blowing  a  strong 

Aug.  14.  gale  from  the  south,  they  were  both  put  into  the  Bay  of 
Dublin,  where  they  were  received  with  great  joy:  for  tho 
the  enemy's  army  had  been  beaten  from  the  siege  of  that 
place,  and  Col.  Jones  with  the  small  forces  he  had  with 
him  had  made  the  best  improvement  he  could  of  that 
advantage,  by  reducing  some  garisons  that  lay  nearest  to 
him  ;  yet  the  enemies  were  still  in  possession  of  nine  parts 
in  ten  of  that  nation,  and  had  fortified  the  most  consider- 
able places  therein.  After  our  army  had  refreshed  them- 
selves, and  were  joined  by  the  forces  of  Col.  Jones,  they 

*  On  June  13,  the  Council  of  State  the   proceedings  of  the  Council  of 

recommended   Ireton  to  be   second  State   on  Aug.  11.     Cromwell  was 

in  command  under  Cromwell,  which  doubtless  responsible   for  this  new 

Parliament   agreed   to  on  June    15.  arrangement.   Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1649- 

Jones  is  described  as  Lieut. -Gen.  in  50,  pp.  183,  273. 


The  storming  of  Drogheda.  233 

mustered  in  all  between  sixteen  and  seventeen  thousand  J649 
horse  and  foot.  Upon  their  arrival  the  enemies  withdrew, 
and  put  most  of  their  army  into  their  garisons,  having 
placed  three  or  four  thousand  of  the  best  of  their  men, 
being  most  English,  in  the  town  of  Tredah,  and  made 
Sir  Arthur  Ashton  governour  thereof.  A  resolution  being 
taken  to  besiege  that  place,  our  army  sat  down  before  it,  Sept.  3, 
and  the  Lieutenant-General  caused  a  battery  to  be  erected 
against  an  angle  of  the  wall,  near  to  a  fort,  which  was 
within,  called  the  Windmill-Fort,  by  which  he  made  a 
breach  in  the  wall ;  but  the  enemy  having  a  half-moon 
on  the  outside,  which  was  designed  to  flank  the  angle 
of  the  wall,  he  thought  fit  to  endeavour  to  possess  himself 
of  it,  which  he  did  by  storm,  putting  most  of  those  that 
were  in  it  to  the  sword.  The  enemy  defended  the  breach  Sept.  n. 
against  ours  from  behind  an  earth-work,  which  they  had 
cast  up  within,  and  where  they  had  drawn  up  two  or  three 
troops  of  horse  which  they  had  within  the  town,  for  the 
encouragement  and  support  of  their  foot :  the  fort  also  was 
not  unserviceable  to  them  in  the  defence  of  the  breach. 
The  Lieutenant-General  well  knowing  the  importance  of 
this  action,  resolved  to  put  all  upon  it ;  and  having 
commanded  some  guns  to  be  loaded  with  bullets  of  half 
a  pound,  and  fired  upon  the  enemy's  horse,  who  were 
drawn  up  somewhat  in  view ;  himself  with  a  reserve  of 
foot  marched  up  to  the  breach,  which  giving  fresh  courage 
to  our  men,  they  made  a  second  attack  with  more  vigour 
than  before  :  whereupon  the  enemy's  foot  being  abandoned 
by  their  horse,  whom  our  shot  had  forced  to  retire,  began 
to  break  and  shift  for  themselves ;  which  ours  perceiving, 
followed  them  so  close,  that  they  overtook  them  at  the 
bridg  that  lay  cross  the  river,  and  separated  that  part 
where  the  action  was  from  the  principal  part  of  the  town  ; 
and  preventing  them  from  drawing  up  the  bridg,  entred 
pell-mell  with  them  into  the  place,  where  they  put  all  they 
met  with  to  the  sword,  having  positive  orders  from  the 
Lieutenant-General  to  give  no  quarter  to  any  souldier. 
Their  works  and  fort  were  also  stormed  and   taken,  and 


2  34  Wexford  captured. 

1649      those   that   defended   them    put   to   the   sword   also,  and 
amongst  them  Sir  Arthur  Ashton,  governour  of  the  place. 
A  great  dispute  there  was  amongst  the  souldiers  for  his 
artificial    leg,  which   was  reported   to   be  of  gold,  but  it 
proved  to  be  but  of  wood,  his  girdle  being  found  to  be 
the  better  booty,  wherein  two  hundred  pieces  of  gold  were 
found  quilted  ^     The  slaughter  was  continued  all  that  day 
and  the  next  ;  which  extraordinary  severity  I  presume  was 
used,  to  discourage  others  from  making  opposition.     After 
that  the  army  besieged  Wexford  ;    and   having   erected  a 
battery  against  the  castle,  which  stood   near  the  wall   of 
the  town,  and  fired  from  it  most  part  of  the  day,  whereby 
a  small  breach  was  made,  commissioners  were  sent  in  the 
ev^ening  from  the  enemy  to  treat  about  the  surrender  of  it. 
In  the  mean  time  our  guns  continued  firing,  there  being 
no  cessation  agreed,  whereby  the  breach  in  the  castle  being 
made  wider,  the  guard  that  was  appointed  to  defend  it 
quitted  their  post,  and  thereupon  some  of  our  men  entred 
Oct.  II.    the  castle,  and  set  up  their  colours  at  the  top  of  it,  which 
the  enemy  having  observed,  left  their  stations  in  all  parts  : 
so  that  ours  getting  over  the  walls,  possessed  themselves 
of  the    town   without   opposition,  and   opened   the    gates 
that  the  horse  might  enter,  tho  they  could   do  but   little 
service,  all  the  streets  being  barred  with  cables  :   but  our 
foot  pressed  the  enemy  so  close,  that  crowding  to  escape 
over  the  water,  they  so  over-loaded  the  boats  with  their 
numbers,  that  many  of  them  were  drowned.     Great  riches 
were  taken  in  this  town,  it  being  accounted  by  the  enemy 
a  place  of  strength  ;   and  some  ships  were  seized  in  the 
harbour,  which   had    much   interrupted   the  commerce  of 
that  coast".     Commissioners  were  appointed  by  the  Lieu- 
tenant-General  to  take  care  of  the  goods  that  were  found 
in  the  town  belonging  to  the  rebels,  that  they  might  be 
improved   to   the   best  advantage  of  the  publick.     After 

'  For  a  life  of  Aston,  sec  D.  N.  B.  Compare  for  the  storming  of  Drog- 

He  had  lost  his  leg  in  1644,  in  con-  heda,  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  cv. 

sequence  of  a  fall    from    his   horse  '  Compare     Carlyle's     Cromwell, 

whilst  he  was  governor  of  Oxford.  Letter  cvii. 


Death  of  Michael  Jones.  235 

these  successes  the  army  grew  sickly,  many  dying  of  the  1649 
flux,  which  they  contracted  by  hard  service,  and  such 
provisions  as  they  were  not  accustomed  to.  The  plague 
also  which  had  been  for  some  time  amongst  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country,  and  the  Irish  army,  now  began  to  seize 
upon  ours.  Of  one  or  both  these  distempers  Col.  Michael 
Jones,  who  by  his  courage  and  conduct  in  the  service  of 
his  country  had  justly  deserved  the  applause  of  all,  and 
had  been  lately  made  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse 
by  the  Parliament,  fell  so  desperately  sick,  that  being  no 
longer  able  to  continue  in  the  army,  he  was  carried,  not 
without  reluctancy,  to  Wexford,  where  in  a  few  days  he 
died,  much  lamented  by  the  army,  and  by  all  that  desired  Dec.  10. 
the  prosperity  of  the  English  interest^.  In  the  mean  time 
the  Parliament  was  careful  to  send  money,  recruits,  and  all 
manner  of  supplies  necessary  to  Ireland  ;  which  they  were 
the  better  enabled  to  do  by  those  great  sums  of  money 
daily  brought  in  by  the  purchasers  of  the  lands  of  Deans 
and  Chapters,  which  they  thought  fit  for  the  reasons 
before-mentioned  to  expose  to  sale  ;  which  as  it  was  an 
advantage  to  the  nation  in  general,  by  easing  them  of  some 
part  of  their  contributions,  so  was  it  no  detriment  to  any 
of  those  purchasers  who  were  heartily  engaged  in  the 
publick  service  ;  since  if  the  tide  should  turn,  and  our 
enemies  become  prevalent,  such  persons  were  likely  to 
have  no  better  security  for  the  enjoyment  of  their  own 
paternal  estates.  Upon  this  consideration  I  contracted 
with  the  trustees  commissionated  by  the  Parliament,  for 
the  mannors  of  Eastknoel  and  Upton  in  the  county  of 
Wilts,  wherein  I  employed  that  portion  which  I  had 
received  with  my  wife,  and  a  greater  sum  arising  from 
the  sale  of  a  part  of  my  patrimonial  estate  ^, 

^  Michael    Jones     died    at    Dun-  ^  The  manors  of  East  Knoyle  and 

garvan,  and  was  buried  in  the  col-  Upton  were  sold   to   Edmund  Lud- 

legiate  church   at  Youghal,    in   the  low,  February  22,  1650,  for  the  sum 

chapel   belonging   to    the    Earls    of  of   yC4668   125.    ']\d.     Samuel    Gale, 

Cork.     On   his  character,  see    Car-  History  of  Winchester,  pt.  ii.  p.  23; 

lyle's  Cromwell,   Letter  .cxvii,    and  Hoare,  Modern  Wilts,  Heytesbury, 

Whitelocke,  Memorials,  iii.  136.  p.  18. 


236  Transactions  at  sea. 

J 649  The   winter   approaching,  and    the    season   being    very- 

tempestuous,  General  Blake  was  obliged  to  enter  into 
harbour,  by  which  means  Prince  Rupert  with  the  ships 
that  were  with  him  having  an  opportunity  to  escape,  set 
sail  for  Lisbon,  where  they  were  received  and  protected  ; 
1650  but  General  Popham  who  had  waited  some  time  for 
the  Portugal  fleet  bound  thither  from  the  islands,  took 
eighteen  of  them  loadcn  with  sugars  and  other  valuable 
merchandizes,  which  he  sent  to  England  under  a  convoy, 
entrusting  the  conduct  thereof  to  my  brother,  who,  as  I 
said  before,  was  his  lieutenant,  and  died  in  his  voyage 
homewards  ^.  With  the  rest  he  continued  cruizing  on  the 
coast  of  Portugal,  attending  Prince  Rupert's  fleet,  which 
being  drawn  up  under  the  protection  of  their  guns,  and 
most  of  the  men  on  shore,  ours  took  that  occasion  to  seize 
one  of  their  frigats,  by  surprizing  the  watch,  and  keeping 
the  rest  of  the  men  under  deck  ;  by  which  means  they 
brought  her  off  safe  to  the  fleet  ^. 

Our  army  in  Ireland,  tho  much  diminished  by  sickness 
and  harassed  by  hard  duty,  continued  their  resolution  to 
march    into    the    enemy's    quarters,  where    they   reduced 
(Jet.  16.    Rosse  with  little  opposition  :    Goran  also  was  surrendred 
March  21.  to  them,  together  with  the  officers  of  that  place,  by  the 
souldiers  of  the  garison,  upon  promise  of  quarter  for  them- 
selves ;    their   officers    being  delivered   at  discretion,  were 
'1650      shot  to  death.    The  next  town  they  besieged  was  Kilkenny, 
March  28.  where  there  was  a  strong  castle,  and  the  walls  of  the  town 
were  indifferent  good.     Having  erected   a  battery  on  the 

*  Philip  Ludlow,  bapt.  at  Maiden  ward   bound.'     He   was   buried   on 

Bradley,   April    15,   1628.     Died   at  .Sept.    20    in    Westminster    Abbey, 

sea,  Aug.  13,1650.    His  nuncupative  *  on  the   South  side  of  the  Chapel 

will,   proved   Oct.    i,    1650,   by   his  of    Kings,    under    the    long   stone 

brother     Nathaniel      Ludlow,     sole  by     Richard    the    Second's    monu- 

legatee    and    executor,    thus    com-  nient.'    Chester,  Westminster  Abbey 

mences:    'Memd.  that  Philip  Lud-  Registers,  p.  144. 

low,  late  of  the  city  of  Westminster,  '^  On  Blake's  exploits  ofTthe  coast 

bachelor,  deceased,  departed  this  life  of  Portugal  and  his  negotiations  with 

on  the  high  seas  on  board  the  ship  the  King,  see  Report  on  the  Port- 

Scphier,  on  the  13th  of  August  last,  land    MSS.,    i.    519-323,   527,   531, 

1650,  he  being  commander-in-chief  ^o^y. 
of  the  Brazcele  merchant  ships  home- 


Cromweirs  further  successes,  237 

east  side  of  the  wall,  our  artillery  fired  upon  it  for  a  whole      1650 
day  without  making  any  considerable  breach  ;  on  the  other 
side  our  men  were  much   annoyed   by  the   enemy's  shot 
from    the  walls  and    castle.     But   the   garison    being  ad- 
monished by  the  examples  made  of  their  friends  at  Tredah  March  27, 
and  Wexford,  thought  fit  to  surrender  the  town  timely  upon 
such  conditions  as  they  could  obtain,  which  was  done  ac- 
cordingly \     Youghall,  Cork   and   Kinsale  were  delivered      1649 
to  the  forces  of  the  Parliament    by  the  contrivance  and    Oct.  16. 
diligence  of  some  officers  and  well-affected  persons  in  those 
places ;  and  thereupon  the  Lieutenant-General  sent  a  de- 
tachment under  the  command  of  the  Lord  Broghil  to  their 
assistance,   in    case   any   thing   should    be   attempted    by 
Inchequin,  or   any  other,  to   their  disturbance  ;   whilst  he 
with   the   rest   of   the    army   marched   towards    Clonmel. 
Being  upon  his  march  thither,  he  was  met  by  the  corpora- 
tion of  Feather,  with  a  tender  of  their  submission,  where-       1650 
with   the   Lieutenant-General    was   so  satisfied,  the  army     Feb.  3. 
being  far  advanced  into  the  enemy's  quarters,  and  having 
no  place  of  refreshment,  that   he    promised   to  maintain 
them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  privileges  ~.     Having  left 
our   sick    men   here,   he    marched   and    sat   down    before 
Clonmel,  one  side  of  which  was  secured  by  a  river,  and   April  27. 
the  rest  of  the  town  encompassed  with  a  wall  that  was  well 
furnished  with  men  to  defend  it.     Our  guns  having  made 
a  breach  in  the  wall,  a  detachment  of  our  men  was  ordered 
to  storm  ;    but  the  enemy  by  the  means  of  some  houses 
that  stood  near,  and  earth-works  cast  up  within  the  wall.     May  9. 
made  good  their  breach  till  night  parted  the  dispute,  when 
the  enemy  perceiving  ours  resolved   to  reduce  the  place, 

^  On   the    capture    of    Ross,   see  ^  Fethard  capitulated  on   Feb.  3, 

Carlyle's  Cromwell,   Letter  cxii ;  of  but   Ludlow   is   mistaken    in    saying 

Gowran,  Letter  cxxx ;  of  Kilkenny,  that  the  town  sent  deputies  to  offer 

Letter  cxxx.     On  the  revolt  of  the  its    surrender.       It   was    summoned 

Munster  garrisons,  see  Letters  cxiii,  on    the    night    of  Feb.    2,  and   sur- 

cxv;    and    Murphy's    Cromwell    in  rendered    the    next    morning.     See 

Ireland,  pp.  398,  193.      Ludlow  here  Murphy,   Cromwell    in    Ireland,  pp. 

confuses  the  campaigns  of  1649  and  255-260;  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter 

1650.  cxix. 


238  The  siir7'cnder  of  Clonmel. 

1650  beat  a  parley,  and  sent  out  commissioners  to  treat  ^. 
Articles  were  agreed  and  signed  on  both  sides,  whereby  it 
was  conckided,  that  the  town  with  all  the  arms  and  am- 
munition therein,  should  be  delivered  up  the  next  morning 
to  such  of  our  forces  as  should  be  appointed  to  receive  the 
same.  After  this  agreement  was  made  and  signed,  the 
General  was  informed  that  Col.  Hugh  O'Neal  governour 
of  the  place,  with  all  the  garison,  had  marched  out  at  the 
beginning  of  the  night  towards  Waterford,  before  the 
commissioners  came  out  to  treat.  It  something  troubled 
the  commanders  to  be  thus  over-reach'd  ;  but  conditions 
being  granted,  they  thought  it  their  duty  to  keep  them 
1649      with  the  town.    Dungarvan  and  Carrick  were  next  reduced, 

Dec.  3.  where  Col.  Reynolds  being  left  with  his  regiment  of  horse, 
the  Lieutenant-General  with  the  army  marched  towards 
the  county  of  Waterford.  The  enemy  having  observed 
ours  marching  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  took  that 
adv'antage  to  draw  together  a  considerable  body  of  horse 
and  foot,  with   which  they  marched  with  all  diligence  to 

Nov.  24.  Carrick,  and  stormed  it,  not  at  all  doubting  to  carry  the 
place,  wherein  there  was  nothing  but  horse,  armed  only 
with  swords  and  pistols,  to  defend  a  wall  of  great  compass. 
Yet  did  our  men  manage  their  defence  so  well,  making  use 
of  stones  and  whatsoever  might  be  serviceable  to  them,  that 
the  enemy  was  beaten  off  with  loss  ;  so  that  the  forces  were 
sent  from  the  army  to  relieve  their  friends  upon  the  first 
notice  of  their  danger,  yet  they  found  the  work  done  at 
their  arrival^. 

The  army  began  now  to  prepare  for  the  siege  of 
Waterford,  but  by  the  hard  service  of  this  winter,  and 
other  accidents,  being  much  diminished,  and  those  that 
remained  being  but  in  a  sickly  condition,  it  was  thought 
fit  to  send  orders  to  Dublin,  requiring  the  forces  there  who 
were  in  better  health  to  march  towards  Wexford  in  order 

*  Ludlow   entirely  misplaces   the  are  collected  by  Mr.  Gilbert,  Aphoris- 

siege    of   Clonmel,   making   it   take  mical  Discovery,  ii.  408. 

place  in  1649  instead  of  1650.     The  ^  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  cxvi. 
accounts   of    the   siege   of   Clonmel 


The  battle  of  Glascarrig.  239 

to  reinforce  the  army  before  Waterford.  The  Lord  Inche-  1649 
quin,  who  had  notice  of  their  march,  having  formed  a  body 
of  two  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  and  some  foot,  resolved 
to  fall  upon  them,  which  he  did  between  Arclo  and  Nov.  3. 
Wexford,  our  forces  not  amounting  to  more  than  fifteen 
hundred  foot,  and  five  hundred  horse  ^.  The  enemies 
charged  our  horse  with  such  fury  and  numbers,  that  they 
were  forced  to  retreat  to  their  foot ;  after  which  falling 
upon  our  foot,  they  obliged  them  to  retire  to  the  rocks 
that  were  on  the  shore  in  great  disorder  :  but  some  of  our 
horse,  with  a  part  of  our  foot,  rallying  again,  charged  a 
body  of  their  horse  with  such  vigour,  that  they  broke  them, 
and  killed  many  of  them,  amongst  whom  were  divers 
considerable  persons  ;  which  so  discouraged  the  rest,  that 
tho  they  were  the  choicest  of  the  enemy's  men,  and  many 
of  ours  so  distempered  with  the  flux,  that  they  were  forced 
to  fight  with  their  breeches  down,  yet  durst  they  not  make 
any  farther  attempt  against  them,  but  drew  off  and  per- 
mitted ours  to  march  to  their  designed  rendezvouz  without 
any  more  interruption.  By  which  it  eminently  appeared  of 
what  importance  it  is  towards  the  obtaining  success,  to 
fight  in  the  cause  of  our  country;  for  these  very  men, 
as  long  as  they  were  engaged  with  us,  performed  wonders 
against  the  rebels  ;  and  now  being  engaged  with  them, 
were  almost  as  easily  overcome  as  they  had  beaten  the 
Irish  before  :  and  this  was  so  visible  even  to  the  Irish 
themselves,  that  some  time  after  at  a  consultation  of  the 
chief  officers  of  Leinster,  where  it  was  debated  what  course 
to  take  in  order  to  destroy  our  army,  some  advising  to 
draw  into  a  body  and  fight  us,  others  to  betake  themselves 
to  the  woods  and  bogs,  and  from  thence  to  break  our  forces 
by  parties ;  the  lord  of  Glanmaleiro  ^  assured  them  of  a 
way,  which,  if  taken,  would  certainly  effect  it,  and  that  was 

1  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  cxv  ;  '^  Lewis  Dempsy,  Lord  Clanmaliry, 

Carte's  Ormond,   iii.  499  ;    Murphy,  one  of  the  seven  commissioners  of 

Cromwell  in  Ireland,  p.   176.     This  Leinster  who  capitulated  to  Ludlow, 

is   known    as    the    battle    of    Glas-  May    12,    1652.      Gilbert,  Aphoris- 

carrig.  mical  Discovery,  iii.  94. 


240  Cro7niijell  recalled  to  E7tgland. 

1649  to  induce  us  to  make  peace  with  them  ;  '  for,'  said  he, '  they 
are  a  successful  army,  and  our  men  are  dispirited,  and  not 
likely  to  get  any  thing  by  fighting  with  them  ;  and  to 
weary  them  out  by  our  surprizes  and  depredations  is 
impossible,  as  long  as  the  way  from  England  is  open  for 
their  supplies;  bat  the  other  way  proposed  will  infallibly 
ruin  them:  for  did  not  our  ancestors  by  the  same  means 
render  the  conquests  of  Queen  Elizabeth  fruitless  to 
England  ?  and  have  we  not  thereby  ruined  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  and  Inchequin  already,  who  having  been  always 
successful  when  against  us,  have  been  famous  for  nothing 
since  their  conjunction  with  us.  but  the  losses  and  repulses 
which  they  have  sustained  ?  so  that  if  we  can  perswade 
this  army  to  make  a  truce  or  league  with  us,  they  will 
become  as  unfortunate  as  the  former.' 

1650  Whilst  the  Lieutenant-General  was  making  preparations 
March  22.  for  the  siege  of  Waterford,  a  letter  was  brought  to  him 

from  the  Parliament,  requiring  his  attendance  in  England : 
in  order  to  which  he  left  the  command  of  the  army  with 
Commissary-General  Ireton,  to  carry  on  the  remaining  part 
of  the  work  ;  going  himself  to  visit  those  places  in  Munster 
which  had  lately  submitted  to  the  Parliament,  with  inten- 
tion to  settle  the  civil  as  well  as  military  affairs  of  that 
province.  To  this  end  he  impowered  John  Coke  Esq. 
to  be  Chief  Justice  of  Munster  ;  and  having  accomplished 
such  things  as  he  designed,  embarked  for  England,  and 
soon  after  landed  at  Bristol.  In  the  mean  time  the  treaty 
between  Prince  Charles  and  the  Presbyterian  party  in 
Scotland  hastening  towards  a  conclusion,  the  forces  which 
they  had  raised  by  the  encouragement  of  our  army,  after 
they  had  rescued  them  from  the  power  of  the  Hamiltonian 

Ai.ril  27.  party,  fell  upon  Montrose,  killed  many  of  his  men,  and 
took  him  with  divers  other  officers  prisoners,  and  amongst 
them  Major-Gencral  Hurry  and  Capt.  Spotiswood,  who 
was  said  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  assassination  of 
Dr.  Dorislaus  our  agent  in  Holland.  They  were  all  three 
condemned  to  death,  and  hanged  ;  Montrose  being  carried 

Maj  21.   to  the  place  of  execution  in  an  ignominious  manner,  with 


The  execution  of  Montrose.  241 

the  declarations  issued  out  by  him  for  the  King  tied  about  1650 
his  neck,  where  he  was  executed  on  a  gibbet  of  thirty  foot 
high.  His  quarters  were  placed  upon  the  gate  through 
which  their  King  was  to  pass  at  his  coming  to  Edinburgh, 
which  could  not  but  move  his  indignation,  if  he  had  the 
least  sense  of  honour,  because  he  had  acted  by  his  com- 
mission, and  in  order  to  vest  him  with  that  absolute  and 
uncontrolable  power  which  kings  think  to  be  most  for  their 
advantage  :  but  the  King  being  instructed  with  other 
maxims,  struck  up  the  bargain  with  the  Presbyterians,  and 
engaged  to  take  the  Covenant,  whereupon  they  cried  him 
up  for  a  great  convert. 

Some  sycophants  in  the  English  Parliament,  a  race 
of  men  never  wanting  in  great  councils,  pressed  earnestly 
for  settling  two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds  a  year  upon 
the  Lieutenant-General,  according  to  a  vote  formerly 
passed  in  the  House  ;  or  that  it  might  at  least  be  read  once 
or  twice  before  his  arrival  at  Westminster,  he  being  then 
upon  his  way  from  Bristol.  Upon  this  motion  I  took  the 
liberty  to  acquaint  the  House,  that  tho  I  would  not  oppose 
that  motion,  yet  it  was  but  reasonable  to  make  good  their 
promises  also  to  persons  that  had  served  them  usefully 
in  former  occasions,  desiring  them  to  remember  the  past 
services  of  those  that  they  knew  continued  still  to  be 
faithful  to  them,  tho  not  then  in  actual  employment ; 
and  particularly  not  to  forget  the  important  services  of 
Major-General  Skippon,  nor  the  vote  they  had  passed  to 
settle  one  thousand  pounds  a  year  upon  him,  which  hitherto 
had  been  insignificant  to  him.  Upon  this  motion  the  May  30. 
Parliament  ordered  that  the  said  sum  should  be  paid 
yearly  to  him  out  of  the  receipt  at  Goldsmiths- Hall,  till 
so  much  should  be  settled  upon  him  out  of  the  forfeited 
lands  in  Ireland  by  Act  of  Parliament.  In  consideration 
of  this  piece  of  justice,  the  Major-General  did  me  ever 
after  the  honour  to  call  me  his  real  friend. 

And  now  the  Parliament  being  desirous  to  let  the 
people  see  that  they  designed  not  to  perpetuate  them- 
selves  after  they   should   be   able   to   make   a    compleat 

VOL.   I.  R 


242  The  bill  for  future  Parliaments. 

1650  settlement  of  affairs,  and  provide  for  the  security  of  the 
nation  from  enemies  both  abroad  and  at  home,  whom  they 

Jan.  9.  had  >-et  in  great  numbers  to  contend  with,  resolved  that 
the  House  would  upon  every  Wednesday  turn  themselves 
into  a  grand  committee,  to  debate  concerning  the  manner 
of  assembling,  and  power  of  future  successive  Parliaments  ; 
the  number  of  persons  to  be  appointed  to  serve  for  each 
county,  that  the  nation  might  be  more  equally  represented 
than  hitherto  had  been  practised  ;  and  touching  the  quali- 
fications of  the  electors  as  well  as  those  to  be  elected  : 
which  order  was  constantly  observed,  and  considerable 
progress  from  time  to  time  made  therein  ^. 

June  4.  The  Lieutcnant-Gencral  being  arrived  -,  and  having 
resumed  his  place  in  the  House,  the  Parliament  ordered 
their  Speaker  to  give  him  thanks  in  their  name  for  the 
services  he  had  done  for  the  Commonwealth  in  the  nation 
of  Ireland.  And  now  the  Council  of  State  concluding 
it  highly  necessary  to  make  some  preparations  against 
the  storm  which  threatned  us  from  the  North,  and 
knowing  that  the  satisfaction  of  their  General  was  of  great 
importance  to  that  service,  desired  the  Lord  Fairfax  to 
declare  his  resolution  concerning  the  same,  who  after  a  day 
or  two's  consideration,  at  the  instigation  chiefly  (as  was 
thought)  of  his  wife,  upon  whom  the  Presbyterian  clergy 

*  The  histoiy  of  the  discussions  passed  many  remarkable  expressions 
on  this  subject  is  given  by  Godwin,  of  mutuall  love  and  courtesie,  suf- 
Commonvvealth,  iii.  298-306,  422,  ficient  to  check  the  false  tongues 
448;  Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  iv.  221,  and  wishes  of  the  enemies  of  the 
3°S-  nation.    The  same  day,  likewise,  the 

*  Cromwell  arrived  at  London  on  Parliament  gave  his  Lordship  thanks 
Saturda}',  June  i.  *  Upon  Hounslow  in  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth, 
Heath  he  was  met  by  his  Excellency  as  likewise  did  the  Lord  Mayor  and 
the  Lord  General,  with  a  great  train  Aldermen  in  the  name  of  the  City, 
of  the  members  of  Parliament  and  for  his  most  famous  services  in  Ire- 
Council  of  State,  divers  companies  land ;  which  being  added  to  the  gar- 
and  troops  of  foot  and  horse  and  land  of  his  English  victories,  have 
many  thou.sands  of  the  well  affected  ;  crowned  him  in  the  opinion  of  all  the 
so  that  the  waies  were  thronged  down  world  for  one  of  the  wisest  and 
to  Westminster.  Upon  the  Mon-  most  accomplished  leaders,  among 
day  following,  the  Lord-Lieutenant  the  present  and  past  generations.' 
visited  the  Lord  General  at  his  Mcrcurius  Politicus,  June  6,  1650. 
house  in  Queen  Street,  where  there 


Fairfax  refuses  to  attack  the  Scots.        243 

had  no  small  influence,  seemed  unwilling  to  march  into  1650 
Scotland  ;  but  declared,  that  in  case  the  Scots  should 
attempt  to  invade  England,  he  would  be  ready  to  lay- 
down  his  life  in  opposing  them.  We  laboured  to  perswade 
him  of  the  reasonableness  and  justice  of  our  resolution 
to  march  into  Scotland,  they  having  already  declared 
themselves  our  enemies,  and  by  publick  protestation  bound 
themselves  to  impose  that  government  upon  us,  which  we 
had  found  necessary  to  abolish ;  and  to  that  end  had 
made  their  terms  with  Prince  Charles,  waiting  only  an 
opportunity,  as  soon  as  they  had  strengthened  themselves 
by  foreign  assistance,  which  they  expected,  to  put  their 
design  in  execution,  after  we  should  be  reduced  to  great 
difficulties  incident  to  the  keeping  up  of  an  army  in  expec- 
tation of  being  invaded  by  them  ;  assuring  him,  that  we 
thought  our  selves  indispensably  obliged  in  duty  to  our 
country,  and  as  we  tendred  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  it, 
as  well  as  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  the  blood  of  those  who 
had  been,  and  we  hoped  upon  better  information  would  be 
our  friends,  to  march  into  Scotland,  and  either  to  understand 
from  them  that  they  are  our  friends,  or  to  endeavour  to 
make  them  so  ;  chusing  rather  to  make  that  country  the 
seat  of  the  war  than  our  own.  But  the  Lord  Fairfax  was 
unwilling  to  alter  his  resolution  in  consideration  of  any 
thing  that  could  be  said.  Upon  this  Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell  pressed,  that  notwithstanding  the  unwillingness 
of  the  Lord  Fairfax  to  command  upon  this  occasion,  they 
would  yet  continue  him  to  be  General  of  the  army ;  pro- 
fessing for  himself,  that  he  would  rather  chuse  to  serve 
under  him  in  his  post,  than  to  command  the  greatest  army 
in  Europe.  But  the  Council  of  State  not  approving  that 
advice,  appointed  a  committee  of  some  of  themselves 
to  confer  farther  with  the  General  in  order  to  his  satis- 
faction. This  committee  was  appointed  upon  the  motion 
of  the  Lieutenafit-General,  who  acted  his  part  so  to  the  life, 
that  I  really  thought  him  in  earnest ;  which  obliged  me 
to  step  to  him  as  he  was  withdrawing  with  the  rest  of 
the  committee  out  of  the  council-chamber,  and  to  desire 

R  2 


244  Cronnuell  appointed  General. 

1650  him,  that  he  would  not  in  compliment  and  humility 
obstruct  the  service  of  the  nation  by  his  refusal  ;  but  the 
consequence  made  it  sufficiently  evident  that  he  had  no 
such  intention.  The  committee  having  spent  some  time  in 
debate  with  the  Lord  Fairfax  without  any  success,  returned 
to  the  Council  of  State,  whereupon  they  ordered  the  report 
of  this  affair  to  be  made  to  the  Parliament.  Which  being 
done,  and  some  of  the  General's  friends  informing  them, 
that  tho  he  had  shewed  some  unwillingness  to  be  employed 
in  this  expedition  himself,  yet  being  more  unwilling  to 
hinder  the  undertaking  of  it  by  another,  he  had  sent  his 
secretary,  who  attended  at  the  door,  to  surrender  his 
commission,  if  they  thought  fit  to  receive  it ;  the  secretary 
June  26.  was  called  in,  and  delivered  the  commission  ^,  which  the 
Parliament  having  received,  they  proceeded  to  settle  an 
annual  revenue  of  five  thousand  pounds  upon  the  Lord 
Fairfax,  in  consideration  of  his  former  services,  and  then 
voted  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell  to  be  Captain-General 
of  all  their  land  forces,  ordering  a  commission  forthwith  to 
be  drawn  up  to  that  effect,  and  referred  to  the  Council  of 
State  to  hasten  the  preparations  for  the  northern  expedi- 
tion. A  little  after,  as  I  sat  in  the  house  near  General 
Cromwell,  he  told  me,  that  having  observed  an  alteration 
in  my  looks  and  carriage  towards  him,  he  apprehended 
that  I  had  entertained  some  suspicions  of  him  ;  and  that 
being  perswaded  of  the  tendency  of  the  designs  of  us  both 
to  the  advancement  of  the  public  service,  he  desired  that  a 

'  On  June  12,  Parliament  voted  in  Whitelocke's  Memorials,  iii.  207. 
that  both  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  A  letter  of  resignation  from  Fairfax 
should  go  on  the  expedition  against  to  the  Speaker  was  also  read  in  the 
Scotland,  the  latter  in  his  old  post  House  (printed  in  the  appendix  to 
of  Lieutenant-General.  Both  ex-  the  Diary  of  Sir  Henry  Slingsby, 
pressed  their  willingness  to  serve,  ed.  Parsons,  p.  340).  A  committee 
and  Fairfax's  new  commission  was  was  then  appointed  to  convey  to 
passed  on  June  14.  On  June  25,  Fairfax  the  thanks  of  the  House  for 
Whitelocke  reported  from  the  his  past  services  and  to  assure  him 
Council  of  State  that  Fairfax  wished  of  its  continued  confidence.  On 
to  be  excused.  An  account  of  the  June  26,  Rushworth  returned  Fair- 
interview  between  Fairfax  and  the  fax's  commission  to  Parliament;  C.J. , 
deputation  from  the  Council  is  given  vi.  423-4,  431-2. 


Ltidlow  s  free  convej^sation  zvith  Cro7nzvell.     245 

meeting  might  be  appointed,  wherein  we  might  with  1650 
freedom  discover  the  grounds  of  our  mistakes  and  mis- 
apprehensions, and  create  a  good  understanding  between 
us  for  the  future.  I  answered,  that  he  had  discovered 
in  me  what  I  had  never  perceived  in  my  self;  and  that  if  I 
troubled  him  not  so  frequently  as  formerly,  it  was  either 
because  I  was  conscious  of  that  weight  of  business  that  lay 
upon  him,  or  that  I  had  nothing  to  importune  him  withal 
upon  my  own  or  any  other  account ;  yet  since  he  was 
pleased  to  do  me  the  honour  to  desire  a  free  conversation 
with  me,  I  assured  him  of  my  readiness  therein.  Where- 
upon we  resolved  to  meet  that  afternoon  in  the  Council  of 
State,  and  from  thence  to  withdraw  to  a  private  room, 
which  we  did  accordingly  in  the  Queen's  guard-chamber, 
where  he  endeavoured  to  perswade  me  of  the  necessity 
incumbent  upon  him  to  do  several  things  that  appeared 
extraordinary  in  the  judgment  of  some  men,  who  in 
opposition  to  him  took  such  courses  as  would  bring  ruin 
upon  themselves,  as  well  as  him  and  the  publick  cause, 
affirming  his  intentions  to  be  directed  entirely  to  the  good 
of  the  people,  and  professing  his  readiness  to  sacrifice  his 
life  in  their  service.  I  freely  acknowledged  my  former 
dissatisfaction  with  him  and  the  rest  of  the  army,  when 
they  were  in  treaty  with  the  King,  whom  I  looked  upon  as 
the  only  obstruction  to  the  settlement  of  the  nation;  and 
with  their  actions  at  the  rendezvouz  at  Ware,  where  they 
shot  a  souldier  to  death,  and  imprisoned  divers  others  upon 
the  account  of  that  treaty,  which  I  conceived  to  have  been 
done  without  authority,  and  for  sinister  ends  :  yet  since 
they  had  manifested  themselves  convinced  of  those  errors, 
and  declared  their  adherence  to  the  Commonwealth,  tho 
too  partial  a  hand  was  carried  both  by  the  Parliament  and 
themselves  in  the  distribution  of  preferments  and  gratuities, 
and  too  much  severity  exercised  against  some  who  had 
formerly  been  their  friends,  and  as  I  hoped  would  be  so 
still,  with  other  things  that  I  could  not  entirely  approve,  I 
was  contented  patiently  to  wait  for  the  accomplishment  of 
those  good  things  which  I  expected,  till  they  had  overcome 


246      Cromwell  on  the  reforins  of  the  Law. 

1650  the  difficulties  they  now  laboured  under,  and  suppressed 
their  enemies  that  appeared  both  at  home  and  abroad 
against  them  ;  hoping  that  then  their  principles  and  interest 
would  lead  them  to  do  what  was  most  agreeable  to  the 
constitution  of  a  Commonwealth,  and  the  good  of  mankind. 
He  owned  my  dissatisfaction  with  the  army  whilst  they 
were  in  treaty  with  the  King,  to  be  founded  upon  good 
reasons,  and  excused  the  execution  done  upon  the  souldier 
at  the  rendezvouz,  as  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  things 
from  falling  into  confusion  ;  which  must  have  ensued  upon 
that  division,  if  it  had  not  been  timely  prevented.  He 
professed  to  desire  nothing  more  than  that  the  government 
of  the  nation  might  be  settled  in  a  free  and  equal  Common- 
wealth, acknowledging  that  there  was  no  other  probable 
means  to  keep  out  the  old  family  and  government  from 
returning  upon  us  ;  declaring,  that  he  looked  upon  the 
design  of  the  Lord  in  this  day  to  be  the  freeing  of  His 
people  from  every  burden,  and  that  He  was  now  accom- 
plishing what  was  prophesied  in  the  iioth  Psalm;  from 
the  consideration  of  which  he  was  often  encouraged  to 
attend  the  effecting  those  ends,  spending  at  least  an  hour 
in  the  exposition  of  that  Psalm,  adding  to  this,  that  it  was 
his  intention  to  contribute  the  utmost  of  his  endeavours  to 
make  a  thorow  reformation  of  the  Clergy  and  Law  :  but, 
said  he,  'the  sons  of  Zeruiah  are  yet  too  strong  for  us ';  and 
we  cannot  mention  the  reformation  of  the  law,  but  they 
presently  cry  out,  we  design  to  destroy  propriety  :  whereas 
the  lav.-,  as  it  is  now  constituted,  serves  only  to  maintain 
the  lawyers,  and  to  encourage  the  rich  to  oppress  the  poor  ; 
affirming  that  Mr.  Coke,  then  Justice  in  Ireland,  by  pro- 
ceeding in  a  summary  and  expeditious  way,  determined 
more  causes  in  a  week,  than  Westminster-Hall  in  a  year^  ; 
saying  farther,  that  Ireland  was  as  a  clean  paper  in  that 

'  Cromwell  exprcssessimilar  views  ministration  of  justice  in  Ireland  are 

on  the  Law  in  his  letter  announcing  set  forth  in  the  preface  to  his  tract 

the    victory   of  Dunbar.      Sec    also  entitled  '  Monarchy   no  Creature  of 

Speech  V.    in    Carlyle's   Cromwell,  God's  making,'  printed  at  Waterford 

and  his  letter  to  Sadler,  Appendix  17.  in  1653. 
Cooke's  projected  reforms  in  the  ad- 


Stiggestions  as  to  commanders  in  Ireland.    247 

particular,  and  capable  of  being  governed  by  such  laws  as  1650 
should  be  found  most  agreeable  to  justice ;  which  may- 
be so  impartially  administred,  as  to  be  a  good  precedent 
even  to  England  it  self;  where  when  they  once  perceive 
propriety  preserved  at  an  easy  and  cheap  rate  in  Ireland, 
they  will  never  permit  themselves  to  be  so  cheated  and 
abused  as  now  they  are.  At  last  he  fell  into  the  considera- 
tion of  the  military  government  of  Ireland,  complaining 
that  the  whole  weight  of  it  lay  upon  Major-General  Ireton  ; 
and  that  if  he  should  by  death  or  any  other  accident  be 
removed  from  that  station,  the  conduct  of  that  part  would 
probably  fall  into  the  hands  of  such  men  as  either  by 
principle  or  interest  were  not  proper  for  that  trust,  and 
of  whom  he  had  no  certain  assurance.  He  therefore 
proposed  that  some  person  of  reputation  and  known 
fidelity  might  be  sent  over  to  command  the  horse  there, 
and  to  assist  the  Major-General  in  the  service  of  the 
publick,  that  employment  being  next  in  order  to  his  own, 
desiring  me  to  propose  one  whom  I  thought  sufficiently 
qualified  for  that  station.  I  told  him,  that  in  my  opinion  a 
fitter  man  could  not  be  found  than  Col.  Algernon  Sidney ; 
but  he  excepted  against  him  by  reason  of  his  relation 
to  some  who  were  in  the  King's  interest,  proposing  Col. 
Norton  and  Col.  Hammond,  yet  making  objections  against 
them  at  the  same  time  :  that  against  Col.  Hammond  I 
remember  was,  that  by  his  late  deportment  with  relation  to 
the  King,  he  had  so  disobliged  the  army,  that  he  appre- 
hended he  would  not  be  acceptable  to  them.  After  this 
he  entred  upon  a  large  commendation  of  the  country,  and 
pressed  me  earnestly  to  think  of  some  person  capable  of 
that  employment.  By  this  time  I  perceived  something  of 
his  intentions  concerning  me  ;  but  the  condition  of  my 
affairs  was  such,  having  lately  married  and  by  purchasing 
some  lands  contracted  a  great  debt,  that  I  resolved  not  to 
accept  of  it. 

The  time  for  the  General's  departure  for  the  expedition 
of  Scotland  drawing  near,  he  moved  the  Council  of  State,    June  27, 
that  since  they  had   employed  him  about  a  work  which 


248    Ludlow  nominated  for  Lieutenant-General. 

1650      would  require  all  his  care,  they  would  be  pleased  to  ease 
him  of  the  affairs  of  Ireland  ;  which  they  refusing  to  do, 
he  then  moved,  that  they  would  at  least  send  over  some 
commissioners   for   the   management   of  the   civil    affairs, 
assuring   them   also   that   the   military   being   more   than 
Major-General  Ireton  could  possibly  carry  on,  without  the 
assistance  of  some  general  officer  to  command  the  horse, 
which  employment  was  become  vacant  by  the  death   of 
the    brave    Lieutenant-General    Jones^   it   was  absolutely 
necessary  to  commissionate  some  person  of  worth  to  that 
employment,   and    to   authorize    him    to    be   one  of  their 
commissioners  for  the  civil  government ;  telling  them,  that 
he  had  endeavoured  to  find  out  a  person  proper  for  that 
service,  and   to  that  end    had   consulted   with   one   there 
present,  desiring  him  to  recommend  one  fit  for  the  same  ; 
but  that  neither  of  them  had  proposed  any  that  he  could 
approve  so  well  as  the  person  himself,  and  therefore  moved 
that   he  might    be  appointed    to   that  employment  ;    ac- 
quainting them,  that  tho   he  himself  was  impowered   by 
virtue  of  his  commission  from  the  Parliament,  to  nominate 
the   Lieutenant-General    of    the    Horse,   yet   because   the 
gentleman  he  proposed,  upon  which  he  named   me,  was 
a  member  of  Parliament,  and  of  the  Council  of  State,  he 
desired  for  the  better  securing  the  obedience  of  the  army 
to  me,  that  the  Parliament  might  be  moved  to  nominate 
and  appoint  me  to  that  charge.     I   endeavoured  as  well 
as  I  could  to  make  the  Council  sensible  of  my  unfitness 
for  an    employment  of  so  great  importance,  acquainting 
them,  that  upon  the  Generars  desire  I  had  recommended 
one  to  him  of  such  abilities,  as  I  doubted  not  they  would 
judg  better  qualified  for  it  than  my  self,  who  besides  my 
want  of  experience  sufficient  for  that  service,  was  so  in- 
cumbred  with  debts  and  engagements  at  that  time,  that 
I  could  not  possibly  undertake  it  without  hazarding  the 
ruin  of  my  family  and  estate.     ]5ut  the  Council  refused  to 
allow  my  excuse,  which  indeed  was  real   and   unfeigned  ; 
telling  me,  that  it  would  be  more  proper  to  represent  those 
things  to  the  Parliament,  when  the  report  should  be  made 


Parliament  confirms  the  nomination.        249 

to  them  from  the  Council  :  which  was  agreed  upon  to  this  1650 
effect ;  '  That  the  House  should  be  moved  to  appoint  me 
Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse  in  Ireland  ;  and  that 
General  Cromwell,  Major-General  Ireton,  my  self,  Col. 
John  Jones,  and  Major  Richard  Salloway,  or  any  three 
of  us,  should  be  authorized  by  Act  of  Parliament  to  be 
Commissioners  for  the  administration  of  the  civil  affairs  in 
that  nation.'  The  news  of  this  transaction  was  unwelcome 
to  some  of  my  nearest  relations  and  best  friends,  not  only 
for  the  reasons  above  mentioned,  but  upon  suspicion  that 
this  opportunity  was  taken  by  the  General  to  remove  me 
out  of  the  way,  lest  I  should  prove  an  obstruction  to  his 
designs.  But  I  could  not  think  my  self  so  considerable, 
and  therefore  could  not  concur  with  them  in  that  opinion^. 
Yet  I  endeavoured  to  clear  my  self  of  this  employment, 
and  knowing  that  this  affair  was  carried  on  chiefly  by 
the  General's  influence,  I  applied  my  self  to  him,  ac- 
quainting him  with  my  present  circumstances,  and  assuring 
him  that  it  was  altogether  inconvenient,  and  might  prove 
very  prejudicial  to  me.  He  replied,  that  men's  private 
affairs  must  give  place  to  those  of  the  publick ;  that  he 
had  seriously  considered  the  matter,  and  that  he  could  not 
find  a  person  so  fit  for  those  employments  as  my  self, 
desiring  me  therefore  to  acquiesce.  It  Avas  not  many  days 
before  the  Council  of  State  made  their  report  of  this  affair  July  2. 
to  the  Parliament,  where  I  again  pressed  the  reasons  I  had 
used  before  to  the  Council  with  as  much  earnestness  as 
I  could  :  but  they  would  not  hearken  to  me,  and  without 
any  debate,  presently  concurred  with  the  Council  therein, 
with  the  addition  only  of  Mr.  John  Weaver,  a  member 
of  the  House,  to  be  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to 
manage  the  civil  government  ^. 

'  A  correspondent  writes   to    Sir  a  friend  called  to  congratulate  him, 

E.  Nicholas  on  Jan.   lo,  165!,  com-  when   his   reply  was  that    he   must 

menting  on  Ludlow's  imprisonment,  needs  go  whom    the    devil    drives  ; 

and  adds :    '  When    Cromwell,    lest  so    you   see    the    jealousy   between 

he   should    disturb    him    during   his  them.'     Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655  6,  p. 

absence  in  Scotland,  made  him  Lieu-  109. 
tenant-General    of  the  Irish   horse,  ^  Ludlow's  account  of  the  appoint- 


250  Surrenders  of  Waterford  and  Duncannon. 

1650  In  the  mean  time  our  army  proceeded  successfully  in 

Ireland,  where  they  reduced  Waterford  after  a  siege  of 
some  weeks  ;  which  place  the  enemy  had  considerably 
fortified  :  but  their  provisions  failing,  they  were  forced  to 

Aug.  10.  surrender  it  upon  articles  ^  During  this  siege  the  army 
was  supplied  with  all  necessaries  by  some  of  our  ships  that 
came  into  the  harbour  to  that  end.  After  the  reduction 
of  Waterford  a  detachment  was  made  from  our  army  to 
besiege  Duncannon,  a  place  of  considerable  strength,  having 
seven  hundred  men  within  to  defend  it,  tho  one  third  of 
their  number  had  been  sufficient  for  that  purpose.  This 
or  some  other  cause  produced  the  plague  amongst  them, 
which  lessened  their  number,  and  made  their  provisions 
to  hold  out  the  longer :  yet  at  last  they  were  constrained 
to  deliver  up  the  place  with  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  to 

Aug.  17.  our  men.  The  Lord  of  Esmond  had  been  governour  of 
this  place  for  the  English  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and 
held  it  out  for  the  space  of  six  or  seven  months  against  the 
rebels,  of  whom  he  killed  great  numbers  before  it  during 
1645  the  siege  that  he  sustained ;  but  being  driven  to  great 
March  19.  extremities,  he  vv'as  obliged  to  surrender  it  to  them  ;  which 
went  so  near  the  gallant  old  gentleman's  heart,  that  he  soon 
after  departed  this  life. 

July  2.  The  next  place  our  army  attempted  was  Carlo,  an  inland 
garison,  distant  from  Dublin  about  thirty  miles,  and  lying 

ment  of  the  commissioners  is  a  Httle  his  own  desire  was  dispensed  from 

confused.     On  June  27,  the  Council  going  to  Ireland.      Miles  Corbet  was 

of    State    nominated    Ludlow    and  appointed    on   Nov.    27,  in  place   of 

Jones.       On  July  2,  Parliament  ap-  Salwey. 

pointed    them,    naming    Ludlow   at  '    Ireton     summoned     Waterford 

the   same   time    Licutenant-General  July  i,  1650,  articles   were  signed 

of  the    Horse    in    Ireland.     On  the  on  Aug.  6,  and  the  garrison  marched 

same  day  Parliament  referred  to  the  out    Aug.    10.      A    narrative    of  its 

Council   of  State  to  name  other  fit  capture,  published  by  the  order  of 

persons   as   commissioners,   and   on  Parliament,  is  reprinted  in  the  Old 

Sept    13  that  body  nominated  John  Parliamentary  History,  xix.  334.    An 

Weaver  and   Richard  Salwey.     On  interesting  correspondence  between 

Oct.   4,   the    House   passed   the  in-  Ireton    and    General    Preston,    the 

structions  of  the  commissioners  and  governor  of  Waterford,  is  printed  in 

added   the    names    of  Weaver  and  Borlase's  Irish  Rebellion,  Appendix, 

Salwey.     On    Nov.    20,    Salwey   at  pp.  32-46,  ed.  1743. 


A  bridge  made  across  the  Bari^ow.        2  5 1 

upon  the  river  Barrow.  The  place  was  esteemed  by  the  1650 
enemy  to  be  of  great  importance,  and  therefore  fortified 
by  them  with  divers  works  ;  besides,  it  had  a  small  castle 
at  the  foot  of  the  bridg,  and  a  river  running  under  the 
walls  of  the  castle.  The  country  beyond  it  w^ere  also  their 
friends,  and  furnished  them  with  provisions  in  great  abund- 
ance. To  prevent  which,  Major-General  Ireton  found  it 
necessary  to  employ  the  principal  part  of  his  forces  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  Barrow ;  yet  by  what  means  to 
secure  a  communication  between  the  two  parts  of  his  army, 
was  a  great  difficulty,  they  having  neither  boats  nor  casks 
sufificient  for  that  purpose.  In  the  end  they  fell  upon  this 
expedient,  to  bring  together  great  quantities  of  the  biggest 
reeds,  and  tying  them  up  in  many  little  bundles  with  small 
cords,  they  fastned  them  to  two  cables  that  were  fixed  in 
the  ground  on  each  side  of  the  river,  at  the  distance  of 
about  eight  or  ten  yards  from  each  other :  these  being 
covered  with  wattles,  bore  troops  of  horse  and  companies 
of  foot  as  well  as  a  bridg  arched  with  stone. 

Whilst  these  things  were  doing,  most  of  the  Earl  of 
Ormond's  forces  retired  into  Connaught,  and  those  of  the 
Lord  Muskerry  into  Kerry :  the  Lord  Castlehaven  also,  after 
he  had  fired  most  of  the  small  castles  in  Leinster  and 
Munster,  marched  out  of  those  parts  ^. 

But  the  enemy  which  most  threatned  the  disturbance  of 
the  Parliament,  was  that  of  Scotland,  where  all  interests 
were  united  in  opposition  to  the  present  authority  in 
England.  They  had  also  many  who  favoured  their  design 
in  our  nation,  as  well  Presbyterians  as  Cavaliers :  the 
former  of  these  were  most  bold  and  active,  upon  pre- 
sumption of  more  favour  in  case  of  ill  success.  The 
Parliament  being  sensible  of  these  things,  published  a  June  26. 
declaration,  shewing  that  they  had  no  design  to  impose 
upon  the  nation  of  Scotland  any  thing  contrary  to  their 
inclinations :  that  they  would  leave  them  to  chuse  what 
government  they  thought  most  convenient  for  themselves, 

*  On  Ireton's  campaign  in  1650,  see  Gilbert,  Aphorismical  Discovery, 
iii.  218. 


252  Cromzvell  enters  Scotland. 

1650  provided  they  would  suffer  the  English  nation  to  Hve  under 
that  establishment  which  they  had  chosen  :  that  it  evidently 
appeared  that  the  Scots  were  acted  by  a  spirit  of  domination 
and  rule ;  and  that  nothing  might  be  wanting  to  compel  us 
to  submit  to  their  impositions,  they  had  espoused  the  in- 
terests of  that  family,  which  they  themselves  had  declared 
guilty  of  much  precious  blood,  and  resolved  to  force  the 
same  upon  England  :  that  these  and  other  things  there 
mentioned  had  obliged  them  to  send  an  army  into  Scotland 
for  their  own  preservation,  and  to  keep  the  Scots  from 
destroying  themselves,  which  they  were  about  to  do  ; 
resolving  notwithstanding  to  extend  all  possible  favour  to 
such  as  were  seduced  through  weakness,  and  misled  by  the 
malice  of  others  ■^.  After  this  General  Cromwell  hastned 
to  the  army,  which  consisted  of  about  twenty  thousand 
horse  and  foot,  where  having  removed  a  Colonel  or  two, 
with  some  inferiour  officers,  who  were  unwilling  to  be 
employed  in  that  service,  and  made  up  a  regiment  for 
Col.  Monk,  with  six  companies  out  of  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig's, 

July  22.  and  six  out  of  Col.  Fenwick's  regiment,  he  marched  into 
Scotland  without  any  opposition,  most  of  the  people  being 
fled  from  their  habitations  towards  Edinburgh,  whither  all 

July  29.  the  enemy's  strength  was  drawn  together-.  The  English 
army  drew  up  within  sight  of  the  town,  but  the  Scots  would 
not  hazard  all  by  the  decision  of  a  battel,  hoping  to  tire  us 
out  with  frequent  skirmishes  and  harassing  our  men,  relying 
much  upon  the  unsutableness  of  the  climate  to  our  con- 
stitutions, especially  if  they  should  detain  us  in  the  field 
till  winter.  Their  counsels  succeeded  according  to  their 
desires,  and  our  army  through  hard  duty,  scarcity  of  pro- 

'   A  Declaration  of  the  Parliament  of   Capt.  John   Hodgson,  ed.    1882, 

of   England    upon    the   marching  of  p.  41;  and  D.   N.  B.     On  Gill,  see 

their  Army  into  Scotland;  Old  Parlia-  Portland  MSS.,  i.  535;  Cal.   of  Co. 

mentary  History,  xix.  276.  for  Compounding,   p.    1153;    C.   J., 

^  Col.  John  Bright  threw  up  his  vi.    450,   493,    vii.    22,  97.     On  the 
commission,    and  Col.    George   Gill  formation  of  Monck's  regiment,  see 
was  removed  and  succeeded  by  Col.  Mackinnon's    History   of  the   Cold- 
Matthew  Alured ;  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  stream  Guards,  1833,  i.  pp.  i,  21. 
1650,  p.  263.     On  Bright,  see  Life 


The  Battle  of  Dunbar.  253 

visions,  and  the  rigour  of  the  season,  grew  very  sickly,  and  1650 
diminished  daily,  so  that  they  were  necessitated  to  draw 
off  to  receive  supplies  from  our  shipping,  which  could  not 
come  nearer  to  them  than  Dunbar,  distant  from  Edinburgh 
about  twenty  miles.  The  enemy  observing  our  army  to 
retire,  followed  them  close ;  and  falling  upon  our  rear-  Aug.  30. 
guard  of  horse  in  the  night,  having  the  advantage  of  a  clear 
moon,  beat  them  up  to  our  rear-guard  of  foot.  Which 
alarm  coming  suddenly  upon  our  men,  put  them  into  some 
disorder  ;  but  a  thick  cloud  interposing  in  that  very  moment, 
and  intercepting  the  light  of  the  moon  for  about  an  hour, 
our  army  took  that  opportunity  to  secure  themselves,  and 
arrived  without  any  further  disturbance  at  Dunbar,  where 
having  shipped  their  heavy  baggage  and  sick  men,  they 
designed  to  return  into  England.  But  the  enemy,  upon 
confidence  of  success,  had  possessed  themselves  of  all  the 
passes,  having  in  their  army  about  thirty  thousand  horse 
and  foot,  and  ours  being  reduced  to  ten  thousand  at  the 
most.  There  was  now  no  way  left,  but  to  yield  themselves 
prisoners,  or  to  fight  upon  these  unequal  terms.  In  this 
extremity  a  council  of  war  was  called,  and  after  some 
dispute  it  was  agreed  to  fall  upon  the  enemy  the  next 
morning,  about  an  hour  before  day,  and  accordingly  the 
several  regiments  were  ordered  to  their  respective  posts.  Sept.  3. 
Upon  the  first  shock  our  forlorn  of  horse  was  somewhat 
disordered  by  their  lanciers  ;  but  two  of  our  regiments  of 
foot  that  were  in  the  van  behaved  themselves  so  well,  that 
they  not  only  sustained  the  charge  of  the  enemy's  horse, 
but  beat  them  back  upon  their  own  foot,  and  following 
them  close,  forced  both  horse  and  foot  to  retreat  up  the 
hill  from  whence  they  had  attacked  us.  The  body  of  the 
enemy's  army  finding  their  van-guard,  which  consisted  of 
their  choicest  men,  thus  driven  back  upon  them,  began  to 
shift  for  themselves,  which  they  did  with  such  precipitation 
and  disorder,  that  few  of  them  ventured  to  look  behind 
them  till  they  arrived  at  Edinburgh,  taking  no  care  of  their 
King,  who  made  use  of  the  same  means  to  secure  himself 
as  his  new  subjects  had  done.     One  party  of  their  horse 


254       Cronnveir s  letter  to  the  Parliament. 

1650  made  a  stand  till  some  of  ours  came  up  to  them,  and  then 
ran  away  after  the  rest  of  their  companions.  Many  were 
killed  upon  the  place,  and  many  more  in  the  pursuit:  all 
their  baggage,  arms,  artillery  and  ammunition  fell  into  the 
hands  of  our  army :  many  also  were  taken  and  sent 
prisoners  into  England.  When  the  first  news  of  this  great 
victory  was  brought  to  London  by  Sir  John  Hipsley,  it  was 
my  fortune,  with  others  of  the  Parliament,  to  be  with  the 
Lord  Fairfax  at  Hampton-Court,  who  seemed  much  to 
rejoice  at  it.  But  the  victory  it  self  was  not  more  welcome 
to  me  than  the  contents  of  the  General's  letter  to  the 
Parliament ;  wherein  amongst  many  other  expressions 
savouring  of  a  publick  spirit,  there  was  one  to  this  effect ; 
that  seeing  the  Lord,  upon  this  solemn  appeal  made  to 
Him  by  the  Scots  and  us,  had  so  signally  given  judgment 
on  our  side,  when  all  hopes  of  deliverance  seemed  to  be  cut 
off,  it  became  us  not  to  do  His  work  negligently;  and  from 
thence  took  occasion  to  put  us  in  mind,  not  to  content  our 
selves  with  the  name  of  a  Commonwealth,  but  to  do  real 
things  for  the  common  good;  and  not  to  permit  any  interest 
for  their  particular  advantage  to  prevail  with  us  to  the 
contrary  ^.  Our  army  in  Scotland  having  received  some 
recruits,  advanced  toward  Edinburgh  ;  but  the  enemy  being 
informed  of  their  march,  withdrew  out  of  the  town,  and 
leaving  a  strong  garison  in  the  castle,  retreated  towards 
Sterling.  The  Parliament  being  very  careful  to  supply 
their  armies  with  all  things  necessary,  caused  great  quantities 
of  hay  to  be  bought  up  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  which  they 
sent  by  sea  to  Scotland,  where  it  was  absolutely  necessary, 
for  the  Scots  army  had  so  strongly  intrenched  themselves 
by  the  advantage  of  a  wood,  that  ours  could  not  possibly 
attack  them  without  great  hazard ;  and  they  were  furnished 
with  provisions  from  Plfe  and  the  adjacent  parts,  which 
are  the  most  fruitful  in  that  nation,  by  means  of  the  bridg 
at  Sterling  :  whereas  our  army,  which  lay  encamped  near 
them,  had  no  other  country  from  whence  they  might  draw 
provisions,  but  such  as  had  been  already  in  the  possession 

'  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  cxI.    . 


Coote  defeats  the   Ulster  Irish.  255 

of  the  enemy:  besides  that,  hay  is  generally  scarce  in  Scot-       1650 
land  ;  and  that  a  great  part  of  our  forces  consisted  of  horse. 
Owen  Roe  O'Neal,  who  commanded  the  old   Northern 
Irish  in  Ulster,  that  had  been  principally  concerned  in  the 
massacre  of  the  Protestants,  being  dead,  the  Popish  Bishop      1649 
of  Cloghar   undertook   the   conduct   of  them,  and  being    Nov.  6. 
grown  considerably  strong,  necessitated  Sir  Charles  Coote 
to  draw  his  forces  together  to  defend  his  quarters,  which 
they  designed  to  invade,  desperately  resolving  to  put  it  to 
the  issue  of  a  battel.     Their  foot  was  more  numerous  than 
ours,  but  Sir  Charles  exceeded  them  in  horse.     The  dis- 
pute was  hot  for  some  time  ;    but  at  last  the   Irish  were       1650 
beaten,  tho  not  without  loss  on  our  side:  amongst  others    J"ly  21. 
Col.    Fenwick,    a   brave   and   gallant    man,  was    mortally 
wounded.     The  enemy's  baggage  and  train  of  artillery  was 
taken,  tho  not  many  made  prisoners,  being  for  the  most 
part  put  to  the  sword,  with  the  Bishop  of  Cloghar  their 
general,  whose  head  was  cut  off  and  set  upon  one  of  the 
gates  of  London-derry  ^.     The  news  of  this  defeat  being 
brought  to  those  in  Carlo,  who  had  held  out  in  hopes  of 
relief  from  their  friends   in  Ulster,  together  with  a  great 
scarcity  of  provisions  in  the  place,  besides  the  beating  down 
of  the  little  castle  that  stood  at  the  foot  of  the  bridg  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  which  happened  about  the  same  time, 
so  discouraged  those  within,  that  they  surrendred  the  place    July  ^5- 
to  the  Lord  Deputy  Ireton  upon  articles  ;  which  he  caused 
punctually  to  be  executed,  as  his  constant  manner  was^. 

'  This  battle  took  place  at  Scarriff-  Trim  in  1647.     See  '  A  great  victory 

hollis,    near    Letterkenny.     Coote's  against  the   Rebels  in   Ireland   near 

despatch  is  printed  in  the  Appendix  Trim  on  May  24,   1647,   by  Colonel 

to    Borlase's    History    of    the    Irish  Fenwicke's  forces;'    and  C.    J.,  vi. 

Rebellion,  p.  28.     A  day  of  thanks-  324  ;    Coxe,   Hibernia  Anglicana,  ii. 

giving  was    ordered   by   the  Parlia-  195. 

ment  for  July  26.     The  Bishop  of  ^  Carlow   or   Catherlough    Castle 

Clogher  was    Emer  Macmahon,    on  was   summoned  by   Ireton,  July  2, 

whom,    see     Gilbert,    Aphorismical  1650,  and  the  articles  of  surrender 

Discovery,  ii.  xlviii-liii.   82-89;  Old  are  dated  July  24.     It  was  delivered 

Parliamentary    History,     xix.     288.  up    on    July    25.     Borlase,    History 

Col.  Roger  Fenwick,  who  was  killed  of  the  Irish  Rebellion,  ed.  1743  ;  Ap- 

in  this  battle,  had  been  governor  of  pendix,  pp.  26-8. 


256      Liidloii/s  commission  and  instructions. 

1650  Pursuant    to   the   order   of  Parliament,    appointing    me 

Lieutenant-Gcneral  of  the  Horse  in  Ireland,  the  General,  as 
he  was  directed  by  the  said  order,  sent  me  a  commission 
to  that  end  ;  which  I  received,  and  gave  him  an  account 
of  the  reception,  acquainting  him  also  how  sensible  I  was  of 
my  want  of  experience  to  manage  so  weighty  an  employ- 
ment; but  that  on  the  other  hand  I  would  not  fail  to 
endeavour  to  discharge  my  duty  with  the  utmost  fidelity. 
He  replied,  that  I  might  rely  upon  that  God  to  carry  me 
through  the  work,  who  had  called  me  to  it ;  and  in  the  close 
of  his  letter  recommended  the  procuring  from  the  Parlia- 
ment a  settlement  upon  Sir  Hardress  Waller  of  the  in- 
heritance of  some  lands  which  he  then  held  by  lease  from 
the  Earl  of  Ormond,  and  for  which  he  paid  two  hundred 
pounds  annual  rent,  as  a  thing  that  might  be  proper  for 
me  to  do  before  my  departure  for  Ireland.  I  was  after- 
wards informed  that  Sir  Hardress  Waller  had  earnestly 
solicited  for  this  employment  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Horse  in  Ireland,  and  that  the  General  not  thinking  it 
convenient  to  entrust  him  with  it,  yet  unwilling  he  should 
know  so  much,  perswaded  him  to  believe  that  the  Parlia- 
ment had  over-ruled  him  therein  \ 

The  Parliament  then  passed  an  Act,  constituting  Com- 
missioners for  the  administration  of  civil  affairs  in  Ireland, 

Oct  4.  and  agreed  upon  instructions  of  sufficient  latitude  for  them 
to  act  by  ^,  in  particular  to  lay  a  tax  on  that  nation  not 
exceeding  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand  pounds :  to  give 
order  for  the  distribution  of  justice,  as  near  to  the  rules 
of  the  law  as  the  necessity  of  the  times  would  permit ;  and 

*  On  June  26,  1651,  Parliament  at  was,  however,  some  delay  in  carry- 

the   suggestion    of    the    Council    of  ing  out  this  vote,  but  on    April   i, 

State  continued  Waller  in  the  pos-  1657,    Parliament    passed   a   bill  for 

session  of  a  farm  for  which  he  had  settling  lands  in  Limerick  on  Waller 

long    been    tenant    to    Ormond,  re-  which  received  the  Protector's  assent 

lieving  him  from  the  paj'ment  of  any  on  June  9  (ib.  vii.  492,  516,  553). 

rent  to  the  State  till  further  order;  ^  The    Instructions    of  the    Com- 

C.  J.,  vi.  433;  cf  Tanner  MSS.,  liii.  missioners   are   printed;    C.   J.,   vi. 

139.     On    March    23,   1653,   he  was  479;     Old    Parliamentary    History, 

voted    Irish    lands    to    the    value    of  xix.  406.     A  Life  of  Miles  Corbet  is 

/[1200  a  year     ib.  vii.  270).     There  given  in  D.  N.  B.,  vol.  xii. 


Coronation  of  Charles  II  in  Scotland.      257 

to  consider  of  a  method  of  proceeding  in  the  courts  of      1650 
justice  there,  to    be  offered  to  the   Parhament  for   their 
approbation.     The  Commissioners  were  those  that  I  men- 
tioned before,  only  Major  Salloway  desiring  to  be  excused   Nov,  20. 
from  that  service,  Mr.  Miles  Corbet,  a  member  of  Parlia- 
ment, was  inserted  in  his  room.  Nov.  27. 

Some  suspicions  there  were  at  this  time  that  the  Pres- 
byterian party  in  England,  especially  those  about  London, 
entertained  a  private  correspondence  with  their  brethren 
in  Scotland  ^ :  where  tho  that  nation  had  received  a  great 
blow  at  Dunbar,  yet  it  was  resolved  that  their  King 
should  be  crowned  upon  his  taking  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  and  obliging  himself  thereby  to  endeavour  the 
extirpation  of  Popery  and  Episcopacy.  This  action  was  1651 
performed  with  all  the  circumstances  and  solemnities  that  Jan.  i. 
could  be  used  in  the  condition  of  their  affairs.  The  nobility 
swore  fidelity  to  him,  and  the  Marquiss  of  Argile  put  the 
crown  upon  his  head  with  his  own  hands.  And  now 
having  a  King  hke  other  nations,  and  a  covenanting  King 
too,  they  doubted  not  of  success  under  his  conduct,  pre- 
suming by  this  means  most  certainly  to  retrieve  all  their 
losses  and  reputation.  But  the  Parliament  who  had  re- 
moved one  King,  was  not  frighted  with  the  setting  up  of 
another,  and  therefore  proceeded  in  the  settlement  of  their 
affairs  both  military  and  civil  ;  and  to  that  end  ordered  a 
thousand  pounds  to  be  advanced  to  the  Commissioners 
of  the  civil  affairs  in  Ireland,  directing  them  to  receive  also 
a  thousand  pounds  yearly.  They  likewise  gave  orders  for  1650 
the  payment  of  a  thousand  pounds  to  me  by  way  of  ad-  Oct.  23. 
vance  upon  my  pay  as  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse, 
that  I  might  be  enabled  to  furnish  my  self  with  tents, 
horses,  and  other  things  necessary  for  that  service  ^.     The 

^  See    the     confessions     of    Mr.  state  and  certify  Ludlow's  accounts 

Thomas   Coke,    Portland    MSS.,    p.  for  arrears  and  advances.    The  com- 

576;    and    the    depositions    of    the  mittee  reported  on  Dec.  13  that  the 

witness  at  Love's  trial.  State  owed  Ludlow  ^2091   ixs.  ^d., 

^  See  C.  J.,  vi.  448.    Besides  this,  which  was  accordingly  voted.     The 

the  House  on  July  19  ordered  the  account  is  reprinted  in  the  Appendix, 

committee  at  Worcester   House  to  C.  J.,  vi.  444,  508. 

VOL.  I.  S 


258  Liidloiv  goes  to   Wales. 

1650  committee  of  Irish  afifairs  raised  also  a  troop  consisting  of 
a  hundred  horse  to  accompany  me,  and  armed  them  with 
back,  breast,  head-pieces,  pistols,  and  musquetoons,  with 
two  months'  pay  advanced.  The  Lord  Deputy  Ireton's 
lady,  daughter  to  General  Cromwell,  prepared  to  go  over 
with  us  to  her  husband,  who  had  removed  his  head- 
quarters to  Waterford,  partly  because  he  thought  that  place 
most  convenient  for  the  service,  as  the  enemy  then  lay ; 
and  partly  from  some  disgust  conceived  against  Dublin, 
where  the  inhabitants  had  extorted  unreasonable  rates  for 
their  provisions  and  other  necessaries  sold  to  our  army  at 
their  arrival  there  for  the  relief  of  Ireland.  Therefore 
resolving  to  pass  through  South  Wales,  I  hastned  out  of 
town  before  the  rest  of  my  company,  in  order  to  take  leave 
of  my  friends  in  the  west  ;  and  from  thence  going  to 
Glamorganshire,  I  stayed  there  with  some  relations  of  my 
wifC;  till  the  rest  of  the  company  came  down  ^. 

Before  I  left  the  Parliament,  some  difference  happening 
between  the  Countess  of  Rutland  and  the  Lord  Edward 
Howard  of  Escrick,  Col.  Gell,  who  was  a  great  servant  of 
the  countess,  informed  Major-General  Harrison  that  the 
Lord  Edward  Howard,  being  a  member  of  Parliament  and 
one  of  the  committee  at  Haberdashers-Hall,  had  taken 
divers  bribes  for  the  excusing  delinquents  from  seques- 
tration, and  easing  them  in  their  compositions ;  and  that 
in  particular  he  had  received  a  diamond  hatband  valued  at 
eight  hundred  pounds,  from  one  Mr.  Compton  of  Sussex ; 
concerning  which  he  could  not  prevail  with  any  to  inform  the 
Parliament.  Major-General  Harrison  being  a  man  of  severe 
principles,  and  zealous  for  justice,  especially  against  such  as 
betrayed  the  publick  trust  reposed  in  them,  assured  him, 
that  if  he  could  satisfy  him  that  the  fact  was  as  he  affirmed, 

'  The  date  of  Ludlow's  marriage  Thomas  of  Wenvoe,  Glamorganshire, 

is  uncertain.     His  seal  on  the  dcatli-  b3'  Jane,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Strad- 

warraiit  of  Charles  I  seems  to  show  ling,  bart.,  of  St.  Donats.     She  was 

that  he  was  then  a  married  man,  as  born  about  1636.     G.  T.  Clark,  The 

the  arms  look  like  those  of  Ludlow  Genealogies    of    Morgan    and    Gla- 

impaling  Thomas.    He  married  Eliza-  morgan,  1866,  p.  558. 
beth  Thomas,    daughter  of  William 


Lord  Howard  expelled  from  Parliament.  259 

he  would  not  fail  to  inform  the  Parliament  of  it :  and  upon  1650 
satisfaction  received  from  the  Colonel  touching  that  matter, 
said  in  Parliament,  that  tho  the  honour  of  every  member 
was  dear  to  him,  and  of  that  gentleman  in  particular, 
naming  the  Lord  Howard,  because  he  had  so  openly  owned 
the  interest  of  the  Commonwealth,  as  to  decline  his 
peerage,  and  to  sit  upon  the  foot  of  his  election  by  the 
people  ;  yet  he  loved  justice  before  all  other  things,  looking 
upon  it  to  be  the  honour  of  the  Parliament,  and  the  image 
of  God  upon  them  ;  that  therefore  he  durst  not  refuse  to 
lay  this  matter  before  them,  though  he  was  very  desirous 
that  the  said  Lord  might  clear  himself  of  the  accusation. 
The  Parliament  having  received  his  information,  referred 
the  consideration  of  the  matter  to  a  committee,  where  it 
was  fully  examined  ;  and  notwithstanding  all  the  art  of 
counsel  learned  in  the  law,  who  are  very  skilful  at  putting 
a  good  appearance  upon  a  bad  cause,  and  all  the  friends  the 
Lord  Howard  could  make,  so  just  and  equitable  a  spirit 
then  governed,  that  the  committee  having  represented  the 
matter  to  the  Parliament  as  they  found  it  to  be,  they  dis-  1651 
charged  him  from  being  a  member  of  Parliament,  sent  him  June  25. 
to  the  Tower,  and  fined  him  ten  thousand  pounds  ^. 

About  the  beginning  of  January  the  Commissioners  of 
Parliament,  the  Lady  Ireton,  and  my  self,  met  at  Milford, 
in  order  to  embark  for  Ireland,  three  men  of  war  lying  ready 
for  us  in  the  harbour,  with  several  ships  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  my  troop,  with  our  goods  and  horses.  We  came 
to  Milford  on  Saturday,  and  on  Monday  following  the  Lady 
Ireton  and  the  Commissioners  set  sail  with  a  fair  wind, 
leaving  the  Guinea  frigat  for  me,  and  to  be  convoy  to 
those  vessels  that  were  appointed  to  transport  the  horse 
and  other  things,  of  which  but  one  could  be  ready  time 
enough  to  set  sail  with  them,  my  troop  being  not  yet 
mustered.     The  next  day  Mr.  Lort,  by  order  of  the  com- 

^  The  charge   of  corruption   was  from  the  Tower  on  Aug.    7,    1651, 

brought  against  Howard  on  July  30,  and  his  fine  was  remitted  on  April  5, 

1650,    and    he   was    condemned    on  1653.     C.  J.,  vi.  448,469,590,  618; 

June  25,  1651.     He  was  discharged  vii  274. 

S   % 


26o  Ludlow  lands  in  Ireland. 

1651  mittee  of  Parliament,  mustered  my  troop,  so  that  I  began 
to  ship  them  on  Wednesday  in  the  afternoon  ;  and  on 
Thursday  morning  they  being  all  embarked,  we  set  sail,  and 
tho  the  weather  proved  very  calm,  we  arrived  the  next 
day  under  the  Fort  of  Duncannon  near  Waterford  ;  where 
I  understood  that  the  Lady  Ireton  and  the  Commissioners 
had  landed  there  the  day  before,  and  were  gone  to  the 
Lord  Deputy  at  Waterford  ^ 

Immediately  after  my  arrival  I  went  to  wait  on  the  Lord 
Deputy  Ireton,  who  was  much  surprized  at  my  landing  so 
soon  after  the  rest  of  the  company,  and  ordered  good 
quarters  to  be  assigned  to  my  troop,  that  they  might  be 
refreshed  before  they  entred  upon  duty :  for  it  was  ob- 
served, that  the  English  horses  were  not  so  fit  for  service, 
till  they  had  been  seasoned  for  some  time  with  the  air  and 
provisions  of  that  country.  Having  received  advice  that 
the  enemy  was  marched  out  of  Connaught  and  Limerick 
towards  our  quarters  in  Munster,  he  drew  a  party  of  horse 
and  foot  out  of  their  winter-quarters,  to  which  they  had 
been  lately  sent,  and  with  them  endeavoured  to  find  out 
the  enemy;  who  upon  his  advance,  retreated  into  their  own 
quarters.  The  Deputy  being  returned,  was  very  careful  to 
prepare  all  things  that  were  necessary  for  the  army,  that 
they  might  be  ready  to  march  into  the  field  early  the  next 
spring ;  making  provision  of  tents,  arms,  clothes  and  bread 
for  the  souldiers  ;  sending  cannon  and  ammunition  of  all 
sorts  up  the  Shannon  towards  Limerick  by  vessels  pro- 
vided to  that  end  ;  that  being  the  first  place  which  he 
designed  to  attack  the  following  year,  having  in  his  last 
march,  by  putting  garisons  into  Castle-Conel,  Kilmallock, 
and  other  places,  blocked  them  up  in  some  measure. 

The  Commissioners  of  Parliament,  of  whom  the  Deputy 
was  one,  spent  a  considerable  time  in  debating  and  resolving 
in  what  manner  justice  should  be  administered  for  the 
present  in  each  precinct,  till  the  state  of  affairs  could  be 
reduced  into  a  more  exact  order ;  and  accounting  it  most 

'  The  four  Commissioners  wrote  to  Lenthall  announcing  their  arrival  Jan. 
^5)  ^^5i'     See  Appendix. 


Orga7tisation  established  by  the  Commissioners.  261 

just,  that  those  who  had  the  most  immediate  advantage  by       i^sr 
the  war,  should  bear  the  principal  burden  of  it,  they  laid 
upon  the  nation  of  Ireland  a  tax  proportionable  to  their 
ability;  for  the  raising  of  which,  together  with  the  excise 
and  customs  that  by  our  authority  from  the  Parliament  we 
were  impowered  to  impose,  we  appointed  commissioners 
for  the  precincts    of  Dublin,   Waterford,   Cork,   Clonmel, 
Kilkenny  and  Ulster,  who  were  to  proceed  according  to 
such  rules  as  they  should  receive  from  time  to  time  from 
the  Parliament's  Commissioners.     The  governour  of  each 
precinct  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  of  that 
precinct,    Col.    Hewetson   being   for    Dublin,    Sir   Charles 
Coote   and   Col.  Venables  for  Ulster,  Col.   Daniel  Axtel 
for  Kilkenny,  Col.  Zanchey  for  Clonmel,  Col.  Phaier  for  the 
county  of  Cork,  and    Col.    Laurence   for   the   county  of 
Waterford.    They  appointed  Col.  Thomas  Herbert  and  Col. 
Markham  to  be  inspectors  over  the  rest,  and  to  go  from 
place  to  place  to  see  that  their  instructions  were  put  in 
execution.      Commissioners   were   also   appointed    in    the 
several  precincts  for  the  more  equal  distribution  of  justice; 
and  a  proclamation  was  published  ^,  forbidding  the  killing     Feb.  8. 
of  lambs  or  calves  for  the  year   next  ensuing,   that  the 
country  might  recover  a  stock  again,  which  had  been  so 
exhausted  by  the  wars,  that  many  of  the  natives  who  had 
committed  all  manner  of  waste  upon  the  possessions  of  the 
English,  were  driven  to  such  extremities  that  they  starved 
with  hunger  ;   and   I  have  been  informed  by  persons  de- 
serving credit,  that  the  same  calamity  fell  upon  them  even 
in  the  first  year  of  the  rebellion,  through  the  depredations 
of  the  Irish  ;    and  that  they  roasted  men,  and  eat  them,  to 
supply  their  necessities.     In  conjunction  with  this  evil  they 
were  also  afflicted  with  the  plague,  which  was  supposed  to 
have  been  brought  amongst  them  by  a  ship  from  Spain, 
and  bound  to  Galway,  from  whence  the  infection  spread 
itself  through    most   parts   of  the  country,  and  amongst 

^  This  proclamation,  to  be  in  force  in  Several  Proceedings,  p.  1278, 
till  Aug.  I,  1651,  signed  by  Ludlow,  Cf.  Prendergast,  Cromwellian  Settle- 
Corbet,  Jones  and  Weaver,  is  printed       ment,  p.  79. 


262  The  Commissioners  at  Kilkenny. 

1651  others  had  reached  Waterford,  where  several  died  of  it,  and 
particularly  a  kinswoman  of  mine,  who  having  been  driven 
out  of  Ireland  with  her  husband  and  children  at  the 
breaking  out  of  the  rebellion,  took  the  opportunity  to 
return  thither  with  me,  and  died  there,  with  one  of  her 
children,  very  suddenly,  having  dined  with  me  the  day 
before.  The  spring  approaching,  we  removed  to  Kilkenny, 
that  place  lying  most  convenient  for  the  distribution  of 
tents,  clothes,  and  all  other  things  necessary  for  the  use  of 
the  army  ^ :  it  was  also  near  the  enemy's  quarters,  and 
thereby  thought  most  proper  to  favour  any  attempt  against 
them  from  thence.  Col.  Reynolds,  who  returned  from 
England  with  us,  being  made  Commissary-General  of  the 
Horse  in  Ireland,  was  sent  with  a  party  into  the  King  and 
Queen's  county,  and  put  a  garison  into  Marriborough, 
appointing  Major  Owen  to  be  governour  of  the  place '^.  At 
his  return  it  was  agreed  that  a  detachment  from  Nenagh, 
where  Col.  Abbot  commanded,  another  from  Cashil  and 
those  parts,  and  a  third  from  Kilkenny,  should  march  from 
their  respective  garisons,  and  contrive  it  so  as  to  fall  upon 
the  quarters  of  Col.  Fitzpatrick  at  the  same  time,  which 


'  Two  letters  written  by  the  Com- 
missioners during  their  stay  at  Kil- 
kenny are  printed  in  the  Appendix. 
From  the  same  place  they  issued  a 
number  of  proclamations.  i.  For 
the  preservation  of  houses  in  cities 
and  garrison  towns.  March  19.  2. 
Against  the  waste  of  timber  and 
wood  in  general.  March  22.  3.  For 
the  apprehension  of  persons  con- 
cerned in  the  massacres  of  1641. 
April  22.  4.  Prohibiting  the  export 
of  horses,  cattle  and  sheep,  for  one 
year.  April  22.  5.  For  removing 
the  families  of  persons  in  actual 
rebellion  out  of  Parliamentary  gar- 
risons. April  28.  6.  For  the  pre- 
servation of  hay-meadows  and  the 
storage  of  hay.  April  28.  The  Com- 
missioners also  issued  proclamations : 
7.  Against  the  export  of  hides  and 


leather.  Cashel,  May  20.  8.  For 
the  apprehension  of  vagrants.  Clon- 
mel,  May  15.  9.  On  the  disposal  of 
the  profits  of  ecclesiastical  benefices. 
Clonmel,  May  21.  In  addition  to 
these,  Ireton  published,  by  his 
authorit3'  as  general,  a  proclamation 
prohibiting  officers  and  soldiers  from 
marrying  Irish  women.  Waterford, 
May  I.  These  proclamations  are 
printed  in  Several  Proceedings  in 
Parliament  for  1651,  pp.  1278-80, 
1454-61.  Mr.  Gilbert  reprints  a 
portion  of  the  last  in  the  Aphoris- 
mical  Discovery,  iii.  225. 

^  On  this  expedition,  see  an 
anonymous  letter  in  Mercurius 
Politicus.  p.  738,  dated  March  29, 
165 1,  and  also  Several  Proceedings, 
p.  1242. 


I  ret  on  suspends  Axtell.  26 


J 


were  advantageously  situated,  encompassed  with  woods  and  1651 
bogs,  and  inaccessible,  except  by  three  very  narrow  and 
difficult  ways,  by  which  they  were  ordered  to  attack  him 
separately.  This  enterprize  was  so  well  effected,  that  the 
place  was  taken,  with  many  of  the  enemy's  horse,  besides  a 
great  number  of  men  killed  or  made  prisoners.  At  this 
time  it  happened  that  Col.  Axtell,  than  whom  no  man  was 
better  acquainted  with  the  country  of  Ireland,  was  accused 
for  not  performing  some  conditions  said  to  have  been 
promised  to  the  enemy,  who  pretended  that  after  they  had 
surrendred  upon  assurance  of  mercy,  they  were  all  put  to 
the  sword,  except  a  few  who  made  their  escape.  The 
Colonel  endeavoured  to  prove,  that  no  conditions  had  been 
granted ;  that  they  were  taken  by  force,  and  that  they  who  had 
shewed  no  mercy,  could  not  deserve  to  receive  any  ^.  Tho 
the  proof  was  not  clear  that  he  had  promised  them  their 
lives,  yet  because  it  appeared  that  some  of  the  souldiers  had 
thrown  out  some  expressions  tending  that  way  to  the 
enemy,  the  Deputy  was  so  great  a  friend  to  justice,  even 
where  an  enemy  was  concerned,  that  tho  Col.  Axtell  was  a 
person  extraordinarily  qualified  for  the  service  of  that  con- 
juncture, he,  together  with  the  Council  of  War,  at  which 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament  were  also  present, 
suspended  him  from  his  employment. 

The  Lord  Broghil  ^,  who  had  conceived  great  hopes  of 
obtaining  the  command  of  the  horse,  or  at  least  to  be  made 
a  general  officer,  well  knowing  his  own  merit,  and  there- 
upon thinking  himself  neglected,  made  his  complaint  to  the 
Deputy  in  a  letter  directed  to  him,  and  sent  unsealed   in 

^  Axtell  had  defeated  the  Marquis  created    Earl    of    Orrery    in    1660. 

of  Clanricarde  at   Meleek,  Oct.   25,  A  life  of  him  by  his  chaplain  Thomas 

1650;    Old    Parliamentary  History,  Morrice  is  prefixed  to  the  collection 

xix.  439.    For  his  other  exploits,  see  of  his  papers  published  in  1743.     It 

Mercurius    Politicus    for    1650,    pp.  contains  a  number  of  fictions  about 

313,    411,    418.      His    cruelties    are  the  relations  of  Broghil  with  Crom- 

mentioned  in  '  A  Collection  of  some  well   and    Ireton.     Broghil    had    al- 

of  the  Massacres  committed  on  the  ready  been   granted   ;^iooo   a   year 

Irish  since  1641,' appended  toClaren-  out  of  Lord  Muskerry's  estates;  Cal, 

don's  Rebellion,  ed.  1849,  vii.  236.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1649-50,  p.  473. 

^  Roger     Boyle,     Lord     Broghil, 


264  Lord  Bi'Oghill  made  General  of  the  Ordnance. 

1651  another  to  Adjutant-General  Allen  ;  wherein  enumerating 
the  services  he  had  done,  the  losses  he  had  sustained,  and 
the  slender  encouragements  he  had  received,  he  declared 
his  resolution  not  to  obey  the  commands  of  any  other  but  of 
General  Cromwell  and  him.  In  answer  to  this  the  Deputy 
by  another  letter  acquainted  him,  that  he  was  sorry  to  find 
such  a  spirit  in  him ;  and  particularly  that  he  should 
discover  it  at  such  a  time  when  the  season  for  action  was 
drawing  on,  desiring  him  to  come  to  the  head-quarters,  that 
they  might  confer  together  touching  this  matter.  At  his 
coming  the  Deputy  consulted  with  the  Commissioners  what 
course  to  take  in  this  affair.  I  excused  my  self  to  them 
from  giving  my  advice,  (his  principal  objection  being  against 
me)  telling  them,  I  was  convinced  that  he  had  some  ground 
for  his  dissatisfaction,  by  reason  of  his  interest  and  ex- 
perience in  the  country;  I  being  in  those  respects  much 
inferiour  to  him,  and  should  not  have  had  the  confidence  to 
have  undertaken  the  employment  I  possessed,  but  in  pure 
obedience  to  those  who  were  in  authority.  The  Deputy 
assured  me,  that  they  were  abundantly  satisfied  with  the 
clearness  of  my  proceeding,  and  no  less  of  my  abilities  to 
discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  me,  and  to  perform  the 
duties  of  my  employments,  of  which  he  was  pleased  to  say, 
I  had  given  sufficient  demonstration,  as  well  as  of  a  constant 
and  hearty  affection  to  the  publick  interest.  In  conclusion, 
the  debate  concerning  the  Lord  Broghill  was  brought  to 
this  question ;  Whether  he  should  be  wholly  laid  aside,  or 
whether  something  should  be  done  in  order  to  content  him 
for  the  present,  by  conferring  upon  him  some  office  of  profit, 
and  the  title  of  a  general  officer?  The  latter  was  agreed 
upon,  and  he  declared  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Ordinance 
in  Ireland. 

The  Commissioners  having  settled  affairs  as  well  as  they 
could,  and  finding  the  Deputy  to  be  employed  in  making  all 
necessary  preparations  for  the  ensuing  service,  took  that 
opportunity  to  go  to  regulate  affairs  at  Dublin,  where  after 
they  had  dispatched  the  publick  business,  in  which  they 
spent  about  a  week,  and  provided  houses  to  receive  tlieir 


Preparations  for  invading  Connaught.      265 

families  when  tliey  should  arrive  from  England,  they  1651 
returned  to  Kilkenny.  The  enemy,  who  had  a  party  of 
horse  in  those  parts,  had  designed  to  surprize  them  in  their 
way  to  Dublin,  and  again  in  their  return  to  us ;  but  finding 
them  attended  by  a  strong  guard;  they  durst  not  venture  to 
attempt  it. 

The  enemy's  forces  being  retreated  into  Connaught,  which 
province  was  covered  by  the  Shannon,  and  keeping  strong 
guards  upon  the  bridges  and  fords  of  that  river,  the  reduc- 
tion of  Limerick  could  not  well  be  expected  till  we  had 
blocked  them  up  on  both  sides.  In  order  to  which  it  was 
resolved,  that  Sir  Charles  Coote,  who  had  with  him  between 
four  and  five  thousand  horse  and  foot,  should  march  into 
Connaught  by  the  way  of  Ballyshannon,  a  passage  on  the 
side  of  Ulster,  not  far  distant  from  the  sea  ;  and  Commissary- 
General  Reynolds  was  sent  with  his  regiment  of  horse  to  his 
assistance. 

Col.  Axtell  and  some  others  about  this  time  going  for  March  12. 
England,  were  taken  by  a  pirate  belonging  to  Scilly, 
whither  they  were  all  carried  prisoners  :  the  Irish  who  were 
many  in  the  island,  against  whom  Col.  Axtell  had  been 
very  active,  and  who  had  heard  of  the  charge  lately 
exhibited  against  him,  pressed  hard  for  the  taking  away  his 
life.  But  upon  consideration  of  the  preparations  making  by 
the  Parliament  to  send  a  fleet  with  souldiers  to  reduce  that 
island,  it  was  not  thought  convenient  to  attempt  any  thing 
against  him,  tho  they  had  a  strong  inclination  to  it,  for  fear 
of  an  exemplary  retaliation  ^. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Parliament  sent  a  fleet  with  some 
land-forces  to  reduce  the  Isle  of  Jersey,  with  the  castle 
w^hich  was  kept  by  Sir  Philip  Carteret  for  Prince  Charles. 
Col.  Haines  who  commanded  them,  met  with  some  opposi- 
tion at  his  landing;  but  having  brought  his  men  ashore,  the 
island  generally  submitted  to  the  Parliament.     The  castle 

'  The  capture  of  Colonels  Axtell,  1651 ;   see  also  Several  Proceedings, 

Sadler,  and   Le  Hunt  is  mentioned  March  27,  April  3,  1651.    They  were 

by  Heath  (p.  523"!,  and  recorded  in  released  in  June  by  Blake's  capture 

Mercurius  Politicus  for  March  20-27,  of  the  islands. 


266    Ne spoliations  ivith  the   United  Provinces. 

1651       having  made  some  resistance,  was  soon  after  surrendred 
also  ^ 

The  affairs  of  the  Commonwealth  being  thus  successful, 
and  their  authority  acknowledged  by  the  applications  of 
agents  and  ambassadors  from  foreign  nations  to  them,  it 
was  resolved  to  send  some  ministers  abroad  to  entertain  a 
good  correspondence  with  our  neighbours,  and  to  preserve 
the  interests  of  the  subjects  of  this  nation  in  those  parts. 
To  that  effect  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  St.  Johns  was  dis- 
patched with  the  character  of  ambassador  extraordinary  to 
the  States  of  the  United  Netherlands,  with  whom  Mr. 
Walter  Strickland,  our  resident  there,  was  joined  in  commis- 
sion ;  and  to  prevent  such  another  attempt  as  had  been 
made  upon  our  former  agent,  forty  gentlemen  were  ap- 
pointed to  attend  him  for  his  security  and  honour,  ten 
thousand  pounds  being  delivered  to  the  Lord  Ambassador's 
steward  for  the  expence  of  the  embassy.  Yet  this  great 
equipage  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent  a  publick  affront 
which  was  offered  him  by  Prince  Edward,  one  of  the 
Palatine  family,  as  he  was  passing  the  streets.  But  the 
Prince  immediately  retiring  to  some  place  out  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  States,  secured  himself  from  any  prosecution,  tho 
they  pretended  upon  the  complaint  of  our  ambassadors,  that 
they  were  ready  to  do  them  what  right  they  could. 
The  negotiation  of  our  ministers,  which  was  designed 
to  procure  a  nearer  conjunction  and  coalition  between  the 
two  states,  proved  also  ineffectual,  the  province  of  Holland 
being  not  so  much  inclined  to  consent  to  it  as  was  expected, 
and  Frizeland,  with  most  of  the  rest  of  the  provinces, 
entirely  against  it ;  presuming  that  such  a  conjunction  as  was 
demanded  would  be  no  less  than  rendring  those  countries 
a  province  to  England  :  so  that  our  ambassadors  having 
used  all  possible  means  to  succeed  in  their  business,  and 

'  The  expedition  to  Jersey  sailed  and  Blake  the  fleet.     Castle  Cornet 

on  Oct.  17  and  effected  a  landing  on  in    Guernsey   was    taken    Dec.    19. 

Oct.  22.     Mount  Orgueil  Castle  sur-  See   Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.   1170, 

rendered    Oct.    28,    and    Elizabeth  1175,  1187,  1213,  1307,  1318,  1493; 

Castle    on    Dec.     15.      Col.    James  Several  Proceedings  in  Parliament, 

Heane  commanded  the  land  forces  pp.  1734,  1843. 


Passing  of  the  Navigation  Act.         267 

finding  the  Dutch  unwilling  to  conclude  with  us  whilst  the  1651 
King  had  an  army  in  the  field,  returned  to  England  without 
effecting  any  thing  but  the  expence  of  a  great  sum  of 
money  ^.  This  disappointment  sat  so  heavy  upon  the 
haughty  spirit  of  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  St.  Johns,  that  he 
reported  these  transactions  with  the  highest  aggravations 
against  the  States,  and  thereby  was  a  principal  instrument 
to  prevail  with  the  Council  of  State  to  move  the  Parliament 
to  pass  an  Act  prohibiting  foreign  ships  from  bringing  any  Oct.  9. 
merchandizes  into  England,  except  such  as  should  be  of  the 
growth  or  manufacture  of  that  country  to  which  the  said 
ships  did  belong.  This  law,  tho  just  in  itself,  and  very 
advantageous  to  the  English  nation,  was  so  highly  resented 
by  the  Dutch,  who  had  for  a  long  time  driven  the  trade  of 
Europe  by  the  great  number  of  their  ships,  that  it  soon 
proved  to  be  the  ball  of  contention  between  the  two  nations. 
During  these  transactions,  the  Deputy  of  Ireland  labour- 
ing with  all  diligence  to  carry  on  the  publick  service, 
ordered  the  army  to  rendezvouz  at  Cashil ;  from  whence  he  May  20. 
marched  by  the  way  of  Nenagh  to  that  part  of  the  river 
Shannon  which  lies  over  against  Killalo,  where  the  Earl  of  May  23. 
Castlehaven  lay  with  about  two  thousand  horse  and  foot, 
disposed  along  the  side  of  the  river,  and  defended  by  breast- 
works cast  up  for  their  security,  resolving  to  endeavour  to 
obstruct  our  passage  into  Connaught.     The  Deputy,  as  if 

1  On  St.  John's  Embassy  to  Hoi-  been,  for  the  good  of  both.'  This 
land,  see  Geddes,  John  de  Witt,  i.  general  proposition  was  made  more 
157-180;  Godwin,  Commonwealth  definite  a  few  days  later:  '  We  pro- 
of England,  iii.  375  ;  Portland  pound  that  the  two  Commonwealths 
MSS.,  i.  557-8,  561,  563,  564,  may  be  confederated  friends,  joined 
567,  568,  569.  St.  John  proposed  and  allied  together  for  the  defence 
'  that  the  amity  and  good  corre-  and  preservation  of  the  liberty  and 
spondence  which  hath  anciently  been  freedoms  of  the  people  of  each, 
between  the  English  nation  and  the  against  all  whomsoever  that  shall 
United  Provinces  be  not  only  re-  attempt  the  disturbance  of  either 
newed  and  preserved  inviolably,  but  State,  by  sea  or  land,  or  be  declared 
that  a  more  strict  and  intimate  enemies  to  the  freedom  and  liberty 
alliance  and  union  be  entered  into  of  the  people  living  under  either  of 
by  them,  whereby  there  may  be  a  the  said  governments.'  Geddes,  pp. 
more  intrinsical  and  mutual  interest  163,  171. 
of  each  in  other  than  hath  hitherto 


268  The  passage  of  the  Shannon. 

1651  he  had  intended  to  divert  the  course  of  the  river,  set  the 
souldiers  and  pioneers  at  work  to  take  the  ground  lower  on 
our  side,  that  the  water  venting  it  self  into  the  passage,  the 
river  might  become  fordable  ;  which  so  alarmed  the  enemy, 
that  they  drew  out  most  of  their  men  to  oppose  us.  Whilst 
they  w^ere  thus  amused,  the  Deputy  taking  me  with  him, 
and  a  guard  of  horse,  marched  privately  by  the  side  of  the 
Shannon,  in  order  to  find  a  convenient  place  to  pass  that 
river.  The  ways  were  almost  impassable  by  reason  of  the 
bogs,  tho  Col.  Reeves  and  others  who  commanded  in  those 
parts  had  repaired  them  with  hurdles  as  well  as  they  could. 
Being  advanced  about  halfway  from  Killalo  to  Castle-Conel, 
we  found  a  place  that  answered  our  desires,  where  a  bridg 
had  formerly  been,  with  an  old  castle  still  standing  at  the 
foot  of  it  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  We  took  only  a 
short  view  of  the  place,  lest  we  should  give  occasion  to  the 
enemy  to  suspect  our  design.  The  way  hither  from  our 
camp  was  so  full  of  bogs,  that  neither  horse  nor  man  could 
pass  without  great  danger,  so  that  we  were  necessitated  to 
mend  them,  by  laying  hurdles  and  great  pieces  of  timber 
across  in  order  to  bear  our  carriages  :  which  we  did  under 
pretence  of  making  a  passable  w-ay  between  our  camp  and 
Castle-Conel,  a  garison  of  ours,  where  provisions  were  laid 
up  for  the  army.  It  was  about  ten  days  before  all  things 
necessary  to  this  design  could  be  prepared,  and  then  Col. 
Reeves  was  commanded  to  bring  three  boats  which  he  had 
to  a  place  appointed  for  that  purpose,  by  one  a  clock  in  the 
morning.  At  the  beginning  of  the  night  three  regiments  of 
foot,  and  one  of  horse,  with  four  pieces  of  cannon,  marched 
silently  towards  the  place  where  the  boats  were  ordered  to 
June  2.  lie,  and  arrived  there  an  hour  before  day  ^.  They  found  but 
two  boats  waiting  for  them,  yet  they  served  to  carry  over 
three  files  of  musquetcers  and  six  troopers,  who  having 
unsaddled  their  horses,  caused  them  to  swim  by  the  boat, 

'  Accounts  of  the  passage  of  the  iii.  230,  and  in  an  anonymous  letter 

Shannon  are  given  in  the  diary  of  printed    in    Mercurius   Politicus,   p. 

one   of  Ireton's  officers  printed  by  887.  SecalsoCastlehavcn's  Memoirs. 
Mr.  Gilbert,  Aphorismical  Discovery, 


The  siege  of  Limerick  begins.  269 

and  were  safely  landed  on  the  other  side.  Two  sentinels  of  1651 
the  enemy  were  in  the  castle,  of  whom  one  was  killed  by 
our  men,  and  the  other  made  his  escape.  Our  boats  had 
transported  about  sixty  foot  and  twenty  horse  before  any 
enemy  appeared  ;  but  then  some  of  their  horse  coming 
up  skirmished  with  ours,  wherein  one  Mr.  How,  a  hopeful 
daring  young  gentleman,  who  had  accompanied  me  into 
Ireland,  distinguished  himself.  About  a  thousand  of  the 
enemy's  foot  advancing,  our  horse  was  commanded  to  retire, 
which  they  did,  not  without  some  reluctancy;  but  the 
hasty  march  of  their  foot  was  retarded  by  our  guns  which 
we  had  planted  on  a  hill  on  our  side  of  the  river,  from 
whence  we  fired  so  thick  upon  them,  that  they  were  forced 
to  retreat  under  the  shelter  of  a  rising  ground  ;  where  after 
they  had  been  a  while,  and  considered  what  to  do,  finding 
ours  coming  over  apace  to  them,  instead  of  attacking  us, 
they  began  to  think  it  high  time  to  provide  against  our 
falling  upon  them  ;  and  having  sent  to  all  their  guards  upon 
the  river  to  draw  off,  they  retreated  farther  through  the 
woods  into  their  own  quarters.  We  were  no  sooner  got 
over  the  river,  but  we  received  advice  that  Sir  Charles 
Coote  and  Commissary-General  Reynolds  were  entred 
into  Connaught,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Athenree.  Our  May  31. 
ships  were  also  come  up  the  river  of  Limerick  with  our 
artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  all  things  necessary 
for  the  siege  of  Limerick.  And  now  the  Deputy  thinking 
himself  abundantly  provided  for  the  reduction  of  that 
important  place,  and  not  knowing  what  necessities  the 
party  with  Sir  Charles  Coote  might  be  driven  to,  the  chief 
of  the  enemy's  strength  being  drawn  that  way,  he  resolved 
to  send  a  party  of  horse  to  him.  But  not  being  able  to 
spare  above  a  thousand  horse  for  that  service,  he  was 
unwilling  to  desire  me  to  command  them,  tho  he  had  no 
person  with  him  that  he  could  conveniently  make  use  of 
therein,  most  of  the  colonels  of  horse  being  employed  in 
their  respective  precincts  to  secure  them  from  the  incursions 
of  the  enemies.  This  I  perceived,  and  offered  to  march 
with  them  :  whereupon  the  Deputy  furnished  me  with  three 


2  'JO  Ludlow  s  march  to  join  Coote. 

1651  majors,  who  were  Major  Warden  of  my  own  regiment  of 
horse,  Major  Owen  of  the  regiment  of  Commissary-General 
Reynolds,  and  Major  Bolton  of  a  regiment  of  dragoons, 
June  5.  a  brave  and  diligent  officer^.  We  began  our  march  about 
five  in  the  afternoon,  and  by  twelve  at  night  having  marched 
between  sixteen  and  seventeen  miles,  we  dismounted  to 
forage  our  horses,  and  rest  ourselves.  Before  day  we 
mounted  and  continued  our  march  through  a  desolate 
country,  the  people  being  fled,  and  no  provisions  to  be  had 
but  what  we  carried  with  us.  About  ten  in  the  morning 
our  forlorn  perceived  a  Creaght,  as  the  country  people  call 
it,  where  half  a  dozen  families  with  their  cattle  were  got 
together.  Some  of  those  who  saw  them  first,  presuming  all 
the  Irish  in  that  country  to  be  enemies,  began  to  kill  them ; 
of  which  having  notice,  I  put  a  stop  to  it,  and  took  a  share 
with  them  of  a  pot  of  sowr  milk,  which  seemed  to  me  the 
most  pleasant  liquor  that  ever  I  drank.  In  the  afternoon 
we  found  the  ways  exceeding  bad,  and  almost  impassable, 
many  of  the  hurdles  which  had  been  laid  upon  them  being 
drawn  away,  as  we  supposed  by  the  enemy  :  yet  in  a  little 
more  than  twenty-four  hours  we  had  marched  about  forty 
miles,  and  were  informed  that  Sir  Charles  Coote  was 
besieging  Portumna,  a  house  of  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard, 
and  that  the  enemies  were  about  Athenree.  Upon  this 
notice,  leaving  my  party  advantageously  posted  in  a  place 
furnished  with  provisions  for  themselves  and  horses,  I  took 
with  me  sixty  horse,  and  went  to  Portumna,  to  be  informed 
more  particularly  concerning  the  state  of  affairs.  At  my 
arrival  I  understood  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  upon 
the  place,  wherein  our  men  had  been  repulsed  ;  but  that  the 
enemy,  having  a  large  line  to  keep,  and  many  poor  people 
within,  fearing  to  hazard  another  assault,  had  agreed  to 
surrender  upon  articles  next  morning,  which  was  done 
accordingly^.     And  now  having  found  Sir  Charles  Coote's 

'   See  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  *    Portumna     was     taken     before 

233.      Ludlow's    force    consisted    of  June  9.     A  letter  of  Ludlow's  dated 

ten    troops    of    horse    and    six     of  June   12,  from  Loughrea,  is  printed 

dragoons.  in   the  Appendix.     The   articles  for 


He  captures  Ballinasloe  Castle.  271 

party  in  good  condition,  and  able  to  deal  with  the  enemies  1651 
on  that  side,  I  returned  to  my  body  of  horse,  with  which 
and  five  hundred  more  that  joined  me,  commanded  by 
Commissary-General  Reynolds,  I  followed  and  endeavoured 
to  find  out  the  enemy;  but  they  removed  from  one  place  to 
another  with  such  expedition,  that  we  could  not  overtake 
them,  having  left  their  carriages,  in  order  to  march  the 
lighter,  at  a  castle  belonging  to  one  Mr.  Brabston,  situated 
upon  a  considerable  pass  ^.  This  place  I  endeavoured  to 
reduce  ;  and  tho  it  was  indifferently  strong,  and  we  very  ill 
provided  for  such  an  attempt,  yet  after  some  resistance  the 
enemies  delivered  it  upon  articles,  whereby  they  were 
permitted  to  carry  off  whatsoever  belonged  properly  to 
them  ;  the  tents  and  draught-oxen  remaining  in  our 
possession,  with  several  other  things  belonging  to  the  Earl 
of  Clanrickard,  whom  the  Earl  of  Ormond  had  constituted 
his  Deputy  in  those  parts.  Having  put  a  garison  into  this 
place,  and  sent  back  Commissary-General  Reynolds  with 
his  party  to  Portumna,  I  marched  with  my  horse  towards 
Limerick,  and  came  to  Gourtenshegore,  a  castle  belonging 
to  Sir  Dermot  O'Shortness,  who  was  then  gone  to  Galway, 
but  had  left  his  tenants  with  some  souldiers,  and  one  Foliot 
an  Englishman  to  command  them,  in  the  castle^.  At  my 
coming  before  it  I  summoned  them  to  submit,  offering  them, 
that  in  case  they  would  dismiss  their  souldiers,  and  promise 
to  live  quietly  in  the  obedience  of  the  Parliament,  I  would 
leave  no  garison  in  the  place,  nor  suffer  any  prejudice  to 
be  done  to  them.  They  pretending  they  had  already  sub- 
mitted to  Sir  Charles  Coote,  refused  to  deliver  the  castle 
to  any  other.  Tho  I  took  this  to  be  only  a  pretence,  yet  to 
leave  them  without  excuse,  and  to  prevent  all  exceptions,  I 

the  surrender  of  Athlone  are  dated  in  county  Roscommon.  See  a  de- 
June  18,  it  was  to  be  given  up  on  position  concerning  him  printed  in 
the  22nd.  Gilbert,  Aphorismical  the  Appendix  to  Rep.  xiv.  of  the 
Discovery,  iii.  159.  Letters  of  Sir  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Irish  Records, 
Charles  Coote  relating  to  this  cam-  p.  39. 

paign  are  printed  in  Mercurius  Poli-  *    Compare    Aphorismical    Disco- 

ticus,  pp.  889,  905,  1246.  very,   iii.  239;    Mercurius  Politicus, 

^  Anthony  Brabason  of  Ballinasloe  P- 93i- 


272  The  storming  of  Gourtenshegore. 

sent  to  Sir  Charles  Coote  to  desire  him  to  let  me  know 
how  the  matter  stood,  and  to  direct  them  to  deliver  the 
place  to  me.  Having  received  an  answer  to  my  letter  from 
Sir  Charles  Coote,  I  sent  it  to  them,  telling  them,  that  now 
I  expected  their  obedience ;  but  instead  of  that  they  sent 
me  a  defiance,  and  sounded  their  bagpipes  in  contempt  of 
us  ;  to  which  they  were  chiefly  encouraged  by  one  of  the 
country,  whom  I  had  sent  to  bring  in  to  me  some  iron  bars, 
sledges,  and  pickaxes,  and  who  under  colour  of  going  to 
fetch  them,  ran  away  to  the  enemy,  and  acquainted  them 
with  our  want  of  artillery  and  instruments  to  force  them.  I 
gave  orders  to  take  up  all  the  horses  from  grass,  to  bridle 
and  saddle  them,  and  to  tie  them  to  the  tents  of  their 
respective  troops,  commanding  two  troops  to  mount  the 
guard,  and  to  send  out  scouts  to  discover  if  any  enemy  were 
near.  The  rest  of  the  men  I  drew  into  several  parties,  and 
assigned  them  their  particular  attacks :  every  souldier 
carried  a  fagot  before  him,  as  well  to  defend  himself,  as  to 
fill  up  the  enemy's  trenches,  or  to  fire  the  gates,  as  there 
should  be  occasion.  On  one  side  of  the  wall  there  was  an 
earth-work  about  eleven  foot  high,  with  a  trench  of  equal 
breadth  without.  The  wall  of  the  court  was  about  twelve 
foot  high,  well  flanked.  On  the  other  side  the  place  was 
secured  by  a  river.  Upon  our  first  approach  the  enemy 
shot  very  thick  upon  us,  and  killed  two  of  our  men,  which 
so  enraged  the  rest,  that  they  ran  up  to  the  works,  and 
helping  one  another  to  the  top  of  them,  beat  off  the  enemy, 
following  them  so  close,  that  by  means  of  some  ladders 
which  those  within  had  made  use  of,  they  got  into  the 
court,  and  put  to  the  sword  most  of  those  they  found  there, 
the  enemy  not  daring  to  open  the  gate  to  receive  their 
friends.  Those  of  ours  who  had  entred  the  court,  having 
no  instruments  to  force  the  house,  made  use  of  a  wooden 
bar  which  they  found,  and  with  which  they  wrested  out 
the  iron  bars  of  a  strong  stone  window  about  six  foot  from 
the  ground,  and  forced  the  enemy  by  their  shot  out  of  that 
room,  where  being  entred,  they  put  to  the  sword  those  that 
were  there.     Lieutenant  Foliut  finding  his  case  desperate. 


The  surrender  of  the  Castle.  273 

resolved  to  sell  his  life  at  as  dear  a  rate  as  he  could,  and  1651 
charged  our  men,  who  were  nine  or  ten  in  number,  with  a 
tuck  in  one  hand,  and  a  stilletto  in  the  other,  defending 
himself  so  well  with  the  one,  and  pressing  them  so  hard 
with  the  other,  that  they  all  gave  ground  ;  but  he  closing 
with  one  of  them  whom  he  had  wounded,  and  probably 
might  have  killed,  gave  an  opportunity  to  another  to  run 
him  through  the  body,  by  which  wound  he  fell,  and  the 
house  was  quickly  cleared  of  the  rest.  Most  of  the  principal 
of  the  enemies  being  got  into  the  castle,  our  men  fired 
a  great  number  of  fagots  at  the  gates,  which  burned  so 
furiously,  that  the  flame  took  hold  of  the  floors  and  other 
timber  within  through  the  iron  grate,  which  being  perceived 
by  those  in  the  castle,  they  hung  out  a  white  flag,  begging 
earnestly  for  mercy,  and  that  we  would  take  away  the  fire. 
I  commanded  my  men  to  leave  shooting,  and  acquainted  the 
besieged,  that  if  they  expected  any  favour  from  us,  they 
must  throw  down  their  arms,  which  they  presently  did  : 
whereupon  I  ordered  the  fire  to  be  taken  away,  and  gave  a 
souldier  twenty  shillings  to  fetch  out  two  barrels  of  powder 
that  was  near  the  fire,  which  continued  to  burn  so  fiercely 
that  we  could  not  put  it  out,  but  were  obliged  to  throw  up 
skains  of  match  into  the  chambers,  by  which  those  in  the 
castle  descended  to  us,  being  about  fourscore  in  number, 
besides  many  women  and  children.  We  secured  the  men 
till  the  next  morning,  when  I  called  a  council  of  war  ;  and 
being  pressed  by  the  officers,  that  some  of  the  principal  of 
them  might  be  punished  with  death  for  their  obstinacy,  I 
consented  to  their  demand,  provided  it  might  not  extend  to 
such  as  had  been  drawn  in  by  the  malice  of  others.  Those 
who  were  tenants  to  Sir  Dermot  O'Shortness,  and  country- 
men, I  dismissed  to  their  habitations,  upon  promise  to 
behave  themselves  peaceably,  and  to  engage  against  us  no 
more  :  the  rest  of  them  we  carried  away  with  us.  Whilst 
we  were  spending  our  time  in  sending  to  Sir  Charles  Coote, 
and  expecting  his  answer,  I  had  sent  a  party  of  horse  to 
find  out  some  of  the  enemies  that  were  marched  towards  the 
barony  of  Burren  ;  and  tho  they  could  not  overtake  them, 
VOL.  I.  T 


2  74  Limerick  agrees  to  U'eat. 

1651      yet  they  met  with  four  or  five  hundred  head  of  cattle,  and 
seized  them,  which  proved  a  great  refreshment  to  our  party, 

June  17.  and  to  the  army  that  was  besieging  Limerick,  whither  we 
returned,  and  gave  an  account  of  our  proceedings  to  the 
Deputy,  who  expressed  himself  well  satisfied  with  the 
same  \ 

At  my  return  I  found  that  our  army  had  possessed 
themselves  of  one  of  the  enemy's  forts  that  stood  in  the 
midst  of  the  Shannon  upon  the  fishing  ware,  in  this 
manner.  A  small  battery  of  two  guns  being  erected 
against  it,  one  of  them  was  fired  into  a  room,  and  breaking 
the  leg  of  a  souldier  there,  so  frighted  the  rest,  that  be- 
taking themselves  to  their  boats,  they  abandoned  the  place  ; 
which  ours  perceiving,  fired  so  thick  upon  them  with  their 

June  16.  shot,  that  all  those  who  were  in  one  of  the  boats,  whether 
moved  by  fear  or  promise  of  life  I  know  not,  surrendred  to 
our  men ;  yet  some  of  them  were  put  to  the  sword,  at 
which  the  Deputy  was  much  troubled,  judging  that  they 
would  not  have  quitted  the  means  they  had  in  their  hands 
for  their  preservation,  but  upon  terms  of  advantage,  and 
therefore  referred  the  matter  to  be  examined  by  a  court 
martial  ^. 

Those  in  the  town  having  considered  of  the  summons 
sent  to  them  by  the  Deputy  for  the  surrender  of  the  place, 

June  18.  agreed  to  treat  concerning  articles,  supposing  that  they 
might  obtain  more  favourable  conditions  than  when  they 
should  be  driven  to  extremities.  Accordingly  six  com- 
missioners were  appointed  on  each  side.  Those  for  the 
enemy  were  Major-General  Purcel,  Mr.  Stockdale,  Recorder 
of  the  town,  Col.  Butler,  Jeffrey  Barrow,  who  had  been 
one  of  their  Supreme  Council,  Mr.  Baggot,  and  one  more 
whose   name    I    do    not    remember.     The    commissioners 


'  Ireton  gives  an  account  of  Lud-  July  15,  1651  ;  Several  Proceedings, 
low's  expedition  in  a  letter  to  the  p.  i486.  Ireton  cashiered  Col.  Tot- 
Speaker  dated  June  27,  1651,  printed  hill  and  his  ensign  for  this  breach  of 
in  Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  931.  faith.     This  took  place  on  June  16. 

'  See  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.931,  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  239. 
975'  985)  and  Ireton's  fine  letter  of 


Progress  of  the  siege.  275 

nominated  by  the  Deputy  were  Major-General  Waller,  Col.  1651 
Cromwell,  Major  Smith,  Adjutant-General  Allen,  my  self, 
and  one  more  whom  I  have  also  forgot.  We  met  them  in 
a  tent  placed  between  the  town  and  our  camp,  where  we 
dined  together,  and  treated  of  conditions  for  several  days ; 
but  they  having  great  expectations  of  relief,  either  by  the 
King's  success  against  us  in  Scotland,  or  by  the  drawing 
together  of  their  own  parties  in  Ireland,  who  were  able  to 
form  an  army  more  numerous  than  ours,  insisted  upon  such 
excessive  terms,  that  the  treaty  was  broken  up  without 
coming  to  any  conclusion  ^.  The  fort  which  we  were  pre- 
paring in  order  to  block  them  up  on  one  side  of  the  town 
being  almost  finished,  and  materials  ready  for  building  a 
bridg  to  be  laid  over  the  Shannon  to  preserve  a  communi- 
cation between  our  forces  on  each  side,  we  resolved  to 
endeavour  the  reduction  of  a  castle  possessed  by  the 
enemy,  and  standing  beyond  their  bridg.  To  that  end  a 
battery  was  erected,  and  a  breach  being  made,  the  Deputy 
remembring  the  vigour  of  the  troopers  in  the  action  at 
Gourtenshegore,  desired  that  one  might  be  drawn  out  of 
each  troop  to  be  an  example  to  the  foot  that  were  to  storm  : 
which  being  done,  they  were  armed  with  back,  breast,  and 
head-piece,  and  furnished  with  hand-granadoes.  One  Mr. 
Racket,  a  stout  gentleman  of  the  guard,  was  made  choice  of 
to  lead  them  on,  who  were  in  all  not  above  twenty.  This  June  21. 
design  succeeded  beyond  expectation ;  for  our  men  having 
thrown  in  their  grenadoes,  marched  up  to  the  breach,  and 
entred  with  Mr.  Hacket  at  the  head  of  them,  being  followed 
by  those  who  were  ordered  to  sustain  them.  The  enemy 
not  being  able  to  stand  before  them,  quitted  the  place,  and 
retired  by  the  bridg  into  the  town.  The  castle  was  im- 
mediately searched,  and  four  or  five  barrels  of  powder  were 
found  in  a  vault  ready  to  take  fire  by  a  lighted  match  left 
there  by  the  enemy  on  purpose  to  blow  up  our  men.  The 
Deputy  gave  Mr.  Hacket  and  the  rest  of  the  troopers  a 
gratuity  for  their  good  service,  and  upon  the  encouragement 

*  The  conditions  offered  and  demanded  are  given  by  Mr.  Gilbert,  Apho- 
rismical  Discovery,  iii.  241-4. 


276  Repidse  of  a  storming  party. 

r65i  of  this  success,  formed  a  design  to  possess  himself  of  an 
island  that  lay  near  the  town,  containing  about  forty  or 
fifty  acres  of  ground  and  encompassed  by  the  river :  in 
order  to  which  boats  were  prepared,  and  floats  sufficient  to 
transport  three  hundred  men  at  once,  and  orders  given  to 
fall  down  the  river  about  midnight.  Three  regiments  of 
foot  and  one  of  horse  were  appointed  to  be  wafted  over. 

June  23.  The  first  three  hundred,  being  all  foot,  were  commanded 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Walker,  who  being  landed  on  the 
island  with  his  men,  marched  up  to  the  enemy's  breast- 
work, which  they  had  cast  up  quite  round  the  place  ;  but  they 
having  discovered  our  men  before  their  landing,  had  drawn 
most  of  their  forces  together  to  oppose  them  ;  so  that 
being  oppressed  by  the  enemy's  numbers,  they  were  most 
of  them  forced  into  the  water,  and  all  either  killed  or 
drowned,  except  two  or  three  only  who  came  back  to  the 
camp.  Our  bridg  being  finished,  and  a  small  fort  to  defend 
it  erected  at  the  foot  of  it,  the  Deputy,  with  most  part  of 
the  army,  marched  over  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  where 
he  marked  out  ground  for  three  bodies  of  men  to  encamp 
separately,  each  to  consist  of  about  two  thousand,  giving 
orders  for  the  fortifying  of  those  places,  assigning  to  each 
regiment  their  proportion,  and  quartering  them  by  brigades 
in  the  most  convenient  manner  he  could,  either  to  defend 
themselves,  to  relieve  each  other,  or  to  annoy  the  enemy  : 
and  as  soon  as  the  great  fort  on  which  our  men  had  been 
long  working  was  rendred  defensible,  he  drew  oft'  all  our 
forces  irom  this  side  of  the  river,  except  a  thou.sand  foot, 
and  about  three  hundred  horse. 

In  the  mean  time  the  enemy  was  endeavouring  to  draw 
their  forces  together  to  relieve  the  place,  well  knowing  of 
what  importance  it  was  to  their  affairs.  To  that  end  the 
Lord  Muskerry  had  brought  together  about  five  thousand 
horse  and  foot  in  the  counties  of  Cork  and  Kerry,  and 
David  Rock  between  two  or  three  thousand  more  in  the 
county  of  Clare.     The    Lord   Broghil  and   Major   Wallis 

July  19.    were  sent  to  oppose  Lord  jVIuskerry,  whilst  I  with  another 
detachment   was   ordered    to   look   after   the  other.     The 


Lttdlow  ill  Clare  County.  277 

Lord  Broghil  soon  met  with  the  Lord  Muskerry,  and  after  1651 
some  dispute  entirely  defeated  him,  kilHng  many  of  the  Irish,  July  26. 
and  taking  others  prisoners,  with  Httle  loss  on  our  side  ^. 
I  passed  the  river  at  Inchecroghnan,  of  which  the  enemy 
having  advice,  drew  off  their  forces  from  Caricgoholt,  a 
garison  of  ours,  which  they  were  besieging,  whereby  Capt. 
Lucas,  who  was  governour  of  the  place,  wanting  provisions, 
took  that  opportunity  to  quit  it ;  and  being  joined  by  Capt. 
Taff's  dragoons,  came  safe  to  us.  Whilst  I  was  endeavour- 
ing to  find  out  the  enemy,  advice  was  brought  to  me,  that 
they,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand  horse  and  foot,  were 
marching  with  all  diligence  to  possess  themselves  of  the 
pass  at  Inchecroghnan,  thereby  designing  to  obstruct  our 
return  to  the  army  before  Limerick  :  which  being  confirmed 
by  a  letter  we  intercepted,  I  drew  out  two  hundred  and 
fifty  horse  with  sixty  dragoons,  and  sent  them  before,  with 
orders  to  take  possession  of  the  pass,  marching  after  them 
with  the  rest  of  my  party.  When  I  was  almost  come  to 
the  pass,  I  was  informed  by  those  sent  before,  that  they 
had  found  a  small  number  of  the  enemy's  horse  there,  who 
immediately  retreated  upon  the  advance  of  our  men,  some 
of  whom  were  in  pursuit  of  them.  Presently  after  advice 
was  brought,  that  the  enemy  made  good  a  pass  leading 
to  some  woods  and  bogs  which  they  used  for  a  retreat ; 
whereupon  I  went  to  take  a  view  of  their  posture,  that  if 
it  were  necessary  I  might  order  a  greater  force  to  succour 
our  men.  Being  come  up  to  the  place  where  the  dispute 
was,  I  found  that  Connor  O' Brian,  deputed  by  the  Lord 
Inchequin  to  command  in  the  county  of  Clare,  had  been 
shot  from  his  horse,  and  carried  away  by  his  party-.  The 
enemy  retreated  to  a  pass,  and  fired  thick  upon  us  ;  but 
we  advancing  within  pistol-shot  of  them,  they  quitted  their 
ground,  and  betook  themselves  to  their  woods  and  bogs. 

'  An   account   of    this   victory   is  ticus,   pp.  896,  995;   Tanner  MSS., 

given    in    The    Aphorismical    Dis-  liv.  76. 

covery,  iii.  247.    On  Broghil's  other  ^  See  the  case   of  the  widow   of 

exploits  see  his  letter,  Several  Pro-  Connor  O'Brien  ;  Prendergast,Crom. 

ceedings,  pp.  14,  16  ;  Mercurius  Poll-  wellian  Settlement,  p.  68. 


278      Ireton  s  diligence  in  the  public  service. 

1651  Divers  of  them  were  killed  in  the  pursuit ;  yet  the  ground 
was  so  advantagious  to  them,  and  their  heels  so  good,  that 
tho  we  pursued  them  with  all  possible  diligence,  and  sent 
out  parties  several  ways,  yet  we  could  not  take  above  two 
or  three  of  them  prisoners.  Having  dispersed  this  party,  and 
July  25.  relieved  the  garison  of  Caricgoholt,  I  returned  to  the  arrny 
before  Limerick,  where  I  found  a  considerable  progress  made 
in  our  works  on  the  other  side  of  the  town,  and  a  reinforce- 
ment from  England  of  between  three  and  four  thousand  foot, 
whose  arrival  was  very  seasonable  and  welcome  to  us,  having 
lost  many  men  by  hard  service,  change  of  food,  and  altera- 
tion of  the  climate  \  The  Deputy  fearing  that  the  plague, 
which  raged  fiercely  in  Limerick,  might  reach  our  army, 
and  to  the  end  that  care  might  be  taken  of  our  sick  and 
wounded  men,  caused  an  hospital  to  be  prepared,  and 
furnished  with  all  things  necessary ;  and  whilst  the  works 
were  finishing  against  the  town,  he  went  to  visit  the  garison 
of  Killalo,  and  to  order  a  bridg  to  be  made  over  the  river 
at  that  place,  for  the  better  communication  of  the  counties 
of  Tipperary  and  Clare.  I  accompanied  him  in  this  journey, 
and  having  passed  all  places  of  danger,  he  left  his  guard 
to  refresh  themselves,  and  rode  so  hard  that  he  spoiled 
many  horses,  and  hazarded  some  of  the  men  ;  but  he  was 
so  diligent  in  the  publick  service,  and  so  careless  of  every 

^  'Above  3000  recruits,'  says  a  Bideford  600,  from  Milford-Haven 
letter  written  in  June,  1651,  'are  900,  from  Beaumoris  275,  in  all 
landed  since  May  19,  and  2000  be-  4795,  and  more  are  daily  going.  Be- 
fore ;  and  indeed  choicer  men  by  sides  these  impressed  men  there 
press  ^^I  mean  for  bodies)  than  the  have  since  March  last  been  trans- 
volunteers,  which  were  so  full  of  ported  into  Ireland  of  volunteers 
children,  that  the  officers  have  abused  and  soldiers  drawn  out  of  garrisons 
their  trust ;  in  bringing  such  who  in  England,  4350  and  odd,  so  that 
are  fitter  for  school  than  manlike  the  whole  number  of  recruits  already 
exercises.'  The  same  paper  under  sent  into  Ireland  this  summer,  is 
Wednesday,  June  25,  states,  '  It  9145'  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.  890, 
appears  by  letters  from  Chester,  that  891.  By  an  Act  passed  April  18, 
they  have  shipped  lately  for  Ire-  165 1,  Parliament  had  ordered  10,000 
land  of  impressed  soldiers  from  pressed  men  to  be  levied  in  England 
Chester-water,  315,  and  from  Liver-  and  Wales.  Waller  with  2500  re- 
pool  855,  from  Bristol  1700,  from  cruits  joined  Ireton  on  June  27. 
Minehead  and  Appledore  750,  from  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  241. 


Lambert* s  victo7'y  m  Fife.  279 

thing   that   belonged  to  himself,  that  he  never  regarded      165: 
what  clothes  or  food  he  used,  what  hour  he  went  to  rest, 
or  what  horse  he  mounted. 

In  the  mean  time  our  army  in  Scotland,  lying  near 
the  enemy's  camp  at  Torwood,  who  were  plentifully  fur- 
nished with  provisions  from  the  county  of  Fife,  it  was 
resolved  that  a  party  of  ours,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Overton,  should  be  sent  in  boats  from  Leith  and  Edin- 
burgh into  that  county,  to  contrive  some  way  to  prevent 
the  enemy's  supplies  from  thence.  This  party  was  fol- 
lowed by  four  regiments  of  horse  and  foot  commanded 
by  Major-General  Lambert.  Of  which  the  enemy  having 
notice,  sent  Sir  John  Brown,  who  was  esteemed  to  be 
a  person  of  courage  and  conduct,  with  part  of  their  army 
to  oppose  them.  It  was  not  long  before  the  two  parties 
came  to  an  engagement,  wherein  the  enemy  was  totally 
routed  ;  Sir  John  Brown  who  commanded  them,  with  about  July  20. 
two  thousand  of  his  men  killed,  many  made  prisoners,  and 
all  their  baggage  taken  ^.  The  Scots  being  deprived  of 
their  usual  supplies  from  Fife,  and  not  expecting  any  from 
foreign  parts,  by  reason  of  the  number  of  our  ships  cruizing 
on  their  coast,  resolved  to  march  into  England,  having 
received  encouragement  so  to  do  from  their  old  and  new 
friends  there.  They  passed  the  river  Tweed  near  Carlisle, 
there  being  a  strong  garison  in  Berwick  for  the  Parliament, 
and  were  considerably  advanced  on  their  march  before 
our  army  in  Scotland  were  acquainted  with  their  design. 
Major-General  Harrison,  with  about  four  thousand  horse 
and  foot,  somewhat  obstructed  their  march,  tho  he  was  not 
considerable  enough  to  fight  them ;  and  being  joined  by 
Major-General  Lambert  with  a  party  of  horse  from  the  army, 
they  observed  the  enemy  so  closely  as  to  keep  them  from 
excursions,  and  to  prevent  others  from  joining  with  them  ^. 
The  Scots  who  were  in  great  expectation  of  assistance  from 
Wales,  and  relied  much  upon  Col.  Massey's  interest  in 
Glocestershire,  advanced  that  way.     Few  of  the   country 

'  See  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  "^  See  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter 

clxxv,  &c.  clxxx. 


2 So  Lillmrn  defeats  the  Lancashire  Royalists. 

1651  came  in  to  them  ;  but  on  the  other  side,  so  affectionate 
were  the  people  to  the  Commonwealth,  that  they  brought 
in  horse  and  foot  from  all  parts  to  assist  the  Parliament : 
insomuch  that  their  number  was  by  many  thought  suffi- 
cient to  have  beaten  the  enemy  without  the  assistance  of 
the  army ;  some  even  of  the  excluded  members  appear- 
ing in  arms,  and  leading  regiments  against  the  common 
enemy. 

At  the  same  time,  upon  notice  that  the  Earl  of  Derby 
was  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  horse  and  foot  in 
Lancashire,  Col.  Lilburn  was  sent  that  way  with  about 
eight  hundred  men,  who  meeting  with  the  Earl's  forces 
near  Wigan,  after  a  sharp  dispute  for  about  an  hour,  totally 
routed  them.  The  number  of  the  slain  was  considerable 
on  the  enemy's  side :  the  Lord  Widdrington  with  other 
persons  of  quality  were  killed.  All  their  baggage  was 
taken,  and  three  or  four  hundred  made  prisoners,  with  the 
loss  only  of  one  officer,  and  about  ten  private  souldiers  of 
Col.  Lilburn's  ^.     The  Earl  of  Derby  himself  was  wounded, 

Aug.  25.  and  escaped  to  Worcester  ;  but  bringing  not  above  thirty 
tired  horse  with  him,  the  townsmen  began  to  repent  their 
revolt  from  the  Parliament. 

The  Scots  having  possessed  themselves  of  the  city  of 

Aug.  22.  Worcester-,  and  fortified  it  as  well  as  they  could  in  so 
short  a  time,  resolved  to  attack  our  army,  which  was  now 
advanced  to  that  place,  and  posted  on  each  side  of  the 
Severn,  ready  to  receive  them,  with  General  Cromwell  at 
their  head.  Their  first  attack  was  made  upon  Lieutenant- 
General  P^leetwood's  quarters  that  were  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  who  with  some  forces  of  the  army,  and  a  rein- 
forcement of  the  militia,  made  a  vigorous  resistance.  The 
General  fearing  he  might  be  overpower'd,  dispatch'd  some 
troops  to  his  assistance  by  a  bridg  laid  over  the  river, 
commanding    Major-General    Lambert    to    send    another 

'  Lilburn's  letters  to  Cromwell  ^  An  account  of  the  loss  of  Wor- 
and  Lenthall  are  printed  in  Gary's  cester  drawn  up  by  the  Parliament- 
Memorials  of  the  Civil  War,  ii.  ary  committee  is  printed  by  Gary, 
338.  ii.  335- 


The  Battle  of  Worcester.  281 

detachment  to  the  same  purpose ;  but  he  desired  to  be  1651 
excused,  alledging,  that  if  the  enemy  should  alter  their 
course,  and  fall  upon  those  on  this  side,  they  might  pro- 
bably cut  off  all  that  remained  ;  which  was  not  unlikely, 
for  soon  after  most  of  the  enemy's  strength  fell  upon  that 
part  of  the  army  where  the  General  and  Major-Gcneral 
Lambert  were.  The  battel  was  fought  with  various  success 
for  a  considerable  time  ;  but  at  length  the  Scots  army  was 
broken,  and  quitting  their  ground,  retreated  in  great  dis- 
order to  the  town,  where  they  endeavoured  to  defend 
themselves.  Major-General  Harrison,  Col.  Croxton,  and 
the  forces  of  Cheshire,  entred  the  place  at  their  heels  ;  and 
being  followed  by  the  rest  of  the  army,  soon  finished  the 
dispute,  and  totally  defeated  the  enemy.  Three  English 
Earls,  seven  Scots  Lords,  and  above  six  hundred  officers, 
besides  ten  thousand  private  souldiers,  were  made  prisoners. 
The  King's  standard,  and  a  hundred  [and]  fifty-eight  colours, 
with  all  their  artillery,  ammunition  and  baggage,  was  also 
taken.  On  our  side,  Quarter-master  General  Mosely,  and 
Capt.  Jones,  with  about  a  hundred  private  souldiers,  were 
killed,  and  Capt.  Howard,  with  one  Captain  more,  and 
about  three  hundred  souldiers  wounded.  This  victory  was 
obtained  by  the  Parliament's  forces  on  the  3d  of  Sep- 
tember, being  the  same  day  of  the  same  month  that  the 
Scots  had  been  defeated  at  Dunbar  the  preceding  year^ 
Col.  Massey  escaped  into  Leicestershire,  but  being  dan- 
gerously wounded,  found  himself  not  able  to  continue  his 
way,  and  fearing  to  be  knocked  on  the  head  by  the  country, 
delivered  himself  to  the  Countess  of  Stamford,  mother  to  the  Sept.  7. 
Lord  Grey  of  Grooby,  who  caused  his  wounds  to  be  care- 
fully dressed,  and  sent  notice  of  his  surrender  to  the  army. 
Whereupon  a  party  was  dispatched  with  orders  to  conduct 
him  from  thence  to  London,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  fit  to 
travel,  which  was  done,  and  he  committed  prisoner  to  the 
Tower.  The  Scots  King  with  the  Lord  Wilmot  were 
concealed  by  three  countrymen,  till  they  could  furnish  him 

^  For  accounts  of  Worcester,  see   Carlyle's  Cromwell,   Letters  clxxxii, 
clxxxiii ;  Gary,  ii.  353-363. 


282  Monies  S2tc cesses  in  Scotland. 

1651  with  a  horse,  with  which  he  crossed  the  country  to  one 
Mr.  Gunter's  near  Shorcham  in  Sussex,  carrying  one  Mrs. 
Lane  behind  him,  from  whence  in  a  small  bark  he  escaped 

Oct.  15.    to  France. 

The  General  after  this  action,  which  he  called  the 
crowning  victory,  took  upon  him  a  more  stately  behaviour, 
and  chose  new  friends  ;  neither  must  it  be  omitted,  that 
instead  of  acknowledging  the  services  of  those  who  came 
from  all  parts  to  assist  against  the  common  enemy,  tho  he 
knew  they  had  deserved  as  much  honour  as  himself  and  the 
standing  army,  he  frowned  upon  them,  and  the  very  next  day 
after  the  fight  dismissed  and  sent  them  home,  well  knowing, 
that  a  useful  and  experienced  militia  was  more  likely  to 
obstruct  than  to  second  him  in  his  ambitious  designs. 
Being  on  his  way  to  London,  many  members  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, attended  by  the  City,  and  great  numbers  of  persons 
of  all  orders  and  conditions,  went  some  miles  out  of  the 
town  to  meet  him,  v/hich  tended  not  a  little  to  heighten  the 
spirit  of  this  haughty  gentleman. 

Lieutenant-General  Monk,  whom  the  General  had  raised 
to  that  employment,  and  ordered  to  command  in  Scotland 

Aug.  15.  during  his  absence,  took  Sterling  Castle  ;  and  then  marched 
with  about  four  thousand  horse  and  foot  before  Dundee  ^. 
But  being  advised  that  General  Lesley,  the  Earl  of  Craw- 
ford, and  others,  were  met  at  Elliot  to  consult  of  means  to 
relieve  that  town,  he  sent  a  party  of  horse  and  dragoons 
commanded  by  Col.  Alured  and  Col.  Morgan,  to  surprize 

Aug.  2S.  them,  which  they  did  ;  and  the  principal  of  them  being 
taken,  were  sent  prisoners  to  London,  where  they  were 
committed  to  the  Tower.     After   this  he   summoned  the 

Sept.  I.  town  of  Dundee  ;  but  the  place  being  well  fortified,  and 
provided  with  a  numerous  garison,  refused  to  surrender ; 
whereupon  he  storm'd  it,  and  being  entred,  put  five  or  six 

'  An   account    of    the   siege   and  Monk's  account  of  the  capture  of  the 

capture  of  Stirling  written  by  William  Committee  of  Estates  is  in  Cary,  ii. 

Clarke,  Monk's  secretary,  is  printed  346 ;   Alureds  own   letter   in    Mer- 

by  Cary,  ii.  327.     On  the  capture  of  curius  Politicus,  p.  1054. 
Dundee,  see  Cary,  ii.  345,  351,  367. 


The  siege  of  Lijuerick.  283 

hundred  to  the  sword,  and  commanded  the  governour,  with      '651 
divers  others,  to  be  killed  in  cold  blood. 

Tho  the  news  of  these  successes  much  discouraged  our 
enemies  in  Ireland,  yet  those  in  Limerick  were  not  without 
some  hopes,  that  either  the  plague,  or  scarcity  of  provisions, 
together  with  the  badness  of  the  weather,  might  constrain 
us  to  raise  the  siege  ;  and  therefore  refused  to  accept  such 
conditions  as  we  were  willing  to  grant.  The  line  which  we 
had  made  about  the  town  and  the  forts  being  in  a  con- 
dition of  defence,  the  Deputy  resolved  to  look  after  the 
enemy  in  the  county  of  Clare,  and  if  possible  to  get  some 
provisions  from  thence  for  the  relief  of  the  army.  He  took  July  19. 
me  with  him,  knowing  I  had  been  in  those  parts  before, 
and  between  three  and  four  thousand  horse  and  foot.  At 
our  approach  to  the  places  where  the  enemies  usually  were, 
we  divided  our  body,  the  Deputy  being  at  the  head  of  one, 
and  I  at  the  head  of  the  other  party  ;  hoping  by  this  means 
so  to  encompass  the  enemy,  that  they  should  not  escape  us  : 
but  tho  we  sometimes  came  within  sight  of  them,  and  used 
our  utmost  endeavours  to  engage  them,  yet  by  reason  of  the 
advantages  they  made  of  the  woods,  rocks,  hills,  and  bogs, 
for  their  retreat,  we  could  do  them  little  hurt,  save  by 
seizing  their  horses  and  cattel.  In  the  absence  of  this 
party  from  the  army,  the  enemy  with  two  thousand  foot 
made  a  sally  out  of  Limerick  so  unexpectedly  upon  our 
men,  that  they  had  almost  surprized  our  guard  of  horse; 
but  ours  immediately  mounting,  and  being  not  accustomed 
to  be  beaten,  charged  them,  and  notwithstanding  the  in- 
equality of  the  forces,  they  being  much  superiour  to  us  in 
number,  put  them  to  a  stand,  till  a  party  of  horse  and  foot 
came  to  their  relief,  and  forced  the  enemies  to  retreat  under 
the  walls  of  the  town,  from  whence  their  men  fired  so  thick 
upon  ours,  that  their  own  men  had  time  to  get  into  the 
town. 

When  this  account  was  brought  from  Sir  Hardress  Waller 
to  the  Deputy,  he  was  upon  his  return  to  the  army  before 
Limerick,  having  left  me  with  about  two  thousand  horse 
and  foot,  as  well  to  ease  our  quarters  about  the  town,  not 


284     Useless  persons  sent  otU  fi'oni  Limerick. 

1651  knowing  how  long  we  might  He  before  it,  as  to  endeavour 
to  perswade  the  garison  of  Clare  Castle,  a  strong  place, 
and  situated  upon  the  river,  to  surrender.  To  that  end 
being  arrived  in  the  army,  he  sent  one  Lieutenant-Colonel 
White,  who  had  served  the  enemy,  and  now  had  a  com- 
mission to  raise  forces  for  the  King  of  Spain,  with  an 
order  to  me,  to  permit  him  to  go  to  the  said  garison,  that 
he  might  inform  them  of  the  impossibility  of  their  receiving 
any  relief,  and  of  the  necessities  to  which  Limerick  was 
already  reduced,  and  thereby  prevail  with  them  to  make 
speedy  provision  for  themselves,  and  to  list  under  him  : 
but  his  design  proving  ineffectual,  I  found  myself  obliged 
July  25.  to  return  to  the  camp  before  Limerick,  where  we  made 
provision  for  a  winter-siege. 

Great  numbers  of  people  endeavoured  to  get  out  of  the 
town,  sent  out  by  the  garison  either  as  useless  persons,  or  to 
spread  the  contagion  amongst  us.  The  Deputy  commanded 
them  to  return,  and  threatned  to  shoot  any  that  should 
attempt  to  come  out  for  the  future :  but  this  not  being 
sufficient  to  make  them  desist,  he  caused  two  or  three  to  be 
taken  out  in  order  to  be  executed,  and  the  rest  to  be  whipped 
back  into  the  town.  One  of  those  that  were  to  be  hanged  was 
the  daughter  of  an  old  man,  who  was  in  that  number  which 
was  to  be  sent  back  :  he  desired  that  he  might  be  hanged  in 
the  room  of  his  daughter,  but  that  was  refused,  and  he  with 
the  rest  driven  back  into  the  town.  After  which  a  gibbet 
was  erected  in  the  sight  of  the  town  walls,  and  one  or  two 
persons  hanged  up,  \\ho  had  been  condemned  for  other 
crimes,  that  those  within  might  suppose  that  execution  to 
be  for  coming  out ;  and  by  this  means  they  were  so  terrified, 
that  we  were  no  farther  disturbed  on  that  account. 

The  Deputy,  upon  information  received  that  some  in  the 
town  were  desirous  to  surrender,  and  that  others  did 
\i(-lcnlly  oppose  them,  endeavoured  by  letters  and  messages 
to  foment  the  division,  declaring  against  several  persons  by 
name  that  were  most  active  and  obstinate  for  holding  out, 
that  they  .should  have  no  benefit  by  the  articles  to  be 
agreed  upon,  scvcrel}'  inveighing  against  a  generation  of  men 


Hard  terms  offered  by  Ireton.  285 

whom  he  called  souldiers  of  fortune,  that  made  a  trade  of  165 1 
the  war,  and  valued  not  the  lives  or  happiness  of  the  people. 
This  wrought  the  desired  effect,  and  so  encouraged  the 
complying  party,  that  it  was  carried  for  a  treaty,  and  com- 
missioners again  appointed  on  each  side.  We  insisted  that 
about  seventeen  of  the  principal  persons  in  the  place  should 
be  excepted  out  of  the  articles,  of  which  number  were  Col. 
Hugh  O'Neal  the  governour,  the  Mayor  of  the  city,  the 
Bishops  of  Limerick  and  Emmene,  Major-General  Purcel, 
Sir  Geoffrey  Galloway,  Sir  Jeffrey  Barrow,  one  Wolf  a 
priest.  Sir  Richard  Everard  and  others.  But  these  made  so 
strong  a  party  that  the  treaty  was  broke  up  without  any 
agreement,  and  no  other  way  left  to  reduce  them  but  by 
force.  In  order  to  which  the  Deputy  caused  the  great 
guns  to  be  landed  from  the  ships,  and  others  to  be  brought 
from  the  adjacent  garisons.  With  these  he  erected  a  battery 
against  the  town  in  the  most  convenient  place  that  could 
possibly  have  been  found,  being  against  a  part  of  the  wall, 
which  tho  it  was  of  the  same  height  and  thickness  with  the 
rest  of  it,  and  also  as  well  flanked  ;  yet  it  proved  not  to  be 
lined  with  earth  within,  as  all  the  other  parts  were,  nor  had 
any  counterscarp  without. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Parliament  seeing  a  period  put  to 
the  war  in  England  and  Scotland,  and  that  of  Ireland  draw- 
ing towards  a  conclusion,  resolved  to  gratify  such  officers  as 
the  General  recommended  to  their  favour  ;  and  thereupon 
settled  a  thousand  pounds  yearly  on  Major-General  Lambert,    Sept.  9. 
three  hundred  on  Major-General  Overton,  the  same  on  Col. 
Pride  and  Col.  Whalley;  five  hundred  pounds  annually  on      1652 
Commissary-General    Reynolds,    a  thousand    pounds    per 
annum  on  the  Lord  Broghil.     They  also  settled  four  thou- 
sand pounds  a  year  on  the  Lord-General  himself,  out  of      1651 
the  estates  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  and  Marquis  of  Sept.  ii. 
Worcester,  besides  the  two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds  a 
year  formerly  granted.     This  they  did  to  oblige  him  by  all 
means  possible  to  the  performance  of  his  duty,  or  to  leave 
him   without  excuse   if  he  should   depart  from    it.     They    Sept.  n. 
ordered  also  an  Act   to   be   brought   in   for  settling   two 


286  Li7nerick  surrenders. 

1651  thousand  pounds  per  annum  on  the  Lord-Deputy  Ireton  ; 
the  news  of  which  being  brought  over,  was  so  unacceptable 
to  him,  that  he  said,  '  They  had  many  just  debts,  which  he 
desired  they  would  pay  before  they  made  any  such  presents  ; 
that  he  had  no  need  of  their  land,  and  therefore  would  not 
have  it  ;  and  that  he  should  be  more  contented  to  see  them 
doing  the  service  of  the  nation,  than  so  liberal  in  disposing 
of  the  publick  treasure,'  And  truly  I  believe  he  was  in 
earnest  ;  for  as  he  was  always  careful  to  husband  those 
things  that  belonged  to  the  State  to  the  best  advantage,  so 
was  he  most  liberal  in  employing  his  own  purse  and  person 
in  the  publick  service. 

Our  battery  being  now  in  order,  and  the  regiments  that 
were  appointed  to  storm  disposed  to  their  several  posts,  we 
began  to  fire  ;  directing  all  our  shot  to  one  particular  part 
of  the  wall,  wherein  we  made  such  a  breach,  that  the  enemy 
not  daring  to  run  any  farther  hazard,  beat  a  parley,  and 

Oct.  27.  soon  came  to  a  resolution  to  surrender  upon  the  articles  we 
had  offered  before,  delivering  up  the  east-gate  of  the  out- 
town,  which  was  separated  by  a  river  having  a  draw-bridg 
over  it  from  the  other  town  ^  The  Deputy  ordered  all  the 
arms  and  ammunition  to  be  carefully  preserved,  and  the 
souldiers  who  were  not  of  the  town  to  be  drawn  up  between 
the  place  and  our  army,  that  such  as  desired  it  might  have 
convoys  to  conduct  them  to  their  respective  parties  ;  and 
that  those  who  would  return  to  their  habitations,  might  have 
passes  granted  to  that  effect.  The  governour  Col.  Hugh 
O'Neal  met  the  Deputy  at  the  gate  ;  where  he  presented  him 
with  the  keys  of  the  city,  and  gave  order  for  the  marching 
out  of  the  souldiers  who  were  not  townsmen,  according  to 

(Jet.  2y.  the  articles.  They  were  in  number  about  two  thousand  five 
hundred  men.  As  they  were  marching  out,  two  or  three  of 
them  fell  down  dead  of  the  plague.  Several  of  them  also 
lay  unburied  in  the  church-)-ard.  The  governour  waited  on 
the  Deputy  to  shew  him  the  stores  of  arms,  ammunition 

'  On  the  siege  and  capture  of  surrender  is  attributed  to  the 
Limerick,  see  Aphorismical  Dis-  treachery  of  Major  Fennell  and 
covery,   iii.   19-22,   263,   where   the       others. 


Fate  of  the  excepted  pe^'sons.  287 

and  provisions,  which  were  sufficient  to  have  lasted  near  1651 
three  months  longer.  He  shewed  him  also  the  fortifications, 
and  whatsoever  else  he  desired  of  him,  withal  acquainting 
him,  that  nine  or  ten  of  those  who  were  excepted  from  the 
benefit  of  the  articles  had  surrendred  themselves  to  his 
mercy,  and  were  waiting  his  orders  in  a  certain  house 
which  he  named  :  upon  which  the  Deputy  commanded 
a  guard  to  be  set  upon  them,  and  committed  the 
governour  also  to  their  custody.  The  Bishop  of  Emmene 
and  Major-General  Purcel,  with  Wolf  the  priest,  were  taken 
in  the  pest-house,  where  they  had  hid  themselves,  Jeffery 
Barrow  and  Sir  Geoffrey  Galloway  surrendred  themselves. 
Two  days  after  the  delivery  of  the  town  the  Mayor  came  to 
the  place  of  worship,  where  our  court  of  guard  was  met  ; 
and  whether  by  his  words  or  actions  he  gave  cause  of 
suspicion  I  cannot  tell,  but  they  seized  him,  and  upon 
examination  found  who  he  was;  whereupon  they  committed 
him  to  prison  ^.  The  Bishop  of  Limerick  was  the  only 
person  excepted  that  was  yet  undiscovered ;  but  we  after- 
wards understood  him  to  be  one  of  a  more  peaceable  spirit 
than  the  rest.  A  court  martial  was  assembled,  and  the 
Bishop  of  Emmene,  with  Major-General  Purcel,  required  to 
acquaint  them,  if  they  had  any  thing  to  say  why  they 
should  not  die  according  to  the  sentence  passed  upon  them. 
The  Bishop  said,  that  having  many  sins  to  confess,  he 
desired  time  to  prepare  himself  to  that  purpose,  which  was 
granted.  Major-General  Purcel  fell  upon  his  knees,  and 
begged  earnestly  for  his  life,  but  that  was  denied.  This  poor 
man  was  of  so  low  a  spirit,  that  wanting  courage  at  the  time 
of  his  execution,  he  stood  in  need  of  two  musqueteers  to 
support  him.  The  Bishop  died  with  more  resolution,  and 
Wolf  the  priest  was  also  executed.  The  governour  and 
Jeffrey  Barrow  were  also  condemned  to  die ;  but  the 
Deputy  resolving  to  hear  them,  demanded  of  the  governour 
what  he  had  to  say  for  himself:  who  answered,  that  the 
war  had  been  long  on  foot  before  he  came  over ;  that  he 

'  Dominic   Fanning.     An  account       Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  21,  258, 
of  his  arrest  and  death  is  given  in       267. 


28S  The  case  of  Hugh  O'Neill. 

1651  came  upon  the  invitation  of  his  country-men  ;  that  he  had 
ahvays  demeaned  himself  as  a  fair  enemy  ;  and  that  the 
ground  of  his  exception  from  the  articles,  being  his 
encouraging  to  hold  out,  tho  there  was  no  hope  of  reHef, 
was  not  appHcablc  to  him,  who  had  ahvays  moved  them  to 
atimely  surrender,  as  indeed  he  made  it  appear  ;  and  there- 
fore hoped,  that  he  should  enjoy  the  benefit  of  the  articles, 
in  confidence  of  which  he  had  faithfully  delivered  up  the 
keys  of  the  town,  with  all  the  arms,  ammunition  and 
provisions,  without  embezlement,  and  his  own  person  also 
to  the  Deputy  ^.  But  the  blood  formerly  shed  at  Clonmel, 
where  this  Col.  O'Neal  was  governour,  had  made  such  an 
impression  on  the  Deputy,  that  his  judgment,  which  was 
of  great  weight  with  the  court,  moved  them  a  second  time 
to  vote  him  to  die,  tho  some  of  us  earnestly  opposed  it, 
for  the  reasons  before  mentioned  by  himself ;  and  because 
whatsoever  he  had  been  guilty  of  before,  had  no  relation  to 
these  articles,  which  did  not  at  all  exempt  him  from  being 
called  to  an  account  by  the  civil  magistrate  for  the  same. 
The  court  having  passed  sentence  of  death  a  second  time 
against  him,  the  Deputy,  who  was  now  entirely  freed  from 
his  former  manner  of  adhering  to  his  own  opinion,  which  had 
been  observed  to  be  his  greatest  infirmity,  observing  some 
of  the  officers  to  be  unsatisfied  with  this  judgment,  referred 
Nov.  I.  it  again  to  the  consideration  of  the  court,  who  by  their  third 
vote  consented  to  save  his  life.  Jeffrey  Barrow  having  the 
same  question  put  to  him  with  the  rest,  answered,  that  it  was 
not  just  to  exclude  him  from  mercy,  because  he  had  been 
engaged  in  the  same  cause  as  we  pretended  to  fight  for, 
which  was  for  the  liberty  and  religion  of  his  country. 
The  Deputy  replied,  that  Ireland  being  a  conquered  country, 

'  The  author  of  tlic  Aphorismical  yet  well  resolved'  how  to  deal  with 

Discovery    praises    Ireton's    'noble  the    excepted   persons.     Three,   viz. 

care' of  Hugh  O'Neill,  iii.  21.      For  Dominick   Fanning,   the    Bishop    of 

JefTrey    Barrow    read    Barron.      A  Einley,  and    Major-General  Purcell, 

spirited  letter  from  O'Neill  to  Ireton  is  were  promptly  hanged.    On  Nov.  i, 

printed  in  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  the  vote    condemning   O'Neill   was 

258.  Ireton  in  his  letter  to  the  Parlia-  rescinded. 
ment  (ib.  p.  267},  says  that  he  is  '  not 


Ire  ton  sutmnons  Galway.  289 

the  English  nation  might  with  justice  assert  their  right  of  1651 
conquest  :  that  they  had  been  treated  by  the  late  govern- 
ment far  beyond  their  merits,  or  the  rules  of  reason ; 
notwithstanding  which  they  had  barbarously  murdered  all 
the  English  that  fell  into  their  hands,  robbed  them  of  their 
goods  which  they  had  gained  by  their  industry,  and  taken 
away  the  lands  which  they  had  purchased  with  their  money: 
that  touching  the  point  of  religion,  there  was  a  wide 
difference  also  between  us,  we  only  contending  to  pre- 
serve our  natural  right  therein,  without  imposing  our 
opinions  upon  other  men ;  whereas  they  would  not  be 
contented  unless  they  might  have  power  to  compel  all 
others  to  submit  to  their  impositions  upon  pain  of  death. 
The  Council  of  War  looking  upon  what  he  had  said  for  him- 
self to  be  hereby  fully  refuted,  adjudged  him  to  die,  as 
they  did  the  Mayor  also  ;  and  the  sentence  was  executed 
accordingly. 

Limerick  being  taken,  it  was  debated  in  a  Council  of  War, 
whether  we  should  march  to  Galway  in  order  to  reduce  that 
place,  which  had  been  besieged  for  some  time  by  Sir 
Charles  Coote  and  Commissary-General  Reynolds  ^.  I  con- 
curred with  the  Deputy,  that  the  garison  being  under  a 
great  consternation  by  the  loss  of  Limerick,  would  probably 
be  soon  brought  to  reason  ;  but  most  of  the  officers  com- 
plaining of  the  ill  condition  of  their  men  through  sickness 
and  hard  service,  representing  also  the  near  approach  of 
winter,  we  being  already  entred  into  the  month  of 
November,  the  Deputy  contented  himself  to  send  only 
a  summons  to  General  Preston  governour  of  Galway,  with  Nov. 
offers  of  such  conditions  as  were  first  tendred  to  those  of 
Limerick,  assuring  him  at  the  same  time,  that  if  he  refused 
them,  he  should  have  no  better  than  they  had  been  lately 

^  On  Nov.  19,  the  Commissioners  advantageous  place  for  a  strong  in- 

wrote  to  the  Council  of  State  :  'The  land    garrison    of    any    in     Ireland, 

Lord  Deputy  intends  to  make  Ath-  being  seated  on  the  Shannon  in  the 

lone  his  headquarters,  and  hath  given  centre  of  the  nation,'    Irish  Records, 

order  for  the  building  of  some  houses       A 

-    ,  —  49>  P-  211. 

in  the  town,  and   fortifying  of  the       89 

same,   as  being  conceived  the  most 
VOL.  I.  U 


290  Ludlow  takes  Clare  Castle. 

1651  obliged  to  submit  to  ^  This  proposition  he  rejected;  but 
being  unwilling  to  hazard  the  event,  took  shipping  soon 
after,  and  went  beyond  sea. 

Whilst  the  Deputy  was  settling  afifairs  at  Limerick,  he 
ordered  me  with  a  party  to  march  into  the  county  of  Clare 

Nov.  r.  to  reduce  some  places  in  those  parts.  Accordingly  I 
marched  with  about  two  thousand  foot  and  fifteen  hundred 
horse  to  Inchecroghnan,  fifteen  miles  from  Limerick ;  but 
it  being  late  before  we  began  our  march,  and  night  over- 
taking us  before  we  could  reach  that  place,  as  we  were 
passing  the  bridg,  one  of  my  horses  that  carried  my  waters 
and  medicines  fell  into  the  river,  which  proved  a  great  loss 
to  me,  as  things  fell  out  afterwards.  The  next  day  I  came 
before  Clare  Castle,  and  summoned  it,  whereupon  they 
sent  out  commissioners  to  treat,  tho  the  place  was  of  very 
great  strength  ;  and  after  three  or  four  hours'  debate,  we 

Xov.  4.  came  to  an  agreement,  by  which  the  Castle  was  to  be  de- 
livered to  me  the  next  morning  ^,  the  enemy  leaving 
hostages  with  us  for  the  performance  of  their  part.  Tli^t 
night  I  lay  in  my  tent  upon  a  hill,  where  the  weather  being 
very  tempestuous,  and   the   season   far  advanced,   I   took 

Nov.  5.  a  very  dangerous  cold.  The  next  morning  the  enemy 
marched  out  of  the  Castle,  and  received  passes  from  me  to 
return  home,  according  to  the  articles.  After  which  having 
appointed  Col.  Foulk  and  a  garison  to  defend  it,  I  marched 
towards  Carickgoholt.  That  night  my  cold  increased,  and 
the  next  morning  I  found  myself  so  much  discomposed, 
that  Adjutant- General  Allen,  who  was  then  with  us, 
earnestly  pressed  me  to  go  aboard  one  of  the  vessels  that 
attended  our  party  with  ammunition,  artillery  and  pro- 
visions, and  to  appoint  a  person  to  command  them  in  my 
absence.  But  being  unwilling  to  quit  the  charge  committed 
to  my  care,  I  clothed  myself  as  warm  as  I  could,  putting 

*  Ireton's   letters  to    Preston  and  Clare    are    printed   in   Several    Pro- 

to    the    city    of   Galway    with    their  ceedings  in  Parliament,  p.  1778,  Dec. 

answers,  which  are  dated  Nov.   12,  4-11,1651.    Col.  Stephert  White  was 

are   printed    in    Mercurius  Politicus,  to   have   the  benefit  of  the  articles 

pp.  1400-4.  if  he  agreed  to  them  within  a  fort- 

'  The  articles  for  the  surrender  of  night. 


Carrickgoholt  Castle  surrenders.  291 

on  a  fur  coat  over  my  buff,  and  an  oiled  one  over  that  ;  by      1651 
which  means  I  prevented  the  farther  increase  of  my  dis- 
temper, and  so  ordered  our  quarters  that  night,  that  I  lay 
in  my  own  bed  set  up  in  an  Irish  cabin,  where  about  break 
of  day  I  fell  into  so  violent  a  sweat,  that  I  was  obliged  to 
keep  with  me  two  troops  of  horse  for  my  guard,  after  I  had 
given  orders  for  the  rest  of  the  men  to  march.     In  this  con- 
dition I  continued  about  two  hours,  and  tho  my  sweating 
had  not  ceased,  I  mounted  in  order  to  overtake  my  party, 
who  had  a  bitter  day  to  march  in,  the  wind  and  the  hail 
beating  so  violently  in  our  faces,  that  the  horses  being  not 
able  to  endure  it,  often  turned  about.     Yet  in  this  extremity 
of  weather  the  poor  foot  were  necessitated  to  wade  through 
a  branch  of  the  sea,  near  a  quarter  of  a  mile  over,  up  to  the 
waste  in  water.     At  night  we  arrived  within  view  of  Carick- 
goholt,  my  distemper  being  but  little  abated,  and  my  body 
in   a   continual    sweat.     The   next   day  I  summoned  the 
garison  to  surrender  the  Castle  :  in  answer  to  which  they 
sent  out  commissioners  to  treat,  who  at  first  insisted  upon 
very  high  terms  ;  but  finding  us  resolved  not  to  grant  their 
propositions,  they  complied  with  ours,  and  the  next  day 
surrendred  the  place.     Liberty  was  given  by  the  articles  to 
such   as  desired   it,  to  go  and  join  the  Lord  Muskerry's 
party  in  the  county  of  Kerry :  the  rest  to  return  home,  with 
promise  of  protection  as  long  as  they  behaved  themselves 
peaceably,  excepting  only  such  who  should  appear  to  have 
been  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  year  of  the  war,  or  after- 
wards.   Having  placed  a  garison  in  Carickgoholt,  I  returned 
towards  Limerick,  and  being  on  my  march  thither,  I  was 
met  by  an  officer  of  the  guard,  with  orders  from  the  Deputy 
for  my  return  ;  who  thinking  it  impossible  to  reduce  this 
garison  by  force  in  such  a  season,  was  unwilling  that  the 
souldiers  should  remain  longer  in  the  field,  exposed  to  such 
cruel  and  sharp  weather.     The  messenger  also  acquainted 
me,  that  the  Deputy  was  coming  towards  us,  which  he  did, 
as  well  to  view  the  country,  in  order  to  the  more  equal 
distribution  of  winter-quarters  and  garisons,  as  to  let  us 
see  that  he  would  not  command  any  service,  but  such  as  he 

U    2 


292  Ireton  falls  ill. 

ifijit  was  willing  to  take  a  share  of  himself.  Upon  this  advice  I 
hastned  with  a  party  to  meet  him,  giving  orders  for  the 
rest  to  follow  as  fast  as  they  could  conveniently.  At  our 
meeting  I  gave  him  an  account  of  what  I  had  done,  with 
which  he  was  very  well  satisfied.  After  two  days'  march, 
without  anything  remarkable  but  bad  quarters,  we  entred 
into  the  Barony  of  Burren,  of  which  it  is  said,  that  it  is  a 
country  where  there  is  not  water  enough  to  drown  a  man, 
wood  enough  to  hang  one,  nor  earth  enough  to  bury  him  ; 
which  last  is  so  scarce,  that  the  inhabitants  steal  it  from  one 
another,  and  yet  their  cattle  are  very  fat ;  for  the  grass 
growing  in  turfs  of  earth,  of  two  or  three  foot  square,  that 
lie  between  the  rocks,  which  are  of  limestone^  is  very  sweet 
and  nourishing  ^  Being  in  these  parts  we  went  to  Lem- 
mene,  a  house  of  that  Connor  O'Bryan  whom  we  had 
killed  near  Inchecroghnan  ;  and  finding  it  indifferent  strong, 
being  built  with  stone,  and  having  a  good  wall  about  it,  we 
put  a  garison  into  it,  and  furnished  it  with  all  things 
necessary.  The  next  day  the  Deputy  with  a  party  of  horse 
went  to  view  some  other  places  where  he  designed  to  ap- 
point garisons,  in  order  to  prevent  the  sending  of  provisions 
into  Galway,  to  which  this  country  lies  contiguous.  I  was 
very  desirous  to  attend  him  according  to  my  duty,  but  he 
having  observed  my  distemper  to  continue  upon  me,  would 
not  permit  it ;  and  when  I  pressed  it  more  earnestly,  he 
positively  commanded  me  to  stay.  That  day  there  fell 
abundance  of  rain  and  snow,  which  was  accompanied  with 
a  very  high  wind,  whereby  the  Deputy  took  a  very  great 
cold  that  discovered  itself  immediately  upon  his  return  ; 
but  we  could  not  perswade  him  to  go  to  bed,  till  he  had 
determined  a  cause  that  was  before  him  and  the  court 
martial,  touching  an  officer  of  the  army,  who  was  accused 
of  some  violence  done  to  the  Irish  ;  and  as  in  all  cases  he 
carried  himself  with  the  utmost  impartiality,  so  he  did  in 
this,  dismissing  the  officer,  tho  otherwise  an  useful  man, 
from  his  command  for  the  same.    The  next  day  we  marched 

'  On  the  Barony  of  Burren,  see  Prendergast,  Cromwellian  Settlement, 
pp.  121,  12a. 


His  neglect  of  his  health.  293 

towards  Clare  Castle,  and  found  the  way  so  rocky,  that  we  165a 
rode  near  three  miles  together  upon  one  of  them,  whereby 
most  of  our  horses  cast  their  shoes  ;  so  that  though  every 
troop  came  provided  with  horse-shoes,  which  were  delivered 
to  them  out  of  the  stores,  yet  before  that  day^s  march  was 
over,  a  horse-shoe  was  sold  for  five  shillings. 

The  next  morning  the  Lady  Honoria  O'Bryan,  daughter 
to  the  late  Earl  of  Thomond  ^,  being  accused  of  protecting 
the  goods  and  cattle  of  the  enemy,  under  pretence  that 
they  belonged  to  her,  and  thereby  abusing  the  favour 
of  the  Deputy's  safeguard,  which  he  had  granted  to  her, 
came  to  him ;  and  being  charged  by  him  with  it,  and  told, 
that  he  expected  a  more  ingenuous  carriage  from  her  ;  she 
burst  out  into  tears,  and  assured  him,  if  he  would  forgive 
her,  that  she  would  never  do  the  like  again,  desiring  me, 
after  the  Deputy  was  withdrawn,  to  intercede  with  him  for 
the  continuance  of  his  favour  to  her:  which  when  I  ac- 
quainted him  with,  he  said,  '  As  much  a  cynick  as  I  am, 
the  tears  of  this  woman  moved  me;'  and  thereupon  gave 
order  that  his  protection  should  be  continued  to  her.  From 
hence  I  would  have  attended  him  to  Limerick  ;  but  so 
much  more  care  did  he  take  of  me  than  of  himself,  that  he 
would  not  suffer  it ;  desiring  me  to  go  that  day,  being 
Saturday,  and  quarter  at  Bonratto,  a  house  of  the  Earl  of 
Thomond's,  in  order  to  recover  my  health,  and  to  come 
to  him  on  Monday  morning  at  Limerick.  Accordingly  I 
came,  and  found  the  Deputy  grown  worse,  having  been  let 
blood,  and  sweating  exceedingly,  with  a  burning  fever  at 
the  same  time.  Yet  for  all  this  he  ceased  not  to  apply  him- 
self to  the  publick  business,  settling  garisons  and  distributing 
winter-quarters,  which  was  all  that  remained  to  be  done 
of  the  military  service  for  that  year.  I  endeavoured  to 
perswade  him,  as  I  had  often  done  before,  that  his  im- 
moderate labours  for  his  country  would  much  impair,  if 

*  Honoria,  or Honora,  5th daughter  shire,     (2)     Sir     Robert     Howard, 

of  Henry,  5th  Earl  of  Thomond  (d.  Auditor  of  the  Exchequer,  6th  son 

i639\     She  married  (i)  Sir  Francis  of  Thomas,  first  Earl  of  Berkshire. 

Englefield  of  Wotton-Basset  in  Wilt-  Lodge,  Peerage  of  Ireland,  i.  261. 


294  '^^^^  death  of  Ireton. 

1652  not  utterly  destroy  him;  but  he  had  so  totally  neglected 
himself  during  the  siege  of  Limerick,  not  putting  off  his 
clothes  all  that  time,  except  to  change  his  linen,  that  the 
malignant  humours  which  he  had  contracted,  wanting  room 
to  perspire,  became  confined  to  his  body,  and  rendred  him 
more  liable  to  be  infected  by  the  contagion.  I  was  un- 
willing to  leave  him  till  I  saw  the  event  of  his  distemper ; 
but  he  supposing  my  family  was  by  this  time  come  to 
Dublin  \  would  not  permit  me  to  stay,  and  I  finding  I 
could  in  no  way  be  serviceable  to  him,  submitted  to  his 
desires.  I  found  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament  at 
Dublin,  and  acquainted  them  with  the  state  of  affairs  in 
those  parts  from  whence  I  came,  and  with  the  resolutions 
taken  by  the  Deputy  at  Limerick ;  but  soon  after  my 
Nov.  26.  arrival,  the  sad  news  of  his  death  was  brought  to  us,  which 
was  universally  lamented  by  all  good  men,  more  especially 
because  the  publick  was  thereby  deprived  of  a  most  faith- 
ful, able  and  useful  servant  ^. 

The  Commissioners  of  Parliament  taking  into  their  con- 
sideration what  method  to  observe  in  that  conjuncture,  and 
presuming  that  my  command  in  the  army  was  next  to  that 
Dec.  2.  of  the  Deputy,  resolved  by  a  letter  to  acquaint  the  officers 
of  our  forces  in  Ireland  with  their  judgment,  and  to  require 
them  to  yield  obedience  to  me  accordingly.  I  earnestly 
desired  them  to  forbear  sending  any  such  letter,  which  I 
did,  not  out  of  a  feigned  modesty,  but  from  a  real  sense  of 
the  weight  of  such  an  undertaking,  and  my  own  inability  to 
perform  the  duty  of  that  important  station  ^     For  tho  the 

'  The    Commissioners    wrote    to  ^  For  comments  on  Ireton's  death, 

Ludlow  from    Dubhn   on    Nov.   25,  see  the  letters  of  Col.  Thomas  Her- 

saying:  'The  cross  winds  and  tern-  bert  (Gary,    Memorials  of  the  Civil 

pestuous    weather    of   late    we    do  War,  ii.  391),  Col.  Hewson  (Several 

believe  doth  keep  your  Lady  from  Proceedings,    p.     1780),   and    Lord 

coming  over  to  this  place,  but  we  do  Broghil     (Mercurius     Politicus,     p. 

hear   that    Captain    Sherwin,    Com-  1301). 

mander  of  a  very  good  frigate,  lies  ^  Documents     relating     to     Lud- 
at   Beaumaris,  who    is    and    will    be  low's    appointment    as  Commander- 
ready  to  convoy  your  Lady  by  the  in-Chief  are  printed  in  the  Appen- 
first    opportunity.'      Irish    Records,  dix. 
A 


8y 


49,  P-  234. 


Reflections  07i  his  fimeral.  295 

work  seemed  to  be  almost  finished,  yet  there  remained  great  1651 
difficulties  behind,  the  enemy  possessing  some  strong  places 
and  islands,  and  having  many  thousands  yet  in  the  field  ; 
there  being  also  in  the  Parliament's  pay  between  seven  and 
eight  thousand  horse  and  dragoons,  with  above  two  and 
twenty  thousand  foot.  For  these  and  other  reasons  I  desired 
them  that  they  would  reserve  the  power  to  themselves,  till 
the  Parliament  should  send  over  some  person  to  undertake 
that  employment ;  which  they  might  do  soon  enough,  the 
season  of  action  being  already  past,  the  troops  dispersed 
into  their  winter-quarters,  and  nothing  of  importance  likely 
to  be  done  before  the  next  spring  ;  acquainting  them,  that 
being  one  of  their  number,  I  could  be  as  serviceable  in  their 
deliberations  and  resolutions,  as  if  I  were  entrusted  with  the 
sole  power.  But  all  that  I  could  say  was  not  sufficient  to 
disswade  them  from  sending  the  letter  before  mentioned  ; 
and  tho  it  met  with  a  general  submission,  yet  I  resolved  not 
to  undertake  any  thing  without  their  advice  and  consent, 
which  they  readily  promised  to  afford  me. 

Some  of  General  Cromwell's  relations,  who  were  not 
ignorant  of  his  vast  designs  now  on  foot,  caused  the  body 
of  the  Lord  Deputy  Ireton  to  be  transported  into  England, 
and  solemnly  interred  at  Westminster  in  a  magnificent 
monument  at  the  publick  charge  ^ ;  who  if  he  could  have 
foreseen  what  was  done  by  them,  would  certainly  have 
made  it  his  desire  that  his  body  might  have  found  a  grave 
where  his  soul  left  it,  so  much  did  he  despise  those 
pompous  and  expensive  vanities  ;  having  erected  for  him- 
self a  more  glorious  monument  in  the  hearts  of  good  men, 
by  his  affection  to  his  country,  his  abilities  of  mind,  his 
impartial  justice,  his  diligence  in  the  publick  service,  and 
his  other  vertues,  which  were  a  far  greater  honour  to  his 
memory,  than  a  dormitory  amongst  the  ashes  of  kings,  who, 
for  the  most  part,  as  they  had  governed  others  by  their 

'  On  Ireton's  funeral,  see  Life  of  Fifth-monarchy   men   and    advanced 

Col.  Hutchinson,  ii.   i86,  ed.   1885;  Republicans;  Cal.S. P.  Dom.,  1652-3, 

Mercurius    Politicus,    p.    1299.      Its  p.  425. 
pomp    was    very   offensive    to    the 


296  Ay  setters  expedition  to  Barbadoes. 

1651      passions,  so  were  they  themselves  as  much  governed  by 
them. 

June  2.         The  Isles  of  Scilly  and  Man  were  reduced  to  the  obedience 

Oct.  31.  of  the  Commonwealth ;  but  nothing  extraordinary  happening 
at  their  reduction,  at  least  not  coming  to  my  knowledge,  I 
purposely  omit  the  relation  of  those  actions  ^ 

About  this  time  we  were  informed  that  Sir  George  Ayscue? 
who  had  been  sent  by  the  Parliament  to  the  Western 
Islands,  which  still  continued  in  arms  against  them,  arrived 

Oct.  16.  at  the  Barbadoes  on  the  26th  of  October,  1651,  and  having 
opened  a  passage  into  the  harbour  by  firing  some  great 

Oct.  17.  shot,  seized  upon  twelve  of  their  ships  without  opposition^. 
The  next  morning  he  sent  a  summons  to  the  Lord 
Willoughby  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  the  Parliament 
of  England  ;  but  he  not  acknowledging  any  such  power, 
declared  his  resolution  to  keep  the  island  for  the  King's 
service.  But  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  Scots  and  their 
King  at  Worcester  being  brought  to  Sir  George  Ayscue, 
together  with  an  intercepted  letter  from   the  Lady  Wil- 

Nov.  12.  loughby,  containing  the  same  account;  he  summoned  him 
a  second  time,  and  accompanied  his  summons  with  his 
Lady's  letter  to  assure  him  of  the  truth  of  that  report. 
But  the  Lord  Willoughby  relying  upon  his  numbers,  and 
the  fewness  of  those  that  were  sent  to  reduce  him,  being  in 
all  but  fifteen  sail,  returned  an  answer  of  the  like  substance 

*  On  the  capture  of  Scilly,  see  Mer-  duction  of  the  island,  see  Cal.  S.  P., 

curius  Politicus,  1651,  pp.  766,  788,  Colonial,     1574-1660,    pp.     342-60, 

793>    8o7«    855,    865 ;    Several    Pro-  362-74  ;     Several     Proceedings     in 

ceedings,  pp.  1237,  1268,  1271,  1276,  Parliament,   pp.    1943,    2097;    Mer- 

1291  ;  Nicholas  Papers,  i.  250,  255.  curius  Politicus,  pp.  1422,  1429,1472, 

The  fleet  sailed  from  Plymouth  April  1563.       Ludlow      closely      follows 

12,  1651,  and  effected  a  landing  on  Ayscue's    letter   of    Feb.    26,    1652, 

Tresco  Island,  April  18.    An  account  printed    in    Mercurius    Politicus,    p. 

of  the  surrender  of  the  Isle  of  Man  1563,  April  22-29,  1652.    A  pamphlet 

is    printed    in    Mercurius    Politicus,  entitled  'A  brief  relation  of  the  be- 

Nov.  6-13,    1651,   p.    1 197.     It  was  ginning  and  ending  of  the  troubles 

surrendered  to  Col.  Robert  Duckin-  of  the  Barbadoes,  set  forth  by  A.  B.,' 

field  by  articles  dated  Oct.  31,  1651.  1653,  attributes  the  revolt  chiefly  to 

'^Ayscue    arrived    at    Barbadoes  the  intrigues  of  Col.  Humplirey  Wal- 

Oct.    16,  according  to  his  own  de-  rond  and  his  brother  Edward, 
spatch.     On  the  history  of  the  re- 


Landing  of  Ayscties  forces,  297 

with  the  former.  Whereupon  Sir  George  Ayscue  sent  two  1652 
hundred  men  on  shore,  commanded  by  Captain  Morrice^  Nov.  22. 
to  attack  a  quarter  of  the  enemy's  that  lay  by  the  harbour, 
which  they  executed  successfully  by  taking  the  fort  and 
about  forty  prisoners,  with  four  pieces  of  cannon,  which 
they  nailed  up,  and  returned  on  board  again.  At  this  Dec.  i. 
time  the  Virginia  fleet  arriving  at  the  Barbadoes,  it  was 
thought  fit  to  send  a  third  summons  to  the  Lord 
Willoughby;  but  finding  that  neither  this,  nor  the  de- 
claration sent  to  them  by  the  commissioners  of  Parliament 
to  the  same  purpose,  produced  any  effect,  Sir  George 
Ayscue  landed  seven  hundred  men  from  his  own  and 
the  Virginia  fleet,  giving  the  command  of  them  to  the  Dec.  7. 
same  Captain  Morrice,  who  fell  upon  thirteen  hundred 
of  the  enemy's  foot  and  three  troops  of  their  horse,  and 
beat  them  from  their  works,  killing  many  of  their  men,  and 
taking  about  a  hundred  prisoners,  with  all  their  guns.  The 
loss  on  our  side  was  inconsiderable,  few  of  ours  being  killed 
upon  the  place,  and  not  above  thirty  wounded.  Yet  these 
successes  were  not  sufficient  to  accomplish  the  work,  there 
being  above  five  thousand  horse  and  foot  in  the  island,  and 
our  Virginia  fleet  preparing  to  depart  for  want  of  provisions. 
In  this  conjuncture  Colonel  Muddiford,  who  commanded 
a  regiment  in  the  island,  by  the  means  of  a  friend  that 
he  had  in  our  fleet,  made  his  terms,  and  declared  for  the 
Parliament.  Many  of  his  friends  following  his  example, 
did  the  like,  and  in  conjunction  with  him  encamped  under 
the  protection  of  our  fleet.  Upon  this  the  most  part  of 
the  island  were  inclined  to  join  us  ;  but  the  Lord  Willoughby 
prevented  them  by  placing  guards  on  all  the  avenues  to  our 
camp,  and  designed  to  charge  our  men  with  his  body  of 
horse,  wherein  he  was  much  superior  to  them,  had  not 
a  cannon-ball  that  was  fired  at  random,  beat  open  the  door 
of  a  room,  where  he  and  his  council  of  war  were  sitting ; 
which  taking  off  the  head  of  the  sentinel  who  was  placed 
at  the  door,  so  alarmed  them  all,  that  he  changed  his 
design,  and  retreated  to  a  place  two  miles  distant  from  the 
harbour.     Our  party,  consisting  of  two  thousand  foot  and 


298     Stibmission  of  Barbadoes  and  Vwginia. 

1652  one  hundred  horse^  advancing  towards  him,  he  desired  to 
treat ;  which  being  accepted,  Colonel  Muddiford,  Colonel 
Collyton,  Mr.  Searl  and  Captain  Pack,  were  appointed 
commissioners  by  Sir  George  Ayscue ;  and  by  the  Lord 
Willoughby,  Sir  Richard  Pierce,  Mr.  Charles  Pym,  Colonel 

Jan.  II.  Ellis  and  Major  Byham.  By  these  it  was  concluded,  that 
the  i.slands  of  Barbadoes,  Mevis,  Antego  and  St.  Christophers 
should  be  surrendered  to  the  Parliament  of  England  :  that 
the  Lord  Willoughby,  Colonel  Walrond,  and  some  others, 
should  be  restored  to  their  estates  ;  and  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  said  isles  should  be  maintained  in  the  quiet  enjoyment 
of  what  they  possessed,  on  condition  to  do  nothing  to  the 
March  12  prejudice  of  the  Commonwealth.  This  news  being  brought 
to  Virginia,  they  submitted  also,  where  one  Mr.  George 
Ludlow,  a  relation  of  mine\  served  the  Parliament  in 
the  like  manner  as  Colonel  Muddiford  had  done  at  the 
Barbadoes. 
1651  The  Parliament  of  England  being  desirous  after  all  these 

successes,  to  convince  even  their  enemies,  that  their  principal 
design  was  to  procure  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  all 
that  were  under  their  government,  sent  commissioners  to 
Scotland  to  treat  concerning  an  union  of  that  nation  with 
England  in  one  Commonwealth  ;  directing  them  to  take 
care,  till  that  could  be  effected,  that  obedience  should 
be  given  to  the  authority  of  the  Parliament  of  the  Common- 

Oct.  23.  wealth  of  England.  The  commissioners  appointed  to  this 
end  on  the  part  of  the  Parliament,  were  Sir  Henry  Vane, 
the  Chief  Justice  St.  Johns,  Mr.  Fenwick,  Major  Salloway, 
Major-General  Lambert,  Colonel  Titchborn,  Major-General 
Dean  and  Colonel  Monk.  This  proposition  of  union  was 
cheerfully  accepted  by  the  most  judicious  amongst  the 
Scots,  who  well  understood  how  great  a  condescension 
it  was  in  the  Parliament  of  England,  to  permit  a  people 

*  George  Ludlow,  son  of  Thomas  1650.     Cal.   S.    P.,   Colonial,    1574- 

Ludlow  of  Dinton,  bapt.   Sept.   15,  1660,  p.  340.     On  the  surrender  of 

1596  ;    will    proved   Aug.    i,    1656.  Virginia,  see  Mercurius  Politicus,  p. 

He  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  1605;    the   articles   are   printed    p. 

council   of  Virginia,  by   commission  1615;  cf.  Thurloe,  i.  197. 
from   Charles  II  at  Breda,  June  3, 


The  Dutch  mid  the  Navigation  Act.       299 

they   had   conquered,  to    have   a   part   in   the   legislative       165 1 
power  ^. 

The  States-General  being  highly  displeased  with  the  late 
Act  of  Navigation  passed  by  the  Parliament,  which  they  Oct.  9. 
accounted  to  be  a  great  obstruction  to  their  trade,  resolved 
to  leave  no  means  unattempted  to  procure  it  to  be  repealed. 
To  this  end  they  sent  three  ambassadors  to  England,  who 
pretending  a  desire  to  finish  the  treaty  begun  formerly  Dec.  19. 
between  the  two  States,  requested  that  things  might  be 
as  they  were  at  the  time  of  our  ambassador's  departure 
from  Holland,  designing  thereby  that  the  Act  lately  passed 
for  the  encouragement  of  our  seamen  should  be  suspended, 
and  all  such  merchandizes  restored  as  had  been  seized  from 
the  Dutch  by  virtue  of  the  said  Act.  The  Parliament 
refusing  to  consent  to  this  proposal,  the  States-General 
gave  orders  for  the  equipping  a  considerable  fleet,  con- 
sisting of  about  a  hundred  ships  of  war,  giving  notice  to 
the  Parliament  by  their  ambassadors  of  these  preparations, 
and  assuring  them  that  they  were  not  design'd  to  offend 
the  English  nation,  with  whom  they  desired  to  maintain 
a  friendly  correspondence,  and  that  they  were  provided 
to  no  other  end,  than  to  protect  their  own  subjects  in  their 
trade  and  navigation.  But  the  Parliament  being  unwilling 
to  rely  upon  the  promises  of  those,  who  by  their  past  and 
present  actions  had  manifested  little  friendship  to  us, 
resolved  to  make  what  preparations  they  could  to  defend 
themselves  ^. 

This  alarm  awakened  us  to  a  diligent  performance  of  our 
duty  in  Ireland,  fearing  that  the  Hollanders  might  transport 
some  foreign  forces  by  their  fleet,  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Irish,  who  were  not  only  still  numerous  in  the  field,  but  had 
also  divers  places  of  strength  to  retreat  to.  Our  suspicions 
were  farther  increased  by  the  advices  we  received  of  a 
treaty  on  foot  between  the  Duke  of  Lorain  and  Theobald 
Viscount  Tafif,  with  other  Irish,  to  bring  the  forces  of  that 

1  On  the  union  with  Scotland,  see  ^  See  Geddes,  John  De   Witt,  i. 

Godwin,    Commonwealth,    iii.    310;       193. 
Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  iv.  302,  360. 


300    The  h'ish  treat  with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine. 

1651  Duke  into  Ireland  against  us,  in  order  to  extirpate  all 
hereticks  out  of  that  nation,  to  re-establish  the  Romish 
religion  in  all  parts  of  it,  and  to  restore  the  Irish  to  their 
possessions  ;  all  which  being  performed,  he  should  deliver 
up  the  authority  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  assist 
him  against  his  rebellious  subjects  in  England  :  that  all 
Ireland  should  be  ingaged  for  his  re-imbursenient :  that 
Galvvay,  Limerick,  Athenree,  Athlone,  Waterford,  and  the 
fort  of  Duncannon,  should  be  put  into  his  hands  as  cautionary 
places,  with  other  things  of  the  same  nature^.  The  report 
of  this  agreement  being  spread  amongst  the  Irish,  en- 
couraged them  to  make  all  possible  opposition  against 
us,  in  expectation  of  the  promised  succours.  The  Com- 
missioners of  the  Parliament  on  the  other  hand,  laboured 
with  all  diligence  to  dispose  their  affairs  in  the  best  manner 
they  could  for  the  publick  service ;  in  order  to  which  they 
sent  to  the  several  commanders  of  our  army  to  excite  them 
to  the  discharge  of  their  duty,  making  provision  of  arms, 
ammunition,  clothes,  tents,  and  all  things  necessary  to  the 
carrying  on  the  war  in  the  ensuing  spring.  A  general 
meeting  of  officers  was  also  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Kilkenny  to  consult  about  the  best  method  of  employing 
our  arms  against  the  enemy  ^ :  and  because  the  propositions 
offered  by  the  late  Lord  Deputy  to  those  of  Gal  way  had 
been  no  farther  prosecuted  by  reason  of  his  death,  orders 

Dec.  3.  were  dispatched  to  Sir  Charles  Coote,  authorizing  him  to 
conclude  with  them,  in  case  they  should  accept  the  conditions 
at  or  before  the  ninth  of  the  next  January^.     According  to 

'   On    tlic    negotiations   with    the  '  deputies  authorised   on   the    behalf 

Duke  of   Lorraine,  see   Memoirs  of  of  the  kingdom   and  people  of  Ire- 

Ulick,  Marquis  of  Clanricarde,  folio,  land '  (ib.  p.  35). 

1757,  Appendix:  'The  Proceedings  ^  The    Commissioners     came     to 

of  the  treaty  between  the  Duke  of  Kilkenny  on   Dec.  20,  1651.     Their 

Lorraine's     Ambassador     and    me.'  policy  is  set  forth  at  length    in  the 

A  treaty  was  signed  between  Clanri-  letters   and    declarations    printed  in 

carde  and  Stephen  de  Henin,   Lor-  the  Appendix. 

raine's  ambassador  on  April  4,  1651  '  The    Commissioners    wrote    to 

(ib.  p.  19),  and  another  July  2,  1651,  Coote  on  Dec.  3:   'We  have  upon 

between  Lord  TaafTe,   .Sir  Nicholas  debate    thought    it    convenient    to 

Plunkett,     and     Geoffrey    Browne,  advise  your  Lordship  to  proceed  in 


Policy  of  the  Parliamentary  Commissioners.  301 

their  orders  the  officers  met  at  Kilkenny,  by  whom  being  1653 
informed  of  what  they  thought  necessary  for  the  ensuing 
service,  we  acquainted  the  Parliament  and  Council  of  State 
with  the  particulars  of  such  things  as  were  requisite,  desiring 
them  to  send  them  over  with  all  convenient  speed,  that 
no  time  might  be  lost  when  the  season  of  the  year  should 
permit  us  to  take  the  field.  We  published  two  proclamations 
to  prevent  the  country  from  supplying  the  enemy  with  arms 
and  other  necessaries  ;  wherein  drawing  a  line  as  it  were 
about  the  Irish  quarters,  we  required  all  persons  to  withdraw  Feb.  13. 
themselves  and  their  goods  from  the  places  of  their  resort 
within  a  limited  time  ;  which  if  they  refused  to  do,  we 
declared  them  enemies,  and  ordered  all  officers  and  souldiers 
to  treat  them  accordingly:  commanding  also  all  smiths,  Jan.  13. 
armourers  and  sadlers  that  lived  in  the  country  to  retire 
in  twenty  days  with  all  their  families,  forges  and  instru- 
ments, into  some  garison  of  the  Parliament,  on  pain  of 
forfeiture  of  their  goods  and  tools,  besides  six  months' 
imprisonment  for  the  first  offence,  and  of  death  for  the 
second.  We  ordered  also  that  all  those  who  had  withdrawn 
themselves  out  of  our  protection,  and  joined  with  the 
enemy,  since  the  coming  over  of  General  Cromwell,  should 
be  deprived  of  the  benefit  of  quarter.     Having  published 


the   treaty  with   Galwa^^   according  cessions  and  explanations  thereupon. 

to  the  articles  proposed  by  the  late  The  articles  you  may   (if  you   find 

Lord    Deputy   to    them,    being    the  it    necessary)    communicate    to    the 

same  formerly  offered  to  the  city  of  governor  and  inhabitants  of  the  town. 

Limerick.     If  they  shall  make  such  But  the  exceptions  and  answers  to 

exceptions  to  the  proposals   as   the  them  you   are  to   keep   to    yourself 

Commissioners  of  Limerick  did,  you  to    make    use    of  as   you    shall  find 

may  make  to  them  the  like  explana-  .       •     r  •  i    t>  j      A 

.   ■'  ,  .      T       .  .  •  ,  occasion.       Irish  Records,   --  49,  p. 

tion    as    his    Lordship    made    to    as  89 

many  of  their  exceptions  as  you  260.  These  articles  and  the  answers 
conceive  to  be  of  public  advantage  to  the  exceptions  of  the  Limerick 
to  grant.  And  for  your  clearer  commissioners  are  reprinted  by  Mr. 
understanding  of  our  intention  in  Gilbert,  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii. 
this  particular,  we  have  sent  you  241.  The  limitation  of  time  men- 
inclosed  a  copy  of  our  resolution  tioned  by  Ludlow  is  not  stated  in 
upon  the  debate  together  with  copies  this  letter,  but  is  mentioned  in  the 
of  the  said  articles  and  of  the  ex-  remarks  on  the  Galway  negotiations 
ceptions   thereunto,   and    the    con-  in  Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  1559. 


302     Preparations  for  the  siege  of  Galway. 

J652  these  and  other  orders  of  the  like  tenoiir,  we  appointed 
the  Lord  Broghil,  Commissary-General  Reynolds,  Sir 
Hardress  Waller,  Colonel  Axtel,  and  the  rest  of  the  officers, 
to  cause  them  to  be  put  in  execution,  as  occasion  should 
require. 

Having  finished  our  affairs  at  Kilkenny,  and  dismissed 
the  officers  to  their  respective  quarters,  I  resolved   to  go 

Feb.  to  Portumna  to  make  all  things  ready  for  the  siege  of 
Galway.  Being  on  my  march  on  the  other  side  of  Nenagh, 
an  advanced  party  found  two  of  the  rebels,  one  of  whom 
was  killed  by  the  guard  before  I  came  up  to  them,  the 
other  was  saved  ;  and  being  brought  before  me  at  Portumna, 
and  I  asking  him  if  he  had  a  mind  to  be  hanged  ?  he  only 
answered,  'If  you  please';  so  insensibly  stupid  were  many 
of  these  poor  creatures.  The  Commissioners  having  done 
their  business  in  this  place,  and  given  directions  for  the 
carrying  on  the  siege  of  Galway,  with  power  to  treat,  as 
before  mentioned,  to  Sir  Charles  Coote,  we  returned  to 
Dublin,  and  at  our  arrival  were  informed,  that  the  barony  of 

1651  Burren  relying  upon  the  security  of  their  places  of  retreat, 
I^ec.       had    refused    to    pay   the    contributions    which   they    had 

promised ;  upon  which  Sir  Hardress  Waller  had  been 
obliged  to  lay  the  country  waste,  and  to  seize  what  he 
could  find,  that  it  might  be  no  longer  useful  to  the  enemy  ^, 
We  had  advice  also  from  Ulster,  that  some  of  our  troops 
had  killed  and  drowned  about  a  hundred  and  forty  Tories 
who  infested  that  province  with  their  robberies. 

1652  The  time  limited    by   the   proclamation,  requiring   the 
Feb.  28.    Irish  to  withdraw  from  the  places  mentioned  therein,  being 

expired,  I  marched  with  a  party  of  horse  and  foot  into  the 
fastnesses  of  Wicklo,  as  well  to  make  examples  of  such  as 
had  not  obeyed  the  proclamation,  as  to  place  a  garison 
there,  to  prevent  the  excursions  of  the  enemy.  Talbots- 
town  was  the  place  I  thought  fittest  for  that  end  ;  which 
having  rcndrcd  defensible  against  any  sudden  attempt,  and 
furnished  with  all  things  necessary,  I  marched  farther  into 

*  An  account  of  this    foray  is  given  in  Several    Proceedings,   p.    1933, 

and  Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  1375. 


Forays  into  the  Irish  quarters.  303 

the  country.  The  next  morning  I  divided  my  men  into  1652 
three  parties,  sending  away  Colonel  Pretty  with  one  of 
them  to  his  own  quarters,  lest  the  enemy  should  fall  upon 
them  in  his  absence  ;  with  the  other  two  we  scoured  by 
different  ways  the  passes  and  retreats  of  the  Irish,  but  met 
not  with  many  of  them ;  our  parties  being  so  big,  that  the 
Irish,  who  had  sentinels  placed  upon  every  hill,  gave  notice 
of  our  march  to  their  friends  :  so  that  upon  our  approach, 
they  still  fled  to  their  bogs  and  woods.  When  I  came  to 
Dundrum,  a  place  lying  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  quarters, 
I  perceived  the  walls  and  roof  of  an  old  church  standing, 
wherein  I  placed  captain  Jacob  with  his  company;  who 
was  afterwards  very  serviceable  against  the  enemy.  The 
like  methods  being  taken  by  the  Lord  Broghil,  Colonel 
Zanchey,  Colonel  Abbot  and  other  ofificers,  the  Irish  were 
reduced  to  great  extremities^. 

About  fourscore  of  the  inhabitants  of  Galway  went 
privately  out  of  the  town,  and  seizing  a  hundred  head  of 
cattel,  designed  to  drive  them  thither ;  but  being  upon 
their  return,  they  were  met  by  a  party  of  ours,  who  killed 
threescore  of  them,  and  recovered  all  the  cattel.  This 
disappointment  was  attended  with  another  much  greater  ; 
for  two  vessels  loaden  with  corn  endeavouring  to  get  into 
the  harbour  of  Galway,  being  pursued  by  two  of  our  frigats, 
one  of  them  was  taken,  and  the  other  forced  upon  the  rocks 
near  the  Isle  of  Arran,  where  she  was  lost. 

The    Parliament    having    received    an   account   of   the 

'  A  letter  from  Col.  George  Cooke  our  quarters  every  morning  and  con- 
to  the  Commissioners  (^March  17,  tinued  burning  all  day  after.  He 
1652)  explains  the  nature  of  these  was  an  idle  soldier  that  had  not 
forays  :  '  In  searching  the  woods  and  either  a  fat  lamb,  veale,  pig,  poultry, 
bogs  we  found  great  store  of  corn,  or  all  of  them,  every  night  to  his 
which  we  burnt ;  also  all  the  houses  supper.  The  enemy  of  these  parts 
and  cabins  we  could  finde  ;  in  all  of  chiefly  depended  upon  this  country 
which  we  found  great  plenty  of  corn;  for  provisions:  I  believe  we  have 
we  continued  burning  and  destroy-  destroyed  as  much  as  would  have 
ing  for  four  dales,  in  which  time  we  served  some  thousands  of  them  un- 
wanted no  provision  for  horse  or  till  next  harvest.'  Cooke  was  killed 
man,  finding  also  houses  enough  for  on  April  i  by  Captain  Nash.  Several 
our  men  to  lye  in,  though  we  burnt  Proceedings,  pp.  2055,  2063. 


304         Overtures  f7'om  the  Irish  leaders. 

1652  hopeful  condition  of  their  affairs  in  Ireland,  and  of  the 
great  appearance  there  was  of  a  speedy  determination  of 
that  war,  appointed  a  committee  to  summon  before  them 

Jan.  30.  those  adventurers,  who  in  the  year  1641  had  advanced 
monies  upon  the  lands  in  Ireland.  The  said  persons  being 
met  at  Grocers-Hall,  chose  twenty-eight  deputies  to  manage 
the  business  with  the  committee  in  the  names  of  all  the 
rest.  In  conformity  to  this  proceeding  the  Commissioners 
of  Parliament  in  Ireland  began  to  consider  of  qualifications 
and  heads  under  which  the  Irish  should  be  brought,  that 
the  innocent  might  be  freed  from  their  fears  and  appre- 
hensions ;  that  justice  might  be  done,  and  the  guilty 
punished  according  to  the  different  nature  of  their  crimes : 
of  which  the  Irish  having  notice,  and  considering  the 
declining  condition  of  their  affairs  in  all  parts,  sent  a  letter 
directed  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament  of  England 
from  the  principal,  as  they  called  themselves,  of  the  king- 

Feb.  20.  dom  of  Ireland,  and  subscribed  by  Gerald  Fitz-Gerald,  on 
the  behalf  of  their  assembly  held  at  Glanmaliero  in  the 
province  of  Leinster^;  representing,  that  being  advised  that 
the  Commonwealth  of  England  is  in  a  condition  to  give 
honourable  and  sure  terms  to  them,  they  are  in  an  entire 
disposition  to  receive  them  ;  and  to  that  effect  desire  in  the 
name  of  that  and  the  rest  of  the  provinces,  a  safe  conduct 
for  every  one  of  them,  with  blanks  subscribed  to  that  end, 
that  they  may  impower  and  send  some  of  their  members  to 
present  propositions  to  the  commissioners  that  are  or  should 

March  12.  be  authorized  to  that  purpose.  To  this  the  Commissioners 
answered  in  substance,  that  tho  the  letter  was  subscribed 
by  one,  under  the  pretext  of  an  authority  which  they  could 
not  own  without  prejudice  to  that  of  the  Parliament ;  yet 
for  the  satisfaction  of  those  concerned,  they  thought  fit  to 
declare,  that  the  establishment  of  this  nation  doth  of  right 
belong  only  to  the  Parliament  of  England^  who  will  dis- 

'  The    two    Declarations    of    the  the  further  propositions  made  by  the 

Commissioners   in   answer  to   these  Leinster   envoys,   see    Aphorismical 

overtures  are  printed  in  the  Appendix.  Discovery,  iii.  60-64;  Several  Pro- 

For  Gerald  Fitzgerald's   letter,  and  ceedings  in  Parliament,  pp.  2045-9. 


Clanricarde s  letter  to  Ludlow.  305 

tinguish  those  who  have  always  Hved  peaceably,  or  have  165^ 
already  submitted  to  their  authority,  and  put  themselves 
under  their  protection,  from  such  as  have  committed  and 
countenanced  the  murders  and  massacres  of  the  Protestants 
during  the  first  year  of  the  rebellion,  as  well  as  from  those 
who  continue  still  in  arms  to  oppose  their  authority  :  that 
they  cannot  in  justice  consent  to  an  act  so  prejudicial  to  the 
peace  of  the  country,  as  would  involve  quiet  and  peaceable 
people  in  the  same  prosecution  with  those  who  are  in  open 
hostility :  that  they  cannot  grant  safe  conducts  to  such  as 
persist  in  their  opposition  to  the  Parliament,  to  assemble 
from  all  provinces,  and  to  communicate  their  designs  to 
each  other :  but  that  all  those  who  will  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  submit  to  the  Commonwealth,  shall  have  as 
favourable  conditions  as  they  can  justly  expect  ^. 

This  resolution  of  the  Commissioners  being  made  publick. 
the  Irish  fell  upon  another  expedient :  in  pursuance  of 
which  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  who  had  been  left  deputy 
by  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  sent  a  letter  directed  to  me,  then 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  forces  of  the  Parliament  in 
Ireland,  in  the  words  following. 

'Sir; 
'  Many  of  the  nobility,  clergy,  and  other  persons  of 
quality,  subjects  of  this  kingdom,  with  the  corporation  of 
Galway,  having  considered  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and 
the  ruinous  effects  which  this  long  Avar  hath  produced,  have 
solicited  me  to  desire  of  you  a  conference  for  the  establish- 
ment of  the  repose  of  this  nation,  and  to  obtain  a  safe  con- 
duct for  the  commissioners,  whom  by  their  advice  I  shall 

'   Ludlow's  account  of  his   corre-  dated    March    2,    reprinted    in    the 

spondence  with    Clanricarde    is    in-  Appendix.     Clanricarde's  letter  was 

accurate.    Clanricarde's  letter  should  sent  first   to  Coote,  and    forwarded 

be  dated  Feb.   14,  Ludlow's  answer  by   him    to    Ludlow.     Several    Pro- 

Feb.  24,  as  the  copies  in  the  Irish  ceedings,  p.    1998;    Mercurius  Poli- 

Records  show.      See  also  Aphoris-  ticus,  p.    1466.     The  dates  assigned 

mical  Discovery,  iii.  57.     The  word-  in  the  newspapers  vary.     Ludlow's 

ing  of  the   letters   is  also  different.  answer    to    another    overture,    from 

Ludlow      announced      Clanricarde's  Sir  Richard  Blake,   is  given  in   the 

overtures  to   Parliament  in  a  letter  Appendix. 
VOL.  I.                                            X 


3o6  Ludlow  s  anszver  to  Clanricarde, 

1652  judg  capable  to  be  sent  to  you  for  that  end.  It  is  this 
which  hath  obh'ged  me  to  send  you  an  express,  with  this 
protestation,  that  I  shall  not  abandon  them,  till  I  see  such 
conditions  granted  them,  as  they  may  with  honour  accept : 
for  want  of  which  I  am  resolved  to  continue  the  authority 
and  protection  of  his  Majesty  over  them,  even  to  extremity, 
not  doubting  but  by  Divine  assistance,  with  the  forces  we 
have  already,  and  the  succours  which  shall  be  sent  us  by 
his  Majesty  and  allies,  we  shall  be  found  in  a  condition  to 
change  the  present  state  of  affairs,  or  at  least  to  render  your 
former  conquests  of  little  advantage,  and  in  the  end  to  sell 
our  lives  at  a  dear  rate  if  we  shall  be  forced  thereto  :  the 
which  leaving  to  your  consideration,  and  expecting  your 
certain  answer  and  resolution,  I  remain, 

Sir,  your  Servant, 
24  March,  1652.  CLANRICKARD. 

'POSTSCRIPT. 

'  If  you  please  to  send  a  safe  conduct,  I  desire  it  may  be 
addressed  to  Sir  Charles  Coote,  or  whom  you  shall  think  fit 
near  to  this  place,  with  a  pass  for  the  number  of  five  com- 
missioners, and  their  retinue  of  about  twenty  persons,  to 
the  end  that  having  notice  thereof,  I  may  send  a  list  of  the 
names  of  the  said  commissioners.' 

To  this  I  returned  the  following  answer. 

'  My  Lord  ; 
'  In  answer  to  yours  of  the  24th  of  March,  by  which  you 
propose  a  treaty  for  the  settlement  of  this  country,  and 
desire  a  safe  conduct  for  the  commissioners  you  shall  judg 
fit  to  employ  in  the  management  of  that  affair,  I  think  fit, 
in  pursuance  of  the  advice  of  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Parliament  of  England,  and  of  many  officers  of  the  English 
army,  to  advertise  you,  as  hath  been  already  answered  to 
those  who  have  sent  propositions  of  the  like  nature,  that 
the  settlement  of  this  nation  doth  of  right  belong  to  the 
Parliament  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Enq;land.  to  whom  we 


Galway  surrenders  to  Coote.  307 

are  obliged  in  duty  to  leave  it ;  being  assured,  that  they  1652 
will  not  capitulate  with  those  who  ought  to  submit  to  them, 
and  yet  oppose  themselves  to  their  authority,  and  upon 
vain  and  frivolous  hopes  have  refused  such  offers  of  favour 
as  they  would  gladly  accept  at  present :  so  that  I  fear  they 
will  be  constrained  to  proceed  against  them  with  the  highest 
severity ;  which  that  you  may  prevent  by  your  timely  sub- 
mission, is  the  desire  of, 

My  Lord, 

Your  humble  Servant, 

Edmund  Ludlow.' 

That  passage  in  my  answer  touching  their  readiness  to 
accept  such  terms  as  they  had  formerly  rejected,  was 
grounded  upon  notice  sent  by  Sir  Charles  Coote  ^;  that  March  10. 
the  tovv-n  of  Galway,  since  the  time  limited  by  the  com- 
missioners for  their  submission  was  expired,  desired  a  Jan.  10. 
treaty :  whereupon  I  had  acquainted  him,  that  seeing  the 
besieged  had  refused  the  conditions  formerly  offered,  they 
ought  not  now  to  expect  the  like,  after  such  an  addition  of 
trouble  and  charge  as  they  had  lately  put  us  upon  ;  yet  for 
all  this  caution  Sir  Charles  Coote  concluded  a  treaty  with 
them,  immediately  after  the  return  of  my  answer  to  the 
Earl  of  Clanrickard  ;  upon  conditions  much  more  advan- 
tageous to  them  than  those  formerly  proposed,  and  very 
prejudicial  to  the  publick,  undertaking  to  get  them  ratified 

'  On   March   lo,   Coote  wrote  to  towne  will  goe  forward  in  a  treaty 

Ludlow  :     '  There    have    been    very  for  themselves. 

high  contests  in  the  town  of  Galway,  '  I  expect  some  publick  proposures 

betwixt  the  soldiery  and  the  town,  from    them    on    Tuesday  next,    and 

the  Lord  Clanrickard  joyning  with  have  had  good  ground  to  conceive 

the    souldiery,  pressing    the   towne  that   they  will   suddenly   submit    to 

not  to  submit  without  capitulating  for  the   first  Articles  sent  them  by  the 

the    nation;    which    the   town   hath  late  Lord  Deputy,  and  your  Honour's 

refused  to  concur  with  him  in,  but  order.     The  only  thing  which  they 

onely  to   capitulate   for  themselves,  scruple  at  is,  a  parting  with  a  third 

and  leave  the  country  to  themselves.  part    of   their   personall    estates    in 

And     though     Clanrickard     intends  town.'        Several     Proceedings     in 

another   addresse    unto    the    Lieut.-  Parliament,  p.  2057. 
Gen.  concerning  the  nation,  yet  the 

X    2 


3o8     Objections  to  Cootes  articles  with  Galway. 

1652  by  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament  within  twenty  days, 
and  in  the  mean  time  promising  that  they  should  be  in- 
violably observed  ^.  The  Commissioners  of  Parliament 
having  received  the  articles,  and  conceiving  it  to  be  unjust 
as  well  as  imprudent  to  give  the  best  terms  to  those  who 
made  the  longest  opposition,  and  of  what  dangerous  con- 
sequence it  might  be,  if  that  place  were  not  fully  secured 
April  10.  to  the  English  interest,  spent  the  w^iole  night  in  con- 
sultation with  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  in  the  end  re- 
solved, that  they  could  not  consent  that  any  should  receive 
the  benefit  of  those  articles  who  had  been  any  w^ay  con- 
cerned in  the  murdering  of  the  English  in  the  first  year  of 
the  war :  that  they  would  not  oblige  themselves  to  permit 
any  to  live  in  Galway  whom  they  should  hereafter  think  fit 
to  remove  from  thence  for  the  security  of  the  place  :  that 
they  cannot  consent  that  the  burgesses  shall  enjoy  any  more 
than  two  thirds  of  their  estates  lying  near  the  town  :  that 
they  will  not  suffer  the  habitations  of  such  as  have  been 
forced  to  quit  the  place  upon  the  account  of  their  affection 
to  the  Parliament,  to  be  detained  from  them.  With  these 
and  some  other  alterations  they  declared  their  consent  to 
the  rest  of  the  articles  before-mentioned  ;  which  if  those  of 
the  town  refused,  they  ordered  that  our  men  should  not 
enter  ;  and  if  entred,  that  they  should  restore  the  possession 
of  it  to  the  garison  ^ :  but  notwithstanding  this  expedition, 

'  Mercurius     Politicus,    p.     1550,  we  have  imparted  the  same  to  sundry 

notes:  'From  Dublin,  April  12.     On  officers    of  the    army    now    present 

Saturda}'    last   (April    10)  we    were  with  us,  and  after  consultation  and 

informed  by  letter  from  Sir  Charles  debate    had    thereupon,    could    not 

Coote  to  the  Commissioners  of  Parlia-  satisfy    ourselves    to    concur  to   the 

ment  signifying  that  Galloway  was  confirmation    thereof    as    now    they 

to  be  surrendered  upon  articles  by  stand,   and  therefore  by  the   advice 

12  of  the   clock  this  day,  and  how  of  the  said  officers  have  made  such 

that   he   had    received    hostages    for  resolutions    and    alterations    therein 

delivery  thereof.'  as   are    mentioned    in   the    inclosed, 

^  The    Commissioners    wrote    to  which  we  commend  unto  your  Lord- 

Coote  on  April  10:  'Your  Lordship's  ship's  care  to  communicate  to  the  in- 

letter  from  Terrilan  the  6th  instant  habitants  of  Galway,  and  to  let  them 

was  delivered  us  by  Col.  Cole  at  7  know  that  in  duty  and  honour  to  the 

this  evening,  and  we  finding  it  to  be  Parliament,   we    cannot    consent   to 

a  matter  of  very  great  concernment  the   articles    made   with   them    and 


Preparations  for  the   Union  with  Scotland.    309 

the  messenger  that  was  dispatched  with  the  resolutions  of  1652 
the  Commissioners,  came  too  late,  and  all  that  could  be 
obtained  was  a  promise  from  Sir  Charles  Coote,  to  en- 
deavour to  perswade  those  of  Galway  to  accept  of  the 
articles  with  the  amendments  made  by  the  Commissioners. 
The  Parliament  having  resolved  upon  the  incorporation 
of  Scotland  with  the  nation  of  England  into  one  free  state 
or  Commonwealth,  and  to  reimburse  themselves  some  part 
of  that  treasure  they  had  expended  in  their  own  defence 
against  the  invasions  of  the  Scots,  declared  the  goods  and  February. 
lands  formerly  belonging  to  the  Crown  of  Scotland  to  be 
confiscated,  and  also  those  that  were  possessed  by  such 
persons  as  had  assisted  in  the  invasion  of  England  by 
Duke  Hamilton  in  the  year  1648,  or  had  appeared  in  arms 
since,  under  the  King  of  Scots,  in  order  to  subvert  the 
present  government  ;  excepting  those  who  since  the  battel 
of  Dunbar  had  abandoned  the  said  King  of  Scots,  and  by 
their  merits  and  services  had  rendred  themselves  worthy  of 
favour  :  that  all  such  who  are  not  comprehended  under  the 
said  qualifications,  and  shall  concur  with  them  in  their  just 
enterprize,  shall  receive  the  benefit  of  their  protection,  and 
enjoy  their  liberties  and  goods  equally  with  the  free  people 
of  England.  In  pursuance  of  this  declaration  of  the  Par-  February. 
liament,  their  commissioners  in  Scotland  published  another, 
wherein  they  discharge  from  confiscation  all  merchants  and 
tradesmen,  who  possess  not  in  lands  or  goods  above  the 
value  of  five  hundred  pounds,  and  are  not  prisoners  of  war, 
souldiers  of  fortune,  moss-troopers,  or  such  as  have  killed 
or  committed  outrages  against  the  English  souldiers,  con- 
trary to  the  laws  and  customs  of  war.  They  also  emitted  a 
proclamation,  abolishing  in  the  name  of  the  Parliament  all  J'l"-  .^i- 
manner  of  authority  and  jurisdiction  derived  from  any  other 
power  but  that  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England^  as  well  in 


the    soldiers,    otherwise   than    with  and  Council  of  State  printed  in  the 

the  said  alterations.'     Irish  Records,  Appendix,  and  for  the  articles  and 

A  ^      o         ,        ,      ,  r  exceptions,  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp. 

—  50,  p.  46.     bee  also  the  letters  of  ^   ^      ^ 

90         "   ^  1559.  1636,  1647. 

the   Commissioners   to   the   Speaker 


3IO  The  Union  ivith  Scotland  and  Act  of  Amnesty. 

1652  Scotland  as  in  all  the  isles  belonging  to  it.  After  this 
they  summoned  the  counties,  cities  and  boroughs,  to  agree 
to  the  incorporation  before  mentioned  ;  of  which  eighteen 
of  one  and  thirty  counties,  and  twenty-four  of  fifty-six 
cities  and  boroughs  consented  to  send  their  deputies  to  the 
Parhament  of  England,  most  of  the  rest  excusing  them- 
selves for  want  of  money  to  defray  the  expences  of  their 
representatives  ^ 

This  business  being  accomplished,  and  an  Act  passed  for 
the  incorporation  of  England  and  Scotland  into  one  Com- 
monwealth, the  Parliament  were  prevailed  with  by  the 
importunities  of  some  of  their  own  members,  and  in 
particular  of  General  Cromwell,  that  so  he  might  fortify 
himself  by  the  addition  of  new  friends  for  the  carrying  on 

Feb.  24.  his  designs,  to  pass  an  Act  of  general  pardon  and  amnesty  : 
whereby  tho  it  had  thirty-eight  several  exceptions,  many 
persons  who  deserved  to  pay  towards  the  reimbursement  of 
the  publick  no  less  than  those  who  had  been  already  fined, 
escaped  the  punishment  due  to  their  misdemeanours,  and 
the  Commonwealth  was  defrauded  of  great  sums  of  money, 
by  which  means  they  were  rendred  unable  to  discharge 
many  just  debts  owing  to  such  as  had  served  them  with 
diligence  and  fidelity. 

In  Ireland  the  rebels  were  so  pressed  by  our  forces  in 
all  parts,  that  they  began  to  think  it  necessary  to  treat 
about  conditions  of  submission,  and  many  of  them  obtained 
liberty  to  be  transported  into  foreign  service  ;  wherein  the 
Commissioners  of  Parliament  assisted  them  with  ships :  so 
that   the   Irish   officers  were   in   many  places  deserted   by 

March  7.  their  own  souldicrs.  Col.  Fitzpatrick  was  the  first  who 
submitted,  on  condition  to  be  transported  with  his  regiment 
into  the  service  of  the  King  of  Spain,  which  was  a  great 
blow  to  the  Irish  Confederacy,  who  were  very  desirous  to 
treat   in    conjunction,  hoping   to   obtain    more   favourable 

'  SeeMercuriusPoliticus.pp.  1407,  M.-irch     16,     165  5,    C.  J.,   vii.    105. 

1431  ;  Several  Proceedings  in  Parlia-  For  the  answers  of  the  shires  and 

ment,    Feb.    19-26,    165] ;   and    Sir  burghs   of    Scotland,    see    Portland 

Henry  Vane's  report  to  Parliament,  Papers,  i.  626-45. 


Capitulations  of  Irish  leaders.  311 

terms,  in  consideration  of  their  numbers  ;  insomuch  that  1652 
they  published  declarations  against  him,  and  the  Irish 
clergy  excommunicated  him,  and  all  those  who  joined  with 
him  ^.  Notwithstanding  which  Col.  Odowyer,  Commander-  March  23. 
in-Chief  of  the  Irish  in  the  counties  of  Waterford  and 
Tipperary,  followed  his  example,  and  proposed  a  treaty  to 
Col.  Zanchey,  who  having  received  instructions  from  the 
Commissioners,  concluded  an  agreement  with  him  ;  the 
principal  articles  whereof  were  to  this  effect :  that  the  arms 
and  horses  belonging  to  the  brigade  of  Col.  Edmund 
Odowyer  shall  be  delivered  up  at  a  certain  price :  that  he 
and  his  party  shall  enjoy  their  personal  estates,  and  such  a 
proportion  of  their  real  estates  as  others  under  their  quali- 
fication shall  be  permitted  to  do  :  that  the  benefit  of  the 
articles  shall  not  extend  to  such  as  had  murdered  any  of 
the  English,  or  had  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion  during 
the  first  year ;  or  to  any  Romish  priests,  or  to  those  who 
had  been  of  the  first  general  assembly;  those  also  who  had 
taken  away  the  life  of  any  of  ours  after  quarter  given,  and 
those  who  had  deserted  us  and  joined  themselves  to  the 
enemy,  were  excepted  out  of  the  treaty :  all  others  to  have 
liberty  to  live  in  our  quarters,  or  to  transport  themselves 
into  the  service  of  any  foreign  State  in  friendship  with  the 
Commonwealth  of  England  ^. 

Whilst  the  ambassadors  from  Holland  were  in  treaty 
with  the  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Parliament  to 
that  end,  the  Dutch  fleet  consisting  of  forty-three  ships  of 
war,  commanded  by  the  Heer  Van  Tromp,  came  into  the 
Downs.     Major  Bourn  ^  having  with  him  a  squadron  of  eight    isfay  is. 

'  The  articles  with  Col.  John  Fitz-  163,  165,  168 ;  8th  Report,  p.  543. 

Patrick  are  printed  in  the  Aphoris-  -  The  articles  with  O'Dwyer  are 

mical   Discovery,   iii.   293 ;    and  the  printed    in    Mercurius    Politicus,    p. 

declaration  against   him   on    p.   389.  1529 ;    and    the    Aphorismical    Dis- 

See    also    the    letter   of    the    Com-  covery,    iii.     294.       Col.     Sankey's 

missioners,    March    23,    1652,    Ap-  letter  gives  a  good  account  of  the 

pendix.      His    forces    amounted    to  treaty  (\\).  p.  296). 

5284  men.     At  the  Restoration,  Fitz-  ^  A  life  of  Bourne  is  given  in  the 

Patrick  was  lucky  enough  to  recover  D.  N.  B.,  vol.  vi.     A  few  details  may 

some    portion    of    his    estate;     9th  be   added.     Bourne  lived  for  some 

Report,  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.,  pp.  160,  time  at  Boston,  and  was  admitted  a 


3 1 2  Tromp  at  Dover. 

1652  men  of  war,  perceiving  two  of  the  Dutch  ships  making  sail 
towards  him.  sent  to  them  to  demand  the  reason  of  their 
approach  ;  and  an  answer  being  returned,  that  they  had 
a  message  to  deliver  from  Admiral  Van  Tromp  to  the 
English  commander  of  that  squadron,  they  were  permitted 
to  come  up  to  that  purpose.  The  captains  of  the  two 
Dutch  ships,  after  they  had  saluted  Major  Bourn  by 
striking  the  flag,  went  on  board  him,  and  acquainted  him, 
that  they  were  sent  by  their  Admiral  to  let  him  know, 
that  riding  with  his  fleet  near  Dunkirk,  he  had  lost  many 
cables  and  anchors  by  bad  weather,  and  was  now  brought 
by  a  north  wind  more  southward  than  he  designed,  of 
which  he  thought  himself  obliged  to  give  him  notice  to 
prevent  any  misunderstanding.  Major  Bourn  told  them 
he  was  willing  to  believe  what  was  said,  and  that  the  truth 
of  it  would  best  appear  by  their  speedy  retreat.  With  this 
answer  the  two  captains  returned  to  their  fleet ;  which 
coming  within  cannon-shot  of  Dover-Castle  with  their  sails 
up,  and  flag  at  the  top-mast,  not  saluting  the  fort  ac- 
cording to  custom,  the  garison  was  constrained  to  fire  three 
guns  at  the  Hollanders,  to  put  them  in  mind  of  their  duty : 
but  their  Admiral  made  no  answer,  and  still  keeping  up  his 
flag,  lay  in  the  road  till  the  next  day  about  noon,  at  which 
time  he  weighed  anchor,  and  set  sail  towards  Calais.  The 
rest  of  the  English  fleet  consisting  only  of  thirteen  men  of 
war  commanded  by  General  Blake,  who  had  been  upon  the 
coast  of  Sussex,  returning  into  the  Downs  soon  after  the 
departure  of  the  Dutch,  was  joined  by  Major  Bourn,  and 
those  eight  ships  he  had  with  him.  But  Admiral  Van 
Tromp  being  obliged  to  take  care  of  some  rich  merchant 

Irccman    of  Massachusetts,  June  2,  June  21,  1684,  and  from  the  language 

1641.     According    to   Winthrop   he  of  her  epitaph  her  husband  seems 

was   by   trade  a  carpenter,  entered  to  have  been  still  alive  at  that  date. 

the  Parliament's  sei-vice  during  the  Proceedings    in    Reference    to    the 

Civil    War,    and    became    major    to  Preservation   of  the   Bunhill   Fields 

Col.    Rainborow's    regiment.     Win-  Burial  Ground,  1867,  p.  61.    Was  not 

throp,  History  of  New  England,  ii.  Nchcmiah     Bourne    father     of    the 

245.    265,   452,   ed.    1853.     Hannah,  Zachary  Bourne  who  was  implicated 

tlie  wife  of  Nehemiah  Bourne,  was  in  the  Rye-House  plot? 
buried  in  Bunhill  Fields  cemetery  on 


Blake  s  fight  with  Tromp.  313 

ships  bound  home  to  Holland  from  the  Straits,  returned  1652 
towards  the  Downs  ;  and  being  come  within  cannon-shot 
of  our  fleet  without  striking  their  flag,  General  Blake  com- 
manded three  several  guns  one  after  the  other  to  be  fired 
at  him.  Whereupon  he  answered  with  one  gun,  which  shot  May  19. 
through  the  English  flag,  and  followed  it  with  a  whole 
broad-side,  setting  up  a  red  standard  on  his  topmast,  as  a 
signal  to  the  whole  fleet  to  prepare  to  fight.  The  engage- 
ment began  about  four  in  the  afternoon,  and  lasted  till  nine 
at  night,  with  great  loss  to  the  enemy,  and  little  damage  on 
our  side,  tho  their  fleet  was  double  our  number.  We  took 
two  of  their  men  of  war  in  the  fight,  one  of  which  was 
brought  away,  and  the  other  being  very  much  shatter'd, 
sunk  down  as  our  men  were  carrying  her  off^.  The 
Council  of  State  having  received  an  account  of  this  action, 
made  their  report  of  it  to  the  Parliament,  who  passed  a 
vote  for  the  justification  of  General  Blake  ;  and  resolving 
to  have  satisfaction  for  this  assault,  placed  a  guard  upon 
the  Dutch  ambassadors,  at  their  lodgings  in  Chelsey,  and 
sent  General  Cromwell  and  Mr.  Denis  Bond,  a  member  of 
Parliament,  down  to  the  fleet,  with  assurances  that  nothing 
should  be  wanting  for  their  encouragement. 

The  event  of  this  undertaking  not  answering  the  ex- 
pectations of  the  Hollanders,  serving  only  to  provoke  the 
English  nation,  and  to  publish  their  own  dishonour,  they 
endeavoured  to  make  the  world  as  well  as  the  Parliament 
believe,  that  the  quarrel  was  begun  by  General  Blake,  or  at 
least  that  what  had  been  done  was  not  by  their  orders ;  and 
therefore  desired  that  the  treaty  might  go  on,  and  that  the 
prisoners  taken  in  the  late  fight  might  be  restored.  To 
this  end  they  sent  over  the  Heer  Paw  of  Heemsted  to 
carry  on  the  treaty  in  conjunction  with  the  ambassadors 

^  See    '  A   brief    relation    of    the  State  ...  as  also  a  narrative  of  the 

occasion    and    manner    of    the    late  late    engagement  .  .  .  and   likewise 

fight  in  the  Downs,  May  19,  1652,'  several    letters,    examinations    and 

Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  1620.     'The  testimonies,' 1652.   Cf.  Heatli'sChro- 

Answer   of    the    Parliament    of   the  nicle,  p.  585  ;  Gcddes,  John  de  Wilt, 

Commonwealth  of  England  to  three  p.  208. 
papers  delivered  to   the  Council  of 


3 1 4  The  Breach  zuith  the  Dutch. 

1652      they  had  sent  before  into  England  ^     This  minister  was 
receiv^ed  with  all  the  usual  demonstrations  of  honour,  and 

June  II.  being  admitted  to  audience,  pressed  for  an  accommodation 
of  all  differences,  and  a  cessation  of  all  acts  of  hostility 
between  the  two  nations  ;  assuring  the  Parliament  that  his 
masters  had  given  orders  to  their  ships  to  strike  to  the 
English  flag,  in  the  same  manner  as  had  been  practised  in 
former  times  :  but  being  demanded  to  shew  his  powers,  he 
produced  nothing  save  letters  of  credence  and  passports, 
referring  himself  to  the  other  ambassadors  in  that  point, 
with  whom  he  made  some  general  propositions  to  the  Par- 
liament, and  desired  them  to  declare  their  demands.  By 
these  proceedings  of  the  Dutch  the  Parliament  perceiving 
that  this  difference  was  not  like  to  be  decided  by  a  treaty, 
contented  themselves  to  require  satisfaction  for  the  injuries 
received,  and  assurance  that  nothing  of  that  nature  should  . 
be  attempted  for  the  future  ;  which  if  the  ambassadors 
would  consent  to,  they  declared  themselves  ready  to  pro- 
ceed in  the  treaty,  and  to  grant  a  cessation  of  arms.  But 
so  little  were  they  disposed  to  give  the  satisfaction  de- 
manded, that  they  made  no  farther  mention  of  the  cessation 
which  they  had  so  earnestly  pressed  ;  and   having  taken 

June  30.    their  audience  of  leave,  they  broke  off  the  treaty  abruptly, 
and  returned  home. 

In  Ireland,  tho  the  number  of  those  that  submitted  on 
condition  to  be  transported  into  foreign  service,  was  so 
great,  that  they  became  a  great  burden  to  us  before  we 
could  procure  shipping  for  their  transportation,  and  tho  the 
enemy  had  received  several  defeats  by  our  forces  during 
the  winter,  wherein  many  of  them  had  been  killed  and 
taken ;  yet  they  continued  to  make  incursions  into  our 
quarters,  carrying  away  cattel  and  other  booty  :  and  having 


*  The  Dutch  ambassadors  in  Eng-  June  14  (new  style).    .Sec  for  Pauw's 

land  were  three,  Jacobus  Cats,  Gerard  proceedings,  'A  Declaration  of  the 

Schaep,    Paulus    Vanderperre.      To  Parliament  of  the  Commonwealth  of 

these  were  added  as  extraordinary  England,  &c.,  July  9, 1652  ;'  Geddes, 

ambassador,  Adrian  Pauw,  Lord  of  John  Dc  Witt,  p.  193. 
Heemstede;  his  credentials  are  dated 


The  Kilkenny  Articles.  315 

lately  seized  upon  the  horses  belonging  to  two  troops  1652 
of  dragoons,  they  were  so  encouraged,  that  Sir  Walter 
Dungan,  Commissary-General  of  the  enemy's  horse,  and 
Capt.  Scurlock,  a  forward  officer  and  one  who  had  done  us 
much  mischief,  with  five  hundred  foot  and  two  hundred 
and  fifty  horse,  marched  into  Wexford,  with  a  design  to 
plunder  that  county.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Throgmorton, 
who  commanded  in  those  parts,  having  informed  us  of  their 
march,  we  sent  two  troops  of  horse  to  his  assistance,  who 
with  them  and  about  four  hundred  foot  charged  the  enemy 
upon  their  return,  and  after  some  dispute  routed  them  ^,  Maya, 
killing  two  hundred  of  them  upon  the  place,  and  many 
more,  with  divers  officers,  in  the  pursuit ;  besides  several  of 
the  Irish  taken  prisoners,  with  the  loss  of  about  twenty 
killed,  and  a  hundred  wounded  on  our  side.  The  booty 
which  the  enemy  had  gotten  consisting  chiefly  in  five 
hundred  cows,  was  all  recovered. 

The  season  of  action  advancing,  the  Commissioners  of 
Parliament  went  to  Kilkenny,  as  well  to  confer  with  the  April  17. 
officers  from  all  parts  of  Ireland^  as  to  make  the  necessary 
preparations  for  the  ensuing  service ;  of  which  the  Earl 
of  Westmeath,  who  commanded  the  enemy's  forces  in 
Leinster,  having  notice,  sent  to  desire  a  safe  conduct  for 
commissioners  to  be  named  by  them  to  treat  with  us  at 
Kilkenny  on  their  behalf;  which  being  granted,  they 
appointed  Commissary-General  Dungan,  Lewis  Viscount 
of  Glanmaliere,  Sir  Robert  Talbot,  Sir  Richard, Barnwel, 
Col.  Walter  Bagnol,  Col.  Lewis  Moor,  and  Col.  Thomas 
Tyrrell,  to  be  their  commissioners.  And  on  our  part, 
Commissary-General  Reynolds,  Col.  Hewetson,  Col.  Law- 
rence, Col.  Axtel,  Adjutant-General  Allen,  Major  Henry 
Owen,  and  Mr.  James  Standish,  Deputy-treasurer  of  the 
army,  were  commissionated  to  treat  and  conclude  with 
them,  in  conformity  to  such  instructions  as  they  received 
from  a  general  council ;  and  after  several  days'  conference 
the  commissioners  on   each   part   came   to  an   agreement    May  12. 

'  Several    Proceedings  in    Parlia-       Politicus,  p.  1607  ;  Aphorismical  Dis- 
ment,    pp.     2184,    2187;    Mercurius       covery,  iii.  390. 


3i6  Progress  of  the  war  in  Scotland. 

1652  upon  terms  that  were  the  same  in  substance  with  those 
formerly  granted  to  Col.  L^dmund  Odowycr  and  his  party, 
with  liberty  left  for  the  Lord  Muskerry,  Major-General 
Taaf,  and  other  commanders  of  the  Irish  in  the  provinces 
of  Munster^  Connaught,  and  Ulster,  yet  in  arms,  to  come 
in  and  accept  of  the  same  conditions  within  a  limited  time. 
The  articles  were  approved  by  the  Earl  of  Westmeath  on 
the  behalf  of  the  Irish,  and  on  the  part  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  England  by  me,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  their 
forces  in  Ireland  \ 

Tan.  17.  In  the  mean  time  the  committee  appointed  by  the 
Parliament  for  the  Reformation  of  the  Law  in  England, 
made  a  considerable  progress  in  that  matter  :  judges  were 
also  sent  into  Scotland  for  the  administration  of  justice 
there,  which   they  performed  to  the   great   satisfaction  of 

April  27.  that  people.  The  Parliament  also  appointed  a  committee 
to  consider  of  means  to  set  at  work  all  the  poor  through- 
out the  nation,  and  to  make  provision  for  such  as  were  not 
able  to  work,  that  there  might  be  no  beggar  in  England. 

May  26.  In  Scotland  our  forces  having  reduced  the  castle  of 
Dunotter,  which  was  the  last  garison  of  that  nation  that 
held  out  against  the  Parliament  of  England,  it  was  resolved 
to  make  four  considerable  forts,  one  at  Inverness,  another 
at  Leith,  a  third  at  Ayre,  and  a  fourth  at  St.  Johnstoun-: 
and  because  the  enemy  being  entirely  beaten  out  of  the 
field,  was  retired  to  the  mountainous  parts,  which  to  that 
time  had  been  accounted  inaccessible  by  the  l^^nglish  ;  it 
was  agreed  to  endeavour  to  clear  those  places  of  them 
also,  being  perswaded  that  where  any  went  before,  others 
June,  might  follow  after.  To  this  end  our  men  were  divided 
into  three  parties  :  the  first  consisted  of  Colonel  Overton's 
regiment  of  foot,  and  a  regiment  of  horse  commanded  by 
Major  Blackmore :    the  second  of  Colonel  Hacker's  regi- 

'   These    articles,    known    as    the  Several  Proceedings  in   Parliament, 

Kilkenny  Articles,  are  printed  in  the  1652,  p.  2208,  where  Morgan's  letter 

Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  94,  and  and  the  articles  of  capitulation  are 

Several  Proceedings,  p.  2171.  printed.     On  the  forts,  see  Heath's 

'■'  On   the  surrender  of  Dunotter,  Chronicle,  p.  582. 
taken  by  Col.  Thomas  Morgan,  see 


The  Irish  take  Ballyshan7ion.  317 

ment  of  horse,  and  one  of  foot  commanded  by  Colonel  1652 
Lilburn ;  and  the  third  was  composed  of  the  regiment  of 
horse  of  Major-General  Dean,  and  of  a  regiment  of  foot 
belonging  to  Lieutenant-General  Monk.  Each  of  these 
having  a  party  of  dragoons  to  attend  them,  rendezvouzed 
at  Loughaber,  and  from  thence  fell  separately  into  the 
enemy's  quarters,  where  they  killed  many  of  them,  and 
burned  their  provisions,  pursuing  them  so  close,  that  as 
they  fled  from  one  party,  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  an- 
other ;  by  which  means  they  were  in  a  short  time  entirely 
dispersed. 

The  Irish  that  submitted  according  to  the  articles,  and 
delivered  up  their  arms  and  horses  to  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  me  to  receive  them,  were  in  all  about  three 
thousand.  But  many  of  them  finding  themselves  within 
that  exception  concerning  the  murders  of  the  English,  or 
hoping  to  obtain  better  conditions,  or,  it  may  be,  taking 
pleasure  in  their  predatory  life,  continued  still  in  arms.  Of 
this  number  was  the  Lord  Muskerry,  who  commanded  the 
Irish  in  Munster,  and  at  the  time  of  our  treaty  with  those 
of  Leinster,  had  sent  one  Colonel  Poor  to  Kilkenny,  to 
acquaint  us  that  he  designed  to  come  in  upon  the  same 
conditions  ;  but  we  suspecting  his  sincerity,  by  the  means 
of  some  letters  which  we  intercepted,  were  not  wanting  to 
prepare  what  was  necessary  in  order  to  reduce  him  and  his 
party  by  force  ;  and  having  finished  our  affairs  at  Kilkenny, 
I  removed  with  the  Commissioners  to  Clonmel,  and  from 
thence  to  Youghal,  and  so  to  Cork. 

The  rebels  in  Connaught  and  Ulster,  instead  of  sub- 
mitting, as  was  expected,  got  together  a  body  of  about 
five  thousand  men  under  the  conduct  of  the  Earl  of  Clan- 
rickard  and  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal,  with  which  they  besieged 
and  took  the  fort  of  Ballishannon.  Whereupon  Sir  Charles 
Coot  and  Colonel  Venables  drew  out  what  forces  they 
could,  and  advanced  towards  them  with  such  expedition, 
that  they  were  near  the  place  before  the  enemy  had  notice 
of  their  march  ;  who  finding  themselves  surprized,  retreated 
to  the  bogs,  leaving  a  small  garison  in  Ballishannon  :  but 


J 


iS     Lambcrfs  couiniission  as  Deputy  ended. 


1652  being  pursued  by  our  men,  who  killed  and  wounded  about 
three  hundred  of  them,  in  which  number  were  thirty  officers, 
and  took  from  them  seven  or  eight  thousand  cows,  upon 
whose  milk  they  chiefly  subsisted,  twelve  hundred  of  them 
came    in    and    laid    down    their    arms :    upon    which    the 

May  26.  garison  they  had  placed  in  Ballishannon,  surrendred  upon 
articles  ^. 

Major-Gencral  Lambert  making  great  preparations  to 
come  over  to  us  in  the  quality  of  Deputy  to  General  Crom- 
well ^,  the  commission  of  the  said  General  to  be  Lieutenant 
of  Ireland  expired.  Whereupon  the  Parliament  took  that 
affair  into  their  consideration ;  and  tho  there  were  not 
wanting  many  amongst  them,  who  affirmed  the  title  and 
office  of  Lieutenant  to  be  more  sutable  to  a  monarchy  than 
a  free  Commonwealth,  yet  it  was  likely  to  have  been 
carried  for  the  renewing  his  commission  under  the  same 
title.  But  he,  having  at  that  time  another  part  to  act, 
stood  up,  and  declared  his  satisfaction  with  what  had  been 
said  against  constituting  a  Lieutenant  in  Ireland,  desiring 
that  they  would  not  continue   him  with   that   character. 

May  19.  Upon  which  the  question  being  put,  the  Parliament  willing 
to  believe  him  in  earnest,  ordered  it  according  to  his  motion. 
He  farther  moved,  that  tho  they  had  not  thought  fit  to 
continue  a  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  they  would  be  pleased, 
in  consideration  of  the  worthy  person  whom  they  had 
formerly  approved  to  go  over  with  the  title  of  Deputy,  to 
continue  that  character  to  him.  But  the  Parliament  having 
suppressed  the  title  and  office  of  a  Lieutenant  in  Ireland, 
thought  it  altogether  improper  to  constitute  a  Deputy,  who 


'  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  320;  out    five    thousand    pounds    for    his 

Mercurius  PoHticus,  p.  1666;  Several  own  particular  equipage,  and  ioolcing 

Proceedings,  p.  2245.  upon    all    the    Parliament- men  who 

*  Lambert's  appointment  was  ap-  had   conferred   this   honour    on  him 

proved  by  Parliament   on   Jan.  30,  asunderlings,  and  scarcely  worth  the 

1652.     He   was   then    in    Scotland,  great   man's   nod.'     This    '  untimely 

but  arrived  in  London  on  Feb.  24  to  declaration  of  his  pride '  led,  in  her 

prepare  for  his  journey.     According  opinion,  to  the  abolition  of  the  Lord 

to   Mrs.    Hutchinson    he    'too   soon  Lieutenancy.     Life  of  Col.  Hutchin- 

putonthe  prince,  immediately  laying  son,  ii.  188. 


Cromwell's  jealousy  of  Ludlow.  319 

was  no  more  than  the  substitute  of  a  Lieutenant  ;  and  1652 
therefore  refused  to  consent  to  that  proposal,  ordering  that 
he  should  be  inserted  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  civil 
affairs,  and  constituted  Commander-in-Chief  of  their  forces 
in  Ireland  ^,  In  the  management  of  this  affair,  Mr.  Weaver, 
who  was  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Ireland,  but  then  at 
London,  and  sitting  in  Parliament  ^,  was  very  active,  to  the 
great  discontent  of  General  Cromwell,  who  endeavouring 
to  perswade  the  Parliament  that  the  army  in  Ireland  would 
not  be  satisfied,  unless  their  Commander-in-Chief  came  over 
qualified  as  Deputy,  Mr.  Weaver  assured  them  that  upon 
his  knowledg,  all  the  sober  people  of  Ireland,  and  the 
whole  army  there,  except  a  few  factious  persons,  were  not 
only  well  satisfied  with  the  present  Government  both  civil 
and  military  of  that  nation,  but  also  with  the  governours 
who  managed  the  same  ;  and  therefore  moved  that  they 
would  make  no  alteration  in  either,  and  renew  their  com- 
missions for  a  longer  time.  This  discourse  of  Mr.  Weaver 
tending  to  perswade  the  Parliament  to  continue  me  in  the 
military  command,  increased  the  jealousie  which  General 
Cromwell  had  conceived  of  me,  that  I  might  prove  an  ob- 
struction to  the  design  he  was  carrying  on  to  advance  him- 
self by  the  ruin  of  the  Commonwealth.  And  therefore, 
since  Major-General  Lambert  refused  to  go  over  with  any 
character  less  than  that  of  Deputy,  he  resolved  by  any 
means  to  place  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  at  the  head 

'  The    office    of  Lord  Lieutenant  xx.   92.     They   were   to   remain  in 

was  abolished  May  19,  by  39  to  37  office  till  Sept.  i,  1654. 

votes,   Hesilrige   and   Marten  being  ^  Weaver  was  sent  over  to  Eng- 

tellers   for  the  majority,  Whitelock  land    to    hasten    the    resolutions    of 

and  Harrison  for  the  minority.     On  Parliamentand  obtain  theiranswer  for 

June  15,  Vane  reported  to  the  House  the  guidance  of  the  Commissioners, 

that  Cromwell's  appointment  as  Lord  See  '  Considerations  to  be  oifered  to 

Lieutenant,  being  limited    for  three  Parliament    by    Mr.    Weaver.'      On 

years,    expired    on    June    23.       On  Feb.    18,    1653,    the    officers    of  the 

July    9,    Fleetwood    was    appointed  army   in   Ireland   presented    a   com- 

Commander-in-Chief    and    Commis-  plaint    against    him    to    Parliament 

sioner.     C.  J.,vii.  133,  142,152,167.  begging  for  his    removal.     He   was 

On  Aug.  24,  new  instructions  were  dismissed    on    Feb.    22.     C.    J.,    vii. 

passed  for  the  Commissioners  (ib.  p.  127,  260,  261;  Portland   Papers,   i. 

167).     Old    Parliamentary    History,  644,  673. 


^•:20  L^idlozv  marches  into  Kerry. 

1652  of  affairs  in  Ireland  \  By  which  conduct  he  procured  two 
great  advantages  to  himself,  thereby  putting  the  army  in 
Ireland  into  the  hands  of  a  person  secured  to  his  interest 
by  the  marriage  of  his  daughter ;  and  drawing  Major- 
Gcncral  Lambert  into  an  enmity  towards  the  Parliament, 
prepared  him  to  join  with  him  in  opposition  to  them,  when 
he  should  find  it  convenient  to  put  his  design  in  execution. 
In  the  mean  time  I  was  not  wanting  in  my  endeavours  to 
reduce  the  enemy  in  Ireland,  and  to  that  end  marched  with 
about  4C00  foot  and  2000  horse  towards  Ross  in  Kerry ; 
where  the  Lord  Muskerry  made  his  principal  rendezvouz, 
and  which  was  the  only  place  of  strength  the  Irish  had  left, 
except  the  woods,  bogs  and  mountains  ;  being  a  kind  of  an 
island,  encompassed  on  every  part  by  water,  except  on  one 
side,  upon  which  there  was  a  bog  not  passable  but  by  a 
causway  which  the  enemy  had  fortified.  In  this  expedition 
I  was  accompanied  by  the  Lord  Broghil,  and  Sir  Hardress 
Waller,  Major-General  of  the  foot.  Being  arrived  at  this 
place,  I  was  informed  that  the  enemy  received  continual 
supplies  from  those  parts  that  lay  on  the  other  side  and 
were  covered  with  woods  and  mountains;  whereupon  I  sent 
a  party  of  two  thousand  foot  to  clear  those  woods,  and  to 
find  out  some  convenient  place  for  the  erecting  a  fort,  if 
there    should   be  occasion.     These   forces  met  with   some 

June  13.  opposition  ;  but  at  last  they  routed  the  enemy,  killing 
some,  and  taking  others  prisoners  ;  the  rest  saved  them- 
selves by  their  good  footmanship.  Whilst  this  was  doing,  I 
employed  that  part  of  the  army  which  was  with  me  in 
fortifying  a  neck  of  land,  where  I  designed  to  leave  a  party 
to  keep  in  the  Irish  on  this  side,  that  I  might  be  at  liberty 
with  the  greatest  part  of  the  horse  and  foot  to  look  after 
the  enemy  abroad,  and  to  receive  and  convoy  such  boats  and 

'  Corbet  and  Jones  wrote  to  Fleet-  it  is  no  small  enjoying  to  us,  so  we 

wood  on  hearing  of  his  appointment:  do  believe  that  such  here  as  do  truly 

'  This   morning  we    received    notice  love  the   Lord   and    his    cause,  will 

of  your  being  appointed  by  the  Parlia-  and  do  bless  the  Lord  for  this  mercy 

ment  to  be  Commander-in-Chief  here  to    us    and    Ihcm.'     July    29,    1652 

in  Ireland,  and  of  your  present  re-       ,  ■  ,    r>  i     ^  ^-^   ,.  „^t 

'  .       ,  .  ,  ,  .  ,  Irish  Records,  —  50,  p.  201. 

solution  of  coming  hither,  which  as  9° 


Lord  Mitskeny  surrenders.  321 

other  things  necessary  as  the  Commissioners  sent  to  us  by  165a 
sea  \  When  we  had  received  our  boats,  each  of  which  was 
capable  of  containing  a  hundred  and  twenty  men,  I  ordered 
one  of  them  to  be  rowed  about  the  water  in  order  to  find  out 
the  most  convenient  place  for  landing  upon  the  enemy: 
which  they  perceiving,  thought  fit,  by  a  timely  submission, 
to  prevent  the  danger  that  threatned  them  ;  and  having 
expressed  their  desires  to  that  purpose,  commissioners  were 
appointed  on  both  parts  to  treat.  The  articles  were  the 
same  in  effect  with  those  granted  to  the  Irish  in  Leinster 
and  other  places.  But  much  time  was  spent  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  some  particulars,  especially  that  concerning  the 
murder  of  the  English,  which  was  an  exception  we  never 
failed  to  make ;  so  that  the  Irish  commissioners  seeming 
doubtful  whether  by  the  wording  that  article  they  were  not 
all  included,  desired  that  it  might  be  explained  ;  to  which 
we  consented,  and  it  was  accordingly  done.  They  also 
made  it  their  request,  that  instead  of  that  article  relating  to 
their  real  estates,  whereby  they  were  to  enjoy  such  a  part 
as  should  be  allotted  to  them  by  the  qualifications  to  be 
agreed  upon,  it  might  be  expressed,  that  they  wholly 
submitted  to  the  mercy  of  the  Parliament  therein.  The 
exercise  also  of  their  religion  was  earnestly  insisted  upon  by 
them ;  but  we  refused  to  oblige  our  selves  to  any  thing  in 
that  particular,  declaring  only,  that  it  Avas  neither  the 
principle  or  practice  of  the  authority  which  we  served,  to 


'  '  We  were  fain  to  provide  in  this  gotten  Mr.   Cliudleigh  to  go  along 

town  and  at  Kinsale  materials   for  with  them,  who  is  employed  now 

two  pinnaces  to  carry  guns  in  them,  by   the    State    for   the    naval   busi- 

and  two  boats  more  for  transporta-  ness  being  formerly  a  ship-carpenter, 

tion  of  men,  each  boat  to  carry  about  but  is  one  of  good  estate  and  good 

60  men  together  with  oars,  rowers,  repute  amongst  the  workmen  who 

and  about  50  sawyers,  &c.,  and  to  are  the  more  willing  to  go  because 

send    them   by   sea   to   the    Bay  of  he  goeth.     We  think  you  will  not 

Dingle,    where    they   arrived    about  have  the  like  in  giving  direction  and 

Friday  last  the  13th  instant.'     Com-  ordering   the    making    of    boats    or 

missioners  to  Council  of  State,  Cork,  bridges.'    June  15,  1652.     Irish  Re- 
June  24.     Notifying  Ludlow  of  the  ,     A  ^ 

,.        .,,  ,  J       .     -,  cords,  -  50,  pp.  151,  169- 

sendmg  of  the  workmen  and  materials,  9° 

the  Commissioners  add  :  '  We  have 
VOL.  I.  Y 


:     .        _, 


322  The  defeat  of  Colonel  Grace. 

1652  impose  their  way  of  worship  upon  any  by  violent  means. 
June  22.  With  these  explanations  the  commissioners,  after  a  fort- 
night's debate,  concluded  the  agreement,  the  Lord  Muskerry 
and  m}'  self  confirming  it  ;  his  son  with  Sir  Daniel  Obryan 
were  delivered  to  me  as  hostages  for  the  performance  of 
the  articles  ^  :  in  consequence  of  which  about  five  thousand 
horse  and  foot  laid  down  their  arms,  and  surrendred  their 
horses  -. 

Whilst  this  was  doing  in  Munster,  Col.  Grace  with  some 
forces  that  had  not  submitted,  passed  the  Shannon,  and 
being  joined  by  many  of  the  Irish  of  Connaught  and 
Galway,  began  to  grow  considerable,  being  about  three 
thousand,  most  of  them  foot.  Col.  Ingoldsby  having  notice 
of  them,  drew  together  a  party  about  Limerick,  and  march- 
June  17.  ing  with  them  to  find  out  the  enemy,  attacked  them  at  a 
pass,  which  they  disputed  for  some  time  ;  but  our  horse 
breaking  in  upon  some  of  their  foot,  and  encouraging  the 
rest  to  fall  on,  the  Irish  quitted  their  post,  and  shifted  for 
themselves  '.  In  this  action  many  of  them  were  killed  and 
taken  prisoners,  the  rest  escaping  to  the  bogs  and  woods. 
After  this  defeat  Col.  Grace  and  his  party  was  forced  to 
submit,  and  to  that  end  treated  with  Col.  Zanchey,  but 
found  that  his  obstinate  resistance  so  long  had  done  him  no 
Aug.  14.  service  ;  for  Col.  Zanchey  upon  the  surrender  of  Inch  to 
him,  and  the  submission  of  Col.  Grace's  forces,  caused 
a  captain,  a  lieutenant,  and  a  serjeant,  with  other  officers, 

'   'The  Lord  Muskerry  hath  been  July  22,  1652.     Irish  Records,  -50, 

very  effectual  in  the  performance  of  p.  198. 

his  articles  ;  upon  the  surrender  of  ^  See  for  the  articles  of  surrender, 

the  garison  of  Rosse,  960  able  men  Gilbert,  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii. 

marched   out    and  laid   down   arms,  324.      Muskerry    had    liberty  given 

and  since  that  2000  foot,  700  horse-  him  to  transport  5000  men  to  serve 

men    mounted  and   300  unmounted  any  foreign  State  in  amit^'  with  Eng- 

laid    down    arms,    being    his    entire  land.     The   Appendix  contains  two 

whole  party  except  Murtogh  O'Brien  letters  of  Ludlow's  relating  to  this 

(who    lately  went    to    Kerry   from  campaign,  and  others  from  tiie  Com- 

Thomondj  and  about  200  men  with  missioners  to  the  Parliament, 
him,  who  keep  in  the  mountains  and  "  See  the  letter  of   the   Commis- 

fastnesses.'    Corbet  and  Jones  to  the  sioncrs,  June  24,  1652  (Appendix), 

Council    of    State   from    Waterford,  and  Several  Proceedings,  p.  2275. 


The  Earl  of  Clanricarde  submits. 


O^J) 


to  be  shot  to  death,  for  revolting  at  Carrick  to  the  enemy,  1652 
according  to  the  liberty  he  had  reserved  to  himself  in  that 
case  by  the  capitulation^.  In  the  north  of  Ireland  Col. 
Theophilus  Jones  being  sent  out  with  seven  troops  of  horse,  June  17. 
one  of  dragoons,  and  three  hundred  foot,  to  get  provisions 
for  the  relief  of  those  parts,  met  with  a  party  of  the  enemy, 
consisting  of  sixteen  hundred  foot  and  three  hundred  horse, 
whom  he  charged,  and  after  a  sharp  dispute  routed,  and  put 
to  flight,  killing  many  of  their  officers,  and  three  hundred 
souldiers  upon  the  place.  All  the  arms  of  their  foot  were 
taken,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  horse,  with  the  loss  only  of 
six  of  our  men  killed,  and  about  twenty  wounded  ^.  The 
Earl  of  Clanrickard  finding  the  Irish  affairs  in  a  desperate 
condition,  with  what  forces  he  had  left  retired  into  the 
isle  of  Carrick,  where  being  encompassed  by  our  men  on 
all  sides,  he  submitted,  and  obtained  liberty  to  transport  June  28. 
himself  with  three  thousand  men  to  any  foreign  country  in 
friendship  with  the  Commonwealth,  within  the  space  of  three 
months  ^. 

The  Parliament  having  already  sent  over  to  us  five 
companies  of  foot  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Finch  *,  who  had  done  very  good  service  at  the  battel  of 
Worcester,  resolved  to  send  eight  hundred  more  out  of  the 
regiment  of  Major-Gen.  Lambert,  and  an  intire  regiment 

^  On    Grace's  surrender,  see   the  Appendix.     A  letter  from   them  to 

Articles,  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii.  Clanricarde  is  in  the  Tanner  MSS. 

130,     where    his     portrait    is    also  vol.  53,  f.  65. 

reproduced.       Sankey's     letter    an-  *  When   Col.  Duckenfield's    regi- 

nouncing    his    success    is    reprinted  ment  was  disbanded,  five  companies 

in    Several    Proceedings,    p.    2413  ;  of  it  were  designed  for  Ireland,  for 

the     original    is    Tanner     MS.     53,  the     completing     of    Sir    Hardress 

f.  108.  Waller's  regiment,  and  the  command 

^  This   fight  is  described   in    two  of  them  given  to  Lieut.-Col.  Simon 

letters    printed    in    Mercurius    Poll-  Finch.    Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1651-2,  pp. 

ticus,    July     1-8,     1652,    pp.     1710,  79,  no,  117,   152,   179,  184.     Finch 

1714.  finally  obtained   lands   in    Limerick 

^  The  articles  between  Clanricarde  andTipperary  which  hesucceeded  in 

and  the  commissioners  of  Sir  Charles  retaining  at  the  Restoration.    Seven- 

Coote  are  printed   in   Aphorismical  teenth    Report    of  Dep.    Keeper   of 

Discovery,    iii.    331.     See    also    the  Irish  Records,  p.  19. 
letter  of  the  Commissioners,  July  22, 

Y  2 


324   Colonel  dairies  regwtent  sent  to  Ireland. 

1652  commanded  by  Col.  Clark  ^  ;  which  forces  were  procured 
rather  to  promote  the  designs  of  General  Cromwel,  than 
from  any  need  we  had  of  them;  our  military  service  in 
Ireland,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  drawing  towards  a  conclu- 
sion, most  of  the  Irish  forces  having  submitted  and  laid 
down  their  arms,  no  garison  of  any  strength  holding  out 
against  us,  and  many  thousands  of  the  enemy  sent  into 
foreign  service  ^.  The  souldiers  of  Lambert's  regiment  were 
countermanded  upon  his  refusal  to  go  to  Ireland  without 
the  character  of  Deputy;  but  the  regiment  of  Col.  Clark 
being  thoroughly  principled  for  Cromwel's  design,  continued 
their  march  by  order  of  the  Parliament,  who  were  perswaded 
to  constitute  Lieutcnant-General  Fleetwood  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  their  forces  in  Ireland,  and  one  of  their  Commis- 
sioners for  the  civil  affairs  in  that  nation. 

The  States  General,  upon  the  return  of  their  ambassadors 
from  England,  dispatched  orders  to  their  Admiral  to  take  all 
advantages  against  the  English,  and  solicited  the  King  of 
Denmark  to  break  with  us  also,  encouraging  him  to  detain 
twenty-two  English  merchant  ships  which  he  had  formerly 
seized  coming  through  the  Sound  ^.  The  Parliament,  to 
prevent  the  dangers  that  might  ensue  by  farther  delay, 
gave  orders  to  General  Blake  to  fall  upon  the  subjects  of 
Holland  wheresoever  he  should  meet  them,  and  particularly 

1  On  Nov.  18  the  Council  of  State  Ireland  to  the  ser\'ice  of  the  King  of 

decided   that  the   five  companies  of  Spain  since  April  last  about  13,000 

Sir  Hardrcss  Waller's  regiment  left  men.'     On  July  22  they  stated  that 

in  England  should  be  made  up  to  a  20,000  were  lately  transported  and 

full  regiment,  to  be  under  the  com-  about    7000    now  transporting   into 

mand    of  Col.   John    Clarke,      The  foreign    parts.     Between    1651    and 

regiment  was  originally   to   consist  1654,    calculates    Mr.     Prendergast, 

of  1200  men,  but  on  April  19  it  was  34,000  were  transported  into  foreign 

ordered  to  be  recruited  up  to  2000.  parts.     '  Forty  thousand  of  the  most 

It  sailed  from  Bristol  and  landed  at  active-spirited  men  '  is  Sir  William 

Watcrford  in  June,  1652,  about  1500  Potty's  estimate.  Prendergast,  Crom- 

strong.     Cal.  S.  P.,    Dom.,   1651-2,  wellian  Settlement,  pp.  86-8 ;  Irish 

pp.    22,  220;    letter   of   Irish  Com-       „         j     A 
vv        J  '  Records,  —  50. 

missioners    to     Ludlow,    June    21,  9° 


1652. 


On    the    attitude    of    Denmark 


^  On  Jan.   15,  1653,  the  Comniis-       during  the  war,  see  Geddes,  John 
sioner  wrote  :  '  There  are  gone  from       de  Witt,  i.  169,  192,  275,  377. 


Blake  captures  the  Dutch  herring-fleet.     325 

to  interrupt  their  fishery  upon  the  northern  coast,  sending  1652 
the  regiments  of  Col.  Ingoldsby  and  CoL  Goff  on  board  the 
fleet.  General  Blake  having  received  these  instructions,  set  June  26. 
sail  for  the  north  ^  where  meeting  with  about  six  hundred 
herring-busses,  under  a  convoy  of  twelve  men  of  war,  he 
took  and  sunk  the  whole  convoy;  and  having  seized  the 
fish  that  the  busses  had  taken,  he  released  all  the  vessels 
with  the  seamen  belonging  to  them.  Which  action  was 
blamed  by  some,  who  thought  that  by  the  help  of  those 
ships  we  might  have  been  enabled  to  erect  a  fishery,  and 
thereby  have  made  some  reparation  to  the  English  nation 
for  the  damages  which  they  had  sustained  from  the  Dutch  ; 
and  that  by  detaining  their  mariners  we  might  have  weakned 
and  distressed  them  considerably,  they  wanting  men  for  the 
management  of  their  shipping.  In  the  mean  time  Sir  George 
Ayscue,  who  was  lately  returned  from  the  reduction  of 
Barbadoes,  and  had  convoyed  into  the  river  five  merchant 
ships  richly  laden  from  the  East  Indies,  fell  upon  a  fleet  of 
Hollanders  consisting  of  forty  merchant-men  under  the  con- 
voy of  four  men  of  war.^.  Of  this  fleet  he  took  seven,  forced  July  1. 
divers  on  shore,  and  the  rest  narrowly  escaped.  About 
the  same  time  a  ship  from  Guiny,  valued  at  forty  thousand 
pounds,  was  by  some  of  ours  taken  from  the  Dutch,  with 
many  other  rich  ships,  to  the  great  prejudice  and  interrup- 
tion of  their  trade.  To  apply  some  remedy  to  this,  the  Dutch  July  8. 
Admiral  with  his  fleet  came  into  the  Downs,  and  anchored 
by  Sir  George  Ayscue,  who  was  retired  under  Dover-Castle, 
being  much  inferiour  in  number  to  the  enemy;  but  the 
Hollanders  after  a  short  stay  left  our  fleet,  and  set  sail, 
without  attempting  any  thing  against  us'^.  At  Leghorn 
some  of  their  men  of  war  preparing  to  seize  such  English 
merchant  ships  as  lay  in  that  port,  the  Grand  Duke  sent  a 

1  Mercurius    Politicus,    pp.    1688,  tion  of  Ayscue's  battle  with  Tromp 

1704,   1785,    1790,    1800;    Heath,  p.  on  Aug.   16.     Several   Proceedings, 

598.  p.  2384;  Heath,   p.  599;  Mercurius 

^  Ayscue's  letter,July  3,  Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  1887. 
Politicus,  p.  1720;  Several  Proceed-  ^  jyiercurius    Politicus,    p.     I735; 

ings,  p.  2277 ;  Heath,  p.  597 ;  Geddes,  Heath,  p.  598  ;  Several  Proceedings, 

i.  227-233.     Ludlow  omits  all  men-  pp.  2376,  2384. 


326     The  Act  for  the  Settleineiit  of  Irelmid, 

1652  message  to  the  Dutch,  to  let  them  know,  that  if  they 
commited  any  acts  of  hostility  against  the  English  nation  in 
that  harbour,  their  goods  in  the  town  should  be  responsible 
for  it.  Admiral  Blake  returned  to  the  Downs,  and  being 
informed  that  a  French  fleet  was  going  to  relieve  Dunkirk, 
then  besieged  by  the  Spaniards,  called  a  council  of  war,  and 
by  their  advice  sent  a  squadron  after  them,  which  coming  up 

Sept.  4.    with  the  French,  took  divers  of  their  ships,  and  dispersed  the 
rest ;    by  which   means  chiefly  the  town  was  soon  after 

Sept.  6.    surrendred  ^. 

The  Irish  being  reduced  to  extremity,  and  most  of  the 
country  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  the  Parliament  resolved 
to  give  the  adventurers  possession  of  lands  proportionable 
to  the  several  sums  they  had  advanced,  and  also  to  satisfy 
the  arrears  of  the  army  out  of  the  same,  as  they  had  for- 
merly promised  :  which  that  they  might  be  enabled  to  per- 

Aug.  12.  form,  they  passed  an  Act,  confiscating  so  much  of  the 
estates  of  those  who  had  acted  against  the  English,  as  they 
judged  the  quality  of  their  crimes  to  require,  and  extending 
their  clemency  to  those  who  had  carried  themselves  peace- 
ably ^.  In  the  mean  time  that  I  might  bring  such  as  re- 
mained yet  in  arms  against  us  to  a  necessity  of  submitting, 
July.  I  marched  with  a  party  of  about  four  thousand  horse  and 
foot ;  and  having  scoured  the  counties  of  Wexford  and 
Wicklo  ^,  placing  garisons  where  I  thought  convenient,  I 

'  Heath,  p.  603;  Mercurius  Poll-  the  country  upon  the  publishing  the 
ticus,  pp.  1837,  1862,  1892 ;  Several  Act,  which  may  probably  be  en- 
Proceedings,  p.  2421  ;  Guizot,  Crom-  deavoured  by  those  that  are  made 
well,  i.  268,  trans.  1854.  incapable  of  pardon,  they  being  very 

-  The  Act  for  the  Settlement  of  numerousandof  great  interest.'  The 
Ireland  passed  Aug.  12,  1652.  On  same  expectation  of  a  new  outbreak 
Oct.  II,  1652,  Ludlow  and  theCom-  is  shown  by  a  letter  of  the  Com- 
missioners ordered  the  Act  to  be  missioners  to  the  commanders  in  the 
published  and  proclaimed  in  every  several  precincts,  Sept.  6,  1652. 
precinct  'by  beat  of  drum  and  sound  '  A  letter  from  Jones  and  Corbet 
of  trumpet.'  Prendergast,  p.  97.  to  the  Council  of  State,  July  22, 
The  Commissioners  in  forwarding  1652,  says :  '  The  parties  that  yet 
the  Act  to  Ludlow  on  Aug.  30,  re-  stand  out  arc  that  of  O'Brien's,  who 
commended  him  to  take  special  care  skulks  in  the  mountains  of  Kerry, 
by  the  disposition  of  his  forces  and  Cork  and  Tipperary.  The  party 
garrisons  to  prevent  '  disturbance  in  commanded    by   Grace,   being  com- 


Smoking  ont  the  Irish.  327 

went  to  Tredagh,  where  I  met  the  rest  of  tlie  Parliament's  1652 
Commissioners  ^ ;  and  having  staid  eight  days  in  that  place  Aui^^ust. 
to  settle  affairs,  I  continued  my  march  into  the  county  of 
Meath,  and  coming  to  Carrick  Mac  Ross,  a  house  belonging 
to  the  Earl  of  Essex,  where  the  rebels  had  barbarously 
murdered  one  Mr.  Blany  a  justice  of  peace  in  that  country  2, 
I  caused  it  to  be  fortified,  and  put  a  garison  in  it,  being 
advantageously  situated  to  restrain  the  enemy's  excursions  '^ 
From  hence  I  went  to  visit  the  garison  of  Dundalk,  and 
being  upon  my  return,  I  found  a  party  of  the  enemy  retired 
within  a  hollow  rock,  which  was  discovered  by  one  of  ours, 
who  saw  five  or  six  of  them  standing  before  a  narrow 
passage  at  the  mouth  of  the  cave.  The  rock  was  so  thick, 
that  we  thought  it  impossible  to  dig  it  down  upon  them, 
and  therefore  resolved  to  try  to  reduce  them  by  smoak. 
After  some  of  our  men  had  spent  most  part  of  the  day  in 
endeavouring  to  smother  those  within  by  fire  placed  at  the 
mouth  of  the  cave,  they  withdrew  the  fire,  and  the  next 
morning  supposing  the  Irish  to  be  made  uncapable  of  re- 
sistance by  the  smoak,  some  of  them  with  a  candle  before 
them  crawled  into  the  rock.  One  of  the  enemy  who  lay  in 
the  middle  of  the  entrance  fired  his  pistol,  and  shot  the  first 
of  our  men  into  the  head,  by  whose  loss  we  found  that  the 
smoak  had  not  taken  the  designed  effect.  But  seeing  no 
other  way  to  reduce  them,  I  caused  the  trial  to  be  repeated, 

puted  about  looo  foot  and  some  few  them).    Irish  Records,  —  50,  p.  198. 

horse,  who  keep  in  the  fastnesses  in  1  Corbet   and    Jones^  wrote    from 

King  s  and    Queen's    counties,    and  progheda  on  Aug.  9.     Ludlow  signs 

are  attended  by  Col.    Sankey  with  ^  j^j^^^   1^^^^^.  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^,^ 

the  forces  of  Tipperary,  and  by  Col.  ^  ^ 

Axtell  with  the  forces  of  Kilkenny.  \  Richard  Blaney,  M.P.  for  Mona- 

The    party    commanded   by    Phehm  ^^^^^   ^.j^^^^   ^^^^^  j^  described  in 

McHugh  McBirne  and  the  Cavanaghs  ^j^^   'Depositions'  printed  by   Miss 

in    the   fastnesses    of  Wicklow   and  Hickson ;     '  Ireland    in    the    Seven- 

Wexford,  towards  whom  Lieut.-Gen.  ^^^^^^  Century,  Or  the  Massacres  of 

Ludlow  is  now  marching  with  about  ^g^^  .   ^gg^^  pp    jg^^  209,  213. 

2000  horse  and  foot  to  plant  garrisons  3  Carrickmacross     is      in     Monn- 

in    those   fastnesses   to    dislodge    or  ^j^^^_     ^^^^^  ]yiQQ^g  of  Col_  jngolds- 

break  the  enemy  (who  can  and  will  ^y  s  regiment  was  made  governor  by 

avoid    engagement    be    the     forces  Ludlow 
never   so    many   that    come  against 


328  The  cave  is  entered, 

1652  and  upon  examination  found  that  tho  a  great  smoak  went 
into  the  ca\ity  of  the  rock,  yet  it  came  out  again  at  other 
crevices ;  upon  which  I  ordered  those  places  to  be  closely 
stopped,  and  another  smother  made.  About  an  hour  and 
half  after  this,  one  of  them  was  heard  to  groan  very  strongly, 
and  afterwards  more  weakly,  whereby  we  presumed  that 
the  work  was  done ;  yet  the  fire  was  continued  till  about 
midnight,  and  then  taken  away,  that  the  place  might  be 
cool  enough  for  ours  to  enter  the  next  morning.  At  which 
time  some  went  in  armed  with  back,  breast,  and  head-piece, 
to  prevent  such  another  accident  as  fell  out  at  their  first 
attempt  ;  but  they  had  not  gone  above  six  yards  before 
they  found  the  man  that  had  been  heard  to  groan,  who  was 
the  same  that  had  killed  one  of  our  men  with  his  pistol, 
and  who  resolving  not  to  quit  his  post,  had  been,  upon 
stopping  the  holes  of  the  rock,  choaked  by  the  smoak.  Our 
souldiers  put  a  rope  about  his  neck,  and  drew  him  out. 
The  passage  being  cleared,  they  entred,  and  having  put 
about  fifteen  to  the  sword,  brought  four  or  five  out  alive, 
with  the  priest's  robes,  a  crucifix,  chalice,  and  other  fur- 
niture of  that  kind.  Those  within  preserved  themselves  by 
laying  their  heads  close  to  a  water  that  ran  through  the 
rock.  We  found  two  rooms  in  the  place,  one  of  which  was 
large  enough  to  turn  a  pike ;  and  having  filled  the  mouth 
of  it  with  large  stones,  we  quitted  it,  and  marched  to  Castle- 
Blany,  where  I  left  a  party  of  foot,  and  some  horse,  as  I  had 
done  before  at  Carrick  and  Newry,  whereby  that  part  of 
the  county  of  Monaghan  was  pretty  well  secured  ^  We 
continued  our  march  to  Monaghan,  and  so  to  Aghur,  where 
we  cast  up  some  works,  and  left  a  garison  to  defend  it. 
Near  this  place  lay  the  creaght  of  Lieutenant-General 
O'Neal,  son  to  that  O'Neal  who  after  several  years'  imprison- 
ment in  the  Tower  of  London  died  there  ^:  he  came  over 


*  Captain  Baker  of  Ludlow's  own  '■  On  May  i,  1652,  Col.  Venables 

regiment    was    made    governor    of  concluded  articles  of  agreement  with 

Castle   Blaney.     A   few   days   later  Colonels  Therlogh  O'Neill  and  Art 

46  of  his  horse  were  surprised  by  O'Neill,  at  Dundalk.    One  of  these 

the  Irish  while  they  were  grazing.  two  may  be  referred  to  here. 


Creaghts  and  their  inconveniences.  329 

from  the  service  of  the  King  of  Spain  to  be  Lieutenant-  1652 
General  to  the  army  of  Owen  Roe  O'Neal  ;  but  upon  some 
jealousy  or  particular  discontent  was  laid  aside.  This  man 
with  his  wife,  who  he  said  was  niece  to  the  Dutchess  of 
Artois,  and  some  children,  removed,  as  the  Irish  do  gener- 
ally in  those  parts,  with  their  tenants  and  cattel,  from  one 
place  to  another,  where  there  is  convenicncy  of  grass,  water 
and  wood ;  and  there  having  built  a  house,  which  they  do 
compleatly  in  an  hour  or  two,  they  stay  till  they  want  grass, 
and  then  dislodg  to  another  station.  This  way  of  living 
is  accompanied  with  many  inconveniences  to  the  publick 
service  ;  for  they  not  only  give  shelter  to  the  enemy,  but 
take  all  advantages  themselves  both  to  plunder  and  kill, 
none  knowing  whence  they  come,  or  whither  they  go,  and 
so  can  neither  easily  be  prevented  nor  found  out^  From 
hence  I  marched  to  Inniskillin  in  the  county  of  Fermagnah, 
that  I  might  take  a  view  of  the  place,  and  likewise  provide 
materials  to  fortify  Lesneskey,  otherwise  Bally  Balfoar, 
and  to  reduce  an  island  kept  by  the  Irish  in  Loughern,  with 
another  fort  they  possessed  near  Bulturbet.  Being  at  Les- 
neskey, I  was  met  by  Commissary-General  Reynolds,  who 
with  a  party  of  horse  and  foot  had  dispersed  the  enemy  in 

'  'The  "  keraghts,"  "  creaghts,"  or  upon  lands   proportionable  to   their 

"  kerriaghts,"   frequently  mentioned  respective  stock,  and  enjoining  them 

in  connection  with   the    Irish   army  to  betake  themselves  to  tillage  and 

of  Ulster,  consisted  of  several  home-  husbandrys,  and  in   case  of  refusal 

less    families,    who   wandered    from  to  seize  upon  the  cattle  and  stock  of 

place  to  place  with  their  herds  and  such  persons,  and  appraising   them 

flocks,   maintaining    themselves    and  upon   oath   to   expose  them  to  sale 

contributing  to  the  victualling  of  their  for  the  best  advantage  of  the  Com- 

army.'     Gilbert,  Aphorismical    Dis-  monwealth.'       The    Commissioners 

covery,  i.  xxxiv.     On  Jan.  25,  1653,  wish  to  know  h'ow  far  their  orders 

the  Commissioners  wrote  to  the  com-  have   been    carried    out,   and    add, 

manders  of  the  '  Precincts ' :  '  Upon  '  that  in  the  fixing  of  all  such  creaghts 

serious  consideration  of  the  incon-  you  be  very  careful  that  the  persons 

venience  of  permitting  the  Irish  to  be  disposed  of  in  such  places  as  may 

live   in   creaghts    after   a  loose   dis-  be  at  most  distance  from  their  rela- 

orderly  manner,  whereby  the  enemy  tionsand  friends,  to  the  end  all  relief 

comes  to  be  relieved  and  sustained,  may  the  better  be  debarred  from  the 

and  the    contribution   oft    damaged,  ,    A 

J       .  J        c  r^  .\x  enemy.'    -  50,  p.  414. 

we  issued  out  an  order  of  Oct.  the  "^       90 

nth,    for  the   fixing   such    persons 


d^^ 


Fleetwood  lands  in  Ireland. 


1652  Letrim.  Having  fortified  this  place,  and  made  some  pre- 
parations for  the  reduction  of  the  island  before  mentioned, 
September.  I  received  advice  from  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament  at 
Dublin,  that  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  had  landed  at 
Waterford,  and  was  gone  to  Kilkenny,  where  they  designed 
to  attend  him  \  The  news  of  his  arrival  was  very  welcome 
to  me,  having  found  my  care  and  fatigues  recompensed 
only  with  envy  and  hatred  ;  and  therefore  having  given 
orders  where  I  was  for  the  carrying  on  the  publick  service, 
October.  I  hastned  after  the  Commissioners  ;  and  being  come  to 
Kilkenny,  I  saluted  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  con- 
gratulated his  safe  arrival^;  after  which  I  gave  him  an 
account  of  the  affairs  of  the  army,  with  assurances  of  my 
resolution  to  obey  his  orders.  In  this  place  Col.  Walter 
Bagnal,  who  had  been  one  of  the  hostages  delivered  to  us 
for  the  performance  of  the  treaty  concluded  with  those  of 
the  province  of  Leinster,  was  by  the  Marshal  detained 
prisoner  upon  an  accusation  brought  against  him  for  the 
murder  of  an  English-man  ;  which  crime  being  excepted 
out  of  those  articles  and  all  others  at  any  time  granted  to 
the  Irish,  the  Commissioners  thought  themselves  obliged  in 
duty  to  put  him  upon  his  trial,  and  to  that  end  caused  him 


'  The  Commissioners  wrote  to 
Fleetwood  from  Drogheda  on  Sept. 
14,  congratulating  him  on  his  arrival. 
'  This  morning  your  letter  of  the 
nth  instant  brought  us  the  welcome 
news  of  your  safe  arrival,  for  which 
we  desire  to  bow  our  knees  and  lift 
up  our  hearts  in  all  thankfulness  to 
the  Father  of  all  mercies,  that  in  the 
midst  of  these  storms  in  this  tem- 
pestuous season  hath  vouchsafed  his 
sweet  and  great  mercy  to  you  and 
our  dear  friends  with  you.  As  to 
our  coming  to  Kilkenny,  we  shall 
hasten  the  same  as  soon  as  this 
distance  can  with  any  conveniency 
afford  opportunity,  and  do  hope  on 
Saturday  night  we  shall  by  the  help 
of  God  be  ready  there  to  meet  with 
you,  or  to  receive  your  further  com- 


mands. The  Lieut. -Gen.  of  the  Horse 
is  now  in  Ulster  where  he  hath  been 
this  month  last  past,  and  we  hope 
that  work  he  designed  by  his  going 
thither  is  near  accomplished,  and 
liis  last  letter  signified  to  us  that  he 
did  purpose  to  return  hither  the 
ending  of  this  week  .  .  .  his  lady 
doth  tomorrow  remove  with  us  to 
Dublin,    and    there    to    stay  till    his 

return  thither.'    —  50,  p.  290. 

^  See  letter  of  Ludlow  and  other 
Commissioners  from  Kilkenny,  Oct. 
14,  1652,  reprinted  in  the  Appendi.x. 
Fleetwood  signed  in  conjunction 
with  them,  on  Oct.  22,  a  letter  on 
behalf  of  Sir  Hardress  Waller  which 
is  amongst  the  Tanner  MSS.  vol.  53, 
p.  139- 


Blake  and  De  Ruyter.  331 

to  be  brought  before  them,  where  upon  full  proof  they  con-  1652 
demned  him  to  be  shot  to  death  ;  which  sentence  was 
executed  accordingly  ^.  The  Lieutenant-General  remained 
some  time  at  Kilkenny;  but  the  Commissioners  having 
dispatched  their  affairs  in  those  parts,  returned  to  Dublin, 
and  I  accompanied  them  thither. 

The  Holland  fleet  appearing  off  the  Goodwin  Sands, 
Admiral  Blake  hastned  the  foot  souldiers  aboard,  and  set 
sail  after  them  ;  but  they  tacked  about,  and  made  away 
towards  the  French  coast  ;  where  being  joined  by  the  ships 
commanded  by  Vice-Admiral  De  Ruyter,  they  returned 
towards  our  fleet,  and  came  within  six  leagues  of  the  North 
Foreland.  Capt.  Mildmay  in  the  Nonpareille,  about  four  Sept.  28. 
in  the  afternoon,  exchanged  some  shot  with  them  ;  and 
soon  after  the  English  Admiral,  with  a  few  more,  came 
up  also,  the  rest  of  the  fleet  by  reason  of  bad  weather 
being  yet  far  behind.  The  Dutch  kept  themselves  close 
together,  firing  several  single  shot  at  ours,  which  our 
Admiral  thought  not  fit  to  answer,  till  the  rest  of  his  fleet 
was  come  up  to  him,  and  then  he  began  to  fire  on  the 
Admiral  of  Holland.  The  fight  lasted  from  five  till  seven, 
when  night  parted  them,  the  Reer-Admiral  of  the  enemy 
having  lost  all  his  masts,  and  two  more  of  their  ships  most 
part  of  their  rigging.  Capt.  Mildmay  followed  them  close, 
and  being  come  up  with  them,  commanded  his  small  shot 
to  be  fired  into  that  ship  that  made  most  sail,  immediately 
after   which   he   boarded   and   took   her.     This   done,  he 

^  Walter  Bagenal's  name  appears  kenny  by  sentence  of  the  High  Court 

at  the  head  of  the  list  of  persons  of  Justice,  wherebj'  his  estate  which 

condemned  by  the  High   Court    of  was  considerable  became  forfeited  to 

Justice     at     Kilkenny.       Mercurius  the  Commonwealth.     He  left  divers 

Politicus,  p.  2151  ;  cf.  Aphorismical  young  children.     The  Council  here 

Discovery,  iii.  134 ;  Hickson,  i.  161  ;  are    desirous    that    this   young   man 

ii.  52-60.     He  was  Ormond's  cousin,  should   be   bound   an    apprentice   to 

and    Carte    describes    him    as    con-  some  person  in  London,  where  he 

demned  upon    slight  pretences  and  may   be   virtuously  trained   up  and 

false  evidence.     On  April   16,   1656,  by    benefit    of  good    education    and 

the    Irish     Council    wrote    to    Mr.  distance  hence  be  wholly  estranged 

Hampden:   'There  is  a  youth  now       .         ,.,-..,       1  .■        »     A     „ 
.     -r^uT-        u         r  .1.      /-   T    T^  1       from  his  Popish  relations.      —  28,  p. 

in  Dublin  whose  lather  Col.  Bagenal  S*^ 

suffered  about  4  years  since  at  Kil-       ^'^ 


332  The  Dutch  defeated. 

1652  pursued  another,  and  in  half  an  hour  overtook  her,  and 
Sept.  29.  forced  her  to  yield  also.  In  one  of  these  ships  was  the 
Dutch  Reer-Admiral,  whom  Capt.  Mildmay  took  out^  with 
the  rest  of  the  men,  and  then  let  her  sink,  she  being  so 
disabled,  that  he  despaired  of  bringing  her  off  ^.  The  next 
morning  our  fleet  pursued  the  Dutch,  who  made  away  with 
all  possible  speed,  and  about  four  in  the  afternoon  bore 
up  with  them  ;  but  none  of  our  great  ships  except  the 
admiral  being  able  to  reach  them,  the  night  separated 
Sept.  30.  them  again.  The  next  day  the  Dutch  recovered  Goree 
and  others  of  their  harbours,  so  that  our  fleet  thought 
fit  to  desist  any  farther  pursuit  of  them.  On  our  side  we 
had  but  three  of  our  men  and  Capt.  Jai-vis  killed,  with 
about  twenty  wounded.  The  enemy's  loss  was  considerable, 
many  of  their  men  being  killed  and  wounded,  besides 
several  taken  prisoners  ;  and  three  of  their  ships  sunk  and 
taken.  Fourteen  more  were  also  brought  into  their  ports 
much  damaged  in  the  engagement,  with  great  numbers 
of  wounded  men  on  board.  Their  fleet  coming  to  Goree, 
the  captains  were  forbidden  to  come  a  shore  till  enquiry 
should  be  made  touching  those  who  had  refused  to  fight  in 
the  first  encounter  with  the  English.  Hereupon  the  enmity 
of  the  Dutch  against  the  English  nation  grew  to  such  a 
height,  that  to  render  them  odious,  and  to  encourage  their 
own  subjects  to  come  in  to  serve  against  them,  they  caused 
the  execution  of  the  late  King  to  be  represented  on  the 
stage  in  a  most  tragical  manner  :  insomuch  that  those  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange's  party  were  not  without  hopes  that 
the  States  of  Holland  would  rather  surrender  their  liberties 
to  the  Prince,  than  quietly  suffer  England  to  live  under  the 
government  of  a  Commonwealth.  Some  prejudice  we  re- 
ceived in  two  encounters  with  the  Dutch  in  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  ;  but  those  slight  successes  were  wholly  owing  to  their 
number,  and  not  at  all  to  their  courage  or  conduct-. 

'  Relations  of  this  engagement  are  Penn,    i.    440;    Geddes,    John    de 

printed    in    Mercurius    Politicus,    p.  Witt,  i.  252-8. 

1926  ;  Several  Proceedings,  p.  2475  ;  ^  Captain  Richard  Badiley  was  de- 
Heath,  p.  605 ;  Life  of  Sir  William  feated   by  Admiral   Van    Galen    off 


Hostility  of  Denmark  to  the  Republic.     333 

The    Parliament    gave   audience   to   ambassadors    from       1652 
Venice  and   Portugal,  referring  the  consideration  of  their    Ju"e  15. 
instructions  to  the   Council  of  State,  who  were  required   Sept.  30. 
to  report  their  opinions  touching  them  to  the  Parliament. 
They  also  ordered  a  letter  to  be  drawn  up  and  dispatched    Sept.  30. 
to  the  Grand   Duke  of  Tuscany,  to  give  him  thanks  for 
the  good  usage  received  from  him  by  the  English  merchants 
at  Leghorn.     About  the  same  time  thirty  frigats  were  ap-   Sept.  28. 
pointed  to  be  built,  as  well  to  increase  the  fleet,  as  to  secure 
the  trade  of  the  nation  by  cruising.     Eighteen  men  of  war 
were  likewise  sent  into  the   Sound   under  the  conduct  of   Sept.  9. 
Capt.  Hall,  who  at  his  arrival  before  Elsenore,  delivered   Sept.  30. 
a  letter  to  the  governour  of  that  place  for  the  King  of 
Denmark,  with  assurances  that  he  was  come  thither  for 
no  other  end  than  to  convoy  home  two  and  twenty  English 
merchant  ships  formerly  seized  by  the  said  King  at  Copen- 
hagen.    The  King  of  Denmark  seemed  much  offended  that 
Capt.  Hall  had  entred  the  Sound  without  his  leave,  and 
sent  four  thousand  men  to  Cronenburg  and  Elsenore,  to  - 
reinforce  those  places,  giving  orders  to  his  fleet  to  join  with 
the   Hollanders,  who   were   not  far  off",  and  to  fight   the 
English  in  case  they  attacked  the  Dutch.     These  great   Sept.  27. 
preparations  obliged  Capt.  Hall  to  retire  from  thence,  and 
to  return  to  Newcastle.     Hereupon  the  Danish  ambassador 
at  London  had  his  audience  of  leave  from  the  Parliament,    Oct.  29. 
and  his  master  began  to  prepare  twenty  ships  of  war  for 
the  assistance  of  the  Dutch,  alledging  himself  bound  so  to 
do  by  a  treaty  with  them  :  in  order  to  which  he  caused 
the  goods  belonging  to  the  English  to  be  taken  out  of  the 
two  and  twenty  ships  before-mentioned,  and  to  be  sold, 
declaring  openly  for  the  Hollanders. 

In  the  mean  time  the  reformation  of  the  Law  went  on  but 
slowly,  it  being  the  interest  of  the  lawyers  to  preserve  the 

Corsica,   Aug.   27,    28,    1651.      The  Dutch    in    Leghorn    harbour,   were 

Phoenix,  taken  in  this  engagement,  defeated    and    all    but     one    taken, 

was    recaptured    Nov.    20,    but    on  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.    1920,  1996, 

March  4, 1652,  Captain  Henry  Apple-  2140,  2166,  2323,  2339,  2349 ;  Heath, 

ton  and  six  ships,  blockaded  by  the  pp.  608   613   619,  622. 


334  Progress  of  domestic  reforms, 

1652  lives,  liberties  and  estates  of  the  whole  nation  in  their  own 
hands.  So  that  upon  the  debate  of  registring  deeds  in 
each  country,  for  want  of  which,  within  a  certain  time  fixed 
after  the  sale,  such  sales  should  be  void,  and  being  so 
registred,  that  land  should  not  be  subject  to  any  incum- 
brance :  this  word  '  incumbrance '  was  so  managed  by  the 
lawyers,  that  it  took  up  three  months  time  before  it  could 
be  ascertained  by  the  committee  ^ 

The  Act  for  putting  a  period  to  the  Parliament  was  still 
before  a  committee  of  the  whole  House,  who  had  made 
a  considerable  progress  therein,  having  agreed  upon  a  more 
equal  distribution  of  the  power  of  election  throughout 
England :  and  whereas  formerly  some  boroughs  that  had 
scarce  a  house  upon  them  chose  two  members  to  be  their 
representatives  in  Parliament,  (just  as  many  as  the  greatest 
cities  in  England,  London  only  excepted)  and  the  single 
county  of  Cornwall  elected  forty-four,  when  Essex  and 
other  counties  bearing  as  great  a  share  in  the  payment  of 
taxes,  sent  no  more  than  six  or  eight  ;  this  unequal 
representation  of  the  people  the  Parliament  resolved  to 
correct,  and  to  permit  only  some  of  the  principal  cities  and 
boroughs  to  chuse,  and  that  for  the  most  part  but  one 
representative,  the  city  of  London  only  excepted,  which  on 
account  of  the  great  proportion  of  their  contributions  and 
taxes  were  allowed  to  elect  six.  The  rest  of  the  four 
hundred,  whereof  the  Parliament  was  to  consist,  (besides 
those  that  served  for  Ireland  and  Scotland)  were  appointed 
to  be  chosen  by  the  several  counties,  in  as  near  a  proportion 
as  was  possible  to  the  sums  charged  upon  them  for  the  service 
of  the  State,  and  all  men  admitted  to  be  electors  who  were 
worth  two  hundred  pounds  in  lands,  leases  or  goods'-. 

^  On    Dec.    26,    1651,   Parliament  well,'    said    Cromwell    in    1657,   'at 

referred  the  subject  of  law  reform  to  the   old  Parliament  we  were  three 

a  committee,  appointing  a  committee  months,  and  could  not  get  over  the 

to  select  fit  persons,  whose  nomina-  word    "  Incumbrances."  '      Carlyle's 

tions   were   approved    on    Jan.    17,  Cromwell,  Speech  xiii. 

1652.     C.  J. :  see  also  Masson,  Life  ^  On  the  history  of  the  '  Bill  for  a 

of  Milton,  iv.  385  ;  Inderwick,  The  New  Representative,'  see    Masson, 

Interregnum,  p.  201.     '  I  remember  Life   of  Milton,   iv.   308,  404.     The 


Enquiry  into  the  Irish  Massacres.         335 

Divers  informations  were  brought  against  the  Irish  for  1652 
murders  committed  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebelHon  and 
since  upon  the  EngHsh.  The  principal  of  the  accused  were 
Col.  Maccarty  Reagh,  who  was  seized  in  the  county  of 
Cork;  the  Lord  Mayo  in  the  county  of  Gal  way;  the  mother 
of  Col.  Fitz-Patrick  in  the  province  of  Leinster,  with  many 
others  ^  And  for  the  encouragement  of  the  plantations  in 
Ireland,  the  Parliament  permitted  the  people  of  England  to  Aug.  18. 
transport  thither  all  sorts  of  cattel  and  grain  free  of  all 
custom,  and  ordered  that  their  Commissioners  in  Ireland 
should  raise  a  revenue  there  for  all  such  as  had  been 
wounded  and  disabled,  and  for  the  widows  and  children 
of  those  that  had  been  killed  in  the  publick  service  ^. 

The  vice-admiral  of  Prince  Rupert's  fleet  carrying  forty 
pieces  of  cannon,  was  brought  into  Plymouth  by  the  English 
seamen  she  had  on  board,  who  finding  a  favourable  occasion, 
near  Cape  de  Verd  seized  the  captain  and  the  rest  of  the 
company,  being  all  French  and  Dutch :  upon  which  the 
Council  of  State  received  orders  from  the  Parliament  to 
reward  the  said  seamen,  and  to  prepare  an  Act  to  encourage 
others  to  follow  their  example  ^. 

The  Dutch  Admiral  Van  Trump,  with  one  hundred  and 
ten  ships  of  war,  and  some  fire-ships,  being  joined  by  seven- 
teen men  of  war  from  Zealand,  sailed  from  Goree  with 
orders  to  convoy  safe  out  of  the  Channel  a  fleet  of  near 
five  hundred  merchant  ships,  designed  for  France,  Spain, 
Portugal,  Italy,  Barbary,  and  the  Levant,  and  to  take  all  the 
advantages  he  could  against  the  English.     Hereupon  the 

Instrument   of  Government   carried  ceding  April,  Jones  had  brought  for- 

into  effect  the  scheme  passed  by  the  ward    the    depositions    collected    in 

Long  Parliament,  and  originally  sug-  1642. 

gested    in    the    Agreement   of    the  '''  See  C.  J.,  vii.  166. 

People.  ^  See    the    narrative    of    William 

^  The  task   of  bringing  these  in-  Coxon  of  the  recapture  of  the  ship 

formations    was    specially   assigned  Marmaduke  of  London,  '  which  was 

to    Dr.     Henry   Jones,    the    Scout-  late  Vice-admiral  to  Prince  Rupert 

master  General.     See  the  letter  of  and    called    by    him    the    Revenge 

the  Commissioners  to  Jones,  Aug.  9,  of  Whitehall.'     Cal.    S.    P.,    Dom., 

1652.     Already   in    the    debates    of  1651-2,  p.  308 ;  Several  Proceedings 

the  officers  at  Kilkenny  in  the  pre-  in  Parliament,  p.  2206. 


00'' 


Blake  defeated  in  the  Downs. 


1652  Parliament  passed  an  act  for  the  sale  of  the  estates  of  some, 
>."ov.  iS.  who  having  been  adjudged  delinquents,  had  refused  to  lay- 
hold  of  the  favour  extended  to  them  of  compounding  ; 
which  they  did  to  ease  the  people  of  some  part  of  the 
charge  of  this  war  against  the  Dutch  ;  yet  their  occasions 
Dec.  10.  were  so  pressing,  that  they  were  constrained  to  lay  a  tax 
for  some  months  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
pounds  a  month,  which  the  people  willingly  paid,  because 
they  knew  that  it  was  wholly  employed  in  their  service. 

Most  of  the  Dutch  merchant  ships  were  by  bad  weather 
and  contrary  winds  driven  back  into  their  harbours,  but  their 
men  of  war  kept  out  at  sea ;  and  Van  Trump  having 
received  advice  that  Admiral  Blake  had  sent  away  twenty 
of  his  ships  to  convoy  a  fleet  of  laden  colliers  from  New- 
castle, twelve  towards  Plymouth,  and  fifteen  up  the  river, 
which  had  suffered  some  damage  by  storm,  and  that  he  had 
left  with  him  but  thirty-seven  ships  of  war,  came  into  the 
Downs  with  fourscore  men  of  war,  and  thirty  of  the  ablest 
merchant-men  of  the  fleet  he  was  appointed  to  convoy. 
Notwithstanding  which  inequality  of  number  it  was  unani- 
Nov.  30.  mously  resolved  in  a  council  of  war  to  fight  the  Dutch  fleet. 
Accordingly  a  day  or  two  after  ours  engaged  them  about 
noon,  and  the  fight  continued  till  night  separated  them  ^ 
In  this  fight  we  lost  two  ships,  the  Garland  of  40,  and  the 
Bonaventure  of  36  guns  ;  and  tho  in  recompence  we  burnt 
one  of  their  admirals,  and  killed  many  of  their  men, 
particularly  two  secretaries  who  were  on  board  their 
admiral,  yet  the  Dutch  were  exceedingly  elevated  with 
this  little  success  ;  and  being  informed  that  the  English 
fleet  was  in  great  want  of  all  sorts  of  naval  stores,  they 
published  a  placaet  to  prohibit  the  exportation  of  them 
hither  under  severe  penalties.  They  also  threatned  to  drive 
us  out  of  the  islands  which  we  possessed  in  America,  and  to 
that  end  sent  some  ships  to  join  Prince  Rupert,  which  with 
those  revolted  English  made  up  in  all  twenty-five  sail. 
The  King  of  Denmark  likewise  promised  to  assist  them  by 

*  See  the  relation  of  this  battle  in  Mercurius    Politicus,   Dec.    2-9,  pp- 
2064,  2097,  2103,  2124. 


Naval  reforms.  337 

the  next  spring  with  thirty  ships  of  war,  for  the  sum  of  one       1652 
million  of  guilders  which  they  agreed  to  pay  to  him  ^ 

In  the  mean  time  the  Parliament  having  received  infor- 
mation of  the  misbehaviour  of  some  officers  in  the  late 
engagement,  appointed  a  committee,  whereof  Sir  Henry  Dec.  10. 
Vane,  Mr.  John  Carew,  and  Major  Salloway,  were  the 
principal,  impowering  them  to  place  and  displace  officers, 
and  to  regulate  all  matters  relating  to  the  sea,  in  such  a 
manner  as  might  be  most  conducing  to  the  service  of  the 
state.  These  commissioners  used  such  care  and  diligence 
in  the  discharge  of  this  trust,  that  the  face  of  affairs  soon 
became  much  alter'd  for  the  better  ;  the  ships  that  were 
unserviceable  repaired,  a  considerable  fleet  put  to  sea  well 
officer'd  and  well  mann'd,  the  store-houses  replenish'd 
with  all  manner  of  necessary  provisions,  and  thirty  frigats 
preparing  to  be  built.  Lieutenant-General  Monk  was  also  Nov.  26. 
added  to  the  Generals  Blake  and  Dean,  in  the  room  of 
Col.  Edward  Popham  lately  deceased,  to  take  care  of  the 
equipping  and  commanding  the  fleet.  And  that  nothing 
might  be  wanting  on  our  part  to  preserve  a  good  correspond- 
ence with  such  foreign  states  as  were  in  amity  with  us,  the 
Parliament  sent  the  Lord  Commissioner  Whitlock  on  an  1653 
extraordinary  embassy  to  the  Crown  of  Sweden,  where  he  November. 
was  received  with  all  the  honours  due  to  his  character  ^. 

The  Commissioners  for  the  Irish  affairs  being  at  Dublin, 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  came  thither  with  his  family  ;      1652 
after  whose  arrival  a  commission  was  issued   out  for  the  November, 
trials  of  such  as  were  accused  of  having   murdered   the 
English,  which  was  directed  to  persons  of  known  ability 
and  integrity  in  each  province ".     To   those  formerly  ac- 

^  Ludlow    makes    no    mention    of  Whitelockew^aschosenbytheCouncil 

the  three  days'  battle  off  Portland,  of  State  to  serve  instead  of  Lisle,  Aug. 

Feb.  18,  19,  20,  1653.    Geddes,  i.  486;  1653,  and  embarked  on  Nov.  6,  and 

Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.  2250-76.  arrived  at  Upsala  in  December.    See 

^  On  Dec.  23,  1652,  Parliament  Whitelocke's  Journal  of  the  Swedish 
determined  to  send  an  ambassador  Embassy,  ed.  Reeve,  1855. 
to  Sweden,  and  on  Dec.  31,  Viscount  '  Extracts  from  the  records  of  the 
Lisle  was  selected.  His  instructions  High  Court  of  Justice  are  printed  in 
were  not  ready  till  March  22,  1653.  Miss  Hickson's 'Ireland  in  the  Seven- 
After  the  expulsion  of  the  Rump,  teenth  Century,  or  the  Massacres  of 
VOL.  L                                             Z 


;^-,2,8  Ireland  declared  subdited. 

1652  CLised  was  added  the  Lord  Muskerry,  who  was  charged  to 
have  put  many  Englishmen  to  death  in  the  way  between 
his  house  of  Mackroom  and  the  city  of  Cork.  Upon  this 
accusation  the  said  lord  was  seized,  and  ordered  to  be 
prosecuted  by  the  Court  of  Justice  at  Dublin  for  the  same. 
The  Commissioners  also  by  order  of  the  Parliament  pub- 
lished a  declaration  to  inform  the  publick,  and  particu- 
larly the  adventurers,  who  had  advanced  money  upon  the 
Irish  lands,  that  the  war  in  Ireland  was  concluded.  This 
they  did  as  well  that  the  said  adventurers  might  have  what 
was  justly  due  to  them,  as  that  the  poor  wasted  country 
of  Ireland  might  have  the  assistance  of  their  own  purses 
and  labour,  to  recover  the  stock  and  growth  of  the  land  ; 
the  Irish  having  all  along  eaten  out  the  heart  and  vigour  of 
the  ground,  and  of  late  much  more  than  ever,  being  in 
daily  apprehensions  of  being  removed. 

All  arrears  due  to  the  English  army  in  Ireland  were 
satisfied  by  the  Parliament  out  of  the  estates  forfeited  by 
the  rebels,  which  were  delivered  to  them  at  the  same  rates 
with  the  first  adventurers  ^.  In  this  transaction  those  of 
the  army  shewed  great  partiality,  by  confining  the  satis- 
faction of  arrears  only  to  such  as  were  in  arms  in  August 
1649,  which  was  the  time  when  the  English  army  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant-General  Cromwel  arrived  in  Ireland  ; 
and  tho  the  hardships  endured  by  those  who  were  in  arms 
before  had  been  much  greater,  yet  nothing  could  be  ob- 
tained but  such  a  proportion  of  lands  in  the  county  of 
Wicklo,  and  elsewhere,  as  was  not  sufficient  to  clear  the 
fourth   part    of  what   was    due    to    them  -.      Those   who 

1641,'  1884,  vol.  ii.  p.  172-235.     The  due    to    tlie   soldiery  there,  and   of 

first  of  the  courts  set  up  opened  its  other  pubHc  debts,  passed  Sept.  27, 

proceedings  at  Kilkenny,  Oct.  4, 1652.  1653.      Possibly    he    confuses   it   in 

The  commission  to  the  Galway  court  point  of  time  with  the  Act  for  stating 

is  dated  Dec.  17,  1652.    Other  courts  the  accounts  of  officers  and  soldiers 

sat    at   Waterford,    Cork,    Dundalk  employed   in    Ireland,   passed   Aug. 

and  Dublin.     Coxe,  Hibernia  Angli-  25,  1652.     The  process  by  which  the 

cana,  Reign  of  Charles  II,  p.  70.  confiscated    lands    were    divided    is 

*   Ludlow  refers  to  the  Act  for  the  described    in     Prendergast's    Crom- 

Satisfaction  of  the  Adventurers  for  wellian  Settlement  of  Ireland,  1875. 

lands  in  Ireland,  and  of  the  arrears  ''  See  Prcndergast,  pp.  187-195. 


The  partition  of  the  Irish  lands.  339 

solicited  the  affairs  of  the  army  in  Ireland  with  the  Parlia-  1653 
ment,  having  perswaded  the  adventurers  that  there  were 
forfeited  lands  enough  in  one  moiety  of  nine  principal 
counties,  they  accepted  of  them  for  their  satisfaction,  and 
the  other  moiety  was  assigned  by  the  Act  for  the  satis- 
faction of  the  souldiers  ;  the  rest  of  Ireland  was  also 
disposed  of,  only  the  province  of  Connaught  was  reserved 
for  the  Irish  under  the  qualifications  agreed  upon  by  the 
Parliament :  according  to  which  they  were  to  be  put 
into  possession  of  the  several  proportions  of  land  which 
had  been  promised  them  in  the  said  province ;  that  so  the 
adventurers,  souldiers,  and  others  to  whom  the  Parliament 
should  assign  their  lands,  might  plant  without  disturbance, 
or  danger  of  being  corrupted  by  intermixing  with  the 
natives  in  marriages  or  otherwise,  which  by  the  experience 
of  former  times  the  English  had  been  found  to  be,  rather 
than  to  have  bettered  the  Irish  either  in  religion  or  good 
manners :  and  that  the  natives  being  divided  by  the  River 
Shannon  from  the  other  provinces,  and  having  garisons 
placed  round  and  amongst  them  in  the  most  proper  and 
convenient  stations,  they  might  not  have  those  oppor- 
tunities to  prejudice  the  English  as  formerly  they  had. 
An  Act  being  drawn  up  to  this  purpose,  the  Parliament  Sept.  2' 
passed  it,  reserving  the  counties  of  Dublin,  Kildare,  Carlo 
and  Cork,  (together  with  the  remaining  part  of  the  lands 
formerly  belonging  to  the  Bishops,  Deans  and  Chapters  of 
Ireland,  whereof  some  had  been  already  applied,  to  aug- 
ment the  revenues  of  the  College  of  Dubhn)  to  be  disposed 
of  as  the  Parliament  should  think  fit. 

The  forfeited  lands  were  divided  between  the  adven- 
turers and  souldiers  by  lot,  according  to  an  estimate  taken 
of  the  number  of  acres  in  the  respective  counties,  in  con- 
formity to  an  order  from  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament  ; 
by  whom  were  appointed  sub-commissioners  to  judg  of  the 
qualifications  of  each  person,  and  others,  who  upon  certi- 
ficate from  the  sub-commissioners  for  determining  qualifi- 
cations, were  required  to  set  out  so  much  land  in  the 
province  of  Connaught  as  belonged  to  every  one  by  virtue 

Z  2 


340  Proceedings  of  the  High  Com't  of  Justice. 

1653  of  the  said  Act.  They  also  estabhshed  a  committee  to  sit 
at  Dubhn  to  receive  and  adjudg  all  claims  of  English 
and  others  to  any  lands,  limiting  a  time  within  which  they 
were  obliged  to  bring  in  and  make  appear  their  respective 
claims  to  be  legal  ;  to  the  end  that  the  adventurers, 
souldiers,  and  others,  might  be  at  a  certainty,  and  after 
such  a  time  free  from  any  molestation  in  the  possession  of 
their  lands  ;  and  that  none  through  ignorance  or  absence 
might  be  surprized,  they  prorogued  the  said  time  twice  or 
thrice  to  a  longer  day. 

The  Courts  of  Justice  erected  at  Dublin  and  in  other 
parts,  proceeded  vigorously  in  making  inquisition  after  the 
murders  that  had  been  committed  ^  Maccarty  Reagh, 
after  much  search  into  the  matter  whereof  he  stood 
accused,  was  acquitted  by  the  court  sitting  at  Cork  ;  and 
so  was  the  Lord  Clanmaliere  by  that  of  Kilkenny;  but  the 
mother  of  Col.  Fitz-Patrick  was  found  guilty  of  the  murder 
of  the  English,  with  this  aggravation,  that  she  said  she 
would  make  candles  of  their  fat.  She  was  condemned  to 
be  burnt,  and  the  sentence  was  executed  accordingly.  Col. 
Lewis  Moor  and  Lewis  Demley  were  also  found  guilty  of 
murder,  for  which  they  were  hanged  '".  Sir  Charles  Coote, 
with  the  rest  of  the  Court  of  Justice  in  the  province  of 
Connaught,  proceeded  against  the  Lord  Mayo  ^,  and  de- 
jan.  15.  clared  him  guilty  of  the  same  crime,  for  which  he  was 
executed  according  to  the  sentence  pronounced  against 
him  ^ 

'  A  list  of  sentences  passed  by  the  2153.        Bridget     Darcy,     wife      of 

court  is  given  by  Miss  Hickson,   ii.  Florence  Fitzpatrick,  and  mother  of 

232.    Other  lists  are  printed  in  Mer-  Col.   John    Fitzpatrick    before    men- 

curius  Politicus,  pp.  1969,  2151,  2371,  tioned.     See  Mercuriiis  Politicus,  p. 

2590,    2823.      Most    of  the   persons  2009. 

condemned  were  executed  without  '  Depositions  against  Lord  Mayo 

any  delay.  are  printed  by  Miss  Hickson,  i.  375- 

^  Charles  MacCarthy  Reagh  was  399;   ii-   1-4.  255.     This  was  Theo- 

acquitted  in  Dec.  1652.     On  his  sub-  bald    Bourke,    3rd    Viscount    Mayo, 

sequent    history,    see     Prendergast,  Lodge,  Irish  Peerage,  ii.  334.     The 

Ireland  from  the  Restoration  to  the  court  at  Galway  was  established  by 

Revolution,  p.  51.     On  Lord  Lewis  commission  dated  Dec.  17,  1652. 

Dempsey,   Lord    Clanmalier,    ib.    p.  *  The    Commissioners    (^including 

52 ;    Mercurius   Politicus,   pp.    2026,  presumably   Ludlow)   wrote  to  Col. 


Trial  of  Lo7'd  Musker^y. 


341 


The  trial  of  the  Lord  Muskerry  was  long,  by  reason  of  a  1653 
clause  which  he  urged  in  his  defence  from  a  printed  copy  December 
of  the  articles  made  with  him  ;  which  tho  it  had  been 
unjust  for  me  to  grant  in  the  terms  there  mentioned,  }-et 
would  have  cleared  him,  and  thrown  the  blame  and  guilt 
upon  me ;  for  articles  given  ought  to  be  made  good.  But 
this  clause  upon  search  into  the  original,  which  I  kept, 
appeared  to  have  been  inserted  by  themselves  in  the  print 
which  they  produced  for  evidence,  under  pretence  of  having 
lost  the  original  articles  signed  by  me.  Notwithstanding 
which,  it  appearing  that  tho  divers  of  the  English  were 
murdered  by  the  convoy  appointed  to  conduct  them  safe 
to  Cork,  the  Lord  Muskerry  had  taken  what  care  he  could 
for  their  security,  and  had  done  what  in  him  lay  to  bring 
the  person  who  was  guilty  of  that  blood  to  justice,  the 
court  acquitted  him,  and  he  was  permitted  according  to  his 
articles  to  pass  into  Spain.  I  have  heard  that  upon  his 
arrival  in  that  kingdom  a  faction  appeared  against  him, 
upon  account  of  his  former  opposition  to  the  Pope's  Nuntio 
in  Ireland ;  so  that  he  finding  but  cold  entertainment  there, 
entred  into  a  treaty  to  put  himself  and  his  men  into  the 
service  of  the  Venetians  ^. 


Phaire  on  Dec.  28,  1652,  ordering 
him  immediately  to  carry  out  the 
sentences  passed.  '  Taking  into  con- 
sideration ho'w  in  those  inquiries  we 
have  made  into  the  innocent  blood 
of  the  English  and  other  Protestants 
that  hath  been  shed  in  this  land, 
the  Lord  hath  evidently  appeared 
in  discovering  and  finding  out  the 
authors  of  those  murders,  that  so  they 
may  be  brought  to  condign  punish- 
ment, we  dare  not  draw  upon  our 
heads  the  guilt  of  delaying  the  exact- 
ing that  justice ;  and  therefore  lest 
yon  might  be  inclinable  to  respite 
(beyond  the  time  limited)  the  sen- 
tences of  the  High  Court  of  Justice, 
by  which  those  persons  committed 
to  your  custody  stand  condemned  to 
die,  we  hold  it  our  duty  to  declare 
our  sense  herein,  which  is  that  you 


do  forthwith  perform  that  duty  which 
lies  on  you.'     Irish  Records,  —  50, 

P-  383- 

'  Muskerry  was  allowed  to  em- 
bark for  Spain  after  his  capitulation 
to  Ludlow,  and  tried  after  his  return 
to  Ireland  in  1653.  'The  Lord 
Muskerry,'  writes  Col.  John  Jones 
on  March  i,  1653,  '  is  lately  landed 
at  Cork,  and  says  he  will  cast  hmi- 
self  upon  the  Parliament's  mere}', 
pretending  the  clergy  in  Spain  had 
determined  to  murder  him,  and  that 
Portugal  would  not  entertain  him,  of 
all  of  which  I  believe  but  my  share.' 
Gilbert,  Aphorismical  Discovery,  iii. 
371.  Muskerry's  trial  is  printed  by 
Miss  Hickson,  ii.  T92  ;  cf.  Carte, 
Ormond,  iii.  629 ;  Thurloe,  ii.  94. 


342  The  case  of  Ltike   Took. 

1653  Luke  Took,  the  head  of  a  sept  in  the  county  of  Wicklo, 

being  conscious  of  his  guilt,  had  formerly  desired  my  pass 
to  come  and  treat  with  me  about  conditions  for  laying 
down  the  arms  of  himself  and  party;  and  to  induce  me  to 
give  him  more  favourable  terms,  said,  he  had  a  horse  and 
saddle  worth  a  hundred  pounds,  which  he  desired  I  would 
accept  of.  I  refusing  his  present,  he  took  it  as  an  ill  omen 
to  him  ;  for  they  are  so  accustomed  to  bribe  their  magis- 
trates in  that  country,  that  if  any  one  refuse  their  presents, 
they  presently  conclude  him  to  be  their  enemy,  and  give 
their  cause  for  lost  ;  and  therefore  he  submitted  not  at 
that  time.  But  now  supposing  he  could  by  no  means 
avoid  falling  into  our  hands,  by  reason  of  the  number  of 
our  garisons  placed  in  all  parts  amongst  them,  who  by 
this  time  were  as  well  acquainted  with  their  retreats  and 
fastnesses  as  themselves,  and  it  may  be  thinking  there 
would  not  appear  sufficient  evidence  to  prove  him  guilty, 
he  submitted  upon  the  same  condition  I  had  formerly 
offered  to  him,  which  was,  that  he  should  be  liable  to 
be  questioned  for  murder,  whereof  being  accused  before 
Jan.  27.  the  court  at  Dublin,  he  was  convicted,  sentenced,  and 
executed  ^. 

Sir  Phelim  O'Neal,  head  also  of  a  sept,  and  one  who 
had  as  great  a  share  as  any  in  the  contriving  and  carrying 
on  the  massacre  and  rebellion,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Lord  Cawfield,  whose  brother  he  had  caused  to  be  mur- 
dered at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion  in  this  manner. 
O'Neal  being  a  neighbour  of  the  Lord  Cawfield,  came  to 
him  under  the  pretence  of  friendship,  with  about  half  a 
dozen  friends,  to  his  castle  of  Charlemont,  where  being 
received,  he  and  those  that  were  with  him  were  carried  to 
drink  in  the  cellar  by  the  Lord  Cawfield,  (both  of  them 
being  too  much  addicted  to  that  which  the  world  calls 
good  fellowship).  After  some  time  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal 
fires   a    pistol,  which  was   a   signal    agreed    on^   and    im- 

'  Should  be  Luke  Toole;  see  Mer-       Ludlow's  Irish  names  are  frequently 
curius  Politicus,  pp.  2241,  2371,  Feb.       inaccurate. 
17-24,    1653;    Hickson,    ii.    33,   34. 


The  case  of  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal.  343 

mediately  thirty   Irish    entred    and    surprized    the    castle,       1641 
taking  the  lord,  his  mother,  lady,  and  children,  with  the    Oct.  22. 
rest  of  the  family  prisoners ;  and  after  three  or  four  days 
murdered  the  Lord  Cawfield,  the  rest  hardly  escaping  with 
their  lives.     But    now  the    Commissioners   of  Parliament 
having  by  their  prescribed  lines,  within  which  all  were  ob- 
liged to  inhabit,  withdrawn  provisions  from  the  enemy,  who       1652 
could  not  be  supplied  without  hazard  of  their  lives,  thought    ^'^^^y  -2- 
fit  as  a  further  means  to  reduce  them,  to  set  a  sum  of 
money  upon  the  heads  of  the  principal  of  those  who  yet 
persisted  in  their  rebellion,  upon  some  twenty,  others  forty, 
and  upon  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal  a  hundred  pounds,  to  bring   Aug.  23. 
him  dead  or  alive  ^.     This  was  such  an  incouragement  to 
look  after  him,   that   one  of  the  country  people   having 
notice  that  he  was  in  an  island  in  the  north,  gave  intelli- 
gence thereof  to  the  Lord  Cawfield,  who  having  brought 
together  a  party  of  horse  and  foot,  entred  the  island  in 
boats,  and  seized  him  there.     From  thence  he  carried  him      J653 
to  Dublin,  where  divers  of  his  cruelties  to  the  English    March  5. 
being  proved  against  him,  he  was  sentenced  by  the  Court 
of  Justice  to  be  put  to  death,  and  his  head  to  be  set  upon 
the  gate  that  stands  at  the  foot  of  the  bridg,  which  was  put 
in  execution  accordingly^. 

Thus  the  enemy  by  the  blessing  of  God  upon  the 
counsels  of  the  Parliament,  and  endeavours  of  their  armies, 
was  everywhere  dispersed  and  conquered,  and  the  nation 
likely  to  attain  in  a  short  time  that  measure  of  happiness 
which  humane  things  are  capable  of,  when  by  the  ambition 
of  one  man  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  all  good  men 
were  disappointed,  and  the  people  robbed  of  that  liberty 

^  A    Declaration,    May   22,    1652,  offered  ;^3oo  for  Sir  Phelim  O'Neill, 

recites  that  certain  persons,   know-  jj-jgjj  Records,  y  42,  pp.  238,  313. 
ing  they  cannot  obtain   pardon,  re- 

fuse  to  submit,  and  orders  that  any  '  Sir  Phelim  O'Neill's  trial  is 
one  bringing  in  the  heads  of  any  of  printed  by  Miss  Hickson,  ii.  181  ;  for 
the  persons  named  shall  be  duly  depositions  against  him,  ib.  i.  203, 
paid  a  given  sum.  For  the  person  223,  326;  on  his  supposed  corn- 
er head  cf  Lord  Muskerry,  iTsoo,  for  mission  from  Charles  I,  ib.  1.  113- 
Col.  Maccarty  Reagh,  £200,  &c.  119;  "•  373- 
A  second  proclamation  on  Aug.  23, 


344  Cromweir s  ambition  revealed. 

1651      which  they  had  contended  for  at  the  expence  of  so  much 
blood  and  treasure. 

General  Cromwel  had  long  been  suspected  by  wise  and 
good  men  ;  but  he  had  taken  such  care  to  form  and  mould 
the  army  to  his  humour  and  interests,  that  he  had  filled  all 
places  either  with  his  own  creatures,  or  with  such  as  hoped 
to  share  with  him  in  the  sovereignty,  and  removed  those 
who  foreseeing  his  design,  had  either  the  courage  or  honesty 
to  oppose  him  in  it.  His  pernicious  intentions  did  not 
discover  themselves  openly  till  after  the  battel  at  Worcester, 
which  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Parliament  he  called  The 
Crowning  Victory  ^.  At  the  same  time  when  he  dismissed 
the  militia,  who  had  most  readily  offered  themselves  to 
serve  the  Commonwealth  against  the  Scots,  he  did  it  with 
anger  and  contempt,  which  was  all  the  acknowledgment 
they  could  obtain  from  him  for  their  service  and  affection  to 
the  publick  cause.  In  a  word,  so  much  was  he  elevated 
with  that  success,  that  Mr,  Hugh  Peters,  as  he  since  told 
me,  took  so  much  notice  of  it,  as  to  say  in  confidence  to 
a  friend  upon  the  road  in  his  return  from  Worcester,  that 
Cromwel  would  make  himself  king  ^.  He  now  began  to 
despise  divers  members  of  the  House  whom  he  had 
formerly  courted,  and  grew  most  familiar  with  those  whom 
he  used  to  shew  most  aversion  to  ;  endeavouring  to  oblige 
the  royal  party,  by  procuring  for  them  more  favourable 
conditions  than  consisted  with  the  justice  of  the  Parlia- 
ment to  grant,  under  colour  of  quieting  the  spirits  of  many 
people,  and  keeping  them  from  engaging  in  new  disturb- 

'  '  The  dimensions  of  this  mercy  ^  Compare  Peters'  statement  to 
are  above  my  thoughts.  It  is,  for  Ludlow  in  1656.  Whitelocke  says 
aught  I  know,  a  crowning  mercy.'  that  Cromwell  '  carried  himself  with 
Carlyle's  Crom\vell,  Letter  clxxxiii.  great  affability  and  seeming  humility, 
In  the  same  letter  Cromwell  praises  and  in  all  his  discourses  about  Wor- 
the  newly  raised  militia  '  for  their  cester  would  seldom  mention  any- 
singular  good  service,  for  which  thing  of  himself,  but  of  the  gallantry 
they  deserve  a  very  high  estimation  of  the  officers  and  soldiers,  and  gave 
and  acknowledgment,'  adding,  'they  (as  was  due),  all  the  glory  of  the 
are  all  despatched  home  again,  which  action  to  God.'  Memorials,  iii.  352, 
I  hope  will  be  much  for  the  case  and  ed.  1853. 
satisfaction  of  the  country.' 


The  Act  of  Oblivion.  345 

ances  to  rescue  themselves  out  of  those  fears,  which  many  1652 
who  had  acted  for  the  king  yet  lay  under  ;  tho  at  the 
same  time  he  designed  nothing,  as  by  the  success  was  most 
manifest,  but  to  advance  himself  by  all  manner  of  means, 
and  to  betray  the  great  trust  which  the  Parliament  and 
good  people  of  England  had  reposed  in  him.  To  this  end 
he  pressed  the  Act  of  Oblivion  with  so  much  importunity, 
that  tho  some  members  earnestly  opposed  its  bearing  date 
till  after  some  months,  as  well  in  justice  to  those  of  that 
party  who  had  already  fined  for  their  delinquency,  that 
others  as  guilty  as  themselves  might  be  upon  an  equal  foot 
with  them,  as  that  the  state  might  by  that  means  be 
supplied  with  money,  which  they  wanted,  and  that  such 
who  had  been  plundered  by  the  enemy  might  receive  some 
satisfaction  from  those  who  had  ruined  them,  yet  nothing 
could  prevail  upon  the  General  ;  and  so  the  Act  was  passed  : 
the  Parliament  being  unwilling  to  deny  him  any  thing  for  P'eb.  25 
which  there  was  the  least  colour  of  reason. 

But  tho  he  had  gained  this  point,  and  eagerly  coveted 
his  own  advancement,  he  thought  it  not  convenient  yet  to 
unmask  himself;  but  rather  to  make  higher  pretences  to 
honesty  than  ever  he  had  done  before,  thereby  to  engage 
Major-General  Harrison,  Col.  Rich,  and  their  party,  to 
himself.  To  this  end  he  took  all  occasions  in  their 
presence  to  asperse  the  Parliament,  as  not  designing  to  do 
those  good  things  they  pretended  to ;  but  rather  intending 
to  support  the  corrupt  interests  of  the  clergy  and  lawyers. 
And  tho  he  was  convinced  that  they  were  hastning  with  all 
expedition  to  put  a  period  to  their  sitting,  having  passed  a 
vote  that  they  would  do  it  within  the  space  of  a  year,  and 
that  they  were  making  all  possible  preparations  in  order  to 
it  ^ ;  yet  did  he  industriously  publish,  that  they  were  so  in 
love  with  their  seats,  that  they  would  use  all  means  to 
perpetuate  themselves.     These  and  other  calumnies  he  had 

^  Ludlow  probably  is  thinking   of  beyond  which    they  resolve   not  to 

the  vote  of  Parliament  on  Nov.  i8,  sit,  shall   be  the  3rd  of  November, 

1651  :    '  Resolved  that  the  time  for  1654.' 
the  continuance  of  this  Parliament, 


34^  Cromwell  urged  to  dissolve  the  Parliaine7it. 

1653  with  so  much  art  insinuated  into  the  belief  of  many  honest 
and  well-meaning  people,  that  they  began  to  wish  him 
prosperity  in  his  undertaking.  Divers  of  the  clergy  from 
their  pulpits  began  to  prophesy  the  destruction  of  the 
Parliament,  and  to  propose  it  openly  as  a  thing  desirable. 
Insomuch  that  the  General,  who  had  all  along  concurred  with 
this  spirit  in  them,  hypocritically  complained  to  Quarter- 
master-General Vernon,  '  that  he  was  pushed  on  by  two 
parties  to  do  that,  the  consideration  of  the  issue  whereof 
made  his  hair  to  stand  an  end.'  '  One  of  these,'  said  he, '  is 
headed  by  Major-General  Lambert,  who  in  revenge  of  that 
injury  the  Parliament  did  him,  in  not  permitting  him  to 
go  into  Ireland  with  a  character  and  conditions  sutable  to 
his  merit,  will  be  contented  with  nothing  less  than  their 
dissolution  ^.  Of  the  other  Major-General  Harrison  is  the 
chief,  who  is  an  honest  man,  and  aims  at  good  things,  yet 
from  the  impatience  of  his  spirit  will  not  wait  the  Lord's 
leisure,  but  hurries  me  on  to  that  which  he  and  all  honest 
men  will  have  cause  to  repent ".'     Thus  did  he  craftily  feel 


^  The  statement  that  Harrison  was 
eager  to  dissolve  the  Parhament  and 
that  Cromwell  opposed  it  is  con- 
firmed by  a  letter  from  Daniel  O'Neill 
to  Hyde  written  in  March,  1653. 
*The  council  of  the  army,'  writes 
O'Neill,  '  is  divided  into  two  parties, 
(i)  the  faction  of  Cromwell,  (2)  the 
faction  of  Harrison.  The  heads  of 
Cromwell's  faction  in  the  army  are 
Whalley,  Barkstead,  Goffe,  &c., 
whose  design  is  to  maintain  and  con- 
tinue the  government  in  the  hands  of 
these  men  that  are  of  the  house  at 
.  present,  they  knowing  that  if  Har- 
rison's party  prevails  Cromwell  and 
his  part3'  must  down.  This  party  of 
Cromwell  consist  chiefly  of  the  mere 
Indepcndants.  The  head  of  Har- 
rison's party  in  the  army  are  Lam- 
bert, Rich,  Pride,  &c.,  whose  design 
is  to  put  the  government  into  other 
hands  and  to  rout  the  present  mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  supposing  them 


to  be  very  corrupt  and  that  it  is  fit 
that  others  should  rule  as  well  as 
they,  the  continuance  of  men  in 
government  tempting  of  them  to 
corruption  .  . .  The  common  opinion 
of  people  is  that  Harrison's  party 
prevails  ;  this  is  also  very  evident. 
I  have  heard  some  that  are  of  Har- 
rison's private  council  say  that  they 
doubted  not  but  to  bring  their  design 
about  before  Midsummer  next.'  Cf. 
Nicholas  Papers,  ii.  13.  This  docu- 
ment, and  others  relating  to  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Rump,  are  printed  in 
full  in  the  English  Historical  Review. 
^  '  My  Lord  Lambert,  they  say,  en- 
deavours to  heighten  the  Common- 
wealth party  against  the  present 
government;  vindicates  himselftouch- 
ing  his  past  actings  for  the  late  Lord 
Protector,  by  his  being  animated 
against  divers  of  the  principal  persons 
of  the  Long  Parliament,  by  the  in- 
stigation of  his  late  highness,  whoe, 


The  Republicans  suspect  Cr ounce II.         347 

the  pulse  of  men  towards  this  work,  endeavouring  to  cast       1652 
the  infamy  of  it  on   others,  reserving   to  himself  the  ap- 
pearance of  tenderness  to  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  of 
skreening  the  nation  from  the  fury  of  the  parties  before- 
mentioned. 

This  mine  of  his  was  not  wrought  with  so  much  privacy 
but  it  was  observed  by  some  discerning  men  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, especially  by  those  who  had  the  direction  and 
management  of  the  war  with  Holland.  These  men  en- 
deavoured to  countermine  him  two  ways  :  first  by  balancing 
his  interest  in  the  army  with  that  of  the  fleet,  procuring  an 
order  from  the  Parliament,  whose  ear  they  had  upon  all 
occasions,  by  reason  of  the  importance  of  the  war  with  the 
Dutch,  to  send  some  regiments  of  the  army  to  strengthen 
the  fleet ;  and  secondly  by  recommending,  as  an  easy  way 
to  raise  money  in  that  exigency,  the  sale  of  Hampton- 
Court,  and  other  places,  that  were  esteemed  as  baits  to 
tempt  some  ambitious  man  to  ascend  the  throne  ^.  The 
Parliament  having  ordered  these  things  to  be  done,  the 
General,  sensible  of  the  design,  and  of  the  consequences  of 
suftering  the  army  to  be  new-moulded,  and  put  under 
another  conduct,  made  haste  to  execute  his  former  resolu- 
tions, railing  to  Col.  Okey  and  other  officers  of  the  army 
against  divers  members  of  the  Parliament,  affirming  that 
little  good  could  be  expected  from  that  body  where  such 
men  had  so  great  an  influence.  At  the  same  time  he  made 
the  most  solemn  professions  of  fidelity  to  the  Parliament, 
assuring  them,  that  if  they  would  command  the  army  to 

he    says,    privately    perswaded    Sir  soe  ungratefully  treated  ;  with  many 

Henry  Vane  and  Sir  Arthur  Hasle-  other  expressions  to  this    purpose.' 

rig  against  his  being  sent  into  Ire-  Col.    Bamfylde    to    Thurloe,   April, 

land  with  convenient  powers  for  the  1659,  Thurloe,  vii.  660. 

charge  of  Lord  Deputy,  both  upon  ^  On  Dec.  31,  1652,  it  was  resolved 

religious  and  prudent  pretences  ;  and  by   the    Parliament    to    rescind    the 

that  as  soon  as   he  had  underhand  former    vote    exempting     Hampton 

crossed  him  in  that  employment,  he  Court  from  sale,  and  to  proceed  to 

was  the  first  whoe  exasperated  him  sell  it.     C.  J.,  vii.  239      The   Little 

agaynst  those  persons,  telling  him,  Parliament  on  Sept.  26,  1653, ordered 

that  not  anything  troubled  him  more  the    sale    to   be   stayed    till    further 

than   to   see   honest  John   Lambert  order.     lb.  vii.  324. 


34S  Cromwell  holds  back  the  officers. 

1652  break  their  swords  over  their  heads,  and  to  throw  them  into 
the  sea,  he  would  undertake  they  should  do  it.  Yet  did 
he  privately  engage  the  officers  of  the  army  to  draw  up  a 
petition  to  the  Parliament,  that  for  the  satisfaction  of  the 
nation  they  would  put  that  vote  which  they  had  made  for 
fixing  a  period  to  their  sitting,  into  an  Act :  which  whilst 
the  officers  were  forming  and  debating,  the  General  having, 
it  seems,  for  that  time  altered  his  counsels,  sent  Col. 
Desborough,  one  of  his  instruments,  to  the  council  of 
officers,  who  told  them,  that  they  were  a  sort  of  men  whom 
nothing  could  satisfy ;  that  the  Parliament  were  more 
ready  to  do  any  good  than  they  to  desire  it  ;  that  they 
ought  to  rely  upon  their  word  and  promise  to  dissolve 
themselves  by  the  time  prefixed  ;  and  that  to  petition 
them  to  put  their  vote  into  an  Act,  would  manifest  a 
diffidence  of  them,  and  lessen  their  authority,  which  was  so 
necessary  to  the  army.  The  General  coming  into  the 
council  whilst  Desborough  was  speaking,  seconded  him  ;  to 
which  some  of  the  officers  took  the  liberty  to  reply,  that 
they  had  the  same  opinion  of  the  Parliament  and  petition 
with  them,  and  that  the  chief  argument  that  moved  them 
to  take  this  matter  into  consideration,  was  the  intimation 
they  had  received,  that  it  was  according  to  the  desires  of 
those  who  had  now  spoken  against  it,  and  whose  latter 
motion  they  were  much  more  ready  to  comply  with  than 
their    former  ^      Thus   was    this   business    stifled    for   the 


^   Ludlow's  account   is    very   con-  members    in    the    said    Parliament.' 

fused.     He  apparently  refers  to  the  Mercurius    Poiiticus,    p.    1803;    Old 

army    petition     of    Aug.     12,    1652,  Parliamentary  History.       Probably, 

presented  on  Aug.   13,  by  Whalley,  as  Ludlow  says,  the  oificers  wished 

Okey,  and  four  other  officers.     The  to    add    a    clause    demanding    that 

I2th  clause  of  that  petition  requests  Parliament  should   put  a   period  to 

'  that  for  publique  satisfaction  of  the  their  sitting,  but  were  dissuaded  by 

good  people  of  this  nation,  speedy  Cromwell.     The  council    of  officers 

consideration    may  be  had  of  such  held  several  long  meetings  to  discuss 

qualifications    for    future   and    sue-  this  petition.   A  news-letter  amongst 

cessive  Parliaments,  as  tend  to  the  the   Clarke    Papers,    dated  Aug.  3, 

election  only  of  such  as  are  pious  1652,  says,  '  His  Excellency  and  the 

and   faithful   to  the   interest    of  the  council  of  officers  sat  yesterday  from 

CommonwealtJi  to  sit   and  serve  as  nine  in  the  morning  till  six  at  night, 


The  Praise  of  the  Long  Parliament.       349 

present,  none  being  so  well  able  to  lay  the  evil  spirit  as  ,652 
those  that  had  raised  it.  But  either  the  General's  ambition 
was  so  great,  that  he  could  not  forbear  ascending  the 
thro4ie  till  the  time  limited  by  the  Parliament  for  their 
sitting  was  expired,  or  his  fears  hastned  him  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  design,  lest  the  disinterested  proceeding  of 
the  Parliament,  who  were  about  to  leave  the  nation  under  a 
form  of  government  that  provided  sufficiently  for  the  good 
of  the  community,  might  work  the  people  into  a  greater 
aversion  to  his  selfish  design.  Certain  it  is  that  he 
vehemently  desired  to  be  rid  of  this  Parliament  that  had 
performed  such  great  things,  having  subdued  their  enemies 
in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  ;  established  the  liberty 
of  the  people,  reduced  the  kingdom  of  Portugal  to  such 
terms  as  they  thought  fit  to  grant  ;  maintained  a  war 
against  the  Dutch  with  that  conduct  and  success,  that  it 
seemed  now  drawing  to  a  happy  conclusion  ;  recovered 
our  reputation  at  sea,  secured  our  trade,  and  provided  a 
powerful  fleet  for  the  service  of  the  nation.  And  however 
the  malice  of  their  enemies  may  endeavour  to  deprive  them 
of  the  glory  which  they  justly  merited,  yet  it  will  appear 
to  unprejudiced  posterity,  that  they  were  a  disinterested 
and  impartial  Parliament,  who  tho  they  had  the  sovereign 
power  of  the  three  nations  in  their  hands  for  the  space  of 
ten  or  twelve  years,  did  not  in  all  that  time  give  away 

they  keep  all  private.'  A  pamphlet  the  army.  And  by  a  general  con- 
entitled,  '  A  Declaration  of  the  Army  descension  it  was  drawn  up  in  a 
to  his  Excellency  the  Lord  General  declaratory  way  to  the  Parliament ; 
Cromwell  for  the  dissolving  of  the  but  exceeding  high  they  are  in  their 
present  Parliament  and  the  choosing  proposals.'  Whitelocke  says  :  '  in 
a  new  representative,'  published  Aug.  discourse  of  it  with  Cromwell  I  ad- 
10,  1652,  says:  'The  officers  of  the  vised  him  to  stop  this  way  of  petition- 
army  having  had  several  consulta-  ing  by  the  officers  of  the  army  with 
tions  and  conferences  touching  the  their  swords  in  their  hands,  lest  in 
dissolving  of  this  present  Parliament  time  it  might  come  too  home  to  him- 
and  electing  a  new  representative,  self;  but  he  seemed  to  slight,  or 
but  after  much  time  spent  in  debate  rather  to  have  some  design  by  it,  in 
thereof  presented  a  model  of  their  order  to  which  he  put  them  to  pre- 
proposals  to  his  Excellency  the  Lord  pare  a  way  for  him.'  Memorials, 
General  Cromwell ;  with  the  sub-  iii.  446. 
scriptions  of  most  of  the  officers  of 


350  The  intrigues  of  Cromwell. 

1653  amongst  themselves  so  much  as  their  forces  spent  in  three 
months  ;  no,  not  so  much  as  they  spent  in  one,  from  the  time 
that  the  Parliament  consisted  but  of  one  House,  and  the 
Government  was  formed  into  a  Commonwealth.  To  which 
ought  to  be  added,  that  after  so  many  toils  and  hazards,  so 
much  trouble  and  loss  for  the  publick  good,  they  were  not 
unwilling  to  put  an  end  to  their  power,  and  to  content 
themselves  with  an  equal  share  with  others,  for  the  whole 
reward  of  their  labours.  Of  this  Cromwel  was  very 
sensible,  as  well  as  of  their  great  skill  and  experience  in  the 
management  of  publick  affairs,  and  of  the  good  esteem  they 
had  acquired  amongst  the  most  discerning  part  of  the  nation, 
and  therefore  was  very  desirous  to  lay  them  aside  with  as 
little  noise  as  might  be.  To  this  end,  after  he  had  resolved 
not  to  suffer  the  Act  for  their  dissolution  to  be  finished,  he 
would  needs  perswade  them  to  be  the  instruments  of  their 
own  destruction,  by  putting  a  period  to  themselves,  and  at 
the  same  time  investing  a  certain  number  with  the  supreme 
authority,  not  doubting  when  they  had  so  done,  to  find 
pretences  enough  to  disperse  any  such,  well  knowing  that 
when  the  face  of  civil  authority  was  once  taken  away,  the 
power  would  naturally  fall  into  the  hands  of  that  person 
who  had  the  greatest  interest  in  the  army,  which  he 
supposed  to  be  himself.  This  made  him  join  with  Major- 
General  Harrison,  being  confident  that  when  he  had  used 
him  and  his  party  to  dissolve  the  present  Government,  he 
could  crush  both  him  and  them  at  his  pleasure.  And  tho 
it  was  no  difficult  matter  to  discover  this,  yet  those  poor, 
deluded,  however  well-meaning  men,  would  not  believe  it. 
But  all  were  not  so  blind,  for  divers  members  of  the  Parlia- 
ment whom  he  endeavoured  to  cajole  into  a  good  opinion 
of  his  design,  being  very  sensible  of  the  great  mischiefs  that 
must  necessarily  ensue  from  such  courses,  resolved  either 
to  disswade  him  from  them,  or  endeavour  to  countermine 
him  therein.  To  this  end  they  had  several  meetings  with 
Cromwel  ^,  at  one  of  which,  v/hen  he  and  his  party  laboured 

1  Cromwell  states  that  these  meet-       or  twelve  of  them  took  place.     Car- 
ings  began  in  Oct.,  1652,  and  that  ten       lylc's Cromwell, Speech  i.Whitelocke 


The  Bill  for  a  New  Representative.       351 

to  shew  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  Parliament;  con-  1653 
sisting,  as  they  said,  for  the  most  part  of  men  interested  in 
the  corruptions  of  the  law  and  the  clergy,  to  effect  those 
things  that  good  men  expected  from  them,  Major  Saloway 
desired  of  them,  that  before  they  took  away  the  present 
authority,  they  would  declare  what  they  would  have  estab- 
lished in  its  room  ;  to  which  it  was  replied  by  one  of  the 
General's  party,  that  it  was  necessary  to  pull  down  this 
Government,  and  it  would  be  time  enough  then  to  con- 
sider what  should  be  placed  in  the  room  of  it.  So  both 
parties  understanding  one  another,  prepared  to  secure 
themselves. 

The  Parliament  now  perceiving  to  what  kind  of  excesses 
the  madness  of  the  army  was  like  to  carry  them,  resolved  to 
leave  as  a  legacy  to  the  people  the  Government  of  a  Com- 
monwealth by  their  representatives,  when  assembled  in 
Parliament,  and  in  the  intervals  thereof  by  a  Council  of 
State,  chosen  by  them,  and  to  continue  till  the  meeting 
of  the  next  succeeding  Parliament,  to  whom  they  were  to 
give  an  account  of  their  conduct  and  management.  To 
this  end  they  resolved,  without  any  further  delay,  to  pass 
the  Act  for  their  own  dissolution  ^ ;  of  which  Cromwel 
having  notice,  makes   haste  to  the   House,  where  he  sat   April  20. 


gives  an  account  of  some  of  them  ;  of  their  expulsion  in  '  Several  Pro- 
see  also  the  Army's  Declaration  of  ceedings  in  Parliament.'  '  By  the 
April  22,  1653.  said  Act  these  present  members  were 
^  On  the  nature  of  the  Bill,  see  to  sit,  and  to  be  made  up  by  others 
Masson,  iv.  405.  The  objection  of  chosen,  and  by  themselves  approved.' 
the  army  to  it  is  plainly  stated  in  Old  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  130, 
their  Declaration.  The  corrupt  party  139.  The  second  objection  was  that 
in  Parliament  it  affirms,  '  long  op-  the  qualifications  of  electors  and 
posed  and  frequently  declared  them-  persons  eligible  as  members  were 
selves  against  having  a  new  re-  not  sufficiently  clearly  defined  to  ex- 
presentative ;  and  when  they  saw  elude  neuters,  malignants,  and  other 
themselves  necessitated  to  take  that  unfit  persons.  See  Carlyle's  Crom- 
bill  into  consideration,  they  resolved  well,  Speeches  i  and  xiii.  It  was 
to  make  use  of  it  to  recruit  the  House  not  the  provision  for  the  dissolution 
with  persons  of  the  same  spirit  and  of  the  present  Parliament  Cromwell 
temper,  thereby  to  perpetuate  their  and  the  soldiers  objected  to,  but  the 
own  sitting.'  This  is  still  more  provisions  relative  to  the  constitution 
plainly  stated  in  the  official  account  of  the  new  Parliament. 


352        Cromwell  denounces  the  Parliament. 

1653  down  and  heard  the  debate  for  some  time.  Then  calling 
to  Major- General  Harrison  ^,  who  was  on  the  other  side  of 
the  House,  to  come  to  him,  he  told  him,  that  he  judged 
the  Parliament  ripe  for  a  dissolution,  and  this  to  be  the 
time  of  doing  it.  The  Major-General  answered,  as  he  since 
told  me  ;  '  Sir,  the  work  is  very  great  and  dangerous,  there- 
fore I  desire  you  seriously  to  consider  of  it  before  you 
engage  in  it.'  '  You  say  well,'  replied  the  General,  and  there- 
upon sat  still  for  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  ;  and  then  the 
question  for  passing  the  Bill  being  to  be  put,  he  said  again 
to  Major-General  Harrison, '  this  is  the  time  I  must  do  it ; ' 
and  suddenly  standing  up,  made  a  speech,  wherein  he 
loaded  the  Parliament  with  the  vilest  reproaches,  charging 
them  not  to  have  a  heart  to  do  any  thing  for  the  publick 
good,  to  have  espoused  the  corrupt  interest  of  Presbytery 
and  the  lawyers,  who  were  the  supporters  of  tyranny  and 
oppression,  accusing  them  of  an  intention  to  perpetuate 
themselves  in  power,  had  they  not  been  forced  to  the 
passing  of  this  Act,  which  he  affirmed  they  designed  never 
to  observe,  and  thereupon  told  them,  that  the  Lord  had 
done  with  them,  and  had  chosen  other  instruments  for  the 
carrying  on  his  work  that  were  more  worthy.  This  he 
spoke  with  so  much  passion  and  discomposure  of  mind,  as 
if  he  had  been  distracted  -.     Sir  Peter  Wentworth  stood  up 

1  Ludlow  discussed  the  expulsion  haps  you  thinke  this  is  not  Parlia- 

of  the  Rump  with  Harrison  in  1656  mentary   language,    I    confesse  it   is 

(see  vol.  ii.  of  these  Memoirs),  and  not,  neither  are  you  to  expect  any 

must  have  learnt  these  details  from  such  from  me ;  then  he  putt  on  his 

him  then.  hat,went  out  of  his  place,  and  walked 

^  Leicester's  account  of  Cromwell's  up  and  down  the  stage  or  floore  in 

speech  makes  him  much  less  violent  the  middest  of  the  House,  with  his 

in    his    demeanour    and    language :  hat    on    his    head,    and    chid    them 

'After  a  while  he  rose   up,  put  off  soundly,     looking     sometimes,    and 

his  hat,  and  spake ;  at  the  first  and  pointing  particularl}^  upon  some  per- 

for  a  good   while,  he  spake  to  the  sons,   a5    Sir   B.    Whitlock,   one   of 

commendation  of  the  Parlcment,  for  the   commissioners    for    the    greate 

theyr  paincs  and  care  of  the  publick  scale.  Sir  Henry  Vane,  to  whom  he 

good ;    but    afterwards    he    changed  gave  very  sharpc  language,   though 

his   style,    told    them    of    thcyr   in-  he    named    them    not,    but    by   his 

justice,  delays  of  justice,  self  interest  gestures  it  was  well  known  he  meant 

and  other  faults;  then  he  sayd,  per-  them.'     Blencowe,  Sydney  Papers, 


Forcible  dissohctioit  of  the  Parliament.      353 

to  answer  him,  and  said,  that  this  was  the  first  time  that  1653 
ever  he  had  heard  such  unbecoming  language  given  to  the 
ParHament,  and  that  it  was  the  more  horrid  in  that  it  came 
from  their  servant,  and  their  servant  whom  they  had  so 
highly  trusted  and  obliged  :  but  as  he  was  going  on,  the 
General  stept  into  the  midst  of  the  House,  where  continuing 
his  distracted  language,  he  said, '  Come,  come,  I  will  put  an 
end  to  your  prating  ; '  then  walking  up  and  down  the  House 
like  a  mad-man,  and  kicking  the  ground  with  his  feet,  he 
cried  out, '  You  are  no  Parliament,  I  say  you  are  no  Parlia- 
ment ;  I  will  put  an  end  to  your  sitting  ;  call  them  in,  call 
them  in  : '  whereupon  the  serjeant  attending  the  Parliament 
opened  the  doors,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Worsley  with  two 
files  of  musqueteers  entred  the  House ;  which  Sir  Henry 
Vane  observing  from  his  place,  said  aloud, '  This  is  not  honest, 
yea  it  is  against  morality  and  common  honesty.'  Then 
Cromwel  fell  a  railing  at  him,  crying  out  with  a  loud  voice, 
'  O  Sir  Henry  Vane,  Sir  Henry  Vane,  the  Lord  deliver  me 
from  Sir  Henry  Vane  ^.'  Then  looking  upon  one  of  the 
members,  he  said, '  There  sits  a  drunkard  ; '  and  giving  much 
reviling  language  to  others,  he  commanded  the  mace  to  be 
taken  away,  saying,  '  What  shall  we  do  with  this  bauble  ? 
here,  take  it  away  ^.'     Having  brought  all  into  this  disorder, 

p.  139.  Whitelocke  is  briefer  and  much  arrogance  in  himself  and  re- 
less  detailed  :  '  Entering  the  House  proach  to  his  fellow  members  that 
he  in  a  furious  manner  bid  the  some  of  his  privados  were  ashamed 
Speaker  leave  his  chair,  told  the  of  it.'  Memorials,  iv.  5. 
House  that  they  had  sat  long  enough,  *  '  At  the  going  out  they  say  the 
unless  they  had  done  more  good ;  Generall  sayd  to  young  Sir  Henry 
that  some  of  them  were  whore-  Vane,  calling  him  by  his  name,  that 
masters,  looking  then  towards  Henry  he  might  have  prevented  this  ex- 
Marten  and  Sir  Peter  Wentworth  :  traordinary  course  but  he  was  a 
that  others  of  them  were  drunkards,  juggler,  and  had  not  so  much  as 
and  some  corrupt  and  unjust  men  common  honesty.'  Leicester's  Jour- 
and  scandalous  to  the  profession  of  nal,  Blencowe's  Sydney  Papers,  p. 
the  gospel,   and  that   it  w'as   not  fit  141. 

thej'  should  sit  as  a  Parliament  any  ^   '  He  bid   one  of  his  soldiers  to 

longer,    and    desired    them    to    go  take    away    that    fool's    bauble    the 

awaj'  .    .    .   Some    of  the    members  mace.'      Whitelocke.       'Then     the 

rose  up  to  answer  Cromwell's  speech,  Generall  went    to    the    table  where 

but  he  would   suffer  none  to  speak  the    mace    lay   which    used    to    be 

but  ihmself,  which  he   did  with  so  carryed    before    the    Speaker,    and 

VOL.   I.  A  a 


354  Harrison  and  the  Speaker. 

1633  Major-General  Harrison  went  to  the  Speaker  as  he  sat  in 
the  chair,  and  told  him,  that  seeing  things  were  reduced  to 
this  pass,  it  would  not  be  convenient  for  him  to  remain 
there.  The  Speaker  answered,  that  he  would  not  come 
down  unless  he  were  forced.  '  Sir,'  said  Harrison,  '  I  will 
lend  you  my  hand  ; '  and  thereupon  putting  his  hand  within 
his,  the  Speaker  came  down  \  Then  Cromwel  applied 
himself  to  the  members  of  the  House,  who  were  in  number 
between  80  and  100,  and  said  to  them,  '  It's  you  that  have 
forced  me  to  this,  for  I  have  sought  the  Lord  night  and 
day,  that  he  would  rather  slay  me  than  put  me  upon 
the  doing  of  this  work  ^.'  Hereupon  Alderman  Allen,  a 
member  of  Parliament,  told  him,  that  it  was  not  yet  gone 
so  far,  but  all  things  might  be  restored  again  ;  and  that  if 
the  souldiers  were  commanded  out  of  the  House,  and  the 
mace  returned,  the  publick  affairs  might  go  on  in  their 
former  course :  but  Cromwell  having  now  passed  the 
Rubicon,  not  only  rejected  his  advice,  but  charged  him 
with  an  account  of  some  hundred  thousand  pounds,  for 
which  he  threatned  to  question  him,  he  having  been  long 
treasurer  for  the  army,  and  in  a  rage  committed  him  to  the 
custody  of  one  of  the  musqueteers.  Alderman  Allen  told 
him,  that  it  was  well  known  that  it  had  not  been  his  fault 

sayd,  "Take  away  these  baubles."'  /  will  lend  you  ytiy  hand,  and  he 
Leicester.  The  subsequent  history  putting  his  hand  into  mine,  came 
of  the  mace  is  related  by  Mr.  St.  down  without  any  pulling.'  A  corn- 
John  Hope  in  the  Antiquary  for  Jan.,  pleat  collection  of  the  lives,  speeches, 
1891.  &c.,  of  those  persons  lately  executed, 
*  Harrison,  in  1660,  gave  the  fol-  with  observations  by  a  person  of 
lowing  account  of  his  own  share  quality.  8vo.,  1661. 
to  his  friends  :  'The  breaking  of  the  ^  '  I  speak  in  the  presence  of  some 
Parliament  was  the  act  and  design  that  were  at  the  closure  of  our  con- 
of  General  Cromv>'cll,  for  I  did  know  sultations,  and  as  before  the  Lord  — 
nothing  of  it ;  that  morning  before  the  thinking  of  an  act  of  violence 
it  was  done  he  called  me  to  go  along  was  to  us  worse  than  any  battle  that 
with  him  to  the  House,  and  after  he  ever  we  were  in  or  that  could  be  to 
had  brought  all  into  disorder,  I  ivent  to  the  utmost  hazard  of  our  lives;  so 
the  Speaker  and  told  him,  Sir,  seeing  willing  were  we,  even  tender  and 
things  are  brought  to  this  pass  it  is  desirous  if  possible  that  these  men 
not  requisite  /or  you  to  stay  there  ;  he  might  quit  their  places  with  honour.' 
answered,  he  tvould  not  come  down  Carlylc's  Cromwell,  Speech  i. 
unless  he  was  fntUcd  out ;  Sir,  said  I, 


Intrigue  of  the  Dutch  ambassadors.         355 

that  his  account  was  not  made  up  long  since  ;  that  he  had  1653 
often  tendred  it  to  the  House,  and  that  he  asked  no  favour 
from  any  man  in  that  matter  ^  Cromwel  having  acted 
this  treacherous  and  impious  part,  ordered  the  guard  to  see 
the  House  clear'd  of  all  the  members,  and  then  seized  upon 
the  records  that  were  there,  and  at  Mr.  Scobell's  house. 
After  which  he  went  to  the  clerk,  and  snatching  the  Act  of 
Dissolution,  which  was  ready  to  pass,  out  of  his  hand,  he 
put  it  under  his  cloak,  and  having  commanded  the  doors  to 
be  locked  up,  went  away  to  Whitehall. 

This  villanous  attempt  was  much  encouraged  by  Nieuport 
and  the  other  ambassadors  lately  arrived  from  Holland, 
with  instructions  to  conclude  a  peace ;  who  finding  the 
Parliament  supported  by  the  affections  of  the  people, 
because  acting  for  their  interest,  and  therefore  not  to  be 
forced,  much  less  cheated  into  an  unjust  and  disadvantageous 
agreement,  instigated  Cromwel  to  take  the  power  into  his 
hands,  well  understanding  that  he  would  soon  be  necessitated 
to  make  peace  with  them  upon  what  terms  they  should 
think  fit " ;  in  the  mean  time  resolving  to  interrupt  our 
trade,  and  to  put  the  nation  to  a  great  expence  to  maintain 
a  fleet  for  the  guard  of  the  seas,  which  they  knew  the 
people  would  be  unwilling  to  keep  when  they  should 
perceive  that  it  served  only  to  uphold  and  strengthen  a 
tyranny.  They  also  had  made  preparations  to  send  over 
money,  arms,  and  men,  with  Lieut.-Gen.  Middleton,  to 
enable  the  mountaniers  of  Scotland  to  give  disturbance  to 
the  English  interest  there. 

Cromwel  beincf  returned  to  Whitehall,  found  the  council 


^  Alderman  Francis  Allen,  member  '   The    four    Dutch    ambassadors 

for  Cockermouth,  died  Sept.  6,  1658.  did  not  arrive  till  the  end  of  June, 

Smyth"s  Obituary,  p.  48.     A  ballad  1653.      Cal.    S.    P.,   Dom.,    1652-3, 

describing  Cromwell's  expulsion   of  pp.     426,     435 ;     Tliurloe,    i.     316. 

the  Parliament  refers  to  him — •  Ludlow's    story  is    impossible.     On 

'Allen  the  Coppersmith  was  in  great  fear,  the  dealings  of  Cromwell  with  the 

He  did  us  much  harm  since  the  wars  ambassadors,    see    Thurloc,    i.    386, 

/^San;  „g.     .j5     .J.3       „g      Geddes.  John 

A  broken  citizen  many  a  year,  rr        J^.     '  ^      '    t>j    ' 

And   now   he's  a  broken   Parliament  ^  Witt,  1.  333- 
man.'     The  Rump,  p.  306. 

A  a  3 


356  Colonel  Okeys  apprehensio7is. 

1653  of  war  in  debate  concerning  this  weighty  affair,  and  in- 
formed them,  that  he  had  done  it,  and  that  they  needed  not 
to  trouble  themseh^es  any  further  about  it  ^.  Some  of  the 
officers  of  the  army  well  affected  to  the  publick  cause,  and 
not  of  his  juncto,  of  whom  were  Col.  Okey  and  others, 
repaired  to  the  General,  to  desire  satisfaction  in  that  pro- 
ceeding, conceiving  that  the  way  they  were  now  going 
tended  to  ruin  and  confusion.  To  these,  having  not  yet 
taken  off  his  mask,  but  pretending  to  more  honesty  and 
self-denial  than  ever,  he  professed  himself  resolved  to  do 
much  more  good,  and  with  more  expedition  than  could  be 
expected  from  the  Parliament :  which  professions  from  him 
put  most  of  them  to  silence,  and  moved  them  to  a  resolution 
of  w^aiting  for  a  further  discovery  of  his  design,  before  they 
would  proceed  to  a  breach  and  division  from  him.  But 
Col.  Okey  being  jealous  that  the  end  would  be  bad,  because 
the  means  were  such  as  made  them  justly  suspected  of 
hypocrisy,  enquired  of  Col.  Desborough  what  his  meaning 
was  to  give  such  high  commendations  to  the  Parliament 
when  he  endeavoured  to  perswade  the  officers  of  the  army 
from  petitioning  them  for  a  dissolution,  and  so  short  a  time 
after  to  eject  them  with  so  much  scorn  and  contempt ; 
who  had  no  other  answer  to  make,  but  that  if  ever  he 
drolled  in  his  life,  he  had  drolled  then. 

We  who  were  in  Ireland  being  not  so  well  informed  of 
these  clandestine  practices,  and  no  less  confident  that  the 
principles  of  some  men  who  joined  in  this  attempt  were 
directed  to  the  good  of  the  nation  ;  and  that  tho  some 
might  be  such  arrant  knaves  as  to  have  other  designs,  yet 


*  '  Upon  his  return  from  the  dis-  intended  not  to  do  it ;  but  the  spirit 

solution  of  Parliament  back  ap:ain  to  was  so  upon  him,  that  he  was  over- 

the  Council  of  Officers  he  acquainted  ruled   by   it,   and   did   not   therefore 

them  of  his  exploit,  and  then   told  consult  with  flesh  and  blood  at  all, 

them,  that  now  they  must  go  hand  nor    did    he    premeditate  the  doing 

in  hand  with  him  and  justific  what  thereof,  though  he  plainly  saw  the 

was  done  to  the  hazard  of  all  their  Parliament  designed  to  spin  an  ever- 

lives  and  fortunes,  as  having  advised  lasting  thread.'     Heath,    Flagellum, 

and  concurred  in  it.     Adding,  that  1663,  p.  135. 
when  he  went  into  the  House,   he 


Brads kaw  rebukes  Cromwell.  357 

trusting  that  an  impossibility  of  accomplishing  the  same  1653 
would  oblige  them  to  fall  in  with  the  publick  interest,  and 
not  to  be  so  very  foolish  to  attempt  the  setting  up  for 
themselves,  tho  we  could  not  but  have  some  doubts  of  the 
ill  consequences  of  these  things,  yet  thought  our  selves  by 
the  rules  of  charity  obliged  to  hope  the  best,  and  therefore 
continued  to  act  in  our  places  and  stations  as  before'. 

Cromwel  having  interrupted  the  Parliament  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  20th  of  April,  1653,  came  in  the  afternoon  to 
the  Council  of  State,  (who  were  assembled  to  do  their 
duty  at  the  usual  place)  accompanied  with  Major-General 
Lambert  and  Col.  Harrison,  and  told  them  at  his  entrance  ; 
'  Gentlemen,  if  you  are  met  here  as  private  persons,  you 
shall  not  be  disturbed  ;  but  if  as  a  Council  of  State,  this  is 
no  place  for  you  ;  and  since  you  can't  but  know  what  was 
done  at  the  House  in  the  morning,  so  take  notice,  that 
the  Parliament  is  dissolved.'  To  this  Serjeant  Bradshaw 
answered  ;  '  Sir,  we  have  heard  what  you  did  at  the  House 
in  the  morning,  and  before  many  hours  all  England  will 
hear  it  :  but,  Sir,  you  are  mistaken  to  think  that  the 
Parliament  is  dissolved  ;  for  no  power  under  heaven  can 
dissolve  them  but  themselves  ;  therefore  take  you  notice 
of  that.'  Something  more  was  said  to  the  same  purpose 
by  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig,  Mr.  Love,  and  Mr.  Scot ;  and 
then  the  Council  of  State  perceiving  themselves  to  be  under 
the  same  violence,  departed  ^. 

Soon  after  Cromwell  had  thus  barbarously  treated  the 

*  The  Commissioners  of  the  Parlia-  Cromwell  y  etant  venu  leur  declara 

ment  in  Ireland  took  no  public  notice  qu'ils   ne  se  missent   plus  en  peine 

of  the  change  except  by  publishing  de   s'assembler  en    ce    lieu,   et    que 

a  declaration  for  a  general  fast.    The  leur  pouvoir  etait   expire.'     Guizot, 

declaration  is  reprinted  in  the  Ap-  Cromwell  and  the  English  Common- 

pendix.  wealth,    i.   492.     The   story  is   also 

''■  The  order  books  of  the  Council  confirmed  by  a  letter  to  Hyde  which 

of  State  end  abruptly  with  April  15,  says:    'When    Bradshaw    began    to 

so  that  they  afford  no  evidence  as  to  dispute  that  they  sat  by  authority  of 

the   events  of  April  20.     Bordeaux  Parliament,  he  was   told   that  if  he 

mentions    Cromwell's    visit    to    the  and  his  company  would  not  depart 

Council :   '  Hier,  apres  diner,  on  de-  by  fair  means  they  should  be  forced." 

vait  choisir  un   nouveau    President  Nicholas  Papers,  ii.  12. 
au  Conseil  d'Etat ;  mais  le  dit  General 


358  Conferences  on  the  Government. 

1653  Parliament,  and  effaced  the  civil  authority,  he  sent  for 
Major  Saloway  and  Mr.  John  Carew,  to  whom  he  com- 
plained of  the  great  weight  of  affairs  that  by  this  under- 
taking was  fallen  upon  him  ;  affirming,  that  the  thoughts 
of  the  consequences  thereof  made  him  to  tremble,  and 
therefore  desired  them  to  free  him  from  the  temptations 
that  might  be  laid  before  him  ;  and  to  that  end  to  go 
immediately  to  the  Chief  Justice  St.  Johns,  Mr.  Selden, 
and  some  others,  and  endeavour  to  perswade  them  to  draw 
up  some  instrument  of  government  that  might  put  the 
power  out  of  his  hands.  To  this  it  was  answered  by 
Major  Saloway ;  '  The  way.  Sir,  to  free  you  from  this 
temptation  is  for  you  not  to  look  upon  your  self  to  be 
under  it,  but  to  rest  perswaded  that  the  power  of  the 
nation  is  in  the  good  people  of  England,  as  formerly  it  was.' 
Cromwel  perceiving  by  this  answer  that  he  was  better 
understood  than  he  could  have  wished,  fell  upon  another 
expedient  before  he  would  openly  discover  himself,  ap- 
pointing a  meeting  of  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  to  be 
at  Whitehall,  in  order  to  consider  what  was  fit  to  be  done 
in  this  exigency. 

Major-Gen.  Lambert,  Col.  Harrison,  and  divers  other 
officers,  were  at  this  assembly,  where  Major  Saloway,  tho 
he  had  then  no  command,  was  desired  to  be  present. 
Major- General  Lambert  moved  that  a  few  persons,  not 
exceeding  the  number  of  10  or  12,  might  be  intrusted 
with  the  supreme  power  :  Major-Gen.  Harrison  was  for  a 
greater  number,  inclining  most  to  that  of  70,  being  the 
number  of  which  the  Jewish  Sanhedrim  consisted  ;  but 
after  some  debate  it  was  resolved  that  out  of  each  county 
and  city  in  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  a  certain 
number  of  persons  \  as  near  as  might  be  proportionable 

'  '  A  true  State  of  the  Case  of  the  that    dissolution    debated    and    dis- 

Commonvvcalth,' 4to,  T654,  gives  the  cussed  by   the  officers   of  the  army 

following  account  of  their  delibera-  as   res   intcgra  ;  the  question   being 

tions :  '  Untill  they  (the  Parliament)  then  put,  whether  the  power  should 

were  actually  dissolved,  no  resolu-  be  reserved  in  the  hands  of  a  few, 

tions  were  taken  in  what  model  to  or  of  a  greater   number  of  persons 

cast  the  government;  but  it  was  after  in  order  to  an  establishment.    It  was 


Meeting  of  the  'Little  Parliament'.         359 

to  their  payments  toward  the  publick  charge,  should  be  1653 
nominated  by  the  council  of  officers  to  be  sent  for  to  meet 
at  Westminster^  on  a  certain  day,  where  all  the  authority  July  4. 
of  the  nation  should  be  delivered  into  their  hands  by 
an  instrument  signed  and  sealed  by  the  General  and  the 
officers,  obliging  themselves  to  yield  obedience  to  their 
orders.  The  gentlemen  who  were  summoned  met  at  the 
time  and  place  appointed,  where  after  they  had  heard  the 
General's  harangue,  in  which  he  seemed  to  acknowledg 
the  goodness  of  the  Lord  in  that  he  saw  that  day  wherein 
the  Saints  began  their  rule  in  the  earth,  &c.  they  went 
into  the  House  wherein  the  Parliament  used  to  sit,  where 
they  voted  themselves  to  be  the  Parliament  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland.  Many  of  the 
members  of  this  assembly  had  manifested  a  good  affection 
to  the  publick  cause  ;  but  some  there  were  among  them 
who  were  brought  in  as  spies  and  trapanners  ;  and  tho  they 
had  been  always  of  the  contrary  party,  made  the  highest 
pretensions  to  honesty,  and  the  service  of  the  nation. 
This  assembly  therefore  being  composed  for  the  most  part 
of  honest  and  well-meaning  persons,  (who  having  good  in- 
tentions, were  less  ready  to  suspect  the  evil  designs  of 
others)  thought  themselves  in  full  possession  of  the  power 
and  authority  of  the  nation,  and  therefore  proceeded  to  the 
making  of  laws  relating  to  the  publick ;  amongst  others 
one   concerning   the    plantation    of    Ireland,    settling   the 

conceived  by  some  that  the  former  ing  God  and  of  approved  fidelity; 
would  prove  the  more  effectual  in  the  choice  of  which  persons  such 
means ;  but  by  others,  that  the  indifference  was  used,  and  so  equal 
latter  would  be  every  jot  as  effec-  liberty  allowed  to  all  then  present 
tual,  and  besides  bring  this  advan-  with  the  Generall,  that  every  officer 
tage  along  with  it,  that  it  would  enjoyed  the  same  freedom  of  nomina- 
be  much  more  satisfactory  to  the  tion,  and  the  majority  of  suffrages 
generality  of  the  army  and  to  the  carried  for  the  election  of  each  single 
good  people  of  the  nation  .  .  .  member.'  As  a  rule  the  Independent 
whereupon  ...  it  was  at  length  re-  congregations  in  each  county  re- 
solved to  fall  upon  the  latter.  And  commended  a  certain  number  of 
in  order  hereunto,  it  was  agreed  persons  from  whom  the  Council  of 
likewise  that  such  persons  should  Officers  made  a  selection.  Milton 
be  called  together  out  of  the  several  State  Papers,  pp.  92,  123. 
counties,  as  were  reputed  men  fear- 


o 


60      Partial  disbanding  of  the  Irish  army. 


1653  lands  there  upon  the  adventurers  and  souldiers,  together 
with  an  Act  for  mariners,  one  for  payment  of  some  pubHck 
debts,  with  divers  others.  They  also  made  some  progress 
in  the  reformation  of  the  Law,  having  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  that  end. 

In  Ireland  we  disbanded  some  of  our  forces  to  the 
number  of  about  5000  horse  and  foot  ^,  and  summoned  a 
council  of  officers  to  adjust  the  arrears  of  the  souldiers,  and 
to  put  them  into  possession  of  the  land  assigned  for  their 
satisfaction  ;  who  judging  that  it  would  not  hold  out  to 
satisfy  the  whole,  rated  the  best  land  of  each  county 
according  to  its  intrinsick  value,  reserving  the  worst  to  be 
equally  distributed  amongst  them,  when  the  arrears  should 
appear  to  be  satisfied  on  the  foot  of  the  new  valuation. 
The  county  of  Dublin  was  in  this  estimate  rated  at  150c/. 
for  1000  acres  ;  the  county  of  Wexford  at  800/.,  the  county 
of  Kilkenny  at  1000^.  All  which  counties  being  within 
the  province  of  Lempster,  were  rated  by  the  Act  at  600/. 
for  1000  acres.  Instructions  were  also  given  to  the  com- 
mittee for  stating  the  accounts  of  the  arrears  of  the 
souldiers,  by  which  those  who  were  disbanded  in  Connaught 
had  their  arrears  assigned  in  lands  about  Sligo,  those  in 
Munster  in  the  county  of  Cork,  &c.  -  Those  who  had 
been  for  some  time  with  the  Lord  Inchequin,  and  therefore 
thought  fit  to  be  disbanded,  had  their  arrears  assigned 
(upon  my  desire)  together,  about  Collen,  in  the  county  of 
Kilkenny,  that  they  might  be  the  better  able  to  defend 
themselves,  and  assist  their  friends  upon  occasion.  Col. 
Theophilus  Jones's  regiment  was  reduced,  his  own  troop 
and  some  others   appointed  to   compleat  mine,  and   Col. 

*  Musters    taken    in    July,    1652,  July  7,  p.  2557.     Compare  Prender- 

showed    that    the    total    number    of  gast,  pp.   195,  213.     The  troops  dis- 

soldiers  and  oflicers  to  be  provided  banded  were  those  who  had  served 

for   in  Ireland   for  the  year  ending  under  Coote,  Monk,  and  Inchequin. 

Sept.,  1653,  amounted  1034,128  men;  The   council  of  officers  proposed  to 

of    whom    7365    were    horse,    1447  disband    5000  foot  and   3000    horse 

dragoons,  and  the  rest  infantry.  and  dragoons,  and  that  the  standing 

"  See  the  votes  of  the  council  of  army  should  be  made  up  to  18,000 

officers  held  at  Dublin  Castle,  June  9,  foot,  5000  horse  and  1000  dragoons. 
1653.    Mcrcurius  Politicus,  June  30- 


Reduction  of  the  pay  of  the  Irish  army.    361 

Jones  to  be  Major  of  my  regiment   in  the  room  of  Col.       1653 
Warden,  who  was  disbanded. 

The  pay  of  some  of  the  officers  of  the  army  was  also 
reduced,  but  yet  they  now  received  the  pay  of  seven  days 
per  week,  whereas  before  they  had  but  four ;  but  the 
general  officers  who  had  been  paid  seven  days  for  a  week, 
had  some  ten  shillings,  others  five  shillings  per  day  abated 
of  their  pay;  amongst  whom  it  fell  heavier  on  me  than 
any  other,  for  as  my  work  was  double  both  as  a  Com- 
missioner of  Parliament,  and  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Horse,  so  were  my  expences  also,  being  oblig'd  to  keep 
a  more  plentiful  table  than  any  other  of  the  Commissioners, 
and  more  than  twenty  horses  continually  in  my  stable 
ready  for  service  :  but  indeed  could  I  have  seen  our 
victories  employed  to  the  good  of  the  Commonwealth, 
I  should  have  been  satisfied  without  any  other  encourage- 
ment :  and  I  can  clearly  make  it  appear,  that  during  the 
four  years  I  served  in  Ireland,  I  expended  4500^.  of  my 
own  estate  more  than  all  the  pay  that  I  received. 

The  commissioners  for  the  management  of  affairs  by 
sea  having  not  finished  the  time  limited  by  the  Parliament 
for  their  acting,  nor  clearly  seeing  to  what  extremities 
things  would  be  driven,  continued  to  act  in  their  station  ; 
which  they  did  with  that  diligence  and  vigour,  that  since 
the  late  engagement  in  the  Downs  they  had  equipped  a 
very  considerable  fleet,  and  furnished  it  with  all  sorts  of 
provisions,  ammunition  and  men.  This  fleet  was  com- 
manded by  Dean  and  Monk  as  Admirals,  by  Penn  as  Vice- 
Admiral,  and  by  Lawson  as  Reer-Admiral.  On  the  2d  of 
June,  1653,  early  in  the  morning  they  attacked  the  Dutch 
fleet  commanded  by  Van  Tromp,  Evertson,  De  Witt  and 
De  Ruyter,  on  the  coast  of  Flanders.  Lawson  who  com- 
manded the  Blew  Squadron  charged  through  the  Dutch 
fleet  with  forty  ships,  which  storm  falling  principally  on 
De  Ruyter's  squadron,  Van  Tromp  bore  up  to  his  assistance ; 
which  when  our  Admirals,  who  were  both  on  the  same 
ship,  perceived,  they  engaged  Tromp  with  the  body  of  the 
fleet;  and  the  fight  continued  till  three  in  the  afternoon, 


o 


62  Seafight  off  the  Flemish  coast. 


1653  at  which  time  the  wind  coming  up  contrary  to  the  English, 
the  Dutch  fled,  and  were  pursued  by  the  lightest  of  our 
June  3.  frigats.  The  next  morning  the  two  fleets  found  themselves 
again  near  each  other,  but  for  want  of  wind  could  not  come 
to  engage  till  about  noon,  at  which  time  the  dispute 
began,  and  continued  very  hot  on  both  sides  till  ten  at 
night.  Our  fleet  charged  the  Dutch  with  so  much  resolu- 
tion, and  put  them  into  so  great  disorder,  that  tho  their 
Admiral  fired  on  them  to  rally  them,  he  could  not  procure 
more  than  twenty  ships  of  his  whole  fleet  to  stand  by  him, 
the  rest  making  all  the  sail  they  could  away  to  the  east- 
ward. But  the  wind  blowing  a  fresh  gale  from  the  west- 
ward, ours  pursued  them  so  effectually,  that  they  sunk  six 
of  their  best  ships,  and  blew  up  two  others  that  were  in 
the  body  of  their  fleet,  taking  eleven  of  their  biggest  ships, 
and  two  others,  with  thirteen  hundred  prisoners,  among 
whom  were  six  of  their  principal  captains  ;  and  had  not 
the  rest  of  their  fleet  sheltered  themselves  between  Dun- 
kirk and  CalaiSj  where  it  was  unsafe  to  expose  our  great 
ships  by  reason  of  the  sands,  we  had  probably  taken  or 
destroyed  most  of  the  rest^  The  Hollanders  were  much 
superiour  to  the  English  in  number  of  ships  ;  but  such  was 
the  courage  and  conduct  of  our  men,  that  we  lost  but  one 
ship  in  the  fight,  had  but  one  captain  killed,  except 
Admiral  Dean,  which  indeed  was  a  great  loss,  and  about 
one  hundred  and  sixty  private  men  killed  and  wounded. 
Our  fleet  having  put  their  prisoners  on  shoar,  and  left  some 
of  their  ships  to  be  refitted,  returned  to  the  coast  of 
Holland,  where  they  took  many  prizes.  The  people  in 
Holland  seeing  themselves  as  it  were  besieged  by  the 
English  fleet,  constrained  the  magistrates  by  their  clamours 
to  send  their  fleet  again  to  sea,  which  they  reinforced  with 
divers  great  ships,  and  some  fireships,  so  that  they  made 
up  in  all  one  hundred  and  forty  sail.     The  English  fleet 

1  See   Thurloe,   i.    269-79;    Mer-  appointed  by  the  General  and  Council 

curius  Politicus,  June  2  9,  1653 ;  the  of   State    for  June   23.     Mercurius 

latter  prints  the  letters  of  Blake  and  Politicus,  p.  250X  ;  Geddcs,  John  de 

Monk.     A  day  of  thanksgiving  was  Witt,  i.  311. 


Trornp  defeated  and  killed.  363 

were  little  more  in  number  than  ninety,  yet  resolved  to  1653 
fight  the  enemy;  and  accordingly  detaching  the  lightest  July  29. 
of  their  frigats,  assisted  by  some  greater  ships,  they  en- 
gaged the  Dutch,  and  maintained  the  fight  till  they  were 
separated  by  the  night.  The  next  day  little  was  done, 
but  on  the  day  after  they  fought  again  ;  and  tho  many  of  July  31. 
our  men  were  sick  of  the  scurvy,  and  that  the  Dutch  had 
fireships,  of  which  we  had  none,  the  wind  also  entirely 
favouring  them,  yet  did  the  fight  continue  in  equal  balance 
till  two  or  three  in  the  afternoon,  about  which  time  their 
Admiral  Van  Tromp  was  killed  with  a  musket-ball,  as  he 
walked  upon  the  deck  with  his  sword  drawn.  This  so 
discouraged  the  enemy,  that  they  made  all  the  haste  they 
could  away  towards  the  Texel,  and  were  pursued  with  that 
diligence  by  ours,  that  the  ship  of  Cornelius  Evertzen  was 
sunk,  with  about  thirty  more,  as  we  were  informed  by  the 
prisoners  taken  or  saved  from  perishing.  The  victory  was 
great,  but  cost  us  dear,  for  we  lost  eight  of  our  brave  cap- 
tains, whose  names  were.  Graves,  Peacock,  Taylor,  Crisp, 
Newman,  Cox,  Owen  and  Chapman,  with  about  four  hundred 
men  ^.  We  had  also  about  seven  hundred  wounded,  and 
amongst  them  five  commanders,  yet  we  lost  but  one  ship 
in  this  fight.  Our  Admiral  having  put  his  prisoners  with 
the  wounded  men  on  shoar,  and  taken  in  provisions,  re- 
turned with  the  fleet  to  the  coast  of  Holland,  where  many 
of  the  officers  of  the  enemy's  fleet  and  others  ingenuously 
acknowledged  that  the  hand  of  God  was  against  them,  and 
that  they  ought  not  to  contend  any  longer  with  us. 

The  English  fleet  being  now  absolute  masters  of  the  sea, 
no  ship  could  stir  out  of  the  Texel  without  their  permission. 
The  Dutch  were  willing  to  impute  their  ill  success  to  the 
treachery  and  cowardice  of  their  officers  ;  but  so  it  was,  by 
the  blessing  of  God  upon  the  endeavours  of  the  Parliament 
and  their  fleet,  that  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  we  had 
taken,  sunk  and  destroyed,  between   fourteen  and  fifteen 

1  See  Monk's  letters,  Old  Parlia-  401,  415;  Geddes,  John  de  Witt.  i. 
mentary  History,  XX.  193;  Mercurius  344.  A  public  thanksgiving  was 
Politicus,  p.   2638;  Thurloe,   i.  392,       ordered  for  Aug.   25. 


364   The  proceedings  of  the  'Little  Parliament' 

'653  hundred  of  their  ships,  of  which  many  were  considerable 
men  of  war.  Their  seamen  generally  declined  the  service, 
neither  had  they  a  sufficient  number  of  ships  to  put  to  sea, 
tho  they  had  been  furnished  with  all  other  accomodations. 
In  short,  matters  were  brought  to  that  pass,  that  Myn 
Heer  Nieuport,  one  of  the  ambassadors  from  Holland, 
demanded  of  some  of  the  Parliament-party  what  they 
intended  to  do  with  them,  endeavouring  by  all  means 
possible  to  perswade  them  that  the  ruin  of  the  Dutch  would 
be  prejudicial  to  themselves.  Our  friends  plainly  told  him, 
that  they  desired  nothing  but  a  coalescence  with  them,  and 
then  would  be  as  ready  to  promote  the  good  of  Holland  as 
their  own.  To  this  the  ambassador  replied,  that  he  would 
engage  his  masters  should  send  us  a  blank,  and  that  what 
conditions  soever  we  should  think  fit  to  write  on  it,  they 
would  subscribe.  Soon  after  they  sent  ambassadors  to 
treat  in  good  earnest  concerning  a  peace,  which  they  were 
the  more  necessitated  to  do,  by  reason  of  some  divisions 
amongst  themselves  on  account  of  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
interest.  But  this  attempt  proved  ineffectual,  and  they  not 
able  to  prevail,  as  long  as  the  face  of  authority  remained 
in  England,  without  consenting  to  the  coalescence.  For 
many  of  the  present  assembly  acting  with  sincerity  for 
the  publick,  and  therefore  little  suspecting  the  treachery 
of  others,  resolved  whilst  they  had  opportunity  to  be 
doing  their  duty,  and  to  discharge  the  trust  committed  to 
their  care,  according  to  the  best  of  their  judgment,  for  the 
good  of  the  Commonwealth.  They  issued  forth  orders 
for  regulating  the  excise  and  customs,  and  enlarged  the 
powers  of  the  committee  established  for  trade.  They 
made  all  necessary  preparations  for  carrying  on  the  war 
by   sea,    and    declared    General    Robert    Blake,    General 

J)ec.  3.  George  Monk,  Major-General  Desborough,  and  Vice- 
Admiral  Penn,  to  be  the  four  Generals  of  the  fleet  of 
the  Commonwealth,  impowering  them  with  some  others 
to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  Admiralty  for  six  months. 

Aug.  10.  They  also  gave  order  to  prepare  an  Act  to  erect  a  High 
Court  of  Justice  for  proceeding  against   such   as   should 


Cromwell  plots  its  dissohUion.  365 

surprize  or  betray  any  of  the  fortresses,  magazines,  or  ships  1653 
of  the  Commonwealth  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy;  and 
also  against  those  who  should,  contrary  to  the  laws  already 
made,  proclaim  any  to  be  King  of  England  or  Ireland, 
whereby  it  is  manifest  they  suspected  the  design  on  foot, 
tho  their  jealousy  did  not  at  all  defer,  but  rather  hasten  the 
execution  of  it. 

The  perfidious  Cromwel  having  forgot  his  most  solemn 
professions  and  former  vows,  as  well  as  the  blood  and 
treasure  that  had  been  spent  in  this  contest,  thought  it  high 
time  to  take  off  the  masque,  and  resolved  to  sacrifice  all 
our  victories  and  deliverances  to  his  pride  and  ambition, 
under  colour  of  taking  upon  him  the  office  as  it  were  of  a 
High  Constable,  in  order  to  keep  the  peace  of  the  nation, 
and  to  restrain  men  from  cutting  one  another's  throats  ^ 
One  difficulty  yet  remained  to  obstruct  his  design,  and  that 
was  the  Convention,  which  he  had  assembled  and  invested 
with  power,  as  well  as  earnestly  solicited  to  reform  the  law, 
and  reduce  the  clergy  to  a  more  evangelical  constitution. 
And  having  sufficiently  alarmed  those  interests,  and  shewn 
them  their  danger  from  the  Convention,  he  informs  them 
farther,  that  they  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  confusion  that 
all  things  are  brought  into  by  the  immoderate  zeal  of  those 
in  authority,  and  to  what  extremities  matters  might  be  re- 
duced;  if  permitted  to  go  on  ;  possibly,  said  he,  to  the  utter 
extirpation  of  law  and  gospel  from  amongst  us  ;  and  there- 
fore advised  that  they  would  join  their  interests  to  his,  in 
order  to  prevent  this  inundation.  His  proposition  was 
readily  embraced  by  the  corrupt  part  of  the  lawyers  and 
clergy,  and  so  he  became  their  Protector,  and  they  the 
humble  supporters  of  his  tyranny  ^.     But  that  his  usurpation 

1  'Truly  I  have,  as  before  God,  2 -phe  allegations  made  against  the 
often  thought  I  could  not  tell  what  Little  Parliament  are  set  forth  at 
my  business  was,  nor  what  I  was  in  length  in  the  '  True  State  of  the 
the  place  I  stood  in,  save  comparing  Case  of  the  Commonwealth,'  1654, 
myself  to  a  good  constable  set  to  keep  pp.  13-22,  and  more  briefly  in  Crom- 
the  peace  of  the  parish.'  Carlyle,  well's  3rd  and  13th  speech  in  Car- 
Speech  xi.  Cf  '  The  Protector  (so-  lyle's  Cromwell.  It  is  defended  in 
called)  in  part  unveiled,'  1655,  p.  72.  '  An  Exact  Relation  of  the  Transac- 


366    Charges  against  the  ^Little  Parliament! 

1653  might  seem  less  horrid,  he  so  contrived  it  by  his  instruments, 
that  some  of  the  Convention  must  openly  manifest  their 
disapprobation  of  their  own  proceedings,  and  under  divers 
specious  pretences  put  a  period  to  their  sitting.  To  this 
end  it  was  agreed  by  Mr.  Rouse,  Chairman  to  that  assembly, 
and  the  rest  of  Cromwel's  junto,  to  meet  earlier  in  the 
House  than  was  usual,  which  was  done  accordingly  on  the 
i2th  of  December,  1653,  hoping  by  surprize  to  obtain  a 
vote  for  their  dissolution.  Being  met,  Col.  Sydenham.  Sir 
Charles  Wolseley  and  others,  according  to  their  instructions, 
bitterly  inveighed  against  the  transactions  of  the  Convention, 
and  particularly  charged  them  with  a  design  to  destroy  the 
army,  by  not  making  a  sufficient  and  timely  provision  for 
their  pay.  They  alledged,  that  tho  they  had  voted  them  a 
sum  of  money,  yet  having  resolved  to  raise  it  by  way  of  a 
pound-rate,  it  would  take  up  so  much  time  to  bring  it  in, 
that  the  army  must  either  starve  by  want,  or  oppress  the 
country  by  free  quarter.  A  second  ground  of  their  in- 
vectives w^as  taken  from  a  motion  made  that  the  great 
officers  of  the  army  should  serve  without  pay  for  one  year. 
They  accused  them  also  of  endeavouring  to  destroy  the 
clergy,  the  law,  and  the  propriety  of  the  subject,  instancing 
in  their  denying  a  right  of  presentation  to  the  patrons  of 
ecclesiastical  benefices :  in  general,  that  they  had  not  a 
frame  of  spirit  to  do  justice,  which  they  would  have  made 
out  by  their  not  relieving  Sir  John  Stawell,  when  he  made 
his  application  to  them.  Thus  they  endeavoured  to  cajole 
the  clergy,  lawyers,  Cavaliers,  and  all  interests,  except  that 
which  they  should  have  had  most  regard  to. 

They  thought  to  have  prevented  any  debate  about  their 
design,  by  meeting  so  early  in  the  morning  :  but  they  were 
deceived,  and  enough  found  in  the  House  to  answer  their 
objections.  To  that  concerning  the  army  it  was  said,  that 
the  pound-rate  was  found  to  be  the  most  equal  way  of 
raising  money,  and  therefore  resolved  upon  by  them  ;  not 

tions  of  the  late  Parliament,  their  be-       bone  himself.     It  is  reprinted  in  the 
ginning  and  ending,  by  L.  D.,'  1654,       Somers  Tracts,  ed.  Scott,  vi.  266. 
which  was  written  by  Praisegod  Bar- 


A  refutation  of  the  charges.  367 

at  all  doubting  that  it  would  come  in  soon  enough  for  the      1653 
soldiers'  supply  :  that  they  thought  it  reasonable  and  just, 
that  the  great  officers  of  the  army  who  were  possessed  of 
plentiful  estates,  and  had  received  all  their  arrears,  should 
abate  somewhat  of  their  superfluities,  and  serve  for  a  little 
time  freely,  as  well  as  those  who  were  employed  in  civil 
affairs,  whose  labour  and  hazard  was  as  great,  and  both 
equally  concerned  in  the   publick  good  :    especially  con- 
sidering how  much  this  conduct  would  contribute  to  the 
ease  and  satisfaction  of  the  people,  who  could  not  be  ignorant 
that  there  were  now  no  pressing  occasions  of  charge  or 
danger,  the  enemy  being  every  where  entirely  subdued. 
To  what  had  been  done  in  order  to  a  reformation  of  the 
law  and  clergy,  it  was  answered,  that  as  they  conceived 
there  was  great  need  of  it,  so  they  had  been  told  that  they 
were  called  together  principally  for  that  end  ;  and  that  if 
they  had  done  any  thing  too  much  therein,  the  gentlemen 
who  blamed  them  for  it  were  very  unfit  so  to  do,  having 
themselves  been  the  men  that  pressed  them  continually  to 
go  much  farther  than  they  had  done.     To  the  objection 
concerning  presentations  they  said,  that  the  method  used 
therein  seemed  to  them  too  unreasonable  to  be  continued, 
it  being  in  effect  to  give  a  power  to  the  greatest  of  the  parish, 
who  were  not  always  the  best,  to  prescribe  what  religion 
they  pleased  to  the  parishioners,  by  presenting  a  person, 
howsoever  unfit  for  that  office,  to  be  their  minister.     Lastly, 
in  answer  to  the  charge  of  denying  relief  to  Sir  John  Stawel, 
it  was  answered,  that  the  consideration  of  that  matter  was 
before  them,  and  that  they  would  not  fail  to  act  as  his  case 
deserved.     The  debate  thus  spun  out,  the  House  began  to 
fill,  so  that  Cromwel's  party  despairing  to  carry  their  design 
by  vote,  broke  off  in  an  abrupt  manner,  saying,  that  it  was 
not  a  time  to  debate,  but    to   do   something   that   might 
prevent   those    inconveniences    which   they  pretended   did 
threaten  them.     Then  Mr.  Rouse,  who  was  of  the  plot,  de- 
scending from  his  chair,  went  out  of  the  House,  and  with  the 
rest  of  the  cabal  repaired  to  Whitehall,  where  they  sub- 
scribed a  writing,  taking  notice  of  the  power  with  which 


o 


6S      Dissolution  of  the  ^Little  Parliament'. 


1653  the  army  had  intrusted  them,  and  of  the  sense  they  had  of 
their  own  inability  to  bring  any  thing  to  perfection  for  the 
good  and  settlement  of  the  nation  :  and  that  therefore  they 
resigned  that  power  into  the  hands  of  Cromwel,  from  whom 
they  had  received  it. 

The  other  part  of  that  assembly,  who  came  with  honest 
minds  and  sincere  intentions  to  perform  their  duty  and  to 
serve  their  country,  kept  their  places  in  the  House,  and 
would  not  quit  them  till  they  were  removed  by  a  guard  of 
souldiers  sent  by  Cromwel  to  that  end  ^.  And  it  seems  re- 
markable; that  tho  this  body  of  men  had  not  a  clear  authority 
according  to  the  national  constitution,  and  were  called 
together  with  a  design  of  rendring  them  odious,  as  well  as  to 
scare  the  lawyers  and  clergy  into  a  compliance  with  Crom- 
w^el ;  yet  many  being  convinced  of  the  rectitude  of  their  in- 
tentions, were  brought  over  daily  to  approve  their  actions. 
And  as  this  treacherous  and  unworthy  resignation  of  the 
power  to  Cromwel  could  not  be  carried  by  a  vote  in  the 
House,  so  I  have  been  informed  that  the  major  part  of 
those  who  were  members  of  that  assembly  could  never 
be  perswaded  to  sign  the  paper  for  that  resignation,  tho 
importuned  to  it  by  all  politick  and  devilish  arguments 
imaginable. 

This  Convention,  who  derived  all  the  authority  they  had 
from  Cromwel,  being  dissolved,  after  they  had  driven  the 
clergy  and  corrupt  part  of  the  lawyers  into  his  net,  as  had 


'  According  to  a  letter  from  Bussy  from  him.    They  returned  no  answer, 

Mansell, 'about  forty '  members  and  but  went  out  and  fetched  two  files 

the   Speaker  went   to    resign  their  of  musketeers,  and  did  as  good  as 

powers    to    Cromwell.       '  Twenty-  force   them   out ;   amongst  whom   I 

seven  stayed  in   the  House  a  little  was  an  unworthy  one.'     Thurloe,  i. 

time  speaking  to  one  another,  and  637,  of.  p.  630.     For  other  accounts, 

going   to   speake    to    the    Lord    in  see  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  Series  H. 

prayer.     Col.  Goffe  and   Lieut.-Col.  3.    372,  and  the  pamphlet  entitled, 

White   came   into   the    House,  and  '  A  true  Narrative  of  the  Cause  and 

desired    them    that   were    there    to  Manner   of  the    Dissolution   of  the 

come   out.      Some    answered    they  late  Parliament,  by  a  member  of  the 

were  there  by  acall  from  the  Genera!!,  House  then   present  at  that    trans- 

and  would  not   come   out   by  their  action,'   1653,   and   Carlyle's   Crom- 

desirc  unless  they  had  a  command  well,  Speeches  iii,  xiii. 


Lambert  and  the  Council  of  Officers.       369 

been  designed,  all  men  were  full  of  expectation  what  step  1653 
he  would  take  next  to  advance  himself.  And  because  all 
honest  men  who  stood  near  the  centre  of  his  actions  had 
lost  all  hopes  of  good  from  him,  he  began  to  court  and  cajole 
those  that  were  at  a  distance,  whom  he  hoped  the  more 
easily  to  surprize,  as  less  acquainted  with  his  treacherous 
designs.  Amongst  others  I  received  a  message  from  him 
by  one  of  my  relations,  to  assure  me  of  his  friendship  and 
intentions  to  do  as  much  for  me  as  for  any  man. 

After  a  few  days  a  council  of  field-officers  was  summoned, 
where  Major-General  Lambert  having  rehearsed  the  several 
steps  and  degrees  by  which  things  had  been  brought  to  the 
present  state  wherein  they  were,  and  pressed  the  necessity 
incumbent  upon  the  army  to  provide  something  in  the  room 
of  what  was  lately  taken  away,  presented  to  them  a  paper 
intituled, '  An  Instrument  of  Government,'  which  he  read  in 
his  place.  Some  of  the  officers  being  convinced  that  the 
contents  of  this  Instrument  tended  to  the  sacrificing  all  our 
labours  to  the  lust  and  ambition  of  a  single  person,  began 
to  declare  their  unwillingness  to  concur  in  it.  But  they 
were  interrupted  by  the  Major-General^  and  informed  that 
it  was  not  now  to  be  disputed,  whether  this  should  be  the 
form  of  government  or  not,  for  that  was  already  resolved, 
it  having  been  under  consideration  for  two  months  past: 
neither  was  it  brought  before  them  with  any  other  intention 
than  to  give  them  permission  to  offer  any  amendments  they  ' 
might  think  fit,  with  a  promise  that  they  should  be  taken 
into  consideration  ^.     The  council  of  officers  perceiving  to 

'  Unfortunately  very  little  is  known  were   ordered  to  withdraw;  which 

about  the  consultations  of  the  olficers  done    Lambert    produced    a    paper 

in  which  the  Instrument  of  Govern-  signed  by  the  most  part  of  the  late 

ment  was  drawn  up.     Some  account  Parliament,  wherein    they  acknow- 

is    given    in    an    intercepted    letter:  ledged  their  disability  to  manage  the 

'  Thursday   last  being  the  next  day  weighty    affaires    of    the    land,    and 

after  our  late  Parliament  was  broken  therefore  did  desire  the  General  to 

up  .  .  .  Lambert  with  many  officers  assume  the  power  by  him  given  to 

of  the  army  came  into  the  councill  them.       This   being    read,    then    he 

chamber  at  Whytehall,  where  many  told    them    it   was    fit    for   them    to 

were  expecting  the  event.     All,  ex-  thinke  of  some  way  to  put  things  in 

cept  those  who  belonged  to  the  army,  a  way  in  order  to  the  government  of 

VOL.  \.                                           B  b 


370 


The  begmning  of  opposition. 


1653  what  terms  they  were  restrained,  proposed,  that  it  might  be 
declared  in  this  Instrument,  that  the  General  of  the  army- 
should  after  this  first  time  be  held  uncapable  of  being  Pro- 
tector; (for  that  was  the  title  given  by  this  Instrument  to 
the  chief  magistrate,  tho  some  were  said  to  have  moved 
that  it  might  be  King  ^) ;  that  none  of  the  relations  of  the 
last  Protector  should  be  chosen  at  the  next  succeeding 
election  ;  and  that  a  general  council  of  all  the  commission 
officers  who  were  about  the  town  should  be  summoned  to 
consider  thereof.  To  these  propositions  they  could  obtain 
no  other  answer,  than  that  they  should  be  offered  to  the 
General,  which  was  the  title  they  yet  gave  to  Cromwel.  At 
the  next  meeting  of  officers  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  con- 
sult with  them  at  all ;  but  they  were  openly  told  by  Major- 
General  Lambert,  that  the  General  would  take  care  of 
managing  the  civil  government ;  and  then  having  required 
them  to  repair  to  their  respective  charges,  where  their  troops 
and  companies  lay,  that  they  might  preserve  the  publick 
peace,  he  dismissed  them. 


the  land.  It  was  by  them  resolved 
that  a  lord  governor  of  the  three 
nations  should  be  chosen,'  &c.  Thur- 
loe,  i.  632. 

On  Lambert's  share  in  drawing 
up  the  Instrument,  a  pamphlet  saj^s  ; 
'  The  sudden  coming  forth  of  which 
Instrument  declares  plainly  that  it 
was  not  a  new  thing,  but  that  which 
was  thought  of,  contrived,  and  ap- 
pointed some  time  before  those 
friends  were  turned  out  of  the 
House ;  and  all  this  was  done  by 
five  or  six,  or  very  few  more,  as  is 
confidently  reported  and  believed  : 
there  being  several  officers  of  the 
army  that  will  not  stick  to  say  as 
much  ;  and  which  is  also  evident  hy 
this ;  for  though  they  were  all  sent 
for  upon  a  pretence  of  being  taken 
into  consultation  ;  yet  when  they 
came  thither,  they  did  little  else  but 
walk  to  and  fro  in  the  rooms  with- 
out, whilst  the  business  was  carried 


on  by  a  few  within  ;  and  staying 
several  times  very  late  at  night,  still 
expecting  to  be  sent  for  in,  Major- 
General  Lambert  comes  out  to  them, 
and  tells  them  they  might  go  home, 
for  there  was  no  occasion  at  that 
time  to  make  use  of  them  ;  so  that 
to  me  it  clearly  appears  their  being 
sent  for,  was  only  to  this  end  the 
better  to  colour  over  and  cloak  their 
design.'  The  Protector  Unveiled, 
1655,  p.  12. 

'  Cromwell  in  his  speech  to  the 
hundred  officers  in  1657,  said  :  '  Time 
was  when  they  boggled  not  at  the 
word  (King),  for  the  Instrument  hy 
which  the  government  now  stands 
was  presented  to  his  Highness  with 
the  title  (King)  in  it,  as  some  there 
present  could  witness,  pointing  at  a 
principal  officer  then  in  his  eye,  and 
he  refused  to  accept  of  the  title.' 
Burton's  Diary,  i.  382. 


The  Instrument  of  Government.  371 

Thus  was  this  important  business  that  so  highlj-  con-  1653 
cerned  the  nation,  and  in  some  measure  all  Europe,  in  a 
clandestine  manner  carried  on  and  huddled  up  by  two  or 
three  persons ;  for  more  they  were  not  who  were  let  into 
the  secret  of  it,  so  that  it  may  justly  be  called  a  work  of 
darkness.  This  Instrument  appointed  the  legislative  power 
to  be  in  the  Representative  of  the  people  and  the  Protector  ; 
that  a  Parliament  should  be  chosen  every  three  years,  which 
should  sit  five  months,  if  they  thought  fit,  without  any 
interruption:  that  their  first  meeting  should  be  on  the 
thirteenth  of  September  next  ensuing  :  that  the  members  of 
whom  the  Parliament  was  to  consist,  should  be  chosen  by 
the  people :  that  whatsoever  they  would  have  enacted, 
should  be  presented  to  the  Protector  for  his  consent ;  and 
that  if  he  did  not  confirm  it  within  twenty  days  after  it  was 
first  tendred  to  him,  it  should  have  the  force  and  obligation 
of  a  law ;  provided  that  it  extended  not  to  lessen  the  num- 
ber or  pay  of  the  army,  to  punish  any  man  on  account  of 
his  conscience,  or  to  make  any  alteration  in  the  Instrument 
of  Government ;  in  all  which  a  negative  was  reserved  to  the 
single  person.  It  provided  also  that  all  writs  should  issue 
out  in  the  Protector's  name  :  that  most  of  the  magistrates 
should  be  appointed,  and  all  honours  conferred  by  him : 
that  he  should  have  the  power  of  the  militia  by  sea  and 
land :  that  in  the  intervals  of  Parliament  the  nation  should 
be  governed  by  the  Protector  and  his  council,  who  were  not 
to  exceed  the  number  of  one  and  twenty,  nor  to  be  under 
thirteen.  The  first  persons  nominated  to  be  of  his  council 
were  Major-General  Lambert,  Col.  Desborough,  Mr.  Henry 
Lawrence,  Sir  Charles  Wolsely,  Col.  William  Sydenham, 
Mr.  Francis  Rouse,  Philip  Viscount  Lisle,  Col.  Philip  Jones, 
Col.  Montague,  Mr.  Richard  Major,  Walter  Strickland,  Esq., 
Sir  Gilbert  Pickering,  Major-General  Skippon,  and  Sir 
Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  in  all  fourteen.  It  was  observed, 
that  in  the  choice  of  this  council,  such  were  put  in  for  the 
most  part  who  had  been  principal  instruments  in  the  in- 
terruption of  the  late  assembly,  and  leading  men  in  the 
resignation  of  that  power  into  the  hands  of  Cromwel ;    and 

B  b  2 


'^']2  CromwelC s  first  installation. 

1653  because  nothing  of  honour  or  conscience  could  be  presumed 
to  obh'ge  them  to  be  faithful  to  Cromwell  and  his  govern- 
ment, tho  they  took  an  oath  to  that  purpose,  he  as  a  publick 
robber  having  possessed  himself  of  the  purse  of  the  nation, 
distributed  a  thousand  pounds  a  year  to  each  of  his  council. 

1654  He  also  established  a  commission  for  the  viewing  and  taking 
Aug.  1.     care  of  all  forests,  fees  and  lands  belonging  to  the  late  King, 

Queen,  and  Prince,  under  pretence  of  improving  them  to 
the  advantage  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  indeed  in  order 
to  convert  them  to  his  own  profit.  The  management  of 
the  treasury  was  put  into  the  hands  of  Cols.  Desborough, 
•  Montague,  and  Sydenham,  who  were  his  creatures ;  to 
whom  was  added  Mr.  William  Masham,  a  worthy  gen- 
tleman and  a  member  of  Parliament,  placed  there  by 
Cromwel,  upon  information  that  he  had  divers  relations  of 
considerable  interest  in  the  clergy-party,  together  with  a 
numerous  family  and  small  estate  during  his  father's  life, 
which  considerations  prevailed  with  the  said  gentleman  to 
accept  of  that  employment  ^. 

Things  being  thus  prepared,  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen 
of  London  were  required  to  attend  at  Whitehall  in  their 
scarlet  gowns,  whither  when  they  came  the  design  was 
imparted  to  them,  and  they  being  under  the  power  of 
an  army,  were  forced  to  contribute  to  this  pageantry,  by 
1653  accompanying  Cromwel  to  Westminster-hall.  The  Com- 
Dec.  16.  missioners  of  the  Seal,  the  Judges,  and  Barons  of  the 
Exchequer,  marched  first,  the  Council  of  the  Common- 
wealth following  them,  and  then  the  Mayor,  Sheriffs,  and 
the  Aldermen  of  London  in  their  robes.  After  them  came 
the  General  with  a  great  number  of  the  officers  of  the  army, 
Major-General  Lambert  carrying  the  sword  before  him,  into 
the  Court  of  Chancery ;  where  after  the  General  had  heard 
the  Instrument  of  Government  read,  and  taken  the  oath  as 

■   Cols.  Montague  and  Sydenham,  Dom.,  1654,  p.  284.    Ludlow  possibly 

Mr.  William  Masham,  and  five  others,  confuses  this  appointment  with  the 

were   approved   by  the   Council    of  ordinance  of  Dec.  31,  1653,  appoint- 

State  on  Aug.  2,   1654,  as  Commis-  ing  commissioners  for  inspecting  the 

sioners  of  the  Treasury.     Cal.  S.  P.,  treasuries;  ib.  1653-4,  p.  317. 


Proclaination  of  the  Protector.  373 

directed  in  the  close  of  the  said  Instrument,  Major-General  1653 
Lambert  kneeling  presented  him  with  a  sword  in  the 
scabbard,  representing  the  civil  sword  ;  which  Cromwel 
accepting,  put  off  his  own,  intimating  thereby  that  he 
would  no  longer  rule  by  the  military  sword,  tho  like  a 
false  hypocrite  he  designed  nothing  more.  The  Com- 
missioners delivered  the  Seals  to  him,  and  the  Mayor  of 
London  the  sword,  all  which  he  restored  again,  with  an 
exhortation  to  use  them  well ;  and  having  assured  them 
that  he  would  not  have  undertaken  this  charge,  but  to 
make  use  of  it  for  the  good  of  the  publick,  he  returned 
to  Whitehal  in  the  same  manner  and  order  as  he  came. 
His  council  having  taken  their  places,  issued  out  orders  to 
all  counties  and  considerable  corporations  for  the  proclaim- 
ing Oliver  Cromwel  Protector  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
England;  Scotland,  and  Ireland  ;  and  care  was  taken  to 
alter  all  legal  writs  and  process  from  the  title  of  the 
Keepers  of  the  Liberties  of  England,  to  that  of  Protector. 
A  declaration  also  was  published  impowering  all  those  who 
stood  lawfully  invested  with  any  office  of  judicature  or 
with  the  power  of  the  Admiralty  on  the  20th  of  the 
present  December,  to  continue  in  their  imployments  till 
farther  order. 

The  news  of  this  great  alteration  of  affairs  was  very 
unwelcome  to  us  in  Ireland  \  because  contrary  to  the  oaths 
which  had  been  taken,  and  especially  to  the  engagement, 
whereby  all  that  took  it,  promised  fidelity  to  the  Common- 
wealth of  England,  as  it  was  established  without  a  King 
or  House  of  Lords :  which  engagement  having  subscribed 
both  with  hand  and  heart,  I  was  resolved  to  use  my  best 

'  The  state  of  feeling  in  Ireland  at  Anabaptists  sent  an  address  to  Crom- 

the    commencement     of     the     Pro-  well,  and  their  example  was  followed 

tectorate  is  described  in  a  letter  to  by    Mr.    Patient's    congregation    at 

Thurloe.      Thurloe,     ii.    162.      The  Dublin.     An  address  from  the  army 

Anabaptists  were  extremely  hostile,  (undated)    was    possibly    presented 

though  a  letter  from  Kyffin  and  other  about  this  time.     Thurloe,  ii.   117; 

leaders  oftheir  sect  in  England  some-  Milton  State    Papers,  pp.   145,   148, 

what  mollified   their   hostility.     Sir  159. 
Hardress  Waller  and  the  Limerick 


374        Division  amongst  the  Irish  officers. 

i^>53  endeavours,  either  to  oppose  this  usurpation,  or  at  least  not 
to  do  any  thing  that  might  contribute  to  the  strengthning 
of  it.  To  this  end,  when  it  was  pressed  by  some  court- 
parasites  amongst  us,  that  seeing  things  were  brought 
to  this  pass,  and  that  there  was  now  no  other  face  of 
authority  in  being  ;  therefore  to  prevent  the  designs  of  our 
enemies,  the  Commissioners  of  Parhament  should  proclaim 
Cromwel  Protector  in  Dublin  and  other  parts  of  Ireland  : 
I  objected  against  it  as  a  thing  evil  in  itself,  tending  to  the 
betraying  of  our  cause,  and  contrary  to  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment ;  that  if  it  were  but  dubious  whether  it  were  evil  or  no, 
we  ought  at  least  to  expect  an  order  from  those  who  had 
the  power  in  their  hands,  which  as  yet  we  had  not  received. 
By  this  means  I  hindred  the  proclaiming  of  him  in  Ireland 
for  more  than  a  fortnight,  tho  continually  earnestly  pressed 
to  a  compliance.  But  a  day  being  appointed  for  the  con- 
sideration of  that  affair,  the  Commissioners  with  three  or 
four  chief  officers,  of  whose  integrity  and  abilities  we  had 
the  best  opinion,  met  in  Lieut.-General  Fleetwood's  chamber 
in  the  castle,  where  after  near  five'  hours  debate,  and  the 
question  put,  the  votes  were  found  to  be  equal  on  both 
sides.  In  that  instant  of  time  Mr.  Roberts  the  Auditor- 
General  ^,  coming  thither  upon  some  particular  business  of 
the  army,  Lieut.-General  Fleetwood  being  well  acquainted 
with  his  flattering  spirit,  and  earnestly  desiring  to  have  the 
thing  done,  gave  him  liberty  to  declare  his  opinion ;  which, 
when  he  had  done  in  the  affirmative,  the  Lieut.-General 
took  his  concurrence  (he  being  a  general  officer)  to  be  a 
decision  of  the  controversy.  So  it  was  resolved  to  be  done, 
and  an  order  directed  to  be  drawn  up  for  that  purpose, 
which  the  Cominissioners  endeavoured  to  perswade  me  to 
sign  ;  but  I  positively  refusing  so  to  do,  they  ordered  it 
to  be  signed  by  their  secretary  in  the  name  of  the  com- 
mission ;  which  way  was  taken,  that  it  might  not  appear 

^  The  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,       Commissioners  General  of  the  assess- 
by  instructions  dated  Nov.  17,  1654,       nientsandallother  public  revenues  of 

appointed  Henry  Markham,  Edward       ,     ,       ,       ,.,,-.  i      A 

^   .  ,  r^.  ,       ,  ,r-      >  1  Ireland.     Irish  Records,  -  24,  p.  i. 

Roberts,  and  Richard  Kingdon  to  be  20 


Cromwell  proclaimed  z«  h'eland.  375 

that  any  of  the  Commissioners'  hands  were  wanting  to  the  1654 
proclamation  \  At  this  ceremony  there  was  but  a  thin  J^"-  3°- 
appearance,  some  captains  and  inferior  officers ;  but  no 
colonel  nor  general  officer,  except  Sir  Hardress  Waller  and 
one  Col.  Moore  were  present.  The  Herald-at-Arms,  who 
made  proclamation,  was  clothed  in  black  ;  but  the  artillery, 
which  was  at  the  command  of  Lieut. -General  Fleetwood, 
wasted  some  of  the  powder  belonging  to  the  publick,  the 
report  of  which  was  very  unwelcome  musick  to  me,  who 
desiring  to  be  as  far  from  this  pageantry  as  I  could,  rode 
out  of  town  that  afternoon. 

Having  done  what  I  could  to  obstruct  the  proclamation 
of  that,  which  was  called  an  Instrument  of  Government, 
imposed  upon  the  people  by  the  military  sword,  contrary 
to  many  oaths  and  solemn  ingagements,  as  well  as  to  the 
interest  and  expectations  of  the  people,  I  thought  my  self 
obliged  in  duty  to  act  no  further  in  my  civil  capacity  as 
Commissioner  of  Parliament,  lest  I  should  seem  by  acting 
with  them,  to  acknowledg  this  as  a  lawful  authority:  to 
that  end  I  forbore  to  go  to  Cork-House,  which  was  the 
usual  place  where  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament  met  ; 
but  Lieut-General  Fleetwood  by  great  importunity  did 
once  prevail  with  me  to  be  present  there,  and  to  give  my 
advice  in  some  things  that  absolutely  concerned  the  peace 
of  Ireland  ;  after  which  time  I  never  gave  any  vote  amongst 
them,  or  set  my  hand  to  any  of  their  orders,  tho  pressed  to 


*  Ludlow's  story  is  confirmed  by  government  are  founded  upon  several 

a   letter   to    Thurloe    from    Jenkyn  Acts  of  Parliament,  viz.  that  of  the 

Lloyd:    'The  order  for  proclaiming  30th  of  January,    1648;    March    17, 

his    Highness   was   signed   only  by  1648;  May  14,1649;  May  10,  1649; 

their  secretary,  whereas  others  are  July  14,  1649.     The  Maj'or  and  Al- 

usually  signed  by  themselves.     The  dermen   of  this   city  [Dublin]  sent 

reason  whereof  I  understand  to  be,  three   several    times    to    the    Com- 

that    three    Commissioners    having  missioners  for  leave  to  proclaim  his 

signed    it,    it   was    tendered   to   the  Highness,  and  were  always  denied 

Lieut.-Gen.  also,  who  refusing  used  with  this  reason,  that  there  was  not 

this  expression,  that  he  would  rather  any    direction     from     England     for 

cut  ofif  his  hand  ;  and  then  the  three  soe  doing.'     Thurloe,  ii.   163.     The 

others  blotted  out  their  names.     His  proclamation    is    given    in    the    Ap- 

objections  against  his  Highness  and  pendix. 


376  Ltidlows  arguments. 

1654  do  it  by  divers  honest  and  well-meaning  men.  But  because 
I  was  always  ready  to  call  in  question  my  own  judgment, 
when  different  from  knowing  and  conscientious  persons,  I 
consented  that  a  day  might  be  appointed  to  consult  with 
them  touching  my  duty  in  this  conjuncture.  The  most 
weighty  arguments  which  were  then  used  to  perswade  me 
to  continue  in  my  imployments  were,  that  supposing 
Cromwel  to  be  a  tyrant,  to  have  no  just  call  to  his  present 
imployment,  and  a  wicked  man,  as  most  of  them  were  so 
ingenuous  to  acknowledg  him  to  be ;  yet  they  declared 
themselves  to  be  of  opinion,  that  a  good  man  might  act 
under  him  ;  and  for  proof  of  this  they  urged  the  example  of 
Cornelius,  who  was  a  centurion  under  Nero.  To  this  I 
answered,  that  tho  in  an  evil  government  already  estab- 
lished, an  honest  man  may  take  an  imployment,  and  bless 
God  for  such  an  opportunity  of  doing  good,  yet  our  case 
seemed  to  me  to  be  very  different,  the  dispute  lying  now 
between  tyranny  and  liberty;  and  that  I  durst  not  in  any 
measure  contribute  to  the  support  of  tyranny  against  the 
liberty  of  my  country.  Another  argument  much  pressed 
was,  that  by  declining  my  station  I  should  neglect  an 
occasion  of  doing  some  good,  and  lay  a  necessity  upon 
those  in  power  to  imploy  others,  who  might  do  mischief. 
To  this  I  replied,  that  it  was  not  lawful  to  do  the  least 
evil  for  the  attaining  the  greatest  good ;  and  that  I  appre- 
hended it  to  be  an  evil  thing  to  fortify  Cromwel  in  his 
usurpation  ;  that  I  hoped  I  should  do  more  good  by  my 
open  protestation  against  his  injustice,  and  declining  to  act 
under  him,  than  by  the  contrary  means :  for  should  all  men 
who  continued  well  affected  to  the  interest  of  the  Common- 
wealth, refuse  to  act  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  there 
could  be  no  way  thought  of,  in  my  opinion,  more  probable 
to  reduce  the  usurper  to  his  right  senses  ;  who  not  daring 
to  trust  such  as  had  acted  against  him,  must  of  necessity  by 
this  means  be  left  destitute  of  instruments  to  carry  on  his 
unjust  designs.  A  third  argument  was,  that  I  should  wait 
to  see  how  he  would  use  his  power,  which  if  he  improved  to 
evil  ends,  I  should  then  find  many  others  to  join  with,  who 


He  refuses  to  act  as  Co7nmissioner.        377 

would  be  as  ready  to  oppose  him  as  my  self.  To  this  also  1654 
I  answered,  that  I  was  fully  convinced  of  the  injustice  of 
his  undertaking  ;  that  he  had  betrayed  his  masters,  under 
colour  that  they  would  not  reform  the  law  and  the  clergy ; 
and  that  having  called  an  assembly  in  order,  as  he  pre- 
tended, to  accomplish  that  work,  he  had  now  broken  them 
also  for  endeavouring  to  do  it  ;  that  as  soon  as  he  had 
made  the  corrupt  interests  of  the  nation  sensible  of  their 
danger,  he  had  contracted  an  alliance  with  them,  and  was 
become  their  Protector  ;  that  it  could  not  be  reasonably  ex- 
pected that  he  should  do  any  thing  towards  their  reformation, 
because  every  step  he  should  take  towards  the  lessening 
of  their  credit,  would  tend  to  the  weakening  of  his  own 
authority;  and  that  he  was  no  less  necessitated  to  be  a 
vassal  to  them,  than  he  designed  the  rest  of  the  nation 
to  be  slaves  to  him.  Tho  for  these  and  other  reasons  I 
durst  not  act  in  my  civil  capacity,  yet  I  was  unwilling  to 
decline  the  exercise  of  my  military  authority  as  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  Horse  ^,  having  received  my  commission  from 
the  Parliament,  which  I  resolved  to  keep,  till  it  should  be 
forced  from  me,  and  to  act  by  it  in  order  to  attain  those 
ends  for  which  I  received  it,  the  principal  whereof  were,  to 
bring  those  to  justice  who  had  been  guilty  of  the  blood  of 
many  thousands  of  English  Protestants,  and  to  restore  the 
English  who  remained  alive  to  the  lands  which  had  been 
taken  from  them  by  the  Irish.  And  tho  much  of  this  work 
was  already  effected  ;  yet  it  was  no  less  a  duty  to  bring  it 
to  perfection  than  to  begin  it,  and  to  defend  our  country-men 
in  a  just  possession,  than  to  gain  it  for  them.  Neither  was 
it  impossible  that  as  one  had  made  use  of  the  military  sword 

'  '  The  Lieutenant-General  hath  He  refuses  to  act  as  C[ommissioner], 
behaved  himselfe  most  childishly,  not  and  acts  only  as  Lieutenant-General. 
refrayning  very  poysenous  and  bitter  The  riddle  can  be  resolved  noe  other- 
expressions  in  publique  meetings ;  wise  then  by  this  distinction,  that 
for  which  I  conceive  it  is  that  he  is  the  one  is  more  beneficial  than  the 
soe  much  cryed  up  by  the  A[na-  other.'  Jenkyn  Lloyd  to  Thur- 
baptists]  of  late,  and  ever  since  ad-  Ice,  March  13,  1654 ;  Thurloe,  ii. 
mitted  to  the  private  weekely  meet-  163. 
ings,  which  before  was  denyed  him. 


378  Peace  made  with  the  Dutch. 

1654  to  destroy  the  civil  authority,  so  others  might  have  an 
opportunity  to  restore  it  by  the  same  means. 
April  15.  One  of  the  first  important  affairs  of  Cromwel's  new 
government,  was  to  make  peace  with  the  Dutch,  which  the 
low  condition  they  had  been  brought  into  by  the  good 
conduct  of  the  Parliament  made  them  earnestly  to  desire. 
In  the  articles  some  seeming  provision  was  made  for  bring- 
ing those  to  justice,  who  had  been  guilty  of  the  blood  of  the 
English  at  Amboyna,  if  they  could  be  found.  The  Dutch 
also  undertook  to  reimburse  to  our  merchants  the  losses 
they  sustained  by  the  seizure  of  twenty-two  ships  in 
Denmark  ;  the  duty  of  striking  the  flag  to  the  English 
in  the  narrow  seas  was  acknowledged,  and  compliance 
promised  with  the  Act  of  Parliament,  whereby  all  foreign 
commodities  were  forbidden  to  be  brought  into  England 
save  in  English  bottoms,  except  by  such  vessels  as  properly 
belonged  to  that  country  where  those  commodities  should 
grow.  By  another  article  it  was  agreed  that  the  enemies  of 
the  respective  nations  should  not  be  protected  by  either  of 
them ;  but  there  was  no  provision  made  by  this  treaty  for 
the  coalescence  so  much  insisted  upon  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  affairs  by  the  Parliament  ^. 

The  Lord  Whitlock,  who  had  been  sent  ambassador  to 
the  Crown  of  Sweden  by  the  Parliament,  acquainted  the 
Queen  with  the  late  change  of  government,  producing  letters 
of  credence  from  Cromwel,  and  owning  him  as  his  master  ; 
upon  which  he  was  received  as  kindly  as  formerly  by  the 

'  It  was  the  theory  of  the  extreme  Burton's  Diary,  iii.  iii,  cf.  pp.  164, 

Republicans  that  perseverance  in  the  389,  440,  458,  490.    Cromwell  wisely 

war  would  have  reduced  the  Dutch  abandoned    the     proposal    for    the 

to     accept     the    'coalescence'    de-  coalescence  of  the  two   Republics, 

manded,  and  that  Cromwell  threw  and  sought  simply  for  a  close  alliance 

away  the  fruits  of  the  Long  Parlia-  for  the  common  interests  of  European 

ment's   victories.     '  We  might  have  Protestantism.       Geddes,    John    dc 

brought  them  to  oneness  with  us,'  Witt,  i.  334,363.  The  Fifth  Monarchy 

said  Mr.  Bulkeley  in  1659.     '  Their  men   were    even    more    hostile    to 

ambassadors  did  desire  a  coalition.  the   peace  with    Holland   than   the 

This  we  might  have  done  in  four  or  RepubHcans.    Thurloe,   i.  442,  501, 

five  months.     We   never   bid  fairer  519,  534. 
for  being  the  masters  of  the  world.' 


Cromivell  removes  to   Whitehall.  379 

Queen,  who  signed  the  articles  agreed  upon  by  the  two      1651 
nations,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  both  \  Aiini  u. 

Cromwel  having  thus  all  clear  before  him,  and  no  enemy 
in  the  field,  except  only  in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland, 
a  considerable  army  by  land,  and  a  powerful  fleet  at  sea,  all 
the  souldiers  fully  paid,  with  a  month's  advance  ;  the  stores 
sufficiently  supplied  with  all  provisions  for  sea  and  land ; 
three  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  ready  money  in  England, 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  in  the  treasury 
of  Ireland  ;  he  removed  from  the  Cockpit,  which  house  the 
Parliament  had  assigned  him,  to  take  possession  of  Whitehal, 
which  he  assigned  to  himself^.  His  wife  seemed  at  first 
unwilling  to  remove  thither,  tho  afterwards  she  became 
better  satisfied  with  her  grandeur ;  but  his  mother,  who  by 
reason  of  her  great  age  was  not  so  easily  flattered  with 
these  temptations,  very  much  mistrusted  the  issue  of  affairs, 
and  would  be  often  afraid,  when  she  heard  the  noise  of  a 
musquet,  that  her  son  was  shot,  being  exceedingly  dissatis- 
fied unless  she  might  see  him  once  a  day  at  least  ;  but  she 
shortly  after  dying  ^,  left  him  the  possession  of  what  she 
held  in  jointure,  which  was  reported  not  to  exceed  sixty 
pounds  by  year,  tho  he  out  of  the  publick  purse  expended 
much  more  at  her  interment,  and  amongst  other  needless 
ceremonies,  caused  many  hundred  torches  to  be  carried 
with  the  hearse,  tho  she  was  buried  by  day-light. 

This  usurper  endeavouring  to  fix  himself  in  his  throne  by 

^  The  treaty,  though  dated  April  shine  upon  you,  and  comfort  you  in 

II,  was  not  finally  ratified  and  sealed  all  your  adversities,  and  enable  you 

till  April  28.     Whitelocke,  Journal  to  do  great  things  for  the  glory  of 

of  the  Swedish  Embassy,  ed.  by  H.  your  most  high  God,  and  to  be   a 

Reeve,  1855,  ii.  165.  relief  unto  his  people  ;  my  dear  son, 

-  '  It  is  supposed  the   Lord  Pro-  I  leave  my  heart  with  thee;  a  good 

tector  will  remove  with  his  family  to  night.'"     Thurloe  to  Pell,  Nov.  17, 

Whitehall  at  the  latter  end  of  this  1654;  Vaughan,  i.  81.    See  Marvell's 

week.'     Mercurius  Politicus,  March  Poem  on  the  first  anniversary  of  the 

9-16,  1654.  Protectorate,  11.  161-64.     Mercurius 

'  '  My  Lord  Protector's  mother  of  Politicus  notes  under  Nov.  18,  1654, 

ninety-four  years  old  died  the  last  'The   mother   of  his    Highness   the 

night,  and  a  little  before  her  death,  Lord  Protector,  dying  full  of  days, 

gave  my  lord  her  blessing  in  these  was    this    night   very   solemnly    in- 

words  :  "The  Lord  cause  his  face  to  terred  at  Westminster.' 


380      Harrison  and  his  friends  imprisoned. 

1654  all  ways  imaginable,  gave  direction  to  the  judges,  who  were 
ready  to  go  their  several  circuits,  to  take  especial  care  to 
extend  all  favour  and  kindness  to  the  cavalier  party.  He 
himself  restored  Col.  Grace,  a  notorious  Irish  rebel,  to  his 
estate  ^ ;  and  sent  a  letter  in  favour  of  the  Lord  Fitz- 
Williams,  who  had  been  Licutenant-Gencral  in  Preston's 
army  in  Ireland  ^ :  but  he  dealt  otherways  with  those  whom 
formerly  he  had  most  courted,  summoning  Major-General 
Harrison,  Col.  Rich,  Mr.  Carew,  and  others,  before  the 
council ;  requiring  such  of  them  as  had  commissions  from 
him  to  surrender  them,  upbraiding  Major-General  Harrison 
with  his  carriage  to  him,  and  charging  him  with  coveting 
his  imployment  when  he  was  sick  in  Scotland  :  and  because 
they  refused  to  engage  not  to  act  against  him  and  his 
government,   he   sent   them    to    several    prisons.      Major- 

1655  General  Harrison  was  ordered  to  be  carried  to  Carisbrooke 
February.  Castle  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  Mr.  Carew  was  sent  to  Pcndennis 

in  Cornwal,  and  Col.  Rich  confined  to  the  custody  of  the 
Serjeant  at  Arms.  Soon  after  Mr.  Rogers,  Mr.  Feak,  and 
Mr.  Sympson,  ministers,  having  publickly  declared  against 
his  usurpation  both  by  printing  and  preaching,  were  also 
imprisoned  ^.  So  having  changed  his  interest,  and  taken 
off  his  masque,  he  sent  his  second  son  Col.  Henry  Cromwel 
into  Ireland,  to  feel  the  pulse  of  the  officers  there  touching 
his  coming  over  to  command  in  that  nation,  where  he 
arrived  attended  only  by  one  servant ;  and  landing  near  my 

'  Cromwell    wrote   to    Fleetwood  ^  On  the  opposition  of  these  three 

on  behalf  of  Col.  John  Grace,  whose  ministers,  see  '  Some  Account  of  the 

case    had    previously   been    recom-  Lifeand Opinions ofa  Fifth-Monarchy 

mended  by  the  English  Council.   Cal.  Man    (John    Rogers),    by    Edward 

S.  P.,  Dom.,  1654,  pp.  276,  337.  Rogers,'  1867,  p.  106.     Rogers  was 

^  Oliver,  second  Viscount  Fitz-  not  imprisoned  till  July,  1654,  first 
William  of  Mcryon,  d.  1667.  Lodge,  at  Lambeth  House,  and  then  re- 
Peerage  of  Ireland,  iii.  9.  On  Crom-  moved  in  Sept.,  1655,  to  Windsor, 
well's  inten'ention  on  his  behalf,  and  finally  in  Nov.,  1655,  to  Caris- 
see  the  Protector's  letter  of  Feb.  16,  brooke.  Feake  was  released  in  Dec, 
1654,  and  the  answer  of  the  Com-  1656,  and  Rogers  in  Jan.,  1657. 
missioners,    April    18,    1654.       Irish  On  the  hostility  of  the  Welsh  Ana- 

TT  1      A  ^   ^    ^^        A     o         baptists,  see  Thurloe,  ii.  03,  116,  128, 

Records,  —  50,  pp.  646,  660 ;  -   28,  '         '  _'      ^•^'        '        ' 

.  g^  o  >  PI       '^  ,       y ,  2^  ^29,   174  ;  V.  755. ;  Cal,  S.  P.,  Dom., 

pp.  328-9;  cf,  Thurloe,  iii.  548.  1653-4,  P-  304. 


Ltidlow  and  Henry  Cromwell.  381 

country-house,  I  sent  my  coach  to  receive  him,  and  to  bring  1651 
him  thither,  where  he  stayed  till  Lieut.-General  Fleetwood  March  4 
with  several  officers  came  with  coaches  to  conduct  him  to 
Dublin  ^.  Having  made  what  observations  he  could  of 
persons  and  things  in  Ireland,  he  resolved  upon  his  return ; 
of  which  having  given  me  advice,  I  desired  him  to  take  my 
house  in  his  way,  and  to  that  end  dined  with  him  on  the  day 
of  his  departure  at  the  Lieutenant-General's  in  the  castle. 
After  dinner  we  went  together  to  my  house  at  Moncktown-, 
where  after  a  short  collation  walking  in  the  garden,  I 
acquainted  him  with  the  grounds  of  my  dissatisfaction  with 
the  present  state  of  affairs  in  England,  which  I  assured  him 
was  in  no  sort  personal,  but  would  be  the  same  were  my 
own  father  alive,  and  in  the  place  of  his.  He  told  me  that 
his  father  looked  upon  me  to  be  dissatisfied  upon  a  distinct 
account  from  most  men  in  the  three  nations;  and  thereupon 
affirmed  that  he  knew  it  to  be  his  resolution  to  carry  him- 
self with  all  tenderness  towards  me.  I  told  him  that  I  ought 
to  have  so  much  charity  for  his  father,  to  believe  that  he 
apprehended  his  late  undertaking  to  have  been  absolutely 
necessary,  being  well  assured  that  he  was  not  so  weak  a 
man  to  decline  his  former  station,  wherein  his  power  was 
as  great,  and  his  wealth  as  much  as  any  rational  man  could 
wish,  to  procure  to  himself  nothing  but  envy  and  trouble. 
I  supposed  he  would  have  agreed  with  me  in  these  senti- 
ments :  but  he  instead  of  that  acknowledged  the  ambition 
of  his  father  in  these  words  ;  'You  that  are  here  may  think 

'  An  account  of  Henry  Cromwell's  tate,  forfeited  by  the  alleged  corn- 
arrival  is  given  in  Thurloe,  ii.  163 :  plicity  of  Cheevers  in  the  rebellion, 
'  The  Lieutenant-General  being  at  had  been  granted  by  Cromwell  to 
his  country-house  halfe  a  mile  distant  Ludlow,  and  Cheevers  ordered  to 
from  the  place  of  his  landing,  sent  transplant  to  Connaught.  On  his 
his  coach  immediately  to  meet  his  case,  see  Prendergast,  Cromwellian 
lordship,  himselfe  soon  after  follow-  Settlement,  pp.  176-9,  186,  ed.  1875. 
ing  on  horsebacke,  and  with  much  Two  papers  from  the  Irish  Records, 
expression  of  courtesy  and  civility  relating  to  his  case,  are  printed  in 
invited  him  to  his  house.'  Appendix  III.    Cf.  Prendergast,  Ire- 

^  Ludlow's  house  and  estate  had  land    from    the    Restoration    to    the 

been  once  the  property  of  Mr.  Walter  Revolution,  pp.  23,  60,  81. 
Cheevers  of  Moncktown.     The  es- 


o 


82  Ludlow  on  military  rule. 


1654  he  had  power,  but  they  made  a  very  kickshaw  of  him  at 
London.'  I  repHed  that  if  it  were  so,  they  did  ill ;  for  he 
had  deserved  much  from  them.  Then  I  proceeded  to 
acquaint  him  with  my  resolution  not  to  act  in  my  civil 
employment,  and  my  expectation  not  to  be  permitted  to 
continue  in  my  military  command  ;  to  which  he  answered, 
that  he  was  confident  I  should  receive  no  interruption 
therein.  I  told  him  I  could  not  foresee  what  his  father 
would  do  ;  but  inclined  to  think  that  no  other  man  in  his 
case  would  permit  it.  To  this  I  added,  that  the  reason  of 
my  drawing  a  sword  in  this  war,  was  to  remove  those 
obstructions  that  the  civil  magistrate  met  with  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty ;  which  being  now  accomplished, 
I  could  not  but  think  that  all  things  ought  for  the  future 
to  run  in  their  proper  and  genuine  channel  :  for  as  the 
extraordinary  remedy  is  not  to  be  used  till  the  ordinary 
fail  to  work  its  proper  effect,  so  ought  it  to  be  continued  no 
longer  than  the  necessity  of  using  it  subsists  ;  whereas  this 
that  they  called  a  government  had  no  other  means  to 
preserve  it  self,  but  such  as  were  violent ;  which  not  being 
natural,  could  not  be  lasting.  '  Would  you  then/  said  he, 
*  have  the  sword  laid  down  ?  I  cannot  but  think  you  believe 
it  to  be  as  much  your  interest  to  have  it  kept  up  as  any 
man.'  I  confessed  I  had  been  of  that  opinion  whilst  I  was 
perswaded  there  was  a  necessity  of  it,  which  seeming  to  me 
to  be  now  over,  I  accounted  it  to  be  much  more  my  interest 
to  see  it  well  laid  down,  there  being  a  vast  difference 
between  using  the  sword  to  restore  the  people  to  their 
rights  and  privileges,  and  the  keeping  it  up  for  the  robbing 
and  despoiling  them  of  the  same  ^.     But  company  coming 

*   'Ludlow    and    Jones    are    very  refused  to  act  in  his  civill  capacitie 

highlydissatisfied, though Jonesmore  since  the  change;  but  will  not  leave 

cunning  and  close  in  it ;  but  Ludlow  his  military,  because  profittable,  un- 

hath    not    spared    any    company   or  Icsse  it  be  taken  from  him.'     Honry 

opportunitie   to  vent  his  venomous  Cromwell  to  Thurloe,  March  8,  165I : 

discontents,  and  that  in  reproachful  Thurloe,  ii.  149.     In  a  second  letter 

and  rcflectinge  language,  vcrrjMiiuch  he  adds,    'I    would  take    advantage 

to  the  amazement  of  all  sober  men,  by    Ludlowe's    frowardness    to    put 

amongst  whom  he  hathe  rather  lost  him  out  of  the  army,  and  put  Gen. 

than  gained  acceptation  by  it.   lie  hath  Dcsborow  in  his  place.' 


Cromwell  feasted  by  the  City.  38 


J 


in,  and  the  time  for  his  going  on  board  approaching,  we  1654 
could  not  be  permitted  to  continue  our  discourse :  so  after 
we  had  taken  leave  of  each  other,  he  departed  from  Ireland, 
and  upon  his  arrival  at  Chester  was  attended  by  many  of 
the  late  King's  party  ;  and  amongst  others  by  Col.  Molson, 
who  inquiring  of  him  how  he  left  affairs  in  Ireland,  he 
answered  very  well,  only  that  some  who  were  in  love  with 
their  power  must  be  removed  ^. 

In  the  mean  time  Cromwel  so  ordered  matters  at  London, 
that  he  procured  himself,  his  officers,  and  council  to  be 
invited  by  the  city  to  dinner,  which  was  managed  with  all 
possible  state.  He  and  the  rest  of  his  company  rode  on  Feb.  8. 
horseback  through  the  city  ;  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  met 
him  at  Temple-Bar,  where  the  Mayor,  as  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  his  authority,  delivered  the  sword  to  him,  and  he 
(as  Kings  use  to  do)  restored  it  to  him  again.  He  was 
harangu'd  by  the  Recorder,and  the  Mayor  riding  bareheaded 
carried  the  sword  before  him,  the  several  Liveries  in  their 
gowns  standing  on  each  side  of  the  streets,  where  he  passed. 
Commissary- General  Reynolds  and  Col.  Whalley  led  a 
troop  of  three  hundred  officers  to  Grocers'  Hall,  being  the 
place  appointed  for  the  entertainment ;  which  being  ended,  he 
bestowed  a  badg  of  his  usurpation  in  conferring  a  knighthood 
upon  Alderman  Thomas  Viner,  then  Mayor  of  London  ^. 
This  was  principally  contrived,  to  let  the  world  understand 
how  good  a  correspondence  there  was  between  him  and  the 
city  of  London  ;  yet  amongst  discerning  men  it  had  a 
contrary  effect,  who  knew  it  to  be  rather  an  act  of  force  than 
of  choice  in  the  city,  as  appeared  in  the  great  silence  and 
little  respect  that  was  given  him  in  his  passage  through  the 
streets :  and  tho  he,  to  invite  them  to  it,  rode  bare-headed 
the  greatest  part  of  the  way ;  and  tho  some  of  his  creatures 

*  At  the  Restoration,  Col.  Roger  have  received  many  civiHties  in  my 

Mostyn  was  made  one  of  the  gentle-  voyages  for  and  from  Ireland.'   Thur- 

men    of  the  King's  privy  chamber.  loe,  vii.  129. 

When  he  was  arrested  on  suspicion  ^  An  account  of  this  entertainment 

in   1658,  Henry  Cromwell  wrote  on  is  given  in  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp. 

his    behalf    to    Thurloe,    describing  3262,  3265,  3270. 
Mostyn  as  a  person  '  from  whom  I 


384  The  breach  with  Spain. 

1654  had  placed  themselves  at  the  entrance  of  Cheapside,  and 
began  to  shout,  yet  it  took  not  at  all  with  the  people  \ 

About  this  time  Cromwel  having  resolved  upon  a 
foreign  expedition,  drew  out  five  or  six  thousand  men.  by 
which  artifice  he  not  only  alarm'd  foreign  states,  but  also 
engaged  all  the  reformade  officers  to  his  party,  who  other- 
wise would  .have  been  ready  to  join  with  any  party  against 
Dec.  9.  him.  Col.  Venables  was  chosen  to  command  this  army ; 
and  tho  the  particular  design  of  these  preparations  was  not 
certainly  known,  yet  it  was  soon  suspected  to  be  against 
some  of  the  King  of  Spain's  territories.  Vice- Admiral  Pen 
commanded  the  fleet  that  was  to  transport  them,  which  con- 
sisted of  sixteen  or  seventeen  men  of  war,  besides  the  vessels 

1655  of  transportation.     When  they  arrived  at  the  Barbadoes, 
Jan.  29.    they  made  proclamation  there,  that  whosoever  would  engage 

in  the  undertaking  should  have  his  freedom,  whereupon 
about  two  thousand  servants  listed  themselves  to  the  great 
damage  of  the  planters  2.  The  Spanish  ambassador  being 
informed  that  the  fleet  was  gone  towards  the  West-Indies, 
and  that  the  storm  was  likely  to  fall  upon  some  of  his 
master's  territories,  made  application  to  Cromwel  to  know 
whether  he  had  any  just  ground  of  complaint  against  the 
King  his  master,  and  if  so,  that  he  was  ready  to  give  him 
all  possible  satisfaction.  Cromwel  demanded  a  liberty  to 
trade  to  the  Spanish  West-Indies,  and  the  repeal  of  the 
laws  of  the  Inquisition.  To  which  the  ambassador  replied, 
that  his  master  had  but  two  eyes,  and  that  he  w^ould  have 
him  to  put  them  both  out  at  once  ^.     The  goods  of  our 

^  '  Oliver  at    his    return    had    the  Grenville's  attempt  to  shoot  Crom- 

second  course  of  a  brickbat  from  the  well    from    a    window.       Cf.    The 

top  of  a  house  in  the  Strand  by  St.  Travels    of   Edward    Brown,    1739, 

Clements,which  light  upon  his  coach,  p.  20. 

and  almost  spoiled  his  digestion  with  ^  On    the   enlistment  of  servants, 

the  daringness  of  the  aflVont;  search  see  Modyford's  letter;  Thurloe,  iii. 

wasmade  butinvain,thepersoncould  620. 

not  be  found,  and  vengeance  was  not  ■'  Cromwell  quotes  this  reply ;  Car- 
yet  from  heaven  to  rain  upon  him.'  Ijde's  Cromwell,  Speech  V.     On  his 
Heath's  Chronicle,  p.  662.     In  Gre-  Spanish  policy,  sec  Thurloe,  i.  705, 
gorio   Leti's   Life   of  Cromwell   this  759. 
develops  mto  the  story  of  Lucrctia 


The  failure  in  Hispaniola.  385 

merchants  trading  in  Spain  were  seized  for  want  of  timely  1655 
notice  to  withdraw  their  effects  from  thence.  And  one 
Major  Walters  with  others  concerned  with  him  in  the 
transportation  of  Irish  souldiers  into  the  Spanish  service, 
lost  thirty  thousand  pounds,  which  remained  due  to  them 
from  the  King  of  Spain. 

The  fleet  being  arrived  at  Hispaniola,  whether  thro  any  April  13. 
difference  between  Col.  Venables,  who  commanded  the  army, 
and  Vice-Admiral  Pen,  who  commanded  the  fleet,  or  for 
what  other  reason  is  not  easy  to  determine,  they  neglected 
to  land  their  army  near  the  town,  as  was  advised  by 
many  of  the  officers,  and  as  they  might  easily  have  done, 
with  great  probability  of  taking  the  town,  which  most  of 
the  inhabitants  had  deserted  :  but  the  army  having  landed 
far  from  the  town,  were  upon  their  march  towards  it,  when 
the  forlorn  was  attacked  at  the  entrance  of  a  wood  by 
forty  or  fifty  fellows,  who  were  imployed  to  kill  the  wild 
cows  of  that  country.  This  inconsiderable  number  of  men  April  26. 
put  the  forlorn  to  flight ;  and  they  retreating  in  great 
disorder  struck  the  whole  army  with  such  a  panick  fear, 
that  they  began  to  shift  for  themselves,  and  could  not  be 
prevailed  with  either  by  promises  or  threatnings  to  keep 
their  ground.  Which  being  observed  by  Major-General 
Haines,  and  five  or  six  officers  more,  they  resolved  either 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  or  not  to  outlive 
the  disgrace  ;  thereupon  they  made  a  stand  and  fought 
them,  till  the  Major-General  and  most  of  the  rest  were 
killed  ^  During  this  time  our  forces  rallied,  yet  could  not 
recover  courage  enough  to  charge  that  inconsiderable 
enemy;  and  those  very  men,  who  when  they  fought  for 
the  liberties  of  their  country,  had  performed  wonders,  having 

'  For  an  account  of  this  disaster,  the  late  proceedings  and  successes 

see    Thurloe,    iv.     504,    509,    514.  of  the    English   army   in   the   West 

646,    650,    689,    754.      With   Major-  Indies,'  1655.     Harleian  Miscellany, 

General    James    Heane    fell    Lieut.-  ed.    Park,    iii.    510.      An    excellent 

Col.  Clarke,  Major  Forgison  or  Fer-  account  of  the  expedition  is  given  in 

guson  (?),  Captains  Butler,  Powlet,  Granville   Penn's  Memorials  of  Sir 

Hinde,  Hancocke  and  others.     See  William  Penn,  1823,  vol.  ii. 
also  '  A  brief  and  perfect  journal  of 

VOL.  I.                                          C  C 


o 


86  V enables  is  disgraced. 


1655  now  engaged  to  support  the  late  erected  tyranny,  dis- 
gracefully fled  when  there  was  none  to  pursue  them.  The 
expedition  against  Hispaniola  proving  unsuccessful,  they 
shipped  themselves,  and  soon  after  arrived  at  the  Island 
May  10.  of  Jamaica,  belonging  also  to  the  Spaniards :  which  being 
but  meanly  fortified,  the  inhabitants,  who  lived  for  the  most 
part  together  in  the  principal  town,  ran  away,  and  betook 
themselves  to  the  woods,  leaving  what  they  could  not  carry 
away  to  be  plundered  by  the  army.  Col.  Venables  being 
disabled  by  sickness  to  perform  the  functions  of  his  office, 
was  permitted  by  the  council  of  officers  to  return  into 
England  ;  and  Vice-Admiral  Pen  suspecting  he  would  lay 
the  whole  blame  of  that  affair  on  him,  obtained  leave 
also :  and  being  both  arrived,  they  were  heard  at  White- 
Sept.  20.  hall  one  against  the  other ;  where  the  accusations  of 
both  seemed  to  be  of  more  weight  than  the  defences  of 
either  of  them.  So  Pen  was  committed  to  the  Tower, 
and  Col,  Venables  confined  to  his  lodging,  the  distemper 
that  was  upon  him  excusing  him  from  a  stricter  im- 
prisonment ^ 

1654  According  to  the  promise  contained  in  the  Instrument  of 

Government,  it  was  resolved  to  issue  out  writs  for  the 
election  of  members  to  serve  in  an  assembly  at  Westmin- 
ster, who  were  to  be  chosen,  not  by  small  boroughs,  and 
two  for  each  county,  as  formerly,  but  in  such  manner  as 
had  been  agreed  upon  by  the  Parliament  in  the  bill  ^  for 
chusing  successive  representatives,  which  indeed  was  much 
more  equal  and  just.  And  because  it  was  provided  by  the 
same  Instrument,  that  thirty  members  should  be  sent  by 
Ireland,  and  the  same  number  by  Scotland,  to  sit  in  the 
May  9.  House,  letters  were  sent  by  Cromwel  and  his  council  to  the 
Commissioners  there,  acquainting  them  with  that  clause  in 

'  Pcnn   left  Jamaica  on  June  25,  that  of  Venables  Oct.  30.    Cal.  S.  P., 

and  readied  Enj^land  Aug.  31.    Ven-  Dom.,  1655,   pp.  343,   396,    403.     A 

ables    aiiived    Sept.    7.      Pcnn    was  good  life  of  Venables  is  given  in  the 

heard  before  the  Council  on  Sept.  12,  notes   to    Robinson's  'Discourse   of 

Venables  on    Sept.  20.     Both  were  the  War  in  Lancashire,'  p.  97. 

committed  to  the  Tower  on  Sept.  20;  ^  Tlie    first    edition   reads    'rule,' 

Pcnn's  release  was  ordered  Oct.  25,  which  makes  nonsense. 


The  Irish  elections.  387 

the  Instrument  of  Government,  and  desiring  their  advice  1654 
touching  the  ensuing  election  ^  Some  of  the  Commis- 
sioners in  Ireland  were  of  opinion,  that  if  the  proprietors 
should  chuse,  they  would  return  such  as  were  enemies  to 
the  English  interest,  and  therefore  proposed  that  for  this 
time  Cromwel  and  his  council  should  nominate  the  thirty 
who  were  to  be  chosen  for  that  nation.  This  question 
coming  before  the  Commissioners  before  the  arrival  of  the 
new  set  nominated  by  Cromwel,  tho  I  resolved  to  inter- 
meddle as  little  as  might  be,  yet  this  advice  seemed  so 
strange  to  me,  that  I  could  not  forbear  to  desire  of  them, 
that  seeing  we  had  no  more  of  liberty  left  but  the  name, 
they  would  at  least  retain  the  form,  in  hopes  that  in  time 
men  might  become  so  sensible  of  their  own  interest  as  to 
be  enabled  thereby  to  recover  the  efficacy  and  substance  of 
it,  especially  since  it  was  most  probable  that  by  the  in- 
fluence of  those  in  power  the  same  persons  would  be  chosen 
that  they  desired.  To  this  they  agreed  ;  and  having 
proportioned  the  cities  and  counties  for  the  election  before 
the  issuing  out  the  writs,  a  private  junto  was  held  by  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Fleetwood,  who  agreed  upon  the  persons 
that  they  would  have  chosen  for  each  place,  which  they  had 

'    '  For    the     Lieutenant-General  you  to  consider  with  the  said  Com- 

Fleetwood  in  Ireland.     Sir,  by  the  missioners,  to  what   places   and   in 

Instrument    whereby    the     govern-  what  manner  the  thirty  persons  may 

mentofthisCommonwealthissettled,  be   distributed  with    most   equality; 

thirty  persons  are  to  be  chosen  and  and   with    respect    to    the    present 

sent  from   Ireland    to    serve   in   the  affairs,  whether   you    conceive   any 

Parliament    of    the    Commonwealth.  places    or    parts    in    Ireland    to    be 

But  Ihe  distribution  of  these  persons  capable   of  electing  members  them- 

in  reference  to  the  several  places  for  selves,  and  if  [so]  under  what  quali- 

which  they  are  to  serve,  to  wit  what  fications,    or   whether    the    present 

places  are   fit  to   send  members   to  condition  of  affairs  be   not  such   as 

Parliament,    and    how    to    be    pro-  that  particular  persons  be  called  by 

portioned,  with  the  manner  of  electing  writ  for  the  next  Parliament.     I  de- 

them,  is  not  determined  by  the  said  sire  your  advice  and  judgment  upon 

Instrument,  but  left  to  me  by  advice  the  whole   with   all   the    expedition 

of  the  Council.     And  we  being  now  that    may  be    because   the  writs  of 

upon  consideration  thereof,  do  think  summons  are    to    issue    out   by  the 

it  necessary  that  we  should  have  the  first  of  the  next  month.    Your  loving 

advice  of  yourself  and  the  other  Com-  friend,    Oliver,    P.,     May    9,    1654. 

missioners  there  upon  the  place  in        t  •  1    t-.  j      A     , 

.,  .    ,      .  T,      ^,  .  ,        Ji  .     ■  Irish  Records,       26,  p.  35. 

this  busmess.    lo  which  end  1  desire  20 

C  C  2 


388  The  English  elections. 

1654  a  great  advantage  to  effect,  having  nominated  and  fitted  the 
sheriffs  and  other  officers  for  that  purpose  ^  The  court- 
party  endeavoured  to  promote  the  election  of  such  as 
would  center  in  adoring  the  idol  lately  set  up,  however  dif- 
ferent in  opinions  about  other  matters.  The  clergy  in  some 
parts  proved  so  strong,  that  they  carried  it  against  those 
agreed  on  by  the  court ;  but  both  parties  concurred  in  the 
decrying  all  such  who  would  not  sacrifice  the  cause  of  the 
publick  to  the  ambition  of  men.  In  England  they  better 
understood  the  design  that  was  carrying  on,  insomuch  that 
many  persons  of  known  vertue  and  integrity  were  chosen 
to  sit  in  this  assembly,  in  particular  the  Lord  President 
Bradshaw,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig,  Mr.  Thomas  Scott,  Mr. 
Robert  Wallup,  and  divers  others.  And  though  I  was  in 
Ireland  and  under  a  cloud,  and  that  there  was  the  like 
packing  of  the  cards  for  the  election  in  the  county  of  Wilts 
as  in  other  places,  the  Cavaliers  and  the  imposing  clergy, 
the  lawyers  and  court  interest,  all  joining  against  that 
of  the  Commonwealth,  and  having  preferred  a  list  of  ten 
men  (the  number  which  was  to  be  chosen  by  that  county) 
as  those  whom  they  would  have  to  be  chosen,  they  cite  the 
parishes  and  every  particular  person  therein  to  appear,  who 
when  they  came  upon  the  hill  were  headed  by  Sir  Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper,  a  man  of  a  healing  and  reconciling  spirit, 
of  all  interests  that  agree  in  the  greatening  of  himself, 
being  now  one  of  Cromwell's  council.  The  well  wishers 
to  the  public  interest,  according  to  the  practice  of  their 
antagonists,  prepared  a  list  of  such  as  they  judged  faithful 
to  the  public  cause,  but  the  other  party  not  contented  with 

'  Fleetwood,  Jones  and  Corbet  which  respect  we  cannot  satisfy  cur- 
answered  on  May  19:  'In  obedience  selves  as  the  present  state  of  affairs 
to  3'our  commands  .  .  .  concerning  here  do  stand  to  present  any  parti- 
the  elections  of  persons  in  this  nation  cular  way  and  course  for  such 
to  serve  in  the  next  ensuing  Parlia-  election  at  this  time.'    Irish  Records, 

ment,  we   have   considered    of  the       A  ,  ,         .        .    ,    . 

I-.-  /•   .L-     J       1  .         —  50,  p.  OQi.     In  spite  01  their  re- 

present  condition    of   this   desolate       90  '^  '  '^      ^  '^ 

country,    wherein    several    counties  monstrance  the  writs  were  sent  over 

be   totally   waste   and    uninhabited,  and  elections  took  place.     A  list  of 

and   in    others   the  inhabitants   not  persons  elected  is  printed  in  Thur- 

yet  in  any  settled  condition  ...  in  loe,  ii.  445,  530,  558. 


Ludlow  nominated  hi   Wiltshire.  389 

their  policy  make  use  of  force,  threatening  those  who  oppose  1654 
them  as  such  who  designed  disturbance  in  the  state  by 
promoting  the  election  of  such  as  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
present  Government ;  but  notwithstanding  all  they  could 
say  or  do,  and  though  the  under-sheriff  was  made  for  their 
turn,  the  high-sheriff  being  absent,  the  Commonwealth 
party  appeared  so  equal,  that  it  could  not  be  decided  with- 
out a  poll,  and  both  parties  were  so  numerous  that  the 
usual  place  for  election  was  too  strait,  so  that  they  con- 
sented to  adjourn  the  meeting  unto  Stonnage^,  where 
there  was  room  enough.  The  great  work  is  to  keep  me 
from  being  elected  who  knew  not  of  one  person's  intention 
to  appear  for  me,  being  at  that  time  in  Ireland,  neither 
had  I  been  free  to  have  sat  had  I  been  elected  as  a  mem- 
ber to  serve  in  that  assembly  (a  Parliament  I  could  not 
own  it  to  be,  the  Long  Parliament  being  only  interrupted 
by  the  sword),  knowing  well  that  if  they  should  beyond 
expectation  do  anything  for  the  good  of  the  people,  they 
should  receive  an  interruption  by  the  power  of  the  sword, 
under  which  they  then  were.  Yet  did  Sir  Anthony  Cooper 
and  Mr.  Adoniram  Byfield,  a  busy  clergyman,  not  con- 
tented with  their  share  in  that  tyrannical  Government,  or 
hoping  that  it  would  conduce  to  that  which  was  more  so, 
make  harangues  to  the  people,  labouring  to  convince  them 
that  it  was  desirable  to  choose  such  as  were  of  healing 
spirits,  and  not  such  as  were  for  the  putting  of  all  things 
into  confusion  and  disorder ;  but  the  people  well  knowing 
their  persons,  designs,  and  interests,  and  that  yet  nothing 
could  prevent  tyranny  and  confusion  but  the  settling  of 
such  a  Government  as  would  provide  for  common  good,  and 
needed  not  the  military  sword  to  uphold  it,  but  would  be 
supported  by  the  affection  of  the  people,  stick  close  to  the 
former  resolution,  and  pleased  in  the  first  place  to  cry  up 
me  as  one  they  would  entrust  in  that  assembly.  The  other 
party,  finding  mine  greater  than  any  of  theirs  when  divided, 
unite  in  their  first  vote  for  Sir  Anthony  Cooper,  whom  the 
under-sheriff  on   the   view  adjudgeth  to  be   first  chosen, 

^  i.  e.  Stonehenge. 


390  Commonwealths-vun  excluded  from  Parliament. 

1654  though  the  party  that  appeared  for  me  conceived  them- 
selves much  injured  therein  ;  but  the  other  party  had  all 
the  power  in  their  hands,  and  knew  they  should  be  pro- 
tected by  him,  who  called  himself  the  Protector,  do  they 
what  they  would  K  When  the  time  appointed  for  the 
meeting  of  this  assembly  was  come,  Cromwel  went  in  a 
coach  to  Westminster,  accompanied  by  his  horse  and  foot 
guard,  with  many  officers  of  the  army  on  foot ;  where  being 
arrived,  his  first  business  was  to  appear  in  his  kingly  garb 
at  the  Abby,  there  to  hear  a  sermon  with  the  members  of 
that  assembly  before  they  went  about  their  other  affairs. 
Sept.  4.  Which  done,  he  went  into  the  Painted  Chamber,  where  he 
entertained  the  members  with  a  tedious  speech,  wherein  he 
endeavoured  to  make  it  appear,  that  things  were  brought 
to  this  pass,  not  by  his  contrivance,  but  by  the  over-ruling 
hand  of  God  ;  assuring  them,  that  he  was  much  rejoiced  to 
see  so  free  an  assembly  of  the  people  met  together,  and 
that  he  resolved  to  submit  himself  to  their  judgment.  But 
notwithstanding  these  specious  pretences,  he  caused  the 
Lord  Grey  of  Grooby,  Mr.  John  Wildman,  Mr.  Highland, 
and  others,  who  had  always  manifested  a  constant  affection 
to  the  Commonwealth,  to  be  excluded  from  the  House. 
And  tho  many  undue  methods  had  been  used  at  the 
elections  to  procure  those  to  be  chosen  who  were  enemies, 
and  to  keep  out  many  who  were  known  friends  to  the 
common  cause  ^;  and  tho  they  saw  themselves  under  the 
power  of  one  who  they  knew  would  force  his  way  to  the 
throne,  yet  they  appeared  in  a  few  days  not  to  be  for  his 
purpose,  but  resolved,  at  the  least,  to  lay  a  claim  to  their 
liberties.     For  whereas  the  court-party  would  have  obliged 

'  This   account   of  the  Wiltshire  entitled   '  The  copy  of  a  letter  sent 

election   is  one    of  the  passages  of  out  of  Wiltshire,'  is  reprinted  in  the 

Ludlow's    Memoirs    suppressed    by  Appendix  to  this  edition  of  Ludlow, 

the  editor  in  1698.    Transcripts  of  it  '■'  On   the  election  of  Mr.  Samuel 

and  of  the  other  suppressed  passages  Highland   for   Southwark    and    the 

were  found  amongst  Locke's  papers  reasons  for  setting  it  aside,  see  Cal 

in    the    possession    of    the    Earl    of  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1654,  p.  305.     On  other 

Lovelace.      See    Christie's    Life    of  elections,  ib.,  preface,  pp.  x-xiv,  and 

Shaftesbury,  vol.  i.  Appendix,  p.  hi.  pp.   271,    277,    279,    280,   299,    31X, 

A  pamphlet  relating  to  this  election,  314,  316,  319,  327,  331,  334. 


Debates  on  the  Instrument.  391 

them  to  approve  at  once  the  whole  Instrument  of  Govern-  ibr,\ 
ment  which  they  had  framed,  the  assembly  took  it  in 
pieces,  and  referred  the  consideration  of  it  to  a  committee, 
where  the  first  question  fallen  upon  was,  '  Whether  the 
Supreme  Legislative  power  of  the  Nation  shall  be  in  a 
single  person  and  the  Parliament  ? '  In  this  debate  Sir 
Arthur  Haslerig,  Mr.  Scott,  and  many  others,  especially 
the  Lord  President  Bradshaw,  were  very  instrumental  in 
opening  the  eyes  of  many  young  members  who  had  never 
before  heard  their  interest  so  clearly  stated  and  asserted  ; 
so  that  the  Commonwealth-party  increased  daily,  and  that 
of  the  sword  lost  ground  ^.  Cromwel  being  informed  of 
these  transactions  by  his  creatures,  and  fearing  to  have 
that  great  question  put ;  lest  he  should  be  deposed,  by  a 
vote  of  this  assembly,  from  the  throne  which  he  had 
usurped,  caused  a  guard  to  be  set  upon  the  door  of  the 
House  early  in  the  morning,  and  sent  to  the  Mayor  of  Sept.  i: 
London  to  acquaint  him  with  the  reasons  of  what  he  was 
about  to  do,  to  the  end  that  he  might  prevent  any  disorders 
in  the  city.  The  members  coming  at  the  usual  hour,  were 
refused  the  door,  and  required  to  attend  him  in  the  Painted 
Chamber ;  where  he  taking  notice  of  what  was  under 
debate  in  the  House,  contrary  to  the  privilege  of  a  Parlia- 
ment, (as  he  would  have  this  thought  to  be)  told  them,  that 
being  called  by  virtue  of  the  Instrument  of  Government  to 
that  assembly,  they  were  bound  up  by  the  indentures 
themselves,  upon  which  they  were  returned,  from  altering 
the  government  by  a  single  person  and  a  Parliament ;  and 
that  the  country  having  owned  him  by  electing  a  Parlia- 
ment called  by  his  writ,  and  that  the  Judges  with  the 
Justices  of  the  Peace  having  acted  by  virtue  of  his  autho- 
rity, he  was  resolved  not  to  permit  that  point  to  be  called 
in  question,  acquainting  them,  that  no  person  should  be 
admitted,  for  the  time  to  come,  to  sit  as  a  member  in  that 

'  These  debates  lasted  from  Sept.  compromise    proposed  by  Matthew 

6  to  Sept.  II.     The  substance  of  the  Hale    had   been    practically   agreed 

arguments  is  reported  by  Mr.  God-  upon.      Burton's    Diary,   vol.    i.    pp. 

dard,  member  for  King's  Lynn.     A  xxii,  xxxiii ;  vol.  iii.  p.  142. 


392  The  exaction  of  the  Engagement. 

1654  assembly,  till  he  had  subscribed  an  acknowledgment  of  the 
government  by  a  single  person  and  a  Parliament  ^.  Some 
of  those  who  had  been  chosen  members  of  this  Convention, 
had  already  declined  the  House,  upon  account  that  Crom- 
wel  and  his  council  had  excluded  from  their  places  divers 
persons  who  had  been  constantly  faithful  to  the  publick 
interest  ;  but  so  soon  as  this  visible  hand  of  violence  ap- 
peared to  be  upon  them,  most  of  the  eminent  assertors  of 
the  liberty  of  their  country  withdrew  themselves,  being 
perswaded  they  should  better  discharge  their  duty  to  the 
nation  by  this  way  of  expressing  their  abhorrence  of  his 
tyrannical  proceedings,  than  by  surrendring  their  liberties 
under  their  own  hands,  and  then  treating  with  him  who 
was  possessed  of  the  sword,  to  recover  some  part  of  them 
again.  However  this  engagement  was  signed  by  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  members  within  a  day  or  two,  and 
some  days  after  several  others  subscribed  it,  and  took  their 

Sept.  14.  places  in  the  House,  where  a  debate  arising  touching  the 
said  recognition,  they  passed  a  declaration,  that  it  should 
not  be  intended  to  comprehend  the  whole  government 
contained  in  the  forty-two  articles  of  the  Instrument,  but 
that  only  which  required  the  government  of  the  Common- 
wealth to  be  by  a  single  person  and  successive  Parliaments, 
And  to  this  the  major  part  consented,  hoping  that  by  their 
compliance  with  him,  in  making  provision  for  his  safety, 
and  the  government  of  the  nation  during  his  life,  he  would 
have  been  satisfied  therewith,  and  in  gratitude  would  have 
judged  the  people  after  his  death  to  be  of  age  and  wisdom 
sufficient  to  chuse  a  government  for  themselves.  This 
great  point  touching  the  single  person  being  thus  over- 
ruled, they  applied  themselves  to  the  consideration  and 
debate  of  the  remaining  clauses  of  the  Instrument  of 
Government.     They  declared  that  he  should  be  Protector 

.Sept.  20.    during  his  life  ^,  and  limited  the  number  of  forces   to  be 

*  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Speech  111.       or  elective.    Lambert  spoke  strongly 

*  The   chief    debate   was   on   the       to  make  it  hereditary.     Burton,  vol. 
32nd  article,  on  the  question  whether       i.  p.  li. 

the  Protectorate  should  be  hereditary 


Votes  of  Parliament. 


ovo 


kept  up  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  with  provision  1654 
for  the  paimcnt  of  them.  They  agreed  upon  the  number 
of  ships  that  they  thought  necessary  for  the  guard  of  the 
seas,  and  ordered  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  a  year  for 
his  own  expence,  the  salaries  of  his  council,  the  judges, 
foreign  intelligence,  and  the  reception  of  ambassadors. 
They  also  voted  a  clause  to  be  inserted,  to  declare  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  England,  and  particularly  that  no 
money  should  be  raised  upon  the  nation  but  by  authority 
of  Parliament.  And  whereas  by  the  Instrument  of  Govern- 
ment it  was  provided,  that  if  the  Parliament  were  not 
sitting  at  the  death  of  the  present  Protector,  the  Council  of 
Officers  should  chuse  a  successor ;  they  resolved,  that 
nothing  should  be  determined  by  the  Council  after  his 
death,  but  the  calling  of  a  Parliament,  who  were  then  to 
consider  what  they  would  have  done.  Besides  these  things, 
I  can  remember  no  remarkable  variation  from  what  was 
formerly  set  down  in  the  paper  called  the  Instrument  of 
Government,  except  this  additional  vote,  that  no  one 
clause  of  this  should  be  looked  upon  as  binding,  unless  the 
whole  were  consented  unto  ^.  Which  they  did,  lest  Crom- 
wel  should  interrupt  them,  and  taking  what  made  for  his 
own  advancement,  reject  what  was  advantageous  to  the 
Commonwealth.  Much  time  was  spent,  and  pains  taken, 
to  effect  this  within  the  time  limited,  so  that  hardly  any 
private  business  was  done  all  that  time,  except  an  order 
given  to  the  excise-office  for  satisfying  an  old  debt  pre-  Nov.  3. 
tended  by  Col.  John  Birch,  one  of  their  members,  a  nimble 
gentleman,  and  one  who  used  to  neglect  no  opportunity  of 
providing  for  himself. 

The  usurper,  that  he  might  make  way  for  his  posterity 
to  succeed  him  in  his  greatness,  changed  the  title  of 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  from  that  of  Commander- 
in-Chief  to  that  of  Deputy  of  Ireland,  to  continue  till  such 

'The   alterations    made    by   this  'Constitutional  Documents,' and  by 

Parliament    in    the    Instrument    of  his  comparison  of  it  with  the  Instru- 

Government  are  best  shown  by  the  ment,  pp.  Ix,  353. 
draft  bill  printed  in  Mr.  Gardiner's 


394  ^■^^^  Co2tncil  of  Scotland. 

1654  time  as  it  should  be  thought  fit  to  recal  him  from  thence, 
and  to  establish  his  son  Harry  in  his  place.     In  order  to 

Aug.  27.  this  a  commission  was  sent  to  Fleetwood  from  Cromwel, 
wherein  those  who  were  before  called  commissioners  are 
now  stiled  only  his  counsellors  \  Having  thus  modelled 
the  government  of  Ireland,  he  began  to  apply  his  care  to 

1655  that  of  Scotland  ;  and  knowing  Monk  to  be  a  souldier,  and 
August,    faithful   enough   to  him,   as  long  as  he  would  gratify  his 

vicious,  covetous,  and  ambitious  inclinations,  he  entrusted 
him  with  the  command  of  the  forces,  and  made  him  one  of 
the  commissioners  for  civil  affairs  in  that  nation  ^.  But 
that  he  might  balance  him  with  some  of  another  temper, 
who  might  be  a  guard  upon  his  actions,  he  sent  Col. 
Adrian  Scroop  to  be  one  of  the  commissioners  there  also, 
having  first  caused  the  castle  of  Bristol,  whereof  he  was 
governour,  to  be  slighted,  not  daring  to  trust  a  person  of 
so  much  honour  and  worth  with  a  place  of  that  importance^. 
He  likewise  sent  thither  Col.  Whetham  with  the  same 
character,  who  having  been  one  of  the  late  assembly,  as 
well  as  governour  of  Portsmouth,  and  understanding  that 
a  design  was  on  foot  to  make  Cromwel  king,  had  in  the 
House  applied  to  him  the  saying  of  the  prophet  to  Ahab, 
'  Hast  thou  killed,  and  also  taken  possession  ? '  By  which 
words  it  appearing  that  this  gentleman  was  not  for  Oliver's 

'  Aug.    27,    1654,   is   the    date   of  1655,    consisted    of   Lord    Broghil, 

instructions  from  the  Lord  Protector  General  Monli,  Col.  Charles  Howard, 

'with  the  advice  of  our  council  to  our  Col.  Adrian  Scroope,  Col.  Nathaniel 

right  trusty,  &c.,  Charles  Fleetwood,  Whetham,  Col.  Thomas  Cooper,  Col. 

and    to   those   hereby  nominated  of  William  Lockhart,  Mr.  John  Swin- 

our  council  with  our  Deputy.'     The  ton    and    Mr.    Samuel    Desborough. 

Councillors  were  commissioned  for  Emmanuel  Downing  (father   of  Sir 

three  years.    They  were  Col.  Robert  George)   was  clerk  of  the  Council. 

Hammond,  Richard  Pepys,  William  See    Thurloe,    iii.    423,    711,    727; 

Steele,  Miles  Corbet,  Robert  Good-  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655,  pp.  108,  152, 

win  and  Matthew  Tomlinson.  Henry  255,260;  Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  v. 

Cromwell  was  added  Dec.  25,  1654,  86. 

and  William    Burj',    Aug.    4,    1656.  ="  The  demolition  of  Bristol  Castle 

Fourteenth  Report  of  the  Keeper  of  was  ordered  Feb.,  1655.     The  Royal 

the  Irish  Records.  Fort  at  Bristol  was  ordered  to  be 

*  The    Council    of    Scotland,    the  slighted    on   June    24,    1655.      Cal. 

establishment  of  which  was  publicly  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655,  p.  257  ;  cf.  Thur- 

announccdatthebeginningof August,  loc,  iii.  172,  182,  184. 


A  Royalist  rising  in  Scotland.  395 

turn,  he  removed  him  from  Portsmouth,  and  sent  him  to  1655 
Scotland  to  be  one  of  the  commissioners  there  also.  The 
Lord  Broghil  was  made  President  of  the  Council  in  Scotland, 
with  an  allowance  of  two  thousand  pounds  a  year,  with  a 
promise  from  him,  who  never  kept  any  but  such  as  suted 
with  his  corrupt  ends,  that  his  service  should  be  dispensed 
with  after  one  year,  and  yet  his  salary  to  continue. 

In  Holland  the  party  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  having  1654 
long  obstructed  the  signing  of  the  articles  agreed  upon 
between  that  State  and  Cromwel,  the  States  General  sent 
Myn  Heer  Beverning  ambassador  into  England,  to  assure 
Cromwel,  that  if  the  Provinces  did  not  agree  to  the  articles 
within  eight  days,  he  had  power  from  the  States  General 
to  sign  them  in  their  names  ^.  But  before  this  peace 
was  concluded,  the  King  of  Scots  party  had  obtained 
succours  to  be  sent  to  their  friends  in  Scotland,  who 
were  augmented  to  the  number  of  about  five  thousand 
horse  and  foot,  having  received  fifteen  hundred  foot, 
two  hundred  horse,  and  great  numbers  of  arms  brought 
to  them  by  seventeen  Holland  ships  ^ ;  so  that  it  was 
thought  fit  to  take  Lieutenant-General  Monk  from  the 
fleet,  the  war  at  sea  being  now  over,  and  to  send  him 
to  take  care  of  affairs  in  Scotland  ;  but  chiefly  to  keep 
the  officers  there  from  drawing  to  a  head  against  Cromwel's 
usurpation.  Lieutenant-General  Middleton,  with  about 
one  hundred  men  more,  for  the  most  part  officers,  five 
hundred  arms,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder, 
landed  also  in  the   north  of  Scotland.     To  oppose  these 

*  On  the  concluding  negotiations,  ^  The  best  account  of  this  rising, 
see  Geddes,  John  de  Witt,  i.  381-  which  was  headed  by  WilHam  Cun- 
410.  The  treaty  was  completed  by  the  ningham,  Earl  of  Glencairn,  is  in 
passingof  the  Act  of  Exclusion  by  the  the  'Account  of  the  Earl  of  Glen- 
States  of  Holland,  May  4.  The  States  cairn's  expedition,' published  in  1822 
of  Holland  bound  themselves  not  to  with  the  Memoirs  of  John  Gwynne, 
elect  the  Prince  of  Orange  or  any  and  with  an  appendix  of  extracts 
of  his  line,  Stadholder  or  Admiral  of  from  Mercurius  Politicus.  The  rising 
their  province,  and  to  resist  the  elec-  began  in  August,  1653;  Middleton 
tion  of  the  same  as  Captain-General  landed  about  the  end  of  February, 
of  the  army  of  the  seven  confederated  1654. 
Provinces.     Geddes,  pp.  381-419. 


39^  Middleton  defeated  by  Morgan. 

1654  forces  we  sent  fifteen  hundred  men  from  Ireland  under 
Lieutenant-Col.  Braine,  into  the  mountains  of  Scotland, 
who  contributed  very  much  to  the  suppression  of  them. 

^lay.  Monk  being  arrived  in  Scotland,  divided  his  army  into 

several  bodies,  the  two  principal  of  which  were  commanded 
by  himself  and  Col.  Morgan  ^.  With  these  they  pursued 
the  enemy  so  closely,  that  at  a  council  of  war  held  by  them 
in  the  county  of  Murray,  they  made  a  resolution  to  disperse 
themselves  upon  every  alarm,  and  to  meet  again  at  a 
rendezvouz  to  be  agreed  upon.  This  being  resolved, 
they  advanced  towards  the  quarters  of  Col.  Braine,  where 
they  were  warmly  received,  and  forced  to  retire.  Middleton, 
to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  ours,  dispersed  his  foot  into  inac- 
cessible quarters,  and  drew  together  about  six  hundred 
horse  at  Kennagh  ;  whereby  Monk  perceiving  that  his 
design  was  to  tire  out  our  forces,  declined  following  him  so 
close,  endeavouring  to  drive  him  upon  Col.  Morgan,  whom 
Monk  had  informed  of  the  enemy's  march.  Middleton 
seeing  himself  no  farther  pursued,  stayed  at  Kennagh ; 
whereupon  Monk  having  received  advice  of  the  approach 
of  Col.  Morgan's  party,  advanced  with  his  forces  towards 
the  enemy,  who  retiring  towards  Badenorth,  and  being 
July  19.  about  to  take  their  quarters  that  night  at  Loughary,  found 
themselves  engaged  at  a  narrow  pass  by  Col.  Morgan,  who 
designed  to  quarter  at  the  same  place.  Middleton  endea- 
vouring to  retire,  was  obstructed  by  a  morass  ;  and  being 
hotly  pursued  by  Col.  Morgan's  forces,  and  much  harassed 
by  difficult  marches,  was  soon  routed,  many  of  his  men 
were  killed,  and  many  taken  prisoners  ;  four  hundred  of  their 
horse  were  taken,  together  with  the  charging  and  sumpter 
horses  of  Middleton  himself,  who  being  wounded  in  the 
action,  saved  himself  with  much  difficulty  on  foot  -.  His 
commission,  instructions,  and  divers  letters  written  to  him 

^  Monk    arrived    in    Scotland    in  Morgan  printed  in   Mercurius  Poli- 

May,    1654.     Thurloe,   ii.   261.     For  ticus,  July  27-Aug.  3,  1654,  p.  3661, 

his  instructions,  see  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  and    the    narrative  of  Gen.   Monk's 

1654,  p.  83.  march,  p.  3695. 

^  See   the    letters  of    Monk    and 


The  Scotch  insurrection  siippressed.         397 

and  his  friends,  by  their  King,  were  taken  also  ;  and  had  '654 
not  such  as  fled  been  favoured  by  the  bad  ways  and  the 
night,  very  few  had  escaped.  The  news  of  this  defeat 
coming  to  the  enemy's  foot,  who  were  in  number  about 
twelve  hundred,  they  immediately  disbanded  themselves, 
and  divers  of  the  enemy's  principal  officers  came  in  and 
submitted,  and  amongst  them  the  Earl  of  Glcncarne, 
Lieutenant -Col.  Maxwell,  Lieutenant- Col.  Herriott,  the 
Lord  Forester,  and  Sir  George  Monroe.  Yet  notwithstand- 
ing this  low  condition  of  that  party  in  Scotland,  the  clergy 
refused  to  observe  such  fasts  as  were  appointed  by  the 
Government  in  England,  and  instead  of  them  appointed 
others  by  their  own  authority,  wherein  they  exhorted  the 
people,  amongst  other  things,  to  seek  the  Lord,  to  preserve 
the  ministry  among  them,  to  forget  the  offences  of  the 
House  of  the  Stewarts,  and  to  turn  from  his  people  the 
sad  effects  of  a  late  eclipse. 

A  fleet  commanded  by  General  Blake  was  sent  into  the  October. 
Mediterranean,  to  require  satisfaction  from  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Tuscany,  for  injuries  done  to  our  merchants,  and  for 
entertaining  and  harbouring  Prince  Rupert's  fleet  ;  in  which 
expedition  he  not  only  procured  the  satisfaction  demanded, 
but  rendred  the  power  of  England  so  formidable  not  only 
to  all  Italy,  but  even  to  the  Grand  Seignior  himself,  that 
they  expressed  a  greater  readiness  to  preserve  the  friend- 
ship of  the  English  than  ever  they  had  done  before  ^. 

In  the  mean  time  Cromwel  having  assumed  the  whole 
power  of  the  nation  to  himself,  and  sent  ambassadors  and 
agents  to  foreign  states,  was  courted  again  by  them,  and 
presented  with  the  rarities  of  several  countries  ;  amongst  the 
rest  the  Duke  of  Holstein  made  him  a  present  of  a  set  of 
gray  Frizeland  coach-horses,  with  which  taking  the  air  Sept.  29. 
in  the  Park,  attended  only  with   his  secretary   Thurlow, 

*  The  fleet  sailed  Sept.  29.    Blake's  by   exact  evidence,  and  is  virtually 

earlier  letters   have    not   been    pre-  contradicted   by   Blake's   silence    in 

served.     Professor  Laughton   states  his    extant    letters    from    Leghorn.' 

that    Ludlow's   assertion    about    the  D.  N.  B.  v.   177.     Blake  bombarded 

reparation  obtained  from   the  Duke  Tunis  on  April  4,  1655.     Cf.  Heaths 

of  Tuscany  '  is  entirely  unsupported  Chronicle,  p.  676. 


398        Cromweir s  accident  in  Hyde  Pai'k. 

1654  and  guard  of  Janizaries,  he  would  needs  take  the  place  of 
the  coachman,  not  doubting  but  the  three  pair  of  horses  he 
was  about  to  drive  would  prove  as  tame  as  the  three  nations 
which  were  ridden  by  him :  and  therefore  not  contented 
with  their  ordinary  pace,  he  lashed  them  very  furiously. 
But  they  unaccustomed  to  such  a  rough  driver,  ran  away  in 
a  rage,  and  stop'd  not  till  they  had  thrown  him  out  of  the 
box,  with  which  fall  his  pistol  fired  in  his  pocket,  tho 
without  any  hurt  to  himself ;  by  which  he  might  have  been 
instructed  how  dangerous  it  was  to  intermeddle  with  those 
things  wherein  he  had  no  experience  ^. 

The  Representative  sitting  at  Westminster,  tho  garbled 
as  he  thought  fit,  proving  not  sufficiently  inclined  to  serve 
his  designs,  but  rather  in  prudence  yielding  to  the  strength 
of  the  present  stream,  in  hopes  the  people  might  in  time 
recover  their  oars,  and  make  use  of  them  for  the  publick 
good  ;  he  grew  impatient  till  the  five  months  allowed  for 
their  sitting  should  be  expired  ;  during  which  time  he  was 
restrained  by  that  which  he  called  the  Instrument  of 
Government,  from  giving  them  interruption.  And  tho 
they  differed  not  in  any  material  point  from  that  form 
of  government  which  he  himself  had  set  up,  unless  it  were 
in  reserving  the  nomination  of  his  successor  to  the  Parlia- 
ment ;  yet  did  the  omission  of  this  one  thing  so  inrage  him, 
that  he  resolved  upon  their  dissolution.  They  had  prepared 
all  things  to  offer  to  him,  and  had  been  very  cautious  of 
giving  him  any  just  occasion  of  offence,  well  knowing  that 
in  case  they  had  given  him  the  least  pretence  of  dis- 
satisfaction, he  would  have  laid  all  the  blame  at  their  door  ; 
and  therefore  they  prudently  left  the  settling  of  the  Church 
government,  and  the  liberty  that  was  to  be  extended  to 
tender  consciences  (an  engine  by  which  Cromwel  did  most 

'  Accounts  of  this  incident  arc  Rapture  occasioned  by  the  late  mi- 
given  in  Thurloe,  ii.  552,  674  •  raculous  dcHverance  of  his  Highness 
Vaughan,  Protectorate  of  Oliver  the  Lord  Protector  from  a  desperate 
Cromwell,  i.  69.  See  also  Marvcll's  danger.'  See  also  Heath's  Chronicle, 
poem  on  the  first  anniversary  of  p.  671 ;  Report  on  the  Portland  MSS., 
the  Protectorate,  II.  175-224,  and  i.  678. 
Witlicr's    '  Vaticiiiiuni     Casuale,     A 


His  charges  against  the  Parliajuent.       399 

of  his  work)  to  the  consideration  of  the  next  assembly ' :      1655 
whereupon  he  wanting  wherewith  justly  to  accuse  them, 
unless  it  were  for  too  much  complying  with    him  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  Commonwealth,  after  he  had  perused  the 
form  of  government  which  the  assembly  had  agreed  upon, 
and  tendred  to  him  for  his  consideration  ;  the  five  months 
of  their  sessions,  according  to  the    souldiers'  account  of 
twenty-eight  days  to  the  month,  being  expired,  they  were 
ordered  to  attend  him  on  the  23rd  of  January  1654  2,  in 
the  Painted  Chamber,  where  he  made  up  with  words  and 
passion  what  he  wanted  of  matter  to  charge  them  with, 
accusing  them  of  endeavouring  to  bring  all  things  into 
disorder  and  confusion,  by  raking  into  the  particulars  of 
the  Instrument  of  Government,  which  he  extolled   very 
highly.     He  charged  them  with  neglecting  to  make  pro- 
vision for  the  army,  and  necessitating  them  thereby  to  take 
free  quarter,  to  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the  country,  if  it 
had  not  been  prevented  by  the  care,  and  at  the  expence 
of  the  officers.     In  this  and  in  many  other  particulars  he 
very  much  preferred  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  which  was  the  part  he  proposed  now  to  act, 
having   determined   to   cry  down   this.     And  because  he 
could  not  accuse  them  of  any  practices  against  liberty  of 
conscience,  he   charged   them  with   their   principles,  and 
imputed  to  them  all  those  discontents  and  designs,  which 
were  on  foot  by  several  parties  against  the  present  govern- 
ment, affirming  that  if  they  had  not  their  rise  from  some 
that  sat  amongst  them  (which  he  thought  he  should  make 
appear)   yet   they  grew   like  shrubs    under  their   shadow. 
And  that  he  might  obviate  that  objection,  which  his  own 
conscience  told  him  was  the  true  reason  of  his  dissatisfaction 
with  what  had  been  agreed  on  in  this  assembly,  he  told 
them  that  their  not  settling  the  government  on  him  and 
his  heirs  was  not  the  reason  why  he  refused  to  consent 
to  what  they  presented  to  him.    '  For,'  said  he, '  so  fully  am 
I  convinced  (in  the  judgment  I  now  am)  of  the  injustice  of 

'  See  Burton's  Diary,  vol.  i.  pp.  °  January  22.    Speech  IV.  in  Car- 

lix,  Ix,  ixxix,  cxii-cxix.  lyle's  Cromwell. 


400       Cronizuell  on  hereditary  government. 

1655  hereditary  government,  that  if  you  had  offered  me  the 
whole  Instrument  of  Government  with  that  one  alteration 
in  favour  of  my  family,  I  should  have  refused  the  whole  for 
the  sake  of  that ;  and  I  do  not  know  tho  you  have  begun 
with  an  unworthy  person,  but  hereafter  the  same  method 
may  be  observed  in  the  choice  of  magistrates,  as  was 
amongst  the  children  of  Israel,  who  appointed  those  that 
had  been  most  eminent  in  delivering  them  from  their 
enemies  abroad  to  govern  them  at  home.'  In  which  excuse 
three  things  seem  remarkable  ;  first,  that  tho  in  the  judg- 
ment he  then  was  hereditary  government  was  unjust,  yet 
he  reserved  a  liberty  to  alter  his  opinion,  if  he  should  find 
persons  and  things  inclining  that  way.  Secondly,  in  de- 
claring this  to  be  his  present  opinion,  he  flattered  the 
ambition  of  Major-General  Lambert,  and  kept  him  in 
expectation  of  succeeding  him,  and  so  secured  his  assistance 
in  carrying  on  his  wicked  design.  In  the  third  place,  by 
designing  that  the  General  should  be  always  chosen  Pro- 
tector, it  appears  that  he  would  have  had  the  nation  to 
be  perpetually  governed  by  the  military  sword.  Thus  did 
this  wise  man  (as  he  would  be  thought)  weaken  his  own 
interest,  and  lose  the  affections  of  the  people  :  for  as  by  his 
interruption  of  the  Long  Parliament,  he  disobliged  the  most 
sober  part  of  the  nation,  so  by  the  dissolution  of  this 
assembly  he  opened  the  eyes  of  the  rest,  who  had  been 
hitherto  made  to  believe  that  he  was  necessitated  to  that 
extraordinary  action,  because  they  would  not  do  those 
good  things  for  the  nation  which  were  expected  from  them  ; 
and  by  this  reproachful  dismission  of  the  Convention,  which 
consisted  for  the  most  part  of  men  of  moderate  spirits,  and 
who  had  gone  in  the  judgment  of  the  most  discerning  men, 
but  too  far  in  compliance  with  him  for  the  purchase  of  their 
present  peace,  he  made  a  considerable  part  of  those  who  had 
been  friends  to  him,  irreconcilable  enemies,  and  sent  the 
members  into  their  respective  countries  to  relate  to  their 
neighbours  and  those  that  sent  them  what  an  unreasonable 
creature  they  had  found  him. 

Having  dissolved  the  pretended  Representative  called  by 


Plots  of  the  Royalists  discovered.  401 

his  own  authority,  he  began  by  bribes  to  corrupt  others  1654 
to  his  interest ;  and  to  this  end  ordered  the  arrears  of 
Col.  Hewetson  for  his  English  service  to  be  paid  in  ready 
money,  and  his  Irish  arrears  to  be  satisfied  out  of  forfeited 
lands  in  the  county  of  Dublin,  at  the  rate  of  the  adventurers, 
in  such  places  as  he  should  choose  ^.  He  ordered  two 
thousand  pounds  to  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  to  Mr. 
Weaver  in  lieu  of  what  the  Parliament  had  settled  upon 
him  out  of  the  forfeited  lands  in  Scotland  -,  and  ten  thousand 
pounds  in  ready  money  to  Major-General  Lambert  in  con- 
sideration of  one  thousand  pounds  by  year  out  of  the  said 
forfeited  lands  given  to  him  by  the  Parliament^  not  regarding 
how  he  lavished  away  the  public  treasure,  so  as  he  might 
procure  such  instruments  as  he  thought  would  be  subservient 
to  his  unjust  designs. 

By  this  time  many  began  openly  to  discover  their  dis- 
contents, and  particularly  the  friends  of  the  Scots  King, 
who  tho  he  saw  clearly  his  game  playing  by  this  usurper, 
through  the  divisions  he  made  amongst  those  whose  in- 
terest it  was  to  be  united  in  opposition  to  him  ;  yet  being 
impatient  of  delay,  and  not  caring  how  many  he  sacrificed, 
so  as  he  might  with  more  expedition  recover  the  exercise 
of  his  power,  he  sent  over  divers  commissions  for  the 
raising  of  horse  and  foot,  and  prevailed  with  some  young 
gentlemen  of  little  consideration  and  less  experience  to 
accept  them,  and  to  engage  against  a  victorious  army 
commanded  by  one,  who  spared  not  the  purse  of  the 
Commonwealth  to  procure  intelligence.  By  which  means 
he  caused  a  great  number  of  arms  that  were  provided 
for  the  execution  of  this  design  to  be  seized,  and  imprisoned 
divers  persons  concerned  in  it  ;  wherein  he  made  use  of  one 
Baily  a  Jesuit,  who  discovered  his  kinsman  one  Mr.  Bagnal, 

'  Col.  Hewson  was  granted,  July  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1654,  pp.  260,  276.    On 

18,    1654,  Luttrellstown  for    his  ar-  April  14,  1653,  Parliament  had  voted 

rears.       Prendergast,     Cromwellian  him  Scottish  lands  to  the  value  of 

Settlement,  p.  197;  14th  Report  of  jr25oayear.    C.J.,vi.  278.    Theevl- 

Dep.    Keeper  of   Irish    Records,   p.  dence  for  Ludlow's  statements  about 

43;  Thurloe,  ii.  357.  Cromwell's  payments  to  Weaver  and 

^  On  the  grant  to  Weaver,  see  Cal.  Lambert  does  not  appear. 

VOL.  L                                         D  d 


402  Irish  troops  sent  to  England. 

1655  son  to  the  Lady  Tcrringham,  together  with  his  own  brother 
Capt.  Nicholas  Baily\  accusing  them  both  of  accepting 
commissions  for  raising  a  regiment,  which  Mr.  Bagnal  upon 
his  examination  did  not  deny.  But  notwithstanding  this 
discovery,  so  confident  were  these  young  men  of  success, 
Feb.  14.  that  they  still  carried  on  their  plot,  and  appointed  a  day 
for  the  execution  of  it.  Cromwel  suspecting  that  they 
might  have  some  grounds  for  their  confidence,  dispatched 
Commissary-General  Reynolds  to  Ireland  with  orders  to 
cause  some  forces  to  be  imbarked  for  England,  and  ac- 
cordingly about  two  thousand  foot  and  three  hundred  horse 
were  ordered  to  be  sent  over  to  his  assistance  ^,  the  foot 
to  be  commanded  by  Col.  Sadler,  and  the  horse  by  Major 
Bolton.  This  party  being  drawn  to  the  water-side, 
some  of  the  private  soldiers,  whether  from  any  scruple 
of  conscience,  or  from  an  unwillingness  to  leave  their  wives, 
children,  and  plantations  in  Ireland,  I  cannot  say,  refused 
to  imbark,  tho  Lieut.-General  Fleetwood  with  several  field- 
officers  of  the  army  were  present ;  alledging  that  they  had 
listed  themselves  to  fight  against  the  rebels  of  Ireland,  and 
in  prosecution  of  that  obligation  were  ready  to  obey  all 
commands  ;  that  they  knew  not  against  whom  they  should 
be  drawn  to  engage  in  England,  possibly  against  some  of 
their  best  friends,  and  therefore  desired  to  be  excused  from 
that  service.  The  officers  resolving  to  compel  them  by 
force  to  go  aboard,  called  a  court-martial  upon  the  place, 
where  they  condemned  one  of  the  most  active  to  death,  and 
ordered  one  entire  company  to  be  cashiered ;  both  which 
orders  were  immediately  put  in  execution,  by  breaking  the 
company,  and  hanging  the  man  upon  the  mast  of  one  of 
the  ships  :  at  this  execution  Col.  Hewetson,  who  had  been 

'  Thomas    Bayly,    son    of    Lewis  His  mother  married,  as  her  second 

Bayly,    Bishop    of    Bangor.      Major  husband,  Sir  Arthur  Tyringham. 

Nicholas  Bayly  was  knighted  for  his  ^  Fleetwood    was    originally    or- 

services  at  the  Restoration  and  made  dered   to   send  over  3000   foot,  but 

governor   of    the    island    of    Arran.  kept    back    four   companies.     They 

Nicholas  Bagenal  was  son  of  Arthur  landed  at  Liverpool  about  Jan.   21, 

Bagenal,  and  grandson  of  Sir  Henry  1655.       Thurloe,    iii.    75,    136,   311; 

Bagenal,  knight  marshal  of  Ireland.  Mercurius  Politicus,  pp.  5079,  5084. 


The  rising  at  Salisbury.  403 

lately  obliged  in  the  matter  of  his  arrears,  as  a  mark  of  his      1655 
gratitude  gave  order  that  the  poor  man  should  be  hanged 
higher  than  was  at  first  designed. 

The  Cavalier  plot  was  still  on  foot  in  England  ;  and  tho 
divers  of  them  were  imprisoned,  and  many  arms  seized,  yet 
it  was  still  resolved  to  attempt  something.  To  this  end  a 
cartload  of  arms  was  conveyed  to  the  place  of  rendezvouz 
agreed  upon  for  the  northern  parts,  where  it  was  reported 
the  contrivers  of  this  design  were  to  be  headed  by  the  Lord 
Wilmot.  But  receiving  some  alarm  upon  their  first  meeting,  March  s. 
and  fearing  lest  the  regular  forces  should  fall  upon  them 
before  they  were  sufficiently  prepared  for  their  defence,  they 
dispersed  themselves,  and  left  their  arms  behind  them. 
The  only  considerable  party  that  appeared  were  those  at 
Salisbury,  which  they  had  an  opportunity  of  doing  under  March  n. 
colour  of  going  to  the  assizes  ^.  They  consisted  of  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  horse,  and  drew  together  in  the 
night,  and  were  ordered  to  seize  the  judges  there  in 
circuit,  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  and  such  other  persons 
as  they  should  suspect  to  be  enemies  to  the  design.  Col. 
Wagstaff  was  said  to  be  their  commander ;  but  Col.  Pen- 
ruddock,  a  gentleman  of  that  country,  appeared  most 
forward  in  giving  out  the  necessary  orders  and  directions. 
Capt.  Hugh  Grove,  and  Mr.  Jones  of  Newton,  with  several 
other  gentlemen  of  those  parts,  were  amongst  them.  They 
proclaimed  Charles  the  Second  to  be  King  of  England,  &c., 
seized  the  judges,  and  having  taken  away  their  commissions, 
set  them  at  liberty.  They  carried  the  sheriff  Mr.  Dove 
away  with  them  to  Dogtown,  to  which  place  they  thought 
fit  to  retire,  apprehending  more  danger  at  Salisbury,  their 
forces  not  at  all  answering  their  first  expectations.  From 
thence  they  marched  as  far  as  Blandford  in  Dorsetshire,  but 
so  few  joined  them  in  their  way,  that  at  their  arrival  there 
they  exceeded  not  the  number  of  two  hundred  horse.    Most 

1  On  this  insurrection,  see  '  Crom-  W.  Ravenhill's  papers  entitled  'Re- 
well  and  the  Insurrection  of  1655,'  cords  of  the  Rising  in  the  West, 
Enghsh  Historical  Review,  1888,  p.  1655,' in  the  Wiltshire  Archaeological 
323;  1889,  p.  313.    See  also,  Mr.  W.       Magazine,  vols,  xiii,  xiv. 

D  d  2 


404        Major  Crook  suppresses  the  rising. 

1655  men  looked  upon  them  as  flying,  divers  of  their  own  party 
stealing  from  them  as  fast  as  others  came  to  them  ;  and 
those  that  staid  with  them,  did  so  rather  to  secure  them- 
selves, and  obtain  better  conditions,  than  from  any  hopes  of 
succeeding.  What  they  did  served  only  to  alarm  the  army, 
March  14.  some  troops  of  which  pursued  them  into  Devonshire,  where 
they  were  fallen  upon  by  Major  Unton  Crook,  and  defeated. 
Divers  of  them  were  taken  prisoners,  and  amongst  them 
Col.  Penruddock,  Mr.  Jones,  and  Capt.  Grove.  Major- 
General  Wagstaff,  Mr.  Mompesson,  and  several  others 
escaped,  and  went  privately  to  their  own  habitations ;  but 
upon  information  given  that  they  were  concerned  in  this 
plot,  they  were  seized  and  secured  in  order  to  trial.  The 
prisoners  taken  in  the  fight  pretended  articles  for  life  from 
Major  Crook,  allcdging  that  otherwise  they  would  not  have 
delivered  themselves  on  so  easy  terms  ;  but  the  Major 
absolutely  denied  any  such  thing  :  so  that  a  commission 
of  Oyer  and  Terminer  was  issued  for  their  trial,  and 
Mr.  Attorney  General  Prideaux  was  sent  from  London  to 
prosecute  them.  The  Chief  Justice  Rolls  was  nominated  in 
the  commission  to  be  one  of  their  judges,  but  he  refused  to 
act  therein,  on  account  that  the  prisoners  had  done  a 
particular  injury  to  him  in  seizing  his  person  at  their  first 
rising,  and  therefore  he  thought  himself  unfit  to  give  his 
judgment  in  their  case,  wherein  he  might  be  thought 
a  party  concerned.  Some  of  them  were  condemned  at 
Salisbury,  and  some  at  Exeter,  of  which  number  were  Col. 
Penruddock  and  Capt.  Grove  ;  and  in  aggravation  of  their 
crimes  it  was  urged,  that  this  was  their  second  offence  of 
this  kind,  and  that  it  was  committed  against  much  favour 
and  kindness,  not  only  in  that  they  had  been  permitted  to 
compound  for  their  estates  at  a  reasonable  rate,  when  they 
had  forfeited  all,  but  also  that  an  Act  of  Oblivion  had  been 
granted  to  them  and  their  whole  party,  whereby  they  were 
put  into  a  condition  of  enjoying  the  advantages  of  all  the 
victories  of  those  to  whom  they  had  been  enemies.  To  this 
they  answered,  that  they  did  not  rise  against  those  who  had 
extended  that  favour  to  them,  but  against  a  person  who  had 


Execution  of  Penruddock  and  Grove.      405 

dissipated  those  men,  and  established  himself  in  their  place.  1655 
And  I  cannot  tell  by  what  laws  of  God  or  man  they  could 
have  been  justly  condemned,  had  they  been  upon  as  sure 
a  foundation  in  what  they  declared  for,  as  they  were  in 
w^hat  they  declared  against.  But  certainly  it  can  never  be 
esteemed  by  a  wise  man  to  be  worth  the  scratch  of  a  finger 
to  remove  a  single  person  acting  by  an  arbitrary  power,  in 
order  to  set  up  another  with  the  same  unlimited  authority. 
Col.  Penruddock  and  Capt.  Grove  were  executed  by  behead-  May  9. 
ing,  according  to  the  sentence  pronounced  against  them  ; 
but  Mr.  Jones  of  Newton  Tony  being  allied  to  Cromwel, 
was  pardoned  after  he  had  been  found  guilty  by  the  jury, 
and  Major  Crook  was  ordered  to  have  two  hundred  pounds 
by  year  out  of  Mr.  Mompesson's  estate  for  his  good  service 
in  the  suppression  of  this  party. 

The  usurper  was  not  a  little  startled  at  this  insurrection, 
suspecting  that  so  small  a  number  would  not  have  appeared 
without  more  considerable  encouragement  ;  and  therefore 
tho  he  had  lately  so  meanly  stooped  to  court  the  Cavalier 
party,  and  thereby  highly  provoked  his  antient  friends  to  a 
just  jealousy  and  indignation,  he  resolved  now  to  fall  upon 
them,  and  to  break  through  all  their  compositions,  even  the 
Act  of  Oblivion  it  self,  in  the  obtaining  and  passing  of  which 
he  had  so  great  a  hand.  To  this  end  he  commanded  a  tenth 
part  of  their  estates  to  be  levied,  in  order  as  he  pretended 
to  maintain  those  extraordinary  forces  which  their  turbulent 
and  seditious  practices  obliged  him  to  keep  up.  In  defence 
of  which  oppression  I  could  never  yet  hear  one  argument 
offered  that  carried  any  weight,  either  with  respect  to 
justice  or  policy  :  for  having  by  his  treachery  and  usurpa- 
tion disobliged  those  with  whom  he  first  engaged,  he  seemed 
to  have  no  other  way  left  to  support  himself,  but  by 
balancing  his  new  with  his  old  enemies,  whom  by  this  fresh 
act  of  injustice  he  rendred  desperate  and  irreconcilable,  they 
being  not  able  to  call  any  thing  their  own,  whilst  by  the 
same  rule  that  he  seized  one  tenth,  he  might  also  take  away 
the  other  nine  parts  at  his  pleasure.  And  to  put  this 
detestable  project  in  execution,  he  divided  England  into    Oct.  31. 


4o6  Disaffection  in  the  Ar7ny. 

1655  cantons,  over  each  of  which  he  placed  a  Bashaw  under  the 
title  of  Major-General,  who  was  to  have  the  inspection  and 
government  of  inferiour  commissioners  in  every  county, 
with  orders  to  seize  the  persons,  and  distrain  the  estates  of 
such  as  should  be  refractory,  and  to  put  in  execution  such 
further  directions  as  they  should  receive  from  him  ^. 

In  the  army  there  were  not  wanting  some  that  still 
retained  an  affection  to  the  cause  of  their  country,  which 
appeared  more  particularly  in  a  petition  to  Cromwel,  signed 
by  many  of  them,  containing  things  so  sutable  to  the  desires 
of  honest  men,  that  it  proved  on  that  account  very  unwel- 
come to  the  usurper.  Amongst  others  Col.  Okey  endea- 
voured to  perswade  the  officers  of  his  regiment  to  stand  by 
him  in  the  prosecution  of  the  ends  of  it,  but  was  interrupted 
in  that  design  by  his  major,  for  whom  he  had  not  without 

1654  difficulty  obtained  that  employment^.  It  was  also  pre- 
December.  tended,  that  Major-General  Overton,  with  some  officers  of 
the  army  in  Scotland,  designed  to  seize  upon  Monk,  and  to 
march  with  that  army  to  London  for  the  restitution  of  the 
Parliament :  upon  suspicion  of  which  he  was  seized  and 
sent  prisoner  to  London,  where  he  was  committed  to  the 
Tower  •^. 

About  three  hundred  of  the  petition  aforesaid,  together 
with  another  writing  called  the  Memento,  were  sent  into 
Ireland  in  a  box   directed  to   me,  and  accompanied  with 

'  The   districts   were  marked  out  Parliament,    is    calendared   by    Mrs. 

and    the    Major-Generals   chosen   in  Green    under    Dec.    20,   1653.     Cal. 

Aug.  1655,  but  the  new  organisation  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1653-4,  p.  302.     In  the 

was     not    officially    announced    till  '  Case  of  Col.  Matthew  Alured,' 1659, 

Oct.  31.    See  Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  containing  an  account  of  his  sufTer- 

V.  49;   Cal.  S.   P.,   Dom.,    1655,  pp.  ings,  it  seems  to  be  dated  1654,  and 

275,   296.     For   the  powers  of  the  it    was   certainly   circulated   in   the 

Major-Generals,     see     Old     Parlia-  winter   of    1654-5.      Alured,    Okey 

mentary  History,  xx.  461.  and  Saunders  were  tried  by  court- 

*  In  the  autumn  of  1654,  a  petition  martial    in    Dec.    1654.       Saunders 

was  circulated  signed  by  Cols.  Okey,  submitted  and  retained  his  command 

Alured  and  Saunders.     The  petition,  till    1656,   Alured    and    Okey   were 

which  criticises  the  too  great  power  cashiered,  and  the  former  for  a  time 

attributed    to    the   Protector  by   the  imprisoned. 

Instrument  of  Government,  and  de-  ^  On  Overton's  case,  see  English 

mands   the    summoning    of   a    free  Historical  Review,  1888,  p.  330. 


Ludlow  disperses  pape7's  against  Cromwell.    407 

a  short  letter  without  any  subscription  ^  Which  papers,  1655 
when  I  had  perused,  and  found  them  to  contain  such  truths 
as  were  very  proper  to  prepare  the  minds  of  men  to  imbracc 
the  first  opportunity  of  rescuing  themselves  from  the  present 
oppression,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  procure  them  to  be 
dispersed  as  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  publick  as  I 
could.  Wherein  I  was  particularly  assisted  by  Capt.  Walcot, 
one  of  the  faithful  officers  of  my  regiment,  and  divers  others 
of  my  friends  2.  I  acquainted  Lieutenant-Col.  Brayfield 
with  my  design,  and  sent  some  of  the  papers  to  Major 
Davis,  who  was  then  at  Dublin,  but  resided  usually  in 
Connaught,  thinking  him  to  be  a  proper  person  to  be 
imployed  to  disperse  them  in  that  province.  The  said 
Major  Davis  having  received  the  papers,  came  to  me,  and 
desired  to  know  if  they  came  from  me.  I  answered  him, 
that  tho  I  wished  my  name  might  have  been  concealed, 
yet  that  question  being  put  to  me,  I  durst  not  deny  it ; 
and  having  further  informed  him  of  the  reasons  which 
moved  me  so  to  do,  he  declared  himself  to  be  fully  satisfied 
with  them.  But  it  afterwards  appeared,  that  upon  the  first 
receipt  of  those  papers,  he  had  acquainted  Mr.  Roberts, 
the  Auditor-General,  therewith,  presuming  him  to  be  well 
affected  to  the  common  cause  ;  which  proving  otherwise, 
the  said  Roberts  informed  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood 
of  what  he  knew.  The  Lieutenant-General  having  also 
had  advice  that  I  had  discoursed  with  Lieutenant-Col. 
Brayfield  in  the  castle-yard,  and  suspecting  it  might  be 
upon  the  same  business,  sent  for  Major  Davis  and  the  said 

'  '  Heare  hath  ben  some  papers  field  was  cashiered  as  '  a  busy  and 

called     "Mementoes,"     and     other  turbulent  person,'  and  'a  promoter 

papers   spread    up   and   downe   the  of  seditious  papers,'  by  Henry  Crom- 

army  by  that  gentleman,  who,  I  had  well  in  1657.     Thurloe,  vi.  505,  527, 

hoped,  my  friendshipe  would   have  540,  552,  563,  599;  cf.  Clarke  Papers, 

prevented  any  such  attempt.  Through  i.  437.     Fleetwood  praises  Brayfield 

mercy  I  cam  to  the  discovery  of  it  highly.      Thurloe,  iii.  567.      Captain 

in  time,  and  hope  any  danger  is  pre-  Thomas  Walcot  is  mentioned  again 

vented.'  FleetwoodtoThurloe,  Jan  3,  by   Ludlow  in   1660.      He  was  ex- 

165!;  Thurloe,  iii.  70;    cf.  Burton's  ecuted  July  20,  1683,  for  complicity 

Diary,  i.  cxliv.  in  the  Rj'e  House  Plot. 

^  Lieutenant-Col.  Alexander  Bray- 


4o8  Ludlow  s  conduct  questioned. 

1655  Lieutenant-Colonel  to  examine  them,  who  confessed  so 
much  of  the  matter  as  was  a  ground  for  him  to  dispatch  a 
messenger  to  me  in  order  to  enquire  concerning  the  truth 
of  it.  The  person  imployed  was  one  Major  Wallis,  who 
coming  to  my  house  at  Moncktown,  informed  me,  that 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  had  received  information, 
that  I  had  dispersed  some  of  the  late  petitions  and 
Memento's.  To  which  I  answered,  that  seeing  the  thing 
which  I  desired  to  carry  on  privately  was  not  concealed, 
I  should  not  decline  to  affirm,  that  my  conscience  obliged 
me  not  to  smother  so  much  truth  as  those  papers  seemed 
to  me  to  contain.  He  then  told  me,  that  the  Lieutenant- 
General  desired  to  speak  with  me  about  that  matter,  and 
I  promised  to  attend  him  the  next  morning.  Accordingly 
I  went  to  him,  and  after  some  conference  concerning  the 
papers,  he  produced  an  order  from  Cromwel  and  his  council 
to  this  effect ;  '  That  whereas  I  had  declared  my  self  dissatis- 
fied with  the  present  government,  he  the  said  Lieutenant- 
General  Fleetwood  was  required  to  take  care,  that  my 
charge  in  the  army  might  be  managed  some  other  way.' 
He  added,  that  he  had  received  the  said  order  some 
months  since,  but  would  not  communicate  it  to  me  till  now, 
when  upon  the  distribution  of  these  papers  he  durst  not 
conceal  it  any  longer,  lest  he  should  be  accounted  a  con- 
federate with  me.  I  replied,  that  if  my  life  as  well  as  my 
employment  had  been  at  stake,  I  durst  not  have  omitted 
what  I  thought  to  be  my  duty  in  this  particular :  that 
having  no  power  to  dispute  their  pleasure,  I  should  at 
present  look  upon  it  as  a  law  to  which  I  must  submit. 
Some  time  after  Mr.  Benjamin  Worseley  was  sent  to 
acquaint  me,  that  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  had  been 
in  expectation  of  hearing  from  me  touching  my  submission 
to  the  order  he  shewed  me,  either  by  letter,  or  the  surrender 
of  my  commission.  I  answered,  that  I  thought  neither  of 
them  necessary ;  and  hoped  that  my  retirement  into  my 
own  country,  which  I  suddenly  designed,  might  be  sufficient. 
P)Ut  it  was  determined  that  I  should  not  so  easily  quit  the 
publick  stage.     For  the  next   morning   I   was  desired  to 


He  is  asked  to  surrender  his  cotimiission.  409 

attend  the  Lieutenant-Genera],  which  accordingly  I  did,  1655 
and  found  eight  or  ten  of  his  advisers  with  him.  The 
"design  of  their  meeting  was  to  perswade  me  either  to 
dehver  up  my  commission,  or  to  engage  under  my  hand, 
not  to  act  by  virtue  of  it,  till  I  should  first  receive  com- 
mission so  to  do  from  Cromwel,  or  Lieutenant-Gcneral 
Fleetwood.  To  the  first  I  answered,  that  I  durst  not 
deliver  my  commission  to  any  other  power  save  that  of 
the  Parliament,  who  had  entrusted  me  with  it ;  and  that 
it  was  all  I  had  to  justify  me  for  doing  many  things 
wherein  the  lives  of  men  had  been  concerned.  To  the 
second  I  could  by  no  means  consent,  because  I  durst  not 
tie  my  own  hands  from  acting  by  virtue  of  it,  when  I  should 
be  justly  called  upon  so  to  do.  Being  returned  to  my 
house,  doubtful  what  the  event  of  this  contest  might  be, 
and  desirous  to  have  good  advice  before  I  proceeded  any 
farther,  I  sent  to  four  or  five  officers,  of  whose  integrity 
I  had  a  good  opinion,  to  ask  their  judgment  in  this  case. 
The  result  of  our  conference  was,  that  I  should  in  a  letter 
to  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  state  the  justice  of  my 
call  to  the  employment  whereof  I  was  possest,  and  the 
conditions  on  which  I  received  my  commission,  being 
particularly  solicited  to  it  by  Cromwel  himself,  when  he 
appeared  in  the  shape  of  a  Commonwealths-man :  the 
authority  that  gave  me  my  commission ;  the  present  de- 
fection from  that  authority  and  common  cause,  which 
Cromwel  as  well  as  I  had  engaged  to  maintain  ;  the  duty 
incumbent  upon  me  to  disperse  the  said  books,  because  the 
substance  of  my  dissatisfactions  was  contained  in  them  ; 
withal  to  declare  what  I  would  be  satisfied  with,  if  it  might 
be  attained  ;  and  if  that  could  not  be,  how  far  I  thought 
my  self  obliged  to  submit.  A  letter  to  this  effect  being 
drawn  up  by  me,  with  the  advice  of  the  officers  above- 
mentioned  I  sent  it  to  the  Lieutenant-General,  and  some 
time  after  received  a  message  from  him  to  acquaint  me, 
that  according  to  a  late  order  brought  to  him  from  England, 
I  must  either  deliver  my  commission,  or  be  sent  prisoner 
thither.     I  told  the  messenger,  that  I  could  not  comply 


4IO  Lndlow  j^efiises  to  su7'render  his  commission. 

1655  with  his  demand,  tho  I  should  be  sent  prisoner  to  Rome  ; 
but  that  the  commission  lay  in  a  cabinet  in  my  closet, 
where  he  might  find  it  if  he  thought  fit  to  break  open 
the  door  and  take  it  away.  But  he  having  no  other  orders 
than  to  demand  the  delivery  of  my  commission,  departed 
without  it  ^.  A  day  or  two  after  Mr.  Miles  Corbet  came  to 
my  house  by  order  of  the  Lieutenant-General,  and  shewed 
me  the  letter  that  Cromwel  had  sent  to  require  him  to 
demand  the  surrender  of  my  commission,  and  in  case  of 
refusal  to  secure  my  person  in  Ireland,  or  to  send  me 
prisoner  to  England.  He  used  what  arguments  he  could 
to  induce  me  to  a  compliance,  which  when  I  had  heard, 
I  set  down  in  writing  my  answer,  to  be  delivered  to 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood,  which  was  in  substance  to 
let  him  know,  that  I  looked  upon  my  commission  to  be 
of  no  more  danger  to  them  than  if  it  was  actually  taken 
from  me,  and  cancelled  at  the  head  of  the  army ;  but  that  I 
was  not  willing  by  a  voluntary  submission  to  own  the  justice 
of  the  present  order,  because  I  had  received  the  said  com- 
mission from  the  Parliament  to  serve  as  an  officer  in  their 
army,  in  order  to  the  execution  of  justice  upon  those  who 
had  murdered  and  oppressed  the  English  Protestants ;  and 
that  I  durst  not  consent  to  be  withdrawn  from  that  duty  by 
any  save  that  authority  alone  which  had  placed  me  in  that 
station  :  that  if  I  had  received  my  commission  immediately 
from  the  General,  I  should  not  w^ilUngly  return  it  at  his 
pleasure  in  this  conjuncture,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  duty 
I  owed   to   the  publick,  as  to   the   army  :   that  it  could  be 

'  '  I  know  you   understand  what  if  I   command  it  from  him  he  will 

late    commands   his    Highness  sent  give  it  under  hand  (but  not  deliver 

me  concerning  Lieut. -Gen.  Ludlow.  it   up),   that   he  will    not  act  by  it 

I  shall  intreate  that  j^ou  will  acquaint  without  my  order.     I  intend  to  put 

his  Highness,  that  upon  the  Coun-  him  out  of  the  muster  rolls;  and  if 

cell's  former  letter   I  did  desire  to  his   Highness   please,  I  could  wish 

have  his  commission  delivered  to  me.  (by  reason  of  our  ancient  acquaint- 

His  answer  upon  the  whole   is   to  ance),  he  would  give  me  liberty  to 

this  purpose,  that  he  conceives  it  to  dispense  with    his  last  commands.' 

be   much   against   his  principles,  by  Fleetwood  to  Thurloe,  Jan.  17, 165J  ; 

which  he  hath  acted,  to  deliver  it  up  Thurloe,  iii.  113. 
without  a  legal  conviction  ;  but  saith, 


His  first  engagement  to  Fleetwood.         4 1 1 

esteemed  nothing  less  than  a  wilful  betraying  of  that  cause  1655 
for  which  I  had  contended  in  conjunction  with  the  army,  if 
I,  who  had  been  honoured  with  an  employment  in  a  war 
raised  for  the  defence  of  liberty  against  the  arbitrary  power 
of  a  single  person,  should  voluntarily  submit  to  what  was 
proposed.  For  since  the  whole  authority  in  the  three 
nations  was  assumed  by  the  army,  if  I  should  acknowledg 
the  intire  disposal  of  all  things  relating  to  that  army  to 
reside  in  the  General,  what  would  this  be  but  to  declare  my 
consent  to  give  up  the  power  of  the  Parliament,  army,  and 
nation  into  his  hands  ?  However,  to  avoid  extremities,  as 
far  as  I  was  able,  I  proposed  that  if  a  council  of  the  officers 
who  were  about  Dublin  might  be  called,  and  that  upon 
a  full  hearing  and  debate  of  the  matter  they  should  declare 
it  to  be  my  duty,  I  would  submit,  as  to  the  higher  powers, 
having  none  at  present  to  appeal  to  from  them  but  God. 
This  expedient  being  not  approved,  the  Lieutenant-General 
sent  Mr.  Miles  Corbet  again  to  me,  with  a  proposition,  that 
I  would  chuse  either  to  go  to  London,  or  to  be  confined  in 
Ireland.  In  answer  to  which,  and  upon  consideration  of 
the  discomposure  of  my  affairs  in  England,  by  reason  of 
a  great  debt  left  upon  my  estate  at  my  departure  thence, 
not  likely  to  be  lessened  by  my  absence  ;  and  being  very 
desirous  to  come  to  a  speedy  trial  for  my  refusal  to  deliver 
my  commission,  I  made  choice  of  the  former.  Mr.  Corbet 
then  told  me,  that  a  man  of  war  should  be  prepared  for  my 
transportation,  provided  that  I  would  give  my  word  to 
appear  before  Cromwel,  and  not  to  act  any  thing  against 
him  in  the  mean  time,  to  which  I  consented.  For  tho 
I  durst  not  engage  to  disable  my  self  from  acting  whilst 
nothing  was  objected  against  me,  lest  I  should  thereby  not 
only  have  given  away  my  own  liberty,  but  also  make  an  ill 
precedent  for  other  men  ;  yet  being  now  accused  of  a 
pretended  crime,  I  was  contented  to  pass  my  parole  to  Jan.  30. 
appear  as  desired,  and  in  the  mean  time  not  to  act  against 
him  ^     When  the  Lieutenant-General  perceived  that  I  was 

1    '  Lieutenant-General     Ludlow's       Cook,  Colonel)  Herbert,  and  Captain 
engagement.    "Whereas  Mr.  Justice       Shaw  (by  virtue  of  an  order  of  the 


412         opposition  to  taxation  in  England. 

1655  resolved  on  my  journey,  he  desired  me  to  put  off  my 
departure  for  two  months,  pretending  that  things  being 
in  some  disorder  in  England,  he  feared  Cromwel  might 
apprehend  a  necessity  of  using  me  with  more  severity  than 
he  wished  ;  and  to  soften  this  delay,  gave  a  warrant  for  the 
paiment  of  a  sum  of  money  to  me  for  defraying  my  expences 
whilst  I  staid,  together  with  those  of  my  journey  to  London. 
And  indeed  what  he  said  concerning  the  disorders  of 
England  was  not  without  ground,  things  running  every 
day  more  and  more  into  confusion,  the  Cavaliers  being 
enraged  to  see  the  throne  usurped,  and  those  who  had 
hazarded  all  for  their  country  finding  themselves  cheated, 
custom  and  excise  raised  without  authority  of  Parliament, 
and  taxes  imposed  to  no  other  end  than  to  support  the 
pride  and  insolence  of  a  single  person.  Some  there  were 
that  openly  opposed  these  oppressions,  and  amongst  others 
Mr.  George  Cony  a  merchant,  who  having  refused  to  pay 
custom,  it  was  violently  taken  from  him,  and  he  thereupon 
sued  the  collector  at  the  common  law.  But  Cromwel 
resolving  to  put  a  stop  to  such  dangerous  precedents, 
caused  the  counsel  for  Mr.  Cony,  who  were  Serjeant 
Maynard,  Serjeant  Twysden,  and  Mr.  Wadham  Windham, 
May,  8.  to  be  scut  to  the  Tower,  where  they  had  not  been  above 
three  or  four  days,  when   they  unworthily  petitioned  to 

lord  Deputy  and  Council,  dated  the  directly  to  the  disturbance  of  the 
29th  of  this  instant  January),  are  peace,  or  the  prejudice  of  the  present 
authorised  to  demand  and  to  receive  government.  Witness  my  hand  at 
my  two  military  commissions,  as  Moncktowne,  near  Dublin,  the  30 
Lieutenant-General  of  the  horse  and  January,  1654. 
colonell  of  horse  in  Ireland;  or  to  "Edmund  Ludlow."' 
take  my  parole  in  writing,  that  by  On  Feb.  2, 165*,  Fleetwoodwrites: 
or  before  the  10th  day  of  March  '  I  have  taken  Lieut.-Gen.  Ludlow's 
next  (wind  and  weather  favouring)  parole  in  pursuance  of  his  Highness' 
I  should  present  myself  unto  the  order  by  Cornet  Bradley,  whereby 
lord  Protector;  I  do  hereby  engage  he  hath  engaged  to  attend  his 
my  parole  unto  the  above  said  gentle-  Highness  by  the  10  of  March,  and 
men,  that  I  will  accordingly  (the  saith,  he  intends  to  live  in  Somerset- 
Lord  permitting)  tender  m^'self  unto  shire  with  a  sister-in-law,  to  avoid 
the  lord  Protector  at  Whitehall  by  jealousies  and  temptations.'  Thurloc, 
that  time  ;  and  that  in  the  mean  time  iii.  136,  142. 
I    siiall    act   nothing   directly   or    in- 


Mr.  Conys  case.  413 

be  set  at  liberty,  acknowledging  their  fault,  and  promising  165; 
to  do  so  no  more,  chusing  rather  to  sacrifice  the  cause  of 
their  client,  wherein  that  of  their  country  was  also  eminently 
concerned,  than  to  endure  a  little  restraint  with  the  loss 
of  the  fees  of  a  few  days  ^  By  this  means  when  the  cause 
came  to  the  next  hearing,  Mr.  Cony  was  necessitated  to 
plead  for  himself,  which  he  did  in  as  short  a  manner  as 
he  could,  referring  it  wholly  to  the  judg,  whether  that  tax 
being  not  authorized  by  Parliament,  ought  to  be  paid  by 
the  law  of  the  land  ;  and  declaring  that  he  would  abide  by 
his  judgment  therein.  Serjeant  Rolls,  then  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Upper  Bench,  tho  a  conscientious  man,  and  a  lover 
of  civil  liberty,  yet  not  daring  to  determine  it  for  him,  said, 
that  something  must  be  allowed  to  cases  of  necessity.  To 
which  Mr.  Cony  replied,  that  it  was  never  wont  to  be  a 
good  plea  in  law,  for  a  man  to  make  necessities,  and  then 
to  plead  them.  But  the  judg  wanting  courage,  would  not 
give  judgment  against  the  usurper  ;  and  being  too  much 
an  honest  man  to  give  it  for  him,  he  took  time  till  the  next 
ensuing  term,  to  consider  what  rule  he  should  give  in  the 
case.  In  the  mean  time,  upon  consideration  that  his  con- 
tinuance in  that  station  was  likely  to  ensnare  him  more 
and  more,  he  desired  by  a  letter  to  Cromwel  to  have  his  June 
quietus ;  and  Serjeant  Glyn  was  appointed  to  succeed  him 
in  his  employment,  as  a  fitter  instrument  to  carry  on  the 
designs  on  foot.  The  new  Chief  Justice,  before  he  came 
to  sit  on  the  bench,  took  care  to  have  this  business  ac- 
commodated with  Cony,  who  lost  his  reputation  by  with- 
drawing himself  from  a  cause  wherein  the  publick  was 
so  much  concerned.  Sir  Peter  Wentworth,  a  member  of 
the  Long  Parliament,  caused  also  a  collector  in  the  country 
to  be  arrested  and   prosecuted  at  his  suit,  tho  he  could 

^  See  '  Narrative  of  the  Proceed-  in  detail.  Twisden,  Maynard  and 
ings  of  the  Committee  for  preserva-  Windham  were  summoned  before 
tion  of  the  Customs  in  the  case  of  the  Council  on  May  i8,  and  corn- 
Mr.  George  Cony,  by  Samuel  Sel-  mitted  to  the  Tower ;  they  petitioned 
wood,'  4to,  1655.  Godwin,  History  for  their  release  May  25,  and  were 
of  the  Commonwealth,  iv.  174,  treats  released  early  in  June.  Cal.  S.  P., 
Cony's  case  and  the  legal  opposition  Dom.,  1655,  pp.  167,  179,  196. 


414     Sir  Peter  Wentzvorth  and  Lord  Grey. 

1655  hardly  procure  an  attorney  to  appear,  or  counsel  to  plead 
for  him.  Cromwel  having  received  notice  of  this  pro- 
secution, sent  a  messenger  with  an  order  to  bring  him 
before  the  Council ;  where  being  examined  concerning  the 
Aug.  28.  ground  of  his  proceeding,  he  told  them,  that  he  was  moved 
to  it  by  his  constant  principle,  '  That  by  the  law  of  England 
no  money  ought  to  be  levied  upon  the  people  without  their 
consent  in  Parliament.'  Cromwel  then  asked  him,  whether 
he  would  withdraw  his  action  or  no  ?  To  which  he  replied, 
'If  you  will  command  me,  I  must  submit';  and  thereupon 
Cromwel  having  commanded  it,  he  withdrew  his  action^. 
Some  time  after  taking  the  liberty  in  a  discourse  with  him 
to  reprove  him  for  that  retractation,  he  made  me  this  answer, 
that  no  man  could  have  done  more  than  he  did  to  the 
time  of  his  appearing  at  the  Council,  and  that  if  he  had 
then  failed  in  any  thing,  it  must  be  attributed  to  his  age  of 
threescore  and  three  years,  when,  said  he,  '  the  blood  does 
not  run  with  the  same  vigour  as  in  younger  men.'  It 
having  been  discovered  that  the  Lord  Grey  of  Grooby 
had  given  to  a  person  a  copy  of  the  Memento  which  I  had 
before  dispersed  in  Ireland,  he  was  sent  for  to  London,  and 
committed  prisoner  to  Windsor  Castle  for  the  same.  The 
next  term  he  sued  for  a  Habeas  Corpus,  which  the  Chief 
Justice,  according  to  law,  granted  him,  but  the  Governour  of 
Windsor  Castle  refused  to  give  obedience  to  the  order  of 
court,  and  so  rendred  it  ineffectual  to  him  ;  insomuch  that 
he  could  not  obtain  his  liberty  till  he  had  given  a  pecuniary 
security  not  to  act  against  the  government,  which  he  chose 
to  do  rather  than  to  engage  his  parole,  thereby  hazarding 
only  the  loss  of  so  much  money,  and  preserving  his  honour 
and  integrity.  Col.  Sexby  was  also  suspected  to  have  had 
a  hand  in  the  dispersion  of  the  petitions  and  Memento's 
before-mentioned  ;  and  thereupon  was  sent  for  in  order  to 
be  secured,  which  he  having  notice  of,  fled,  but  was  pursued 

'  A  warrant  to  arrest   Sir   Peter  on  Aug.  28.     Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655, 

Wentworth   and   bring   him   before  pp.  300,  596.    For  Wentworth's  case, 

the  Council  was  issued  on  Aug.  24,  ib.  p.  296. 
1655,  he  was  discharged  and  heard 


Colonel  Sexby  s  case.  415 

so  close,  that  his  man  was  taken  with  his  portmanteau.  1655 
Cromwel  being  disappointed  of  taking  him,  pretended  on 
the  account  of  antient  friendship  to  pass  by  what  he  had 
done,  and  proposed  to  imploy  him  as  his  agent  to  those 
of  Bourdeaux,  who  had  appHed  themselves  for  succour 
against  the  oppressing  ministry  of  France.  The  Colonel 
being  under  necessity,  accepted  of  the  imployment,  and 
Cromwel  ordered  him  a  sum  of  money  to  supply  his  present 
occasions,  with  letters  of  exchange  for  more  at  Bourdeaux. 
Being  thus  furnished,  he  went  over  to  France,  where  his 
business  being  betrayed  to  the  magistrates  of  Bourdeaux, 
they  gave  order  to  seize  his  person  ;  but  he  having  received 
advice  of  their  intentions,  made  his  escape  by  night  over  the 
wall  of  the  town,  and  departed  from  that  kingdom  ^ 

In  Ireland  it  was  thought  fit  to  disband  some  part  of  the 
army,  yet  rather  to  free  themselves  of  some  of  the  dis- 
contented party  than  that  nation  of  the  charge.  In  order 
to  this,  a  list  was  produced  lately  sent  from  England, 
appointing  what  regiments  of  horse  and  foot  should  be 
broken  ^.  Of  these  mine  was  to  be  one,  tho  care  was 
taken  that  those  of  my  regiment,  or  any  other,  that  would 
sail  with  any  wind,  should  be  provided  for  ;  and  it  must 
be  acknowledged,  that  they  were  so  just  to  allow  both 

'  Sexby  had  been  the  chief  leader  Thurloe,  ii.  657 ;  vi.  809. 

of  the  Agitators  in  1647.      For  his  ^  The  Irish  council  wTote  to  the 

early  career,  see  Clarke  Papers,  vol.  Protector  on  Nov.  14,  1654,  that  the 

i.  pp.  82,  431.     In  1650  he  obtained  a  Irish  army  could  not  at  present  be 

commission  as   Lieut. -Col.,  but  was  safely  reduced  below^  15,000  foot  and 

cashiered  in  June,  1651.     From  the  4,000  horse.     After  the  transplanta- 

summer  of  165 1  to  about  Aug.  1653,  tion  of  the  Irish  rebels  to  Connaught 

he  was  employed  on  a  secret  mission  had  been  effected,  it  might  be  further 

in    France.      On   August   23,    1654,  reduced  to  12,000  foot,  3000  horse, 

he  was  ordered  ^fiooo  for  his    ex-  and  600  dragoons.     Irish   Records, 

penses  during  his  mission.       From  A     „  tu     j-  u     j-        „„« 

^  °  .  —  28,  p.  14.     The  disbandmg  men- 

the  autumn  of  1654,  he  was  actively  3° 

engaged    in    the    republican     plots  tioned    by    Ludlow    took    place    in 

against  Cromwell,  fled  from  England  August,    1655.      For    a   list    of    the 

in   1655,  and  began    at   once   to  in-  regiments  disbanded,  and  the  lands 

trigue   with    the    royalists    and    the  assigned  to  them,  see   Thurloe,   iii. 

Spanish    government.      Cal.    S.    P.,  710.   T^S;    Mercurius    Politicus,    pp. 

Dom.,i654,p.  160;  Akerman,  Letters  5580-4.5620;    Prendergast,    Crom- 

from    Roundhead    officers,    p.     27;  wellian  Settlement,  pp.  216  220. 


41 6  Liidlows  regi^nent  disbanded. 

1655  officers  and  souldiers  their  full  arrears  out  of  the  for- 
feited lands  in  each  county,  according  to  the  rates  that 
had  been  set  upon  them  by  the  general  council  of  officers, 
wherein  the  goodness  and  conveniency  of  every  county 
was  estimated  and  equally  balanced.  The  arrears  of  my 
regiment  fell  by  lot  to  be  satisfied  in  the  county  of 
Wexford,  where  I  ordered  Capt.  Walcot,  my  Captain- 
Lieutenant,  with  my  Coronet  and  Quarter-master,  to  act 
for  me,  which  they  did  ;  and  my  proportion  in  the  said 
land  yielded  me  about  one  hundred  pounds  the  first  year, 
and  afterwards  near  two  hundred.  It  was  reported  to  be 
farther  improveable  ;  but  I  never  saw  it,  and  know  not 
whether  I  ever  shall.  My  Lieutenant-Colonel  having  had 
his  arrears  with  the  rest  of  the  regiment,  was  accused  of 
saying  that  this  distribution  would  prove  invalid  without  an 
Act  of  Parliament,  and  the  crime  aggravated  by  one,  who 
informed  at  the  head-quarters  as  if  he  designed  to  excite 
the  souldiers  to  a  mutiny  ;  whereupon  he  was  sent  for, 
and  committed  to  custody  till  he  gave  assurance  of  his  quiet 
and  peaceable  behaviour  ^. 

The  design  of  seizing  the  riches  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
West  Indies  having  proved  unsuccessful,  and  instead  of 
bringing  gold  or  silver  home,  much  was  transported  from 
hence  thither,  where  many  of  our  men  daily  perished 
through  want  and  the  excessive  heats  of  that  climate  ;  yet 
it  was  resolved  to  keep  Jamaica,  of  which  place  Col. 
Fortcscue  was  made  Governour,  and  Commander-in-Chief 


'  Henry  Cromwell,  in  a  letter  to  inge  to  the  worde  of  God  and  their 

his  father  concerning  the  disbanding  former    engagements    and    declara- 

and  settlement  of  the  soldiers,  says  :  tiones,  which  as  we  weer  informed 

'At  our  returning  home  by  Wexford,  was  carried  in  the  negative.     These 

wee  were  informed  of  some  persons,  officers  moste  of  them  weer  of  late 

whoe  had  been  iiberall  in  seditious  Lieutenant-General  Ludlowe's  regi- 

revileinge   expressions    against   the  ment,  and  I  doubte  too  much  of  his 

gouvernment  and  your  highness;  and  spiritt    and    principle.      Wee   have 

we  had  just  grounde  to  believe,  that  brought  Lieut.  Coll.  Scott,  whoe  was 

they  would  have  showed  themselves  the  ringleader,  prisoner  with  us,  and 

further  if  they  had  hade  power.   They  hope  to  let  them  see  that  gouvern- 

putt  it  to  the  question,  whether  the  ment  is  not  to  be  played  withall.' 

present  gouvernment  were  accord-  Thurloc,  iv.  74. 


The  Governors  of  Jamaica.  417 

of  the  forces  there,  after  the  return  of  Col,  Venables^  16= 
Amongst  others  that  died,  there  was  one  Mr.  Winslow, 
who  had  been  designed  to  be  governour  of  some  place, 
when  they  could  get  it  ^.  In  this  expedition  one  Mr.  Gage 
a  priest  died  also,  who  was  reported  to  have  been  a  prin- 
cipal adviser  of  this  undertaking^.  Col.  F'ortescue  continued 
not  long  in  his  imployment  before  he  died  also  :  after  whose 
death  Col.  Edward  Doily  was  made  Commander-in-Chief, 
and  he  falling  to  plant,  made  a  shift  to  get  a  subsistence, 
which  was  but  a  poor  return  for  the  expence  and  loss 
sustained  in  this  attempt.  And  as  Cromwel  was  thus 
prodigal  of  the  lives  of  Englishmen  abroad,  so  was  he 
no  less  of  our  liberties  at  home  ;  for  not  contenting  him- 
self with  the  death  of  many  of  those  who  had  raised 
arms  against  him,  and  seizure  of  the  goods  of  that  party, 
he  transported  whole  droves  of  them  at  a  time  into  foreign 
parts,  without  any  legal  trial*.  In  the  number  of  those 
that  were  sent  away  was  Mr.  William  Ashburnham,  Sir 
Tho.  Armstrong  and  others,  to  whom  may  be  added  Lieut. - 
Col.  John  Lilburn,  who  contrary  to  all  law,  and  after  an 


'  Richard  Fortescue  succeeded  the  early  part  of  it,  see  Thurloe, 
Venables  in  command  and  died  Oct.,  iii.  249,  325.  He  died  on  May  7, 
1655.  Edward  Doyley  was  then  1655.  Memorials  of  Sir  W.  Penn, 
made  Commander-in-Chief  and  Pre-  ii.  98.  Winslow  is  famous  as  one  of 
sidentofthe  Council  for  three  months,  the  founders  of  the  colony  of  Ply- 
by  the  officers  of  the  Jamaica  army,  mouth,  and  its  f^overnor  in  1633, 
until  the  Protector  should  appoint.  1636,  and  1644. 

The     Protector     appointed     Robert  ^  Thomas  Gage,  sometime  a  Do- 

Sedgwick,  who  died  in  June,  1656.  minican  friar  who  recanted,  married, 

Do\'ley  was  again  acting  Commander-  and  became  in  1642  rector  of  Acrise, 

in-Chief,  but  in  spite  of  his  requests  Kent.     He  was  the  author  of  '  The 

for   the    post,   Col.  William  Brayne  English    American,    his    Travail    by 

was  appointed.    Brayne  died  Sept.  2,  Sea  and  Land,' published  in  1648,3 

1657,  and  Doyley  succeeded  at  last  book  describing  the  Spanish  colonies 

to  the  command  and  held  it  till  the  in  America.     Burnet  confirms  Lud- 

Restoration.     Thurloe,  iii.  581,650;  low's  statement  about  his  influence 

iv.   153;  V.   138,   668;    vi.   no,  391,  in  originating  the  undertaking.    Own 

453>  512.  Time,  ed.  1833,  i.  137. 

^  Edward    Winslow,    one    of   the  *  On  this  transportation  of  royalist 

three  commissioners  for  the  manage-  prisoners,    see     English     Historical 

ment  of  civil  affairs  sent  out  with  the  Review,  1889,  p.  335. 
expedition.     For  his  letters  during 

VOL.  I.                                      E  e 


41 8  Henry  Cromwell  sent  to  Ireland. 

1655  acquittal  by  a  jury,  had  been  formerly  banished.  And 
now  to  prevent  Major-General  Overton  from  the  benefit 
of  a  Habeas  Corpus,  for  which  Cromwcl  was  informed  he 
intended  to  move,  tho  he  had  no  reason  to  alledg  why  it 
should  be  denied  him  ;  yet  he  sent  him  in  custody  to 
Jersey,  with  the  hazard  of  his  life  and  to  the  great  prejudice 

Feb.  10.  of  his  estate.  Major  John  Wildman  was  also  seized  upon, 
and  it  was  pretended  that  he  was  taken  dictating  to  his 
servant  a  declaration  for  levying  war  against  Oliver  Crom- 
wel.  The  citizens  of  London  were  made  acquainted  with 
it,  and  the  said  major  brought  to  London  by  a  guard  of 
horse,  and  committed  prisoner  to  the  Tower  \ 

Oliver  having  felt  the  pulse  of  the  army  in  Ireland,  as 
was  observed  before,  resolv'd  to  send  his  son  Harry  thither, 
that  being  on  the  place,  he  might  be  the  more  able  to 
fix  the  soldiery  to  his  interest.  In  his  journy  to  Ireland 
with  his  wife  and  family  he  was  everywhere  caressed  by 
the  Cavalier  party,  and  particularly  entertained  by  Coi. 
Mosson  in  North  Wales,  where  the  health  of  his  father 
was  drunk  by  the  said   Colonel.     After  some  time  spent 

July  9.  in  those  parts  he  put  to  sea,  and  upon  his  arrival  in  the 
bay  of  Dublin  the  men  of  war  that  accompanied  him,  and 
other  ships  in  the  harbour,  rung  such  a  peal  with  their 
cannon,  as  if  some  great  good  news  had  been  coming  to 
us ;  and  tho  the  usual  place  of  landing  for  those  who  come 
in  ships  of  war  was  near  my  house,  yet  he  and  his  company 
went  up  in  boats  to  the  Rings-end,  where  they  went  ashore, 
and  were  met  there  by  most  of  the  officers  civil  and 
military  about  the  town  ^ :  the  end  of  his  coming  over  was 
not  at  first  discovered,  and  conjectured  to  be  only  to  com- 
mand in  the  army  as  Major-General  under  Lieut. -General 
Fleetwood.  The  two  months  agreed  on  at  the  desire  of 
the  Lieutenant-General  for  my  stay  in  Ireland  being  ex- 
pired, he  renewed  his  request  that  I  would  again  defer  my 

'  Wildman's  Declaration  is  printed  to  Ireland,  sec  Mercurius  Politicus, 

by  Whitelocke,  Memorials,  ed.  1853,  July  19-26.  pp.  5485,5501 ;  Thurloe, 

iv.  183;  cf.  Thurloe,  iii.  147.  iii.  614,  63a. 

'  On    Henry  Cromwell's    coming 


Ltidlow  forbidden  to  come  to  England,     419 

journey  to  England  for  two  months  longer,  to  which  I  con-  1655 
sented,  not  doubting  that  it  proceeded  from  his  friend- 
ship to  me  ^.  But  the  last  two  months  drawing  near  to 
an  end  I  began  to  prepare  for  my  journey  ;  which  being  ob- 
served, an  order  pursuant  to  instructions  from  England  was 
brought  to  me  by  Col.  Thomas  Herbert,  secretary  of  the 
Council,  requiring  me  to  remain  in  Ireland  ^.  The  secretary 
told  me  that  he  had  it  in  commission  from  Lieut.-General 
Fleetwood  to  acquaint  me  that  upon  his  own  account, 
and  notwithstanding  this  order,  he  would  take  upon  him 
to  give  me  permission  to  go  into  England  for  setling 
my  affairs  there,  if  I  would  engage  to  return  within  six 
months,  and  not  act  against  the  present  Government  during 
that  time. 

Tho  I  thought  my  self  very  ill  used,  not  only  by  being 
denied  the  opportunity  of  coming  to  a  speedy  trial  for  not 
delivering  my  commission  at  the  command  of  the  General, 
but  also  by  being  prevented  to  take  care  of  my  private 
affairs  without  these  fetters  ;  yet  I  let  him  know  that  I 
would  attend  the  Lieutenant-General  the  next  morning 
concerning  this  matter :  which  having  done  according  to 
my  promise,  he  pressed  me  to  comply  with  his  request, 

*  '  In  my  last  I  did  acquaint  you  I  should  be  glad  to  receive  directions 

that  Lieut. -Gen.   Ludlow  was   sud-  heerein.'      Fleetwood    to    Thurloe, 

denly    to   come   for   England;    and  April  25,  1655 ;  Thurloe,  iii.  407. 

though  I  had  no  orders  to  the  con-  ^ 'To the  Commissionersfor Ireland. 

trary,  yet  feareing  that  his  highness  '  My  Lords, 

might  judge  it  inconvenient  for  his  '  His  Highness  the  Lord  Protector 

present    comeing   into    England,  he  and  Council  have  ^upon  considcra- 

hath  renewed  his  former  parole  to  tion),  thought  fit  that  Lieut.-General 

the  loth  of  September  next,  but  he  Ludlowe  forbear  his  coming  to  Eng- 

hath  some  concernments  of  his  own  land  till  they  shall  give  further  order, 

by   reason   of  his  being  out  of  pay  which  they  have  commanded  me  to 

and  the  breaking  up  of  his  family.  signify  to  you,  and  desire  your  care 

I    desire    to    know    his     highness'  that  he   be  not  permitted    to   come 

pleasure,   whether   I    may   not    dis-  from  Ireland  to  Englartd  till  his  High- 

pense  with  him  for  some  months  to  ness  and  the  Council  of  State  shall 

goe    into    England;    but    whilst    he  give  other  order  accordingly.    Signed 

doth   remaine  here,   I   thinke   I  can  in  the  name  and  by  the  order  of  the 

doe  no  less  than  give  him  halfe  pay  Council.  Whitehall, 24th  April,  1655.' 

during  his  detainment,  haveing  no-       ,  •  1.  r>        ..^^    A  „--    „    _^ 
,.      .     ,.         ....  J.  Irish  Records, -^  20,  p.  54. 

thing  in  this  nation  but  his  custodium  :  20 

E  e  3 


420        Ludlow  s  argument  zvith  Fleetwood. 

1655  with  the  general  argument  of  the  duty  that  lay  upon  me 
to  submit  to  the  higher  powers.  I  answered,  that  as  I 
conceived  it  was  yet  in  dispute  who  were  these  higher 
powers,  whether  the  government  of  a  Common-wealth  or 
that  of  a  single  person  ;  that  I  knew  not  whether  within 
the  time  prefixed  by  him  for  me  to  engage  not  to  act,  I 
might  have  an  opportunity  so  to  do,  and  therefore  durst 
not  engage  to  the  contrary.  He  demanded  of  me  what  I 
judged  an  opportunity  to  justify  me  in  such  an  under- 
taking? To  which  I  replied,  such  an  appearance  of  good 
men,  as  might  probably  balance  the  power  of  the  single 
person  :  I  took  the  liberty  also  to  tell  him,  that  he  him- 
self had  already  justified  that  principle  by  his  own  practice 
in  acting  against  the  King;  but,  said  he,  'we  had  the 
authority  of  the  Parliament  for  our  justification' :  '  but  what,' 
said  I,  '  have  you  to  countenance  you  in  your  actions  now 
for  a  single  person  against  the  Parliament,  which  I  may 
not  have  to  justify  me  in  acting  with  another  power  against 
this  single  person?  and  for  any  thing  I  know,  the  same 
Parliamentary  authority  that  commissionated  us  all  to  act 
against  the  King,  may  within  that  time  authorize  me  to 
act  against  the  present  single  person.'  Two  or  three  con- 
ferences and  messages  passed  between  us  upon  this  business, 
the  result  of  all  which  was,  that  I  promised  to  render  myself  a 
prisoner  to  Cromwel,  who  might  farther  dispose  of  me  as 
God  should  permit  him  :  but  this  offer  not  proving  satis- 
factory, the  Council  seconded  their  former  order,  and  re- 
quired me  not  to  go  out  of  Ireland  without  their  farther 
directions.  Poinding  my  self  thus  surrounded,  and  well 
knowing  that  this  hardship  was  imposed  upon  me  by  order 
from  Whitehal,  and  that  what  the  Lieutenant-General  had 
proposed  was  out  of  affection  to  my  person,  I  thought  my 
self  obliged  to  use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  secure  him 
from  suffering  for  his  civility  and  friendship  to  me:  to 
that  end  I  proposed  that  tho  I  could  not  engage  positively 
not  to  act  during  six  months,  as  was  desired,  because, 
whatever  opportunity  might  be  offered,  I  should  then  have 
my  hands  tied  during  the  said  time  ;  yet  I  would  promise 


Ludlow  s  second  engagement  to  Fleetwood.    421 

not  to  act  within  that  time  against  the  present  Government,  1655 
unless  I  had  first  surrendred  my  self  to  the  General,  or  Lieut.- 
General  Fleetwood,  and  desired  of  them  to  be  freed  from 
this  engagement  ^  Lieut.-General  Plectwood  consented 
to  this  proposition,  professing  his  readiness  to  comply  with  Aug.  aS. 
my  desires  in  what  he  could  ;  and  accordingly  this  agree- 
ment being  drawn  up  to  our  mutual  satisfaction,  together 
with  his  permission  for  my  departure  to  England,  was 
signed  by  him  at  the  Phenix,  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Corbet, 
then  Chief  Baron  in  that  nation.  The  next  day  Col. 
Lawrence  came  to  me,  and  after  some  discourse,  told  me 
that  by  reason  of  some  opposition  which  the  Lieutenant- 
General  had  met  with  in  my  affair,  he  had  sent  him  to 
desire  of  me,  that  notwithstanding  what  had  passed  be- 
tween us,  I  would  respite  my  journey  for  a  fortnight  or 
three  weeks  longer,  in  which  time  he  doubted  not  to  clear 
my  way  for  me.  I  presently  suspected  from  what  corner 
the  wind  blew,  but  knew  not  how  to  help  myself  for  the 


'  '  Whereas  I  have  lately  receaved 
a  command  for  my  restraint  from 
going  into  England,  yett  nevertheles, 
the  Lord  Deputie  of  Ireland  taking 
into  his  consideration  the  pressing 
necessities,  which  lyeth  upon  me 
for  the  settleing  of  my  affaires  in 
England ;  and  he  permitting  my 
repair  thither,  I  doe  hereby  engage, 
that  I  will  not  advise,  contrive,  con- 
sent, abett,  or  act,  directly  or  in- 
directly, any  thing  to  the  prejudice 
or  disturbance  of  the  present  govern- 
ment under  his  Highness  the  Lord 
Protector,  unles  before  I  shall  ad- 
vise, contrive,  consent,  abett  or  act 
as  above  said,  directly  or  indirectly 
any  thing  to  the  disturbance  of  the 
said  government,  I  shall  render  my- 
self personally  unto  his  highnes,  or 
to  the  said  Lord  Deputie,  and  desire 
to  be  [free]  from  this  engagement. 
Dated   at  the    Phoenix,   August    29, 

1655- 

'  Edmund  Ludlow.' 


Fleetwood  apologised  for  accepting 
this  engagement  on  the  ground  that 
he  had  received  no  recent  instruc- 
tions concerning  Ludlow,  and  that 
'his  restraint  here  if  he  had  not 
come,  would  have  bin  more  dis- 
service to  my  lord  Protector  than  it 
can  be  in  England.'  Henry  Crom- 
well, however,  wrote  to  Thurloe, 
saying  that  if  Ludlow  were  given 
leave  to  come  to  England  'you  would 
find  him  very  troublesome,  and  that 
you  would  be  necessitated  to  deale 
with  him  as  you  have  done  with 
Harrison,  which  would  make  him 
considerable.  He  declares  it,  that 
he  will  not  be  under  any  obligation, 
because  he  does  not  knowe,  but 
that  God  may  give  ane  opportunity 
for  him  to  appear  for  the  libertie 
of  the  people.  He  is  verry  high 
and  much  dissatisfyed,  and  there- 
fore there  ought  to  be  further  care 
what  is  done  as  to  him.'  Thurloe, 
iii.  744. 


42  2  Fleetwood  leaves  Ireland. 

1655  present.  The  next  morning  Mr.  Corbet  sent  me  a  mes- 
sage, to  desire  that  I  would  meet  him  on  the  road  betwixt 
my  house  and  Dubhn  ;  which  having  done  according  to 
his  appointment,  he  acquainted  me  more  particularly  with 
what  had  happened,  telling  me  that  Col.  Cromwel  was  so 
enraged  at  the  form  of  our  agreement,  that  he  had  written 
to  his  father  concerning  it,  in  so  much  that  if  I  should 
venture  to  go,  he  doubted  I  might  be  obstructed  by  the 
way,  which  would  not  only  be  troublesome  to  me,  but 
dishonourable  to  the  Lieutenant-General.  He  assured  me 
also  that  Lieut. -General  Fleetwood  would  take  such  care 
to  represent  the  matter  in  England,  that  all  obstacles  to 
my  passage  might  be  removed  in  a  short  time,  and  desired 
of  me  that  I  would  not  have  the  worse  opinion  of  him  for 
not  performing  at  present  what  he  had  promised.  In 
answer  to  Mr.  Corbet,  I  let  him  know  that  I  found  my  self 
so  much  disposed  to  the  contrary,  that  whereas  once  I 
thought  the  Lieutenant-General  could  have  done  more  for 
me  if  he  would,  now  I  clearly  perceived  he  had  done  more 
on  my  account  than  he  could  well  answer. 

It  now  began  to  be  publick  that  Lieut.-Gen.  Fleetwood 
was  suddenly  to  depart  for  England,  tho  it  was  given  out 
that  his  business  there  was  only  to  advise  in  some  par- 
ticular affairs,  and  that  he  should  speedily  return  to  Ireland. 
Sept.  6.  At  his  departure  he  was  accompanied  by  Col.  Cromwel 
and  his  lady,  the  Council,  the  mayor  and  aldermen  of 
Dublin,  with  most  of  the  considerable  persons  then  about  the 
city.  They  brought  him  as  far  as  my  house,  which  stood 
near  the  place  of  embarking,  where  after  a  short  stay  he 
went  on  board,  and  departed  for  England,  leaving  with  me 
a  permission  to  transport  my  self  into  England,  which  was 
to  take  effect  about  a  month  after,  requiring  all  persons  to 
permit  me  to  pass  without  interruption.  He  promised  me 
likewise  that  in  the  mean  time  he  would  take  care  to 
remove  all  difficulties  that  might  hinder  me,  and  that  it 
should  be  the  first  business  he  would  do  after  his  arrival 
at  London. 

Some  time  after  I  understood  by  a  letter  from  my  father 


Ludloiv  prepares  to  go  to  England.        423 

Oldsworth  ^  that  Lieut. -General  Fleetwood  had  assured  1655 
him  that  I  would  suddenly  be  in  England,  and  that  he  had 
left  me  a  passport  as  sufficient  to  that  purpose  as  he  could 
give,  or  I  needed  ;  which  being  spoken  by  him  after  he  had 
been  with  his  father  Cromwel,  made  me  presume  he  had 
cleared  the  way  for  me.  Having  received  this  advice,  I 
prepared  for  my  journey,  and  waiting  on  Mr.  Corbet  to  take 
my  leave  of  him,  I  shewed  him  the  Lieut.-General's  pass, 
and  that  clause  in  my  father  Oldsworth's  letter  which  related 
to  it.  He  told  me  that  Col.  Cromwel,  who  was  then  in  his 
progress,  had  sent  a  message  to  him  that  he  should  acquaint 
me  with  a  second  order  lately  brought  from  England  to 
require  positively  my  stay  in  Ireland  2;  but  withal  added, 
that  being  unwilling  to  be  imployed  in  such  unwelcome 
messages  to  his  friends,  he  had  made  his  excuse  to  the 
Colonel  by  letter,  which  he  presumed  was  accepted  by  him, 
because  he  had  heard  nothing  of  it  since  that  time,  and 
therefore  declared  that  he  mentioned  it  not  to  me  as  a 
person  commissioned  so  to  do,  but  only  as  a  friend.  I  told 
him  that  I  should  take  no  notice  of  it,  but  proceed  on  my 
voyage,  as  I  had  before  designed,  having  already  hired 
a  vessel  to  that  end.  He  then  desired  that  I  would  stay 
till  the  return  of  Col.  Cromwel,  which  would  certainly  be 


^  Michael  Oldsworth  represented  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  is  often  men- 
Old  Sarum  in  the  last  of  James  the  tionedin  the  satires  and  libels  against 
First's  Parliaments,  and  in  the  first  the  latter.  Walker  describes  him  as 
two  of  Charles  the  First's.  He  is  'governor  of  Pembroke  and  Mont- 
vagiiely  described  as  'of  London.'  gomery,  and  hath  a  share  with  his 
In  the  Parliaments  of  1628  and  lord  out  of  Sir  Henry  Compton's 
1640,  and  in  the  Long  Parliament,  office  worth  (Cs^oo  ^  year,  and  is  a 
he  sat  for  the  city  of  Salisbury.  On  keeper  of  Windsor  Park'  (History 
July  18,  1649,  Parliament  voted  that  of  Independency,  p.  173). 
Oldsworth  should  be  granted  a  patent  "  Aug.  28,  1655.  'To  reply  to  a 
as  one  of  the  registers  of  the  Prero-  letter  to  Thurloe  from  Mr.  Herbert, 
gative  Court  (C.  J.,  vi.  263).  Jane  Clerk  of  the  Council  in  Ireland, 
Thomas,  Ludlow's  mother-in-law,  praying  Council's  pleasure  concern- 
after  the  death  of  William  Thomas  ing  Lieut. -Gen.  Ludlow's  return  to 
(d.  1636),  married  Michael  Oldsworth,  England,  that  observance  of  Council's 
whom  Ludlow  therefore  terms  his  former  order  is  expected,  till  further 
'father  Oldsworth.'  He  was  secre-  order  be  given.'  Council  Order-book, 
tary  and  general  factotum  to  Philip,  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655,  p.  300. 


424       Mrs.  Ludlow  and  Henry  Cromwell. 

1655  within  two  or  three  days,  lest  it  should  be  suspected  that 
he  had  advised  with  me  about  my  departure.  I  being  un- 
willing to  bring  any  prejudice  upon  him,  consented  to  defer 
my  journey  till  the  return  of  Col.  Cromwel,  and  endeavoured 
to  attend  him  on  the  day  of  his  coming  to  town  ;  but  he 
arriving  late  in  the  night,  I  found  my  self  obliged  to  go 
home  without  speaking  to  him,  by  reason  of  a  humour 
fallen  upon  one  of  my  legs,  which  had  been  hurt  by  a  horse; 
so  that  I  was  constrained  to  put  my  wife  to  the  trouble  of 
making  my  excuse  ;  who  acquainting  him  with  my  con- 
dition, and  shewing  him  the  Lieutenant-General's  pass,  with 
the  clause  in  that  letter  before  mentioned,  assured  him  that 
the  composure  and  settlement  of  my  estate  in  England 
necessarily  required  my  presence  there.  He  told  her  that 
he  knew  nothing  to  hinder  my  passage,  and  that  a  man  of 
war  was  ready  in  the  harbour  for  our  transportation  ;  and 
desiring  her  to  dine,  promised  that  after  dinner  they  should 
go  together  to  Cork  House,  to  speak  with  Mr.  Corbet  her 
husband's  old  friend,  as  he  favoured  me  to  call  him^and  that 
the  work  should  be  done.  My  wife  accordingly  went  with 
him  full  of  expectation  that  the  business  she  came  about 
would  be  effected  ;  but  after  he  had  consulted  with  Mr. 
Corbet,  he  told  her,  that  tho  I  had  the  Lieutenant-General's 
pass,  yet  because  he  had  since  received  a  command  for  my 
stay,  he  could  not  give  order  for  my  departure  :  that  if  she 
would  go,  she  should  have  a  ship  of  war  to  transport  her, 
which  she  excused,  unless  I  might  have  permission  to  go 
also.  '  Then,'  said  she, '  tho  you  will  not  grant  a  warrant  for 
my  husband's  going,  I  hope  you  will  not  order  his  stay.' 
'  No  indeed,'  said  Col.  Cromwel,  '  I  shall  not,  tho  I  think  it 
would  be  much  better  for  him  to  stay  :  tho  what  I  speak  is 
as  a  friend,  and  not  as  one  in  authority.' 

Upon  consideration  of  these  particulars:  ist.  That  I  had 
the  Lieutenant-General's  order,  who  was  then  the  chief 
officer  in  Ireland,  together  with  Mr.  Corbet's  advice  for  my 
going,  who  was  one  of  the  Council,  in  case  I  were  not 
ordered  to  stay,  and  also  Col.  Cromwcl's  promise,  who  was 
principal  in  command  upon  the  place,  tliat  he  would  not 


Ludlow  etnbarks  fo7'  Eiigla^id.  425 

detain  me,  I  resolved  to  go  aboard.  And  having  written  a  1655 
letter  to  Col.  Cromwel  to  assure  him  that  the  end  of  my 
going  to  England  was  to  settle  my  discomposed  family  and 
estate,  I  ordered  it  not  to  be  delivered  to  him  till  the  next 
day  about  noon,  and  endeavoured  to  get  on  board  with  my 
wife  and  servants  on  that  day,  but  the  wind  blowing  hard, 
and  the  weather  being  very  bad,  no  boat  could  be  procured 
that  would  adventure  to  sea.  At  last  I  prevailed  not  with- 
out difficulty  with  the  master  of  one  of  the  largest  herring- 
vessels  that  was  in  the  bay  to  carry  me  and  my  family  to 
the  ship  which  was  to  transport  me,  and  lay  about  a  league 
and  half  from  the  shoar.  We  departed  between  two  and 
three  in  the  afternoon,  and  were  accompanied  to  the  ship  by 
about  two  hundred  people  of  the  place,  so  that  it  could  not 
be  justly  said,  as  it  was  afterwards,  that  I  stole  away 
privately,  the  road  by  which  the  vessel  must  necessarily 
pass  being  also  within  sight  of  Dublin.  Being  arrived  on 
board  the  man  of  war,  which  lay  ready  for  us,  we  weighed 
anchor  about  eleven  a  clock  that  night,  and  recovered  the 
harbour  of  Beaumaris  by  next  day  at  noon,  about  which  f)cto]jer. 
time  my  letter  to  Col.  Cromwel  was  according  to  my  order 
delivered  to  him  by  my  servant.  The  weather  was  so 
tempestuous,  that  we  durst  not  adventure  to  land  till  the 
second  day  after  our  arrival,  when  the  wind  somewhat 
abating,  we  went  a  shore,  where  the  governour  of  Beaumaris 
met  us,  and  furnished  us  with  horses  to  carry  us  to  the  town. 
We  observed  him  to  look  a  little  melancholy,  yet  suspected 
not  the  reason  of  it.  But  after  dinner  the  governour  as 
civilly  as  he  could  acquainted  me,  that  one  Capt.  Shaw  who 
was  then  in  town,  had  brought  him  an  order  from  Col. 
Henry  Cromwel,  and  the  rest  of  the  Council  in  Ireland,  to 
detain  me  there  till  the  pleasure  of  his  father  should  be 
known  concerning  me^     I  desired  a  sight  of  the  order,  and 

'  On  Oct.  16,  1655,  Thurloe  wrote  tells  us,  that  he  met  (at  Beaumaris 

to  Henry  Cromwell : 'The  messenger  where  he  landed  before  the  Lieut. - 

brought   us    news,  that    Lieut -Gen.  General)   Capt.  Shawe,  who  stayed 

Ludlow  and  his  familye  came  over  there  to  apprehend  hym.,  which  was 

with  him,  which  was  very  much  un-  well    liked    of,    and    an   expresse    is 

expected  here.    The  messenger  alsoe  sent  hence  to  confirme  these  orders, 


426         Ludlozu  is  arrested  at  Beaumaris. 

1655  found  it  to  be  directed  to  the  governour  of  Beaumaris, 
Chester,  or  any  other  garison,  or  commander  of  any  of  the 
forces,  &c.,  and  signed  by  Henry  Cromwel,  [Richard]  Pepis, 
Matt.  Thomhnson,  and  Miles  Corbet.  Capt.  Shaw  excused 
himself  for  being  employed  in  this  message,  and  told  me, 
that  the  day  after  I  left  Ireland,  he  being  just  then  arrived 
from  England,  and  very  weary  of  his  journey,  went  to  bed, 
where  he  had  not  been  above  an  hour  before  he  was  sent  for 
by  Col.  Cromwel,  and  told,  that  being  inform'd  of  my 
departure  for  England,  which  was  expressly  against  an 
order  receiv'd  from  his  father,  he  had  immediately  sum- 
moned a  Council,  where  it  had  been  agreed  to  send  after  me, 
and  to  secure  me  wheresoever  I  should  be  overtaken,  and 
that  he  had  pitched  upon  him  as  a  fit  person  to  be  imployed 
in  this  business,  and  to  attend  his  father  and  the  Lieutenant- 
General  with  an  account  of  it.  He  said  he  had  endeavoured 
to  get  himself  excused,  but  neither  his  weariness  by  reason 
of  his  great  journey,  nor  any  other  arguments  would  prevail 
with  Col.  Cromwel.  I  told  him,  that  those  who  resolved  to 
worship  the  rising  sun,  must  not  refuse  to  run  upon  more 
ungrateful  errands  than  this,  even  towards  the  best  of  their 
friends,  and  therefore  could  not  suppose  that  any  respect 
which  he  expressed  to  have  for  me  should  prevail  to  ex- 
cuse him  from  this  imployment :  however,  that  I  thought 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood,  whom  I  knew  to  be  the 
person  he  hoped  to  advance  himself  by,  would  not  take  it 
well  that  he  should  be  instrumental  in  offering  this  affront 
to  his  authority,  he  being  chief  governour  of  Ireland,  and  I 
on  my  journey  by  his  passport  and  permission,  who  I  hoped 
understood  his  own  power  ^     The  Lord  Fitz-Williams,  a 

and  to  secure  him,  in  case  those  add  to  what  was  formerly  mentioned, 
given  in  Ireland  should  not  be  ex-  that  we  are  very  sensible  of  that 
ecuted.'  Thurloe,  iv.  88.  trouble  your  Lordship  mentioned  to 
'  Fleetwood  was  naturally  in-  be  upon  you,  for  that  he  did  go  into 
dignant  at  the  disregard  of  his  England  under  your  Lordship's  pro- 
authority,  and  the  Council  thus  ex-  tection,  so  as  some  reflection  might 
plained  their  conduct.  'Your  letter  seem  to  be  on  your  reputation,  which 
of  the  23rd  of  Oct.  last  came  safely  we  hold  ourselves  to  be  always 
to  us,  and  as  to  that  business  about  obliged  to  be  much  more  sensible 
Lieut. -Gen.  Ludlow,  we  shall  only  of  than  of  our  own,  or  of  any  con- 


He  appeals  to  Fleetiuood. 


427 


civil  person,  tho  a  papist,  and  one  who  had  been  Lieutenant- 
General  to  Preston  when  he  commanded  an  army  of  Irish 
rebels,  came  over  with  us  from  Ireland,  and  being  ready  to 
take  horse  for  London,  was  pleased  to  give  me  a  visit  before 
he  went,  wherein  he  not  only  expressed  himself  very  sorry 
to  see  me  under  restraint,  but  assured  me  of  his  readiness 
to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  with  his  Highness  the  Lord 
Protector,  as  he  thought  fit  to  call  him,  in  my  behalf.  I 
gave  him  my  thanks  for  his  civility,  but  thought  it  a  strange 
revolution  of  affairs,  that  the  interest  of  a  gentleman  who 
had  been  Lieutenant-General  in  the  army  of  the  Irish  rebels, 
should  be  so  much  greater  than  mine  in  the  General  of  the 
army  of  the  Commonwealth.  Capt.  Shaw  being  ready  to 
depart  for  London,  and  desiring  to  know  if  he  could  do  any 
service  for  me  there,  I  gave  him  a  letter  for  Lieutenant- 
General  Fleetwood,  which  was  to  let  him  know  what  had 
hapned  since  his  departure,  wherein  I  thought  him  to  be 
much  more  concerned  than  my  self;  and  that  being  his 
prisoner,  and  coming  upon  his  permission,  the  affront  was 
wholly  done  to  him,  tho  the  suffering  part  fell  to  my  share. 


'dis- 


cernment of  our  own.  But  my  Lord, 
though  that  Hcense  and  protection 
of  your  Lordship's  was  under  con- 
sideration before  us  when  we  ordered 
his  restraint,  yet  that  that  did  satisfy 
us  was  that  after  that  license  and 
protection  there  came  also  another 
command  from  his  Highness  and 
Council  prohibiting  his  going  into 
England,  whereof  the  Lieut. -Gen. 
had  notice,  and  thereupon  he  was 
with  all  civility  and  tenderness  to 
him  desired  not  to  go  over  until 
your  pleasure  were  further  known  ; 
and  in  consideration  of  his  civility 
then  unto  us,  we  laid  no  further 
restriction  upon  him ;  and  we  for 
our  parts  were  very  confident  that 
he  would  not  have  gone  away,  though 
more  free  that  his  ladj^  and  family 
might  go,  and  did  proffer  any  ship 
in  the  harbour  to  attend  his  passage, 
and  so  we  rested  in  that  considera- 


tion until  we  had  notice  (it  being 
the  day  after  his  departure)  that  he 
was  gone.  And  not  knowing  how 
affairs  might  stand  in  England,  but 
finding  he  was  suddenly  gone  with- 
out our  notice,  we  did  hold  it  our 
duty  to  make  stay  of  him  where  he 
could  be  found,  until  his  Highness' 
pleasure  were  known  therein  ;  which 
we  may  truly  say  was  done  out  of 
sense  of  our  duty  and  to  answer  the 
trust  reposed  in  us,  and  not  out  of 
any  intention  to  put  any  the  least 
prejudice  to  the  said  Lieut.-Gen., 
otherwise  than  by  stay  of  him  until 
his  Highness  was  acquainted  there- 
with, and  much  less  do  the  least  act 
that  might  seem  to  reflect  upon  your 
honour.'  Signed  by  H.  Cromwell, 
Pepys,  Corbet,  and  Tomlinson,  Nov, 

28,  1655.  Irish  Records,  —  28,  p. 
107. 


428  CromwelPs  severity  to  Ludlow. 

1655  In  the  evening  I  was  conveyed  to  a  widow's  house  in  the 
town,  where  I  had  theconveniency  of  a  chamber  and  dining- 
room,  with  a  sentinel  placed  at  the  stairs-head.  With 
great  impatience  I  expected  the  return  of  the  post  from 
London,  hoping  that  the  matter  would  be  so  represented  by 
Licutenant-General  Fleetwood  and  Capt.  Shaw,  that  I 
might  have  my  liberty^.  But  the  usurper,  whose  jealousies 
increased  with  his  guilt,  being  informed  of  my  landing,  dis- 
patched an  order  to  the  governour  of  Beaumaris,  to  this 
effect,  '  That  whereas  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow  was  stoln 
out  of  Ireland,  he  should  take  care  to  keep  him  in  strict  and 
safe  custody,  and  not  to  permit  any  to  speak  with  him.' 
Upon  the  receipt  of  this  order,  the  governour,  resolving  to 
make  his  fortune  by  any  means,  proposed  to  imprison  me 
in  the  castle,  the  air  of  which  place  is  so  unhealthy,  that  the 
souldicrs  dare  not  lodg  there  ;  and  it  is  observed,  that  few 
prisoners  who  have  been  confined  there  have  ever  recovered 
from  the  distempers  which  they  contracted.  I  told  him, 
that  being  in  his  power,  I  could  not  resist ;  but  the  warrant 
requiring  no  such  thing,  a  time  might  come  wherein  he 
might  be  called  to  account  for  what  he  now  did.  Where- 
upon he  thought  fit  to  let  me  remain  at  my  lodgings,  but 
permitted  no  man  to  come  to  me  save  my  own  servants, 
and  of  those  not  above  two.  One  cause  of  this  severity 
toward  mc,  as  I  conjecture,  was,  that  I  might  not  have 
an  opportunity  of  speaking  with  the  officers  of  the  Irish 
brigade,  lest  I  should  have  put  them  in  mind  of  their  duty, 
who  having  served  Cromwel's  turn  in  assisting  to  suppress 
the  late  attempts  against  him,  were  now  returning  for 
Ireland,  and  lay  at  Beaumaris  in  expectation  of  a  wind. 
Neither  did  their  cruelty  extend  only  to  me ;  but  Col. 
Cromwcl  having  notice  that  Col.  Kempstone,  who  married 

'  'Captain  Shaw  lialh  been  with  and  his  Highness  is  as  httle satisfied 

his  Highness  to  give  an  account  of  on    the    other    hand,    and   therefore 

his  sccuringe  Ludlowe  in  Beaumaris  keepes   him    in    prison,   and   soe  is 

Castle.  It  gives  very  httle  satisfaction  like   to    doc.'      Thurloe    to    Henry 

to  a  person  here,  that  he  is  secured  Cromwell,  Oct.  23,  1655  (iv.  108). 
haveinge  my  Lord  Deputie's  passe, 


His  letters  are  iiitercepted.  429 

my  sister  \  had  assisted  me  in  my  going  away,  and  had  not  1655 
given  advice  to  him  of  it,  committed  him  to  prison,  where 
he  was  used  with  equal  severity  as  my  self,  tho  he  alledged 
in  his  justification  that  he  knew  not  that  I  was  guilty  of 
any  crime,  nor  that  I  was  forbidden  to  depart  from  Ireland  ; 
and  tho  he  did  not  know  of  any  necessity  I  had  of  a  pass 
for  my  going,  yet  he  well  knew  that  I  had  one  from 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood,  the  chief  officer  of  Ireland, 
and  that  he  only  accompanied  me  to  the  water-side,  as  a 
hundred  more  had  done. 

To  prevent  any  false  representation  of  the  state  of  my 
business,  I  gave  an  account  of  it  to  my  friends  in  Ireland, 
as  well  as  to  those  in  England.  Some  of  my  letters  were 
intercepted,  and  in  one  of  them  was  found  an  expression  to 
this  effect :  '  Tho  I  know  not  of  any  crime  whereof  I  am 
guilty,  yet  I  am  worse  used  by  those  with  whom  I  have 
engaged,  than  by  those  against  whom  I  fought ;  for  when 
I  was  made  prisoner  by  the  latter,  no  person  was  denied 
the  liberty  of  coming  to  me,  and  I  was  permitted  in 
publick  to  give  my  reasons  in  justification  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Parliament ;  but  the  present  powers  being 
as  it  seems  more  conscious  of  their  own  guilt,  will  not 
permit  me  either  to  see  or  speak  with  any  of  my  friends.' 
After  I  had  been  six  weeks  a  prisoner,  Capt.  Shaw  re- 
turned to  Beaumaris  with  an  order  for  my  discharge,  on 
condition  that  I  would  sign  an  engagement  which  he 
brought  ready  drawn,  to  oblige  my  self  never  to  act  against 
the  present  Government.  He  told  me,  that  Lieutenant- 
General  Fleetwood  suspecting  my  unwillingness  to  sign 
any  such  paper,  had  desired  Col.  John  Jones  to  accompany 
him  to  me,  and  either  to  perswade  me  to  subscribe  it,  or 
to  accommodate  the  business  as  well  as  he  could.  Ac- 
cordingly Col.  Jones  came  to  me  with  Col.  Sadler,  who 
commanded  the  Irish  Brigade  before- mentioned,  and  who 
had  been  long  in  the  town,  tho  he  durst  not  come  to  me 
before  this  time.     Upon  the  perusal  of  this  engagement, 

^  Col.  Nicholas  Kempson  married       from  her  to  Ludlow  is  printed  in  the 
Ludlow's  sister  Elizabeth.     A  letter       Appendix  to  vol.  ii. 


430  Another  engagement  demanded. 

1655  which  was  proposed  as  the  condition  of  my  discharge,  I 
soon  came  to  a  resolution,  that  I  would  not  sign  it,  if  my 
life  as  well  as  my  liberty  had  lain  at  stake  ;  acquainting 
them  with  the  reasons  of  my  refusal,  and  with  the  engage- 
ment given  to  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood,  by  which 
I  stood  obliged  to  render  my  self  a  prisoner  either  to 
Cromwel  or  himself,  which  I  was  ready  to  perform.  Col. 
Sadler  said,  that  it  was  highly  reasonable,  and  as  much 
as  could  be  expected  from  me  ;  and  added,  that  he  was 
confident  the  difference  between  Cromwel  and  me  was 
grounded  upon  mistakes,  he  having  heard  him  express 
great  affection  to  me,  with  protestations  that  he  wished  me 
as  well  as  any  man  in  the  three  nations.  I  thought  it  not 
convenient  to  take  much  pains  to  undeceive  him,  but  was 
rather  willing  he  should  believe  that  he  spoke  in  earnest, 
tho  indeed  he  loved  no  person  living  any  farther  than  he 
served  to  promote  his  ambition  ;  for  how  could  it  be 
expected  that  one  who  had  sacrificed  his  conscience  and 
honour,  as  well  as  the  cause  of  his  country,  to  the  idol  of 
his  pride,  should  scruple  to  trample  under  foot  any  man 
that  stood  in  his  way  ?  One  of  the  company  endeavoured  to 
perswade  me  to  sign  the  paper  as  it  was  drawn,  reserving 
to  my  self  those  explanations  which  I  had  before  proposed, 
or  else  to  look  upon  my  self  as  free  from  any  obligation, 
being  under  a  force.  To  which  I  answered,  that  I  thought 
it  below  a  man  to  be  compelled  to  any  act  against  his 
conscience,  with  an  intention  to  violate  the  same ;  and  that 
to  reserve  any  explanations  to  my  self,  as  it  had  been 
against  my  practice,  so  was  it  contrary  to  my  principles, 
unless  the  govcrnour  would  consent  to  accept  my  sub- 
scription to  the  engagement  with  such  an  explanation  as  I 
was  willing  to  make.  Thus  despairing  to  obtain  the  liberty 
of  pursuing  my  journey  at  that  time,  I  prepared  to  send 
my  wife  to  settle  my  affairs  as  well  as  she  could  ;  and  the 
company  being  gone  to  dinner,  I  wrote  letters  to  my  friends 
and  relations  ;  when  on  a  sudden  Col.  Jones  and  Col. 
Sadler  came  up  to  tell  me  that  the  govcrnour  was  willing 
to  discharge  me  if  I  would  sign  the  engagement  with  such 


LudloTvs  explanation  of  the  engagement.    431 

an  explanation  as  I  had  proposed.  Hereupon  I  desired  1655 
the  governour  not  to  do  any  thing  out  of  respect  to  me, 
that  might  not  consist  with  the  duty  of  his  place,  or  prove 
to  be  to  his  prejudice,  my  explanation  being  in  my  opinion 
an  absolute  repeal  of  the  engagement  as  soon  as  I  had 
rendred  my  self.  He  replied,  he  had  considered  of  it,  and 
was  willing  to  accept  of  it,  if  I  would  sign  it.  Whereupon 
the  company  desired  me  to  draw  my  own  explanation, 
which  I  did  to  this  effect,  viz. — '  I  look  upon  this  engage- 
ment now  tendred  to  me  for  my  subscription  by  the 
governour  of  Beaumaris,  by  order  from,  &c.  to  be  no  longer 
of  any  force  than  till  I  have  rendred  my  self  a  prisoner  at 
Whitehall,  and  in  that  sense  only  I  subscribe  it.'  Having 
drawn  and  signed  two  copies  of  this  explanation,  and 
procured  them  to  be  attested  by  Colonel  John  Jones, 
Colonel  Sadler,  and  Capt.  Shaw,  I  delivered  one  of  them 
to  the  governour,  and  kept  the  other  my  self,  and  then 
signed  the  engagement.  Capt.  Shaw  informed  me  that 
Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  had  been  much  concerned 
for  my  restraint,  and  had  expressed  himself  highly  dis- 
pleased with  him  for  undertaking  that  imployment ;  that  he 
had  used  all  possible  diligence  for  my  liberty,  in  which  he 
had  met  with  great  opposition  ;  in  particular,  that  Major- 
General  Lambert  had  endeavoured  to  perswade  him  that  I 
was  of  such  principles,  and  such  a  spirit,  as  not  to  deserve  my 
liberty,  tho  I  cannot  remember  that  our  familiarity  had  ever 
been  so  great  as  to  enable  him  to  give  a  character  of  me. 

Having  thus  cleared  my  way,  I  departed  from  Beau- 
maris, and  passing  over  Penman-Maur  I  arrived  at  Conway 
the  first  night  \  From  thence  in  two  days  I  reached 
Wrexham,  where  after  we  had  been  treated  two  or  three 
days  by  Col.  Jones,  my  coach  which  I  had  sent  before  from 
Ireland  being  brought  to  us,  we  set  forward  on  our  journey 
for  London ;  but  the  ways  being  extremely  bad,  by  reason 
of  a  frost  which  yet  was  not  able  to  bear  the  coach,  it  was 

*  The  crossing  of  Penmaenmawr  ed.  1844,  p.  128.  By  Defoe's  time 
was  one  of  the  great  perils  of  the  it  had  lost  its  tenors.  Tour,  cd. 
journey  to  Ireland.    Ray's  Itinerary,       1724,  II.  iii.  97. 


432  The  journey  to  London. 


16-;=; 


near  three  a  clock  before  we  came  to  Whitchurch,  tho  it 
was  not  above  twelve  miles.  But  being  desirous  to  reach 
London  if  possible  that  week,  fearing  if  Cromwel  should 
hear  of  my  being  on  the  road  he  would  send  to  stop  me, 
we  travelled  till  nine  a  clock  that  night,  and  the  next  after 
till  twelve.  The  next  day  we  came  to  Coventry  about  four 
in  the  afternoon,  where  Col.  Whalley  commanded  as 
Bashaw,  or  Major-General.  After  some  refreshment  we 
continued  our  journey,  and  by  the  help  of  the  moon-light 
and  the  snow  that  lay  on  the  ground  we  reached  Dun- 
church  a  little  after  twelve  ;  there  we  rested  till  about 
three,  and  then  set  forward  toward  Tocester,  where  we 
arrived  by  six  that  night,  and  between  one  and  two  the  next 
morning  we  began  our  journey  for  London  :  but  at  Stony- 
Stratford  the  coach  breaking,  my  wife  and  I,  with  two  or 
three  servants,  took  horse,  and  about  six  of  the  clock  in  the 
evening  of  the  loth  of  December,  one  of  the  shortest  days 
of  the  year,  we  came  to  Westminster,  having  travelled  fifty 
miles  that  day.  The  same  night  I  waited  on  Lieutenant- 
General  Fleetwood,  to  acknowledg  his  care  of  me,  and  to 
acquaint  him  with  the  condition  on  which  I  had  my  liberty 
to  come  up,  and  with  the  explanation  upon  which  only  I 
had  signed  the  engagement  proposed  to  me,  and  desired  of 
him  that  the  whole  matter  of  fact  might  be  plainly  stated 
to  his  father-in-law,  and  that  I  might  be  now  accounted 
free  from  that  engagement,  according  to  the  explanation. 
He  told  me,  he  was  glad  to  see  me  there,  and  would  take 
care  to  acquaint  his  Highness,  as  he  called  him,  with  what 
I  had  said,  and  to  represent  it  as  much  as  might  be  to  my 
advantage.  The  next  Wednesday  after  my  arrival,  about 
Dec.  i.^.  eight  in  the  evening,  Cromwel  sent  a  gentleman,  one 
Mr.  Fcnwick,  to  let  me  know  that  he  would  speak  with 
me.  I  found  him  in  his  bed-chamber  at  Whitehall,  and 
with  him  Major-General  Lambert,  Col.  Sydenham,  Mr. 
Walter  Strickland,  Col.  Montague,  and  soon  after  came  in 
Lieutenant-Gcneral    Fleetwood  ^     The  first   salute    I    re- 

'  On  Dec.  13, 'the  Council  ordered       bcrt,     Sydenham,     Montague,     and 
the   Lord   Deputy  of  Ireland,  Lam-       Strickland  to  speak  with  Lieut.  Gen. 


Iniervietv  with  Cromwell.  433 

ceived  from  him  was  to  tell  me,  that  I  had  not  dealt  fairly  165s 
with  him  in  making  him  to  believe  I  had  signed  an  engage- 
ment not  to  act  against  him,  and  yet  reserving  an  explanation 
whereby  I  made  void  that  engagement ;  which,  if  it  had  not 
been  made  known  to  him,  he  might  have  relied  upon  my 
promise,  and  so  have  been  engaged  in  blood  before  he  was 
aware.  I  told  him,  I  knew  not  why  he  should  look  upon 
me  to  be  so  considerable ;  neither  could  I  apprehend  how 
it  had  been  possible  for  me  to  deal  more  fairly  and  openly 
with  him  than  I  had  done :  for  I  had  told  his  governour 
at  Beaumaris,  that  if  my  life  as  well  as  my  liberty  had 
been  at  stake,  I  could  not  sign  the  engagement  simply, 
and  therefore  had  resolved  to  continue  there,  had  not  the 
governour  himself  expressed  a  desire  to  accept  of  my 
subscription  with  that  explanation.  And  because  I  ac- 
counted it  to  be  in  effect  a  repeal  of  the  engagement,  I 
had  told  him  so,  and  desired  him  to  do  nothing  out  of 
respect  to  me  that  consisted  not  with  his  duty;  notwith- 
standing which  the  governour  told  me,  he  was  free  to 
accept  my  subscription,  so  that  I  knew  not  but  he  might 
have  received  instructions  so  to  do.  '  No,'  said  Cromwel,  'he 
had  none  from  me.'  'That  was  more,'  said  I,  '  than  I  knew  ; 
and  if  you  had  not  notice  as  well  of  the  one  as  the  other,  it 
was  not  my  fault,  for  I  had  acquainted  you  with  neither ; 
and  those  who  informed  you  of  the  one,  I  presumed  had 
made  you  acquainted  with  the  other  also.'  He  then 
objected  to  me,  that  I  was  stolen  from  Ireland  without 
leave  :  to  which  I  made  answer,  that  tho  I  knew  no  cause 
why  I  should  either  be  detained  in  Ireland,  or  obliged 
to  ask  leave  to  depart,  yet  to  avoid  all  pretence  of  ex- 
ception against  me,  I  had  taken  care  to  procure  even  that 
too,  as  far  as  it  was  possible,  having  a  passport  for  England 
from  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood,  the  chief  officer  of 
Ireland,  with  the  advice  of  Mr.  Corbet,  one  of  his  Council, 
for  my  coming,  and  his  son  Harry's  promise  not  to  obstruct 

Ludlow     on    to-day's     debate,    and  dates  on  Dec.  12.  probably  took  place 

report.'    Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1655-6,  p.  on  Dec.  13  ;  cf.  p.  109. 
56.     The    interview   which   Ludlow 

VOL.  I.  F  f 


434  Liidlozu  refuses  to  bind  himself. 

1655  me  in  my  journey.  He  next  asked  me,  wherefore  I  would 
not  engage  not  to  act  against  the  present  Government, 
telling  me,  that  if  Nero  were  in  power,  it  would  be  my 
duty  to  submit.  To  which  I  replied,  that  I  was  ready  to 
submit,  and  could  truly  say,  that  I  knew  not  of  any  design 
against  him,  'But,'  said  I,  'if  Providence  open  a  way, 
and  give  an  opportunity  of  appearing  in  behalf  of  the 
people,  I  cannot  consent  to  tie  my  own  hands  before-hand, 
and  oblige  my  self  not  to  lay  hold  on  it.'  '  However,'  said 
he,  'it  is  not  reasonable  to  suffer  one  that  I  distrust  to  come 
within  my  house,  till  he  assure  me  he  will  do  me  no 
mischief:  I  told  him,  I  was  not  accustomed  to  go  to  any 
house  unless  I  expected  to  be  welcome  ;  neither  had  I  come 
hither  but  upon  a  message  from  him,  and  that  I  desired 
nothing  but  a  little  liberty  to  breathe  in  the  air,  to  which 
I  conceived  I  had  an  equal  right  with  other  men.  He 
then  fell  to  inveigh  bitterly  against  Major  Wildman,  as 
the  author  of  the  petition  from  the  army  before-mentioned, 
reviling  him  with  unhandsom  language,  and  saying  he 
deserved  to  be  hanged ;  and  that  he  must  secure  me  also, 
if  I  would  not  oblige  my  self  never  to  act  against  him.  I 
told  him  I  had  gone  as  far  as  I  could  in  that  engagement 
which  I  had  given  to  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood  ;  and 
if  that  were  not  thought  sufficient,  I  resolved  with  God's 
assistance  to  suffer  any  extremities  that  might  be  imposed 
upon  me.  'Yes,'  said  he,  'we  know  your  resolution  well 
enough,  and  we  have  cause  to  be  as  stout  as  you  ;  but  I 
pray  who  spoke  of  your  suffering  } '  '  Sir,'  said  I, '  if  I  am  not 
deceived,  you  mentioned  the  securing  my  person.'  '  Yea,' 
said  he,  '  and  great  reason  there  is  why  we  should  do  so ; 
for  I  am  ashamed  to  see  that  engagement  which  you  have 
given  to  the  Lieutenant-General,  which  would  be  more  fit 
for  a  General  who  should  be  taken  prisoner,  and  that  hath 
yet  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  in  the  field,  than  for 
one  in  your  condition.'  I  answered,  that  it  was  as  much 
as  I  could  consent  to  give,  and  what  Lieutenant-General 
Fleetwood  thought  fit  to  accept.  Then  beginning  to  carry 
himself  more   calmly,  he  said   that   he  had  been  always 


A  debate  ivith  CromwelV s  Councillors.     435 

ready  to  do  me  what  good  offices  he  could,  and  that  he  163 
wished  me  as  well  as  he  did  any  one  of  his  Council,  desiring 
me  to  make  choice  of  some  place  to  be  in,  where  I  might 
have  good  air.  I  assured  him,  that  my  dissatisfactions 
were  not  grounded  upon  any  animosity  against  his  person  ; 
and  that  if  my  own  father  were  alive,  and  in  his  place,  they 
would,  I  doubted  not,  be  altogether  as  great.  He  acknow- 
ledged that  I  had  always  carried  my  self  fairly  and  openly 
to  him,  and  protested  that  he  had  never  given  me  just 
cause  to  act  otherwise. 

When  Cromwel  had  finished  his  discourse,  some  of  those 
who  were  present  began  to  make  their  observations,  and  in 
particular  Col.  Montague  thought  it  worthy  his  notice,  that 
I  had  intimated,  if  providence  should  offer  an  occasion,  I 
was  ready  to  act  against  the  present  Government;  but 
the  rest  of  the  company  seemed  ashamed  of  what  he  said. 
Major-General  Lambert  then  desired  to  know  from  me  why 
I  could  not  own  this  as  a  lawful  Government :  'because,'  said 
I,  'it  seems  to  me  to  be  in  substance  a  re-establishment  of 
that  which  we  all  engaged  against,  and  had  with  a  great 
expence  of  blood  and  treasure  abolished.'  'What  then,'  said 
he, '  would  you  account  to  be  a  sufficient  warrant  for  you  to 
act  against  the  present  authority  ? '  I  answered,  when  I 
might  rationally  hope  to  be  supported  by  an  authority 
equal  or  superiour  to  this,  and  could  be  perswaded  that  the 
said  authority  would  employ  its  power  for  the  good  of 
mankind.  '  But  who  shall  bejudg  of  that?'  said  he  ;  'for  all 
are  ready  to  say  they  do  so,  and  we  our  selves  think  we  use 
the  best  of  our  endeavours  to  that  end.'  I  replied,  that  if 
they  did  so,  their  crime  was  the  less,  because  every  man 
stands  obliged  to  govern  himself  by  the  light  of  his  own 
reason,  which  rule,  with  the  assistance  of  God,  I  was 
determined  to  observe.  Col.  Sydenham  said,  we  might 
be  mistaken  in  judging  that  to  be  a  power  giving  us  a  just 
and  rational  call  to  act,  which  may  not  be  so.  I  told  him, 
that  we  ought  to  be  very  careful  and  circumspect  in  that 
particular,  and  at  least  be  assured  of  very  probable  grounds 
to  believe  the  power  under  which  we  engage  to  be  suffi- 

F  f  2 


436  Fleetwood' s  attempted  mediation. 

1655  ciently  able  to  protect  us  in  our  undertaking  ;  otherwise  I 
should  account  my  self  not  only  guilty  of  my  own  blood, 
but  also  in  some  measure  of  the  ruin  and  destruction  of  all 
those  that  I  should  induce  to  engage  with  me,  tho  the  cause 
were  never  so  just. 

This  discourse  being  ended,  I  was  desired  to  withdraw 
into  the  next  room,  where  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood 
came  to  me,  and  laboured  to  perswade  me  to  engage,  as 
was  desired,  tho  but  for  a  week.  I  made  answer,  that  I 
was  not  willing  to  do  it  for  an  hour  :  '  then,'  said  he,  '  you 
shall  engage  to  me.'  I  told  him  I  looked  upon  my  self 
already  obliged  by  the  conditions  of  my  late  engagement, 
further  than  which  I  could  not  go  ;  and  thereupon  returned 
to  my  lodging,  in  order  to  imploy  my  leisure  about  my 
private  affairs  during  that  time. 


APPENDICES, 


I.  Pedigree  of  Edmund  Ludlow, 

II.  Outline  of  the  Civil  War  in  Wiltshire,  1642- 
1646,  WITH  Illustrative  Documents. 

III.  The  Account  of  Lieut.-Gen.  Edmund  Ludlow. 

IV.  Documents  Illustrating  Ludlow's  Services  in 

Ireland. 

V.  The  Wiltshire  Election  of  1654. 


D 

nn 
1  t 


I,  0 

Di 


fhoj) 


Ursula,  married 
—  Scrope. 


Phii.IPPA,  married  Tliotnas, 
son  of  Sir  John  Zoueli, 
Knt.,  Dorset. 


DLq  Ludlow,    bapt. 

^'^isrstock,  3  March, 
Married  at  War- 
r,   in.   Feb.   1624. 

S6, 


D'Ai 


:  Jane  Bennett,  dau.  of 
John  Bennett,  of  Steeple 
Ashton  anci  Smallbrook. 
Died  19  Dee.  1683. 


George  Ludi.ow, 
bapt.  at  Dinton,  15 
Sept.  1596.  Will 
proved  i  August, 
1656.  Member  of 
Virginian  Council. 
Vide  Memoirs,  i. 
298. 


^^iiarried  John 
^  M  Cossington. 
\-    "lent  dated  21 


'Ai^Frome,  bapt. 
;  Aug.  1634. 
pf  the  Ameri- 


UD^DI.OW. 

ate« 
fori! 


I 
William  Ludlow,  of 
Sarum,     bapt.     at 
Warminster,         1 1 
April,  1637. 


John  Ludlow,  bapt. 
at  Warminster,  <; 
Jan.  1640. 


I 
Jane  Ludlow. 


I 
John  Ludlow. 


\\A.  I.  Opposite  p.  43«. 


APPENDIX    I. 


=  Sir  Eduu.sd  Ludlow.  ^  md  wife, 


PEDIGREK     OF     LUDLOW.     OF    HILL     DEVERILL,     CO,     WILTS. 

'•rid&id  frem^thi  Pei{i-,tec  priiiuU  hi  Ihe  'Willihin  Arthsohgical  Magaiine'  for  June,  \%^%,a»d  cerlifitd  at  the  ColUge  of  Arms. 
n  between  Ulree  martens'  heads  erased,  sable.  CREST  ;-A  demi-marlen  cooped,  sable.  MOTTO  :- 


'   Wiil^Viiiu^Mr'S^^'Bun'id'inSl'Thomi^"^  E-"*  ^ '-  Arcaret.  daughteifand    e.rewof  W.ll.am  Ry. 


6April,'i48«.   ^'^^^    T  '    orRin^vood,mn^ 


.   Tapl'ai  ard'saycnff^^' Buried  at  T    ^Gabncry"  Kn(,  TBtpfo"n,  m'the  parish  ^Vo^LcndonT''''  Rob^rl^^fZrof 

DIntoti.JsNov.  .607.  I        -If  F,.l,or.on  .J.  b  M,.re.  '^  gen..  Odiham,  Hanw. 


;abhiei.  Luni-ow,  bapt.  at  DInton.  HI  Feb.  isR^.jJCalled  -i-Phillis.  Roger  Ludlow,  bapt.  at  Dinton.  Anne  Ludlow,  Thomas  Ludlow.    bapt.^jAne   Bennett,    dnu.   of  Cbohgb    Ludlow, 

lothpBar.  .sOct.  i6w.     FJecled  a  Bencher,  jNB^t6.,r.        Sold  Bay.  iMatch,  I5<w.    afalriculaled  at  bapt.  .^  Ju.l^  a(Bavir«oek,3  March.    ,        John  B*rocU.  ofSlccpb  bapLat  Dialon.iA 

in  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and  CarabndEePalenl<fa^^t'h  of        Sir'jam^  16m.     Emigralcd  to  New  En"|^  8  W  ""^'iS-  mSler.  15  Feb.   ifiJi'.            D'e-iTp^DecTeV"*  "  pTOVed'?Aupi«, 

Charles  I.     RcsiRned  the  ofDce  33  June.  1639.  ;Dcpuly         Thynnc,  land,  i6ji.  Married;  issue.  Vide  Died  1646.  V6s6.    Memberof 


.L, 


;  LuD.         Nathaniel  Ludlow.  bapL       Frances  Luhi.ow.  bapi.       Philip  Ludlow,  bant,  at  Maiden         Henry  Luolow,  bapt.  at  Maiden 
Vide  al    Maiden    Bradley,     13  at     Maiden      Bradley.  Bradley,  15  April.  ifiiS.   Died  Bradley,  19 Feb.  iM.    Ancescor 


•h^r'^ 


\fi3ii. 


1^ 


APPENDIX    IL 


SKETCH  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  IN  WILTSHIRE. 

Ludlow's  account  of  the  Civil  War  in  Wiltshire  is  confined  to    Am-.  II. 
those  events  in  which  he  took  part  himself.     An   outline  of  the 
general   history  of  the    struggle    in   that  county   is   necessary    to 
understand  the  bearing  of  the  particular  incidents  he  records,  and 
to  estimate  the  value  of  his  personal  services. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  the  adherents  of  the  Parliament 
had  the  upper  hand  in  Wiltshire.  The  Royalist  nobility  and 
gentry  were  for  the  moment  powerless.  A  petition  from  the  city 
of  Salisbury  in  support  of  the  policy  of  the  Parliament  had  been 
presented  on  Feb.  24,  1642  (L.  J.  iv.  611).  The  Earl  of  Pembroke 
was  appointed  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Wilts  and  Hampshire  and 
Governor  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  despatched  to  Wiltshire  on 
Aug.  12,  1642,  to  execute  the  militia  ordinance  (L.  J.  v.  281,  284, 
299,  544).  He  returned  to  London  in  October,  having  setded  the 
militia  in  Wiltshire  and  secured  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  brought 
with  him  numerous  prisoners  seized  by  the  Parliamentary  forces 
in  the  west  (Vicars,  Jehovah  Jireh,  p.  182).  In  the  absence  of 
Pembroke  the  Deputy-Lieutenants  appointed  by  him  exercised  the 
powers  with  which  Parliament  had  entrusted  him.  On  Nov.  2,  King 
Charles  published  a  proclamation  of  '  grace,  favour,  and  pardon 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Wilts,  excepting  only  four  persons,  who  were 
to  be  proceeded  against  as  traitors  and  stirrers  of  sedition.  These 
four  persons,  the  leaders  of  the  Parliamentary  party  in  the  county, 
were  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  Sir  Henry  Ludlow,  Sir  John  Evelyn, 
and  Walter  Long,  Esq.  (Husbands,  Ordinances,  4to,  p.  732).  The 
ordinance  for  levying  money  for  the  support  of  Essex's  army  assesses 
Wilts  at  the  rate  of  £725  per  week,  and  appoints  to  collect  the 
money  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  Sir  Edward  Baynton,  Sir  Nevill 


440  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  Poole,  and  Sir  John  Evelyn,  Knights  ;  Edward  Baynton,  Edward 
Tucker,  Edward  Goddard,  Alexander  Thistlethwait,  junior,  Edward 
Poole,  Thomas  Moore,  John  Ashe,  and  Robert  Jennour,  Esquires 
(ibid.  pp.  934,  942).  The  ordinance  for  sequestering  the  estates  of 
Royalist  delinquents  in  the  county  (April  i,  1643)  g^^es  the  ad- 
ditional names  of  Denzill  Holies,  William  Wheeler,  and  John  White 
(Husbands,  Ordinances,  folio,  p.  20). 

But  before  the  year  1642  was  ended  the  prosperity  of  the 
Parliamentary  cause  in  Wiltshire  received  a  great  check.  The 
town  of  Marlborough,  which  had  from  the  first  distinguished 
itself  by  its  zeal  for  the  Parliament,  was  captured  by  a  detachment 
from  the  King's  army  at  Oxford  commanded  by  General  Wilmot 
(Clarendon,  Rebellion,  vi.  156,  157;  Waylen,  History  of  Marl- 
borough, pp.  154-168;  Rushworth,  V.  82).  Clarendon  describes 
the  town  as  '  the  most  notoriously  disaffected  of  all  that  county ; 
otherwise,  saving  the  obstinacy  and  malice  of  the  inhabitants, 
in  the  situation  of  it  very  unfit  for  a  garrison.'  On  Feb.  2,  1643, 
another  detachment  from  Oxford,  under  the  command  of  Prince 
Rupert,  captured  Cirencester  in  Gloucestershire,  and  the  Wilt- 
shire Roundheads  promptly  evacuated  the  neighbouring  post  of 
Malmesbury  (Clarendon,  vi.  237-8;  Bibliotheca  Gloucestrensis, 
pp.  159-185).  IMalmesbury  was  at  once  occupied  by  a  RoyaHst 
garrison  under  Lieut.-Col.  Herbert  Lunsford  (ib.  p.  173  ;  Mercurius 
Aulicus,  Feb.  4  and  Feb.  6,  1643).  Thus  on  two  sides  the 
Royalist  outposts  were  pushed  forward  into  Wiltshire,  and  the  way 
was  opened  for  further  conquests. 

But  even  more  fatal  than  these  victories  were  the  quarrels  of  the 
Parliamentary  leaders  themselves.  A  feud  between  Sir  Edward 
Hungerford  and  Sir  Edward  Baynton,  which  Ludlow  does  not  men- 
tion, produced  most  pernicious  consequences  to  the  common  cause. 
Each  accused  the  other  of  treachery.  Each  in  turn  was  arrested 
by  the  other,  and  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape.  The  following 
account  of  this  incident  is  given  in  the  newspapers  of  the  two  parties, 
and  in  a  published  letter  from  Baynton  to  the  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
Mercurius  Aulicus,  Jan.  11,  1643,  says  : — 

'  News  was  brought  from  Wiltshire  how  that  a  difference  falling  out 
lietwixt  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  and  Sir  Edward  I3aynton  (both  which 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  441 

his  Majesty  had  excepted  amongst  others  out  of  his  general  pardon  A  pp.  II. 
for  that  county)  the  business  grew  into  that  heat  that  Baynton  had 
seized  on  Hungerford's  person,  and  held  him  prisoner  in  the  town  of 
Malmesbury.  But  Hungerford  escaping  by  a  flight  to  Cirencester,  he 
obtained  some  of  the  forces  of  that  place  to  pursue  his  quarrell,  and 
came  so  suddenly  to  Malmesbury  that  he  surprised  Baynton,  carried 
him  prisoner  to  Cirencester,  and  still  keeps  him  there  ;  though  Baynton, 
as  a  pledge  of  fidelity  unto  the  two  houses  of  Parliament,  had  sent  a  great 
part  of  his  goods  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  as  a  place  wholly  in  their  hands.' 

The  same  paper  on  Feb.  3,  after  mentioning  the  capture  of 
Cirencester,  and  giving  a  list  of  prisoners,  says, '  Sir  Edward  Baynton, 
who  was  brought  prisoner  hither  from  Malmesbury,  had  the  good 
luck  to  be  conveyed  before  to  some  gaol  in  London.' 

The  Parliamentary  papers  give  the  following  story  : — 

'  When  Prince  Rupert  was  coming  with  his  forces  against  Cirencester, 
an  alarm  was  given  to  Gloucestershire,  Somersetshire  and  Wiltshire, 
who  according  to  their  mutual  association  to  defend  each  other,  raised 
forces  to  send  speedy  aid  to  Cirencester.  ...  It  so  fell  out  that  Sir 
Edward  Baynton  (who  hitherto  hath  been  very  zealous  for  the  Par- 
liament, and  no  doubt  is  so  still  but  that  some  passion  overcame  him) 
disbanded  all  his  forces  at  the  Devizes  and  Malmesbury,  both  which 
towns  sent  to  Sir  Edw.  Hungerford  for  protection,  who  immediately 
sent  them  aid,  and  that  night  Lieut.  Eyre  with  140  dragoons  came  to 
Malmesbury,  where  Sir  Edw.  Hungerford  was,  under  pretence  of 
assisting  him  ;  and  in  the  night  time,  this  Sir  Edward  Baynton's 
Lieutenant  suddenly  and  in  an  uncivil  manner  (threatening  to  kill  him 
if  he  spoke  a  word  of  it  to  his  soldiers)  carried  him  away  prisoner,  but 
notice  of  this  was  given  to  the  forces  of  Cirencester,  who  (though 
Prince  Rupert  was  nigh  the  town)  sent  3  troops  of  horse,  and  rescued 
Sir  Edw.  Hungerford,  and  brought  away  Sir  Edward  Baynton,  and 
Lieutenant  Eyre  prisoners  to  Cirencester,  and  were  back  time  enough 
to  affront  Prince  Rupert,  who  with  7000  men  came  up  the  hill  and 
so  went  down  again,  and  now  that  country  is  peaceably  settled.' 
(The  Kingdoms  Weekly  Intelligencer,  Jan.  10-17,  1643.) 

'  It  is  confirmed  that  Sir  Edw.  Baynton  had  a  design  of  carrying  Sir 
Edw.  Hungerford  to  Oxford.  You  may  by  this  see  what  confidence  is 
to  be  put  in  roaring  boys.'     (Spec.  Passages,  Jan.  17-24,  1643.) 

Baynton's  own  narrative  enters  into  more  detail,  and  gives  his 
charges  against  Hungerford. 

'  To  THE  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
'  My  noble  good  Lord, 

'  On  Monday  night  last  being  at  Malmesbury,  which  is  a  town  under 
my  command,  within    8   miles   of  Cisseter,  where  I  had   drawn  up 


442  Appendix  II. 

Avv.  II.  500  men  of  my  regiment  for  their  aid,  and  two  companies  more  upon 
their  march  ;  about  nine  of  the  clock  at  night  there  came  about  500 
horse,  and  dragoneers  of  the  Earl  of  Stamford's  forces,  out  of  Glocester- 
shire,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Furbush  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Carr,  his  Lordship  being  then  at  Exeter,  and  desired  lodging 
of  me  for  that  night,  whereupon  as  soon  as  I  was  certainly  informed 
who  they  were  I  took  order  for  the  billeting  of  them,  and  let  them  in, 
which  as  soon  as  I  had  done,  they  came  to  me  pretending  a  great  deal 
of  friendship,  but  on  the  sudden  seized  upon  me  in  my  lodging,  plun- 
dered me  and  my  soldiers  of  all  that  we  had,  and  the  next  morning 
carried  me  and  Captain  Edward  Eyre  to  Cisseter,  with  as  much 
ignominy  as  was  possible,  upon  two  poore  dragoneeres,  although  they 
took  from  me  as  many  horses  for  my  own  saddle  as  were  worth 
300  pound  ;  within  two  days  they  carried  me  to  this  towne  where  they 
keep  me  in  the  same  manner  at  this  time  ;  but  I  thank  God,  they  dare 
accuse  me  of  nothing,  but  say,  that  I  would  not  bring  up  my  forces  to 
Cisseter,  which  I  conceive  I  was  no  way  bound  to  do,  especially  Prince 
Maurice  his  quarter  being  at  Farringdon  and  Wantage,  having  there 
1000  horse,  within  two  miles  of  Wilts  ;  they  say  likewise  that  I  had 
seized  upon  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  which  I  had  just  cause  to  do  ;  for 
besides  the  correspondence  between  him  and  my  Lord  Seymour,  which 
I  can  bring  pregnant  proof  of,  he  sent  twice  to  my  Serjeant  Major,  to 
command  him  to  draw  up  my  forces  to  such  places  as  he  should  ap- 
point, pretending  that  he  had  an  order  from  the  Parliament  for  it,  and 
sent  to  my  soldiers  to  leave  me,  and  come  to  him,  which  I  could  make 
no  other  interpretation  of,  but  that  he  intended  to  betray  me  :  whereupon 
I  resolved  to  send  him  in  safe  custody  to  the  Parliament,  but  he  fled 
to  Cisseter,  and  there  I  do  very  believe,  did  bribe  the  two  Scotch 
lieutenant  colonels  to  perform  this  exploit  :  for  he  fled  out  of  Wilts 
about  six  weeks  agone,  and  carried  all  his  family  and  goods  into 
Somersetshire,  where  he  doth  now  reside,  and  only  comes  skulking 
now  and  then  into  Wilts  to  put  tricks  upon  me.  I  have  served  my 
country  under  your  Lordship's  and  your  brother's  command  these  20 
years,  wherefore  I  beseech  your  Lordship  to  undertake  for  nie,  for  I 
am  resolved  never  to  desert  the  cause,  but  desire  to  appear  at  the 
Parliament  with  as  much  speed  as  maybe,  which  I  hope  your  Lordship 
will  further,  for  his  sake,  who  will  ever  be 

'  Your  most  humble  Servant, 

'  E.  Baynton. 
'  Gloucester, 

'Jan.  15,  164?.' 

Parliament  decided  the  dispute  in  Hungcrford's  favour.  On  Jan. 
10, 1643,  ^^  ordinance  had  been  passed  for  raising  in  Wiltshire  two 
regiments  of  horse  of  four  troops  each,  and  one  regiment  of  1000 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  443 

dragoons,  to  be  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Essex.  The  App.  II. 
task  of  raising  them  was  entrusted  to  Sir  Edward  Baynton,  as  the 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  county  forces,  with  the  assistance  of 
other  members  of  the  Parhamentary  committee.  On  Jan.  31,  the 
Commons  voted  that  Hungerford  should  supersede  Baynton  as 
Commander-in-chief,  and  a  new  ordinance  was  passed  in  which  his 
name  replaced  Baynton's  (C.  J.  ii.  954;  L.  J.  v.  543,  587). 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Hungerford  invited  Ludlow  to  leave 
Essex's  body-guard  and  raise  a  troop  of  horse  (Memoirs,  p.  49). 
Ludlow  accordingly  joined  Hungerford  at  Devizes,  his  head- 
quarters, and  accompanied  him  in  his  expedition  to  Salisbury.  Of 
this  expedition  Mercurius  Aulicus  gives  the  following  account : — 

Feb.  13,  1643.  '  It  was  further  certified  this  day,  that  Sir  Edw. 
Hungerford,  one  that  his  Majesty  had  excepted  out  of  his  general 
pardon  for  the  County  of  Wilts,  having  since  his  departure  from 
Malmesbury  gotten  together  a  body  of  rebels  under  his  command, 
marched  with  them  towards  Salisbury,  which  he  easily  entered  ;  and 
having  seized  on  all  such  money,  plate,  and  arms  as  he  could  find,  or 
otherwise  was  betrayed  unto  him,  he  put  the  town  to  the  ransom  of 
;^Soo  to  save  the  residue  of  their  goods  from  spoil  and  plundering.' 

Feb.  15.  'This  day  it  was  advertised  also,  that  Sir  Ed.  Hunger- 
ford having  missed  the  prey  he  chiefly  sought  for  in  the  city  of 
Salisbury  (which  was  Sir  George  Vaughan,  High  Sheriff  of  the  County 
of  Wilts),  returned  back  to  the  Devises  as  his  surest  fortress,  which  had 
before  been  fortified  by  Sir  Ed.  Baynton.  From  whence  he  writ 
letters  to  the  House  of  Commons,  signifying  that  the  works  there  were 
so  great  and  large  that  he  had  not  men  enough  to  make  them  good, 
if  any  of  the  King's  forces  should  be  sent  that  way  :  complaining  also 
that  for  want  of  such  necessary  supplies  he  was  not  able  to  relieve  the 
town  of  Cirencester,  which  misfortune  might  otherwise  have  been 
prevented.' 

Feb.  23.  '  It  was  confirmed  this  day  for  certain,  having  been  doubt- 
fully reported  two  days  before,  that  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  despairing 
to  make  good  the  Devises  by  his  own  forces,  and  having  little  hope  to 
be  supplied  from  the  two  houses  of  Parliament,  had  utterly  forsook 
the  place :  and  that  Lieutenant  Colonel  Lunsford,  who  was  left 
Governor  in  Malmesbury  with  a  garrison  of  400  foot  and  a  troop  of 
horse,  had  took  possession  of  the  town  and  Castle  for  his  Majesty,  by 
means  whereof  the  whole  county  of  Wilts  is  very  likely  to  be  freed  of 
the  Rebels  forces,  and  become  wholly  at  the  King's  devotion.'  (On 
Hungerford's  abandonment  of  Devizes  see  also  Waylen's  Marl- 
borough, p.  187.) 


444  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  Ludlow,  after  accompanying  Hungerford  to  Salisbury,  returned  to 
Essex's  head-quarters,  and  stayed  in  his  army  till  after  the  capture 
of  Reading  (April  26,  1643).  During  his  absence  Sir  William 
Waller,  marching  westward  after  his  recent  capture  of  Chichester, 
levied  contributions  at  Winchester  and  Salisbury,  and  on  March  23 
recaptured  Malmesbury.  Waller  sent  this  account  of  his  exploit  to 
the  Earl  of  Essex  : — 

'  I  sate  down  before  the  place  yesterday  a  little  after  noon.  At  my 
first  comming  their  horse  shewed  themselves  in  a  bravado  under  the 
side  of  a  wood,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  town,  but  upon 
the  first  proffer  of  a  charge  they  retired  hastily  towards  Cicester-way 
before  we  could  come  up  to  them  ;  whereupon  we  fell  to  worke  with 
the  towne,  which  is  the  strongest  in  land-scituation  that  ever  I  saw :  in 
the  skirts  of  the  town  there  were  gardens  walled  in  with  dry  stone 
wall,  from  whence  the  enemy  played  upon  us  as  we  came  on,  but 
within  halfe  an  houre  we  beat  them  out  of  those  strengths,  and  entered 
the  outer  or  lower  town  with  our  horse  and  foot,  and  kept  possession 
of  it,  the  enemy  withdrawing  into  the  upper,  where  they  had  bin  at 
cost  to  fortifie.  We  fell  on  the  west  port,  in  which  they  had  cast  up  a 
breast  work,  and  planted  a  peece  of  ordnance  :  the  street  so  narrow  at 
the  upper  end  next  the  work,  that  not  above  four  could  march  in 
breast ;  this  businesse  cost  hot  water.  As  we  fell  on  we  advanced  two 
drakes,  and  under  that  favour  our  musqueteers  possessed  themselves 
of  some  houses  ne'er  the  port,  from  whence  we  galled  the  enemy  very 
much.  If  our  men  had  come  out  roundly  we  had  then  carryed  it,  but 
the  falling  of  some  cooled  the  rest ;  and  so  the  first  assault  failed  after 
a  fight  of  neer  halfe  an  hour.  Whilst  we  were  preparing  to  renew  the 
assault,  the  enemy  shewed  himself  neer  the  town,  with  seaven,  or  (as 
some  say)  ten  troops  of  horse  ;  whereupon  Sir  Arthur  Hazelrig  fell  out 
upon  them  with  eight  troops,  but  upon  his  approach  they  retired 
speedily.  In  the  mean  time  before  his  return  that  night,we  gave  on  again 
upon  the  town,  and  had  a  very  hot  fight,  which  after  an  hours  continu- 
ance at  the  least,  we  were  fain  to  give  over  for  want  of  ammunition, 
the  main  part  whereof  was  unluckily  stayed  behind  by  a  mischance  of 
the  carriage,  and  could  not  come  up  till  the  next  morning.  I  was  in 
such  want  of  powder,  and  especialy  ball,  that  if  the  enemy  had  falen 
out  upon  me,  I  could  have  maintained  a  very  small  fight,  and  I  had  no 
notice  hereof  from  the  officer,  untill  I  was  reduced  to  this  straight ; 
whereupon  I  thought  fit  to  draw  off  the  drakes  that  night,  or  rather 
morning,  for  it  was  neer  two  of  the  clock.  The  better  to  effect  this,  and 
to  prevent  the  hazard  of  the  enemies  sally,  I  caused  all  the  drums  to 
beat,  and  trumpets  to  sound,  drawing  both  horse  and  foot  out  into  the 
streets  :  as  in  preparation  to  an  assault,  with  all  the  strength  I  had ; 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  445 

which  gave  the  enemy  such  apprehension,  that  immediately  they  sent  App.  II. 
out  a  drum,  and  craved  a  parly.  They  yeelded  upon  quarter,  and 
gave  me  entrance  about  seven  or  eight  of  the  clock  that  morning. 
They  were  about  three  hundred  foot,  and  a  troop  of  horse,  but  the 
horse  [as]  I  related  formerly,  shifted  for  themselves  upon  our  first 
coming.  We  have  prisoners,  Colonell  Harbert  Lunceford,  Colonell 
Cook,  Lieutenant  Colonell  Dabridgecourt,  Sergeant  Major  Finch,  six 
Captains,  six  Lieutenants,  six  Ensignes,  one  Cornet,  and  four  quarter- 
masters, besides  ordinary  souldiers,  part  wherof  we  mean  to  send  to 
Gloucester,  the  rest  to  BristoU.'  (A  letter  from  Sir  William  Waller  to 
the  right  honourable  Robert  Earl  of  Essex,  of  a  great  victory  he 
obtained  at  Malmesbury  in  the  county  of  Wilts,  4to,  1643.  See  also 
Godwin,  Civil  War  in  Hants,  1882,  pp.  54-56;  Vicars,  Jehovah  Jireh, 
p.  292 ;  Mercurius  Aulicus,  March  22,  25,  April  2,  1643.) 

Waller  committed  the  care  of  Malmesbury  to  Sir  Edward 
Hungerford. 

'  We  left  him  not  without  commanders,'  wrote  Waller  to  the  Parlia- 
ment ;  '  he  had  two  Serjeant-Majors,  able  men,  and  the  companies  of  his 
own  regiment,  and  a  company  of  dragoons,  with  ammunition  and  two 
hundred  muskets  to  put  into  the  countrymen's  hands  that  offered 
themselves  very  freely.  We  conceived  that  Sir  Edward  Hungerford's 
power  in  the  country,  with  that  strength,  would  easily  have  defended 
that  place  ;  but  for  reasons  best  known  to  himselfe,  he  quitted  it.' 
(Bibliotheca  Gloucestrensis,  p.  195;  cf.  Mercurius  Aulicus,  March  20, 
22,  25,  April  2,  1643.) 

Hungerford  retorted  by  publishing  a  remarkably  badly  written 
vindication,  which  explained  rather  than  justified  his  conduct.  It  is 
dated  'Bath,  April  28,  1643,'  and  signed  by  Thomas  Hungerford. 

'  I  was  appointed,'  he  says,  '  to  take  charge  of  that  towne  and  ac- 
cordingly expected  to  have  it  left  with  all  things  for  defence,  but  much 
business  happening,  and  Sir  William  Waller  hastening  out  of  towne 
upon  his  designe  towards  Gloucester,  before  any  consultation  could  be 
had  concerning  the  settlement  thereof,  upon  Thursday  I  went  out  of 
Malmesbury  towards  Tedbury,  with  Sir  William  Waller,  at  what  time 
the  town  was  left  with  more  prisoners  than  souldiers,  without  am- 
munition and  money ;  and  by  the  way  mentioning  to  Sir  William 
Waller,  the  dangerous  condition  of  that  towne  if  he  left  not  there  a 
very  considerable  party,  especially  in  case  he  removed  to  any  remote 
place,  without  forceing  the  enemy  first  from  Cirencester,  who  was  there 
at  that  time  very  stronge  both  in  horse  and  foot,  whereupon  Sir  William 
Waller  did  that  evening  at  Tedbury  order  3  barrells  of  powder  to 
be  presently  sent  unto  Malmesbury,  and  appointed  Major  Clyfton  to 


446  Appendix  II. 

Arr.  II.  repair  thither  to  joyne  with  Major  Trayle  in  the  ordering  of  the  forces 
there,  that  Captain  Talbot  with  his  troop  should  presently  go  thither  to 
guard  the  prisoners  from  thence  the  next  day  to  Bath,  and  Captain 
Walden  with  his  parcell  of  dragoons,  near  upon  20,  to  remain  at 
Malmesbury.  I  conceiving  that  the  said  Serjeant  Major  Clifton,  sent 
thither  by  Sir  William  Waller,  was  a  commander  able  and  fit  to  give 
direction  and  secure  the  towne,  I  left  all  my  forces  with  him  at 
Malmesbury,  and  went  myselfe  to  Bath  attended  onely  with  my  owne 
servants  speedily  to  send  more  ammunition,  men  and  horse,  whereof 
there  was  not  at  Malmesbury  a  sufficient  number  for  scouts,  as  also 
to  get  money  for  the  payment  of  the  garrison  at  Malmesbury.  Whilst 
I  was  about  this  worke,  had  gotten  my  horses  together,  made  up  two 
companies  ready  on  their  march  towards  Malmesbury,  with  ammunition 
(which  was  wanting  there)  for  ordnance,  and  a  supply  of  other  am- 
munition, newes  was  brought  that  Malmesbury  was  abandoned,  (and 
for  ought  I  could  understand)  rather  upon  the  conceipt  then  sight 
of  an  enemy.  The  cause  of  this  conceived  to  be,  from  an  apprehension 
of  the  power  of  an  enemy  neare  them  ;  the  small  force  they  had  then  in 
the  towne  (not  exceeding  120  souldiers)  to  make  resistance  ;  the  back- 
wardness of  the  country  to  come  in  to  beare  armes  or  to  assist  with 
money(who  seemed veryforwardwhilest  SirWilliamWallerwas  present, 
but  altered  their  mindes  so  soone  as  they  did  see  him  with  his  army  to 
be  departed  from  them) ;  my  souldiers  generally  discontented  that  they 
had  not  pillage  as  others  who  tooke  lesse  paines  (as  they  thought)  and 
lost  no  blood,  overburthened  with  duties,  being  but  a  few  in  number, 
and  howerly  raised  with  allarumes ;  the  captaines  at  oddes  amongst 
themselves,  Major  Trayle  that  should  have  reconciled  all,  not  so 
carefull  as  he  ought,  Major  Clifton  that  was  sent  to  joyne  with  him, 
gone  away  from  thence  to  Bath,  these  two  being  the  able  commanders 
especially  trusted  for  the  defence  of  the  towne.  One  of  the  officers  also 
amongst  them  did  much  increase  their  feares,  and  seeing  false  alarumes, 
and  after  as  their  number  decreased,  did  helpe  to  disarme  the  re- 
mainder ;  also  two  of  the  captaines  that  should  have  encouraged  them, 
told  them  they  were  all  but  dead  men,  if  they  did  not  flie  presently,  they 
being  the  first  that  showed  them  the  way  by  their  example ;  after  this 
the  souldiers  could  not  be  stayed,  but  in  spite  of  their  captain  and 
officers  which  were  left,  who  sought  to  keepe  them  in,  they  ran  away, 
so  that  in  an  houre  or  two  there  were  scarce  tenne  souldiers  left  in 
the  towne.  Thus  was  Malmesbury  left  at  1 1  of  the  clock  upon  Saturday 
at  night,  no  enemy  entring  until  seven  of  the  clock  next  morning 
being  Sunday.' 

Mercurius  Aulicus  for  INIarch  25,  1643,  relating  the  re-occupation 
of  Malmesbury,  claims  that  1 1  colours,  8  guns,  and  a  great  deal  of 
ammunition  M'ere  found  in  the  town,  '  their  new  governor  of  the 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  447 

town,  his  Lieutenant-Colonel  with  400  or  500  souldiers  being  all    Arc.  II. 
taken  prisoners.'    '  At  present,'  concludes  Hungerford's  letter,  '  the 
enemie  hath  in  garrison  there  400  foot  and  Curston  his  troope  of 
horse.    Collonell  Bamfeild  is  appointed  governor.' 

In  April,  however,  when  the  King  was  obliged  to  collect  his  scat- 
tered forces  to  make  up  an  army  for  the  relief  of  Reading,  the 
garrison  at  Malmesbury  was  drawn  off  (Mercurius  Aulicus,  April  22, 

1643)- 

Now  that  the  King's  forces  in  Wiltshire  were  diminished,  Hunger- 
ford,  returned  from  Somersetshire,  began  to  plunder  the  Royalist 
gentlemen,  and  laid  siege  to  Wardour. 

'  Out  of  Wiltshire  they  write  that  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  hath  been 
a  long  time  in  Sommersetshire,  whereby  their  country  hath  been  left 
in  a  naked  condition,  but  that  of  late  he  is  returned  with  Colonel! 
Stroud,  to  Mear,  whither  they  have  brought  along  with  them  700 
horse  and  foot,  and  also  that  they  were  there  joyfully  entertained,  and 
had  free  quarter  given  them  ;  and  that  during  their  abode  at  Mear, 
their  souldiers  seized  upon  Master  Arundel's  cattell,  and  killed  almost 
all  his  goates  on  Horningsham  Common,  and  they  also  got  into  the 
parke  at  Longleat,  and  killed  some  of  Sir  James  Thinne's  fallow  deer, 
and  afterward  they  marched  to  Warder  Castle.'  (Joyful  Newes  from 
Plimouth,  1643.) 

A  detailed  account  of  the  siege  of  Wardour,  of  the  devastation 
wrought  by  the  besiegers,  and  of  the  barbarity  of  Sir  Edward 
Hungerford  to  his  prisoners,  is  given  in  Mercurius  Rusticus,  No.  5. 
It  forms  a  proper  companion  picture  to  Ludlow's  account  of  the 
siege  he  sustained. 

'On  Tuesday  the  second  of  May  1643,  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  a 
chief  commander  of  the  rebels  in  Wiltshire,  came  with  his  forces  before 
Wardour  Castle  in  the  same  county,  being  the  mansion-house  of  the 
Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour  :  but  finding  the  castle  strong,  and  those 
that  were  in  it  resolute  not  to  yield  it  up  unless  by  force,  called  Colonel 
Strode  to  his  help.  Both  these  joined  in  one  made  a  body  of  1300,  or 
thereabout.  Being  come  before  it,  by  a  trumpet  they  summon  the 
castle  to  surrender :  the  reason  pretended  was,  because  the  castle  being 
a  receptacle  of  cavaliers  and  malignants,  both  Houses  of  Parliament 
had  ordered  it  to  be  searched  for  men  and  arms ;  and  withal  by  the 
same  trumpeter  declared,  that  if  they  found  either  money  or  plate, 
they  would  seize  on  it  for  the  use  of  the  Parliament.  The  Lady 
Arundell  (her  husband  being  then  at  Oxford,  and  since  that  dead 


448  Appendix  II. 

Ai'P.  II.  there)  refused  to  deliver  up  the  castle ;  and  bravely  replied,  that  she 
had  a  command  from  her  Lord  to  keep  it,  and  she  would  obey  his 
command. 

'  Being  denied  entrance,  the  next  day,  being  Wednesday  the  third 
of  May,  they  bring  up  the  cannon  within  musquet  shot  and  begin  the 
battery,  and  continue  from  the  Wednesday  to  the  Monday  following, 
never  giving  any  intermission  to  the  besieged,  who  were  but  twenty- 
five  fighting  men  to  make  good  the  place  against  an  army  of  1300. 
In  this  time  they  spring  two  mines  ;  the  first  in  a  vault,  through  which 
beer  and  wood  and  other  necessaries  were  brought  into  the  castle : 
this  did  not  much  hurt,  it  being  without  the  foundation  of  the  castle. 
The  second  was  conveyed  into  the  small  vaults  ;  which,  by  reason  of  the 
intercourse  between  the  several  passages  to  every  office,  and  almost 
every  room  in  the  castle,  did  much  shake  and  endanger  the  whole 
fabrick. 

'  The  rebels  had  often  tendered  some  unreasonable  conditions  to  the 
besieged  to  surrender ;  as  to  give  the  ladies,  both  the  mother  and  the 
daughter-in-law,  and  the  women  and  children,  quarter,  but  not  the 
men.  The  ladies  both  infinitely  scorning  to  sacrifice  the  lives  of  their 
friends  and  servants  to  redeem  their  own  from  the  cruelty  of  the  rebels, 
who  had  no  other  crime  of  which  they  could  count  them  guilty  but 
their  fidelity  and  earnest  endeavours  to  preserve  them  from  violence 
and  robbery,  chose  bravely  (according  to  the  nobleness  of  their 
honourable  families  from  which  they  were  both  extracted)  rather  to 
die  together  than  live  on  so  dishonourable  terms.  But  now,  the  castle 
brought  to  this  distress,  the  defendants  few,  oppressed  with  number, 
tired  out  with  continual  watching  and  labour  from  Tuesday  to 
Monday,  so  distracted  between  hunger  and  want  of  rest,  that  when 
the  hand  endeavoured  to  administer  food,  surprized  with  sleep  it 
forgat  its  employment,  the  morsels  falling  from  their  hands  while  they 
were  about  to  eat,  deluding  their  appetite  :  now,  when  it  might  have 
been  a  doubt  which  they  would  first  have  laded  their  musquets  withal, 
either  powder  before  bullet,  or  bullet  before  powder,  had  not  the  maid 
servants  (valiant  beyond  their  sex)  assisted  them,  and  done  that  service 
for  them :  lastly,  now,  when  the  rebels  had  brought  petarrs,  and 
applied  them  to  the  garden-doors  (which,  if  forced,  open  a  free  passage 
to  the  castle),  and  balls  of  wild-fire  to  throw  in  at  their  broken  windows, 
and  all  hopes  of  keeping  the  castle  was  taken  away  ;  now,  and  not  till 
now,  did  the  besieged  sound  a  parley.  And  though  in  their  Diurnals 
at  London  they  have  told  the  world  that  they  offered  threescore 
thousand  pounds  to  redeem  themselves  and  the  castle,  and  that  it  was 
refused,  yet  few  men  take  themselves  to  be  bound  anything  the  more 
to  believe  it  because  they  report  it.  I  would  Master  Case  would  leave 
preaching  treason,  and  instruct  his  disciples  to  put  away  lying,  and 
speak  every  man  truth  of  his  neighbour.     Certainly  the  world  would 


The  Civil  War  ifi   Wiltshire.  449 

not  be  so  abused  with  untruths  as  now  they  are  ;    amongst  which     Apr.  II. 
number  this  report  was  one :  for  if  they  in  the  castle  offered  so  liberally 
how  came  the  rebels  to  agree  upon  articles  of  surrender  so  far  beneath 
that  overture  ?  For  the  Articles  of  Surrender  were  these  : 

'  First,  That  the  ladies  and  all  others  in  the  castle  should  have 
quarter. 

'  Secondly,  That  the  ladies  and  servants  should  carry  away  all  their 
wearing  apparel ;  and  that  six  of  the  serving  men,  whom  the  ladies 
should  nominate,  should  attend  upon  their  persons  wheresoever  the 
rebels  should  dispose  of  them. 

'  Thirdly,  That  all  the  furniture  and  goods  in  the  house  should  be 
safe  from  plunder ;  and  to  this  purpose  one  of  the  six  nominated  to 
attend  the  ladies  was  to  stay  in  the  castle,  and  take  an  inventory  of 
all  in  the  house ;  of  which  the  commanders  were  to  have  one  copy 
and  the  ladies  another. 

'  But  being  on  these  terms  masters  of  the  castle  and  all  within  it, 
'tis  true  they  observed  the  first  article,  and  spared  the  lives  of  all  the 
besieged,  though  they  had  slain  in  the  defence  at  least  sixty  of  the 
rebels.  But  for  the  other  two  they  observed  them  not  in  any  part. 
As  soon  as  they  entered  the  castle,  they  first  seized  upon  the  several 
trunks  and  packs  which  they  of  the  castle  was  making  up,  and  left 
neither  the  ladies  nor  servants  any  other  wearing-clothes  but  what 
was  on  their  backs. 

'  There  was  in  the  castle,  amongst  many  rich  ones,  one  extraordinary 
chimney  piece,  valued  at  two  thousand  pounds ;  this  they  utterly  de- 
faced, and  beat  down  all  the  carved  works  thereof  with  their  pole- 
axes.  There  were  likewise  rare  pictures,  the  work  of  the  most  curious 
pencils  that  were  known  to  these  latter  times  of  the  world,  and  such 
that  Apelles  himself  (had  he  been  alive)  need  not  blush  to  own  for  his. 
These  in  a  wild  fury  they  break  and  tear  to  pieces ;  a  loss  that  neither 
cost  nor  art  can  repair. 

*  Having  thus  given  them  a  taste  what  performance  of  articles  they 
were  to  expect  from  them,  they  barbarously  lead  the  ladies,  and  the 
young  lady's  children,  two  sons  and  a  daughter,  prisoners  to  Shaftes- 
bury, some  four  or  five  miles  from  Wardour. 

'  While  they  were  prisoners,  to  mitigate  their  sorrows,  in  triumph 
they  bring  five  cart-loads  of  their  richest  hangings  and  other  furniture 
through  Shaftesbuiy  towards  Dorchester :  and  since  that,  contrary  to 
their  promise  and  faith,  given  both  by  Sir  Edward  Hungerford  and 
Strode,  they  plundered  the  whole  castle  :  so  little  use  was  there  of  the 
inventory  we  told  you  of,  unless  to  let  the  world  know  what  Lord 
Arundell  lost,  and  what  the  rebels  gained.  This  havock  they  made 
within  the  castle.  Without  they  burnt  all  the  out-houses  ;  they  pulled 
up  the  pales  of  two  parks,  the  one  of  red  deer  the  other  of  fallow ; 
what  they  did  not  kill  they  let  loose  to  the  world  for  the  next  taker. 
VOL.  I.  G  g 


450  Appendix  II. 

API'.  II.  In  the  parks  they  burn  three  tenements  and  two  lodges ;  they  cut 
down  all  the  trees  about  the  house  and  grounds.  Oaks  and  elms,  such 
as  but  few  places  could  boast  of  the  like,  whose  goodly  bushy  advanced 
heads  drew  the  eyes  of  travellers  on  the  plains  to  gaze  on  them ;  these 
they  sold  for  four-pence,  sixpence,  or  twelve-pence  a-piece,  that  were 
worth  three,  four,  or  five  pound  a  tree.  The  fruit-trees  they  pluck 
up  by  the  roots,  extending  their  malice  to  commit  spoil  on  that  which 
God  by  a  special  law  protected  from  destruction  even  in  the  land  of 
his  curse,  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  for  so  we  read  :  "  When  thou  shalt  be- 
siege a  city,  thou  shalt  not  destroy  the  trees  thereof  by  forcing  an  ax 
against  them,  for  thou  mayest  eat  of  them,  and  thou  shalt  not  cut  them 
down  and  employ  them  in  the  siege ;  only  the  trees  which  thou  knowest 
that  they  be  not  trees  for  meat  thou  shalt  destroy."  Deut.  xx.  19,  20. 
Nay  that  which  escaped  destruction  in  the  Deluge  cannot  escape  the 
hands  of  these  children  of  the  Apollyon  the  destroyer.  They  dig  up 
the  heads  of  twelve  great  ponds,  some  of  five  or  six  acres  a-piece,  and 
destroy  all  the  fish.  They  sell  carps  of  two  foot  long  for  two-pence 
and  three-pence  a-piece  :  they  sent  out  the  fish  by  cart-loads,  so  that 
the  country  could  not  spend  them.  Nay,  as  if  the  present  generation 
were  too  narrow  an  object  for  their  rage,  they  plunder  posterity,  and 
destroy  the  nurseries  of  the  great  ponds.  They  drive  away  and  sell 
their  horses,  kine,  and  other  cattle,  and  having  left  nothing  either  in 
air  or  water,  they  dig  under  the  earth.  The  castle  was  served  with 
water  brought  two  miles  by  a  conduit  of  lead  ;  and,  intending  rather 
mischief  to  the  king's  friends  than  profit  to  themselves,  they  cut  up 
the  pipe  and  sold  it  (as  these  men's  wives  in  North  Wiltshire  do  bone- 
lace)  at  six-pence  a  yard  ;  making  that  waste  for  a  poor  inconsiderable 
sum  which  two  thousand  pounds  will  not  make  good.  They  that  have 
the  unhappy  occasion  to  sum  up  these  losses,  value  them  at  no  less 
than  one  hundred  thousand  pounds.  And  though  this  loss  were  very 
great,  not  to  be  paralleled  by  any  except  that  of  the  Countess  of  Rivers, 
yet  there  was  something  in  these  sufferings  which  did  aggravate  them 
beyond  all  example  of  barbarity  which  unnatural  war  till  now  did 
produce,  and  that  was  Rachel's  tears,  "lamentation  and  weeping  and 
great  mourning,  a  mother  weeping  for  her  children,  and  would  not  be 
comforted,  because  they  were  taken  from  her."  For  the  rebels,  as  you 
hear,  having  carried  the  two  ladies  prisoners  to  Shaftesbury,  thinking 
them  not  safe  enough,  their  intent  is  to  remove  them  to  Bath,  a  place 
then  much  infected  both  with  the  plague  and  the  small-pox.  The  old 
lady  was  sick  under  a  double  confinement,  that  of  the  rebels  and  her 
own  indisposition.  All  were  unwilling  to  be  exposed  to  the  danger  of 
the  infection,  especially  the  young  lady,  having  three  children  with 
her  ;  they  were  too  dear,  too  rich  a  treasure  to  be  snatched  away  to 
such  probable  loss  without  reluctancy :  therefore  they  resolve  not  to 
yield  themselves  prisoners  unless  they  will  take  the  old  lady  out  of  her 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  451 

bed,  and  the  rest  by  violence,  and  so  carry  them  away.  But  the  Akp.  II. 
Rebels  fearing  lest  so  great  inhumanity  might  incense  the  people 
against  them,  and  render  them  odious  to  the  country,  decline  this ; 
and,  since  they  dare  not  carry  all  to  Bath,  they  resolve  to  carry  some 
to  Dorchester,  a  place  no  less  dangerous  for  the  infection  of  schism  and 
rebellion  than  Bath  for  the  plague  and  the  small-pox.  To  this  purpose 
they  take  the  young  lady's  two  sons  (the  eldest  but  nine,  the  younger 
but  seven  years  of  age),  and  carried  them  captives  to  Dorchester. 

'  In  vain  doth  the  mother  with  tears  intreat  that  these  pretty  pledges 
of  her  lord's  affections  may  not  be  snatched  from  her.  In  vain  do  the 
children  embrace  and  hang  about  the  neck  of  their  mother,  and  im- 
plore help  from  her,  that  neither  knows  how  to  keep  them,  nor  yet 
how  to  part  with  them  :  but  the  Rebels,  having  lost  all  bowels  of  com- 
passion, remain  inexorable.  The  complaints  of  the  mother,  the  pitiful 
cry  of  the  children,  prevail  not  with  them ;  like  ravenous  wolves  they 
seize  on  the  prey,  and  though  they  do  not  crop,  yet  they  transplant 
those  "  olive  branches  that  stood  about  their  parents'  table."  ' 

Lord  Arundel,  naturally  seeing  no  reason  why  two  young 
children  should  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  wrote  to  Sir  William 
Waller,  begging  him  to  restore  his  sons.  Waller's  answer  which 
follows  is  taken  from  a  paper  amongst  Clarendon's  MSS.  (No. 
1719)  containing  a  rough  draught  of  several  letters  of  Waller's 
concerning  the  exchange  of  prisoners  and  similar  subjects. 

'  I  shall  readily  apprehend  any  occasion  that  may  enable  me  to 
serve  you,  but  in  this  particular  concerning  the  restitution  of  your 
children  itt  is  my  unhappiness  that  I  am  not  capable  of  performing 
your  command,  they  being  by  an  order  from  the  Parliament  (directed 
to  Sir  Edward  Hungerford)  removed  to  London.  I  was  a  meer 
stranger  both  to  their  taking  and  removall,  and  therefore  I  presume 
your  nobleness  will  impute  nothing  to  me  in  either.  If  there  be  any- 
thing within  the  narrow  sphere  of  my  power,  wherein  I  may  be  service- 
able, your  Lordship  shall  find  me  most  ready  to  give  demonstration 
that  I  am,'  &c.,  «S:c. 

Parliament  refused  to  surrender  Lord  Arundel's  children.  On 
June  17,  1643,  the  Commons  resolved  that  Martin  Holbech  of 
Felsted  in  Essex,  a  celebrated  Puritan  divine  and  schoolmaster, 
should  '  be  desired  to  receive  into  his  house  and  to  take  the  care  and 
tuition  of  the  two  sons  of  Lord  Arundel  of  Wardour.'  On  May  10, 
1644,  it  was  voted  that  they  should  be  exchanged  for  the  children 
of  Lord  Robartes,  '  now  prisoners  with  the  king.'  At  this  Sir 
Edward  Hungerford  claimed,  that  before  they  were  released   he 

G  s:  2 


452  Appendix  II. 

Apr.  II.  should  be  satisfied  for  the  cost  of  keeping  them  (C.  J.  iii.  131,  488, 
553,  573).  Parliament  resolved  that  Wardour  Castle  should  be 
maintained  as  a  garrison  and  Ludlow  was  appointed  its  governor 
(C.  J.  iii.  79  ;  vi.  508).  At  the  time  when  he  accepted  this  post 
the  Parliamentary  cause  in  Wiltshire  was  in  a  very  critical  condition. 
Owing  to  the  quarrels  of  Baynton  and  Hungerford,  to  Hungerford's 
incapacity,  and  to  the  loss  of  Marlborough,  the  original  enthusiasm 
shown  by  the  people  in  general  had  greatly  declined.  The  temporary 
success  just  gained  was  due  entirely  to  the  drawing  off  of  the  King's 
forces.  The  Parliamentary  forces  in  Wiltshire  were  ill  disciplined, 
and  weak  in  numbers.  The  general  ill  success  of  the  Parliamentary 
arms  during  the  summer  of  1643  rendered  Ludlow's  position  still 
more  precarious.  On  July  5,  1643,  Waller  practically  defeated 
Hopton  at  Lansdowne,  and  on  July  9  besieged  him  at  Devizes  as  he 
strove  to  make  his  way  to  Oxford.  On  July  13,  however,  the  siege 
was  raised  and  Waller's  army  destroyed  at  Roundway  Down  by 
Prince  Maurice  and  General  Wilmot  (Clarendon,  vii.  1 10-120; 
Bibliotheca  Gloucestrensis,  p.  201  ;  Gardiner,  Great  Civil  War,  i. 
202-4).  All  the  west  (excepting  Plymouth  and  Lyme,  and  one  or 
two  other  ports)  now  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Royalists.  Bristol  was 
captured  on  July  27,  Exeter  on  Sept.  7,  and  Gloucester  besieged  in 
August. 

During  the  summer  of  1643,  "^  Parliamentarian  garrison  had 
again  occupied  Malmesbury ;  but  about  July  21  that  town  was 
again  captured  by  the  Royalists.  Mercurius  Aulicus  for  July  23 
thus  relates  its  recapture  : — 

'  It  was  advertised  this  day  that  certain  of  his  Majestie's  forces, 
being  in  their  march  towards  Bristol,  had  taken  Malmesbury  from  the 
Rebels.  The  towne  had  been  abandoned  by  his  Majestie,  and  all  the 
garrison  and  ordnance  removed  thence  by  his  especiall  command,  at 
such  time  as  the  Earl  of  Essex  had  beleaguered  Reading  ;  and  not 
possessed  by  the  Rebels,  till  that  of  late  it  was  thought  fit  by  some  of 
their  principall  leaders  to  put  a  garrison  of  80  horse  and  400  foot  into 
it,  with  some  9  peeces  of  cannon,  for  the  better  bridling  of  the 
country,  and  awing  of  the  parts  adjoyning  whome  they  plagued 
sufficiently.  But  notice  being  given  to  some  of  his  Majesties  com- 
manders quartered  thereabouts,  where  the  guards  were  weakest,  and 
the  towne  most  fit  for  an  assault,  they  fell  upon  it  in  the  night  (about 
two  nights  since),  and  having  forced  em  easie  passage  through  the 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  453 

carelesse  guards,  made  themselves  masters  of  the  place ;  as  also  of  the    Ari',  1 1, 
cannon,  armes,  and  ammunition ;  some  of  the  souldiers  being  killed 
and  the  most  parte  taken  ;  the  rest  providing  for  themselves,  by  some 
close  conveyances,  under  the  covert  of  the  night.' 

In  consequence  of  this  capture  Ludlow's  position  at  Wardour 
became  still  more  exposed  and  isolated.  The  nearest  garrisons 
from  which  he  could  expect  succour  were  Gloucester,  itself  hard 
pressed,  and  Portsmouth,  both  of  which  remained  in  the  Parlia- 
ment's hands  throughout  the  war.  Smaller  posts  like  Southampton 
and  Poole  could  send  litde  assistance.  Seeing  the  danger  of  his 
position,  his  friends  on  the  Royalist  side  endeavoured  to  induce  him 
to  surrender.  His  father,  solicitous  for  his  safety,  apprehending  that 
he  could  not  be  relieved  in  three  or  four  months  if  he  were  besieged, 
and  knowing  that  the  enemy  were  masters  of  the  field  in  those 
parts,  and  that  he  was  twenty  miles  from  any  other  Parliamentary 
garrison,  procured  an  order  from  the  Parliament  empowering  his 
son  to  destroy  the  fortifications  of  the  Castle  and  draw  off  his 
troops.  But  Ludlow  repulsed  these  overtures,  rejected  this  chance 
of  safety,  and  prepared  quietly  for  the  worst.  The  position  he 
held  was  of  little  military  value.  The  value  of  the  defence  of 
Wardour  lay  in  the  example  which,  in  a  time  of  discouragements 
and  defeats,  it  gave  to  all  those  who  were  fighting  for  the  Parliament, 
in  the  indomitable  courage  and  tenacity  with  which  he  maintained 
his  trust.  It  was  the  display  of  these  qualities  which  founded 
Ludlow's  reputation  amongst  Puritan  soldiers,  and  drew  the  atten- 
tion of  the  leaders  of  his  party.  What  made  his  conduct  still  more 
prominent  was  the  absence  or  removal  of  the  local  leaders  who  had 
originally  championed  the  Parliamentary  cause  in  Wiltshire.  His 
father  died  in  October  1643.  Sir  Edward  Hungerford,  after  the 
capture  of  Wardour,  disappears  from^  the  history  of  the  local 
war.  His  later  exploits  had  Somersetshire  for  their  scene.  Sir 
Edward  Baynton,  arrested  in  August  1643,  for  making  false  and 
scandalous  charges  against  Lord  Say  and  Mr.  Pj'm,  was  under 
restraint  in  London  till  August  1644  (C.  J.  iii.  228,  235,  606). 
At  the  time  of  his  arrest,  Baynton,  as  the  following  letter  to  Sir 
Edward  Hyde  shows,  was  secretly  endeavouring  to  make  his  peace 
with  the  King. 


454  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  '  Honoured  Sir, 

'  I  should  have  trobled  you  before  nowe  but  that  I  could  not  have 
any  oppertunity  of  writing.  In  the  first  place,  lett  me  entreat  you  toe 
present  my  humble  service  toe  my  Lord  Marques  of  Hertford,  with 
this  request  toe  you  both,  that  his  Lordship  with  your  assistance  would 
procure  my  pardon  from  the  King,  which  if  you  cann  obtayne  I  will 
presently  cume  home  toe  my  howse  in  Wilts,  and  if  I  am  never  able 
toe  requite  soe  great  a  favor,  yet  I  desire  you  both  to  be  confident 
that  your  greatest  enemies  shall  never  justly  reproatch  you  for  pro- 
curing my  pardon.  I  have  written  toe  Sir  Lewis  Dives  and  Mr.  Robert 
Longe,  whoe  if  you  please  toe  speake  with  [them]  will  be  able  toe 
assist  you  with  some  reasons  for  this  shute  of 

'  Your  assured  friend  to  serve  you, 
'Newport,  'Ed.  Baynton. 

tJiis  26th  of  August^  1643. 

'  My  Sonne  Rogers  is  heare  with  me,  and  if  he  may  have  his  pardon, 
which  Sir  John  Heale  hath  undertaken  toe  procure,  we  entend  toe 
runn  one  fortune.' 

Sir  John  Evelyn  of  Godstone,  suspected  of  disaffection  and 
accused  of  spreading  scandalous  reports  against  his  leaders,  was 
arrested  about  the  same  time,  and  kept  in  custody  till  September 
1644  (C.  J.  iii.  217,  220,  640).  Ludlow  was  thus  the  only  repre- 
sentative of  these  original  leaders  who  was  still  fighting  for  the  cause 
in  Wiltshire. 

The  siege  of  Wardour  began  in  earnest  about  December  1643, 
and  lasted  about  three  months.  Before  the  besiegers  sprang  their 
mine,  and  when  they  were  preparing  to  storm,  Sir  Francis 
Doddington  sent  Ludlow  a  final  summons,  reminding  him  of  the 
relation  between  their  families,  and  urging  him  to  spare  further 
bloodshed  by  a  timely  surrender.  Ludlow  returned  the  following 
answer,  printed  at  the  time  in  the  newspapers  of  both  parties, 
and  here  from  the  Tanner  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library  (Ixii. 
p.  627). 

•  For  the  Right  Worshipful]  Sir  Francis  Doddington,  the  gentlemen 
and  souldiers  lying  before  Wardour  Castle. 
'  Sir, 

'As  I  may  not  omniiit  my  thankefull  acknowledgment  for  the  ex- 
pression of  your  respects  unto  our  family,  soe  may  I  not  passe  by  the 
cleareing  of  mine  innocency  touching  any  offence  committed  against 
my  leidge  Soveraigne.  I  shall  never  seeke  by-paths  (by  deserting  my 
Saviour,  who  is  the  way,  the  truth,  and  the  life)  to  attaine  the  haven  of 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  455 

peace,  and  happynesse.  Yet  shall  I  not  bee  soe  presumptuous  upon  the  Aim-.  II. 
mercys  of  the  Almighty,  to  draw  downe  his  justice  upon  my  head,  for 
the  guilt  of  so  many  men's  blood,  as  are  now  with  me,  by  an  obstinate 
resolution  to  withstand  all  opposers  without  hopes  of  releife.  If  you 
shall  thinke  fitt  therefore  (according  to  the  scope  of  my  late  discourse) 
to  permitt  that  a  messenger  have  free  egresse  and  regresse  unto  our 
armies,  by  whome  if  I  understand  our  condition  to  [be]  soe  helpclesse, 
as  by  you  I  am  informed  it  is,  I  shall  then  ease  you  of  a  chardgeable 
and  dangerous  summer  seidge,  by  proposeing  suche  tearmes,  as  to  any 
indifferent  man,  shall  seeme  most  reasonable.  If  soe  be  you  shall  con- 
tinue to  lend  a  deafe  eare  to  this  motion,  I  have  heerein  laboured  to 
dischardge  a  good  conscience,  and  doe  assure  my  selfe  (knoweing  in 
whome  I  have  trusted)  that  for  all  the  blood  that  hath  or  shall  bee 
spilt,  either  on  your  part  in  assaulting,  or  on  ours  in  defending  our 
lawfull  rights,  there  shall  bee  a  strict  account  requiered  from  you  at 
the  dreadfuU  day  of  judgement,  without  your  serious  and  timely 
repentance.  'Edmund  Ludlowe. 

'  Wardour  Castle, 

this  13M  of  March,  1643.' 

On  March  18,  1644,  Ludlow  was  forced  to  surrender,  as  the 
Castle  had  become  utterly  untenable.  Mercurius  Aulicus,  after 
quoting  the  letter,  thus  comments  on  the  surrender: — 

'  Master  Ludlow  left  off  preaching  within  four  or  five  days,  for  when 
he  saw  the  mine  deprive  him  of  his  fortifications,  he  delivered  up 
himselfe  and  all  the  garrison  (75  persons)  without  so  much  as 
promise  of  quarter,  with  all  the  canon,  arms,  ammunition,  baggage, 
and  the  Lord  Arundel's  plate,  which  it  seems  had  not  yet  found  the 
way  from  home.  At  the  springing  of  the  mine  Captain  Lister  attempted 
to  enter  and  lost  5  common  soldiers.  Col.  Barnes  lost  5  more  by 
occasional  shots  ;  which  ten  were  all  that  were  lost  from  the  beginning 
of  the  siege.  Captain  Ludlow  had  more  blown  up  at  once,  and  the  rest 
with  himself  are  since  brought  prisoners  to  Oxford  Castle.'  (Aulicus, 
March  19,  1644.) 

Ludlow  was  very  civilly  treated  by  Doddington  after  his  sur- 
render, though  the  conditions  promised  to  his  men  were  not  fairly 
kept.  Lord  Arundel  himself  showed  Ludlow  much  kindness,  which 
the  latter  endeavoured  to  requite  eight  years  later,  by  intervening  on 
behalf  of  Arundel  with  the  Parliament.  This  letter  also  is  amongst 
the  Tanner  MSS.  (liii.  192). 

'Mr.  Speaker, 

'  When  I  had  the  honour  of  sitting  with  you  in  Parliament,  a  motion 
being  made  for  the  insertion  of  the  Lord  Arrundell  of  Wardour's  estate 


45 6  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  into  the  Bill  of  Sale,  I  tooke  the  bouldnes  to  informe  you  of  his  timely 
submission,  of  his  fairer  deportment  ever  since,  and  of  his  constant 
endeavours  to  compound,  which  I  was  the  rather  induced  to  doe,  from 
the  sence  I  had  of  the  favour  he  intended  mee  upon  the  rendition  of 
Wardor  Castle,  when  finding  Sir  Francis  Dodington,  who  comanded 
before  that  place,  resolved  to  give  me  noe  quarter,  he  procured  a  power 
from  Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  who  then  comanded  in  cheife  in  the  West,  to 
give  me  my  life,  in  case  Sir  Francis  Dodington  should  have  persisted. 
Att  that  time  you  were  pleased  not  to  expose  his  estate  to  sale,  but  by 
a  later  addiccion  you  have  ordered  it  to  be  sold,  I  dare  not  suppose, 
but  upon  full  consideracion  of  all  circumstances,  neither  am  I  un- 
acquainted with  your  pressing  necessities  for  money,  and  of  my  duty 
to  acquiesce  in  your  pleasure  herein,  yett  upon  the  importunity  of  a 
gentleman  who  is  sent  of  purpose  to  Ireland  by  the  Lord  Arrundell  to 
desire  [me  to]  '  lay  thus  much  before  you,  I  have  presumed  soe  to  doe, 
for  which  I  humbly  begg  your  pardon,  and  desire  the  God  of  wisdome 
to  direct  you  in  all  your  weighty  affaires,  subscribing  myselfe, 
*  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  Your  most  humble 

'and  faithfull  Servant, 

'Dublin,  'Edm.  Ludlowe. 

^'^  Jantiarii,  1652.' 

{Endorsed : — Lt.-Gen.  Ludloe's  lettre  for  the  Lord  Arundell,  Jan.  3, 
1652.] 

Wardour  Castle  was  the  last  fortress  held  by  the  Parliamentarians 
in  Wiltshire,  which  now  passed  entirely  under  the  control  of  the 
Royalists.  Two  months  later  however  they  once  more  gained  a 
footing  there.  Col.  Edward  Massey,  after  his  successful  defence  of 
Gloucester  in  Sept.  1643,  had  adopted  a  vigorous  offensive  policy 
against  the  adjacent  Royalist  garrisons.  During  the  winter  of  1643-4 
he  captured  a  number  of  fortified  houses  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Gloucester,  and  in  May,  1644,  succeeded  by  a  sudden  attack  in  re- 
capturing IMalmesbury.  ('  Ebenezer,  a  full  and  exact  relation  of  the 
severall  remarkable  and  victorious  proceedings  of  the  ever  renowned 
Colonell  Massey  from  May  7  to  May  25,  1644,'  reprinted  in 
Bibliotheca  Gloucestrensis,  pp.  325-337.)  The  following  account 
of  this  exploit  is  given  by  John  Corbet,  Massey's  chaplain,  in  his 
'  Historicall  Relation  of  the  Military  Government  of  Gloucester  ' 
(ib.  p.  98).     IMassey,  after  capturing  Bcverston  Castle  in  Gloucestcr- 

'  [A  hole  in  the  MS.  here.] 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  457 

shire  on  the  night  of  May  23,  1644,  marched  to  Malmesbury  and    App.  II. 
summoned  it  on  the  24th. 

'Whilst  the  horse  faced  the  towne  Colonell  Massie  sent  in  the 
summons,  but  the  enemy  put  on  the  appearance  of  bravery,  fired  upon 
the  horse,  and  Colonell  Henry  Howard  governor  of  the  garrison  sent 
back  a  resolute  answer.  Thereupon  our  foot  and  artillery  were  brought 
up  from  Tedbury,  and  within  two  houres  drawne  into  the  suburbs  and 
lower  part  of  the  towne.  The  foot  broke  their  way  through  the  houses 
till  they  came  almost  up  to  the  workes,  and  the  only  place  of  entrance 
into  the  towne,  which  is  built  upon  the  levell  of  a  rocke.  Colonell 
Massie  caused  a  blinde  to  be  made  crosse  the  street  to  bring  up  the 
ordnance,  within  carbine  shot :  when  on  the  sudden  the  fancie  of  an 
alarm  seized  upon  our  men  in  the  heate  of  the  businesse,  that  the 
enemy  were  sallying  out  upon  them,  which  was  nothing  so.  This  un- 
expected accident  strucke  those  men  that  at  other  times  would  brave  it 
in  the  face  of  an  enemy,  with  such  distraction  and  feare,  that  they  all 
fled,  and  left  their  cannon  in  the  open  street.  This  meere  conceit  was 
like  to  overturne  all :  but  they  within  observed  not.  After  a  while  the 
souldiers  recovered  themselves,  regained  and  kept  their  ground,  and 
the  governour  resolved  to  storme  the  towne  in  three  places  at  once. 
The  severall  parties  were  drawne  out  to  the  places  of  assault,  but  this 
designe  miscarried  through  the  mis-understanding  of  the  signall.  The 
parties  returne  unto  the  governour,  who  resolved  to  make  the  assault 
at  breake  of  day  in  one  place  where  himselfe  kept  the  only  passage  into 
the  town,  having  no  draw-bridge  at  the  entrance,  but  only  a  turn-pike, 
whereas  the  other  parts  were  almost  inaccessible,  guarded  by  a  steepe 
descent,  and  double  channell  round  about.  The  houses  within  pistol 
shot  of  the  workes  were  our  maine  advantage,  by  which  meanes  our  men 
were  brought  safe  under  the  shelter  of  their  workes.  And  the  gover- 
nour observing  the  late  effects  of  a  panick  feare  amongst  his  owne  men, 
gave  the  charge  that  they  should  fall  on  all  together  with  a  sudden  and 
confused  noise,  to  amaze  the  enemy  and  disturbe  the  command  of  the 
officers.  The  forlorne  hope  advanced,  seconded  with  a  good  reserve  ; 
all  put  on  together,  came  up  to  the  turne-pike,  and  threw  in  granadoes, 
the  enemy  made  many  shots  at  randome,  in  the  disadvantage  of  a  rainy 
night,  and  their  muskets  lying  wet  on  the  workes.  So  that  our  men 
came  all  in  a  croude  to  the  narrow  passage,  and  thronged  in,  and  not 
a  man  slaine  or  wounded  in  the  storme.  One  only  was  killed  the 
night  before  in  helping  to  make  the  blinde.  Colonell  Howard  was 
taken  at  the  workes  after  three  shots  received  in  severall  parts  of  his 
garment,  each  of  which  missed  his  body.  An  hundred  musketiers  were 
taken  prisoners,  many  having  escaped  ;  besides  those  of  Beverston- 
Castle,  who  came  hither  for  refuge  the  day  before.  This  service  was 
performed  gallantly  by  our  men,  after  three  dales'  continuall  march. 


458  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  Upon  the  first  entrance  Colonell  Massie  preserved  the  town  from 
plunder,  nor  at  any  time  did  he  suffer  his  souldiers  to  ransacke  any 
place  that  he  took  by  storme,  giving  this  reason,  that  he  could  judge  no 
part  of  England  an  enemie's  countrey,  nor  an  English  town  capable  of 
devastation  by  English  souldiers.' 

On  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  capture,  the  House  of 
Commons  voted  (May  31,  1644)  '  that  the  town  of  Malmsbury  and 
the  Castle  of  Beverston,  as  to  the  government  of  them,  shall  be 
left  wholly  to  the  disposal  of  Colonel  Massey'  (C.  J.  iii.  511). 
Massey  accordingly  sent  Col.  Nicholas  Devereux  and  his  regiment 
to  garrison  Malmesbury,  and  appointed  Col.  Thomas  Stephens 
governor  of  Beverston  Castle. 

During  July  Parliament  passed  two  important  ordinances  con- 
cerning Wiltshire.  The  first  passed  on  July  i,  1644,  established 
what  was  known  as  '  The  Western  Association,'  consisting  of  the 
counties  of  Wilts,  Dorset,  Somerset,  Devon,  and  Cornwall,  and  the 
towns  of  Bristol,  Exeter,  and  Poole,  appointing  committees  in  each 
to  put  in  force  the  sequestration  ordinances,  and  levy  taxes.  The 
second  ordinance,  passed  on  July  15,  referred  to  Wiltshire  alone, 
and  appointed  a  local  Committee  with  power  to  raise  troops  and 
money  to  maintain  them.     The  preamble  states  : — 

'  Whereas  the  said  County  of  Wilts  and  the  inhabitants  thereof,  for 
the  space  of  almost  two  years  now  last  past,  have  lain  under  the  in- 
tolerable pressures,  taxes,  impositions,  and  plunderings,  of  the  enemy's 
forces  by  means  whereof  they  are  now  in  a  very  sad  condition  ;  for 
remedy  whereof  there  is  great  and  urgent  necessity  that  such  a  com- 
petent number  of  horse,  foot,  and  arms  should  be  forthwith  raised,  as 
may  defend  and  preserve  the  said  county,  and  maintain  the  garrison 
of  Malmesbury,'  &c.  (L.  J.  vi.  612,  637;  Husbands,  Ordinances,  folio, 
1646,  pp.  514,  526.) 

Malmesbury  was  still  maintained  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massey. 
Essex,  on  his  march  into  the  West  in  the  summer  of  1644,  had 
made  Massey  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Gloucestershire  forces, 
and  the  Committee  of  Wilts  also  voted  him  the  command  of  their 
troops  (Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644,  p.  478).  Hence  the  conflict  of  juris- 
dictions between  Massey  and  Waller  to  which  Ludlow  refers  in  his 
^lemoirs  (pp.  95,  loi).    On  May  24,  1645,  Massey  was  by  another 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  459 

ordinance  made  Commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the  Western    An-.  II. 
Association,  with  the  stipulation  however  that  if  Fairfax  marched 
into  the  Western  counties,  Massey  should  be  under  his  orders  (ib. 
p.  652). 

Personally  none  was  more  closely  affected  by  this  conflict  than 
Ludlow  himself.  On  his  release  from  imprisonment  he  had 
accepted  a  commission  as  major  and  captain  in  Sir  Arthur 
Haselrig's  regiment  of  horse  in  Sir  William  Waller's  army  (May 
10,  1644).  Then  on  July  30,  1644,  he  had  received  a  new  com- 
mission as  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  horse  in  the  pay  of  the 
Wiltshire  Committee,  and  to  form  the  nucleus  of  this  regiment 
carried  with  him  the  troop  he  had  raised  for  Haselrig's  regiment. 
This  commission  was  apparently  from  Waller,  and  the  Committee 
of  Wilts  wished  Ludlow  to  surrender  it,  and  to  take  instead  a  com- 
mission from  Essex  which  would  have  placed  him  under  the  orders 
of  Massey.  The  situation  was  further  complicated  when  Waller  in 
August,  1644,  was  sent  into  the  West  with  a  body  of  cavalry  to 
relieve  Essex,  and  expected  the  Wiltshire  horse  to  march  with  him 
(Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644,  pp.  239,  343,  475,  478,  490,  501,  511). 
Moreover,  while  Ludlow  seems  to  have  been  anxious  to  serve  under 
Waller,  his  major,  Francis  Dowett  or  Duett,  would  only  receive 
orders  from  the  Wiltshire  Committee. 

Ludlow  seems  to  have  parted  from  Waller's  army  at  the  end  of 
June,  1644.  Immediately  he  arrived  in  Wiltshire  he  was  summoned 
to  relieve  Major  Wansey  at  Woodhouse,  and  was,  as  his  own 
account  in  the  Memoirs  shows,  completely  routed  by  Sir  Ralph 
Hopton's  forces.  The  two  Royalist  accounts  of  this  defeat  which 
follow  may  be  compared  with  Ludlow's  narrative.  Describing 
the  march  of  the  King's  army  into  the  West  in  July,  1644,  Sir 
Edward  Walker  says  : — 

'  At  Bath  ...  we  refreshed  our  army  a  day  and  gave  assistance  to  a 
party  drawn  out  of  Bristol  under  the  command  of  Sir  Francis  Dod- 
dington,  to  regain  a  house  of  Mr.  Arundel's  called  Woodhouse,  near 
Frome,  possessed  by  one  Wansey,  a  person  of  equal  quality  with  many 
of  the  rebels  officers  though  lately  a  watchmaker  in  Warminster. 
And  here  it  will  be  very  pertinent  to  let  you  know  that  a  little 
before  this  time,  Ludlow  the  mock  sheriff  of  Wilts,  the  two  Pophams, 
Stroud,  and  others  settled  themselves  as  a  committee  at  the  Devizes, 


460  Appendix  II. 

Arp.  n.  endeavouring  to  draw  his  Majesty's  subjects  from  their  due  obedience  ; 
and  then  placed  this  Wansey  in  Mr.  Arundel's  house.  For  regaining 
of  which  and  prevention  of  their  further  growth,  the  Lord  Hopton  sent 
Sir  Francis  Doddington  with  some  troops  of  horse  and  dragoons  to 
quarter  thereabouts.  But  the  rebels  grew  so  strong  as  they  threatened 
his  quarters  ;  upon  intelligence  whereof  the  Lord  Hopton  drew  a 
greater  strength  from  Bristol  and  joined  with  him  ;  resolving  if  the 
rebels  failed  to  attempt  his  quarters,  to  be  with  them  the  next  night  at 
their  head-quarters.  But  the  rebels  confident  of  their  strength  came 
to  Warminster,  and  the  next  day  being  the  7th  of  July  the  scouts 
of  both  parties  met  and  fought,  which  gave  the  alarm.  The  Lord 
Hopton  presently  advanced  and  charged  the  rebels  ;  whereupon  they 
presently  brake  and  ran  so  fast,  as  the  Lord  Hopton's  horse,  having 
marched  all  night,  could  not  follow  them  ;  yet  Sir  Francis  Doddington's 
horse  pursued  them  close,  and  had  execution  of  them  to  Salisbury 
(full  16  miles)  and  through  and  beyond  it  6  miles  more.  In  this 
long  pursuit  he  slew  about  100,  took  as  many  more  prisoners,  besides 
100  new  pair  of  pistols,  and  about  40  musquets,  and  released  divers 
countrymen  the  rebels  had  taken  ;  and  so  dispersed  this  growing 
body,  as  that  of  300,  not  40  got  in  to  Southampton.  Sir  Francis 
having  fought  almost  a  summer's  day,  and  chased  them  22  miles, 
returned  with  his  prisoners  and  arms.  And  now  he  had  more 
leisure  to  prosecute  his  design  of  getting  Woodhouse,  which  he  had 
brought  to  good  perfection  by  the  time  we  came  to  Bath  ;  from  whence 
his  Majesty  sent  a  party  of  foot,  with  two  pieces  of  cannon  to  his 
assistance.  Who,  the  besieged  being  obstinate,  took  it  the  next  day 
by  assault  ;  in  which  they  slew  about  20,  and  took  their  governor 
Wansey,  and  about  80  more  prisoners.  Sir  Francis  did  not  com- 
pliment, but  used  them  as  rebels  and  presently  hung  up  about  1 4 
of  them,  and  could  hardly  be  induced  to  spare  the  rest,  who  were  at 
length  sent  prisoners  to  Bristol.'  (See  Edward  Walker's  Historical 
Discourses,  1705,  p.  39.) 

Mercurius  Aulicus  for  Saturday,  July  6,  gives  the  following 
story : — 

'To-day  we  must  tell  you  of  a  better  scouring  yet,  bestowed  upon 
the  Rebels  by  the  noble  Lord  Hopton,  who  perceiving  an  inconvenience 
growing  upon  Wiltshire,  through  a  New  Committee  which  was  then  in 
rearing  up,  consisting  of  Captaine  Ludlow  the  Mock  Sheriffe  of  that 
County,  the  Two  Popphams,  Stroud,  and  one  Bennet.  These  worthy 
Commissioners  sat  downe  about  the  Devizes,  and  enticed  the  Country 
in,  began  (as  the  manner  of  that  Faction  is)  to  draw  into  an  Assembly, 
and  had  put  an  obstinate  fellow  with  some  foot  into  Master  Arundels 
house  at  Hornesham.  For  prevention  whereof  the  Lord  Hopton  sent 
Sir  Francis  Doddington  with  a  partee  of  horse  and  Dragoons  to  quarter 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  461 

about  that  house,  and  take  what  advantage  he  could  upon  the  enemy  Arr.  II. 
on  either  hand.  But  the  Rebels  Committee  grew  so  strong  as  they 
began  to  threaten  Sir  Francis  his  troops,  who  sending  intelligence 
yesterday  to  Bristol,  that  the  same  night  the  Rebels  resolved  to 
advance  upon  him,  the  Lord  Hopton  thereupon  marched  instantly 
from  Bristol,  and  by  two  of  the  clocke  next  morning  came  to  his 
owne  house  at  Wittham  neare  the  Rebels  Quarters  ;  with  intention 
if  they  came,  to  joyne  both  parties  to  repell  them  ;  but  if  they  fail'd, 
not  to  faile  to  visit  them  next  night  at  the  Devizes.  But  the  Rebels 
kept  their  word,  and  came  yester  night  to  Warminster,  and  this 
morning  early  both  Scouts  met  and  fought,  which  giving  the  Alarme, 
the  Lord  Hopton  advanced  towards  them  three  miles  east  of  War- 
minster, where  he  charged  the  Rebels  with  such  skill  and  courage  that 
they  presently  brake,  and  ranne  so  fast  away,  that  his  Lordships  Horse 
(having  marched  all  night)  were  too  weary  to  follow  them.  Yet  Sir 
Francis  Doddington  with  his  fresh  Horse  pursued  them  close,  and  had 
full  execution  on  them  from  place  to  place  till  they  came  to  Salisbury 
(16  long  miles),  followed  them  through  Salisbury,  and  six  miles 
farther,  to  the  borders  of  Hampshire,  all  the  way  having  slaughter 
upon  them,  killed  betwixt  loo  and  sixescore,  tooke  above  foure- 
score,  released  many  Country-men  whom  these  Rebels  had  seized 
on,  and  so  dispersed  all  their  body  that  there  were  but  37  left 
(of  350)  which  crept  into  Southampton.  The  Souldiers  took  above 
100  paire  of  the  Rebels  new  Pistols,  40  Muskets,  50  backe  and  brests, 
and  pillage  to  a  good  value.  Alexander  Poppham,  being  hardly 
pressed,  his  horse  fell  with  him  in  the  street  at  Salisbury  ;  and  had  he 
not  worne  a  better  head-peece  than  his  owne,  his  braines  had  been 
dashed  out :  but  his  man  so  ready  to  horse  him  again,  for  his  paines 
was  taken  with  the  horse  that  fell,  and  Pistols.  Sir  Francis  Doddington 
having  followed  them  22  miles  (farre  enough  for  one  day)  returned 
backe  to  Stockton  with  the  Armes  and  Prisoners.' 

The  defeat  of  Ludlow  and  Popham  was  necessarily  followed  by 
the  capture  of  Woodhouse,  which  was  taken  by  assault  by  Hopton's 
forces  on  July  17.  According  to  Mercurius  Aulicus,  14  of  the  garrison 
were  killed  and  87  taken  prisoners  (Mercurius  Aulicus,  July  25). 
The  Parliamentary  newspapers  charged  Sir  Francis  Doddington  with 
cruelty  to  his  prisoners,  and  the  charge  is  repeated  by  Ludlow 
(Memoirs,  p.  95;  Diary  of  Nehemiah  Wallington,  ii.  224  ;  White- 
locke,  i.  284).  The  Royalist  answer  is  given  in  Mercurius  Aulicus 
for  Aug.  1 1 : — 

'  We  must  answer  one  particular  wherein  the  Rebels  have  slaundered 
us  three  weekes  together :  for  because  the  Lord  Hopton  lately  tooke 


462  Appe7idix  II. 

h\'v.  II.  Woodhouse  (a  rebellious  garrison  neare  Hornesham  in  Wiltshire)  they 
all  cry  out  in  print,  that  the  bloudy  Cavaliers  cruelly  murthered  men, 
women,  and  children  at  Wood-house  in  Wiltshire,  and  hanged  up  some 
Clothiers,  whom  they  found  in  that  garrison,  which  is  so  pure  a  slaunder, 
that  there  was  not  one  woman  or  child  in  that  House  ;  and  though  the 
garrison  was  taken  by  assault,  yet  they  all  had  quarter  allowed  them, 
except  some  Renegadoes,  who  formerly  tooke  pay  for  His  Majesty  at 
Bristol,  and  were  now  found  in  Armes  rebelling  against  him.' 

Of  military  movements  in  Wiltshire  during  the  three  months 
which  followed  Ludlow's  flight  to  Southampton  and  the  capture  of 
Woodhouse  there  are  few  notices.  Whilelock  gives  only  a  confused 
story  (i.  277).  Ludlow's  re-entry  and  levying  of  contributions  in 
Salisbury  probably  took  place  in  August  or  September,  1644,  as 
Waller  reported  to  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  on  Sept.  7, 
1644,  that  Ludlow  was  at  Salisbury  with  three  troops  of  horse.  The 
capture  of  Lord  Stourton's  house  and  of  Sir  Ralph  Hopton's  house 
at  Witham  (mentioned  in  the  Memoirs,  p.  97)  probably  took  place 
about  this  time.  Massey  reported  also,  on  Sept.  5,  that  Royalist 
forces  from  Bath  and  Bristol  had  forced  Col.  Devereux  to  withdraw 
his  garrison  from  the  house  of  Lady  Ayres  at  Chalfield  in  Wiltshire. 
When  Waller  arrived  at  Salisbury,  on  Sept.  10,  on  his  march  west- 
wards to  relieve  Essex,  Ludlow's  three  troops  were  absent  (Cal.  S.  P., 
Dom.,  1644,  pp.  475,  479,  489)- 

In  the  autumn  of  1644  the  King,  after  forcing  Essex's  foot  to  sur- 
render at  Lostwithiel,  slowly  made  his  way  back  to  Oxford.  A  map 
at  p.  485  of  Mr  Gardiner's  Great  Civil  War,  vol.  i,  shews  the  route 
which  he  followed.  Waller  and  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig  with  a  small 
body  of  horse  were  charged  by  the  Parliament  to  check  his  march. 
They  were  to  be  joined  by  Essex's  horse  under  Sir  William  Balfour 
(which  had  escaped  when  the  foot  surrendered),  and  by  the  horse  of 
Manchester's  army.  Manchester's  whole  army  was  to  march  west 
to  give  battle  to  the  King  before  he  could  '  regain  his  circle  of 
fortresses  round  Oxford'  (ib.  495).  Manchester  however  showed 
no  zeal  to  advance  westwards,  and  though  he  sent  his  horse  as  far 
forward  as  Salisbury,  recalled  them  immediately  to  Marlborough 
(Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  PP-  26,  29).  Waller  was  obliged  to  fall 
back  before  the  advance  of  the  King's  superior  forces,  and 
retreated  from  Shaftesbury  where  he  had  been  at  the  beginning  of 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  463 

October  into  Wiltshire.  On  Oct.  10  he  was  at  Wiriterbourne  Stoke,  Ai'P.  II. 
where  he  halted  four  or  five  days.  On  Oct.  15  he  retreated  to 
Andover.  His  forces  were  weak  in  numbers,  not  more  than  3,000 
horse  and  dragoons,  though  twelve  troops  of  Manchester's  horse  had 
then  joined  him.  They  were  badly  armed  and  badly  clothed,  and 
without  foot  unable  to  engage.  '  You  must  not  expect,'  he  wrote 
to  the  Committee,  '  to  hear  we  have  done  any  service ;  the  best  we 
can  hope  for  is  to  trouble  and  retard  the  enemy's  march  and  make 
them  keep  close  together.  Should  we  engage  the  horse  before  your 
foot  come  up,  and  they  miscarry,  your  foot  would  be  all  lost,  and 
the  King  could  go  which  way  he  pleased.'  He  complained  bitterly 
that  Ludlow  and  the  Wiltshire  regiment  had  not  joined  him  (ib.  pp. 
31,  41,  47;  cf.  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  i.  loi). 

King  Charles  and  his  army  arrived  at  Salisbury  on  Oct.  15. 
Whilst  there  he  placed  a  garrison  of  100  men  under  Col.  Griffin 
in  Longford  House,  and  also  established  a  temporary  garrison  at 
Wilton.  By  Goring's  advice  he  resolved  to  fall  upon  Waller  at 
Andover,  and  endeavour  to  destroy  his  forces  before  they  joined 
Essex  or  Manchester.  The  attack  took  place  on  Oct.  18.  Goring 
who  commanded  took  eighty  prisoners  and  drove  Waller  out  of 
Andover,  but  the  delay  of  Prince  Maurice's  foot  prevented  any 
completer  success  (Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  pp.  46,  52,  57,  60; 
Diary  of  Richard  Symonds,  pp.  1 28-141;  Sir  Edward  Walker's 
Historical  Discourses,  p.  106).  Mercurius  Aulicus  for  Oct.  12,  1644. 
gives  the  following  account : — 

'  His  Majesty  leaving  Somersetshire  in  so  good  condition  advanced 
into  Wiltshire  (Sir  William  Waller,  Balfoure,  and  the  rest  still  re- 
treating before  him)  and  came  into  Salisbury  on  Tuesday  last,  whence 
the  rebels  made  such  haste  that  they  left  good  store  of  their  friends 
behind  them  in  the  towne  which  His  Majesties  forces  seized  on.  .  .  . 

'  His  Majesty  stayed  at  Salisbury  Tuesday  night,  Wednesday  and 
Thursday,  and  on  Friday  advanced  towards  Andover  in  Hampshire 
where  the  rebels  lay,  with  intention  to  stoppe  his  Majesties  motion  ; 
somewhat  short  of  Andover  a  forlome  hope  being  sent  out,  met  with 
another  of  the  rebells  very  neare  their  maine  body  ;  both  charged  and 
kept  their  ground,  till  two  bodies  of  his  Majesties  horse  came  up  and 
marched  into  the  field  where  the  rebels  stood  ;  at  sight  whereof  the 
rebells  forces  began  to  fly  out  at  the  other  end  of  Andover  towne  ;  yet 
made  not  so  good  speed  but  that  his  Majesties  horse  overtook  them, 


464  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  and  slashed  them  soundly,  especially  in  a  lane  entring  into  the  towne, 
where  that  body  of  rebells  was  routed  and  very  good  execution  done 
upon  them,  persuing  them  through  Andover  a  good  way  beyond,  till  the 
darke  night  stopped  further  persuit.  Which  done  his  Majesty  marched 
into  Andover  and  lay  there  all  night.' 

Ludlow  and  his  Wiltshire  horse  joined  the  main  body  of  the 
Parliamentary  army  just  before  the  second  battle  of  Newbury  (Oct. 
27),  and  after  taking  part  in  that  battle  were  sent  into  Hampshire 
to  take  part  in  the  siege  of  Basing  House,  where  they  remained  from 
Nov.  5  to  Nov.  13.  They  were  then  ordered  back  into  Wiltshire 
(Memoirs,  pp.  10 1-5).  Towards  the  middle  of  November,  Sir 
William  Waller  was  ordered  to  send  a  party  of  horse  to  the  relief  of 
Taunton.  This  detachment,  under  the  command  of  Major-General 
Holborne  and  Commissary-General  Vandruske,  marched  about  the 
end  of  November,  and  Ludlow  with  200  of  his  regiment  formed  part 
of  their  force  (ib.  p.  107;  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  pp.  102,  113-4, 
124,  194,  196,  204,  227;  Christy,  Life  of  Shaftesbury,  i.  72; 
English  Historical  Review,  1889,  p.  521  ;  Vicars,  Burning  Bush, 
pp.  77,  81).  This  service  was  successfully  performed  about  the 
middle  of  December,  and  Ludlow  then,  contrary  to  the  orders  of  the 
Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms,  left  Holborne's  forces,  and  returned 
to  Salisbury. 

During  his  absence  on  this  expedition — and  not  during  his  absence 
at  the  siege  of  Basing  as  the  Memoirs  state  (p.  107) — Major 
Wansey  and  Major  Duett  surprised  Col.  Cook  at  Salisbury.  An 
account  of  this  incident  is  given  by  Vicars,  Burning  Bush,  p.  74. 
The  following  extract  is  from  'The  Scottish  Dove,'  Dec.  6-13, 
1644  :— 

'  We  had  Intelligence  come  on  Saturday  night  from  Salisbuiy,  that 
Col.  Norton,  Major  Duet,  Major  Wansey,  etc.  fell  upon  two  Regiments 
of  the  Enemies  Horse  that  were  quartered  in  Salisbury,  and  put  them 
to  great  disorder,  so  that  some  fled  away,  some  got  into  the  Close  near 
the  Cathedral,  and  barricado'd  the  gate  ;  but  our  souldiers  fired  the 
gate,  and  forced  in  upon  the  Enemy,  and  took  Sir  Francis  Cook, 
Lieutenant-Col.  Hook,  and  a  Captain,  two  Cornets,  with  divers  other 
Officers  ;  divers  were  slain  of  the  Enemy,  and  not  above  4  men  on  our 
side  ;  there  was  of  the  Enemy  many  prisoners  taken,  and  eight  score 
horse,  and  odde,  besides  there  was  taken  divers  arms  and  other 
ammunition.' 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  465 

Immediately  after  Ludlow's  return  from  the  West,  his  regiment  App.  II. 
was  surprised  in  its  quarters  at  Salisbury,  and  routed  with  great  loss. 
A  Parliamentary  paper,  the  '  Perfect  Diurnal '  for  Jan.  6-13,  1645, 
states  that  this  surprise  happened  'on  Friday  last,'  i.e.  Jan.  3,  and 
that  '  neere  two  hundred  '  of  the  regiment  were  lost.  '  Mercurius 
Aulicus'  represents  the  surprise  as  occurring  on  Monday,  Dec.  31, 
and  gives  an  account  of  the  incident  under  Jan.  4,  1645.  A 
Parliamentary  garrison  near  Chippenham  had  just  been  taken  by 
the  Royalists. 

'  Now  because  this  house  was  taken  in  Wiltshire  M.  Ludlow  thinks 
himself  concerned  in  honour,  and  therefore  he  would  needs  revenge 
himself  on  His  Majesties  horse-quarters  at  Uphaven  in  this  County,  to 
which  place  M.  Ludlow  came  with  his  Regiment  of  horse  (out  of  which 
he  spared  forescore  on  Saturday  was  seavenight,  for  so  many  were  then 
taken  from  him  at  Wilsford  near  Amesbury  by  Col.  Long,  High  Sherifif 
of  Wiltshire)  and  now  he  hoped  to  recruit  himself  on  this  quarter 
of  Colonel  Anderson's,  where  M.  Ludlow  beat  in  the  outguards, 
but  found  the  Colonel  in  such  readines  drawne  up  on  the  other  side 
of  the  towne,  that  his  worship  was  beaten  back,  and  persued  by 
Colonel  Anderson,  who  took  one  Captain,  one  Coronet  with  other 
Prisoners.  Sir  Marmaduke  Langdaile  having  the  Alarum  in  his 
Quarters,  and  being  in  great  readinesse  drew  out  after  the  Rebells, 
whom  as  soon  as  he  understood  to  be  return'd  to  Salisbury  he  resolved 
to  fall  into  their  Quarters,  and  performed  it  so  gallantly,  that  he  beat 
them  all  up,  took  almost  all  their  Horses,  and  there  being  some  Foot 
retyred  into  the  belfrey  in  Salisbury  Close,  he  sent  for  Foot  from 
Longford  house  and  forced  them  thence,  where  they  purposed  to  make 
a  garrison.  He  took  in  all  five  Captains,  besides  diverse  other 
Officers,  fourscore  Prisoners,  150  Horses  and  Armes,  some  Powder  and 
Match,  and  three  Colours.  M.  Ludlow  himself  escaped  very  narrowly, 
though  very  much  hurt,  his  whole  Regiment  absolutely  Routed.  Those 
few  which  escaped  fled  into  Deane  house  (a  garrison  of  the  Rebels)  but 
the  Lord  Goring  sending  some  Horse  after  them  found  the  fugitives 
gone  thence,  and  the  garrison  also  quitted,  the  Rebels  labouring  to 
reach  Southampton,  to  which  place  M.  Ludlow  was  chased  once  this 
yeare  before.'     (Mercurius  Aulicus,  Jan.  4,  164!  ;  see  also  Jan.  8.) 

A  new  commander  now  appears  on  the  scene.  Langdale's 
cavalry  seems  to  have  been  part  of  a  force  under  General  Goring, 
who  was  advancing  from  the  West  with  the  intendon  of  penetrating 
into  Sussex.  On  Dec.  29  Goring  was  at  Calne,  on  Jan.  9  at  Farn- 
ham,  on  Jan.  22  at  Salisbury.     He  had  been  granted  a  commission, 

VOL.  I.  H  h 


466  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  Dec.  21, 1644,  as  Lieutenant-General  of  Hampshire,  Sussex,  Surrey, 
and  Kent,  and  hoped  to  renew  with  better  fortune  Hopton's  attack  in 
the  winter  of  1644,  but  could  penetrate  no  further  than  Farnham. 

'Some  attempts  he  made  in  the  beginning  upon  Christ  Church  in 
Hampshire,  a  Httle  unfortified  fisher  town,  yet  was  beaten  off  with  loss  ; 
so  that  he  was  forced  to  retire  to  Sahsbury,  where  his  horse  committed 
such  horrid  outrages  and  barbarities  as  they  had  done  in  Hampshire, 
without  distinction  of  friends  or  foes,  that  those  parts  (which  before 
were  well  devoted  to  the  King),  worried  by  oppression,  wished  for  the 
access  of  any  forces  to  redeem  them.'     (Clarendon,  Rebellion,  ix.  8.) 

Goring  returned  shortly  to  besiege  Taunton,  leaving  Wiltshire  to 
the  local  Royalist  commanders. 

The  winter  of  1644-5  '^^'^s  marked  by  a  great  increase  in  the 
number  of  garrisons  in  Wiltshire.  Longford  House,  it  has  been 
noted,  was  garrisoned  in  October  by  the  Royalists.  On  Nov.  2, 
the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  writes  'that  the  enemy  is  fortifying 
two  houses  near  Salisbury,  viz.  at  Wilton  and  Goldborne,  which  if 
they  be  perfected  will  be  of  great  prejudice  to  those  parts '  (Cal.  S.  P., 
Dom.,  1644-5,  p.  92).  Highworth  was  made  a  garrison  about 
December,  and  the  castle  of  Devizes  strengthened  and  permanently 
occupied.  '  We  see,'  writes  the  Parliament  Scout  for  Dec.  20, '  they 
intend  to  reduce  the  West  into  the  state  of  the  Netherlands,  and 
have  a  garrison  at  every  five  miles,  and  not  to  fight  so  often '  (quoted 
by  Waylen,  History  of  Marlborough,  p.  213). 

The  King  sent  an  able  engineer,  Sir  Charles  Llo}'d,  to  take 
command  of  the  garrison  established  at  Devizes,  to  superintend  and 
fortify  the  minor  local  posts,  and  to  decide  which  were  to  be 
abandoned  and  which  maintained.  Lloyd's  military  experience  was 
to  supplement  the  zeal  of  the  nominal  Sheriff,  Sir  James  Long.  On 
the  Parliamentary  side  Malmesbury  was  the  chief  garrison,  and  its 
governor.  Col.  Nicholas  Devereux,  was  the  most  experienced  leader. 
Ludlow,  like  Long,  was  nominally  Sheriff,  and  commanded  a 
regiment   of  cavalry. 

Like  the  Royalists,  the  Parliamentarians  adopted  the  plan  of 
establishing  numerous  small  garrisons.  Major  Duett  about  De- 
cember garrisoned  Sir  John  Evelyn's  house  at  West  Deane  (Cal. 
S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  P-  194)-    •^  ^^'^'^^  '''^'•er  Mr.  Blake's  house  at 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  467 

Pinnel  near  Calne  was  garrisoned  by  a  detachment  of  Parliamen-    Apr.  II 
tarians  from  Malmesbury.     Lacock  House  was  occupied  about  the 
same  time.    Finally,  the  governor  of  Malmesbury  erected  a  garrison 
at  Rowden  House  between  Malmesbury  and  Devizes. 

But  the  Parliamentary  forces  were  far  too  weak  to  hold  so  many 
posts,  and  the  attempt  to  do  so  caused  serious  loss.  The  first  to 
fall  was  Pinnel  House,  taken  on  Dec.  28,  of  whose  capture  Mercurius 
Aulicus  gives  this  account : — 

Friday,  January  3.  '  Besides  this,  M.  Massie  hath  more  affliction 
on  the  other  side  of  his  Dominions  ;  for  his  Deputies  at  Malmsbury 
lately  made  a  garrison  at  Mr.  Blake's  House  at  Pinnel  neare  Calne 
in  Wiltshire,  betwixt  Chippenham  and  the  Devizes;  the  House  is  pretty 
strong  and  Moated  about,  whereof  the  Lord  Goring  having  intelligence, 
sent  some  force  against  it  on  Saturday  last  (Decemb.  28)  ;  at  first  Sum- 
mons the  Rebels  denied  to  surrender,  till  they  saw  His  Majesties  Forces 
begin  to  fall  on,  and  then  they  presently  submitted  themselves  prisoners 
at  mercy,  and  accordingly  had  their  lives  given  them  ;  in  this  House 
were  taken  59  prisoners,  more  Armes  than  Men,  whereof  60  good 
Firelocks,  6  Horses,  the  other  were  fled  that  morning.  When  the 
Scoutmaster  Generall  (who  was  sent  to  take  possession)  entred  the 
House,  the  Rebels  begged  they  might  not  be  stripped  naked,  he  bid 
them  look  out  and  they  might  see  His  Majesties  Souldiers  all  new 
cloath'd,  so  as  they  would  not  take  the  Rebels  cloaths  if  offered  to 
them  ;  nor  was  there  so  much  as  one  Rebell  suffered  to  be  plundred, 
though  they  were  not  promised  anything  but  their  lives  ;  who  upon  their 
comming  forth,  said,  "  they  never  meant  to  keep  it  against  the  King's 
Forces  " ;  that  is,  they  would  keep  it  no  longer  than  they  were  able.' 

On  Jan.  4,  Sir  Charles  Lloyd,  who  seems  to  have  been  instructed 
by  Prince  Rupert  to  garrison  Mr.  Blake's  house  if  possible,  wrote 
to  the  Prince  : — 

'The  howse  I  am  not  able  to  maintaine  by  reason  I  have  not 
wherewithal! ;  therefore  this  night  next  after  your  letter  I  shall  give 
order,  for  the  demolishing  of  it,  which  I  believe  will  be  rendred  un- 
serviceable by  tomorrowe  at  night.' 

In  a  second  letter,  dated  Jan.  8,  he  added  : — 

'Blagg's  house  I  have  made  unhabitable,  and  have  drayned  the 
moate.  I  could  not  burne  it  because  it  would  have  incensed  the 
country  against  me.' 

In  both  letters  he  complains  of  want  of  ammunition  : — 
'  The  Sheriff  is  come  whose  only  regiment  I  have,  and  that  patched 

H  h  2 


468  Appe7idix  II. 

Apr.  II.  from  many  runaways  from  the  discontented  troops.  The  Sheriffs  expect 
noe  command  from  me  by  his  privilidge,  and  the  officers  unwillinge  to 
command  them  lest  they  should  disband,  as  they  have  done.' 

He  begged  Prince  Rupert  to  allow  him  the  disposal  of  Colonel 
Howard's  regiment  which  Lord  Goring  had  offered  him,  and  hoped 
also  to  be  able  to  raise  two  or  three  troops  : — 

*  The  High  Sheriff  hath  been  out  with  me  about  Malmesbury,  which 
I  find  inconsiderable  in  horse.  Indeed  I  shall  humbly  desire  your 
Highness  to  thanke  him  for  his  care,  for  hee  takes  infinite  paines  in 
shewinge  himselfe  obedient  to  your  commands,  and  his  willingness 
points  at  a  good  omen  to  my  imployment  here.'  (Transcripts  of 
Prince  Rupert's  correspondence  in  the  possession  of  the  editor.) 

A  month  later  Lacock  House  and  Rowdon  House  were  also 
captured  by  the  Ro)alists.  Aulicus  for  Feb.  15,  1645,  thus  relates 
the  manner  of  their  taking : — 

'  This  morning  Sir  Charles  Lloyd  sent  an  Expresse  of  the  taking  it, 
the  manner  and  occasion  whereof  was  thus.  About  tenne  daies  since, 
the  Lord  Hopton  sent  his  Regiment  from  Bath  (with  his  Lieutenant 
Colonell  Bovell)  to  enquarter  and  make  a  garrison  of  the  Lady 
Stapylton's  house  at  Lacocke,  three  miles  from  Chippenham  in  Wilt- 
shire. Upon  their  approach  they  found  the  House  prepossessed  by  the 
Rebells,  which  made  them  march  to  His  Majesties  garrison  at  the 
Devizes,  where  Sir  Charles  Lloyd  governour  of  the  Towne,  and  Colonell 
James  Long  High  Sheriffe  of  that  County,  were  ready  to  assist  them  by 
forcing  the  Rebels  from  Lacocke.  Before  they  came  to  Chippenham 
they  understood  the  Rebels  had  removed  from  Lacocke  to  a  more  con- 
venient House  at  Rowdon,  (belonging  to  Sir  Edward  Hungerford) 
within  halfe  a  mile  of  Chippenham,  some  of  the  Rebels  being  then 
in  Chippenham.  They  sent  Captain  Web  with  a  forlorn  hope  into 
Chippenham,  who  tooke  Ludford  (the  governour  of  Rowdon  House) 
with  8  more  prisoners  in  the  Towne.  This  done  Sir  Charles  Lloyd 
and  Colonell  Long  drew  before  Rowdon  House,  (Sir  Charles  had  a 
good  strength  of  foote  there,  and  Colonell  Long  had  his  owne  Regiment, 
300  good  horse),  and  by  a  Trumpet  summoned  it  for  his  Majesty.  The 
Rebels  refused  to  submit,  being  'twixt  2  and  300  foote  ;  therefore 
they  sent  to  the  Lord  Hopton  for  some  Cannon  which  were  presently 
brought  to  them  by  Sir  Francis  Dodington.  But  after  the  House  had 
beene  two  daies  beseiged,  Colonell  Stephens  the  Mock  Sheriffe  of 
Gloucestershire  came  from  Malmesbury  with  120  horse  to  their  releise, 
and  having  made  his  way  through  the  Out-guards  got  into  the  House 
with  ammunition  and  some  provision  ;  but  before  he  and  his  Rebels 
could  get  off  againe,  Colonell  Long's  horse,  and  L.-Col.  Tirwhit  with 
foot  charged  them  so  gallantly,  that  they  beate  the  Rebels  backe  into 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  469 

the  House,  killed  some  of  them,  and  hurt  more,  after  which  they  fell  Arr.  II. 
upon  40  musquettiers,  which  came  out  to  secure  the  horse's  passage, 
seventeene  whereof  they  killed.  Sir  Bernard  Asteley  was  now  come 
with  100  horse  and  300  foote  from  Cirencester,  and  Sir  Francis 
Dodington  with  the  Cannon  from  Bristoll,  whereupon  they  summoned 
it  againe,  but  the  Rebels  still  stood  out,  till  this  day  about  nine  of 
clocke  in  the  morning,  and  then  they  submitted  themselves  prisoners, 
being  betwixt  3  and  400  horse  and  foot,  whereof  40  Officers,  viz. 
Colonell  Stephens,  6  Captaines,  Captaine  Ludford,  Capt.  Clifford, 
Capt.  Seaman,  Capt.  Scarborough,  Capt.  Laurence,  and  Capt.  Stamford, 
who  is  both  Marshall  and  Scoutmaster  to  their  Garrison  at  Malmesbury ; 
7  Lieutenants  of  horse  and  foote.  Lieutenant  Goodwin,  Lieutenant 
Smith,  Lieutenant  Davies,  (of  horse),  Lieutenant  Pudsey,  Lieutenant 
White,  Lieutenant  Brotman,  Lieutenant  Davies  (of  foote)  ;  5  Co- 
ronets, Coronet  Eden,  Coronet  Miller,  Coronet  Crowder,  Coronet 
Shot,  Coronet  Downes  ;  6  Ensignes,  Ensigne  Thornbury,  Ensigne 
Cary,  Ensigne  Symons,  Ensigne  Massinger,  Ensigne  Palmer  ;  besides 
5  Quartermasters,  8  Corporals,  2  Gentlemen  Reformadoes,  (Master 
Hine  and  Master  Thwait)  with  317  common  souldiers,  120  horses, 
and  almost  400  armes.  Not  any  one  Rebell  was  plundered  to 
the  value  of  a  penny,  (though  Prisoners  at  mercy),  and  when  it  was 
pressed  to  them,  that  some  of  His  Majesties  souldiers  (there  present) 
had  beene  stript  naked  when  by  them  taken  prisoners  ;  an  impudent- 
ingratefull  Rebell  answered.  That  the  Cavaliers  often  had  no  power 
to  plunder  them,  for  God  would  not  suffer  it.  Nay,  we  can  assure 
you,  that  His  Majesties  Forces  found  in  this  House  many  bullets  beaten 
into  slugs,  with  horse  haires  drawne  through  them,  (we  need  not  tell 
the  mischeivous  reason)  one  of  which  presently  cost  gallant  Captaine 
Sanders  his  life,  though  shot  in  the  foot  onely.  Colonell  Lloyd  hath 
made  this  Houseunfitforanother  garrison,  but  Lacocke  is  now  possessed 
by  Lieutenant  Colonell  Bovell  with  the  Lord  Hopton's  Regiment. 
Colonell  Stephens  was  asked  why  he  rebelled  against  his  King,  since 
the  hand  of  God  appeared  evidently  for  His  Majesty,  which  had  brought 
him  through  so  many  difficulties  from  a  handfull  of  men  at  first,  to  have 
so  many  Townes  and  Armies .''  Master  Stephens  answered,  that  'twas 
not  so,  "  For  (said  he)  almost  all  the  Gentry  were  ever  for  the  King." ' 

It  is  sufficiently  evident  that  the  local  forces  alone  would  never 
have  won  Wiltshire  for  the  Parliament.  Its  conquest  was  due  to 
the  aid  of  the  Parliament's  main  armies,  and  the  general  success  of 
the  cause  elsewhere. 

At  the  end  of  January,  1645,  it  was  resolved  to  send  Waller  to  the 
West  to  relieve  Taunton  and  other  garrisons ;  the  difficulty  however 
was  to  find  sufficient  troops  for  the  purpose.     Those  men  whom 


470  Appendix  II. 

Ai-r.  II.  Waller  had  at  Farnham  wanted  shoes,  arms,  and  other  necessaries, 
before  they  could  take  the  field.  About  Feb.  12  came  the  news  of 
the  capture  of  the  outworks  of  Weymouth,  and  orders  were  im- 
mediately sent  to  Waller  to  march  at  once  '  to  countenance  and 
encourage  the  garrisons  in  the  west,'  with  all  his  forces  if  possible, 
but  if  necessary  with  the  horse  alone  (Feb.  13,  C.  J.  iv.  46; 
cf.  Portland  INISS.  i.  208).  On  Feb.  18,  the  Commons  angrily 
demanded  why  he  had  not  yet  marched.  The  reason  for  this  delay 
was  the  mutinous  conduct  of  Waller's  soldiers  (Whitelock,  Memo- 
rials, ed.  1853,  i.  389;  CaL  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  PP-  303>  307). 
Waller  however  started  and  got  as  far  as  Petersfield  (Feb.  17),  but 
as  Goring  was  advancing  to  meet  Waller,  the  Committee  of  Both 
Kingdoms  ordered  him  to  advance  no  further.  On  Feb.  27, 
Cromwell  and  his  regiment  were  ordered  to  join  Waller,  'to  go 
with  him  upon  this  expedition  into  the  West  for  relief  of  Mel- 
combe  and  the  garrisons  and  places  adjacent,  and  for  preventing 
and  breaking  the  enemy's  levies  and  recruits.'  (C.  J.  iv.  63  ;  Cal. 
S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  P-  334-) 

According  to  Whitelock,  Waller's  force  was  raised  by  this  to  about 
5,000  horse  and  dragoons  (INIemorials,  i.  401). 

At  the  outset  this  expedition  was  very  successful.  An  attempt 
of  the  governor  of  Winchester  to  beat  up  Waller's  quarters  was 
defeated  with  loss.  Lord  Percy  and  thirty  prisoners  were  taken  at 
Andover  a  few  days  later  (Whitelock,  i.  402,  406).  A  greater 
success  was  the  capture  of  Col.  Sir  James  Long's  regiment. 

'Sir, 

'  These  lines  are  to  certify  you  that,  upon  intelligence  that  Colonel 
Long  lay  with  his  regiment  about  the  Lavingtons,  I  marched  from 
Andover,  on  Monday  last,  to  Amesbury,  and  there  refreshing  my 
troops  till  midnight,  I  advanced  from  thence  in  three  parties  :  the 
first,  commanded  by  General  Cromwell,  fell  in  between  those  quarters 
and  the  Devizes  ;  the  second,  commanded  by  Sir  Hardress  Waller, 
fell  in  at  Trowbridge,  to  cut  off  their  retreat  between  Bath  and  those 
parts  ;  with  the  third  I  fell  in  at  Lavington.  It  was  my  fortune  to  find 
an  empty  form,  the  enemy  being  drawn  off  to  Westbury  and  Steeple 
Ashton ;  but  the  rest  had  better  fortune,  and  in  the  end  I  had  my 
share  too.  Cromwell  lighted  upon  two  troops  at  Poterne,  Sir  Hardress 
Waller  upon  the  rest  of  regiment  at  Westbuiy  and  Steeple  Ashton  ; 
who  beat  the  enemy  in  upon  my  quarter,  where  my  regiment  lighted 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  471 

upon  them.  Of  400  horse  there  escaped  not  30.  The  Colonel  and  Ai'p.  II. 
most  of  the  officers,  with  300  soldiers  taken  prisoners,  with  about  340 
horses  and  good  store  of  arms.  Blessed  be  the  Lord  for  this  success, 
which  I  hope  will  be  the  earnest  of  a  further  mercy.  I  was  inforced  to 
refresh  our  horse  here,  after  this  toilsome  march  and  service  in  the 
worst  ways  and  basest  weather  that  ever  I  saw.  I  am  this  day  marching 
towards  Holbome  to  join  with  them,  so  soon  as  possibly  I  can.  I  have 
no  more  to  add  but  that  I  am  etc., 

'  William  Waller  \ 

'  West  Lavington, 

13  Mai-ch  164I.' 

Waller  and  Cromwell  joined  Col.  Holborne,  and  other  local 
Parliamentary  forces  in  Dorsetshire,  but  they  were  not  strong  enough 
to  effect  anything  considerable  against  Goring's  superior  strength. 
The  details  of  the  expedition  are  vague  (Whitelock,  i.  411,  412  ; 
Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  pp.  376,  384,  393  ;  Cal.  Clarendon  MSS.  i. 
259-263;  Mercurius  Aulicus,  April  11,  12,  19;  Gardiner,  Great 
Civil  War,  ii.  137;  Sanford,  Studies  and  Illustrations,  pp.  618-622). 
Goring's  troops  were  successful  in  several  skirmishes,  though  as 
usual  the  Royalist  newspapers  greatly  exaggerated  these  small 
successes.  One  of  these  was  the  surprise  of  a  part  of  Col. 
Popham's  regiment,  on  the  borders  of  Wiltshire  (Mercurius  Aulicus, 
April  12,  1645). 

By  the  9th  of  April,  Waller  and  Cromwell  were  back  at 
Salisbury,  expecting  to  be  attacked  by  the  combined  forces  of 
Goring,  Sir  Richard  Greenville,  and  possibly  Prince  Rupert. 
Cromwell  wrote  to  Fairfax  on  the  night  of  the  9th  of  April,  pressing 
for  reinforcements : — 

'  Send  us  with  all  speed  such  assistance  to  Salisbury  as  may  enable 
us  to  keep  the  field  and  repel  the  enemy,  if  God  assist  us  :  at  least  to 
secure  and  countenance  us  so,  that  we  be  not  put  to  the  shame  and 
hazard  of  a  retreat ;  which  will  lose  the  Parliament  many  friends  in 
these  parts,  who  will  think  themselves  abandoned  on  our  departure 
from  them.  Sir,  I  beseech  you  send  what  horse  and  foot  you  can 
spare  towards  Salisbury,  by  way  of  Kingscleere,  with  what  convenient 
expedition  may  be.'     (Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letter  xxiv.) 

The  same  night  Cromwell  wrote  to  Col.  Whalley : — 

Sir, 

I  desire  you  to  be  with  all  my  troops  and  Colonel  Fiennes  his 

*  Sanford,  Studies  and  Illustrations  of  the  Great  Rebellion,  p.  6i6. 


472  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  troops  also  at  Wiiton  at  a  rendezvous  by  break  of  day  tomorrow 
morning,  for  we  hear  the  enemy  hath  a  design  upon  our  quarters 
tomorrow  morning. 

'  Sir,  I  am  your  cousin  and  servant, 

*  Oliver  Cromwell  \ 
'Sarum, 
IVethiesifay  night  at  12  o'clock!' 

Goring  was  anxious  enough  to  bring  Waller  to  a  battle,  but  he 
was  summoned  back  to  besiege  Taunton  by  the  council  of  Prince 
Charles,  and  when  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  discovered 
Goring's  retreat,  Waller's  little  army  was  broken  up,  the  best  part  of 
it  being  ordered  to  Reading  to  be  incorporated  in  the  New  Model 
(Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1644-5,  PP-  399,  415)- 

Fairfax,  after  defeating  the  King  at  Naseby  on  June  14,  and  re- 
capturing Leicester  four  days  later,  turned  to  the  south-west  to 
relieve  Taunton  and  fight  Goring  and  the  King's  western  army, 
marching  through  part  of  Wiltshire  on  his  way. 

*  On  Friday,  June  27,'  records  Sprigge,  '  the  army  marched  to 
Wanburrow,  and  on  the  way  made  an  halt,  and  drew  up  before  High- 
worth  garrison,  (being  a  church  fortified  by  a  line  and  bulwarks) 
summoned  the  place.  Major  Hen  the  governor  refused  to  yield  :  they 
planted  their  ordnance,  men  were  designed  to  storm,  who  being  ready 
to  fall  on,  he  took  down  his  bloody  colours,  and  sounded  a  parley  and 
yielded  upon  quarter.  The  soldiers  had  good  booty  in  the  church, 
took  seventy  prisoners  and  eighty  arms.  The  place  standing  convenient 
in  a  line  for  the  garrison  of  Malmesbury,  the  general  appointed  the 
governor  of  Malmesbury  to  continue  the  place  a  garrison,  for  the 
better  enlarging  the  Parliament's  quarters.'  (Anglia  Rediviva,  ed.  1854, 
p.  60.) 

Vicars  adds  that  the  Royalists  lost  Col.  Sir  Thomas  Nott,  who  was 
killed  in  attempting  to  defend  the  bridge  at  the  end  of  the  town 
(Burning  Bush,  p.  180).  P'airfax  then  marched  south,  by  Marl- 
borough, Almsbury,  and  Burchalk,  to  Blandford  in  Dorsetshire, 
leaving  the  Wiltshire  Parliamentarians  to  make  head  as  best  as  they 
could  against  the  Royalists  and  the  Clubmen.  Both  were  very  active. 
Major  Duet  with  a  party  from  Devizes  surprised  and  captured  some 
stragglers  who  stayed  behind  the  army  in  Marlborough. 

During  his  passage  tlirough  Wiltshire  and  Dorsetshire,  Fairfax 

'  Sanford,  p.  623. 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  473 

came  into  collision  with  the  '  Clubmen  '  who  were  very  numerous  in    App.  II. 
those  two  counties. 

'They  pretend  only,'  wrote  Fairfax  to  the  Parliament  on  July  3, 
'  the  defence  of  themselves  from  plunder,  but  not  to  side  either  with  the 
King's  forces  or  the  Parliament's  but  to  give  free  quarter  to  both.  The 
heads  of  them  all  are  so  far  as  I  can  learn  such  as  have  been  in  actual 
service  in  the  King's  army,  or  those  that  are  known  favourers  of  that 
party  ;  nay,  some  having  commands  at  the  present  with  the  King.' 

He  proceeded  to  give  an  account  of  their  organisation.  They 
had  appointed  treasurers,  and  issued  warrants  for  raising  money  : — 

'  They  enlist  themselves  under  several  officers,  and  meet  daily  in 
great  bodies  at  the  rendezvous,  and  boast  they  can  have  20,000  men  at 
24  hours'  warning.  For  assembling  them  together,  their  heads  send 
out  to  several  towns,  and  by  ringing  of  bells  and  sending  of  posts 
from  one  rendezvous  to  another  in  the  several  towns  and  hundreds 
they  draw  into  great  bodies ;  and  for  distinction  of  themselves  from 
other  men,  they  wear  white  ribbons,  to  show,  as  they  say,  they  are 
desirous  of  peace.  They  meet  with  drums,  flying  colours ;  and  for 
arms  they  have  muskets  . .  .  fowling  pieces,  pikes,  halberts,  great  clubs, 
and  such  like.' 

Their  profession  of  neutrality  was  accompanied  by  attempts  to 
mediate  between  the  two  parties : — 

'  They  take  upon  them  to  interpose  between  the  garrisons  on  either 
side  ;  and  when  any  of  their  forces  meet  in  places  where  they  have 
sufficient  power,  as  Salisbury  and  the  like,  they  will  not  suffer  them  to 
fight,  but  make  them  drink  together,  and  so  make  them  depart  to  their 
several  garrisons,' 

On  June  13,  1645,  the  heads  of  the  Clubmen  had  met  at  Salis- 
bury the  commanders  of  the  two  adjacent  garrisons,  and  had 
arranged  a  treaty  for  the  peace  of  the  county  and  the  maintenance 
of  those  garrisons  till  the  petitions  of  the  Clubmen  had  been 
answered  by  King  and  Parliament ;  their  leaders  undertook  to  pay 
£50  a  week  to  the  Parliamentary  garrison  at  Fallersdown  (or 
Falston)  House,  and  a  similar  sum  to  the  Royalist  garrison  at 
Langford  House.  In  spite  of  this  ostensible  neutrality  Fairfax 
regarded  them  as  inclined  to  the  Royalists : — 

'  They  have  come  into  our  horse-quarters,  and  steal  horses  where 
they  find  them  at  grass,  and  carry  them  into  the  woods.  They  will 
obey  no  warrants,  no  further  than  they  are  compelled,  for  sending  in 


474  Appendix  II. 

Arp.  II.  of  provisions  for  the  army,  or  draughts  for  the  carriages,  in  these  two 
counties.  They  are  abundantly  more  affected  to  the  enemy  than  the 
Parliament,  and  pubhcly  declare  whatsoever  party  falls  on  them  they 
will  join  with  the  other;  and  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  counties 
who  are  really  affected  to  the  Parliament,  that  do  not  join  with  them, 
are  daily  threatened  by  them  and  suspect  the  issue  of  it  will  be  very 
mischievous.' 

'  For  the  present,'  he  concludes,  '  I  shall  offer  to  your  Lordships  the 
commanding  of  Colonel  Fiennes's  and  Colonel  Norton's  regiments  of 
horse  into  these  parts  ;  who  with  the  assistance  of  Colonel  Ludlow, 
Sheriff  of  Wilts,  and  the  garrisons  in  these  parts  may  be  able,  at  least, 
to  prevent  them  from  drawing  into  any  great  bodies  to  the  disturbance 
of  the  country.'  (Sprigge,  p.  6i  ;  L.  J.  vii,  484  ;  Old  Parliamentary 
History,  xiv.  10-20.) 

Fairfax's  subsequent  dealings  with  the  Clubmen  of  Dorsetshire 
and  Somersetshire  are  recorded  at  length  by  Sprigge.  Those  of 
Wiltshire,  who  were  in  close  alliance  with  the  Clubmen  of  the  other 
two  counties,  gave  less  trouble,  and  were  reduced  to  order  in  the  same 
way  and  at  the  same  time  (Sprigge,  pp.  62-66,  74,  83,  86-91). 

Save  for  a  few  skirmishes,  duly  recorded  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
two  parlies,  the  next  few  weeks  were  barren  of  events  in  Wiltshire. 
The  most  important  incident  was  the  capture  of  Chippenham  by  Sir 
James  Long,  which  is  thus  recorded  in  Mercurius  Aulicus  : — 

'  Tuesday,  August  12.  Colonel!  James  Long  (Sheriffe  of  Wiltshire) 
having  borrowed  of  Sir  Charles  Lloyd  (Governour  of  Devizes)  50  Foote 
and  a  Troope  of  Horse,  marched  with  Major  Dowet  to  Lacock  to  con- 
sult with  the  Governour  Lieutenant  Colonell  Bovel  (Lieutenant  Colonel! 
to  the  Lord  Hopton)  about  the  surprizall  of  Chippenham.  They  re- 
solved to  give  Chippenham  a  sound  alarme,  and  as  that  was  answered 
to  proceed  farther.  P'or  which  purpose  Lieutenant  Colonell  Bovel 
drew  out  20  horse  under  Major  Cooke,  and  40  bold  muskctteers, 
before  whom  he  himselfe  marched  on  foot,  protesting  not  to  ride  till 
he  had  horsed  his  men  on  the  Rebels.  With  this  Party  (the  retreat 
being  secured)  they  advanced  neare  Chippenham,  where  taking  a 
prisoner  they  understood  the  workcs  were  but  slenderly  manned, 
and  the  Rebels'  Horse  being  newly  gone  forth,  they  resolved  to  fall 
on,  which  Major  Dowet  did  with  great  courage,  and  Captain 
Williams  of  the  Devises  with  20  foot ;  after  which  Col.  Long  and 
Major  Cook  joyning  with  Lieutenant  Col.  Bovcll  (with  his  foote) 
fell  on  where  there  were  two  brest  workes,  the  uttermost  of  which 
had  a  narrow  Advenue,  the  inner  had  no  entrance  at  all ;  the  first 
worke    was    soone   passed,    and    whiles    Lieut.    Colon.   Bovell   most 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  475 

gallantly  possessed  liimselfe  of  the  houses  next  the  worke,  Colonell  An-.  II 
Long  with  the  Horse  fired  pistols  over  the  worke,  some  horse  found 
meanes  to  get  up  a  banke,  whence  they  rode  on  top  of  the  workes, 
and  leapt  into  the  Towne,  charging  into  the  market  place.  There  was 
very  sharp  service  at  the  turne-pike,  where  Major  Dowet  with  his 
horse  showed  much  courage,  charging  up  so  stoutly  that  at  last  he 
forced  the  Rebels  thence  and  got  the  Turn-pike.  The  Rebels  now 
hearing  strange  Trumpets  in  the  Town,  shewed  more  courage  then 
before,  for  they  rallied  foure  times,  and  made  a  street  good  almost  an 
houre  :  in  attempting  whereof  Coronet  Dowet  (Major  Dowet's  Brother) 
received  two  shots  and  his  horse  three,  the  Coronet  (a  couragious 
young  man)  is  since  dead  with  three  common  souldiers,  but  (which  is 
strange)  not  any  Officer  or  Souldier  besides  either  shot  or  wounded, 
onely  Major  Dowet  shot  in  the  collar  of  his  dublet,  and  the  cheeke  of 
his  Caske  shot  off.  In  fine  (without  further  losse  or  hurt)  those  Rebels 
in  the  streete  were  killed,  taken,  or  drowned,  and  the  Towne  wholly 
masterd  ;  wherein  they  tooke  Lieutenant  Colonell  William  Eyres,  2 
Captaines  in  charge,  2  Lieutenants,  2  Ensignes,  divers  inferior 
Officers,  and  80  prisoners  besides,  the  rest  escaped  away  in  the  darke 
(there  were  240  of  Massey's  old  foot  in  the  Towne,  as  his  8  drummers 
now  prisoners  confesse)  who  left  behind  all  their  Armes  which  were 
betwixt  2  and  300  very  good  muskets  and  firelockes,  a  great  quantity 
of  Ammunition,  many  granadoes  and  firepikes,  with  30  horse  ;  all 
which  these  gallant  Gentlemen  brought  safe  along  with  them,  having 
killed  the  Rebels'  Marshall,  i  Sergeant  and  10  common  Souldiers, 
besides  many  drowned  ;  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Towne  not  loosing  the 
value  of  sixpence,  though  taken  by  assault. 

'  Since  this  taking  Chippenham,  Sir  Charles  Lloyd,  Colonell  Long, 
and  Major  Dowet  marcht  from  the  Devizes  with  100  Horse  and  20 
Dragoones,  and  hearing  that  300  of  the  Rebels'  Horse  and  60  Dragoones 
(commanded  by  one  Martin)  were  refreshing  themselves  in  Auburne, 
they  resolved  to  fall  upon  them.  For  which  purpose  they  disposed 
themselves  into  4  parties,  Major  Dowet  commanded  the  forlorne  hope 
(the  Officers  were  Reformadoes  except  4of  Sir  Charles  Lloyd's  Captaines) 
who  without  any  alarme  fell  in  among  the  Rebels,  and  cleered  the 
Towne ;  the  Major  and  all  other  Officers  did  their  parts  gallantly,  and 
had  taken  60  prisoners  :  but  some  Common  Souldiers  in  the  Reserve 
dispersing  themselves  to  plunder  among  the  Rebels,  gave  the  Rebels 
time  to  rally,  and  fall  on  with  much  advantage  while  the  Souldiers 
were  thus  scattered.  Yet  after  some  skirmishing  (with  losse  of  4  men 
whom  they  tooke  prisoners)  the  Rebels  were  all  beaten  quite  out  of  the 
Towne,  flying  severall  wayes  ;  but  execution  was  not  persued,  for  the 
prisoners  confessed  that  Fincher  (the  Rebels'  Quartermaster  Generall) 
was  at  hand  with  500  fresh  Horse  to  releive  them  ;  so  as  they  timely 
retreated,  having  18  long  miles  home  to  the  Devizes,  where  they  came 


476  Appendix  II. 

App.  II.  safe  with  17  prisoners,  whereof  2  were  Lieutenants,  divers  good  horses 
taken,  but  especially  the  Dragoones  exchanged  their  tyred  jades  for  the 
Rebels'  best  horses.' 

On  September  13,  1645,  after  the  storming  of  Bristol,  Fairfax 
called  a  council  of  war  to  advise  as  to  the  next  movements  of  his 
army.  It  was  there  decided  that  instead  of  marching  further  west 
in  order  to  relieve  Plymouth  detachments  should  be  sent  eastwards, 

'to  clear  those  garrisons  that  did  interpose  between  the  West  and 
London ;  which  latter  was  very  necessary,  for  that  if  those  garrisons 
were  not  reduced  they  would  hinder  correspondency  between  London 
and  the  army,  except  at  high  rates  of  very  excessive  trouble  and 
charge  to  the  army  by  convoys  upon  every  occasion.' 

Accordingly  Col.  Rainsborough  with  three  regiments  was  detached 
to  reduce  Berkeley  Castle,  whilst  Cromwell  and  four  regiments 
marched  against  Devizes.  The  castle  of  Devizes  was  strongly 
fortified,  and  governed  by  one  of  the  King's  best  engineers,  Sir 
Charles  Lloyd.  Nevertheless,  it  only  held  out  for  a  week,  and  sur- 
rendered on  Sept.  23.  According  to  Sprigge's  view  the  cause  of  the 
collapse  of  the  defence  was  the  accuracy  of  the  artillery  fire  of  the 
besiegers.  A  second  authority  asserts  that  the  governor  surrendered 
before  it  was  necessary,  in  order  to  retain  the  plunder  he  had  ac- 
cumulated (Sprigge,  pp.  132-135  ;  Vicars,  Burning  Bush,  p.  276; 
Walker,  Historical  Discourses,  p.  142;  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1645-7, 
p.  180;  'A  letter  concerning  the  Storming  of  Devizes,'  410,  1645, 
by  Sam.  Bedford,  British  Museum  E.  303  (2) ;  Waylen,  History  of 
Devizes,  1839,  pp.  140-147  ;  Military  Memoir  of  John  Gwynne, 
1822,  pp.  38,  64). 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Devizes,  Cromwell  sent  Col. 
Pickering  and  two  regiments  to  invest  Laycock  House.  The 
governor.  Col.  Bovell,  seeing  no  prospect  of  successful  resistance,  at 
once  yielded  and  received  good  terms  (Sept.  24  ;  Sprigge,  p.  135). 
On  Oct.  8,  Winchester  after  six  days'  siege  surrendered  to  Cromwell, 
and  on  Oct.  14  he  took  Basing  House  by  storm.  From  Basing 
Cromwell  marched  to  Langford  House. 

'I  hope,'  he  wrote  to  Fairfax,  'the  work  will  not  be  long.  If  it 
should,  I  will  rather  leave  a  small  part  of  the  foot  (if  horse  will  not  be 
sufficient  to  take  it  inj  than  be  deterred  from  obeying  such  commands 
as  I  shall  receive.' 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  477 

But  the  governor,  Sir  Bartholomew  Pell,  surrendered  at  once,  and    Arr.  II. 
on  Oct.  18  the  last  Royalist  garrison  in  Wiltshire  was  evacuated. 
Cromwell  was  now  able  to  rejoin  Fairfax,  which  he  effected  on 
Oct.  24. 

■  *  There  was  now,'  says  Sprigge,  '  no  garrison  in  the  way  between 
Exeter  and  London  to  intercept  the  passage,  so  that  a  single  man  might 
travel  without  any  fear  of  the  enemy.' 

The  only  Royalist  garrisons  which  could  still  disturb  the  peace  of 

Wiltshire,  or  levy  contributions  there,  were  those  on  the  borders  of 

Berkshire,  such  as  Farringdon,  Donnington  Castle,  Radcote,  and 

Oxford,    where   the  bulk   of   the   King's   forces   were   quartered 

(Sprigge,  pp.  156-7  ;  Carlyle's  Cromwell,  Letters  xxxiv,  xxxv).  In 

a  skirmish  with  a  party  from  one  of  these  garrisons.  Major  Duett 

was  killed,  he  having  deserted  from  Ludlow's  regiment  in  the  spring 

of  this  year.     The  governor  of  Malmesbury's  account  of  his  death 

follows. 

Colonel  Nicholas  Devereux  to  William  Lenthall. 

[1645,  November  25.] — 'The  County  of  Wilts  being  late  freed  of  the 
enemies'  garrisons,  I  conceived  it  most  advantageous  to  the  State's 
service  to  place  such  forces  as  I  have  under  command  in  the  securest 
holds  next  adjacent  unto  the  enemy  who  are  powerful  at  Farrington 
and  Radcourt,  to  prevent  their  incursions  on  these  parts  of  Wilts.  On 
Thursday  last  I  sent  a  party  of  foot  to  Lechlade,  which  is  near  both 
their  garrisons,  whereunto  were  near  quartered  some  Gloucester  horse 
by  agreement  between  Colonel  Morgan  and  myself.  Yesterday  morning 
there  came  out  a  party  of  30  horse  from  Radcourt  to  Lechlade  to 
prevent  us  from  fortifying  there.  Captain  William  Moore,  whom  I  sent 
thither  to  command  that  party,  and  some  horse  of  Gloucester  received 
them,  and  in  the  dispute  which  was  but  short,  only  Captain  Aytwood 
on  the  enemies'  side  was  shot  through  the  thigh,  whereupon  they 
retreated  calling  our  party  damned  rogues,  &c.,  promising  also  to 
return  soon  with  a  greater  party.  The  same  night  at  7  of  the 
clock  Major  Duett  with  120  horse  and  100  foot  went  thither  from 
Farrington  to  surprise— if  he  could— our  party  of  foot ;  but  our  sentries 
firing  at  them  gave  the  alarm  to  our  foot.  Whereupon  Captain  Moore 
drew  out  to  a  wall  60  musqueteers,  who  flanked  the  enemy  as  they 
came  into  Lechlade,  and  after  an  hour  and  a  half  s  hot  dispute  betwixt 
them  and  the  enemy,  they  repelled  them  out  of  the  town,  killing  on  the 
place  six  of  them.  Within  half  an  hour  after,  the  Gloucester  horse 
taking  the  alarm  came  into  Lechlade,  whence  both  horse  and  foot 
pursued  the  enemy,  and  close  under  Radcourt  wall  they  encountered 


478  Appendix  II. 

Ai'P.  II.  each  other,  where  our  forces  killed  of  the  enemy  Major  Duett  .  .  .  and 
twenty  more  upon  the  place,  took  30  prisoners,  whereof  five  of 
the  King's  life  guard,  one  cornet,  26  horse,  and  about  60  fire- 
arms. In  this  accident  we  lost  not  one  man,  only  two  hurt,  not 
mortally,  I  hope.  Shall  send  up  by  Wednesday  a  most  malevolent 
man,  one  Lieutenant-Colonel  Nott,  who  hath  been  as  mischievous 
in  his  actions  as  Duett.  .  .  .  He,  as  I  am  persuaded,  drew  the  King's 
forces  into  our  quarters  at  Cricklade,  where  we  lately  lost  40 
horse.  .  .  .  We  have  concluded  to  place  another  garrison  betwixt 
Farrington  and  Marlborough,  where  most  of  the  remainder  of  the 
horse  and  foot  of  Wilts  shall  quarter  this  winter  to  wait  on  the  Far- 
rington forces,  as  they  come  abroad.'  (Report  on  the  MSS.  of  the 
Duke  of  Portland,  i.  316.) 

In  spite  of  all  these  successes  it  was  still  some  time  before 
Wiltshire  was  freed  from  the  burdens  of  war.  A  certain  number 
of  posts  were  still  garrisoned  by  the  Parliament.  Such  were 
Malmesbury,  Langford  House,  Highworth,  and  probably  some 
others.  On  Nov.  6,  1645,  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  re- 
quired the  Wiltshire  Committee  to  certify  the  number  of  garrisons 
still  maintained  in  that  county,  but  their  answer  is  not  preserved 
(Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1645-7,  P-  219).  Through  the  winter  of  1645-6 
Fairfax's  army  lay  between  Wiltshire  and  the  King's  forces  in  the 
West,  whilst  Col.  Whalley  and  a  force  of  cavalry  lay  near  Oxford 
with  orders  to  prevent  the  King's  horse  from  falling  on  Fairfax's  rear 
or  making  forays  into  neighbouring  counties  (ibid.  pp.  247,  251, 
260,  262,  316,  317,  325;  Sprigge,  pp.  174,  209,  189).  Whalley's 
protection  was  not  altogether  effective.  Under  Dec.  24,  1645, 
Whitelock  notes  that  'a  party  from  Farringdon  surprised  some 
countrymen  as  they  were  choosing  a  new  burgess  for  Calne  in 
Wilts'  (Memorials,  i.  550).  In  January  a  more  serious  inroad  was 
made  by  a  body  of  horse  under  Sir  John  Camsfield.  Their  exploits 
are  recorded  in  Mercurius  Academicus  for  Jan.  22,  1646  : — 

*  Our  Oxford  Horse  marched  hence  on  Monday,  and  in  their 
journey  met  with  a  very  convenient  Party  of  the  Rebels  in  Wiltshire, 
where  after  a  short  dispute,  they  took  Men,  Horse,  Armes,  and  Am- 
munition ;  and  to  assure  you  it  is  true,  here  follow  the  words  of  the 
Expresse  which  brought  it. 

'  Sir,  Yesterday  morning  Sir  John  Camsfield  came  hither  with  a 
gallant  Party  of  Horse,  unto  whom  I  joyned  neer  200  of  this  Garrison, 
and  about  one  of  the  clock  in  the  after-noone  of  the  same  day,  he 


The  Civil  War  in    Wiltshire.  479 

marched  to  Ogborne  in  Wiltshire,  where  intending-  to  quarter  that  night,  Ait.  1 1. 
the  Quartermaster  of  my  Regiment  of  Horse  pursued  a  horseman  of 
the  Enemies,  and  taking  him,  brought  him  to  Sir  John  Camsfield,  who 
discovered  that  the  enemy  had  drawn  into  Marleborough  an  houre  or 
two  before,  with  three  Troopes  of  Horse,  and  150  Foot,  intending  to 
Garrison  there,  upon  which  intelligence.  Sir  John  Camsfield  marched 
thither  about  eight  of  the  clock  that  night,  and  with  his  Forlornc  fell 
into  the  Towne,  and  after  with  the  whole  body  of  Horse,  kill'd  seven  of 
their  Foot-Souldiers  that  gave  fire  from  the  Maine-guard,  beat  the  rest 
of  the  Foot  into  the  Church,  took  most  of  their  Horse,  and  thirty 
Prisoners,  whereof  Colonell  Ayres  Governor  of  the  Devizes,  Goddard  a 
Committee  man,  and  Captain  Whyte  Commissary  Generall,  with  three 
or  foure  Officers  more  are  the  Principall.  Which  done,  having  sum- 
mon'd  them  in  the  Church,  they  denied  to  render  themselves  ;  but  about 
two  or  three  houres  afterwards  desired  Parlee,  and  presently  yielded 
themselves  with  condition  for  their  lives  and  to  March  away  without 
Ammunition  or  Armes  to  Malmesbuiy,  which  was  granted,  they  being 
in  number  about  50  common  men,  a  Captain  and  a  Sergeant,  the  rest  are 
all  dissipated  and  taken.  Colonell  Devereux  was  likewise  in  the  towne, 
and  very  hardly  escaped  on  foot  out  of  a  back-dore.  The  Prisoners 
are  all  with  mee,  besides  others  taken  the  night  before  at  Pidlington, 
who  were  to  have  met  these  Horse  and  Foot  at  Marleborough,  and  were 
beaten  up  by  Colonell  Philips  and  Major  Foil,  who  drew  from  hence, 
and  took  31  Horses  and  eight  Prisoners,  and  came  in  within  an 
houre  after  Sir  John  Camsfield  was  upon  his  March,  so  that  I  hope  we 
have  put  them  by  for  a  while  for  making  a  Garrison  there,  which  fell 
out  very  happily  for  the  preservation  of  the  Country.  No  losse  on  our 
party  but  only  an  Officer  or  two  of  my  Regiment  slaine,  and  some  few 
hurte.  I  desire  to  know  his  Maiesties  pleasure  concerning  the  prisoners. 
The  Ammunition  taken  was  three  barrels  of  powder,  three  hundred 
of  Match,  and  fifty  Musquets,  all  of  which  is  safely  brought  hither  : 
I  take  leave  and  rest,  Sir, 

"  Your  most  humble  servant. 


"  Faringdon, 
2\  January,  1645." 

'  By  this  it  may  appeare,  that  Colonell  Whaley,  of  whom  the  London 
Mercuries  have  made  so  much  noyse,  is  not  so  strong  or  so  vigilant  to 
observe  the  motion  of  our  Oxford  Horse,  as  they  have  reported  of  him 
and  undertaken  for  him.' 

On  Jan.  27,  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  wrote  to  Fairfax  : — 

'  We  are  informed  by  the  gentlemen  of  Wilts  of  the  loss  of  all  their 
horse  lately  at  Marlborough,  there  taken  by  the  enemy,  whereby  their 
county  is  at  present  under  the  power  of  that  party,  and  rendered 


480  Appendix  II. 

App.  II,  altogether  unable  to  furnish  those  recruits  which  are  now  ordered  to 
be  there  levied  for  your  army.  They  conceive  a  regiment  of  horse 
will  be  sufficient  to  defend  them  until  they  can  raise  more  of  their  own, 
which  they  intend  to  do  speedily.  We  recommend  this  to  your  con- 
sideration, and  desire  you  to  do  therein  what  you  conceive  to  be  best 
for  the  public  service.'     (Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1645-7,  p.  325.) 

The  alarm  of  the  Wiltshire  Committee  was  exaggerated.  Cams- 
field  returned  to  Oxford  Jan.  31,  after  releasing  forty  Royalist 
prisoners  at  Salisbury,  and  no  more  raids  took  place.  The 
Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms,  on  Feb.  3,  ordered  the  governor  of 
Langford  House  to  send  100  men  to  take  part  in  the  siege 
of  Corfe  Castle,  '  there  being  no  enemy  near  that  can  offend 
and  endanger  you.'  On  April  10,  the  governor  of  Malmesbury 
was  ordered  to  send  300  foot  to  blockade  Farringdon,  and  the 
governor  of  Highworth  was  similarly  ordered  to  detach  what- 
ever foot  he  could  spare  for  the  same  purpose  (ibid.  pp.  333,  406). 
Fairfax  on  his  return  from  the  W'est  passed  through  Wiltshire, 
and  halted  from  20  to  23  April  at  Salisbury  on  his  way  to  Oxford 
(Sprigge,  p.  252).  With  the  surrender  of  Oxford  and  Farringdon, 
June  20,  the  Wiltshire  forces  were  set  free  to  return  home,  and  the 
war  ended. 

The  disbandment  of  the  local  levies  was  the  only  thing  which 
remained  to  be  done.  Making  out  the  accounts  of  the  soldiers 
was  a  task  of  some  difficulty.  Robert  Nicholas,  one  of  the  Sub- 
committee of  Accounts  for  Wiltshire,  wrote  to  the  General  Committee 
of  Accounts  in  Nov.  1646,  complaining  of  the  slowness  of  the 
process: — 

'  Whereas  you  directed  a  commission  for  Wilts,  enabling  a  sub- 
committee to  take  the  accounts  in  this  county,  the  noble  knight  of  our 
shire,  Col.  Ludlow,  has  very  faithfully  prosecuted  the  same,  yet  he 
found  a  great  fainting  amongst  us,  so  that  he  could  only  swear  five  of 
us,  and  since  then  this  business  has  slept ;  but  it  is  a  great  pity  that  it 
should  do  so  for  it  is  one  of  the  most  important  employments  at  this 
time.'     (Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1645-7,  p.  491.) 

A  more  serious  business  than  the  disbanding  the  forces  raised  by 
the  county  committee  was  the  disbanding  of  the  litde  army  raised 
by  Massey,  as  major-general  of  the  associated  counties.  It  took 
place   at   Devizes   in   Nov.   1646,  under  the  superintendence    of 


The  Civil  War  in   Wiltshire.  481 

Fairfax  himself  (Sprigge,  p.  314).     Ludlow,  as  the  Memoirs  tell  us    Apr.  II. 
(p.  141),  took  part  in  the  work,  by  special  order  from  Parliament, 
and  sent  the  following  account  of  his  mission  to  the  Speaker. 

[Edmund  Ludlow  and  Francis  Allein 
TO  William  Lenthall,  Speaker.] 

•  Honored  Sir, 

'  We  are  nowe  by  the  blessing  of  God  waded  through  the  depths 
and  difficulties  of  that  busines  wherin  we  were  appointed  to  be  assisting 
to  the  Generall,  in  order  to  the  paying,  reducement,  and  disbanding  of 
the  brygade,  late  under  the  comand  of  Colonel  General  Massie,  there 
having  beene  nothing  wanting  in  his  Excellency  in  the  faire  and  faithful! 
management  of  this  whole  worke,  and  we  having  mutually  used  ac- 
cording to  instructions  all  possible  endeavours  to  engage  both  officers 
and  souldiers  for  the  service  of  Irland,  upon  the  conditions  exprest  in 
the  said  instructions,  and  finding  a  generall  dislike  of  the  said  con- 
ditions and  noe  possibility  of  reducing  them  to  that  imployment, 
we  proceeded  to  the  other  part  of  our  instructions,  which  relate  to 
paying  and  disbanding,  according  to  which  the  whole  br)'gade  have 
received  their  six  weekes  pay,  the  officers  being  engag'd  to  bring  them 
to  a  second  rendezvous  in  their  course,  as  before,  when  and  where  at 
the  head  of  each  regiment,  a  proclaymation  is  to  be  published  and 
a  pass  to  be  delivered  to  each  souldier,  a  copie  of  bothe  is  here  in- 
closed. All  which  was  accordingly  done  at  the  head  of  the  Plymouth 
regiment  yesterday,  and  they  presently  therupon  dispersed  themselves. 
The  like  is  to  be  done  to-day  with  another  regiment,  and  soe  with  the 
rest  till  wee  have  finished  the  whole,  not  doubting  but  that  we  shall 
find  the  like  civilitys  in  the  officers  and  quiet  behaviour  in  the  souldiers 
to  the  perfecting  of  the  worke,  as  we  have  hitherto  found  from  them 
both  in  the  progress  of  it.  And  as  we  conceive  the  leaving  the  souldier 
free  to  dispose  of  his  horse  hath  much  conduced  to  the  one,  soe  an 
expectation  in  the  officer  to  continue  in  your  favour  and  to  partake  of 
your  justice  hath  invited  him  to  the  other.  We  hope  shortly  to  attend 
you  with  more  full  accompt  of  our  proceedings,  in  the  meanewhile 
we  are 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'  Edmund  Ludlowe.    Francis  Allein  ^ 
'  Devises, 
'  22  October^  1646.' 

1  Tanner  MSS.  Hx.  566. 


VOL.  L  I   1 


APPENDIX    III, 


THE  ACCOUNT  OF  LIEUT.-GEN.  LUDLOW. 

App.  III.  *  In  obedience  to  an  order  of  this  Honourable  House,  of  the  nine- 
teenth of  July  last,  1650,  we  have  examined  the  account  of  Edmund 
Ludlow,  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Parliament's  forces  in  Ireland,  for 
the  pay  he  demands  as  due  for  his  service  done  to  the  Parliament,  in 
the  several  qualities  hereafter  mentioned  ;  and  also  for  and  concerning 
all  such  monies  as  he  hath  paid  and  disbursed  for  the  service  of  the 
State  ;  and  also  of  all  such  monies  and  goods  as  he  acknowledgeth  to 
have  received  for  and  towards  the  same ;  as  followeth  ;  viz. 

£    s.    d.     £    s.     d. 

The  said  Lieutenant-GeneralLudlowcraves 
allowance,  as  Captain  of  a  troop  of  horse 
under  the  command  of  Sir  Edward 
Hungerford  in  the  county  of  Wiltes, 
from  the  tenth  of  April  1643,  to  the 
fifth  of  April  1644,  being  three  hundred 
and  sixty  days,  at  four-and-twenty  shil- 
lings per  diem 432     o     o 

He  craves  allowance  as  Captain  of  foot, 
from  the  third  of  May  1643,  to  the 
third  of  April  1644,  being  three  hundred 
and  thirty-five  days,  at  fifteen  shillings 
per  diem 251     5     o 

He  craves  allowance,  as  Captain  of  a  troop 
of  horse,  in  Sir  Arthur  Haselrig's  regi- 
ment, in  Sir  William  Waller's  late  army, 
and  as  Major  of  the  same  regiment,  from 
the  tenth  of  May  1644,  to  the  two-and- 
twentieth  of  July  1644,  being  seventy- 
three  days  ;  viz.  as  a  Captain  of  a  troop, 
at  four-and-twenty  shillings  per  diem, 
eighty-seven  pounds,  twelve  shillings ; 


{Carried  forward)       683     5     o 


The  Account  of  Lieut -Gen.  Ltidlow.        483 

L      s.    d.     I     s.     d.        API-.  111. 
{Brought  over)       683     5     o 
as   Major  to   the    regiment   at   twelve 
shillings  per  diem,  forty-three  pounds, 
sixteen  shillings ;  in  all  .        .        .       131     8     o 

He  craves  allowance,  as  Colonel  of  a  regi- 
ment of  horse,  and  as  Captain  of  a 
troop  in  the  same  regiment,  from  the 
thirtieth  of  July  1644,  to  the  second  of 
April  1645,  being  two  hundred  and 
forty- six  days  ;  viz.  as  Colonel,  at  thirty 
shillings  per  diem,  three  hundred  and 
sixty-nine  Pounds ;  as  Captain,  at  four- 
and-twenty  shillings  per  diem,  two 
hundred  and  ninety-five   pounds,  four 

shillings ;  in  all 664     4    o 

1478  17     o 


'The  said  Lieutenant-General  hath  not  produced  to  us  any  Com- 
mission, Certificate,  or  Muster-Rolls,  whereby  his  actual  service  in 
the  said  several  qualities  might  appear,  the  said  Lieutenant-General 
affirming  to  this  Committee  that  all  the  said  Vouchers  were  taken  by 
the  enemy  when  Wardour-Castle  was  surrendered,  and  when  his 
quarters  were  fallen  upon  at  Sarum. 

'Also  the  said  Lieutenant-General  craves  allowance  of  monies  by 
him  disbursed,  at  several  times,  to  officers  and  soldiers,  for  their  pay, 
and  otherwise  for  the  service  of  the  forces  under  his  command ;  viz. 

i    s-    d. 

For  the  pay  of  officers  and  soldiers   . 

For  furniture  for  his  troop .... 

For  ammunition 

For  workmen  employed  in  and  about  the 
reparations  of  the  said  castle,  and  houses 
thereto  belonging 150    o    o 

For  furnishing  the  castle  with  victuals  for 
horse  and  man,  with  twenty  pounds  for 
payment  of  quarter         ....      920    o    o 

In  all 2796    9     4 


I 

s. 

d. 

167 1 

9 

4 

30 

0 

0 

25 

0 

0 

'The  said  Lieutenant-General  hath  not  produced  to  us  any  Ac- 
quittances, or  other  Vouchers,  whereby  the  payment  of  the  said  sum 
of  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six  pounds,  nine  shillings 
and  four-pence  might  appear,  as  in  his  accompt  is  expressed ;  he 
affirming  the  same  were  taken  by  the  enemy  at  the  rendition  of  the 
said  castle. 

I   i    2 


484  Appendix  III. 

Ai'i'.  III.  £     s.     d.      £     s.     d. 

Sum  total,  whereof  he  craves  allowance, 
as  aforesaid 4275     6     4 

Against  which,  the  said  Lieutenant-General 
acknowledgeth  to  have  received,  at 
sundry  times,  of  several  persons,  in 
money  and  goods  belonging  to  the  State, 
for  and  towards  his  pay  and  disburse- 
ments, as  aforesaid,  as  by  the  accompt 
of  the  particulars  thereof,  delivered  in 
under  his  hand,  appears  .         .         •     2221     o     o 

Deducted  for  free  quarter,  according  to  the 
instructions  of  the  eight-and-twentieth 
of  May  1647,  out   of  the  said  several 

pays,  the  sum  of 472     o    3 

2693    o     3 


And  then  resteth ^1582     6     I 


'  Memorandum,  we  have  not  cast  up  the  pay  which  the  said 
Lieutenant-General  demands  for  six  horses,  as  he  was  Captain  of  a 
troop  of  horse,  amounting  to  five  hundred  and  nine  pounds,  five 
shillings ;  because  it  hath  not  appeared  to  us,  by  any  Muster-Roils, 
that  he  kept  the  said  horses. 

'  Besides  what  is  above  acknowledged  to  have  been  received,  the 
said  Lieutenant-General  acknowledgeth,  that,  of  the  money,  plate, 
jewels,  etc.,  which  were  found  by  some  of  his  soldiers  buried  in  the 
walls  of  Wardour- Castle,  there  came  into  his  hands  to  the  value  of 
about  twelve  hundred  pounds. 

'  Sir  John  Danvers  Knight,  John  Dove,  and  Edward  Ash,  Esquires, 
certify  under  their  hands,  31°  Julii  last  past,  that  the  said  Lieutenant- 
General  Edmund  Ludlow  was  Governor  of  Wardor-Castle,  from  the 
third  day  of  May  1643,  to  the  five-and-twentieth  day  of  March  fol- 
lowing ;  for  which  we  have  not  cast  up  any  pay  in  this  accompt,  there 
being  no  establishment  for  allowing  thereof:  all  which  we  humbly 
submit  to  the  consideration  of  this  Honourable  House. 

'  Thomas  Richardson.    Henry  Broad. 
Ri.  Wilcox.  Wm.  Jessop. 

Nic.  Bond. 

'  Resolved,  by  the  Parliament,  that  the  sum  of  one  thousand  five 
hundred  eighty-two  pounds  six  shillings  and  a  peny  be  and  is  hereby 
allowed  of  as  due  from  the  State  to  Lieutenant-General  Edmund 
Ludlowe,  upon  this  account. 

'  Resolved,  that  the  sum  of  five   hundred  and  nine  pounds  five 


The  Account  of  Lieut. -Gen.  Ludlow.      485 

shillings  be  allowed  unto  the  said  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow  for  six    Arr.  III. 
horses,  as  captain  of  a  troop  of  horse. 

'  Resolved,  that  the  said  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow  be,  and  is 
hereby,  discharged  of  and  from  the  money,  plate,  jewels,  etc.,  that 
were  found  buried  in  the  walls  of  Wardour-Castle,  which  came  to  his 
hands,  to  the  value  of  about  twelve  hundred  pounds  ;  and  of  and  from 
any  further  account  for  the  same. 

'  Resolved,  that  the  said  several  sums  of  one  thousand  five  hundred 
eighty-two  pounds  six  shillings  and  a  peny,  and  five  hundred  and 
nine  pounds  and  five  shillings,  amounting  to  two  thousand  ninety-one 
pounds  eleven  shillings  and  a  peny,  be  hereby  allowed  to  the  said 
Lieutenant-General  Ludlow,  out  of  such  estates  of  delinquents  as  shall 
be  exposed  to  sale  :  and  that  the  trustees,  contractors,  and  all  other 
officers  for  sale  of  the  said  lands,  be  authorized  and  required  to  allow 
unto  the  said  Lieutenant-General  Ludlow,  or  his  assigns,  in  any 
purchase  of  any  of  the  said  lands,  the  said  sum  of  two  thousand 
ninety-one  pounds  eleven  shillings  and  a  peny,  as  money  doubled 
upon  those  lands,  accordingly  \ 

'  From  the  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  vol.  vi.  p.  508. 
Dec.  13,  1650. 


APPENDIX    IV. 


LETTERS  ILLUSTRATING  LUDLOW'S  SERVICES  IN 
IRELAND,  1651-1654. 


\^The  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker.^ 
pp.  IV.       '  Sir, 

'  It  has  pleased  God  to  give  us  and  all  our  company  a  safe  and 

expeditious  passage  over  the  seas,  for  whiche  mercye  wee  blesse  His 
Holy  Name.  Att  our  arrivall  wee  found  the  armye  in  worse  condition, 
and  the  enemie  uppon  more  daringe  termes  then  wee  expected  ;  and 
this  obliges  us  strictly  to  be  the  more  instant  with  you  to  take  the 
affaire  of  this  nation  to  hart,  and  as  seasonably  as  is  possible  to  speed 
away  the  designed  recruits  and  supplies.  The  Lord  Dep.  Generall  was 
in  the  feild  before  our  comeinge  hither,  and  wee  have  not  yet  spoaken 
with  him,  but  wee  daily  expect  to  see  him  or  heare  from  him  ;  and  in 
all  thinges  wherein  our  activity  may  bee  serviceable  to  the  publicke, 
wee  shall  remitt  nothing  of  our  utmost  endeavours,  but  shall  strive  to 
our  powers  to  bee  answerable  to  the  charge  intrusted  to  us.  Wee 
hope  God  will  still  continue  to  declare  against  your  enemies,  as  hee 
hath  hitherto  done  marvellously  in  this  lande,  and  ere  longe  make  us 
relators  of  better  tidinges.    We  shall  omitt  noe  opportunity  to  render 

'  Your  humble  servants, 
'  Edm.  Ludlowe.    Miles  Corbett. 

Jo.  Jones.  John  Weaver  '. 

'  Waterford, 

'Jan.  25,  1650.' 

II. 

[The  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  President  0/ the  Council  0/ Stated] 

*  My  Lord, 

'  We  have  since  we  came  to  this  towne  received  severall  petitions 
from  the  inhabitants  of  diverse  countyes,  now  under  your  protection, 
wherein  (manifesting  their  affection  to  live  under  the  protection  and 
government  of  the  Parliament)  they  desire  to  knowe  what  assurance 

'  From  Grey's   Examination  of  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  vol.  iii. 
Appendix,  p.  82. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  487 

they  shall  have  for  the  enjoyment  of  their  religion,  lives,  libertyes  and  Ari>.  IV. 
estates,  wh[en]  they  may  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  cheerfully 
contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  the  army,  and  improve  their  lands, 
which  wilbe  a  meanes  to  settle  the  distracted  condition  of  the  country, 
and  reduce  those  in  hostility  against  the  State.  To  which  petitions 
(conceiving  upon  probable  conjectures  that  the  enemy  have  it  in 
designe  tostirre  the  natives  to  a  general  insurrection  this  next  summer, 
by  possessing  them  with  an  opinion  of  an  utter  extirpation  of  them, 
when  those  that  are  nowe  in  arms  are  subdued)  we  thought  necessary 
to  return  them  this  answer :  that  we  would  represent  theire  desires 
in  those  particulars  to  the  Parliament,  and  as  soon  as  the  Parliament's 
resolutions  thereupon  came  to  our  hands  we  would  communicate  the 
same  unto  them.  We  doe  humbly  conceive  that  (as  the  State  and 
condition  of  affaires  at  present  stand  here),  if  the  inhabitants  now 
under  protection,  should  (upon  an  apprehension  that  the  Parliament 
will  extend  noe  favour  or  mercy  towards  them)  give  over  tillage  and 
husbandry  and  join  with  those  forces  which  keepe  in  the  bogs  and 
woods  almost  in  every  county,  the  war  will  be  much  lengthened  and 
made  very  burthensome  to  England,  by  necessitating  constant  and  con- 
siderable supplyes  of  recruits  of  men  (which  hitherto  have  bene  verj' 
much  wasted  by  sickness  and  want  of  clothes  and  wholesome  dyett) 
and  likewise  supplyes  of  come  and  other  victuals  for  all  the  forces, 
until  the  land  can  be  competently  planted  with  English  to  till  the 
ground.  And  the  hopes  and  designes  of  forraigne  enemyes  to  work 
disturbance,  as  well  in  England  as  here,  wilbe  strengthened.  And 
therefore  (upon  serious  consideration  of  the  present  state  of  affaires 
here,  and  that  the  justice  and  mercy  of  the  Parliament  might  be  ex- 
tended to  all  the  people  here,  in  some  measure  proportionable  to  theire 
respective  demerits)  we  have  framed  the  inclosed  qualifications  to  be 
tendered  (if  thought  fit)  to  the  consideration  of  the  Parliament  wherein 
nothing  is  inserted  which  relates  to  their  religion  (humbly  conceiving 
it  more  seasonable  for  the  Parliament  to  declare  their  pleasure  in  that 
particular,  when  the  country  is  more  thoroughly  settled).  But  we 
humbly  conceive  that  if  the  Parliament  shall  please  to  hold  forth 
some  termes  of  favour  and  mercy  to  them  in  these  other  things  it 
will  probably  quiett  the  mindes  of  many,  and  justify  the  severity  and 
justice  of  the  Parliament  against  such  as  embrace  not  their  clemency. 
All  which  we  leave  to  your  Lordship's  further  consideration,  and 
remayne  .  Your  Lordship's  humble  servants, 

'H.  IRETON.    Miles  Corbett.    Edm.  Ludlowe. 
Jo.  Jones.    John  Weaver  ^ 
'Kilkenny, 
'  24M  March,  1650. 

*  Reported  and  read  April  22,  1651. 


488  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  '  Some  of  us  this  day  are  with  my  Lord  Deputy's  approbation  going 
towards  Dublin,  to  take  an  accompt  of  affaires,  and  settle  customs  and 
excise  there,  and  (with  God's  leave)  intend  sometime  the  next  weeke  to 
returne  to  this  place  ^.' 

III. 

[^Froni  the  Irish  Cornmissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

'Sir, 

'  Little  hath  happened  here  of  late  worthy  your  knowledge. 
The  Lord  Deputy  within  these  five  days  at  a  councell  of  his  principal 
officers,  resolved  to  take  the  field  forthwith  in  order  to  the  reducing  of 
Connaught,  which  is  yet  intirely  in  the  power  of  the  enemy.  And 
orders  are  already  gone  forth  to  Sir  Charles  Coot,  and  others  to  that 
end,  and  of  this  wee  hope  to  give  you  a  further  account  ere  long. 

'There  is  also  order  given  for  part  of  the  forces  to  take  the  ad- 
vantage of  this  dry  season,  to  foard  over  the  Shannon,  and  to  secure  a 
passage  for  the  army,  and  this  designe  is  at  this  present  to  be  put  in 
execution.  As  soon  as  this  was  resolved,  the  ii  instant  wee  heard 
of  the  safe  comming  of  some  cloathesand  ammunition  in  the  Diligence 
of  Yarmouth,  whereof  there  was  very  great  want. 

'Also  since  that,  the  Jonas  and  some  other  vessels  comming  in,  have 
brought  us  further  both  ammunition,  cloaths  and  other  supplies, 
with  some  few  soldiers,  and  we  hope  also  some  money,  we  beseech 
you  to  hasten  away  our  officers  with  their  recruits  ;  and  also  to  hasten 
the  timely  providing  and  sending  of  money,  without  which  your  affairs 
here,  which  are  now  very  hopeful,  may  receive  great  prejudice. 

'  Our  action  of  late  hath  been  only  to  send  several  parties  abroad 
in  severall  places,  to  meet  with  the  Tories  that  doe  now  much  infest  our 
quarters,  and  whose  incursions  and  insolencies  will  be  increased  in 
these  parts,  as  the  army  draw  into  the  field,  but  the  Lord  Deputy  hath 
taken  the  best  course  he  can  to  prevent  the  same,  by  leaving  moving 
bodies  behind  to  prevent  their  designes.  The  enemies  are  much 
heightened  with  hopes  of  relief  from  the  Duke  of  Lorraine. 

'  Your  Honour's  most  humble  servants, 

2 

'  Kilkenny, 

^  April  19,  1 65 1.' 

^  From  the  Tanner  MSS.  vol.  Ivi.  Memorials  of  the  Civil  War,  ii.  253. 

f.  253.  Cary  also  prints  a  letter,  dated  July  I, 

*  Probablysigned  by  Ludlow,  Cor.  from  Corbet,  Jones  and  Weaver;  ib. 

bet,  Jones  and  Weaver.     An  earlier  p.  280.     It  was  thought  unnecessary 

letter  from    Kilkenny,  undated   but  to  reprint  these  again.    This  letter  is 

read    in    Parliament    on    April    22,  from  '  Severall  Proceedings  in  Parlia- 

signed    by    Ludlow,    Corbet,   Jones  ment,'  p.  1277. 
and   Weaver,  is   printed   in    Cary's 


Ludloivs  Services  in  Ireland.  489 

IV. 

[Luui.-Gen.  Ludlow  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament.'] 

'My  Noble  Freinds, 

*  I  should  oftner  give  you  an  accompt  of  proceedings  here  but 
that  the  conveniency  of  messengers  is  wanting.  I  presume  you  heare 
long  beefore  this  of  my  L.  Deputies  being  beefore  Limmerick  ;  my 
Lord  hearing  of  S"".  Ch.  Coote's  being  at  Portumna  and  the  enemy 
like  to  engage  him,  resolved  to  advance  with  his  armye  towards 
him,  but  was  overvoted  by  his  counsell  of  warre  to  send  a  party  of 
horse  and  dragoones  which  hee  did  to  the  number  of  about  looo. 
These  hee  intrusted  with  mee  with  which  I  marcht  up  to  Portumna  to 
my  Lo.  President  before  Portumna,  where  I  founde  him  in  a  much 
better  condition  than  I  expected,  that  place  having  then  conditioned  to 
surrender  the  next  morninge,  which  it  did  accordingly  ;  the  enemy 
lying  encamped  at  Ballinsloo  having  the  conjunction  of  Castlehaven 
and  of  the  Ulster  forces  resolved  (as  wee  heare)  to  ingage  our  armye  : 
but  upon  notice  given  them  of  the  advance  of  this  looo  horse  from 
my  L.  Dep*.  their  counsayls  were  presently  alterd.  Clanriccard  and 
Castlehaven  went  for  Gallway  with  diverse  others  of  their  cheife 
gentry,  the  remaynder  beeing  (as  neere  as  wee  can  learne)  about  600 
horse  and  2000  foote  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Generall  Ferrall 
and  Sir  Walter  Dungan,  upon  the  advance  of  Commissary  Generall 
Reynolds  from  Sir  Cha.  Coote  with  about  700  horse  and  500  foote,  and 
myselfe  with  the  like  number  of  select  horse,  wee  forced  retreat  from 
Ballinsloo,  which  place  wee  have  taken  in,  and  placed  a  guerrison 
therein  of  about  40  foote  and  20  horse.  The  place  is  considerable  in 
that  it  lyeth  upon  a  passe  of  the  river  Suke.  I  was  engaged  by  my 
conditions  with  the  gentleman  one  Capt.  Brabson  who  was  both 
governour  and  owner  of  the  house  to  sollicit  you  for  the  favour  of  one  of 
his  ploughes  and  a  stock  of  cattle  from  contribution,  which  I  hope 
when  you  charge  that  countrye  you  will  take  into  consideration.  From 
thence  hearing  that  the  enemy  encamped  at  Moylag  wee  advanced 
thither,  but  founde  them  fled  rather  then  marched  to  Tuum,  when  wee 
understood  that  they  had  notice  of  our  pursuite  of  them  and  were  gon 
to  Erconnaught,  wherupon  wee  resolved  to  follow  this  wildgoose  chase 
no  longer :  but  to  retire  to  our  severall  quarters.  Com.  Generall 
Renolds  with  Col.  Coote  and  Col.  Cole  are  marched  to  my  Lo. 
President,  and  I  with  my  party  am  marching  to  my  Lo.  Dep*.  who 
had  ordred  mee  to  leave  Com.  G.  Reynolds  his  troope  and  Major 
Owen's  with  my  Lo.  President  and  had  commanded  mee  to  write  to 
yourselfs  and  Col.  Hewson  to  see  them  satisfied  out  of  his  treasury  the 
last  fortnight's  pay,  which  is  beehinde  unto  them,  but  now  having  by 
his  Lordship's  order  in  the  roome  of  them  sent  2  troopes  of  dragoones, 


Apr.  IV. 


490  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.    I  know  not  how  hee  would  have  them  payed,  but  shall  acquaint  you  if 

my  Lo.  thinke  fit  to  trouble  you  therin.    So  craving  pardon  for  this 

trouble  and  begging  the  presence  of  the  Lord  may  continually  goe 

alonge  with  us  I  subscribe 

'  Your,  &c., 

'  Edmund  Ludlow  \ 

'  LORREAY, 

^June  12,  1 65 1.' 


\The  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker ?\ 

'  Right  Honourarle, 

'  We  have  not  of  late  troubled  you  with  our  letters,  not  having 
anything  worth  your  knowledge  to  impart  unto  you,  and  shall  now 
let  you  know  the  present  posture  of  your  affairs  here.  Limbrick  is 
close  besieged  with  strong  forts  round  about  it,  and  Sir  Hardress 
Waller  with  the  greatest  part  of  the  foot  of  the  marching  army,  and  9 
troops  of  horse,  to  man  the  works  and  make  good  the  siege.  The 
Lord  Deputy  and  Lieut.  General  with  12  troops  of  horse,  the  lifeguard, 
and  3  troops  of  dragoons  and  about  2000  foot  (whereof  some  are  sick) 
in  a  marching  body  attend  all  motion  of  the  enemy,  who  as  they 
gather  and  make  any  attempts,  he  is  ready  to  meet  with  them.  The 
enemy  consists  of  2000  old  foot,andabout  5ooor  600  horseunder  Marlock 
[Murtogh]  O'Bryan  and  David  Roch,  who  have  been  a  troublesome 
growing  enemy,  and  have  put  my  Lord  and  his  party  to  many  hard 
marches  in  bogs  and  mountains  to  find  them  out.  Yet  through  the 
helpe  of  God,  your  forces  have  been  enabled  to  disperse  them,  and  have 
frustrated  their  attempts,  and  have  lodged  strong  garrisons  where  their 
principal  hauntes  are,  and  what  forces  are  not  placed  in  the  said 
garrisons,  being  10  troops  of  horse  and  1500  foot,  are  so  placed  as  to 
prevent  the  field  enemy  of  that  side  the  Shannon,  from  attempting 
anything  on  Limerick,  and  to  countenance  the  garrisons,  and  to 
receive  provisions  from  the  Shannon,  and  to  justify  the  siege  of 
Limerick  as  occasion  serves.  The  Lord  Broghill  with  the  Munster 
horse,  2  troops  of  horse  and  one  of  dragoons  out  of  the  marching  army, 
and  the  party  designed  for  Kerry,  and  the  old  foot  of  2  regiments  in 
the  county  of  Cork  doth  attend  the  motion  of  Muskerry,  who  since  his 
rout  is  growing  strong  again,  and  in  that  rout  (whereof  you  have  heard) 
the  heate  of  that  service  was  not  a  little  on  the  troops  sent  from  the 
marching  army.  Col.  Zanchy  with  6  troops  of  horse  and  5  or  6  of 
dragoons  is  gon  towards  Bur  to  relieve,  and  countenance  the  garrisons 
in  those  parts,  and  to  prosecute  Fitz-Patrick,  who  hath  reigned,  and 
done  much  mischiefe  in  those  parts,  and  about  Kilkenny,  and  Tiperary, 
and  Col.  Cook  is  ordered  to  joyne  with  him,  and  as  we  hope  (and 

'  Tanner  MSS.  liv.  81.     Written  apparently  at  Loughrea. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  491 

gather  out  of  his  own  letters)  he  is  marching  according  to  those  orders  :  Apr.  IV. 
the  number  of  horse  and  foot  with  Col.  Cook  in  this  march  is  not  yet 
come  to  our  knowledge.  This  account  we  had  of  the  forces  in  those 
parts  as  they  were  the  23  of  August  last :  Sir  Charles  Coote  with  his 
party  lies  before  Gallaway  on  one  side  thereof,  but  he  wants  forces  to 
make  a  close  siege  to  the  other  side :  Commissary  General  Reynolds, 
Col.  Hewson,  Sir  Theophilus  Jones,  and  Col.  Venables  had  orders  to 
conjoin,  and  make  a  body  about  Athlone,  to  watch  and  follow  Clan- 
rickard,  and  that  body  he  was  gathering  about  Jamestown  out  of  Ulster, 
and  Leinster,  to  disturb  the  siege  at  Limerick,  or  Galloway,  and  by  the 
blessing  of  God  that  body  is  dispersed,  and  by  report  (but  the 
certainty  thereof  we  cannot  affirm)  Clanrickard,  Castle-haven,  and 
some  others  of  that  rank  are  gone  towards  Slego,  in  order  to  transport 
themselves  beyond  the  seas. 

'  But  of  the  dispersed  forces  some  of  them  are  gone  towards  Cavan 
to  joyne  with  the  Tories  there,  and  others  in  Ulster,  who  before  were 
kept  from  doing  further  mischief  by  Col.  Venables,  but  upon  his 
motion  towards  Athlone  did  take  that  advantage,  and  have  preyed 
and  taken  away  the  cows  and  cattle  about  Omagh  the  fronteer  of  your 
Ulster  forces  in  the  county  of  Tyrone,  and  also  another  party  did  face 
Dundalk  attempting  a  castle  within  a  mile  of  it,  burning  some  corne, 
but  was  repulsed.  Col.  Venables  with  about  1500  old  foot,  and  500 
horse,  and  3  troops  added  of  Col.  Hewson's  is  now  in  Cavan  to  ingage 
that  party  of  the  enemy  if  he  can  that  came  out  of  Connaught  with 
O' Riley,  and  are  joined  in  Cavan  with  the  Ulster  forces  far  more 
numerous  than  himself,  but  if  they  do  not  engage  with  him,  he  is 
ordered  to  reduce  Ballynecargy,  O'Riley's  house,  the  strongest  fort  of 
the  enemy  in  Cavan,  where  he  is  to  place  a  good  party  both  of  horse 
and  foot  after  the  same  is  reduced. 

'  And  a  new  troop  is  lately  raised  out  of  Antrim  and  Down,  to 
secure  the  passes  into  the  counties,  during  the  absence  of  Venables. 
Com.  General  Reynolds  with  the  addition  of  the  Lemster  forces 
attends  the  motion  of  Dungan,  (the  Com.  General  of  the  enemy)  with 
the  residue  of  Clanrickard's  forces  in  Lemster,  whom  he  has  pursued 
into  the  King's  County,  through  a  great  fastness  called  Glanmalere, 
and  driven  over  the  Barrow,  now  in  a  flying  posture,  and  retired  into 
Wicklow,  to  join  with  Shurlock,  Byrne,  Nash,  and  other  Lemster  forces. 
The  Com.  General  Reynolds  and  the  Lemster  forces  consist  of  800 
horse  and  dragoons,  and  600  foot,  and  this  is  the  present  posture  as 
we  doe  understand  of  your  marching  army,  and  other  the  forces  here  in 
Ireland. 

'  By  all  this  above  mentioned,  it  will  appear  that  the  work  is  not  yet 
done  in  Ireland,  and  as  you  may  well  perceive,  your  forces  have  not 
been  idle  or  unactive  all  this  summer,  so  there  is  much  to  be  yet  done, 
for  which  God  will  have  us  to  wait,  and  look  up  to  him  and  to  him 


492  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.    alone,  and  not  to  the  arm  of  flesh  ;  and  therefore  as  we  desire  that 

all  due  acknowledgment  of  praise  may  be  given  to  him  for  what  he 

hath  done,  so  his  grace  and  help  and  blessing  is  to  be  blessed,  that  it 

may  be  vouchsafed  to  his  unworthy  servants  here.     And  wee  beseech 

you  to  consider,  that  this  summer's  action  hath  been  a  great  wasting 

of  your  horse  and  foot,  and  though  many  recruites  in  number  have 

come  over  for  foot,  yet  there  is  just  cause  of  complaint,  that  a  great 

party  of  the  same  were  lame,  blind,  children,  aged,  and  fitter  for  an 

hospital  than  an  army,  and  all  of  them  without  cloathes  ;  and  for  the 

army  and  forces,  they  are  now  engaged  in  services,  or  in  chase  of  the 

eneiny,  but  the  contribution  and  assessments  to  be  raised  for  their  pay 

are  much  decreased,  and  made  impossible  to  be  raised  in  many  places 

by  the  great  wasting  the  enemy  hath  made  in  all  quarters  of  late.     So 

we  hope  you  will  see  there  is  a  necessity  that  supplyes  for  money,  and 

additions  of  forces,  especially  of  horse  be  continued,  and  sent  over,  and 

so  we  shall  take  our  leave  and  rest 

*  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'Jo.  Jones.   John  Weaver.    Miles  Corbet. 
'  Dublin, 

'Sept.  1 8,  1651V 

VI. 

\The  Irish  Cotnmissiojiers  to  the  Speaker^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  By  our  last  of  the  1 8th  of  September  wee  gave  an  accompt  how 
your  military  affayrs  then  stood,  and  as  to  Munster  and  Connaught  wee 
cannot  add  anything  to  what  wee  then  informed,  not  having  since  heard 
anything  of  moment  from  those  parts,  so  as  wee  doe  believe  the  sieges 
and  affaires  there  are  much  what  in  the  same  posture  as  they  then 
stoode.  As  to  the  forces  in  the  north  under  Col.  Venables,  hee  had 
lately  besiedged  Ballynecargy,  a  place  very  considerable  within  the 
County  of  Cavan  :  but  not  finding  such  other  helpe  comming  to  his 
assistance  as  was  intended  and  expected,  and  wanting  ammunition 
and  provisions,  his  men  began  to  fall  sick,  and  finding  the  enemye 
had  400  in  that  fort,  and  within  2  miles  another  great  bodie  of  2300 
foote,  and  about  6  or  700  horse,  and  finding  the  enemye  to  retreate  to 
a  bogge  that  did  befriend  them  when  your  forces  marched  towards 
them ;  and  not  being  able  to  send  any  party  considerable  for  any 
supplyes  without  too  much  weakening  of  their  partye,  that  had  so 
powerful  an  enemy  so  near  to  them,  and  their  forces  in  other  parts 
were  all  so  imployed  that  none  could  be  spared  to  carry  the  provisions 

'^  Read  in  Parliament,  Oct.  i,  The  copy  amongst  the  Irish  State 
1651,  and  printed  in  *  Severall  Pro-  Papers  is  dated  Sept.  18.  A  few 
ceedings'    for    that    date,    p.    1627.       corrections  have  been  made  from  it. 


Ludlows  Services  in  Ireland.  493 

that  were  in  readines  for  them,  they  were  constrayned  to  rise  from  App.  IV. 
that  siedge,  and  drew  near  their  own  quarters  at  Dundalke  ;  and  after 
their  supplyes  from  Belfast,  Carlingford,  and  other  parts  are  come  to 
them,  they  are  resolved  to  return  to  the  County  of  Cavan,  and  if  the 
enemye  will  not  fight  with  them,  yet  they  hope  to  hinder  the  enemye 
from  any  other  designe  either  towards  Connought  or  elsewhere,  and  to 
take  the  best  quarter  they  can  to  place  a  good  part  of  their  forces  this 
winter,  that  may  bee  in  readines  to  attend  the  motions  of  the  enemy  in 
those  parts  upon  all  occasions.  In  Leynster  the  enemy  is  very  active, 
and  hath  severall  bodies  that  are  in  motion  in  several  partyes,  and 
having  preyed  and  wasted  about  Wexford  hath  stormed  Rosse,  kild 
20  of  your  souldiers,  taken  16  barrels  of  powder,  with  match  and  ball 
proportionable  ;  but  your  souldiers  helde  the  church  and  a  house  lately 
fortified,  and  the  enemye  having  stayd  a  night  and  a  day  did  retreat 
with  some  loss,  but  tooke  ^700  of  the  inhabitants  to  save  the  towne  from 
burninge,  Comiss.-Gen.  Reynolds,  Col.  Zanchy,  and  Col.  Axtell  are  con- 
joined before  Ballyban,  Fitz-Patrick's  strongholde  in  the  King's  County, 
and,  as  we  hear,  Fitz-Patrick  Westmeath  and  Grace's  forces  are 
gathering  together  to  remoove  that  siedge  if  they  can.  Another  bodye 
of  the  enemye,  sayd  to  be  2000,  were  the  30th  of  September  at  Mollingar 
attempting  the  castles  there,  and  burnt  part  of  the  town,  but  were 
beaten  off  with  the  loss  of  40  men  on  their  part,  and  severall  [of]  their 
ofificers  wounded,  and  Sir  The.  Jones,  having  2  troopes  with  him,  came 
very  seasonably  to  our  friends'  assistance,  and  the  enemye  left  the  place, 
and  in  a  bog  left  6  of  their  horses.  This  morning  wee  heard  that 
Skurlock,  and  his  party  that  had  been  at  Wexford  and  Ross,  are  now 
in  a  body  in  Wicklo,  within  8  miles  of  this  place  ;  they  are  reported 
to  be  about  2000  horse  and  foot,  but  here  is  no  force  to  remoove  them. 
Col.  Cooke  and  Col.  Pritty  are  to  attend  their  motions,  but  where 
they  are  at  present  wee  doe  not  understand.  As  to  your  sea  affayrs  in 
these  parts  wee  have  not  heard  of  nor  seene  any  one  Parliament  ship 
betwixt  Carrickfergus  and  Waterford  since  July,  so  as  the  enemy  at 
sea  hath  done  much  mischeife.  One  Bartlet  about  Carrickfergus  hath 
taken  vessels  out  of  the  harbour,  landed  men  on  shore,  and  taken  men 
out  of  their  houses  :  and  at  Wexford  one  ship  of  late  with  3  guns  hath 
taken  1 1  English  barques  at  the  port,  and  none  dare  go  out  or  come 
in  till  the  seas  be  cleared,  which  is  a  greate  hindrance  to  the  fishing  and 
all  other  trading,  at  this  season,  so  as  the  customs,  and  excise  and 
trading  must  needs  sinke,  if  not  prevented.  It  is  no  small  trouble  to  us 
to  see  that  that  litle  part  of  this  wasted  country  that  pays  contribution 
is  so  preyed  and  burnt  by  the  enemy,  that  wee  know  not  how  the  poor 
souldier  can  be  payd  out  of  the  assessments,  unles  supplyes  bee  sent 
to  your  forces  in  the  severall  parts  of  this  nation,  which  wee  doe  and 
must  most  humbly  pray  for.  These  things  wee  humbly  present  to  your 
consideration,  and  beseech  the  Lord  to  teach  us  to  submit  to  his  holy 


494  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.    will,  and  to  believe  and  wayt  that  he  may  be  gratious  to  us.     Wee 
shall  only  ad  that  wee  are 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'  Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    John  Weaver  '. 
'Dublin, 
'  Octr.^,  1651.' 

Read  Oct.  17,  165 1. 

VII. 

\The  Irish  Coimnissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  Wee  have  this  day  received  intelligence  from  Col.  Sankey  under 
his  own  hand  of  the  newes  of  the  rendring  of  Limerick  to  my  Lord 
Deputy,  a  copy  whereof  wee  send  you  inclosed.  Wee  doubt  not  but 
his  Excellency  will  give  you  a  full  accompt  of  this  great  and  seasonable 
mercy,  as  soone  as  the  difficulty  of  passage,  from  the  place  where  now 
his  Lordship  is,  will  permitt.  Wee  shall  only  add  that  the  enemy  hath 
considerable  parties,  in  severall  parts  of  this  nation,  whereof  wee  have 
given  lately  particular  accompt  (so  far  as  hath  come  to  our  notice)  to 
the  Councell  of  State  ;  and  the  forces  before  Limerick,  and  those  that 
have  been  in  continual  marches  in  attending  the  motion  of  the  enemy, 
all  this  summer  have  bene  much  wasted,  especially  the  new  recruits,  soe 
as  there  will  be  a  necessity  of  more  forces  to  bee  sent  over,  which  wee  doe 
beseech  you  to  consider  of,  soe  as  this  worke  may  bee  vigorously  carried 
on  and  your  servants  here  enabled  to  reduce  those  enemies,  that  we 
hope  are  gathered  together  that  in  the  Lord's  due  time  they  may 
be  destroyed.  Wee  are  now  preparing  to  goe  to  Athlone,  50  miles  from 
this  city  upon  the  Shannon,  my  Lord  Deputy  holdinge  that  to  bee  the 
most  fit  place  for  the  head  quarters  this  winter,  where  wee  shall  meet 
his  Lordship,  in  order  to  settle  those  parts  and  put  in  execution  such 
■  orders  as  we  have,  or  shall  receive  from  the  Parliament.  Wee  shall 
only  add  that  wee  are, 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    John  Weaver  I 
'  Dublin, 
'  October  31,  1651.' 

Read  Nov.  i,  1651. 

VIII. 

[7%(?  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Council  of  State?^ 

'  Mv  Lords, 

'  Wee  have  troubled  your  Lordships  with  many  dispatches  ex- 
pressing the  condition  of  your  affaires  heere  ;  and  because  the  last  of 

*  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  73.  ^  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  67. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  495 

the  nineteenth  of  November '  might  miscarry  (the  packet  boat  having  Api*.  IV. 
sett  out  hence  in  a  very  stormy  night),  wee  have  heere  sent  inclosed 
a  dupHcate  of  the  same,  since  which  tyme  there  is  noe  aUeration  in 
affaires  heere,  save  that  our  necessities  growe  more  and  more  upon  us, 
which  wee  humbly  desire  may  be  taken  into  your  serious  consideration, 
and  that  a  speedy  signification  of  your  Lordships'  pleasure  in  those 
particulars  represented  to  your  Lordships  in  the  said  papers  may  bee 
sent  us.  Colonel  Abbott,  who  came  from  Limbricke  and  was  there 
on  Friday,  2ist  November  last,  informs  us  that  the  Lord-Deputy  was 
then  very  ill  of  a  feaver,  and  that  the  disease  was  not  then  come  to  the 
height.  Wee  hope  the  Lord  will  spare  his  life  to  carry  on  the  worke 
committed  to  his  trust,  God  having  quaiifyed,  and  much  enabled  him 
for  so  great  a  trust.  Since  the  surrender  of  Limbricke,  Clare  Castle  in 
Toomond,  Carrick-Colta,  a  strong  castle  of  Sir  Dan.  O'Bryan,  upon 
the  furthest  point  in  Toomond  on  the  mouth  of  the  Shannon,  were 
rendred  to  Lt.  Gen.  Ludlow  ;  a  copie  of  the  Articles  wee  have  here 
inclosed.  The  Castle  of  the  Neale  in  the  County  of  Mayo  (being 
reported  to  be  a  place  of  good  strength,  and  of  greate  use  to  streighten 
the  enemy  in  Eri-Connaught  and  stop  relief  to  Gallway)  is  delivered 
to  Sir  Charles  Coote. 

'  Having  neither  money  in  the  Treasury,  nor  come  in  the  stores 
heere  to  furnish  the  soldiers  with  bread,  wee  have  taken  up  of  one 
William  Burleton  three  hundred  pounds,  which  wee  intend  to  imploy 
to  buy  corne  for  the  present  use  of  the  forces,  without  which  they 
cannot  subsist,  and  have  ordered  Mr.  Daniel  Hutchinson  to  charge 
the  same  upon  the  Treasurers  at  Warr  ;  wee  humbly  desire  your  Lord- 
ships to  order  the  same  to  be  paid  accordingly.  If  wee  could  have 
procured  a  more  considerable  summe,  we  had  not  troubled  your 
Lordships  to  order  so  small  a  parcell. 

'  Of  the  22  men  excepted  from  the  benefitt  of  the  Articles  for  the 
surrender  of  Lymbricke  seaven  were  executed,  viz.  Major-Gen.  Purcell, 
the  Bishopp  of  Emelee,  Mr.  Stretch,  the  late  Mayor  of  Limerick,  Sir 
Jeffrey  Galloway,  Jeffrey  Baron,  a  lawyer.  Dr.  Higgins,  and  Dominicke 
Fanning,  an  Alderman.  Hugh  O'Neale,  the  Governour,  is  pardoned 
for  life,  and  some  others,  about  8  of  them,  are  not  taken. 

'  Wee  have  noe  more  at  present  to  add,  but  that  wee  are 

'  Your  Lordships'  most  humble  Servants, 

'Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    John  Weaver ^ 
'Dublin, 
'  Decetnber  i,  165 1.' 

Read  December  9,  1651. 

^A    long    letter    mainly    on    the       cessities  of  the  government.    A  copy 
surrender  of  Limerick,  the  fortifica-       is  amongst  the  Irish  State  Papers, 
tion  of  Athlone,  and  the  financial  ne-  *  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  97. 


Apr.  IV, 


496  Appendix  IV. 

IX. 

\The  Irish  Conunissioners  io  the  Speaker ?\ 

'Mr.  Speaker, 

'This  morning  came  unto  us  the  sad  newes  of  the  death  of  the 
Lord-Deputy,  his  gain  (we  are  assured)  is  very  great,  he  doth  now 
rest  from  his  sore  great  labours,  and  is  with  the  Lord.  But  our  losse 
and  (we  may  well  say)  your  losse  also  of  such  a  servant  is  very  great. 
Upon  consideration  of  your  present  posture  of  your  army,  that  is  not 
yet  settled  in  their  winter  quarters,  and  when  they  are  they  must  be  in 
readyness  to  attend  all  motions  of  a  restless,  desperate  enemy,  and  to 
prevent  (as  we  humbly  conceive)  some  disorders  that  might  otherwise 
arise,  upon  the  whole  matter,  (having  consulted  with  some  of  your 
servants  that  are  nowe  here  with  us,)  did  take  these  resolutions  en- 
closed. We  shall  only  adde  our  most  humble  request,  that  your 
pleasure  therein  may  be  with  all  convenient  speede  declared,  and  in 
the  meanetime  we  shall  not  be  wanting  to  attend  your  service  to  the 
uttmost  of  our  power,  and  in  order  thereunto,  we  doe  purpose  forthwith 
to  repaire  to  Kilkenny,  where  we  shall  have  oportunity  to  consult  with 
many  officers  of  your  army  for  the  better  carrying  on  of  your  affaires  ; 
and  (we  hope)  shall  meete  with  the  treasure  last  sent  for  Ireland  at 
Waterford,  of  which  there  is  need  enough.  And  (we  believe)  we  shall 
goe  from  thence  into  Conaught  to  settle  your  affairs  there,  and  then 
dispose  of  ourselves  as  may  most  conduce  to  your  service.  Thus 
(having  hearts  full  of  greife,  and  hands  full  of  your  service,)  we  can  adde 
noe  more  at  present,  but  assure  you  we  are, 

'Sir, 
'  Your  most  humble  servants, 
'Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    John  Weaver ^ 

'  Dublin, 
'■  Decemb.  2,  165 1.' 

Read  Decemb.  9,  165 1. 

X. 

[The  Irish  Commissioners  to  Cromwell.'] 

'To  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland, 

'  May  it  please  your  Excellency, — Since  the  writing  of  the  enclosed, 
we  have  received  the  sad  news  of  the  death  of  that  incomparable  man 
the  late  Lord  Deputy  who  expired  of  a  fever  at  Limerick  the  26th  of 
the  last  month  by  which  we  have  been  put  upon  the  enclosed  resolutions 
which  we  offer  to  your  Lordship's  consideration.     We  have  this  testi- 

'  Tanner  MSB.  Iv.  99. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  497 

mony  within  us  that  we  had  no  other  aim  than  the  promotion  of  the  Arr.  IV 
public  service,  and  we  are  sure  the  Lieutenant-General  is  so  self- 
denying  a  gentleman  that  he  will  with  more  cheerfulness  lay  it  down 
than  he  now  takes  it  up,  when  it  shall  seem  so  good  to  the  wisdom  of 
the  Parliament  or  your  Excellency.  Upon  discourse  with  the  Lord- 
Deputy  in  his  life-time,  we  found  his  opinion  was  that  Presidents  of 
Provinces  were  an  unnecessary  burthen  to  the  state  and  country,  and 
we  are  so  much  of  the  same  judgment  that  we  humbly  offer  it  may  be 
well  considered  of  before  any  more  be  named.  We  desire  not  to  add 
to  your  Lordship's  just  cause  of  sorrow  by  any  repetition  of  the  loss  the 
Commonwealth  hath  by  the  death  of  the  Lord-Deputy,  or  how  much 
we  are  like  to  suffer  by  it  in  our  own  particular,  but  rather  to  beseech 
the  Lord  to  support  you  under  it  for  the  public  good  of  the  nation,  and 
the  private  comfort  of  my  Lord. 

'  Your  [most  humble  servants], 
'  Michael  Corbet.    John  Jones.    John  Weaver  '. 

'Dec.  2,  1651.' 

XL 
\^The  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Council  of  State^ 

'The  Parliament  have  in  Ireland  above  350  guarrisons  which  at 
present  must  bee  continued,  being  placed  in  port  towns,  walled  citties 
and  towns,  and  in  castles  upon  passes,  and  in  the  other  places  of 
advantage  for  the  keeping  of  this  country  in  subjection,  annoying  the 
enemy  and  preventing— as  much  as  may  be— their  conjunction  there. 
Although  the  Parliament  have  now  in  pay  in  Ireland  and  in  view  as 
ordered  already  to  come  over  upwards  of  30,000  foot,  yet  in  respect  of 
the  numerousness  of  the  guarrisons  now  maintained,  and  of  the  number 
of  about  100  guarrisons  more  that  must  bee  placed  in  the  counties  of 
Wicklow,  Longford,  King's  and  Queen's  Counties  in  Leinster,  Kerry 
in  Munster,  Galway,  Roscommon,  Mayo,  Sleigo  and  Leitrim  in  Con- 
naught,  Tyrone,  Cavan,  Fermanagh,  Monaghan  and  Armagh  in  Ulster, 
as  these  places  shalbe  reduced,  the  said  number  of  forces  must  for  some 
time  be  held  up  and  the  charge  continued.  The  enemy  now  in  armes 
are  conceived  to  be  noe  lesse  in  number  then  thirty  thousand  men,  all 
which — except  those  in  the  guarrisons  of  Galway,  Sleigo,  Roscomon, 
James  Towne,  and  some  other  few  small  guarrisons — live  in  woods, 
boggs,  and  other  fastnesses,  yeilding  them  many  advantages  in  order 
to  their  security  and  livelyhood,  wherof  they  cannot  easily  be  deprived, 
viz. : — 

'l.  First,  The  countrey  being  allmost  every  where  in  the  counties 

1  From    the    Irish    State    Papers,       The    spelling    modernised    by    the 

Commonwealth  Series,  —  49,  p.  243.       transcriber. 
89 

VOL.  I.  K  k 


498  Appendix  IV. 

Ari'.  IV.  above  mencioned  interlaced  with  vaste  great  boggs  in  the  middest  of 
which  there  are  firme  woody  grounds  like  islandes,  into  which  they  have 
passes  or  casewayes  through  the  boggs  where  noe  more  then  one  horse 
can  goe  a  breast,  which  passes  they  can  easily  mainteine,  or  suddainely 
break  up  soe  as  noe  horse  can  approach  them,  and  being  inured  to  live 
in  cabbins  and  to  wade  through  those  boggs  they  can  fetch  prey  from 
any  part  of  the  countrey  to  releive  themselves  and  prosecute  their 
designes  which  are  to  robb  and  burne  those  places  that  yeild  our 
forces  subsistance. 

'  2.  Secondly,  Those  fastnesses  being  unpassable  for  horse,  and  into 
which  foote  cannot  goe  without  some  experience  and  hardship  to  wade 
in  water  and  tread  the  bogg ;  such  of  our  forces  as  attempt  to  goe  are 
subject  by  cold  to  get  the  countrey  disease  which  wastes  and  destroyes 
many  of  them  and  being  gott  into  those  places  their  unacquaintedness 
with  the  passes  through  the  woods  etc.,  renders  them  incapeable  to 
pursue  and  subject  to  surprises. 

'  3.  Their  fastnesses  are  better  to  them  in  point  of  strength  then 
walled  towns.  I.  Because  they  cannot  be  [besjeiged  in  them  ;  2.  Because 
they  can  draw  all  their  strength  out  of  them  to  act  their  designes  with- 
out hazarding  the  losse  of  the  place. 

'  4.  Fowerthly,  They  have  exact  and  constant  intelligence  from  the 
natives  of  the  motions  of  any  of  our  forces,  and  of  opportunities  to  act 
their  designes  upon  us.  But  our  forces  have  seldome  or  never  any 
intelligence  of  their  motions  from  the  natives,  who  are  possessed  with 
an  opinion  that  the  Parliament  intend  them  noe  tearmes  of  mercy,  and 
therfore  endeavour  to  preserve  them  as  those  that  stand  betwene  them 
and  danger. 

'  For  the  speedier  breaking  of  their  strength  it  is  humbly  proposed  :  — 

'  I.  First,  That  such  of  the  contrymen  now  in  proteccion  as  shall  goe 
out  into  armes  against  the  Parliament  be  declared  to  be  excepted  from 
pardon  for  life  or  estate. 

'  2.  Secondly,  That  such  persons  of  the  enemie's  party  as  are  now  in 
armes — except  preistes,  Jcsuites,  and  other  persons  excepted  from 
pardon  by  any  rules  or  qualificacions  held  forth  by  the  Parliament — 
and  shall,  by  a  set  day,  lay  downe  armes,  disband  their  men,  and 
deliver  up  their  armes  in  some  of  our  guarrisons,  and  ingage  them- 
selves to  live  peaceably  and  submit  to  the  authority  of  the  Parliament, 
shall  have  liberty  to  make  sale  of  their  horses,  and  to  live  under  the 
proteccion  of  the  Parliament,  and  shall  have  the  benefit  of  such  termes 
as  the  Parliament  shall  hold  forth  to  persons  in  their  condicion.  And 
if  the  Parliament  shall  hold  forth  any  termes  to  their  prejudice,  which 
they  shall  not  be  willing  to  submitt  unto,  or  if  they  desire  to  serve  any 

forreigne  prince   or   state,  they  shall   have moneths  time 

for  to  transport  themselves  into  any  of  the  jjartes  beyond  the  seas,  and 
shall  have  liberty  in  the  meane  time  to  transport — and  to  that  end  to 


Ltidlozvs  Se7"vices  in  h-cland.  499 

treate  with  the  agentes  of  any  forraigne  prince  or  state  in  amity  with     \\v.  1\  , 
the  Parliament  and  Commonwealth  of  England  for  the  transporting 
of — such  regimentes  and  companies  as  they  can  raise  to  carry  over 
with  them  for  the  service  of  such  prince  or  state,  and  for  their  con- 
tinuance in  the  command  of  them  being  transported. 

'It  is  conceived  that  such  termes  as  these  would  move  most  of  their 
leading  men  to  lay  downe  armes  and  carry  away  most  of  their  fighting 
men,  which  would  add  much  to  the  security  and  peace  of  the  inhabitantes 
here. 

*  3.  Thirdly,  That  guarr[isons]  ....  [m]ay  be  to  .  .  .  .  their 
fastnesses  to  disturbe  ....  take  away  their  preyes,  ....  and 
that  the  said  fastnesses  and  [the  parts  n]ext  adjacent  to  them  be 
layd  waste  and  none  to  inha[bit  them]  upon  painc  of  death,  to  the  end 
that  releef  and  intelligence  may  be  taken  from  them. 

'4.  Fowerthly,  That  some  thing  may  be  held  forth  to  such  of  the  in- 
habitantes— as  desire  to  live  peaceably  and  are  not  guilty  of  bloud  and 
murther — in  order  to  the  security  of  their  lifes  and  encouragement  to 
follow  husbandry  if  it  be  thought  fitt. 

'  For  the  more  speedy  lessening  of  the  charge  in  maynteining  the 
present  forces. 

'  I.  First,  That  the  Adventurers  upon  lands  in  Ireland  doe  cast  lotts 
where  their  lands  shalbe  assigned  them  according  to  the  proposalles  in 
the  annexed  paper,  to  the  end  they  may  presently  beginne  to  plant 
notwithstanding  the  warr  is  not  ended,  and  may  plant  together,  and 
thereby  be  strengthened,  which  the  Act  doth  not  provide  for  them,  and 
to  the  end  the  Parliament  may  more  freely  dispose  of  the  rest  of  their 
land  to  publique  advantage. 

'2.  Secondly,  That  a  Pale  be  made  by  secureing  all  the  passes  upon 
the  Boyne,  and  the  Barrow,  and  the  space  of  ground  betweene  them, 
making  those  two  rivers  one  intire  line  for  the  better  securing  the 
inhabitantes  to  plant  and  follow  husbandry  within  the  said  line — the 
same  being  once  cleered  of  the  enemy — which  wilbe  effected  by  plant- 
ing a  strong  guarrison  in  the  fastnes  of  Wicklowe,  and  the  like  for  the 
county  of  Waterford  lying  betweene  the  Sewer  which  falles  to  Waterford. 
and  the  Nore  which  goes  to  Youghall  and  many  other  places  — which 
may  be  done  without  much  charge  and  kept  without  increasing  the 
number  of  the  forces,  inland  guarrisons  being  lessc  usefull  when  these 
lines  are  made.  Such  lines  being  made,  the  countrey  within  them 
will  in  a  short  time  be  inhabited,  and  yeild  more  security  to  the  people 
then  now  they  have  within  a  mile  of  the  best  guarrison  wee  possesse, 
and  probably  more  profit  to  the  Commonwealth  then  all  the  landes  in 
Ireland  now  doth  ;  whereas  now  while  the  countrey  is  open,  the  enemj 
have  libertie  upon  the  approach  of  our  forces  to  fly  out  of  one  fastnes 
into  another,  and  soe  avoid  engaging,  and  weare  out  our  men  and 
destroy  those  places  that  yeild  our  forces  subsistance. 

K  k  3 


500  Appendix  IV. 

\vv.  IV.  'Thirdly,  that  all  the  forces  may  be  fixed  to  their  respective 
guarrisons  and  quarters,  and  may  have  landes  assigned  them  as  well 
for  their  arreares  [as  part]  of  their  present  pay  to  the  end  they  may  be 
[encouraged  to  follow  hu]sbandry  and  to  mainteine  their  owne  intearest 
as  [well  as  that  of]  the  Commonwealth.  Provided  that  such  of  them 
as  marry  with  Irish  [women]  shall  loose  th[eir]  commands,  forfeit  their 
arreares  and  be  made  incapable  to  inhabit  landes  in  Ireland. 

'  Edmund  Ludlow.     John  Jones. 
Miles  Corbet.  John  Weaver. 

'  Kilkenny, 
'January  8,  165^.' 

Enclosed  : 

'  For  the  ascertaining  the  Adventurers  allotments. 
'  It  is  propounded  that  some  Counties  in  each  province  be  set  apart 
and  divided  into  four  allotments,  each  of  such  allotments  to  con- 
tain a  sufficient  proportion  of  lands  to  satisfy  the  Adventurers,  to 
the  end  that  the  lots  may  be  cast  presently  by  the  Adventurers 
in  which  of  those  allotments  their  proportion  shall  be  fixed. 
'  I.  The  first  allotment  to  consist  of  the  Counties  of  Limerick  and 
Kerry  in  Munster  and  the  Counties  of  Clare  and  Galloway  in 
Connaught. 
'  2.  The  second  allotment  to  consist  of  the  Counties  of  Kilkenny, 

Wexford,  Wicklow,  and  Catherlogh  in  Leinster. 
'3.  The  third  allotment  to  consist  of  the  Counties  of  Westmeath 
and  Longford  in  the  province  of  Leinster,  and  the  Counties  of 
Cavan  and  Monaghan  in  the  province  of  Ulster. 
'  4.  The  fourth  allotment  to  consist  of  the  Counties  of  Fermanagh 
and  Donegal  in  the  province  of  Ulster  and  the  Counties  of 
Leitrim  and  Sligo  in  Connaught. 
'And  although  it  be  conceived  that  there  is  in  anyone  of  these  allot- 
ments more  forfeited  lands  than  will  upon  admeasurement  satisfy 
the  Adventurers  according  to  the  Act,  yet  that  it  may  appear  that 
not  only  full  satisfaction  is  intended  them  but  also  an  advantage 
of  strength  and  security  in  having  their  several  proportions  assigned 
unto  them  together,  which  the  Act  did  not  provide  for ;  it  is  further 
proposed  that,  if  the  first  allotment  chance  to  fall  short  upon  ad- 
measurement of  giving  the  satisfaction  intended,  that  then  in  such 
case  the  one  moiety  of  such  defect  be  supplied  out  of  the  forfeited 
lands  in  the  County  of  Mayo,  next  adjacent  to  the  Counties  of 
Clare  and  Galway. 

'2.  That  the  second  allotment  proving  defective  be  supplied 
out  of  the  forfeited  lands  in  the  Queen's  County  and  King's 
County  in  Leinster  next  adjacent  to  the  said  second  allot- 
ment. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  501 

'3.  That  the  defect  of  the  third  allotment  be  supplied  out  of  the    K\'v.  W 
forfeited  lands  in  the  County  of  Fermanagh  in  Ulster  next 
adjacent  to  the  said  third  allotment. 

'4.  That  the  defect  of  the  fourth  allotment  be  supplied  out  of 
the  forfeited  lands  in  the  County  of  Mayo  in  Connaught 
and  of  Cavan  in  Ulster  next  adjacent  to  the  said  fourth 
allotment'.' 


XII. 

\The  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

['  Mr.  Speaker], 

'  Haveing  nowe  bene  in  these  partes  three  weekes  where  we  have 
mett  with  all  the  Generall  Officers  and  most  of  the  Feild  Officers  of 
your  army,  and  consulted  with  them  about  the  disposeing  of  your 
forces  in  theire  winter  quarters,  soe  as  may  be  of  most  advantage  to 
your  service,  and  what  wilbe  necessary  to  be  provided  for  this  next 
summer's  service,  we  have  given  accompt  to  the  Councell  of  State 
thereof.  We  have  resolved  the  next  weeke  (by  the  helpe  of  God)  to  be 
at  Portumney  in  Connaught,  where  we  doe  expect  to  meet  with  Sir 
Charles  Coote  and  other  your  servants  in  those  partes,  of  which  we 
doe  hope  to  give  accompt  by  our  next.  We  shall  onely  nowe  acquaint 
you  that  att  this  meeting  with  your  officers  and  servants  here,  we  have 
observed  in  them  great  diligence  and  affection,  with  much  unanimity 
to  obey  your  commands  and  to  carry  on  your  service  in  this  nation. 
And  we  could  not  but  take  notice  of  the  good  hand  of  God  that  soe 
disposed  of  the  windes  that  have  bene  soe  tempestuous  and  contrary 
for  many  weekes  together,  yet  the  day  before  our  comeing  hither  the 
last  treasure  sent  from  you  did  safely  arrive  att  Waterford,  which  had 
bene  long  expected  and  for  want  whereof  your  forces  would  soone  have 
bene  reduced  to  many  straights.  Nowe  by  this  seasonable  relief  they 
are  much  refreshed  ;  the  same  being  disposed  of  and  equally  dis- 
tributed according  to  the  course  used  by  the  Lord-Deputy  in  his  life 
tyme.  But  how  little  doth  remayne  thereof,  and  what  further  supplyes 
and  necessaryes  are  requisite  to  be  sent  hither  in  order  to  your  service, 
we  have  given  full  accompt  to  the  Councell  of  State.  There  is  not 
any  considerable  action  done  of  late  worthy  your  notice,  but  your 
forces  are  at  present  in  such  a  posture,  as  they  are  ready  to  meet  with 
all  attempts  of  the  enemy,  and  (by  the  blessing  of  God)  are  in  a 
hopefull  way  to  doe  good  service  against  them  whose  motions  they  doe 
dayly  attend.     Your  pleasure  touching  a  Commander-in-Chiefe  in  this 

'  From  the  Report  on  the  Portland  MSS.  i.  622,  with  corrections  and 
additions  from  another  copy. 


502  Appendix  IV. 

AiT.  IV.    Nation,  and  what  qualifications  the  Parliament  shall  please  to  hold 
forth  to  the  Irish,  hath  bene  longe  expected  and  much  desired  by 

'Your  most  humble  servants, 
'  Miles  Corbett.      Jo.  Jones. 
Edm.  Ludlowe.      John  Weaver  '. 
•  Kilkenny  Castle, 
' ^th  Jan.,  1 65 1.' 

XIII. 

\_The  Irish  Commissmicrs  to  ike  Speaker. ~\ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 
'  Our  last  by  Major  Morgan,  gave  you  an  accompt  of  our  then 
being  at  Kilkenny,  and  of  our  purpose  to  go  to  Portumney  in 
Connaught,  where  wee  have  bene  accordingly,  and  as  at  Kilkenny  wee 
had  a  meeting  with  most  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  of  the  several! 
forces  in  Munster  and  Leinster,  and  received  a  full  accompt  of  your 
affairs  at  present  in  those  parts,  soe  (at  our  being  at  Portumney)  Sir 
Charles  Coot,  and  the  officers  in  that  Precinct  under  his  command, 
and  under  Commissary-General  Reynolds,  did  repayre  unto  us,  and 
give  us  alsoe  a  full  accompt  of  your  forces  and  affaires  in  those 
partes.  And  as  wee  have  done  our  endeavour  to  settle  the  assesments, 
excise,  customes,  and  other  revenues  in  those  provinces  to  the  utmost 
as  can  be  raised,  soe  by  advise  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  several 
things  have  been  taken  into  consideration  and  resolved  upon,  in  order 
to  the  carrying  on  of  the  next  summer's  service,  and  what  is 
neccessary  to  be  provided  in  order  there  unto,  and  what  were  necessary 
to  be  sent  from  England  hither,  in  the  mean  time  to  make  your  forces 
now  in  their  winter  quarters  as  useful  and  active  against  the  enemy  as 
may  be  ;  and  of  all  these  wee  have  given  a  particular  accompt  to  the 
Councell  of  State,  who  wee  doubt  not  will  present  the  same  to  you,  as 
your  occasions  will  permit,  and  may  bee  for  your  service. 

'  Wee  shall  now  onely  add,  that  in  those  meetings  wee  have  seen 
much  of  God,  in  disposing  the  hearts  of  your  officers,  and  servants 
heere,  in  such  a  manner  as  it  doth  appear  unto  us,  there  is  a  general 
concurrence,  and  unity  of  spirit  in  them  all  to  carry  on  the  worke  of 
the  Lord  to  bee  done  in  this  land  :  and  since  they  parted  from  us,  most 
of  them  in  their  severall  quarters  have  made  attempts  upon  the  enemy, 
and  in  particular  Colonel  Zankey,  Colonel  Axtel,  and  Col.  Abbot,  drew 
severallpartiesat  one  time  to  Ballibrane,  in  Munster,  which  was  Fitz- 
Patrick's  stronghold,  and  comming  at  three  severall  passes  at  one  time 
upon  that  place,  they  took  the  castle  there,  which  they  slighted,  and 
burnt  great  quantities  of  corne  and  provisions,  and  all  their  houses, 
and  put  500  to  the  sword,  and  drive  away  what  cattle  they  found  there. 

'  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  112. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  503 

The  like  attempt  Col.  Hewson,  Col.  Pretty,  and  other  parties  have  Air.  IV 
begun  to  make  at  Glanmellur,  the  great  fastnesses  in  Wickloe,  and 
have  there  destroied  and  burnt  their  corne  and  houses,  and  all  provisions 
of  the  enemy  they  could  meete  with.  At  Gallway  the  enemy  made  a 
sally  out  to  fetch  in  a  prey  of  cattle,  but  your  forces  lying  in  the  forts 
neere,  upon  notice  thereof  fell  upon  them,  and  rescued  the  prey,  and 
killed  60  of  the  enemy  upon  the  place,  most  of  them  were  citizens. 

'  And  at  a  gentleman's  castle  neere  Tecroghan,  there  came  two 
companies  of  the  enemy  to  surprise  the  same,  but  the  commander  of 
the  garrison  at  Tecroghan,  upon  notice  thereof,  sent  timely  to  prevent 
that  designe,  and  killed  40  on  the  place,  and  took  100  armes. 

'  And  very  many  other  attempts  have  been  made  in  other  partes  by 
your  forces,  so  as  the  enemy  of  late  have  been  straightened,  and  many 
of  them  of  late  put  to  the  sword. 

'  Our  humble  suite  unto  you  is,  that  care  may  be  taken  to  send 
over  supplies  of  money  for  the  payment  of  your  forces,  without  which 
they  wilbee  put  to  miserable  exigencies,  and  alsoe  that  the  recruites, 
tents,  clothes,  corne,  and  ammunition  and  other  necessaries  wee  have 
mentioned  in  our  letter  to  the  Councell  of  State,  may  have  money 
provided  for  the  buying  of  them,  soe  as  they  may  be  timely  sent  over, 
it  much  conducing  to  your  service,  and  for  the  ending  of  the  warre, 
that  your  forces  may  be  in  the  feild  in  the  beginning  of  May  next,  or 
sooner  if  the  horse  can  live  abroad. 

'  Severall  of  the  enemies  party  have  made  some  overtures  to  come 
in,  and  submitt,  and  at  our  being  at  Kilkenny  and  Portumney,  with 
advise  of  your  officers  there,  some  rules  have  been  given  to  those 
commaunding  in  cheife  in  severall  quarters  to  receive  such  whose 
coming  in  may  be  for  your  service,  but  the  not  knowing  your  pleasure, 
concerning  the  quallifications  or  termes  to  be  held  out  to  the  Irish,  doth 
render  us  not  soe  serviceable  in  those  particulars,  as  otherwise  wee  con- 
ceive wee  might  bee  ;  wherefore  wee  humbly  desire  your  pleasure, 
therein  may  be  speedily  declared.  We  have  no  more  at  present,  but 
to  assure  you,  that  we  are, 

'  Sir,  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'Edm.  Ludlowe.       Jo.  Jones. 
Miles  Corbett.      John  Weaver  '. 
'Dublin, 
^  Feb.  13,  165 1.' 

Read  Feb.  13,  1651. 


*  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.    121.     Printed  Commissioners  discuss  the  financial 

in  '  Severall  Proceedings  in  Parlia-  needs  of  the  army  and  government, 

ment,' p.  1938.      In  a  long  letter  of  especially  with  regard  to  the  province 

Feb.  5  to  the  Council  of  State,  the  of  Connaught.     The  portion  of  the 


504  Appendix  IV. 


A  IT.  IV, 


XIV. 

\The  Earl  of  Claiiricard'  s  Letter  to  the  Commander-m-Chief  of  the 
Parliament' s  Forces  in  Irelafid,  Feb.  14,  1651.] 
'Sir, 

'  Several  of  the  Nobility,  Cleargy,  and  other  persons  of  quality  and 
interest  in  the  Kingdom,  together  with  the  Corporation  of  Gallway, 
being  met  in  this  town,  and  having  taken  into  their  consideration  the 
present  state  and  condition  of  affairs,  and  the  destructive  effects  of 
a  long-continued  War,  have  made  it  their  sute  and  request  unto  me, 
to  propose  unto  you  the  entertaining  of  a  treaty,  in  order  to  a 
settlement  in  this  Kingdom,  and  for  your  safe  conduct  to  such  Com- 
missioners, as  I  by  their  advice  shall  think  fit  to  imploy  unto  you,  for 
the  carrj'ing  on  of  that  matter ;  which  request  of  theirs  I  have  con- 
sented unto  by  this  express  directed  to  you  to  that  effect,  with  this 
further  intimation,  that  I  shall  not  quit  or  decline  them  or  their 
interest,  until  I  see  them  settled  in  a  good  condition,  fit  for  the  Nation 
to  accept :  or  if  that  will  be  denied  them,  resolved  to  continue  his 
Majesties  authority  and  protection  over  them  to  the  uttermost  trial ; 
and  do  not  doubt,  by  God's  assistance,  with  the  Forces  and  Arms  we 
have  already,  and  such  aids  and  supply  as  probably  may  come  from 
his  Majesty  and  his  allies  abroad,  but  that  we  may  be  so  enabled  as 
to  alter  the  present  state  of  affairs,  or  if  that  should  fail,  at  least  make 
the  conquest  you  have  hitherto  gained,  for  a  long  time  of  little  use  or 
advantage  to  you  ;  and  sell  our  lives  at  a  dear  rate  if  compelled  there- 
unto. And  so  leaving  it  to  your  consideration,  and  expecting  your 
timely  answer  and  certain  resolution, 

'  I  remain  your  servant, 

'  Clanricard  '. 
'  Gallway, 
^  Feb.  14,  1651. 

'  If  you  please  to  send  the  safe  conduct  desired,  I  desire  it  to  be 
sent  to  Sir  C.  Coot,  or  any  other  you  shall  think  fit  near  this  place, 
with  a  blank  for  the  number  of  five  Commissioners  and  their  retinue, 

army  in  Connaught,  under  the  im-  missioners  say:  'The  enemy  them- 
mediate  command  of  Sir  Charles  selves  confess  their  condition  to  be 
Coote,  consisted  of  34  companies  of  very  low  and  desperate.  The  last 
foot,  being  2291  private  soldiers  be-  week  there  came  to  this  town  a 
sides  officers,  and  14  troops  of  horse  trumpeter  from  the  Earl  of  Clanri- 
containing  982  troopers.  The  total  card  with  a  letter  to  the  Commander- 
pay  of  these  forces,  including  the  in-Chief  of  your  forces,  a  copy 
allowance  to  Coote,  is  computed  at  whereof  and  of  the  answer  returned 
;^4975  per  mensem.  thereunto  we  herewith  present  3'our 

'  In    a    letter    to    the    Council    of  Lordships.' 
State,    dated    March     i,    the    Com- 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  505 

not  exceeding  in  the  whole  the  number  of  twenty;    whereby,  upon    .\vv.  IV 
intimation   from    him,   I   may  send  him  a  list  of  the  names  of  the 
Commissioners. 

*  To  the  Commander  in  chief  of  the  Parliament  Forces  in  Ireland.' 

XV. 

\Lieidenani-Generall  Ludloive  s  Answer  /o  the  Earle  0/  Clanricard' s 

,,,     X  Letter,  Feb.  20,  1652.I 

'  My  Lord,  '      j    j 

'By  your  Lordships  of  the  14.  instant,  you  propose  unto  me 
the  entertainment  of  a  treaty,  in  order  to  the  settlement  of  this 
kingdome ;  and  doe  desire  my  safe  conduct  for  such  Commissioners 
as  you  shall  think  fit  to  imploy  unto  me,  for  the  carrying  on  of  that 
matter.  Whereunto,  upon  advice  with  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Parliament  of  England,  and  divers  Generall  and  Field-Officers  of 
their  Army,  I  have  thought  fit  to  give  you  this  return :  That  the 
settlement  of  this  Nation  doth  of  right  belong  to  the  Parliament  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  England,  to  whom  we  leave  the  same,  being 
assured  they  will  not  therein  capitulate  with  those  who  ought  to  be  in 
submission,  yet  stand  in  opposition  to  their  authority  :  but  if  the 
Lord  have  that  mercy  in  store  for  any  who  are  at  present  in  armes 
against  them,  as  to  incline  their  hearts  to  a  submission  to  that  govern- 
ment, which  he  by  his  providence  hath  placed  over  them,  upon  timely 
application  to  the  ministers  here,  on  the  behalfe  of  particular  persons, 
or  places,  such  moderate  terms  will  yet  be  consented  unto,  as  men  in 
their  condition  can  rationally  expect.  As  to  the  intimation  of  your 
future  hopes  and  resolutions,  I  shall  onely  say  this  much,  that  it  hath 
been  the  practice  of  those  who  have  served  the  Parliament  in  this 
Cause,  to  act  according  to  their  duties,  and  to  leave  the  successe  to 
him  who  disposes  the  issues  of  all  things  ;  and  as  the  Lord  hath 
hitherto  enabled  them  exemplarily  to  proceed  against  those  whose 
hearts  have  been  hardened  upon  vain  and  groundlesse  expectations,  to 
withstand  offers  of  such  favour  as  have  been  made  unto  them,  so 
I  assure  my  selfe  hee  will  still  own  them  in  his  own  way  and  work. 
Wherein  that  we  may  be  continually  found,  is  the  desire  of 

'  Your  Lordships  humble  servant, 
'Edm.  Ludlow  \ 

'Dublin, 
'  29  Feb.,  165 1. 

'  For  the  Lord  of  Clanricard.' 

"  These    letters    are    from    '  Mer-  moirs,'  p.  305  note.     The  right  date 

curius    Politicus,'    April    1-8,    1652,  is    probably    Feb.    20,    as    given    in 

pp.  1514,  1515.     On  the  date  of  this  '  Severall  Proceedings,'  p.  2047. 
correspondence,  see  '  Ludlow's  Me- 


Ai>i'.  IV. 


506  Appendix  IV. 

XVI. 

\Edmtmd  Ludlow  lo  the  Lord  Deputy ?\ 

'  May  it  please  your  Excellencye, 

'  Since  my  last  to  your  Lordship,  a  trumpeter  of  the  enemyes 
brought  hither  letters  from  the  Earle  of  Clanricard  desiering  a  safe 
conduct  for  five  commissioners  from  him  to  treate  with  the  like  number 
of  ours  about  the  settlement  of  this  kingdome,  as  he  calls  it,  which 
transaction  according  to  our  duty  wee  thought  not  fit  to  intermeddle 
withall,  and  muche  lesse  would  wee  consent  that  their  enemyes  should 
be  consulted  withall  therein,  and  therefore  returned  them  a  negative  to 
their  desiers,  as  will  appeare  by  the  coppy,  and  the  answere  which  the 
Commissioners  of  Parliament  have  presented  to  the  Counsaile  of  State. 
Though  the  letter  speaks  much  resolution  in  case  of  our  refusall  yet 
Sir  Charles  Coote  gives  intimation  in  his,  that  in  case  this  generall 
tender  bee  rejected,  hee  is  assured  that  Galloway  and  several!  con- 
siderable persons  of  them  will  make  application  for  themselves  but 
[there]  is  noe  confidence  to  bee  put  in  them  .  .  .  it  v  •  .  .  Fitzpatricke 
now  in  treaty  with  Commissary- Gen^.  Raynolds  and  the  Lord  Muskery, 
with  my  Lord  Broghill.  The  issues  of  all  things  are  in  the  hand  of  our 
Father,  and  that's  the  ground  of  our  rejoyceing.  Its  generally  ac- 
knowledged by  them  all  that  their  condition  is  very  low,  and  indeed 
your  forces  are  every  where  very  active  upon  them.  Coll.  Axtell 
writes  word  that  they  have  lately  in  his  precinct  killed  an  hundred  of 
the  enemy  and  taken  many  of  their  horse,  Capt.  Gilbert  atTrecroghan 
lately  tooke  Leift.  Coll.  Terrell  and  two  or  three  officers  more.  Major 
Meredith  lately  drove  thirty  of  them  into  a  bogg  and  put  them  all  to 
the  sword.  Capt.  Colthrop  lately  killed  one  Capt.  Hicks,  one  of  the 
activest  captaines  the  enemy  had  in  Wicklo,  and  three  more.  Major 
Bolton  lately  killed  and  tooke  five  and  twenty  of  the  enemy,  with  their 
horse,  and  endangered  Scurlock.  I  heare  even  now  by  Leift.  Coll. 
Huetson  that  Capt.  Prestons  hath  met  with  Nashe  and  his  troop, 
whome  they  have  sore  wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  and  killed  sixteene 
of  his  men.  It  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  away  Capt.  Staffe  from 
among  us,  who  was  a  very  active  instrument  and  was  slain  in  falling 
upon  the  enemy  in  the  county  of  Thomond  and  in  the  barrony  of 
Ibreckan  in  that  county.  The  Lord  was  mcrcyfull  unto  us  in  this 
bitter  dispensation,  for  though  Captaine  Staffe  was  shot  at  the  first 
falling  on,  yet  it  pleased  the  Lord  soe  to  encourage  our  party,  as  that 
they  totally  routed  the  enemy  and  killed  the  two  officers  that  com- 
manded them.  The  Commissary-Generall  with  his  party  about  Athlone 
have  lately  taken  in  the  Callogh  and  hath  garrysoned  Raclyne. 
Ballyleagh  is  likewise  delivered  unto  him  whiche  commands  the  only 
passe  for  horse  betwecne  Athlone  and  James  Towne,  where  hee  hath 


Ludlcnus  Seii'iccs  in  Ireland.  507 

greate  hopes  of  having  delivered  unto  us  a  vessle  of  sixteene  gunnes,    Apr.  1\ 

belonging  to  Middleborough.  loaden  wnth  wheate  and  n-.  attempting 

to  get  into  Galloway,  were  chased  by  Capi.  Clearke  and  Capt.  Wallis, 

and  bulged  on  a  rocke  by  the  Isles  of  Aran,  and  all  the  come  lyeth 

under  waiter  unseniceable.    Another  vessle  likewise    loaden  with 

wheat  and  other  commodiiys  attempting  to  get  into  Galloway  was 

taken  by  Capt.  Clearke,  ard  in  her  six  Galloway  marchants.     I  hope 

such  coarse  will  be  taken  that  Galloway  shall  be  blocked  up  on  the 

further  side  by  the  latter  end  of  Aprill  or  the  begining  of  May.     1  have 

too  long  detained  your  Lordshipp,  and  therefore  craveing  your  pardon 

for  the  same  and  for  this  scribled  paper,  I  begg  leave  to  subscribe 

myselfe. 

*  Your  Excellency's 

'  Most  fa)lhfull  and  humble  Servant, 

'  Edm.  Ludlowe  '. 
'From  Dublin, 
'  this  2<i  of  March,  '51. 

'Our  party  at  Dingle  in  Kerr)'  have  routed  three  companys  of  the 
enemys  and  taken  all  their  armes.' 

[Address,  partly  cut  off : — ] 

*  These  to  his  Excellency  the  Lord  [Deputy  ?].' 


XVII. 

\A  Declaration  by  the  Cvmmissioncrs  of  the  Parlianunt  of  thi 
Ccmmonii'calih  of  Ejigland for  iht  affairs  of  Ireland^ 

'The  said  Commissioners,  having  on  the  eleventh  of  this  instant 
March,  received  a  letter  or  paper  directed  unto  them,  bearing  date  the 
20  of  Feb.  165 1,  requesting  on  the  behalf  of  the  Provinces  of  Ireland, 
safe  conducts  unto  each  Province  with  blanks  ;  to  meet,  elect,  and 
authorize  members  of  each  Province,  to  meet  in  some  convenient 
place  for  offering  proposals  to  such  as  are  or  shall  be  authorized  by 
the  Parliament  of  the  Commonweaith  of  England  for  the  settlement 
of  this  Nation.  Which  said  paper  or  letter  is  subscribed  by  one 
Gerald  Fitz  Gerald,  under  pretence  of  an  authority,  which  the  said 
Commissioners  cannot  in  duty  and  with  honour  to  the  Parliament 
acknowledge  ;  yet  for  the  satisfaction  of  those  that  may  seem  to  be 
concerned  therin,  they  doe  declare  : 

'  I.  That  the  Settlement  of  this  Nation  doth  of  right  belong  to  the 
Parliament  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England  onely,  the  consideration 
whereof  is  at  present  before  them. 

'2.  That    in    the   Settlement    thereof,    the    Parliament    will    make 

'  ^With  small  Seal,  and  Arms.]     Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  f.  155. 


5o8  Appendix  IV. 

AiT.  IV.  distinction  between  such  persons  as  have  lived  peaceably  according  to 
their  duties,  or  being  mislead,  have  since  submitted  to  their  authority 
and  protection,  and  those  who  have  acted  or  abetted  the  murthers  and 
massacres  of  the  Protestants,  and  those  that  adhered  to  them  during 
the  first  year  of  the  Rebellion,  and  likewise  such  persons  as  now  being 
in  armes  and  opposition  to  the  said  authority,  shall  not  timely  submit 
thereunto.  And  therefore  the  said  Commissioners  cannot  in  justice  give 
way  to  any  act,  so  much  as  to  the  prejudice  of  the  people  of  this 
Nation,  as  may  involve  those  that  are  peaceably  minded  with  them 
who  continue  in  hostility. 

'  3.  That  to  grant  safe  conduct  and  blank  passes  unto  such  as  are  in 
actual  hostility  against  the  Parliament,  to  meet  together  from  all  the 
Provinces  to  communicate  counsels,  is  an  act  to  which  tlie  said  Com- 
missioners cannot  in  prudence  consent. 

'  4.  That  for  such  persons  as  are  now  in  actual  hostility  against  the 
Parliament,  and  are  willing  to  lay  down  armes,  and  submit  to  the 
authority  thereof,  upon  timely  application  made  to  the  Parliament's 
ministers  here,  on  behalf  of  particular  persons  or  places,  such  moderate 
termes  will  be  consented  unto  as  men  in  their  condition  can  in  reason 

^^  ^  ■  Miles  Corbet.    Jo.  Jones.    Jo.  Weaver  \ 

'  Dated  at  DuiiLiN, 

*  the  12  of  March,  1651.' 

XVIII. 

\The  Commissioners  of  Parliamc7ii's  ansiver  to  the  foregoing 
Proposals?^ 

'IRELAND. 

'  By  the  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament  of  the  Common- 
wealth OF  England  for  the  affairs  of  Ireland. 

*  Upon  consideration  had,  of  the  paper  this  day  produced  by  Sir 
Richard  Barnwall,  and  Col.  Bagenall,  the  said  Commissioners  do 
return  this  ensuing  answer. 

*  First,  as  to  the  making  known  the  power  of  the  said  Commissioners 
as  is  desired,  they  do  not  hold  the  same  fitting,  or  reasonable  :  but 
such  of  this  Nation,  whose  hearts  God  shall  incline  to  a  timely  and 
free  submission  to  the  power  of  the  Parliament,  those  persons  shall 
effectually  know  the  authority  of  the  said  Commissioners  to  grant  such 
things  as  shall  bee  rationally  desired,  and  doe  trust  the  Lord  will 
enable  the  Parliament  and  their  ministers  here,  to  make  such  others, 
whose  hearts  shall  be  still  hardned  to  their  further  destruction, 
sensible  of  the  power  Cod  hath  j)ut  into  their  hands. 

'  'Several!  Proceedings  in  Parliament,'  April  1-8,  1652,  p.  2045. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  509 

'  And  as  to  the  granting  passes  to  any  persons  to  goe  to  the  Parha-  Arr.  I\' 
ment  to  negotiate  for  the  settlement  of  the  whole  Nation,  the  said 
Commissioners  do  not  think  it  fitting,  it  not  standing  with  the  honor 
and  justice  of  the  Parliament,  to  treat  about  the  settlement  of  the 
Nation,  with  such  as  contrary  to  their  duty,  are  in  hostility  against 
them. 

'As  to  the  residue  of  the  said  matter  contained  in  the  said  paper,  the 
said  Commissioners  have  given  answer  thereunto  in  a  former  paper  of 
the  1 1  instant  :  to  which  they  refer  themselves. 

'  Edm.  Lujjlow.    Milks  Corbet. 

John  Jones.        John  Weaver  '. 
'  Dated  at  Dublin, 

'  15  Ma7'ch,  1 65 1.' 

XIX. 

\_The  Lieut.-GeneraTs  answer  to  a  letter  signed  Richard  Blake. '\ 

'[Sir], 

'  In  yours  of  the  9th  instant  which  came  to  my  hand  the  17th  (signed 
by  command  of  the  great  Councell  at  Galway  assembled  as  you  are 
pleased  to  stile  them,  whose  authority  I  may  not  acknowledge)  you  re- 
iterate in  effect  the  former  application  from  the  Earl  ofClanrickardfor  the 
settlement  of  this  Nation,  differing  onely  in  this.  That  whereas  he  would 
have  capitulated  in  that  affair  on  the  place,  you  propose  for  licence  to 
be  given  unto  Commissioners  to  repair  unto  the  Parliament  of  England 
about  the  same,  which  hath  been  occasioned  through  this  mistake  (as 
I  conceive)  you  apprehending  that  denyall  to  proceed  merely  from  the 
want  of  power  in  the  ministers  of  the  Parliament  here,  whereas 
indeed  the  chief  ground  thereof  was  the  unreasonableness  of  the  pro- 
position itself:  which  was  in  my  judgement  in  effect  this;  That  such 
who  are  guilty  of  a  bloody  &  cruell  massacre,  (at  least  engaged  in  the 
withholding  of  them  from  justice  who  are  so,  whom  the  righteous  hand 
of  God  hath  prosecuted  from  field  to  field,  from  city  to  city  even  to 
the  gates  of  Galway)  should  be  admitted  to  capitulate  about  the  settle- 
ment of  this  Nation  with  the  Parliament  of  England  (their  lawful 
magistrate)  whom  God  hath  not  only  permitted  to  be  raised  to  their 
present  height,  as  you  term  it,  but  by  his  ov.n  outstretched  arm  and 
glorious  presence  hath  enabled  to  become  a  terror  to  evildoers,  and 
an  encouragement  to  them  that  do  well.  And  this  capitulation  to  be 
before  they  have  even  owned  their  guilt  or  delivered  up  those  AcRans 
to  justice  for  whose  iniquity  the  land  mourns.  Indeed  if  once  the 
Lord  would  truly  humble  you  under  his  omnipotent  hand  for  your 
raising  .i  fomenting  this  unnatural  quarrel  between  two  nations  of 
late  linked  in  love,  allied  in  blood,  and  not  different  in  laws  (as  your- 
'  'Several!  Proceedings  in  Parliament,' April  1-8,  1652,  p   2048. 


5^0  Appendix  IV. 

Ari'.  IV.  selves  confess)  &  would  incline  you  timely  &  readily  to  submit  to 
their  authority  (as  the  greatest  part  of  the  Nation  have  already  done) 
I  should  then  hope  that  deliverance  were  drawing  nigh  at  least  to  a 
remnant  of  those  amongst  you  who  yet  continue  in  disobedience  :  and 
that  such  of  you  might  be  capable  of  the  fruits  of  that  settlement  which 
(at  this  time)  the  Parliament  of  England  is  intent  upon.  But  while 
you  insist  upon  the  justice  of  your  cause,  and  persevere  in  your  hostility, 
its  not  the  advantage  we  may  partake  of  by  a  settlement,  nor  the  un- 
certainty of  a  tedious  war,  proved  by  experience  of  former  ages  or 
backt  by  a  number  of  people  in  arms  capable  of  foreign  succours,  nor 
fear  of  having  this  country  rendered  waste  and  useless  unto  us  that  ought 
to  deter  us  from  doing  our  duty,  or  unite  us  to  this  sinful  or  unworthy 
compliance  with  you.  As  touching  the  cessation  you  propose  for  avoiding 
the  further  effusion  of  Christian  blood,  I  could  wish  that  this  tenderness 
had  in  the  beginning  possessed  your  spirits,  but  how  such  a  cessation 
can  be  satisfactory  to  the  Parliament  of  England  appears  not  to  me, 
seeing  they  have  been  at  so  vaste  a  charge  in  their  preparations  for 
the  putting  speedy  issue  to  this  war,  which  by  the  Lord's  assistance 
shall  be  heartily  prosecuted  by 

'  Your  Servant 

'  Edmund  Ludlow  ^ 
'  Dublin, 
^  this  \i)th  March,  1651.' 

XX. 

\TIie  Irish  Conwnssioiiers  to  the  Speaker^ 

'  Right  Honourable, 

'  The  diligence  and  activity  of  your  officers  and  souldiers  this  last 
winter  hath  bene  such,  that  the  enemy  hath  thereby  bene  much 
streigthened  in  all  partes  of  this  nation,  and  reduced  to  a  lowe  con- 
dition, att  present  many  of  them  have  bene  putt  to  the  sword,  and  they 
are  generally  disenabled  from  being  so  destructive  to  your  quarters  as 
formerly.  Of  late  many  applications  have  bene  made  by  the  Irish  to 
severall  of  your  officers,  who  have  seemed  willing  to  submitt  and  come 
under  protection,  but  some  have  come  to  such  tearmes  as  they  have 
been  admitted.  Amongst  whom  Colonell  John  Fitz  Patrick  (the 
most  considerable  of  their  party)  who  this  last  year  hath  bene  a  very 
active  enemy,  and  many  of  your  parties  that  should  have  bene  else- 
where employed  for  your  service  were  often  constrained  to  attend 
his  motions  :  Fitz  Patrick  hath  agreed  to  terms  of  submission  for  him- 


Irish    Records,    Commonwealth  a  tract  entitled  'A  great  and  bloody 

A  T^  •        ,  .  fight  in  Ireland,'  4to.  i6s2.     British 

les,  —  50,  pp.  24,  5.     Printed  m  ,f  „  ,      .'  \  "^ 

'  90  '^  '  '^'^      ^'  '^  Museum  E  659(17). 


Ludlow'' s  Set'viccs  in  Ireland.  511 

selfe  and  his  party,  being^  the  most  considerable  party  of  the  enemy  in    Air.  1\' 

Ireland.     There  hath  also  been  apphcations  made  from  Chmrickard 

for  a  national  treaty,  and  from  another  party  of  the   Irish  at  Garcnch 

to  the  like  purpose,  but  of  all  these  and  the  answeares  thereto,  we 

have   given   particular  accompt  to  the  Councell   of  State,  who  (we 

doubt  not)  will  acquaint  the  Parliament  with  soe  much  thereof  as  they 

shall  find  matteriall,  and  worthy  thcire  knowledge. 

'  Upon  advice  with  the  officers  of  your  army  at  Kilkenny  in  December 
last  it  was  ordered,  that  a  considerable  party  of  horse  and  foot  under 
the  commaund  of  Commissary-Gen.  Reynolds  should  be  sent  to 
Athlone,  which  place  hes  in  the  center  of  the  nation,  and  the  party  is 
accordingly  drawne  thither,  and  the  Commissary-Generall  hath  already 
made  good  use  of  them  to  your  service,  having  reduced  Ballyleage  and 
two  other  garrisons  in  the  Callogh,  and  thereby  gayned  a  very  con- 
siderable pass  over  the  Shannon,  and  a  firme  hold  and  footing  in  the 
County  of  Longford  (which  country  was  before  that  wholly  possest  by 
the  enemy)  a  good  quantity  of  come  and  forrage  for  his  forces  was 
found  there,  which  he  stood  in  great  need  of.  And  for  a  further  supply 
of  the  wants  of  that  party  (they  being  in  a  wasted  countrey,  where 
reliefe  cannot  come  to  them  by  sea)  we  have  sent  to  Athlone  from 
Dublin  and  Trim  about  fower  months  provisions  of  wheate,  bisket, 
and  cheese.  Some  of  the  late  actions  of  your  servants  here,  you  will 
find  by  the  inclosed.     We  shall  add  noe  further  at  present,  but  that 

^^  '^'^^'  '  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'  Miles  Corbett.        Edm.  Ludlowe. 
Jo.  Jones.  John  We.wer  \ 

'  Dublin, 
'  zyd  March,  1651.' 


XXI. 

\The  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament  in  Ireland  to  Mr.  Winter's 
Church  ifi  England!] 

'  Christian  Friends, 

*  The  good  hand  of  God  having  brought  Mr.  Winter  (your  some- 
time pastor)  into  this  land,  where  he  hath  received  a  great  seal  of  his 
ministry  (besides  the  gathering  into  Church  fellowship  a  body  of  visible 
saints)  and  though  his  return  to  you  this  summer  (at  least  for  a  season 
for  your  refreshment  in  spirit)  may  be  expected  by  you,  as  we  under- 

*  Tanner  MSS.  Iv.  174.     Read  in  The    documents    enclosed    included 

Parliament,  April  b,  1650.   The  letter  Ludlow's  letter  of  March  19  to  Sir 

to    the    Council   of   State,   which   is  Richard  Blake,  and  the  articles  with 

dated  March  22,  adds  nothing  material  Col.  Fitzpatrick. 
to    the    facts    stated    in    this    letter. 


512  Appendix  IV. 

Ar'i'.  IV.  stand  by  him  it  is,  and  his  desire  as  great  of  seeing  your  faces  and 
beholding  your  order,  yet  the  great  work  that  lies  upon  his  shoulders 
in  this  populous  city  where  able  ministers  are  very  scarce,  and  the 
great  importunities  of  the  flock  (so  lately  gathered)  that  he  will  not  yet 
leave  them — hath  caused  us  earnestly  to  desire  his  continuance  in  this 
place  until  the  next  year,  when  (through  God's  leave  and  good  pleasure) 
he  may  make  a  journey  to  you.  In  the  meantime,  as  we  hope  your  due 
consideration  of  the  great  services  the  Lord  hath  for  his  labourers 
(who  are  but  few)  to  do  in  his  vineyard  here  will  in  some  measure 
quiet  your  minds,  so  we  believe  you  doubt  not  but  Mr.  Winter  hath 
you  often  in  remembrance  before  the  Throne  of  Grace,  that  the  Lord 
will  supply  all  your  wants  through  his  Son  and  instruct  you  by  his 
spirit  in  all  wisdom  and  understanding  :  which  also  is  the  prayer  of  your 
assured,  loving,  and  Christian  friends  in  the  Lord  Jesus, 

'  Edmund  Ludlow.      Miles  Corbet. 
John  Jones.  John  Weaver  '. 

•  13  April,  1652.' 

XXII. 

yrhe  Officers  of  the  Irish  Army  to  the  Parlia??iefii.'\ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  Upon  the  17th  of  Aprill  last,  many  of  your  servants  came  unto 
Kilkenny,  and  had  a  meeting  with  sundry  of  the  General!  and  Feild 
Officers,  whereof  some  of  them  are  now  gone  to  their  severall  charges. 
The  first  two  or  three  dayes  wee  were  entertained  as  with  accompts  of 
treaties  from  many  parties  of  the  enemie,  soe  with  the  dayly  sad  newes 
of  severall  small  parties  of  yours,  which  more  seriously  affected  us  all 
with  what  hath  bene  often  (but  too  slightly)  upon  our  harts,  (vizt.)  the 
observance  of  our  general  aptnesse  to  lenity  towards  and  composure 
with  this  enemy,  and  the  severall  visitations  upon  us  which  ordinaryly 
have  bene  the  consequence  thereof,  which  (with  the  sence  wee  have  of 
the  bloudguiltenesse  of  this  people  in  a  time  of  peace)  doth  (through 
dread  of  the  Lord  only  wee  trust)  occasion  much  remorse  for  par- 
ticular weaknesses  past  in  most  mindes  here  concerning  some  treaties, 
which  are  liable  to  be  attended  with  sparing  whome  he  is  pursuing 
with  his  great  displeasure  ;  and  whether  our  patient  attending  rather 
his  farther  severity  upon  them  (though  that  may  occasion  your  farther 
great  care  and  charge,  and  perhaps  the  greater  hardshipp  of  your 
poore  servants  here,)  be  not  most  safe,  and  adviseable.  And  whilst 
wee  were  in  debate  hereof  and  of  your  dealing  with  those  who  yet 
continue  in  rebellion,  an  abstract  of  some  particular  murthers  was 

'  From  the  Irish  Records,  Commonvvealtli  Series,      50,  p.  56.    Modernised 
by  the  transcriber. 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Irelmid. 


513 


produced  by  the  stout  Major  Generall  (who  hath  the  originall  ex-  Arc.  IV 
aminations  of  them  more  at  large)  which  indeed  much  informed  not 
only  ourselves  and  others  of  your  officers,  which  came  over  in  this 
late  expedition,  but  also  others  who  have  bene  here  from  the  beginning 
of  the  warr  professed  they  had  never  formerly  such  full  and  particular 
knowledge  and  sence  thereof,  and  indeed  soe  deeply  were  all  affected 
with  the  barbarous  wickednesse  of  the  actors  in  these  cruell  murders 
and  massacres  (being  soe  publicly  in  most  places  committed)  that  wee 
are  much  afraid  our  behaviour  towards  this  people  may  never  sufficiently 
avenge  the  same.  And  fearing  least  others  who  are  at  greater  distance 
might  be  moved  to  the  lenity  which  wee  have  found  noe  small  tempta- 
tion in  ourselves,  and  wee  not  knowing  but  that  the  Parliament  might 
be  shortly  in  pursuance  of  a  speedy  settlement  of  this  Nation,  and 
thereby  some  tender  concessions  might  be  concluded  through  your 
being  unacquainted  with  these  abominations,  wee  have  caused  this 
enclosed  abstract  to  be  transcribed  and  made  fitt  for  your  view.  And 
considering  that  soe  many  murthers  have  bene  committed  that  few 
of  the  former  English  were  left  undestroyed  (especially  men  who  had 
any  particular  knowledge  of  the  massacre,  and  of  those  the  greatest 
part  are  since  deceased,)  soe  that  few  of  the  rebells  can  be  particularly 
discriminated  by  any  evidence  now  to  be  produced,  as  the  usuall  course 
of  justice  doth  require,  yet  those  barbarous,  cruell  murthers  having 
bene  so  generally  joined  in  and  since  justified  by  the  whole  nation, 
wee  humbly  offer  to  your  most  serious  consideration,  whether  (as 
in  duty  towards  God  the  great  avenger  of  such  villanies,  who  hath 
from  the  beginning  of  this  warr  to  this  present  allwayes  in  your 
appeall  by  warr  against  them  appeared  so  signally)  some  of  them 
being  now  allready  in  your  power,  and  there  being  some  good  hopes 
of  reducing  many  more  of  them,  some  rules  should  not  be  by  you  held 
forth,  either  by  the  present  dispatch  of  the  qualifications  and  exceptions 
formerly  sent  you,  or  such  other  as  your  wisdom  shall  judge  fitting  to 
prescribe  unto  your  servants  here.  And  your  commands  therein,  and 
in  all  other  wayes  of  truth  and  justice,  shall  be  duly  observed  by 
'  Your  most  humble  servants. 


Cha.  Coote. 

D.  AXTELL. 

Hie.  San  key. 
Hen.  Prittie. 
Ri.  Laurence. 
Hen.  Jones. 


Dan.  Redman. 
Will.  Allen. 
J.  Vernon. 
Hen.  Owen  [?]. 
Will.  Throckmorton. 
Tris.  Beresford^ 


'  Edm.  Ludlowe. 
Har.  Walker. 
Miles  Corbett. 
Jo.  Jones. 
S.  Reynolds. 
D.  Abbott. 
J.  Hewson. 

'  Kilkenny, 

'  ^th  May,  1652.' 

•  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  20.     Read  in  Parliament,  May  18. 
VOL.  L  L  1 


Arr.  IV. 


514  Appendix  IV. 

XXIII. 
\Fro7n  the  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  It  is  now  full  three  weekes  since  our  coming  from  Dublin,  and 
hitherto  our  abode  hath  bene  in  this  place,  where  wee  have  mett  with 
most  of  your  generall  and  feild  officers  (saving  those  in  Ulster,  and 
those  remote  parts,)  your  affairs  there  (upon  Col.  Venables  his  coming 
to  us)  being  in  some  good  measure  settled  and  ordered  at  our  being  at 
Dublin. 

'  And  as  (by  your  great  care)  there  hath  bene  good  plenty  of  pro- 
visions timely  made  and  provided,  for  the  carrying  on  of  your  service 
here  this  summer  (for  which  the  hungry  and  poore  naked  souldiers 
have  good  cause  for  you  to  bless  God)  soe  wee  have,  by  the  general 
advice  of  your  officers,  disposed  of  the  same,  as  may  best  conduce  to 
that  end.  And  by  the  same  advice  and  directions,  and  to  that  great 
end  your  forces  are  ordered  and  disposed  of  for  this  summer's  service, 
in  the  several  provinces  and  parts  of  this  nation,  and  therein  care 
hath  bene  taken  for  the  securing  your  garrisons  in  all  parts  ;  and 
there  are  in  the  several  provinces  moving  parties  ready  to  attend 
all  motions  of  the  enemy ;  and  in  Wicklowe  and  many  other  places 
(where  the  enemy  doth  lie  in  boggs,  mountains,  and  other  fastnesses) 
there  are  new  garrisons  planted  to  prevent,  as  much  as  may  be,  their 
incursions  into  your  quarters,  and  to  fall  in  upon  the  enemy  as  oppor- 
tunity shalbe  offered  ;  and  besides,  there  is  two  considerable  bodies 
both  of  horse  and  foot,  one  to  attend  the  motions  of  Muskerry  and 
his  party,  about  Kerry  (which  is  yet  wholly  in  the  enemies  power) 
where  are  many  ports  and  harbours  fit  to  receive  relief  from  forreigne 
parts,  and  another  about  Athey  in  Leinster,  to  be  ready  to  follow 
the  motions  of  the  enemy  from  the  bogs  and  fastnesses  in  those  parts, 
where  alsoe  the  enemy  is  very  considerable,  and  both  these  parties  are 
to  have  communion  with  the  other  forces  in  those  parts  adjacent,  as 
occasion  shall  be  offered. 

'  Wee  have  had  late  intelligence  from  good  hands  that  Clanriccard, 
and  the  enemy  from  Connaught,  having  slighted  and  burnt  all  or 
most  of  their  garrisons  in  those  parts,  are  gone  or  going  towards 
Ulster,  to  joyne  with  Sir  Phelim  O'Neill,  Col.  Farrell,  and  the  enemy 
in  Cavan  and  other  parts  of  Ulster,  and  thereupon  orders  are  gone  to 
three  troops  to  joyne  with  Col.  Venables.  And  the  party  under  Sir 
Charles  Coot,  and  the  Commissary  Generall's  party  about  Athlone, 
are  to  follow  the  enemy  if  their  motion  be  that  way,  and  for  the 
execution  of  those  resolutions,  some  of  the  officers  are  already  gone 
from  us,  the  present  exigency  of  affaires  calling  for  the  same. 

'  And  before  your  forces  could  be  in  the  feild,  the  horse  being  now 
weak  with  much  duty  this  winter,  and  grasse  not  yet  to  be  had  in 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  515 

most  parts,  the  enemy  have  appeared  in  some  places,  and  have  driven  App  IV 
away  cattle  and  other  prey  from  some  of  your  quarters,  and  have 
made  suddaine  incursions  by  small  parties,  and  have  surprised  the 
horse  of  two  troopes  of  dragoones  ;  and  hearing  of  our  parties  drawing 
towards  them,  they  did  about  the  end  of  the  last  week  move  towards 
Wexford,  whereupon  two  troopes  of  horse  were  sent  to  the  relief  of 
your  forces  there,  and  by  their  timely  coming  they  mett  with  the 
enemy  who  had  preyed  the  quarters  to  the  walls  of  Wexford,  and 
being  in  their  return  with  their  prey,  of  at  least  500  cowes,  our  party 
under  command  of  Lieut.-Coll.  Throgmorton  mett  with  them,  your 
forces  being  140  horse,  and  400  foote,  and  the  enemy  had,  as  the 
prisoners  relate,  and  were  soe  estimated,  about  250  horse,  and  about 
500  foote.  And  in  this,  your  poore  foote  (not  having  pikes  whereof 
there  is  a  general  want)  were  hereby  put  hardly  to  it.  And  in 
the  first  encounter  your  horse  made  some  small  retreat,  but  (through 
the  good  hand  of  the  Lord,  who  still  appeares  for  you,  and  against 
your  enemies)  after  a  sharp  and  short  dispute  were  broken,  and 
200  killed  in  that  place  and  on  the  pursuit,  as  wee  can  learn  by 
best  intelligence,  and  some  officers  of  the  enemy  both  killed  and  taken 
prisoners.  Of  our  party  were  21  lost,  and  100  wounded,  but  noe  officer 
lost,  and  but  few  wounded. 

'  As  to  Fitz  Patrick  (who  was  the  first  that  came  in  and  submitted) 
all  the  Irish  party  are  highly  incensed  against  him,  and,  to  render  him 
odious  have  divulged  this  enclosed  declaration  against  him,  and  the 
clergie  have  excommunicated  him,  and  all  that  joyne  with  him,  and 
some  of  his  party  have  bene  cut  ofif  by  the  enemy,  who  did  also  cut  off 
the  ears  of  some  whome  they  tooke  prisoners  :  and  Fitz  Patrick  hath 
mett  also  with  some  of  the  enemy. 

'  But  that  that  much  distracts  your  affaires  concerning  these  persons 
that  are  by  engagement  to  bee  transported,  is,  that  they  must  lie  in  our 
quarters  till  shipping  bee  provided  for  them  ;  but  whiles  wee  were  in 
some  streights  about  this,  there  is  one  White  that  hath  contracted  with 
Fitz-Patrick  for  two  thousand  men,  and  we  hope  one  thousand  of  them 
wilbe  shipped  next  week,  and  by  this  meanes  you  will  have  a  good 
riddance  of  those  troublesome  guests,  there  being  visibly  ready  to  be 
transported  (had  we  but  shipping  ready)  of  Fitz-Patrick's  party  2000 ; 
of  Odwire's  party  about  looo  who  are  come  in,  and  armes  allready 
brought  in  to  us  ;  of  Murtagh  O'Brj'an's  party  in  Clare  2000  (whereof 
1200  are  allready  come  in,  and  layd  downe  their  armes)  ;  and  of  those 
in  the  North  that  are  come  in,  and  mentioned  in  Coll.  Venables' 
letter  enclosed  there  may  bee  2000  more,  besides  many  others  that 
of  late  have  submitted,  and  made  agreement  with  Commissary- 
General  Reynolds. 

'There  have  of  late  bene  many  applications  made  from  severall 
cheif  officers  of  the  enemies  party,  to  treat  since  the  agreement  with 

Ll  2 


5i6  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  Fitz  Patrick,  and  that  business  is  now  ready  for  a  conclusion  ;  and  to 
that  end,  the  Commissary-Generall,  Coll.  Hewson,  Coll.  Lawrence, 
Coll,  Axtell,  Adjutant-Generall  Allen,  with  some  others,  are  gone  with 
instructions,  agreed  on  at  a  councill  of  your  officers  by  an  unanimous 
consent ;  the  effect  whereof  are  the  conditions  Colonell  Venables  was 
authorized  to  give  to  those  in  Ulster  ;  and  the  effect  and  matter  of 
their  instructions  are  mentioned  in  the  Articles  agreed  on  in  Ulster, 
which  are  inclosed,  and  that  agreement  hath  since  been  approved  of  by 
us,  by  advice  at  a  general  councill  of  officers. 

'  The  time  for  this  Treaty  is  to  expire  next  Saturday,  by  five  of  the 
clock  in  the  afternoone. 

*  At  this  Treaty  are  present,  Dungan,  Scurlogge,  the  Earl  of  West- 
meath,  one  from  the  Lord  Muskerry,  and  indeed  the  heads  of  the  most 
of  those  that  are  now  in  armes  against  you  in  all  parts,  save  Ulster  ; 
the  issue  of  this  you  shall  hear  by  the  next. 

*  As  to  the  business  of  Gallway,  Sir  Charles  Coot  was  in  possession 
of  the  place  before  our  letter  came  to  him,  mentioned  in  our  last  to 
you,  since  that  he  hath  sent  two  of  his  officers  with  an  explanation  of 
his  meaning  in  the  articles  of  Gallway,  and  since  they  of  Gallway 
have  yeilded  in  some  things  to  the  exceptions  wee  made,  and  the  main 
exception  yet  remaining  unsatisfied  is  about  their  houses  and  real 
estates  in  Gallway.  But  as  to  that.  Sir  Charles  Coot  is  in  some 
hopes  they  will  be  brought  in  time  to  yeild  unto  it,  and  at  our  going 
thither  (wee  hope)  wee  shalbe  able  to  give  you  fuller  accompt  thereof. 

'At  the  present,  by  advice  of  the  councell  of  officers  here,  there 
is  a  regiment  often  companies  of  foote  under  Col.  Stubbers  sent  into 
Gallway. 

'We  shall  only  add  that  Sir  Charles  Coot  is  very  sensible  of  his 
yeilding  to  those  articles  of  Gallway  as  they  are,  but  hee  assures  us,  his 
zeal  to  have  your  work  and  great  charge  put  to  a  short  issue,  was  the 
occasion  of  those  concessions  ;  and  if  he  had  not  taken  the  opportunity 
then  offered,  he  conceived  there  was  great  probability,  that  more  force 
would  be  brought  into  the  towne,  so  as  it  might  have  kept  all  your 
forces  this  summer  in  those  parts  to  attend  that  service. 

'  As  to  your  forces  wee  are  in  a  miserable  and  sad  streight  for  want 
of  pay  for  the  poor  souldiery,  and  yet  such  patience  is  amongst  them 
that  we  hear  no  complaint  from  any  of  them  or  their  officers,  but  they 
are  all  ready  to  obey  all  commands  and  orders,  and  are  now  marching 
into  the  fcild  (though  we  can  have  noe  money  from  the  treasury.) 
Wee  shall  only  add  further  that  we  are, 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 
'  Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    Edm.  Ludlowe'. 

'Kilkenny, 

'6M  May,  1652.' 

'  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  22.     Read  May  18,  165a. 


Ludloivs  Services  i7t  Ireland.  5  1 7 

XXIV. 

[The  Commissioners  to  the  Council  of  State ^ 

'  May  it  please  your  Lordships, 

'  Since  our  coming  to  this  town,  being  the  17th  of  Aprill  last,  our 
time  hath  bene  taken  up  in  receiving  an  account  from  your  officers  of 
the  condition  of  your  affairs  and  strength  of  the  enemy  in  all  parts  of 
this  land,  and  in  advising  with  them  how  the  cloathes,  cloth,  arms  and 
provisions  might  bee  issued  out  with  most  equallity  and  advantage  to 
your  service.  And  although  your  Lordships'  care  and  wisdom  hath 
bene  very  great  in  making  such  ample  provision  to  supply  the  wants 
of  those  that  serve  you  here,  yet,  when  wee  came  upon  the  distribution 
of  them,  wee  found  two  thousand  suites  of  clothes  for  the  foote  souldiers 
wanting  to  answer  the  number  of  them  upon  muster,  notwithstanding 
those  clothes  that  were  provided  and  made  att  Dublin.  Wee  find 
likewise  a  great  want  of  carabines,  firelockes  and  pykes  ;  wee  have  not 
yett  had  invoyces,  nor  a  full  account  of  all  your  stores  of  provision  of 
victualls  in  or  appointed  for  all  parts,  whereby  wee  might  issue  out 
orders  for  the  equall  distribution  of  the  same,  and  give  your  Lordships 
an  account  how  long  the  said  stores  may  serve  your  forces  ;  onely  this 
wee  humbly  certify  your  Lordships  that  all  the  quantity  of  cheese, 
whereof  wee  have  had  any  advise,  is  exceeding  short  and  incon- 
siderable to  serve  your  forces,  and  that  there  is  little  hope  of  bread  or 
other  provision  in  this  countrey,  the  inhabitants  in  Thomond,  Upper 
Ormond,  and  in  severall  other  parts  of  the  land  being  necessitated  by 
hunger  to  eat  their  garrans  and  plough-horses,  and  to  buy  and  steale 
from  one  another  the  worst  kind  of  horses  to  eate,  so  that  little  or  noe 
provision  Avilbee  had  in  Ireland  for  your  forces  before  the  beginninge 
of  October  next.  But  wee  presume  that  those  that  serve  you  at  the 
Committee  for  your  affairs  here  have  all  before  them,  and  can  advise 
what  is  fitt  to  be  ordered  touching  future  supplies.  Wee  send  your 
Lordships  herewith  a  coppie  of  Articles  agreed  upon  by  Col.  Venables 
with  two  of  the  Ulster  regiments  of  the  enemy,  which  wee  humbly 
desire  may  be  reported  to  the  Parliament  for  their  approbation.  We 
find  that  the  conditions  made  by  Commissary-Gen.  Reinolds  with  Col. 
Fitz-Patricke  hath  taken  very  good  effect  in  breaking  the  union  and  com- 
bination that  was  betweene  the  rebells  not  to  divide  or  to  seeke  termes 
apart,  for  which  the  said  Col.  Fitz-Patricke  was  excommunicated  by  their 
priests,  and  declared  against  by  their  Councell  held  at  Garrench  ;  and 
since  their  submission  many  ofFitz-Patricke's  men  have  bene  killed  by 
Col.  Grace  his  forces,  so  that  of  Fitz-Patrick's,  O'Dwyre's,  and  IVIurtagh 
O'Brian's  men,  and  of  other  forces  in  Connaught  who  lately  submitted 
to  Commissary-Gen.  Reinolds,  there  are,  as  is  conceived  by  your  officers, 


An-.  IV. 


5i8  Appendix  IV. 

AiP.  IV.  noe  less  than  sixe  thousand  men  that  have  already  submitted,  most  of 
whom  are  willing  to  goe  to  serve  the  King  of  Spayne  ;  and  in  order  to 
their  transportation  and  thereby  ridding  this  country  of  them,  wee 
have  given  power  to  some  merchants  here  to  presse  shipping,  upon  good 
security  to  be  given  for  insurance  of  the  ships,  freight  and  demurradge, 
according  to  the  usuall  course  and  custom  of  merchants,  provided  the 
forces  to  be  transported  be  such  as  lay  downe  armesand  are  not  guilty 
of  the  murthers,  and  in  number  not  exceeding  ten  thousand  men.  Wee 
humbly  desire  your  Lordships'  approbation  of  this  particular,  it  being 
an  extraordinary  act,  and  of  very  great  advantage  to  your  service  in 
the  judgment  of  all  that  serve  you  here.  The  Earl  of  Westmeath, 
Lord  Slayn,  Sir  Walter  Dungan,  and  divers  other  officers  on  the  be- 
half of  the  enemy  in  arms  in  Leinster ;  the  Lord  Muskerry,  on  the 
behalf  of  the  forces  under  his  command  in  Kerry  and  Carbury,  has 
made  applications,  and  is  now  in  treaty  with  some  of  your  officers 
(commissioned  to  that  purpose)  fortermesfor  the  said  forces  to  submitt 
and  lay  downe  amies.  The  result  of  which  meeting,  if  it  comes  to 
anything,  wee  shall  communicate  to  your  Lordships  as  soone  as  it  comes 
to  our  hands.  Since  our  coming  to  this  place,  some  losse  happened 
to  your  forces  and  affairs  here ;  parte  of  Capt.  Norwood's  troope- 
horses,  and  all  Capt.  Pagnam's  troope  of  dragoones  on  the  borders  of 
Wicklow  were  surprised  at  grasse,  and  Capt.  Crookhorne's  troope  of 
dragoones  were  by  playne  force  taken  ;  the  men  being  forced  to  for- 
sake their  horses  defended  themselves,  and  killed  some  of  the  enemy 
attempting  to  force  the  place.  Col.  Grace,  out  of  the  fastness  of 
Glanmalyer,  fell  into  Kildare,  burnt  the  towne,  preyed  the  countrey 
thereabouts,  and  putt  some  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword.  These 
successes  heightened  the  enemy,  insomuch  that  Sir  Walter  Dungan 
with  two  hundred  and  fifty  horse  and  five  hundred  foote  marched  into 
the  baronyes  next  adjoyning  to  Wexford,  and  tooke  a  prey  of  above 
500  cowes  ;  but  some  of  your  horse  being  appointed  to  march  into  that 
countrey  to  joyne  with  Lieut.-Colonell  Throgmorton  and  his  forces 
belonging  to  Wexford,  on  the  last  Lord's  day  in  the  afternoone  joyned, 
being  betweene  the  enemy  and  the  quarters  to  which  they  were  to 
march,  and  within  an  houre  after  their  conjunction  (being  then  in  the 
whole  150  horse  and  400  foote)  they  engaged  the  enemy,  who  had 
taken  an  advantage  of  ground,  and  stood  in  battalia  to  receive  them  ; 
in  which  ingagement  (after  a  very  sharp  dispute,  your  horse  at  first 
being  putt  to  retreate,  and  the  Irish  foote  comming  to  push  of  pyke 
with  your  foote  who  had  noe  pykes,  but  were  fayne  to  clubb  with 
their  muskctts)  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  appeare  for  his  poore  servants, 
and  at  the  instant  of  time  when  all  was  given  for  lost,  God  turned  the 
battaile,  and  gave  your  men  the  execution  of  the  enemy  for  fyve  miles 
and  untill  the  night  prevented  further  pursuite  ;  there  was  slayne  of  the 
enemy  upon  the  place  above  two  hundred,  amongst  which  the  Lord 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  5 1 9 

Gallmoy's  eldest  sonne  was  slayne,  and  divers  other  considerable  Aii'.  IV. 
persons  ;  there  were  likewise  Major  Art  Cavenagh,  two  captaines,  three 
lieutenants,  two  ensignes,  two  quarter-masters,  and  twenty  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  private  troopers  taken  prisoners,  and  above  one 
hundred  good  horses  taken,  and  the  prey  restored  :  there  were  of  your 
men  21  slain,  and  about  one  hundred  wounded  (most  of  themj  by  the 
enemies  pykes.  This  was  indeed  a  mercy  wrought  by  the  imediate 
hand  of  a  God,  our  enemies  themselves  being  witnesses  and  confessing 
the  same.  The  Lord  grant  that  by  these  manifestations  of  his  love 
our  spiritts  may  be  drawne  up,  and  our  hearts  sett  on  worke  to  praise 
his  name.  All  the  forces  that  are  to  take  the  feild  this  summer  are 
ordered  to  march  to  their  several!  stations,  and  some  of  them  already 
on  their  march,  and  the  rest  wilbee  in  the  feild  within  five  or  six  days. 
The  late  coming  of  the  provisions,  and  want  of  money  in  the  treasury 
to  enable  your  forces  to  advance,  putts  us  into  great  straights.  Wee 
shall  add  no  further  at  present  but  that  wee  are, 

'  Your  Lordships'  humble  servants, 
'  Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones.    Edm.  Ludlowe  '. 
'  Kilkenny, 

'6  May,  1652.' 

XXV. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Presideitt  of  the  Council  0/  State  ^ 

*  Right  Honourable, 

*  Wee  humbly  present  to  your  Lordships,  with  some  explanations 
made  by  Commissioners  of  the  Articles  of  Galway,  and  the  concessions 
of  the  Galway  men  to  those  explanations.  The  maine  Articles  (con- 
cerning their  residence  in  the  towne,and  the  enjoyment  of  their  houses 
and  estates)  they  as  yet  adhere  unto,  which  will  make  the  place  very  charg- 
able  unto  you  to  keepe,  untill  the  Parliament's  pleasure,  or  your  advise 
be  knowne  therein.  Sir  Charles  Coote  seemes  to  be  confident  that  the 
Galway  men  will  declare,  that  if  the  Parliament  order  that  noe  Irish  and 
papists  bee  admitted  to  reside  in  any  garrison  in  Ireland,  that  then  they 
conceive  themselves  bound  to  observe  such  a  law,  and  that  they  shall  not 
insist  upon  their  Articles  to  free  themselves  from  such  a  generall  law. 

'  Wee  humbly  desire  a  signification  of  your  pleasure  in  this  par- 
ticular. 

'  The  townsmen  by  their  Articles  are  to  pay  ^{^5000  as  a  composition 
or  their  personal!  estate,  and  wee  have  great  neede  of  the  money,  but, 
if  we  should  receive  it  before  we  know  your  pleasure,  wee  are  afraid 
wee  shall  thereby  bee  constrained  to  confirme  the  Articles.  And  there- 
fore wee  are  very  tender  of  doeing  any  Act  that  may  amount  to  a  con- 
1  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  24. 


520  Appendix  IV. 

Afp.  IV.  fimiation,  untill  wee  receive  your  Lordships'  advise,  (and  yet  this  great 
summe  and  our  great  necessities  are  strong  temptations  unto  us). 
In  expectation  whereof  wee  rest, 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 
'Miles  CoRBETT.    Jo.  Jones.    Edm.  Ludlowe '. 
'Kilkenny, 

'■dth  May,  1652.' 

XXVI. 

\Frovi  the  Irish  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker.] 

'[Mr.  Speaker], 

'We  mentioned  in  our  last  a  treaty  that  was  then  begun  betweene 
the  Earl  of  Westmeath  and  others,  the  principal)  officers  of  the  enemies 
party,  with  your  servants  here,  which  after  many  disputes  and  diffi- 
culties is  now  brought  to  an  issue,  and  a  coppie  of  the  Articles  and 
declarations  then  passed  wee  send  here  inclosed,  which  wee  doe  humbly 
present  to  your  view  and  judgment ;  and  whatever  issue  may  be  hereof 
wee  can  assure  you  the  intentions  and  endeavours  of  all  your  servants 
acting  therein  was  to  doe  nothing  that  in  their  judgments  and  con- 
sciences might  be  displeasing  to  that  God  who  hath  wrought  so  many 
and  so  great  deliverances  for  you  and  them,  or  that  might  prejudice 
the  English  interest.  Had  wee  had  particular  directions  or  qualifica- 
tions from  you  nothing  should  have  been  done  otherwise  then  as  you 
had  prescribed.  But  God  having  put  this  opportunity  into  our  hands 
wee  held  it  our  duty  to  make  use  thereof,  considering  the  vastness  of 
the  charge  in  maintaining  your  forces ;  and  yet  the  forces  here  allmost 
all  taken  up  in  preserving  garrisons  and  forts,  and  the  enemy  being 
driven  out  of  all  forts,  hath  nothing  to  doe  but  to  be  in  the  feild  when 
they  pleased,  and  then  as  they  saw  advantage  to  retire  to  their  boggs 
and  fastnesses,  and  in  the  meantime  to  commit  stealths  and  plunderings 
to  the  walls  and  gates  of  your  garrisons  ;  and  such  is  their  number  that 
at  this  present  the  Lord  Muskerry,  that  commands  the  enemy  in 
Munster,  is  600  Horse  and  3000  Foote,  and  some  of  his  party  is  now 
before  Dingle,  which  is  the  only  hold  you  have  in  Kerry,  and  Clanric- 
card  with  the  Connaught  and  Ulster  forces  are  very  considerable  in 
the  parts  between  Connaught  and  Ulster,  which  would  require  more 
forces  than  wee  could  draw  out  to  make  considerable  bodies  against 
them,  thereby  to  prevent  the  desolation  and  ruin  they  would  make  in 
your  quarters,  besides  those  forces  of  the  enemy  in  Leinster  that  have 
this  year  surprised  many  of  your  horse,  and  driven  away  many  catle 
in  severall  parts  of  Leinster.  And  withall  we  do  not  know  how  the 
enemy  may  receive  encouragement  and  hopes  of  help  if  there  should 

'  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  27. 


Ludlcius  St'fztWs  in  Ireliind.  521 

be  any  i>eace  in  forraigne  parts.  \Ve€  shall  only  add,  that  consider-  Arr.  IV 
ing  the  treacherj'.  wickedness  and  malice  of  the  generality  of  this 
p>eopIe,  that  your  servants  here  must  not  lessen  their  vigilancy  over 
them :  and  if  their  amies  be  layd  downe.  as  is  hoped,  and  undertaken 
for.  and  the  principall  heads  d  that  party  with  the  souldiers  under 
their  command  doe  goe  beyond  seas,  which  is  their  purpose  and  desire, 
and  which  wee  shall  endeavour  to  further,  wee  doe  hope  this  will 
render  this  countrey.  in  time,  all  into  your  possession,  to  be  settled  and 
governed  as  God  shall  direct  and  enable  you.  And  as  wee  see  the 
execution  of  this  treaty-  wee  shall  from  time  to  time  give  you  further 
accompt  thereof,  and  doe  desire  that  your  aire  in  sending  supplyes  to 
enable  your  ser\-ants  here  to  the  remainder  of  the  work  yet  here  to  be 
done,  be  not  yet  lessened  but  continued,  which  by  the  blessing  of  God 
may  crowne  all  your  fbnner  labours.     Wee  shall  only  add  that  wee 

are 

*  Your  most  humble  servants. 
'Edm.  LuDLOWK,    Miles  CoRBEiT.    Jo.  Jo^fBS^ 
'  Kilkenny, 

*I3  May,  165a. 

'Wee  shall  send  further  accompt  hereof,  as  wo  shall  sec  the 
execution  of  this  treaty  to  fall  out.  by  some  person  privy  to  all  these 
transactions  to  give  you  a  just  accompt  of  all  particular  passages.' 


XXVI  I. 
\Tk(  Commissiomrs  to  the  Spciikir.] 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  By  our  last,  of  the  13th  of  May  from  Kilkenny,  sent  by  Captain 
\'ernon,  wee  gave  you  account  of  the  treaty  then  newly  concluded  on 
with  the  Earle  of  Westmeath.  and  the  Leinster  officers  of  the  enemies 
party. 

'Since  that  we  understanding  that  the  Lord  of  Muskcrry  aiul  his 
party  in  Kerry,  that  are  very  considerable,  did  not  accept  thereof,  but 
did  expect  some  better  termes.  the  Major-Gonerall  and  the  Lord 
Uroghill  drew  to  Drumagh,  the  only  considerable  castle  the  enemy 
held  in  the  county  of  Corke.  and  was  indeed  a  strong  and  a  secure 
hold  for  them,  but  by  the  blessing  and  helpe  of  the  Lord,  that  was 
rendered  to  you,  of  which  the  Lioutonant-Generall  gave  you  former 
account  from  Youghall ;  and  finding  that  party  of  yours  that  reduced 
that  place  not  to  be  sufiicicnt  for  reducing  Ross,  where  the  strength  of 
the  enemy  lay,  upon  debate  and  conference  with  Sir  llardress  Waller 
and  divers  of  your  officers  at  Corke,  it  was  resolved  to  draw  out  what 
'  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  31.     Rc;ui  M.iy  35. 


52  2  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  forces  could  best  be  spared  from  these  partes  to  march  into  Kerry  ;  and 
having  gotten  what  supplies  were  necessary,  and  could  be  had,  they 
marched  hence  to  Mallow,  and  did  expect  to  be  at  Ross  in  Kerry  on 
Sunday  the  4th  instant. 

'Since  their  departure  from  us,  wee  doe  hear  there  was  some  dis- 
traction amongst  the  enemy  at  Rosse,  so  as  the  cleargie  party,  and 
such  as  adhered  to  that  interest,  drew  out  of  Rosse,  but  my  Lord  of 
Muskerry,  and  such  as  stood  to  him,  doe  keepe  in  Rosse  ;  what  may  be 
the  issue  is  not  knowne. 

'The  greatest  body  of  the  enemy  is  gathered  together  about  Bally- 
shannon  in  Ulster,  under  Clanrickard.  And  by  letters  of  the  30th  of 
May,  from  Commissary  Generall  Reinolds  from  Athlone,  and  by 
others,  we  do  understand  that  the  enemy  have  besieged  Ballyshannon, 
a  house  of  the  Lord  Folliot's,  and  with  two  guns  have  made  batteries 
against  it,  and  having  two  or  three  times  beene  repulsed,  at  last  have 
gained  it,  and  burnt  it,  before  Sir  Charles  Coote  could  come  to  relieve 
it.  And  they  have  also  taken  the  Castle  of  Donegale,  and  all  the 
enemyes  forces  of  Ulster,  and  Connaught  are  there  conjoyned.  But 
Sir  Charles  Coote  with  his  owne  party,  and  part  of  Commissary- 
General  Reinolds'  party,  are  in  pursuite  of  them  on  one  side,  and 
Colonel  Venables  and  his  party  on  the  other  side  ;  and  Commissary- 
General  Reinolds  with  one  100  horse  from  Col.  Sankey  is  also  marched 
up,  and  orders  sent  to  Col.  Hewson  to  draw  downe  that  way  also. 
Soe  it  is  hoped  (through  the  helpe  of  our  Lord)  they  shalbe  enabled 
to  find  out  that  enemy,  and  to  engage  with  him.  What  horse  and 
foote  of  the  Leinster  enemy  doe  come  in,  wee  cannot  give  any  account 
as  yet,  having  not  received  ourselves  any  accompt  of  the  same  ;  only 
Grace  his  party  which  did  infest  your  quarters  in  Leinster,  most  of  his 
horse  are  come  in,  and  submitted,  and  himselfe  with  twelve  horse,  and 
about  seventy  that  marched  before,  are  gone  to  Clanrickard,  and  his 
foote  being  in  all  about  1000  are  at  present  dispersed,  but  doe  lie 
scattered  in  the  woodes,  and  bogges,  and  your  forces  in  those  parts  do 
dayly  hunt  and  attend  them.  This  is  the  present  posture  of  your 
forces  here,  and  in  all  partes  their  hands  are  full ;  and  wee  doe  hope 
you  will  not  bee  unmindful  to  continue  your  care  in  providing  for  them ; 
the  plentiful,  and  good  provisions  you  have  formerly  ordered  to  be 
sent  hither,  are  for  the  most  parte  all  come  hither,  which  is  a  great 
comfort  to  the  poore  souldiery  ;  and  wee  doe  wish  wee  had  more  of  the 
intended  recruites,  such  of  them  as  are  come  already  being  very  able, 
and  fitt  for  your  service,  and  were  the  residue  that  are  appointed,  to 
come  over  before  the  summer  be  too  far  spent,  it  would  much  advance 
your  affairs  as  now  they  stand. 

*  We  heare  every  day  of  sadd  losses  by  the  spoyles  and  piracies  don 
by  the  French,  and  other  piratts  at  sea,  and  we  cannot  hear  of  any  of 
the  Parliament's  shipps  between  Kingsale  and  Derry,  save  only  Capt. 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Ireland.  52; 

Sherwin  who  is  commanded  hence  for  Scotland,  and  Capt.  Pcirs  who    Ari'.  IV 
hath  been  out  i8  monethes,  and  not  very  fitt  for  service,  as  he  sayeth, 
who  is  gone  to  convoy  some  vessels  with  provisions  to  Limericke  as 
wee  heare;  which  is  all  wee  shall  trouble  you  with  at  present,  save  to 
assure  you  wee  are 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 

'  Miles  Corbett.        To.  Tones'. 
'  Cork,  ^     ■' 

*  h^hjune,  1652.' 

XXVIII. 

\Edrmind  Ludlow  to  the  Comviissioners  0/  Parliameni^ 

'  Truly  Honourable, 

*  I  have  received  your  plentifull  supply  as  to  use  and  comfort,  both 
the  officers  and  souldiers  are  very  sencible  of  your  kindnes  to  them, 
and  care  of  them  -.  The  Lord  hath  at  length  enclined  the  enemy  to 
a  submission  upon  termes  not  much  differing  with  those  with  Leinster, 
onely  wee  have  left  out  the  clause  for  mediation  with  the  Parliament 
toutching  their  reall  estates.  Rosse  is  to  be  delivered  on  Saterday 
next  at  noone  :  I  signed  the  articles  even  now.  The  Lord  of  Mus- 
kerries  sonne  and  his  unckle,  Sir  Daniel  Brien,  I  expect  to  be  sent 
imediately  to  me  as  hostages ;  his  forces  abroad  are  to  lay  downe 
armes  on  the  5th  of  July  ;  those  in  Kerry  at  Killamey  ;  those  towards 
Corke  at  Macroome ;  those  towards  Limerick  at  Killmallocke.  As 
soon  as  I  can  see  things  settled  here,  that  soe  I  may  know  what  force 
can  be  spared  hence  for  the  Northerne  service,  I  shall  march  with 
them  up  to  you,  which  I  hope  to  doe  some  time  next  weeke.  The 
Lord  direct  and  protect  you,  and  give  us  thankfull  hearts  under  these 
his  gracious  dispensacions.     Deare  friends, 

'  Your  most  affectionate  and 
'humble  Servant, 

'Edmund  Ludlow. 

*  From  the  Campe  before  RossE, 

'this  23  of  June,  1652.' 

[Endorsed  : — ] 

*  A  true  coppy  of  the  Leiftenant-Generall's  letter  to  theCommissioners 

of  Parliament.     Dated  23  Junii  1652. 

'Jo.  Hughes'.' 

>  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  f.  53.    Printed  4  rolls  of  tobacco  to  the  soldiers,' 

in  *  Severall  Proceedings  in  Parlia-  says  a  letter  from  the  Commisioners 

ment,'  p.  2230.     Read  in  the  House,  to  Ludlow. 
June  15.  ^  Read6  Julii  1652.    Tanner  MSS. 

"  '  We   have    sent   you   and    the  liii.  67. 
officers   a  tun  of  French  wine  and 


App.  IV. 


524  Appendix  IV. 

XXIX. 

\JEd7nund  Ludlow  to  William  Lenlhall,  Speaker.^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'That  those  plentifull  provisions  which  God  hath  put  in  your 
hearts  and  hands  to  supply  us  withall,  for  the  carrieing  on  of  your 
righteous  undertaking  this  summer,  might  not  bee  wholy  lost  in  the 
absence  of  the  Lord  Deputy,  the  enemy  in  Kerry  and  that  in  the  north 
being  looked  upon  as  most  considerable,  at»  a  generall  Councell  held 
at  Kilkenny,  it  was  resolved  that  your  field  force  should  bee  applied 
those  wayes  ;  yet  not  soe  as  to  leave  the  Middland  parts  unprovided 
for,  (not  knowing  what  the  effect  would  bee,  of  the  agreement  made 
with  the  Earle  of  Westmeath,  Sir  Walter  Dungan  and  others,  of  which 
Sir  Walter  Dungan  hath  lately  sent  mee  this  accompt  inclosed)  and 
therefore  there  was  left  with  the  Lord  Broghill,  Coll.  Sankey,  Col. 
Ingolsby,  Col.  Axtell,  Lieut.  Col.  Throgmorton  and  Col.  Hewson  in  their 
severall  precincts,  a  competent  force,  both  of  horse  and  foote,  through 
God's  assistance  to  encounter  with  the  enemy  they  had  to  deale 
withall.  I  doubt  not  in  the  Lord's  owne  tyme,  but  Sir  Charles  Coote, 
Commissary-Generall  Reinholds  and  Col.  Venables  will  give  you  a  good 
accompt  of  the  Earle  of  Clanricard's  forces  and  those  of  Ulster,  who 
are  joyned  and  have  beene  somewhat  active,  but  not  at  all  to  their 
advantage.  The  Major  Generall  and  I  have  beene  before  this  place 
neare  three  weekes  past,  the  first  of  which  was  spent  in  a  treaty  with  the 
enemy,  which  broake  of,  they  insisting  upon  an  article,  for  the  free 
exercize  of  their  religion,  and  for  assurance  of  some  part  of  their  reall 
estates,  which  was  totally  rejected.  The  place  beeing  hardly  accessible 
by  land,  wee  then  applied  our  endeavours  for  the  procuring  of  boats 
for  the  landing  our  men  in  their  island,  wherin  God  hath  beene  pleased 
soe  farr  to  succeede  us,  that  in  one  weeke's  tyme  wee  had  half  a  dozen 
boates  swimmeing  in  their  Lough,  and  had,  through  the  great  care 
and  industry  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Parliament,  from  the  county 
of  Corke  workmen  and  materialls  ready  for  the  making  of  boats 
within  tenn  dales  to  land  a  thousand  men.  But  by  this  tyme  the 
Lord  had  inclined  the  enemy  to  sollicit  for  condicions  againe,  which 
considering  the  hazard  of  an  attempt,  they  haveing  a  thousand 
fighting  men  in  the  island,  and  the  great  fastnesses  of  this  countrey 
possessed  by  a  numerous  and  desperate  enemy,  haveing  convenient 
harbours  for  succours  from  abroad,  and  hopeing  hereby  to  put  a  period 
to  the  warr  in  these  parts,  and  soe  to  lessen  your  chardge  and  sett  at 
liberty  your  force  here  for  some  other  service,  wee  consented  unto, 
and  after  two  dayes'  debate  agreed  upon  the  articles  heere  inclosed  ; 
wherein  if  wee  have  either  fallen  short  of  your  expectacion,  or  exceeded 
your  intentions  in  any  of  our   concessions,  wee  humbly  crave   your 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Ireland.  525 

pardon,  and  that  you  will  beleeve  wee  aymed  in  them  at  your  service,    hvv.  W 
more  than  our  owne  ease,  or  advantage,  other  than  the  dischardge  of 
our  duty  is  soe.     Wherin  that  the  Lord  will  ahvayes  direct  us,  is  the 
hearty  prayer  of 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

*  Your  faithfull  and  most  humble  servant, 

'  Edmund  Ludlowe. 
'  From  the  Campe  before  RossE, 
'  the  24M  of  June,  1652. 

'The  Lord  of  Muskery's  sonne  and  Lieut.  Col.  Knocher  O'Callaghan 
are  hostages  with  mee  for  the  performance  of  these  Articles.  God 
willing  I  shall  hasten  northwards  with  all  the  force  that  can  bee  spared 
hence,  least  they  should  stand  in  need  of  them  \' 


XXX. 

[^The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker.] 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 
*  Since  the  late  agreement  at  Kilkenny,  the  Lord  of  Muskerry  in 
the  south  and  the  Lord  Clanriccard  in  the  north  have  not  only  de- 
clared themselves  not  to  accept  of  that  capitulation,  but  have  gathered 
together  considerable  bodies  of  the  Irish  in  both  places. 

'  As  to  Clanriccard,  since  the  reducing  of  Balleshannon  Sir  Charles 
Coote  with  his  owne  and  part  of  Commissary-Generall  Reignolds' 
party,  have  reduced  Sleigo ;  and  since  that  the  Commissary-Generall 
is  come  to  him,  and  as  wee  hear  from  the  Commissary-Generall  of 
the  1 8th  instant  from  the  camp  before  Ballemote  are  now  before 
that  castle,  being  the  castle  of  the  Lord  Taaffe  in  the  county  of 
Leitrim.  Coll.  Venables  with  his  party  are  at  Belturbet  in  Cavan,  a 
place  very  considerable  to  be  made  a  garrison,  in  order  to  the  reducing 
of  the  county  of  Cavan,  and  those  fastnesses  thereabouts,  and  wee  doe 
believe  part  of  the  Leinster  forces  are  with  Venables  or  near  to  him, 
and  Clanriccard  doth  lye  in  fastnesses  between  Ballimote  and  Bel- 
turbet, with  4000  horse  and  foot,  but  hath  refused  to  engage  with  either 
party  of  ours,  but  hath  sent  for  a  treaty,  anH  hath  sent  to  the  Lieut.- 
General  and  to  us  to  appoint  Commissioners,  and  hath  sent  articles  to 
the  Commissary-Generall.  Our  answer  thereto  we  send  enclosed,  and 
have  advised  the  Commissary-General  to  that  purpose.  And  Grace, 
another  of  the  Irish  Rebells,  hath  gathered  a  body  of  the  Irish,  that 
formerly  were  of  the  Leinster  rebells  ;  and  being  beaten  from  his  fast- 
nesses in  Leinster  by  Coll.Axtel,  and  Coll.  Sankey,got  over  the  Shannon, 

1  Original,  signed  by  Ludlow;  small  seal  with  arms.  Tanner  MSS. 
liii.  75- 


526  Appendix  IV. 

Arr.  IV.  and  have  burnt  the  town  of  Portumney,  and  threatened  the  castle  of 
Portumney ;  but  Coll.  Ingolsby  from  Limerick  going  toassist  our  freinds 
there,  heard  that  Grace  had  joined  with  Burke,  and  were  about  Lough 
Reagh,  and  were  about  3000  horse  and  foote,  and  so  Coll.  Ingolsby  fell 
on  the  enemy,  and  as  wee  heard  from  Major  Smith,  from  Limerick,  the 
22nd  instant,  that  certaine  intelligence  was  come  to  him  that  Ingolsby 
had  totally  routed  the  enemy's  horse,  and  the  foote  being  gott  into  a 
bogg  he  had  encompassed  the  same  with  his  horse  and  dragoones,  and 
was  in  that  posture  when  the  messenger  came  from  him  to  Limerick. 
As  to  the  enemy  with  the  Lord  Muskerry  in  Kerry,  the  Lieutenant- 
General  and  the  Major-General  with  what  party  could  be  spared  from 
other  parts  are  marched  to  Rosse,  the  cheif  hold  of  the  enemy  there, 
and  having  left  two  troopes  of  horse,  one  of  dragoones,  and  400  foote 
in  a  fort  before  Ross,  the  Lieut.-Gen.  with  the  body  of  his  brigade  did 
the  13th  instant  meet  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  and  had  routed  them, 
and  tooke  some  50  horse,  and  some  prey,  and  an  abbey  called  Killara, 
where  they  found  some  4  barrels  of  powder,  and  in  those  parts  they 
have  bene  till  the  boats  and  other  necessaries  sent  them  from  Kinsale 
came  to  them  ;  and  on  the  19th  instant  wee  received  letters  from  them 
that  that  day  they  marched  up  with  the  party  to  the  fort  near  Rosse 
Castle,  and  thither  they  have  sent  the  boates  and  provisions,  but  on  the 
18th  instant  Muskerry  sent  for  a  new  treaty,  but  the  Lieut.-Gen.  hath 
■  limited  it  to  conclude  on  the  21st  instant,  at  six  in  the  night,  and  in 
the  meantime  are  preparing  their  boates  for  service.  But  this  last 
Saboth  being  20th  instant,  a  party  of  Muskerries  forces  having  joyned 
with  other  the  rebels'  party  that  lie  in  the  boggs  and  mountaines  of 
Cork,  did  come  into  this  county  to  drive  the  catle  about  Macroome  to 
carry  them  into  their  quarters,  but  the  Lord  Broghill  (who  is  left  behind 
to  secure  the  quarters)  after  a  march  of  twenty  miles,  fell  on  the  enemy 
who  were  more  than  double  in  number  to  the  Lord  Broghill's  party, 
but  the  enemy  would  not  engage,  soe  as  the  Lord  Broghill's  party 
fell  on  the  reere  of  the  enemies  body,  and  tooke  about  80  horse  :  killed 
about  50 :  took  Lieut.-Col.  Supple  that  commanded  the  rear  guard  of 
the  enemy,  and  gott  two  colours  and  some  good  quantity  of  armes, 
and  regained  200  catle  the  enemy  were  carrying  away,  and  the  rest  of 
the  enemy  by  the  favour  of  a  mist,  and  our  party  being  much  spent 
with  a  long  march  before  the  skirmish,  and  the  impassableness  of 
those  parts  could  not  follow  them  above  a  mile  or  two.  Col.  Clark's 
regiment  is  safely  arrived  at  Waterford,  which  doth  come  very  season- 
ably to  strengthen  your  forces  in  these  parts. 

'  These  wonderworkings  of  our  God  wee  hope  will  appear  glorious  in 
your  eyes,  and  wee  hope  will  cleerly  evidence  unto  you  the  diligence, 
and  fidelity  of  your  poore  servants  here,  who  in  order  to  your  service 
are  dispatched  into  all  parts  of  the  land,  and  yet  their  small  scattered 
parties   (through  the  goodness  and  help  of  the  Lord)  have   put  to 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Ireland.  527 

flight  the  armies  and  great  bodies  of  the  enemy.     Wee  shall  only  add    App.  IV 

that  wee  are 

'  Your  most  humble  servants. 
'  Cork, 

'  2\th  June,  1652. 

'  Since  the  writing  hereof,  we  have  received  letters  from  the  Lieut.- 
Generall  of  the  23rd  instant,  from  the  camp  before  Rosse,  concerning 
the  rendering  of  Rosse,  and  submission  of  that  enemy,  a  coppy  of  that 
letter  we  send  also  enclosed. 

*  Miles  Corbett.     Jo.  Jones  '.' 


XXXI. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker ^^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

'  Our  last  frome  Cork  gave  you  an  accompt  of  the  then  present 
condition  of  your  affairs.  Since  then  the  Lord  of  Muskerry  after  the 
Treaty  concluded  at  Rosse,  hath  been  industrious  to  make  the  sub- 
mission of  his  party  as  considerable  as  he  could,  soe  as  in  severall 
places  there  have  of  his  party  3000  foot,  and  700  horsemen  mounted, 
and  300  unmounted,  brought  in  their  horse  and  amies  ;  and  the  Lord 
Muskerry  himself  doth  (as  he  saith)  intend  presently  to  goe  for  Spainc, 
and  carry  with  him  1000  men  and  himselfe  to  returne  againe,  if  he  can 
obtaine  any  considerable  command  upon  the  carrying  over  of  the 
residue  of  his  party,  for  whome  he  is  there  to  make  his  conditions. 
There  is  now  in  the  fastnesses  of  Kerry  one  Murtogh  O'Brian  who  is  on 
the  head  of  such  of  the  Irish  rebells  as  have  not  submitted,  and  come 
in  with  the  Lord  Muskerry  :  and  Sir  Hardress  Waller  with  a  con- 
siderable party  is  left  in  Kerry  to  clear  that  county,  and  to  make  such 
garrisons  therein,  as  may  enable  the  party  there  to  prevent  the 
gathering  together  of  the  enemy,  or  others  that  may  come  to  them. 

'  The  Earle  of  Clanriccard  and  the  body  of  the  rebells  that  were  in  a 
conjunction  with  him,  being  beaten  from  their  garrisons  and  castles  by 
a  considerable  party  under  Sir  Charles  Coote  and  Commis.-Gen. 
Reignolds  on  the  one  side,  and  Coll.  Venables  with  some  part  of  the 
Leinster  forces  sent  from  Coll.  Hevvson  on  the  other  side,  and  by 
planting  of  garrisons  at  Belturbet,  in  Cavan,  and  securing  severall 
passes,  have  bene  soe  attended  on  all  hands,  that  they  could  not 
continue  any  longer  together  in  a  body,  and  the  Earl  of  Clanriccard, 
for  himself,  and  the  severall  officers  of  the  Connaught  forces  for  them- 
selves, and  the  party  under  their  command,  have  also  come  in  and 
submitted;  and  on  the  last  of  this  instant  are  to  bring  in  their  Horse 
and    armes,   and   have   desired   leave   to   transport    5000,   so  as  all 

1  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  f.  73-     Read  July  6. 


528  Appendix  IV. 

Apr.  IV.  Connaught  (if  they  perform  their  conditions)  will  be  clear  of  any 
enemy  that  we  can  hear  of :  and  those  rebells  that  are  left  in  Ulster 
are  attended  by  Commissary  General  Reignolds  in  Longford,  and  by 
Coll.  Venables  in  Cavan  and  those  parts,  soe  as  it  is  hoped  they  wilbe 
reduced  to  such  a  condition,  as  they  shall  be  disenabled  at  least  to 
infest  your  quarters,  some  part  or  other  of  your  forces  continually 
falling  upon  them,  as  they  doe  move  out  of  their  fastnesses.  Since  the 
rendition  of  Rosse  in  Kerry,  a  considerable  part  of  your  forces  under 
the  conduct  of  Lieut. -Generall  Ludlowe  had  some  resolutions  to  march 
into  the  North,  to  make  that  body  of  your  forces  there  more  con- 
siderable ;  but  upon  the  submission  of  the  Connaught  enemy,  and  that 
there  is  sufficient  force  there  to  attend  the  remainder  of  the  Ulster 
rebells  at  present,  it  is  now  held  most  adviseable  that  the  Lieut. - 
Generall  doe  forthwith  march  into  Wicklow  and  Wexford,  and  to  beat 
those  woods  and  mountaines,  and  to  find  out  the  enemy,  and  to  plant 
some  garrisons  in  those  fastnesses,  and  then  to  move  further  as  shalbe 
most  conducing  to  your  service. 

'  There  hath  bene  a  late  meeting  of  very  many  of  the  officers  at 
Clonmell,  of  which  they  gave  us  notice  at  Corke,  and  desired  our 
coming  thither  to  them,  and  wee  were  present  with  them  in  all  their 
debates  and  consultations,  the  result  whereof  was  put  into  writing,  and 
sent  by  Col.  Hewson,  and  Adjutant-General  Allen,  and  wee  did 
observe  in  every  one  then  met  a  general  desire  to  testifie  their  dutie, 
and  thankfulness  for  the  great  care  of  the  Parliament  in  the  plentifull 
provisions  made  for  them  hitherto,  and  that  nothing  should  be  by  them 
presented  that  might  any  way  seem  to  be  contrary  to  any  resolutions 
of  the  Parliament  concerning  them,  but  in  all  things  are  most  willing 
to  be  ordered  by  you,  as  God  shall  please  to  guide  and  lead  you.  Wee 
shall  conclude  with  our  humble  desires  that  your  pleasure  may  be 
knowne  what  you  will  hold  out  towards  the  settlement  of  the  nation, 
and  what  the  Irish  may  expect  from  you,  and  that  such  as  fall  from  you 
(which  they  are  very  apt  to  do)  maybe  by  force  reduced,  and  that  such 
Commander  in  Cheif  and  others  whome  you  shall  please  to  send  over 
may  be  timely  sent,  whereby  (and  by  the  help  and  blessing  of  God) 
you  may  see  the  fruit  of  the  vast  expense  both  of  blood  and  treasure 
that  you  have  bene  at  to  the  reducing  of  this  nation. 

*Wee  are  this  day  to  march  to  Kilkenny,  and  thence  to  Dublin, 
from  whence  wee  hope  to  give  you  further  account  as  occasion  shall  be 
offered,  and  at  present  shall  only  subscribe  ourselves, 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 
*  Miles  Corbett.    Jo.  Jones  ^ 
'  Waterford, 

'  22nd July,  1652.' 

'  Tanner  MSS.  liii.  98.     Read  August  3. 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  529 

XXXII. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

*Mr  Speaker, 
'Our  last  of  the  22nd  July  from  Waterford  did  present  unto  you  the 
posture  your  affairs  then  stood  in,  and  since  then  there  is  not  anything 
come  to  our  knowledge  worthy  of  your  trouble.  Your  foices  lying  all 
dispersed  in  the  several  parts  of  this  nation  watching  all  motions  of  such 
of  the  enemy  as  do  still  hold  out,  and  have  not  submitted,  the  most  con- 
siderable whereof  are  in  Ulster  where  they  have  of  late  seemed  willing 
to  submit,  and  have  treated  with  some  of  your  servants  to  that  end, 
and  after  some  time  spent  therein  did  come  to  a  conclusion,  and  the 
commanders  of  the  enemy's  part  seemed  satisfied  with  the  conditions, 
only  they  desired  time  to  shew  it  to  the  chief  of  their  officers ;  and 
after  they  had  considered  thereof  did  send  back  this  enclosed  paper  ; 
which,  as  we  are  informed,  did  proceed  from  the  apprehension  of  the 
danger  they  were  in  by  the  murders  and  massacre  in  the  beginning  of 
the  rebellion,  whereof  the  chief  of  them  were  the  most  eminent  actors, 
and  yet  during  the  treaty  pretended  their  innocency  therein,  and  that 
they  would  stand  to  a  trial  to  clear  themselves  from  that  suspicion. 
They  are  heightened  to  that  resolution  by  a  friar  lately  come  amongst 
them  out  of  England  (one  Abbot  Croyly)  that  pretends  to  give  them 
great  assurance  of  succours  and  relief  from  the  Duke  of  Lorraine. 
Upon  this  (and  in  consideration  of  the  enemy's  present  posture)  your 
servants  in  those  parts  have  resolved  to  make  several  garrisons  in  the 
bowels  of  their  fastnesses,  and  to  secure  all  passes  into  and  from  the 
same,  and  to  lay  waste  those  fastnesses  and  countries  wherein  the  enemy 
have  relief,  and  security  from  your  forces.  In  other  parts  of  the  nation 
your  servants  are  no  less  diligent  in  watching  over  the  enemy  (that 
doth  yet  stand  out)  near  their  quarters,  so  as  there  is  much  more 
security  in  Munster,  Leinster  and  Connaught,  than  ever  yet  was 
enjoyed  by  your  friends  since  the  Rebellion  broke  out,  and  by  the 
blessing  of  God  we  may  hope  it  will  continue  and  increase  daily,  being 
assured  that  your  forces  here  will  have  the  continuance  of  your  care 
in  making  timely  provision  for  them,  until  there  be  a  thorough  settle- 
ment of  this  nation  upon  certain  grounds,  which  in  convenient  time  we 
hope  will  be  effected. 

'  And  seeing  it  hath  pleased  God  to  reduce  this  nation  in  so  good  a 
measure  to  your  obedience,  we  hold  it  necessary  that  all  such  as  are  in 
the  power  of  your  ministers  here,  and  are  guilty  of  any  murders,  ought 
to  be  brought  to  trial  for  the  same,  some  being  already  in  prison  for 
those  offences,  and  others  are  daily  discovered  to  us  that  are  guilty 
of  those  cruel  murders.     But  we  cannot  bring  them  to  a  trial  for  the 

VOL.  L  Mm 


.\I  !■.  IV, 


530  Appendix  IV. 


Arv.  IV.  said  offences,  for  that  in  some  counties  where  those  cruelties  were  com- 
mitted there  are  no  inhabitants  at  all,  the  counties  lying  waste,  and 
there  cannot  be  juries  in  any  county  but  such  as  are  Papists  and  Irish, 
and  such  [as]  have  had  a  hand  in  the  Rebellion,  and  no  ways  to  be 
trusted  therein  ;  and  therefore  we  do  humbly  desire  the  pleasure  of  the 
Parliament  to  be  signified  what  course  is  to  be  taken  for  the  trial  of 
such  offenders,  and  if  you  please  to  authorise  any  present  commission, 
to  erect  one  or  more  Courts  of  Justice,  and  that  those  Commissioners, 
or  any  12  or  more  of  them,  have  power  to  enquire  of  and  to  hear  and 
determine  all  murders  done  or  committed  in  Ireland  from  the  20th  of 
October  1641  to  the  20th  of  October  1642,  or  that  were  done  or  com- 
mitted since  the  20th  of  October  1642  by  or  upon  any  person  not  being 
in  arms  :  you  have  many  servants  here  of  known  fidelity  and  integrity 
that  will  cheerfully  obey  your  commands  therein ;  and  till  your 
pleasure  be  known  in  that  or  some  other  way  we  do  not  know  how  to 
proceed  in  this  great  case  wherein  the  honour  of  God  and  your  justice 
is  so  highly  concerned  ^ 

'At  our  return  from  Munster  to  Dublin  we  found  the  sickness  to 
break  out  there,  and  finding  by  our  being  there  a  great  resort  to  that 
city,  not  only  from  all  your  garrisons,  but  from  all  parts  of  the  nation, 
whereby  the  plague  might  be  increased   there  (and  your  army  and 
garrisons  endangered  thereby)  we  have  removed  ourselves  to  this  place, 
until  we  shall  see  what  the  Lord  shall  please  to  do  therein, 
'  Your  [most  humble  servants,] 
'  Edmund  Ludlow.    Miles  Corbet.    John  Jones  '^. 
'  Drogheda, 

^  wth  August,  1652.' 

XXXIII. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker?^ 

'Mr.  Speaker, 

'  Since  our  coming  to  this  place  very  many  of  the  officers  of  your 
army  have  given  us  a  meeting  and  after  some  consultations  in  order  to 

'  In  a  letter  to  Dr.  Henry  Jones,  and  massacres  which  have  provoked 

dated   Aug.    5,    the    Commissioners  the  Lord  to  pour  out  the  vials  of  his 

had  ordered  him  to  collect  evidence  wrath   upon    this   nation   have    not 

concerning  murders  and  similar  out-  been  effectually  enquired  after  and 

rages  to  be  laid  before  the  proposed  prosecuted,  and  thereby  his  justice 

Court.     Writing   to  the  Council  of  vindicated.' 

State  on  Aug.  II,  the  Commissioners  ^  Irish    Records,   Commonwealth 

say  that  it  is  '  much  upon  the  spirits       „     .        A  „    ,       •     j 

r  >  ^u  ..  *u  4       .V,      I     r      Series,  —  50,  p.   211.     Modermsed 

of  some    that  the  great  outbreak  o\  '   90  "^  '   '^ 

the    plague  was  a   token    of  Gods       by  the  transcriber. 

displeasure    'because    the    murders 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Ireland.  531 

carry  on  your  affaires  here,  the  greatest  part  of  them  are  gone  to  attend    Ari'.  IV. 
their  severall  charges. 

'  There  are  already  gone  out  of  this  Nation  of  such  of  the  Irish  as 
have  been  in  armes  about  7000  of  the  parties  of  Odwyre,  Fitzpatrick, 
Muskerryand  Martogh  O'Bryan,  and  Fitz  Gerald.  And  at  this  present 
there  are  preparations  for  the  carrying  over  many  others  by  Sir  Walter 
Dungan,  the  Lord  Westmeath,  and  severall  other  ofificers  of  the  Irish 
party. 

'  This  day  we  have  received  intelligence  of  400  of  the  Conough 
party  (that  hitherto  have  been  out  in  rebellion)  are  come  in,  and  last 
week  did  lay  down  their  arms — but  in  Erra  Conought  (which  is  part 
of  the  County  of  Galloway,  and  next  to  Ennisbuffin)  there  are  some 
that  formerly  submitted  have  run  out  again. 

'  Sir  Charles  Coot  is  gone  from  us  to  Conought,  to  have  an  eye  upon 
them,  the  most  considerable  enemy  that  is  still  out :  Sir  Phelim  O'Neyle 
and  most  of  the  ofificers  of  the  Ulster  party  (being  guilty  of  blood  and 
of  the  first  rebellion)  doe  head  them  and  hold  them  together,  and  though 
a  considerable  part  of  them  did  condescend  to  some  Articles,  yet  it  is 
doubtfull  of  their  continuance. 

'  But  Col.  Venables  of  the  one  part,  and  Commissary  Gen.  Reynolds 
on  the  other  are  to  attend  them,  and  (by  the  help  of  the  Lord)  we  hope 
will  give  an  account  of  them. 

'  Upon  consideration  that  our  gaols  in  this  place  and  some  parts  of 
Munster  were  full  of  the  murtherers,  etc.  we  have  granted  a  commission 
to  severall  persons  of  integrity  and  trust,  that  have  this  day  begun  to 
sit,  and  to  execute  their  commission.    We  remain, 

'  Your  most  humble  servants, 
'  Charles  Fleetwood.    Edm.  Ludlow.    Miles  Corbet  ^ 

'  Kilkenny, 

'  14  October,  1652.* 

XXXIV. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker.^ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 

*  Our  last  from  Kilkenny  gave  you  an  account  of  your  affairs  here, 
and  though  the  late  laying  down  of  arms  by  most  of  the  enemy  and 
the  transportation  of  a  very  considerable  part  of  them  since,  have  put 
your  affairs  into  a  hopeful  condition  of  settlement  in  some  good 
measure,  yet  such  is  the  desperate  condition  of  those  persons  [who 
are]  guilty  of  blood,  and  were  the  principal  contrivers  and  actors  of  the 
Rebellion  in  the  beginning  thereof,  that  they  leave  no  means  unattempted 
to  disturb  your  affairs  ;  and  such  is  the  inaccessibleness  of  the  places 

1  From  '  Severall  Proceedings  in  Parliament,'  1652,  p.  2525. 
M  m  2 


532  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  and  fastnesses  they  are  got  into  that  there  is  no  great  action  [?]  likely 
to  be  done  upon  them  this  winter  season,  unless  they  be  forced  through 
famine  to  quit  these  places,  which  is  the  present  endeavour  of  those  forces 
that  are  appointed  to  attend  their  motions.  Since  our  coming  to  this 
place  we  have  taken  into  consideration  the  reducing  of  such  part  of 
your  army  as  may  stand  with  the  safety  of  your  affairs  here,  wherein 
we  have  found  great  readiness  and  assistance  from  your  officers  and 
servants  that  do  command  in  your  army  ;  but  do  find  that  there  cannot 
be  much  done  therein  to  any  present  considerable  advantage  to  lessen 
the  charge  you  now  are  at,  until  your  pleasure  be  known,  and  the  act 
passed  for  satisfying  the  Adventurers  and  the  arrears  due  to  the 
soldiers  (especially  such  as  are  to  be  reduced).  Upon  consideration 
had  of  the  miserable  waste  condition  of  this  country,  and  the  many 
straits  and  difficulties  the  poor  soldiers  are  put  into  through  the 
insolvency  of  such  counties  and  places  appointed  for  their  pay,  which 
do  lie  waste  and  without  inhabitant,  we  cannot  but  present  the  same 
unto  you,  and  do  most  humbly  desire  the  continuance  of  your  former 
supply  unto  your  Army  and  forces  ;  and  we  do  hope  through  the 
blessing  of  God  and  the  faithful  endeavours  of  your  servants  you  will 
have  a  good  account  of  the  remaining  work  to  be  done  here.  The 
posture  of  your  affairs  at  the  present  do  not  afford  any  action  of  any 
moment  done  of  late  worthy  of  your  knowledge.  We  shall  only  take 
leave  to  subscribe  etc.^ 

'  Dublin, 

'I  Dec,  1652.' 

XXXV. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  President  of  the  Couticil  of  State?^ 

'  Right  Honourable, 

'  Since  our  last  we  have  received  intelligence  of  a  sudden  surprisal 
that  hath  been  made  by  the  enemy  upon  a  garrison  of  yours  in  the 
Isle  of  Arran,  lying  in  the  mouth  of  the  Bay  of  Gal  way  and  near  the 
two  fastnesses  of  Ericonnaught  and  Ennisbuffin,  from  whence  the 
enemy  landing  (as  we  are  informed)  600  men,  and  with  the  assistance 
of  the  inhabitants  of  that  island,  they  have  possessed  themselves  of  it. 
In  the  attempt  of  which  also  the  enemy  had  advantage  from  the 
weakness  of  the  works  which  were  not  altogether  finished,  but  prin- 
cipally by  reason  of  the  want  of  shipping  and  vessels  in  that  harbour, 
either  to  relieve  that  garrison,  or  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  enemy 
at  their  landing ;  the  ships  appointed  to  attend  that  place,  and  which 
had  directions  not  to  depart  that  harbour  until  the  works  were  finished, 

A 
'  Irish  Records,  Commonwealth  Series,  —  50,  p.  357. 


Ludlow s  Services  in  Ireland.  533 

contrary  to  their  order  leaving  it,  and  putting  out  to  sea,  in  whose  Arr.  IV. 
absence  this  attempt  was  made  by  the  enemy.  Upon  consideration 
of  which  place  and  of  the  importance  of  it  to  your  interest  here,  and 
how  difficult  it  may  be  to  reduce  the  same  hereafter,  when  the  enemy 
by  the  assistance  of  those  from  Ennisbuffin  and  elsewhere  shall  have 
finished  the  fortifications  that  are  already  begun,  by  advice  of  a 
Council  of  Officers  here,  orders  are  given  for  the  drawing  forth  a  com- 
manded party  of  1500  men,  and  for  the  fitting  all  other  provisions  and 
necessaries  for  the  reducing  of  it ;  which  because  it  is  not  to  be  effected 
without  a  sufficient  number  of  shipping,  as  well  to  land  our  men  and 
provisions  and  to  secure  the  harbours,  as  to  prevent  any  new  approach 
of  the  enemy,  it  was  further  judged  necessary  immediately  to  despatch 
away  a  letter  to  Kinsale  for  the  going  about  of  three  or  four  good  ships 
from  thence  to  Galway,  with  such  a  quantity  of  victuals  and  provisions 
from  Kinsale  as  might  enable  them  for  some  time  to  attend  that 
service,  there  being  no  provision  of  that  kind  to  be  had  at  Galway  and 
those  parts  \' 

'  Dublin, 
'  20th  December,  1652.' 

XXXVI. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker ?\ 

'  Mr.  Speaker, 
'  By  our  last  we  gave  you  an  account  in  general  of  the  posture  of 
your  forces  in  order  to  attend  the  motion  of  the  enemy,  who,  though 
they  be  for  the  most  part  in  a  very  great  measure  reduced,  yet  many 
of  them  do  this  winter  lie  in  islands,  bogs  and  fastnesses,  and  are 
ready  and  watchful  to  take  all  advantage ;  but  in  several  parts  your 

1  Irish    Records,   Commonwealth       the  pestilence  in  very  many  of  our 

„  A  nn,  ■         f      quarters  and  garrisons,  and  stirring 

Senas,—  so,  373.     The  surprise  of      ^  •....•  j 

'go''  '  ^'•^  ^  a  vanquished   and  dispersed  enemy 

Arran  caused  so  much  excitement  to  an  unusual  resolution  of  attempt- 
that  the  commissioners  thought  fit  ing  the  surprisal  of  the  fort  and  Isle 
to  send  a  letter  to  the  commanders  of  Arran,  and  therein  to  prevail  not 
of  the  precincts  ordering  a  day  of  by  strength  but  by  reason  of  a 
fasting  and  humihation  for  Dec.  30.  strange  spirit  of  despondency  which 
'Christianfriends,'beginstheirletter,  possessed  him  that  commanded  that 
'  those  unto  whom  the  Lord  hath  in  place,far  unsuitable  to  his  accustomed 
any  measure  (thro'  grace)  made  temper  in  the  judgment  of  those  that 
known   his   free  eternal  unchange-  knew  him.'     Letter  dated  Dec.  23, 

able    love,    cannot    but    be    sensible  „ ,     A  „ 

'         „,  .^        ,  i6'52:  Insli  Records,      50,  p.  370. 

how  he  hath  of  late  manifested  some  ""  9° 

displeasure  against  us,  by  continuing 


534  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  officers  and  soldiers  have  met  with  small  parties  of  them,  and  have 
done  some  considerable  execution  against  them.  But  the  enemy  in 
the  Isles  of  Arran  and  Ennisbuffin  being  likely  to  grow  more  con- 
siderable, and  if  let  alone  this  winter  might  not  only  give  encourage- 
ment to  any  design  of  a  foreign  enemy,  but  also  relieve  with  arms  and 
ammunition  the  rest  of  that  party  now  in  bogs  and  fastnesses,  and  give 
intelligence  and  countenance  to  the  enemy  now  in  the  bogs  and 
islands,  giving  out  with  confidence  their  great  hopes  of  relief  and 
succour  from  them  and  from  foreign  princes  and  states,  especially  from 
Lorraine,  whereupon  by  advice  at  a  Council  of  War  it  was  held 
necessary  to  send  a  commanded  party  forthwith  from  the  garrisons 
and  places  where  they  might  be  best  spared  in  order  to  reduce  those 
Islands  this  winter  season ;  and  in  pursuance  thereof  Commissary- 
General  Reynolds  was  despatched  to  command  that  party  ;  and  those 
few  ships  that  are  now  left  in  these  seas  are  ordered  to  attend  about 
those  islands,  and  to  ship  the  forces  and  provisions,  and  give  other 
assistance  as  occasion  shall  be  offered.  By  our  last  from  Commissary- 
General  Reynolds  of  the  nth  instant  from  aboard  the  Sun  in  Galway 
Bay  he  signified  that  the  guns  and  provisions  were  shipped,  and  the 
wind  fair,  and  that  they  were  ready  for  sail  to  their  intended  design, 
and  that  the  soldiers  with  him  (notwithstanding  their  long  and  hard 
march)  were  very  cheerful  and  hearty  in  this  service. 

'  The  two  great  businesses  which  now  lie  before  us  are  how  to 
lessen  your  charge  and  how  to  plant  the  country,  but  neither  of  these 
can  be  done  to  any  effect  till  we  do  hear  your  pleasure  about  the  Bill 
before  you  for  giving  satisfaction  to  the  Adventurers  and  also  to  satisfy 
the  arrears  of  the  soldiers.  Since  the  late  treaties  with  the  enemy  we  do 
hold  it  our  duty  to  take  the  most  effectual  course  we  could  to  bring  such 
as  had  a  hand  in  the  murders  and  to  bring  them  to  a  due  trial,  and  to 
that  end  appointed  a  Court  of  Justice  to  sit  at  Kilkenny,  Clonmell,  and 
Cork  ;  in  those  places  there  have  been  52  persons  (many  of  them  very 
considerable  persons  and  heads  of  the  septs)  condemned  for  the 
massacres  done  by  them  in  the  beginning  of  the  Rebellion  ;  and  now 
the  High  Court  doth  sit  at  Dublin,  where  there  is  yet  only  preparation 
for  their  future  proceedings ;  and  there  hath  gone  out  of  this  nation 
since  June  last  above  12000  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Irish  party, 
all  of  them  stout  and  able  fighting  men,  and  more  are  willing  and  ready 
to  go  had  we  means  to  effect  the  same  ^ 

'Dublin, 
'  I f)th  January,  165I.' 

^  Irish  Records,  Commonwealth  Series,  —  "io,  400. 

90 


Lttdlows  Services  in  Ireland.  535 

XXXVII.  Arr  IV 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Council  0/  State.'] 
'  Right  Honourable, 

'We  have  not  much  to  trouble  your  Lordships  with  at  present,  but 
hope  (if  the  Lord  please  to  bless  the  endeavours  of  your  servants,  that 
a  good  account  will  be  given  your  Lordships  of  the  Isle  of  Arran. 
1300  foot  and  other  accommodations  were  shipped  about  6  days  since 
in  the  Bay  of  Galway  for  the  reduction  of  Arran,  and  600  foot  more  are 
marching  by  land  to  Ericonnaught,  to  be  carried  thence  to  Arran 
to  strengthen  that  party  if  need  be.  They  are  victualled  for  a  month, 
and  more  provisions  are  going  up  to  them,  in  order  to  their  going 
up  to  Buffin  if  the  Lord  give  them  success  in  this  attempt  upon 
Arran.  There  are  gone  from  Ireland  to  the  service  of  the  King  of 
Spain  since  April  last  about  13000,  and  most  of  those  who  have 
been  in  arms  against  you  would  be  persuaded  to  follow,  if  any  persons 
of  ability  and  credit  were  employed  to  give  them  conditions  and  carry 
them  away.  Colonel  Plunkett  having  contracted  for  the  carrying  over 
of  many,  and  having  sent  some  away,  others  on  shipboard,  and  many 
upon  their  march  to  the  waterside,  died  last  week  (some  conceive  of 
grief  because  he  had  neither  money  nor  credit  to  make  good  his  con- 
tract) which  will  occasion  the  disbanding  of  many  desperate  rogues, 
who  know  not  how  to  live  but  by  robbing  and  stealing  out  of  bogs  and 
fastnesses.  We  have  upon  long  and  serious  consideration  judged  it 
very  necessary  in  order  to  your  service  to  publish  the  enclosed 
Declaration,  as  one  effectual  means  to  settle  your  interest ;  if  there 
be  any  inconvenience  in  the  thing  we  do  not  see,  we  humbly  desire  we 
may  have  notice  of  it.  The  High  Court  of  Justice  goes  on  in  making 
inquisition  after,  and  in  diligent  prosecution  of  murder.  There  were 
16  condemned  at  Kilkenny  ;  6  at  Clonmell,  and  32  at  Cork,  most  of 
them  very  considerable  men.  And  at  this  time  the  Court  sits  at 
Dublin,  and  another  erected  at  Galway  to  try  the  Lord  Mayo,  who  was 
by  his  articles  to  be  tried  there.  The  Lord  hath  pleased  to  own  his 
cause  very  much  in  bringing  out  evidence  very  strangely  and  un- 
expectedly against  some  of  the  persons  who  were  condemned  ^ 

'Dublin, 

*  i5y^««^'.y>  1652.' 

XXXVIII. 

[T/ie  Commissioners  to  the  Council  0/ Stated] 

*  My  Lords, 

'By  our  last  of  the  4th  of  February  we  did  acquaint  your 
Lordships  of  the  taking  of  Sir   Phelim  O'Neill,  now  condemned  of 

1  Irish  Records,  Commonwealth  Series,  —  50,  397. 


53^  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  treason  by  the  High  Court  of  Justice  at  Dublin.  At  whose  trial  there 
being  divers  witnesses  produced  who  afifirmed  in  Court  upon  oath, 
that  he  had  oft  told  them  he  had  a  commission  from  the  late  King  for 
what  he  acted  in  that  Rebellion,  he  persisting  notwithstanding  in 
denial  of  it,  this  copy  was  presented  in  Court,  and  read  before  him, 
which  coming  attested  by  a  person  of  honest  repute  we  thought  it  our 
duty  to  transmit  the  copy  thereof  to  you  ;  and  further  to  acquaint  you 
that  it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  also  so  much  to  bless  the  undertaking  of 
your  servants  that  Ennisbuffin  is  likewise  surrendered  to  the  Com- 
missary-General upon  articles,  the  copy  whereof  we  here  inclose  to 
you.  Whereby,  as  by  many  other  great  and  seasonable  mercies,  the 
Lord  hath  much  disappointed  your  enemies  abroad,  who  (as  we  are 
informed  by  the  enemy  here)  had  designed  12  sail  of  frigates  out  of 
France  to  rendezvous  at  that  place  by  the  latter  end  of  the  next  April, 
to  make  that  their  shelter  for  the  more  convenient  committing  of  their 
robberies.  It  hath  also  pleased  the  Lord  to  assist  another  party  of  our 
forces  under  Col.  Barrow  against  a  party  of  the  rebels,  who  in  hope  of 
safety  and  for  the  better  annoyance  of  the  country  had  betook  them- 
selves in  certain  islands  and  bogs,  and  to  deliver  into  your  hands 
Trinity  Island  lying  in  the  County  of  Cavan,  which  was  a  considerable 
fastness  of  the  Enemy's  and  able  to  receive  about  1500  men  in  it. 
Notwithstanding  all  which  testimonies  which  the  Lord  hath  been 
pleased  to  bear  against  your  enemies,  yet  such  is  the  desperate 
condition  of  many  of  them  that,  partly  under  the  sense  of  guilt  and 
fear  of  being  brought  to  condign  punishment  for  the  murders  they  have 
committed  (as  we  have  before  intimated  to  your  Lordships),  partly 
through  their  extreme  necessity  (seeing  themselves  deprived  of  all 
hopes  of  their  estates,  and  of  all  expectation  also  now  of  being  trans- 
ported into  Spain  by  reason  of  the  discouragements  that  are  put 
upon  them  by  some  that  are  lately  come  over),  we  frequently  have 
intelligence  of  divers  running  out  and  committing  robberies  upon  the 
country ;  and  more  lately  in  the  counties  of  Cork  and  Kerry,  where  about 
1200  foot  and  60  horse  are  got  together  and  have  possessed  them- 
selves of  Whidde  Island  in  the  Bay  of  Bantry  ;  having  lately  intercepted 
a  small  party  of  yours  and  killed  a  Capt.  with  34  of  his  men,  doing 
much  mischief  by  frequent  incursions  into  our  quarters. 

'  Having  intelligence  that  the  Spanish  Ambassador  desires  license  for 
Major  General  O'Neill  to  transport  hence  500  men,  that  to  this 
purpose  he  hath  already  moved  your  Lordships,  that  likewise  4000  are 
desired  by  Colonel  O'Dwire,  we  did  the  rather  conceive  it  our  duty 
to  represent  to  you  the  probable  security  it  may  prove  to  the  country, 
and  conveniency  for  your  affairs  here,  to  give  encouragement  for  the 
shipping  away  as  many  as  is  possible  of  those  who  have  acted  in  arms 
as  soldiers  against  you. 

'  We  shall  humbly  crave  leave  to  mind  you  of  what  by  the  last  post 


LudloTvs  Services  in  Ireland.  537 

we  in  the  behalf  of  the   merchants   and  some   former   undertakers    A  pp.  IV. 

presumed  to  move  to  you,  that  a  regard  may  be  had  in  sucli  way  as 

to  your  Lordships'  judgments  shall  be  thought  fit,  for  the  true  and 

punctual  performance  with  the  merchants  and  undertakers  in  Spain, 

and  by  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  England,  after  they  have  according 

to  their  contract  delivered  these  men  there,  without  which  we  fear 

there  will  be  found  none  to  undertake  the  carrying  away  more  men. 

'  Upon  consideration  still  of  the  miserable  condition  of  this  country 
and  the  many  straits  and  wants  of  your  poor  soldiers,  through  the 
insolvency  of  such  counties  and  places  appointed  for  their  pay,  which 
we  are  constrained  daily  to  lay  more  and  more  waste  to  prevent  all 
relief  and  subsistence  to  the  enemy,  we  did  in  the  beginning  of 
December  last  solicit  your  Lordships  and  the  Parliament  for  the 
continuance  of  the  supplies  of  money  for  the  forces  here  ;  which,  though 
we  were  unwilling  to  press  your  Lordships  too  often  about,  upon  our 
knowledge  of  the  great  change  and  the  importance  of  those  affairs  you 
were  engaged  in,  yet  now  the  necessities  of  the  soldiers  here  further 
calling  upon  us,  we  must  again  be  earnest  with  your  Lordships  for  a 
mindfulness  of  us,  and  for  hastening  some  part  of  their  monthly  supplies 
to  us  ...  [a  passage  concerning  the  founding  a  mint  in  Ireland  is  here 
omitted  \] 

'  Dublin, 
'■  i,th  March,  1652.' 

XXXIX. 

\By  the  Commissioners  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England  for 
the  affairs  of  Ireland^ 

'  The  Declaration  of  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Generall,  and  his  councel 
of  officers  coming  to  our  knowledg,  we  hold  it  our  duty  to  publish 
the  same  unto  all  who  are  intrusted  with  the  managing  of  publick 
affairs  in  the  country,  and  to  mind  them  that  it  is  now  their  duty 
more  than  ordinary,  notwithstanding  the  present  alteration,  to  act 
carefully  and  industriously  in  their  several  charges,  and  diligently  to 
discharge  their  respective  trusts,  that  the  common  enemy  may  not 
have  advantage  from  hence  to  work  disturbance  against  the  publick 
peace  and  welfare  ;  and  that  such  as  are  in  the  service  of  the  Common- 
wealth in  this  land,  must  expect  to  be  called  to  a  strict  account  for 
their  neglect  therein.  And  in  regard  the  present  posture  of  affairs  is 
such  as  extraordinarily  concerns  the  interest  and  welfare  of  all  good 
people  ;  we  hold  it  our  duty  earnestly  to  exhort  them  into  a  special 
fervent  wrestling  with  the  Lord  by  humble  prayer  and  supplication, 
for  wisdom  and  strength  unto  those  his  servants,  on  whom  the  burthen 

1  Irish  Records,  Commonwealth  Series,  ^^  50,  443. 


538  Appendix  IV. 

and  care  of  preserving  the  Commonwealth  in  peace,  and  settling  the 
same  in  righteousness,  doth  principally  lie.  For  which  end  we  do 
appoint  Wednesday  the  fourth  of  May  next,  and  that  day  sennight 
being  the  eleventh  of  May,  to  be  set  apart  for  solemn  seeking  the 
Grace  of  the  Lord  by  all  his  people  in  Ireland  on  that  behalf. 

'  Charles  Fleetwood.      Miles  Corbet. 
Edm.  Ludlow.  Jo.  Jones  ^ 

^  Dated  at  Dublin, 
'  April  29,  1653.' 

XL. 

\The  Commissioners  to  the  Speaker^ 

*  Mr.  Speaker, 

'Whereas  through  the  blessing  of  God  and  the  endeavours  of 
your  forces  here  the  power  of  the  enemy  is  in  a  good  measure 
suppressed,  and  very  many  of  the  eminent  actors  in  the  murders  and 
massacres  cut  off  by  the  sword  of  justice  and  of  war,  and  about  20000 
lately  transported,  and  about  7000  now  transporting  into  foreign 
nations ;  and  consideration  being  had  thereof  and  of  the  great  de- 
structions in  all  parts  of  the  nation,  so  as  many  counties  are  without 
inhabitants  and  the  whole  country  miserably  wasted  and  destroyed, 
we  conceived  it  our  duty  to  lessen  the  charge  of  the  Commonwealth 
by  disbanding  so  many  of  your  forces  as  might  be  spared  (regard 
being  had  to  the  security  of  your  interest  here),  and  having  formerly 
given  notice  thereof  to  the  Parliament  and  Council  of  State  with  our 
humble  desire  for  passing  the  Bill  for  giving  satisfaction  to  the  soldiers 
for  their  arrears,  wherein  (as  we  are  informed)  some  good  progress  was 
made,  but  by  reason  of  the  great  affairs  lately  happening  there  could 
be  no  sudden  despatch  of  that  Bill ;  but  finding  necessities  to  press 
upon  us  here  daily,  we  have  consulted  with  very  many  of  the 
officers  and  commanders  of  your  Army  called  forth  from  all  parts  of 
the  nation  to  the  headquarters  to  that  purpose,  and  advised  with  them 
both  of  the  number  that  could  with  safety  to  the  whole  be  well  spared, 
and  of  the  best  way  and  means  to  give  such  as  should  be  disbanded 
satisfaction  for  their  arrears.  The  result  whereof  will  appear  by  the 
inclosed  papers  and  resolutions.  And  finding  a  general  consent  and 
approbation  of  these  proposals  amongst  the  officers,  and  there  appearing 
no  better  way  to  us  to  give  any  reasonable  satisfaction  of  the  arrears, 
we  intended  so  far  to  approve  of  them  as  to  proceed  to  the  disbanding 
of  the  number  of  forces  therein  propounded,  and  to  assign  them 
satisfaction  in  lands  for  their  arrears,  and  to  set  out  the  same  by  the 
nearest  estimate  that  could  be  made  to  be  enjoyed  by  them  (de  bene 

^  Mercurius  Politicus,  p.  2426. 


Ltidlows  Services  in  Ireland.  539 

esse)  upon  the  terms  proposed,  until  the  supreme  authority  of  the  An-.  IV, 
Commonvveahh  were  convened,  and  did  signify  their  further  pleasure 
for  the  confirmation  or  alterations  of  the  same  and  more  exact  survey 
taken  of  the  lands.  And  having  begun  to  put  the  disbanding  and  way 
for  satisfaction  of  arrears  into  a  way  of  execution,  and  many  of  the 
officers  being  returned  to  their  several  charges,  we  lately  received  a 
commission  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England  with  instructions  there- 
unto annexed  for  setting  out  lands  in  satisfaction  of  soldiers'  arrears 
(which  to  the  utmost  of  our  powers  shall  be  studiously  observed 
by  us). 

'  But  by  reason  the  former  proposals  and  resolutions  (as  is  before 
set  forth)  are  in  some  things  inconsistent  with  some  of  the  instructions 
annexed  to  the  Commission,  we  do  find  ourselves  in  some  straits  and 
difficulty,  and  do  humbly  propose  the  same  unto  you. 

'  First,  We  find  the  present  instructions  sent  unto  us  do  give  us 
power  to  satisfy  arrears  only  as  incurred  since  June  1649,  and  most  of 
the  forces  which  for  many  reasons  appearing  unto  us  seemed  most  fit 
to  be  first  disbanded,  were  such  as  have  been  of  longest  continuance  in 
your  service,  and  have  most  considerable  arrears  due  to  them  before 
June  1649.  Neither  is  there  power  for  satisfying  any  others  for  their 
service  done  in  England.  Besides  the  power  now  sent  us  limits  us  to 
five  Counties  answer  not  the  proposition  [?]  made  by  the  Council  of 
Officers  in  that  particular. 

'  Second,  We  find  the  baronies  in  the  County  of  Cork,  and  the  barony 
in  the  County  of  Louth  propounded  for  the  places  in  which  some  of  the 
soldiers  now  to  be  disbanded  were  to  have  their  lands  in  satisfaction 
of  their  arrears,  to  be  by  the  said  Instructions  reserved  for  other  uses. 
But  we  conceive  it  of  advantage  to  the  Commonwealth  that  the  soldiers 
now  to  be  disbanded  should  be  settled  in  those  quarters  where  they 
have  served  and  are  best  acquainted,  and  that  it  will  be  a  succour  and 
encouragement  to  such  English  as  come  over  to  plant  upon  any 
account,  to  have  those  that  served  in  arms  to  plant  amongst  them. 
And  whereas  the  power  to  state  the  accounts  of  the  soldiery  in  Ireland 
by  the  late  Act  reacheth  but  to  August  last,  it  is  humbly  proposed  that 
power  be  given  to  state  all  arrears  till  August  and  now  next  ensuing. 

*  Third,  By  the  Instructions  sent  us  provision  is  made  for  such  as 

have  right  to  forfeited  lands  to  make  their  claim  within  20  days  after 

publication,  but  there  is  no  direction  given  to  bar  those  claims  that  are 

not  made. 

'  Charles  Fleetwood.      Miles  Corbet. 

Edmund  Ludlow.  John  Jones. 

'  Dublin, 
'22  July,  1653. 

'The  inclosed  paper  from  the  Commissioners  for  stating  the 
Accounts  of  the  Soldiers  states  the  defects  in  the  Act  lately  passed 


540  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  for  that  service,  which  we  desire  may  be  supplied.  Sent  inclosed 
the  proposals  of  the  Officers  for  disbanding,  and  touching  places  for 
answering  the  arrears '.' 

XLL 

\To  I\Ir.  Owen,  Mr.  Lockier,  and  Mr.Jenkin  Lloyd.'] 

'Dear  Friends, 

'  We  need  not  tell  you  of  the  great  want  of  fit  and  able  ministers 
for  preaching  the  gospel  in  this  country.  From  our  deep  sense  of  it 
we  formerly  invited  several  to  that  work,  but  (to  our  saddening)  find 
but  a  slow  compliance.  We  do  understand  the  inclination  of  some 
others  for  coming  over,  but  most  of  them  are  strangers  to  us,  so  that 
we  have  inclosed  these  several  letters  directed  to  them,  desiring  that 
you  would  inform  yourselves  of  them  and  their  abilities,  and  as  you 
shall  find  them  qualified  for  the  work  to  cause  these  letters  to  be 
sealed  and  sent  unto  them,  with  such  further  inducements  of  your  own 
as  you  shall  conceive  fit.  .  .  . 

'  Charles  Fleetwood.     Edmund  Ludlow. 
John  Jones.  Miles  Corbet'^. 

'31  Atig.,  1653.' 

XLIL 

[The  Commissioners  for  the  government  0/  Irelatid  to  the  Commanders- 
in-chief  of  the  respective  precincts,  to  be  communicated  to  the  rest  of 
our  Christian  friends  there.'\ 

*  Dear  Friends, 

'  It  hath  pleased  the  Lord  through  his  unsearchable  wisdom  to 
exercise  his  poor  servants  in  these  later  days  with  various  difficulties 
and  of  divers  kinds,  we  trust  all  for  the  increase  and  trial  of  our  faith, 
and  to  preserve  us  from  those  pollutions  which  in  a  continual  out- 
ward settlement  we  are  too  subject  unto.  And  besides  that  he  hath  a 
purpose  to  accomplish  his  many  glorious  promises  for  increasing 
Righteousness  even  unto  the  reign  of  him  whose  right  it  is.  For 
which  we  hope  with  rejoicing  [?].  Yet  have  we  indeed  much  cause 
to  mourn  and  be  afflicted  for  the  great  cause  he  hath  to  overturn,  over- 
turn as  the  I'rophet  spcaketh,  through  unbelief  and  manifest  unfitness  of 

'  [The  proposals  of   the    officers,  going  into  greater  detail  and  dated 

drawn  up  at  a  General  Council  held  Dec.   16,   1653,  is  also  amongst  the 

at  Dublin  Castle  June  9,  1653,  are  Irish  state  papers.] 

printed   in    Mercurius    Politicus,   p.  ^  Irish    Records,    Commonwealth 

2557.     Another  letter  of  the  same       c     •        A 

,  .  ,  ,  Series,  —  50,  p.  530. 

tenor  as  the  one  given  above,  but  90 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  541 

this  age  to  bear  his  name  and  be  his  servants,  who  are  not  only  subject    Aim*.  IV. 
to  fall  short  and  faint  in  the  work  of  moral  reformation,  but  even  ready 
to  obstruct  the  spiritual  government  the  Lord  (on  whose  shoulders 
alone  it  is)  would  by  his  word  establish  over  his  people  ;  in  which  we 
have  had  cause  to  confess  it  is  unsafe  to  interpose  the  best  human 
skill,  and  that  while  we  are  most  subject  to  assume  above  what  is 
meet,  even  in  things  above  our  measure,  there  should  scarcely  be  found 
any  fit  amongst  us  for  any  competent  season  to  manage  well  the  work 
of  magistracy  and  the  civil  government  of  these  nations,  to  the  breaking 
every  yoke  and  settling  them  in  righteousness  after  the  expense  of  so 
much  blood  and  treasure  to  obtain  it.     In  which  though  the  Lord 
alone   hath  wonderfully  led   and   preserved  us,  and  yet  being  but 
come  to  the  sight  of  our  peace  and  liberty  how  apt  are  our  hearts 
to  forget  him  and  his  wonders,  now  promising  ourselves  that  peace 
and  prosperity  by  our  own  wisdom,  which  his  only  can  get,  obtain, 
and  maintain  for  us.     The  sudden  dissolution  of  the   Parliament, 
whereof  (we  believe)  you  have  heard,  from  whom  (as  from  Instru- 
ments heretofore)  we  were  too  subject  to  expect  above  what  was  meet, 
seems  still  to  reprove  that  sin  of  looking  for  salvation  from  the  hills  ; 
and  the  too  little  sense  we  have  of  the  work  of  those  in  authority 
(as  it   makes   us  neglect   them  in  our  prayers,  whereof  they   have 
great  need),  so  justly  (in  this  miscarriage)  we  miss  of  the  good  ex- 
pected from  them,  which  if  we  should  slightly  [?  lightly]  obtain  would 
but  render  us  still  ready  to  sacrifice  unto  them  and  to  be  insensible  of 
the  mercy  from  the  Lord,  who  therefore  disappointeth  us  and  staineth 
every  instrument  that  he  might  be  sought  unto  by  all,  and  have  the 
praise  of  and  from  all,  which  are  due  unto  him  solely,  who  will  yet  re- 
member his  poor  people  who  truly  return  to  him,  and  seek  him  in 
their  low  estate,  for  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever.     Now  therefore  we 
earnestly  exhort  you  to  stir  up  all  who  fear  him  amongst  you  to  lay  to 
heart  the  present  condition  of  the  pubhc  affairs  again  exposed  to  the 
renewed  endeavours  of  our  manifold  adversaries,  unless  the  wonted 
faithfulness  of  our  glorious  father  still  preserve  us.     And  truly  had  not 
God  been  on  our  side,  well  might  we  say  ere  this  we  had  been  swallowed 
up  quick,  when  his  poor  people's  enemies  in  England,  Scotland,  this 
country,  Holland,  with  the  help  of  other  nations  came  up  against  us, 
and  many  a  time  contrived  our  ruin.     Who  knows  but  that  he  will 
further  exercise  our  faith  by  the  present  shakings  yet  once  more  to 
make  his  own  arm  bare  on  our  own  behalf,  for  some  fresh  signal 
favour,  whereof  we  have  had  such  free  and  plentiful  experience.     It 
may  be  by  the  heightening  of  his  adversaries  for  their  falling  down 
headlong  he  will  yet  more  visibly  save  his  people,  and  perhaps  he  will 
yet  more  thoroughly  purge  his  floor,  and  make  manifest  such  mercenary 
ones,  who  in  the  low  estate  of  his  work  and  servants  are  ready  to  for- 
sake them  ;  wherein  we  have  seen  his  wonderful  wisdom.     It  may  be 


542  Appendix  IV. 

App.  IV.  he  will  more  reconcile  his  people  who  in  their  prosperity  are  too 
ready  to  divide,  or  refine  us  by  fire  from  unthankfulness,  fleshly  con- 
fidence, false  rests,  divisions,  and  such  like  provocations.  Sure  we 
are  some  advantage  even  by  all  our  changes  is  intended  to  all  that  truly 
fear  and  trust  in  him,  whom  we  earnestly  entreat  may  lay  to  heart  in 
our  unsettlement  what  provocations  are  found  amongst  us,  and  in 
sincerity  humbly  seek  his  face  together,  which  we  intend  through  the 
Lord's  assistance  here  in  a  special  manner  upon  Thursday,  which  will 
be  the  12th  of  January  instant.  And  do  heartily  wish  we  may  in  faith 
meet  together  at  the  Throne  of  Grace  by  effectual  fervent  prayer,  and 
that  the  further  signs  of  his  presence  with  us  may  be  the  unfeigned 
mourning  over  and  turning  from  every  evil  way,  to  the  healing  of  our 
backsliding  and  the  settlement  of  these  poor  nations,  especially  the 
minds  of  his  people  to  their  being  more  thankful  for  and  rejoicing  in 
the  appearance  of  truth  and  peace.  The  God  of  truth  and  peace 
guide  and  strengthen  us  to  seek  his  face  in  faith,  and  to  a  patient 
waiting  for  and  resting  in  the  various  dispensations  of  his  blessed 
providence,  in  whom  we  are  etc., 

'  Charles  Fleetwood.      Edmund  Ludlow. 

Miles  Corbet.  John  Jones  \ 

'Dublin, 
^  2iid January,  1653.' 

XLIII. 
[  The  Proclamation  of  Cromwell  in  Ireland?^ 

[On  Jan.  30, 1654,  the  Commissioners  republished  the  Proclama- 
tion of  the  English  Council  declaring  Cromwell  Lord  Protector, 
dated  Whitehall,  16  Dec.  1653.  To  this  they  added  the  following 
Declaration  of  their  own.] 

'IRELAND. 

*  By  the  Commissioners  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England 
FOR  the  Affairs  of  Ireland. 
*  The  Proclamation  above  mentioned  lately  coming  to  our  know- 
ledge, we  held  it  our  duty  for  prevention  of  publick  disturbances  and 
interruptions  in  the  administration  of  justice  to  publish  the  same  : 
To  the  end  that  all  Sheriffs,  Mayors,  Bayliffs,  and  other  publick 
Officers  and  Ministers  in  this  Nation,  whom  the  same  doth  concern, 
may  take  notice  thereof;  Requiring  all  Officers  and  Souldiers  of  the 
Army,  and  all  Sheriffs,  Judges,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  commissioners 
for  Administration  of  Justice,  and  all  others  who  are  entrusted  with 
the  management  of  any  publick  Affairs,  to  be  vigilant  in  their  re- 

a 

'  Irish  Records,  Commonwealth  Series,  —  50,  f.  593.    [An  earlier  declara- 
tion of  a  similar  kind  was  published  on  Nov.  9,  1653.] 


Ludlow  s  Services  in  Ireland.  543 

spective  charges  and  trusts,  that  the  publique  service  may  be  carried    Arp.  IV 
on,  and  that  the  common  enemy,  upon  this  change  of  Government, 
may  not  take  advantage  to  contrive  or  act  new  disturbances  against 
the  publick  Peace.    Dated  at  Dubhn  the  thirteenth  day  of  January  1653. 
'  Signed  by  order  and  command  of  the  said  Commissioners, 

'Jo.  Hughes.  Sec'. 

<■  Dated  at  DUBLIN, 
'  the  thirtieth  day  of  January,  1653.' 


XLIV. 

\Fro77i  the  President  of  the  Council  of  State  to  the  Commissioners 
for  Ireland^ 

'  Gentlemen, 

'  It  hath  been  represented  to  his  Highness  and  his  council  that 
you  have  caused  the  Proclamation  of  the  15th  of  December  last  for 
declaring  his  Highness  the  Lord  Protector  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  to  be  published  in  Ireland,  which  is 
accepted  by  his  Highness  and  Council  as  a  singular  testimony  of  your 
care  and  affection  to  the  public  justice  and  peace  of  the  nation,  and  for 
which  they  hereby  return  their  thanks,  hoping  that  all  the  parts  of  the 
Commonwealth  will  receive  such  an  eminent  advantage  by  this  change 
of  government  as  shall  engage  the  hearts  of  all  honest  men  to  acknow- 
ledge and  bless  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  that  providence  that  hath 
so  disposed  it.     Signed  in  the  name  and  by  the  order  of  his  Highness 

and  the  Council. 

*  Henry  Lawrence,  President  ^ 
'  Whitehall, 
'  the  2ist  February,  1653.' 

XLV. 

[From  the  Council  Board  to  the  Loughrea  Commissioners i\ 

'Walter  Cheevers  of  Moncktowne. 
'  By  Order  of  this  Board  of  loth  of  July  last  (made  on  the  petition 
of  Walter  Cheevers,  late  of  Muncktowne)  you  were  (for  the  reasons 
therein  expressed)  required  to  take  care  that  in  the  setting  out  of  lands 
decreed  unto  him  by  the  late  Court  at  Athlone  they  should  be  such 
lands  with  a  convenient  house  thereon  as  might  enable  him  and  his 
family  to  subsist  and  render  his  being  comfortable,  the  which  they 
doubt  not  will  reasonably  receive  your  care  and  due  observance: 
Nevertheless  upon  reading  another  petition  of  the  said  Mr.  Cheevers 
setting  forth  that  pursuant  to  the  said  order  you  have  only  set  him  out 

1  Mercurius  Politicus,  Feb.  23— March  2,  1653. 

*  Irish  Records,  -„  26,  p.  29. 


544  Appendix  IV. 

IV.  600  Acres  of  Land  or  thereabouts  and  some  conveniency  of  a  house, 
which  doth  not  answer  either  the  favour  intended  him  by  the  aforesaid 
Order  or  his  expectations,  having  parted  with  a  faire  house  and  left 
a  considerable  estate  in  this  County  :  The  Council  have  commanded 
me  to  remind  you  of  the  said  Order,  and  that  you  do  forthwith  sett  out 
unto  the  aforesaid  Mr.  Cheevers  so  many  acres  more  within  the  Line, 
and  contiguous  or  as  near  as  may  be  to  the  other  already  set  out, 
as  shall  in  the  whole  make  up  1200  Acres  with  a  good  house  thereupon 
for  his  convenience  and  comfortable  subsistence,  pursuant  and  as  part 
of  what  falls  due  unto  him  by  the  aforesaid  Decree  of  the  Court. 
'Thomas  Herbert,  Clerk  of  the  Council^ 

*■  Dated  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Dublin, 
'the  2']th  of  August,  1656.' 

[To  the  Commissioners  for  Setting  out  Lands  at  Loughrea.] 

XLVI. 

'  CHARLES  REX. 

'  Walter  Cheevers  of  Mouncktowne. 

'  Whereas  upon  a  petition  lately  presented  unto  us  in  the  name 
of  Walter  Cheevers  of  Mounctown,  which  by  our  report  of  the  4th  day 
of  October  are  referred  to  the  consideration  of  our  Right  Trustie  and 
right  entirely  beloved  Counsellor  James  Marquess  of  Ormonde  Steward 
of  our  Household  and  our  Right  trustie  and  well  beloved  Counsellor 
Sir  Maurice  Eustace  our  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  Wee  have  been  informed 
by  their  report  returned  unto  us,  not  only  of  their  particular  knowledge 
of  the  said  Cheevers  to  be  a  person  very  innocent  of  the  RebeUion 
of  Ireland,  and  very  faithful  to  our  Royal  Father  of  Blessed  Memory 
and  our  interest  there,  but  they  saw  no  cause  or  reason  why  he  should 
be  evicted  as  he  hath  long  been  from  the  possession  of  his  Estate, 
more  than  that  Colonel  Edmund  Ludlowe  obtained  a  grant  thereof 
from  Oliver  Cromwell,  And  therefore  having  presented  it  as  just  and 
honourable  for  us  to  grant  our  Order  for  Settling  him  in  his  Estate  as 
is  desired  Saving  our  right  to  the  said  Lands,  if  any  shall  hereafter 
appear,  Wee  have  thought  good  to  declare  it  to  be  our  will  and  pleasure 
that  the  said  Mr.  Cheevers  be  restored  to  such  and  so  much  of  his 
Estate  as  is  not  in  the  possession  of  Adventurers  or  Souldiers,  with 
a  Salve  for  what  is  our  right. 

'  Given  at  White  Hall  22nd  November  1660,  in  the  12th  year  of  our 

Reign. 

'  By  his  Majesties  command, 

'  Edward  Nicholas  I' 

'   Irish    Records,  Commonwealth  *  King's    Letters,    Public   Record 

Series,  vol.  28,  p.  179.  Office,  Dublin. 


APPENDIX   V. 


The  Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  out  of  Wiltshire  to  a  Gentleman  in  London ; 
wherein  is  laid  open  the  dangerous  Designes  of  the  Clergy,  in 
reference  to  the  approaching  Parliament.  By  a  true  Friend 
to  the  Publique  Interest,  and  to  all  Peaceable  Men.  (London  : 
Printed  for  Livewell  Chapman,  at  the  Crowne  in  Popes-head 
Alley.  1654.) 

'  Worthy  Sir  ;  ^^^-  '^• 

'  You  will  expect  that  I  should  give  you  a  true  accompt  of  passages 
relating  to  the  choosing  of  Members  to  sit  in  Parliament  for  this 
County  of  Wilts.  The  truth  is,  the  matter  was  most  confusedly  and 
unworthily  carried  without  any  order  or  discretion.  As  for  the  Clergie 
they  exceedingly  bestirred  themselves,  making  their  party  as  strong  as 
ever  they  could,  that  so  they  might  promote  and  carry  on  their  Scottish 
interest. 

*  The  Ringleaders  of  this  faction  were  Dr.  Chambers,  Mr.  Byfield, 
Strickland,  these  with  the  rest  of  their  brethren  of  the  Association 
and  'tis  more  then  probable  that  the  same  designe  is  carried  on  by 
the  Clergy  in  other  Counties)  gathered  together  a  great  number  of 
people,  &  taught  them  their  lesson  before  hand  to  cry  up  only  those 
ten  men  named  in  their  List,  and  to  brand  others,  as  namely  Lieut. 
Gen.  Ludlow,  Col.  Eyre,  &c.  (who  were  nominated  by  approved  faith- 
full  men  in  the  County)  with  the  names  of  Anabaptists,  Levellers,  to 
render  them  odious  to  the  generality  of  the  injudicious  people,  by  these 
false  and  malitious  imputations.  Thus  honest  publique  spirited  men 
are  most  unworthily  dealt  withall,  and  trampled  upon  by  a  timeserving 
generation. 

'  Sir,  I  am  very  confident  that  some  hundreds  gave  their  voyces 
who  were  either  Cavileers,  or  else  of  inconsiderable  estates,  not  worth 
loo.l.  and  therefore  uncapable  of  choosing,  by  the  modell  of  the  estab- 
lished government. 

'  It  was  agreed  on  at  length,  that  the  several  lists  should  be  called 
one  by  one,  and  so  put  to  the  Yea's  and  Noe's,  without  naming  any 
other  in  competition  with  the  former.     But  this  order  was  violated  by 
VOL.  I.  N  n 


54^  Appendix  V. 

V.  the  Clergies  party,  by  which  means  through  the  instigation  of  this 
Scottish  faction,  Lieut.  Gen.  Ludlow  was  put  by,  to  the  great  dis- 
paragement of  this  Country,  where  he  hath  been  more  serviceable  to 
the  true  interests  of  the  state,  then  all  the  men  that  are  chosen,  put 
them  all  together,  and  the  parsons  too  :  they  were  so  far  from  giving 
their  voyces  for  this  faithful  valiant  self  denying  man,  that  the  leading 
man  among  them,  &  their  chief  counsellour,  whom  I  shall  forbear 
to  name,  refused  to  appeare  for  the  Lieut.  Gen.  intimating  that  he  was 
not  fit  to  sit  in  the  next  Parliament. 

'Ye  are  so  considerate  Sir,  I  doubt  it  not,  as  to  observe  that  there  is 
a  designe  generally  carried  on  by  the  Clergie  of  this  Nation,  to  bring 
us  againe  into  Egyptian  bondage,  to  keep  up  and  maintain  the  op- 
pression of  tithes,  and  to  set  up  themselves  and  their  classicall  Diana 
by  civil  sanction  ;  in  order  whereunto  they  have  endeavoured  to  pro- 
cure a  considerable  number  of  Members  that  may  vote  in  the  next 
Parliament  for  an  Assembly  or  Convention  of  ministers,  to  make 
cannons  for  inthralling  the  consciences  of  good  men,  where  Adoniram 
may  be  one  of  the  Scribes,  who  indeed  was  an  exceeding  busie  man, 
and  acted  like  a  Pharisee  at  the  election,  his  carriage  not  becoming  a 
minister  of  Christ.  But  why  should  we  wonder  at  him  and  others, 
their  busie  intermedling,  and  more  then  ordinary  diligence  and 
activity  ?  alas  poor  men,  they  are  afraid  they  shall  loose  their  fat 
parsonages,  worth  3  or  400.I.  per  ann.  a  peece.  These  politique 
state  parsons,  neglected  the  preaching  of  their  lecture  at  Sarum, 
that  they  might  bawle  and  cry  with  open  mouth.  No  Ludlow,  No 
Ludlow,  till  they  were  even  hoarse  again  ;  they  chose  rather  to  spend 
their  breath  in  decrying  honest  men,  then  in  preaching  the  Gospel 
of  the  Lord  Jesus.  Nor  is  it  sufficient  for  these  men  that  they  have 
present  encouragement,  equall  with  or  above  other  men  more  deserving, 
unles  they  may  also  impose  upon,  &;  domineer  over  their  brethren 
they  will  not  be  contented.  I  doe  plainly  seQ  they  will  rather  joyn 
with  the  vilest  men,  then  with  such  as  crosse  their  carnall  interest,  and 
dissent  from  them,  though  never  so  godly. 

'What  shall  I  say  of  the  impudency  of  these  men  .''  one  Stone  a 
factor  for  them,  and  vassall  to  them,  went  up  and  down  at  the 
election  like  a  madd  man,  crying  out,  Now  friends  appear  for  the 
Church  of  God,  or  never ;  poore  man,  can  he  put  no  difference  between 
appearing  for  the  lusts  of  men,  and  the  Church  of  Christ  ?  between  the 
classical  usurpation  of  the  self  seeking  parsons,  and  the  truth  and 
Gospel  of  Christ .'' 

'  Sir,  by  this  dayes  work  ye  may  judge  of  the  issue  and  fruit  of  the 
Ministers  Association  in  this  County,  which  may  rather  be  called  a 
subtill  combination,  then  a  Christian  spirituall  communion  as  they 
manage  it ;  you  will  hear  of  the  like  proceedings  in  other  Counties, 
especially   where    this    Association   is   carried    on,    the    same    being 


The   Wiltshire  Election.  547 

devised  as  a  shelter  upon  a  polilique  accompt,  against  an  approaching     Ai'i-.  \' 
storme. 

'  The  Lord  direct  his  Highnesse  in  this  juncture  of  affaires,  and  make 
him  truly  sensible  of  the  dangerous  plots  of  these  men  that  would  thus 
rigidly  impose  upon  their  brethren. 

'  There  will  be  I  am  confident  a  necessity  of  taking  a  strict  review  of 
these  elections,  having  been  carried  on  in  such  a  turbulent  confused 
manner,  by  the  violent  motions  of  the  corrupt  Clergy  all  joyning 
together  to  uphold  their  Diana. 

'  But  as  it  was  with  the  Prelates,  in  entring  their  Protestation  in  the 
former  Parliament,  they  prepared  a  rodd  to  whipp  themselves  with, 
and  digged  a  pit  wherein  they  themselves  did  fall  :  so  will  these  men 
doe,  that  which  they  have  designed  for  upholding  their  corrupt  interest, 
will  be  the  ruine  thereof.  His  Highnesse  and  his  Army  cannot  but 
call  to  mind  the  late  broyles  both  in  this  Nation,  and  Scotland,  caused 
by  this  sort  of  men,  who  will  not  cease  plotting  and  combining 
till  they  imbroyle  the  Nations  againe  in  blood,  if  the  Lord  in  mercy 
prevent  not. 

'  Sir,  1  had  the  sight  of  a  letter  writ  by  one  Burgess  a  parson  of  the 
confederacy,  sent  to  one  of  his  brethren  in  this  County  ;  his  words  are 
as  foUoweth.  "  Sir,  I  hope  you  will  be  active  to  ingage  all  that  ever 
you  can  to  appear  with  us  for  such  men  as  will  be  valiant  for  the  truth, 
and  be  ready  to  meet  Dr.  Chambers,  Mr.  Byfield,  Strickland,  Ince,  etc. 
And  that  we  may  not  be  divided,  there  shall  then  be  a  list  of  the  ten 
to  be  chosen,  given  to  every  one  that  appeareth  for  the  best  interest. 
Let  us  not  be  accessary  to  our  owne  ruine,  and  give  occasion  to  the 
succeeding  generation  to  curse  us,  by  not  putting  forth  our  interest  to 
the  utmost,  for  choosing  right  men.  If  we  remember  the  last  men 
that  met  at  Westminster  what  they  were  voting  for,  and  withall  how 
the  monster  of  their  malice  was  even  brought  to  the  birth,  it  will  make 
us  active  for  a  better  choyce." 

'  Besides  what  this  parson  writ  in  his  letter,  he  told  the  party  before 
one  Mr.  Dyer,  that  there  was  a  commission  coming  out  for  ejecting 
ministers,  and  that  he  would  be  in  danger  of  being  outed  his  living, 
that  should  not  appear  with  the  ministers  at  the  election. 

'Thus  you  see  Sir,  they  make  lies  their  refuge,  and  have  recourse 
to  carnall  weapons,  the  instruments  of  a  foolish  shepheard,  as  his 
Highnesse  expresseth  it  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Clergy  of 
Scotland. 

'  Well,  though  these  rigid  foolish  men  will  not  see  the  hand  of  God 
which  is  gone  out  against  them,  but  goe  on  in  their  vain  wayes  of 
opposition,  notwithstanding  they  have  been  so  often  disappointed,  yet 
the  work  of  the  Lord  shall  prosper,  and  God  will  ere  long  separate  his 
faithfull  ministers  and  servants,  from  this  corrupt  selfe  seeking  genera- 
tion of  men,  who  will  not  cease  from  busie  intermeddling  in  state 


54^  Appendix  V. 

matters  and  raising  factions,  till  the  maintenance  for  the  Ministry  be 
brought  into  one  treasury,  and  equally  divided.  In  Holland  (you 
know)  where  the  Magistrate  takes  a  stricter  course,  the  ministers  dare 
not  busie  themselves  thus  in  state  affaires.  God  forgive  these  men, 
for  they  cause  the  Ministry  of  Christ  to  be  evil  spoken  of,  and  to  stink 
in  the  nostrills  of  people,  who  doe  but  deride  them  as  a  company 
of  vain  busibodys. 

'  Sir,  It  cannot  but  grieve  and  afflict  the  spirits  of  honest  men,  to  see 
a  company  of  time-serving  Cavaliers,  and  corrupt  parsons  carry  on 
things  as  they  do,  without  controll ;  and  in  the  mean  while  such  men 
as  are  most  faithfuU  to  the  publique  interest,  for  which  so  much 
blood  hath  been  spilt,  and  treasure  spent,  such  as  have  been  valiant 
in  the  field,  and  ventured  their  lives  in  the  high  places  for  the  liberties 
of  the  people,  such  as  have  all  along  in  the  greatest  revolutions 
and  dangers  (when  this  generation  of  men  durst  not  show  their  faces 
unles  it  was  at  Oxon,  where  some  of  them  sate  and  acted)  appeared  in 
their  purses  and  persons  for  the  true  interest  of  the  Nation,  such  as 
have  poured  out  floods  of  tears  and  prayers  for  the  cause  of  Christ, 
that  these  honest  men  should  be  thus  slighted,  undermined,  scorned, 
discountenanced,  and  a  company  of  unworthy  time-serving  men  pre- 
ferred and  advanced,  such  as  never  did  the  State  any  faithful  service, 
such  as  doe  unworthily  &  vain-gloriously  in  their  own  persons,  hunt 
after  worldly  honour,  and  popular  applause,  and  doe  even  hate  and 
abhor  the  poor  despised  Saints.  Certainly  though  good  men  should 
be  silent  &  sit  still,  yet  the  Lord  himself  will  shortly  avenge  the 
cause  of  his  people,  &  bring  deliverance  in  a  way  which  we  think  not 
of,  which  wil  make  the  ears  of  some  to  tingle,  and  their  hearts  to  ake  ; 
we  have  yet  the  Christian  weapons  of  faith,  hope,  patience,  prayers 
and  tears  remaining  with  us,  which  will  in  due  time  prevaile  against 
this  corrupt  party,  and  the  lesse  there  is  of  man  the  more  will  God 
be  seen.     Let  us  sit  still  and  see  the  Salvation  of  the  Lord. 

'July  13.  1654.' 


END    OF    VOL.    I. 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


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