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UNtVEBSITV or CALIFORNIA PUBUCATIONS
AMCniCAN ARCHACOLOGV AND ETHNOLOGY
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE
HUPA LANGUAGE
PUNY EARLS GOOUAftD
BBRKBLBT
THE UmVCMITt PBESS
JUNE, lOOB
Vat. I. Ma. I. Lite and Catare af Ac Ho*^ bf FKir Earte
Pain U. PlaM 30, ScpcaAar, IK13 . Ftte,
Ha. 2. Hapa Texts, ^ PCay Eatte CaMaM. hces 2M), Han^
i(MM. ... Price. 3,
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' "-nrtcf. P*ee«'J2, Jtat*. 1904. PHce,
Culture In CalUoTDb, bf A. L. Kmebtt.
Price,
I the Indians irf NdtiIivhrri California,
■ K<a 60, PUica 7,i*auary, 1905. Price,
... , „., „/ of the
Pa|c« m. J
AMTBXOroLOaiOAL XSMOIRS.
Viil. I, llfplntillons In Peru, by Max Uble (!« praparafjoa).
No. I. The Ruiai ot Mocbe.
No. 2. Huamicliitco, Chlnclis, lea.
No. 3. The InoB Duildiaga of tbe Valley of Pisco.
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' "tih; in enonymoun Hiionno-Ainerican manuscript
ii'iioca Nasionilc Ccniralc, Florence, Ttely. Rcpro-
, Willi Introduction, iran^latlon, and commentary,
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Pan II. Tranalatlon and Commentary. (In press).
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A, L. Kkukuur. Secrelarv. F. W. Putnam, Director.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY ANO ETHN0L06Y
VOLUME 3
FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM
EDITOR
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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4
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE
HUPA LANGUAGE
BY
V PLINY EABLE GODDABD
P
n
1^
%V^<o^
L..^ I
, \
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TABLE OP CONTENTS.
PAGE
iNTBOOUCnON 9
NOTTNS 13
Glasfdfied aecording to Form and Length 13
Monosyllabic 18
Monosyllabic with Possessiye Prefix 14
Polysyllabic^ without DesciiptiTe Meaning 16
Formed by Means of Suffixes and Composition 17
Suffixes 17
Compounds 19
Verbs as Nouns 21
Active 21
Passive 21
Compounded with Nouns 22
With Prefixes 22
With Suffixes 23
Compounds with Suffixes 23
Plurals 24
Cases 24
Temporal Endings 28
Pbonoxtns 29
Personal 29
Possessives 30
Demonstratives 31
Relatives 31
Interrogatives 31
Article 31
Adjective Pronouns 32
Numerals 32
ADJEcmvES 33
Comparison 34
Verbs 34
Classified 34
Transitive and Intransitive 34
Classes 34
Voice 35
Modes and Tenses 36
Person and Number 37
Structure 37
Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root) 39
Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction 39
Prefixes of Pursuit 66
Adverbial Prefixes of Manner 67
Prefixes Expressing Identity 77
Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time. ... 78
6 University of Calif omia Publications. [*"- Abch. Eth.
Tbbbs {contintied). Pacs
CoQJugatioDH (based on syllable preceding the root) 9S
Claas I 96
Conjugation lA 96
Conjugation 1b 104
Conjugation Ic 109
Conjugation Id 112
Conjugation Ir 114
Conjugation 2 116
Conjugation 3a 123
Conjugation 3b 131
ConjugatioD 4 134
Class II 140
Conjugation 1* 140
Conjugation IB 142
Conjugation Ic 145
Conjugation Id 147
Conjugation 2 140
Conjugation 3a 152
Conjugation 3b 155
Conjugation 4 169
Claas in 161
Conjugation 1 161
Conjugation 2 165
Conjugation 3 168
aasB IV 170
Conjugation 1 170
Conjugation 3 174
ObJLHltiv,. C.Il.ill^-J.til,!! 177
Conjugation of the Passive Voice 193
Conjugation of Irregular Verba 196
Conjugation of Adjectivea 200
Boots 303
Listed in Alphabetical Order 203
Clasdfled as to tbeir Form 286
ClasaiQed as to thrir Meaning 397
Suffixes 304
Temporal 304
Temporal- Modal 313
Modal 319
Indicating the Source of Information 322
Conjunctional 326
Adverbial 327
Advxbbs 328
Place and Direction 328
Time and Sequence 333
Manner 335
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa LangvAige, 7
Adverbs {continued), pa.ob
Degree 337
Assent and Negation 338
Prepositions 339
Conjunctions 343
Interjections 343
Conclusion 344
KEY TO THE SOUNDS REPEE8ENTED BY THE
CHARA.CTER8 USED
a as in father.
a nearly of the same quality, but of longer duration. It is used
as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words
from others nearly like them,
ai as in aisle,
e as in net.
e as in they but lacking the vanish,
ei the sound of e followed by a vanish,
i as in pin.
1 as in pique,
o as in note.
a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on.
oi as in boil.
u as in rule.
u nearly as in but, a little nearer to a.
^ a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting.
y as in yes.
w as in will.
w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables.
When it follows vowels other than 5 or u it is preceded by
a glide and is accordingly written uw.
hu; the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the sound
of wh in who.
1 as in let.
L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against
the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely
at one side of the tongue.
8 UniverHty of CaUfornia Publications. [Am. Akoh. Eth.
L nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held
more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher
sound oft«n beginning with a slight explosion. Some
speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi-
tion.
m as in English.
n usually as in English, but sometimes very short.
n as ng in sing.
h as in English but somewhat stronger.
X has the sound of jota in Spanish.
s as in sit.
z the corresponding voiced continuant ; only after d and rare.
c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t.
d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth.
t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi-
tion of d.
t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with
difficulty.
k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of
the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and i a glide is
noticeable and has been written as y.
g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rai *ly.
k when written before a back vowel (a, o, 6, ti, n) without a
following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c
in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound
is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound.
q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels.
tc as ch in church.
dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in
English.
The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regard
to their possible morphological force, have been separated by
spaces thinner than those employed between words.
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE
HUPA LANGUAGE
INTRODUCTION.
The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home hj
the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their name
is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few
miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the
Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this
section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own
traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their
myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here,
as the tree springs f romJLhe soil.
At the taking of tlie first census in 1866 there were reported
to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact
with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whom their
old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding
their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older
people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the
few English words they know when communication with
white x>^ple is necessary. The younger people all employ the
Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each
other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse
with white people.
The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Earok
on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south
and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift,
comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun-
tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the
Am. Abch. Ktb. 8 2.
10
Vf^ertity of Califomia Publiaaiotu. l^^ a*ch. Era.
lnvn\trr into place* in which niiifht lurk the foe, man or beast.
Tfaifra WttN little net-tMiity for travel. The salmon came up the
river in abundant tiuin)>eni to the nets of the waiting fisherman.
THb deer and elk, anlike the buffalo, wandered but short dia-
tancea from their acewrtomed feeding gro'imds.
Trade, never extenitive, waa carried on by canoes with the
Yunik uIoBK the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In
ndiirn for Neawccd, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea-
flub, the Hiipa HUpplied the eonat peoples with acorns and other
inland fixKla. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa
and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another's
dano(«, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con-
iimtn which followed them. Since these people spoke languages
totally different, eomuiunicntion was necessarily carried on by
and throuKh thoMC who luiew both languages.
That Ihi' Hupa language differs widely from the other ian-
guugL's of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident.
How much of this differi'nce is due directly to the non-Atha-
pasean Yurok, with whom they were 8<» intimate, and how much
is tine to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly
taking [)\iwo in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at
ppesBUt. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character,
aeveral cLangiv in the consonants and vowels having taken place;
in the vocabulary, many new noims, especially, having arisen;
and murpholof;icatly. verb forms having been multiplied and
extended.
On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific
Uiviaion of the Athapnitejiu ai-e rather closely connected and
ttrade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the
('»ip<|ua. in Oreiwtn. southward to the Klamath, where their ter-
ritory waa ent through l>y Ihe Yurok and Wishosk. South of these
petvples they owupieil urnut of Ihe valleys of Mad and Eel rivers,
as Wfll as the iutervening moutitaius and the coast as far as Usal.
There ia no published aM\>nnt of other languages of this din-
sivtti. Some material in mauutieript, not yrt thomughlj- digested.
logy of the Hupai
ttguage.
11
is in the possession of the Department of Anthropology concern-
ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California,
and the Wailaki and Lassik dialects spoken on the upper waters
of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino
counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the
Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand.
Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan
we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction-
naire de la Langue D^nS-Dinjie, par le R, P. E. Petitot.' who
was for many years a misaionary among the peoples near the
mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a
comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is
given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in the
above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a
paper entitled, "The D^ne Languages," published in the Trans-
actions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, March, 1891.
The linguistic material concerning the Southern Division is
exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a
few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho relifirion,
but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce
the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The
Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language
and culture.
The sources of information for the matter published in this
paper have been two. The Hupa Texts.- collected and published
largely for the purpose, have furnished many forma of the gram-
mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are
lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial
forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of
questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts.
4'EthDogra.phie AmericHines, Vol. i,
' Hupa Ti'^its, Pliuy Earte Goddard, UoiverHity of California Publica.
tiona, American Arcbaeology and Ethnologj, Vol. 1, No. 2. The number?
given ufter the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of
Volumi) I of this series.
12 Univerrity of Calif orma Publicaiions. [Am. Aeoh. Bth.
The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by
means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the
language ; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing
part Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes,
that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be
obtained.
In the presentation of the morphological facts the niunber of
examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may
be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may
be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid
to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to
obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different
from those to which they were originally applied.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 13
NOUNS.
CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO FORM AND LENGTH.
The norms of the Hupa language, when classified according
to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes.
MONOSYLLABIC.
There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part, names
of common material objects and elements. These words and
others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate
languages. Some of them are the following :
a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8.
es, fish trap, cf . es tcin. 208-5.
ya, lice. 151-10.
yon, comer, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6.
la, a seaweed, Porphyra perforata. 31.
idn, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8.
Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7.
LoL, a strap. 278-9.
L5n, mouse. 153-15.
Lok, fish, salmon. 98-7.
Luu', rattlesnake. 195-8.
Lo, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4.
Luic;, alder. 341-14.
mi, weather spirit. 79, 271-3.
minte, a hut. 17.
munk, lake, pond. 100-7.
nin, ground, the earth.
hu;a, sun, moon. 104-10.
hidii, song. 315-5.
xai, winter. 198-1.
xai, root of conifer. 39, 41.
xon, fire. 104-15.
xaiL, load, burden. 105-16, 171-17.
xun, river. 265-9, 200-9.
sats, bear. 276-1, 198-7.
sits, skin, bark. 97-4.
dje, pitch. 150-11.
14 University of CdUfomia PvifUcations. [ Am, Arch. Bth.
tan, gods of the deer. 77.
*e, blanket. 190-4, 204-7.
teuiCy coal, charcoal. 114-4.
tin, road, trail. 102-8, 106-15, 121-7.
tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11.
to, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4.
tse, stone. 197-1.
ts6, brush, fence. 176-9.
tseuk, fur for tying hair. 247-14.
tcint, dead things. 346-5.
tcwal, frog, toad (*). 164-13, 196-1.
tcwiltc, huckleberry. 32.
tcwitc, wood, firewood. 157-2.
tcwun, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3.
kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14.
kin, a game. 61.
kos, bulbs. 110-5.
kflt, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41.
kya, woman's dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8.
kyots, sinew. 97-4, 288-5.
qo, worm.
MONOSYLLABIC WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX.
Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with-
out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class,
seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of
them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They
are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos-
sessions, and terms of relationship.
a dil la, her hand. 307-2.
adimmit, her own belly. 276-5.
adit^a, (in) his sack. 152-9, 282-6.
a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2.
iLde, sisters (of each other). 169-1.
liLiin, brothers (of each other). 140-9.
minnin, its face. 115-15.
mit tseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-4.
mit tsin, its meat. 208-13.
Vou 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 15
mite tcwo, grandmother. 136-12.
mikke, its tail. 283-15.
mikkil, her brother. 189-13.
mikkin, its base. 230-6.
mun tcwin,^ their mother. 135-10, 229-12.
ne xun, your husband. 210-11.
nit dje, your mind. 351-9.
nit tai, your paternal uncle. 237-3.
nota, our father. 192-9.
hu^auti;, my sister's boy. 120-14.
hu^im mit, my belly. 112-17.
hti;in nin, my face. 247-12.
htrutr xai, my boy. 137-5.
htrit dje, my mind. 296-13.
hti;ikkai, my brother-in-law. 142-14.
hu^iin tcwin, my mother. 181-9.
xoi kil, his younger brother. 150-1, 332-1.
xoikyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5.
xoi kyon, her odor. 165-4.
xoik kyiin, his mind. 102-16.
xoui, his wife. 117-15,195-1.
xo la, his hand. 96-4.
x5mit, her belly. 102-15.
xonna, his eyes. 105-15.
xonnin, his face. 174-8.
xo xa, his tracks. 159-4.
x6 xai, her boy. 139-9.
xdxM, her husband. 305-11.
xo dje, his mind. 307-9.
xo ta, his father. 169-1.
xotda, his mouth. 112-14,113-18.
xot detc, her sister. 169-13.
xotse, his daughter. 237-1.
xottseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-7.
xot tsel, his biceps. 139-13.
xotctcitc, his elbows. 347-8.
^This word and hn^tln tcwifk belo^ point to dissylabie base, totcwifi
probaUy conneeted with the root -tcwe, to make.
16 Unheniiy of CaUfornia Publieationg, [Am. Abch. Bra.
xdtcwdy his grandmother. 290-2.
xdkyun, his breast. 301-1.
ketse, somebody's penis (severed from the body). 171-3.
kekai, somebody's thigh. 171-7.
kutc tcw5, its grandmother. 100-16.
POLYSYLLABIC WrrHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING.
A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables,
evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them-
selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the
designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are
the following.
is de au, madrona. 96-11.
isdits, strings (verbal t). 144-7.
yiLxai, mornings (verbal f). 2&5-17.
wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13.
lit tcuti;, sand. 117-16.
mintsitda, smokehole. 136-3.
min kil en, menstruating women. 253-6.
mis d je, fog. 244-6.
na di yau, dentalia. 208-13.
natses, arrows. 139-12.
niskin, Douglas spruce. 152-16.
no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7.
xai tsa, basket-bucket. 110-16.
xeakai, baby-basket. 289-17.
xo is dai, man. 136-15.
xo lit, noise. 241-2.
xon ta, house. 97-13.
xos saik, abalones. 347-17.
din nuu;, manzanita. 200-3.
din nai, arrowpoint. 119-3.
dit tsik, acorns. 137-15.
djelo, storage basket. 151-12.
tai kyuu;, sweathouse. 98-15.
*ea xutc, girl. 189-8.
tis mil, eagle. 114-8.
tsiL tin, bow. 139-12.
V€L. 3) O^ddard. — Morpholoffy of the Hupa Language, 17
tcuti; hti;uti;, elder sticks. 118-1.
kai luic;, willow. 197-2.
keL tsan, maiden. 135-2.
kixxak, net. 256-7.
kit to, paddle (verbal!). 314-4.
kostan, hat. 209-4.
kyukka, deer fat. 164-10.
FOBM£D BY MEANS OF SUFFIXES AND COMPOSITION.
There is a large and increasing number of nouns, formed by
suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever
present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase
of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had,
for a name, the name of some object or animal ; and the intro-
duction of new things by the white people.^
Suinxss.
Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The
inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by
suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality.
Lomittaxoi, prairies among people. New River people.
110-12.
na tin nox xoi, Hupa Indians,
xo iL kut xoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12.
kit don xoi, people having evil power. 181-1.
A suffix, which does not appear as a verb, signifies that the
plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named.
yin ne tau, in the ground they are ; a bulb. 135-2.
xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14.
xoL tsai tau, dry places he lives ; a land monster. 114-18.
xon teL tau, glades, he frequents ; coyote. 151-8.
Augmentatives are made by the suffix -ky5, which is evidently
connected with the adjective nikkyao. Its use is frequent to
distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble
each other.
* Compare Amer. Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209; and life
and Cnltnre of the Hupa, p. 73.
Univertity of California Publications. !*«. Abch. Eth.
ad^o, Heracleum lanatum. 31.
ku*wekyd, spider. 151-13. EiLwe is a small enemy of
mankind-'
kiLmukkyd, ArtUia Calif omica.
klL dik kik kyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-T.
koskyo, Chlorogalam pomeridanum. 109-12.
tcimmulkyo, an herb. 295-footDote.
Diminutives are formed by adding -ite or -te to the noun,
isdewitc, Heteromehs arbutifolia; from isdean, the
madron a, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles.
uttsowitc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7.
Lodaitc, an herb. 310-10.
L6 katc, a straw. 158-6.
medilitc, a small canoe. 102-9.
nuLtcoLwaltc. a small axe. hatchet. 198-8.
mindite. wildest. 222-12. Panther formerly had the
corresponding augmentative for a name.
naLtsisitc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 2S8-G.
nis sate din. a little way. 234-5. Compare, nissa, a
long way.
djelotc, a small djelo, a storage basket. 158-13
Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yauic.
Lokiyauic, small salmon.
niLtiikyauiF. young black oaks. 362-17.
tcimmeyauw, young Douglas spruce. 283-7.
A BufBx -ne wan is a very fruitful source of new nouns,
ion ne wan, fire like. 329-10.
tone wan, water like; glass, black obsidian. 108-2.
tselnewan, blood like; red obsidian. 180-11.
kim mit ne wan. belly like ; watermelon.
kittsaiiiiLnewan, hawk black. 332-2.
qonewan, worm like: rice.
Compare, no nin Luk ne wan, dough put on the ground
like, 209-4, and xot tain ne wan, carefully. 142-5.
Certain adverbial siiffixes of place furnish secondary noons,
littcuicdiii, sand place, a village. 169-1.
■Compare Life and Culturo, p. 64.
Vol. 31 Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 19
mil la kin ta, its hand bases ; its wrists. 215-2.
niLtukalai, black oak tops among; a dancing place
among oaks. 174-5.
xon ta din, house place ; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5.
to din, water place ; the river,
tsediii, brush place; a grave (from the ancient practice
of fencing graves with brush). 176-8.
mis kut, a slide on ; a Hupa village. 105-4.
kin tcuti; hti;ik kut, its nose on ; a Hupa village situated
on a nose-like ridge. 135-1.
Ck)MP0UNDB.
a) a few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition
without a subordinating possessive prefix.
The second noun qualifies the first.
Luti; xan, snake river ; eel. 98-13.
Ld tse, grass stone ; a sedge. 100-8.
The first noun qualifies the second.
htdL tsiL tin Lol, my bow string. 153-15.
xon na^un, his eye leaves (*) ; his eyebrows. 362-11.
xo tsin dfik kan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1.
kin naL dun tse, kinaLdun stick. 238-7.
kix xak kin, net pole. 257-6.
b) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which
has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second.
xon na kut to, her eyes their water ; her tears. 245-11.
din nuu; mu wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3.
dindai mitctcwo, flint its grandmother; a bird. 182-1.
tin muwa, trail its edge. 121-7.
kai \vLW muk kfit de, willow its root. 197-2.
M yauti; me de ai, bird its scalp, woodpecker's scalp. 187-5.
kiL La xun mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1.
c) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele-
ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it.
yauLkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1.
niL tcwin dil mai, niLtcwin gray; an herb. 283-8.
20 University of CaUforrUa Pvhlicatians. [Am. Arch. Bra.
nin nis an Luk kai, mountain white ; Mount Shasta. 328-1.
tittauL»ukkai, tittau white; a bird. 144-10.
to nuu; hti;5n din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon.
245-17.
tun tcwin, leaves fragrant ; pepper wood. 271-9.
tscLkaiy stone white; a white knife. 101-1.
tseiittsd, stone blue; a hard bluish stone. 114-17.
tseiittso, brush blue; Ceanothus iniegerrimus. 319-8.
tsdyoLtel, (*) wide. 223-8.
d) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol-
lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessiye
prefixes. These words, while performing the office of substan-
tives, really qualify a subject understood.
mintcuirmil, its nose pierced (f); yellow-hammer.
113-12.
mis sa niL tcwin, its mouth stinks ; buzzard. 113-17.
mite tcwun tuL tan, its dung soft ; fox. 143-12.
xon tcutr ditc tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac-
ter. 150-1.
kim miL na tid tcu wol, its foot round; bob-cat. 143-6.
kit tun dun qotc, its leaves sour ; Oxalis Oregana, 121-12.
kit tsa iL kai, its ( ^ ) white ; bluejay.^ 120-13.
b) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for
their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or
lack of some part or quality.
mex xon tau xo len, its house it has: wood-rat. 152-9.
mislutxdlen, folds having. 364-14.
mite dje xo len, its pitch abundant: Pinus Lambertiana.
110-15.
mite dje e din, its mind lacking ; a baby. 101-14.
mite tcil le xo len, their wings they have. 317-3.
mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have : does. 310-2.
mtb^xatcexolen, its roots abundant: Lepioiaenia CaU-
formca.
* fV»r the fint elements compare, kit tsau xAl ne wma, luiwk Mmck. 332-2.
' C(MBpmi«, xon tm e din, house without. 192-14.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 21
VERBS AS NOUNS.
Any verb in the third person present, of the active or passive
voice, seems capable of becoming a noon without changing its
form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive
substantives.
Active.
na 1 ya, it comes down ; rain, or it is raining. 229-3.
nasdik, over the ground it creeps; yerba buena. 364-15.
nakedilyai, on each side they hang(f) ; beads. 190-10.
nil lin, it flows ; a creek. 119-17.
nistan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4.
notaLa; big lagoon. 117-7.
nundil, they come down; snow. 170-10. Compare,
na 1 ya above,
xoi de il lu, they attack ; a war company. 332-5.
xot dan tee, it blows down ; a wind. 227-4.
xunneuti;, it speaks; language. 110-10.
duk kan, it is on edge ; a mountain ridge. 137-9.
tes deL, they came ; hoar frost. 270-5.
tciLwal, he shakes; the kinaLdun dance. 366-2.
tcit dil ye, they dance ; a dance.
tciL tal, he stamps with his foot ; a dance. 366-2.
kai tim miii, he carries along ; a wood-basket. 363-11.
ken nuti; ; thunder. 144-4.
kisseaqdt, he works with a needle (^) ; a net-headdress.
159-9.
PAssrva.
yai kyu wil ^ats, they have been cut in strips ; a blanket or
dress of strips. 207-5.
wil loi, that which has been tied ; a bundle. 210-3.
Le na wil la, they have been laid together ; a fire. 109-10.
na ul mats, around it has been coiled ; a coil. 151-13.
na xo wil loi, around him it is tied ; a belt. 209-6.
ndnawittan, a long object placed; a door or cover of
boards. 203-9.
da kyu we wit tan ; fishing board.
22 University of Calif omia Publications, i^^- Arcjh. Bth.
talkait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing
board. 119-18.
kin nal mats, around it is coiled ; cribs of haze]. 191-3.
kin na kyu wil mats, around it is coiled ; cribs of hazel.
191-4.
kit Loi, it is twined ; a basket. 103-7.
Compounded with Nouns.
Compounds are formed with a noun for the first element, as
subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a
verb.
estcinnauM;, fish-trap (*) it comes in; a swimming deer.
162-1.
naxkekos naduwul, two its necks waving around; a
monster. 163-12.
Le kontc dit til le, salt it likes ; wild goose.
Lok yit dit til le, fish it likes ; otter. 144-8.
sa luM?, they are put in the mouth ; food consisting of the
green stems of herbs,
sa xauu;, liquid is put in the mouth ; acorn soup,
na di yau kiL tcwe, dentalia maker. 325-9.
With Prefixes.
Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and
manner make substantives out of verbs.
meu na sit tan, under it sits ; a head-dress. 211-12.
me dil, in they go ; a canoe. 101-12.
miL x6 wit loi, with it he is tied ; his belt. 120-2.
miL da kit diL dil, with it she shakes (*); a winnowing
basket. 365-10.
miL tcoL waltc, with it he chops ; an axe. 198-8.
miL kit tuk kutc, with it he plays shinny ; a shinny stick.
143-5.
miL kyti wo hw;al, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16.
miL kyo xait, with it one buys ; money. 145-3.
muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven ; hazel basket ribs. 290-6.
nis tan ka kit tuk gou;, log along he runs; pine-martin.
222-12.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 23
na wit dits tin nauu;, in a circle it goes around ; a whirl-
pool. 120-3.
nin nu win na kis ten, world around it lies; earthquake.
143-16.
x5 muk kut tsis dai, his on it he sits ; his stool. 292-3.
te kyo xol xut, from the water ; a monster. 328-4.
tseuk ka yan ai, on a stone he sits ; ground-squirrel. 222-11
kiLnadil, with them they travel; a wolf. 174-7.
With Suffixes.
Suffixes of location furnish names of places
Lei din, the flowing together place ; village at the junction
of the main Trinity and its south fork. 105-13.
Le nal din, the flowing together a second time place ; the
junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16.
Nail lit din, fire runs over the ground place; a village
west of the Klamath river. 158-2.
nanatiiLdin, the stepping down place; at the foot of
the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2
natetsedin, the pushing back place; the sliding door-
way. 97-17.
TakimmiLdin, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa
viUage. 104-10.
Muk ka na du wul a din, upon it they come and go; the
beach at the mouth of the Klamath, descriptive of
the surf. 355-5.
Compounds with Suffixes.
Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location
to form place names.
Sa xauu; sai ke xauu; din, soup eating place. 226-8.
Djictanadin, Djic (*) projects place. 104-5.
Tononatcin, water's end toward. 243-5.
Tse n5n a din, stone end place. 354-5.
Tcwitc no nin a din, wood across place ; place of fish dam.
353-14.
Ki yaxLW non diL din, birds stop place. 199-5.
University of California PubUcationa. [**<■ amb. Btb.
The only Hupa nouas which change their form to indicate
the plural are those which cinsaify human beings according to
their sex and state in life; and terms of relationship.
Only three instances of the fiifit ease have been noted.
keLitsan, virgin, maiden; plural keLtsiin. 135-2, 138-5.
tsummesLion, a folly grown woman; plural tsiimmes'
i^n. 98-9, 280-4.
zuzxai, a child; xiixxaix, children. 220-10, 164-16.
But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals.'
nik kil, your brother ; nik Ml xai, your brothers. 191-13,
191-18.
hwittsoi, my grandchild; hwittsoixai, my grandchil-
dren. 222-14.
jioLtiRtce, bis sister: xoLtistcexai, his sisters. 208-12.
CASES.
To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele-
ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances,
there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the
word ends in a consonant or close vowel ; or by a vowel making a
diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most
words under this condition were once so extended and have been
curtailed.
Nouns beginning with l change that sound to the voiced I on
receiving the prefix.'
mil lit de, their smoke ; Lit, smoke. 116-1,3.
mil Lowe, its herb; L6, herb, grass. 287-7,215-5.
mittsinne, its bones; kittsifi, something's bones. 171-13.
mikkixxakka, their nets; kixxak, a net. 99-6.
muwitwatde, its flour; witwat, flour. 200-3
mfik kut de, its roots ; kiit, a root. 197-2.
no lin ke, our pets; Liii, a pet, dog. 115-2.
no xon tau, our house ; xon ta, a house. 192-9.
' Compare tbe similar limited use of the plural and nuumer of its forma-
tion among the Carrier. Bev. Father Morice, TraascLctioDit of tbe Canadiaa
Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p, 184.
' Rev. Father .Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier.
Trnna. of the Cauadian Enstltute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 1S3.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 25
htril 15 ka, my salmon ; L5k, salmon. 100-6, 15.
xdlinke, his pet; lin, a pet. 115-11.
xohu;inne, her song; hii;in, a song. 333-9.
xo xon tau, his house ; xon ta, a house. 117-16.
xotitse, his cane; tits, cane. 150-8.
There are several sufSxes in the Hupa language which might
be looked upon as ease endings since they are not permanent
parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary-
ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also
prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are
joined to a possessive pronoun with which they form a word
standing after the nouns to which they relate.
One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a
house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or
glade in a forest.
Is din na me, a place. 324-1.
Yas tsim me, a place. 270-1.
Lohu;unme, a place. 299-13.
Munkutme, lake place. 328-3.
niii tcwin me, a feather case. 288-3.
hii;ittadime, my chest. 247-14.
Xaiyame, a place. 253-4.
Xa is dil me, a place. 300-2.
xon ta me, house in. 278-8.
xon tcL me, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xon teL tau.
Dje lo o me, a mountain. 299-8.
taikytit£;me sweat-house in. 363-7.
Tanaime, a mountain. 300-12.
Tseyeme, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tseyedin.
208-6.
Tseninme, a place. 299-3.
EauK; kyti wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3.
Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex-
pressed by a noun with the ending -din.
Il ba la din, a place. 364-16.
Lei din, a place. 105-13.
Le nal din, a place. 158-16.
littctiu^din, a place. 169-1.
Am. Abch. Eth. 3. 3.
26 University of Calif omia Ptiblications. l^^- Aech. Eth.
Loknasaundin, a place. 317-7.
me din nun din, at one side. 361-17.
me tsa xo sin din, bad places. 302-7.
min nin xun din, by the sweat-house entrance. 115-7.
mis xus tun din, a place. 300-8.
mikkindin, at its base. 287-1.
na il lit din , a place. 158-2.
naLtsisdiii, hanging place. 204-3.
na na tilL din, stepping down place. 207-2.
Na de il tcwiin din, a place. 328-10.
na te tse din, at the door. 98-2.
Nil lin kin din, a place. 271-13.
NiL tcwin a ka din, a place. 157-1.
nin nis an n5n a din, a place. 115-16.
no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8.
no nin din, at our heads. 190-5.
No tan a din, a place. 179-6.
nun dil win te din, snow always there place. 328-3.
Xaslindin, a place. 265-1. Compare, xaslintau,.
crane. 203-14.
xoLtsaidin, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, xol-
tsaitau.
xon na din, in his eye. 118-7.
Xon xauu; din, a place. 117-14.
Xon sa din, a place. 174-1.
xon din, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xontcin, fire toward.
109-15.
xon ta din, to the house. 210-5.
Xoxotcdin, a place. 245-4.
xo xon tau din, his house place. 195-7.
xotnundin, a place. 244-3.
Xot tin nan din, a place. 198-13.
xo qot din, knee deep. 365-11.
Sauu; titc din, a place. 198-10.
Sa xaut^ sai ke xaut^ din, soup-eating place. 226-8.
Da din mot din, a place. 300-10.
Da tcwin din, a place. 179-1.
Djictanadin, a place. 104-5.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 27
tai kyuw din, sweat-house. 203-9.
Ta kim miL din, a place. 104-10.
tin ta din din, in the woods. 247-3.
TseL tee din, a place. 280-2.
Tse ndn a din, a place. 354-5.
Tse nun sin din, a place. 102-5.
Tse din, a place. 280-10.
Tee in di qot din, a place. 216-10.
Tciii tel nal la din, a place. 365-6.
Tco x6l tcwe din, a place. 98-6.
Tcwitc na nin a din, a place. 353-14.
Eainonadin, a place. 208-4.
Ki yauM? non diL din, bird's resting place. 199-5.
Kilaigyadin, a place. 243-17.
EiLwedin, a place. 354-12.
El xun nai ta din, a place. 226-10.
kit ta din, in the brush. 162-9.
Eyti we Le din, a place. 354-8.
kytl win ya in yan ta din, a place. 211-15.
The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcin
to the noun.
Yi da xd min wa tcin, to a place. 208-8.
L6 hM;un kut tcin. Bald Hill (toward). 216-15.
min sit da tcin, smoke-hole to. 329-13.
Mis kut tcin, to Miskut. 105-11.
mux xa tee tcin, to the root. 210-1.
nin nis an non a tcin, the world 's end. 159-14.
nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1.
n5 na wit tse tcin, toward the door. 166-1.
Xai ya me tcin, to Xaiyame. 267-9.
xon ta tcin, to the house. 97-12.
xontcin, fire toward. 109-15.
Tee wil lin tcin, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5.
Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the
ending -kai or -ka.
min ^a kai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1.
min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare,
min tsit da tcin. 329-13.
28
University of California Publications. [■*-"- Abch. Eth.
zoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (along). 347-13,
xoLtcwil akai, a niarshy way. 361-12.
xoQ tia de kai ta, his legs (along) too. 347-14.
xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1.
xot tsel kai, from under his arm. 143-4.
xQnnukka, river along. 211-14.
Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expressed
by the suffix -kut, or -ka.
Loka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8.
Mi me da kiit, a place. 185-1.
Mia kut, a place. 105-4.
XSwflnkut, a place. 121-5.
X8 tfl wai kut. a place. 336-1.
denfikut. the sky (this us on). 286-12.
Tse tit mil a kflt, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tse tit-
mil me. 299-11.
TEMPORAL ENDINGS.
The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to
exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end-
ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer
exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -neen.
medilneen, canoes used to be, 153-17.
mitdau- neen.' shells. 171-16,
nadlj'auneen,' dentalia. 171-16.
ninnisanneen, world used to be (a hypothetieal case).
343-14.
nin xofi tin ue en. f rort osed to be, 273-7.
nikkyu will yam van neen. your child used to be. 221-2.
Ddteneen, dam used to be. 102-11.
xoi kit Leu ne en, faer basket used to be. 325-1,
zSut »een. his wife used to be. 187-d.
x6 Ufi ke ne en. bis pet used to be. 115-14.
xdldkaneen. bersalmoD used to be. 100-16.
s6 mil ne ph. his beUjr used to be. 121-10.
xoB na kut to ne til, his tears used to be. 336-10.
n of the etjttt, maA not tbe objMt itscU,
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Uupa Language. 29
xonDinneeo, his face used to be. 143-10.
son ta ne en, house used to be. 114-17.
xoxunDeen, her husband used to be. 308-4.
xotaneen, father used to be. 172-1.
xokosneen, Ma neck used to be. 163-18.
te ne en, blankets, 144-9.
tsitduknaweneen, fisherakin quivers. 144-8.
kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15.
kiL La xuD ne en, deer used to be, 96-8.
kimmiLnatultctiwoineeii, wildcat used to be. 143-9.
kyu wi yul ne en, food used to be. 96-8.
That the object will exist in the future, or the possession of it
will come to pass in the future, is expressed by adding the suf-
fii -te.
hwuw te te, my blanket it will be. 204-16.
mitLowete, their medicine will be. 121-15.
PERSONAL.
The personal pronouns in their independent form are used
chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor-
poration of the object into the verb, and its inflectiona to show
the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words
to the minimum.
The pronoun for the first person singular is bwe, which
serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a
possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have
a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is ci; the
Carrier, si; and the Navaho, ci. The change of c or s to hw,
while rather unexpected, is regular. The plural of the first
person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers, when more
than oue, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead
of hice and ne he, longer forms, hire en and ne he en, often
occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle
en, which points to a person, contrasting him with another.
hwe. 104-16, 151-17, 204^16.
hween, 109-4, 138-14.
30 University of Califomia Publications. (Am. ahch. Etb.
nehe. 216-18, 334-6.
neheen. 139-3,165-7.
The second person singular is expressed by nin, and the
plarai by no hin, or no n.
nifi. 106-9.
no hin. 280-5.
It is to be thought that oriifinaUy there was no personal pro-
noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon-
stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking
of adult Ilupa, when emphasis is required xon occurs. This
appears to be so-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en
mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third
person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, ya xwen
was given. This is no doubt xori of the singular with ya, the
sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere.
xon. 96-3.
Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the
qualified noun to express possession. Hwe and nin are repre-
sented by hw- and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form-
ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable
is completed by i or u, before y and w respectively. Before con-
sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking
over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons
plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which
may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person
singular has so- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-,
receiving the same treatment as hi*- and n- above, when the ref-
erence is to a Uupa child or verj' aged person, or to a person
of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things m-
is also fretjuently used, but for the former k- seems more fre-
quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also
employed.
A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity
exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as
in the case of hw- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are
given above on p. 14.)
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 31
DBMONSTBATIVEa
The demonstratives for the nearer person or object, which
must be in sight, are ded, hai ded and hai de, which do not differ
in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight
or not, is referred to by yo or hai yo.
ded, this. 96-10, 98-3.
haide, this. 100-6.
yo, that. 151-14.
hai yo, that. 115-14.
EELATIVES.
There are no words whose special office is the expression of
relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai some-
times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162
contains a sentence which has a relative :
hai tee nin ya te ne en xonteLtau d5 he tee nin yai.
The he was going to coyote he did not come out.
come out
Coyote, who was going to come out, did not come out.
Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence :
hai unkya hai tcittesdeLte.
The he saw it was the they two were to travel.
He saw it was he with whom he was to travel.
INTEEEOGATIVE.
Questions asking who are introduced by dun dan; those
asking what, by da xwed un.
diin dan, who t 151-16.
da xwed un, what t 163-3.
ABTICLE.
The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular
or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the
demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional
use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is
sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It
usually occurs before a possessive.
hai xd lin ke, ' ' the his pets. ' ' 195-8.
82 Univerrity of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
AD.TBCTIVF. PB0N0UN8.
The following words iiBually stand alone, the persons, or
things limited by them being understood from the context,
a tin, all. 96-8.
Btinne, all people. 138-6.
a tin so do (e, everything. 176-16.
a tin diii, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4.
a tii) ka iin (e, everykind. 110-10, 113-3.
x6 dai de he, anything.
dihu;6, sometMne- 144-8,117-17.
di huie e, nothiDg. 153-10.
diin Lufi hiron, several people.
dun Liiii hif o. several things. 164-16, 176-10.
dimhwee, nobody. 109-12.
dun huio, somebody, 107-5.
NtTMERALS.
CABD1NAL8.
The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan-
guages, most of which have cognate words for five, also, which is
dissyllabic. Prom five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily
analyzed. Ten, min i.ufi, means, "enough for it," The numer-
als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers
lying between the decimal terms; and by multiplication for those
terms. The meaning of Laitdikkin, one hundred, is not evi-
dent, but by H variation of the first syllables the hundreds are
enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary.
The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons
differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about
by the use of an old termination, -ni or -ne, which means people.
Numerals used of things.
La, one. 9S-12.
nax, two. 101-9.
tak, thre«. 294-6.
disk, four,
towdla. Ave. 101-6.
xte tan, aix.
xd kit, 8«V«U.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 33
ke nim, eight,
m^kostau, nine,
min Lun, ten. 140-9.
min Lun mil wa na La, ten by its side again one.
minLun muwa nanax, ten by its side again two.
na dim min Lun, twice ten.
ta kut dim min Lun, three times ten.
din kit dim min Lun, four times ten.
tewo la dim min Lun, five times ten.
xos tun dim min Lun, six times ten.
x5 kit dim min Lun, seven times ten.
ke nim dim min Lun, eight times ten.
muk kds ta dim min Lun, nine times ten.
La it dik kin, one hundred,
na xut dik kin, two hundred,
ta kut dik kin, three hundred.
Numerals used of persons.
Luwun, one man. 234-1.
na nin, two men. 139-2.
takun, three men. 169-1.
din kin, four men. 234-8.
tcwo la ne, five men. 234-9.
xostun, six men. 234-12.
xo kit din, seven men. 235-3.
ke nim min, eight men. 235-6.
muk kos tau win, nine men. 235-7.
minLun, or minLunne, ten men. 207-1.
ADJECTIVES.
The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very
closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like
verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of
the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether
the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The
conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has
been given below following the conjugation of the verbs.
These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception
to be dissyllabic.
34 UniverHty of CaUfornia Pi^Ucations. [ Am. Asoh. Bth.
COMPARISON.
The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is
expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com-
pleted in harmony with the following sound.
hai da din nes nin tuu;, the longest one bring.
hai da diL Lfik kau niL tutc' ne, the fattest one you must
bring,
hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one.
hai da dik kya 5, the largest one.
VERBS.
CLASSIFIED.
TRANSmVE AND INTRANSFTIVE.
Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in
that they have a change of root when the object is plural. If
the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the
weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive
verbs have -l immediately preceding the root but affiliating
itself with the foregoing syllable.
Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a
dual or plural subject. They do not have -l preceding the root.
CLASSES.
When a large number of Hupa verbs are compared, most of
them are seen to fall into two classes^ according to the presence or
absence of -l before the root. In only a few cases it may be
present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these
oases it has the power of changing by its presence an intnuisitive
verb to a transitive verb. Tcit tetaL means he stepped along;
teitteLtaL, he kicked something along. EewiL^an (150-12)
means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane ;
ke win hin would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast In
a gexienil way -l may be cansiden?d the sign of the transitive.
Its absence marks the intransitive : and it is present in all transit
tire verbs except a large but well marked class which express by
the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there-
fore be used without an expressed object.
ya win xan« he took up sii^mething of a liquid or smaUy
divided nature which muest be ciuitained in a bai&et.
Vol. 3) Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 35
yawiiian, he took up a round object as a stone.
ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick.
ya win ut, he took up a cloth or c!oth-like object as a
blanket.
But, also, —
ya wiL kyos, he took up a cloth or c!oth-like object.
yawiLten, he took up an animal (including man) or an
animal product.
While it is quite evident that in its past history this -l was
in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the
verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the
two forms ya win fit and ya wii, kyos could hardly stand as
synonyms. All that can be safely said is that -h is associated
with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The
last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i,
and the former, containing -L. class ii.'
The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t.
The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where
it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs
regularly in certain eases where it is joined to a syllable already
existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three
kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur
without the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class,
verbs having the prefi.t na- with the iterative force of again,
and all passives formed from class i.
The fourth class has -I preceding the root. It is composed
of a number of verbs having roots which evidently re<|uire this
sound preceding, since they do not occur without it. and all
passives corresponding to class ii.
The passive voice is present in the language, hut not common.
It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or
author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he
does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive Js
only employed when the author of the act is unknown; or some
'Fnlber Mor
a«lerini<; of or
MMonant. ' '
Univenity of Calif omia Publications. [^^- Ahch. eth.
reanoa, usually reli^ous, prevents reference to hitn. The passive
is also used as a noun.
MODSB AND TENSES.
The clear cut distinction of formal ^ammar between modes,
on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this
lanpuape. There are special forms which affirm the act, and
others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there
are forms for the past., present and fotiire, but one cannot have
a past tense of the Inipotential mode. The same form does serv-
ice as a present indicative, a siibjiinetive of proposed action, and
the second person of it as an imperative. The following names
have been aHsit,'ned to the existing forms.^ — Present Indefinite,
Impotential, Imperative, Customary ; and Past Definite, Present
Definite, and Fnture Definite. The last and many other forms
are made by suffixes.
Present Indefinite.
This name has been chosen to distinpiish the present of \vider
use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the
Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com-
pleted. The former is used of acts iu propress but not completed
when such act consumes appreciable time, or of aets desired or
intended.
Impotential.
The form of this mode-tense diflfers from the present, only in
the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger
form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are
declared will not take place because they are impossible. The
form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by
the usual negative prefix do- and the potential force by a sort
of auxiliarj' which means to be or become. It seems possible that
the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent.
Imperative.
The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular
and plural, are identical with the same number and person of
the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not
occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the
perw)u spoken lo, permit or compel the third person to perform
the act
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 37
Customary.
Acts which are habitual or repeated are expressed by meaos
of this form. Acts or conditions which are thought of as contin-
uous or nearly so have forms with -win te suffixed to the present.
Definite Tenses.
The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi-
nite acts, or states, has forias for their expression closely related
to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past
diifers from the present in the form of the root, which is longer
and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort
of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl-
lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present
by the suffixes, -te, or -tei..
■ AND NUMBER.
Besides the usual three niunbers there is found in Hupa a
second form for the third person which is used when referring
to a Hupa child, or very aged person ; or to the members of other
tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass-
ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num-
bers, — the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular
only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural,
which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed
or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a
change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all
verbs the dual fonn seems to have pretty nearly superseded the
plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so.
The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yu
because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable.'
STRUCTURE OF THE VEHBS.
The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre-
sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of
the sentence. Xa na is di ya de, "if she comes back up," has
first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up
the side of a hill, in this case the river bank ; next, is found the
have a dual unly in the first
University of California Puhlicationa. [An. Asch. Btk.
particle -nn-. having an iterative force, showing that the act is
done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the
path from the river is passed over a second time ; the syllable -is-
sbows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as
progreBsing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been
considered aa being begun and not requiring progression, the
syllable -win- would have been employed. Yawinxan, "she
picked up a basket of water. But if the act had been thought
of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. Nonin-
xan, "she put down a basket of water. These three syllables,
-is-, -win-, and -nin-, occur only in the case of single defi-
nite acta.
The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi-
cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult
Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child,
an aged peraon, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have
been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this
form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person
singular would be xa na sin di ya de, in which -in of the third
syllable would indicate the person and number. The infixed
syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the
iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English "back
iigain." The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the
root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion
of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb
been in the plural, the root would have been -deL, Had the
pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The
final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed
as a future cerlninty, -te would have been employed.
The Hupa verb is modified in various waj-s, as has been seen
from the preceding example.
First. — By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the
motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or
not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or
completed is expressed.
Second. — By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root,
the person and number of the subject is indicated.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 39
Third. — By variations in the form of the root, is shown the
number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in
intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and
definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since
they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions,
show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected.
Fourth. — By i^llables suffixed to the root, the action may be
further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood.
It will be realized that by so many means of modification the
possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact,
a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of
course, by the logic and necessity of their use.
The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given
above.
PREFIXES AND INFIXES.
Advi&bial Prefixes of Placs and Disegtion.
Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at
rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion.
Ta- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things
up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The
primary meaning seems to be, ''in the air, above the surface of
the ground."
a) Relating to the sitting position.
ya a a, he sat. 150-8.
yauu; hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12.
ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2.
ya win a, sitting. 162-11.
ya win a hit, when he sat. 174-6.
yawineL, they were sitting 181-8.
yan a, sitting. 110-14.
ya na wes a, he sat down. 165-17.
ya na win ai, he sat down. 136-6.
ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 119-16.
da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3.
40
Untvenity of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Amh.Bth.
dayanawesa, it sat there. 144-11.
da ya na win ai, sittiog. 162-2.
The foUowine two are used of material things, but seem to
belong here.
yanamedaa, it loomed up. 121-11.
ya na me du win a, (asheti) piled up. 187-9.
b) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing.
ya a wuuj, he always takes on his back. 195-6.
ya il luMJ, he picked up (a woodpecker head). 292-14.
yauwtuw, let me pick it up. 2S6-11.
yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4.
yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3.
yawiLkyoa, he picked up. 293-6.
ys wim meL, he took them up. 142-4.
yawifian, he picked up (a stone). 342-1.
yawinxan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6.
ya win tan, he took. 108-18.
ya win tiln hit, when he picked it up. 202-6,
yawixauM-'hwiLte, he will take it up, 295-17.
yftluu), he picked it up. 292-15.
ya nauui tuw, I will pick up. 286-9.
yanawil lai, she picked it up. 307-6.
yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13.
ya na ke ii wuw, he used to pack up. 237-7.
ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
yanakiiien, he packed up. 238-3.
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16,
c) The following seem to imply vertical motion.
yaiimmil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2.
yayai wimmeLtsu, he heard them kick up their legs.
342-14.
ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes ; when he lifted his
eyelids. 347-5.
ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9.
yawiiikas, he threw up. 96-3.
ya win na hifii. de, if it raises up (the ocean). 117-10.
ya wit xus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 41
ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13.
yal ton ei, it jumped oflP. 163-18.
ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1.
yanauu; din, the going up place (said of the sun). 195-6.
yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3.
yan xuts ei, it flew up. 271-2.
d) Of horizontal motion through the air.
a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3.
ya auu; hwei, he held it out. 166-5.
yai wa autr wiL ^x, it increased in blowing. 324-6.
ya it qot, it always dodged. 286-11.
yawiLwaL, he threw (through the air). 362-8.
yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15.
ya win en, he carried. 210-4.
ya win kutc, he threw. 143-15.
ya wit qot, he tumbled. 118-15.
yawunxutssillen, he nearly flew. 176-13.
ya na win en, she carried. 172-1.
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
ya nat dje u, they came back. 301-15.
ya xoL ten, he has taken him. 151-4.
ya xon its, he shot. 166-8.
ya xos meL, he whipped him. 164-3.
yat qot, it dodged. 286-10.
ya ke wuw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yakinwuw, carry it. 105-18.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it oflP. 163-4.
Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object's
being reduced to many pieces.
yai kyu wil fats, blanket of strips. 207-5.
ya na is kil, he split. 142-3, 210-2.
ya na kyu wiL tsil Hl te, they (one) may split. 109-8.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space
however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes
and baskets.
Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 4.
a) Of a house.
ye in yauw, they always go in. 305-9.
ye wea a, wae in. 153-10.
yewi&ya, eome in. 305-8.
ye win ya ye so lull, had ^ne in. 118-5.
yewitqot, it fell in. 136-3.
ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13.
ye na it danir, he used to go in. 288-6.
yenawillos, she dragged in. 190-2.
yenawiliAt, she ran in. 136-1.
yenawityai, he went in. 98-15.
ye na wit ya liit, when he went in. 118-6.
yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15.
ye nal Lat, she ran in. 329-8.
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16.
yenundauwi, come in. 98-17.
ye xoii un hit, when they ran in. 169-11.
yexotaan, they ran in. 238-9.
ye tee il Imv, he used to take in. 288-2.
ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 3
ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9.
yetciiwiLda, she carried in. 191-13.
yeteuwinyai, he went in. 97-3.
yetcuwinxan, she brought in. 209-10.
ye tcii win deL, they went in. 278-4.
yekiLtseL, she passed in the water. 111-9.
ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3.
yekyuwestce, the wind blew in. 270-4,
doyeinnauM?, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4.
doyeindil, never come in. 305-10.
do ye na wit yai, he did not eome in. 238-12.
b) Of a mountain, spoken of as hoU-ow.
yelyoL, she blew in. 302-8.
ye o ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13.
ye yu wiL kit de t«, will go there, 301-9.
ye wit dje u, they went in. 299-14.
yeteiiwillai, he took them in. 301-7.
Vol.. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 43
ye tcti wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8.
c) Of entering the bed of a stream.
ye tcu win yai, he went up. 101-8.
ye ya xo lai, they took them. 179-12.
yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9.
yewindeLte, they will go. 255-3.
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2.
T>) Of landing, mth a canoe or otherwise.
yewitkait, he landed. 140-1.
yewitkaite, (a canoe) will come. 209-3.
ye wit kait din, landing place. 140-2.
yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12.
ye nin dil lin ye, had washed ashore. 267-12.
ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5.
e) Of broad spaces.
ye e il ton x6 Ian, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17.
yeyinneyot, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5.
yenawodeLte, you will travel in (the underworld).
361-12.
yenaxoLwaL, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13.
yetcinnauw, they will come in (the dancing-place).
231-6.
ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-4.
ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2.
e) Of a canoe.
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2.
ye we ya te, I am going into it. 314-3.
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11.
ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
ye tcu win ya din, in entering. 140-2.
p) Of a basket or small object.
ye na wiL ten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5.
ye tee 11 kas, he threw (into a basket) . 288-7.
ye tcu wiL ten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17.
ye tcu wiL ^o, he slipped them (one into the other) . 329-1.
ye tcu wim meL, they put into (a storage basket) . 200-5.
44 University of California Publications, l^^ Aeoh. Eth.
ye tcii win tan, he put in (his quiver). 96-13.
yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3.
Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn-
ing.
wa kin nil lit x6 Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin ^ats, he cut through.
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, was heated through he saw. 329-16.
Compare,
wiin dim mil, going through. 144-3.
wfin dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
yii wfln dim mil lei, went through. 211-5.
Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something
to a man or animal.
wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1.
wai iL tiiu;, he always gave. 136-12.
wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8.
mibwayakindillai, they traded with them, ''with they
handed each other. ' ' 200-4.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6.
nil wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7.
nu wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7.
hirii wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11.
hiru wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7.
hiru wun tuu\ hand me. 278-7.
x6 wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13.
x6 wa in tan, he gave him. 211-1.
xo ^-a ya in tan, they gave him. 144-14.
xo wa >-a tel lai, they gave them. 19S-8.
xo wa me noL tcwit te, I will loan him. 356-17.
xo wa toil lai, he gave awa\\ 103-7.
xo wa toin xan, to her she gave. 246-12,
xwa ii.kit, she gave him to eat. 98-11.
xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5.
xwa ya kii. kit, she fed them. 192-11.
do hiru wiin nu wit lai he, don*t to me bring them. 230-13.
k^Ti wa na ii. tiiir, he who gives hack. 241-4.
le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of
obj^vts. It has the ^f^ecial meaning of building a fii^ from the
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langimge, 45
placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a
circle or a circuit in traveling.
a) Of things brought together and of people meeting.
ya Le da a din, the comer. 286-1.
Le il loi , he ties together. 334-12.
Leinnauu;, they came together. 305-2.
Lie ya ki x5 lau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Leyetcuwinyeuw, he jammed in. 143-10.
Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
LenaneLno, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12.
Le na de eL, were joined. 347-4.
Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8.
Le na kil du hwoty it grew back on. 164-1.
Le ncL te, let us meet. 174-3.
Le nu wil nes, met together. 215-6.
Le nul ditc tcwen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8.
LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16.
Compare, Le du wil lu, he had killed several. 165-16.
LedeeLta, in a comer. 270-5.
Lekixola, gather people. 151-5.
Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10.
Lin ya te, they will come together. 295-1.
b) In the special sense of building a fire.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Le na il luir, she started a fire. 153-1.
Le nsLXiw dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14.
Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9.
Le na luu;, he built a fire. 235-14.
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2.
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
o) Of completing a circuit.
Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
University of Caiiforma Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth,
Lenaindiyate sil len, he cot nearly around. 220-6.
Le na it dautr, he used to make the rounds. 336-7.
LenaniLten, he took it all the way around. 293-10.
Le na nin deL ei, they went elear around. 102-1.
Me- seems to have the meaninp of position at; or motion to,
against, or along the surface of something.
a) Of climbing a steep hill or a tree.
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16.
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12.
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16,
me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13.
me sit te deL, they moved up, 216-15.
b) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
menemen, he landed him. 162-9.
menillayei, they landed. 216-13.
menanillayei, they arrived. 116-8.
me nun di yai, years, said of the sun's arrival at a certain
point in its yearly journey up and down the moun-
tain ridges. 145-7.
mi nil la yei. the waves came ashore. 362-4.
mifiyai, it was nearly time. 286-6.
o) Of sticking or tying, or of being stuck or tied, against a
surface.
me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me it (an, he stuck to it. 202-3.
me win (an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows).
d) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface.
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16.
meniLtcwit, he pushed it. 106-2.
meniLtewit, he put aside. 234-8.
me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13.
me du wIl a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11.
miL tcwit, pudi it. 105-18.
Vou 8] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 47
e) Of bringing steam or heat against something to he cooked,
me wit dil na te, we will steam it. 241-11.
me na wiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12.
What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense
appears in the following.
a) 0/ speaking and singing.
me ya du wil wauu;, they began to talk about it 265-1.
meyakyuwiLtel, they sang. 234-1.
me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15.
medilwauii;, they talked about. 340-5.
me dil wauu^ ta, they talked about places. 340-12.
mekyuwiLtel, singing. 235-4.
mekyuwiLtu, he sang. 234-6.
b) Of watching.
me \mo, watching. 204-6.
me Imo ^x, he watched it. 205-2.
me \mo te, I am going to watch it. 292-9.
me nai \mo te, I will watch them. 258-10.
me nauii; Ium; te, I will watch. 267-17.
muu; luu; te, I will watch. 218-3.
c) Of finishing.
me ncL xe, I finish. 260-15.
me ncL xe tcL, I am finishing. 260-4.
meniLxe, he finished it. 296-8.
d) Of desiring.
me du win tcwen, he was hungry for. 99-1.
me dmo tcwin, I want. 254-12.
do me Amo tcwin, I don 't want. 253-5.
Unclassified.
me nai yi yauw;, they eat it down. 356-13.
me nai yi yauw; e x6 Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10.
me na tcwil Ul te, it will settle. 117-11.
Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except
that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is
employed of motion into.
me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5.
me no nil lai, in she took. 307-2.
48 University of Calif omia PubUcaiions. [Am. Arch. Bth.
menoninan, he put inside. 328>13.
me sa iin, was in it. 243-15.
me sit dit tetc, in we would be lying. 190-4.
me sit tin te, in they lie. 307-11.
mesittM, was in it. 243-9.
me tsis yen, who stands in. 195-11.
metsistetc, they lie in. 306-8.
me tee ya nib ^5, they skinned him. 328-5.
domesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9.
Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the
ground or water; and of position on the earth's surface. The
primary meaning may be ** horizontal."
a) Of motion over the surface of the ground.
na a a, he always has (said to mean he always carries it) .
257-4.
naiya, she used to go. 135-2.
na iL its, it is running around. 294-4.
na iL te ^x, she carried it. 290-6.
na in nel le xo Ian, he played, he saw. 186-1.
na in deL, they went. 266-9.
na is its, she ran different places. 185-6.
naisya, he walked around. 157-9.
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13.
na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15.
na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6.
na is te, he carried it around. 282-4.
naistsu, he rolled about. 119-4.
na it dil, who go around. 305-9.
na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1.
nawaye, he goes around. 231-9.
na wa ne djox, while walking. 276-1.
na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
nanaLits, it running around. 295-10.
na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5.
nahic^a, I will walk. 164-6.
na xd teL tcwd ig, he swept. 210-12.
na xd tes an, they ran around. 341-4.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 49
na xus din na tsu, moving she heard. 191-12.
na se te, I wiU go. 137-14, 139-10.
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2.
nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3.
nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9.
nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16.
nas ddk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4.
nas qol, it crawled around. 294-1.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
natcLditdauu;, he ran. 100-13.
natcLten^ he took it along. 282-3.
na tse, rolling around. 157-4.
natciLtsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6.
na ka xas dan na tsu, someone moving. 165-18.
na kis deL, they came around. 200-2.
nakisqot, he pushed a stick. 145-12.
nakisqotte, he is going to poke. 192-9.
donawa, (nobody) going about. 166-2.
do na hii7ai, I have never been. 336-11.
do nas do, they won 't dodge. 258-13.
b) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water,
na a xa, fills it, floats on its surface. 310-8.
naaxaei, fills it. 311-5.
naime, I swim in. 311-11.
naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1.
nauu; me, let me swim. 97-15.
na wim me, he swam. 209-13.
na la, floating. 243-8.
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12.
na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17.
na na lat dei, it was floating. 244-9.
c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced-
ing (a and b),
nai ya din, I live place. 231-5.
na wa, were there. 209-3.
na wa ^x, stayed. 166-14.
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7.
nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7.
University of California Publications. [An. a»ch. Bth.
na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2.
nanandilliivte. they will live. 343-13.
na na siii ya te, you will be. 353-8.
nanasdeLte, they will be. 228-2.
na niL ne, how must they live. 317-1.
nasdeLte, they will stay. 253-4.
nadil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7.
nadille, they are. 211-13.
nadiL, they living. 321-3.
nadlLneen, that used to live. 204-15.
donawate, will not live. 257-11.
d) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body.
uaiiiuiLu, I paint. 247-12.
naidet.dd. he ent him. 164-3.
nayadeittul, they used to drap their feet. 207-3.
nanaiuwme, I bathe it. 247-1.
oanaime, I bathe. 311-8.
nauaimmeei. who always bathed. 311-8.
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17.
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4.
naniLkia, he cut him. 164-1.
naxowiLme, he bathed him. 187-12.
nadeLU, she marked across. 311-13.
nadeLwaL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5.
e) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground.
nawilyeuMi, he rested. 119-14.
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1,
nanesdai, she sat down. 136-2.
nanuwin tuhifiLue, you must lie. 343-12.
nasaiinte, will lie. 226-9.
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3.
nadeLtse, are living. 217-8.
na tcil yeiitf sa an din, resting place. 363-3.
na tcil yeiiM' din, resting place. 347-3.
20 tein na sil lai, she was dressed in, "on her they lay.'
164-9.
do nauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15.
dona sit kas, was left. 192-16.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 51
f) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur-
face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllable
beginning with d.
na na du wa al, rose np. 103-13.
na na du win a, stands. 364-14.
na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14.
na da a, stood. 150-8.
na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12.
na da ai, standing. 100-8.
na du win a, it stood up. 158-6.
na du win a, smoke came out. 197-5.
na du win a ei, stand up. 243-6.
na du win a te, it will stick up. 204-2.
na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-3.
Na-, or, nana- expresses motion downward or toward the
earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what-
ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up.
na e 1 ya, it used to rain. 229-2.
nailiuti;, (tears) dropping. 337-14.
nailtsit, falls. 275-3.
nailtsitte eillu, would drop. 104-11.
na in xut, dropped down. 115-14.
na is xut, he tore down. 104-8.
na 51 iuWy drops first. 115-12.
nayaisxflt, they tore down. 267-8.
naweslenei, it falls. 104-1.
na win tau, it will settle down. 273-7.
na wit xds iL, he is falling. 152-5.
nal iuti; te, will drop. 115-13.
nal tsit, fell down. 145-2.
naneedauu;, (sun) goes down. 364-4.
nanaitdauu;, (sun) gone down. 104-10.
na nautr daL din, gone down time. 322-9.
nanayawillai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1.
na na wiL kyos, he took it down. 204-4.
na na win an, he had taken down. 176-10.
na na win un xo IM, he had taken down. 176-17.
nana win tan, he took down. 97-16.
52 University of CaUfornia Publications. [ Am. Aeoh. Eth.
na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15, 174-9.
na na wit xuts, he flew back down. 114-2.
na nal de iuw, dripping off. 337-5.
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4.
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9.
nanadiL; come down. 166-7.
nanatuLdin, stepping down place. 207-2.
nanatyai, (sun) had gone down. 202-9.
nanya, it rains. 229-3.
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2.
na xo wil tsit xo Ifin, fell. 306-15.
na dit te meL, fell. 245-11.
Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line
stretched, or of crossing a stream.
a) Of crossing a stream.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them (across) . 179-11.
na na in di yai, he came across. 103-11.
na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6.
na nay a nin deL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2.
na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6.
na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10.
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6.
na na ya xon nib xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
b) Of horizontal position.
naL tsis, hanging. 204-12.
nail a ei, hangs there. 295-3.
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9.
na na kin nu wiL a, he made a ridg^. 104-3.
uanuwesa, run across. 363-14.
na nu wil xut, hanging for a door. 171-1.
na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17.
Xa- is used in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal
with which of the above they are connected.
A> Intransitive.
na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13.
nas dil lin te, that was to be, 283-6.
na dU le, they are. 211-13.
na dil le ne, you mi^* become, 166-12,
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtiage. 53
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en, which was going to happen. 117-5.
nadillu, will be. 243-2.
na tcL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
na tcL ditc tcwin x6 lun, they had grown. 119-10.
nat le Ul te, will become. 312-4.
na kyu win xa, grows. 364-11.
do na xos dil le te, will be no more. 228-4.
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
b) Transitive.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they made him. 196-6.
na is tcwen, he made. 110-12.
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7.
na is tcwin tcL, who will make. 321-11.
naikeyunte, they will grow. 296-4.
nauu; tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3.
na ya is tcwen, they made. 284-1.
nascL tcwen, I made. 296-2.
nascL tcwin, I make. 302-11.
na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14.
No- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing
something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of
something, or of completing a task.
a) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest.
no a din nin xan, she placed herself. 223-9.
no a din xauu;, lay yourself down. 223-9.
no il \nw, she put. 157-11.
noil La, he came running. 360-8.
no in nauu;, she stopped. 158-5.
noi xwe iL lu, they throw down. 195-11.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track (he had placed
down his foot). 292-5.
noyanindeL, they sat down. 280-5.
no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7.
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11.
no wit tuM; wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12.
no na iuw xaxxWy I leave it. 247-3.
University of California PiibUcatioits. [An- Abch. Eth.
no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10.
no na ii. kyos, she put away. 333-7.
DO na it t£e, ahe always shut the door. 158-1.
nunaiiwauw, I never leave. 248-1.
non auif ne, you must put it down. 210-7.
nonayakinnifian, they left food. 110-9.
no na wIl dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2.
nonaniLten, he put it. 221-11.
nonaneufi, I will leave it, 296-5.
□onaniQan, he placed. 117-8.
nonanindeL, they lived. 237-1.
no na uin deL so Ian, they had sat down he saw. 21
no na niu tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
no na xol taw, he had her laid. 342-8.
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11.
no na ta uii hit. when she turned. 245-10.
no na kifi auu- ne, you must leave. 353-10.
no na kin ntL kis, he put bis hand. 221-4.
uo na kin nth un te, one should leave. 215-S.
no na kin niii un te, you will leave. 351-13.
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1,
no ne xim te, I will put. 289-2.
nonillai, he put. 98-2.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
no niL tin din. he put it place. 266-9, 294-10.
no nil. kait, he pushed them. 139-13.
noniLkas, he threw. 185-8.
no uiL kjos, he put it. 208-10.
nonijian. he established it, 273-3.
□o niii lit, be threw it. 112-3.
nd niii xan. she put it- 242-7, 287-7.
DO nin xun te, who will set 290-12.
no niii xuU. he dropped. 362-9.
nd nin tan, he put. 210-16.
n5ndi>'aQ, was left, 118-11,
Don^diyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17,
a& Dim dim mil, rope fell back. 161-18.
D&fi ymi, it w«nt down. 348-3.
Vol. S] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Eupa Language.
55
noQxauwne, put it. 296-14.
Don de mil, it fell. 143-8.
non de qot ei, it stopped. 287-2.
noduwintaLxolaii, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
no ke iaw qot, I always set up. 247-4.
no kin nintan, he set the wedge. 108-11.
b) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface.
noiiLkit, (fog) spread out. 321-7.
noi wiL kil liL te, it will be foggy. 230-6.
noiniLkit, (smoke) hangs, 337-11.
noi nil. kit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8.
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10.
Dowillin, it was covered (with blood). 115-16.
Doaaimi>kit, (smoke) settled. 96-3.
no itwe deaw hifen nei, darkness eame. 300-15.
n6t6°x, water staid. 324-3.
Compare, no kin nih yotr, (dentalia) scattered about.
145-3.
c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something.
q5 ii La, he came running. 360-8.
no iL xuts, he chewed oif . 288-5.
noi nifi yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17.
no in nautt', she stopped. 158-5,
no it to, the water comes. 310-7.
noikiyowdin, as far as it goes. 311-6.
no win na huiiL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1.
no na il luw, she left off. 332-10.
no na in diik qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
no na wit tats, it is cut down, 144-17.
no nan dit d je u, they got back. 301-15.
DO na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11.
no na xon tsii, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15.
DO nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8,
no nin iiii hit, when he finished. 234-7.
no nifi flas, he whittled it down. 197-3.
no nun de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6.
no nun dil lat, it floated back. 245-13.
non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2.
56 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
no xo autr hiril, they kept arriving. 208-1.
no xo nin un, they fell in with them. 179-5.
no xuir, floats ashore. 346-5.
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4.
notedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11.
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
no kiL dje xa in nautr, she quit fighting. 333-6.
no kin niii yan, he finished. 209-12.
no kyti wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6.
Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of
movement up a hillside when the speaker's standpoint is at the
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses.
a) Of motion up along the surface of the ground.
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1, 294-7.
xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2.
xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16.
xaisxunhit, when she had brought up. 99-9.
xa is ten, she brought up. 99-2.
xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5.
xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2.
xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2.
xa na is dl ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6.
xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13.
xa sin nanw din, where the sun rises. 332-5.
xasindeLdiii, coming up place. 363-3.
xa kis wen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4.
b) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence
from the surface of the ground or water.
xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5.
xautr auir, I am going to take it out. 135-7.
xawaauw?hidLte, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5.
xawiiian, he took out. 100-10.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xa na x5 iL tut(;, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 57
xanaxonan, they came up again (from the grave).
360-10.
xanxenne, he came up (after diving). 210-9.
xa x6 wil waL, dug-f rom-the-ground. 138-9.
xa te mas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5.
xakehtre, (she commenced) to dig. 135-2.
xa kin de mfit, it boiled up. 105-3.
xa kyti witc tee Ul te, from the ground the wind will
blowout. 272-10.
c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle,
xa wes a, he peeped out. 176-9.
xawitqot, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13.
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole).
158-7.
d) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a
plant.
xa ana kin nit ^e, it grows up again. 356-14.
xal a xo lun, had grown up. 121-11.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xan dik, standing. 276-10.
Xee- in the sense of **away from," as in blowing and
pushing.
xe e iL yol, he blows away. 296-15.
xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them-
selves. 181-9.
xe e wiL waL, she threw away. 189-11.
xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8.
xeenaiLkis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16.
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9.
xe e du waL ei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17.
Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion
down a hill or stream.
xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8.
xot da wil lai, they came down. 215-13.
xot da win yai, he went. 272-3.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
Am. Abch. £th. 3, 5.
58 University of CaUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.
xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6.
xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8.
xot da na wit xiits, he fell baek. 152-3.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot dan yai, it went down. 281-1.
xotdanxen, they floated down. 216-5.
xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3.
xotdakeiyautr, they came down the hill. 310-6.
xot dan kyu wes tee, blows (down). 227-7.
xot dat kait, they came down. 158-14.
Xotde- is used of one person's meeting another on the trail
where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at
the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came
toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to
be the third person of the pronoun, used as au indirect object.
Compare, nit de sin nauir un, didn 't she meet you 1 165-2.
xot de is yai, he piet him. 105-14.
xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8.
Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating,
drinking or biting.
^anw titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and
note.
sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10.
sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10.
sahtrilluir, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8.
missaixunte, I will put in its mouth. 243-16.
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10.
mis sun xbxlw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
hiris sa kill its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
xo sa win xan, her mouth he put in. 342-7.
xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. 257-5.
Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than
the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to
rest.
a) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the
ground,
dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya win a ye, someone sitting. 337-2.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 59
da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3.
da ya na wes a, sat there. 144-11.
da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2.
da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da nin sa, sit. 107-12.
da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2.
da no te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9.
da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1.
da tein nes dai, he sat. 107-12.
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14.
b) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or lying
on something higher than the ground.
da un xiis, fly (on to a tree) . 114-2.
da wil Lat, it jumped on. 113-14.
da wil ton ei, it jumped. 115-9.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3.
da xo auWy they jumped. 195-9.
daxonannei, they jumped. 347-18.
da tee e xus, used to light. 150-9.
da tcu wil ton, he jumped. 109-14.
da tcu will xuts, he flew up there. 114-1.
c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher
than the ground.
da e iuti? tuir, I put. 247-7.
da e iL te, were on a stick. 186-11.
da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2.
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13.
da nal iutr din, it dropped place. 338-4.
da na xol ten, he put him. 108-1.
da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17.
dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4.
da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10.
da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16.
da sit tun, it sits. 246-9.
da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6.
da tcu win en, he put fire on. 119-15.
6()
Universiiy of California Publications. [*><- Asca. Etb.
d) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface.
daillel. it always swam (in one place). 266-6.
daweslal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10.
da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5.
da wes dil. they waited. 252-7.
dawil lale, it was floating. 244^6.
dawitdil, live (said of fish). 365-8.
da wit dii. ne en, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4.
da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3.
da nat la le, it floated. 243-13.
Unclassified.
daeiutrkel, I held under. 337-14.
da yi kin yan e so lun, mouse has chewed up. 153-15.
da win nan dl len, he was weak. 346-6.
da nai ke son tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
dakinyiinte, to chew off. 151-9.
dakyuwestce, the wind blew on it. 348-3.
dakyuwinxaei, (a plant) stood. 242-3.
Dad-, with various meanings, a common significance bein?
unknown.
a) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects.
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4.
da du wil ten, he has been carried ofif. 150-10.
da tcexodiLten, she has taken him away. 159-5.
datcitdu wiLkyos, he has taken away. 207-11.
b) Of running.
da na xo du wiii an, they ran back. 181-6.
da din La, run. 176-6.
datcitdu wil Lat, he ran. 164-2.
da tcit du win Lat, he started to run. 176-11.
c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point-
ing at something.
danadit.a. shoot. 329-11.
danaduwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4.
da na du wi i, a, he shot. 329-12.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4.
da dii wes a tene wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 61
d) Of the blowing of the wind,
da na kit dti wit tee iL te, the wind blew gently. 273-1.
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6.
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4.
Ded- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire.
The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound
which follows it, may be separated from the first sfyllable.
de na de iutrmil, I put (in the fire). 247-9.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8.
de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13.
de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6.
de du au hwii, de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
de du wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11.
dedu wil late, he will put in the fire 255-15.
deduwimmeL, he threw in the fire. 165-10.
dedu win an, he put in incense. 266-16.
de du win tan, he put them in. 150-4.
dedtitrtun, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4.
de ki dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
Du- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off.
dti win xuts, it came off. 157-7.
tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11.
tcit dti wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11.
tcitduwiLtseL, he pounded it off. 281-16.
tcit duwim mite, he pulled it off. 293-16,287-2.
Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of
wood.
djewiLtseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11
dje wiL kil, he tore away. 176-9.
dje win tan, spread open. 289-14.
dje na wiL tuir, he opened it. 109-2.
djen yai, it opened. 108-11.
djet waL, it opened. 281-17.
Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body
of water, with special regard to its surface.
University of California Publications. [*»*■ Arch. Eth.
a) Of motion away from and out of water.
ta ya is hiral, they caught. 328-4.
tanaiswaLfi, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
ta na is di yai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6.
ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4.
ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17.
tanauwtuhirlLte, I will take out. 267-18.
tanaxoauir, they jumped out. 165-6.
tatcifiwen, he carried it out. 120-10.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out the water. 365-12.
b) Of motion toward, into, or over water.
tawesa, will project (of a mountain). 255-2.
tanaikyuwessin teete, blow out to sea with you. 228-5
taneL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15.
C) Of the coming and going of boats.
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10.
tawillayei, they went. 362-12.
tawii kait, he started across. 315-1.
taiixennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9.
tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3.
ta des lat, came. 105-2.
ta des deL xo luii, had come ashore. 101-2.
d) Of drinking.
tai winnuniLde, if he drinks water. 338-7.
tai din nun, let us drink water. 179-3.
tauir din nun te, I am going to hiive a drink. 111-13,
ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7.
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16.
tanai winnunte, he will drink. ^37-18.
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12.
Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place
permanently.
tasyahidin, one ought to go away. 215-8.
tag yai, have left. 271-2.
tas ya ye x6 luii, they had gone. 267-14.
One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean-
ing with either of the above classes, ta nai xoa do wei, they cut
him aU to pieces 106-14, 108-2.
I
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morplwlogy of the Hupa Langtiage. 63
Te-, unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under
its surface.
te iL autr htrei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
te wa fit te, in water I will throw. 111-17.
te weL qotc te, I will throw in (the water) . 112-4.
tewiltsit, sank (of boats). 153-17.
te win eL, stand out. 283-14.
te wit qot te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to
tumble. 286-13.
tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4.
te no du win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3.
te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6.
te tcu win tan, he put in the water. 101-14.
te ke 1 yauir htuei, go in. 311-2.
tekeitste, I will shoot in (water). 112-9.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10.
Tsin- means away from in expressions of fleeing.
tsiyfinteildil, they always ran off. 333-11.
tsi yun tes dil deL, we went (away from them) . 200-1.
tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
Tee- has the general meaning of **out of," and is employed
of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also
of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of
a stream. It is the correlative of ye-.
a) Of motion out of a house,
tee e auir, he took out. 333-2.
tee il qol e x6 Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11.
tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5.
tee in nautr wei, she used to go out. 136-14.
tee in diL min, them to come out for. 102-9.
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11.
tee na ya xon miL, throw them Qut. 302-3.
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13.
Universiiy of CaUfomia PubUcalions. (■*"■ A"ch. Eth.
tee iin nioi meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13.
tceneyate, I will jm out. 332-8,
tceiieyai, I have none out. 99-14.
IceniLkait, he put out. 153-9.
tceninyai, he weut out. 97-16.
tee nifi ya ne, you must go out. 242-1.
tcenyahiciLte, you wUl go. 356-8.
tcetedeL, they went out. 141-5.
tcexoniLten, they took him out. 278-4.
tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2,
b) Of motion out of a small receptacle.
t«e il luir, he used to take out (of a ba^et). 230-11.
tcenunillai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2.
toeuauiLkaitdei, he poked out (of a hollow stump).
174-9.
tcenaiiiiian, he took out (from an elder stick). 119-3.
tcenaxonniLten, he took out (from a sack). 153-7.
tcenillai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5.
tceniLten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2.
tcenifian, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15.
tceiiinycB, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10,
tee nin tail, he took out (from a quiver). 97-4, 329-10.
o) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into
a glade, or to the river shore.
tceilLat, he jumped out. 106-2.
tee in nauir din, where he comes out, 195-3.
tee in de pt, they ran down. 153-16.
tceminninyotdei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
toenautr, smoke coming out. 170-7.
tee na il tat. she came there. 135-9,
toe na in di ya hit. when she went down (to the oM«n).
325-8.
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9.
tc«nin}~u, she came down to the beAidi. 243-15.
tmninyai, (.he uuue out (of the brush), 175-14.
tee nin ya te (w »!, he w«s going to come out. 162-12,
tm nin kutc, be Uimr oot. 144-1.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 65
tee nin kutc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15.
tee toil ton, he jumped out. 163-16.
d) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into
which it empties, or into the ocean.
tceyaneL, (canons) ran out. 336-2.
tceweslinte, will run out. 254-17.
tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the ereek. 175-10.
tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10.
e) Of pulling out a knot.
tee iL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
tceniLtsit, he untied the strap. 106-2.
Unclassified.
tee niL tik, he pinehed out. 143-14.
tcenimmas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5.
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5.
Ee- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a
vertical surface.
a) Of motion against or along a vertical surface.
ke is yai, he climbed up. 137-17.
ke is ya yei, she climbed up. 137-12.
ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8.
kewinxuts, he fell over (perhaps against his load).
105-17.
keniLtcwit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1.
ke sin qote ei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1.
kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7.
b) Of position against a vertical surface.
keyanineL, leaning up. 99-6.
ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1.
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5.
ke ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-9.
ke nin eL, leaning up. 235-9.
c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the
ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10.
ke wiL na, she cooked them. 99-9.
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6.
ke na wiL na din, he cooked them place. 255-11.
66
University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
Prefixes or PnRsniT,
There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search
for a person or a tbin^, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to
do a thing.
Wiin- is used of lookinp for a thing the position of which is
unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some-
thing by persistent effort.
a) Of pursuing or setking something.
wun na is ya, they himt. 319-3.
wfinnaiadeL, they started (to catch it). 101-17.
wun nai dir. so sin x6 Ian, hunting had been he saw, 140-11.
wun na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10.
wiinnadiLte, he will hunt. 311-14.
B) Of persistejit effort.
wunnaiya, he worked on it. 226-2.
wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14.
wunnaisya, he is trying to do. 116-15.
wun na is ya x6 IM, he had fixed. 170-10.
wfin no xon niL (in te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13.
o) Of shooting.
vnin noL kai, ahoot. 144-14.
wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16.
d) Of animals feeding.
wun na x6 il yu, come to eat it. 356-12.
wiin na xos yu, went to eat. 364-8.
Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is
likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the
meaning may be that of going over the trail again.
naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11.
naiLkitdei, he caught it. 152-6.
nai xoL tsan ae te, it will find him. 307-13.
nayaxoLtsan, he found them. 267-15.
nayaxoteLxa, they tracked him. 170-3.
na na ya xon niL xa ei. they found his tracks. 170-4.
Xa- implies the going after with the intention of ^tting
a thing one has never before possessed.
xainitte, she looked for it. 243-4.
xauwte, let me look for it. 104-16.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 67
xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13.
xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14.
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xa nu win te, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9.
xan te, look for it. 243-3.
Adverbial Prefixes of Mai4NER.
Iteration.
Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of
one's steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em-
ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as
in the customary acts of daily life — eating, drinking, sleeping,
etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root
(class iii, p. 35) , and in other cases it is used without either. No
corresponding diflFerence of meaning has been discovered, but
the verbs have been separately listed.
a) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been
done, or of going back over the road traveUd,
ye na wil los, she dragged it in. 190-2.
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2.
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16.
yo xai na na Ids deL, to buy they came back. 200-7.
me nai yi yautr, they eat it down. 356-13.
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1.
me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8.
na in deL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2.
nai xon nu wiL hiron, it cured him. 121-13.
nai diL, let us go home. 175-16.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brush him together. 196-3.
na na in dil, they came back. 182-6.
nana is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6."
na na in deL, they went over. 267-6.
na no diL, go away. 266-15.
nanunya, go back. 187-6.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
na te in dil, they went home. 333-13.
na teuii? in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
Universiti/ of California Publications. I
All. Arch. Etu.
□a te los, she dragged back. 190-1.
nates deL. they started back. 176-17, 329-18.
□atindaiitr, you better go back. 329-3.
natindittsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na kyu we x6 win sen, they brought home. 145-4,
xanaiBloa, she dragged it up. 190-2.
xanaxofian, they eame up again. 360-10.
xe e na wil tat, he ran away again. 176-16.
da oa xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6.
da na dji wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12.
tanaiswaLei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17.
tan na xo auir, they jumped out. 165-6.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4,
tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3.
tcenamiL, throw them out. 301-13.
tcenauillai, he drew out. 119-2.
tee na nil kait dei, he poked out, 174-9.
tee na nini meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tcenaniiian, he took out. 119-3.
tcenanindeL, they went back. 267-9.
tcenanintan, he took out. 97-13.
tcenaxonneLtifi, I brought it down. 273-7.
tee na son niL ten, he took out. 153-7.
kyu wa na iL tuic, he who gives back. 241-4.
With d or t preceding the root.
anaditduwiLkan, he jumped out one side. 108-15.
in ta na wit yai, he turned back, 102-12, 104-2.
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
yanatdjeii, they came back. 301-15.
ye na it dauir, he went back in. '2S8-6.
ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15.
yenawityahit, when he went in. 118-6.
i^ na kil du htrot, it grew back on. 164-1.
LeniinduwaL, it shut. 108-16.
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12.
naatluexolan, it had gone back. 234-11.
na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 69
na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4.
na in di yai, he got back. 121-16, 98-6.
na in dik git, they came back. 299-9.
nautrdiyai, I have come (back). 145-10.
na wit daL, he is coming back. 152-7.
na wit dal lit, when he came back. 116-4.
nana in di yai, he came back across. 103-11.
na na wit xiits, he flew back down. 114-2.
nanaitwiiir, he used to carry it back. 237-8.
na ne it dautr, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5.
na ne it git, they came back. 299-12.
na nit dauir x6 lun, he had come back. 267-7.
na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5.
nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
na te it dautr, she always went home. 237-6.
na tcL dit dauii?, she ran back. 157-6.
natesdiyai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3.
na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18.
nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11.
nonaitdjeu, they came back. 299-10.
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15.
no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2.
no n(in dim mil, it fell back. 151-18.
nuldiLLat, he ran back. 115-16.
nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9.
nun duk qotc tsti, he heard him lope back. 175-9.
xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2.
xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12.
xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
xoL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3.
da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2.
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4.
do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2.
70 University of California Publications. [Am, Aroh. Eth.
doheinnanaisdukka, he did not get up. 112-15.
ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13.
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
b) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act h€U
been done before, but not necessarily oi a time immediately
preceding.
aL me na nlL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11.
anaidiyau, (we) do this. 361-9.
anaiduwinwat, he shook himself . 115-7.
anauu^late, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na nu we sin ^e te, you will look. 357-5.
a na hii?iL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
anaxowillau, ready for a fight. 162-10.
anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5.
a na dis tcwen, he made himself. 101-14.
a nit dit ^en, we did. 217-7.
anatcillau, he did. 106-8.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
anatcillate, he will do. 258-4.
a na kin nit ^e, it grows. 356-10.
a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9.
ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3, 210-2.
ya TLBLXxw tuWy I will pick up. 286-9.
yanawillai, she picked it up. 307-6.
yanawinai, she sat down. 136-6.
ya na win a ye, he sitting down. 120-5.
ya na win en, he carried. 172-1.
ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13.
ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2.
ya na ke u wutr, he used to pack up. 237-7.
ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3.
ya na kyti wiL tsil liL te, they may split. 109-8.
ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13.
yenawilLat, he came in. 329-9.
yenawiLten, she put it in. 136-5.
yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 71
ye nal Lat, ran in. 329-8.
ye na x6 wil ^6, dressed in. 328-8.
ye na xol waL, he threw him. 106-13.
ye nun dauir, come in. 98-17.
yo naL tsis de, if he knows. 348-6.
yo naL tsit te, he will know. 295-13.
Le nai yiin dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Le na il lutr, she started the fire. 153-1.
Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12.
Lena wil la, a fire. 170-9.
Le na lutr, he built a fire. 235-14.
Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12.
Lena nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la x5 Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2.
Le na niL ten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10.
LenanindeL, they went clear round. 102-1.
Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8.
me nai lutr te, I will watch. 217-13.
me na 11 kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10.
me nautr lliii? te, I will watch. 267-17.
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
me na kis loi, he bound it up. 145-11.
menakyuwiLtu, they sang again. 238-15.
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12.
naayadistsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11.
na iutr loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11.
nai xe neutr te, he will talk. 295-13.
nai xoi 11 tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
na is dau we a x5 lun, it had melted away. 236-1.
naistcwen, he made. 110-12.
na is t<iwin tcL, he will make. 321-11.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
nauii? tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
* . -• . i^ti^fmm Pitilications, [Am. Arch.
-^ t!> mtk( him. 196-3.
^ MiitH. 105-8.
-- wfnta. had been lost. 144-7.
-IP- r fnantiAem. 267-15.
*^ ftr >wc« before. 172-5.
-^ ■ *r Mmrnl 300-17.
- T-«H- hnmed. 330-1.
^ r ^mrniup. 120-8.
«•;. % hcnied. 151-5.
^ »-:rwd. 311-12.
-N. to %mune cold. 330-4.
•?, wf will visit continually. 177-9
^ 'w. r. viJ mdt away. 273-6.
. « .A -m. : Katlieit. 247-1.
. ^ ct t : an &ing to live. 218-2.
« . «M f«r « }iidM. 311-8.
1. « j» «r f-K lif always bathed. 311-8.
« ^ ^-i^xvlan, she could walk. 276-11
* u ^ v.tr r.n xa ei. they found his tracks. 170-4
«. V :u iif. :i was floating. 244-9.
.. -^.- i^ nxnnin^ around. 295-10.
^ -.vi'^^ studied a|?ain. 103-2.
•u^ t,^T r! '.V. Xi\ they wili live. 843-13.
>A irt X r >Ti le, .^-ou will be. 353-8.
w i***svl.lt\ they will live. 228-2.
1.1 Tj .ra wa al rose up. 103-13.
t.i :juii dtl win a, it stands. 364-14.
M^JiduwineL, they stuck up. 106-14.
frf:t:ikinnfiwiLa, he made « ridge. 104-3
-•ji «a kis wel, he arran^red agrain. 106-7.
v4 na kis le, he felt around. 106-;").
!« ne iflir hfron, he gets well. 196-4.
:t:i nc iL en. she looked at. 245-14.
lui no wit dil in iL te, he will look at. 216-18
na neLen, he looked back at. 103-14.
na neL iii hit, when she looked. 1 ll-lo, 294-15
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 73
na nu win hiron te, it will be good weather. 273-5.
na hu70L tsan, you see me. 230-5.
na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9.
na xo u htre, he will call. 283-11.
naxowestsan, he was found. 230-3.
na x6 wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6.
na x6 wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14.
na xo wiL tsai ye, creeks would dry up. 111-12.
na xon mil xu luii?, they were getting ready. 116-4.
na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5.
na xoL tun, let it get soft. 233-6.
na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3.
na seL te, we will visit. 174-2.
nascLtcwen, I made. 296-2.
nascLtcwiii, I make. 302-11.
na seL tcwin te, I am doing it again. 254-4.
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6.
na dil tcwufi, eating. 176-9.
na du wil ye, they danced again. 215-13.
na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1.
na dull? in, let me watch. 259-14.
natenen, he looked. 97-18.
na teii in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
na ten in te, you will look. 356-5.
na kin ncL den, she made it blaze. 288-11.
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5.
na kit te it Lou?, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3.
na kit te Ijou, she wove another round. 305-7.
na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9.
na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
na kyu win xa, it gi'ows. 364-11.
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17.
no na iuir xauir, I will leave it. 247-3.
no na il luir, she left off. 332-10.
nonaiLkyos, she put away. 333-7.
n5 nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3.
nonaininan, he left. 355-10.
Am. Arch. Eth. 3, 6.
University of California Publications. [A»- Arch. Etb.
no DA it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nauir auic, I never leave. 248-1.
nonayakinniii an, they left food. 110-9.
nonanaufi, I might leave. 223-3.
nQnanJLten, he put it. 221-11.
nOnaneufi, I will leave. 296-5.
nonaninan, he placed. 117-8.
no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1, 241-5.
nonanindeLsolan, they had sat down be saw. 271-lS
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
no na xon tsu, they had finished til! the grave. 175-15.
nonaxoLtuif, he had her laid. 342-S.
ndnadawintaL, he stepped away. 223-11.
no na ta iln hit, when she turned. 245-10.
ndnakinauirne, you must leave. 353-10.
□Sua kin nJL Ids, he put his hand. 221-4.
no n& kin niii un te, one should leave. 215-8.
nd na kin tan, be set the wedge again. 109-1.
nuwananelate, I will loan yon. 356-7.
Dundillene, you may become. 108-3,
xa a na tcil tau, that he did. 260-9.
za a na kin nit (e, it grows up again. 356-14.
xanawiLten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xa na x6 iL tutr, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
xa na ten en, she looked for tbeni. 300-14.
xanakyuxoldaa, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xax ana nil wis fete, it will be lighter. 357-6.
xeenaiLkis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16.
xe e na IdL waL, he threw her away. 308-9,
xoinayalwillil, they camped along. 181-6.
xoi na x6 wil yan, be. came to his oenses. 118-16.
xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-16.
xoin&teLweL. they camped. 116-7.
xon a na dn wil Ian, he dressed himself. 139-14.
xot da na wil lai, they starteii by boat. 116-8.
sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6.
ss nan din te. they werv guing away. Ufr^
Vol. 3] Goddard- — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
75
daDat wiLkilliLte. fog will stay. 273-2.
danaikexontcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6,
danawillai, she put it. 308-2.
da na wil lai., it was floating there. 325-3.
danawintan, he put it down. 97-13.
danaxDLten, he put him. 108-1.
I d&nadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17.
da na doL a, he can shoot. 145-1.
danaduwtLa, he set another on it. 197-4.
dsnaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12.
danadawiilaei, it stood up. 203-10.
danakinneQweL, crosswise I lay tbeci. 247-5.
denadeiuirniil, I put. 247-9.
denadu wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15,
de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
doonawesenei, it could not be seen. 151-19.
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
do min na na IQtr, he never thought of. 341-5.
ddnaJLtsan. she did not find apain. 243-16.
do na iL tsiln de, they won't find ngain. 321-10.
I donais tcwin, (nobody) could make. 322-8.
donayaiLtsis, they never saw. 191-5.
da na du wil a ei, he hit. 145-2.
donayasoLtait, they did not know Mm. 166-15.
donayaxoLtfinnnei, they did not see him. 152-6.
do na hiru wes tsuii birun, must not be seen again. 217-lS.
do na zo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5.
do na xoL tsun °x xo lin, you won't see him any more.
306-6.
donasilkas, was left. 192-16.
doteoxonawillan, (one of them) went away. 343-8.
djenawiLtuw, he opened it. 109-2.
tanaikyuwessintoete, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
tenawesa. into the water ran out. 365-1.
[ tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14.
tee na il lifi so Ian, used to run. 117-18.
LtcenailLat, she came there, 135-9.
I kenawitna, he cooked it. 260-6.
76 University of California Pvhlicatians, l^^ Abch. Btk.
ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1.
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5.
kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6.
kinnauirlaL, I dreamed. 191-8.
With d or t preceding the root.
b) With the meaning of again, indicating thiU the act has
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre-
ceding.
a nauir dl yau, I did it. 282-5.
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
anadiyau, it did that. 244-11.
a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11.
anadille, fix yourself. 170-1.
a nun dl yau, do that way. 275-1.
ya na it xds, it kept fiying up. 113-1.
ya na wit qot, he jumped. 329-15.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11.
i^ na in dl yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
Le na it daufr, he used to make the rounds. 336-7.
Le nauir dil la, 1 have a fire. 351-6.
Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4.
na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13.
na ya uu wes dil lai, they took the bet 142-17.
nawitdilliLte, we will visit continually. 177-2.
na na is dits tse, ho turned around. 314-6.
nanawitdiLte, the people will live again. 236-3.
na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en. it was going to happen. 117-5.
nadillu. it will be. 243-2.
na teL dite tewen, he grew. 96-1.
na teL dite tewin xo lufu they bad grown. 119-7.
uatlelii.te, it will become. 312-4.
no nai ya du wit taK he stepped. 207-10.
n*:* na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut 97-2.
Toil. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 77
n5 na wit ^ats, it is cut down. 144-17.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2.
da nat xnts tse, it lit on it. 204-8.
da na kit du wit tee 11 te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
do na xos dil le te, it will be no more. 228-4.
d5 nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6.
ta nai win nun de,* if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win nfin te,* he will drink. 337-18.
Identity.
Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ-
ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different
person.
xa ai ya xol in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9.
xa a it yau, she did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya x5 Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa autr di ya te, what I am going to do. 202-8.
xa a ya iL in ^x, they did that. 105-10.
xa a wil leL te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17.
xa a win ne Ul te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa a win ncL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9.
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14.
xa a di yau, the way he does. 337-17.
xaadlyauei, it did that. 289-16.
xa a di ya tcL, that ^ay it will be. 341-16.
xa a til teox, that strong. 294-3.
^ The third syUable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n.
University of California Publications. [Aw. Abch. Eth.
sa a fin wes ta, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a tin win (e, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2.
xa a, (in te, that way wiU do it. 229-8.
xaatcil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1.
xaateityau, that he did. 280-12.
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15.
saakyii willeLte, he will do that. 211-18.
xa ul le, do that. 165-19.
xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10.
do sa aiiir ne x6 xo lifi, I won 't do that. 230-15.
do xa auic ten, I never do that. 109-4.
doxaiindlyau, you don't do that. 343-13.
Distribution.
Te- means either that the act took place here and there in
apace, or continuously over space; or that one person after an-
other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite
past, present, and future tenses by -s-.
a) Of traveling, or carrying something.
yatCLkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14.
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10.
ya tes yai, he went away. 360-4.
natedeqot, he tumbled. 114-15.
naxotesan. they ran around. 341-4,
nate in dil, they po home. 333-13.
□a te it dauic, she always went home. 237-6.
□a te los, she dragged it back. 190-1.
nate dil lat, it floated up. 245-16.
nateLmen, he made it swim. 266-1,
ua teL dit dauir, he ran. 100-13, 157-6.
nateLten, he took along. 282-3.
na tes deL, they started back. 329-18.
na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13.
natesdiyayei, he arrived. 104-3.
na tin dauw, you better go back. 329-3.
natindlyane, go home. 337-18.
natindiLtsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4.
Vol. 31 Ooddcrd. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 79
nit to diL, come. 113-16.
hiriLteLdautr, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11.
hu?iL te sin ya te, with me you may go. 187-7.
xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15.
xoL tes lat, it floated with him. 315-2.
xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL teit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16.
xoteeauir, which runs along. 363-14.
do he min teL dautr, he did not run for it. 112-13.
do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3.
teinnautr, (dawn) comes. 310-7.
te in nauir hwei, they went along. 334-4.
te in dil, they flew along. 317-3.
te it tliir, it always floated.
te wiL auir hiril, it crawls. 311-4.
teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1, 200-9.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
te se yai, I went away. 353-6.
te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9.
te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15.
te SOL tin te, you will take ( my child) . 222-7.
tes la, he is drowning. 210-11.
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15, 245-8.
tesdeLei, (all) flew away. 159-12.
tesdeLte, they will come. 252-3.
te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12.
til lu, they came. 254-12.
tin xauir ne, you take along. 246-13.
tsi yun te il dil, they always ran oflE. 333-11.
tsin te tes dil dcL, we ran away. 198-10.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
tee xd tcL ten, he took him along. 210-15.
tcin tel lai, they brought ( deerskins) . 230-15.
tcit te il q51 le x5 Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12.
tcit te in nautr, he used to come along. 162-3.
tcit te in nauir xd Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-8.
tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15.
tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8.
*^.,^ ;«i r^a Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
*»•
^»?
- •:..- : --wjr. 265-9.
*, is: ^n :*7. 152-15.
- - r^ J. HiT 152-9.
i.--': - 1 boat. 104-6.
- . v r iJ«:nir. 204-6.
.i- »• ^!r. 9n13.
»:. hr hdLi traveled he saw. 186-1.
- . .--n.iLj. 210-11.
- >^-*f .: ry boat. 215-10.
- ..> uKC^. 342-2.
- 1--C" 170-15.
.... T »i* :o travel with. 174-9.
- . It rikes aIoD<r. 317-13.
_•»•.* u-*: .•ominjr. 198-2.
- h • it. it will pass there. 272-8.
:>:j. .vciLe to feed. 310-10.
- :2t^v :fd about. 98-4.
-^ •- %y...<z\i with (for a cane). 317-7. 152-12
:?tv ;irje. 98-3.
. ,.^ * -I,- Jkc one travels along,
,. rt: -Tsjkeil them. 267-15.
!ev v'ried alon^. 179-12.
r -.^. :lvy tracked him. 170-3.
: w, ;. V A:wa\-s cried. 186-8.
.... S? livked about a*s he went along. 317-4.
. »» rraokeii it. 185-12.
. . L . ^c-. li'^ watched alon^'. 97-10.
j^^ saiii: along. 315-5.
,<cv "^ifwhipM. 317-9.
^... ie called along. 98-4.
, ^ .s»*:c. I will whip (as I walk). 317-8.
.. !••-. she heard cr>'. 135-9.
,. ;:*uwetsu. cr>- he heard. 204-9,281-11.
.. %'. :.'weL he heard cr>qng alonof. 135-10.
Vou 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 81
q) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move-
ments, or considerable duration for their accomplishment.
yateLwis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10.
yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12.
nain teL dik, he pecked. 113-14.
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12.
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4.
na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5.
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10.
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9.
na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10.
na kit te it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9.
nit te sil lal le, you would go to sleep. 203-1.
xoL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3.
xoL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move used
to be. 342-4.
XOL te il lit, he smoked himself,
xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2.
do a du wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2.
do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited. 170-18.
do he te il lit, it would not bum. 166-9.
do he tel lit, it would not bum. 363-1.
tesetcwitte, I am going to measure it. 116-12.
te SUM? in, I am going to look. 171-2.
te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16.
tee x5 teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17.
tcitteyos, she stretched. 158-13.
tcit teL Lti, he rubbed it. 278-10.
tcittcLtaL, dancing. 362-4.
tcit tes lai, he drew a bow. 144-15.
tcit te te wen, she waved fire. 242-12.
tcit te te lai, she rubbed. 307-3.
tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4.
tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16.
tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13.
kit te it Lotr, one who always made baskets. 324-5.
Univemty of CaUfomia Publications. [Am. Akch.Eth.
kittSyfiw, water Howed out. 100-H.
kitteBinkAtctei., you will play shinny. 142-12.
kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14.
kittlyOir, Hhe made it flow. 158-12.
kit tflw hirai,, I hook. 107-5.
kittfikkfllcte. shinny will be played. 210-14.
d) Of a process requiring considerable time.
a til teoxt«L tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17.
yateLtcwen, they grew. 265-1.
nateLditctcwen, he grew. 96-1,
nn tei. ditctcwennedun, she grew time. 325-6.
na teL diti! tpwin Xtt luii, they had grown. 119-10.
xfir.tei.tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18.
do he teL tewen, it had not grown. 96-7.
te il tcwen ne dflii, the time when it grew. 275-2.
tele no xd Ian, it had become. 187-5.
ter. tcwen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6.
teL tcwen x6 Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
teL tcwin de, when it grows. 267-5.
te sil tcwen ne dun. ever since you grew time. 337-13.
les tcwin ne en tciii, where I was brought up. 117-13.
tediyunte. they will live to old age. 227-7.
tjl tcwen, it grows. 296-12.
til tcwen ne en, used to grow. 233-1.
tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6.
tcit teL tcwin htriin, he may grow. 348-6.
e) Of separate acts repeated in time or space.
ya te mite, they pulled oflf. 179-10,
yatesan, he picked up. 109-16.
yetcitteLkait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2.
nadittcLwaL. he threw them. 109-16.
nSyatemeL, they dropped them along, 179-11.
tcetesan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5.
tcitteen. he looked. 165-19.
tcit te te meL, he scattered them. 101-4.
tcittetot, he drank (repeated draughts). 112-15.
teittetcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12.
Vol. 3] Goddard. ^Morphology of the Hupa Language.
83
f) Of acts done by several persons in succession.
yateyuflxolun, they had eaten. 100-17.
yetcittedeL, they went into. 142-9.
naditteyai, (the pround) opened up. 143-17.
xa te dim mil, chipa flew off. 113-13.
xoina tei-weL, they camped. 116-7.
xoitei.weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16.
da no teL te, everybody will fish. 256-9.
tetmeL, (sand) scnttered. 117-16.
tee te deL, they went out. 141-5.
tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5, 198-3.
tcitteLtcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1.
teit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6.
0) Of things began.
no te duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11.
DO te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
tcia se t«L wen e x6 Ian, he had killed he saw, 186-7.
teo ya te xait, they began to buy. 200-8.
kit tea kutc, they begin to play. 142-16.
kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8.
h) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the
above classes they belong.
nateuw in it te, I will look back from. 230-7.
na ten en, he looked. 97-18.
D8 ten in iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13.
na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
na ten in te, you will look. 356-5.
do teen, I don't look. 351-8.
teien, I looked. 238-4.
ten in te. you will look. 140-7.
tcitteen, he looked. 165-19.
tcittesen, he looked. 104-4.
t«ittesenneen, he used to look. 104-8.
tcittet«en, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2.
K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs aa a prefix or
infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to
the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for
this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies sn
R4
University of CaUfonua PubUcationt. t*"- A*ch- '
itidffinite object for verba of estiD^, and perhaps some others.
Because of a remark of Father Morice,' verbs in which the prefix
mifj^ht refer to breskinm, cutting or tearing have been listed
separately.
Words definitely ehanping their nieaninK becAUse of the pres-
ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin nin un te,
"one ahnntd leave," carries the meaning of leaving permanently
as a present; while no na niii un te, would mean to leave some-
thing of one's own which one expects to repossess. NakisdeL,
"they came around," indicates that the persons in question
waudered among the houses of the village; naisdeL, would
have been employed if they had come back to a definite place.
Kyflir xauw, means, let me fish, but iiiir xauir, let me catch it.
Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteneas
of place, duration or number of the acts or states.
a) Probahhf employed with transitive verbs which have no
expressed object.
yik kyfl win yan, he ate. 319-7.
yik kyfi win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
niakiLkit, she fed the little one. 192-1.
ma kyfl«f kit, I better feed them. 192-1.
nakifiyun, come eat. 153-9,192-7.
na kyu win yijn t«, you will eat. 356-3.
da kiii yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
dokeyan. I don't eat. 351-7.
dokittiyauir, they never went out to feed. 97-11,
dokj-an, she didn't eat. 157-2.
do kj'ii wit yan, without eating. 226-4.
ke i yan, he used to eat, 237-6.
keiyun, I might eat. 98-13.
keij'iin te. I am going to eat. 97-15.
ke flL "x, she chewed- 27^.
kf yuD, he had eaten. 332-6.
kin uL *x. you chew. 275-2.
kig ydn. eat it. 16&6.
kin HID yan nei. tliry «ame oat to fe«d. 160-13.
kyOyun, you eat. 192-2
•W«A rixtd, Ik SML
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 85
kyu win yan, he went to eating. 98-18.
kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5.
kyu hirun il, I ate along. 120-16.
b) Possibly having some connection with breaking.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
yanakyuwiLtsilliLte, they may split. 109-8.
yi kis mut ei, it broke. 289-15.
wa kin nil lit x6 Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin seL x5 Ian, it was heated through he saw.
329-16.
min no ya kin ^ats te ne en, they were going to cut open.
278-5.
minn5kinkil, he opened. 113-5.
min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17.
na kis you? htuei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
niyunkiLUL, they were cutting them. 101-2.
nin kyti wiL aL, he cut it. 266-10.
xakehire, (she went) to dig. 135-2.
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3.
don kyutr tuii?, I am splitting. 108-9.
d5 he xa kin yoir, it did not come out. 105-5.
tee kin nin hire, he had finished digging. 100-9.
kiL tun? htra, you are splitting ? 108-7.
kit din hire tcL difi, where he would dig out. 100-1.
kit diii kil ei, it broke out. 102-2.
kit du win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4.
kit te yotr, it flowed out. 100-11.
kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8.
kit te *ats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16.
kittiyou?, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12.
kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7.
c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefiniteness
to the verb's application as to time, place, or object.
ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kit in x5 sin, it did that. 223-4.
aikyuiren, I will do. 230-16.
ai kyu wil lei Hl te, they will do. 230-8.
Univeraity of CaUforma Publications. [Am. Asch. Em.
a na kin nit (e, it grows. 356-10.
adiLyakiLqote, he threw himself with it, 202-3.
adJLnokeiLqoir, he used to throw himself with. 202-4,
akillau, they did. 266-13.
skiLen, what they do. 322-1.
akittisseox, smartest. 321-11.
akyole, you do. 198-2.
yai kj'U wil (ats, blanket of strips. 207-5.
yayakiiien, they packed up. 164-4.
yanakeuwuir, he used to pack up. 237-7.
yaiiakillai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3.
yakewel, earrjnng loads. 110-3.
ya ke wuw hirei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yakiLtsis. (he made) it sprinkle. 338-2.
yakinwuir, carry it. 105-18.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ya kj'U wil kyan ne x6 Ian, they found they were preg-
nant. 278-3.
ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11.
yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3.
yektLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2.
yekiLteeL, she passed in the water. 111-9.
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-^.
ye kin nen din, light shone in, 308-3.
yekyuweatce, the wind blew in. 270-4.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8.
yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2.
yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12.
y! kit tu hiral. he hooks. 107-6.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5.
y6 lai na na kis deU to buy they came back. 200-7.
wun no kin nil lai. she put her hand on. 246-10.
Leyakisolau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gather up (bones). 171-12.
Lenakillane, gather up (your things). 192-8.
Le na kil du hirot, it grew back on. 1&4-1.
LekixoU, gather people. 151-5.
I
Vou 31 Goddard. — Morphology of the Hvpa Language.
87
Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10.
me ya kyQ wiL tel, everybody saug. 234-1.
menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13.
inenakyuwiLtii, they sang again. 238-15.
miLwayakindillai, they traded with them. 200-4.
mlL xot da kii waL, with she dropped down. 189-11.
min na na kit dei kai, Bitting with one leg each side. 163-7.
min noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15,
minnoikinneyotdei, they barked. 321-4.
mitdenakillai, he touched it. 176-12.
nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
naikeyunte, they will irrow. 296-4.
naikyuwinsa, (a pine) stands. 347-11.
nanakinnuwiLa, he made the ridge. 104-3.
nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7.
na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5.
na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
na xoi kyii win an, he went to sleep. 121-7.
nakaxusdinnatsii, someone moving he heard. 165-18,
nakinneLden, she made a blaze. 288-11,
nakisita, they shot at a mark. 266-13.
na kia le, he felt, 107-15.
nakitiLon, she made baskets, 189-5.
nakisdeL, they eame around. 200-2,
nakiaqot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14.
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9.
na kit te it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3.
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9.
na kyu we x6 win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
na kyii wil (ik, he was tied with a string. 351-10.
na kyii wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11.
na kyii win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
nakyuwiiixa, it grows. 364-11.
nik kyo wun, go to sleep. 294-5.
nik kyii win niinte, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
noi ki yotr din, as far as it goes. 311-6.
nonayakinninan, they left food. 110-9.
UniversHy of Catifomia PttbUcatioTu. [*>*■ A'w'"- Eth.
no DB kiu auir ne, you most leave. 353-10.
nOnakinDiLkis, he put his hand. 221-4.
nd na kin niii un te, oue should leave. 215-8.
nfi Da kin tan, he net the wedpe again. 109-1.
nfikeiuirqot, I always set up. 247-4.
DfikiLdjexaiiinauw. she quit fighting. 333-6.
n6 kin niii yan, he finished. 209-12.
Dokinnifiyoif. were scattered about. 145-3.
nokinnintan, he set the wedpe. 108-11.
nokyuwiltaL, final daneing place. 105-6.
hirissakiuits. my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
hirik kyo wun, I am Roing to sleep. 121-6.
xa a na kin nit /e, it grows up again. 356-14.
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15.
xaakyuwilleLte. he will do that. 211-18.
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5.
sa na kyu xol da a, irrown over with gnus. 165-16.
xa kin its. (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7.
xa Ids wen, he had carried it. 166-4.
Mk)-iiwitctcelii.te. the wind will blow out from the
ground. 272-10.
xeeuakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9.
xoi k>'il win an, he went to sleep. 121-7.
z6 wiin na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5.
xdLj-akitwul. with hiin he seeBSwed. 107-10.
x6l nd kin nil lit. he finished sweating. 309-13.
xdn kin its, in his mouth he shot 118-14.
xot da oa k^'u we sin Ice te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot da ke i ysuir. they came down the hill. 310-6.
xotdak^'uwes tee, it blows down. 227-7.
Z6 kyn will nan. be went to sleep. 203-1.
da nai ke xou tcwai. be pawed the dirt. 1 15-6.
da na kin neatr eL. eroaswfae I la^~ them. 247-0.
daaakitduwittceiLte. the wind will blow gtntly. 373-1.
dskiLkis, he put his hand. 140^.
dakitcleittiw. it blew. 324-6.
dakitdfimabw. the wind blew. 324-4.
dftkySwostee. the wind blew <ni it. 34»-3.
I
Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 89
da kyu win xa ei, it stood. 242-3.
de-kit dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
dokiLtcwit, he never pushes it. 106-12.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12.
te ke 1 yauir htrei, go in. 311-2.
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2.
tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8.
ke it Ld, she used to make baskets. 189-1.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17.
kinnaislal, she dreamed. 191-6.
kin nauf(7 laL, I dreamed. 191-8.
kin ne so yiin te, may you grow to be men. 238-13.
kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14.
kin nin in hit, when she came with the load. 238-1.
kin n5 de eL, they stick. 363-15.
kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10.
kis xun, a tree standing. 113-7.
kistseLtse, pounding they heard. 170-6.
kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4.
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9, 209-3.
kit tea kutc, they begin to play. 142-16.
kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5.
kit te i yauii?, they came to feed. 310-10.
kit te it Low, who always made baskets. 324-5.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
kittcLtsas, he whipped. 317-9.
kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7.
kit te hwily he called along. 98-4.
kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8.
kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14.
Am. Amok. Bth. 8. 7.
90
University of California Publieationa. [*"■ A"™- 'Era-
kit tiyauiF, they came. 98-3.
kit tl ySw, he caused to flow. 158-12.
kit tin en ne, cany them, 237-3.
kittQwhiraL, a hook. 107-5.
kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14.
kyadane, they picked. 138-7.
kya da ne x6 win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6.
kya teL tcwe, she heard it cry, 135-9.
kyatei, tewuwetsu, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11.
kya tfl wil tcwel, he was crying along. 135-10.
kyo ya wiii hiral, they fished. 328-3.
kyoLkisxosinsolan, spearing salmon they had been he
saw. 140-11.
kyohiralle. somebody hooking. 106-15.
kyodiiwiLtsotstse. a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
kyodil len, he might be cold. 169-5.
kyodiLtsotsne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
kyn wa na iL tuir, he who gives back. 241-4.
kj'uwennutr, it thundered. 144-5.
kyu wes tee ei, it blew she saw. 324-9.
kyuwil medj, he boiled. 166-5.
kyu wil tel, it was paveu. 140-6.
kyuwinnaida. to hunt they traveled. 190-15.
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
kyflwiiixa. she left standing (a tree). 289-8,
kyQ win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2,
kyft win diL tsu, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3. 152-1.
kyu win dits te, to make rope, 151-6, 8.
kyu wiii ket, it creaked. 114-17.
k>'uwitnoL, it was blazing. 109-11.
kyii wit dai ye it win te. it always blossoms. 365-4.
kyQ wit tee il. it blew along. 324-7.
kyu wit tcwok kai. are strung on a line. 163-8.
kyuirtcvit, let me push it. 106-11.
I^yuii xow tu. I am begging. 152-13.
A- introdures verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear-
ing. It aeems to baii-¥ no definite meaning. It is omitted in verin
of saying and thinking wheneii-er the direct object directly pre-
Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 91
cedes the verb. It may possibly be an indefinite object for the
verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is
expressed.
a) With verbs of thinking and saying.
ai y5n des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
ainesen, ' I thought. 187-3.
ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
ai nmo sin, I thought so. 353-3.
ai x5l ne, he kept telling him. 208-13.
ai xoL den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3.
a yai xol du wen ne, they said. 165-2.
a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7.
a yaL de iuti? ne, I told them. 301-1.
ayaLtcitdenne, he told them. 109-18.
a yan, said that. 116-17.
ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14.
aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6.
a na Ylwil tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
a n5 h5L tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3.
antsu, he heard cry. 281-13.
a hiriL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16.
a hiriL tcit den hirun, he must tell me. 314-11.
a hiriL tcit du win ncL, they told me. 355-11.
a x5l tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7.
a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8.
a den ne, he said. 97-15.
a den de, if he sings. 236-2.
a den tsu, she heard cry. 171-3.
a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4.
a tco in ne, he kept thinking. 139-4, 137-4.
a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
do ai nin siii ^x, you don 't think. 337-9.
ddahtriLtcitdende, if he does not tell me. 257-12.
do a dti win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1.
92 Univenity of California Publications, i^^ Abchl Btb.
b) With verbs of doing or happening.^
a en nu, it does it. 275-5.
ai la te, they will catch. 253-10.
a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2.
a iL in ne en, nsed to chase. 322-5.
a iL in te, they will do. 266-13.
ainnu, he did. 288-9.
ainnumiL, when the son was (here). 332-4.
ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7.
a it yau xo IM, tired he was. 346-10.
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6.
aikitinxosin, (bears) did that 223-4.
aikyuiren, I will do. 230-16.
aikyuwillelliLte, they will do. 230-8.
an wil lau, it was made of. 108-2.
an wil lane en ilk, he nsed to do way. 106-8.
auwinncLte, it will be. 105-12.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
autrlau, I have done. 260-3.
auii7 la te, what shall I do with it 293-8.
auir di ya, I might manage it. 101-11.
autrdiyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5.
auirdlyate, am I going to do this. 257-14.
auii7 ^in ne en, I used to do. 341-7.
ayainnu, they used to have sports. 305-2.
ayaxola, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9.
aya^en, they did. 305-5.
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1.
a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4.
a ya tco ne, let them do that. 365-16.
a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11.
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11.
a win nu, one should do. 99-11.
a la te, what are you going to do T 102-15.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3.
^ Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from
verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots they contain.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 93
a nai di yau, do this. 361-9.
a nautr la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a nauir di yau, I did it. 282-5, 325-12.
a na ya dil lau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
a na xo wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10.
anadlyau, it did that. 244-11.
a na dit *en, we did. 217-7.
ana toil lau, he did. 106-8.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1.
ahfrdla, you have treated me. 166-12.
a xo wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1.
a xo la de, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a xo dil la, we could do with him. 116-16.
a (U yau wei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14.
a di ya tcL, it would do. 234-11.
a ^en, did it.
a ^en ka, the way they do. 231-5.
a^inwes^e, had done. 325-10.
a^te, (Indians) will do. 215-9.
a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5.
a kil lau, they did. 266-13.
akiLen, what they do. 322-1.
a kyo le, you do. 3 98-2.
a kyu wil lei liL te, it will do. 236-3.
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11.
xaaiyaxdLin%, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1.
xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9.
xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya x5 Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa auir di ya te, I am going to do what. 202-8.
xa a ya iL in ^x, they did that. 105-10.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
94 University of California Publications. [Am- Aech. Eth.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a x6 lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9.
xa a xd le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14.
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a ^in win ^e, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2.
xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a tcil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1.
xaateityau, that he did. 280-12.
xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15.
xaakytlwilleLte, will do that. 211-18.
da xd a dl ya xd Ian, was dead they found out. 175-11.
da x5 a ten, who die. 346-4.
da xd M a dl ya te, they will die. 217-16.
dd xa auir ten, I don 't do that 109-4.
dd xa dn d! yau, you don 't do that. 343-13.
dd da xd a fin, would never die. 221-13.
c) With i*erbs of appearing.
a in te, how he appeared. 209-5.
a na nil we sin te te, you will look. 357-5.
a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10.
aneete, he looked that way. 321-7.
a nfi wes te, he looked, 143-14, 182-2.
a ti^in te detc, he is 351-2,
a kit tis sedx, smartest. 321-11.
X(^ prefixed to a verl>al root forms a word, usually unlimited
•s to persaim and number. Several of these are used as auxQ-
iaritis and suflixes,
xo wit tsai ye de. until it beecHnes diy. 225-7.
xd win kuts;, it was eold. 162^-3.
xd wit tse, it was crowded. 23S-9.
xd ien. she ha& ;<^3-9.
xdlin. vl wish^ was. lvkV7.
xd iuiu be saw. 144-1. S^l-ltx
xi!^lunieu duil wiU do il. 32:s9. 309-1^
S!duu anofese. :M1^
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphologij of the Hupa Language.
xos kuts miL, on aceonnt of the cold. 271-11.
do x6 len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2.
do xo lin, it is gone. 141-8.
do xos le, there was none. 98-7. 322-5.
CONJUGATIONS.
When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable
immediately preeedinp the root in the definite tenses, they fall
into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables
which eharaeterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite
tenses being the peculiaritj' of the fourth conjugation.
By far the greater number of verba have a syllable preceding
the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial
sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first,
upon the number and person of the particular form appearing;
and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens
to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the
conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no
definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or
wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. From other
Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its use
originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view
is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in
Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind
without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a
pond of water which has been caused by rain, wiiixa, "water
lies there"; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nanxa.
In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has
n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite
tenses. It occurs in a few eases without a prefix, where the
meaning shows that the completion of the act ia in the mind of
the speaker, e.g., ninyade, "if he comes," 334-10. Its use,
however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes
which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the
meaning of completion, as no-, meaning the placing of some-
thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion.
Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is
made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the infieeted
96 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Era.
syllable. In meaDinp, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast
with the two preceding eonjiigatioHB, in that the act or state is
conceived as existing over considerable estent of time or apace.
Xaisyai, "he eame up the hill"; xaisxan, "he brought
water up the hill"; xawifiyai, "he came out of the smoke-
hole"; xawiSxan, "he took water out of a well." in some
cased where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the
forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con-
tinued act is the one meant.
After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations
have been eliminated there remaiuB a considerable number which
differ in fonn from the others in that they have none of the
definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres-
ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable.
As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation,
they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its
boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than
specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking,
hearing, seeing, dying, and many others.
The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to
the phonetic changes suffer«d after various prefixes.
Conjugation 1a.
Tee xanir, he is catching.
Singular.
1. iSirxanui
2. in xaute
3. teexauic
3a. yexauir
SinffulAr.
1. do zo lis iiiir xautr
2. in xauir
3. toe xauir
3a. ye xauir
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
it de xauw
oxauio
yaxauir
yai xanic
I m potential.
Pinni.
doxolin itdexauw
oxauir
ya xauw
yaixaaw
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
97
Singular.
2. inxauto
S. tcdxauto
3a. ydxauu?
Singular.
1. eifiioxauio
2. einxauto
3. tceexauu?
3a. yeexauto
Singular.
1. wexM
2. winxM
3. tcuwinxM
3a. ytlwinxfln
Singular.
1. wexan
2. wmxan
3. tcuwinxan
3a. yuwifixan
Imperative.
Plural.
oxauu?
ya too xauto
yai yo xauu?
Customary.
Plural.
6 it de xauu?
6 o xautr
ya 6 xautr
yai e xauu?
Present Definite.
Plural.
witdexun
woxfln
yawinxun
yaiwinxun
Past Definite.
Plural
wit de xan
woxan
ya win xan
yai win xan
The Signs of Person and Number.
Since the verb whose conjugation is given above has no prefix,
the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person
and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form
as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the
sigpa of person in the first and second person singular and
plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third
person.
First Person. — The sign of the first person singular appears
as iuir-. The first sound, represented by i, is one of the
weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears as the support
of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding
or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by fi,
is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the
position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in
_>
98 University of Calif omia PiiUicaiions. t^M. Arch. Eth.
quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by
unvoiced breath passinp through the mouth, which is in the
position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the
first person singrular. hire. The other dialects of the Pacific
Division of the Athapascan languages have -ie- or -is- for
the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The
corresponding pronoun in those dialects is ci or ce.'
First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person it de-
is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears
to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso-
nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap-
pens in the Hiipa language. When the following syllable begins
with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely
related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of
post-pslatal k, u is frequently employed, as it might also be
in the present case. Some speakers say itduxxauir. The
first syllable of this si^, it. seems to consist of the weak vowel
i. which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken
over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That
this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a
preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently
contracting with it.
There is no apparent connection betwe«t this sign and the
pronoun of the first person plural, ne he.
Second Person Singular. — For the sign of the second peram
singular in- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in-
before dentats and im- beiore m, the only labiaL When the
agn follows a prefix ending in a %'owel, n appeals as the final
sound of the prefix. This sign, -ii or in. is perhaps connected
with the personal prononn of the second person singular, nin.
Second Person Plural. — In this case the vowel o- stands
alone, forming the initial syllable- It is of normal length but
somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and a^ir-
ated. While it does not approach the smmd of the so-called short
o in English, it impresses the ««r as dull in quality. It nay or
may not be related gmetieally with the v«wel of the ]
pmnoua of the aeeood penm plural, do bin.
■ TU* phoMlie ffeUf* •( e to kw sad te a
Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
99
Third Person Singular. — Two forms occur in Ilupa for the
third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in
speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form
is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged
people; of members of other tribes and races: and of animals.
The first fonii begins with tc-, which are constant. Before
vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes
over the consonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant. The
vowel in that case is i, or before k, ii. In the present ease
the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is
written here, or u. It is equally hard to determine whether the
X belongs to both syllables or only to the last.
There is no personal pronoun from which this sign eould have
been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class
would point to a demonstrative origin.
The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the
same combinations with the following sounds that te do in
the first form, except that before vowels it has i for its vowel,
instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative
pronoun yo.
Third Person Plvral. — As in the singular, two forma appear.
The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural
in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra-
tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-.
The diphthong in this ease has the clear, prominent sound of i
as its last element.
Imperative.
The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres-
ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may
mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only
that he annoimces his intention or desire to immediately begin
doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only
mean that the person spoken to is doing the thing, usually quite
unnecessary information, or they may convey the eommand or
exhortation to do it.
In the place of the third person of the present a different
form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third
person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is
100
University of California Publications, l***. Ahoh. Etb,
tco-, whieh characterizea both ain^lar and plural, but with a
preceding syllable, ya-, in the plural. For all others the form
is either yo- or 6-. This third person with 6, alone or in
combination, may be connected with a future tense found in
Navaho which also has an 6,
Definite Tenses.
In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign
is W-. nothing is found different from the person and number
signs already discussed except the first person singular and the
third person singular and plural.
First Person Sinyttlar. — Proceeding on the assumption that
w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e,
the vowel of the first syllable. This eonclusion is borne out by
all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan-
guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is
of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the
usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but
on longer aequaintjince is easily distinguished from it, except
when it is followed by y. There aeems to be nothing elsewhere
in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to
connect it.
Third Person Singular and Plural. — The sign of the third
person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel
Q in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If
the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, in of
the middle syllable remains unexplained.
(Irreg-
Intransitive verb
with a differeii
t root I
H the plural.
uiar.)
Ye tcin nauur.
he goes in.
Present Indefinite.
SingoUr.
Dual.
Plural.
1, yeiuiphwautf
ye e diL
yeyaidiL
2. yeinyauw
yeodiL
3. yetcinnauw
yetcindiL
ye ya in diL
3a. ye in nautc
ye in diL
yeyundiL
Vol. 31 Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
101
Impotential.
Bingolar.
Dual.
Plural.
1. dd xd lin ye iuio hioauu? do xo lifi ye e dil
ye yai dil
2. ye in yautr
ye 6 dil
3. yetcinnauto yetcindil yayaindil
3a. ye in nauto
ye in dil yeyiindil
Imperative.
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. yeintrhira
yeediL (yeeL)
2. yeinyanti?
ye diL
3. yetcoya
yeteondiL
ye ya toon diL
3a.ye6ya
ye on diL
Customary.
ye ya on diL
Ringolar.
Dual.
Plural.
1. yeeiuiohtranto
ye e e dil
yeyaedil
2. yeeinyanto
ye 6 6 dil
3. yetceinnanto
ye tee in dil
ye ya in dil
3a. ye e in nanto
ye e in dil
Present Definite.
ye ya in dil
Bmgnlar.
Dual*
PluraL
1. yewgya
ye we deL (ye weL)
ye yai deL
2. yewinya
ye wo deL
3. yetcflwinya
ye ten win deL
ye ya win deL
3a.yewij5ya
ye win deL
Past Definite.
ye y an deL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. yeweyai
ye we deL
ye yai deL
2. yewinyai
ye wo deL
3. yetcnwinyai
ye ten win deL
ye ya win deL
3a. ye win yai
ye win deL
yeyan deL
Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same
signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive, with
the exception of the first person dual. Instead of it de, e is
found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the
first person singular of the definite tenses. The number is espe-
102
University of Calif omia Publications, t**- Arch. E
cially marked by a root entirely different from that in the singu-
lar. These verbs with different roots in the aing:ular and plural,
and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual.
The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root
The third person plural does not have the sign of the third
person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign
of the plural, ya.
The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the
indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for
each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change,
and that the root is -yauir, modified in the first person by the
sign for that person, hw. In the definite tenses where this
is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise
is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third
person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third
person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual
is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost
all circumstances with this root.
To this subdi^-ision of the conjugation belong verbs without
B prefix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-.
With these prefixes no contractions take place.
yeiyoi, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8.
ye in yautr, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9.
ye in tiiL ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2.
yeweyate, fuL def. 1 sing., I am going into it, 314-3.
ye win ya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8.
yewtiiyayesoluii. pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in.
118-5.
yewindeLte. fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in, 255-3.
ye nai diu imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13.
ye Da wil lis, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2.
ye na w6 deL te, fut def. 2 plu,. you will travel in. 361-12.
ye min dauir, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7.
ye tee il liiir, oust- 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2.
ye tcin nautr. pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6.
j-e tcQ wJTO iiieL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5.
j-e tcQ wiii ya, pres. def. 3 sing,, they came in. 231-8.
yeteOwinyai, past def. 3 «ng,, he wejit in. 97-.3, 231-5.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 103
ye tcu win ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went in.
246-5.
yeteuwinxan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10.
ye ten win deL, past def. 3 dual, they went in. 278-4.
ye tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing, he put in. 96-13.
yi de tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9.
yu win yan, past def. 3a sing., she ate it. 319-5.
yu win yun hirun te, fut. def. 3a sing., one must eat. 233-2
y^winyunte, fut. def. 3a sing., how are they going to
eat them ? 100-14.
win yen nei, past def. 3a sing, he was able to stand. 220-11
win xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1.
win xa te, fut. def. 3a sing., water will stay. 112-9.
win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4.
win tewu, past def. 2 sing., you have cried. 337-14.
Leyetcuwiayeuir, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in.
143-10.
lin win ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9.
Lu win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9.
da tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 210-6.
da tcu win en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it. 119-15.
da tcu win xflts, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1.
da un xus, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2.
da e \mo tuu?, cust. 1 sing., I put. 247-7.
da e iutr kel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14.
dotcuwinxan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any.
257-9.
do tcu win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he does not catch.
256-6.
tewautte, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw.
111-17.
tewineL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14.
te tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6.
te tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14
tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1.
tcewiiiyeuii?, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed)
them. 301-5.
tcu win aL, past def. 3 sing., he chewed. 121-12, 330-4.
104
Vniversiiy of California Piiblications. [Am. Aboh. Bra.
tcfiwinyanne, past def. 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11.
ten win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11, 203-5.
ten win yun sil len te, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems.
233-3.
tcuwinyunteLde, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat 267-17.
teuwinnas, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off.
347-12.
tcAwinda, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3,165-13.
tc^wintsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8.
tcAwintcwen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6.
tcAwintcwu, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8.
Conjugation 1b.
Ta mas, he is rolling over.
Present Indefinite.
Stngnlar.
1. yautrmas
2. yfimmas
3. yamas
3a. yamas
Singular.
1. do xo lin yauir mas
2. yum mas
3. ya mas
3a. ya mas
Singular.
2. yum mas
3. ya ted mas
3a. yaomas
Singular.
1. yaiutrmas
2. yaimmas
3. yaimmas
3a. ya im mas
PlnraL
ya dim mas
yamas
ya yamas
ya yamas
Impotential.
Plural
do xo lin ya dim mas
yamas
ya yamas
ya yamas
Imperative.
Plural
yamas
ya ya tco mas
ya ya o mas
Customary.
Plural.
ya it dim mas
ya mas
ya ya im mas
ya ya im mas
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 105
Present Definite.
Singular. PloraL
1. yaimas ya wit dim mas
2. yawimmas yawomas
3. yawimmas ya yawimmas
3a. yawimmas ya yawimmas
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaimas ya wit dim mas
2. yawimmas yawomas
3. yawimmas ya yawimmas
3a. yawimmas ya yawimmas
Indefinite Tenses.
First Person Singular. — ^The regular sign contracts with the
prefix ya-, resulting in yauir. In this case the glide u unites
with a to form the diphthong au, which is frequent in Hupa.
Second Person Singular. — The ending of the first syllable, m,
is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable.
The change of vowel from a to u presents some difficulty.
The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and u, e
and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in
the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable
ya has been forced to take on n or m to show the person,
it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One
would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause,
but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout
the singular.
Second Person Plural. — Here again contraction has taken
place. The o has united with the prefix, producing a pliable,
ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality
as compared with that in the third person singular.
Third Person Singular. — No sign for this person occurs, as is
usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic-
able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in (juality, at the
apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short
Am. Abch. Eth. 3. 8.
106
Umvertity of California Publications. [*■»•■ Abch. Eth.
a of EngliBb, while the vowel of the secood person plural inclines
slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop.
The second form applicable to children and others has a
longer vuwel of somewhat flatter quality.
Definite Tenses.
The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular
where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak-
ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e. which
is the sipn of the first person singular in the definite tenses.
As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con-
ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-claases in
the conjugation.
Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their
roots beginning with m, or 1. or with the following weak
syllables standing before the inflected syllable ; ne or nil, de or
du, and ke or kyu. Many or all of the verbs with the weak sylla-
bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision d.
anaiduwiiiwat. past def. 3a sing., he shook himself.
115-7.
ya im mil, ciist. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2.
ya yai wim meL tsii, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick
up their legs. 342-14.
ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15.
ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4.
ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4.
ya k)-u win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11.
meilloi, cust. 3 sing., be used to tie on feathers. 2S8-3.
me iQw, pres. 3 sing., it watehing. 204-6.
me IQtr te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9.
menai lutrte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13.
iiu' do win tewen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for.
99-1.
meduwtcwin, pr*B. 1 sing., I want 254-12.
nai me, pres. def, 1 siug., I swim in. 311-11.
nai ki'u win xb, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11.
nauir me. pres, 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15.
na wim nu-. past def, 3 sing., he swam. 209-13.
I
Vol. 31 Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 107
na nai me, past def . 1 sing., I bathed. 311-8.
na na im me ei, cust. 3 sing., she always bathed. 311-8.
na na ya wil lai, past def. 3 plu., they turned down their
heads. 139-1.
na na du win a, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14.
na na du win eL, past def, 3a plu., they stuck up. 106-14.
nanu win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17
naxoikyuwinan, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep.
121-9.
na de tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1.
na du win a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6.
naduwinate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2.
na du win eL, past def. 3 plu., they stuck up. 106-3.
na du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18, 106-17.
na kyu win a tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard.
186-12.
na kyu win yun te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3.
nakyuwinxa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-11.
nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you
sleep). 294-5.
nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep.
252-11.
noi du win taL xo lun, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a
track. 292-5.
no na du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away.
223-11.
no du win taL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a
track he saw. 185-12.
htdk kyo wun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it
put me to sleep). 121-6.
xa nu win te, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3.
xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7.
xoL da na du win a ei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck
up. 203-5.
xon a na du wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them-
selves. 215-11.
xo kyu win nan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1.
da ya du win an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14.
Vnivprnty of California PubUattions. [*•*■ A'X'h- '
da na yai du win an, past def. 3a plu., they brought it
back. 365-15.
da na x6 dii win an. past def. 3 plu., they ran back. 181-6.
dananaduwifi aei, past def. 3oBing., it stood up. 203-10.
dandduwintai., past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3.
da tcit du win bat, past def. 3 sing., he started to run.
176.11.
dakyuwinxaei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3.
de wim inin te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full).
253-11.
de na de iutc mil, cust. 1 eing , I put in the fire. 247-9.
de na du wi! la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire.
255-15.
de na dfl win un te, fut. def. 3 sing,, he will put in the fire.
258-2.
dedeimmil, eust. 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire.
165-6,
de du wil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11.
deduwillate. fut. def. 3 sing., he will pnt in the fire.
255-15.
de du wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire.
165-10.
de da win an, past def. 3 sing,, he put in incense. 266-16,
deduwintan, past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4.
dediiirtuii. pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire.
150-4.
do me duir tcwin, pres. 1 sing,, I do not want, 97-8.
dokyuwehiran. past def. 1 sing., I don't eat. 355-15,
duwiiixuts, past def. 3a sing,, it came off. 157-7.
du win teat, past def. 3a sing., it got sick. 241-9.
du win tCH te, fut. def. 3n sing., it will get sick. 242-15.
duwinkunte, fut, def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge.
343-13.
te no du win tai., past def. 3 sing,, in the water he stepped.
120-3.
tSonnQwintcwitneen. pres. def. 3 sing., water she was
to bring. 111-3.
toontcwit, pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16.
Vol. 31 Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 109
tcit du wim mite, past def . 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2.
tcit du wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it
oflf. 287-4.
tcit du win tea te, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going to be
sick. 286-7.
tcit du win tcwit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16.
kinyun, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6.
kitduwinkil, past def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4.
kyo ya win hiral, past def. 3 plu., they fished. 328-3.
kyoyuii, imp. 2 plu., eat. 192-2.
kyo hii?al le, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15.
kyu win yan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18.
kyu win nan xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep.
347-1.
kyu win xa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8.
kyu win dil, past def. 3a sing., there was a ringing noise.
96-2.
kyu win diL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3.
kyu win dits te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8.
kyu win ket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3.
kyuu? tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation Ic.
Naiit, he is burning it.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naufTiit na diL lit
2. nun Lit naiit
3. naLit nayaiLLit
3a. naiLit nayaiLit
Impotential.
Singnlar. PluraL
1. d5 xo lin nauii? Lit do xo lin na diL Lit
2. nun Lit na lit
3. na Lit na ya iL Lit
3a. nai lit na yai Lit
110
University of California Publications, l^^- Aech. Eth.
Singular.
2. Duniit
3. na ted Lit
3a. naioLit
Singular.
1. naiutoLit
2. DainLit
3. nalLiit
3a. naiiLLit
Singular.
1. naiiit
2. nan lit
3. na win Lit
3a. naiwinLit
Singular.
1. naiLit
2. nan Lit
3. na win Lit
3a. naiwinLit
Imperative.
Plural.
naLit
na ya tco Lit
na yai o lit
Customary.
Plural.
na it diL Lit
naoLit
na ya iL Lit
na yai iL Lit
Present Definite.
Plural.
na wit diL Lit
na wo Lit
na y a win Lit
na yai win Lit
Past Definite.
Plural.
na wit diL Lit
na wo Lit
na ya win Lit
na yai win Lit
Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in
the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second
person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis-
appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as
the final sound of the first syllable. The following prefixes char-
acterize verbs of this class : ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-.
a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get.
338-9.
ya a a, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8.
ya a wutr, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6.
ya win a, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11.
yawiiian, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1.
ya win a hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6.
yawinen, past def . 3 sing., he carried. 210-4.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
Ill
ya win eL, pres. def. 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8.
yawin xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6.
ya win tan, past def. 3 sing,, he took. 108-18.
ya win tM hit, pres. def, 3 sing,, when he picked it up.
202-6.
yawinkiitc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15.
yafia, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3.
yauawinai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6.
yauawiiiaye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5.
ya na win en. past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1.
yanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11.
me it tan, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-3.
mewintanne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7.
mis sai xiin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth.
243-16.
niiasawinxiiiite, fut. def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will
put. 243-10.
missunxautrne, imp. 2 sing,, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
na win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3.
nawini.it, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12,
na win kilts, past def, 3 sing., he beeame cold. 330-4.
nanaiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2.
na na win an, past def. 3 sing,, he had taken down. 176-10.
na na n-in \ia x6 Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down.
176-17.
nana win tan, past def, 3 sing., he took down, 97-16.
nadiL, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3.
xaitinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out, 135-5,
xauM? auir, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7.
xawinan, past def. 3 sing., he took out, 100-10, 135-8.
xe e win qote ei tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope
away. 175-8.
xot da win yai. past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3.
sa win xan, past def, 3 sing., he put it into her mouth.
278-10,
da ya win ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6,
da ya wis a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting.
337-2.
112 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Abch. Bth.
da ya na win ai, past def . 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2.
da na vnin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it down. 97-13.
d5xaauir, pres. 3 sing., one doesn't dig. 135-3.
do xo liii nun yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9.
dosai xautr, pres. 3a sing., one can't swallow. 141-2.
ke vnin xflts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17.
kis sa win ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some-
body's mouth. 257-5.
Conjugation Id.
Kit ^us, he cuts open.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. kyutrius kitdit^us
2. kin^ kyo^us
3. kit^us yakit^us
3a. yikit^us yai kit ^us
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. d5 XO liii kyuw tws do xo liii kit dit ^us
2. kin^us kyoius
3. kit ^us ya kit ^lis
3a. yi kit ^us yai kit tta
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. kin^us kyo^us
3. kyo^us yakyo^us
3a. yikyo^us yaikyo^us
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. keiut^^us keitdit^us
2. kein^us keo^us
3. keithis yakeit^us
3a. yikeitiiis yaikeit^us
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 113
Present Definite.
Sin^ar. Plural.
1. ke^ats kyti wit dit ^ats
2. kyuvnin^ats kyuwo^ats
3. kiniats yakin^ats
3a. yikin^ats yaikin^ats
Past Definite.
Sin^ar. Plural.
1. ke^ats kyu wit dit ^ats
2. kyuwin^ats kytiwofats
3. kin^ats yakin^ats
3a. yikin^ats yaikiniats
Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have
in the present the signs of person and number of sub-class a,
jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses
contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the
third person singular and plural. The second person singular
does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel u from the
following w.
This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before
the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial
letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There
seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given
under b above, except that those in this class always have some
prefix preceding the weak syllable, while those in b may have
such prefixes or may lack them.
yayakinen, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4.
yanakeuwutr, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7.
ya na kil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7.
ya na kin en, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3.
ya ke wutr hu?ei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away.
162-4.
ya kill wtiir, imp. 2 sing., carry it. 105-18.
yakifiwenne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off.
163-4.
ye kin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3.
yekinnenden, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6.
114 University of California Publications. [Am. Aboh. Bth.
min n5 kin kil, past def . 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5.
nai ke its, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
htris sa kin its, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
xa kin its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7.
x5 sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
dakinyunte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew off (bowstrings).
151-9.
te ke its te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9.
tekin its, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10.
kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2.
Conjugation 1e.
Too xai, he is buying.
Present Indefinite.
Siiigalar. PlaraL
1. dtltrxai ode xai
2. diixai 5 xai
3. ted xai tc5yaxai
3a. yd xai yoyaxai
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin 5tlir xait do xo liii o de xait
2. on xait 5 xait
3. tco xait tco ya xait
3a. yo xait yo ya xait
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. on xai oxai
3. too oxai tcdj-adxai
3a. yd oxai yoyaoxai
Customary.
Singular. PluraL
1. diuirxait oitdexait
2. 5 in xait do xait
3. tco e xait tco ^-a xait
3a. ydejoiit yd ^-a xait
Vol. 31 Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 115
Present Definite.
SiD^ar. Plural.
1. oixai owitdexai
2. 5nxai owoxai
3. tcoiixai teoyanxai
3a. yonxai yoyaiixai
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. oixait ovnitdexait
2. onxait owoxait
3. tconxait tcoyanxait
3a. yofixait yoyanxait
A few verbs with a prefix o- show peculiarities. In the third
person of all the tense-modes to before the prefix 6, with which
they form a syllable, occur not only where they might be expected
in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular
one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In
the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular
and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears
only in the first and second persons of the plural.
yaxofi its, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 166-8.
yo e its, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11.
yon tan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8.
yoxai (nanakisdeL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came
back. 200-7.
yo xai xo win sen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy.
200-3.
do oi lun te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5.
do yd lun te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1.
do tco wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13
do tco wil lun, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2.
do tco xo wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9.
do tco xo na wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8.
tco yaii its, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12.
tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9.
tc5 xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3.
116
University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aboh. Bth.
Conjugation 2.
No ut, he is throwing down a blanket.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1. ndiTut
2. nonut
3. nout
3a. noiut
Singular.
1. do xo lin n5ir ut
2. non ut
3. no ut
3a. noi ut
Singular.
2. nonut
3. notcout
3a. noyout
Singular.
1. noiutrut
2. noinut
3. noeut
3a. noieut
Singular.
1. nonaut
2. noniiiut
3. noninut
3a. noininut
Singular.
1. nonaut
2. noninut
3. noninut
3a. noininiit
Plural,
no de fit
nout
no ya fit
no yai fit
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin node fit
no fit
no y a fit
no yai fit
Imperative.
Plural.
no fit
no ya tco fit
no yai yo fit
Customary.
Plural.
no it de fit
no 6 fit
no ya e fit
no yai e fit
Present Definite.
Plural.
non da fit
no no fit
no ya nin fit
no yai niii fit
Past Definite.
Plural.
non da fit
no no fit
no ya nin fit
no yai nin fit
v«i- 3] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. m
Intransitive with root changing fot
• the plural
Tee nauM?, he goes out.
Present Indefinite.
Singul&r,
Dual.
Plural.
1. tcehtrauiT
tee neL
tee ya neL
2. teen yauti?
tee no dii.
3. tee nauir
tee in dii.
tee ya in diL
3a. tee nauir
tcin diL
Impotential.
tee yun diL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. doxolin tcehtraui^
doxolin tcenedil
tee ya ne dil
2. teen yauir
tee no dil
3. tee nautr
tee in dil
tee ya in dil
3a. tee nautr
tcin dil
Imperative.
tee yun dil
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. tee htra
tee neL
tee ya neL
2. tcenyautr
tee no diL (tc<»diL)
3. tee tco ya
tee teon diL
tee ya teon diL
3a. tee o ya
tee on diL
Customary.
tee ya on diL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. tee iuw htrauir
tee e dil
tceyaedil
2. teeinyauu?
tee 6 dil
3. tceinnauu?
tee in dil
tee ya in dil
3a. tee in nauir
tee in dil
Present Definite.
tee ya in dil
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. tceneya
tee ne deL
tee ya ne deL
2. teeninya
tee no deL
3. tee niii ya
tee nin deL
tee ya nin deL
3a. tcin ya
tcin deli
Past Definite.
tee yun deL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1. tceneyai
tee ne deTj
tee ya ne deL
2. tceninyai
tee no deL
3. tee nifi yai
tee nin deL
tee ya nin deL
3a. tciii yai
tcin deL
tee yun deL
118
University of California Piiblic^tio^is. [Ax. Akoh. Eth.
The verba of this conjugation have the aame sigu for person
and nmnber which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The only
difference in form between the two conjiigations is the initial n
instead of w in the definite tenses.
a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself.
302-10.
yanifiyai, past def. 3 sing., he went(between two). 13S-15
yanindeL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9.
ya nin deL hit., pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16.
wai e xuB sei, cust. 3 sing,, he threw at her. 333-1.
wa im mil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8.
wa kin nil lit x6 Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had)
burned through. 119-3.
wakinninseLxolan, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated
through he saw. 329-16.
will] no kin nil lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on.
246-10.
Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12.
Le nai yiin dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire
burning. 169-6.
Lenailluir, cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1.
Lenaluu', pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14.
Le na nil lai. past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la x6 Ian, pres, def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he
saw. 186-3.
Le na ni! la te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will build a fire, 356-4.
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2,
Le na nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round.
102-1.
me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11.
menemen, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11.
me nil layei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13.
menoniii an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13.
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4,
mi nil layei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore.
362-4.
Qayanillutcneen, prea. def. 3 plu., which had been lost.
144-7.
J
Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 119
na ya xon nil lai ei, past def . 3 plu., they took them. 179-8.
na na ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (across).
172-2.
nana nin an, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9.
na nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17, 322-10.
na nin ya yei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6.
nanodiL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across?). 266-15.
nei ya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15.
nei yai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13.
nei ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7.
nim meL din, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7.
nin yauir, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3.
ninyayete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12.
nin ya de, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10.
ninyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15.
nin xiits, past def. 3a sing., it flew. 113-17.
no a din niii xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself.
223-9.
no a din xautr, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9.
no il lutr, cust. 3 sing., she put. 157-11.
noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17
no it to, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7.
no u wtitr, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5.
noyanin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5.
no na iuir xautr, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3.
no na il \mo, cust. 3 sing., she left off. 332-10.
no nai niii an, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10.
nonautrautr, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1.
noil BMW ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7.
no nautrnin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry.
208-11.
no na ya kin niii an, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9.
no na ne un, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5.
no na niii an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8.
no na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5.
no na nin deL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down
he saw. 271-12.
no na nin tse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9.
^mpi rr CMfamia Publications. [A.m. Arch. Eth.
.n if: ..:ir ii«. :^p. 2 sin^., you must leave. 353-10.
n vz nil m >. fut. def. 3 sin^., oue should leave.
r. I": " li iJi:c. fut. def. 2 sinp:., you will leave. 351-
>. i.- Till *x::. past def. 3 siiifr., he set the wed^e
r ■ .:-. I ri:. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2.
u. ?4ist ief. 3 sing., he put. 98-2.
1 • . rasx def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13.
r . >.:. rrw^ def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat-
■•■: i:X<
■ -^r. -dcrt def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3.
. - .:; !:c. i^rvs. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7.
■ • 3«s r«rt def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3.
^■.. y«« def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3.
■ • %aj. v*« def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7.
• ,.^.: -uii. past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7.
. : '.Ln >f. fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12.
.:^. past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9.
' -.-. rdst def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16.
.-...i- t*?. imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14.
pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with them.
■ > ■»
"^v
vrvsw "mi sing., floats ashore. 346-5.
. . \. :*rts. '^a sing., water staid. 324-3.
, .-r I'f ^^l. ^'"st. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4.
. ^ . t ft v:»K past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12.
, ^.: ti'^'voir. past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3.
V w ■- •' *• tan. past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge. 108-11.
^ ,>. \4 -le late, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7.
, , ^ -ic. :a It', t'"^- ^^^' ^ *^"^^'- ^ ^^'iiJ P^ive it to you. 353 7
... X \'i\ pr«»- ^ sing., I am going to leave. 157-8.
,:, xs n' in tan, past def. 3 phi., they gave him. 144-14
., «• lit, oust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4.
■ to V.:: lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7.
.^ r -io xiii nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating.
21^13.
ToL. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 121
da no nin deL, past def . 3 dual, they sat. 179-2.
dit tse n5 nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe.
216-4.
dit tse no nil la x5 lun, pres. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4
ddi^nanela, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire.
355-14.
do no auw?, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6.
do he tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out.
162-13.
dotceauir, pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12.
do tee in nauir, cust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3.
do tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3.
do tee nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out.
102-11.
tee e autr, cust. 3 sing., he took out. 333-2.
tee il luir, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-11. ^
tee min niii yot dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a Acer.
217-16. *
tee nauir, pres. 3a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7.
tee na il lin xo Ian, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out.
117-18.
tcenayaxonmiL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3.
tee na miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13.
tee na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2.
tcenanimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown
out. 301-14.
tee na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3.
tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9.
tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13.
tee ne ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8.
tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14.
tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5.
tee nil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9.
tee nim mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5.
tee niii an, past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15.
tee niii yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16.
tee niii yane, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1.
tee nin ya te ne en, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come
out. 162-12.
Am. Abch. Eth. 3, 8.
122
University of California Publications. [-Am. Arch. Bth.
tee nin yos, past def . 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2.
tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they eame out. 175-11.
tee nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4.
tee nin kiite, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1.
tee kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., they eame out. 98-2.
tee kin nin hire, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging.
100-9.
tee kin nin hire ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging.
100-8.
tein nim meL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home. 363-1.
tcin nin en, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15.
tcin niii ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1.
tein niii ya win te, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9
tcin nin ya ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7
tcin nin win detc, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5.
kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14.
kin niii in hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the
load. 238-1.
Conjugation 3a.
Tcil loi, he is tying.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1. iflirloi
2. illoi
3. tcil loi
3a. yilloi
Singular.
1. do xo liii iuir loi
2.
3.
3a.
Singular.
2. il loi
3. too loi
3a. yoloi
illoi
tcil loi
yil loi
Plural,
it dil loi
6 loi
yaloi
yai loi
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin it dil loi
oloi
yaloi
yai loi
Imperative.
Plural,
oloi
ya tco loi
ya yo loi
Vol. 31 Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
123
Customary.
Singular.
Plural.
1. eiuu^loi
e it dil loi
2. eilloi
eoloi
3. tceilloi
ya il loi
3a. ye il loi
yai il loi
Present Definite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. seloi
sit dil loi
2. silloi
so loi
3. teisloi
ya is loi
3a. yisloi
yai is loi
Past Definite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. seloi
sit dil loi
2. silloi
so loi
3. teisloi
ya is loi
3a. yisloi
yai is loi
With a prefix.
Na i^, he is painting.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. nauicLe
na diL T>e
2. nfm Le
naLe
3. naie
na ya Le
3a. naiLe
na yai Le
Impotential.
Singular.
Plural.
1. do xo lin naut/? lu
do xo lin na diL lu
2. nun LU
naLu
3. na Lti
na ya lu
3a. nai lu
na yai lu
124
Universiiy of Calif omia PubUcaiians. [Am. Awjh. Bra.
Singular.
2. ndni^
3. natcoi^
3a. nayoLe
Singular.
1. naiutTLu
2. nainLu
3. naiLLtl
3a. naiiLLu
Singular.
1. naseLe
2. naednLe
3. naisLe
3a. naisLe
Singular.
1. naseLu
2. na sin lu
3. naisLu
*Sa, naisi.u
Imperative.
Plural.
naLe
na ya ted Le
na ya yo Le
Customary.
Plural.
na it diL lu
naoLu
nayaiLLu
na yai iL lu
Present Definite.
Plural.
nasdiLLe
nasdLe
nayaisLe
na yais Le
Past Definite.
PluraL
nas diL lu
nasoLu
nayaisLu
na yais lu
Intran.'iitive with the root changing for the plural.
Nawa, he is abinit.
Singular.
1. nauir hira
2. nun ya
3. na wa
3a. na wa
Singular.
1. do xo ]in nauir hirai
2. nun vai
3. na wai
Present Indefinite.
l>\Ull.
naidiL (naiL)
na diL
nadii.
na dii.
ImpotentiaL
Dual.
doxolin naidil
na dil
na dil
dil
Plural.
na yai diL
na ya diL
nayadiL
PhiraL
na yai dil
na y a dil
nayadil
Vol. 31 Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 125
Imperative.
Sin^ilar.
Dual.
Plural.
2.
nunya
nadiL
3.
na tco ya
na too diL
na ya tco diL
3a.
na ya
na diL
Customary.
nayaodiL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1.
na itiii? Ylwh.
na e dil
na ya e dil
2.
na in ya
naodil
3.
naiya
na it dil
nayaitdil
3a.
. na 1 y a
na it dil
Present Definite.
na ya it dil
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1.
naseya
na se deL
na ya se deL
2.
na sin ya
na so deL
3.
na is ya
na is deL
nayaisdeL
3a.
, nasya
nasdeL
Past Definite.
na yas deL
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
1.
naseya
nasedeL
nayasedeL
2.
nasinya
nasodeL
3.
naisya
na is deL
na ya is deL
3a
.nasya
nas deL
na yas deL
This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in
having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first,
and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding
the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation
mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says
nothing of its beginning or its end.
Except that in the second person singular of this particular
example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated
to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactly
the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be
noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have
the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but
which does not seem to be a personal sign.
126 University of California Publicalions. [Am. Abcb. Etii
In the second example piven above, iiaLe, "he is painting,"
the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions
and chanp:es in the pre.aent are the same in all respects as those
in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite
tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa
in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second,
8. the eonjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i: third, the root.
According to what the Hupa style "the old-fa.shioned way of
talking," one would say natcisLu. On the analogy of this,
nayisLU would be the second form. Its contraction should
give naisi.Q, which occurs in this ease. The dropping of tc
in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second
conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes.
The other dialecta of this group, it may be remarked, have only
one fomi for the third person singular, and that is the prefix
with 8 OS its final sound.
ai. yateaan, past def. 3 phi., with them they took. 361-1.
a nil we sin (e te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5.
a na dis loi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5.
a nu was (e, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2.
innaxosan, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11.
n naa i.at, pa^ def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5.
n na tcis i.nt, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9.
slilntc, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4.
ya is leii. past def. 3 plu.. they both became. 187-13,
yaislenei, past def, 3 plu,, they became. 110-1.
yaisloi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7.
ya wesa, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2.
ya na wes a, past def, 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17.
ya nestett', past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7.
ya xosmeL. past def, 3 sing,, he whipped him. 164-3.
ya xoa (jot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2.
yax6(j6t, pres. 3 phi., they stick them. 180-12.
yat«syai. past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4.
ya wesa. past def. 3ii sing., it was in. 153-10.
ye kj'ii wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4.
yekyuweatwt*, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow.
301-8.
Voi^ 31 Goddard. — Morphology of the Hitpa Language.
127
yis dik, past def . 3o ainfi.. he peeked. 113-13.
yit da wes le te, fiit. def. 3 sing., he will get enough. 267-4.
yoxai nanakisdeL. past def. 3 plu., to buy they came
back. 200-7.
yfl wfln na na is dim mil, past def. 3 sinp., she turned
over. 117-4.
yu wun na SOS yu, past def. 3o sin*;., they ate it. 347-15.
wun na I ya, ciist. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2.
wfin na is ya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14.
wannaisyasolun, prea. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10.
w&nnaisdeL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17.
wiinnaidiLxosinxolan, pres. 3 phi., hunting they had
been he saw. 140-11.
wiin na dii. te, fut. 3 plu., they will hunt. 311-14.
i«illoi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12.
Lenaisloi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5.
me e na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching.
293-1.
me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16.
me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8.
menayaisdeL, past def. 3 plu., they started back. 208-16
menakisloi, past def. 3 sing., he bound it up. 145-11.
me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5.
mesitditetetc, pres, def. 1 dual, in we would be lying,
190-4.
medzesla, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6.
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4.
min notes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his
arm. 113-1.
na iutr loi hit, cust. 1 sing.. I tie them up. 247-11.
naiiiirLu, cust. 1 sing.. 1 paint. 247-12.
naisya, prea. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9.
na isya te, fut. def. 3 sing,, he goes. 307-13.
naisdauweaxoluii, past def. 3 sing., it had melted
away. 236-1.
Dais deL, past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14.
naisdlLLat, paat def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6.
nniversity of California Publications. [*"• Ahch. Eth,
naisdin nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned.
Da is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4.
na istsS, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4.
na ya nQ wes dil lai. past def. 3 plu., they took the bet.
142-17.
na ya tes iii "s, prea. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17.
nalu, prea. 3 sing., which live. 100-7.
uanaisyaexolan, prea. def. 3 sing., she could walk
276-11.
nana isyayei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6.
na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6.
nana sin yatc, fiit. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8.
na nas deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will become. 228-2.
nanakiswel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7.
nanakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5.
na na kis le hit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6.
nanesindai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1.
nanesdai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2.
nanesdaxoluii, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10.
nanuwesa, past def. 3 sing,, ridge ran across. 363-14.
naxotesan, past def. 3 dual, they ran around, 341-4.
nasinyate., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2.
nasyayei, past def. 3a sing., it comnieneed to walk. 136-9.
nasdeL, past def. Za dual, they began to walk. 180-16.
naadeLte, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4.
nates deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17.
natse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4,
uakisyoirhirei, past def, 3a sing., it flowed in a circle.
100-11.
na kisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15.
na kis Lon, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5.
na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2,
nakisqot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12.
na kia qot te. fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to poke. 192-9.
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing.. I will hide from you.
328-6.
□eitteto, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12.
niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., T will go with you. 187-4.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hiipa Language.
129
nin is deL. past def , 3 dual, they danced. 104-14.
nin tsia deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12.
kisdate, fut. def. 3a sinp., it would melt away. 259-9.
hicir. tesinyate, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go.
187-7.
xoBtennei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1.
isyai, past def. 3 sin};., he came up, 105-1.
isyadin, prea, def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2.
islai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16.
za is sun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought
them up. 99-9.
zaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2.
xa Ids wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4.
zanaislos. past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2.
sa Ids wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4.
xowunnakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5.
zoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15
zoLziittesnan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3.
zoL sut tea nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her.
341-2.
zoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it float«d with him. 315-2.
ZOL tea deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7.
zoL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13.
xonnaisdinnfinhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned
around. 278-12.
xot da na we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow
down. 227-6.
xotdanakyiiwesintcete, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow
down. 227-5.
zotdeisyai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14.
xot de ya is deL. past def. 3 plu., they met them. 110-8.
danesedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8.
datcinnesdai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14.
da kit du wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4.
dohenasdeL^z, past def. 3a plu., they could not walk
about. 322-7.
dShekii.tcinnest^n. past def. 3 sing., he did not have
intercourse. 104-7.
University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Era.
do tcit tes ya t«, fut. def. 3 sin^., he did not feel like going
on. 281-3.
tayaishwal, past def. 3 plu.. they caught. 328-4.
tana is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water.
325-4.
ta Dai kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea
with you. 228-5.
tadesla, pres. def. 3a sing., it has come. 199-3.
ta des lat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2.
ta dea deL x6 luii, prea. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore.
101-2.
tatciflwen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10.
teseyai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6.
teseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9.
teselate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them.
253-15.
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure.
116-12.
tea ta, prea. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11.
teslatdei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15.
tea deL ei, past def. 3a plu.. they flew away. 159-12.
tesdeLte, fut. def. So plu., they will come. 252-3.
tsl yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11.
tsis loi, past def. 3 sing., he made bimdles. 142-3.
tcinnesdai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11.
tcin nes da te., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14.
teislan, past def. 3 aing., he was bom. 96-2.
tcislen, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17.
tcis loi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4.
tcittesen, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4.
teittesenneen, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8,
tcittesin, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn't look up. 237-9.
teittesyai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10.
tcittesyayesolan, pres. def. 3 sing,, he had traveled
he saw. 186-1.
tcittesla, pres. def. 3 sing,, he is drowning. 210-11.
tcit tea lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10.
tcitteslai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15.
J
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 131
tcittesxan, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 342-2.
tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15.
tcit tes deL te, f ut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9
tcit tes tun de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13.
tcit tin diL, pres. 3 plu., they are coming. 198-2.
keisyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17.
keisyayei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12.
keisLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8.
kesinqotcei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree.
175-1.
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7
kiL ne se tin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse
with a woman. 104-7.
kin na is lal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6.
kin nautr laL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8.
kinnesoyiinte, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men.
238-13.
kislete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10.
kyti wa is tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6.
Conjugation 3b.
Tcit tit t^L, he is stepping along.
Singular.
1. tU1l7ti]L
2. tintuL
3. tcit tit tuL
3a. yittittuL
Present Indefinite.
PlunJ.
tit dit tuL
totuL
ya tit tui.
yai tit tClL
Singular.
1. do xo lin tmo tul
2. tin tul
3. tcit tit tul
3a. yit tit tul
Impotential.
Plural.
do xo lin tit dit tul
to tul
ya tit tul
yai tit tul
132
University of California Publications. [^^- Aboh. Bth.
Singular.
2. tintuL
3. tcittotuL
3a. yittotuL
Singular.
1. teiuirtiil
2. teintul
3. tcitteittul
3a. yitteittiil
Singular.
1. tesetaL
2. tesintaL
3. tcittetaL
3a. yittetaL
Singular.
1. tesetaL
2. tesintaL
3. tcittetaL
3a. yittetaL
Imperative.
Plural.
totuL
ya to tuL
yai to tuL
Customary.
Plural.
te it dit tul
teotul
ya te it tul
yai te it tfil
Present Definite.
Plural.
tes dit taL
te so taL
yatetaL
yai te taL
Past Definite.
Plural.
tes dit taL
te so taL
ya te taL
yai te taL
This form b differs from a, given above, only in the loss of s
in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot-
ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcittesyai and
tcit tes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following
verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered
as taking place at several separate definite places in succession.
yateittcwu, cust. 3 plu., they cried along. 179-12.
yatemitc, past def. 3 plu., they pulled off. 179-10.
ya te xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16.
ye x6 yuii x6 lun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-17.
yexotaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9.
ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9.
Vou 31 Goddard.^Morphology of the Hiipa Language.
133
mesittedeL. past def. 3 plu,, they went alonp up. 198-13.
nadittemeL, past def. Sa plu., they fell. 245-11.
na te los, past def, 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1.
na t€ tse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9
uakitteitLotc, ctiat. 3 sing., she always made baskets.
157-3.
na kit te Lon, pant def, 3 sinR., she wove another round.
305-7.
noyiitemeL, past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along,
179-11.
xatemas, past def. 3 sinp.. it rolled out of the ground.
270-5.
xoWayatelai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8.
da no te deL te. fut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9.
te se tcwit te. fut. def. 1 sinp.. I am going to measure it.
116-12.
tee te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5.
tcetexan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5.
teinteen, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19.
tcintellai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15.
tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5.
tcit te it tcwil, euat, 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8.
tcitteyos, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13.
tcitteteen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12.
tcittetewen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12.
tcittetelai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3,
tcit te te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the meas-
ure. 226-4.
tcit te te meL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered them 101-3.
tcit te tot, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15.
tcitteteit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16.
teittetcwai. past def. 3 sing., she buried in several places.
192-12.
tcittetcwit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13.
tcoyatexait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8.
keitLo, eust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1.
kit tea kiitc., past def. 3 sing,, they began to play. 142-16.
kitteeau, eust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5.
L
134 University of California Publications. [-Aji. Aech. Bth.
kitteitLotr, cust. 3 sing., one who always made baskets.
324-5.
kit te yan nei, past def . 3 sing., they fed nbout. 98-4.
kit te you?, past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11.
kit te hire, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8.
kittehiril, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4.
kit te sin kutc teL, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny.
142-12.
kit te ^ats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1.
kittetelai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14.
kittiyautr, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3.
(
Conjugation 4.
Tcit tcit, he is dying.
Present.
Singular.
Plural.
1. ititrtcit
it dit tcit
2. in tcit
6 tcit
3. tcit tcit
ya tcit
3a. tcit (y it tcit)
yaitcit
Impotential.
Singular.
Plural.
1. do x6 lin iutr tcit
doxolin it dit tcit
2. in tcit
otcit
3. tcit tcit
yatcit
3a. yit tcit
yai tcit
Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
2. in tcit
otcit
3. tcotcit
ya tco tcit
3a. 5 tcit
ya 6 tcit
Customary.
Singular.
Plural.
1. eiuirtcit
e it dit tcit
2. e in tcit
e 5 tcit
3. tee it tcit
ya it tcit
3o. ye it tcit
yai it tcit
Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hripa Language,
135
Past.
The past is identical in form with the present given above.
With a prefix.
Na a, he has it.
Present.
Singular.
Plural.
1. nauira
nadaa
2. nun a
naa
3. naa
nayaa
3a. naia
na yai a
Impotential.
Singular.
Plural.
1. do xo lin
nauii? ai
d5xolin nadaai
2.
nMai
naai
3.
naai
nayaai
3a.
naiai
nayaiai
Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
2. nfina
naa
3. natcoa
na ya tc5 a
3a. nayoa
nayayoa
Customary.
Singular.
Plural.
1. na intra
na it da a
2. naina
naoa
3. naa a
1
nayaa a
3a. naia a
1
nayaiaa
Past.
Singular.
Plural.
1. nauirai
nadaai
2. nunai
naai
3. naai
na ya ai
3a. naiai
na yai ai
Verbs of this conjugation differ from those in the preceding
conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have
a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of
136
University of California Publications. [■*"■ Aw». E
the root. As wiW be seen from the preceding examplefl, the signs
of person and number are the same as for the other conju^tiona,
and the same contrnctions occur with the prefixes.
aennu, ciist. 3a ainsr., it does it. 275-5.
ai ye tcis lin x6 Ian, pres. 3 sinp.. he was tired. 346-9.
ailate, fut. 3a sinp., they will cateh. 253-10.
a in nil. past 3 sinp., he did. 28S-9.
a in nu mit, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4.
a in (e. past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5.
ai xoi il le, cuat. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7.
a ityau xn Inn, past 3 mng.. tired he was. 346-10.
aityade, prea. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7.
aikitinxosin, pres. Ha sing., (bears) did that. 223-4,
aikyiiiren, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-16.
mw law, past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3. 30240.
auirlate, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with it! 293-8.
auurdiya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11.
amrdiyau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17.
aiiwdiyate, fut, 1 sing,, (what) am I going to do. 257-14
auir (in ne en, prea. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7.
a ya in nu, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2.
aya(en, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5.
a ya (in ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1.
ayatcillau, past 3 pin., they fixed. 172-4.
a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15.
a le ne. imp. 2 plu.. you must do it. 100-18. 101-3.
a nai di yau, past 1 plu.. we do this. 361-9.
a nauir la te, fut. 1 sing., I wa.s intending to do. 260-3.
anauirdiyau. past 1 sing.. I did it. 282-5. 325-12.
anayadillau, paat 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1.
anadiyau, past 3o sing., it did that. 244-11.
anadillau, past 3 aing., he made himself. 152-11.
anadille. imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1.
anadittcD. past 1 dual, we did. 217-7.
ana toil lau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8.
a na tcil la te, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4.
aniindiyau. past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6.
ahwola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 137
a x6 la de, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a x5 dil la, pres. 1 plu., we could do with him. 116-16.
adiya, pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6.
a di yau wei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14.
a di ya te, f ut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18.
adiyatcL, fnt. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11.
a iQTiy past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9.
a ^en, past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9.
a tin wes ^e, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10.
afinte, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9.
atcillau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5.
a kil lau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13, 322-1.
akyole, imp. 2 plu., you do. 198-2.
eea, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2.
eillu cust. 3a sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1.
iuii? tcit te, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13.
illene, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6.
in hiriL, imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6.
61e, imp. 2 plu., become. 110-7.
le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7.
olene, imp. 2 plu., become. 109-18.
ul le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13.
ullene, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7.
un di yau, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8, 337-9.
fin di ya te, fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4.
un ^e, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15.
un ^e, pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18.
yafi a, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14.
yan ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3.
ya sil lai, past 3 plu., they were there. 180-3.
mal yetiu? ai il lu, cust. 3a sing., she took care of it 136-7.
mal yeuu; a tcil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6.
me sa fin, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15.
nan a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3.
naiiya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3.
nan yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5.
nan xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1.
na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8.
Am. Abch. Kth. 8. 10.
138 University of California Publications. [Am. Aboh. Bra.
na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9.
na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13.
na dil le ne, imp. 2 plu., you may become. 166-12.
nadillete, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5.
na dil lu, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2.
nin eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2.
xa ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1.
xa a in nti, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9.
xa a in nu, cust. 3a sing., that happened. 340-5.
xa a it yau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya x5 Ian, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was.
346-7.
xa (Lxiw di ya te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what 202-8.
xa a na it yau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9.
xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing.^ 278-12.
xa a x6 le ne, pres. 3a sing., he should do that.^ 163-2.
xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14.
xaadiyateL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16.
xaa/inwes/e, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always
did. 325-1.
xaa /in win te, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14.
xa a tin te, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8.
xaatcil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1.
xaatcityau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12.
xa ul le, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19.
xa dlya te, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10.
xoliii, absolute form, (I wish) it was. 340-7.
xolufi, absolute form, he found. 361-16.
xolunteL, absolute fut, he will be the one. 209-12.
xd tcin na sil lai, past. 3a plu.. she was dressed in. 164-9.
xo tcin sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4.
xwaeille, .oust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6.
saiifi. pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13.
sa iin te, fut. lla sing., it will be. 226-10.
* These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts.
They are evidently impersimal, *»it hapj>eneir'' and **it should be done."
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa La/nguage. 139
saanne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing.^ 164-15.
sa xan ne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13.
sil len, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2.
sil lin te, fut. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5.
sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there.
164-16.
sitdai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1.
sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8.
sittetc^^x, pres. 3a plu. (dual), they lay there. 322-6.
sit tin, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2.
sux xuii, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7.
da x5 a di ya xo Ian, past 3a sing., he was dead they found
out. 175-11.
da x5 a ^en, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4.
da xo un a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., they will die. 217-16.
da xo un a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5.
da xwed un ul lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3.
da xwed daii a di yau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do.
270-6.
daxweddiunaauir/in, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing.
163-4.
da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10.
dasittuii, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9.
da sit ten, past 3a sing., it was lying. 114-16.
d5 me sa un, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9.
do he tcit tcit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1.
do xa 2L\xw /en, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4.
doxaundiyau, past 2 sing., you don't do that. 343-13.
ddx5len, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6.
doxolin, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8.
doxolin itdau, impot. 3a sing., they won't melt away.
254-7.
do xo liii nin xa ten tcil lu, impot. 3 sing., it won 't be rich
man he will become. 338-7.
doxolin sedai> impot. 1 sing., I can't stay. 360-11.
' The situation of this form in the sentence after Afi kya requires the
present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be-
cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight.
140
University of California Publications. [^^- Arch. Bth.
do x6 liii da x6 a ^en, impot. 3 sing., they won't die. 253-7.
do x6s le, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5.
dtitrdiya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10.
tcille, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10.
tcit dei, past 3a sing., it died. 266-8.
tcit tcit x6 Ian, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3.
tcit tcit dei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4.
Glass II.
Conjugation 1a.
YetciLda, he is carrying in a large object.
Singular.
1. yeiuii7da
2. yeiLda
3. yetciLda
3a. yeyiLda
Singular.
1. do xo lin ye iuw da
2. ye iL da
3. ye tciL da
3a. ye yiL da
Singular.
2. yeiLda
3. yetcoLda
3a. yeyoLda
Singular.
1. yeeiuii?da
2. yeeiLda
3. ye tee iL da
3a. ye yeiLda
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
ye it dil da
yeoLda
yeyaiLda
ye yai iL da
Impotential.
Plural.
do x6 lin ye it dil da
ye OL da
ye ya 11 da
ye yai iL da
Imperative.
Plural.
ye OL da
yeyatcoLda
ye yai yoL da
Customary.
Plural.
ye e it dil da
ye e 6l da
yeyaiLda
ye yai iL da
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 141
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeweLda yewitdilda
2. yewii.da yewoLda
3. yetcuwiLda yeyawiLda
3a. yeyuwiLda yeyaiwiLda
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeweLda yewitdilda
2. yewiLda yewoLda
3. yetcuwiLda yeyawiLda
3a. yeyuwiLda yeyaiwiLda
Class II differs from Class I, in form, in having the sound l
as the final sound of the syllable immediately preceding the root.
Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa-
sioned by this invasion.
Indefinite Tenses.
It seems probable that l cannot stand after the sound to
of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in
Class I. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this
class, L apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1.
The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is
probably due to l being added to the syllable. That -n norm-
ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars,
is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as
-guuL-, g and u, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa
w and i. The second person plural adds l without any other
change. In the third person singular l unites with the weak
vowel of the sign, forming tciL- and yiL-, respectively. In
accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third
person plural, l, not finding available support, has formed a
new syllable, with the aid of i.
Definite Tenses.
The introduction of l furnishes but little difficulty. It
appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else-
where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the
syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The
142 Univergity of Calif arnia Publications, [ Aic Abch. Bra.
question arises, whether, if the l displaces the n in the second
person singular, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the
third person forced out the n which appears in Glass I. The
Tolowa, which always has -gunL- in the second person singular,
has sometimes -guL- and sometimes -gunL- in the third person,
ye yu wiL kit de te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there.
301-9.
ye tee iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7.
ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13.
ye tcu wiL taL ei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5.
ye tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17.
ye tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8.
ye tcu wiL tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take them
in. 302-7.
ye tcu wiL tOy past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1.
yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the
ground. 215-3.
yin ne tcu wiL tin, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they
have put. 221-3.
yooLtutr, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6.
woLdintan, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it.
180-9.
do tcu wiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome. 220-4,
306-10.
te weL qotc te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4.
te wiL auM? hiril, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4,
tcu wiL tel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6.
tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9.
tcu wiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1
tcu wiL kyos il, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9.
Conjugation 1b.
Me Ml te, he is singing.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. PluraL
1. mekyuirte mekitdilte
2. mekiLte mekyoLte
3. mekiLte meyakiLte
3a. nukiLte meyaikiLte
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Htipa Language. 143
1.
2.
3.
3a.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
Singular.
doxolin mekyutrtu
me Ml tu
me kiL tu
mi kiL tu
Singular.
me kiL te
me kyoL te
mi kyoL te
Singular.
me ke iuw tu
me ke iL tu
me ke iL tti
mi ke iL tii
Impotential.
Plural.
do x5 liii me kit dil tu
me kyoL tu
me ya Ml tu
me yai Ml tu
Imperative.
Plural.
me kyoL te
me ya kyoL te
me yai kyoL te
Customary.
Plural.
me ke it dil tii
me kyo 6l tu
me ya ke iL tu
1.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
me yai ke iL tu
Present Definite.
Plural.
me kyti wit dil te
me kyii wol te
me ya kyu wiL te
me yai kyu wiL te
Past Definite.
Plural.
me kyu wit dil tu
me kyu wol tu
me ya kyu wIl tu
me yai kyu wiL tfi
anaditduwiLkan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one
side. 108-15.
yana kyii wiL tsilliLte, fut. def. 3 plu., they may split.
109-8.
ya kiL tsis, pres. 3 sing., he made it sprinUe. 338-2.
ye na wiL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-2.
wun dil wiL tout, past def. 3 sing., he took. 96-12.
me ya kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1.
Singular.
me keL te
me kyu wiL te
me kyu wiL te
mi kyu wiL te
Singular.
me keL tu
me kyu wiL tti
me kyu wiL tu
mi kyu wiL tu
144 University of Calif ornia PuhUcaiions. [Aii.Aeoh.Bth.
me na kyu wIl tu, past def . 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15.
meduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the
fire. 242-11.
mekyuwiLtel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4.
mekyuwiLtu, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6.
naadiLwnL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3.
nai xon nu wiL hiron, past def. 3a sing., it eured him.
121-13.
na na kin nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3
naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12.
na x6 wiL tun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6.
na xo wiL tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14
na xoL tun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6.
na do weL din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome
for. 176-2.
nin kyu wiL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10.
x6 wiL tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry.
255-7.
xo wiL tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow.
259-16.
xo wiL tcwcL te, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place.
XOL yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3a plu., they learned (how
to shoot). 180-13.
danadiLa, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11.
danadoLa, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1.
danadtiwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it.
197-4.
da na du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12.
danaduwiLaei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2.
datcitdtiwiLkyds, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away.
207-11.
dedeiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do he XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know
how. 175-4.
tcitdeiLne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12.
tcit du wiL waL ei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked off.
159-11.
Vol. 31 Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 145
tcit du wiL wis, past def . 3 sing., he rolled it between his
hands. 197-4.
tcit du wiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it off.
281-16.
tco x6 wiL tcwel Hl te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will fix the
dance place. 211-16.
tcoduwiLxut, past def. 3 sing., she asked them. 301-17.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, past def. 3 sing., a kissing noise she
heard. 111-9.
kyo diL tsots ne, imp. 2 sing., make a kissing noise. 111-7.
Conjugation Ic.
Ya iL wuL, he threw into the air.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1. yauicwuL
2. yuLwuL
3. yaiLwuL
3a. yaiLwuL
SiDgular.
1. do x6 lin yautr wul
2. yuL wul
3. yaiLwfll
3a. yaiL wul
Singular.
2. yuLwuL
3. yatcoLwtiL
3a. yaioLwuL
Singular.
1. yaitLtrwul
2. yaiL wul
3. yaiL wul
3a. yaiiLwul
Plural.
ya dil wul
yaLwuL
ya yaiL WUL
ya yaiL wul
Impotential.
PluraL
do xo lin ya dil wul
yaLwul
ya ya iL wul
ya yaiL wul
Imperative.
Plural.
yaL WUL
y a ya tc5L wul
ya yai 6l wul
Customary.
Plural.
ya it dil wul
ya OL wul
ya ya iL wul
ya yai iL wul
146 Umversity of Calif arnia Publicaiions. [ Aic Arch. Bn.
Present Definite.
Singqlar. PloraL
1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL
2. yaLwaL yaw5LwaL
3. jrawiLwaL yayawiLwaL
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL
Past Definite.
Singular. PhiraL
1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL
2. yaLwaL yawdLwaL
3. yawiLwaL yajrawiLwaL
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL
ya iL wul, cust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1.
yaiiir tuir, pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11.
ya wiL waL, past def . 3 sing., he threw. 362-8.
ya wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3.
ya wiL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3.
ya wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6.
ya nauu? tuif , pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9.
ye na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5.
ye na wiL kait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12.
waiiLttiir, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12.
Le nai wiL dil la din, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place
351-5.
me na wiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12.
me na wiL kyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4.
nai wiL xaL te, f ut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17.
na na wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4.
no na wiL dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut.
97-2.
hiro iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
xa na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10.
xe e iL yol, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15.
xeewiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11.
xe e na iL Ms, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3.
xot da iL kas, cust 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8.
da nai wIl kil Ul te, fut def. 3a sing., fog will slay. 273-2.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 147
dje wiL tseL, past def . 3 sing., he pounded it. 108-11.
d je wiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he tore away. 176-9.
djenawlLtutr, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2.
tawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., he started across. 315-1.
tcwin dai wiL ten, past def. 3a sing., he spoiled. 221-13.
tewin da wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he spoiled. 222-5.
ke ya wiL na, past def. 3 plu., they cooked. 266-10.
ke wiL na, past def. 3 sing., she cooked them. 99-9.
kewiL^an, past def. 3 sing., he put (pitch). 150-12.
ke na wiL na, past def. 3 sing., he cooked it. 260-6.
kytiwanaiLtui/?, cust. 3 sing., he who gives back. 241-4.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal.
. 180-4.
Conjugation Id.
Ye kiL wis, he is boring a hole.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yekyuirwis yekitdilwis
2. ye kiL wis yekyoLwis
3. ye kiL wis ye ya kiL wis
3a. ye yi kiL wis yeyaikiLwis
Impotential.
Singular. PluraL
1. doxoliii yekyuirwis doxolin yekitdilwis
2. ye kiL wis ye kyoL wis
3. ye kiL wis ye ya kiL wis
3a. ye yi Ml wis ye yai kiL wis
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. ye kiL wis yekyoLwis
3. yekyoLwis yeyakyoLwis
3a. yeyikyoLwis yeyaikydLwis
148
University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.
Singular.
1. yekeiutrwis
2. yekeiLwis
3. yekeiLwis
3a. yeyikeiLwis
Singular.
1. yekeLwis
2. yekyuwiLwis
3. yekiLwis
3a. yeyikiLwis
Singular.
1. yekcLwis
2. yekyuwiLwis
3. yeklLwis
3a. yeyikiLwis
Customary.
Plural.
ye ke it dil wis
ye ke 6l wis
ye ya ke iL wis
ye yai ke iL wis
Present Definite.
PluraL
ye kyu wit dil wis
ye kyti wol wis
ye ya kiL wis
ye yai kiL wis
Past Definite.
Plural.
ye kyu wit dil wis
ye kyti wol wis
ye ya kiL wis
ye yai kiL wis
a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with
it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw
himself with it. 202-7.
a diL no ke iL qow, cust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with
himself. 202-4.
yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4.
ye na xol waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13.
ye kiL wis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3.
ye kiL taL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2.
yekiLtseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in.
111-9.
yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he
tramped them. 361-10.
ma kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1.
ma kyuiv kit, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1.
miL xot da kiL waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped
down. 189-11.
min noi kiL dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked open. 113-15.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 149
naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurr\'. 354-3.
nai xoi ii. /au, oust. 3a sing., it flew around her. 338-8.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to-
gether. 196-3.
nadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5.
niyun kiLUL, pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2.
no na xol tujr, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8.
hu?oiLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
xa na x6 iL tu?r, eust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out.
223-15.
xot danaya xoLxa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked
him. nO-3.
xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11.
da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1.
da na dcL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17.
da kiL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3.
de xot diL waJj, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire.
120-8.
de de ii. kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him.
166-15.
dokiLtcwit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12.
te kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw it in. 112-6.
kiL tUM? htra un, pres. 2 sing, (interrogative) you are
splitting? 108-7.
kiL tuir tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5
kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14.
kytiirtcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation 2.
MeiLxe, he is finishing.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. PluraL
1. muiTxe medilxe
2. nuLxe mcLxe
3. melLxe meyaiLxe
3a. miiLxe meyaiLxe
150 Univeraity of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxolin muiTxu doxolin medilxu
2. miL xu meL xu
3. me 11 xu me ya 11 xQ
3a. milLxu meyaiLxti
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. miLxe meLxe
3. meteoLxe meyatcoLxe
3a. meyoLxe meyayoLxe
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. meiutrxu meitdilxu
2. meiLxu meoLxu
3. meiLxu meyalLxu
3a. milLxu meyailLxu
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. me neL xe inin dil xe
2. nieniLxe inenoLxe
3. meniLxe meyaniLxe
3a. mi niL xe me yai nil. xe
Pa.st Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. meneLxe mindilxe
2. meniLxe nienoLxe
3. meniLxe meyaniLxe
3a. miniLxe me yai niL xe
aLmenaniLtewit, past def. 3 sin^., with it she pushed
herself. 135-11.
iLkainiLtcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it.
143-2.
yaniLkaitdei, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15.
wun noL kai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14.
wun no neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 151
wun no xon niL ^in te, f ut. def . 3 sing., he is going to get
him to do. 141-13.
Lena niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around.
282-10.
i^ kin niL yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10.
me na nib tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13.
me neL xe teL, fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3.
meniLxe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8.
me niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2.
mexoniLtewit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed
him. 109-13.
me tee ya niL ^5, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5.
miL xoi niL xe, past def. 3a sing., it went on him. 308-8.
miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18.
nanayaxonniLxaei, past def. 3 plu., they found his
tracks. 170-4.
na niL deL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4.
naniLkis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1.
niL kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he
pressed. 210-17.
noi iL kit, cust. 3a sing., spread out. 321-7.
no iL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he chewed oflf. 288-5.
noi niL kit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place.
220-3.
noi niL kit ne wan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared.
210-10.
noi xwe iL lu, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11.
no ya xon niL ten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7.
no na iL kyos, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7.
nonainiLkit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3.
no na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11.
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up
with him. 176-11.
no na kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4.
no niL tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9.
no niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13.
noniLkas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8.
no niL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10.
152 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you.
356-6.
hwu wa miii tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7.
xoikyaniLten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him.
222-7.
xo wa me nei. tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him.
356-17.
xoL tee nil. tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it.
108-1.
do wun no iL kait, oust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13.
do ma a din iL tcwit, cust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1.
do ma a din niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk.
276-3.
do no niL tin te sil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want
to leave it. 293-8.
t<ie iL ^o, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9.
tee na xon ncL tin, pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down.
273-7.
tee na xon nil. ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7.
tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out.
265-10.
tee niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2.
tee niL tik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14.
tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2.
tee niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9.
tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4.
kenaneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1.
keneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9.
ke niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1.
kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14.
kyutr tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation 3a.
NaiLxut, he is tearing down.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. PluraL
1. nauMTxut nadilxut
2. nuLxut naLxut
3. naiLxut nayaiLxut
3a. naiiLxiit nayaiiLxut
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 153
Singular.
1. doxolin nautrxut
2. nuL xut
3. na 11 xut
3a. nai 11 xut
Singular.
2. nuLxut
3. natcoLxut
3a. naoLxut
Singular.
1. naiuiTxut
2. naiLxut
3. nalLxut
3a. nai iL xut
Singular.
1. naseLxut
2. naslLxut
3. naisxut
3a. naisxut
Singular.
1. naseLxut
2. nasiLxut
3. naisxut
3a. naisxut
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin nadilxut
naLxiit
nayaiLxut
na yai iL xut
Imperative.
Plural.
naL xut
na ya tcoL xut
na yai 6l xut
Customary.
Plural.
na it dil xut
na OL xut
na ya iL xut
na yai iL xut
Present Definite.
Plural.
nas dil xut
na SOL xut
na ya is xut
nayaisxut
Past Definite.
Plural.
nas dil xut
na SOL xut
na ya is xut
na yais xut
The form with l is similar to that of the first and second
conjugations. It will be noticed that the l disappears in the
third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s
which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable.
anadistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14.
Am. Arch. Eth. 3. U.
154 Vniversiiy of Calif amia Publications, [^^ Aboh. Bth.
adayistcwinte, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself.
338-6.
adistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6.
a dis tcwin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5.
iutv tcwe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7.
iLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8.
yai xos tcwutr, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3
ya na is kil, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2.
wnii Lo tcis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., about it he laughed.
151-15.
me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10.
na iL its, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4.
na iL its ^x, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10.
na ii. te ^x, pres. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-6.
na is its, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6.
na is men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1.
na is xut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8.
na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4.
na is tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12.
na is tcwen nei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7.
na is tcwin teL, fut. def. 3 sing., he will make. 321-11.
nauir tcwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi iLtcwe, cust 3a plu., they make him. 196-3.
na ya is xiit, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8.
naya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1.
naseL tcwen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2.
nascLtcwifi, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11.
na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14.
nasitsei, past def. Sa sing., it ran around. 294-3.
noi na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6.
hiriLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3.
xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1.
xaisteu, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2.
ya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu.. they made up (a load).
171-17.
seLwaLte, fut, def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick.
238-7.
seL tcwin. pres. def. 1 sing., I vrill make. 290-S.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 155
seLtcwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 152-3.
do nais tcwin, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody could make.
322-8.
tanaiswaLei, past def. 3 sing., he threw it out of the
water. 217-17.
ta na is ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out.
217-17.
ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to
pieces. 108-2.
te SOL tin te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7.
tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3.
tciL waL win te, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2.
tcistcwen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10.
tcis tcwin te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1.
tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8.
Conjugation 3b.
TcissiLwe, he is killing.
Singular.
1. sutrwe
2. siLwe
3. tcissiLwe
3a. yissiLwe
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
sit dil we
SOL we
ya siL we
yai siL we
Singular.
1. d5xolin sum; we
2. siL we
3. tcis siL we
3a. yis siL we
Singular.
2. siLwe
3. tcosoLwe
3a. yosoLwe
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin sit dil we
SOL we
ya siL we
yai siL we
Imperative.
Plural.
SOL we
ya SOL we
yai SOL we
156
University of California Publications. [^^ ^«^ ®™-
Singular.
1. seiuiiJwe
2. seiLwe
3. tcisseiLwe
3a. yisseiLwe
Bingolar.
1. seseLwin
2. sesiLwin
3. tcisseLwin
3a. yisseLwin
Customary.
Plural.
se it dil we
s5oLwe
ye 86 iL we
yai se iL we
Present Definite.
Plural.
see dil win
sesdLwin
ya seL win
yaiaeLwin
Past Definite.
PloraL
sesdilwen
sesdLwen
ya seL wen
yaiaeLwen
Singular.
1. seseLwen
2. sesiLwen
3. tcisseLwen
3a. yisseLwen
Verbs of this group in the third person singolar and plural of
the defiiute tenses, instead of dropping the class sign l, drop
the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example
above belongs to the prefix. Most of these Terbs are similar to
those which occur without the s even in the first class where i
would not stand after it
a til teox tcL tcwen. past def . 3 sing., he is growing strong.
294-17.
ya xo seL wen. past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12.
ya xo siL we, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5.
ya xo tcL xa. past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15.
ya tcL tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-L
ya tcL kait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14
yaicLwis, past def. 3 plu., they wew afraid (they
dodged. 17^10.
Tr :o:; :ei kail, past def. 3 sing.. %>Qe afl^^ the other he
s:uck in. 322-2.
Tos sc :i we. ctta. 3tf sing., he kilted. 13^-li
M^ll
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 157
yis se teL wen nei, past def. 3 sing., he commenced to kill.
136-10.
nainteLdik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14.
naideLdo, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3.
na ya xo tcL xa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3.
na x6 tcL tcwo ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept. 210-12.
na dcL waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5.
nadittcLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16,
192-12.
na teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1.
natcLditdautr, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13.
natcLditctcwen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1.
nateLdittcwinxolan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown.
120-12.
na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3.
ne se seL win te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will kill you. 151-2.
xoinateLweL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7.
xoiteLweL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night.
198-12.
xo lun ne scl win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn you out.
105-16.
xoL teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18
xoseseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11,
163-10.
xo SUIT we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8.
xo dit teL xuts, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2.
seseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill it. 162-7.
da na dcL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17.
do he min teL dautr, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for
it. 112-13.
do he teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7.
do xo liii no siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can't kill us. 165-7.
teL ate, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1.
teL ate ei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train.
200-9.
teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3.
teL tcwin xo lufi, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17.
teL tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5.
168 University of Calif omia PvhUcations. C-^Ji. Aech. Btbl
te SOL tin te, f ut. def . 2 plu., you will take. 222-7.
tsissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4.
tee xo seL wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11.
tee xo teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17.
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15.
tcex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her.
137-10.
tee seL wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11.
tcis se iL we ei, cust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5.
teis seL win dete, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5.
tcis seL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16.
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he
saw. 186-7.
tcissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4.
tcit teL Lu, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10.
tcit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9.
tcit teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12.
tcit teL dauir, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15.
tcit teL taL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4.
tcit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9.
tcit teL tcwen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew.
207-1.
tcit teL tcwinhtruii, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6
tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6.
tcit teL kyos, paiit def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6.
tcit teL qol, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8.
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along.
97-10.
kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9.
kit teL tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7,
152-12.
kit te seL tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8.
kya teL tcwe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry. 135-9.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry.
204-9, 281-11.
Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 159
Conjugation 4.
Na iL tsiin, he has just found.
Smgolar.
1. nauii7tsun
2. nuLtsun
3. naiLtsun
3a. naiLtsun
Singular.
1. doxolin nauti;tsis
2. nuL tsis
3. na iL tsis
3a. naiL tsis
Singular.
2. nuLtsis
3. natcoLtsis
3a. naoLtsis
Singular.
1. naiutrtsis
2. naiL tsis
3. naiL tsis
3a. naiiLtsis
Singular.
1. nautrtsan
2. nuLtsan
3. naiLtsan
3a. naiLtsan
Present.
PluraL
na dil tsun
naLtsun
nayaiLtsun
na yaiL tsM
Impotential.
Plural.
doxoliii na dil tsis
naLtsis
na yaiL tsis
na yaiL tsis
Imperative.
Plural.
naL tsis
nayatcoLtsis
na y a ol tsis
Customary.
Plural.
na it dil tsis
na OL tsis
na ya iL tsis
na yai iL tsis
Past.
Plural.
nadiltsan
naLtsan
na ya iL tsan
na yaiL tsan
Two roots, possibly related, appear in the example given
above.
aiLenka, past 3 sing., the way they do it. 227-2.
160 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Asoh. Eth.
a iL in ne en, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5.
a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13.
ai klL in te, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6.
adelLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7.
adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself.
223-14.
adiLkiL, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16.
adoiutrtsan, past 1 sing., I didn't find it. 243-16.
adutrkit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6.
akiLen, what they do. 322-1.
iHir tsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6.
iuirtsuii, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9.
iuii^ tsiin te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to findt 244-7.
oL tsai ne, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4.
ya iL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2.
ya xoL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16.
yd XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4.
maakiLenneen, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11.
na iL tsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11.
naiL kit dei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13.
na ya xol tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15.
na hti;oL tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5.
xa ai ya xol in ^x, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him.
211-5.
xa a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8.
xa a ya iL in ^x, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10.
xa a kib in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15.
X0U7 tsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9.
xotr tsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3.
xwa iL kit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11.
siLtufi^x, pres. 3a sing., it lay. 266-8.
siL kyos, pres. 3a sing., it lies. 207-6.
do na ya xol tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him.
152-6.
dotciLtsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10.
do iL tsun te xo lun, fut. 2 sing., you can*t find it any-
where. 246-6.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 161
d5 ya iL tsan, past 3 pin., they did not see. 98-7.
do ya xoL tsan, past 3 sin^., he did not see (them) . 238-14.
doyiLtsis, past 3a sing., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9.
do na iL tsan, past 3 sing., she did not find again. 243-16.
do na iL tsun de, pres. 3 sing., they won't find again.
321-10.
do na ya iL tsis, past 3 pin., they never saw. 191-5.
d5na XOL tsun ^xxolun, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him
any more. 306-6.
doheyaiLkit, past 3 plu., they did not catch. 102-3.
do he tciL tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4.
doxolin tciLtsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13.
do x6 lin naL tsis, impot. 2 plu., never you will see. 361-11.
dd tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4.
do tciL tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3.
do tco XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8.
tee XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9.
tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7.
tciL tsan nei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4.
tciL kit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16.
tcoxdLkit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2.
tcuhiriLkinneen, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me.
176-14.
Glass III.
Conjugation 1.
Ya de qot, he is dodging.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yauirdeqot yadukqot
2. yundeqot yadeqdt
3. yadeqdt yayadeqot
3a. yadukqot ya yadukqot
Impotential.
Singular. PluraL
1. doxolin yauii7deqot doxolin yadukqot
2. yun de qot ya de qot
3. yadeqot yayadeqot
3a. ya dfik qot ya ya duk qdt
162
UniversUy of CdUfomia Ptiblicatians. l^^ Aech. Btb.
Singular.
2. yundeqot
3. yatcddeqOt
3a. yaodeqot
Smgolar.
1. yaiuirdeqot
2. yaindeqot
3. yaitqdt
3a. yaitqot
•
Singular.
1. yauii7deq5t
2. yandeqot
3. yawitqot
3a. yatqot
Singular.
1. yauirdeqSt
2. yandeqot
3. yawitqot
3a. yatqot
Imperative.
PluraL
ya de qot
y a y a tco de qot
ya ya o de q5t
Customary.
PluraL
yaitdeqot
ya o de qot
ya yaitqdt
ya yaitqot
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya wit de qot
ya wo de qot
y a ya wit qot
ya y at qot
Past Definite.
Plural.
y a wit de qot
ya wo de qSt
ya yawitqot
ya yatqot
The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above,
are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur
without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class; and
those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na-
with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are
peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular
'Uto in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these
tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of
several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is
appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone.
The first person plural lacks its characteristic pliable beginning
with d.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 163
in ta na wit yai, past def . 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12.
in ta na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he would turn back.
187-4.
ya it qot, oust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11.
ya wit xus sil lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15.
yawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15.
ya na it xus, oust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1.
ya na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15.
ya nat xuts ei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10.
ya nat dje u, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15
yat mil lei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11.
yat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10.
ye wit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14.
ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1.
ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat will come. 209-3.
ye wit kait din, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2
ye wit qot, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3.
ye na it dsLUW, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6.
ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15.
ye na wit ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6.
ye na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will go in. 311-15.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking.
325-5.
yo du wit xul Hl te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for.
296-3.
nai wit in il, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5.
na 6 dui(? de xut, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10.
na ya wit dil, past def. 3 plu., they went along. 172-1.
nawitxuslL, pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5.
na wit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7.
nawitdal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12.
nawitdallit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming
along. 100-17.
na wit dal hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7
nawitdaL, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7.
na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17.
nanaitdautr, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10.
nana wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15.
of California Publications, l^^- Arch. Eth.
f>8st del 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2.
le. fat. def. 3 plu., people will live again.
post def. 3a sing., the sun had gone down.
aa -c Tnr ieL past def. 3 plu., they danced. 366-1.
ra Id ir? dai din. pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening
^'"hsfL rile son had gone down).
» uT^sisjai. past def. 3a sing., my head it came
•\K 55*vl5.
a »:•. ivt. ?*5t def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13.
?' a Tf^ irt 3ti^L. past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away
.!i*rT yi themselves. 181-9.
^x. r^ T^ iil. past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1
^ A -» vTC xits* past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3.
A v; ^'ic ?id. pr^s. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard.
Tt v»yi»i. past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4.
A.<wr dk !«. P^^vfi^ d^^- ^ sing., it floating. 243-13.
A x». vt»:a*?* P*st def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8.
,% -r* ^- rI»::toi?iLte, fut. def. 3 sing., the wind will
v« c^ntly. 273-1.
• -T^-i:. past def. 3 sing., he did not come in.
rr '.a
rv*st def. t^ sing., it opened. 281-17.
^- T v.^ ■- d^*^ P^f*^* ^^^- ^ ^^^^", if he drinks water.
*•• \ ^Tk V^'*'^ ^ P^^^' ^^^ "^ drink water. 179-3.
♦-. -r *— ti" fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink.
. T itw' i>*st def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7.
, *»r do ^ pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16.
— V -^rn te ^ fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink. 337-18.
hk, .?T 7»*r., V^*5^ def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12.
■ :>»„H fut def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed
vKVit to ttinible. 286-13.
.. .^fc. ,+*r** t to n before the root.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language.
165
tcu wit til, past def . 3 sing., she was holding up. 246-12.
ke it mil lei, cust. 3 plu., they drop. 180-14.
kyu wit tee il, past def. 3 sing., it blew along. 324-7.
Conjugation 2.
Na nit auir, he is bringing back.
Singular.
1. nautrdeautr
2. nandeautr
3. nanitauir
3a. nainitautr
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
na ne de auu*
na no de auir
na ya nit autr
nayainitauu/
Singular.
1. doxolin naufrdeauu?
2. nan de auu?
3. na nit autr
3a. nai nit auM?
Singular.
2. nandeauu;
3. nanodeaui^
3a. nainodeauic
Impotential.
Plural.
Singular.
1. na ne iuu? de auu?
2. naneindeauic
3. naneitdeauK?
3a. nai ne it de auir
Singular.
1. naut^deun
2. nandeun
3. naindeun
3a. nainindeun
d5 xo lifi na ne de auu;
na n5 de auir
nayanitauu?
na yai nit auu?
Imperative.
Plural.
na no de auw
na ya no de au«?
na yai no de bmw
Customary.
Plural.
na ne e de sxxw
na no o de auir
na ya ne it auir
na yai ne it auu?
Present Definite.
Plural.
na ne de un
na no de un
na ya in de un
nayainindeun
166 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth.
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. iiauM7dean nanedean
2. nan dean na no dean
3. na in dean nayaindean
3a. nainindean nayainindean
That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting
the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first,
from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of
the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third
from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju-
gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position
obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the
past definite, for instance, nanindean, or nanitan, would
be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this
class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the
form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to
be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent.
yu wun dim mil lei, past def. 3a sing., it went through
211-5.
wun dim mil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3.
wun dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2.
Le nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire
burning. 169-6.
Lenaindlyai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit.
220-8.
Le na in dl ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around.
220-6.
Le na it dautr, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7
Le nauir dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6.
Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16.
Lin duk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together.
295-2.
me nun di yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7.
na ill de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17.
na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16.
na in dl ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 167
nain dlya diii, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5.
naindikgit, past def. 3a sing., they came back. 299-9.
nauirdiyai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10.
na ne it wtitr, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it back. 237-8.
naneitdautr, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1.
na ne it git, cust. 3 sing., they cdme back. 233-5.
na no di ya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5.
natindiyane, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18.
no na in di tsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8.
no na in duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump-
ing. 329-18.
ndnaitdjeu, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 299-10.
no na it tse, cust. 3 sing., she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nan dit djeu, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15.
nonundexen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore.
216-6.
non di yan, past def. 3a sing., one was left. 118-11.
nonundiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will
stay. 259-17.
no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2.
no nun dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18.
non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8.
non de qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2.
ndn dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2.
nundiyate, fut. def . 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9.
niin duk q5tc tsu, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope
back. 175-9.
xoL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him.
315-5.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut.
109-5.
XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
floated back. 315-6.
do na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back.
306-2.
tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16.
tee na in dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11.
tee na in di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down.
325-8.
168
University of California Publications. C-Ajc Aroh. Bth.
tcin duk kait dei, past def. 3a sing., they came down to.
158-16.
tcin diik qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12.
Conjugation 3.
Na de qot, he is tumbling about.
Singular.
1. nauirdeqot
2. nun de qot
3. nadeqot
3a. nadukqot
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
na duk qot
na de qot
na ya de qot
na ya duk qot
Impotential.
Singular.
1. ddxoliii nauirdeqot
2. nun de qot
3. na de qot
3a. na duk qot
Singular.
2. nun de qot
3. nateodeqot
3a. na ode qot
Singular.
1. naiuicdeqot
2. naindeqot
3. naitqot
3a. naitqot
Singular.
1. nasdukqot
2. nasindeqot
3. naisdeqot
3a. nasdukqot
Plural.
doxolin nadukqot
na de qot
nayadeqdt
na ya duk qot
Imperative.
Plural.
na de qot
na ya too de qot
na ya 6 de qot
Customary.
Plural.
na it de qot
na 6 de q5t
na ya it qot
na ya it qot
Present Definite.
Plural.
na se de qot
na so de qot
na ya is de qot
na yas de qot
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 169
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nasdukqot nasedeqot
2. nasindeqot nasodeqot
3. naisdeqot nayaisdeqot
3c. nasdukqat nayasdeqot
The noteworthy fact in the preceding paradigm is the lack,
in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the
usual signs for that person and number. If the sign has been
that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason
for its disappearance; but if it was utr, as is found in the
other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to-
gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan
tongue.
in na iuK7 duk kai, cust. 1 sing., I always get up. 241-1.
innaisdukka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14.
in nas duk ka ei, past def. 3a sing., it got up. 114-16.
in nas duk ka hit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8.
yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned
over. 117-4.
menaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12.
min na na se it dautr, cust. 3 sing., he always went around.
346-3.
na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6.
na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11.
na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13.
na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet.
142-17.
na na is dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around.
314-6.
na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6.
na des duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12,
222-9.
natesdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17.
na tes di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3.
na tes di ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14.
xa na is dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2.
Am. Asch. Eth. 3. 12.
170
University of California PubUcatians. [Am. Abch. Bth.
xa na is di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up.
210-12.
xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing., if she comes up. 111-6.
xa na is dii. Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13.
xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned
around. 278-12.
do na xos dil le te, f ut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4
do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen.
117-5.
tanaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again.
314-6.
tsis di yan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2.
tcis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old.
325-13.
Class IV.
Conjugation 1.
Na il yeuir, he is resting.
Singular.
1. nauiryeuir
2. nulyeuir
3. nailyeu?r
3c. nalyeuM?
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
na dil yeuir
naL yeuu;
na ya il yeuu;
nayai yeuu;
Singular.
1. doxoliii nauiryeujr
2. mil yeujr
3. iia il yeu<r
3a. nal yeiur
Singular.
2. nulyeu/r
3. natcolyeu?r
3a. na 61 yeu ir
Inipotential.
Plural.
do x6 liii na dil yeuw;
naL yeuM?
na ya il yeuu?
na yal yeuu?
Imperative.
Plural.
naL yeuir
na ya tool yeuu?
na ya 51 yeui^
Vou 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 171
Singular.
1. naiuiryeufT
2. nailyeuir
3. nailyeuir
3a. nailyeutr
Singular.
1. nauiryeuu?
2. nalyeuir
3. nawilyeuM?
3a. nalyeuii?
Singular.
1. nauiryeuu?
2. nalyeufT
3. nawilyeu«7
3a. nalyeuu?
Customary.
Plural.
na it dil yeutr
na OL yeuir
na ya il yeuM?
nayailyeuiu
Present Definite.
Plural
na wit dil yeuir
na woL yeuir
nayawilyetiir
nayalyeuic
Past Definite.
Plural.
na wit dil yeuM?
nawoLyeuii?
nayawilyetiir
nayalyeuiu
The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana-
logs of those in Class 11, the voiced 1 appearing in the place
of the surd l, except in the second person plural throughout,
where l is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due
to the strongly aspirated 5 which, as the sign of this person
and number, stands before the l and in the same syllable
with it.
In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this
class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre-
ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root,
phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No
facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the
passive forms point to morphological causes.
ya wil ton, past def . 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9.
yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18.
ya kyu wil kyan ne x6 Ian, past def. 3 plu., they found
they were pregnant. 278-3.
172 University of CaUfornia Publications. [ Am. Aroh. BSth.
ye e il t5n xo Ian, cust. 3a sing., (birds) used to jump in.
117-17.
ye na wil Lat, past def . 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9.
ye na wil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-11.
ye nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8.
yenuwilgillil, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid
of. 235-4.
yin nel git, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16.
yinnenalLat, past def. 3a sing., in the ground it ran.
221-12.
wun na xo il yu, cust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12.
wut na ya xo wil yan, past def. 3 plu., they watched him.
267-10.
lin xo wil ^en, past def. 3 sing., he iaddressed her. 98-10.
Lu win ^en, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9.
me ya du wil wau«7, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk
about it. 265-1.
min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2.
na il tsit, cust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3.
na il tsit te, f ut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11.
nawilyeutt?, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14.
nawildittal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7.
naliuirte, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13.
nal hicin te, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6.
nalditdal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along.
115-15.
nal tsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2.
naLyeuMT, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5.
na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17.
nanaldeiutr, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off.
337-5.
na nal dit tsit din, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4.
na xo wil tsit xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15.
na xo de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5.
na du wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14.
na du wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13.
na tcil yeuu? sa an din, pres. 3 sing., the resting place.
363-3.
Vol. 31 Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 173
na tcil yeutr din, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3.
ne into git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5.
nfll diL Lat, past def . 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16.
xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16
xo wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4.
xoLwildal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along.
115-1.
xoL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went.
223-14.
da wil Lat, past def. 3a sing., it jumped on. 113-14.
da wil ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped. 115-9.
da na du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12.
98-15.
dadeilya, cust. 3 sing., they stand around. 195-7.
da tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2.
datcuwilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14.
do nil git he ne, imp. 2 sing., don't be afraid. 170-15.
do xwe xo yun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will be crazy. 307-10
tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17.
te nal dit do te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5.
te na de il ya, cust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4.
tee U Lade, pres. 3 sing., he is running along. 220-13.
tcin nel git, past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2.
tcit dil ye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8.
tcit dil ye ^x, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7.
tcit dil ye te, fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8.
tcit dil wauu? tsu, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16.
tcit du wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16.
tcit du wil yel iL de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10
tcit du. wil ye iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9
tcit du wil ye liL te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance.
230-5.
tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped oflf. 107-11.
tcu wil daL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming.
176-11.
kya tu wil tcwel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10
174 University of OdUfarnia PubUcatians. [AjcAboh-Bth.
Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2.
minnaildal, oust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2.
no il La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8
no din nil tewan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper.
141-4.
tee il Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2.
tee il qol e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out.
185-11.
tee na il Lat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9.
tcetcilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16.
tcin nil qol ei, past def . 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9.
Conjugation 3.
Na dil in, he is watching for it.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naduu^in naditdilin
2. nadilin nadoLin
3. nadilin nayadilin
3a. naidilin nayaidilin
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxolin naduiren doxolin naditdilen
2. nadilen nadoLen
3. na dil en na ya dil en
3a. naidilen nayaidilen
Imperative.
Singular. PluraL
2. nadilin nadoLin
3. nadolin nayadolin
3a. naidolin nayaidolin
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. nadeiuu^en nadeitdilen
2. nadeilen nadooLen
3. nadeilen nayadeilen
3a. naideilen nayaideilen
.i
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa La/nguage, 176
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naduwesin na du wes dil in
2. naduwesilin naduwesoLin
3. naduwesin nayaduwesin
3a. nai du wes in na yai du wes in
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naduwesen naduwesdilen
2. naduwesilen naduwesoLen
3. naduwesen nayaduwesen
3a. nai du wes en nayaiduwesen
As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first
person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the
usual signs found in that person and number.
a nu wes ^e, past def . 3a sing., he looked. 143-14.
iuiryo, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16.
in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5.
in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9.
yenesgit, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4.
yenesgitte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2.
yit du wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10.
yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a. sing., they ate. 347-15.
wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16.
wun na x6 il yu, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12.
wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8.
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16.
me ya dzes la, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him.
182-4.
me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6.
mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4.
mi nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5.
ml nes git tcL, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7.
na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch
her. 137-3.
nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1.
176 University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Bth.
ne iutr git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5.
nesnoi, past def. 3a sing., that stand. 220-3.
hai da teu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes.
340-13.
xa na is dii. i^t, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13.
xoi na se il de qol, cust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling.
185-2.
xoinesgit, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11.
xo wfit xo wes yiin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her.
137-7.
xowfitteuxo wesyan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her.
137-8.
xoL XBS tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18.
do a wun tel wis he, imp. 2 sing., don't be fri^tened.
356-2.
dowesyo, pres. def. 1 sing., I don't like. 233-6.
do nas do, pres. 3a sing., they won't dodge. 258-13.
donitdje teltisitne, imp. 2 sing., don't get ezdted.
170-18.
do teu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7.
te sil tcwen ne dun, past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew
time. 337-13.
tes tcwin ne en tein, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was
brought up. 117-13.
tiltsit^x, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13.
til tcwen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12.
til tcwin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5.
tol tcwen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6.
tsi yiin te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran oflf. 333-11.
tee il yo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5.
tcuwesyote, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11.
tcuweswaL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16.
keisLat, pa.st def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8.
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 177
Objectiye Conjugation.
First Person Singular.
Ya hidL tuw, he is picking me up.
Singular.
1.
2. yahtriLttiu?
3. yah«?iLtUM?
3a, yaihM?iLtuir
Singular.
2. yahtriLtutt?
3. ya hicoL tiiii?
3a. yaihtroLtuu?
Singular.
1.
2. yahu?eiLtuir
3. ya hM?e iL tutt?
3a. yai liti?e iL tun?
Singular.
1.
2. yahtruwiLtin
3. yahfriLtin
3a. yaihiriLtin
Singular.
1.
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
ya hwoij tun?
ya ya hwih tmu
ya yai hwiL tnw
Imperative.
Plural.
ya httJOL tvLtc
ya ya hwoL tun?
yayaihttJOLtUM?
Customary.
Plural.
ya hii?o OL tutr
ya ya hire iL tuu?
ya yai hire iLtuu?
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya htru woL tin
ya ya hmh tin
yayahiriLtin
Past Definite.
Plural.
2. yahtruwiLten yahiruwoLten
3. yahiriLten yaya hndLten
3a. yaihtdLten ya yai hu^iL ten
As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object
of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun
178 University of Calif omia Publications. L-^^* Aeoh. Ets.
in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from
that of other weak syllables which may be inserted.* The position
of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im-
mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in
fact, it often forms a syllable.
Verbs having the first person sir^ular as the direct object.
ahirola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12.
nahtroLtsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5.
h«7iLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3.
hirikkyowiin, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it
sleep me). 121-6.
tee htris su wiL weL de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3.
tcu htriL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me.
176-14.
tcti htro wiL xul liL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me
for it. 311-17.
tcu htt?o hire iL te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10.
tcu htron hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12.
Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object,
anahtriLtcit den te, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say. 363-18.
a hii^iL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell
me? 135-4, 363-16.
a heciL tcit du win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11.
a hu?iL tcit den htrun, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me.
314-11.
h«7e na tcoL xe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me.
187-2.
hu?iLteLdauir, pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me.
114-11.
htriL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go.
187-7.
ht(?iL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15.
hwin na wil \nw te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me.
307-18.
hi^o a nun auiT; imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14.
* Compare, class ii, conjugation Id supra p. 147.
Vou 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 179
huro iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
hiuii wa meL tcwit te, fut. def. 2 sing., loan me. 296-11.
htru wa miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7.
hM?u wun tuir, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7.
doahiriLtcitdende, pres. 3 sing., if he does not tell
me. 257-12.
Second Person Singular,
Yiin ne tciL tutr, he is picking you up.
Singular.
1. yunnuirtuM?
2.
3. yun ne tciL tUM?
3o. yunniLtuir
Present Indefinite.
Plural,
yun nit dil tuM?
ya yun ne tciL tuir
yai yun niL tun?
Singular.
2.
3. yun ne tcoL tuii?
3a. yunnoLtuu?
Imperative.
Plural.
ya yun ne tcoL tuu?
yai yun noL tuo?
Singular.
1. yun ne iuu? tuiT
2.
3. 3riin ne tee iL tuu?
3a. yunneiLtuir
Customary.
Plural,
yun ne it dil tuir
ya yun ne iL tun?
ya yun ne iL tuu?
Singular.
1. yunneLtin
2.
3. yun ne tciL tin
3a. yun niL tin
Present Definite.
Plural,
yun nu wit dil tin
ya yun ne tciL tin
yai yun niL tin
180 VniversUy of CdUfomia Publications, [Am. Asoh. Bth.
Past Definite.
Singular. PIuraL
1. yunneLten yun nu wit dil ten
2.
3. yunnetciLten yayunnetciLten
3a. yfinniLten yaiyunniLten
For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro-
noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons,
precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular
of the verb. Coming throughout immediately after the prefix
ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to ytn-. This
is probably due to a shifting of accent.
Verbs having the second person singular as the direct object,
nit tcu win yun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7.
nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you).
294-5.
nikkyti win nunte, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep.
252-11.
xo lun ne seL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out.
105-16.
Verbs havituj the second person singular as the indirect ob-
ject,
un niL duM^ ne, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8.
un niL den ne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8.
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you.
328-6.
niL hire lik te, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3.
niL xoir lik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8.
niL xot yiin te, fut. 3a sing., it will be easy for you to
get. 357-7.
niLxwelikte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4.
niLtesi" ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4.
nu wa me iieL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you.
356-6.
nu wa na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7.
nuwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you.
353-7.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language,
181
Third Person Singular.
YaxoLtui/?, he is picking him up.
Singular.
1. yaxotctuu?
2. yaxoLtuu?
3. yaxoLtuu?
3a. yaixoLtuu?
Singular.
2. yaxoLtuM?
3. yaxoLtuii?
3a. yaixoLtui^
Singular.
1. ya xoi iuiT tuM?
2. yaxoiiLtuii?
3. yaxoiiLtuM?
3a. yai xoi iL tuu?
Singular.
1. yaxweL tin
2. yaxowiLtin
3. yaxoLtin
3a. yaix5Ltin
Singular.
1. yaxweL ten
2. yaxowiLten
3. yaxoLten
3a. yaixoLten
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
ya xot dil tuw
ya xoL tuw
ya ya xol tuM?
ya yai xol tuu?
Imperative.
Plural.
ya XOL tuu)
ya ya xol tun?
ya yai xol tuw
Customary.
Plural.
ya x6 it dil tun?
ya xo OL tuir
ya ya xoi iL tmc
ya yai xoi iL taw
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya xo wit dil tin
ya x5 woL tin
y a ya xol tin
ya yai xol tin
Past Definite.
Plural.
ya xo wit dil ten
ya xo WOL ten
yayaxoLten
ya yai xol ten
182 University of California PubUcatians, [Am- AmcH. Bth.
Verbs having the third person singular as direct object,
yai xoi i yan, cust. 3a. plu., they always eat him. 195-10.
yai X08 tcwutr, past def. 3a. plu., they smelled of him.
165-3.
yaxowiLxaiL, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5.
ya x6 win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4.
yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4.
ya xoL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16.
yaxonneLen, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him.
278-3.
yaxoseLwen, past def., 3 plu., they kiUed him. 171-12.
yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 plu., they might kill him. 278-5.
ya xos meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3-
ye na xol waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13.
yexoneiLye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up.
195-10.
yo xoL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4.
na xo win hiraL, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6.
miLnaxowiLwe, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepj^
(sleep fought with him). 121-5.
miLxoiniLxe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8.
nai xoi iL ^au, cust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8.
nai xoiiLtcweei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13.
nai xdn nu wiL hiron, past def. 3a sing., it cured him.
121-13.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3.
nayai xoi iLtcwoig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to-
<rether. 196-3.
na ya xo tcL xa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3.
na nayaxonniLxaei, past def. 3 plu., they found his
tracks. 170-4.
na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep.
121-7.
naxowiLnie, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12.
iiaxodoilcn, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5.
iiH xot dfi wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch
her. 137-3.
Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 183
no na xol tuto, pres. 3 sing., he had laid her. 342-8.
nonaxonniLtinneen, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up
with him. 176-11.
xa ai ya XOL in ^x, pres. 3 plu., they did that with him.
211-5.
xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up.
239-1.
xoirtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9.
xoii? tsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3.
xoneLinteL, fut. def. 1 sing., I ean't look at him.
138-12.
xon neL in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14.
xontcwit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10.
xoseseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11.
xosutrwe, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8.
xot da na ya XOL xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked
him. 170-3.
xokyuwiniian, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep.
203-1.
da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1.
da tee xo diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him
away. 159-5.
dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the
fire. 120-8.
do yux xo il Ian, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2.
dd na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him.
152-6.
do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know
him. 166-15.
do na XOL tsun xo lin, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him
any longer (more). 306-6.
do he ya xon neL en, past, def. 3 plu., they could not
look at him. 139-1.
do xo lin xon ne dil en, impot. 1 plu., we can't look at
him. 139-3.
do tco XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8.
ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces.
108-2.
184 University of Calif amia PubUcaiions. i^^ Aech. Bth.
tee na xon DiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out.
153-7.
tee xoL kit, past 3 sing., he eaught him. 143-9.
tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4.
tcex5ndesne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11.
tcexdseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11.
tee x6 teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17.
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15.
tcex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched her.
137-10.
too XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2.
tco xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her.
332-12.
tco xon ncL en. past def. 3 sing., he looked at him.
109-1.
tcoxonneitctcwaei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at hei>
333-3.
tco xon niL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him.
159-9.
tcoxondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him.
257-1.
tco xon des ne hfrun, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13.
tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of.
325-14.
tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3.
tcoxostewen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8.
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along.
97-10.
Verbs having the third person s^ingular as indirect object.
ai XOL ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13.
ai XOL de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3.
ayai xdLduwenne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2.
axoLtcitdenne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. 97-7.
axoLtcitdentsu, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8.
yaxoLtcitdenne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him.
102-15.
xa a XOL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 185
xoi ye xoi i yan, cust. 3 sing., she suspected her. 158-3.
158-3.
xowaiLda, past def. 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13.
xowayaintan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14.
xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan
him. 356-17.'
xo wa tein xan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12.
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5.
xo wut xo wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her.
137-7.
xo wut tcu xo wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched
her. 137-8.
xoLyakitwul, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed.
107-10.
xoLwildal, past 3a sing., with him came along. 115-1.
xoL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him.
. 315-5.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
shut. 109-5.
XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
floated back. 315-6.
xoLneuu^te, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12.
XOL no il lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with
him.
XOL no nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with
him). 364-7.
XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating.
209-13.
XOL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with
him). 137-18.
XOL xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her.
341-3.
XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her.
341-2.
XOL da na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
stuck up. 203-5.
Am. Abob. Eth. 3. 13.
186 University of California Publications. [A^- Arch. Eth.
xoL den ne e te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6,
139-5.
XOL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went.
223-14.
xoLteillit, oust. 3 sing., he smoked himself.
xoLteLtcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him.
137-18.
XOL tes lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2.
XOL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it.
108-1.
xoLteiLkit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it.
107-10.
XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13.
XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18.
XOL tcit du win neL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12.
XOL tcu wit dil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1.
xdL tcu x5 wil lik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13.
XOL kiL dje xa in nauic htrei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought
with her. 333-4.
xwaiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11.
xwayaiLkit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5.
xwawilxan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5.
do he XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not
know how. 175-4.
do XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know
how. 176-6.
First Person Plural.
Yun no tcil lutr, he is picking us up.
Singular.
1.
2. yfinnoholluM?
3. yun n5 tcil luw?
3a. yiin no hil lu«?
Present
Indefinite.
Plural.
yun no ho \uw
ya yun no tcil luw
yai yun no hil Ium?
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 187
Imperative.
Singrolar.
Plural.
2.
yfm no hoi \uw
yfm no ho \uw
3.
yun no tco luw
yayunnotcoluir
3a.
yfm no ho \uw
yai yiin no ho Ium?
Customary.
1
Singular.
yiinnoheilluK?
Plural.
2.
yfm no he 51 Into
3.
yfm no tee il lute
ya yfm no tee il luii?
3a.
yiin no he il Into
yai yiin no he il luir
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1.
2. yunnowilla yunnowola
3. yunnotcilla ya yun no tcil la
3a. yunndhilla yai yiin no hil la
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1.
2. yiinnowillai yunnowolai
3. yun no tcil lai y a yiin no tcil lai
3a. yiin no hil lai yai yiin no hil lai
When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb
is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens
that -ten the root of the singular, requires l and therefore places
the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the
plural object does not require l and its verbs belong to the
first class.
The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second
syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It
follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to
its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to
its effect on the form of the preceding prefix.
188
University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [Am. Abch. Bth.
Verbs having the first person plural as direct object.
do xo lin DO siL we, impot. 2 sin^., you can't kill us.
165-7.
Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object.
a no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said of us.
302-3.
no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., they told us. 302-4.
Second Person Plural.
Yun no tcil lutr, he is picking you (plural) up.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yun nd htrutr lutr ydnndhitdillCLif?
2.
3. yun no tcil lull?
3a. yunndhillutr
yayunnotcilltitr
yai yun n5 hil lutr
Singular.
2.
3. yunnotcoluM?
3a. vimnoholuff
Imperative.
Plural.
Singular.
1. yiin noheiuir luir
o
3. yun no tee illuir
3a. 3"im no he illuir
ya yun no tco luir
yai yun no ho lute
Customary.
Plural.
^•un no he it dil luir
Singular.
1. viin no he la
yayunnotceil luir
yai yun no he il luir
Present Definite.
Plural.
yiin no wit dil la
o
3. yun no toil la
3u. yiiu no hil la
ya yun no tcil la
yai yun no hil la
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 189
Past Definite.
Singular.
1. yunndhelai
2.
3. Tunnotcillai
3a. yun n5 hil lai
Plural.
yun no wit dil lai
ya yun no tcil lai
yai yun no hil lai
These forms differ from those of the first person plural of
the objective only in the forms which can logically occur. In
the case of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb
are barred; while in the case of the second person, the second
person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of
the verb it must be determined from the context whether the
object is of the first or second person.
Third Person Plural.
Ya ya xol luir, he is picking them up.
Singular.
1- (ya)yax6u?luir
2. (ya)yax5llutr
3. (ya)yax611utt?
3a. (ya) yai xol lull?
Singular.
2. (ya)ya xol lute
3. (ya)yax6llutt?
3a. (ya)yaix6llut(?
Singular.
1. (ya)yaxoiiuirlu«?
2. (ya)yaxoiillu«?
3. (ya)yaxoiillu«?
3a. (ya)yaixoiillu«?
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
(ya)yax6t dil lull?
(ya)yax6luti?
(ya)yax611uir
(ya)yaixollu«?
Imperative.
Plural.
(ya)yax6luii?
(ya)ya xol lute
(ya)yai xol lute
Customary.
PluraL
(ya)ya xoi it dil lute
(ya)yax6olute
(ya)yaxoiillute
(ya)yai xoi il lute
190 Univenity of Calif omia Publications. [^^ ^^^^ Bth.
Present Definite.
Singular. PlnraL
1. (ya)ya xwel la (ya)ya x6 wit dil la
2. (ya)ya x6 wil la (ya)ya x5 wo la
3. (ya)ya xol la (ya)ya x61 la
3«. (ya)yai xol la (ya)yai xo la
Past Definite.
Singalar. PlnraL
1- (ya)ya xwel lai (ya)ya xo wit dil lai
2. (ya)yax6willai (ya)yax6w51ai
3. (ya)yaxollai (ya)yaxoxdllai
3«- (ya)yaix6llai (ya)yaixollai
Since the fonn of the root indicates that the object is more
than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the
object and those with both are plural.
Verbs having the third person plural for direct object,
ya xos q5t, past def . 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2.
ya xo tcL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15.
yaxoqot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12.
ye ya xo lai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12.
yinneyaxoLtaL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he
tramped them. 361-10.
nayaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15.
na ya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them.
179-8.
na ya xos duk qot de, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them.
180-15.
do ya XOL tsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14.
tee na ya xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3.
Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object.
xo wa ya tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8.
XOL yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3 sing., they learned.
180-13.
xoLyaLdewimminiL., pres. def. 3a plu., they fiUed with
them. 153-17.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 191
xoL ya xo il lik, cust. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10.
xoL ya x6 wil lik, past def . 3 plu., they told them. 180-12.
xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went.
208-15.
XOL teit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them.
153-16.
xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11.
Reflexive.
Ye a diL to, he is putting himself into.
Singular.
1. ye a dull? ^6
2. ye a diL ^6
3. ye a diL ^0
Sa. yeaidiL^o
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
ye a dit dil ^6
ye a doL ^6
ye a ya diL ^5
ye a yai diL ^6
Singular.
1. doxolin yeadutrid
2. ye a diL to
3. ye a diL ^6
3a. ye ai diL ^o
Singular.
2. ye a diL ^0
3. yeadoLto
3a. yeaidoLfo
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin yeaditdiHo
ye a doL ^o
ye a ya diL ^6
ye a yai diL ^o
Imperative.
Plural.
ye a doL ^o
ye a ya doL ^6
ye a yai doL to
Singular.
1. yeadeiu?r^o
2. yeadeiL^o
3. yeadeiL^o
3a. yeaideiL^o
Customary.
Plural.
ye a de it dil to
ye a do 6l to
ye a ya de iL ^6
ye a yai de iL ^6
192 University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Bth.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye a deL *o ye a du wit dil to
2. yeaduwiL^o yeaduwoLto
3. yeadiL<6 yeayadiL<o
3a. yeaidiL^o yeayaidiLfo
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye a deL ^5 yeaduwitdiHd
2. yeaduwiL^o yeaduwoL^o
3. yeadiLfo yeayadiL^o
3a. yeaidiL^o yeayaidlL^o
It will be noted that the form of the reflexive inserted ele-
ment is the same for all persons in both numbers.
The following verbs have the direct reflexive form.
anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11.
ana dil le, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1.
anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5.
anadistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14.
a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself.
115-7.
anayadillau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves.
170-1.
anaditduwibkan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one
side. 108-15.
adistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6.
adistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make (for him-
self). 363-5.
a dux xun de, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3.
ye a diL ^o, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12.
no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself.
223-9.
no a dill xauir, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9.
domaadiniLtcwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move.
341-1.
domaadiiiniLtcwit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn't
walk. 276-3.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — MorpJiology of the Hupa Language. 193
Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object,
a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for him-
self. 338-6.
a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will
get. 338-9.
adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7.
adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself.
223-14.
a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with
it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him-
self with it. 202-7.
a diL no ke iL qoir, cust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with
himself. 202^.
a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself.
302-10.
adittcinnullutr, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3.
a du wa nun du witc tcwil liL te, fut. 3 sing., she will rub
herself,
a du wun ya teL wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they
were afraid. 179-10.
a du wun din tcwin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe.
353-7.
aduwundotcwitte, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves.
322-11.
a du wun du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him-
self. 319-9.
a AxLU) kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6.
do a du wun tel wis he, imp. 2 plu., don't be frightened.
356-2.
Conjugation of the Passive Voice.
Taxowiltin, he is carried oflf.
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxoliii ya htrel dit tuir doxoliii yunnohitluK?
2. yun nel dit imo yun nd ho luir
3. yaxoldittuM? yayaxotluK?
3o. yul dit tuu? ya yat Ium?
194
University of California Publications, C^m- Aroh. Bth.
Singular.
2. yfin nol dit ttiir
3. ya xol dit tuir
3a. yaoldittutr
Singular.
1. ya hire il dit tu«?
2. yfin ne il dit tuir
3. ya xoi il dit tu?/?
3a. ya e il dit tuir
Sing^ar.
1. ya ht(?u wil tin
2. yun nu wil tin
3. yaxowiltin
3a. yaltin
Singular.
1. ya hiru wil ten
2. yun nu wil ten
3. yaxowilten
3a. yalten
Imperative.
Plural.
yun no hoi dil lutr
ya ya xol dil Wir
ya ya 61 dil luir
Customary.
Plural.
yun no he it luu?
yun no he it luu?
ya ya xoi it lutr
yayaitluM?
Present Definite.
Plural.
yun no wit la
yun no wit la
ya ya xo wit la
ya yat la
Past Definite.
Plural.
yun no wit lai
yun no wit lai
ya ya xo wit lai
ya yat lai
Past Persistent.
Singular. Plural.
1. ya htvu. wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai
2. yun nu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai
3. ya xo wes dit ten ya ya xo wes dil lai
3a. ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai
In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and
conjugrations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which
requires l and places its verbs in the second class in the active
voice, on becoming: passive passes to the fourth class. The root
of the plural, not requiring l in the active, passes to the third
class on becoming passive.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 195
The definite tenses have w, the characteristic of the first con-
jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act
which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms
which have been called past persistent resemble the third con-
jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation.*
What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they
logically possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and
imperative.
The following passives have the forms of Class III,
wittcwa, pres., buried. 192-17.
wit tcwa ta, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-11.
naweslenei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1.
nawesmats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19.
nawesdeL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15.
no na wit ^ats, past def ., it is cut down. 114-17.
daxoduwesen, past persistent, one could see. 242-13.
do 6 na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen.
151-19.
d5 na h;ru wes tsun hii?un, 1 sing., I must not be seen
again. 217-18.
d5 na xo wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he was not
longer seen. 226-5.
dokyuwityan, past def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4.
kyu wit tcwok kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on
a line. 165-8.
The following passives have the forms of Class IV,
yai kyti wil ^ats, past def., a blanket made of strips.
207-5.
willoi, past def., bundles. 210-3.
wiltcwen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11.
(dihM?o)wiltcwen, past def., something was made (a
grave). 221-10.
wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4.
^Compare the forms given for the third conjugation, class It.
196 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [ Am. Aboh. Bth.
Lenawilla, past def., a fire. 170-9.
na wil ttk, past def., a string tied. 353-4.
nawillit, past def., he neariy burned. 330-1.
na wil lit del, past def., he burned -up. 120-8.
nawillitte, fut. def., it will bum. 151-5.
nanuwilxut, past def., hanging for a door. 171-1.
na du wil tewan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1.
na kyu wil ttk, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10.
nowillin, past def., covered. 115-16.
nokyuwiltaL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6.
htrelweLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night.
348-2.
hirin nu wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here.
180-7.
xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along.
179-12.
xoi yal weL, past def., they camped. 175-6.
xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along.
181-6.
xoinalweL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4.
xwel weL, past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night,
da du wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried off.
150-10.
do wil tsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9.
do xo lin hwril wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over
night. 176-1.
kyuwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6.
Irregular Verbs.
An, he says.
Present Indefinite.
Smgolar. Plural.
1. aduK?ne adit din ne
2. a den a don
3. an ayan
3a. an ayan
Voi« 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Ilupa Langtiage.
197
Impotential.
Singular.
Plural.
1. doxolin aduirne
doxolin adit din ne
2. a den ne
a do ne'
3. ane
ayane
3a. a ne
ayane
Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
2 a den
a don
3. a don
a ya don
3a. a don
a y a don
Customary.
Singular.
Plural.
1. adeiuirne
a de it din ne
2. adeenne
a de ne
3. adeinne
a ya de in ne
3a. adeinne
ayadeinne
Present Definite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. a den
a du wit din
2. aduwen
a du wo ne
3. a den
a y a den
3a. aduwen
a ya du wen
Past Definite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. adenne
a du wit din ne
2. aduwene
a du wo ne
3. adenne
a ya den ne
3a. aduwenne
a ya du wen ne
The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in
the form of the root. That the root should have a short fonn
for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be
198 University of CaUfomia Publications, [^.m. Akch. Eth.
expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened
form is unusual.*
ayaiduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7.
ayan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17.
ayaduwinnel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say-
ing. 153-14.
an tsu, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13.
a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5.
a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2.
a den tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12.
yaduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17.
xaadenne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5.
deinne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1.
din ne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17.
do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1.
do ne ne, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3.
dtiwenne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13.
duwinne, it played. 100-5.
A tcon, he thinks.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ainuK^sin ainitdissin
2. aininsin ainosin
3. a tcon ayatcon
3a. a yon ayayon
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. d5xolin ainuirsin doxolin ainitdissin
2. ai nin sin ai n5 sin
3. a tco ne a ya tco ne
3a. a yo ne a ya yo ne
^ Other forms have been given in the lists under objective conjugations
and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is
quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especially in the
third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the
definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den
and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc,
the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 199
Singular.
2. aininsin
3. atcdone
3a. a 70 one
Singular.
1. aineiutrsen
2. aineinsen
3. atcoinne
3a. aydinne
Singular.
1. ainesin
2. ainuwinsifi
3. a tcon des ne
3a. a yon des ne
Singular.
1. ainesen
2. ainuwinsen
3. a Icon des ne
3a. a yon des ne
Imperative.
Plural.
ai no sin
a ya too 6 ne
ayayoone
Customary.
Plural.
ai ne it dis sen
ai ne 6 sen
a ya tco in ne
a ya yo in ne
Present Definite.
Plural.
ainuwitdissin
ai nu w5 sin
ayatcondesne
a ya yon des ne
Past Definite.
Plural.
ai nu wit dis sen
ai nu wo sen
a ya tcon des ne
a ya yon des ne
The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its
forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have
the root forms -sin and -sen; the third person the forms -n
and -ne.
ai yon des ne te, fut. def. 3a sing., she will think about.
104-1.
ai ne sen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3.
aininsinne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17.
ainutrsin, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3.
atcoinne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4.
a tcon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7.
ya tcon des ne, past def. 3 plu., they thought. 265-2.
200
University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth.
nin sin, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12.
hM?unnesifi, pres. 2 sing., don't you remember. 163-8.
do ai ninsiii^x, pres. 2 sing., you don't think. 337-9.
too in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8.
tcoxondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him.
257-1.
too xon des ne te, f ut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him.
325-14.
Conjugation or Adjectives.
Nit das, it is heavy.
Singular.
1. nu?«:*da8
2. nin das
3. tcindas
3a. nit das
Singular.
1. iuirdas
2. in das
3. too das
3a. yd das
Singular.
1. eiui^das
2. e in das
3. tee it das
3a. e it das
Present Definite.
Plural.
nit dit das
no das
ya in das
ya nit das
Imperative.
Plural.
it dit das
odas
ya tco das
ya yo das
Customary.
Plural.
e it dit das
eodas
ya it das
ya e it das
Past.
Singular.
1. wuM? das, or we das
2. win das
3. teuwindas
3a. win das
Plural.
wit dit das
wo das
ya win das
yan das
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Ilupa Languiige, 201
The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i
conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the
adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form
more frequently employed. These prefixes which consist of a
single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they
are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives
expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence
of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are :
nujr nes, I am tall ; tee nes, he is tall ; nerf, it is tall, or tall,
nuirhiron, I am good: tcinnuhtron, he is good; nuhiron, it
is good,
nuir teL, I am broad ; tcin teL, he is broad ; nit tcL, it is flat,
ntiictcwin, I am dirty; tcintcwifi, he is dirty; nitctcwiii; it
is dirty,
nutrkyao, I am large; tcinkyao, he is large; nikkyao, it is
large.
anuLkyo, (comparative form) so large it had swollen.
121-10.
winkyao, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5.
mcLkyowei, (comparative form) it was big enough.
136-9.
menawiLkyo, (comparative form) she was that big.
341-4.
nai xon nu wiL htron. it cured him. 121-13.
na ne 'mw htron, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4.
na nu win hiron te, f ut. 3a sing., it will be good weather.
273-5.
nuwifihtron, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13.
nu win hiron te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16.
nu htf on *^x, adverb, good. 236-3.
nuht/?onhit, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15.
xo liin nu h{/?on teL, fut.3a sing., will it be good? 295-9.
tcu win kya we x6 Ian, past def. 3 sing., large he had
become he saw. 186-6.
nitc tcwin, pres. 3a sing., dirty things. 247-15.
Am. Abch. Eth. 3. 14
202
University of California Publications. [^^ Abch. Bth.
Luk kau, fat.
With prefix h-.
Present.
Singular.
Plural.
1. Luirkau
Lit duk kau
2. linkau
Lokau
3. tcitLukkau
ya Luk kau
3a. Lukkau
ya Luk kau
Singular.
Impotential.
1. doxolin LVLtc
kau, I shall
never be fat.
(As in
the present.)
Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
1. iuirka*
it dil ka
2. ilka
oLka
3. tcolka
ya tcolka
3a. 51 ka
ya 61 ka
Customary.
Singiilar.
Plural.
1. eiuirkau*
e it dil kau
2. eilkau
e oL kau
3. tceilkau
ya il kau
3a. eilkau
ya il kau
Past.
Singular.
Plural.
1. wuirkau
wit dil kau
2. wilkau
woL kau
3. tcu wilkau
ya wil kau
3a. wil kau
val kau
Adjectives ha\4nf? l for their prefix in the present have 1
before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They
resemble in form the verbs of the fouiih class (the passive of
the second class).
1 Let me get fat.
2 I get fat at times.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 203
The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the
less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh.
yauLkai, louse grey. 111-1.
Littso, ^een stuff. 342-5.
Littsowitc, blue beads. 199-7.
niLtsai, dry meat. 97-7.
Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of
being confined to the present is retained in all the forms. With
the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used
with verbs, tcittilte, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs
of class iv, conjugation 3; while tcittittcit, he is tired, fol-
lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 36. With the prefix tc5-,
is the adjective tcodai, he is poor (lean), which belongs with
verbs of class i, conjugation le.
ROOTS.
The term root has been applied to that part of the verb
which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person
and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots
are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred
to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider-
able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large
number indicate in addition the nature and number of the
object affected by the act.
It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still
composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant
and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con-
sonants are the remains of suffixes.
The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain-
ing them and classified as to meaning and form.
-ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The
prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object.
The pliable preceding the root states whether position is cus-
tomary, without beginning, or assumed at some definite time.
The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future
as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact.
Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force
of **has position" to be expressed by this root
204 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth.
a) Having the short form.
a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9.
eea, always lay. 292-2.
iLwaiwina, (the trail) forked. 141-16.
ya a a, he sat. 150-8.
ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2.
yawina, he sitting. 162-11.
yaLedaadin/ the comer. 286-1.
yana, he sitting. 110-14.
yanawesa, he sat down. 165-17.
yana me da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11.
ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9.
yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
ye wes a, (his face) was in. 153-10.
yi tsin e e a miL, west the sun was. 333-4.
win a, (house) went. 192-13.
me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11.
naaa, he always has. 257-4.
nafiaei, it hangs there. 295-3.
nanaduwina, it stands up. 364-14.
nan ate, you will have. 357-7.
nanakinnuwiLa, he made the ridge. 104-3.
nanuwesa, (ridges) run across. 363-14.
nadaa, it stood. 150-8.
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13.
(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head
used to stand up). 340-12.
naduwina, (smoke) came out. 197-5.
(xoideai) naduwifiade, if they listen. 341-12.
na du win a te. it will stick up. 204-2.
(tin) nina, road was there. 138-1.
nu win ate, it will be.
xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9.
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11.
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xoLyaidinnewiLa, they learned. 180-13.
XOL da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5.
* Several, mutually, at right angles, have position, place.
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 205
dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something).
119-16.
dayanawesa, he sat there. 144-11.
da na diL a, shoot. 329-11.
danadoLa, he can shoot. 145-1.
da na du wiL a, he set another on it. 197-4.
da na du wiL a, he shot. 329-12.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
do xoL din nu wiL a, he did not know how. 176-6.
du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1.
ta wes a, it will project. 255-2.
tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1.
tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1.
kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1.
kenanina, it leaning up. 99-5.
keneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-9.
kittsotsyuwiLa, **tsots'' they made noise like. 364-9.
b) The following have the same root under the longer
form -ai.
This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent,
rather than uiorphological, the result of contraction with a
suffix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form
and the verb naa, **he has," makes use of the form for its
past tense. Nearly all the examples given below occur where
the forms with the shorter root would have been expected.
yauir hirai, I have been sitting here. 174-12.
yafiai, they were sitting. 329-3.
yanawiiiai, he sat down. 136-6.
na da ai, it stands. 244-12.
xofi ma na da ai, the post back of the fire. 363-9.
dayawiiiai, he was sitting. 360-6.
dayanawinai, he sitting. 162-2.
do nautc ai, I do not wear. 247-15.
206 University of California Publications, l^^ Arch. Eth.
-au, -a ; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing-
ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te,
-tu, is used of dance songs.
a) The impotential, customary, and past definite have the
form -au.
kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -a.
yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2.
nakyuwinatsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
-aL, -UL; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con-
nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon
and deer.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -aL.
ninkyuwiLaL, he cut it. 266-10.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -ul.
m yun Ml ul, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2.
-aL, -UL ; to chew. This root may be connected with the last.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -aL.
tctiwinaL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -ul.
keuL^x, she chewed.* 276-3.
kin UL ^x, you chew. 275-2.
-au; meaning unknown.
Lax ya xon no au, they fooled him. 166-10.
-an, -uii, -auw? ; to transport round objects. Verbs which have
reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan
languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all
' It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly all
cases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean-
ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing
are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their
translation into English.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 207
objects according to their size and shape. The following verbs
have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re-
ferring to houses are also included here.
a) The past definite tense has the form -an
ya will an, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1.
menoninan, he put inside. 328-13.
miL xos sat an, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth
it had been put. 121-14.
na in dean, he brought. 365-17.
nana win an, he had taken down. 176-10.
nananinan, he won back. 144-9.
nasaan, it was. 360-8.
nonainiiian, he left. 355-10.
no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9.
nonaniiian, he placed (a house). 117-8.
noniiian, he established it. 273-3.
xa win an, he took out. 100-10, 135-8.
xolunsaanne, there was much. 165-12.
da ya dn win an, they took away. 171-14.
da na yai du win an, they brought it back. 365-15.
da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8.
da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6.
deduwinan, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5.
te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6.
tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3.
tee nin an, he took it out. 119-15.
tciLan, he had. 171-16.
b) The present definite tense (and forms tuith suffixes) has
the root in the form -un.
mesauii, (nothing) was in it. 243-15.
na na win un xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17.
na sa un te, it will lie. 226-9.
no na ne un, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5.
nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10.
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8.
noniiiunhit, when he finished (when he put it down).
234-7.
208 University of California Publications. [ A^. Arch. Bth.
xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5.
saufi, standing. 110-13.
saunte, it will be. 226-10.
da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
domesaun, nothing? was in it. 243-9.
c) Indefinite tenses have the form -autr
yaauirhwei, he held it out. 166-5.
noauirneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12.
nonauirauir, I never leave. 248-1.
nofiautrne, you must put it down. 210-7.
no na kifi auir ne, you must leave. 353-10.
nutrauir, am I ^ing to leave. 157-8.
hiro a nun auir, give me. 329-14.
xauirautr, I am going to take it out. 135-7.
xa wa aufT htciL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
deduau( it) hiriLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
do no auir, he never put down. 259-6.
doxaauir, one doesn't dig. 135-3.
do xo lifi na ta aufr, he won't carry. 258-3.
dotceauir, he never took out. 230-12.
tceeauir, he took out. 333-2.
-an, -un, -auic ; to run, to jump. This root is only employed
when the subject is in the plural.
a) Past definite with the form -an.
in na xos an, they jumped up. 169-11.
yaxonan, they jumped. 105-10.
yexotaan, they ran in. 153-16, 238-9.
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4.
xanaxonan, they came up again. 360-10.
xotaan, they ran down. 198-4.
da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6.
daxonan, they jumped on. 165-5, 347-18.
b) Present definite with the form -un.
yexonunhit, when they ran in. 169-11.
c) Indefinite tenses with the form -auir.
noxoauirhiril, they kept arriving. 208-1.
xoteeau/r, they run along. 363-14.
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Uupa Language. 209
daxooauir, they jump on him. 195-9.
tanaxoauir, they jump out. 165-6.
te iL au/r hirei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
-ate; to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a
pack-train and a herd of trotting? elk.
nil. ate, they came (with a pack-train). 200-2.
tei.atc, a pack-train came. 200-1.
tei.atcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9.
-eL ; to have position. This root is used when the subject is
in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same
meaning as -ai, -a, given above.
ya wiii eL, they were sitting there. 181-8.
Le na de eL, they were joined. 347-4.
i^deeLta, in a comer. 270-5.
na na du wiii eL, they stuck up. 106-14.
naduwineL, they stuck up. 106-3.
niiieL, (everything) that is. 228-2.
xodewiiieL, they were dead. 181-4.
xueiieL, they will go. 284-1.
da na kin neuir eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5.
taneL, sticking out. 341-15.
tewineL, they stand out. 283-14.
tceyaneL, they ran out. 336-2.
keyanineL, they were leaning up. 99-6.
kenineL, they were leaning up. 235-9.
kinnodeeL, they stick. 363-15.
-en, -in ; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the act
of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary" seeing requires the root
-tsis.
a) The past definite, customary, and impolential take the
form -en.
yaxonncLen, they looked at him. 278-3.
nayancLcu, they looked. 105-8.
naneiLcn, she looked at. 245-14.
na ncL en, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10.
naxodeilen, he watched him. 202-5.
if Cmiifomia Publications. [Am.
iiai»-a. 9 imked. 97-18.
m !!. ioi^ i^xiked for them. 300-14.
7 v»»*-tt.afs. ine eoald see. 120-5.
Ttt ::* iar ro. I am accustomed to look at. 138-13.
jaiDia^i^^-ai. one could see. 242-13.
01- :m »B»tai«L it could not be seen. 151-19.
3 : d."3:»n atrL en. nobody looked at him. 362-7.
:p :afc rra fn. she did not lock around. 136-6.
a> r%i •?&. abe did not look at. 136-7.
j> uit ;-a sun neL en, they could not look at him. 139-1.
id sv tin Kin nedil en, we can't look at him. 139-3.
sui^^au I don't look. 351-8.
m-tu [looked 238-4.
erA zvl iit teL en, he watching her. 137-10.
ettt 3tf L en. he saw. 99-4.
ct€:«eD* he looked. 165-19.
c»4 'is»*^D* he looked. 104-4.
cti ::« ae en. he looked around. 109-12, 166-2.
c« Axiti w L en, he looked at him. 109-1.
new .^tuC Jic teL en« he watched along. 97-10.
s "w 7f>«w«t. definite and indefinite, with the imperative
I Ac '>r« -itL
'i» tju :d hit. when they looked. 104-13.
ttiu uO >» ui. he is looking under his arm. 113-1.
jdk'tttJiLL she looked. 243-5.
i^varwift^x. she looked. 300-17.
h* ww'.c JiliuiLte, we will look at. 216-18.
jAu. aa:c, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15.
Kfc v'i iu^*«^uite. I am going to watch her. 137-3.
jui Ju.c .:u I waitoh. 259-14.
iatKi.4-:t .-, :<?, I will look back from. 230-7.
wk vii t *3:. ^h^u he kK>ked. 96-11.
juA x<i 'f w *a:u you Kvked it was. 238-6.
K» r:ii '*t :*^\ vou will Ux^k. 356-5.
iv*: M, I av«.<\1 at. 175-10.
tt vv. I Aiu v>nng to see. 99-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtiage, 211
xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14.
do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at.
138-11.
ten in te, you will look. 140-7.
te SUIT in, I am going to look. 171-2.
tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4.
tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16.
tcittesin, one does (not) look. 237-9.
-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one's self.
a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en.
a iL en ka, the way they do it. 227-2.
aikyuiren, I will do. 230-16.
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11.
mal yeox a iL en, he took care of. 346-4.
b) Present and future tenses with the form -in.
aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5.
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4.
xa ai ya xol in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a ya iL in ^x, they did that. 105-10.
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15.
-iuir ; to drop, to fall in drops as rain,
nailiutr, (tears) dropping. 337-14.
naol (i)uM?, which drops first. 115-12.
nal (i)uM?te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13.
nanaldeiuir, (water) dripping off. 337-5.
da nal mw dm, it dropped place. 338-4.
-its ; to shoot an arrow.
ya xon its, he shot. 166-8.
yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12.
yoeits, (he shot at. 157-11.
nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
nakisits, they shot at a mark. 266-13.
hiris sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
212 University of Calif orma Publications. [Am. Abcb. Bth.
xa kin its, it shoot up. 158-7.
xosa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9.
te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10.
too van its, they began to shoot. 144-12.
-its: to wander about, to run around.
naiLits, it is runnincr around. 294-4.
na ii. its ^x. he ran around. 185-10.
na is its, different places she ran. 185-6.
nanaLits, running around. 295-10.
nasitsei. it ran around. 294-3.
-ut; to move t!at tlexible objects. This root is one of those
which classify the object affected. It is employed of budskin,
doth, and paper. The root -kyos given bdow is more frequently
used and has the s:ime meanine.
no nin lit, he threw it. 112-3.
tewautte. in the water I will throw. 111-17.
-ya: to stand on one's feet lused only in the phiralK Com-
pare -yen, -yin. below.
da de il >-», they stand an>und. 195-7.
t^ !ia d»* il va. in the water thev stand. 310-4.
-vai. -va. -vaiwr. to in\ to oi^me, to travel about. This verb is
m * •
used only \\\ th^- singula r and for th*^ iiK^st part of huixian beines
but si^metiri.r^ <»f anima!^ and thini>.
A Th^ r«a.<r ti*^f*it* ttnst ^mplou* trt*-' form -yaL
intii r.a wityai. he turned hai*k. 102-12, K4-2-
va nil* vai. br walked. lo'^-Io.
yafiyai. thr <:: w.-'; iiv. :^«"^-v
h'r-i-ii: vr- -.vi'": \\-:. irr.^ nw head it --*ame I heard .
• • •
h'.-- i- •: vr !:;;t ya:. u.y hrad :: oame to. :>>>-I->-
y- • : v::: y...:. ne went ::i. v^»-i.
y: n.'.r. :"i '.v:f. ya:. h- was I"St aen.>a>. 97->.
v: .i"--! w::' vai. he was l'>>t north. ^342-9.
Vol. 31 Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Langtiage, 213
i^naindiyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
me na is di yai, he climbed. 103-12.
menundiyai, years (it came against). 145-7.
mifiyai, it was nearly time. 286-6.
mit tuk tcu yai, between he got in. 108-15.
naindiyai, he got back. 121-16.
nauirdiyai, I have come. 145-10.
nana in di yai, he came back across. 103-11.
nana wit yai, he came down. 138-15.
nanatyai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9.
naninyai, he crossed. 119-17.
nan yai, it rained. 144-5.
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17.
natesdiyai, he went home. 97-17.
neiyai, I came. 140-14.
nit tana wit yai, he turned back. 270-11.
noil yai, it went down. 348-3.
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1.
xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2.
xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15.
xotdawiiiyai, he went. 272-3.
xotdaiiyai, it went down. 281-1.
xotdeisyai, he met him. 105-14.
xotcuwifiyai, he came down. 104-12.
do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12.
do naindiyai, he did not come back. 306-2.
do he tee nin yai, he did not come out. 162-13.
do x6 liii nuii yai, you may not live. 257-9.
do xwe de ai ye nat yai, she never heard. 307-15.
do tee nin yai, she never went out. 158-3.
djefiyai, it opened. 108-11.
tana is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6.
tasyai, they have left. 271-2.
teseyai, I went away. 353-6.
tesyai, (its sound) went along. 348-5.
tu win yai, he was lost. 122-1.
tee na in di yai, he came out again. 102-13.
tee neiyai, I have gone out. 99-14.
214 University of California Publications. t-A^^ Abch. esth.
tceninyai, he went out. 97-16.
teittesyai, he started. 96-10.
keisyai, he climbed. 137-17,
kiL dje xan yai, they fougrht. 165-5, 171-11.
b) The present definite, the first and third persons impera-
tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya,
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3.
ye will ya, (she saw) come in. 305-8.
(xoideai) yewinya, his head it has gone in (he has
heard ^ 355-8.
ye win ya ye xo luii, a person had gone in. 118-5
ye na \int ya hit, when he went in. 118-6.
ye na wit ya te, she will go in. 311-15.
ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-8.
yeteu winyahit, when she went in. 246-5.
will vai., come on. 170-12.
wiiiyalx6»r, where you came along. 120-14.
Le na in di ya te sil len. he got nearly around. 220-6,
Lilly ate, they will come together. 295-1.
na in di va vei. he came back. 9S-6.
na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6.
naniilyayei, she ci\>j5^h1 over. 135-6.
nanodiya, let it cv^me back. 233-5.
nanuilya, i!v> back. 1S7-6.
nasete. •nascyate\ I will go. 137-14.
na tes di va vei. he arrived. ltH-3.
na ti^ di va to. I will iro back. 117-14.
na tin d! vane, cv^ homt*. :>37-lS.
nei va, I miiiht iro. *Jl»;>-15.
!-r va te. I am ^^nn^r. 34S-15.
ni: teM* vate. I will co with vou. 1S7-4.
::in va vr :e, it wiU v>.^iiie. o07-12>
r.if: va de. if thev ec^ii.e. ^>o4-10.
nif: va le, it will rvaoh. 151-15.
:.C :: A:: d: ya te. in ^>ne place they will sx^y. S9-17.
i:\in d: va te. it will come back. 307-9.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 215
xaisyadin, he got up place. 272-2.
xa na is dl ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xowinyaL, go along. 354-3.
xoluii tceninya, he must have arrived. 209-1.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
da na dti wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
d6neyahw?un, I can't stay. 348-10.
do tcit tes ya te sillen, he did not feel like going on.
281-3.
tasyayexolun, they had gone. 267-14.
tasyahiruii, one ought to go away. 215-8.
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9.
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1.
ttiwinyayei, he got lost. 34817.
tee na in dl ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
tee ne ya te, I will go out. 332-8.
tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1.
tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1.
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7.
tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13.
tcit tes ya ye x5 Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13.
tcit tes ya din, he started place. 348-9.
ke is ya yei, she climbed up. 137-12.
kissa wifiyate, he will go into somebody's mouth.
257-5.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -yautr.
yeinyauir, they always go in. 305-9.
mit tuk in yautr, get in. 108-9.
nin yauM?, go. 354-3.
xotdakeiyauir, they came down the hill. 310-6.
te ke 1 yauK? hirei, they go in. 311-2.
teen ya htriL te, you will go. 356-8.
kit ti yauMT, they came. 98-3.
The following words have a root agreeing in meaning vdth
-yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the
impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form
-yai, and -yauM? is not found.
216 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Arch. Kth.
a du wufi x6 kyun na i ya, about herself she thought.
286-5.
wunnaiya, he worked on it. 226-2.
wunnaisya, he started to make. 362-14.
wun na is ya x6 lufi, he had fixed. 170-10.
wun xoi kyun na i ya, she began to think about it. 276-4.
wun xoi kyun na nan ya, he began to think about it.
294-4, 117-12.
(xoikyun) meoiya, we can make them think about.
242-16.
( xoi kyun ) me nun dl ya te, his mind will think about.
314-9.
(xoikyun) miiiyate, his mind will come to. 230-9.
naelya, it used to rain. 229-2.
na I ya, he used to go. 135-2.
naiyadifi, where I live. 231-5.
naisya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13.
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13.
nawinyayeidin, he had lived time. 336-7.
nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
(xoikyun) na nail y a, he studied again. 103-2.
na na sin ya te, you will be. 353-8.
naiiya, it rains. 229-3.
(xoikyun) nail ya, he studied. 102-17.
nasiiiyate, you will travel. 356-2.
iiasyayei, it eonimenceci to walk. 136-9.
keketnaiya, made a creaking noise. 290-9.
-yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con-
dition or plight.
a) The past tense has the form -yau.
a it vau xo lufi, he was tired. 346-10.
aiurdlyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5.
a nai di yau, we do this. 361-9.
a nau/r dl yau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5.
anadiyau, it did that. 244-11.
a nun dl yau, it did this. 326-6,275-1.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 217
a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14.
un di yau, you did. 257-8, 337-9.
xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8.
xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xaadiyau, it did that. 244-14, 337-17.
xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12.
da xo un a tcit yau, that he was dead. 226-5.
da xwed dan a di yau, what is it going to do. 270-6.
doxauncKyau, you don't do that. 343-13.
b) The present tense employs the form -ya.
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
auM?diya, I might manage it. 101-11.
autrdiyate, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5.
adiyate, it will be. 260-18.
atcitya, he is doing. 204-14.
un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4.
xadiyate, it will do that. 254-10.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa autr di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8.
xa a di ya tcL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7.
xo lun a di ya, it has happened. 361-6.
xo Ian a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11.
da xo a di ya xo Ian, he was dead they found out. 175-11.
da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16.
duu? di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10.
-yan, -yufi, -yauii?; to eat.
a) The past definite, custom^iry, and impotential have the
form -yan.
yaiwinyan, they ate them. 200-8.
yai xoi i yan, they always eat him. 195-10.
ya win yan, they ate it. 266-12.
ye i yan, they eat them. 195-9.
yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18.
yik kyu win yan, it ate. 319-7.
yik kyti win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
y^ win yan, she ate it. 319-5.
Am. Aboh. Bth. S, 15.
218 University of Calif omia Publications, l^^- Arch. Era
noi nin yan ne, that far they at€. 347-17.
no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12.
da yi kin yan e x6 luri, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15.
dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7.
dokyan, she didn't eat. 157-2.
do kyu we ht^?an, * I don 't eat. 355-15.
dokyuwityan, without eating. 226-4.
tee kin nin yan, they came out to eat. 98-2.
tcinneLyan, he ate up. 111-5.
tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11.
keiyan, he used to eat. 237-6.
kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
kyu win yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18.
b) The present tense ^ definite and indefinite, and the impera-
tive have the form -yun.
ya te yiifi x6 luri, they had eaten. 100-17.
yu win yun htrun te, he must eat. 233-2.
yu win yun te, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14.
na kin yufi, eat again. 192-7, 153-9.
na kyu win yun te, you will cat. 356-3.
nit tcu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7.
x6 yu will yun te, if she eats them. 253-7.
da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
tcu win yun sil ien te, he eats it seems. 233-3.
tcu win yun tcL de, he would eat. 267-17.
keiyun, I might eat. 98-13.
kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15.
kin yun, eat it. 166-6.
kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6.
kyo yun, eat. 192-2.
kyu wiii yun il, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5.
kyuhi(^unil, I ate along. 120-16.
* The syllable -hi<;an is apparently formed by carrying over the sign of
the first person singular -uw and contracting it with -yan.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 219
c) The following seem to be from this root.
me nai yl yauir, they eat it down. 356-13.
me nai yi yauir e x6 Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
do kit ti yauic, they never went out to feed. 97-11.
kitteiyautr, they came to feed. 310-10.
-yan, -ynn; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt
a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not
been discovered.
a) The past tense has the form -yan.
xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16.
do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 282-4.
tsisdiyan, he was old. 169-2.
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13.
b) The present tense has the form -yun.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
niL xot >iin te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7.
do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10.
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7.
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13.
do xo dl yun htrun, there won 't be many. 308-6.
-yan, -yun ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
a) The past, customary, and impotential tenses have the
form -yan.
wut na ya xo wil yan, they watched. 267-10.
xoi ye xoi 1 yan, she suspected her. 158-3.
xo wut tcti xo wes yan, he watched her. 137-8.
b) The present has the form -yun.
xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7.
-ye ; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic
meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances are referred
to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed
as: tciLtuL, **he kicks,'' tciLwaL, **he shakes a stick."
nadtiwilye, they danced again. 215-13.
doLye, dance. 222-13.
tcit dil ye, to dance. 117-8.
tcitdilye^x, they danced. 216-7.
t tf r«ir irwc PiUevlHmf . [Am. Aech. Bcel
m ^i ^ -L "K "31^ "•'il OOKV. 117-9.
la T2i -rpuir iin. "aii? . jcjuc ri^feM-. W7-3.
x*« vm^ 7««air. ^ioe rxfidimr tkfB. 301-5.
.TV5X. .TTn :u fcuzti TIL Hnf s f
1. Z^iH 9ar im^mt^ •md 7i^ cm9t$mmr§ hmre ike form -yen.
wm j^ffi 3i». ae v:» ifit^f to stud. 2^11.
3ie3»jM]L whi} iciMliA is. 1^-11.
Ciw : jw. Ifee aivajv iiniTiiii :S)'7-6. 332-9.
Wttwinjvn. hse stwii lOS-11, 303^.
3 T^r pm^ifnt. 'Urin^Z'i 'S%d %'^d^^mit(, and the imperative
tf M^ •.»n» -jin.
tL^f I vie hit. wbufn be stands^ 25S-1.
-vet*: to entJinsrie, to tw strings tocrether.
Le kin niL yets te, lice to tie together (the hair).
151-10.
-yo; to like. ti> love, to be plea^sed with anything,
iuiryo. I like. 230-16.
yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10.
wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16.
hai da tcu wes yo, more yet he likes. 340-13.
do wes yo, I don 't like. 233-6, 231-8.
do tcu wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8.
tee il yo, he liked it. 202-5.
tcuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11.
^ There is a glotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals
which are surds.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 221
-yoir ; to flow, to scatter.
na kis yon? htrei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
noi ki yoir din, as far as it goes. 311-6.
no kin nin y5ir, they were scattered about. 145-3.
d5 he xa kin yoir, it did not come out (said of water).
105-5.
kit te yoir, it flowed out. 100-11.
-yol, -yoL ; to blow with the breath.
a) The past tenses have the form -yol.
xeeiLyol, he blows away. 296-15.
b) The present tense has the form -yoL.
yetcilyoL, she blows in.
-yos; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to
stretch.
tceninyos, he pulled out. 118-10.
tcit te yos, she stretched it. 158-13.
-yot ; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs,
ye yin ne yot, it drove by barking. 321-5.
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13.
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4.
xa in lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10.
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. This root is only used in the
third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other
Athapascan dialects.
a) The impotential regularly has the form -wai, and it is
found in th£ example given below wfiere its appearance is un-
explained,
do wun na wai, he never had done. 321-3.
b) All but the impotential have the form -wa.
wun na wane en, going after used to. 157-10.
na wa, they were there. 209-3.
nawaux, he stayed. 166-14.
na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9.
donawa, nobody going about. 166-2.
donawate, he will not live. 257-11.
222 University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Bth.
-wauiT; to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em-
ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of
animals as well the confused noise of the conversation of
people.
me ya du wil wautr, they began to talk about it. 265-1.
medilwautr, they talked about. 340-5.
me dil wauu? din, they talk about place. 340-4.
me dil wautr ta, they talked about places. 340-12.
xoi du wil wauM?, they talked about him. 116-14.
dil wauM? tsu, he heard croak. 112-12.
tcit dil wauir tsu, talking they heard. 170-16.
-wal, -waL ; to shake a dance stick, to dance.
a) The past definite, customary and impotential have the
form -wal.
tee iL wal, they danced. 239-3.
b) Th£ present, definite and indefinite, and the imperc^ive
have the form -waL.
seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7.
tcii.waL^x, they danced. 238-10.
tciL waL win ^e, they always danced. 239-2.
-waL, -wul, -wuL ; to strike, to throw, to scatter.
a) The definite tenses employ the form -waL.
yawiLwaL, he threw. 362-8.
ye na xol waL, he threw him. 106-13.
LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16.
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1.
mil. xot da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11.
na ya du wil waL, they were scattered about. 109-13,
192-17, 170-11.
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17.
nadcLwaL, he put it. 114-5.
naditteLwaL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16.
xa xo wil waL, * * Dug-f rom-the-ground. ' ' 138-9.
xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11.
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 223
xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill.
208-17.
xoL Le nun du waL ei, \^ath him it shut. 109-5.
danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17.
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8.
djetwaL, it opened. 281-17.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11.
tee x6 teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17.
tcuweswaL, he lay (like a log). 112-16.
b) The customary and impotential have the form -wul.
yaiLwul, she always clubs them. 196-1.
c) The present indefinite and imperative Jiave the form
-WUL.
na a diL WUL, hurry (throw yourself). 354-3.
niL yai kyo du wul, with you let it seesaw. 107-17.
-wan, -nan, -wun, -nun ; to sleep. This root usually appears
in the form of -nan or -nuii, w following n of the preceding
syllable of the definite tenses being assimilated to it. In the
cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it
probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root
require that the persons affected appear as the object. The
subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical
miL found in the word miL na x5 wiL we, **he felt sleepy"
(sleep fought with him). 121-5.
a) The past definite has the forms -wan, -nan.
na xoi kyti win an, he went to sleep. 121-9.
xoikytiwinan, he went to sleep. 121-7.
x6 kyti win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1.
kyti win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
xoik kyti will an, he went to sleep. 113-8.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the forms -wun, -nun.
nik kyo wun, go to sleep. 294-5.
nik kyti win iiun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
hirik kyo wiin, I am going to sleep. 121-6.
224 University of California Publications, l^^- Aech. Eth.
-was ; to shave off, to whittle. *
no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3.
teu win nas, he scraped bark off. 347-12.
-wat, -wa; to shake itself, said of a dog.
a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7.
anaiduwa, he is shaking himself.
-weL, -wil, -wiL; the passing of night. Verbs with this root
are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean-
ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in
the place or under the circumstances mentioned. When the
verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse
of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but
seems to be darkness.
a) The definite tenses have the form -weL.
yi de yal weL, they spent a night. 200-9.
yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10.
wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15, 142-8.
wil weL miL, after night. 238-8.
wil weL hit, after night. 300-17.
wil weL din, at night. 142-9.
minnol weLmiL, it was midnight. 293-2.
ht/?elweLte, I will spend the night. 348-2.
xoi yal weL, they camped. 175-6, 200-7.
xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-3.
xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7.
xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16.
xoL xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12.
xwel weL, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15.
do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1.
b) The customary and impoteyitial have the form -wil.
eilwil, all day. 275-2.
eilwil, everyday. 150-7.
e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7.
xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12.
' Forms with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre-
ceded by n. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 225
xoi yal wil Hl ta, they had camped. 181-7.
xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6.
ded e il lu wil, it begins to be dark. 356-10.
do x6 lin htril wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1.
c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form
-wiL, but they do not occur in Hupa Texts.
-wen, -win, -we; to kill. This root furnishes the generic
verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the
manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing.
a) The past definite Jias tlie form -wen.
ya x6 seL wen, they killed him. 171-12.
yissetcLwennei, he commenced to kill. 136-10.
tcexoseLwen, he killed her. 164-11.
tee seL wen, he killed. 136-11.
tcissetcLwenexolan, he had killed he saw. 186-7.
b) The present indefinite has the form -win.
ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2.
hirit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1.
x6 lun ne seL win, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16.
xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10.
se seL win te, I will kill it. 162-7.
tcis seL win detc, if he kills. 139-5.
tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we.
yaxosiLwe, they might kill him. 278-5.
yis se 11 we, he killed. 136-13.
miL na xo wiL we, he felt sleepy (miL fought with him).
121-5.
xo SUIT we, let me kill him. 159-8.
xo dje yu wiL we, she loved him (her heart fought for
him). 157-12.
d5 xo lin no siL we, you can't kill us. 165-7.
tsis siL we, he killed one. 319-4.
tee hiris su wiL weL de, if he kills me. 114-3.
tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5.
tcis siL we, he killed. 106-4.
226 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth.
-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuw, -we, -wel, -weL; to cany on
the back, with or without a burden basket.
a) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en),
yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4.
yawinen, she carried. 210-4.
yanawinen, she carried. 172-1.
ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3.
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5.
xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4.
tatciswen, he carried out. 120-10.
tcin nin en, she brought. 137-15.
kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14.
b) The present definite hns the form -win (-in),
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5.
c) The present tense indefinite, customary, and impotential
have the form -wutc.
yaawuir, he always takes on his back, 195-6.
ya na ke u wuw, he used to pack up. 237-7.
yakewutrhirei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yakinwuir, carry it. 105-18.
na ne it wutv, he used to carry it back. 237-8.
neiuirwuirdiii, I bring place. 137-5.
no u wuM?, he put down. 237-5.
da yit de wut^ htcei, he always carries it off. 162-7.
tcinneuwuir, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7.
tcin nu wtiir win ^e, she always brought. 157-2.
d) The third person of the imperative and, it would seem
from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite
has the form -we.
na kyu we x6 win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
e) The following verbs have the form -we phis the suffix
-1, -L.
ya ke wel, someone carrying loads. 110-3.
nana kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7.
tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 227
tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
-wen, -win, -wui^, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire.
a) The past definite has the form -wen (-en),
datcuwinen, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15.
tcittetewen, she waved (fire). 242-12.
b) The present definite has the form -win (-in), but it does
not happen to occur in Hupa Texts,
c) The customary, impotential and sometimes the present
indefinite^ and the second person of the imperative have the
form -wuM?. None of them occur in Hupa Texts.
d) The third person of the imperative and sometimes the
present indefinite have the form -we.
xon naui(? we, fire I wave. 248-2.
-wis ; to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body.
a dti wiin ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid
(they dodged). 179-10.
yekiLwis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3.
do a du wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2.
tcit duwiLwis, he rolled between his hands. 197-4.
-lai, -la, -\uw ; to move or transfer a number of objects. By
means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the
objects moved or transferred are classified according to their
shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects.
When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes
are affected, the root employed is -lai.
a) The past definite Ims the form -lai.
yanawillai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6.
yasillai, they were there. 180-3.
yeyaxolai, they took them. 179-12.
ye tcu wil lai, he took them in. 301-7.
yin ne ya xollai, in the ground they have put them.
360-9.
yin ne tcu wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16.
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
228 University of California Publications. C-Ajc Arch. Bth.
miL wa ya kin dil lai, we traded with them. 200-4.
na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17.
na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8.
nanayawillai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1.
nanewesdillai, he won. 211-6.
no nil lai, he put. 98-2,307-2.
xaislai, she brought up. 98-16.
xawillai, she dug it out. 242-5.
x6 wayatellai, they gave them. 198-8.
x6 wa toil lai, he gave away. 103-7.
x6 tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in. 164-9.
sawillai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10.
sil lai, standing. 202-4.
danawillai, she put it. 308-2.
de du wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11.
do hiru wun nu wit lai he, don 't bring them to me. 230-13.
tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2.
tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5.
tcin tel lai, they brought. 230-15.
b) The present definite has the fomi -la.
a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10.
ye ya x6 la yei, they took them. 179-9.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
i^ nai wiL dil la din, they build a fire place. 351-5.
Lenauir dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14.
Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2.
mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14.
sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 229
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -lutr.
a dit tcin nul lutr, on yourself put it. 175-3.
ya il lutr, he picked up. 292-14.
yaiuir, he picked it up. 292-15.
yei il luir, waves began. 102-2.
ye tee il luir, he used to take. 288-2.
Le na il luir, she started the fire. 153-1.
Le na luu?, he built a fire. 235-14.
na ya nil luir ne en, which had been lost. 144-7.
niL tcin no il Ititr, he put together. 334-12.
no il luu?, she put. 157-11.
no na il lutr, she left off. 332-10.
sa hii?il luM?, put in your mouth. 276-8.
tceilluir, he used to take out. 230-11.
tcin ne il lutr, they always brought. 230-10.
-lai, -la, -lutr ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub,
to hand something to someone.
a) The past definite has the form -lai.
yanakillai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10.
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12.
kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14.
b) The present definite has the form -la.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
-lai, -la, 'lute ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some,
at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which
carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de-
rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with
it in the thought of the Hupa.
a) The past definite Jias the form -lai.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13.
xot da wil lai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13.
xotdanawillai, they started by boat. 116-8.
dit tse no nil lai, they headed the canoe. 216-4.
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10.
tcitteslai, they started by boat. 215-10.
230 Cniventiiy of Calif omia Publications, [ Am. Aech. Era.
a TJf^ pr^A^ni definite has the form -la.
dixn t*r no ml la x6 luii, it was pointed. 222-4.
t<?a vil la !e. they were going along. 222-1.
It » prohable that the following are connected with one of
the preceding.
kiL dj<^ xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight.
115-10. 17.
kiL dje xai yo luir, let them fight. 115-2.
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4.
-lau. -la. -lu, -le: to do something, to treat somebody or
sixnething in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or
purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and
last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible
that two like forms with related meanings have become merged.
a) The past tense has the form -lau.
auir lau, I made. 302-10, 260-3.
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2.
a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4.
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
anaxowillau, he was ready for a fight. 162-10.
a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11.
a na tcil lau, he did. 106-8, 145-11.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6.
akillau, they did. 266-13,322-1.
ullau, what did you do? 163-3.
Leyakixolau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Lc na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12.
minxoanmixowillau, for him ready to fight. 163-13.
xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a x6 lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xaatcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1.
xofi a iia du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14.
xdriaduwillau, she marked herself . 311-12,215-11.
da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2.
da an na tcil lau, he tore do^*n. 102-11.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 231
b) TJie present definite, and in some cases at least, the
present indefinite and imperative have the form -la.
ailate, they will catch. 253-10.
autr la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
ayaxdla, something could befall them. 321-9.
a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11.
a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15.
anautrlate, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
ahi^la, you have treated me. 166-12.
a xo wit la, something would happen to him. 223-1.
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a x6 la te, they will do. 306-12.
axodilla, we could do with him. 116-16.
a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10.
Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8.
Lekixola, gather people. 151-5.
c) The customary and impotential have the fotm -Iti.
mal yeuM? ai il 111, she took care of it. 136-7.
xa a xoi il Iti, always he did that. 237-9.
d) a present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs
vnth -le.
ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7.
ai kyu wil lei liL te, they will do. 230-8.
awillcLte, he wall do. 253-12.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18.
anadille, fix yourself. 170-1.
akyole, you do. 198-2.
a kyu wil lei Hl te, it will do. 236-3.
ulle, take it over. 220-13.
ullene, do it. 176-7.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xaaxolene, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a kyti wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xa ul le, do that. 165-19, 138-8.
-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
farm -lal.
nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1.
kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6.
b) Th^ present tense has the farm -laL.
kinnantrlaL, I dreamed. 191-8.
-Ian, -Ion: with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to
desist.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -Ian.
doyuxxoillan, they always quit. 196-2.
do ted wil Ian, she quit. 157-10, 242-13.
dd ted wil Ian, he left. 343-9.
do ted xo na wil Ian, he went away. 343-8.
b) The present definite has the form -Ion.
dooilonte, I will quit. 255-5.
do yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1.
dd yux xd il lun, they quit him. 196-7.
dd ted wil lun, he stopped. 234-2.
-Ian, -lun ; to be bom.
a) The past tense has the form -Ian.
tcislan, he was bom. 96-2.
b) The present tense has the farm -lun.
islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4.
-laty -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objeets
including dead bodies.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -lat.
nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17.
nana lat de, it was floating. 244-9.
natedillat, it floated up. 245-16.
nd nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2.
xa wil lat, it floated on the water. 266-8.
xdL Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 233
x5l me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
xoLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2.
ta des lat, it came. 105-2.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -la.
nala, it floating. 243-8.
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12.
daweslal, it floated. 314-10.
da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6.
danawillaL, it Was floating there. 325-3.
nanatlale, it floating. 243-13.
tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3.
tes la, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11.
tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11.
-le; to feel with the hands.
nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5.
na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6.
nakisle, he felt. 107-15.
x6 wfin na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5.
-lei; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands.
When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently
an extended form of -te. It may be that -lei is likewise formed
from -lai.
ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9.
-lei ; to bother.
d5 xo liii tcwin yo wil lei, they won't bother it. 267-4.
-len, -lifi, -lu, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs
with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency.
a) The past definite has the form -len.
yaislen, both became. 187-13.
yaislenei, they became. 110-1.
ya sil len, they had become. 182-6.
Li sil len, they made bets. 142-16.
Am. Asoh. Eth. 3, 16.
234 University of Calif ortUa P^lications. [Am. Aech. Bth.
na va is dil len nei, they became. 166-13.
nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7.
nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1.
x5len, she has. 333-9.
sil len, he got there. 346-6.
sil len, it seems. 241-8.
sil len ne en, it came. 241-9.
sil len nei. it became. 115-1, 182-4.
sil len ne xo Ion, it had become. 97-4.
do ya xo len, they were lacking. 105-15.
doyaxdlenne, it was gone. 111-11.
do na xo len nei, he was gone. 119-17.
d5 nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
do xo len, there was none. 159-3.
do xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5.
telenexolan, it had beccMne. 187-5.
tin nauir tsis len, he came to haTC. 348-16.
tsislen, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2.
(do) tee xo len ne, he was gcHie. 163-6.
tcis len, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7.
kyd dil len, he might be cold. 169-5.
b) The prtsemt definite has the form -lin.
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6.
sil lin te, >*ou are going to be. 343-5.
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5.
sil lin teL din, it is going to be place. 104-16.
x5 lin, it was. 340-7.
dOxoliii, it is gone. 141-8.
tsis lin te, it would become,
tsis lin ne te, he will become. 338-10.
c) The CMc^loMNiry, impotemtiaL and a sporadic fatmrt have
the form -ICL
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11.
na dU m, it will be. 243-2.
hir^ e il Id, it becomes mine. 248^1.
xodjeeitdinteeillu. he became oncooseioissL 223-14.
do xo lifi uiii xa ten teil lu, it won^t be ricli man he wiU
becuDoe. 338-7.
^ 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 235
dox5lin tselin tcillu, he won't have blood on him.
334-11.
d) The present indefinite amd imperative of all verbs con-
Ining this root, and all the tenses of some other verbs have the
rm -le
il le ne, become. 109-6.
le, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7.
51ene, become. 109-18.
na dil le, they are. 211-13.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5.
nat le Hl te, it will become. 312-4.
noxoslee, he is lost. 185-8.
nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3.
xo xun X08 le, she got married. 189-9.
xwa e il le, he had enough. 332-6.
xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16.
do yi da il le, they do not get enough. 196-7.
do yi da le, it never satisfies them. 195-9.
do x6 wil lei liL te, it will be no more. 217-15.
do xos le, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5.
do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4.
tcil le, it would be. 340-10.
tcti wil leL te, he will become. 114-4.
kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10.
-len, -liii ; to flow, to run ; said of any liquid.
a) The past definite, cicstomary, and impotential have the
rm -len.
na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1.
ne il len, it always flows. 336-5.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
e form -lin.
ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12.
nau wil lin, to run. 108-19.
nil lin tsu, he heard a creek. 111-13.
236 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth.
nriwillin, it was covered. 115-16.
tee weH liri te, it will flow out. 254-17.
tc«wil lindin, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10.
tcenail lifi x(^lan, it used to run. 117-18.
•lit; to burn. Thin root \h used only of the fire as acting.
The r(M)t employed in verbs meaning to cause to bum is -lit,
evidently reflated to this.
wa kin nil lit xfi Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
uui.tel lit telle, even if he sweats himself. 337-16.
nawillit, ho nearly burned. 330-1.
nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8.
na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5.
nA nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire
had ceaaed burning). 210-8.
x(^t i\^ il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4.
xAi. n(S nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7.
\^\. n^ kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13.
\(i\. te il lit, he smoked himself.
xft tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7.
diMieteillit, it would not burn. 166-9.
di^ he tel lit, it would not burn.
-lite; to urinate.
de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the dres* 151-10.
-lik; to relate, to tell something.
na \iuc lik mill, to tell you. 226-6.
nil. xoi likte, I will tell you. 351-11.
nil. xo<r lik, I am telling you. 360-S.
nil xwe lik te. I will tell you. 355-4.
.\o wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14.
xoi. ya xC> il lik, he told them. lSO-lt>.
\oi ya xowil lik, they told them. 1S*XI:1
\v»i t^'U xo wil lik, he told him. 141-15.
tiv \v"» wil lik, she began to tell them. I>I-I3.
Uu, tv» tie, to wrap around.
a na dis loi, he girde<J himself. 221-5.
ya is loi, they wrapped. 179-7.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 237
willoi, bundles. 210-3.
Le il loi, he ties together. 334-12.
Lenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5.
me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13.
mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4.
naititrloihit, I tie them up. 247-11.
tsisloi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6.
tcisloi, he played (he tied with). 144-4.
-16s, to drag, to pull along.
ye na wil 16s, she dragged it in. 190-2.
na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
natel6s, she dragged back. 190-1.
xanaisl6s, she dragged it up. 192-2.
-Ill, -le; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party.
a) The past definite, customary, and the impotential have the
form -lu.
Leduwillti, he had killed several. 165-15.
xoi dti wil lu, they attacked them. 152-13.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -le.
xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4.
du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3.
dti wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6.
-lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water.
a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -lu.
nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7.
do til lu, they never come. 252-3.
tillu, they come. 254-12.
b) The present and imperative have the form -le.
da il lei, it always swam. 266-6.
daweslel, it swam around in one place. 266-5.
tee nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9.
-luM?, to watch, to stand guard over.
yeluMT, it watching. 203-13.
University of California Publications. [-
me luir. wntehin|r. 204-6.
meluic^x, he watched it. 205-2.
me Ifiir te, I am going to watch. 2!
me nai luir t«, I will watch. 21743, 258-10.
menauirluirte, I will watch. 267-17.
muirlutf te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3.
Alt. Abcs. Bt^
have this rdoP
-Lat, -La; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this i
are confined to the singular iminher aud indicate rapid motion
by human beings.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -Lat.
in nas Lat, it ran up. 295-5.
innatcisLat, he jumped up. 171-9.
ye na wil Lat, she ran in. 136-1.
yenalLat, he ran in. 329-8.
yin ne nal i^t, in the ground it ran. 221-12.
DaildiL Lat, he came running back. 176-16.
naisdiLLat. she ran. 185-6.
niildiLLat, he ran bacls. 115-16.
xanaisdiL Lat, she had run up. 135-13.
xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16.
x6 wil Lat. he ran. 199-4.
xoL ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14.
da wil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14.
da na dfl wil Lat, he ran hack, 97-12,
da tcit dii wil Lat, he ran. 164-2.
tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2.
tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5.
tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9.
tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11.
ke is i^t, she ran up. 158-8.
kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperatiiA
tJie form -La.
me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16.
na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17.
no il u, he came running.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 239
da din La, run. 176-6.
tee il La de, he is running along. 220-13.
tcutf La, let me run out. 171-9.
-Lit ; to cause to bum. This root is confined to the transitive
use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in-
transitive and passive verbs.
na win Lit, she burned it. 311-12.
-Lti, -Le ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough-
like material.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -Lti.
naiuM^Lu, I paint. 247-12.
nadcLu, she marked across. 311-13.
noixweiLLu, they throw down (blood). 195-11.
tcit tcL Lti, he rubbed it. 278-10.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -Le which does not occur in Hupa Texts,
-Lon, -Lo, -Loir, -Loi ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-
making. This root is very likely related to Lo, ** grass," from
the materials of which baskets are made.
a) The definite tenses have the form -Lon.
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5.
nakitteLdn, she wove another round. 305-7.
na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9.
b) The indefinite tenses have the forms -Lo and Loir, which
do not seem to differ in meaning or use.
na kit te it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3.
ke it Lo, she used to make baskets. 189-1.
keitLdtr, she made baskets. 305-4.
kit te it Loir, who always made baskets. 324-5.
c) The impotential and nouns from this root have the form
-Loi.
kit Loi, a basket. 103-7.
240 University of California Publications, l^^- Aeoh. Bth.
-mas, to roll, to rotate.
yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15.
xatemas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5.
tceniminas, it rolled out. 197-5.
-mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre-
ceding.
nawesmats, it was coiled. 151-19.
-me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive).
nai me, I swim in. 311-11.
nauirme, let me swim. 97-15.
na wim me, he swam. 209-13.
na wim me, she bathed. 307-2.
nanaiuirme, I bathe it. 247-1.
nanaime, I bathed. 311-8.
nana ini ineei, he always bathed. 311-8.
-men, to cause to swim.
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2.
menimmcn, he landed him. 162-9.
na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
na is men nei, he made it swim. 266-1.
natcLnien, he made it swim. 266-1.
tee nil. men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10.
teitteLiiien, he made it swim. 265-9.
-meL, -mil, -mil.; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having
this root are always used with a plural object. When the object
is singular, -waL, -wul, -wul is employed.
a) The defnnic tenses have the form -meL.
ya yai wim meLtsQ, he heard them kick up their legs.
:M2-14.
ya wim meL, he took up. 142-4.
vaxosmeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several
strands). 164-3.
ye tcu wim meL, they put them in. 200-5.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 241
na dit te meL, they fell. 245-11.
nim meL din, the place you bring them. 210-7.
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11.
xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them-
selves. 181-9.
de dn wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10.
tet meL, scattered. 117-16.
tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tcin ne meL, he carried it home. 363-1.
tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-3.
b) The customary and impotential have the form -mil.
yai im rail, it kicked up. 290-2.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
ya derail, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5.
yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11.
yti wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5.
waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8.
wun dim mil, the going through. 144-3.
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18.
non derail, they fell. 143-8.
xatedirarail, chips flew off. 113-13.
de na de itiii? rail, I put. 247-9.
de de ira rail, he pushed thera into the fire. 165-6.
tcit te dim rail, they fell one after another. 208-6.
tco xo ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL.
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13.
tee ne ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3.
-men, -rain ; to fill up, to raake full.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -raen.
dewiramen, it was filled. 191-5.
242 University of California Publications, l^^ Arch. Bth.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -miii.
xoLyaLdewimminil, they filled with them. 153-17.
de wim min te, they will be filled. 253-11.
-medj, to boil, to cook, by boiling,
kytiwilmedj, boiled. 166-5.
-mite, to break oflf, to pull oflf.
ya te mite, they pulled oflf. 179-10.
tcit du wim mite, she broke it oflf. 287-2, 293-16.
tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it oflf. 287-4.
-mut, to break out, as a spring of water ; to break open,
yl kis mut ei, (a basket) broke. 289-15.
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3.
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by
placing above boiling water.
me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11.
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12.
ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10.
kewiLna, she cooked them. 99-9.
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6.
kiL na, cook them. 237-2.
-na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con-
nected with the root next considered.
na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18.
-na, -nau?r; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the
third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first
person of these verbs has a root -hira, -htrauM?, and the second
person one -ya, -yau»r. It is likely that this root as well as that
found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya
resulting from a preceding n.
estcinnamr, swimming deer (they come into the es.
fishdam). 162-1.
ya winna wiLde, if it raises up. 117-10.
yanauirdifi, the going up place. 195-6.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 243
yetcinnauir, they will come in. 231-6.
i^innauu?, they came together. 305-2.
men na hiriL de, if their time comes. 229-9.
me win na hwriL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14.
nawitditstinnautr, whirlpool. 120-3.
ne in nautr, he used to come in. 305-1.
nit de sin nautr un, didn't you meet her? (didn't she
meet you?). 165-2.
no in nautr, she stopped. 158-5.
n5 win na hti?iL te, he will go. 230-1.
Compare, no kiL dje xa in usluw, she quit fighting. 333-6.
nu win na heril, he went. 282-10.
xa sin nauu: din, where the sun rises. 332-5.
d5 ye in nauir, no one ever comes in. 329-4.
d5 mit tis in nauWy it never over it reached. 314-2.
do tee in nauir, she never used to come out. 305-3.
d5 tin nauu; xo lun, he had not gone along. 174-5.
te in nauir, he comes. 310-7.
tu win na hiriL de, if it comes. 105-12.
tu win na hiriL te, it will go. 229-13.
tee in nauir wei, he used to go out. 136-14.
tee nauir, it coming out. 170-7.
tcin ne in nauu?, she always comes. 101-7.
tcin nin nauir htcei, she comes. 101-6.
tcit te in nauii?, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8.
tcit tti win na hiriL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
kiL dje xa in nauu/ te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13.
-nan, -nuii ; to drink.
a) The past definite, customary, and impoteniial have the
form -nan.
ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7.
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12.
b) The presenty definite and indefinite^ and the imperative
have the form -nuii.
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
tai din nun, let us drink. 179-3.
244 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.
ta nai win niin de, if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18.
tautcdinnunte, I am going to have a drink. 111-13.
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used
of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the
foetus.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -nan.
na is din nan, he turned, 278-11.
x5l xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -nun.
xoL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
xoL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4.
xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12.
-ne, -u ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound,
to play an instrument.
a) The past definite, ctistomary, impotential have the
form -ne.
aixoLne, he kept telling him. 208-13.
ai XOL de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3.
a vai XOL du wen ne, thev said. 165-2.
ayaiduwenne, they said. 165-7.
a yaL de iutr ne, I told them. 301-1.
a yaL teit den ne, he told them. 109-18.
ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14.
aLtcitdenne, he talked to. 100-3.
a no hoL teit den ne, he said of us. 302-3.
ahMiLteiii ne, he will say of me. 363-16.
ahwiLtcinne, why does she always tell me. 135-4.
a hiriL teit du win neL, they told me. 355-11.
a XOL teit den ne, he said to hinL 97-7.
adenne, he said. 97-15.
a den ne, it made the noise. 321-5.
a den ne, she sang. 333-14.
a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4.
Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 245
a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
unniLdui<7ne, I am telling you. 356-1.
unniLdenne, I told you. 163-8.
yaL tcit den ne, she told them. 299-6.
ya xoL tcit den ne, they said to him. 102-15.
ya dti wen ne, they said. 109-17.
ya dti win neL, they said. 361-8.
no hoL tcit den ne, they told us. 302-4.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45.
XOL tcit den ne, he said. 105-18.
XOL tcit du win ncL, he kept saying. 141-12.
deinne, he used to imitate. 182-1.
dinne, it was playing. 99-17.
do a dti win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1.
donene, let it play. 100-3.
dti wen ne, it sounded. 108-16, 189-13.
du wen ne e tsti, it sounded he heard. 144-3.
dti win ne, it played. 100-5.
tcit de iL ne, he played on. 99-12.
tcit den ne, he said. 106-9.
b) The present definite and the present indefinite except
sometimes the first person singular have the form -n.
ai we tcin, I hear it said. 360-1.
ayan, they said that. 116-17.
a na hiriL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
an tsii, he heard it cry. 281-13.
ahiuiLtcitdenhiruii, he must tell me. 314-11.
a XOL tcit den tsii, he heard say. 141-8.
adende, if he sings. 236-2.
adentsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
yeitcin, they say. 275-1.
htriL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15.
do a htriL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12
tcin, they say. 135-1.
tcit den de, if he says. 111-7.
246 University of California Publications. [Am, Arch. Eth.
-neu(r, -ne yeuii? ; to talk, to speak.
This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs
employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan-
guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of
sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of
some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are
employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance.
a) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form
-neuM? ivtth the exception of the first person singular and the
imperative forms.
yit de din niii xun neuir, the Tolowa language. 110-11.
wa nun x6 win ne hiriL te, they will talk about. 272-17.
wiln xai neuir te, he will talk about. 260-12.
wuii xu win ne htriL te, they will talk about.
mux xun newc hire ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4.
nai xe neuw te, few will talk. 295-13.
no wun nun xun neuir te, they will talk about us. 267-18.
do he tee xai neutr, he did not say anything. 113-12.
do xon no xun neuir, they never talk into her. 334-2.
tin xe neuir, who spoke the curse. 223-8.
tee xai neutr, he spoke. 105-1.
tee xa in neuir, he always said the same thing. 283-13.
teexo winnehiriLte, she shall talk. 289-12.
tee xun neuir, he commenced to talk. 272-6.
b) The first person singular and the imperative have the
form -neyeuir.
xun ne yeuir ne, he must talk. 227-4.
xun ne veuir de, if I talk. 217-15.
xun ne veuir te, I will talk. 217-11.
xunninyeuir, you speak. 153-7.
With the preceding, is probably connected:
kyil wen nuir, it thundered. 144-5.
-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know.
a) The third person of all tenses has the form -ne.
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
atcoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4.
Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 247
a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7.
ya tcon des ne, they thought. 265-2.
do tco x6 x5 ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6.
tee xon des ne, he found him out. 207-11.
too in ne, he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8.
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3.
tco xon des ne, he thought of him. 257-1.
tco xon des ne hicun, he shall know. 319-13.
tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14.
b) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form
-sen, -sin.
ainesen, I thought. 187-3.
ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
ainuu^siii, I thought so. 353-3.
nin sin, you think. 337-12.
hujunnesiii, don't you remember. 163-8.
do ai nin sin ^x, you don 't think. 337-9.
-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up.
kya da ne, they picked. 138-7.
kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6.
-nel, neL; to play (said of children).
miL na we nel le x6 luii, he had been playing with.
292-11.
na in nel le xo Ian, he played he saw. 186-1.
na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13.
-noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This
root is confined to the plural ; for the singular, -ai, -a would be
expected.
Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12.
nesnoi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3.
-noL, to blaze.
kyuwitnoL, a fire blazing. 109-11.
-nu, -ne : to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way.
a) The past, customary, and impotential Jiave the form -nu.
a en nu, it does it. 275-5.
a in nu, he did. 288-9.
248 University of California Publications, l^^ A«oh. Bth.
a in nu mix., when the sun was here. 332-4.
aya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2.
a win nti, one should do. 99-11.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9.
xa a in nu, that happened. 340-5.
b) The present and imperative have the form -ne.
aya too ne, let them do that. 365-16.
a win ne Ul te, it will be. 311-17.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
a win neLte, it will be. 289-11.
au win neL te, it will be. 105-12.
xaawinneliLte, that will be done. 229-10.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
teeinne, it helps him she. 196-1.
do xa autr ne x6 x6 lin, I won't do that. 230-15.
-nuic; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes
into his head is used for the hearing: of anything,
tceinnuir, he heard about it. 204-13.
Compare, ke wen nwr, it thimdered. 144-5.
-htrai, -htra, -hirauw*; to walk, to go, to come. This root is
found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a
modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yauM?.
a) The impotential regularly has ths form -hirai. (It is
not us^ial for negatives to take such a form.)
do na hwrai, I have never been. 336-11.
b) The present and imperative have the form -h?ra (-hiral
with progressive suffix).
wiuirhiral, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16.
nah;ca, I will walk. 164-6,175-7.
c) The form -hwduw may occur in the present or customary.
nuhwauir, I come. 351-1.
-hiral, -hicaL; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook.
a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form
-h/ral.
yl kit tu hiral, nobody hooks. 107-6.
iia x6 win hiral, he hooked him. 107-6.
Vol. 81 Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 249
ta ya is hiral, they caught. 328-4.
kyo ya win hi^al, they fished. 328-3.
kyo hical le, somebody hooking. 106-15.
b) The present and imperative have the form -h«?aL.
kit tutc hwah, let me hook. 107-5.
-hipe, to dig.
xakehtre, to dig. 135-2. •
tee kin nin hire, he had finished digging. 100-9.
kit din hii?e teL din, he would dig out. 100-1.
kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8.
-hire, 'hicii, -hiriL; to call by name, to name. This root is
identical with the noun xohire, **his name.*'
a) All tenses without the progressive suffix have the form
-hire.
naxouhire, he will call. 283-11.
tee xo hM;e, he talked. 283-13.
tco hice iL te, they will call. 272-11.
tcu htcon hire e te, they will call me. 272-12.
tcti hwo hire iL te, they will call. 272-10.
tcuxouhure, he will call. 283-11.
b) The past, customary, and impotential having the pro-
gressive suffix take tJie form -hiril.
kit te htcil, he called along. 98-4.
c) The present and imperative having the progressive suffix
take the form -hiriL.
in hiriL, you call. 355-6.
hiriL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7.
-h«?en, -hu/in ; to melt (said of frost) .
nal hirin te, it will melt away. 273-6.
-hicot ; exact meaning unknown.
Le na kil du h«/ot, it grew back on. 164-1.
-xa, -xu, -xaiL ; * to track, to follow tracks.
* The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pre-
ceding rough z. In Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but
judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been
found to contain the vowel u it is probable that in the other tenses the
vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xu; to finish, to overtake, p. 252
below.
hM. ABCH. ETH. 3, 17
260 University of California Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bcb.
ya x6 tcL xa, he tracked them. 267-15.
na ya x6 teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
xot da na ya xoL xa, down they tracked him. 170-3.
tcit toL xa, he tracked it. 185-12.
ya x6 wiL xaii., ^in^ along they tracked him. 170-5.
-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid),
win xa, (a lake) lay. 101-13.
winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9.
naaxa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8, 311-5.
nan xa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1, 310-1.
nanxatciii, (lake) lies toward. 364-10.
-xa, -xal, -xai., -xiiil : to dawn. It is probable that this root
has a nion» definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no
doubt the mythical dawn maiden.
yeii.xa, mornings. 290-6.
ye it xa mil., at break of day. 356-14.
yuwiLxal, mornings. 260-6.
naiwiLxaLte, night will pass. 242-17.
Coinpan\ nais xun te, there will be sunshine. 228-1.
-xa, -xan, -xun: to stand (said of a tree),
naikyuwinxa, \,h pine) stands. 347-11.
nakyuwinxa, (medicine) grows. 364-11.
da kyu win xa ei, (something) st(X>d. 242-3.
kyuwifixa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-S.
kisxiin, (a tive^ standing. 113-7.
kis xun din, standing plaee. 137-17.
-xan, -xun : to be swtvt or pleasant to the taste,
xwa wil xan, he liked them. 110-5.
Compare. kiLi.axun, deer tsiiid to mean '"with it is
sweet " ) .
-xan, xun. -xautr-. to move in a basket or other Tiessel anv
m
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net. to dip
up. This is one oIl the roots which classify the objiet^ aifeetai
according to its size and shape by being limited in that r^sird
as to its application.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 251
a) The past definite has the form -xan.
yawinxan, he picked it up. 337-6.
ya te xan, he picked up. 109-16.
yetcuwinxan, she brought in. 209-10.
no a din nin xan, * she placed herself. 223-9.
noninxan, she put it. 242-7.
xo wa tcin xan, to her she gave. 246-12.
x6 sa win xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7.
sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10.
saxanne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13.
do tcu win xan, he does not catch any. 257-9.
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5.
tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2.
b) The present defimte has the form -xun.
mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16.
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10.
no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2.
no nin xun te, if he puts. 296-6.
xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9.
xo lun se xuii, must be there. 112-12.
sux xun, lying in a basket. 171-7.
do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6.
tsis sux xun, lying there. 223-11.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xautr.
yawixaujrhiriLte, he will take it up. 295-17.
missunxauirne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
no a din xauir, lay yourself down. 223-9.
no na iuic xauir, I leave it. 247-3.
noil xauir ne, put it. 296-14.
do sai xauu:, one can 't swallow. 141-2.
tin xauir ne, you take it along. 246-13.
tee e xauir, he always caught. 191-2.
-xait, -xai ; to buy.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential liave the
form -xait.
tco ya te xait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8.
^This word means to place one's self (a woman) in position for inter-
course and probably is a figurative use of this root.
252 University of California Publications. [-A.ic. Aboh. Bth.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -xai.
yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7.
y5 xai x6 win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3.
-xe, -xti ; to finish, to overtake.
me ncL xe tcL, I am about to finish. 261-3.
miL xoi niL xe, it went on him. 308-8.
me ncL xe, I finish. 260-15.
me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8.
hire na tcoL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2.
-xen, -xuM? ; to float, used only of plural objects.
a) The past definite tense has the form -xen.
no nun de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6.
xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9.
xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5.
tail xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9.
b) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im-
perative have the form -xuir.
no XUM?, it floats ashore. 346-5.
-xut, to hang.
na nu wil xut, hanging for a door. 171-1.
-xut, to tear down.
naisxut, he tore down. 104-8.
na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8.
Compare, na in xut, it dropped down. 115-14.
-xut, -xul ; to ask, to question.
na o dutr de xut, I ask you for it. 296-10.
too du wiL xut, she asked them. 301-17.
too du wiL xut, he questioned it. 266-3.
yo du wit xul Ul te, they will ask for. 296-3.
teu hico wiL xul Hl te, she will ask for. 311-17.
-xuts, to bite, to chew.
no iL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5.
xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2.
-xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 253
a) The definite tenses have the form -xuts.
ya wuii xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2.
na na wit xuts, he nearly flew back down. 114-2.
niii xuts, he flew. 113-17.
ndninxuts, something fell. 246-11, 362-9.
xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
da teu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1.
du win xuts, it came off. 157-7.
too xon niL xuts, she threw after him. 159-9.
ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17.
b) The parts of the verb other than the present and pasi
definite have the form -xus.
ya ex xus x6 Ian, they fell over. 117-17.
ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15.
yanaitxus, he kept flying up. 113-1.
wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1.
na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5.
na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7.
na xus, which fly. 114-9.
da un xus, fly. 114-2.
da tee e xus, it used to light. 150-9.
do he ya xo tcin te e a xus, it did not to them reach.
166-8.
te e xus, it flew up. 112-16.
tee a xus, it flew. 244-1.
-sel, -seL ; to be or to become warm.
a) The past has the form -sel.
na a ya dis sel, they warmed themselves. 170-11.
b) The present tense has the form -scl.
wakinninseLx51an, it was heated through he saw.
329-16.
-sit ; to awake.
tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8.
254 University of California Publications, i^^ Arch. Bth.
tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8.
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the
mind, dje, to be sorry.
tco o da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1.
tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7.
-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal).
yetcuwiLda, she carried in. 191-13.
x6 wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom.
na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3.
kyu wit dai ye iL win <e, it always blossoms. 365-4.
-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game.
a) The past definite and the impotential have the form -dai.
matsisdai, chief (the principal one who stays). 329-9.
me e na nes dai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1.
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1.
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2.
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15.
sit dai, he lived. 278-1.
da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12.
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14.
do x6 lin se dai, I can't stay. 360-11.
tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15.
b) TJie present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im-
perative hnve the form -da.
e it da, it lies there. 247-8.
ya sit da difi, they were staying place. 299-12.
na nes da xo luii, he was sitting. 270-10.
ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6.
sin dan, you stay. 328-6.
sit da, he was staying there. 164-16.
sum: da ne en diii, I used to live place. 272-12.
da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1.
do win da, all do not stop. 260-19.
ToL. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 256
tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16.
tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5.
tsis da din, he used to stay place. 220-9.
tsis da te, he will stay. 211-7.
tee it da, she used to live. 286-2.
tein nes da te, she will sit. 290-14.
teu win da, he stayed. 97-3.
kyuwinnaida, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15.
-dau, -da ; to melt away, to disappear.
a) The past and the impotential have the form -dau.
na is dau we a xo lun, it had melted away. 236-1.
do xo lin it dau, they won't melt away. 254-7, 256-14.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -da.
nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away.
259-9.
-dal, -daL, -dauic ; to pass along, to go, to come.
a) The past tense has the form -dal.
wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7.
min na il dal, she ran around. 153-2.
nawilditdal, he ran. 221-7.
na wit dal, he went. 223-12.
na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7.
nal dit dal, it coming along. 115-15.
xoLwildal, with him came along. 115-1.
b) The present has the form -daL.
hti7a na na wit daL din, in the evening. 99-13.
muxxunnauirdaLte, having gratified myself I will go
back. 223-13.
na nautr daL din, he was coming back. 152-7.
na nautr daL din, sun gone down time. 322-9.
tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11.
:* tii>rT8C^ ;.- C*! -•; «^*« Pmbliemtians. IAm. Auh. Bxh.
'•• ' ^'" • '•■ •*2^*». **i impotential have the
- Ml f=:-r-T-- -^ w^^- yH3.*k in. 288-6,336-6.
.: ' :•• :j?*T*i : -.*i- :b«* r^^unds. 336-7.
*•« • " ^ -^^ ■": - r/d :rsvrf with me. 114-11.
V • 7u ^.: ^ :.i .1- f- -iT-i b- Always went, 346-3.
?.* '»i ' >•*;-■ ^ "rs 3"tt:. ■>'>4-4.
•1 •. -:s . * >':.T .r r - vw:! li>l-10.
•..t '• -M . •■ ?»- ;>i:«i : - cir Tii^fk. 13T-1,
' \: . • r ^:. !tr ':.«.: --.e b^A. 267-7.
A V "...:' ::i:r > i".i r»:c nr fn-^ it. 112-13.
j^^. ..' . : ■ ,"•". :; .-.cr. :.; Tni^l Veriis having this
vx^ ^» -^ « . V- : • 'h^ v>:n: Tbf sir^rilAr is expressed by
'•*•■ > * ■ • . * **ii ^l*zL.
* ■ ' * •
V . K ".1 '. '• ".' ;■»
*i
^1 . -'«,-C"
. ■•• -I
«»•
»• . >
• k
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 257
na na nin deL, they weDt over. 267-6.
na nan deL, they became. 96-6.
na nan deL xo Ian, they had become. 119-12.
na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3.
nanasdeLte, they will live. 228-2.
na nil. deL, he struck. ] 20-4.
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2.
nasseL, they began to walk. 180-16.
nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4.
nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4.
nates deL, they started back. 176-17.
na tes deL, they started home. 329-18.
na kis deL, they came around, 200-2.
nin is deL, they danced. 104-14.
nin tsis deL, they danced. 215-12.
nin su wit deL, they dance. 366-1.
no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5.
no nauir nin deL, they came to marry. 208-11.
no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1.
xasin deL din, the coming up place. 363-3.
xoL tes deL, with him they went. 110-7.
xoL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16.
xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8.
da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2.
da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9.
do he nas deL ^x, they could not walk about. 322-7.
do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11.
ta des deL x5 lun, they had come ashore. 101-2.
tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12.
tes deL te, they will come. 252-3.
tsi yun tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1.
tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10.
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9.
tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11.
tee te deL, they went out. 141-5.
258 University of California Publications. [Am, A&oh« Eth.
tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5.
tcittesdeL, they went. 170-15.
teit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9.
b) The ciistomary, impoiential, and past of the fourth con-
jugation have tJie form -dil.
ya wit dil, they are traveling. 110-8.
wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2.
muk kut nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11.
na it dil, who go around. 305-9.
nayawitdil, they went along. 172-1.
na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2.
na na in dil, they came back. 182-6.
na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13.
na dil, they were living. 100-7.
na te in dil, they go home. 333-13.
ninsindil, they danced. 105-7.
xoLtcuwitdil, those following him. 208-1.
xu in dil, they will pass. 283-15.
da wes dil, they waited. 252-7.
da wit dil, they live. 365-8.
do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10.
do x6 lin tin dil, they won 't go. 253-3.
do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10.
te in dil, they flew along. 317-3.
tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11.
tcitteindil, they traveled. 190-15.
tcu wit dil, they came along. 101-16.
tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8.
c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form
-diL.
yai diL, let us go. 142-14.
ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13.
wei diL, we will go. 207-7.
wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6.
wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw.
104-11.
wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Langtiage, 259
Le neL te, ( Le ne diL te) , let us meet. 174-3.
naidlL, let us go. 175-16.
nana wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3.
nana diL, come down. 166-7.
na niL ne, they must live. 317-1.
na no diL, go away. 266-15.
nadiL, who are living. 321-3.
nadiL^x, they will live. 255-8.
nadiLneen, that used to live. 204-15.
na diL din, he lived place. 100-6.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na kit diL x6 Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10.
nin sin diL ^x, they danced. 105-9.
nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14.
nit to diL, come. 113-16.
da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4.
do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1.
tin diL, it is coming. 199-5.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
tee in diL ^x, outside the door. 169-9.
tee in diL min, for them to come out. 102-9.
tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4.
tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3.
-dil, -diL, -deL; to strike (?).
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4.
-den, -din ; to travel in company. This root is only employed
in ease of a number of persons who make a journey in company.
a) The past has the form -den.
sa win den, they all went. 142-15.
sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6, 144-10.
b) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -din.
saodin, travel. 152-7.
sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6.
sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12.
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5.
U tr ^
t~
• '•- '-^s^- "T" "MPi 3- «ssi» THHBik that the
.-«- iT* -^nnj-^M n aesmn!: T!it secHOve with
f'^. i**^ Tt- zu-sBinuc if iUPMBDT- imiflHnne, the
>^ii:. M.amarK ami rni^memmi huv€ ike
•- cz. 1-^ It*:- ^nzMxmf -aim^ n. iCfS*-t.
li CH Ir-', »*!, ar lUlftllf T 1IB2K i!*VZZ.
— en ir= dn. i^sxr ^xioih n. Uits-I.
V . dn -.111 -"r^ ^Tn *f!nit <u3s . jan wi!! «! vaed to
Ti^ a~ T"--: mx 'Sc. I izn itfciinmic jimaiRni* for. 176-2.
-*-** ill. !.♦• T»*'VT?i. II*- 1:
r„z r-" ii: iif :- ir vi> r-'' — *^ *'' ?-''i ll->-^3.
ZL— I*" ~ - Zli". T ". : £ 7»tZ -.-—--•-
■v*. r»- .■ .■.»..— ^ -— -« _ __ .•
' .1 i;. -2 v:: .:::s. :hry made n?pe. 151-11.
;^^ i * :■_' d::s :c, lo make rope. 151-6, S.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 261
-do, to cut, to slash.
naideLdo, he cut him. 164-3.
ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14.
-do, to quiver, to dodge, to draw back.
xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
do nas do, they won 't dodge. 258-13.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
-dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected
with dje in xo dje, his mind, etc.
na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11.
-dje u, -dje; to fly in a flock.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential Imve the
form -djeu.
yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15.
ye wit djeu, they came in. 299-14.
no na it dje ti, they came back. 299-10.
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15.
na ditc dje u, they flew together. 299-1.
b) The present and imperative Jiave the form -dje.
ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13.
-djin, to come near, to bother something,
domedjin, it did not mind. 315-4.
do mite djin te, it won 't mind. 315-9.
-taL, -tul, -tuL, -tal ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the
foot.
a) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL.
yin ne ya xol taL, in the ground he tramped them. 361-10.
ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2.
ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5.
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11.
n5 du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
no kyu wil taL, the finishing dance. 104-16.
da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3.
' a*r tnuB P^bUcations. [^^^ Arch. Eth.
- ^ — - ^it- vfiirr he stepped. 120-3.
•-..— .1*. n p.rthiial havf the form -tul.
-... zi^- sied to draff their feet 207-3.
u^ • rtij:.,- and imperative have the form -tuL.
• - -^ =-« step in. 209-2.
."_ 1'- "sr-i-ppinp down place. 207-2.
1 ^. hr stepped. 207-10.
. ' UiT'iir or to move a lonp object. This is
• ■.* '- h classify the object aflfected according
:j-*> T'r some reason empty baskets are re-
— ! .z- *his root.
f^ iW the form -tan.
- -K. 108-18.
. -. > :i]i'ked it lip. 112-11, 341-13.
L.:, It- :mt in. %-13.
• rfT. :W-8.
-^ -uur his eyes'. •>.?7-S.
:•• ^nok down. 97- It^.
♦.- M.'T the wed ire airain. 109-1.
. II. 210-1«.
•r *r the wedcre. lOS-11.
r^w tn>m. 211-3.
f ,^. •'.' him. 211-1.
•> V j:ivo him. 144-14.
r.r. "v has put in the tire. 150-6.
. • i- •: down. 97-13.
... .^ • v^- there. 246-10.
- • ii Tbt'm in. 150-4.
^^.,4. vrii. 289-14.
,- ... .-.It of the water. 325-4.
, :; ■ . ut of. 107-6.
,■ -.-.i .: the water. 101-14.
i iHiFiH ni;i. 329-10.
I . fipl* li m4-9.
. ». . M« H'*' 153-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 263
b) The present definite has the form -tun.
ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6.
me sit tun, was in it. 243-9.
sit tun, it was sitting. 337-4.
siLtun^, it lay. 266-8.
da sit tun, it sits. 246-9.
de duir tun, let me put them in the fire. 150-4.
do de du wit tun, why don 't you cook. 171-3.
teit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13.
c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im-
perative have the form -tutr.
ya nauir tuir, I will pick up. 286-9.
wai iLtuir, he always gave. 136-12.
hwru wun tutr, hand me. 278-7.
daeiiitrtuir, I put. 247-7.
do de dit tun?, one must never put in the fire. 150-2.
dje na wiL tuir, he opened it. 109-2.
-tan, -tuii, -tuir ; to split.
dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14.
dje na wiL tuMT, he opened it. 109-2.
kiL tufc tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5.
kyuir tutr, I am splitting. 108-9.
-tan, -tun; to eat (used only of the third person singular).
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tan.
yaitan, he ate. 109-18.
jritan, they eat. 351-7.
he teit tan, even he ate. 346-5.
do xo liii yl tan, she shall not eat. 253-6.
teit tan, he ate. 106-5.
teit tan hirun te, he shall eat. 107-8.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tun.
teit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11.
-tan ( ?), -tuii; the exact meaning is unknown,
na x6 wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6.
na xoL tuii, let it get soft. 233-6.
264 University of California Publications. [^^ Arch. Bth.
-te, to look for, to search after.
xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4.
xauir te, let me look for it. 104-16.
xa fin te, it can be seen. 119-4.
xaneitte, she looked for it. 306-13.
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xantiwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9.
Xante, look for it. 243-3.
-te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and
animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root
-ten, -tin, -tuw given below.
me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8.
naiLte^x, she carried it. 290-6.
na is te, he carried it around. 282-4.
Compare, da e ii. te, they were on a stick. 186-11.
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
-te, to remain in a recumbent position. Compare, -ten, -tin,
-tuM? ; to assume such a position.
tee it te, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7.
tcinnote, he might lie. 169-4.
-ten, -tin, -tutc ; to move or to carry in any way a person,
animal or animal product. This is another of the classifying
roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character.
For a plural object -lai, -la, -\uw is employed.
a) The past definite has the fonn -ten.
aditta tcuwiLten, he put him in his sack. 221-6.
ya wiL ten nei, she picked him up. 287-3.
ya xoL ten, he has taken him. 151-4.
yanawiLten, she put it in. 136-5.
yetcu wiLteii, she put it in. 289-17.
ye tcuwiLten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3.
Lena nil. ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10.
naiLditten, he brought it back. 283-4.
na iLdittennei, she took him back. 287-6.
nateLten, he took it along. 282-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Languiige. 265
no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7.
nonaniLten, he put it. 221-11.
no na xon niL ten, he laid her. 342-10.
hirin nil wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7.
xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1.
xaisten, she brought up. 99-2.
xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xoi kya niL ten, he took it from him. 222-7.
danaxoLten, he put him. 108-1.
da siL ten, lying on something. 186-4.
da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10.
dateexodiLten, she has taken him away. 159-5.
ta na is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17.
tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7.
tee niL ten, he took out. 282-2.
tee x6 niL ten, they took him out. 278-4.
tee x6 teL ten, he took him along. 210-15.
tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9.
tcu wiL ten, he put him. 152-9.
tcwin dai wiL ten, he spoiled. 221-13.
ke wu teo xol ten, somebody hid. 181-12.
b) The present definite has the form -tin.
ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
yin ne tcu wiL tiii, in the ground they have put. 221-3.
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11.
no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9.
do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7.
tee na xon ncL tin, I brought it down. 273-7.
c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and
present definite have the form -tu«7.
yautr tutr, let me pick it up. 286-11.
yo OL tutc, put in. 362-6.
no na xol tuir, he had her laid. 342-8.
xa na x6 iL tutc, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
ta nauir tu htriL te, I will take out. 267 18.
kyu wa na iL tuir, he who gives back. 241-4.
Compare, tcu wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6.
Am. Aboh. Bth. 3. 18.
266 Univeftity of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aroh. Eth.
-ten, -tin, -tutr, -te; to lie down. It seems possible that this
root is connected with the preceding. The first, however, char-,
acterizes transitive verbs and has the si^ of verbs of the second
elasB while the verbs ^ven below are intransitive.
a) The past definite has the form -ten.
xoL tcin nes ten, with her he lay. 223-13.
sit ten, she was lying. 145-8.
da sit ten, (dog) was lying. 114-16.
do he kiL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7.
tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5.
b) The present definite has the form -tin.
sit tin, she lying. 117-2.
sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2.
sit tin te, (if ) they lie. 307-11.
kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman.
104-7.
c) The present indefinite^ customary, impotential and the
second person of the imperative have the form -tutr.
na nu win tu htriL ne, you must lie. 343-12.
tcin netuir din, she goes to bed time. 334-1.
d) The first and third persons of the imperative have the
form -te.
xdLneuirte, let me lie with her. 223-12.
tcin no te, he might lie. 169-4. •
-tete, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub-
ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten, -tin, -tuu?
and -te.
ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7.
win tetc, they lay there. 322-4.
me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4.
me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8.
ne it tetc, they always lay. 333-12.
sit tetc ^x, they lay there. 322-6.
tsis tetc, they were lying. 190-6.
-tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in-
tt^ivst since it is an added case of a monosyllabic noun's being
\iMiHl as a root.
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 267
kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7.
kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12.
-tik ; exact meaning unknown.
tee niL tik, he pinched out. 143-14.
-to, referring to the movement or position of water,
no it to, the water comes. 310-7.
no to ^x, water staid. 324-3.
-ton, -ton ;* to jump,
ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9.
yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18.
ye e il ton x6 Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17.
ye na wil de ton, in she jumped. 135-11.
na du wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14.
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9.
datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14.
tee tcil ton, he jumped out. 163-16.
-tot, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to,
referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare
-tsots, to kiss.
tcittetot, he drank. 112-15.
-tti, to beg.
kyun xotc tu, I am begging. 152-13.
-tti, -te, -tel ; to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root
which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see
-au, -a.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tu.
me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15.
me kyu wiL tu, he sang. 234-6.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the
suffix denoting progression -1, -l.
me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1.
me kyu wiL tel, someone singing. 235-4.
*■ There is a glottal stop between the vowel and the nasals which are
surds.
268 University of California Publications, l^^- Akch. Rth-
-tuk, to count.
miL tcoL tuk te, he will count. 259-18.
-tau, to hover, to settle, to fly around.
nai xoi iL f au, it flew around her. 333-8.
na win ^au, it will settle down. 273-7.
-tan, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are
wax-like.
me it tan, he stuck to (wax). 202-3.
me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
ke wiL tan, he put on (pitch) . 150-12.
-tats, -tus ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
a) The definite present and past have the form -tats,
yai kyu wil tats, a blanket of strips. 207-5.
min no ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut open.
278-5.
min no kyu wit dit tats te, we are going to cut open.
102-15.
no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17.
kit te tats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16.
b) The tenses other than the definite present and past have
the form -tus.
-te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to
be, to exist.
a in te, how he appeared. 209-5.
ainte, (smart) he is. 141-4.
a na nu we sin te te, you will look that way. 357-5.
a na kin nit /e, it ^rows. 356-10.
a ne e /e, he looked that way. 321-7.
anuwesfe, he looked (that way). 143-14.
a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17.
un te, there is. 209-15.
un^eye, how it looked. 209-6.
un^eneen, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18.
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14.
xax a na nu wis te te, it will be lighter (in weight). 357-6.
tin til teox un te, it looked very strong. 294-2.
kin tis seox un te, the smart one. 326-1.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa La/nguage. 269
-ten, 'tm ; to do, to perform an act.
a) The pust, customary, and impotential have the form -ten.
ayaten, they did. 305-5.
a na dit ten, we did. 217-7.
a ten, it did it. 120-9.
a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5.
da x6 a ten, who die. 346-4.
do xa auw ten, I never do that. 109-4.
do xo lin da xo a ten, they won 't die. 253-7.
b) The present and imperative have the form -tifi.
an«7 tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7.
ayatin, they do. 198-5.
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1.
atinweste, (a basket) had done. 325-10.
a tin te, he will do. 215-9.
wun no xon niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13.
naauii?tin, (what) am I doing? 163-4.
xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14.
xaa tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a tin teL, that it will do. 235-1.
do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13.
-ten, to address with term of relationship or friendship. It
is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first
part, Lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean-
ing might be then, to make one Liii, "a relative."
lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9.
Lin xo wil ten, he addressed her. 98-10.
Lu win ten, she addressed her. 181-9.
-ten, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only
with ut, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning
"wife.** The remarks above connecting the last given root with
-ten, -tin, **to do," applies here also.
fit ten, he married. 210-11.
fit ten tsis lin tcin, he married. 145-13.
270 University of California Publications. [Am. AaoH. Eth.
4ik, to encircle, to tie with a string.
min na na wil ^ik, a string tied around. 353-4.
nakyuwiHik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10.
-to, relating to mntual motions of one or the other of two
objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with-
drawn from it.
ya a diL tOy he put on (as a shirt is put on) . 328-12.
ye na x6 wil to, he was dressed in. 328-8.
ye tcu wiL f 6, he slipped them one into the other 329-1.
metceyaniL^o, they skinned him (as a rabbit is
skinned). 328-5.
tee iL tOy he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
-tsai, to be or to make dry.
6l tsai ne, dry them. 101-4.
na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14.
na x6 wiL tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12.
x6 wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7.
x6 wiL tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16.
-tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see.
a) The pasty customary y and impotential have the form -tsan.
a d5 iutr tsan, I didn 't find it. 243-16.
iutrtsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6.
yaxoLtsan, they saw him. 101-16.
yo xoL tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4.
na iL tsan, he found signs. 185-11.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
na ya xol tsan, he found them. 267-15.
nahjr5Ltsan, you see me. 230-5.
na xo wes tsan, he was found. 230-3.
xoir tsan, I saw him. 351-9.
do va iL tsan, thev did not see. 9S-7.
do ya XOL tsan, he did not see. 23S-14.
do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9.
do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16.
do na ya xol tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6.
do na XO wes tsan, he was not loneer seen. 226-5.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 271
do he tciL tsan, he didn 't find her. 340-8.
do tciL tsan, she could not find. 159-4.
tciL tsan, she gave birth. 189-7.
tciL tsan nei, she saw. 242-4.
b) The present and imperative have the form -tsun.
iutrtsun, (I wish) I could see. 336-9.
iutr tsun te, (where) am I going to find. 244-7.
yiL tsun te, she will see. 103-15.
do iL tsun te xo lun, you can 't find it anywhere. 246-6.
do na iL tsun de, they won 't find again. 321-10.
do na hiru wes tsun hirun, I must not be seen again.
217-18.
do na xoL tsun ^x x6 lin, you won't see him any more.
306-6.
-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip.
kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9.
kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8.
-tsat, -tsa ; to sit down.
a) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat.
b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa.
danintsa, sit. 107-12.
-tse, to open or shut a sliding door.
na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5.
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10.
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2.
na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10.
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2.
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2.
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
-tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject),
ya del se ei, they lived. 145-13.
ya dcL tse, they were living. 135-1.
yin ne tcin dcL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2.
na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5.
272 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Abch.Bth.
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3.
na dcL tse, they are living. 217-8.
de SOL tse te, you will stay. 152-10.
des dil tseii, we better wait. 265-5.
-tseL, -tsil, -tsii. ; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is
possible that this root is eounected with the noun tse, **a stone,"
since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones.
a) The definite present and past tenses have the form -tseL.
djewiLtseL, he pounded it. 108-11.
tcit du wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16.
kis tseL tse, he heard poimdinpr. 170-6.
Compare yanakyuwiLtsil liLte, * they may split. 109-8.
b) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil.
c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the
form -tsiL.
-tsis, to be hanging.
naLtsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12.
nanaLtsis, it hung. 207-9.
-tsis, to see, to find, to know.
yonaLtsisde, who knows. 348-6.
xow tsis, I saw him. 353-3.
do yiL tsis, one never sees. 141-9.
do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5.
do xd liii tciL tsis, he will not see. 317-13.
do xo lin naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11.
do toil, tsis, he never found. 336-7.
do tco xoL tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8.
-tsit, to pound, as in a mortar.
ya kyu win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4.
na kyu win tsit, she pounded a^ain. 185-4.
do nit dje tcl tsit ne, don't pet excited (not your heart
pound). 170-18.
tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8.
tcu win tsit, he pounded. 319-8.
kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1.
* The form -tsil is no doubt due to the suffix.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Languc^e, 273
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula.
bw tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7.
oLtsit, you know (my formula). 296-13.
yo naL tsit te, who will know. 296-7.
do na ya xol tsit, they did not know him. 166-15.
tco iL tsit, she found out. 334-5.
tcoL sil HI, he knew it. 272-14.
tcoL tsit, he knew it. 340-6.
too naL tsit, she knew. 191-15.
tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6.
tco naL tsit te, who shall know. 279-2.
-tsit, to fall, to sink.
na il tsit, it faUs. 275-3.
nail tsit te, (birds) would drop down. 104-11.
naltsit, itfeU. 306-16.
nanaldit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4.
na x6 wil tsit x6 lun, it fell. 306-15.
tewiltsit, (canoe) sank. 153-17.
Compare, til tsit ^x, it will always be in her hands.
325-13.
-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal.
kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4.
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9.
-tsit, to pull out a knot.
XOL tee niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1.
tee niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2.
-tsit, to wait, to delay an act.
don ka tsit, hold on. 329-14, 222-6.
-ts5ts (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one's
lips. This root is probably onomatopoetic. Kissing was not
practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by
adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5.
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
274 University of California Publications. [^^ Aeoh. Bth.
-tsti, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tsti.
na is tsti, he rolled about. 119-4.
do he kit tcin no na in di tsti, he could not roll over. 121-8.
b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse.
na tse, rolling around. 157-4, 289-1.
na tse din, (where) he rolled. 119-5.
-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -teat.
dii win teat, it got sick. 241-9.
xoideai du win teat, his head ached. 175-15.
tcit du win teat, she was sick. 286-7.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tea.
du win tea te, (babies) will get sick. 242-15.
tcit du win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7.
-tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind),
ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8.
xa kyu witc tee Hl te, from the ground the wind will blow
out. 272-10.
xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3.
xot da kyvi wes tee, it blows. 227-7.
danakitdu witteeiLte, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6.
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4.
da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3.
do xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12.
te kyu wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9.
tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8.
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 275
-tcit, to die.
iiiu? tcit te, I will die. 346-13.
do he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1.
tcit dei, it died. 266-8.
tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6.
tcit te tcit, he was almost dead. 111-16.
tcit tcit x6 Ian, he died. 347-3.
tcit tcit dei, he died. 164-4.
do inw tcuw htrun, I won 't die. 346-13.
-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree.
wun do wiL tcut, he took (bark from a tree). 96-12.
-tcwai, -tcwa ; to handle or move many small pieces, such as
the soil ; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the
roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of
objects.
a) The past definite, ctistomary, and impotential have the
form -tcwai.
ya x6 win tcwai, they buried him. 172-4.
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
tcit te tcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tcwa.
wit tcwa, (salmon) buried. 192-17.
wit tcwa ta, they are buried places. 180-11.
xa na ya wit tcwai, they dug up along. 181-7.
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, he threw at her (a handful of
twigs). 333-3.
-tcwan, -tcwuii ; referring to the eating of a meal in company.
a) The past definite tense has the form -tcwan.
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6.
na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1.
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4.
b) Th^ present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwun.
na de il tcwiin din, Tule ranch (where they always take
the meal). 328-10.
nadil tcwun, (he heard) eating. 176-9.
'^■'C F'AiUcations, [Am. Arch. Eth.
■"-"*""- to make, to arrange, to
- ■>.• -to wen.
:..r-.i^::. 101-14.
. -s- : 102-6.
- :t :\<ids). 171-17.
- - ;j.: riade. 138-7.
^ - > =;ide come between. 144-2.
:- :: = ie it sprinkle. 338-2.
^ .- : 1^4-13,203-11,221-10.
. •• :: :: he lanphed. 151-15.
". -!2.
-. - ^14-7.
: . V 2S4-1.
- J^-2.
- :. <:-: did not make wood. 157-5.
■ ■ - «
^ -.rir h:iii\ 114-8.
V - ".-.ade it to flow. 158-12.
• •"•: -'"nn -tew in.
- .>rs for himself. 338-6.
• , '• ::iakt'. 3()3-5.
^ ',-- "-ike. 321-11.
- s --ll.
\ :.\iko it. 257-14.
: .•.:: Imn- it. 2S2-().
. .- • ::-d make. o22-S.
> •:.;:sT not do. lli)-15.
; .,5 ^- Ki\^ to make. 30()-13.
. s J* ii'-e: lo raiisr. f^S-l.
• . i -Mftnar!/, ifnpntnttial. and im
.':'x .
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa LangucLge, 211
iLtcwe, make it. 278-8.
yin neL in ya xoi iL tcwe, they made them to see. 180-1.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6.
nauir tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3.
hiriLtcwe, make me. 114-3.
tciLtcwe, someone making. 102-13.
kin nuir x5 mw tcwe, I notify him. 241-3.
d) Having a progressive suffix.
xo wiL tcweL te, who fixes the place. 229-13.
tcoxowiLtcwelliLte, who will fix the dance place. 211-16.
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (intransitive) to grow, to become.
a) The past definite has the form -tcwen.
a til teox tcL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17.
yatcL tcwen, they grew. 265-1.
Le niil ditc tcwen ne xo Iiifi, it had grown together. 113-8.
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7.
na tcL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
xoL xas tcwen nei, it grew up. 137-18.
xoLteL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18.
do he tcL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7.
te il tcwen ne diin, the time when it grew. 275-2.
teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3.
tcL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
te sil tcwen ne duii, ever since you grew time. 337-13.
til tcwen, (which) grows. 296-12.
tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tcwiii is
regular in this place.)
tcit tcL tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1.
b) The present definite has the form -tcwin.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
na tcL ditc tcwiii xo lun, it had grown. 119-10.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
tcL tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 306-17.
teL tcwin te, when it grows. 267-5.
Tr^T*!/.. iiifomia Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth.
■-*r-
^»
• li.. ^aere I was broiijErht up. 117-13.
• . - :imi ri) yrrow. 233-1.
.:■. vntB he came to life a^in. 347-4.
•m:::. je may pt>w. 348-6.
.' "viL iiin. when I was growing. 180-7.
' ii!*-!!. -.» <tink. to defecate.
!••, '«to -jr form -tcwen.
: ^hL^s. 301-10.
•-«r v >r ierVated. 110-6.
'. ^i/r tmd indefinite have the form 'tcwm.
'I <zivC 1^5-4.
-. - r >a:ells. 301-12.
* • >. :: will smell. 302-9.
r-^-!. rrLcard (its mouth stinks). 112-17.
■ -. v*:.-wuir. they smelled of him. 165-3.
- I. iFxni food or sexual gratification, to desire.
.• "n. J itw the fomi -tcwen.
• ' * -. r.e wanted. 110-16.
• ••%:■.•. h^ wanted to have intercourse. 280-6.
*, ; '•»•:: »ind indcfiniie, have the form -tcwin.
A ■ : want. 254-12.
. *-\ I do not want. 97-8, 253-5.
•'*■;. 1 feel hungry for. 97-7.
•» «:•■.:•;: unknown.
:-. it will settle. 117-11.
vv '^ v-:!! otT or break off leaves and twigs, to
X St ■' '.:* bathiuL'. to bring water.
:.-u-:. with it she pushed herself. 135-11.
. •• ,:■;; w:to towil Hl te, she will rub herself
• :,'W!>iu\ youi-self bathe. 353-7.
•y :. •%%'.: re. bathe yourself. 322-11.
••: H r. r.-wii, he rubbed himself. 319-9.
,^^ :. ho pr^«sed down on it. 143-2.
i
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 279
on tcwit, take it. 191-13.
yit ditc tcwit, to shoot. 136-9.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1.
me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2.
me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13.
miL tcwit, push it. 105-18.
na de tcwit te, I will leave it. 277-1.
na du win tcwit, he let go. 106-17, 272-18.
na dti win tcwit, it was shot. 246-1.
niL kai niL tcwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6.
htrti wa mcL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11.
htrti wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7.
x6 wa me neL tcwit te, I would loan him. 356-17.
xon tcwit, it caught him. 346-10.
do ma a din iL tcwit, she did not move. 341-1.
do kiL tcwit, one never pushes it. 106-12.
te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12.
to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3.
to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2.
to on tcwit, water to bring. 110-16.
tcit du win tcwit te, he will shoot. 151-16.
tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4.
tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13.
tcon tcwit, she took it. 181-14.
ke niL tcwit, he lifted it up. 163-1.
kiL tcwit, push it. 162-14.
kyti wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6.
kyutr tcwit, let me push it. 106-11.
-tcwo ig, to sweep.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brushed him together. 196-3.
na xo tcL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12.
-tcwok, exact form and meaning unknown.
kyu wit tcwok kei, they are strung on a line. 165-8.
-tcwtiir, to smell of.
yai xos tcwtitr, they smelled of him. 165-3.
f ■ CmirgrmM Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
M ff'Wh^- -te(;/««ry. and impotential have the
d 16912.
c along. 179-12.
337-14.
w ife QnL\ eiT. 169-13.
l^ jii^Ts ifried. 336-4.
i. > iL'viiTrs eried. 186-8.
. 3^ rmfd 150-7. 336-8.
r -rnfd :U2.10.
- -si :i try he heard. 204-9.
jt^i *nd indefinite, and imperative have
41'
150-7.
r -. rw. -**f *3>flinl^ it cry. 135-9.
r r - "r^^*. rrvinc along. 135-10.
- ..•*•« 'I. r.' K» frightened at.
^^^- -^r^vneil (they were afraid of it). 215-4.
.^ T %■.: b^* afraid. 236-2.
^- ::. .-: kept getting afraid of. 235-4.
- - •v * jii .tfraid. 114-16.
- ^ « - ^\. W afraid. 296-5.
^^.' . :*-*!< jifraid. 295-4.
^^^. f :: w:II be afraid. 295-7.
. • >i ' ::vl afraid. 176-5.
> !t N^r/t Iv afraid. 170-15.
^^ . !t *•*< afraid. 118-11.
>j^ ^*:is afraid of. 192-2.
i\i!'.y. as a Hock of birds, or a company
. > .» -
'iit^v o:imo back. 299-9.
, . , KN .•:irjo back. 299-12.
. . 'if^ rtni down. 153-16.
..' •- ^"^ -it ^'^'"^ ^* reclining or sitting position.
, .^^:.rmiry ^'•^' inipotfutial hare the fonn -kai.
..^ vtH iui«^ 1 always get up. 241-1.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 281
b) The past and present definite^ present indefinite and im-
perative have the form -ka.
innaisdukka, she efot up. 110-14.
in nas duk ka ei, it got up. 114-16.
in nas duk ka hit, when he got up. 115-8.
do he in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15.
Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one
leg each side. 163-7.
-kan, -kuii ; to put on edge, to lean up.
a) The past definite, customnry, and impotential hnve the
form -kan.
anaditdflwiLkan, he jumped out one side. 108-15.
Compare, duk kan, a ridge, and wil ka nei, a fire is burn-
ing. 151-4.
b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -kun.
wuerkunliLte, I will lean up. 272-9.
duwinkunte, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13.
-kas, to throw.
ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3.
ye tee 11 kas, he threw. 288-7.
wes kas,* it lay. 96-4.
no niL kas, he threw. 185-8.
hu70 iL kas, throw me. 153-10.
xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8.
de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do na sil kas,* nothing left. 192-16.
-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a
straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot.
a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -kait.
ya niL kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15.
yateLkait, they went on. 159-14.
ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1.
' These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is * * that which
has been thrown or dropped. ' '
Am. AjtcH. Etu. 3, 19.
•iw»«i» iT C'tUfomia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
landed. 135-12.
not after the olber be stack (his head)
-•±£.2c». they slid togedio'. 25^2.
sii, ae put it. 108-19.
i V c:3 .>; I. ait. he did not skwc 144-13.
^ -v. 2ir. be started aeroe& 315-L
- • .a& ssut *kL they were sUdin:; toisether. 294>16.
T^ :a -UL l^ait. he poked out. 174-9.
T&iUL .out. he put out (his head ) . 15^-9.
^iu*;ui£ cait iifi they came down (by water). 158-16.
-Mi "fi out; he started in a boat. 104-6.
'1ft irrs^nc. ikfiniie and indefinite, and imperative have
r .^r. ^u *%. a boat will come. 209-3.
-uir ?»i Oil. shoot 144-14.
^d» y> itii. fisite, I will shoot. 144-16.
^jftto.. .al 0/ issunre, to fall here and there from weakness.
> ^ »tui fcti:. people began to starve. 191-11.
- t .':;x iau leu they were about to starve. 191-18.
.i. I Ki«i '.r, ji horizontal position.
.* in- i'^:. I held under. 337-14.
^. I -rtfi probably onomatopoetic).
V" I %• ' cy5. it creaked. 114-17. 140-3.
^•. ^ r.- «^at, to make an opening in a wall or bank.
^ ,.»>V;.. he split it. 142-3.
u.:T IV i'vi kil, ho opened it. 113-5.
rvLj ,^.k 1:1 loi, that far he split it. 210-2.
.t. hi-v. .i,"ioukiL with me it won't split. 108-9.
.^v * ; kil. ho tore away. 176-9.
^•i. ^ ;i >iil» i*^ split with his hands. 210-1.
;.i. ,t.f.kiloi. it broke out. 102-2.
Cv: ,^« viiikiL the bank slid out. 252-4.
■
^^^ V. ;v,;t »Mio s hand on, to stab, to spear.
, .-^ yr no iia kin niL kis, under himself he put his hand.
2:^1-4.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtuige, 283
xe e na 11 kis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3.
na niL kis, he cut him. 164-1.
kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon had been he saw.
140-11.
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away,
a de iL kit, he took with himself. 270-7.
a de xoL kit, she caught against herself. 223-14.
a diL kit, take it with you. 356-16.
a duu? kit, to myself I held. 353-6.
yaiLkimmin, to catch. 101-17.
ya iL kit te, they were going to catch it. 102-2.
na iL kit dei, he caught it. 152-6.
XOL tciL kit, with him he caught it. 107-10.
do he ya iL kit, they did not catch. 102-3.
tee XOL kit, he caught him. 143-9.
tciL kit, he took hold. 106-16.
tc5 XOL kit, he caught him. 151-2.
tcu hM?iL kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke),
yei wiL kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13.
ye yu wiL kit de te, (smoke) will go there. 301-9.
noi iL kit, it spread out. 321-7.
noi wiL kil Hl te, it will be foggy. 230-6.
nonainiLkit, it settled. 96-3.
noi niL kit, smoke hangs. 337-11.
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10.
x5l yai wiL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16.
da nai wiL kil Hl te, fog will stay. 273-2.
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
ma kiL kit, she fed it. 192-1.
ma kyuw kit, I better feed them. 192-1.
xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 110-14.
xwa ya iL kit, they gave him. 110-5.
xwa ya kiL kit, she fed them. 192-11.
-kfitc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny,
yawinkutc, he threw. 143-15.
284 University of California Publications. [^^ Arch. Bth.
tee nin kute, he threw out. 144-1.
tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8.
kit tea kutc, they began to play. 142-16.
kit te sin kutc tcL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
kit tuk kutc ei, shinny will be. played. 210-14.
-kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun
kya, ''dress.'*
me na 11 kya, she wore for dress. 332-10.
-kya, to perceive by any of the senses,
un kya, he saw. 96-11, 98-14.
do un kya, they did not see. 267-7.
-kyas, to break, to cause to break.
sikkyassei, it broke. 210-17,211-1,144-15.
tcis k(y)assei, he broke it. 143-3.
-kyos, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible,
as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows
the character of the object.
ya wiL kyos, he picked up. 293-6.
n5 na 11 kyos, she put away. 333-7.
na na wiL kyos, he took it down. 204-4.
no niL kyos, he put it. 208-10.
siLkyos, it lies. 207-6.
da tcit du wiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11.
tcittcLkyos, he took it along. 204-6.
tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9.
-kyot, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in
the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed.
tsinteLkyot, he ran away.
-qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular).
de duk qal, this one walking along (the sun). 340-1, 343-9.
tcuk qal, walking. 96-10.
tcuk qal ^x, he walked. 319-6.
tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8.
tcuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2.
-qol, to crawl, to creep.
nasqol, it crawled around. 294-1.
xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtuige. 285
xon nat naL qol, around her it was creeping. 185-2.
tee il qol e xo Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11.
tcin nil qol ei, he had crawled. 347-9.
tcit te il qol le x6 Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12.
tcittcLqol, he crawled. 347-8.
-q6t, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
yaaqot, they always stuck them. 180-14.
ya xos qot, they stuck them. 181-2.
ya xo qot, they stick them. 180-12.
na ya xos duk qot de, if we stuck them. 180-15.
na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12.
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9.
no ke iutr qot, I always set up. 247-4.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly,
yaitqot, it always dodged. 286-11.
ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13.
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15.
yat qot, it dodged. 286-10.
ye wit qot, it fell. 136-3.
na wit qot, he tumbled. 118-17.
nas duk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4.
na des de qot, it tumbled around. 222-9.
na te de qot, it tumbled. 114-15.
no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
nondeqotei, it stopped. 287-2.
xa wit qot, he jumped. 329-13.
da wit qot tsu, it tumbling she heard. 136-3.
tewitqotte, in the water it seemed about to tumble.
286-13.
te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12.
tcin duk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12.
-qotc, -qoir ; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong.
a) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotc.
a diL ya Ml qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, when he threw himself with it.
202-7.
286 University of Calif omia Publications, i^^- Arch. Etk.
te weL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4.
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
b) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotr.
a diL nd ke iL qojf , to he used to throw with himself.
202-4.
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
nun duk qotc tsti, he heard him lope back. 175-9.
xe e win qotc ei tsti, he heard him lope away. 175-8.
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1.
Vajuatioms or Boors im Form and Ijsngth.
The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of
form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of
mode or tense. In a few cases there 'is also a change within the
mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when
present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be
considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place
or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such
as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu-
tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different.
Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses
off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im-
potential are different in the form of the root from the present
indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential
alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in
the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest
of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually
longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger
vowels, a instead of u and e instead of i. Diphthongization
often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in
t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present.
A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not
change in form and many of them do not change in length.
Having Four Forms.
-wen (-en), past definite; -win, pres. def. ; -wuir, pres. indef.,
cust., impot. ; -we, 3 imp. : to carry on the back.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 287
-wen (-en), past def. ; -win (-in), pres. def. ; -wutu, pres.
indef ., oust., impot., 2 imp. ; -we, 3 imp. : to move fire, to wave
fire.
-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tutc, pres. indef., oust.,
impot., 2 imp. ; -te, 1 and 3 imp. : to lie down.
-len, past def.; -lin, pres. def.; -lu, oust., impot.; -le, pres.
indef., imp. : to become, to be, to be transformed.
-lau, past; -la, pres. def., sometimes pres. indef. and imp.;
-lu, cust., impot.; -le, * sometimes pres. indef. and imp.: to do
something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose.
Having Three Forms.
a) Ti/pe, -an, -un, -auu?.
-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -aujr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to transport round objects.
-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -autr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to run, to jump (plural subject only).
-yan, past def., cust., impot. ; -yun, pres. def. and indef., and
imp. ; -yauir, a few uncertain forms : to eat.
-xan, past def.; -xun, pres. def.; -xauic, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or
smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up.
-tan, past def.; -tun, pres. def.; -tutr, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to handle or move a long object.
-tan, past def.; -tuil, pres. def.; -tuir, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to split.
b) Type, -en, in, -uir.
-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tuir, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to move or to carry in any way a person, animal
or animal product.
' The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that
two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or
that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present
indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual u and e pairs.
288 Vniversiiy of California Publications, [ Am. Abch. Bth.
c) Type, -en, -in, -e.
%j) 1 ypt, -€n, -in, -e.
-wen, past def. ; -win, pres. def. ; -we, pres. indef., oust.,
>ot., imp. : to kill.
impot., imp. : to kill.
-tcwen, past def. ; -tcwiii, pres. def. ; -tewe, pres. indef., cnst.,
impot., imp. : to make, to arrange, to cause.
-tcwen, past def. ; -tcwin, pres. def. ; -tcwe, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to grow, to become.
d) Type, -ai, -a, -auir (-utr).
-yai, past def.; -ya, pres. def., 1 and 3 imp.; -yauir, pres.
indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. : to go, to come, to travel about.
-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -Ititr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to move or transfer a number of objects.
-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -luii?, pres. indef., cust, impot.,
imp.: to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand
wmiething to some one.
-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -luir, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe.
-hurai, impot. ; hira, pres., imp. ; -hurauir, pres., cust. : to walk,
to go, to come.
e) Type, -aL, -ul,-iiL.
-waL, past def., pres. def.; -wul, cust., impot.; -wul, pres.
indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to scatter.
-taL, past def., pres. def.; -tul, cust., impot.; -tuL, pres.
indef., imp. : to step, to kick, to do an>i:hing with the foot.
f) Type, -eL, -il,-iL.
-weL, past def., pres. def.; -wil, cust., impot.; -wiL, pres.
indef., imp. : relating to the passing of night.
-meL, past def., pres. def. ; -mil, cust., impot. ; -miL, pres.
indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to drop.
-deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot., past; -diL, pres.
indef., imp. : to go, to come, to travel.
-deL, past def., pres. def. ; -dil, cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. in-
def., imp. : to strike.
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 289
-tseL, past def., pres. def. ; -tsil, cust., impot. ; -tsiL, pres.
indef., imp. : to pound as with a hammer or maul.
o) Unclassified.
-Lon, past, def., pres. def.; -Loi, impot.; -L5 (-Loir), cust.,
pres. indef ., imp. : to make baskets, to twine.
-ne, 3rd per. of all tenses ; -sen, 1st and 2nd persons past def.,
cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to think, to know.
-hire, any tense without suffix ; -hiril, past def., oust., impot.
with progressive suflfix; -hidL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.
with the progressive suffix : to call by name, to name.
-xa, any tense without suffix ; -xal, past def. with progressive
suffix; -xai., pres. def., past def. with progressive suffix: to dawn.
-xa, when of conjugation 1; -xan, past def., cust., impot.
(when of conjugation 3) ; -xuii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.
(when of conjugation 3) ; to stand (said of tree).
-dal, past ; -daL, pres. ; -dautr, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass
along, to go, to come.
Having Two Forms,
a) Type, -an, -un.
-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to live, to pass through life.
-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres. indef., pres. def.,
imp, : to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
-wan (nan), past def., cust., impot.; -wun (nun), pres. def.,
pres. indef., imp. : to sleep.
-Ian, past def., cust., impot.; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist.
-Ian, past def., cust., impot.; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be bom.
-nan, past def., cust., impot.; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to drink.
-nan, past def., cust., impot.; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. ; to turn, to move.
290 University of California Publications, l^^- Akch. Eth.
-xan, past def., cust., impot. ; -xiin, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste.
-tan, 3 sing, of past def., exist., impot. ; -tun, 3 sing, of pres.
def., pres. indef., imp. : to eat.
-tan, past def., cust., impot. ( ?) ; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : exact meaning unknown.
imp
-fan, past def., cust., impot.; -fun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
). : relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance.
-tsan, past, cust., impot. ; -tsun, pres. imp. : to find, to see.
-tcwan, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwun, pres. def., pres. indef. ;
imp. : relating to the eating of a meal in company.
-kan, past def., cust., impot.; -kun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to put on edge, to lean up.
b) Type, -en, -in.
-en, past def., cust., impot. ; -in, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to look.
-en, past, cust., impot., fut. ( ?) ; -in, pres., imp. : to do, to act,
to deport one's self.
-yen, past def., cust., impot. ; -yiii, pres. def., pres indef., imp. :
to stand on one's feet.
-len, past def., cust., impot. ; -lifi, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to flow, to run ; said of any liquid.
-men, past def., cust., impot. ; -min, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to fill up, to make full.
hiren, past, def., cust., impot.; hirin, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to melt.
-sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and
2nd per. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp. ; to think, to know.
-den, ])ast def., cust., impot. ; -diii, pres. def., pres indef.,
imp. : to travel in company.
-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be light, to blaze.
'ten. p«nst, oust, impot. ; tin, pres. imp. : to do, to perform an
act.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 291
-tcwen, past def ., cust., impot. ; -tcwin, pres. def., pres. indef .,
imp. : to smell, to stink, to defecate.
-tcwen, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwiii, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to want food or sexual gratification, to desire.
c) Type, -ai, -a.
-ai, past, impot. ; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust. :
to be in position.
-yai, impot. ; -ya, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to move about, to undertake.
-wai, 3 impot. ; -wa, 3 pres. indef. : to go, to go about.
-dai, impot., past def.; -da, past def., cust., pres. def., pres.
indef., imp. : to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game.
-tcwai, past def., impot. ; -tcwa, cust., pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to
paw the ground.
-kai, cust., imp. ; -ka, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to get up from a reclining or sitting position.
d) Type, -au, -a.
-au, past def., cust., impot. ; -a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to sing.
-yau, past, cust., impot. ; -ya, pres. imp. : to do, to follow a line
of action, to be in a condition or plight.
-dau, past, cust., impot. ; -da, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to
melt away, to disappear.
-<au, past def., cust., impot. ; -^a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to hover^ to settle, to fly around.
e) Type, -u, -e.
-lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to make an attack, to form a war party.
-lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres def., pres. indef., imp. :
to dive, to swim under water.
292 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth.
-Lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -Le, pres. def ., pres. indef., imp. :
to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dough-like ma-
terial.
-nil, past, oust., impot. ; -ne, pres. imp. : to do, to happen, to
behave in a certain way.
-xn, oust., impot. ; -xe, past def., pres. def., pres. indef ., imp. :
to track, to finish, to overtake.
-djeti, past def., ciist., impot.; -dje, pres. imp.: to fly in a
flock, to beg.
-tu, past def., cust., impot. ; -te, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to sing in a ceremony or dance.
-tsu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tse, pres. indef., imp. : to squirm,
to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
-tcwu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwe, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to cry, to weep.
p) Type, -at, -a.
-wat (-at), past def., cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres. def., pres.
indef., imp. : to shake itself, said of a dog.
-lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -la, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to float.
-Lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -i^, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to run, to jump.
-xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to buy.
-tsat, cust., impot. ; -tsa, pres. indef., imp. : to sit down.
-teat, past def., cust., impot. ; -tea, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be sick, to become ill.
-kait, past def., cust., impot. ; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to
shoot.
-kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to starve.
-kyot, past def., cust., impot. ; -kyo, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to flee, to run away.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 293
o) Type, -1, -L.
-il, past def ., cust., impot. ; -ir, pres. def ., pres. indef ., imp. :
to swim, to dive (plural only).
-yol, past def., oust., impot.; -yoL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to blow with the breath.
-wal, past def., oust., impot.; waL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to shake a stick, to dance.
-lal, past def., cust., impot. ; laL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to dream, to sleep.
-nel, past def., cust., impot.; -neL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to play.
-nol, past def., cust., impot.; -noL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to blaze.
-hwal, past def., cust., impot.; hiraL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook.
-htril, past def., cust., impot.; hiriL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to call by name, to name.
-xal, past def., cust., impot.; -xaL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to dawn.
-dil, past def., cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow.
-tsel, past def., cust., impot.; -tscL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be or to become warm.
-il, past def., cust., impot. ; -11, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to swim, to dive (plural only).
-qol, past def., cust., impot.; -qoL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to crawl, to creep.
h) Unclassified,
-aL, past def. ; -ul, cust., impot., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to slit open.
-aL, past def., cust,. impot. ; -ul, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to chew.
294 Universiiy of Calif ornia PubUcaiions. [Aic.Aech.Eth.
-ate, past def., pres. def. ; -auM?, pres. indef., cust., imp.,
impot. : to move in an undulating line.
-mats, impot.; -mas, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., cnst.,
imp. : to roll, to coil.
-na, 3 imp. ; -nauir, 3 cust., impot., pres. indef. ; to go, or to
come.
-ne, past def., cust., impot. ; -n, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an
instrument.
-netiir, except 1 sing. pres. and imp. ; -ne, yeuM?, 1 sing, pres ,
2 imp. : to talk, to speak.
-noi (a noun), -no, past def. ( t) : to place on end, to be in a
vertical position.
-xen, past def., pres. def. ( t) ; -xutr, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to float.
-xuts, past def., pres. def.; -xus, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
-fats, past def., pres. def. ; fus, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. :
to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
-qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qotc, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to throw as a spear is thrown.
-qotc, past def., pres. def. ; -qotr, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to lope or run like a wolf.
Unvarying in form, but varying in length.
-eL, to have position (plural only).
-yeuir, to rest.
-yefi/r, to rub, to knead.
-yets, to tie together, to entangle.
-yojr, to flow, to scatter.
-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch.
-was, to shave off, to whittle.
-loi, to tie, to wrap around.
-los, to drag, to pull along.
-luir, to watch, to stand guard over.
Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 295
-medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom.
-do, to dodge, to draw back.
-tetc, to lie down (plural only).
-tsai, to be dry, to make dry.
-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip.
-tse, to open or shut a sliding door.
-tcwoig (-tcwog), to sweep.
-tcwok, exact meaning unknown.
-kas, to throw.
-kyas, to break.
-kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible.
Unvarying in form and length,
-iuir, to drop.
-to shoot an arrow.
-its, to wander about.
-ut, to move anything flat and flexible.
-ya, to stand on one's feet (plural only).
-ye, to dance.
-y6, to like.
-witc, to rock sidewise.
-le, to feel with the hands.
-lit, to bum.
-lite, to urinate.
-Ilk, to relate, to tell something.
-lit, to cause to bum.
-me, to swim.
-men, to swim.
-mut, to break out as a spring of water, to break open.
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire.
-ne, to gather nuts from the ground.
-hire, to dig.
-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid).
-xut, to hang.
-xut, to tear down.
-sit, to wake.
296 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor.
-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal).
-dik (-^ik), to peck.
-dik (-^ik), to stand in line.
-do, to cut, to slash.
-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something.
-te, to look for.
-te, to carry around.
-te, to remain in a recumbent position.
-tits, to use as a cane.
-tik, exact meaning unknown.
-to, referring to the movement or position of water.
-tot, to suck, to drink.
-tu, to beg.
-tuir, to split.
-tuk, to count.
-^e, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to
be, to exist.
-^ik, to tie with a string.
-^o, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it.
-tse, to stay, to live (plural only).
-tsis, to be hanging.
-tsis, to find.
-tsit, to pound as in a mortar.
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend.
-tsit, to fall, to sink.
-tsit, to soak acorn meal.
-tsit, to pull out a knot.
-tsit, to wait, to delay an act.
-tee, to blow (said of the wind).
-tcit, to die.
-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree.
-tcwit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self,
to bring water.
-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened.
-git, to travel in company.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of ths Hupa Langunge, 297
-kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear,
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away,
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke),
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny,
-kya, to wear a dress.
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly.
Meaning of the Roots.
In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes.
First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the
verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while
the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which
precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while
not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be-
longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third,
most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl-
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little
access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of
many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to
the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to
the third.
Nouns as roots, expressing the meaji^,
-lai, -la, -luir ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to
hand something to some one. (While this root may not be
morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the
Hupa believe it to be so connected).
-Lon, -Lo, -Lotr ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-making.
(Probably from Lo, ** grass,'' one of the materials used in bas-
ketry.)
-mit; to turn over, to place one's self belly up or down. Com-
pare, xo mit, her belly. 102-15.
-hiral, -htraL ; to fish for with a hook.
Am. Abch. Eth. 3. ao.
298 University of Calif omia Publications. [^^ Aech. Eth.
-hire, -hicil, -hiriL ; to call by name, to name. From xo htt?e,
his name.
-tits , to use as a cane. (Compare, tits, cane. 150-9.
-to , referring to the movement of water.
-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This
root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the
maul and pestles being of stone).
-kya , to wear a dress . Compare, kya, dress. 333-8.
Roots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc-
-an, -un, -auir ; to transport round objects.
-ut , to move flat, flexible objects.
-wen, -win, -wuir, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire.
-lai, -la, -luJT ; to move or transfer a number of objects.
-lei, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands.
-Lti, -Le, (-Luk) ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid
dough-like material.
-xan, -xun, -xauir; to move in a basket or other vessel any
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up.
-da , to carry or move a person or animal.
-tan, -tuii, -tufr ; to handle or move a long object.
-ten, -tin, -tuir ; to move or carr>' in any way a person, animalt
or animal product.
-^an, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances.
-tcwai, -tewa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as
the soil , to dig, to bury, to paw the ground.
-kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a
skin or a piece of cloth.
Boots indicating the nature of the act,
a) Position or posture.
-ai, -a ; to have position.
-eL, to have position. (Plural only).
-ya, to stand on one's feet. (Plural only).
-yen, -yiii; to stand on one's feet.
-noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position.
-xa , to have position (said of water or a liquid).
-xa, -xan, -xun ; to stand (said of a tree).
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa LangucLge. 299
-xiit, to hang (said of a blanket).
-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game.
-dik , to stand in line.
-te , to remain in a recumbent position.
-ten, -tin, -tmo ; to lie down.
-tetc, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural
only).
-tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only).
-tsis, to be hanging.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke).
b) Motion or locomotion.
1) Over the surf dce of the ground,
-an, -un, -autr ; to run, to jump. (Plural only) .
-its, to wander about,
-ate, to move in an undulating line,
-yai, -ya, -yautr ; to go, to come, to travel about,
-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only).
-Lat, -La ; to run, to jump,
-na, to move.
-na, -nauM?; to go, to come. (Third person singular only),
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move.
-hirai, -htra, -hii?auir ; to walk, to go, to come. (First person
singular only).
-dal, -daL, -dauu? ; to pass along, to go, to come.
-deL, -dil, -diL; to go, to come, to travel.
-den, -din ; to travel in company.
-do, to dodge, to draw back.
-ton, -ton ; to jump.
-tsu, -tse ; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
-git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors.
-kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting ppisition.
-qal, to walk. (Third person singular only).
-qol, -qoL ; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly.
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
2) On the surface of or under waiter.
-lai, -la, 'Imo ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe,
-lat, -la; to float.
Jm Cvmrtitf of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
-"i -je "i: irrr. xo swim under water,
-ne. 'ji fvi^L. xo bathe.
-Ten, '•: ki:l* to swim.
-iP?T. -rLr : :o doat.
> nir*i'*.;ik :^^ «•>.
-nrsL -it: : to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
-i;f L -»iz^ : to fly in a flock.
-"wi. "5} hijver, to settle, to fly around.
-"sr. Zk) fall, to sink.
: X;M performed specifically by the hands.
-4i-. -ii : CO alit open.
•TSb jU AfJd an arrow.
-.•«iir. :u rub. to knead.
-tVk nj iraw out of a narrow space, to stretch.
jnu. ^Hi : to shake a dance stick, to dance.
araL. - vil. -wuL : to strike, to throw, to scatter.
jRw^ *u 4uive off. to whittle.
.;u. via, -Mr ; to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to
atfsd ^methiiZif to some one.
♦ i. -'-►*i with the hands.
. >. L' rn.:, to pull alonjr.
. .. v -:h. to wrap around.
. ■.:*^ I' :*;i.'.. to rotate.
.- .. I! !. -E-.n.: to strike, to throw, to drop.
>-r ^'i'?»:T uuts from tlic j^rouud, to pick up.
_ N^ ' vs: into rope or twine.
■. :.^ slash.
: V, .-.s :.; out a j?ash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
^, r r '.^h a string.
.>*»^ •. -■»' v^: a stick about, to whip.
js< t 'vy:r .^r shut a sliding door.
.>< .N,.. :^*.'. ; to pound as with a hammer or maul.
.>. . •. .'^'•;.v:i as in a mortar.
^ t r.i .. .^'Ut a knot.
. < -..' 0^. to take bark from a tree.
» .■•.isr.. to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to
^■,» .^Pi s self in bathing.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Eupa Language, 301
-tcwoip, to sweep,
-kas, to throw.
-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe,
-kan, -kun ; to put an edge, to lean up.
-kil, to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank,
-kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear,
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away,
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
-kut<!, to make the stroke or throw in pla3dng shinny,
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
-qotc, -qoir ; to throw as a spear is thrown.
d) Acts performed specifically by the feet.
-ye, to dance.
-taL, -tul, -tuL: to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot.
e) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs.
-au, -a; to sing.
-en, -in ; to look.
-yan, -yuii ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
-yO; to like, to love, to be pleased with.
-wauM?, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only).
-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep.
-lik, to relate, to tell something.
-ne, -n : to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound.
-neuir, -neyetitr; to talk, to speak.
-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know.
-nuir, to hear.
-xa, -xun ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste.
-djiii, to mind, to be bothered by something.
-te, to look for, to search after.
-tu, -te; to sing in a ceremony or dance.
-tuk, to count.
'ten, to address with a term of relationship or friendship.
-tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see.
-tsis, to find, to know.
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend.
-tcwen, -tcwin : to want food or sexual gratification, to desire.
302 University of California Publications. [Am, Arch. Bth.
-tcwutr, to smell of.
-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened.
-kya, to perceive by any of the senses.
f) Relating particularly to the body and its functions,
-aL, -uL ; to chew.
-yan, -yun, -yauw^ ; to eat.
-yan, -yun ; to live, to pass through life.
-yetitr, to rest.
-yol, -yoL ; to blow with the breath.
-wan (-nan), -wun (-nun) ; to sleep.
-lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep.
-Ian, -lun; to be bom.
-lite, to urinate.
-nan, -nun ; to drink.
-xuts, to bite, to chew.
-sit, to awake.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor.
-tan, -tun ; to eat. ( Third person singular only) .
-tot, to drink.
-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill.
-tcit, to die.
-tcwen, -tcwin ; to defecate.
-tcwu, -tcwe ; to cry, to weep.
-kait, -kai ; to starve.
g) Complex and general acts of human agency,
-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one's self,
-yau, -ya ; to do, to follow a line of action,
-wen, -win, -we ; to kill.
-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuir, -we; to carry on the back.
-wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body,
-lau, -la, -lu, -le ; to do something, to arrange according to a
plan or purpose.
-Ian, -lun ; to quit, to leave, to desist.
-Iti, -le ; to make an attack, to form a war party.
-Lit, to cause to burn.
-men, -miii ; to fill up, to make full.
-medj, to boil, to cook by boiling.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 303
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by
placing above boiling water.
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move.
-nel, to play.
-nu, -ne ; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way.
-hire, to dig.
-xa, -xaiL ; to track.
-xait, -xai ; to buy.
-xu, -xe ; to finish, to overtake.
-xut, -xul ; to ask, to question.
-tan, -tun, -tuw? ; to split.
-te, to carry around.
-tu, to beg.
-fen, -^in ; to do, to perform an act.
-fen, to marry (said of the man only).
-^o, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it.
-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal.
-tsit, to delay an act.
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to make, to arrange, to cause.
-kyas, to break, to cause to break.
h) Acts confined to animals,
-yot, to chase, to bark after.
-wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog).
-dik, to peck (said of a bird).
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
i) Happening by the agency of nature and the elements,
-iutr, to drop, to fall.
-you7, to flow, to scatter.
-weL, -wil, -wiL ; the passing of the night.
-len, -liii, -Iti, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be.
-len, -lin ; to flow, to run (said of any liquid).
-lit, to bum.
-mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open.
-noL, to blaze.
-hu;en, -hirin ; to melt.
-xa, -xal, -xaL ; to dawn.
304 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom,
-dau, -da ; to melt, to disappear.
-dil, -diL ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow,
-^e, to have some particular form or appearance, or nature;
to be, to exist.
-tsai, to be, or to make dry.
-tsel, -tscL ; to be or to become warm.
-tee, to blow (said of the wind).
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to grow, to become.
-ket, to creak.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke).
-kyas, to break.
SUFFIXES.
In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs
brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syllable
preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita-
tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf-
fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional
in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and
present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional
in their nature since they can be addefl to any verb giving it a
definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist-
ence.
Temporal.
-^x or -X. This suffix is used with the forms of the present
indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent
through a limited and definitely stated length of time.
yai wa autr wiL ^x, it increased in blowing. 324-6.
wil weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8.
melui^j^x, he watched it. 205-2.
naiLte^x, she carried it. 290-6.
na iL its ^x, he ran around. 185-10.
nayatesin%, she looked. 300-17.
nawaux, he stayed. 166-14.
nadiL^x, they will live. 255-8.
ninsindiL^x, they danced. 105-9.
no to ^x, water stayed. 324-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Uvpa Language. 305
xa ai ya xol in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa a ya iL in ^x, they did that. 105-10.
siLtun^x, it lay. 266-8.
sit tete **x, they lay there. 322-6.
do ai nin sin ^x, you don 't think. 337-9.
do he nas deL ^x, they eould not walk about. 322-7.
til tsit «x, it will always be. 325-13.
tsim ma xos sin ^x, it was quiet. 322-4.
tee in diL ^x, outside the door. 169-9.
tciLwaL^x, they danced. 238-10.
tcit dil ye **x, they danced. 216-7.
tcittcwe^x, he cried. 150-7.
tcuk qal ^x, he walked. 319-6.
keuL**x, she chewed.' 276-3.
kin UL ^x, you chew. 275-2.
-win f e. The suflfixinj;: of -win <e to the forms of the present
indefinite grives meaning to the verb but little different from
that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is
continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The
customary may mean that the act has been done several times
without regard to the regularity of the intervals.
xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14.
do kin naL dun win te, not yet, kin naL ddn. 332-9.
tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2.
tcin nin ya win te, he always came. 231-9.
tcinnuwui/5win te, she always brought. 157-2.
kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4.
-wes te. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same
individual with the meaning of -win ie,
a tin wes te, it had done. 325-10.
xaatinweste, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
-neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It
states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to
cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended
to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act
or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now
ceased.
; '. : .. cations, [^m. Arch. Eth.
■:?-^. 322-5.
■ way. 106-8.
"41-7.
: :bat. 306-1.
- .-: 235-1 S.
. '-:. ^ittinsr place. 163-5.
■-- -.rryinor. 110-10.
_ ■ •: :<vd to like. 307-16.
_ ir.-T used to. 157-10.
- - : .-.-s. 361-11.
- ■-. :hey were ^'oin«.' to cut them
: :hrir talk used to he. 306-4.
\-:. 1 had been lost. 144-7.
^ ^-i t.> be. 243-12.
-:■.. he u.sed to listen (his head
. :t . 340-12.
> r inir to liappen. 117-5.
.^.-. :o live. 204-15.
- ---^ rit (M)ver. 220-12.
hf r;ui«rht up with him. 176-11.
.. :n \wv was about to move. 342-4.
:■ ! rr used to br. 153-4.
^ . ■ i»n her). 153-4.
241-9.
■ -^-.d to lit' p]a(u\ 295-2.
; .:<rd to live place. 272-12.
•■ y UM'd \n live. 259-4.
•. tht'y would not dancv. 3»;()-l.
■ ■■. uhriv I was iirouLdit up. 117-13.
.std to irrow. 233-1.
. A ; Mcu, water she was to briuiif. 111-3.
r. water LToiuLi al'ti'i-. 111-2.
■le a>ed to stay. 271-5.
, -hey were earryinn'. ll()-9.
. , :i,'L'ii. he wa.s iroinj^' to com<* out. 162-12.
. .-leeu. the throw used to be. 143-j?.
^ lie en. he used to i-ome. 306-7.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 307
tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8.
tcittunneen, he used to eat. 346-11.
tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3.
-te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre-
dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse
of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event.
It takes the place therefore of English auxiliaries, will and
shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the
definite present but changes a preceding -ii to n.
a) Suffix immediately following the root,
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
ailate, they will catch. 253-10.
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kyu wil lei liL te, they will do. 230-8.
au win nei. te, it will be. 105-12.
3.UW la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8.
auirdlyate, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5.
a wil IcL te, he will do. 253-12.
a win ne Hl te, it will be. 311-17.
a la te, what are you going to do? 102-15.
a nauir la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na hirii. tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
a x6 la te, they will do. 306-12.
a da na will a te, for himself he will get. 338-9.
a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10.
akyuwillelliLte, it will do. 236-3.
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
is lun te, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4.
un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4.
ya wi xauir hirii. te, he will take it up. 295-17.
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10.
yeweyate, I will go. 246-4,314-3.
ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3.
yenawityate, she will go in. 311-le>.
ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12.
- :nM4.
_;-: 'T.nit. 260-12.
--- ■■-::! t«Ik about.
- -.::■: will po atrainst. 325-14.
.-.. <-."!i it. 24M1.
. vi:.?h. 292-9.
■■-2 217-13. 258-10.
vr.'h. 267-17.
:.■* -■ind will come to. 230-9.
»-> j-'inpto pick. 113-3.
■ ■: in its inoiith. 24;M6.
: s -outh shf will put. 243-10.
i:-b th€in. 25t<-15. 218-3.
iiTinj: Rratified myself I will go
-- r.:: pass. 242-17.
, v.::talk. 295-13.
V ^7-13.
■ »■::! pmw. 296-4.
■> burned, lol-").
J aiil vixit. 177-2.
?:\Hi^ will dnip. 115-13.
—elt awny. 273-6.
i^iiiip to live. 21S-2.
■•e [leople will live tiyraiii. 236-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langv^age. 309
na xot dti wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3.
nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9.
naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2.
nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14.
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
naduwiiiate, it will stick up. 204-2.
na teutr iii iL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
na ten in te, you will look. 356-5.
nates diyate, I will go back. 117-14.
nat le Hl te, it will become. 312-4.
na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3.
neyate, I am going. 348-15.
neene sedate, I will hide from you. 328-6.
ne se scl win te, I will kill you. 151-2.
niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11.
niL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7.
nil. xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4.
niLteso yate, I will go with you. 187-4.
ninyate, it will reach. 151-15.
nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away.
nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
259-9.
no wun nun xiin nefur te, they will talk about us. 267-18.
no na kin nifi un te, one should leave. 215-8.
nonexunte. I will put. 289-2.
no nifi xun te, if he puts. 296-6.
no nun diyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17.
nu win ate, it will be.
nun diyate, it will come back. 307-9.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Lena in diyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2.
310 University of Calif omia Publications. [ Am. Abch. Bth.
Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1.
LeneLte, (LenediLte), let us meet. 174-3.
Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair).
151-10.
liiiyate, they will come together. 295-1.
htriL teit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15.
htrit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1.
xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8.
xa SLUW di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a win ne Hl te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15.
xa a kyii wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5.
xa wa auu7 hu^iL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10.
x6 yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7.
xowillikte, he will tell. 203-14.
xo wut x6 wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7.
xonneLinte, I can look at him. 138-14.
xoLxuttesnunteneen, in her was about to move. 342-4.
xoL kut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10.
xun ne yeuM? te, I will talk. 217-11.
sa un te, it will be. 226-10.
sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6.
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5.
seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7.
sescLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7.
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5.
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5.
sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11.
da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9.
da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 311
da du we« a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5.
doyolunte, they will quit. 231-1.
do mite djin te, it won *t mind. 315-9.
d5 na wa te, he will not live. 257-11.
do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4.
do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1.
doninsindiLteneen, they would not dance. 366-1.
do no nil. tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
do xwe x6 wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10.
do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on.
138-11.
do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6.
do tcu xon ncL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at.
duwesate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1.
du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3.
tautr din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13.
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18.
ta nauir tu hi^iL te, I will take out. 267 18.
te wa ut te, in the water I will throw. 111-17.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
ten in te, you will look. 140-7.
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9.
teselate, I am going to take them. 253-15.
tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7.
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1.
tes deL te, they will come. 252-3.
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7.
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9.
tu win na hii^iL te, it will go. 229-13.
281-3.
tsislinte, it would become.
^^ J. mK/rrmf pf CaUfomia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
•»» ia V. ki* will <rtay. 211-7.
Tff ir»» in ^*. rt will flow out. 254-17.
T* aP jn V. I will go out. 332-8.
•awoiilere. thej will dive out. 252-9.
ayaha^ite, you will go. 356-8.
-xx m win ne hiriL te, she shall talk. 289-12.
'annaesdate, she will sit. 290-14.
'xm «L win te. he will kill. 311-16.
teit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8.
OTt du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9.
i3L*it tan hirun te. he shall eat. 107-8.
r*!ittt»dieLte, he was to travel with. 174-9.
tiff* win neL te, she will think about. 312-3.
xnioa da te, it will be sorry. 353-7.
tifuh«reiLte, they will call. 272-11.
tut3 xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14.
^L-ttwwyote, he shall like. 307-11.
:'^d win yun sil len te, he eats it seemsw 233-3.
teu hro wil .xul Hl te, she will ask for. 311-17.
U'uhirohireiLte, they will call. 272-10.
keiyunte, I am going to eat. 97-15.
kii nesetinte, I will have intercourse with a woman.
104-7.
kiLdjexai wil late, they will tight. ILVL
kiL dje xa in nauif te, there is go inc Zk S* a nght. 333-13.
kin ne so yun te, may you grow t.^ S» imrc 238-13.
kislete, they will catch many. 2^57-1 ;
kissji winy ate, he will gv> in:. ^ceK^lys mouth,
kyu winditste, to make rop^e, I'I-t >
kvu wit di vun te, we shall ea:. It*,-?
B^ Suffix preceded by a sifUabU ->:•%: ci.f; :>:' vowel e.
These words occur mostly in !r'r-.i:r.'&>v :be !vference being
to the distant future. One Hupa ir.:>r:r.ir: >&:d they were used
of less oertiiin future predictions.
vo vu wiL kit de te. it will ^.> :b-rr^:. :V14?.
nai xoL tsan ne te, it will nnd hi:::. ^Ji.V-llv
nifi va ve te, it will come. :>:*7-IC.
Vol. 31 Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 313
xo wiL tsai ye te, it becomes shallow. 259-16.
xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45.
tsis lin ne te, he will become. 338-10.
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13.
tcu hirofi hire e te, they will call me. 272-12.
-teL. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and
the preceding? seems to be that -tei. is used of events in the
nearer future.
adiyatcL, it would do. 234-11.
me ncL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3.
metsaxosinteLxolun, hard it will be it seems. 341-11.
mines git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7.
na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11.
notedukkai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xo Ian a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11.
x6 lun nu hiron teL, will it be good ? 295-9.
xo lun xa a tin teL, that will do it. 235-1.
xo lun teL, he will be the one. 209-12.
xoneLinteL, I can't look at him. 138-12.
sil lin teL diii, it is going to be place. 104-16.
du wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6.
tcin nin ya teL din, she was going place. 237-5.
tcu win yun teL de, would eat. 267-17.
kit din hire teL dill, he would dig out. 100-1.
kit te siii kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
Temporal and Modal.
-ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre-
quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi-
vo\rels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The
younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any
change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com-
parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild
emphasis, — that the act, which has several times been ineffectually
attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some-
thing which has been several times done is now done for the
last time.
Am. Abch. Eth. 3. 21.
314 University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a dl yau wei, it is coming. 104-14.
yaislenei, they became. 110-1.
yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3.
ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15.
yaltonei, (his neck) jumped oflf. 163-18.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2.
ya x6 wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9.
yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11.
ya ke wum? hwei, he used to cany it away. 162-4.
ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9.
ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5.
ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
jdn ncL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18.
yinne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3.
yis se tcL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10.
yi kis mut ei, (a basket) broke. 289-15.
yti wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5.
wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1.
wildallei, it coming along. 174-7.
wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6.
win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11.
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
lin win ^en nei, she called him. 139-9.
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16.
me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8.
menawiLnaei, he steanLed them. 342-12.
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13.
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4.
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13.
mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11.
na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6.
naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6.
Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 315
na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13.
na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8.
na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1.
nawillit dei, he burned up. 120-8.
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7.
nanaei, it hangs there. 295-3.
nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8.
nana is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17.
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11.
nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3.
nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3.
na kis yotc hirei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
xa in lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10.
xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1.
xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9.
xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill.
208-17.
xo wes en nei, one could see. 120-5.
x5l me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
x5l Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5.
x5l da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4.
da yit de wutr hweiy he always carries it oflP. 162-7.
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3.
do na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19.
ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14.
316 University of CdUfomia PubUcatians, [Aic Args. Eth.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
taiixennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9.
te iL auir hirei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
tei.atcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9.
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15.
tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12.
te ke I yauti/ hirei, they go in. 311-2.
tuwinyayei, he f?ot lost. 34817.
tsisdayei, he lives. 159-16.
tee in nauirwei, he used to go out. 136-14.
tee min niii yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1.
tcin nin nauir hirei, she comes. 101-6.
tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5.
tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16.
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked oflf. 159-11.
tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13.
ke is ya yei, she climbed up. 137-12.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
kin nin van nei, they came to feed. 180-13.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
-il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous
over lime or space by adding -l, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il
for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a sj'l-
lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are
several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added.
Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the
case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or
all roots which have final 1 are secondar>^, having been formed by
the addition of this suffix.
Fresejit,
a) Following vowels without increasing the number of
syllables.
au win ncL te, it will be. 105-12.
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 317
a hiriL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11.
a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
ya x6 wiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5.
yaduwinneL, they said. 361-8.
nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17.
na teiL tsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xo wiL teweL te, who fixes the place. 229-11.
xoL tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12.
danawillaL, it was floating there. 325-3.
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3.
tctiwilleLte, he will become. 114-4.
b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another
syllable,
a win ne Hl te, it will be. 311-17.
a du wa nun du witc tcwil Ul te, she will rub herself.
312-3.
ow tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7.
ya wi xauir hiriL te, he will take it up. 295-17.
yo du wit xul Hl te, they will ask for. 296-3.
wa nun xo win ne htriL te, they will talk about. 272-17.
wun xu i^in ne htdL te, they will talk about,
na wit xus 11, he is falling. 152-5.
na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2.
na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13.
na ne wit dil in iL te, we will look at. 216-18.
no win na htriL te, he will go. 230-1.
xa a win ne Hl te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa kyu witc tee Hl te, from the ground the wind will blow
da na kit dti wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
deduau(jr) hiriLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
do x6 wil lei Hl te, it will be no more. 217-15.
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
ta nauir^ tu hiriL te, I will take out. 267 18.
tee x6 win ne hiriL te, she shall talk. 289-12.
318 University of California Publications, [-^.m. Arch. Eth.
tcit tii win na h?riL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
too hire iLte, they will call. 272-11.
too x6 wiL towel Hl te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16.
tcti hiro wiL xul liL te, she will ask for. 311-17.
tcu hi/?o hire iL te, they will call. 272-10.
Past.
a) Following vowels without increasing the number of
syUahles.
ya ke wel, they carrying loads along. 110-3.
yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6.
wiVLW htral, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16.
me ya kyu wiL tel, he sang. 234-1.
mekyuwiLtel, the singing. 235-4.
min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2.
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13.
na kyti wil wel, he kept them shut up. 97-11.
no xo auu? hudl, they kept arriving. 208-1.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
da tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1.
tcu wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6.
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
kya tu wil tcwel, crying along. 135-10.
b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another
syllable.
aduwinnellil, he said. 235-4.
yenuwilgillil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4.
yikyu wittsossil, they were sucking. 325-5.
naiwitiiiil, she looked. 243-5.
na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7.
xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12.
xoinayal willil, they camped along. 181-6.
xoL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17.
tcittewein il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4.
tcoLsillil, he knew it. 272-14.
tcu wi yuu il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 319
tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9.
kyu win yiiii il, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7.
kyu htcuii il, I ate along. 120-16.
Modal.
-min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in-
dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of
some act.
ya iL kim min, to catch. 101-17.
ya x6 siL we min, they might kill him for. 278-5.
na xow lik min, to tell you. 226-6.
tee in diL miii, for them to come out. 102-9.
-ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to
have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying the duty or moral
necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of
acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who
directs that they be done.
ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18.
a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7.
il le ne, become. 109-6.
6 le ne, become. 109-18.
6l tsai ne, dry them. 101-4.
ullene, do it. 176-7.
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2.
ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13.
Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8.
milloine, you must feather (arrows). 207-4.
mis sun xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
na niL ne, they must live. 317-1.
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12.
natindlyane, go home. 337-18.
nonauirne, you must put it down. 210-7.
no na kin auir ne, you must leave. 353-10.
non xautr ne, put it. 296-14.
nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3.
320 University of California Publications, [Am. Aroh. Eth.
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
ddnene, let it play. 100-3.
do nil irit he ne, don 't be afraid. 170-15.
do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't j?et excited (not your heart
djo kin ne, ^o ahead. 176-6.
tin xau/r ne, you take it along. 246-13.
tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1.
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
-hirun. To express the intention of bringing about an act
or state contrary to the wish of one s self or others -htrun is
suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present.
ahiriLteitden h?rufi, he must tell me. 314-11.
yu win yuii hirun te, he must eat. 233-2.
do iuw tcuic htrun, I won 't die. 346-13.
do nahiruwestsun hirun, I must not be seen again.
do ne ya htrun, I can 't stay. 348-10.
doxoLmetsaxowinsinhiruii, he may have no trouble.
319-14.
do xd di yuii htrufi, there won't be many. 308-6.
dotcistcwinhiruii, he must not do. 116-15.
tasya hirun, one ou^ht to go away. 215-8.
tcittan hirun te, he shall eat. 107-8.
tcitteLtcwinh/rufi, he may grow. 348-6.
teo xon des ne hirufi, he shall know. 319-13.
-sil len. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occur-
rence was iunninent but did not result.
ya wun xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13.
T.e na in dl yn te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6.
da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6.
do no nil. tin tesil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
do teit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3.
te wit (jot tesil len nei, in the water it seemed about to
tumble. 28()-13.
teu win vun sil Ion te, he eats it seems. 233-3.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 321
-newan. The suffix -newan indicates that the act is done,
but with difficulty.
da duwes ate newan, he could hardly hold pointed to it.
271-10.
do tcu xon ncL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at
138-11.
-de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed.
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
au win ncL de, if it happens. 117-9.
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a den de, if he singrs. 236-2.
a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10.
a du win ncL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
yawinnawiLde, if it raises up. 117-10.
ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
yonaLtsisde, who knows. 348-6.
meu na hii?iL de, if their time comes. 229-9.
na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3.
(xoideai) nadtiwinade, if they listen. 341-12.
ninyade, if they come. 334-10.
nit tcu win jrun de, if she eats you. 266-7.
xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is 8i)oiled. 348-7.
xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7.
xun ne yeutr de, if I talk. 217-15.
xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16.
do a htriL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12.
do na iL tsun de, they won 't find again. 321-10.
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16.
tu win na hinL de, if it comes. 105-12.
tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13.
tcehwissuwiLwcLde, if he kills me. 114-3.
tcit den de, if he says. 111-7.
tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13.
tcit tu win na hiriL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6.
tcu win yun tcL de, he would eat. 267-17.
C min^ir w iSf 4/ Cmafvrm^ Fvwtstf^iiUL IAjl akm. Eat
;& t/»i:i t> 6f^., hit acrac se dba^ ^S-IT.
v%&:ic^t:'i»ce. du!y az^ axae 'St bvcOtfL 109-7.
t«2k arc -Fir 'i^ti^. if be wiH bg^g I37-5l
Ml iei vie d^t^ if be: "rTlft 1^5-9.
^att^w^.xztfuznt^dsut^ SBarteH he k. 351-1±
kit n* 4^z xi>«r a tmi t^t dcte. SEsszt he hibI be then.
-fliin in ne. For tlie expresMo 4f the ronh of mptiu ag d
ditioai ^otitrarj to f^l. -mm in ne k emi^o^etL
<U» da zo a/in min in ne. people vonld never die it would
hare been. 221-13.
8inee only tbe above example of tins soffix oeems in '^Hiqia
Texta/' thfr following? were obtained from an interpreter.
aeL tewin min in ne. I on^it to have made it.
d5 xd lin tein nanir min in ne. he shoold not go.
tinn t4*win min in ne. he oo^it to have made it.
te ne ya min in ne, I ooght to have gone.
tifH^yamin in ne dedeeii nanya teade.
I woaJd go bat it rains too hard.
te Hi- ya in in in ne do nan yai ne en de,
I would have gone if it had not rained.
iN'DICATINf; THE SOURCE OF THE IXfX)BMATIOX.
Certain sufTixffS are used to show by which of the senses the
faet stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly
(Amtrvitd or f^nly inferred from e\'idences.
-e. 'J'hff vowel e, standinjr by itself or preceded by the con-
sonant or wini-vr)wel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob-
ject or aet is within the view of the speaker.
yakin wen tw, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ye nin (Jiliifiye, they had washed ashore. 267-12.
nie win ^an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9.
na nat la le, it floating. 243-13.
nasdil leii ne, it had f^one back. 234-7.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 323
nittesillal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1.
noi niii yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17.
noxoslee, he is lost. 185-8.
xo lun sa an ne, there was much. 165-12.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something).
119-16.
dawillale, it was floating. 244-6.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11.
teu wil la le, they were going along. 222-1.
tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
kyo htral le, somebody hooking. 106-15.
-tsu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or
feeling, -tsu or -tse is sufi^ed to the verb.
a) -tsu.
an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13.
a xoL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8.
a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
yayaiwim meLtsti, he heard them kick up their legs.
342-14.
na xus din na tsti, someone moving she heard. 191-12
natindiLtsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18.
nil lin tsu, he heard a creek. 111-13.
hiriL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7.
xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4.
dil wauM? tsu, he heard croak. 112-12.
du wen nee tsti, it sounded he heard. 144-3.
tcit dil wautt? tsu, talking they heard. 170-16.
tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11.
kya teL tcwti we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9.
kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1.
kyu win diL tsti, a jingling noise. 293-3.
b) -tse.
ul 15 tse, hot it felt. 329-12.
tin kya x6 Lit wil siL tse, he heard hesLVy footsteps. 238-9.
324 University of California Publications, [-^.m. Arch. Eth.
na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2.
ne iuM? git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5.
kiL tuw tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5.
kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6.
kyo du wiL ts5ts tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
-x6 Ian. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence,
-xo Ian is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already
completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The
verb Lena nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the
narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see
it built. But i>e na nil la xo Ian, 186-1, indicates that the father
following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that
his son had built it.
a) Suffix immediately following the root.
ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17.
ye e il ton xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw.
na na win uii xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17.
na nan deL xo Ian, they had become. 119-12.
na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6.
na kit diL x5 Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10.
no du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
daxoadiyaxolan, he was dead they found out. 175-11.
tcL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
tee na il lin xo Ian, it used to run. 117-18.
329-16.
tcit tcit x5 Ian, he died. 347-3.
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e.
Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtuige, 325
ya kyu wil*kyan ne x6 Ian, they found they were pre^ant.
278-3.
menaiyiyauu?ex51an, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11.
na in nel le x6 Ian, he played he saw. 186-1.
nanaisyaexolan, she could walk. 276-11.
te le ne x6 Ian, it had become. 187-5.
tcis se tcL wen e xo Ian, he had killed he saw. 186-7.
tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled he saw. 185-12.
tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13.
tcu win kya 6 we xo Ian, he had become large he saw.
186-6.
-xo lun. This suflfix is said to diflFer from the preceding only
in the fact that the evidence is more certain.
a) Suffix immediately following the root.
ya te yuii xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17.
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10.
na nes da xo lun, he was sitting. 270-10.
na nit daujr xo lun, it had come back he. 267-7.
na xo wal tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15.
out. 272-10.
na tcL ditc tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 1 19-10.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5.
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11.
dits tse no nil la xo lun, it was pointed. 222-4.
do iL tsun te xo luii, you can 't find it anywhere. 246-6.
do tin nauir xo lun, he had not gone along. 174-5.
ta des deL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2.
tcL tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 306-17.
b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e.
ye win ya ye xo lun, he had gone in. 118-5.
win a e xo lun, it was standing. 363-10.
mil. na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing with.
292-11.
na is dau we a xo luii, it had melted away. 236-1.
326 University of California Publications, [-A^- Arch. Eth.
na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13.
nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1.
Le nul dite tewen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8.
sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4.
da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15.
tasyayexolun, they had gone. 267-14.
Conjunctional.
-hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the effect of making
it part of a subordinate temporal clause.
ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6.
ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13.
ye na wit ya hit, when he went iij. 118-6.
yexoiiunhit, when thej' ran in. 169-11.
ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5.
wil weL hit, after night. 300-17.
na iuir loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11.
na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7.
na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6.
nancLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15.
na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
no na ta liii hit, when she turned. 245-10.
no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating.
noniniinhit, when he finished (when he put it down).
xa is xiin hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9.
xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12.
sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
toeiyinhit, when he stands. 258-1.
toe in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8.
ti'o na in dl ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11.
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4.
teit du wini mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4.
teitten in hit, when he looked. 119-16.
toil wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hiipa Langunge. 327
-miL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit.
The examples pven are few because it was usually viewed and
recorded as a separate word.
a in nil miL, when the sun was here. 332-4.
e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7.
ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14.
yit da tcin e a miL, east the sun was then. 364-3.
yitsineeamiL, west the sun was. 333-4.
wil weL miL, after night. 238-8.
win sel e miL, when it was warm. 342-7.
min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2.
xot te duir hire nim miL, when it was dark. 347-9.
sil len miL, nearly after. 319-2.
sil lin te miL, nearly was. 293-1.
-tsit. This suffix which occura but once means that the act
expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before
some other contemplated act.
kin yiin tsit, eat first. 332-6.
Adverbial.
-he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi-
tional statement. It is comparable to English, **in the least,'*
or **a bit,'' or French, **pas," in negative clauses.
yik kyti win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16.
xoi de ai na du win a he, (even if) they listen. 342-13.
do a du win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1.
do a du wun tel wis he, don 't be frightened. 356-2.
do wit tcwu we he, don 't cry. 169-13.
do hicii wun nti wit lai he, don 't bring them to me. 230-13.
tcii wi yuii il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
-ka, or -uk. These suffixes carry the force of **like," **in the
manner of."
a 11 en ka, the way they do it. 227-2.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
a ^en ka, the way they do. 231-5.
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15.
•t rf
-Sb "^CL.
Tu: r J f ^tf
-nr ;^'. Mt i^ uL
•1^
cii 1^2311 !< niY
t» t m
•
-••^ -aiF' T^r
L r:>^itt
r- i '^i :- : v : j-t. m*-" - iuir^«— I *.; iiiiSL ZLss-i.
f
.- - « /
' t
! -
I - •
i ' >.••
t--
> ■• fi.i
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Uupa Language. 329
yi man ne yi tsin, across to the west. 116-14.
yl man tciii, on the other side. 270-9.
ylmanteintcin, on the other shore. 135-12.
yi na tein, from the south. 98-3.
yinuk, south. 112-8.
yi nuk a din, farther south. 112-3.
yi nuk kai te, south along it will be. 223-5.
yl nuk kai kut tcin, above the creek. 271-6.
yi nuk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10.
yi nuk ken tcin, to the south side. 333-1.
yin na tcin, from the south. 121-2.
yin ne, in the grround. 106-3.
yin nuk, south. 120-4.
yin nuk kai yi duk, to the southeast. 141-10.
yin nuk kut tcin, up-river on the bank. 226-7.
yi da tcifL, from the east. 102-13.
yi da tcin, north of it. 119-13.
yi de e kut tcin tcin, north a short way. 272-4.
yi de e din, farther north. 363-5.
yi de yi man tcin tcin, down river across. 321-1.
yi de tcin tcin, on the lower side. 244-12.
yi duk, east. 102-5.
yi duk en tciii, above. 272-5.
yi duk ka kai, along the Klamath. 317-2.
yi duk ken tcin, above. 244-12.
yit da tcin kai, up along. 267-13.
yitde, north. 105-1.
jatdee, north. 229-11.
yit de en tciii, on the north side. 332-9.
yit de yi man, down across. 321-8.
yi tsin, down. 189-11.
yit tsiii, down. 104-4.
yi tsin tcin, along up. 174-6.
me xun din, close to. 170-16.
mit duk, beside. 245-14.
mit <au tcin tcin, on the back side. 102-9.
nai, across. 179-7.
nai, from there. 265-10.
Am. Abcu. Eth. 3, 22.
330 University of California Publications, l^^- AacH. Bth.
na, back. 97-12.
nai yi na tcin, back from the south. 116-4.
nai yl nuk, back south. 271-13.
na yin na tcin, down from the south. 104-9.
na yi nuk, south again. 105-6.
ne djox, in the middle. 96-10.
nedjit, the middle. 241-5.
niL man, each side. 247-4.
niL man ne, each side. 306-8.
niL ne djit, a little way from each other. 207-6.
niL ne djox, near together. 229-7.
nis sa, long way. 151-14.
nis sate din, little way. 234-5.
nuk kai, along. 106-15.
xat, there. 278-8.
xoi ji de, down a little. 347-2.
xun diii, close by. 170-13.
din nun, facing. 136-6.
din nun xo ye tcin, down the hillside. 272-3.
dik gyiin, here. 101-13.
djenatoin, up. 166-3.
kyaii, is where. 329-4.
b) SccmiiKjhj derived from demonstrative and interrogative
elements.
yeu, in the distance. 164-7.
yo xo mil., from some place. 270-13.
yot, there. 215-1.
nai yeu xo iiiiL, from here and there a long way. 209-7.
haiyate, here it will be. 105-1.
hai ya tcin, to that place.
haivateinte, there it will be. 282-16.
hai vox, there. 305-8.
hai yot, over there. 226-8.
hai yuM* xo yi duk, up that way. 140-7.
hai xat, where. 119-4.
hai dai dit din, where. 151-4.
hai ta, those places. 179-12.
Vol. 31 Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 331
dai htro xo xotc, somewhere. 136-14.
dai x6 din xotc, some place. 204-1.
dai dit din yan, where. 244-6.
dai dit din ki auir, where is it. 286-5.
dai dotr hiriin, where. 217-8.
dai dox, where. 164-17.
dai dox xoik ke autr un, what place. 137-3.
daunhiree, nowhere. 97-11.
da xun hire e, somewhere. 223-2.
dea xo ta, this place. 101-5.
deuk un te din, this kind of a place. 363-7.
de now kut, to the sky. 137-18.
de now? kut tcin, toward the sky. 137-13.
den tcin, this shore. 139-16.
dexo, this way. 348-3.
de xo tse xun diii, he is close by. 170-7.
de de meuk, here around. 218-2.
de de xo man tcin ^x, right across from him. 186-12.
c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a
possessive.
yon yi duk, in the comer. 246-9.
yon e yi duk, back of the fire. 220-11.
min non a din, along side. 100-13.
min dai, outside. 158-5.
min dai uk, outside. 166-2.
min dai tcin din, outside. 207-11.
min kin ^x, back of the house. 165-18.
mitLa, behind. 289-14.
mit dai miL, outside from. 238-12.
mitdaik, outside. 140-6.
mik kin din, at its base. 287-1.
mu watc, near. 210-5.
muk kus, one side. 311-5.
nintcin, down. 117-10.
nin tcin ^x, ground toward. 306-17.
no nin diii, at our heads. 190-5.
hii;im mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9.
332 University of California Publications, l^^ Arch. Bth.
htrit La din, behind me.
x6 Lan, where he was. 106-3.
x6 Lan ye, after him. 108-16.
xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3.
xon nin din, ahead of her. 237-5.
xon non ai din. along side of him. 202-2.
xon tcin teiii, on the fire side. 307-6.
x6 dje din, in front of himself. 174-10.
d) Derived from adjectives expressing number.
a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17.
a tin din, all over. 164-1.
a tin din, everywhere. 96-5.
a tin din miL, from every place. 138-5.
La a x6, one place. 100-1.
La a ta, here and there. 120-16.
min Lun xoi. ten places. 229-6.
min Luii xo miL, ten places from. 209-8.
na La, back. 105-8.
e) Formed by means of prepositions,
a din neiik tcin teiii, back of her. 307-5.
mit ta din, amon^ them. 307-12.
mittisdin, farther. 234-4.
mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8.
miikkiit^x, over it. 242-12.
nail, kiit, one over the other. 329-1.
nil. toin. toward each other. 294-16.
xo tein a, in front of him. 113-8.
xwen neuk kiit tcin, at her back. 276-7.
takkiit, bank along. 362-2.
to tcin tcin, on the river side. 283-14.
to kilt '\\. water on. 301-4.
tiik a tcin teiii, shore side. 283-16.
tiik a tein teifi, toward the land. 314-9.
kiit ^^x, all over. 325-4.
F ) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives,
ii. kyuwedin, all over. 365-9.
III. kvowedin, ever\n^'here. 228-1.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 333
UL kyu we, all over. 114«3.
win te, all the way. 363-9.
iin Liin xwed din, everywhere. 159-4.
iin Lufi xoi din miL, from everywhere. 230-9.
no nau tse tcin, toward the doorway. 166-1.
no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8.
TIME AKD SEQUENCE.
a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts
of speech,
min ne djo x6 miL, after a time. 137-2.
mit diL wa, next. 106-9.
neidjox, while. 114-11.
hitdjit, then.
hirane, always. 157-12.
xa, yet. 3109.
xa de dun, immediately. 163-18.
xaditdiin, soon. 176-16.
xat, right. 278-8.
xat, yet. 151-19.
sa a, long time. 140-7.
don ka, not yet. 204-4.
donka, before. 342-8.
do sa a, a little while. 97-3.
dun ^x, again. 104-9.
dun xo, again. 221-12.
djo, now. 108-14.
kade, after a while. 111-6.
kun, too. 97-6.
kut, now. 122-2.
kutde, soon. 306-15.
kut tin x6 lictc, very quickly. 294-1.
kut tsim miL, soon. 157-8.
kiye, again. 98-7.
kiyedin, again. 217-14.
334 University of Calif omia Publications. [-Ajc Arch. Eth.
b) Apparently derived from demonstrative and interrogative
elements.
yu wit din hit (in, at last. 222-2.
ytidinhit, finally. 109-15.
yu din hit un, finally. 118-11.
hai ya dun, right at that time. 343-3.
haiman, always. 138-12.
hai deox, every time. 158-1.
da un din, a long time. 174-12.
dan, awhile ago. 234-4.
da xuii hwo dun, long time ago. 180-7.
deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7.
de xo sin ne miL, soon. 151-12.
de xot tsit, a short time before. 186-9.
ded, still. 119-4.
ded, now. 101-6.
de de un, this time. 137-7.
de de xotr, every time. 333-4.
de do htt?a ne, now only. 151-5.
de duii, this time. 363-7.
ded de now, right now. 239-1.
det, now. 211-13.
det, this time. 217-11.
det xoir, now. 145-13.
c) Containing nouns.
LaaxuLe, all night long. 310-4.
Laadjes, all day. 278-2.
La djes, every day. 226-2.
xu Le, in the night. 175-14.
xu Le ei miL, after midnight. 179-3.
xu Le dun, in the morning. 122-1.
xu Le dun miL, in the morning. 311-5.
xu Le dun din, early in the morning. 137-7.
xu Le tcin, at night. 336-5.
d) Derived from adjectives expressing number.
La a, once again. 244-11.
Laaitix, at once. 98-2.
Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 335
La x6 win te, all the time. 186-5.
min Lun din, ten times. 216-6.
Latsaxolun, many times. 286-10.
nadin, twice. 142-17.
e) Formed by means of prepositions,
meuk, when. 119-17.
miL, then. 97-3.
namukkaidin, last of all. 329-8.
na muk kai din din, the last one. 113-4.
nin nin din, ahead of you. 111-12.
natsedin, first. 112-17.
p) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms.
ye du win a miL, pretty soon. 341-2.
yis xan miL, when morning comes. 348-1.
yisxannei, days. 105-8.
yis xun hit, in the morning. 137-16.
yis xun de, to-morrow. 137-14.
yis xun din din hit, next night after that. 238-11.
wiLdun, yesterday. 175-13.
wiL dun diii, day before yesterday. 246-7.
nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12.
deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7.
do iL wut, not all the time. 196-6.
do win sa ai, a little while. 115-13.
do win sa ai miL, it was not long. 174-8.
tse ets dim miL, in a little while. 294-1.
tse ets din, a short time. 300-11.
tse es dit din, a little while. 266-6.
MANNER,
a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other
parts of speech.
illeaxutc, wonderfully. 322-12.
il lea xutc hit, wondrously fine. 341-14.
La ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8.
Lax, without reason. 136-14.
Laxokya, just like that. 314-11.
man, for that reason. 257-4.
336 University of Calif omia Publications, l^^- Arch. Eth.
namis^x, in a circle. 244-9.
naa doii xo, by itself. 351-6.
xo, in vain. 98-4.
x6 dj5x, really. 235-15.
xo tsin ne wan ne, softly. 153-6.
xotc, right. 140-4.
xotc, safely. 107-8.
xotc djoxo dill, still more. 292-8.
xwed iin, how. 174-13.
xwed dik kya un te, how it looked. 210-9.
b) Apparently derived from demonstrative , interrogative,
and indefinite elements.
hai ytix, this way. 296-9.
hai yux xo te, the same way will be. 356-9.
haiyuk, so. 139-1.
hai yuk hit un, this way it was. 366-1.
hai yuk ka, that way. 113-15.
hai yuk kan, that is the way. 197-6.
hai yuk ke, that way. 282-2.
dai dik pje autr uii, for that reason. 135-4.
da hired un, why. 162-5.
daxohiree, someway. 116-15.
da xo hire e kai he, somehow. 101-10.
daxok, bad way. 235-15.
da xok, someway. 117-9.
da xun hiro die, in such a way. 109-11.
da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2.
da xwed hit, why. 150-3.
da xwed de en, why wouldn't it work. 180-15.
da xwed dik kva, how. 223-10.
da xwed dik kl autr, how. 116-10.
da xwed duk, bow. 100-14.
da xwed duk kyautr, how. 281-14.
deox, this way. 96-11.
deuk, so. 96-12.
c) Containing nouns.
yi duk a dim iiiit, belly up. 343-12.
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 337
hfdkka, my way. 255-4.
xoxaimiL, on foot. 362-2.
d) Derived from a numeral.
Lu wun nin, alone. 171-6.
e) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives.
a dex xiin un, without food. 110-4.
a din na tan, not knowing it. 118-16.
a tin ^k, like he was doin^?. 203-3.
min nakit del kai, a leg each side. 120-5.
na nil. diL wa, crosswise. 246-12.
nittcwin^x, ill. 181-11.
nikyaux, hard. 158-1.
nu hiroii ^x, properly. 247-11.
donehiron^x, badly. 166-12.
DEGREE.
a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other
parts of speech.
a- in a Luk kai, so white. 347-6.
min ne djit, half way. 115-15.
Lax, almost. 104-11.
\A xon ne en, so much he mourned. 175-12.
min ne gits, a little. 101-15.
hiranan, only. 336-11.
hirane, aU. 164-9.
humane he, only. 362-6.
huTun, only. 109-12.
xoir, about. 199-2.
xo djox, more. 189-6.
daditdin, worse. 346-10.
dadiLLan, more. 238-10.
xa- in the following :
xaiiLkyd, that much. 157-12.
xa uL kyo ^x, that much. 346-9.
xa iin Luii, so many. 110-12.
xa un Lfin, just as many. 311-15.
xa un Lun te, it wiU be that much. 260-17.
4 -
.-1
• — »
Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 339
PREPOSITIONS.
In this case as in many others the order of the Hupa is the
reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed
after the nouns they limit, but they foUow a pronoun which,
uniting with them, forms a single word.
-a, for, for the benefit of.
ya xwa, for them. 258-8.
ma, for it. 215-8.
ma, for them. 217-7.
na, for you.
neha, for us.
no ha, for you (plu).
hira, for me. 107-12, 351-9.
xwa, for him.
xwa, for them. 110-9.
xwa xun, for whom. 165-14.
-an, out of.
xo an, out of her. 342-8.
-e, in.
me, in. 96-4, 97-11.
me, in it. 101-15.
deme, in (in this). 97-11.
e din, without, lacking,
edin, without. 257-5.
xontaedin, house without. 192-14.
Compare, mite dje e din, without mind, infant.
-u, under, near.
meu, under. 106-13, 145-12.
meu, beside. 169-4.
xoi u, under him. 114-15.
xoi u, in front of him. 171-7.
teu, under water. 100-7.
-ye, at the foot of, under.
a dl ye, under himself. 221-4.
mi ye, foot of it. 104-4.
mi ye, under. 175-6.
xoi ye, before him. 141-1.
xoi ye, near him. 150-8.
340 University of Calif omia Publications, i^^- Arch. Eth.
-win na, around, encircling,
mtiwinna, around. 104-6.
min na, around. 100-11.
-wfln, to or toward ; from,
wun, for. 102-8.
wun, from it. 190-1.
no wun, from us. 162-6, 207-11.
nu wun, to you. 208-12.
htt?owun, from me. 106-6.
hii?6wun, tome. 113-16.
htru wun, from me. 185-8.
xowun, to him. 97-1.
-lai, on top.
mil lai, on top. 166-4, 208-16.
Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11.
-Ian, with the help of, in the company of.
nil Ian, help you. 107-4.
nil Ian, with you. 319-6.
hu?il Ian, help me. 105-17.
xol Ian, with him. 319-4.
dohtrillan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5.
-L, with.
iLwaux, with each. 360-2.
miL, with. 98-1.
miL, in. 101-7.
niL, with you. 275-3.
hai miL, of that. 295-4.
hwiu with me. 114-11.
xoL, with him. 116-6.
xoL, with them.
demiL, from. 208-11.
denohoL, from us. 116-5.
-na, after, to get.
xon na, for him. 117-1.
-naL, in the presence of.
hirin naL, in my presence. 117-13, 295-1.
xon naL, before him. 97-10, 337-18.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 341
-nat, around.
adinnat, around himself. 121-11.
min nat, around. 104-15.
min na, around. 100-11.
n5nat, us around. 100-11.
xon nat, around her. 185-2.
-xa, for, after.
adoxa, for your stuff. 187-6.
mux xa, after it. 97-9, 119-14.
muxxa, after them. 98-13.
noxa, for us. 351-4.
no xa, after us. 192-9.
noxa, after you. 145-9.
xo xa, for him. 140-7.
-xuts, beside, near.
min xuts, beside. 118-7.
kin xuts, beside her. 118-3.
-ta, among.
mitta, over. 118-16.
mit tax, amongst. 310-10.
mitta din, in. 170-10.
mitta din, among. 217-9.
-tis, over.
mit tis, over. 109-14, 276-5.
Compare, mit tis, besides. 195-10.
xo tis, over him. 121-10.
xo tis, over them. 207-10.
-tuk, between.
mittiik, between. 108-9.
no tuk, between us.
kintukkai, sticks between. 99-9.
kit te tuk, horns between. 162-2.
-ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is
found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com-
parison.
342 University of California PubUcations. [-Ajc. Aeoh. Eth.
min ta kai, in the woodroom. 182-1.
min tsit da kai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7.
xoi kyaii ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed) . 347-13.
xon na de kai ta, his legs too (he rubbed) . 347-14.
xon nis te ka, his throat down. 118-1.
xot tsel kai, from under his arms. 143-4.
kai, through. 136-3.
kai, along. 139-13.
xunnukka, river along. 211-14.
-tcin, toward.
a dit tcin, to himself. 106-16.
adittciii, on himself. 175-8,153-4.
me tcin, in. 97-3.
mite tcin, to it. 111-15.
nintciii, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10.
xotcin, to him. 97-2.
xo tcin, toward her. 98-9.
xon ta tcin, houses among. 200-2.
-tcin a, in front of.
mite tciii a, in front of. 96-9, 97-2.
xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8.
-ka, or -kai, after, following,
muk ka, after. 98-4.
mukkai, on their account. 301-12.
xo ka, after her. 137-10.
xo kai, after him. 96-5, 174-11, 135-10.
-kya, -kya tcin, away from.
mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8.
mik kya tcin, away from them. 200-1.
hi^ik kya, from me. 266-15.
hirik kva tcin, from me. 307-7.
xoikyatciii, from them.
-kut, -kut tcin, on.
iL kiit, one over the other. 118-1.
muk kut, on. 104-8.
muk kut, to it. 145-1.
nuk kut tciii, on you. 106-10.
Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langtiage. 343
ktrik kut tcin, on me. 105-18, 162-14.
xo xiit, on him. 159-10, 165-5.
xo kut tcin, 163-15.
kut, on. 97-13, 159-7.
kut tcin, on. 195-4.
CONJUNCTIONS.
The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra-
tives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end
with the syllable -lin. There is good reason to believe that its
absence is an omission due to rapid speech.
haiun, and. 116-2.
haiyaL, and (perhaps for haiyamiL). 96-4.
hai yaL uii, and (perhaps for hai ya miL un) . 97-13.
hai ya miL, and. 96-6.
hai ya miL un, and. 96-2.
hai ya hit djit un, and then. 96-5.
haiyadetc, and then. 257-3.
INTERJECTIONS,
a, 138-12.
a 16 16 16, 109-17.
e, 105-15.
ewak, poor fellow. 187-1.
i, 181-10.
ul 16, hot, a cry of pain from a bum. 329-9.
ull6, hurts. 153-14.
ye, 209-11.
ye he, 223-1.
wti, (call for deer). 195-5.
wut te, (imitation of the call of a bird) . 100-5.
he, 204-13.
xe, 337-9.
xei, 241-7.
dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow). 144-3.
dul, 108-16.
dj6, take it. 111-8.
tso, 153-12.
ka, (imitation of the call of the crow). 114-7.
:J44 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Etb.
coxci.rsiox.
After tin exteiuled exaiiunntion of the Hupa lan^a^,. it is
apparent that a laiij^iiafre liaviiifr tlie most elaborate morphologi-
cal structure is not essinitially different fmm an isolating lan-
guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the
simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the
sentence. In neithei* casi' doi^s the element itself have independ-
ent value. Complete jrroups of elements are required to ex-
I)n»sa thou^'ht. Tlie mind seizing upon these groups classifies
them according to the analogy of their fonn and meaning or
function. In one case, the conjugati(m is composed of morpho-
logical jTrouiis. in the other of syntactical gi'ou])s.
The diffeivnce is, in part, artificial, due to the method of
writing the languaiii^s. In Enirlish, I love him, is written, but
I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write
Knglish fn>in hcariny- it spoken, without a knowledge of the ac-
cepted Enjflish orthojfi'aphy, would write many sentences as
single words. The r-eal ditlen»n<'0 lies in the greater degi'ee of
phonetic assimilation, in the one ease, which has taken place be-
tween the sounds hrou^'ht into contact by the fixed sentence
order, and the jrreater vividness, in the other, in which the mind
holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to
the completed jrroup.
The Hui)a vei'b seems to he nothing elsi.^ than a complete sen-
tence, the parts of which have heeome. or always were, fused to-
gether. The parts of speech occurring ontside of the verb are the
noun, in every laiiirnaLre independent in form and meaning, ap-
parently oriuinally nionosyllabii*; and numeral, pronominal,
demonstrative, and interject iona I elements. These are for the
most part appositional in their use. giving irreater detiniteness to
the sense already fully expressed in the sentence-verb.
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