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Part the State of MaIsachitsetts,
T H fi
NATURAL and CIVIL
HISTORY
O F
VERMONT.
by SAMUEl/wiLLIAMS, LL. D.
Member of the Meteorological Society in Germa-
ny, of the Philosophical Society in Philadeu
phia, and of the academy of arts and sciences
IN Massachusst TS.
Publijhed according to Act of Congress.
PRINTED at WALPOLE, Newhampshire,
By ISAIAH THOMAS and DAVID CARLISLE, Jun.
Sold at their Bookstore, in Walpole, and hy faid Thomas, at hi*
Books tore, in Worcejher ,
MDCCXCIV.
•i
To the CITIZENS of the STATE
OF
VERMONT,
The following OBSERVATIONS
ON THEIR
NATURAL and CIVIL
HISTORY,
Are humbly Inscribed ;
As a Testimony of Respect
For their many Virtues,
As an Attempt to Promote
A more particular Acquaintance
With their own Affairs,
And with the moft ardent Wishes
For their further Improvement
And Prosperity,
By their obedient
and humble Servant,
The AUTHOR.
%utUnd> July i6t X794.
APR ||
JL HREE centuries have parTedl
away fince America was firft difcovered by Colum*
bus* From that time until now, the affairs of A-
merica have engaged the attention of hiftorians
and philofophers. — The natural productions of
this continent, have been one object of general in-
quiry. Among the Spanifh writers, there are
fome good eiTays on the natural hiftory of the
fouthern parts of America. In Canada, fome of
the phyficians and jefuits were attentive to the nat-
ural productions of that part of the continent ;
and have left fome valuable pieces on the natural
hiftory of Newfrance. This kind of knowledge
was not much attended to, by the firft fettlers of
the Britifh colonies ; and we have but few of their
ancient writings, in which it was contemplated ai
all. Obliged to depend upon tranfient and par-
tial accounts, the belt writer u.pon natural hiftory,
M. de Buffon, has fallen into many miftakes re-
flecting the natural productions of America,
which, more accurate obfervations would have cor-
rected. The fubject inftead of being fully ex*
plored, is yet a treafure but little examined.
n*
vi PREFACE.
»
The Man of America was an object ftill more
curious and important. But the age in which the
firft difcoveriee and fettlements were made, was
not enough enlightened, to afford either accurate
or impartial observations, on the manners, cuftoms,
language, abilities, or ftate of fociety, among the
Indians. Prejudiced by their fordid manners,
and enraged by their barbarities, the men of Eu-
rope never looked for any thing good in fuch men :
And while intereft and revenge joined to deftroy
that unhappy race, but few were able to confider
their cuftoms or rights with calmnefs, or dared to
fay any thing in their favour. — It is not more than
half a century, fince this fubject has been properly
attended to by philofophers : And their conclu-
fionsf have been of the moll oppofite and contrary
lands. Some have with great zeal advanced, that
the perfection of man was to be found in the fav-
age ftate ; while others have as warmly contend-
ed, that this was the lowed ftate of degradation
and abafement, to which the human race can pof-
fibly be reduced. Such oppofite and contrary
fyftems make it neceffary to examine this part of
the natural hiftory of man, with great care and im-
partiality ; that we may diftinguifh what was val-
uable in that ftage of fociety, and what was difad-
vantageous and degrading.
an object of ftill higher magnitude and impor-
tance, has been prefented to our view by the A-
i-nerican Revolution. The firft fettlers in the Bsit-
^fh colonies were left in a great meafure by their
fovereignsj,
P R E* F A C E. vri
Sovereigns, to take care of themfelves. The only
fituation which they could take, while they were
clearing the woods and forming their fettlements,
was that of equality, induftry, and economy. In
fuch a fituation every thing tended to produce,
and to eftablim. the fpirit of freedom. Their em-
ployments,, cufloms, manners, and habits ; their
wants, dangers, and interefts, were nearly the
fame ; tftefe, with every other circum fiance in
their fituation, operated with a fteady and certain
tendency, to preferve that equality and freedom,,
jvhich nature had made. — This fpirit of freedom
was in fome degree checked by the cuftomary in*
terpofitions of royal authority i But thefe were too
irregular and contradictory, to become matters of
veneration, to alter the natural feelings of men, or
to change the natural courfe and tendency of
things : And while the minifters of kings were
looking into their iaws and records, to decide what
fhould be the rights of men in the colonies, nature
was eftablifhing a fyftem of freedom in America,
which they could neither comprehend,, or difcern.
The American Revolution explained the bu£nef3
to the world, and ferved to confirm what nature
and fociety had before produced.
having affumed their rank among the nations
of the earth, the dates of America now prefent to
the world a new ftate of fociety ; founded on prin-
ciples, containing arrangements, and producing ef-
fects, not vifible in any nation before. The un-
common and increafing profpcrity which has at-
tended
viii PREFACE.
tended it, has afcertained its fpirit and tendency J
The people are diftinguifhed by the fpirit of in-
quiry, induftry, economy, enter/prize, and regular-
ity : The government is dependent upon, but
guides,, and reverences the people : And the
whole country is rapidly increafing in numbers,
extent, wealth, and powef. The higheit perfec-
tion and felicity, which man is permitted to hope
for in the prefent life, may rationally be expect-
ed in fuch a ftate of fociety : And it becomes
of courfe the object of universal inquiry and at-
tention.
to reprefent the ftate of things iri America in
a proper light, particular account* of each part o£
the federal union feem to be neceflary ; and would
anfwer other valuable purpofes. An able hifto-
rian, the Reverend Dr. Belknap , has obliged the
world with the Hiftory of Newhampjhire. The
following treatife is defigned to defcribe the ope-
rations of nature and fociety, in the adjacent ftate
of Vermont. This is the youngeft of the ftates, an
inland country, and now rapidly changing from a
vaft tract of uncultivated wildemefs, to numerous
and extenfive fettlements. In this ftage of ioci-
ety, induftry and economy feem to produce the
greateft effects, in the morteft periods of time.
the manner in which the work has been exe-
cuted, I am apprehenfive will require much can-
dour in the reader. In the variety of fubjects
which have come under contemplation, I cannot
flatter myfelf, that I have been free from errors
and
PREFACE. ix
and miftakes : And the reafon why feveral of the
fubjecis are fo imperfectly confidered, was becaufe
I had not the ability or information to (late them
btherwife.
the American war confidered with refpeft to
its caufes, operations, or effects, prefents to our
view fome of the mod important events, which
have taken place in modern times : But neither of
thefe particulars can be comprehended in the hif-
tory of any particular ftate. To give fuch an im-
perfect view of this fubje£i as could be properly
contained in the hiftory of Vermont, did not ap-
pear eligible. No further accounts therefore of
the war, are inferted, than what appeared necef-
fary to explain the fubject, which I had more par-
ticularly in view.
the controverfies which took place between
the flates of Vermont, Newyork, and Newhamrj-
fhire, were of the moft dangerous nature ; and
they were agitated for a while, with a violence
greatly unfavourable to the peace and fafety of the
whole union. Moft of the wars which have tak-
en place among mankind, have been occafioned
by difputes refpecling territory arid jurisdiction :
And however juft or proper it might be for any
nation, to give up part of its territory and domin-
ion to its neighbours, fuch a facrifice was fcaicely
ever made without compulsion and force.— To
have expe&ed Newyoik would voluntarily give
up part of her territory, :whcn the decinono of I
king, and the law were in her favour, was to cx-
£ peSfe
x PREFACE.
peel: that which is never done by any fovereign
or nation, while they have power to prevent it.
To have expected the people of Vermont would
voluntarily fubmit to a government, which fet
afide their titles to the lands which they had pur-
chafed of the crown, and made valuable by their
labours and fufferings, was to look for that, which
no people ever ought to fubmit to, if it is in their
power to avoid it. — When the Hates of Newyork,
Newharnpfhire, and Vermont, had engaged in a
controverfy of this kind, it was more agreeable to
the courfe of human affairs to expect it would
produce a civil war, than to look for fo much wif-
dom and moderation among either of the contend-
ing parties, as to prevent it.
in relating thefe controverfies, I have felt a
conftant anxiety, left I fhould mifreprefent the
proceedings of either of thole ftates^ I had not
the interefts or the paflions which thofe parties
produced, to guard again ft ; nor am I apprehen-
five that prejudice has milled me, in relating an}'
of thofe matters. But it is not improbable that
I have not had complete information in fome par-
ticulars, refpe&ing thofe complicated controver-
fies ; and may have miftaken the views of parties,
in fome of their leading tranfaclions. If this
mould be found to be the cafe, it will give me
great pleafui e to receive fuch further information,
as (hall enable me to correct any miftakes. Thofe
who point out to us our errors, perform the fame
friendly office, as thofe who help us to new truths.
THE
PREFACE.
XI
the moft important of all our philofophical
fpeculations, are thofe which relate to the hiftory
of man. In moft of the productions of nature,
the fubjecl is fixed, and may always be found and
viewed in the fame fituation. And hence a Heady
courfe of obfervation, ferves to difcover and af-
certain the laws by which they are governed, and
the fituation they will a flu me in other periods of
time. It is probable the actions and affairs of
men are fubjecl; to as regular and uniform laws,
as other events : And that the fame ftate of focie-
ty will produce the fame forms of government,
the fame manners, cuftoms, habits, and purfuits,
among different nations, in whatever part of the
earth they may refide. Monarchy, freedom, fu-
perftition, truth, and all the general caufes which
actuate mankind, feem every where to bear the
fame afpec"l, to operate with the fame kind of in-
fluence, and to produce fimiJar effects ; differing
not in their nature and tendency, but only in the
circumftances and degrees, in which they influ-
ence different nations. — But nothing is ftationary,
nothing that depends upon the facial ftate, is fo
unalterably fixed, but that it will change and vary
with the degradation or improvement of the hu-
man race. And hence, while the nature of man
Temains unaltered, the ftate of fociety is perpetu-
ally changing, and the men of one age and coun-
try, in many refpe&s appear different from thofe
of another. And as men themfelves are more or
Jefs improved, every thing thaf conftitues a part
of
xii PREFACE.
of the focial (late, will bear a different appearance
among different nations, and in the fame nation,
in different circumftances, and in different periods ■
of time. — To afcertain what the*e is thus peculiar
and diftinguifhing in the Mate of foeiety in the
federal Union, to explain the caufes which have
led to this ftate, to mark its effect upon human
happinefs, and to deduce improvement from the
whole, are the mod important objects which civil
hiftory can contemplate in America : And they
are objects, every where more ufefui to men, than
any refinements, di functions, or difcoveries, mere-
ly fpeculative.
i have wifhed to keep fuch objects in view, in
confidering the date of foeiety in this part of the
continent: But it is with diffidence that I fubmit
the attempt to the view of the public. The dif-
pofition of America is to favour fuch attempt*
and publications, as are adapted to promote any
valuable public purpofe : But fpeculative and ufe-
lefs effays cannot much engage the attention of a
people, whofe main object is the profperity and
improvement of their country. The public fen-
timent will be a juft decifion, among which of
thefe, the following work ought to be placed.
CONTENTS.
xm
CONTENTS.
s
CHAP. I,
Page,
► ITU AT I ON, Boundaries, Area,
Soil, and Fac$ of the Country. \j
CHAP. II.
Mountains. — Their Direction, Altitude, Tops,
Caverns, the origin of Springs and Rivers. 21
CHAP. III.
JIivers and Lakes. — The Situation, Chan*
nels, Intervales, Courfes, Depths, and Effedls
of the Rivers . An Account of Lake Chamnlajn.
and Memphremagog. **'■ 30
CHAP. IV.
Climate. — An Account of the Temperature,
Winds, Rain, Snow, and Weather. The
Change of Climate which has attended the Cul-
tivation of the Country. 4a
CHAP. V.
Vegetable Productions. — Foreji Trees,
efculent and medicinal Vegetables. Remarks on
the Magnitude, Number, Age, Evaporation,
Emiffion of Air, Heat, and Effecls of the Trees. 66
CHAP. VI.
Native Animals.-— An Account of the Qua-
drupeds -, with Obfervations on their Enumer-
ation, Origin, Migration, Species, Magnitude,
Difpofition, and multiplying Power. The Birds,
Fijhes, Reptiles and Infecls* 81
CHAP. VII.
Original Inhabitants. — The Employments,
Civil Government, Syjlem of War, Education,
Manners, and Cufloms of the Indians ; the Ad-
vantages, and Disadvantages of the Savage
State. 133
CHAP.
x'w CONTENTS.
CHAP. VIII. P,ge,
Qbfervaiions on the Origin of th£ Indians, their
Antiquity t Progrefs of Society , and Tendensy to
Dtjfclution. 187
CHAP. IX.
Flrjl Settlement of Vermont by the Englijh.
Grants from New h amp/hire. Proceedings of
Newyork. Violent Oppofttion if the Settlers.
American War. Declaration of the Freedom
and Independence of the State. 210
CHAP. X.
Proceedings of Newyork. Refolves of Congrefs.
Centrovurfy with Newhampjhire. Claims of
Newbamp/hire, Newyork, and Maffachufetts,
Appointment of Commiffioners, to confer with
the Inhabitants. Interpofition of Congrefs.
Csndutl of Vermont. Meafures purfued by
Congrefs. Further Claims of Vermont. Pro-
ceedings and Views of the Britijh Generals, and
Minijiers. Refolu lions of Congrefs, Proceed-
ings of Vermont y Newyork, and Newhampjhire.
Advice of General PVaJhington, Proceedings
ef Vermont. Votes of Congrefs. Remarks on
the Defign, and Effecl of thofe Votes, 234
CHAP. XI.
Dijlurbances in Vermont. Refolutions of Con-
grefs. Remonjirances againjl the proceedings
of Congrefs , Peace with Greatbritain. Dif-
inchnation of Vermont to an Unien with the
confederated States. New federal Conflitu-
tidn. Propofals from Newyork* Settlement
of the Controversy with that State. Admiffion
ef Vermont into the federal Union. Political
Effscls of tbefe Controverfies. 290
CHAP. Xil.
State of Society. — The Employments of the
People : Agriculture, Manufactures, Huntings
the Profits of Labour., 3 1 1
CHAP.
CONTENTS. xv
G H A P. XIII. page.
State of Society. — Cujioms and Manners :
Education, early Marriages, Activity, Equali-
ty, Economy, and Hofpitality of the People. 324
CHAP. XIV.
State of Society. — Religion: Importance of
this Principle, Danger of any Controul in it,
Equality of all Denominations, Effetl of this
Equality, Grants and Laws for the Support
cf Religion, Extent of Religious Liberty, Con-
nexion of Religion with Science and Education. 334
CHAP. XV.
State of Society. — Nature of the American
Government. Conflitution of Vermont, Laws,
Counties and Courts, Annual Expenfe of Gov-
ernment, Public Revenue, Militia, Popularity
of the Government. 042
CHAP. XVI.
State of Society. — Population'. Caufes on
which this depends, the mean Period of Human
Life in the American States, Period of doub-
ling in Vermont, comparative View of Papula-
tion in new and old Countries. 060
CHAP. XVII.
State of Society. — Freedom : Dejlroyed in
feme Countries by the State of Society, produced
by the Settlement of America, the Caufe and
Effecl of the American JVar, cannot beprejerved
by Government, depends on the State and Con-
dition of the People* 3%
APPENDIX,
xvi CONTENTS.
APPENDIX.
Pag?.
NUMBER I.
An Account of the Variation of the Magnetic
Needle, in the Eajlrm Stales. 377
NUMBER II.
Obfervations on the change of Climate in Europe,
and other places. 380
NUMBER III.
A Differtation on the Colours of Men, particu-
larly on that of the Indians of America. 385
NUMBER IV.
The Declaration and Petition of the Inhabitants
of the Newhampfhire Grants to Congrefs, an-
nouncing the Dflriti to be a Free and Inde-
pendent State. 398
NUMBER V.
?he Remonflrance of the Commiffioners from Ver-
mont dgainfl the Proceedings of Congrefs, Sep-
tember 22, 1780. 4<Dt
NUMBER VI.
Quejiions propofed by the Committee of Congrefs
to the Agents on the part of Vermont, with the
Anfwers of the Agents, Auguft 18, 1781. 403
NUMBER VII.
An Account of the Ratable Property, and of the
Number of the Inhabitants in Vermont, at
different Ptriods. of Time. 404
'HE
NATURAL and CIVIL
HISTORY of VERMONT,
wwm>i
CHAP.
I.
Situation j Boundaries, Area, Soil, and Face of the
Country,
HE ftate of Vermont is fituated
between 420 44', and 45 degrees
of north latitude ; and between
10 43' and 30 36' of longitude,
eaft from the meridian of Phila-
delphia. It is altogether an in-
land country ; furrounded by
the dates of Newhampfhire, MafTachufetts, New-
york, and the province of Canada : That part of
the ftate of Vermont which is nearefl to the fea-
coaft, is at the diftance of feventy or eighty miles,
from any part of the ocean.
C Oa
lS the NATURAL and CIVIL
On the fouth, Vermont is bounded by the ftate
of Mjffachufetts. This line is forty one miles in
length, and was a part of the divifional line between
Mailachufetts and Newhampfhire. It was derived
from the decifion «jFa former king of Greatbritain :
On March 5, 1740, George the fecond, refolved,
'* That the northern boundary of the province of
Maftachufetts, be a fimilar curve line, purfuing the
ccurfe of Merrimack river, at three miles diftance,
on the north fide thereof, beginning at the Atlan-
tic ocean, and ending at a point due north of Pa-
tucket falls ; and a ftraight line drawn thence due
Weil, until it meets with his Majefty's other govern-
ments.'* The point three miles north of Patucket
falls, was found to be in the town of Dracut. From
that point, tne furveyor, Richard Hazen, in the
months of February and March, 1741, ran the di-
vifional line between MafTachufetts and Newhamp-
fhire. He was directed by Mr. Bclchery at that
time governor of both thole provinces, to allow ten
degrees for the wefterly variation of the magnetic
needle. The magnetic variation, at that time and
place, was not fo great, as the furveyor affumed :
And when he arrived at Connecticut river, a dif-
tance of fifty five miles, inftead of being in a weft
line, he had deviated to the north 2' 57" of latitude.
This error in the direction of the line, occafions a
lofs of 59,873 acres to NewhampChire ; and of
133,897 acres to Vermont.
The eaflern boundary of Vermont, is formed by
the weft bank of Connecticut river. This line, fol-
lowing the courfe of the river, is about two hundred
miles ; and is derived from the decree of George the
third. On the 20th of July, 1764, his M^jefly or-
dered and declared, " The weftern banks of the
Tiver Connecticut, from where it enters the province
of MaiTachufetts Bay, as far north as the forty fifth
degree of northern latitude, to be the boundary line
between
HISTORY or VERMONT. 19
between the two provinces of Newhampfhire and
Newyork "
The north line of the ftate begins at the latitude
of 45 degrees north, and runs upon that parallel,
from Lake Champlain to Connecticut river./j'This
line is ninety miles and one quarter of a mile long,
and divides this part of the United States Trom the
province of Canada. Much pains was taken by the
provinces of Newj'ork and Canada, to afcertain the
latitude of 45 by aftronornical obfervations. This
was done by commifiioners from both provinces, in
the month of September, 1767. At the place where
the line crofles Lake Champlain, they erected a
monument of ftone, which is yet Handing. The
line was afterwards run by Mr. Collins, but with
what accuracy has not fince been examined. — This
line arifeth from the proclamation of George tho
third, of October 7, 1763, determining the fouthern
boundary of the province of Quebec ; and from the
treaty of peace between Britain and the ftates of
America, in 1783.
Beginning at the fouthweft corner of the town of
Pownal, the weft line of Vermont runs northerly,
along the weflern boundaries of the townfhips of
Pownal, Bennington, Shaftfbury, Arlington, Sand-
gate, Rupert, Pawlet, Wells, and Poultney, as the
faid townfhips are now held and poiTefTed, to the
river commonly called Poultney river ; thence down
the fame, through the middle of the deepeft channel
thereof, to Eaft Bay ; thence through the middle ©f
the deepeft channel of Eaft Bay, and the waters
thereof, to where the fame communicate with Lake
Champlain ; thence through the middle of the deep-
eft channel of Lake Champlain, to the eafhvard of
the iflands called the Four Brothers, and to the
weftward of the iflands called the Grand Ifle, and
Long Ifle, or the Two Heroes, and to the weftwarrl
of the Ifle la Motf, to the forty fifth degree of north
latitude.
fio the NATURAL and CIVIL
latitude.— This line is about one hundred and fev-
enty miles in length ; and refults from the declara-
tion of the commifjioners of Newyork, of October
7, 1790 ; and the concurring act of the general af-
iembly of the ftate of Vermont, palTed October
28, 1790.
Computing by the latitudes, the length of the
ftate from the fouthern to the northern boundary,
is one hundred and fifty feven miles and an half.
The mean width from eaft to weft is about frxty five
miles. This will give 10,2374 fquare miles, or
6,553,000 acres, as the fuperficial area contained
within the boundaries of Vermont ; but aconfider-
able deduction mud be made, to exclude the waters,
and reduce it to the juft quantity of land.
The land included within thefe limits, is of a very,
fertile nature, fitted for all the purpofes and pro-
ductions of agriculture. The foil is deep, and of a
daik colour ; rich, moift, warm, and loamy. It bear*
corn and other kinds of grain, in large quantities,
as foon as it is cleared of the wood, without any
ploughing or preparation : And after the firft crops,
naturally turns to rich paiture or mowing.
The face of the country exhibits very different
profpetts. Adjoining to our rivers, we have the
wide extenfive plains, of a fine level country. At a
fmall dittance from them, the land rifesinto a col-
lection and chain of high mountains, interfered
with deep and long valleys. Defcendmg from the
mountains, the ftreams and rivers appear in every
part of the country, and afford a plentiful fupply of
water.
CHAP.
HISTORY or VERMONT. g i
CHAP. Ho
Mountains. — their Direfliena Altitude^ Tops,
Caverns 3 the Origin of Springs and Rivers,
IN the formation of our mountains,
llature has conitrudled her works on a large fcale ;
and prefents to our view objects, whofe magnitude
and fituation, naturally engage our attention.
Through the whole tra6l of country which lies be-
tween the weft fide of Connecticut river, and the
eafl fide of Hudfon's river, and Lake Champlain,
there is one continued range of mountains. — Thefe
mountains begin in the province of Canada : From
thence, they extend through the ftates of Vermont,
Maflachufetts, and Connecticut, and terminate with-
in a few miles of thefea coaft. Their general di-
rection is from N. N. E. to S. S. W. ; and their
extent is through a tract of country, not lefs than
four hundred miles in length.— -They are one con-
tinued range or collection of mountains, appearing
as if they were piled one upon another. They are
generally from ten to fifteen miles in width, are much
interfefted with valleys, abound with fprings, and
ftreams of wate*, and are every where covered with
■woods. Their appearance, is among the mod grand
and majeftic phenomena, which nature exhibits. —
From the perpetual verdure which they exhibit, they
are called the Green Mountains ; and with great pro-
priety their name has been affigned to the flate.
The altitude of mountains, has been one of the
curious inquiries, which the philofophers of this
century
t* the NATURAL and CIVIL
century have been folicitous to determine. The
moft common method of meafuring their heights,
has been by the Barometer. I do not know that in
many cafes, a better method could have been ap-
plied. The theory however of this, is not attend-
ed with certainty, or precifion : And in its applica-
tion, it has generally given very different altitudes,
to the fame mountain. Geometrical menfurarions
admit of greater certainty and Gmplicity, where they
can be applied : But the difficulty and exp.enfe of
making fuch menfurations, has prevented any great
progrefs from being made, in this part of the natu-
ral hlftory of the earth. In North America, the
height of mod of our mountains, remains yet to be
determined. — In December, 1792, I attempted to.
afcei tain the altitude of Kdlington Peakt one of the
higheft. of the green mountains, by a geometrical
procefs ; and had the happinefs to fucceed in the
menfuration. The meafures flood thus,
Height of Kellington Peak above the plain
at the State Koufe in Rutland, bygeo- Fwt.
metrical menfuration, - - 2813.
Height of the State Houfe above the waters
of Lake Champlain, deduced from the
menfuration of the falls of Otter-
creek, and a computation of other de-
fcents, - - - - 371.
Defcent of the water from that part of
Lake Champlain where the current be-
gins, to St. John's ; a diftance of fifty
miles. Eftimated at twelve inches to
a mile, - 50.
Falls between St. John's and Chamble.
Eftimated, - 40.
Defcent of the water from the bafon of
Chamble to Quebec, a diflance of one
hundred and eighty miles. Eftimated
«t twelve inches to a mile, 180.
Admitting
HISTORY of VERMONT. 23
Admitting the waters of the river St. Lawrence at
Quebec, to be of the fame level as the fea, the alti-
tude of Kellington Peak by thefe meafures and com-
putations, is 3454 feet above the level of the ocean.
The altitude at which a perpetual congelation takes
place in this latitude (430 30') is about 8066 feet
above the level of the fea. This is probably four
fifths of a mile, higher than the tops of our higheft
mountains*. But although they are far below the
freezing
* Mount Blanc in Savoy, is the higheft mountain in Eu-
rope, and probably the higheft in the other hemifphere. In
1787 its altitude was found by M..de Sanjfurt to be 15.673 Eng-
lifh feet above the level of the fea. In the fouthem parts
America M. Bouguer found the higheft part of the Cordille-
ras, to be 20,590 feet in height ; this is the higheft of any up-
on the glooe. — in Virginia, according to Mr. yeffer/en^ the
mountains, of the Blue ridge, and of thefe the Peaks of Otter,
are thought to be of the greatest height, meafur^d from their
bafc. " From data," faith he, " which may found a tolerable
conjecture, we fuppofe the higheft peak to be about 4000 feet
perpendicular." (Notes on Virginia, Phila, Edit. p. 18.) —
The white mountains in the northeafterly part of Newhamp-
fhire, are generally efteemed to be the hgheft lands in New-
cngland. Their altitude has not been determined by geomet-
rical menfuration, but there is one circumftance attending
their phenomena, which may ferve to denote their altitude,
with much probability. From the obfervations which have
been made of their tops, it appears that the altitude of the
higheft of the white mountains, is below the point of perpet-
ual congelation. On June 19, 1774, on the fouth fide, in one
of the gullic-, the fnow was five ieet deep. On September j,
1783, the tops of the mountain was covered with iceand fnow,
newly formed. In 1783, Inow was leen on the fouth fide of
the largeft mountain, until July 12th, In 1790, the fnow lay
until the month of Auguft. In general, the mountain begins
to be covered with fnow as early as September ; hut it goes off
again, and feldom becomes fixed until the end of October, or the
beginning of November : But from that time, it remains until
July. (Belknap's Hift. Newhampfhire, 3. 46, 47.) — From thefe;
obfervations it is apparent, that the white mountains rife nearly
to the line of perpetual congelation in that latitude, but do not
fully come up to it. Thefe mountains are in the latitude of
440 15' north. The line of perDetual congelation in that lati-
tude, as deduced from the obfervations which have been
made
«4 the NATURAL and CIVIL
freezing point in fummcr, their phenomena and
productions are very much affected by the degree
of cold, to which they are conftantly expofed.
The tops of our mountains are generally compof*
cd of rocks, covered over with mofs. The trees ap-
pear to be very aged, but they are of a fmall fize ;
and all of them are of the fpecies called evergreens ;
pine, fpruce, hemlock, and fir • intermixed with
fhrubs and bufties* The powers of vegetation reg-
ularly diminifh, as we approach the fummit of an
high mountain j the trees degenerate in their dimen-
Cons, and frequently terminate in a (hrubbery of
fpruce and hemlock, two or three feet high ; whofe
branches are fo interwoven and knit together, as to
prevent our palling between them. Trees thus di-
minifhed, with fhrubs and vines bearing different
berries, and a fpecies of grafs called winter grafs,
mixed with the mofs of the rocks, are all the vegeta-
ble productions, which nature brings forth on the
tops of our highefl mountains.
The fides of our mountains are generally very
irregular, and rough ; and fome of them appear to
have large apertures, or openings among the rocks.
Among thefe fubtenaneous paffages, fome caverns
of a considerable extent have been found. One of
thefe is at Clarendon, on the foutheaft fide of a
mountain, in the wefterly part of the town. The
mouth of the cave is not more than 24- feet in diam-
eter. In its defcentj the pailage makes an angle
with the hoiizon of 35 or 40 degrees ; but contin-
ues of nearly the fame diameter, through the whole
length,
made In Europe, is 7872 feet above the level of the fea. From
the greater coldnefs of the American climate, the point of per-
petual congelation in a fimilarAmerican latitude,cannot exceed,
but mutt rather fall fomething fhortof this. The altitude there-
fore of the white mountains, cannot be eftimated as more than
7800 feer above the level of the ocean : And this is probably
the altitude of the higheft mountains in theeaftcrn ftatcs.
HISTORY of VERMONT. &$
length, which is thirty one feet and an half. — At that
diftance from the mouth, it opens into a fpacious
room ; twenty feet long, twelve feet and an half wide,
and eighteen or twenty feet high. Every part of
the floor, fides, and roof of this room, appear to be a
lolid rock, but very rough and uneven. The water
is continually percolating through the top, and has
formed ftalaetites of various forms ; many of which,
.are conical, and fome have the appearance of maflive
columns.— -At the north part of this room, there is
another aperture of about forty inches diameter, very
rough, and uneven. This aperture is the beginning
of another paffage, through the internal parts of a
folid rock : The direction of this paffage is oblique,
and full of flops or notches, and its length about
twenty four feet. Defcending through this aper-
ture, another fpacious room opens to view. The
dimenfions of this apartment are twenty feet in
width, thirty in length, and twenty in height. In
the fpring of the j'ear, the whole of this lower room
is full of water ; and at all other leafons, water is to>
be found in the lower parts of it.-*— No animal has
been found to refide in this cave, and it evidentiv
appears to be the production of nature, untouched
by the hand of man. — Another of thefe caverns is
at Danby, and a third at Dorfet. Thefe are faid to
be more curious than this at Clarendon, but they
have not been properly explored. There are others
in different parts of the date: All of them are the
genuine productions of nature ; never altered by air,
and never inhabited by any of the hum^n race.
One of the mofl curious and important operations
which nature carries on in the mountains, is the for-
mation of fprings and rivers. All our dreams of
water in Vermont, have their rife among the green
mountains : From a number of thefe uniting, are
formed all thofe brooks and rivers, which* run in
different directions through the various parts of the
D country :
26 the NATURAL and CIVIL
country : And in general, the origin of rivers is
to be found in the mountains, or high lands.
In what manner do the mountains ferve to produce
thefe effects ? And whence is it, that the higheft
mountains attract, collect, become the refervoirs, the
receptacles, or the fource, of the largeft and mofl
conftant collections of water ? One part of this ef-
fect, feems to be derived from the conftant afcent of
the waters, from the bowels to the fur face of the
earth. That water is contained in large quantities
in the bowels of the earth, is evident from the fprings
which are found in almoft all declivities ; and
from thofe which every where fupply wells, at the
depth of twenty or thirty feet from the furface of the
earth. That thefe waters are conftantly afcending
towards the furface of the earth, and going off into
the atmofphere, is evident from the evaporation
which is conftantly taking place, and from the man-
ner in which heat, or as it is generally exprefTed, a
drought affects both the furface of the earth, and the
iprings, by railing and diffipating the water from
both. If this afcent of the waters be obftrudted by
any ftrata of clay, rocks, or any other fubftance,
through which they cannot pafs, they will collect in
fuch quantities, as to form or find for themfelves a
channel, through which they may be difcharged.
The place of this discharge can only be on the fide
of a hill, or in fome ground below the level of that
place, where they are thus collected : And at fuch
a place the waters would continue to iffue out,
as long as ihey continued to afcend, whatever might
be the feverity or duration of a drought. — In fome
fuch way, it appears probable to me, that fome of the
fprings are formed in the mountains : By waters
which are afcending towards the furface of the earth ;
but which, inftead of going off at the top, have their
difchafjge in fmall quantities, at the fides of the
mountains. Any ftrata of clay, rocks, or of any other
matter,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 27
matter, which would retain the water when it de-
fcendsin rain or dew, and produce a fpring for their
defcent, would alfo prevent theafcending water from
palling through them, and might produce a fpring
from their afcent. — This afcent of the waters from the
bowels to the furface of the earth, is a conflant, pow-
erful, and unceafing operation of nature : And feems
to be the only caufe, which is adequate to the for-
mation of thofe fprings, which are perennial. Such
fprings could fcarcely be formed, or preferved, by
the waters which defcend in rain, becaufe they are
fo little affected in the fevered droughts : In thefe
feafons, inftead of being replenifhed by rain, the
earth to the depth of many feet, is much exhaufted
of its water by heat. And no rain can ever fall up-
on the furface of the earth, which was not firfl carried
off from it, by evaporation.
Mountains ferve alfo to form fmall flreams and
rivulets, by preventing the evaporation of water from
their furfaces. The vapours out of which the clouds
and rains are formed, are all of them firfl raifed from
the furface of the earth. When the evaporation is
in an open field, expofed to the fun and wind, the
exhalations are foon carried off into the atmofphere,
and the furface of the earth is left dry. When
the evaporation is from lands covered over with
thick trees and bullies, the influence of the fun and
winds are much prevented ; and the waters ftagnate
upon the furface of the earth, and render it wet and
miry, in the form of fwamps, and confined waters.
When the evaporation is from the fides and tops of
mountains, covered with vegetables, the waters are
but flowly carried off by the heat and wind ; nor can
they ftagnate, but will be gradually and conftantly
defcending down the fides of the mountains, in nat-
ural or artificial channels : And in this way, the
mountains will alfo be conftantly producing {'mill
ftreams or rivulets.
A
sr& the NATURAL and CIVIL
A fimilar effecl; will alfo be produced by the eon-
denfation and collection of the vapours in the at-
mofphere, occafioned by the height and coldnefs of
the mountains. When the weather is fair and clear,
and the atmofphere ferene and pleafant in the val-
leys, the tops of the mountains are often obfcured,
and covered with a thick fog or cloud. In the cool
mornings of the fpring and fall, the vapours form a
thick fog on the fides and tops of the mountains,
which do not diffolve and difappear, until the fun,
bas rifen feveral degrees above the horizon, and the
heat is considerably increafed. In damp and rainy
weather, the largeft part of the clouds feem tocolleft,
and diffolve upon the mountains. In winter the
fnows fall fooner, lie deeper, and continue longer on
the mountains, than on any other part of the coun>»
try. Thefe phenomena denote a greater, and a more
conftant collection of vapours and clouds by th#
mountains, than takes place any where elfe ; and it
feems to be occafioned by the greater degree of cold,
which prevails in thofe elevated fituations. — The
higheft parts of our mountains generally abound
with rocks, and are covered with large quantities of
thick green mofs j fo extenfive, compact., and thick,
as to reach from one rock to another, and of fo firm
a contexture as to bear the weight of a man, without
being broken. Thefe immenfe beds of mofs retain
the moifture fupplied by the clouds and rain : And
while part of it runs down the fides of the moun-
tains, part will be detained by the fpungy furface, to
penetrate and fink into the earth. On this account,
and forwant of a more rapid evaporation, feveral of
our mountains are conftantly wet on their tops, and
bave marihy fpots, which are frequented by the a-
quatic birds. The roads over thefe mountains are
frequently very wet and miry, when the valleys be-
low are dry. — When the waters thus fupplied by the
clouds and rain, meet with any ftrata which prevent
their
HISTORY 01 VERMONT. 29
their defcent, they collect in fuch quantities as to
form a channel, and iffue out at the (ides of the
mountain in the form of fprings and rivulets. All
thofe fprings, which are intermitting feem to be thus
formed by the rains, ordefcending waters : And the
more conftant and regular the rains are, the more
permanent and Heady will thefe fprings be : Such
kinds of intermitting fprings are to be found in great
numbers, on the fides of all high mountains. They
never fail to run while the rains continue in their
ufual quantities ; but when the rains ceafe, and a
fevere drought comes on, thefe fprings are always
found to fail.
In each of thefe ways, the mountains fupply wa-
ter for the fprings and dreams, out of which, the
rivers are formed : And they are fuch as can never
fail, while the prefent economy of nature (hall fub-
fift. But as the country becomes cultivated, fome
of the fmaller dreams mud decreafe ; and it is not
improbable that when the woods (hall be cut down,
fome of the lefler fprings will wholly difappear.
CHAP/
30 the NATURAL akd CIVIL
CHAP. III.
Rivers and Lakes. — the Situation, Channels, In'
tervaies, Courfes, Depths, and EffecJs of the Rivers,
An Account of Lake Champlain^ and Memphrema-
jlxLL the ftreams and rivers of Ver-
mont, have their origin among the green mountains.
About thirty five of them have an eafterly direction,
and fall into Connecticut river. About twenty five
run wefterly, and difcharge themfelves into Lake
Champlain : Two or three, running in the fame di-
rection, fall into Hudfon's river. In the northeaft-
erly parts of the ftate, there are four or five ftreams
which have a northerly direction, and run into the
lake Memphremagog ; from thence, through the
river St. Francis, they are emptied into the river
St. Lawrence.
The moft confiderable ftreams on the weft fide of
the green mountains, are Ottercreek, Onion river,
the river Lamoille, and Michifcoui. — Ottercreek
rifesin Bromley ; runs northerly about ninety miles,
and falls into Lake Champlain at Ferrifburg; and in
its courfe receives about fifteen fmaller ftreams.
There are large falls in this river at Rutland, Pittf-
ford, Middlebury, and Vergennes. Between thefe
falls the current is very flow, the water is deep, and
it is navigable for the largeft boats. Veflels of any
burden may come up to the falls at Vergennes, five
miles from its mouth. The head of this river in
Bromley
HISTORY of VERMONT. 3*
Bromley, is not more than thirty feet from the head
of Batton Kill, which runs in a contrary direction,
and falls into Hudfon's river.
Onion river was formerly called the French river,
and by the Indians, Winoofki. It rifes in Cabot,
about fourteen miles to the weft of Connecticut riv-
er, and thirty miles to the eaft of the heights of the
green mountains. A fmall foutherly branch rifes in
Wafhington and Corinth, not more than ten miles
from Connecticut river. From this foutherly branch,
Onion river runs northwefterly, about feventy five
miles, and empties itfelf into Lake Champlain, be-
tween Burlington and Colchefter. This river re-
ceives fourteen fmaller ftreams, and is navigable for
fmall veiTcls, five miles from its mouth. It has fev-
eral falls, between which it is navigable for boats.
At one of thefe falls in Waterbury, the channel of
the river becomes very narrow, and panes between a
high ledge of rocks on each fide. A huge unlhape-
\y rock, in fome ancient time, hath fallen from one of
thefe ledges, in fuch a manner, that the whole river
now runs under it. The rock forms a kind of natu-
ral bridge, but one that can never be of any ufe ; as
neither the fhape of the rock, or the fituation of the
adjacent banks, will ever admit of a road either to,
or over the rock. About fix miles from its mouth,
between Burlington and Colchefter, the channel of
this river is formed by a folid rock. The channel
through the rock, by eftimation, is fifteen rods in
length, fifty feet wide, and feventy feet deep. Eve-
ry appearance feems to denote that this channel was
formed by the water, which in this place could not
have had any other paffage. — Onion river is one of
the fined ftreams in Vermont. It runs through a
moft fertile country, the produce of which for fever-
al miles on each fide of the river, is brought down to
the lake at Burlington. It was along this river, that
the Indians formerly travelled from Canada, when
they
33 The NATURAL and CIVIL
they made their attacks upon the frontier fettle
merits on Connecticut river.
The river Lamoille proceeds from a pond in
Glover. Its general courfe is wederly : After run-
ning about feventy five miles, and receiving fourteen
leffer dreams, it falls into Lake Champlain at Col-
cheder, five miles north of the mouth of Onion riv-
er ; and is of the fame magnitude as that. — The river
Lamoille is a fine, fmooth, and pleafant dream ; and
runs through a rich, level, fertile, country. — The
height of the land in the northeaft part of the date,
feems to be about Greenborough. About fix miles
to the fouthwed of the origin of the river Lamoille,
is Scotland pond : From this proceeds Black river,
which, for five or fix miles runs in a direction oppo-
fite to, and nearly parallel, with that of the river La-
moille, and difcharges itfelf into the lake Memphre*
magog. \
Michifcoui is the Indian name of the mod north-
erly river in the date. It has its fource inBelvidere,
and runs nearly northead until it has eroded the
north line of Vermont : After running to fome dif-
tanee in Canada, it turns wed, and then foutherly,
and then reenters the date in Richford ; and falls
into Lake Champlain at Michifcoui bay, in Highgate.
This river is navigable for the larged boats to the
falls at Swanton, feven miles from its mouth. Mi-
chifcoui, Lamoille, and Onion river, are nearly of
the fame magnitude.
On th&ead fide of the green mountains, the rivers
are not fo large as thofe on the wed, but they are more
numerous. The larged of them are Wantaditquek
or Wed river, White river, and Pooufoomfuek.—
Wantaditquek has its main fource in Bromley, about
three miles fouthead from the head of Ottercreek.
Its courfe is to the fouthead ; it receives feven or
eight fmaller dreams ; and after running about thirty
feven miles, fails into Connecticut river at Brattle-
borough.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 33
borough. At its mouth this river is about fifteen
rods wide, and ten or twelve feet deep.
The north branch of White river, riles in Kingfton.
The fouth branch has its fource in Philadelphia.
From Kingfton, the general courfe of this river is
foutherly ; its length about fifty miles j it receives
fix or feven leflfer ftreams j and falls into Connecticut
river at Hartford. White river abounds with falls
and rapids; at its mouth it is about eighteen rods in
width, but not more than ten feet in depth.
Pooufoomfuck, rifes from a pond in Weftmore.
Its courfe is foutherly j it is made up of ten letter
ftreams ; and after running about forty five miles, it
joins Connecticut river in Barnet. It is there twelve
rods wide, and eight feet deep.
Connecticut river, into which thefe ftreams fall*
forms the eaftern boundary of the ftate. The orig-
inal Indian name, which it ftill bears, fignifies the
long river*. This river has its fource in a ridge of
mountains, which extend northeafterly to the gulph
of St. Lawrence. The head of its northweftern
branch, is about twenty five miles beyond the lati-
tude of forty five degrees ; and fo far it has been fur-
veyed. When it firft enters the ftate, it is about ten
rods wide ; and in the courfe of fixty miles increafes
in its width to twenty four rods. Its courfe between
Vermont and Newhampfhire, a diftance of two hun-
dred miles, is fouthwefterly ♦ from thence to its
mouth, the courfe is more foutherly. After running
about four hundred miles through the country, and
E receiving
* The names which tha original inhabitants affigned to our
mountains, plains, and valleys, are moftly loft. Many of our
rivers, bays, and falls of water, are yet known by their ancient
Indian names. On account of their originality, antiquity,
fignification, Angularity, and found, thefe names ought to "be
carefully preferved. In every refpeel they are far preferable
to the unmeaning application, and comtant repetition of an
improper Englifh name.
4
34 the NATURAL and CIVIL
receiving a great number of other ftreams and rivers,
it difcharges itlelf into the ocean at Seabrook. —
With refpecl to its length, utility, and beauty, this is
one of the fined rivers in the eaftern ftates. In the
months of April or May, it overflows its banks ; and
for a length of three hundred miles, forms and fer-
tilizes a vafl tract, of rich meadow. Veflels of eighty
or one hundred tons, go up this river as far as Hart-
ford in Connecticut, fifty miles from its mouth. It is
navigable for boats, three hundred miles further, ex-
cept the falls which the dates of Vermont, Mafla-
chufetts, and Connecticut, are now making naviga-
ble by locks. While it increafes the richnefs, and
ferves to tranfport the produce, by its perpetual
majeftic movement through an immenfe tract of
country, it is always adding beauty and grandeur to
the profpect.
To this account of our rivers, fome obfervations
may be added reflecting their operations and effects.
— Their firft operation feems to have been, to form
for themlelves, a channel. The higheft waters de-
fcend along the mountains, until they meet with
fome obftacle to obftruCt their motion. Whatever
this obftacle may be, it operates as a dam, and ferves
to collect the waters into a fmall pond or lake. Two
caufes are conftantly raifing the waters, in fuch col-
lections : The earth is perpetually brought down by
the waters, to the bottom of fuch ponds ; and the
water is conftantly riling by its own accumulation.
When it is raifed above the banks, the waters find
their pafTage in the loweft part, and begin to form a
channel there ; and a channel thus formed, will con-
ftantly be made more and more deep, by the per-
petual running of the water. A fimilar operation
mufl take place through the whole courfe of the riv-
er, from its firft rife and fource, to its final difcharge
into the waters of the ocean. Their channels mufl
at firft have been formed by their waters ; which
were
HISTORY of VERMONT. 35
were condantly accumulating, and dru^gling for a
paflage, approach, or difcharge, into the n eared Gtu-
ation they could take to the center of the earth.
In this defcent and paflage to the ocean, all the
large rivers in this part of America, have alfo formed
large traces of intervale lands. Ry intervales we
mean thole low lands, which are adjacent to the riv-
ers, and are frequently overflowed by them in the
fpring and fall, or whenever the waters are railed to
their greated height. Thefe intervales are level,
and extenfive plains ; of the fame altitude as the
banks of the river ; in width they often reach from a
quarter of a mile, to a mile and an half, lometimes
on one, and fometimes on both fides of the river.
There are frequently two ftrata of the intervales, the
one four or five feet higher than the other ; the
highed of which is not overflowed, but when the
waters are raifed to an uncommon height ; but they
are level, and extenfive like the other. — Both of
them have many indications, that they were formed
by the waters of the rivers. The foil is always of
that rich mud and dime, which is brought down by
the rivers in the fpring. In digging into thefe
lands, various appearances of decaying vegetables are
frequently found. The drata formed at particular
years, are eafily diflinguifhed ; and the original and
the new made foil are (o different, as to be readily
known. The limbs and trunks of large, and found
trees, are often found at various depths j fometimes
fo low as forty feet below the furface. The frnall
iflands in thefe intervales, are of a different foil, and
lefs rich ; and are evidently the tops of fmall hillsj
which have not been covered by the inundations of the
rivers. Thefe long and level (urfaces are peculiar to
the banks of rivers, and confid of the fame rich ma-
nure which are yet annually brought down, and
depofited by the waters. Thecaufe, by which they
are now annually increafed, could not fail to have
produced
26 the NATURAL and CIVIL
produced fuch effe&s, in the courfe of a long feries,
of years.
In thefe intervales there are feveral places, where
another curious phenomenon occurs. The rivers
have changed their courfes, their ancient channels
are left dry, and they have formed new ones. In
the uncultivated parts of the country, where the op-
erations of nature have not been altered or changed,
the traveller finds many places where the rivers for-
merly rolled, which are now dry, and at aconfiderable
diftance, fomctimes a mile or more from the prefent
beds of thofe rivers. In fome of thefe ancient chan-
nels, the waters mufl have run for a long number of
ages ; as they have worn the furface of the ftones as
fmooth as thofe, which are to be found on the fea
fhores. In fome places the former channels are left
dry, abounding with fmooth ftones and rocks : In
others, the channels are converted into ponds, or
overgrown with bufh.e.s or trees. Appearances of
this kind are common in all the mountainous parts,
of the country j and fomething of the fame kind, is
conftantly taking place in mofl of our rivers. In all
large flreams, the channel is more orlefs affected ev-
ery year : Strips of land, one or two rods in width,
and of fome miles in length, are often carried off in
the fpring ; and additions are made to the banks in
other places. The lands thus formed, in fome
places, in the courfe of a few years amount to fever-
al acres, and are of an uncommon richnefs and fer-
tility ; but they are always attended with an equal
lofs in fome other part of the river.
The depth of the channels which our rivers have
formed, depends upon a variety of circumftances :
The naiure of the foil, the declivity of the river, the
fituaticn of the adjacent banks, the quantity of wa-
ter, &c. Their channels have been formed two
ways, by the wearing away of the ground in fome
places, and by forming or railing the intervale lands
in
HISTORY 0? VERMONT. 3/
in others ; but moft generally the channels of our
rivers have been formed in both thefe ways. In
large dreams paflSng through the intervales which
they have formed, and moving with a gentle force,
the depth of the channels appear to have a fimilari-
ty, or at leaft a refemblance. The depth of the
channels in fuch fituations, in fundry places in Con-
necticut river, Ottercreek, and Onion river, is forty
or fifty feet below that of, the adjacent banks. But:
the alteration in the depth of thefe channels, is fo
gradual and flow, that it has fcarcely been percepti-*
ble, fince the firft fettlement of the country by the
Englifh.
It is not only in the channels and intervaleSj,
which the rivers have formed, that their effects are
to be feen j but their operations are alfo vifible, up-
on the ftones and rocks. The ftones which have
been conftantly waihed by the ftreams are always
found to be fmooth and even ; and the rocks in
many places, are not only become fmooth and flip-
pery, but they are much worn away by the conftant
running of the water. — There is another phenome-
non extremely curious, derived from this caufe ; in
feveral rivers, there are holes or cavities, wrought
into the folid body of large rocks, by the defcent, or
circular motion of the water. At Rockingham, there
is a remarkable fall in Connecticut river, where the
water pafles over a bar of folid rock ; and which it
mull; have been conftantly palling over, ever fince
the river began to flow. In the rocks at thefe falls,
there are feveral cavities, which appear to have been
formed by the circular motion of fmall ftones, con-
ftantly kept in a6lion by the force of the defcending
waters. Some of thefe cavities are two or three feet
in diameter, and from two to four feet in depth ; and
probably they are yet increafing. Such phenomena
are not uncommon wherever there are deep falls in
our rivers, But the moft Angular appearances of
this
38 the NATURAL and CIVIL
this nature which I have ever feen, are at Cavendifh,
upon Black river, near the houfe of Salmon Dutton.
Here, the channel or the river has been worn down,
one hundred feet : And rocks of very large dimen-
sions, have been undermined, and thrown down, one
upon another. Holes are wrought into the rocks,
of various dimenfions, and forms : Some of them are
cylindrical, from one to eight feet in diameter, and
from one to fifteen feet in depth : Others are of a
fpherical form, from fix to twenty feet diameter,
worn almoft perfectly fmooth, into the folid body of
2 rock.
How long a period nature has been employed in
carrying on thefe operations, we can fcarcely hope to
determine. All the circumftances relating to the
channels of rivers, and the intervales which they
have formed, are fuch as denote periods of time very
lemote, and of thehigheft antiquity. It can fcarce-
ly be fuppofed that in the formation of the intervales,
the annual incrcafe has amounted to the tenth part of
an inch. At prefent, thefrefhetsin thefpring and fall,
and throughout the year, do not annually depolit the
onehalf of this quantity of earth, upon the intervales.
At no place in this ftate, is there any appearance that
the furface of the intervales has been raifed an inch,
in the period of ten years. But admitting fuch art
increafe, where the depth of the intervales are fifty
feet, the period neceffary to produce fuch an effe£fcs
would be fix thoufand years. But in all fuch kinds
of computation, the data which we aflume, are not
marked with fufficient certainty orpreciiion, to leave
us fatisfied with the conclufion. — The effects of the
rivers upon the folid rocks, feem to be more flow,
regular, and uniform. There are fituations in this,
and in every part of America, where the water has
been conftantly flowing over a folid body of rock,
ever fince the channels of the rivers were firfl; form-
ed. If we knew from obfervation, how much fuch
rocks
HISTORY of VERMONT. 39
rocks were worn away in one century, by the waters,
we could form a pretty juft conclufion how long the
waters have been running in thofe places. If the
philofophers of the prefent age will make accurate
obfervations of the altitude and Gtuations of fuch
rocks, and put their obfervations upon record in the
tranfactions of their philosophical focieties, they will
enable pofterity to folve a problem, which we can
hardly expect to determine in our day.
While the one half of our rivers pafs off into the
ocean to the fouth, through Connecticut river, the
other half find their way to the ocean, at the north-
eaft, through Lake Champlain and the river St»
Lawrence. — Lake Champlain is the largeft collec-
tion of waters in this part of the United States,.
Reckoning its length from Fairhaven to St. John's,
a courfe nearly north, it will amount to about two
hundred miles. Its width is from one to eighteen
miles, being very different in different places ; the
mean width may be estimated at five miles. This
will give one thoufand fquare miles, or fix hundred
and forty thoufand acres, as the area of its furface.
Its depth is fufficient for the navigation of the largeft
veffels. It contains feveral iflands ; one of them,
the Grand Ifle, is twenty four miles long* and from
two to four miles wide.
The waters which form this lake, are collected from
a large tract of country. All the dreams, which arife
in more than one half of Vermont, flow into it.
There are feveral, which alfo fall into itseaftern fide,
from the province of Canada. It is probable the
rivers which flow into the weft fide, are as large, nu-
merous, and extenfive, as thofe on the eaft. The
waters therefore, from which Lake Champlain is
formed, feem to be collected from a tract of country,
of a larger extent, than the whole ftate of Vermont.
There are many marks and indications that the
furface of this lake, was formerly thirty or forty feet
higher
40 the NATURAL and CIVIL
higher than it is now. The rocks in feveral placed
appear to be marked, and ftained, with the former
fuvface of the lake, many feet higher, than it has
been, from its firft difcovery by Sir Samuel Cham-
plain, in 1608. FofTil fhells, the limbs and bodies
of trees, are frequently found at the depth of fifteen
or twenty feet in the earth ; this is the cafe not only
along the mores, but in the low lands at the diftance
of two or three miles from them. The foil in many
places near the fhore, is evidently of the fame fac-
titious kind, as the intervales formed by the rivers0
Thefe, and other circumftances, have left no doubt
in the minds of the inhabitants along the lake more,
that the waters of it were formerly much higher,
and fpread to a much greater extent* than they now
are.
The operations of nature with refpecl: to the lake^
inuft have been the fame that they were in relation
to the rivers. When the waters difcharged by the
Streams, amounted to fuch a collection, as to rife a-
bove the fhores of the lake, they would overflow at
the loweft part. There, the channel would begin ;
and being formed, it would become more and more
deep, in the fame manner as the channel of a
river. The channel which this lake found, and
formed, was to the northward ; into the river St.
Lawrence ; and through that into the ocean.
When this channel, by the conftant running of
the water, was worn down thirty or forty feet, the
furface of the lake would naturally fubfide the
fame fpace.
At prefent there is but little alteration in the height
of the waters, through the year. They generally
rife from about the twentieth of April until the twen-
tieth of June. Their rife is commonly from four to
fix feet, the greateft variation is not more than eight
feet. The lake is early frozen round the fhores, but
it is not commonly wholly fhut up with the ice, until
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. ii
the middle of January*. Between the 6th and the
15th of April, the ice generally goes off; and it is
not uncommon for many fquare miles of it, to dis-
appear in one cay.
The north line of Vermont pafTes over the fouth
part of the lake Memphremagog. This lake is a-
bout forty miles in length, and two or three miles
wide.. It lies chiefly in the province of Canada, and
has a northerly direction. The river St. Francis
forms a communication between the lake Memphre-
magog, and the river St. Lawrence. Round this
lake, there is a rich foil, and a fine level country.
* When the ice is become of its greateft denfity and firmnefs,
large and extenfive'eracks or openings will fuddenly take place.
Thefe cracks in the ice, generally run in an oblique direction,
from one cape to anothcj, and often to the diftance of ten cr
fifteen miles. Sometimes the ice will feparate on each fide,
to the diftance of five or fix Teet ; at other times it will lap
over, or more commonly be thrown up in ridges four or five
feet high ; and it is often broken into pieces of two or three
feet diameter, all round the edges. Thefe openings often prove
dangerous to the traveller. They feem to be produced, by
the occafional rife and fall of the waters, in the lake ; which
as they cannot remove, mult operate to elevate and deprefs*
and thus to bend and break, the extenfive and fol'd body of
ice, which muft have affumed the fpherical form, which the
Waters had when they were firft frozen.
£ CHAP,
4f ths NATURAL M CIVIL
CHAP. IV.
Climate. — An Account of the 'Temperature, PVinds,
Rain, Snow, and [Feather. The Changs of Climate
which has attended the Cultivation of the Country*
JL HE temperature of any particu-
lar place, depends chiefly upon the latitude, the
cultivation of the country, the elevation of the place
above the adjacent iands, and its proximity to the
ocean. The latitude of Vermont is between 4 2° 44',
and 450 north : Much the largeft part "of the ft ate
has never been cultivated : A large part of the land,
is a range of mountains, much higher than the ad-
jacent parts of the country : And the ftate is from
eighty to one hundred and fixty miles from the ocean.
The moil common method of determining the
mean degree of heat which prevails in any patt of
the earth, is by thermometries! obfervations. In the
years 1789,90, 91, I made a courfe of meteorologic-
al obfervations at Rutland, about the latitude of
430 30'. The greateft height of Farcnheit's ther-
mometer during that period, was 930!, on July 13,
1791. The ieaft height was 27 below o, on De-
cember 19, 1790. Thefe may be efteemed as
near the extremes of heat and cold, in this climate.
The mean heat, deduced from the whole number of
obfervations, was 43°4-.
The temperat'ure of the climate may alfo be de-
termined by obfervations of iiie heat which pre-
vails in deep welis and fpringsl The heat of the
,atmofphere>
HISTORY or VERMONT.
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r3
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4$ the NATURAL and CIVIL
The winds in Northamerica receive their genera!
direction from the fituation of the fea coafts, moun-
tains, and nrivers. Thefe are very much frpm the
fouthweft to northeaft. : The moft prevalent of our
winds, are either parallel with, or perpendicular to
this courfe : Or rather, they are from, the northeaft,
eaft, fouthweft, and- ■•north-weft* More than one
half of the winds which blow during the year, aie
from that quarter which lies between the fouthweft
and northweft.— The weft and northweft: wincls are
drv, cooling, and elaftic. Thefe winds always be-
gin at the fea ooaft. Thofe from the fouth and
fouthweft are more warm, moift, and relaxing. : The
eafterly winds ..feldom ejxtend fo far from the fea
coaft as Vermont;. They not only lofe their diftref-
fing chill and dampnefs, as they advance into the
country, but they feldom reach fo far as Connecti-
cut river ; and they are unknown on the weft fide
of the green mountains. The winds feem to ob-
ferve fomething like a regular courfe, during the
day. At funrife there generally feems to be a
calm ; about feven or eight o'clock, the winds be-
gin to rile, which at nine or ten becomes a frefii
breeze ; and increafes until one or two o'clock : From
about three or four, the wind decreafes until eight or
rune in the evening ; when it again becomes calm,
and continues thu^ through the night. This gen-
eral routine feems to be obferved more generally in
the latter part of winter, and in the fpring, than at
other times of the year. But there are times ifi
thofe feafons of the year, when the wind rage's With-.
out much intermiffion for two or three days to-4
gether.
A general table of their directions at differeh.s|
places upon the continent, will give the beft views
of their comparative courfes,
Tbs
HISTORY of VERMONT,
49
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The
50 the NATURAL and CIVIL
The quantity of rain which falls at thofe places
in Northamerica where meteorological obfervations
have been made, has been found to be more than
double to that which generally falls in the fame lat-
itude in Europe. We cannot well account for this,
without fuppofing that the immenfe forefts of A-
merica, fupply a larger quantity of water for the
formation of clouds, (han the more cultivated coun-
tries of Europe. Many parts of America do how-
ever, fuffer feverely by drought : This is very fel-
dom the cafe in Vermont. The lands are natural-
ly moift, the mountains fupply water for regular
rains, and the heat of the fun is not fo intenfe as
fuddenly to difperfe the vapours, dry up the waters,
or parch the land. Thefe kinds of obfervations will
be reduced to the fmalleft compafs, and give the
moft complete comparative view, by exhibiting thens
in the form of a general Table.
The
HISTORY of VERMONT.
51
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5* the NATURAL and CIVIL "■
During three months in the year, this part of A«
merica is covered with fnow. On the mountains
the (how is generally from two and an half to four
and an half feet deep ; and does not go off until after
the middle of April. In the lower grounds, the
fnow for the moft part, is from one, to two and an
lialf feet deep ; and remains until about the 20th of
March. — The advantage derived to the earth from
the quantity and duration of the fnow, is every where
apparent. As foon as it is melted on the mountains,
the earth appears to be greatly fertilized : The fpring
comes on immediately ; and the vegetables of every
kind are green, and flouriQiing. , With a very little
cultivation, the earth is prepared for the reception
of the feed ; and the vegetation becomes extremely
quick and rapid.
The effects being fo apparent, a general opinion
feems to have taken place, that the fnow communi-
cates to the earth fome nitrous falts or enriching fub-
ftance which tends to increafe its fertility. In Feb.
1791, I melted as much fnow as afforded fix gallons
of water. The fnow was collected as it was falling :
Being evaporated there remained eleven grains of
calcarious earth, five grains of an oily fubftance, and
two grains of faline matter. The fertilizing efFe£t
of fnow, cannot therefore be derived from any ni-
trous falts, which it receives or contains when it is
falling through the atmofphere. Sufpecting it
might acquire fome faline mixtures by laying on the
earth, Jan. 30, 1792, in an open field covered with
grafs, I collected as much of the fnow which lay
next to the earth, as produced fix gallons of water.
This fnow fpread over an area of fixteen fquare feet,
and had lain upon the ground fifty nine days. Upon
evaporating the water there was not more faline mat-
ter, or calcarious earth, than in the former experi-
ment ; but a much larger quantity of oily fubftance.
The oil was of a dark brown colour, not inflamma-
ble,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 53
ble, and weighed four pennyweights and nine grains,
troy weight. From the former experiment, it ap-
pears that the biggeft part of this oily matter ac-
crued to the fnow after it had fallen upon the earth :
And to this oily fubftance, is probably to be imput-
ed that dirty or footy appearance, which the fnow
is generally obferved to have, after it has begun to
thaw. If the fnow which I removed contained the
fame quantity of oil as that which I examined, a
confiderable nutriment might be preferved to the
earth from this caufe. The depth of the fnow was
thirty inches : The depth of that quantity which I
collected to melt, as nearly as I could determine, was
three inches. This will give two ounces, three pen-
nyweights and eighteen grains, as the quantity of
mucilaginous matter, which would have defcended
upon fixteen fqu are feet of the earth, from the quan-
tity of fnow that was then upon the ground-
While the fnow thus prevents all wade from the
furface of the earth, it performs another and more
important office, that of preserving its internal heat.
The internal parts of the earth through the territory
of Vermont, are heated to about the forty fourth de-
gree of Farenheit's thermometer. When the heat
of the atmofphere is greater than this, a part of that
heat will flow into the earth, and thus the heat of
the earth will be increafed. When the heat of the
atmofphere is lefs than forty four degrees, the heat
will flow out of the earth into the atmofphere, and
in this way the internal parts of the earth will be
lofing their heat, or becoming colder. This is the
cafe during the winter months ; or rather, from the
middle of October, to the beginning of April. Hence
the furface of the earth when expofed to the atmof-
phere, becomes frozen to a greater or lefs depth, ac-
cording to the degree and duration of the cold. The
fnow tends very much to prevent this. By covering
over the furface of the ground a confiderable depth,
the
5i the NATURAL and CIVIL
the fnow by its nature and colour, prevents the in*
ternal heat of the earth from flowing into the colder
atmofphere, and the atmofphere from coming into
contact with the earth. In this way while the earth
is covered with a deep fnow, its heat is preferved,
and the furface, in the coldeft weather, is kept warm.
To afcertain to what degree the heat of the earth was
affected, by the quantity of fnow that lay upon it,
on Jan. 14, 1791 (an extreme cold winter) I dug
through the frozen furface in a plain open field,
where the fnow had been driven away by the wind,
and found the ground was frozen to. the depth of
three feet and five inches. In the woods, where the
fnow was three feet deep, I found on the lame day
the heat of the earth, fix inches below the furface,
was thirty nine degrees. The furface of the earth
had been frozen to this depth, before it was covered
with fnow. The froft was not only extracted, but
the furface of the earth was heated feven degrees
above the freezing point, in confequen.ee of the fnow
with which it was covered.
This will help us to account for the beneficial ef-
fects, which are derived from the fnow, in all cold
climates. Different degrees of heat are neceffary,
for the prefervation and growth of different vegeta-
bles. None of them grow, when they are frozen •
and moil of them will perifh when the cold at their
roots is very fevere. A thick covering of fnow pre-
vents thefe effects. The earth is kept open, and the
roots of the vegetables are preferved comparatively
warm. The fnow is continually melting at the fur-
face of the earth : It moiflens, and enriches the foil ;
keeps off the froft and wind, and prevents all evap-
oration from the furface of the earth. The earth
thus prepared by heat and moifture, and a collection
of all its effluvia, is in a fit ftate for that fudden and
rapid vegetation, which takes place in all cold cli-
mates, immediately upon the melting of the fnow.
The
JiiSTOftY of VERMONT. 55
The weather is generally fair, in the winter ; and
often, with an hazy atmolphere. The fnows arc
frequent, but they generally come in fmall quanti-
ties, and are over in one or two hours : They are
not attended with high winds, or heavy norms ; but
they come from all points of the compafs, except
the eaft; very frequently from the weft, and north-
weft. Hail is not uncommon in the winter, but
rain is not frequent. — About the middle of March
the fpring commences. The winds and weather
are then very unfettled until the beginning of April.
In April and May the weather becomes mild and
J>leafant, attended with frequent fhowers. — In the
fummer months the weather is generally fair, clear
and fettled. The winds are moftly from the foutb,
and fouthwefl ; the heat in the middle of the day
is often very uncomfortable, but the nights are al-
moft ever cool and pleafant. — From the beginning
of September, until the middle of October, we have
commonly the mod agreeable feafon, with moderate
wefterly winds, and a clear iky. The latter part of
October and November, are generally cold, wet and
uncomfortable ; attended with frequent rains, fome
fnow and high winds.
Thunder and lightning are common in the months
of May, June, July and Auguft ; but feldom in the
other months. The Aurora Borealis is the mofl
common in the months of March, September and
October; but it is not unufual at other times of the
year. Heavy and long ftorms of fnow, or rain, are
fcarcely ever known : But fudden and violent whirl-
winds or hurricanes fometimes arife, and do much
damage in the fall ; but we feldom receive any in-
jury from the hail. — Annual courfes of meteorology
ical obfervations properly reduced, will afford the
moil complete information of the weather, and me-
teors, in the different parts of Northamerica.
the
56
the NATURAL and CIVIL
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HISTORY or VERMONT, 5?
The above accounts are defigned to exhibit a juft
view of our climate. But inftead of remaining fixed
and fettled, the climate is perpetually changing and
altering, in all its circumftances and affections : And
this change inftead of being fo flow and gradual, as
to be a matter of doubt, is fa rapid and conftant,
that it is the fubjecl; of common obfervation and
experience. It has been obferved in every part of
the United States ; but is mod of all fenfible and
apparent in a new country, which is fuddenly chang-
ing from a ftate of vaft uncultivated wildernefs, to
that of numerous fettlements, and extenfive improve-
ments.— When the fettlers move into a new town-
Chip, their firft; bufinefs is to cut down the trees,
clear up the lands, and fow them with grain. The
earth is no fooner laid open to the influence of the
fun and winds, than the effects of cultivation begin
to appear. The furface of the earth becomes more
'warm and dry. As the fettlements increafe, thefe
effefts become more general, and extenfive : The
cold decreafes, the earth and air become more warm ;
and the whole temperature of the clirriate, becomes
more equal, uniform and moderate. At the fame
time the lands and roads become more dry and hard ;
The ftagnant waters difappear, fmall ftreams and riv-
ulets dry up, and the redundant waters are carried
off. The number and quantity of the fnows de-
creafe ; the winds receive new directions, and the
Weather and feafons become much altered. Thefe
changes every where attend the cultivation of the
country ; and have formed a remarkable change of
climate in thofe ftates, which have been long fettled.
In this change of climate, the firft effect which is
generally obferved, is an alteration in the tempera-
ture. The cold of the winters decreafe ; the rivers
are not frozen fo foon, fo thick, or fo long, as they
formerly were ; and the effects of extreme cold, in
every refpect, appear to be dimirwfhed. A rema>k-
II able
58 the NATURAL and CIVIL
able change of this kind, has been obferved in all
the fettled parts of Northamerica. The bays and
livers in Newengland, are not frozen fo hard, or fo
long, as they were at the firft fettlementof the coun-
try.* At the firft fettlement of Philadelphia, the
river Delaware was commonly covered with ice,
about the middle of November, old ftyle.t It is
not now commonly covered with ice, until the firft
week in January. Similar obfervations have been
made with regard to the ice in Hudfon's river. J
The baron Lahontau gave this account of the river
St. Lawrence, at Quebec, in 1690 t " I put to fea
the 20th of November, new ftyle, the like of which was
never Teen in that place before. The ice had cov-
ered the river on the 13th and 14th of November,
but was carried off" by a fudden thaw."|| The river
is not frozen over now until the latter end of De-
cember, or the beginning of January. The ancient
1 people at Quebec, in 1749, informed Mr. Kalm,
that the winters in Canada were formerly much
colder, than they were then.§ Similar obfervations
have been made in almoft every part of Northameri-
ca, where fettlements and cultivation have taken place.
Although the general effect has been every where
apparent, it is not an eafy thing to afcertain the de-
gree, to which the temperature has changed, in any
particular place. When our anceftors firft came
into America, thermometers were not invented :
And they have not left us any accurate meteorolog-
ical remarks or obfervations, from which we can de-
termine the exa6r, degree of cold, which prevailed in
their times. Upon looking over the moft ancient
writers of Newengland, the only account I have
foundr
* Newengland's ProPp^a, by W. Wood j wrote in 1633, p. 4*
+ Kalm's Travels, Vol. I. p. 410.
% Smith's Hiftory of Newyork.
|| Voyages to Northamerica, p. 16;,
% Kalm's Travels, Vol. II. p. 382.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 59
found, which will afford any diftincl: information
upon this fubjecl, is the following pafTage ; refer-
ring to years previous to 1633. " The extremity of
this cold weather lafteth but for two months, or ten
weeks, beginning in December, and breaking up the
tenth day of February (21ft new ftile) which hath
become a pafTage very remarkable, that for ten
or a dozen years, th« weather hath held himfelf to
his day, unlocking his icy bays and rivers, which are
never frozen again the fame year, except there be
fome fmall froft until the middle of March."* The
winter is lefs fevere now in feveral refpe&s : The
extremity of the cold weather does not come on fa
foon by feveral weeks ; the bays at Bofton, inftead
of being annually covered with ice, are but feldom
frozen to this degree ; and they do not continue in
this ftate a longer time than eight or ten days. In
the year 1782, the harbour between Bofton and
Charleftown was frozen to fuch a degree, that horfes
and fleighs paffed over the ice, for five or fix days.
This was the beginning of fuch an effect, as that
which is mentioned in the ancient account. The
ice became fixed and permanent on February 2 ; and
continued in this ftate until February 10. During
that time I found the loweft degree of Farenheit's
thermometer to be — 90 ; the greateft degree was
280 ; and the mean heat was 130. It may be pre-
fumed therefore, that the freezing of the bays of
which Wood fpeaks, could not have taken place, or
continued, in a lefs degree of heat than this. This
will give us 13 degrees of Farenheit's thermometer,
as the mean heat which took place during eight Or
ten weeks of the winter, fo far back as the year 1630,
By the meteorological obfervations which I made
in the Univerfity at Cambridge forfeven years, from
1780 to 1788, 1 found the mean heat in the month
of December was 290 4' j in January it was 220 5' ;
and
* Wood's Profpea, p. 4*
to , ths NATURAL and CIVIL
and in February it was 230 9 . Thefc numbers ex-
prefs the prefent temperature of the winter at Bof-
ton. If this computation be admitted, the change
of temperature in the winter, at Bolton, from the
year 163010 the year 1788, mult have been from
ten to twelve degrees.
A permanent alteration in the temperature of the
climate or atmofphere, fuppofes an alteration equal-
ly great and permanent, in the heat of the earth.
"Whether the heat of the earth is thus affe&ed by
cultivation, and what will be its effects, I endeavour-
ed to afcertain in the following manner. On the
53d of May, 1789, I funk a thermometer to the
depth of ten inches below the furface of the earth.
Upon repeated trials the quickfrlver flood at fifty
degrees : This was in a level open field, ufed for
pafture or grazing, and fully expofed to the fun.
The fame experiment was then made in the woods,
where the furface of the earth was covered with trees,
and never had been cultivated. To afcertain the
gradual increafe of heat at each place, the obfervations
were often repeated. The refult was as follows.
Time.
Heat in the
Heat in the
Differ-
Pafture.
Woods.
ence.
May 23
28
June 15
27
50'1 |
57
o\4
62
46"
48
5l
51
6°
9
*3
11
July 16
30
Auguft 15
62
654
68
0 ,
55*
58
11
10
10
31
September 15
October 1
59^
59x'
59?
55
55
55
4?
4?
4t
«5
November 1
49
43
49
43
0
1
0
16
1 43t
43t
O
The
HISTORY of VERMONT. 61
The effect of cultivation with regard to the heat
of the earth, To far as it can be collected from thefe
experiments, appears to be this : Expofing the land
to the full force of the folar rays in this latitude,
will produce an heat at the depth pf ten inches be-
low the furface, ten or eleven degrees greater than
that which prevails in the uncultivated parts of the
country ; and this effect continues while the folar
rays are fufficient to increafe the heat of the earth.
This additional heat in the. earth, will be fufficient
to produce the fame alteration in the temperature of
the air ; for whatever degree of heat prevails in the
eaith, nearly the fame will be communicated to the
lower parts of the atmofphere. Thus the earth and
the air, in the cultivated parts of the country, arc
heated in confequence of their cultivation, ten or
eleven degrees more, than they were in their uncul-
tivated Hate : It fhould feem from thefe obfervations
that the effect, or the degree of heat produced by
cultivation, is the fame with the change of climate,
that has taken place in the eaftern part of MaiTachu-
fetts.
Another remarkable effect which makes part of
the change of climate, and always attends the
cultivation of the country, is an alteration in the
moifture or wetnefs of the earth. As the furface of
the earth becomes more warm, it becomes more dry
and hard, and the (lagnant waters difappear. Alter-
ations of this kind, have been common, and great,
in all the ancient fettlements in the United States.
Many of the fmall ftreams and brooks are dried up ;
Mills, which at the firft fettlement of the country,
were plentifully fupplied with water from fmall riv-
ers, have ceafed to be ufeful. Miry places, and
large fwamps, are become among the richeft of our
arable lands. — In the new fettlements, the change is
effected in two or three years : Fields of corn and
wheat are attended with the molt rapid vegetation,
and
6V the NATURAL and CIVIL
and the greatefl: increafe, in lands, where the waters
five or fix years ago, were ftagnant, and in fuch
quantities as to be fpread over the largeft part of the
ground. One of the firfl; effects of cultivation is
the difperfion of thefe waters, and a change in the
foil, from the appearance of a fwamp, to that of a
dry and fertile field.
There are two ways in which cultivation op-
crates, to produce this effect. By the cutting down
of the trees, the difperfion of a vaft quantity of fluid,
emitted by their evaporation, is prevented ; and by
laying the lands open to the influence of the fun
and winds, the evaporation of the ftagnant waters is
greatly promoted. — The effecT; of the firft, from ex-
periments which will be related when the vegetable
productions are confidered, may be eftimated at three
thoufand and eight hundred gallons of water thrown
off from the trees on one acre, in the fpace of twelve
hours, in hot weather. To afcertain the effect
which might arife from the latter, on June 27th,
1789, a fair, calm, and hot day, I placed a china
faucer on the ground in the woods, where it was
covered from the folar rays by the trees, the leaves of
which at the height of ten or twelve feet, were very
thick. Another faucer in all refpe&s fimilar to this,
was placed on the ground in an open field adjoining,
where it was fully expofed to the wind and fun. I
poured into each of them equal quantities of water ;
at the end of three hours the evaporation from the
latter, was to that from the former as Ox, eight to
one. — With regard then to the moifture or wetnefs
of the country, it appears that fettlement and culti-
vation will be fufficient to prevent the difcharge of
three thoufand and eight hundred gallons of water,
over one acre of land, in twelve hours, during the
hot weather ; and at the time to effect the difperfion
of fix, eight times as much water from the furface
of the earth, as would have been difperfed in its
uncultivated
HISTORY of VERMONT. 63
uncultivated flate. If we may judge upon a matte*
which cannot be reduced to exact calculation, it
fhould feem that the caufe was here equal to the
effea.
A change in the climate hath alfo been manife$
in the apparent decreafe of the fnow, in all the an-
cient cultivated parts of the United States. Wheth-
er there has been any alteration in the annual quan-
tity of rain in any part of America, we cannot de-
termine, for want of meteorological observations 5
but a great decreafe of fnow has been obferved in all
the ancient fettlements. At the firft fettlement of
Newengland, the earth was generally covered with
fnow for more than three months in the year. It
began to fall in large quantities by the firft of De-
cember, and feldom went off until fome time in
March. This is yet the cafe in the inland and
mountainous parts of the country. The fnow cov-
ers them for three months, and is fcarcely ever car-
ried off by a thaw until the fpring comes on. In thofe
parts of the country which have been long fettled
and cultivated, the fnows have been declining for
many years. They are neither fo frequent, deep,
or of fo long continuance, as they were formerly ;
And they are yet declining very faft in their num-
ber, quantity, and duration* This event is derived
from the change of temperature, which has taken
place in the atmofphere ; and probably will keep
pace exactly with it. There has aifo been an ap-
parent alteration in the direction of the winds. The?
prevalency and extent of the wefterly winds, feerrt
to be abating: Or rather the eafterly winds are cer-
tainly increafing in their frequency and extent*
Thefe winds are now very frequent in the fpringy
in all that part of the country, which lie* within fix-
ty or feventy miles of the fea coaft. Half a century
ago, the eaflerly winds feldom reached farther than
thirty or forty miles from the fea fhore. They have
now
64 the NATURAL a*d CIVIL
now advanced as far as the mountains, which ar£
generally eighty or an hundred miles from the ocean,
A* the country becomes fettled and cleared, they
are found to advance more and more, into the in-
ternal parts of the country. — -It can hardly be doubt-
ed, but that this event is owing to the increafing
cultivation of the country. As the woods are cut
down, the earth and atmofphere become more heat-
ed than the ocean : The direction of the winds will
of courfe be from the fea, towards the land. As the
country becomes more fettled and cleared, it is prob-
able thefe winds will continue to advance further
towards the weft.
The fame caufes which produce a change in the
heat of the earth, in its wetnefs, in the fnow and
winds, will produce as great a change in the weather
and feafons. While the ftate of a country remains
unaltered, the general courfe and appearance of na-
ture will be the fame, from one age to another.
Summer and winter, fpring and fall, the productions
of the earth, the ftate of the air and weather, will be
fubjecl: to but little annual alteration or change.
But when the whole face and ftate of a country are
changing, the weather and feafons will alfo change
with them. — This is an event that has already taken
place in the moft ancient and cultivated parts of A-
merica. When our anceftors firft came into New-
ergland, the feafons and weather were uniform and
regular. The winter fet in about the beginning of
December, old ftyle, and continued until the middle
of February. During that time the weather wa3
generally fair, and cold, and without much change.
Towards the end of February the winter generally
broke up. When the fpring came on, it came on
at once ; without repeated and fudden changes from
he i to cold, and from cold to heat. The.fummer
was ^mely hot and fultry, for a month or fix
week _.t it was of a fhoit duration. The autumn
commenced
.IHJSTQRY oi? VERMONT.- £5
commenced about the beginning of September ; and
the harveft of all kinds was gathered by the end of
that month. — A very different (late of things now
takes place, in all that part of Newengland, which
has been long fettled. The, feafons are much change
cd, and the wezrther is become more variable and
uncertain. The winter is intermixed with great
and fudden thaws, and is become much ihorter.
The changes of weather and temperature, are great
and common in the fpring ; and at that feafon there
lis generally an unfortunate fluctuation between heat
and cold, greatly unfavourable to vegetation, and
the fruits of the earth. The fummers are become
more moderate in refpect t,o the extreme heat of a
few weeks ; but they are of a much longer duration.
The autumn commences, and ends, much later than
formerly : The harveft js _not fmifhed until the firfi;
if&k of November ; and the feverity of winter does
not commonly take place, until the latter end of
December. JBfiit the whole courfe of the weather is
become more uncertain, variable and fluctuating
than it was in the uncultivated ftate of the country*
It is in thefe particulars, the change that has tak~
tn place in the heat of the earth, in its wetnefs, in
the mow, wind?, weather and feafons, that the change
Of climate iri Northamerica has principally appear-
ed. That this change of climate is much connected
with, and greatly accelerated by the cultivation of
(he country, cannot be doubted. But whether fhiif
caufe is fufficient to account for all the phenomena,
which have attended the change of climate lii the
various parts of the earth, Items to be uncertain.
6 II A P.
W the NATURAL and CIVIL
C H A P. V,
Vegetable Productions. — For eft trees, efculent
and medicinal Vegetables* Remarks on the Magnitude,
Number, Age, Evaporation, Emifiion of Air, Heat,
and Effecl of the Trees*
VV^HEN the Europeans firfl took
poffeffion of Northamerica, it was one continued for-
eft, the greateft upon the earth. The country was
every where covered with woods, not planted by the
hand of man ; but derived from, and ancient as the
powers of nature. The great variety of plants and
flowers, the immenfe numbers, dimenfions, and
kinds of trees, which fpread over the hills, valleys,
and mountains, prefented to the eye, a moft mag-
nificent and boundlefs profpect. This is ftill the
cafe with the uncultivated parts of the country.
Much the largeft part of Vermont is yet in the
ftate, in which nature placed it. Uncultivated by
the hand of man, it prefents to our view a vaft tra6t
of woods, abounding with trees, plants, and flowers,
almoft infinite in number, and of the moft various
fpecies and kinds. It would be the employment of
jnany years, to form a complete catalogue of them.
I fh all not attempt to enumerate any, but thofe
%-hich are the moft common and ufeful.
FOREST
HISTORY or VERMONT. Sj
FOREST TREES. .
• ■
The Trees which are the moll large and com-
mon a*e the
White pine: Pinus firobus.
Yellow pine. Pinus pinea.
Pitch pine. Pinus tada.
Larch. Pinus larix.
Hemlock. Pinus abies.
White fpruce. ? Pinus canaderiflSf
Black fpruce. J *
Fir. Pinus balfamea.
White maple. Acer negundo.
Red maple. Acer rubrum,
Black maple. Acer faccharinum.
K££?" } '&*£*•
White afh. Fraxinus excelfior.
Black afh. Fraxinus americana.
White birch. Betula alba.
Black birch. Betula nigra.
Red or yellow birch. Betula lent a »
Alder. Betula alnus.
• White elm. ? Wmus amncanat
Red elm. y
Black oak. ghtercus nigra.
White oak. £$uercus alba.
Red oak. Quercus rubra.
Chefnut oak. Quercus prinus.
White hiccory, or Walnut. Juglans alba.
Shagbark. Juglans albax cortice Jquamofo.
Butternut. Juglans alba, cortice cathartica.
Chefnut. Fagus caftanea.
Buttonwood. Plantanus occidentalis.
BaflTwood, or lime tree. Tilia americana.
Hornbeam, Carpinus betulus,
WiW
6* ti« NATURAL ano CIVIL
•
Wild cherry, feveral f pedes.
SafTafras. Laurus fejfafras.
White cedar. Thuja Occident alii.
Red cedar. Juniptrur Virginian a. l'
White poplar, or Afpen. Populus iremula.
Black poplar, cr Balfam. P^pulus nigra..
Red willow. Salix.
White willow. Salix alba.
Hackmatack. ■
ESCULENT.
The following are fmall trees, fhrubs, or vines, val-
uable on account of their falubrious and pieafan^
fruit.
Red plumb. ~)
Yeliow plumb. )> Prunusjyheftris.
Thorn plumb. J
Black cherry. ~\
Red cherry. > Cerafus fylveflris.
Choke cherry. J
Juniper. Juniperusfabina.
jHazlenut. Corylus avellana.
Black currant. Kibes nigrum.
Wild goofeberry. Ribes glofuiaria.
Whortleberry. "\
Bilberry. i . . , ■
Blueberry. f* **cc,ntttm arymbcfu^
Chokeberry. J
Partridgeberry. Arbutus virfdts'.
Pigeonbcrry. Cijfus.
Barberry. Berberis vulgaris.
Mulberry. Morns nigra.
Black grape. Vitis labrufca.
Fox grape. Vitis vulpina.
Black rafpberry. Rubus id<tus.
Red rafpberry. Rubus c&uadenfis.
Upright blackberry. Rubus fruticojus.
Running
HISTORY of VERMONT. 6g
Running blackberry. Rubus moluccanus.
Brambleberry. Rubus occitfeHtalis.
£ufhbScrry. } Vacciniu* txycuccs.
Strawberry. Fragaria vefca.
Dewberry. Rubus Cdfius.
Cloudberry. Rubus cbamamorus.
Thefe fruits are in great abundance in the uncul-
tivated parts of the country ; but theyfeem to ar-
rive to their higheft perfection of numbers, magni-
tude, and richnefs, in the new fields and plantations.
There are other vegetables which are alfo efctdent,
and valuable, chiefly on account of their roots, or
feeds. Among thefe are the
Artichoke. Helianthus tuberofus.
Ground nut. Glicine apios.
r^j^JL ,.„ e* i Convolvulas batatas.
Ked potatoe. y
Wild leek.
Wild otrion.
Wild oat. Zizania aquaiica.
Wild pea.
XVild hop. Humulus lupulus.
Indian cucumber. Medeola.
MEDICINAL.
Many of the vegetables which are indigenous to
this part of America, are applied to medicinal pur-r
pofes. Of this nature are the
Bitter fweet. Solanum.
Angelica. Angelica Jylvejlris.
Black elder. Sambucus nigra.
Red elder. Viburnum opulus.
Sarfaparilla. Aralia.
Pettymorrel. Aralia nigra.
Solomon's feal. Convallaria.
Maidea
7o the NATURAL and CIVII<
M aiden hair. Adianthus pedatus.
Arfmart. Polygonum fagittatum.
Wild rofe. Rojajylveftris.
Golden thread. Nigella.
Mallow. Malva rotundifolis.
JVlarihmallow. Alth<ea.
Lobelia, feveral fpecies.
Senna. Caffia ligufirina.
Clivers. Gallium Jpurium.
Blue flag. ir/>.
Sweet flag. Acorus.
Skunk cabbage. Aram americanum.
Garget. Phytolacca decandra*
Blood root. Sanguinaria.
Pond lily. Nympb<ea.
Elecampane. Inula,
Black fnake root. Aftea racemofa.
Seneca fnake root, Polygala fenega.
Pleurify root. AJcleyias decumbens.
Liquorifh root.
Dragon root. Amur.
Ginfeng. Panax trifelium,
Ginfeng was formerly efteemed a plant indigenous
only to China and Tartary. In 1720, it was dif-
covered by the Jefuit Lafitan, in the forefts of Can-
ada ; and in 1750, it was found in the weftern parts
of Newengland. It grows in great plenty and per-
fection, in Vermont. The root has many virtues ;
"but we do not find them to be fo extraordinary, as
the Chinefe have reprefented. It was a valuable
article in the commerce of Canada in the year 1752,
and large quantities were purchafed in this ftate but
a few years ago ; an injudicious method of collect-
ing, curing, and packing it, has greatly injured its
reputation ; this, with the large quantities in which
it was exported, have nearly deftroyed the fale.
T©
HISTORY of VERMONT. 7"*
To this accounVof medicinal plants, it may not
be improper to fubjoin thofe, which in their natur«
al ftate, are found to operate as poifons ; the mod of
which, by proper preparations, become valwabltf
medicines. Of thefe we have the
Thorn apple. Datura Jlramoniutn,
Henbane. iJyqfcyamus niger.
Nightfhade. Solatium nigrum.
Ivy. Hedera helix.
Creeping ivy. Rhus radicans.
Swamp fumach. Rhus ipxicodendr urn*
Baneberry. Aclaafpicata.
White hellebore. Veratrum alhum.
In addition to thefe, there is a great variety of
plants and flowers, the names and virtues of which,
are unknown. Some of our vegetables deferve a
particular defcription, on account of their iincom-
mon properties : .Thus, the Bayberry (myrica cerif-
era) is diftinguifhed by a fine perfume, and a deli"
cate green wax. The Prickly Aih is Yahiable for
its uncommon aromatic properties. The Witch Ha»
zel {hamamelis) is endowed with the lingular prop-
erty of putting forth its bloffoms, after the froft has
deftroyed its leaves. The Indian Hemp (afclepias)
may be wrought into a fine, and ftrong thread. The
Silk Grafs another fpecies of the afclepias y contains
a fine foft down, which may be carded and fpun in-
to an excellent wickyam. The berries of the com-
mon Sumach (rbus) are ufed to great advantage ins
medicinal applications, and in feveral kinds of dyes.
It would be a very ufeful, but a laborious employ-
ment, for the botanifts to give to the world an e-
numeration, and fcientific defcription of our indige-
nous vegetables. The Flora Americana^ would be
the moft valuable addition, that could be made to
the works of the celebrated Linnaeus : But it cannot
be completed without the united afiiftanceof wealth,
genius, time, and labour. To
■ntz NATURAL -aha CIVIL
: To- this' imperfeft catalogue of our vegetable, 1
mall add fome remarks on the magnitude, number',,
age, evaporation, emiflion of air, heat, and effect of
the Trees.
Magnitude. — The magnitude to which a tree
will arrive, depends upon the nature of the tree, and
of the foil. The following are the dimenuons of
fuch trees as are efteemed large ones of their kind,
in this part of America. They do not denote the
greateft, which nature has produced of their partic-
ular fpecies,* but the greateft of thofe which are to
l>e found in rrioft of otir towns.
frees.
Pine,
Maple,
Buttonwood,
Elm,
Hemlock,
Oak,
BafTwood,
Am,
Birch,
Diameter.
Feet. Inch.
6
5
5
5
4
4
4
4
3
o
9
6
0
9
o
o
o
o
Height.
Ftet.
247
%l
I"
g
Number. — The number or thicknefs of the trec^
feems to depend chiefly on the richnefs of the foil.
In fome parts of the country they are fo thick, tha£
it is with difficulty we can ride among them. In
other places, they haverefolved thernfeives into trees
of large dimensions, which are generally at the" .dis-
tance of eight or ten feet from each other. On out
acre, the number of the trees, is commonly from
one hundred and fifty to fix hundred and fifty ; va-
rying in their number, according to the richnefs of
the foil, and the divnenfions the trees have attained.
Eflimating a cord to be four feet in height, and width,
and
* A white pine was cut at Dunftable in Newhampfhire, in
17365 the diameter of which was feven feet, eight inches.
Di/urla/i' SHnimtny) Vol. II. p. 53.
HISTORY of VERMONT, 73
and eight feet in length, the quantity of wood which
is generally found on one acre, is from fifty to two
hundred cords : Where the large pines abound, the
quantity of wood is much larger than what is here
ftated; but thefe trees are never mea lured as cord
wood, but always applied to other purpofes.
Age. — There is a circumftance attending the
growth of trees, which ferves to denote their age,
with great accuracy. The body of a tree does noC
increafe by an univerfal expanfion of all its internal
parts, but by additional coats of new wood : And
thefe are formed every year, by the fap which runs
between the bark, and the old wood. When a tree
is cut down, this procefs of nature becomes apparent
in the number of parallel circles, or concentric rings,
which fpread from the centre to the circumference
of the tree. In many obfervations made by others,
and by myfelf, upon trees whofe ages were known,
the number of thefe circles was found to agree ex-
actly with the age of the tree. — By this method of
computation, I have always found the pine to be
the moft aged tree of our foreft, feveral of which
were between three hundred and fifty and four
hundred years of age. The largeft trees of oth-
er fpecies, are generally between two and three
hundred years. In the more advanced periods of
vegetable life, this method of computation often
fails : The decays of nature generally begin in the
central, which are the moft: aged parts. From them,
the mortification gradually extends to others ; and
thus, the internal parts of the tree, die in the fame
order in which they were produced ; the progrefs of
death, regularly and fteadily following the fame order
and courle, which had been obferved in the progrefs
of life. In this flate of a tree, no computation can
be made of its age : But it feems moft probable,
that the time of its natural increafe and decreafe, are
nearly the fame ; and that the natural period of veg-
K etable
74 the NATURAL and CIVIL
etable life, is double to that, which the tree has at*
tained, when it firft begins to decay at the heart.
Evaporation. — Betides the growth, there arc
other proceffes carried on by nature in vegetables,
of which we have no fufpicion, until their effects
become apparent. This is the cafe with the evap-
oration which takes place from the woods, during
the fummer months. Every tree, plant, and vege-
table, is then pouring into the atmofphere, an amaz-
ing quantity of fluid. — On the 12th of June, 1789,1
put the end of one of the limbs of a fmall maple
tree, into a bottle containing about one pint. That
part of the limb which was within the bottle, con-
tained two leaves, and one or two buds. The mouth
of the bottle was flopped up with beefwax, that no
vapour might efcape. In five or fix minutes, the
infide of the bottle was clouded, with a very fine
vapour; and in about half an hour, fmall drops be-
gan to collect on the fides, and run down to the bot-
tom. At the end of fix hours, 1 weighed the water
which had been collected in the bottle during that
time, and found it amounted to fixteen grains, troy
weight. — The tree on which this experiment was
made,waseight inchesandan half in diamter, and thir-
ty, feet in height. To make an eftimate of the quan-
tity of water, thrown off from this tree into the at-
mofphere, in a given portion of time, I endeavoured
to ascertain the number of leaves which it contained.
With this view (after I had made fome other ex-
periments) I bad the tree cut down ; and was at
the pains to count the leaves, which it contained :
The whole number amounted to twenty one thou-
fand one hundred and ninety two : Admitting the
evaporation to be the fame from the other leaves of
the tree, as it was from thofe on which the experiment
was made, the quantity of water thrown off from
this tree in the lpace of twelve hours, would be three
hundred and thirty nine thoufand and feventy two
HISTORY of VERMONT. 75
grains. — Upon examining the number and dimen-
5ons of the trees, which covered the ground where
I made the experiment, I think it would be a mod-
erate computation, to eftimate them as equal both
in magnitude and extent, on every fquare rod, to '
four fuch trees as that which I had examined. This
will give fix hundred and forty fuch trees, for the
quantity of wood contained ©n one acre. This ef-
timation is lefs than the quantity of wood, which is
generally found upon one acre of land, in this part:
of America. — The weight of one pint of water, is
one pound avoirdupoife, or feven thoufand grains,
troy weight ; and eight fuch pints make one gallon.
Making the calculation.upon thefe principles, it will
be found that from one acre of land thus covered
with trees, three thoufand eight hundred and feven-
ty five gallons of water are thrown off and difperfed
in the atmofphere, in the fpace of twelve hours.
This computation, will not appear extravagant to
thofe, who have feen the great quantity of juice,
which naturally flows out of fome of our trees, when
they are tapped in the fpring. A man much em-
ployed in making maple fugar, found that for twen~
ty one days together, one of the maple trees which
he tended, difcharged feven gallons and an half each
day. A large birch which was tapped in the fpring,
ran at the rate of five gallons an hour, when firil
tapped ; and during the feafon of the running of
the fap, it difcharged fixty barrels in one fpring.
The confequence of this wafte of the juices, was the
death of the tree, the enfuing fummer. 1 have
this account from the Hon. Paul Brigham, Efq;
Thefe accounts ferve to fhow, what a quantity or'
fluid, is naturally contained in fome of our trees ;
and from a fource fo plentiful, a copious evapora-
tion might naturally be expected.
Emission of Air.— Another curious operation,
k hich pature carries on in vegetables,of the higheft u fe,
but
76 the NATURAL and CIVIL
but wholly invisible to us, is the emiflion of a large
quantity of air. The trees, vegetables, and flowers,
while they are difcharging a large quantity of water
into the atmofphere, and, at the fame time emitting
or throwing off a much larger quantity of air. On
the 15th of June, 1789, I put the fame part of the
maple tree into a bottle, as I had done in the exper-
iment of June 12th. The bottle, with the limb of
the maple thus enclofed, was then filled up with
water ; and immerfed in a large drinking glafs,
which had been filled before : In this fituation the
bottle was inverted, and fixed fo as to have its
mouth about three inches under the furface of the
water, in the drinking glafs. — In fifteen minutes,
air bubbles began to appear around the leaves of the
maple ; and foon after to aicend to the upper part
of the bottle, and collect into larger bubbles ; which,
as they increafed, refolved themfelves into one. At
the end of fix hours, I found the quantity of water
which had been forced out of the bottle, by the air
which was collected in it, amounted to fixty one
grains. The quantity of air therefore, eflimated by
its bulk, which was emitted from the limb of the
tree, was to the quantity of water thrown off from
the fame limb, as fixty one to fixteen. Making the
calculation in the fame manner as before, this will
give fourteen thoufand feven hundred and feventy
four gallons, as the quantity of air, thrown off in
twelve hours, from one acre of land, thus covered
with trees. — The purity and falubrity of this air is
as remarkable as the quantity of it. It has been
found that an animal will live five times as long in
this kind of air, at. in common air of the beft quality.
The purity of the atmofphere, is conftantly impair-
ed by the refpiration of animals, by combuflion, the
putrefaction of bodies, and by various other caufes.
In fuch ways, the air over large and populous cities,
is fo greatly and conftantly corrupted, that it.woula
loon
HISTORY of VERMONT. 77
foon become unwholefome and noxious to the in-
habitants, if it was not removed, or purified. Na-"
ture has made abundant provifion for this purpofe,
in the immenfe quantities of air, which new coun--
tries fupply. The trees and vegetables perpetually
produce it, in large quantities, and in the purell
ftate ; and the winds carry it from one country to
another, where it is mod wanted.
Heat. — The principle by which thefe operations
are carried on, and which feems to have the greateft
effect in vegetation, is heat. Different vegetables
require different degrees of heat, or different cli-
mates, to give them their greateft degree of increife,
and perfection. All of them ceafe to grow, when
their roots are in a ftate of congelation. As loon as
the warmth of the fpring comes on, the fap begins to
afcend in their trunks, and branches : A fermenta-
tion takes place in all their juices, and the vegeta-
tion becomes more or lefs rapid, as the heat of the
feafon advances. In Vermont, about the 10th of
May, the maple, which is one of the moft numerous
and forward trees of the foreft, begins to put forth
its leaves. In one or two days after, the whole
body of the woods, appear of a beautiful light green ;
and are conftantly growing of a darker colour, for
ten or fifteen days, when the darkeft fhades become
fixed. During this period, the juices of the trees
appear to be in a ftate of high fermentation, their in-
ternal heat increafes, and the effects of their vegeta-
tion appear in an infinite variety of buds, leaves, and
flowers. To afcertain the degrees of heat, in differ-
ent trees, at different times of the year, and to mark
their effects on the leaves, and fruits, the following
experiments were made. With an auger, of one
inch diameter, I bored an hole twelve inches long,
into the body of the tree : In this hole, I enclofed a
thermometer of Farenheit's fcale, flopping the ori-
fice with a cork, until the quickfilver had acquired the
degree
7s
tub NATURAL and CIVIL
degree of heat, which prevailed in the internal part
of the tree. The refultof thefe experiments, is fet
down in the following Table.
Time
1789.
Heat
Heat
in a
in a
Viable.
Birch.
Heat
in a
Pine.
Heat
in an
Afli.
Rcmaiks on the Itatc oi tUe
Trees.
-} 26
May ^27
J 28
June 30
July 30
Sept. 15
O6lob.i6
Nov. 16
58
72
70
62
45
434
60
72
67
55
481
60
73^
69
46
60
7G
68,
47
43t
43
S
434
I Leaves of the Maple,
about one fixth of their
natural growth. The
other trees juft in their
bud, without any leaves.
Leaves on each tree,
fully grown.
No appearance of de-
cay in the leaves.
Leaves on the Maple,
Birch, and Afh, begin
to decay, and turn white.
Leaves of the Maple
turned yellow, and be-
gin to fall. Leaves of
the Birch turned white,
and dead ; and about
one half of them fallen.
I "Leaves of the Afh, all
fallen. Leaves of the
Pine, green through tho
year.
No leaves on the Ma-
ple, Birch, or Afh. The
heat of the trees become
exactly the fame with
that of the earth, at the
depth of ten inches be*
low the furface.
, From thefe obfervations it mould feem, that the
temperature or heat of trees, is not the fame as that
of the earth, or atmofphere ; but is a heat, peculiar
to this clafs of bodies. It is probably the fame, in
all trees of the fame kind, in iimilar circumstances
and fituations. The degree and variations of it,
feem to depend on the fermentation of the juices,
and the flate of vegetation. It is not improbable
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. 79
the heat of the fame kind of trees, may be different,
in different latitudes : Whether this is the cafe of
not, can be known only by obfervations, made in
different countries. -r-This heat which prevails in
trees, feems to be the great principle or agent, by
which the two fluids of water and air, are leparated
from one another, and emitted from the trees. The
quantity of water evaporated from the trees on one
acre, in twelve hours, we have found to be three
thoufand eight hundred and feventy five gallons :
That of air, fourteen thoufand feven hundred and
feventy four gallons. Before the evaporation, both
thefe fluids feem to have exifted together in a fixed
ftate ; making a common mafs, every where difperf-
ed through the body, limbs, and leaves of the trees.
When the heat of the internal parts of the trees,
became from fifty eight to fixty degrees of Faren-
heit's thermometer, the buds were formed, the leaves
put forth, and the one fluid, feems to have been fep-
arated, or formed into the two fluids, of water and
air. It feems probable from this, that both thefe
fluids had the lame origin, that heat was the princi-
ple, or caufe by which they were feparated • and that
about fifty eight, is the degree of heat, which is nec-
effary to begin the reparation of the air from the
water.
Ef f ect. — The effe6l of this perpetual vegetation,
growth, and decay of vegetables, is an extreme rich-
nefs and fertility of foil. Neither deflroyed or re-
moved by the hand of man, the vegetable produc-
tions of the uncultivated parts of America, return to
the earth by decay and death, and corrupt on the
furface from which they grew. It is not only from
the earth, but from the air and water, that trees and
plants derive their nourifhment, and increafe : And
where no wafte has been occahoned by man or oth-
er animals, it is not impoflible that the vegetables
may return more to the earth, than they have taken
from
So 171 e NATURAL and CIVIL
from it ; and inftead of ferving to impovcrifh, op-
.erate to render it more rich and fertile. Thus does
the foil, in the uncultivated parts of the country,
from age to age derive increafe, richnefs, and fertil-
ity, from the life, growth, death, and corruption of
her vegetables. — This effect has been fo great in A-
merica, that when our lands are fir ft cleared of the
wood, we always find a black, foft, rich foil, of five
or. fix inches depth ; wholly formed of decayed or
rotten leaves, plants, and trees. The extreme rich-
nefs of this fa6titious foil, produces a luxuriancy of
vegetation, and an abundance of increafe in the firfk
crops, which exceeds any thing that can afterwards
be procured, by all the improvements of agriculture.
Powers or vegetable Life. — The power
with which nature acts in the productions of vege-
table life, in this part of America, may be deduced
from fuch circumftances as have been mentioned :
From the immenfe extent of our forefts ; from the
magnitude, number, and variety of our trees, and
plants 5 from their rapid increafe, and duration ;
and from the total want of fandy deferts, and barren
places. Thefe and other circumftances, denote an
energy, a power in the vegetable life, which nature
has never exceeded in the fame climate, in any oth»
er part of the globe.
ClI A P.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 8t
CHAP. VI.
Native Animals. — An Account of the ghtadrtt*
feds ; with Obfervations on their Enumeration,
Origin, Migration, Species, Magnitude, Difpofition,
and multiplying Power. The Birds* Fijhes„ Rep-
tiles, and Infecls,
HE uncultivated ftate of America
was Favourable to the productions of animal life.
A foil naturally rich and fertile, and powers of veg*
etation extremely vigorous, produced thofe immenfe
Fore lis, which fpread over the continent. In thefe,
a great variety and number of animals had their ref-
idence. Fed by the hand and productions of na-
ture, unmoleited but by a few and unarmed men,
the productions of animal life every where appeared,
in the various forms of quadrupeds, birds, fifties,
and infects ; and their increafe and multiplication,,
became quick and rapid.
QUADRUPEDS.
OF that fpecies of animaU which are known by
the name of quadrupeds, America contains nearly
one half : Of thefe about thirty fix, are found in
Vermont. Our forefts afford fhelter and nourifli-
ment for the moole, bear, wolf, deer, fox, wild cat,
Facoon, porcupine, woodchuck, {kunk, martin, hare,
L rabbit,
$2 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
rabbit, weafel, ermine, fquirrcl, mole, and moufe.
In our rivers, ponds, and lakes, the beaver, mu(k-
rat, mink, and otter, are to be found in large numbers.
The largeft animal which is known in Vermont,
is the Moose. It feems to be of the fame fpecies as
the elk ; and in its general form, it refembles the
horfe. His head is large, the neck fhort ; with a
thick, fhort, and upright mane. The eyes arefmall *
the ears are a foot long, very broad, and thick ; un-
der the throat, there is a flemy protuberance ; the
noftrils are large ; the upper lip fquare, and hangs
over the lower. His horns are palmated, and when
fully grown are abcut four or five feet from the head
to the extremity : There are feverai fhoots or
branches to each horn, which generally extend about
fix feet in width from each other. The horns
weigh from thirty to fifty pounds, and are fhed ev-
ery year. The hoofs of the moofe are cloven ;
his gait, is a long fhambling trot ; his courfe, very
iwift, and flraight. When he runs, the ratling of
his hoofs, is heard at a confiderable diflance ; in
miry places, his hoofs are fpread feverai inches
fiorn one another ; and it is wilh the greatefl eafe,
that he leaps over the highefl of our fences. The
moofe is generally of a grey, light brown, or moufe
colour. The food of this animal is grafs, fhrubs,
the boughs and bark of trees, efpecially the beech,
which they feem to prefer above all others, and a
fpecies of maple which is called moofe wood. In
fummer, they keep pretty much in families. In
the winter, they held together to the number of
twenty or thirty, in a company : They prefer the
colder! places ; and when the fnow is deep, they
form a kind of yard, confifling of feverai acres, in
which they conflantly trample down the fnow, that
they may more eafily range round their yard ; and
when they cannot come at the grafs, they live on
the twigs and baik of the trees. Their defence is
chit fly
HISTORY or VERMONT. Sj
chiefly with their fore feet, with which they flrike
with great force. The female is lefs than the male,
and generally without horns. The rutting feafon is
in autumn : The female generally brings forth two
at a birth, in the month of April, which follow the
dam a whole year. One of thefe animals in Ver-
mont, was found by meafure, to be feven feet high.
The largefl, are eflimated by the hunters, to weigh
thirteen or fourteen hundred pounds.
The Bear is frequently to be met with in this
part of America, and is always of a black colour.
It is not an animal of the mod fierce, and carniv-
orous difpofition. There have been in fiances, in
which children have been devoured by the bear ;
but it is only when it is much irritated, or fuffering
with hunger, that it makes any attack upon the hu-
man race. At other times, it will deftroy fvvine and
young cattle, but has not been known to make any
attack upon men ; but always aims to avoid their
purfuit. The food of this animal is corn, fweet ap-
ples, acorns, and nuts. In the end of autumn, the
bear is generally very fat, and choofes for the place
of his retreat the hollow of a rotten tree, or fome
natural den, or cavern in the earth. In fuch a fitu-
ation he ufes no exercife, appears to be afleep, lofes
but little by refpiration, and is always found with-
out any provision ; and it is not until the warmth of
the fpring returns, that he leaves his retreat, or goes
abroad in queft of food. This animal is valuable
for its flefh, greafe, and flcin. The fern ile generally
bears two cubs a year, The bear arrives to a great
magnitude in trm part of the continent. The larg-
eft, of which the hunters give us anv certain infor-
mation, weighed four hundred and fifty fix pounds.
One of the mofl common and noxious of all our
animals, is the Wolf. In the form of his bodv,
the wolf much refembles the dog. He his a long
head, a pointed nofe, fh.irp and ere£l ears, a fhorc
and
Si the NATURAL and CIVIL
and thick neck, with {harp and flrong teeth. His
eyes generally appear fparkling; and there is a mild-
nefs, and a fiercenefs, in his looks. The colour of
the wolf in Vermont, is a dirty grey ; with fome
tinges of yellow about his ears, and legs. — This an-
imal is extremely fierce, fanguinary, and carnivor-
ous. When a number of them afibciate, it is not
for peace, but for war and deftruction. The ani-
mal, at which they moll of all aim, is the fheep.
When they can find a flock of thefe, they feem to
delight in (laughter ; tearing their flefh, and fucking
their blood, after they are fully fatisfled with the
fat of their tender parts. They attack the deer, fox-
es, rabbits, and are enemies to all other animals ; and
their attacks are generally attended with the moll
horrid howlings. — They generally flee before the
face of the hunter ; but when they have once tailed
of human fkfh, they become more fierce, and dar-
ing, and feem to be inflamed with greater fury. Iu
fuch a (late, there have been inftances in Vermont,
in which the wolves have ventured to make their at-
tacks upon men j but they generally retire upon
their approach. They are not often to be feen in
the day, but in the night venture into our yards.,
and barns. — Thefe animals are yet in great numbers,
in this ftate ; they deftroy many of our fheep, in
the night ; and find a fafe retreat in our woods, and
mountains ; but are gradually decreafing, as our let-
tlements increafe, and extend. — The wolf is a very
proline animal. The female is in feafon in the
winter, but the male and the female never pair. The
time of geltation, is about three months and an half ;
and the young whelps are found from the beginning
of May, until the month of }u!y. The hunters have
fometimes found in their dens, a male, a female,
and a litter of nine young whelps. One of the
largeft wolves in Vermont, weighed ninety two
pounds. There is nothing valuable in thefe animals
bat
%
HISTORY oj VERMONT. 85
but their fkins, which afford a warm and a durable
fur.
The Deer is one of our moft; common and val-
uable animals. In the fpring he fheds his hair, and"
appears of a light red ; this colour gradually grows
barker until autumn, when it becomes a pale, or cin-
ereous brown ; and remains thus through the winter.
His horns are flender, round, projecting forwards,
and bent into a curve ; with branches or moots on
the interiour fide. Thefe branches do not com-
mence, until the deer is three years old; from which
period, a new one rifes every year ; and by this cir-
cumflance, the hunters compute their age. Thefe;
horns are caft every fpring ; the new ones, in the
courfe of a year, will grow two feet in length, and
weigh from two to four pounds. — -The amorous fea-
ibn with thefe animals, is in the month of Septem-
ber. From September to March, the bucks and
does herd together j early in the fpring they fepa-
rate, and the does fecrete themfelves in order to bring
forth their young ; which generally happens in the
month of April. The female generally bears two,
and fometimes three, at a birth. The fawns are red,
moft beautifully (potted with white. They are eafily
tamed, and become as gentle and domeflic as a
calf. — The deer is an animal of great mildnefs, and
activity. They are always in motion ; and leap
over our higheft fences, with the gieatefl eafe. The
largefl of which I have a particular account, weigh-
ed three hundred and eight pounds. The deer
are numerous in Vermont ; and on account of their
flefh and fkin, are of much value. The reindeer is
not to be found in this part of the continent. — But
there feerns to be another fpeeies of the American
deer, diftinguifhed chiefly by its horns, and often by its
colour. The horns of this deer are never extenfive,
broad, and branched, like thofe of the common deer:
3jt they are round, thick, but little curved, and not
more
86 the NATURAL and CIVIL
more than ten or twelve inches in length. This fpc-
cies is generally larger than the other : Several of
them have large white fpots, and fome have been
killed which were wholly white.
The Fox abounds much in this part of America.
The form, difpofition, and habits of this animal, are
every where known. We have four kinds of foxes
in Vermont.
The Red Fox bears upon a yellowim, or rather a
frraw colour. This is efteemed the common fox,
and is the moil frequently to be found. At its full
growth in the fall, this animal weighs twenty pounds.
The Grey Fox refembles the other in form, and
magnitude, and appears to differ from it only in col-
our, which is of a beautiful filver grey.
The Crofs Fox refembles the other in form, and
magnitude ; but has a black ftreak, palling tranfverfe-
\y from fhoulder to fhoulder ; with another along
the back, to the tail. The other parts of this an-
imal are of a red, or more generally of a grey col-
our.
The Black Fox is the largeft, and mofl: valuable
of all. The fur of this fox is the mofl fine, fofc, and
rich, of any. One of the large ft of the black foxes,
was found to weigh twenty three pounds.
The fox is a very voracious animal ; devouring
all kinds of poultry, birds, and animals, which they
can overcome. Flefh, fruit, honey, and every part
of the farmer's dairy are devoured by him with great
avidity. — This animal is very prolific. The female
is infeafon every year, in the winter ; and generally
produces in the month of April ; the litter is gen-
erally from three to fix.
The Cat a mo u nt, firms to be the fame animal,
which the ancients called Lynx, and which is known
in Siberia, by the name of Ounce. In the form of
its body, it much refembles the common cat, but is
of a much larger fize. It is generally of a yellow
grey
HISTORY of VERMONT. 87
grey colour, bordering upon a red or fandy ; and is
larger than our largeft dogs. — This feems to be the
moft fierce and ravenous of any animal, which we
have in Vermont. Some years ago, one of thefc
animals was killed at Bennington. It took a large
calf out of a pen, where the fence was four feet high,
and carried it off upon its back. With this load, it
afcended a ledge of rocks, where one of the leaps,
was fifteen feet in height.— Two hunters found the
cat upon an high tree. Difcharging his mufket.one
of them wounded it in the leg. It defcended with
the greateft agility, and fury ; did not attack the
men, but feized their dog by one of his ribs, broke
it off in the middle, and inftantly leaped up the tree
again with aftonifhing fwiftnefs, and dexterity. The
other hunter fhot him through the head, but his fury
did not ceafe, but with the laft remains of life. —
Thefe animals have been often (ttn in Vermont ;
but they never were very numerous, or eafily to be
taken. Of their fecundity, I have no particular in-
formation. On account of their fiercenefs, activity,
and carnivorous difpofition., the hunters efteem them
the moft dangerous of any of our animals. The
weight of one of them, was eftimated by the hunter,
at one hundred pounds. The length of his body
was about fix feet, that of the tail, three ; the cir-
cumference of the body was two feet and an half,
and the legs were about thirteen inches long.
What is called the Wild Cat, is an animal, in
moft refpe&s fimilar to our common cats ; but dif-
ferent in its difpofition, and dimenfions. It is much
larger, ftronger, and fiercer, than any of our do-
meftic cats ; and feems to I e of the fame difpofition,
and colour, as the wolf. One of the largeft of
them was found by the hunter, to weigh fifty feven
pounds.
The Black Cat does not appear to be diftin-*
guifhed from the former, in any o:hcr refpctl than
its
S3 the NATURAL and CIVIL
its colour. It is altogether black, and feldom grows
to fo large a fize, as the fonder* It feems to be of
a diftincl: (pedes ; is as fierce and ravenous as the
other kind. — Thefe animals are frequently found in
the woods ; very wild, extremely fierce in combatj
of great a6tivity and flrength ; but never can be
tamed, or made to afTociate with our common cats.
They are valuable only on account of their furs.
The black cat was called by the Indians, the Wool-
Jarieegi The largeft of which I have any account,
weighed twenty three pounds.
Another animal which does not greatly differ in
appearance from a wild cat, has been called the
IVolverine. The body of this animal is about two
feet and an half in length. It has a fhort tail, and is of
the fame colour as the wolf. — This animal is of a
very fierce, and carnivorous difpofition. Conceal-
ing himfelf among the rocks and bu flies, or taking a
(ration upon the limb of a tree, he watches for the
approach of prey. If the deer, or the moofe comes
within his reach, he darts upon their backs, fattens
upon their neck, and with great dexterity opens their
jugular vein with his teeth. — This animal is fcarce,
and not to be found but in the northern, and mod
uncultivated parts of the flate. I have no account
of its fecundity, magnitude, or other particulars.
The Racoon, in its fhape or general form, re fern -
Mes the fox, but has a larger body, with thicker and
fhorter legs. The feet have five long and flender
toes, armed with fliarp claws. The males have
generally a large whitifh ftripe, and the females a
fmaller one, which runs acrofs the forehead. The
tail is long, and round, with annular ftripes in it.
This animal dwells in the retired part of the woods,
runs up the trees with great agility, and ventures to
the extremes of the boughs. Its fur is thick, long,
and foft ; and of a dark grey colour. The weight
•f on* of the large ft in Vermont, was thirty two
'j, pounds.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 89
pounds. It is often found in hollow trees, and its
fiefh is excellent food.
The Porcupine, or Hedgehog, is not uncom-
mon in Vermont. What is fingular and mofl dif-
iinguifhing in this animal, are the quilis with which
he is armed. Thefe quills are about four inches in
length ; and of the fixe of the quills of a pigeon.
When the porcupine is attacked by an enemy, he
places his head between his fore feet, and ertfts thefe
quiUs all around, in the form of an hemifphere.
He has no power to ejt& them from his body, or
dart them againft his enemy, as has been frequently
faid. But they are fo loofely inferted in his flefh,
and of fuch a particular conittu&ion, that thev are
eafily extra£led, and like a barbed dart flick faft, and
work themfelves into the flefh of any animal that
touches their extremities ; nor can they be eafily
withdrawn, without tearing the flefh, but byincifion.
On this account they p'ove extremely dangerous to
the dog, or to any other animal that makes an at-
tack upon the porcupine. — The colour of this ani-
mal, is grey : His motion is extremely (low. TJ e
female produces her young eery year ; the time of
geftation is about forty days, and fhe generally brings
forth three or four at a birth. One of the large ft
of thefe animals, weighed fixteen pounds : The fltfh
is laid to be agreeable, and wholelome meat.
Another animal, which we frequently find in the
fields, is the Woodchuck. This animal is about
Cixteen inches in length ; its body is large, and round ;
its legs are ihort • and its fore feet are broad, and fit-
tad for the purpofe of burrowing into the earth. —
The colour of the woodchuck is brown, his fat is
extreme, the flefh is wholelome and palatable food,
his fur is not very valuable. This animal refides in
a hole which he digs in the ground, and feeds upon
grafs, corn, beans, and other vegetables. The fe-
male generally produces four or five at a birth. One
M of
9o the NATURAL and CIVIL
of the fatteft which I have feen, weighed elev-
en pounds : I believe this was one of the largcft
fize.
The Skunk is one of the moft extraordinary an-
imals, of which we have any account. It feeros to
be of the fame fpecies with the polecat, but is of a
lefs fize, and differs from it in leveral refpedts. — Its
hair is long, and mining, of a clouded or dirty white,
intermixed with Ipots of black. Its tail is long, and
bufhy, like that of the fox. It lives chiefly in the
woods, and hedges, but often burrows under barn*
and out houles. When undifluibed, this animal is
without any ill fcent, or difagreeable effluvia. Their
natural evacuations are not more naufeous, than
thofe of other animals. Whole nefls of them will
lie under the floor o( a barn, and lb Ion? as they are
undiilurbed, no dilagreeable odour will be perceiv-
ed during the whole winter. Their flefh, when it is
properly dreffed, is fweet and nourifhing. — When
purfued or attacked, the fkunk difcovers its extraor-
dinary powers, by a lingular and moft effectual
method of defence. It emits a fluid of the moft
naufeous and intollerable fcent, that has ever been
known. So odious, fubtle, and penetrating, is this
ill fcented matter, that there is no animal which can
long endure it, or will venture to approach the fkunk,
when he is throwing it out. It infecls the.air to the
diftance of half a mile all around : And no method
has been found, to extract the fcent out of any object,
on which the odious fluid has been thrown. Time
and air, after a long period, affords the only com-
plete remedy. By accurate direction lately made
by Dr. Mitchell^ it has been found that this ill fcent-
ed fluid, is entirely diftinct from the urine. It is.
contained in two bags, fituated in the pofterior parts
of the body ; and furrounded by the circular muf-
fles in fuch a manner, that by their conftri&ion, the
&uid is forced out with great velocity and force. The
urir;arv
HISTORY of VERMONT. 94
urinary organs are totally diftincl; from thefc bags.*
The female produces a litter every year ; and they
generally amount to five-or fix in number. One of
thefe animals weighed feven pounds and an half,
but whether it was one of the largeft fize, I cannot
determine.
The Martin is an animal, peculiar to cold cli-
mates. It is found in large numbers in Vermont,
but chiefly in the moft retired, and thickeft parts of
the woods. Its coiour is a dark brown, with tinges
of yellow ; fometimes the colour approaches to a
black : The fur is fine, foft, and much efteemed. —
This animal is from eighteen to twenty inches in
length. A large one was found to weigh five pounds
and one quarter of a pound. The female produces
from three to fix young ones, at a litter. The mar-
tin and fable denote the fame animal in Vermont.
The Hare is about eighteen inches in length :
It is always of a white colour, and has a fine, and
beautiful fur : Its flefh is a very nourifhing, and
delicious food. This animal is very prolific. The
time of geflation is about thirty days : The female
bears three or four at a birth, and has feveral litters
in the courfe of a year. A large hare weighs eight
pounds. The hunters find large numbers of thefe
animals, in this part of the country.
The Rabbit is fomething lefs than the hare, but
in greater numbers. His colour, both in fummer
and winter, is a light grey, or a dirty white. The
length of the rabbit, is about fixteen or feventeen
inches j one of the largeft of them, weighed feven
pounds. The rabbit is more prolific than the hare.
The female bears fooner, and fusfrom four to eight,
at a litter. Thefe animals are readily found, in ev-
ery part of the fiate.
The Weasel has the form and appearance, of a
fquirrel ; but is more Aim, and active. His eyes
have
* American Mufcum, Vol. V. p. 487.
92 the NATURAL and CIVIL
have an uncommon fprightlinefs ; his look is keen,
and piercing ; and his motions are fo quick, and va-
rious, that the eye can fcarcely follow them. This
animal h of a red or brown colour, and has a white
belly. Its fur is very fine, and foft. His food is
corn, nuts, eggs, and all kinds of fmall animals. The
weafrl i< often found in hollow trees, and he fre-
quently enters rnto houfes, barns, and other build-
ings, in fearch of grain, chickens, mice, and young
aninirfis. In Vermont, the weafel is about twelve
inches m length ; very narrow and Aim, and weighs
about twelve ounces. The female bears three, four,
or five, at a birth ; but they do not appear to be
very numerous.
The Ermine is the mod beautiful quadruped,
which is (een in our woods. In its form, dimen-
fions, activity, and fecundity, it refembles the wea-
fel, but is rather larger ; one of them weighed four-
teen ounces. Its colour is a beautiful white : The
tail is tipped with a beautiful black. Some of thefe
animals have a flripe of dark brown, or moufe col-
our, extending along the back, from the head to the
tail ; the other parts being perfectly white. This
little, biiflc, light, and beautiful animal, has the mod
fine and delicate fur, that can be imagined ; and
the animal itfelf is one of the greateft beauties of
nature.
Of the Squirrel we have four or five fpecies j
grey, black, red, fliiped, and flying.
The Grey Squirrel is thelargeft,and mod common.
This (quirrel is about thirteen or fourteen inches in
length, with a large bufhy tail, as long as the body.
It is of a beautiful filver grey colour, and has a fine
foft fur. Its nefl is in the crotch, or hollow of a
tree ; its food, corn, acorns, and nuts. It lays up a
liore of thefe provifions againft winder, in the hollow
of old trees. The female bears her young in the
ipnng, and has generally three or four at a birth.
The
HISTORY of VERMONT. 93
The lar^eft of thefe grey fquirrels, when they are
fully fatted in the fail, weigh three pounds and an
haif.
The Black Squirrel refembles the former in every
refpecl, but its coiour, and fize. It is wholly black,
without any change in its colour, at any time of the
year. Its fize is fomething lefs than that of the
grey fquirrel : Ttie largeft I have known, weighed
but two pounds and an half.
The Red Squirrel does not appear to differ from
the black, in niv other particular, but the colour.
The Striped Squirrel is fmaller than either of the
other. Tne largeit of thefe does not weigh more
than nine or ten ounces. This fquirrel digs a hole
in the ground, for the place of his refidence. He
provides a More of nuts, acorns, and corn, againft
winter. Thefe are carefully depofited in his neft- ;
and he refides in the earth, during the feverity of the
feafon.
The Flying Squirrel is the mod curious, and beau-
tiful of all ; and of the fame fize as the ftriped oner
This fquirrel has a kind of wings, by which he will
pais from one tree to another, at the diftance of
thirty or forty feet. None of our animals have a
more fine or delicate fur, than this little fquirrel.
He feeds on the buds, and feeds of vegetables j and
generally has his ne(t in decayed, and rotten trees.
The Mo lb, Shrew Mou°.e, Ground Mouse,
and Field Mouse, are to be found in this part of
America : They are fo (mall, and well known, that
they do not require a particular defcription. The
hunters inform me, th^t there are feveral kinds of
mice to be found in the woods, which have not been
defcribed : But neither the grey rat, the black rat,
or the water rat, is to be found in any part of the
ftate.
The quadrupeds which have been defcribed, are
to be found only upon the land. There are others
of
94 the NATURAL and CIVIL
of an amphibious nature, which live upon the land,
or in the water ; thefe are to be found in the rivers,
ponds, and lakes.
One of the mofl fagacious and ufeful of thefe, is
the Beaver. On account of his natural conftitu-
tion and inftin£b, his focial nature, the works he
performs, and the ules to which he is applied, the
beaver is the mod extraordinary of all our animals,
and deferves a more particular description.
The American beaver is between three and four
feet in length, and weighs from forty to fixty pounds.
His head is like that of a rat, inclined to the earth ;
his back rifes in an arch between his head and tail.
Hks teeth are long, broad, ftrong, and fharp. Four
of thefe, two in the upper, and two in the under
jaw, are called incifns. Thele teeth projȣf, one or
two inches beyond the jaw, and are (harp, and
curved, like a carpenter's gouge. In his fore feet the
toes are feparate, as if defigned to anfwer the pur-
pofes of fingers and hands : His hind feet are ac-
commodated with webs, fuited to the purpofe of
fwimming. His tail is a foot long, an inch thick,
and five or fix inches broad : It is covered with
fcales, and with a fkin fimilar to that of fifh.
In no animal does the focial in/lintl and habit ap-
pear more ftrong, or univerfal, than in the beaver.
Wherefoever a number of thefe animals are found,
they immediately affbciate, and combine in fociety,
to purfue their common bufinefs, and welfare. Ev-
ery thing is done, by the united counfels, and la-
bours, of the whole community. Their focieties
are generally collected together, in the months of
June and July ; and their numbers when thus col-
Jecled, frequently amount to two or three hundred ;
all of which, immediately engage in a joint effort, to
promote the common bufinefs and fafety of the whole
fociety ; apparently a£Hng under a common incli-
nation, and direction. When the beaver is found
m
HISTORY of VERMONT. 95
in a folitary ftate, he appears to be a timid, inactive,
and ftupid animal, lnftead of attempting any im-
portant enterprise, he contents himfelf with digging
a hole in the earth for fafety and concealment. His
genius feems to be deprelTed, his fpirits broken, and
every thing enterprizing is loft in an attention to
perfonal fafety ; but he never loofes his natural in-
ftinct to find or form a pond.* When combined in
fociety, his difpofition, and powers affume their nat-
ural direction, and are exerted to the higher! advan-
tage : Every thing is then undertaken, which the
beaver is capable of performing.
The fociety of beavers feems to be regulated and
governed, altogether by natural difpofitions, and
laws. Their fociety, in all its purfuits and opera-
tions, appears to be a fociety of peace and mutual
affection ; guided by one principle, and under the
fame direction. No contention, difagreement, con-
trary interefts, or purfuits, are ever feen among
them ; but perfect harmony and agreement, pre-
vails through their whole dominions. The princi-
ple of this union and regulation, is not the fuperiour
ftrength, art, or activity of any individual : Nothing
has the appearance, among them, of the authority,
or influence of a chief, or leader. Their affociation,
and management, has the afpect of a pure and per-
fect democracy ; founded on the principle of perfect
equality, and the ftrongeft mutual attachment. This
principle feems to be fufficient to preferve the mofi
perfect harmony, and to regulate all the proceedings
of their largeft focieties.
When thefe animals are collected together, their
firft attention is to the public bufinejs and affairs of
the fociety, to which they belong. The beavers are
amphibious
* A young beaver was tamed in the foufhern part of th"3
ftate. He became quiet, inoffenfive, and without any difpo-.
fition to depart. But was molt of all pieafed, when he was at
work, forming a dam, in a fraall Itrcam near the houfe.
gS the NATURAL and CIVIL
amphibious animals, and mud fpend one part of
their time in the water, and another upon the land.
In conformity to this law of their natures, their fit ft
employment is to find a fituation, convenient for
both thele purpofes. With this view a Jake, a pond,
or a running dream of water, is chofen for the fcene
of their habitation, and future operations. If it be
a lake, or a pond that is feh£ted, the water is always
of fuch depth, that the beavers may have lufEcient
loom to fwim under the ice ; and one, of which they
can have an entire, and undiduibed podtffion. Jf
a dream of water ischofen* it is always fuch a dream,
as will form a pond, that fh \U be every way convent-
en*- for their purpofe. And fuch is their forefight
and compVehenfion of thefe circumflances, that they
never form an erroneous judgment, or fix upon a
fituation that will not anfwt-r their defigns and con-
venience.—-Their next bufinefs, is to condrucl a
dam. This is always chofen, in the mod conve-
nient part of the dream ; and the form of it, is ei-
ther direct., circular, or with angles, as the fituation
and circumftanccs of the water and la-nd, require :
And fo well chofen is both the place, and the form
of thefe dams, that no engineer cculd give them a
better fituation and foim, either for convenience,
ftrength, or duration. — The materials of which the
dams are condructed, are wood, and eaith. If there
be a tree on the fide of the river, which would nat-
urally fall acrofs the dream, feveral of the beavers
fet themfelves with great diligence, to cut it down
with their teeth. Trees to the bignefs of twenty
inches diameter, are thus thrown acrofs a dream.
They next, gnaw ofF the branches from the trunk,
that the tree may adume a level pofition. Others,
at the fame time, are cutting down fmaller trees,
and faplings, from one fo ten inches diameter.
Thefe are cut into equal and convenient lengths.
Some of the beavers drag thefe pieces of wood t«
the
.HISTORY oj .'VERMONT. 9f
the fide, of the river, and .others fwim with them to
the place, where the dam is to be built. As many
as.fcan find room, are engaged in: linking one end of
thefe flakes ; and as many more in raifing, fixing,
and fecuring the other end. While many of the
beavers are thus labouring upon the wood, others
a,re equally engaged in carrying on the earthen part
of jthe work. The earth is brought in their mouthy
formed into a kind of mortar with their feet and
tails, and fpread over the; -vacancies between the
{takes,;; Saplings, and the frnall branches of trees,
are twined and WQiked.up with the mud and flime,
until all. the. vacancies are filled up ; anri no crevice
is left in any pan of the work* for the water to find
a paffage through,— The magnitude and extent of
t^.^ams, .which the beavers thus conftrucl^ is much
Jarger than we fhquld imagine was poflible to be ef-
fe$ed, by fuch labourers, or inflruments.; At the
.bottom,. the dam is from fix to twelve feet thick";
atnthe top> it is generally two or three feet in width„
In that. part- of the dam, which is oppofed to the
current, the flakes are placed obliquely j but on that
fide where the water is to fall, the flakes are placed
in a perpendicular direction ; and the dam affumes
the fam,e.,f©im, and, poCtion, as the flakes. The
extent of thefe works, is from fifty to an hundred
feet in, length ; and always. of fuch an height, as to
effect the purpofes they have in view. The ponds
which are formed by thefe dams, are of all dirnen-
fion$ j from four or five, to five . or fix hundred
acres. They are generally fpread over lands a-
bounding with trees, and bufhes, of the foftefl wood:
Maplf, birch, alder, poplar, : willow, &c. — The bet-
ter to preferve their dams, the beavers always leave
flfniceSj or paf&geg near the middle, for the redun-
dant, waters to pafs off. Thefe flukes are general Iv
about eighteen inches in width, and depth ; and as
many
N
98 the NATURAL and CIVIL
many in n'umbrcr,ds the waters of the frrcdrn gener-
ally require.
When • the /public works' are Completed^ their
domejlic concern ^'■and affairs nex.t engage their ake"ii-
tion. The dam is no focmer completed, than the
beavers feparate into fmali bodies, to build cabins,
or houfes for themfelves. Thefe houfes are built
.upon piles, along the borders of the pond. They
are of an oval form, refemblmg the con ft ruction" of
an haycock ; and they vary in their dimenfidns, from
four to ten feet in diameter, according to the num-
ber o"f families they are defigned to accomodate.
They are always of two Holies, generally of three,
and fornetimes they contain four. Their walls arc
from two to three feet in thicknefs, at the bottom ;
and are formed of the fame materials as their dams.
They rile perpendicularly a few feet, th^h alTumb a
curved form, and terminate in a dome* or vault,
%vhich anfwers the pufpofe of a roof. Thefe edi-
fices are built with much lolidity, and nea-tnels : On
the inward fide, they are fmooth, bat rough on the
outfide ; always impenetrable to the rain, and of
fufficient ftrength to refill the mod impetuous winds.
The lower ftory is about two feet high : The fecond
ftory has a floor of flicks, covered with mud : The
third ftory is divided from the fecOnd, in the fame
manner, and terminated by the roof raifed in the
form of an arch. Through each floor, there is a
communication ; and the upper floor is always above
the level of the water, when it is raifed to its greatefl
height. Each of thefe huts have two doors ; one, on
the land fide, to enable them to go out and procure
provifions by land ; another under the water, and
below where it freeies, to preferve ihfeir communica-
tion with the pond. If this, at arty time begins to
be covered with ice, the ice is immediately broken,
that the communication may not be cut off with the
air.
la
IJJSTORY or VERMONT. 9$
In thefe huts the families of the. beavers have their
rcfidence. The fmaileft of their cabins, contain
one family, -confiding generally of five or fix beav-
ers ; and the large ft of the buildings, will contain
from twenty to thirty. No fociety of animals, can
ever appear better regulated, or more happy, than
the family of beavers. The male and the female,
always pair. Their fele&ion is not a matter of
chance, or accident ; but appears to be derived from
tafte,^ and mutual affetlion. In September, the hap-
py couple lay up their ftore of provisions, for win-
ter. This confifts of bark, the tender twigs of trees,
arjd various kinds of fpft wood. When their pro-
visions are prepared, the feafon of love and repofe
commences: And during the winter they remain in
their cabins, enjoying the fruits of their labours, and
partaking in the fweets of domeftic happinefs. To-
wards the end of winter, the females bring forth their
young, to the number of three or four. Soon after,
the male retires to gather fifh, and vegetables, as the
fp,ring opens ; but tfee mother remains at home, to
nurfe, and rear up the offspring, until they are able
to follow their dams. The male occafionally re-
turns, but not to tarry, until the fall of the year.
But if any injury is done to their public works, the
whole fociety are foon collected, and join all their
forces to repair the injury, which afreets their com-
monwealth.
Nothing can exceed the peace and 'regularity , which
prevails in the families, and through the whole com-
monwealth of thefe animals. No difcord or conten-
tion ever appears in any of their families. Every
beaver knows his own apartment, and ftore houfe ;
and there is no pilfering or robbing from one anoth-
er. The male and the female are mutually attach-
ed to, never prove unfriendly, or defert one anoth-
er. Their provifions are collected, and expended,
jyithout any diGkntio-i. F,ich knows its own fam-
ioo the NATURAL and CIVIL
ily, bufinefs, and property; and they are never feen
to injure, oppofe, or interfere with one another.—
The fame order and tranquillity prevail, through
the commonwealth. Different focieties of beavers:,
never make war upon one another, or upon any oth-
er animals. When they arc attacked. by their en-
emies, they inftantfy plunge into the water, to ef-
cape their purfuit : And when they cannot efcapes
they fall an eafy facrifice.
In the arts neceffary for their fafety, the beavers
rife to great eminence. The fituation, direction,
form, folidity, beauty, and durability of their darns,
are equal to any thing of the kind, which has ever
been performed by man. They always form a right
judgment, which way the tree will fall : And when
it is nearly cut down, they appoint one of their
number, to give notice by a ftroke of his tail, when
it begins to fail. With their tails, they meafure the
lengths of their dams, of the (lakes they are to ufe,
of a breach that is made in their works, and of the
length of the timber : that is neceffary to repair it.
When an enemy approaches their dominions, the
beaver which makes the difcovery, by ftriking on
the water with his tail, gives notice to the whole vil-
lage of the approaching danger ; and all of them in-
ftantly plunge into the water. And when the hunt-
ers are pauing through their country, fome of their
number appear to be centinels^ to give notice of their
approach.
The colour of the beaver is different, according to
the different climates, which they inhabit. In the
moll northern parts, they are generally black; in Ver-
mont they are brown . and their colour becomes
lighter as we approach towards the fouth. — Their
fur is of two forts, all over their bodies. That which
is longeft, is generally about an inch long, but on
the back, it fometimes extends to two inches, grad-
ually fhortening towards the head, and tail. This
part
HISTORY of VERMONT. sqi
part is coarfe, and of little ufe. The other part of
the fur, confifts of a very fine, and thick down; of
about three quarters of an inch long, fo foft that it
feels like filk, and ts that, which is ufed in manufac-
tories.— Caftor, of fo much ufe in medicine, is pro-
duced from the body of the beaver. It is contained
in four bags, in the lower belly.
The largeft of thefe animals, of which I have any
certain information, weighed lixty three pounds and
an half: But it is only in a fituation remote from,
and undifturbed by the frequent appearances of
men, that they attain their greateft magnitude, or
their higheft perfection of fociety. The beaver has
deferted all the fouthern parts of Vermont, and is
now to be found only in the mod northern, and un-
cultivated parts of the (late.
The Musk rat feems to be a fmaller kind cf beav-
er, refembling it in every thing but its tail. This is
alfo an amphibious animal, and forms a cabin of
flicks and mud, in foriVc; ftagnant water ; but is lefs
feaffu'l of the approaches of men, and affords a very
ftrong mufk. Thefe animals are to be found, in
very confiderable numbers, in our creeks, and lakes ;
but are much lefs numerous, than they were form-
erly. The mufkrat, in this part of America, is a-
bout fifteen inches in length ; the greateft magni-
tude I have known is five pounds and three quarters
of a pound. A litter of thefe mufkrats, will frequent-
ly amount to four, five, and fometimes fix.
Another of our amphibious animals, is the Mink.
It always refides in the neighbourhood of rivers,
ponds, or lakes ; and provides a place of refidence,
by burrowing into the ear h. — The mink is about
twenty inches in length ; his legs are fhort, his
colour brown, and his fur is more valuable than that
of the mufkrat. One of the largeft which I have
known, weighed four pounds and one quarter of a
pound, The female produces two or three, at a birth.
The
102 ths NATURAL and CIVIL
The Otter, k? a voracious animal, or great a6liv-
ity and fiercenef;. When it is fully irrown, it is
five or fix feet long ; with fli^rp and ftrong teeth ;
fhort legs, and membranes in all h;s feet ; and fitted
cither for running', or fwimming. — The otter ex-
plores the rivers and ponds in fearch of llih, frogs,
water rats, and other fmall animals ; And when thefe
are not to be had, he lives on the boughs and bark
of young, or aquative trees. He has generally been
ranked among the amphibious animals, which c,\n
live either in the air, or water ; but he is not proper-
ly an amphibious animal, for he cannot live without
refpiration, any more than the land animals. The
female is in heat in the winter, and bears her young
in the month of March ; the litter generally confifts
of three or four. The fiercenefs and flrength of the
old otters, is fuch, that the dog can feldom over-
come them : And when they cannot efcape, they
will attack the hunter with great rage. — The colour
of this animal is black, and i,^ fur is much efteemed.
The otter formerly abounded very much in our
creeks, and rivers ; and efpecially in thofe, which
emptied themfelves into Lake Champlain : On this
account, one of them dill bears the name of Otter*
€ reek ; but the animal is now become fcirce. The
large ft otter, of which I have a particular account,
weighed twenty nine pounds and an half.
To this account of the quadrupeds of Vermont, I
fhall fubjoin fome reflections on the general ftate of
thefe animals, in America.
The enumeration very impe.rfeEf. — Our accounts of
the quadrupeds in this, and in every part of Ameri-
ca, mud be viewed as greatly imperfect. The de-
fcendants of Europe have fettled along the fea coafts,
and they have penetrated to the lakes, and molt ot
the navigable rivers. But the internal parts of South-?
america, are but little known : And all that immenfe
tract of country, which lies to the north, and to the
weft
HISTORY of VERMONT. 103
Weft of the lakes, is wholly unexplored. It is not to
be doubted, but thefe extenfive regions, abound with
qdadrupeds : Of what fpeci'es, and how numeiouSj
we cannot fo much as conjecture. . When the coun-
try mall be fully explored, and when all naturalitts
fhat) have v.ifitect and examined the internal parts,
the hiftory of the animals of America, may be brought
t& fome perfection ; but it is far from it, at prefent.
,Alf the 'animals which have been enumerated, are
only thofe which are frequently found, in a fmali
pan 'of the continent. — That an animal of great, and
uncommon magnitude, has exited in Northamerica,
artd in Siberia, is certain fiom the bones of the ani-
mal which yet remain. On the banks of the Ohio,
and in many places further noith, tuflcs, grinders,
and fkeletons, of an enormous flze, are to be found
in great niiriibeis. Some of them lie upon the fur-
face of the giound, and others are five or fix fett be-
low it. Some of the tuiks are near {'even feet long,
t>ne foot ana nipe inches at the bafe, and one foot
near the point ; the cavity at the bafe, nineteen inches
deep. From the fize and thicknefs of thefe bones,
it is certain that they could not belong to the ele-
phant ; but denote an animal five or fix times as
large, dri'd of the carnivorous kind. — We have the
tcflimon'y of the Indians that fuch an animal full
exifts in the weflern parts of America : And it would
be contrary to the whole economy of nature, to fup-
jibfe that any fpecies of her animals, is become ex-
tinct. This animal muft formerly have been nu-
merous, at thofe places, where their bones arc found
in fuch numbers. The probability is, as the means
of fubfiftence were deftroyed, they removed further
to the weftward. But until thofe parts or America
fhill be explored, little information is to be expect-
ed concerning this animal of the molt enormous
bulk : And We may as well call it the Matiitncth, as
by any other name ; or the FJcudo Elephant, as if
has
104 thr NATURAL and CIVIL
has been, named by Dr. Hunter. — From this, ant!
from many other confederations, it appears that the
enumeration of the American quadrupeds, is ex-
tremely im per Feci;.
Ok ig in. -—The animals which are lpread over the
face of the earth, are fitted by nature, for the climate
and country, where they refide. No animal, or
vegetable, has a conltitution adapted to every coun-
try : And there are none, but what are fuited, to
fome particular part of the earth, where they will
arrive to their greater! perfection. A camel is pecu-
liarly fitted, for the burning iands of Arabia : And
the reindeer will flourifh the beft in Lapland, Hvjcf-
fon's Bay, and thofe northern countries, where the
cold is the mo.ft intenfe. The origin therefore of
different quadrupeds, is to be fought in thofe cli-
mates, that appear to tbe the bed adapted to their
growth and multiplication. — There are anjmals in
the torrid zone in America, which are never found
in any other part of the earth. This is the cafe witn
the Tapyr of Brafil, the Puma and Jug#r, the Lama,
and Paco. Thefe animals have never wandered in-
to any other part of the globe : They, are therefore
to be efieemed indigenous, or natural to the hot cli-
mates of America. ■ The fame is the cafe with the
animals of the torrid zone in Afia, and Africa. The
elephant, and rhinoceros, are productions of Afia,
The deferts of Laaza and Biledulgerid in Africa,
may be termed the native country of lions, tygers,
and panthers. No part of the climate of America
is fo intenfely hot, or fandy, as to render it the prop-
er country for the production orincreafeof animals,
fo fierce and noxious. Thefe quadrupeds of hot
climates, have never wandered from the one country,
to tbe other : Not becaufe they could not find a paf-»
fage, but becaufe they mu ft have pa fled through a
climate, the cold of which, being fuch as they coula
not endure, was an effectual bar to their palTage. — <
There
HISTORY op VERMONT. 105
There are other quadrupeds which are common to
America, to the north of Alia, arid 10 Europe. Of
this kind are tlje buffalo, white bear, carabou, black
bear, elk, moofe, red deer, fallow deer, wolf, roe,
glutton, lynx, wild cat, beaver; badger, red fox, grey
fox, black fox, otter, monax, vifon, porcupine, mar-
tin, water rat, weafel, <ermine, flying fquinel, mole,
and moufe. If we add the unknown animal, which
we have called the mammoth, the number of thofe
quadrupeds which are common to both hemifpheres,
will amount to thirty. All of thern, are the quad-
rupeds of cold countries ; fitted by nature to that
climate, through v Iiich the paffage mufl have been,
from the one country to the other. The original
fituation therefore of thefe quadrupeds, rmift have
been a cold country. But whether they pafled from
the northeaftern parts of Alia, into America; or
whether they iffued from the northweft parts of Ane-
rica, into Afia ; we have no way to determine. The
probability is et}ual, upon either fuppofition. All
that we can determine is, that they were originally
the quadrupeds of a cold climate.
Migration. — k Animals of every kind when op-
preffed by hunger, harafled by their enemies, or when
they can find a more comfortable fituation, will mi-
grate from one country to another. Their migra-
tion when chofen and voluntary, is always with a
\rew to better accommodations; to a fituation more
favourable for food, growth, and multiplication.
Directed by the hand of nature, their natural prog-
refs is hot to a worfe, but to- a better fituation. They
do not leave their own country, to fettle in one lefs
fuited to their fubfiftence, and increafe ; but to ac-
quire greater advantages ; an increafe of food, num-
bers, and vigour. — Whether the migration of quad-
rupeds then was from Afia, or from America, there
can be no doubt, but that they found in the country
to which they repaired, a climate, foil, and means of
O fubfiftence.
so6 the NATURAL an* CIVIL
fubfifU-nce, equally favourable to them, as thpfe
which they left. Had there been any very great dif-
ference in the provifions,anc]:accommpdationsof riftp
lure, in either country, the quadrupeds that,couI4
tafily migrate, would not have remained4 foif any con-
fiderable time, common to . them, both. —Not lung
therefore can be lefs probable, or more contrary to
the laws, tendencies, and operations of na'turei:than.
the European idea firft introduced by M. Buffon,
that the quadrupeds of kumpe migrated into a
country in America, where every thing. was adapted
by nature, to their diminution, degradation, and
decreale. Had not the northern parts of Afia, and
America, been well fuited to the fubfiftence^ vigour,
and increale, of thete quadrupeds* there would not
have been any voluntary migration, from the one to
the other, nor would thefe animals have remained,
for fo long a time, common to them both.
Species.— How far nature.haS proceeded in the
production of quadrupeds, we, have not as yet, fuf-
ficient information to determine. There may be
many fpecies, yet unknown, in thole parts of the
earth whichhave not been explored : Nor is the^e-
numeration complete, in thole countries w7hich a*e
known. The molfc that has been done in this branch
of natural hiftory^is. to be found in the celebrated
work of M. Buffon. As the refult of his inquires
and information this able philofopher concludes
that the whole number of quadrupeds, which are
fpread over the face of* the earth,- will form- about
two hundred different fpecies or kinds.* Of tbe(e,
one hundred are found in America, and about fev-
enty five are peculiar to it. — If the power, the force,
or the vigour of animated nature, is to be eftimated
by the fpecies of quadrupeds, which different coun-
tries contain, the concluuon wiil be, that nature has
acted with the greateft vigour and energy in Amerj* .
ica,
• Vol. IX. 41,
HISTORY qi- VERMONT,. 107
ica. In the different oiitmates in America, nature
has produced feveaty'lfive: fpecies of quadrupeds :
The number of thple which are peculiar to the oth-
er parts of the globe are one hundred. Thedimen-
fions of America, compared with the dimenfions of
A fia, Africa, and Europe, by the computation of
the modern geographers, are ^s one hundred and
farty one to two hundred and forty nine.* The
ratio of one hundred and forty one to two hundred
And forty .nine is the fame as feventy five to one hun-
dred and thirty two. And fo many fpecies fhould
be found, in the other parts of the globe, to preferve
ah equality : But this is thirty two more, than na-
jture has produced. In refpect then to the different
fpecies of quadrupeds, if we are to judge by any
enumeration .which has yet been made, the greateft
force and vigour of nature is found in America. t
Magnitude. — The magnitude which any ani-
mal will attain,' feems- to depend much upon its orig-
inal conftitution, the climate, and proper nourifb-
ment. — In the loriginal conftitution of each animal,
the Creator feems to have eftabliihed certain laws,
refpecting its form, generation, expanfion, and fup-
porfe. < The proper magnitude of the animal-, is there-
fore' aligned by nature, to each fpecies : I n this way,
the original limits ate fixed ; above', or below which,
no individual of that fpecies (hall Vife, or fall. With-
in thefe limits, tbofe variations may take place,
which we mean to exprefs, when we call the' animal
great, or fmall. But no circuqpftance will reverfe
the la,ws of nature, enable the jdifferent fpecies of
animals to exchajng? $?pir propei* form, and fnagni-
; •, tude ;
* Guthrie' 3 Geography; p. 2 5.
f The enumeration of quadrupeds fi^ems to'be top injiprrfeffc
to afford any accurate calculations of this ,kind, Ac-cording
to M. Buffon's latcft conclufion , in his Efioquei a: la-Nature,
there are three hundred fpeciei of quaprupeds.' /ffrfeflca ac-
cording to the Abbe' Cljavfgcro, contdiqs about one half ©fthefs.
loS
the NATURAL axd CIVIL
tude ; to debate the ox into a mole, or to exalt the
mole to the tize of the ox. — Nature has alfo fitted
each quadruped for the climate, in which it was
originally placed ; and in that climate only, will it
att .in irs proper perfection. The lion would lofe
its fi^rcenefs, and penfh, if it was removed to Lap-
land ; and the reindeer would diminifh, and die, if
it was carried to the fandy deferts of Africa. In
thofe climates only, to which nature has adapted each
animal, will it attain its greatefl magnitude, and moft
pei left form. — The animal, to which nature has thus
affigned its proper conftitution, and climate, muft be
preferved and iupported by proper food, or nourifh-
ment. A deficiency here, will bring on leannefs,
impotency, a diminution of fize, and a gradual wafte
and confumption of the whole fpeeies. But when
the climate, and the food, are both fuited to the nat-
ural conftitution ot the animal, their joint influence
will produce the greatefl fize or magnitude, that
fpeeies will admit.
By comparing the magnitudes of fuch quadrupeds
in Europe, and in America, as are common to both,
and derive their fupport from the hand of nature,
we (hall of confequence have another comparative
view of the vigour and force, to which animated na-
ture arrives, in each country. Several of thofe
quadrupeds, whofe weight has been afcertained in
Vermont, M. Buffbn has given us the weight of in
Europe. They are thefe,
Weight in Europe. I Weight in Vermont.
The Bear
Wolf
Deer
Fox, red
Porcupine
Martin
Polecat
Ife. or.
698
288 8
*3 5
2 2
* 9
3 3
lb. 01-
456
92
308
20
16
54
/8
Hare
HISTORY of VERMONT.
109
Weight in Europe.
We
ight
in Vermont.
lb oz.
ft. oz.
Hare
76
8
Rabbit
34
7
Weafel
2 2
12
Ermine
8 2
*4
Flying Squirrel
2 2
10
Beaver
185
63 8
Otter
89
29 8
From this companion it appears, that every one
of thefe animals, is larger in America, than it is in
Europe. The inference is clear, and decifive : It
is in America, and not in Europe, that thefe quad-
rupeds of a cold climate, attain their greateft magni-
tude, and higheft perfection.
If the companion mould be made, between the
quadrupeds of the torrid zone, the reverfe will be
found to be the cafe. The elephant, the rhinoceros
of Afia, are much krger than the quadrupeds of
Peru and Brafil. The truth is, America is the moft
favourable to the productions, and growth, of the
quadrupeds of cold climates : Afia is the moft fa-
vourable to the productions, and growth of the
quadrupeds of a hot climate. But the greateft of
all animals, the Mammoth, was not an animal of the
torrid, but of the temperate zone ; and was the pro-
duction of both countries, of Afia, and of America.
Temper and Disposition, — Moft animals have
a particular difpofition and chara&er afBgned to
them by nature, indelibly fixed, and which diftin-
guifhes the whole fpecies. Thus fome are natural-
ly fierce, fanguinary, and carnivorous ; while others
are mild, temperate, and gentle : And all of them,
are not a little influenced, by the climate they in-
habit.-—In the hotteft climate, and in the burning
fands of Africa, the moft ravenous, and the fiercer!
animals abound : The lion, the tyger, and the pan-
ther are there ; in their greateft fize, their largeft
numbers,
j$9 rF? NATURAL and CIVIL
numbers, and mod extreme fiercenefs. In fuch
places, (he vegetables alio contain their ftrongeft
qualities ; the drugs, perfumes, arid poifons, are -fhe
moft a&ive, fubtle, and powerful^ — In America ev-
ery thing in her vegetables, fruits, and animals, is
more mild, and temperate. The quadrupeds that
mod abound, are the lama, paco, buffalo, elk, deer,
fox, beaver, hares, rabbits, and fquirrels ; animals,
marked with a mildnefs, and gentlenefs of character.
Thole that are the moil fierce; the bear, the wolf,
the wildcat, (he otter, the conga,r, or tapyr, are lei-
jdcm known to make their attacks upon men, unlefs
tbey are impelled to it by extreme hunger, pt evoca-
tion, or felf defence.— -It was not therefore with the
moil fierce and ravenous animals, that America a-
bounded : Her quadrupeds were of a more rru'd,
and teniperate difpoGtion. To thefe, her climate
gives the greateft uze, the higheft perfection, an<jl
the largeft increafe.
Increase and .multiplying .Power.— r The
increafe and multiplying power ofanimals, is deriy»
ed partly from nature, and partly from fituation,
and other circumftances. Nature has made thofe
animals which are the mod large, fierce, and nox-
ious, the lead apt to multiply. The (mailer an$
more ufeful any quadruped is, the more rapid is it£
increafe. AH of them bring forth their yorung, %t
that feafon of the year, when nature has made the
moil fuitabie and ample provision, for their food and
fupport. And then they do multiply v/ith the great-
ell rapidity, when they are the leaft molefted by
man. — But whatever be their multiplying power, it
would require a long period of time, before they
would arrive at that increafe of numbers, in which
their progrefs would be checked, by the want of
food. They would naturally fpread over the w!?ol«
continent, before they arrived to fuch a ftate. c -T.-h-is
they had dpne in every part o£ ArneriC3, wh-
was
.HISTORY of VERMONT. m
was firft discovered by the Europeans : Every £art
of the continent, fitted fpr their nourifhment and
growth, frboumded with them.— He w far nature may
proceed this way, or what is the greatefl number of
quadrupeds, that the uncultivated Hate of any coun-
try will fupport, we have no obiervatioris to deter-
mine. But it feems probable, that the maximum had
already taken place ; that America contained her
full number of quadrupeds. No . obfervations or
phenomena, denote that there has been any iricreafifc
of thefe animals, in , (he .uncultivated', paits of the
continent, fince its firft djicovery ; oe that they evet
were more thick and numerous,in any other part of the
globe. — How long, a period nature required to ad-
vance to this ft ate in America, we have no data to
determine. But if we may judge of the energy with
which fhe a£ls, from the effects of her multiplying*
nower, ;the conclusion will be, that in no country has!
fhe d ifpl ay ed greater powers df fecundity than in A-
merica. Thefe circumftances denote an high antiq-
uity, in the origin of the American quadrupeds j and
a great fertility in that climate and country, in which
they have attained their greatefl; numbers, theil*
greatefl magnitude, and their greatefl; fecundity.
B I R ■ D S,
•THE birds which abound in every part of Amer-
ica, make a curious and beautiful pait of her natural;
hi (lory. Catejby has given an elegant description ofT
the Birds of Carolina. Belknap has fu mimed a good-
catalogue of:thofe of Newhampihire. Mod. of the
birds which have beeri mentioned by thefe authors
arc* to be found in all the noithern flau-s. ,As we.
approach further towards the north, a great number!
and variety of wateV fowl are to be found, in the
law, rivers, and Harbours, which have neVer iieepf
In
H2 the NATURAL and CIVIL
In Vermont we have moft of the birds, which are
known in the inland parts, and lakes of the northern
climates. Some of them feem to be fitted by na-
ture, to endure all the leverity of our climate, and
are to be feen in the coldeft weather of our winters.
Of this kind, are
The Crow. Corvus comix.
Hawk, forked tail. Falco furcatus.
Owl. Strix afio.
Blue Jay. Corvus crijlatus.
Snowbird. Emberiza byemalis.
Partridge. Perdix fylveftris.
Woodpecker, red headed. Picus capitt tots nibro.
There are ievcral other birds, the robbin, black-
bird, lark, fnipe, bluebird, Sec. which are feen as foon
as the fnow goes off, in the lpring. They are not
feen in the winter, but they are round late in the
fall. From their late and early appearance, it is not
improbable that lome of them may tarry here through
the winter.
Thofe which are efteemed birds of pajage, with
the ufual times, of their appearance^ and departure,
are
Tirre of Ap- Departure,
pearance.
The Snowbird. Emberiza byemalis. Nov.»o- April i.
Wild Goofe. Anas canadenfis. March 15. No*. »o.
'Wild Pigeon. Columba migratoria. March 20. oa. 10.
Houfe Swallow. Hirundo cauda acculeata.~\
Barn Swallow. Hirundo ruftica. 1
Ground Swallow. Hirundo riparia. f F* ' Y -'
Black Martin. Hirundo perpurea. J
The Snowbird is a beautiful, active, fprightly,
little animal. They are generally of a grey colour,
and lefs than a fparrow. Flocks of them appear, as
loon as the fnow begins to fall in any confiderable
quantity j and generally a day or two before. They
perch on the fpires of vegetables above the fnow, on
the
HISTORY op VERMONT. 113
the bullies, and trees 5 and collect on the fpots of
bare ground. In the mod fevere ftorms of fnow,
thefe birds appear to be the moft adtive and lively.
They feed on the feeds of vegetables, and are ex-
tremely fat, and delicious ; but they are too fmall to
be molefted on this account. They feem to be of
different colours, black, white, and grey ; but they
all difappear as foon as the fnow goes off.
The Wild Goose, from the beginning of April,
to the middle of November, refides chiefly in the
more northern, and northeafterly parts of America.
In thofe parts they produce their young, and are
to be found in the rivers and harbours, in immenfe
numbers. In November they come in large flocks
from the north, and northeaft, and pafs off to the
fouthweft. In March and April, they return from
the fouthweft in a contrary direction, and go back
to their fummer habitation. Thefe flocks frequent-
ly confift of fifty or lixty : They fly at a great height*,
and appear to obferve great regularity in their paf-
fage. They fometimes follow one another in a
ftraight line, but are more generally drawn up in the
form of a wedge ; and appear to be led by one of
the ftrongeft, and moft a&ive. While they keep
together, they feem to underftand their courfe per-
fectly well ; but if by any means their order is
broken, and the flock difperfed, feveral of them
wander out of their courfe, appear to be perplexed,
defcend to the earth, and are often killed or taken.
When tamed, they will join with a flock of domeftic
geefe ; but at the ufual times of migration, are very
apt to join any flock, which approaches near to them,
in their paflage.
In the Wild Pigeon, the multiplying power of
nature a6ls with great force and vigour. The male
and female always pair : They fit alternately upon
the eggs, and generally hatch but two at a time ;
but this is repeated feveral times in a feafon. — The
P accounts
H4 the NATURAL and CIVIL
accounts which are given of the number of pigeons
in the uncultivated parts of the country, will appear
almoft incredible to thofe who have never feen their
nefts. The furveyor, Richard Hazen, who ran the
line which divides Maflachufetts from Vermont, in
1741, gave this account of the appearances, which he
met with to the weftward of Connecticut river. " For
three miles together the pigeons' nefts were fo thick,
that five hundred might have been told on the beech
trees at one time ; and could they have been count-
ed on the hemlocks, as well, I doubt not but five
thoufand at one turn round."* The remarks of
the fir ft fettlers of Vermont, fully confirm this ac-
count. The following relation was given me, by
one of the earlieft fettlers at Clarendon : " The
number of pigeons was immenfe. Twenty five nefts
were frequently to be found on one beech tree.
The earth was covered with thefe trees, and with
hemlocks, thus loaded with the nefts of pigeons.
For an hundred acres together, the ground was cov-
ered w'\th their dung, to the depth of two inches.
Their noife in the evening was extremely trouble-
fome, and fo great that the traveller could not get
any fleep, where their nefts were thick. About an
hour after funrife, they rofe in fuch numbers as to
darken the air. When the young pigeons were
grown to a confiderable bignefs, before they could
readily fly, it was common for the fettlers to cut
down the trees, and gather a horfe load in a few
minutes." The fettlement of the country has
fince fet bounds to this luxuriancy of animal life ;
diminifhed the number of thefe birds, and drove
them further to the northward.
We have four fpecies of Swallows in this part of
America. 1. The houfe fwallow. This may be
readily diftinguifhed from the reft, by the greater
forkednefs
* Belknap's Hiftory of Newhampfhire, Vol. III. p. 171*
HISTORY of VERMONT. 115
forkednefs of its tail. It has alfo a red fpot upon
its forehead ; and under its chin. This fpecies
build their nefts in chimneys. Their nefls are made
of fmall (licks, cemented together, with a kind of
gum, and mud j they are covered or arched over the
tops, and the aperture is on one fide. Thefe fwal-
lows appear the earlieft of any, in the fpring : And
a few days before their departure in the fall, they af-
fociate on the tops of buildings, dry trees, and
bufhes, as if about to depart in companies. 2. The
barn fwallow. The fize of this, is rather lefs than
that of the other ; and the tail is not forked fo much.
This fwallow builds his neft in barns and out houfes ;
and they are formed of grafs, draw, and feathers.
Their eggs are fpeckled, of a dark brown and white.
It is called the barn fwallow from the place in which
it generally builds its neft. 3. The ground fwallow.
This is the fmalleft of the whole fpecies. Thefe
fwallows form a hole in fandy banks, and on the
fides of rivers, of eighteen or twenty four inches in
length. Their nefts are made at the extremity of
thefe holes, of ftraw and feathers, laid together in a
loofe and carelefs manner. Their eggs are perfeclly
white. The holes in which they are laid, are de-
signed only for their nefts : None of the fwallows
ever remain in them, during the winter. 4. The
black martin. This is the largeft of all our fwal-
lows. They build their nefts under the eaves of
houfes, in the fecret or retired places of out houfes,
and old buildings. Their nefts are made of ftraw
and feathers. £hey arrive the lateft, and difappear
the fooneft of any of the fwallows, which vifit us.
The ufual times of the appearance and difappear-
ance of thefe birds, ferve to mark the temperature
of the climate, with as much precifiion, as any of the
phenomena of nature. But they do not feem to be
properly birds of pafTage. At Danby in this Mate,
the inhabitants report, that foms of them were taken
out
n6 the NATURAL and CIVIL
out of a pond in that town, fome years ago. A man
was employed in the winter, to procure the roots of
the pond lily, for medicinal purpofes. Among the
mud and roots which he threw out, feveral f wallows
were found inclofed in the mud ; alive, but in a tor-
pid flate. The account is not doubted among the
inhabitants ; but I have not the teftimony of any
perfons who faw thefe fwallows. — It has been doubt-
ed by iome able naturalifts, whether it is poffible for
the fwallow to live in fuch a fituation. I faw an
inftance, which puts the poflibility of the fact beyond
all room for doubt. About the year 1760, two men
were digging in the faltmarfh at Cambridge, in Maf-
fachufetts : On the bank of Charle's river, about two
feet below the furface of the ground, they dug up a
iwallow, wholly furrounded and covered with mud.
The Iwallow was in a torpid ftate, but being held
in their hands, it revived in about half an hour.
The place where this fwallow was dug up, wis every
day covered with the fait water; which at every high
tide, was four or five feet deep. The time when this
fwallow was tound, was the latter part of the month
of February ; but the men allured me, they had
never found any other fwallows in fuch a fituation.
The fpecies called the houfe or chimney fwallow,
has been found during the winter, in hollow trees.
At Middlekury in this ftate, there was a large hollow
elm, called by the people in the vicinity the fwallow
tree. From a man who, for feveral years, lived with-
in twenty rods of it, I procured this information ;
lie always thought the fwallows tarried in the tre«
through the winter, and avoided cutting it down, on
that account. About the firfl of May, the fwallows
crime out of it, in large numbers, about the middle
of the day ; and foon returned. As the weather
grew warmer, they came out in the morning with a
loud noife, or roar, and were foon difperfed : About
half an hour before fun down, they returned in mill-
ions.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 117
ions, circulating two or three times round the tree,
and then delcending like a dream, into a hole about
fixty feet from the ground."- It was cuftomary fo»
perfons in the vicinity, to vifit this tree, to obferve
the motions of thefe birds : And when any perlons
difturbed their operations, by ftriking violently a-
gainft the tree, with their axes, the fwallows would
rufti out in millions, and with a great noife. In No-
vember, 1791, the top of this tree, was blown down,
twenty feet below where the fwallows entered. There
has been no appearance of the fwallows Gnce. Up-
on cutting down the remainder, an immenfe quanti-
ty of excrements, quills, and feathers were found ;
but no appearance or relicks of any nefts.
Another of thefe fwallow trees, was at Bridport.
The man who lived the neareft to it, gave this ac-
count : The fwallows were firft obferved to come
out of the tree, in the fpring ; about the time, that
the leaves firft began to appear on the trees. From
that fealbn, they came out in the morning, about
half an hour after funrife : They ruflied out like a
ftream, as big as the hole in the tree would admit,
and afcended in a perpendicular line, until they
were above the height of the adjacent trees ; then
afTumed a circular motion, performing their revolu-
tions two or three times, but always in a larger cir-
cle, and then difperfed in every direction. A little
before fundown, they returned in immenfe numbers,
forming feveral circular motions, and then defend-
ed like a ftream into the hole, from whence they
came out in the morning. About the middle of
September, they were feen entering the tree, for the
laft time. Thefe birds were all of the fpecies call-
ed the houfe or chimney fwallow. — The tree was a
large hollow elm, the hole at which they entered
was about forty feet above the ground, and about
nine inches diameter. The fwallows made their
firft appearance in the fpring, and their laft appear-
ance
n8 the NATURAL and CIVIL
ance in the fall, in the vicinity of this tree; and the
neighbouring inhabitants had no doubt, but that the
Swallows continued in it during the winter. A few
years ago, a hole was cut at the bottom of the tree :
From that time, the fwallows have been gradually
forfaking the tree, and have now almoft deferted it.—
Neither of thefe accounts/are attended with the
hiaheft degree of evidence, which the fubjecl; may
admit of : But I am led to believe from them, that
the houfe fwallow, in this part of America, generally
refides during the winter, in the hollow of trees; and
that the ground fwallows, find fecurity in the mud,
at the bottom of lakes, rivers, and ponds.
Of the Singing Birds, the following are the moft
diftinguiihed, either by the variety of their notes, or
by the melody of their found :
The Robin. Turdus migratorius.
Skylark. Alauda alpeftris.
Thrum. 'Turdus rufrus.
Thrafher, or Mock Bird. Turdus polyglottos.
Boblincoln. Emberiza oryzivera,
Yellowbird. Fringilla aurea.
Bluebird. Motacilla coerulia.
Wren. Motacilla regulus.
Red winged Blackbird. Turdus niger alis fuperne
rubentibus.
Catbird. Mufcicapa vertice nigra.
Golden Robin, or Goldfinch. Oriolus aureus,
Springbird. Fringilla.
Hangbird. Oriolus ifferus*
The only natural mufic, is that of birds. In the
uncultivated ftate, and parts of the country, this de-
lightful found is not to be heard. Either difgufted
with fo gloomy a fcene, or diiliking the food in the
uncultivated lands, the mufical birds do not deign to
dwell in fuch places ; or to put forth their melody to
the rocks, and to the trees. But no fooner has man
diicharged his duty, cut down the trees, and opened
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. 119
the fields to the enlivening influence of the air and
the fun, than the birds of harmony repair to the
fpot, and give it new charms by the animating ac-
cents of their mufic. From break of day until about
nine o'clock, the lovely harmony is heard from ev-
ery quarter. About that t'me of day, the mufic
ceafes. The muficians retire to other employments ;
and there is no further concert, until next morning.
This is one of the moft delightful fcenes, which na*
ture affords : But like moft of our delicate pleafures,
it is not to be enioj""1, but in the cultivated Mate.
A great vari' y o. birds generally refort to the
ponds, rivers, and lakes ; which, on that account, are
commonly diftinguifhed by the name of Water Fowl.
Among thefe aquatic birds, the moft common are
The Goofe, three fpecies. Anfer canadenfis.
Duck, eight or ten. Anas.
Teal, two. Anas.
Heron, two. Ardea.
Gull, two. Larus.
Shelldrake, three. Mergus.
Crane. Ardea canadenjis.
Stork. Ardea ciconia.
Loon. Colymbus immer.
Waterhen. Aiea artica. .
There are many other birds, which do not fall
under either of the above descriptions. Of this
kind, the following are the moft common and nu-
merous.
The Eagle, two fpecies. Falco.
Hawk, four. Falco.
Owl, three. Strix.
Woodpecker, feven or eight. Thus.
Kingbird. Lanius tyrannus.
Crow Blackbird. Gracula quifcula.
Cuckow. Cucului americanus.
Kingfifher. Alcedo alcyon.
Woodcock. Scolo$ax rujiica,
Woodfnipe,
i2o the NATURAL and CIVIL
Woodfnipe. Scohpax fedoa.
Ouail. Perdix minor.
Curlew, two. Scohpax
Plover, four. Charadrius.
Wild Turkey. Maleagris gallopatiO.
Tuiile Dove. Columba carolinenfts.
Whip poor Will. Caprimulgus europ<eus, B.
Nighthawk. Caprimulgus americanus.
Hedgebird. Mufcicapa canadenfis.
Croisbill. Loxia curviroflra.
Hummingbird. Trochilus coluhris.
In addition to thefe, there is a mamillary biped,
the Bat (vefpertilio murinus :) And a great variety
and number of fmall birds, which have never been
enumerated, defcribed, or clafTed. We meet with
them every day in the fields, but they are not diftin-
guifhed by any proper names.
It is worthy of remark that in the birds of Amer-
ica, nature pioceeds from her mod minute and cu-
rious, to the mod fublime and magnificent produc-
tions. The Hummingbird is the leafl of all birds.
The Condor% a bird of Southamerica, in bulk,
flrength, and courage, is the greatefl. Both of thefe
are peculiar to America. The gradation from the
leaft to the greateft, through all the intermediate
fleps and degrees, is nicely and beautifully filled up,
with an infinite variety of others.
FISHES.
OF the great variety of fiih, which nature has pro-
duced in the waters of America, but a fmall part are
found in the internal parts of the continent. The
largeft collection of waters which we have in Ver-
mont, are the lakes Champlain, Memphremagog,
Connecticut river, with the ponds and ft reams con-
nected with them. In thefe waters we have
The Sturgeon. Acipenfer fturia.
Salmon,
HISTORY of VERMONT, m. i
Salmon. Salmo.
Salmon Trout., Salmo /alar.
Bafs. Perca ocelata.
Pickerel, or Pike. Efax Indus.
Shad. Clupea ah/a.
Ale wife. Clupea.
h\t\. Murana anguilfo.
Tiout Tracla.
Red p(jrch. Perca fwviat alii.
White Pejch. Perca luciaperca*
Pout. Silurusfelis.
Sftiner. Perca nobills.
Chub. Perca pbiladelpbica..
Bream. Perca cbryfopterac.
Bret.. Clupea minima.
Menow.
Sucker.
Dace.
Migration is not peculiar to the birds : Several
kinds of fillies, have as regular periods of approach,
and departure, as the birds of paiTage, This is the
cafe with the falmon. In the fpring, about the 25th
of' April, thele fiih begin to pafs up Connecticut
river, and proceed to the higheft branches. About
the Ixtne time, or. a little later, they are found in Lake
Ghatnpbrfn, and the large dreams which fall into it.
So ftrong is this in flinch of migration in the the fal-
mon, that in palling up the rivers, they force their
paffagc over catara&s of leveral feet in height, and
in oppofition to the mod rapid currents. They are
fometimes feen to make fix or {even attempts, be-
fore they can fucceed to afcend the falls. When
they are thus going up in the fpring, they are round
and fat, of an excellent tafte, and flavour. From
the flrft week in May, to the fecond week in June,
they are taken in great numbers. When they ar-
rive at the upper parts of the river*, they depofit
their fpawn, a nd remain there during the fumrner
Q feafon j
122 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
feafon ; but become very lean, and flaccid. Towards
the latter end of September, they return to the ocean ;
but To much emaciated, that they are not taken, or
ufed for food. Some of thefe falmon in the fpring,
will weigh thirty five or forty pounds. They mi-
grate only to cold waters. None of them are ever
found to the fouth, or weft, of Connecticut river.
Thole that go further to the northward, and pafs
up the river St. Lawrence, are generally more
large and rich, than thofe which come from the
ibuthward.
The Salmon Treut, in its form, dimenfions, and
appearance, very much refembles the falmon ; but
the meat is of a finer grain, and of a more delicate
tafte, and flavour. This trout is found in Lake
Champlain, and in the rivers and ponds, which are
connected with it. Thefe fifh are taken with the
hook and line, like the cod and haddock. Trouts
from feven to ten pounds, are common. In a pond
at Leicelterin this ltate, fome have been taken which
weighed twenty five pounds : Others much larger
have been feen leaping out of the water, which the
fifherman fuppofed would weigh from thirty five to
forty pounds.
The Pike or P/V&sr*/ abounds much in Lake Cham-
plain. It is there called by the name of Mufchilon-
goe, and grows to a great fize. They are eafily tak-
en with a (pear, and fome of them have weighed for-
ty pounds, and were fix feet in length.
Of the (mall fifh, which relide in the brooks and
fmall ftreams, the molt numerous and uleful, are the
trout, perch, and fucker. The trout, in its colour,
form, and tafte, refembles the .falmon trout, but is of
much (mailer dimenfions. The largelt ol them, will
not weigh more than two pounds and an half, or
i J rt-f pounds. This filh is found in all the dreams,
Vi hich have their origin in the mountains; and gen-
erally very near their fources, in the high lands.
The
HISTORY of VERMONT. 123
The perch and the fucker are alfo very numerous,
and ufefuJ, and of nearly the fame dimenfions. The
mod uncommon inftance, which I have ever feen,
of the multiplying power of nature, was in the in-
creafe of thefe fifth. At Tinmouth, is a brook about
twenty or thirty feet wide, and two or three deep ; in
which the trout and fucker were to be found of the
common fize, and number. A dam was built acrofs
this ftream, for the purpofe of fupplying water for a
fawmill. This dam formed a pond, which covered
by eflimation, about a t&pufand acres, where the
trees were thick, and the foil had never been culti-
vated. Jn two or three years, the fifh were multi*
plied to an incredible number. They were become
fo numerous, that at the upper end of the pond,
where the brook fell into it, in the fpring the fifh
are feen running one over another ; embaraffed with
their own numbers ; and unable to efcape from any
attempt that is made to take them. They are taken
by the hands, at pleafure ; and the fwine catch,
them without difficulty. With a net, the fifher-
men often take a bufhel at a draught, and repeat
their labour with the fame fuccefs. Carts are load-
ed with them, in as fliort a time, as the people could
gather them up, when thrown upon the banks ; and
it is cuftomary to fell them in the fifhing feafon, for
a (hilling by the bufhel. While they have thus in-
creased in numbers, they are become more than
double to their former fize. — This extreme increafe
does not feem to be derived from any other caufe,
than that of collecting the waters in fuch a quantity,
as to form the pond ; and thus increafe the means
of fuhfiflence, by carrying the water over a large
tracl: of rich, and uncultivated land. Events of a
fimilar nature generally take place, when an arti-
ficial pond is made in any part of the country, nos
before
124 the NATURAL and CIVIL
before cultivated ; and probably from the fame
cauie.*
In the production of fifh, nature feems to have
been extremely prolific, in every part of America.
Their Ipecies, their multiplying power, and the age
at which they become prolific, are beyond our
knowledge, and computation. The brOoks, rivers,
ponds, and lakes, are everywhere, ftored with them.
The fea coifts are one continued range of fifhin*
banks, covered with cod, haddock, and other ani-
mals of the ocean. The whale is generally efteem-
ed the greateft animal, which nature has produced
in the water : In the feas of America, this is to be
found in its greateft perfection of magnitude and
numbers.
Fofiil fhells are frequently found at fome difbnce
from the banks of our lakes, rivers, brooks, and
meadows. Some have been found on the fides, • or
rather in the gullies of the mountains. Such pro-
ductions require a collection of water for their for-
mation. Naturalifts have propofed many theories
and fpeculations, to account for the collection of wa-
ter in fuch places, where there are now no appear-
ances of the kind.
In their defcent from the mountains, the brooks
and rivers rnufi every where have formed themfelves
into lakes, pond*., and fmall collections of water ;
And
* The number of fifh in the rivers of Southamerica, is fully
equal to any thing that takes place, in the northern parts of the-
continent. «« In the Maragnon," fays P. Acugna, * fifh are ft)
plentifil, that, without any art, they may take them with their
hands.."
" In the Orinoco," fays P. Gumilla, 'c befides an infinite va^
riety of other fifh, tortoifes or turtle abound in fuch numbers,
that I cannot find words to exprefs it. J doubt not but that fuch
as read my account will accule me of exaggeration : But I can
affirm, that it is as difficult to count them, as to count the fands
on the bank of that river." Hift. del. Orenoque, ii. C. 33. p. 50.
M. de la Condaraine confirms their accounts.
HISTORY of VERMONT*. 125
And it was not until after long periods of tim£, that
they could form for themfelves channels of fuch
depth, as to difcharge the Waters which had been thus
collected. Some of thefe ponds were formed on the
fides of the mountains, and others overflowed What
are now called the meadows ; and many of'their an-
cient phenomena yet remain. The waters have
long fince formed the channels, by which they are
now difcharged into the ocean. — In fuch place's, fof-
fil fliells are yet found : They are the productions
of former times, when thole places were covered by
the waters defcertding from the mountains ; then
collected into quantities for want of natural chan-
nels, now drawn off by the depth of the channels
which the waters have formed, and conftantly ren-
dered more and more deep.
R'E PTl LE S and INSECTS.
■
THAT clafs of animals, which are diflinguifhed
by the names of reptiles, and infecls, are numerous
in every part of America. They abound the moft,
and are of the larger! fize, in the hotted parts of
the continent. In a climate fo cold as that of Ver-
mont, they are comparatively of but a few fpecies.,
and fmali in their fize ; but they exift in great num-
bers. The following are our
AMPHIBIOUS REPTILES,
The Turtle, two fpecies. Tejluda,
Toad. Rana.
Frog, five. Rana.
Lizard. Lacerta punftuta.
Swift. Lacerta fufciata.
There are feveral accounts in natural hiftory, of
toads being found in the hearts of trees, and in
folid rocks • wholly inclofed, and fhut up from the
air4
126 the NATURAL and CIVIL
air, and all appearance of foc^l ; and being taken
alive, out of iurn fituations. In the Memoirs of
the Academy of Sciences, there is an account that in
the year 1731, a load was found in the heart of an
old oak near N.antz, without any vifible entrance to
its habitation;. From the fize of the tree, it was
concluded, that tjhe toad muft have been confined in
that lituation, at leaft eighty or an -hundred years.*
We have (everal infl inces in Vermont, equally ex-
traordinary. At Windfor, a town joining to Con-
necticut river, in September, 1790, a living frog was
dug up at the depth of nine feet, from the furface of
the earth. Stephen Jacobs, Efq; from whom I have
.this account, informs me, that the place where this
frog was found, was about half a mile from the riv-
er, on the intervale lands, which are annually over-
flowed by its waters. At Caftleton, in the year
1779, the inhabitants were engaged in building a
fort, near the centre of the town. Digging into the
earth five or fix feet below the furface, they found
many frogs, apparently inactive, and fuppofed to be
dead. Being expofed to the air, animation foon ap-
peared, and they were found to be alive, and
healthy. I have this account from General Clarke,
and a Mr. Muulloti, who were prefent when thefe
frogs were dug up. Upon viewing the fpot, it did
not appear to me, that it had ever been overflowed
with water, but it abounded with fprings. A more
remarkable inttance was at Burlington, upon Onion
river. In the year 1788, Samuel Lane, Efq; was
digging a well near his houfe. At the depth of
twenty five or thirty feet, from the furface of the
earth, the labourers threw out with their (hovels,
fomething which they fufpeffced to be groundnuts,
or ftones covered with earth. Upon examining
thefe appearances, they were found to be frogs ; to
which,
* Smellie's Philofophy of Natural Hiftory, p. 122,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 127
which, the earth every where adhered. The exam-
ination was then made of the eaith, in the well,
where they were digging. A large number of frogs
were found covered with the earth, and fo numerous,
that feveral of them were cut in pieces by the fpades
of the workmen. Being expofed to the air, they
ibon became a£live ; but unable to endure the direcY
rays of the fun, the mofl of them perifhed. This
account is from Mr. Lane, and Mr Lawrence one of
the workmen, Who were both preferit when the
frogs were dug up. From the depth of earth, with
which thefe frogs were covered, it cannot be doubted
but that they rauft have been covered over in the
earth, for many ages, or rather centuries. 1 he ap-
pearances denote that the place from whence thefe
frogs were taken, was once the bottom of a channel
or lake, formed by the waters of Onion river, in
digging the. fame 'well, at the depth of forty one
feet and an half from the furface, the v. oik men found
the body of a tree eighteen or twenty inches in di-
ameter ; partly rotten, but the bi^geft part found.
The probability is, that both the tree, and the frogs
were once at the bottom of the channel of a river,
or lake j that the waters of Onion river, confrantly
bringing down large quantities of earth, gradually
raifed the bottom1: That by the conftant increale of
earth and water, the water was forced over its
bounds, and formed for itfelf a new channel or paf-
fage, in its delcent into Lake Champlain. — How
vigorous and permanent muft the principle of life
be, in this animal ! Frogs placed in a fituation, in
which they were perpetually fupplied with moiflure,
and all wafte and perfpiration from the body pre-
vented, preferve the powers of life from age to age !
Centuries muft have paffed fince they beg^ii to live,
in fuch a, fituation ; and had that fituation con tin-
ued, nothibg appears, but that they would have liv-
ed for manv centuries yet to come !
SERPENTS,
i*S the NATURAL and CIVIL.
SERPENT S.
The Rattle Snake. Crqtalus horridus*
Black Snake. Coluber conflrittor.
Green Snake. Coluber Jaur it a. ,
Sniped Snake. Anguis cryx.
Water Adder. Coluber fafcialtts.
Thefe are all the. fpccies of this kind of animaK
of which I have any account ; and thefe are butfel- .
dom to be met with in Vermont.
There is a curious phenomenon refpefting two
of thefe fpecies, which feems to deferve further in-
quiries. The farmers, and other perfons who fre-
quently meet with the rattle fnake, and with, the
black fnake, feem univerfally to believe that each of
thefe animals, have a power of fafcination ; or as it
is commonly expreffed, of charming birds, and ot-her
fmall animals. The account which is generally
given, is this : The fnake lies ftretched out his
full length, in fome open place ; his heacj raifed
eight or ten inches from the grpund ; his colours
glow with their greateft brightnefs ; his eyes play
with an uncommon brilliancy, and fire ; and are
fteadily fixed on the enchanted animal. — During
this fcene, the bird appears to be in the greateft dif-
trefs j is conflantly putting forth the mod mournful
accents ; at the fame time, is performing a number
of irregular circular motions ; and at the end of
each, approaches nearer to the fnake : This fcene
continues, and is inceffantly repeated, until the bird,
without any power to efcape, comes within the reach
of the voracious jaws of the fcrpent, when it is in-
ftantly feized : Bat if the fnake is attacked, or fo
difturbed during the operation, that his attention is
turned another way, the charm is broken ; and the
bird recovering his liberty, immediately flits otF. — ■
I have never myfelf feen any thing like this fafcinat-
in*
HISTORY of VERMONT. 129
Jfig fcene ; but I have had accounts exa&Iy fimilarft
from more than a dozen perfons, whofe integrity I
cannot in the fmalleft degree, call in queftion.
There is room, however, for miftakes in fuch kind
of obfervations j and in moft of them, the fnake was
difturbed, before the fcene was finifhed. That there
is fomething curious in thefe appearances, cannot be
doubted. But whether thefe fnakes have fuch pow-
ers, or by what caufes fuch events are produced,
feems to require more accurate obfervations, and a
more philofophical inveiligation.
I N S E C t So
*thc in feels are too minute, and* numerous, to be
particularly defcribed. The moft common are the
beetle, grafshopper, cricket, butterfly, firefly, black-
fly, moth, flea, artt, mufqueto, fpider, hornet, wafp>
bumble bee, honey bee, various kinds of bugs, and
feveral fpecies of worms. Of thefe the mufqueto is
the moft troublefome. The weavil, the Heffian fly,
and the locuft, are not known in this part of the
continent.
Of the bee, there h a fpecies which is generally
called with us, the bumble bee. This is indigenous
to the country, and much larger than the common
bee. It forms a neft upon the ground ; and pro-
duces a fpecies of honey, in tranfparency, beauty,
and fweetnefs, fully equal to that of the honey bee 3
"but much Iefii in quantity. Whether the honey
bee is a native of the country, feems to be viewed
by fome as uncertain. I do not find much reafon
to doubt^ but that it was in America, before the Eu-
ropeans made their firft fettlements in the country.
From the pictures and tribute rolls of the Mexicans,
it appears that the honey bee was known, and that
honey was one part of the annual tribute which was
paid to their emperors before the arrival of the Span-
R iaixK
t^o the NATURAL awd CIVIL
iards. Clavigero in his hiflory of Mexico, confirm*
tbefe accounts ; and mentions fix kinds of bees
which make honey ; two of which have ftings, and
one in all refpefts agrees with the honey bee of Eu-
rope. A fpecies of the honey bee, but without
flings, was found in Chiapa, and Yucatan. The
fame according to Margrave, was found in BrafiL
In 3540, among the provifions of the natives of
Florida, " a pot full of honie of bees/' was found
by Soto. — Fsom thefe accounts, it is not to be doubt-
ed, but that the honey bee was indigenous, and had
fpread over the empire of Mexico. To the eaft, it
had advanced as far as Florida : And to the foutb,
to Yucatan, and the country of Brafil. To an im-
menfe country then, the honey bee was indigenous,
and common. — There was no eaufe in the nature of
the animal, or of the climate, to prevent their Ipread-
ing to the northward. They Jive in the hollow
trees in the woods of Vermont, from yea* to year ;
and are always found, of their full dimenfions, vig-
orous, and plentifully fupplied with honey ; and
they bear the cold of our winters-, much better in
the hollow of a large tree, than in any of our arti-
ficial bee hives. They live and abound in Ruflia,
where the climate is much more fevere, than it is in,
this part of America : They would therefore naturally
extend,, and fpread along the country, where they
could find the means of fubfiftence, and a climate
not unfuited to their fupport. It has always been
found far beyond the Englifh fettlements. From
our earliefl acquaintance with Lake Champlain, it
was to be found in the open lands, along thofe
fliores ; at the di fiance of an hundred miles from
the Englifh or French fettlements ; and long before
thofe fettlements had begun to attend to the culti-
vation of this animal : And from the firft fettlement
of Newengland, hunting for their nelts has been a
favouiite and profitable amufement. — But as the
chief
HISTORY of VERMONT. 131
chief food of the bee is from the blofifoms and flow-
ers of plants, it does not multiply fo faft in the un-
cultivated parts of the country, as where the im-
provements of agriculture and gardening, are con*
ilantly producing a greater variety, and number of
vegetables.
To the tribes of reptiles and infers, we have af-
fixed the idea of fomething, unpleal'ant, diminutive,
or odious. The defigns, the wifdom, and the power
of the Creator, are not to be eftimated by fuch feel-
ings, fears, and prejudices. The reptile, the infe6t4
the fifh, the bird, and the quadruped, one as much
as the other, denote wifdom, power, and defign, in
the author of nature : And they arealike evidences,
and inftances, of the power of animated nature, in the
different parts of the earth. We may therefore as juft-
iyand clearly deduce the energy and force of animated
nature in any country, from the number and mag-
nitude of the infe£ts, as from the fpecies and dimen-
fions of any other animals. The European phi-
lofophers have dwelt with wonder and aftonifhrnent,
on the numbers and fize of thefe animals in Amer-
ica. The fafts are juftly ftated, in feveral of their
accounts ; and they ought to have concluded from
them, that the foil was uncommonly rich, fertile,
and luxuriant. Anxious to find marks of degrada-
tion in America, they have almofl univerfally ad-
vanced a contrary conclusion : That this prolific
power of nature, denoted an uncommon corruption,
and degradation of climate. No conclufion was
ever further from the truth, or more remote from
probability. It is only a rich foil, and a temperate
climate, which can produce what they call a rank
vegetation, or numerous reptiles and infecls, of the
largeft fize.
From this imperfect view of our quadrupeds,
birds, fifties, and infetts, inftead of finding nature
but weak and feeble in America, as M. de Buffon
13ft the NATURAL and CIVIL
has fuppofed jf her animals appear to be marked
with an energy, and a magnitude, fuperiour to what
is found in Europe ; and equalled only, by the mag-
nificent and vigorous productions of Afu.
* " La nature vivante eft beaucoup moins agiffaote bcauco^p
p^oir.s forte,'^ Hift. Nat, xviii. \%%, edit. Paris, 1764.
CHAP.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 133
CHAP. VII.
Original Inhabitants . — The Employments, Civ*
il Government, Syftem of War, Education^ Manners,
and Cujtoms of the Indi&ns ; the Advantages, and
Hi/advantages of the Savage State.
IN the formation of the mountains,
risers, vegetables, and animals, the powers of nature
appear to rife in a fteady and beautiful progrefs.
This progrefs feems to be completed in the produc-
tion of a rational, moral, and accountable animal.
This animal is Man : And he evidently appears in
every part of the globe, to be at the head of all the
productions of nature : But the men of different
countries and nations, appear to be very different
from one another.
The original inhabitants of this country were the
Indians : Thefe were the only fpecies or kind of
men, that had fpread over America. It will be more
difficult to give a juft account of the Man of Ameri-
ca, than to defcribe its vegetables, and animals. The
latter are fubjeft to dated, and invariable laws • they
pafs through but few changes and variations, and
are always to be found in that ftate, in which nature
placed them. Man is fubje£r, to a great variety of
alteration, and improvement. In his rudeft and
moft fimple ftate, he appears but little fuperiour to
the brute ; in his higheft improvement and polifh of
manners, he appears at an infinite remove from the
tare
134 the NATURAL and CIVIL
bare animal ; and in all the ftages of his progrefs
from the one date to the other, he pafles through an
endlefs variety of fituations and circumstances, which
are conftantly giving a new appearance to his capac-
ity, powers, palfions, manners, and purfuits. The
natural hiftory of man is therefore the moft: difficult,
but it is alfo the moft ufeful and important fubjecl;
we can contemplate. In examining the hiftory of
the Indian of America, we fhall find man in the moft
iimple mode, and unimproved (late, in which he has
ever been placed, or viewed.*
Appearance and Countenance. — The ap-
pearance of the Indians was different from any, un-
der which man had ever been viewed before. The
colour of their fkin is of a reddifh brown, nearly re-
fembiing the colour of copper, but rather darker.
Their faces are broad, the nofe appears flattifh, their
eyes black, fmall, and very a6tive. The hair of their
heads is always black, coarfe, long, and perfectly
flraight ; and they generally appear without any
beard. The men are taller than the Europeans, but
rarely corpulent; and their bodies appear to be firm,
ftrong, and well proportioned. Their features are
regular and well adjufted, but their countenance
difcovers fomething wild, fierce, and fullen. None
of them are feen crooked, mutilated, or deformed ;
defective in any of their fenfes, or deficient in any
of their bodily organs ; but ftraight, well built, and
robuft. In the appearance, afpect, and countenance
of the Indians, there is an uncommon uniformity,
and refernblance. It is the fame in all climates,
and in all the tribes of America. It does not vary
with
* The following account relates chiefly to the Indians in the
northern parts of America. I have received much afliltance
from the writingi of Dr. Robertfon, and other authors. But the
authorities on which the accounts are founded} are chiefly the
relation; of. thofe perfons who have lived among the Indian?,
xj.l bcp intimately accjuaioted with them.
HISTORY of VERMONT, 13.5
with heat, cold, iituation, employment, or other cir-
cumftances ; but the Indian countenance has the
fame combination of features, and peculiarity of af-
pecl:, in every part of America.
Employment, and Method or procuring
Subsistence. — The food proper for man, is to be
found in every part of the earth. But the means
and the method of procuring it, are different among
different nations, and in different ftages of fociety. —
The favages of Northamerica had difcovered the
properties and effects of thofe feeds, berries, and
roots, which the earth fpontaneoufly produces ; and
one part of their food was derived from this fource.
Filhing was another method which they ufed to pro-
cure fubfiftence. The great plenty and variety of
fifh, with which the rivers of America abounded,
rendered this kind of provifion eafy to be procured,
and of great ufe. The Indian had acquired much
fkill and addrefs, in his method of catching the
fjfh; and he was accuftomed to dry, and fmoke them,
if} order to preferve them. The' falls of rivers wer&
the places, to which they molt, reforted for this pur-
pofe : And moil of thefe falls were the places, where
fome of their tribes or fmall companies reiided : Arid
they were generally diftinguifhed by fome particular
Indian name. — A more general and effectual meth-
od of fupport, was hunting. The fruits which the
earth fpontaneoufly produced, were but few, and
of fliort continuance. A few tribes only could be
accommodated, by the vicinity and convenience of a
river : But game was every where to be found.
The bear, the deer, the beaver, the fox, and other
animals, were in great numbers, and in every part o£
the northern continent. From thefe, the Indian
derived his mod fure, and plentiful fupport. Bu6
this method of procuring food, required great efforts
of invention, and activity. The ftrength, the ficrce-
nek, and the fwiftnefs of the wild animals, the fee*
blenefs
r
a36 the NATURAL a*d CIVIL
blenefs of the weapons, the bow, arrow, and club,-
with which the favage attacked them, joined to make
the bufinefs of the hunter laborious and difficult •
and called forth all the active powers of the favage.
And here, he appeared Jo the greateft advantage ;
fertile in invention, fagacious in diftinguiihing and
obferving, nice and accurate in tracing the animal ;
indefatigable, and perfevering in the purfuit. An
employment tvhich thus gave exertion to all the in-
vention, courage, force, and vigor of the man, nat-
urally became the mod honourable employment :
And the moft dexterous hunter became the moll
diflinguifhed favage of the tribe. — To thefe methods
of procuring food, were added fome feeble attempts
in agriculture. Indian corn, beans, pompions, and
fquafhes, were the only plants they cultivated. The
culture of thefe was wholly in the hands of the wom-
en. Without the ufe and knowledge of any of
the domeftie animals, altogether deftitute of the prop-
er inftruments of hufbandry, their efforts were weak
and languid ; and the fupplies they derived this way,
were but fmall.
Thefe were all the method's of procuring food,
with which the Indians were acquainted. They af-
forded them but a fcanty and precarious fupport.'
When the game was plenty, and the hunter fuccefs-
ful, they had an abundance of food. When the
feafon of the year was unfavourable, and their fuc-
cefs but (mall, they were reduced to fcarcity and
want. Their fufferings this way, were fometimes
extremely fevere. And there was no year, in which
they were not fubject to thefe extremes, of great
plenty, and fevere famine.
The appetite of the Indian conformed to this ftate
of things. In the feafons of plentv, the favage in-
dulged himfelf to great excefs : In the time of fam-
ine, the Indian bore his hunger with aflonifhing pa-
tience, and firmnrfs. So accuflomed was he to thi?
irregular
HISTORY os VERMONT. 137
irregular method of living, that excefs and famine
were equally familiar to him; and his con dilution
and health remained firm and vigorous, under the
extremes of both.
From this fituation and employment of the Indian,
all the regulations, cujioms, advantages, and difadvan-
tages, of the favage ftate, were derived.
Society.—* When any confiderable number of
the human race fubfift near each other, they will al-
ways combine in fome form of fociety; Mutual
wants, dangers, dependencies, intereftaj and benefits,
operating with the appetite man has for fociety, will
not fail to produce this effecl;.; The fituation and
employment of the Indiaes, determined what the
nature and extent of this fociety mud be, among
them. The chief fource of fubfiftence among them, was
hunting. On this account,a large territory became nee-
effary for the support of a fmall number of people.
Like the game on which they fubfift; they muft be dif-
perfed overalarge tract of country, or they cannot pro*
cure food. In this flage of fociety, the extent of it is de-
rived from its fituation. Its territory muft be large, the
number of people will be fmall, and all hoftile tribes
muft be kept at fuch a diftance,asnot to encroach upon
the territory or the game. This was the ftate, in which
the favages were found. Divided into a number of
tribes, fmall in the number of people, large in the
extent of territory, and generally unfriendly and hof-
tile to each other.
Nature of their Civil Government. —
From this ftate of fociety, arofe a fpecies and form
of government peculiar to the Indians.— The dtfign
and objett of government among the favages, was not
the property, fecurity, or con duel: of the individual ;
but the property, and fafcty of the tribe. The idci
of property is fuggefted by nature ; and was clear,
diftincr, and juft, in the mind of the rudeft Indian.
The fiih in the river, and the game in the fbreft,
S were
^3 Titi NATURAL and CIVIL.
v/ere not the product of his care or labour ; and he-
had no idea that they belonged to him, more than to
r.ny other individual. But when they were acquired
by his perfonal exertion, no other favage doubted but
that they were become his particular and exclufive
property, The river, or the foreft, from which they
were taken, were not perfonal but public proper-
ty. : They belonged to the tribe. No individual
claimed a Tight to them, in preference to, or exclu-
five of others. Thefe were the propertyrof the tribe, be-
longing equally to al), and to which all had a right to
repair in queft of fubfiftence, the equal and common
privilege. When the Indian builded his houfe, or
planted his corn, no one had a right to moled him ;
the houle and the corn became his. When he re-
linquiihed his poffefnon, any other of the tribe had
a right to take poffeflion, and purfue the fame em-
ployment that he had done. The fruits of their own
labour and industry, was always the property of the
individual : The river, the foreft, the hunting ground.,
the land or the territory, was the property of the
tribe. The former war. of fo fimple a nature, fo
well underflood, and fo univerfally agreed to, that-
few controversies could ever a rife about it ; com-
mon cuftom and -confent was fuflicient to adjust and
tfl -gulate every thing of this nature. The latter con-
tained all the property, the means of fubfiftence,
and that on which the whole tribe depended for their
existence. This was the great object and aim of
their government ; to protect and defend that, on
which the whole tribe lubfifted. — in fuch a flate of
fociety, the injuries that would be done to individu-
als would not be many in their number, or often of
fuch a kind, as to endanger the exiftence or fovcr-
eignty of the tribe. The right of redreiTing them,
was therefore left in private hands. This has al-
ways been the cafe, in the infancy of fociety and gov-
ernment. Ji injuries were done,.if blood was fried,
it:
HISTORY of VERMONT. 139
it belonged to the friends and family of the Injured
perfon to feek redrefs. If the chiefs interpofed, it
was only by way of counfel and advice. The friends
of the injured perfon might accept of their advice9
or of the reparation offered by the aggreffor, or they
might reject it ■: If it was accepted, all was fettled
in a quiet and friendly manner : If rejected, noth-
ing remained but to purfue the aggreffor with a re-
venge and rage, that aimed at nothing lefs than dew
ftruclion and death.
The form and manner of the Indian government*
was the moft fimple that can be contrived, or imag-
ined. There was no king, nobility, lords, or houfe
of reprefentatives, among them. The whole tribe
affembled together in their public councils. Defti-
tfute of writings, records, and hiftory, to preferve the
memory of their public tranfaciions ; their moft aged
men became the depofitories, of what may be gath~
ered from experience, observation, and a knowledge
of their former tranfaciions. It is by them that the
debates and confultations are chiefly carried on.
Their councils are flow, folemn, and deliberate. Ev-
ery circumftance that they can forefee, is taken into
confideration. The probable advantages and'dif*
advantages of every meafure, are examined and
weighed. All the profpe&s of fuccefs and difap-
pointment, are revolved in their debates ; and noth«
ing is omitted, which occurs to their views or ex-
pectations. The whole bufinefs is a fcene of con-
fultation, and advice. And the advice has no other
force or authority, than what is derived from its fup-
pofed wifdom, fitnefs, and propriety.
Thejlrengtb ox power of the government, is plac-
ed wholly in the public fentiment. The chief has
110 authority to enforce his counfels, or compel to
his meafures. He is fed and clothed like the raft of
the tribe. His houfe and furniture are the fame as
Ihofe of others. There is no appearance, or mark
:©f
140 the NATURAL and C1VTL
of diftin&ion : No ceremony, or form of indufclion
into office : No enfigns or tokens of fuperiority, or
power. In every external circumftance, the chiefs
ere upon a level with the reft of the tribe : And that
only which gives weight and authority to their ad-
vice, is the public opinion of their fuperiour wifdom
and experience. — Their laws ftand on the fame
foundation. There was no written law, record, or
rule of conduct. No public precedent, eftablifhed
courts, forms or modes of proceeding. The caufes
and occafions of contention were fo few, that they
did not much a (Feci; the tribe. And when the chiefs
interpofed in the concerns of individuals, it was not
to compel, but only to counfel and advife them.
The public opinion pointed out what was right, fit,
and proper to be efteemed laws and rules of con-
duel. TheYe rules or laws derived from nature,
were feldom wrong, obfeure, or inconfiftent ; but
generally plain, clear, and ufeful.-p-Their penalties
and punifhments were derived from the fame fource.
Lofs of character, and reputation, difgrace, exclufion
from the tribe, and death, were the punifTiments to
which offenders were expofed, according to the na-
ture and aggravation of their crimes. Thefe pun-
ifhments were not defcribed, and afligned to a par-
ticular crime by a written law ; but they refted upon
the public opinion of the tribe, and derived great
force and power from it. An offender who had
been greatly and deeply guilty, fled from the tribe,
as the only way to fafety, peace, and reft.
There was a fitnejs and propriety in this govern-
ment, or rather, it was fully adequate to its end and
defign, and to the fituation and date of the favage.
A modern ftatefman would fmile at this idea of In-
dian government : And becaufe he could find no
written conftitution, or bill of rights, no mutual
checks,* and ballances, accountability and refponfi-
fcility, pronounce it weak, foolifh, and contemptible,
But
HISTORY of VERMONT. - 141
But it was evidently derived from the dictates of
nature, and well adapted to the ftate and fituation
of the lavage. The idea of property was fo plain
and clear, and the objects to which it related were
fo few and iimple, that there was no need of a code
of laws to dtfcribe and define it. The rights of the
individual, his freedom and liberty, were fo ftrongly
felt, and lb univerfally acknowledged, that no peifort
dared to invade them. The crimes of the vicious
received a juft and a full punifhment, in the dif-
grace, contempt and danger, they brought upon the
guilty. The individual had all the lecurity, in the
public fentiment, cuitom, and habit, that govern-
ment can any where afford him. All that was to be
defended was the territory , the intereft., the inde-
pendence, and fovereignty of the tribe ; and every
part of the government was adapted and defigned to
form, to animate, and to inflame, a national fpirit of
vigour and independence.
Agreeably to its nature and defign, the tendency
and effeSl of the favage government, was equality,
freedom, and independence, among all the members
of the tribe. In refpecl: to rights and privileges,
the favage knew of no fuperiour. Of abafement,
humiliation, dependence, or fervitude, he had no
idea. Depending on his own exertions for food and
raiment, he had never looked to another for aflift-
ance, promotion, or wealth. When the intereft of
the tribe was in queftion, or in danger, the wis-
dom and experience of years was confulted, to ad-
vife and determine : And their counfels became
matters of great refpecl. But conflraint, compul-
iion, and force, was the obje& of the higheft detef-
tation and horror. Every meafure of the govern-
ment tended to confirm and increafe the fpirit of
freedom, equality, and independence, and to render
it ftrong, fierce, and permanent, through the* whole
System
i4« the NATURAL and CIVIL
System of War among the Indians. — The
civil regulations of the favages were all defigned to
qualify and prepare them for war. Among the
caufes that lead to this, an oppoGtion of interefts,
was the moft common and powerful. No people
ever had more clear, or more juft ideas of their own
wghts and property, than the Indians. They not
only underftood their own perfonal rights, but they
were perfectly well acquainted with the rights and
property, that were veiled in the tribe. Each tribe
claimed the foil in their own domains. This right
was viewed as complete, perfect, and exclufive :
Such as entitled them to the full and entire pofTef-
lion ; and to oppofe by force and violence, all en-
croachments upon the foil, or game, in any part of
their territories. The bounds of thefe territories
were extenfive, and ill defined. Real or fuppofed
encroachments and injuries, were conftantly taking
place. Hence arofe innumerable fubjects of dif-
pute and controverfy, which eafily inflamed the
fiercenefs of the favage temper, and brought on mu-
tual injuries, reproaches, hoftilities, and war. In
this ftate, moft of the Indian tribes were found. In-
terest had become a fource of difcord, among the
neighbouring tribes. From this caufe, arofe moft
of their inveterate and perpetual wars.
The manner in which the Indians carry on their
wars, is very different from that of civilized nations.
To defend themfelves againft an enemy, they have
no other fortification but an irregular kind of for-
trefs, which they call a caftle or fat. It confided of
a fquare without baftions, furrounded with pallafa-
<does. This was erected where the moft confidera«
ble number of the tribe relided, and was defigned
as an afylum for their old men, their women, and
children, while the reft of the tribe were gone out to
war. — The weapons of the Indian were a club made
e.f hard woodj a bow and arrow. Thus armed, the
Indian
HISTORY of VERMONT. 143
Jndlan takes wikh him a fmall bag of corn, and is
completely equipped for a campaign. When he takes
the field, it is with fuch a number of warriors as the
tribe can fupply. During their march, they are
difperfed in itraggling companies, that they may bet-
ter fupply themfelves by hunting.— When they ap*.
proach near to- the enemies' frontiers, their troops
are more colle&ed : All is then caution, ftratagem>
fecrecy, and ambufcade. Their employment as
hunters has taught them great addrefs and vigilance,,
in following and furprifing the game. Their mode
of war is the fame, as that of hunting. With great
ingenuity, they will find and follow the track of their
enemies ;; With a furprifing patience and perfever-
ance, they will wait for the moment, when they find
him the lead able to defend himfelf. And when
they can find an enemy unprepared, they make their
attack with great fury, and with pretty fure fuccefs.
In their battles they always endeavour to fecure
themfelves behind the trees or rocks, and never
meet their enemy in the open field, or upon equal
terms, if they can avoid it. The method of the Eu-
ropeans, of deciding a battle in the open field, they
regard as extreme folly and want of prudence. Theif
ellabliihed maxims are to obtain a fuperiority in fit-
tntion,, numbers-, concealment, or fome other circum-
(lance before the battle : En this way, to preferve
the lives of their own party, and deftroy their ene-
mies, with as little lofs as poflible to themfelves. A
vi£iory obtained with the lofs of many of their own
party, is a matter of grief and difgrace, rather than
of exultation : And it is no honour to fall in the
field of battle, but viewed rather as an evidence of
want of wifdom, difcernment, and circumfpe&ion.— •
When the attack is to be made, nothing can exceed
the courage and impetuofity of the favage. The
onfet begins with a general outcry, terminating in a
univerfal yell, Of all the founds that difcord has
produced,
144 the NATURAL and CIVIL
produced, the Indian warwhoop is the moil awful
and horrid. It is defigned and adapted to increafe
the ardor of thofe who make the attack, and to carry
terror and honor into the feelings of thofe, on whom
the attack is made. The Indians immediately comev
forward, and begin the fcene of outrage and death.
m&\\ is then a fcene of fury, impetuofity, and ven*
geance. So great is the rage of the favage, that he
has no regard to difcipline, fubordinalion, and order.
Revenge, takes an entire pofTeflion of his foul : For-
getful of all order, regardlefs of difcipline and dan-
ger, he aims only to butcher and deftroy. — If the
Indians remain mailers of the field, they always ftrip
and fcalp the dead. Leaving the bodies of their en-
emies, naked, unburied, and often mangled, they car-
ry off the plunder and fcalps ; and make a very
fwift and fudden retreat. Upon their approach to
their own tribe, a herald is fent forward to announce
the event : The tribe is collected, and the conquer-
ors make their entry with their enfigns of triumph :
The fcalps ftretched upon a bow, and elevated upon
a pole, are carried before them, as the tokens of their
valour and fuccefs, and monuments of the vengeance
they have inflicted upon the enemies of their country.
The prifoners which they have taken, make an
important part of their triumph. The favages are
anxious to take as many of thefe as poffible. Dur-
ing their march, they are generally treated with a
degree of humanity and kindnefs ; but the greateft
care is taken to prevent their efcape. When they
arrive at the place of their deftination, the old men,
women, and children of the Indian tribe, form them-
felves into two lines, through which the prifoners
mult run the gantlet to the village. If the prifoher
is young, active, and a good runner, he makes his
way through the lines without receiving much in-
jury. If he is weak, old, and infirm, he receives
much damage by the blows, ftripes, and bruifes, he
receives.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 145
receives. When this fcene is finifhed the prifoners
are conducted to the village, treated with apparent
good humour, and fed as well as the Indians' fare
admits.
To the village thus affembled, the head warrior
of the party relates every particular of the expedi-
tion. When he mentions their loiTes, a bitter grief
and forrow appears in the whole affembly. When
he pronounces the names of the dead, their wives*
relations, and friends, put forth the moll bitter
fhrieks, and cries. But no one afks any queftionj
or interrupts the fpeakcr with any inquiry. The
laft ceremony is to proclaim the victory. Every in-
dividual forgets his own lofs and misfortune, and
joins in the triumph of his nation; Their tears
ceafe, and with one of the moft unaccountable tran-
fitions in human nature, they pafs at once from the
bitternefs of forrow to all the extravagance of joy. The
Whole concludes with a favage feaft, fongs, and dance;
The fate of the prifoners is next to be decided.
The elders and chiefs affemble and deliberate con-
cerning their defliny; The women and children
are difpofed of, according to the plealure of their
captors ; but they are feldom or never put to tor-
ture, or death. Of the men, fome are appointed to
fupply the places of fuch Indians as have fallen in.
battle. Thefe are delivered to their friends and re-
lations, and if they are received by them, they have
no fufferings to fear : They are adopted into the
family, and fucceed to all the privileges of the de-
ceafed ; and are cfteemed as friends, brothers, and
near relations. But if thty are not received and
admitted into the family, or if they are deftined to
be put to death, a moft diftrefiing and horrid lcene
enfucs.
A Hake is fixed firmly in the ground. At the dis-
tance of eight or ten leer, dry wood, leaves, and fag-
gots, are placed in a circle round the (like : And
T the
146 th-e NATURAL and CIvIL
the whole village is colle6led, to bear their part in
the tragedy, which is to enfue. The prifoner is led
to the {take, and tied to it by his hands, in fuch
a manner that he may move freely round it. Fire
is fet to the wood, that as- it runs round the circle,
the unhappy vi&im may be forced to run the fame
way. As the fufferings of the prifoner begin to be-
come fevere, the acclamations of the fpectators be-
gin. The men, women, and children, ftrive to ex-
ceed each other, in finding out new and keener
methods of torment. Some apply red hot iions,
others ftab and cut with their knives, others mangle
and tear ofF the flefh,. others again bite off the naih
and joints, or twift and tear the finews. Every fpe-
cies and degree of cruelty, that favage rancour and
revenge can in vent and apply,is tried upon the wretch-
ed fufferer. But great care is taken that the vital-
parts may not be fo injured, as to bring the torments
of the vi&im to a fpeedy end. — In this horrid fitu-
ation, the fufTerer is undaunted and intrepid. He
reviles and infults his tormentors.. He accufes them
of cowardice, rneannefs, and want of fpirit ; as ig-
norant, unfkilful, and deilitute of ingenuity and in-
vention in the art of tormenting. Not a groan^n
figh, a tear, or a forrowful look, is fuffered to ef-
cape him. To infult his tormentors, to difplay un-
daunted and unalterable fortitude in this dreadful
lituation is the moft noble of all the triumphs of the
warrior. With an unaltered countenance, and with
the decifive tone of dignity and fuperiour importance,
the hero proceeds with great calmnefs to ling the
fong of his death — " Intrepid and brave, I feel no
pain, and F fear no torture. I have flain, I have
conquered, I have burnt mine enemies ; and my
countrymen will avenge my blood. Ye are a na-
tion of dogs, of cowards, and women. Ye know not
how to conquer, to fufFer, or to torture. Prolong
and ■ increafe my torments., that ye may learn from
RMf
HISTORY of VERMONT. 147
my example how to fuffer and behave like men I"
With fuch unconquerable magnanimity and fortitude,
the fufferer perfeveres under every method of tor-
ment and torture. Wearied with cruelty, and tired
with tormenting a man whofe fortitude they cannot
move, one of the chiefs in a rage concludes the fcene,
•by knocking the prifoner on the head, or dabbing
him to the heart.
Thefe fcenes however were not common. They
Zfeem to have been kind of honours, referved for the
warriors; and were the trials of their courage and
•fortitude. And nothing was efteemed more bafe
and ignominious, than to fhrink from them, or to
fhew any fenfe of fear or pain under them.
When the prifoners were adopted into the tribe of
the conquerors, nothing could exceed the kindnefs
and affection, with which they were treated. All
-diftin&ion of tribes was forgot ; they held the fame
rank as the deceafed perfon, whofe place they filled ;
and were treated with all the tendernefs due to the
Jiufhand, the brother, the child, or friend. And it
was generally the cafe, that the favages avoided a-
bufe and cruelty to the women and children, that
fell into their hands.
The Indian method of carrying on a war, was fo
contrary to the maxims and cuftoms of all civilized
.nations, that fome of the European writers, judging
from their own cuftoms, have concluded it was found-
ed on cowardice, and arofe from an ignoble and tim-
id fpirit, afraid to meet its oppofers on equal ground,
and depending wholly on craft, and not at all on
.courage and firmefs of mind. No conclufion was
ever further from the truth. When placed in a crit-
ical and dangerous fituation, no peopie ever discov-
ered more valour, firmnefs, and intrepidity. When
fubdued, an Indian was never known to aik for his
life. When compelled to fuffer, the Indian bore it
with a fteadinefi, a fortitude, and a magnanimity,,
unknown
J48 thr NATURAL and CIVIL
unknown to all other nations ; and of which, there
are no examples in the hiftory of war. — His meth-
od of war did not arife from a fenfe and fear of dan-
ger ; he was well acquainted, and always in the midft
of this ; but it arofe from his fituation and employ-
ment, and was perfectly well adapted to it. From
his fituation and employment as an hunter, he ac-
quired the art of ambufcade and (urprize ; and the
method with which he could beft fucceed in taking
his game, he found to be the mod fuccefsful to en-
fnare and overcome his enemy. The fituation and
Hate of the country, overfpread with thick fore ft s,
lead to the fame method. The fituation of the tribe,
fcattered and difperfed in the woods, fuggefted the
fame idea. The method of fighting could not be
in the open fields, but among the trees. And he
wifely placed the point of honour, in the public
good; where the profpeel: and the probability of his
fuccefs lay. Had the honour of the Indian warr-
ior been placed, in courting fame and victory in the
open field, the whole tribe would have been deflroy-
ed by the effufion of blood that rnuft. have fucceed-
ed. His maxims therefore were better chofen, and
they were fuch as every circumftance in his fitua-
tion and employment, naturally led him to : Not
in an ufelefsoftentation of daring courage and bold-
nefs, but in the public utility and advantage. So
far as an enterprize depended on fecrecy, fubtlety,
furprize, and impetuofity, the Indian method of war
ieems to have been fully equal to the European.
The Spaniards, the French, the Englifh, and the
States of America, have had many and painful proofs
of their addrefs and prowefs in this method. But
when a fort was erecled, or a fmall fortification to be
carried, the Indian method of war wholly failed.
Neither their arms, their arts, or their cuftoms, were
of any avail here. Wholly unacquainted with the
art of fortification, they could neither ereft, or take
a
HISTORY of VERMONT. 149
a fort of any ftrength. When the Europeans had
once got poifeflion of any part of their country, and
erected a fmall fortification in their territories, they
held it by a Cure poifeflion. The favages were whol-
ly unable to difpoilefs them by their method of war,
and nothing was left for them but to retreat further
into the forefts. In this way the Engliih and French
were making conftant advances into their country ;
and their art of war afforded them no fufficient means,
either co prevent or to redrefs it. But when the
Europeans followed them into the woods, where
their ilrength and art might be employed to advan-
tage, the Indians generally furprifed and defeated
thifir armies, with great havoc and flaughter.
Education-. — The fubfiftence and fafety of the
tribe depended fo much upon the hunter, and warr-
ior, that thefe became of courfe the mod neceffary,
ufeful, and honourable profeflions. When in pur-
fuit of food, the young men put themfelves under the
direction of the moft noted and fuccefsful hunter.
Going forth to war, they followed the moft renown-
ed and fuccefsful warrior. Eminence in thefe pro-
feflions was the fureft way to fubfiftence, to diftinc-
tion, to honour, and renown. This was the bails,
and formed the whole bufinefs of education, among
the favages. To train up the youth to addrefs and
dexterity in hunting ; to make him patient, firm, per-
fevering, in hardfhip and fuffering; inveterate, fierce,
and intrepid, in deftroying his enemies; was the
chief aim and defign of the parent. Every thing
that had no connexion with this, was neglected and
defpifed. The arts of acquiring knowledge, govern^
ing the paflions, refining the manners, and cultivat-
ing improvements, were unknown and undefined by
the favage. He never corrected or reftrained his
child, taught him to moderate his appetites and paC-
fions, to fubmit to parental, or any other authority :
pn the contrary he was trained up to take care of
himfelf,
ir0o the NATURAL and CIVIL
himfelf, to gratify every inclination and appetite, and
to look for food and honour in his own exertions,
independence, and fuperiority. The parent wifhed
and aimed to form his fon to hardfhip and danger,
to bear fatigue, famine, and torture, to enfnare and
take the game, and to carry deftruction and ven-
geance upon his enemies. To this plan of educa-
tion, the whole aim and conduct, the inftruction, the
manners, and the example of the parent, was direct-
ed : The only aim and defign, was to make the
youth an able and accomplifhed hunter, and warr-
ior. Neither the views of the parent, or the wifh-
€s and aims of the child, ever rofe any higher, or ex-
tended any further than this.
Next to the civil and military regulations, the
eujloms and manners of the Indians claim our atten-
tion. The cufloms and manners of a nation, al-
ways conftitute a diftinguifhing part of the national
character • and as they vary with the progrefs of
fociety, they ferve to a (certain, and mark the differ-
ent ftages of it. In feveral refpe&s, the manners
and cuftoms of the Indians were different from thofe
of other people, and are marked with a Angularity
peculiar to the lavage ftate.
Gravity of Appearance. — A gravity of ap-
pearance and countenance always engages our atten-
tion, when we are in the company of the Indians.
placed in a Htuation of conftant difficulty and dan-
ger, depending altogether upon himfelf, and having
ever before him purfuits, which to him are of the
higheft importance, the favage becomes extremely
grave and ferious. Every thing in his appearance
and behaviour, is marked with this gravity of afpe&.
His behaviour to thofe around him, is decent and
modefl;. His words are few and fignificant, and
generally upon fome matter of bulinefs; fcarcely
ever far merriment or diverfion. So great is their
liable of gravity, ferioufnefs, and filence, that it
rather
HISTORY of VERMONT. 151
rather bears the appearance of melancholy and fad-
nefs.
Treatment of Women, — A promifcuous in*,
tercourfe between the fexes, fcarcely ever took place
among the human race. The relation of huiband
and wife, has been every where underftood, adapt-
ed, and acknowledged ; and this was univerfally the
cafe among all the tribes of the American Indians,
Where the difficulty of procuring fubfiftence was
not eafily to be removed, the man had generally but
one wife. Where the means of fubfiftence were in
great plenty, and eafily to be attained, the favage had
often a plurality of wives. But in general, the In-
dian family confided of one man and woman, and
their children. This union generally fubfifted dur-
ing the lives of the parties ; but if it became a matter of
choice to feparate, the marriage union was diffolved,
and no caufe or ceremony was neceffary, but choice
and confent. — It h not until the refinements of fo-
ciety have taken place, that women acquire the rank,
eonfequence, and impoitance, to which they are f©
juftly entitled. To defpife, to degrade, and to a-
bufe them, has been the practice of every nation
while it remained in the favage flate. Without ten-
dernefs, without delicacy, without refinement, the
heart of the favage does not look for pleafure in the
beauty, chaftity, and modefty j in the tendernefs, del-
icacy, and affection ; or in the attachment, conver-
fation, and refined manners of the female ; but its
the labours and menial fervices fhe is able to per-
form. In this ftage of focifty, marriage is not a
tender attachment, or a union of refined and delicate
affections between the fexes ; but altogether an ani-
mal inclination,, the bare inftinct of nature. Plac-
ing all excellency in flrength and courage, the male
views the female as every way inferiour to himfelf ;
not fitted for honourable employments, but deftined
to inferiour purpofes and fervices. Of confequencer
i62 the NATURAL and CIVIL
the condition of women in the favage flate become^
degraded, mortifying, and fubjecl: to fervitude. The
favage affigns to his wife the care of the children, the
bufincfs of labouring in the field, and all the fer vices
of domeftic care and difficulty. Among the Indians,
this degradation of the female was carried to its great-
eft extreme. Every thing moft valuable in food,
drefs, and ornament, was referved for the man : The
moft laborious, fatiguing, and difagreeable fervices,
were affigned to the women. Doomed to inceffant
toil and flavery, the women perform their perpetual
talks without pity, without compaffion, without praife,
and without the gratitude of their hufbands. To
this degraded unhappy Mate, were the women reduc*
ed among all the Indian tribes.
Dress.— The fame purfuit that fupplied the In-
dian with food, provided alfo his clothing. This
was made of the fkins and furs of the animals they
took in hunting: Thefe ferved the purpofes of cov-
ering, and modefty, none of the northern Indians
ever appearing naked. — In. thofe nations where op-
ulence and luxury prevail, dref> becomes a compli-
cated, a profitable, and a curious art : And beauty
acquires new force and power, from ornament and
famion. Hence it becomes a moft lucrative bufinefs
in polifhed focieties, to invent and fupply the modes*
fafhions, materials, and ornaments for drefs. — The
favage was not without his tafte for ornament, and
fafhion. His hair was dreffed in many, and in very
lingular forms. His nofe and ears had pieces of
gold, (hells, or ftiining ftones, affixed to them. His
face and fkin were painted, with different colours
and figures. And much time was fpent to give his
countenance the afpetl:, he aimed at. The defign
of his drcfs and ornament was not gallantry, to re*
commend himfelf to the female, but rather war ; to
appear the object, of dignity, majefty, and fear. And
what was extremely fingular, all the finery and dec-
oration
HISTORY of VERMONT. 153
oration of drefs, was referved for the man. The
{hare that fell to the woman, was only that which
remained, when her hufband was completely decked.
When he was about to join the council of his na-
tion, or was going forth to war, he was moft of all
folicitous to appear in his richeft ornaments, and
finefl decorations.— A cuftom prevailed among the
Indians, of rubbing and anointing their bodies with
greafe, oil, and different kinds of gums. Thefe
were often mixed with different colours, and formed
a very durable paint, or kind of varnifh. This may
properly be eftimated as a part of the Indian drefs.
And it was well adapted to defend the body, againft;
the extreme moifture and cold of theforeft and lake,
to protect them againft the numerous tribes of in-
fers to which they were expofed, and to check the
profufe perfpiration to which they weie fubject, at
different times and places.
Idleness. — When engaged in hunting and war,
the favage appears active, enterprifing, and indefati-
gable. But when thcfe favourite occupations are
ended, an univerfal inactivity, and indolence, take
place. The time of the Indian is {pent in eating,
deeping, and fitting ftill. When he applies to any
kind of labour, it is with little activity, and with a
great avcrfion. They will fpend whole years irt
making a pipr, forming a canoe, or building a hut..
The labours of agriculture, are wholly afligned to
the women : Inactive and flothful, the man cannot
be roufed up to any kind of labour and fatigue. His
time is of no value to him : Every thing but hunt-
ing and war, is eileemed below his dignity and at-
tention. And of all employments, the loweft and
molt balej, in his view, is digging, toiling, and la-
bouring in the earth. — The molt indolent, flothful,
and contemptible, in civilized nations, have the fame
idea.of honour and indultry ; that labour, efpecial-
ly agriculture, J s beneath their dignity and honour.
U Dirtiness.
i54 the NATURAL and CIVIL
Dirtiness.— Cleanlinefs feems to be infepara-biy
connected with induflry, and fome degree of refine-
ment. Deftitute of both, the favages of Noitharner-
ica were funk into the lowed eftate of filth and dirt-
inefs. Nothing can exceed the naflinefs that ap-
pears in their food, in their cabins, and in their
garments. The veffels in which they cook and eat
their victuals, are never warned. The dirt and
greafe in their huts, are never removed or fwepfc
away. Their garments are never changed or wafli-
ed, until they wear to rags, and wafte away. No
idea of cleanlinefs feems to have entered into their
minds. This feems to be one of the cuftoms, com-
mon to all favages : Inactive and lazy> they are all
extremely filthy and dirty.
Gaming. — Gaming is ah amufement, to which
indolence and want of employment naturally lead.
Above the occupations of labour, and without a tafte
for ufeful employments, many in civilized life leek
a relief in gaming, for the pains of indolence ; and
for a method, to move and agitate a languid band.
Moved by the fame caufe and motive, the favage al-
io falls to gaming, as the molt favourite amufement :
Indolent and lifelefs in all the exertions of labour,
he becomes deeply engaged, impetuous, and noify
in play. Every thing he polleHes, is flaked at thefe
diver fions ; and he loofes his peace, his fen'fes» and
all that he is worth. But thefe amufements do not
ilTue in contention and quarrels: Though carried
on with a frantic eagernefs, they are generally man-
aged, and terminate in good humour and peace.
Songs. — Averfc to all abftrufe meditations, the
Indians are much delighted with fong.s. To an Eu-
ropean ear, their fprigs- do not aflbrd' much enter-
tainment ; nor cari.fuch difcern harmony, melody,
or any variety in their tunes. However this may
be, the favages are always delighted with mufie.
Their fopgs arc of a grave and fciious turn. They
never
HISTORY of VERMONT. 155
fiever relate to the concerns of gallantry and love,
but to their moft ferious employments. They have
fongs for war, fongs for vi&ory, and fongs for death.
Each of them is defigned to excite and call forth the
fentiments, feelings, and paflions, thatfuch occafious
require ; and they have a great influence on their
feelings, and actions. Amidft the fevereft fuffetings
of death, this is the refort of the lavage ; and when
burning at the flake, the lafl confoiation, is to fing
the fong of triumph and death.
Dancing. — Dancing has been one of the favour-
ite amufements of all nations. In civilized focieties
this amufement is defigned to promote a refinement
of manners ; and ferves to excite the fenfibility, and
delicacy, which attaches and refines the fexes.
Dancing is alfo the favourite employment of the fav-
age, in every part of the globe. It calls forth his
active powers, which, when unemployed, languifh
and decay for want of exercife. And in no em-
ployment, does he become more animated, vigorous,
and eager. — Inftead of being an amufement, an affair
of gallantry, love, or refinement, dancing, among the
favages, is a ceremony of great importance and fe-
rioufnefs. With this ceremony war is declared, an
ambaffador is received, and peace is concluded. It
is by a dance, that every important tranfaclion in
public or private life, is celebrated. — Their dances
are generally carried on by the men, and it is but
feldom that the women are permitted to join in
them. All the fteps, figures, and motions of the
dance, are exprellive ; and fignificant of the bufinefs
or tranfattion, it is defigned to denote. If war is to
be proclaimed, the dance is expreffive of the refent-
ment and rage they bear to their enemies, and of the
hoftile manner, in which they mean to treat them.
If a party are going forth againft their enemies, the
dance of war is to be performed. In this, the tranf-
aftioas of the whole campaign are to be expreiTed,
The
156 the NATURAL and CIVIL
The warriors are reprefented as departing from their,
country, entering that of the enemy, futprifing and
conquering their foes, feizing priloners, fcalping the
dead, and returning in triumph to the applaufe of
their country. The performers appear to be agitata
cd with all the natural paffions and feelings, that
take place in any of thefe fcenes. The caution, the
fecrecy, the fiercenefs and cruelty of the waniors,
is reprefented in a natural and animated manner.
The whole is defigned to excite thoFe paffions and
feelings in the warrior, which it is defigned to repre-
sent. And fo quick, exa£t., and dreadful, is the rep-
refentation, that the uninformed fpettator is (Iruck
with horror, and looks to fee the ground covered
with mangled limbs, and flaughtered bodies. — If
peace is made, this is alfo celebrated by a dance.
The ambaffadors and the warriors fmoke in the fame
pipe, and join together in the fame dance. The
dance is adapted to fignify that the hatchet is
buried, that the blood is all wafhed away, and that
the ghofts of the flain are appealed} and at reft ; and
that both nations are now to live, in all the friend -
fhip and familiarity of brotherhood. Thus inftead
of being barely an amufement and diverfion, danc-
ing among the Indians, is a very important and (e-
rious ceremony ; defigned to reprefent fome impor-
tant tranfaclion, and to infpiie thofe feelings and
pallions, which it fhould naturally produce. — Is it
not remarkable, that among the favages in the hi ft
ftage of fociety, dancing fhould be adapted to pub-
lic and national purpofes ; that ail the fteps, figures,
and motions of it, fhould be arts of imitation ; and
that among civilized nations, all the fteps and mo-
tions fhould be without defign, infignificant, and
without any meaning at all ?
Beard. — The cuftoms and methods of different
nations, have been various and different, refpe&ing
their beards. Some have carefully preferved them
HISTORY of VERMONT. 157
as the tokens of manhood, gravity, and majefty,.
Others have curied, twitted, and braided them, to
give the appearance of elegance and beauty : Oth-
ers have entirely cut them off, as an ufelefs incum-
brance ; and 'o acquire greater foftnefs, mildnefs,
and amiablenefs of appearance. Thefe different
cuRoms and fafhions, do not appear to be derived
from any permanent caufe, or inftinct founded in
nature ; but to be matters of fancy, fuperftition,
convenience, or vanity.-— In this refpect the Indians
had a cuftom, different from thofe of other nations.
It is their univerfal and conftant practice, to pluck
Oiem out by the roots ; and to deflroy, as far as pof-
lible, the appearance of any beard at all. Every-
man has an inftrument made for this purpofe : It
confifts of a wire, twilled round a flick, in fuch a
manner as to draw the hair out of the flefh, and ex-
tract the root. The Indian carries fuch an inftru-
ment with him : And it makes a regular and con-
ftant part, of what he efteems his drefs, to extract
and defttoy his beard. So fond are they of this cuf-
tom, that whenever the Indian can obtain a looking-
glafs, his firft bufinefs is to examine his face, and
with this kind of tweezer, pluck out all the hairs he
can difcover. They generally recommend this cuf-
tom to their captives, as what would increafe their
beauty, and deftroy their hairy appearance, which
the favage greatly diflikes.
Some philofophers have fuppofed, that the beard-
lefs countenance of the Indian, is derived not from
cuftom, but from nature : That the Indian is with-
out any beard, or hair on any part of his body, ex*
cept the eyebrows and head : That this arifes from
a defect in the powers and vigour of nature ; and is
an evidence of weaknefs, impotency, and want of
manhood.* The fact, and the conclufion, are both
miftakes.
* Buffois, Kaims, Robei tfon, &c«
158 the NATURAL and CIVIL
tniftakes. Nature is the fame in the Indian, as it is1
in the European : And on whatever part of the
body it has afllgned hair to the one, it has given it
to the other. 1 anj allured of this from thole who
have flain, (tripped, and buried their warriors : I
have the fame information from thofe, who have
been their captives ; and who have feen all the
mimbers of an Indian family, drefTed and undreff-
cd, and in all fituations. The fame is afferted by
thofe, who have lived among the civilized tribes, and
been called to perform offices of humanity, to the
Indians of each fex. The beardlefs countenance of
the Indian then, is not to be ranked among the cu-
rious and extraordinary phenomena of nature, but
is to be placed among the cuftoms peculiar to the
Indian tribes.
Drunkenness. — Drunkennefs is one of thofe
vices, which prevail among a rude and uncultivated
people. The favages of Northamerica, are univer-
sally addicted to it. Before they were acquainted
with the Europeans, they had discovered a compoli-
fion, or liquor, of an inebriating nature, nfade oub
of maize or Indian corn. But the difficulty of pro-
curing a large quantity of this liquor, prevented any
general intemperance, or excefs. No fooner had
they tailed of the fpirituous liquors brought by the
Europeans, than they contracted a new appetitet
which they were wholly unable to govern. The
Europeans found it the rnoft lucrative branch of the
Indian trade, to gratify this inclination. With an
avidity of defire altogether uncontroulable, the In-
dians fell into the fnare. The firft objett of inquiry
with them, was, whether the trader had brought any
brandy or rum ; and no confiderations could re-
iirain them in the ufe of it. The old and the
young, the fachem, the warrior, and the women,
whenever they can obtain ftrong liquors, indulge
themldves without moderation, and without decen-
cy,
HISTORY op VERMONT. 159
cy, until univerfal drunkennefs takes place. All the
tribes whether placed in a temperate,' or in a fevers
climate, appear to be under the dominion, and una-
i>le to govern this appetite.
An effeel fo univerfal and fimilar, muft have as
general and univerfal a caufe. The caufe will be
found to have a deep and a ftrong foundation, in
their manner, cuftom, and habit of living. Their
conflant method of living, was on raw or boiled
meat, and frefh water. This did not fatisfy the de-
Ores of nature ; and naturally produced an appetite
for every thing, which was aftringent, ftimulating,
and inflammatory. When, they met with ardent
fpirit, they found that, which is the moft highly
gratifying to fuch an appetite. The hardfhips and
fufferings to which the Indian was expofed, their
want of comfortable refrefhments and fupport, and
the extremes of heat, cold, and. moifture, to which
they were fubjeel, were conflantly adding new force,
to. an appetite already exceflive. Few of the white
people, who have been reduced to fuch a fituation
for a few months, have been able to preferve their
temperance. The Indian proved wholly inadequate
to the trial. Unaccuftomed to lay any reftraint on
his appetites and paflions, and unable to bear but a
fmall quantity of the liquor, to which he had been
unufed, he is overcome upon the firfl trial. His ap-
petite, the more inflamed by irregular enjoyment,
becomes more keen and raging, until extreme excefs
puts it out of his power to indulge himfelf any long-
er. Nothing but a total change of the whole meth-
od of his living, will enable him to preferve that tem-
perance and regularity, which to a perfon furroundedl
with all the comforts of life, is an eafy and a com-
mon attainment.
Cruelty. — There are no paflions in the human
mind, which operate with fo much force and fierce-
, as thofe of anger and revenge. The cuflonis
and
i6o the NATURAL and CIVIL
and maxims of polifhed focieties, with all the aid of
their laws and religion, have not as yet been able to
give a due regulation or reflrairit to thefe paflions.
In many cafes, an offended individual cannot be
made to believe, but what it is right and beft for
.him, to be the judge and the avenger of his own in-
juries ; and that it is the mark of meannefs, to leave
it to the laws of fociety, to make a proper retaliation
to the wrongs he has received. Higher attainments
muft yet be made in the ftate of fociety, before an
adequate reftraint and regulation will be found for
thefe paflions. — In the bread of a favage, they rage
without any controul : Inftead of being taught any
reftraint, the young favage is taught in early life, to
gratify and indulge them. The whole force of ed-
ucation, example, cuflom, habit, and manner of liv-
ing, operate with a decifive influence, to give them
new force and vigour. By the government of the
tribe, the revenge of injuries is left in the hands of
every individual ; and to be patient and moderate,
is the higheft mark of meannefs and want of fpirit.
To give further force to the fpirit of vengeance, all the
maxims and cuftoms of war, have placed the point of
honour, in rendering the fpirit of revenge, implaca-
ble, unabating, and fuch as never can be fatisfied,
fubdued, or loft. Aided by all thefe motives and
confiderations, anger and revenge, become fierce,
brutal, honid, bloody, and implacable paflions, in
the breaft of the favage : More like the deftruttive
rage of a beaft of prey, than like a paflion in the
heart of a human being. — The effect, is a barbarous
and unrelenting cruelty : Far from pitying, fparing,
or forgiving, the fafrage aims at the ruin, deftrudlion,
and utter extermination of his enemies. Hence the
method of carrying on his war, was to deftroy men,
women, and children : To plunder and burn their
towns, and villages ; To torture and torment their
prifoners : And to fweep off whole tribe?, with an
imivcrfal
HISTORY of VERMONT* i6i
uriive'rfal and undiftjnguifhed carnage. This feefns
to have been the wilh and aim of every tribe, when]
they-engaged in war. A barbarous, unrelenting
cruelty, diftinguifhed and marked all their fleps.
The cruelty of the Indian feems to have ariferi
from the paflions of anger and revenge. It is not
to be denied but that there are other paflions, which
have carried civilized nations, to the fame dreadful
extremes in cruelty.— Avarict led the Spaniards to
perpetrate more enormous crimes and cruelty upon,
the; Indians, than the Indians were ever capable of
returning. The fcene of promifcuous calamity, de-
finition, murder, and butchery, which the Span-
iards carried through all parts of Southamerica, in
the number, defign, degree, duration* variety, an<i
enormity of its cruelties, far exceeded any thing that
Was ever perpetrated by the Indians, If we are to
believe the declarations of a celebrated modern ftatef-
man,* the avarice of a company of merchants, hasf
murdered millions and millions of mankind, by
ftarving them to death in Bengal.— The fpirit of
fuperjiition and bigotry ', is equally cruel and unrelent-
ing. The murders of the inquifition fubfifted for
centuries : They were fanclioned by law, and are
not yet done away. Imprifonment, eonfifcation;,;
and death in its molt awful form's, were the punifh-
ments which bigots, whenever they had power, nev-
er failed to inflict with great pleafureji upon thofe'
who were wife and virtuous enough to oppofe them.
The maflacre on St. Bartholomew's day, in 1572^
was one of the moft barbarous and horrid of all hu-
man tran fa ttions. In the midtl of the moil polite'
city in Europe, the king, princes, nobility, and pric(Lsv
turned mon-fters, affafTins, and butchers ; and mur-
dered thirty thoufand of their fellow men, on ac-
count of theSr religion. Their rage was attended
W with
* Mr, Burfcfc
atffc t NATCRAL iUb CIVIL
with circumllances of inhuman cruelty and barbarity
far exceeding the fierce and bloody OalTions of the
lavages of America.— Ottr own* countrymen ought
not to. forgetytkat revetfg'e has a Wo tranlported them
into a conduft, equally inhu»ma-n- and 'barbarous as
that of the Indians. At the concru-fion of the In-
dian war, in 1676, the government tried feverai of
their captives, by the1 Englifh Jaw& • Some were con-
demned, and executed UjSOnrfro gallows ;- and1 oth-
ers were font to confume their' days, in the flavery
of the Weflindran iilands : A puniihmsnt, to them
more fev'ere than death.
In the cruelty and barbarity of the Indian, man
appears in a fitualion but little removed from the
brutal ferocity of the bead of prej'. Brit when ava-
rice, bigotry, and revenge, produce the fame infernal
fpirit among civilized nations, cruelty appears with
a more diabolical afpe£t; not like the rage of wild
beads, but like the fury and vengeance of a combi-
nation of apoftate fpirits. — The progrefs of knowl-
edge, humanity, and refinement, will afford the only
effectual remedy for this evil.
Such were the regulations, cuftoms, and manners
of the Indians, the original men of America. They
have been viewed by philofophers, in the moft op-
pofite and contrary lights. Some have fuppofed
that the Indians were in the infancy of exiftence3
that the whole continent of America was but lately
raifed out of trie fea, and that her inhabitants were
in a (late of degradation, unworthy to be compared"
with the men of the more ancient and improved
hemifpheie."^ On the contrary, others have con-
tended that in the rudeft and moil fimple flate, matv
attains an independence, a dignity, and a nobjenefs
of mind, which is never found, but is always loft,
a^nidlt the refinements oi" polifiied ioc*ieties : Tha£
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. 163
the bigheft dignity and noblenefs of man, is derived
folely >from nature, and is always debafed and cor-
rupted by polifh, refinement, and the arts.* — To
view this fubje&in its proper light, it will be nec-
cfiary tp compare the favage with the civilized ftate,
and to'maifc the various Advantages , and Dij "advan-
tages of it.
The Savage State favourable to the
Health, Activity,, and Vigour of the Body-
■ — Among the advantages tiiat were Connected with
the, favage ftate, it may juftiy be efteemed one, and a
matter 0* 'much importance, that it was favourable to
the vigour, activity, and health of the body. It jft
by exertion and exercife, that the body, acquires its
mod improved ftate of activity, firmnefs, vigour, and
health. Acculiomed to range the forefts in queft
of game, the Indian acquired an habit and activity
in travelling, that exceeded that of any other people.
In the expedition, fwiftnefs, and perfeverance of his
courfe, he much exceeds the. European. — No people
bear hardship, frittering, and fatigue fo well,: The
extremities of heat and cold, of hunger and tbii rftj of
bad weather, and of bad accommodations, *re per-
fectly familiar to the Indiana And he bears them
with a much lefs e£Fe<5l upon his conftitution, than
the men who have been ufed to better accommoda-
tions.— Unaccullomed to the fteady and regular em-
ployments of agriculture, his body does not acquire
the ftrength that the Europeans have. And when
the exertion, is an exertion of ftrength, and fteady
labour, the white man is found to be the ftrongeft.
Thofe only of the Indians, who have been educated
and trained up to fteady and hard work, are equal
to the white men in bodily ftrength. In running
the race, and in bearing hardfhip, the Indian exceeds.;
but in ftrength of body, and bearing hard and fteady
Labour,, he is generally unequal to the European.
\
* Rouffeau*
i6'4 the NATURAL and CIVIL
In refpecT; to health, the lavage (late fcems fully
equal to the civilized. Ufed to- all the variations of
the' weather and clirrtate, he TufFerecf but little from
fuch changes. The difeafes ' to which the Indians
were fubJLecl;, were chiefly thole which arofe fiom'
cxercife, hardfhips, and fatigues. Fevers, the aflhma,
and paralytic diforders, made the capital articles in
the hiftory of the Indian difeafes. But that numer-
ous and fearful train of maladies, which a rife from
luxury, flotb, intemperance, ahd want of . exercife?
were unnamed, and unknown among- the Indian
tribes. — In their villages there fee med to be a greater
number of decayed and aged perforis, than are gen-
erally to be found among an equal number of white
people. But as they had not the art of numbers
£nd computation, no exaci accounts Could he pro-
cured of their age. This article refts therefore rath-
ier upon appearance, and indication derived from
decrepit and fhrivelled bodies, than from any proper
and authentic accounts of the years and longevity,
to which they attain. All appearances however
jTeem to indicate, that activity, vigour, health, and
xige, were to be found to great advantage in the fav-
age (late.
Favourable to Firmness and Fortitude
or Mind. — The fituation and employment that
promoted the vigour and health of the body, tended
to produce independence, firmnefs, and fortitude in
the mind. Inured to fufFering, hardship, and dan-
ger, the mind of the lavage wa& formed to an habit-
ual firmnefs, and courage. His mind became com-
pofed and collected in critical and dangerous fitua-
fions : And he fuffered but little from apprehen-
sions of fear.-v-The fpirit of freedom and independ-
ence, was cultivated and confirmed by every circum-
ftance attending his education, employment, and rep-
utation. Neither corrected nor checked in his early
years, retarded or flopped in any purfuit, he knew
of
HISTORY of VERMONT. 165
of no controul, or reftrainti Mailer of his own ac-
tions, and never wifhing to moderate his paflions, the
fpirit of freedom and independence took the entire
po'fleffion of his foul. Moved by, and perpetually
confcious of this independent fpirit, he a&ed in cir-
eumftances of diftrefs, and danger, with amazing
force and magnanimity of mind. — But that which
the favage efteemed his greateft glory and higheft
dignity, was his fortitude and bravery. To bear
hardfhip, to endure fufferin'g, to be unmoved in the
midft of torment, and to rife fuperiour to any thing
that could be laid upon him ; this, was the higheft
honour, and the nobleft attainment of the warrior.
And in this, it is not to be denied, that the human
mind attained in the favage ftate, a fortitude and a
magnanimity that it does not attain, amidft the re-
finements, cuftoms, and maxims of polifhed nations.
Amazed at the firmnefs and fortitude, which the
favage difplays in the mod dreadful of all fituations,
feveral philosophers have aimed to difcover fome ap-
athy, fome natural defect, or want of fenfibility in
his frame, which qualified him to bear pain with lefs
feeling, and with more fortitude, than other men.
There is no fuch defect in his conftitution. His
magnanimity arifes from a fenfe and principle of
honour. This is the fir ft principle he is taught ;
the fole object of his education, profeffion, and pur-
suit. Amidft the rudenefs and hardihood of the
favage ftate, this principle acts with more force and
vigour upon the human mind, than it ever acquires
amidft the refinements and foftnefs of a more polifh-
ed ftate of fociety. Refinement, and the arts, foft-
en and relax the mind ; philofophy dibilitates the
body, while it aims to correct all rudenefs and cx-
cefs, in the mind, and to give it a juft habit and tone
of thinking and acting : But in the rudenefs of the
favage ftate, every thing concurs to give an unalter-
ed firmnefs to the body, and to the mind -, the prin-
ciple
i6G the NATURAL ans CJVlt,
cjple of honour has nothing to oppofe or relax it;
And it will be in the mod hardy body and mind,
that nature and honour will a6l with thegreated force
and vigour. The principles of religion only, have
ever produced a fimilar phenomenon. The heroic
ipirit of the martyr, undaunted and triumphant in,
the torture, and in the flame, has alone exceeded or
equalled the fortitude and magnanimity of the man
of nature.
Favourable to Political Talents, and
Vjktuis. — The lavage date was alfo friendly to
fome of the political talents and virtues. The love
sfhis country, derived from nature, cheriflied by ed-
ucation, ambition,' precept, and example, became a
ve.iv powerful principle in the breall of a favage.
His affections were confined to the limits of his owa
tribe, and his views never extended any further.
His glory terminated in the fervices he could render
to it : And the greateft-of all attainments was to ex-
pand the national fame, reputation, and conquefts.
To this he became attached by birth, education, and
intered ; by ambition, honour, and a third for glo-
}v. Every padion that glowed in the bread of the
savage, ferved to incrcal'e and add drength to the
love of his country. No motives of ambition, gain,
revcrige, or policy, ever lead him to betray its inter-
t.us or councils, to defert to the enemy, or to prove
^. traitor to the country and tribe, that gave him
birth. This principle connected together the mem-
bers of the fame tribe : It feems to have taken the
deeped root, to have acted with the greateft force,
?.nd to have been the lead corrupted, in the favage
irate.
When the intereds of their country were to be
conlitdered, much prudence and wijdom were difplay-
^d> in their councils. The chiefs and elders confut-
ed wi,th great deliberation,, ferioufnefs, andcalmnefs;
^ud Without any appearance of provocation,, refent-
ment,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 16/
mciKtj or impatience at contradiction and oppofition.
»ery propofal was conHdered 5 the probable effects
and confequences, advantages and disadvantages,-
were examined and weighed. No heat, anger, ill
nature, or reflections upon one another, but perfect
ealmnefs prevailed : And that conclufion was em-
braced, which appeared to be moft beneficial to the
tribe. Thoie of the Europeans who have attended
thefe councils of the favages, have compared them
to the accounts hiftorians have given us, of the pro-
ceedings of .the Senates in the ancient republics.*
They bore the appearance of fblemnity, gravity, and
deliberation. In thefe councils, integrity 'and fubli:
virtus uf-as always prcferved. The objecls they had
to determine, were not of a trivial or infignificant
nature : They were thofe, which involve all that is
the moil dear,, valuable, and important to man, in
any ftage; of Society. The prerehvation and protec-
tion cf their property ; the (dftty and the lives of
their wives, children, and fathers ; the exiftence,. the
independence, and the freedom of their country.
The councils of civilized nations may be employed
upon objects of a much greater extent ; but they nev-
er can contemplate objects of more importance, of
greater value, ok of a, higher nature. In attending
to them the mind of the favage became compofed,
Sedate, grave, and lerious. He had no private in-
te.re.ft to corrupt him ; no broken fortune to be re-
paired ; nothing to be expelled from. the misfortune?
of. his country ; from lucrative jobs, polls of hon-
our and profit j from the management of the pub-
lic wealth; or from the veakneSs, prejudice, and fa-
vourite pafilons of a prince. No emoluments ov ad-
vantages could accrue to him, but thofe of the pub-
lic good. In fuch a fituation, corruption would not
enter into the councils of the favages. There \va*
nothing to be gained by intrigue, diflimulation, or
knavery.
* Gharlevoix lit. 26, Smith's Hift, Newyork. p. ,53, Phil. Edit,
i68 the NATURAL and CIVIL
knavery. All the advantages that could aiife to irr»
dividuals, muft arife from the general good of the*
tribe. And where there was nothing to be gained
by corruption, there was nothing left for their coun-
fellors, but to difplay their greateH wifdom, integrity,
and public virtue.
The nature of their government and councils was
alfo favourable to eloquence, and the art 6f public
/peaking. This feems to have been the only art, in
which the Indian rofe to any eminence. Unable to
remember an irregular unconnected difcourfe, the In-
dian was extremely fond of regularity and method.
When he fpoke, his fpeech was fhort and laconic j
and the meaning was conveyed in bold and ftrong
metaphors. When they return an anfwer, they re-
peat the whole that has been faid to them, and re-
duce it into a ftrieT: and regular order. Their words
are. but few j the language ftrong, and figurative ;
the figures expreffive, vigorous, and bold ; their" man-
ner, grave and animating j the tone, determined and
decifive j ancTthe fentiment they mean to convey, fo
clearly expreffed, that they are never mifunderftood.
An hiftorian who was prefent at feveral of their con-
ferences with the Englifli, gives this account of the
appearance and manners of their orators, <c Their
Speakers deliver themfelves with furprifmg force, and
great propriety of gefture^ The fiercenefs of their
countenances, the flowing blanket, elevated tone,
naked arm, and erect ftature, with a half circle of au-
ditors leated on the ground, and in the open air,' can-
not but imprefs upon the mind, a lively idea of the
ancient orators of Greece and Rome."* — Some of
their fpeeches in manlmefs of fentiment, in the force
of expreffion, and in the elegance of the arrangement,
have been fully equal to the productions of the Gre-
cian, Roman, or Britifh eloquence. And in no caf«
does
FWlh'j Htft; of Newyork. p.
HISTORY of VERMONT. i6£
does language acquire fuch force and vigour, as when
it is the dictate of the paffions and feelings of nature,
in her rude and uncultivated ftate.
It was by the combination of thefe virtues and
abilities, that the favage rofe to public honours, em-
ployment, and diftinction. The braveft and the
wifeft became the leader, and the fachem. No oth-
er arts could feeure the public efteem and favour^
but fuperiour abilities and exploits. The ancients
generally numbered good fortune, among the mod
neceflary qualifications of their heroes. The In-
dians adapted this idea in its full force, and extend
Without diftinguifhed bravery and fuccefs, the pri-
vate man was never promoted at all : If he proved
an unfortunate and unfuccefsful leader, he foon loft
all his influence and reputation.
In thefe maxims and cufloms of the favage ftate,
there Were conftant and powerful motives, to the
exertion of all their political talents and virtues : And
there was much lefs intrigue and corruption in thofe
public proceedings, which reined to their own tribe^
than there generally is in the t ran factions of civil-
ized focieties.
Favourable to the Exercise of some Vir-
tues.— Several of the vices that prevail among pol-
ifhed nations, were feldom to be found among the
Indians ; and there were fome virtues, to the exer-
cife of which, the favage ftate was not unfriendly.
The hofpitality which the ancients celebrated i'o
much, was of great importance and ufe in the early
ftages of fociety. Wnen the ftranger and traveller;
could find no accommodation or protection, bat in
the kindnefs of thofe on whom he called for relief,
hofpit.diiy became a virtue of the higheft ufe and
excellency : The bufinefs and convenience of life,
could not have be>m eadly carried on without it.
As fociety became improved, the ftranger found in
the protection rjf Jaw's, and in the ufe of money, that
& relief,
i;-o thi NATURAL and CIVIL
relief, which he before derived from the hofpitality
of the age. In poliflied nations the necelfity, and
the exiilence of this virtue, have in a great meafiuc
eeafed. Among the favages it prevailed to an high
degree, and a/ied with its full force. The Euro-
peans every where found the moft friendly and cor-
dial reception, when threy firfl came among the fav-
ages ; and from their hofpitality, they derived all the
a ffi fiance the favages could afford them. It was
not until difpules and differences had taken place,
that the Indians became unfriend!)'. Even now,
an unarmed defencelefs flranger, that repairs to them
for relief and protection, is lure to find fufety and
aiTiflance in their hofpitality. — The friendfhipof the
Indian, is always a very ftrong. and vigorous affec-
tion. His pa'iions unfubdued, undifciplined, and
ungovcrned, always aci with great force and vig-
our : Whatever be the object of them, the paf-
fion itfclf is always impetuous and ftrong. No-
feounds are fct to his refentment and revenge,
when injured ; and no length of time, will ob-
literate the memory of a favour. The fame im-
petuofity and perfeverance, with which he purfues
his enemy, is employed to affift and preferve hh
friend. In this refpe£l, the Indian attachments have
fully equalled any thing that is to be found, in the
hiftory of man-. Several of their bell concerted ex-
peditions have failed, through the anxiety of an in-
dividual to preferve a friend from the common ven-
geance and deftru£tion.
Trained up to the mod refined cunning and
diflimulation in war, the Indian carries nothing of
this into the affairs of commerce ; but is fair, open,
and honeft in his trade. He was accuftomed to no
ialfehood or deception, in the management of his
barter. And he was aftonifhed at the deceit, knav-
ery, and fraud of the European traders. — He had
no- bolts or locks to guard againft Healing, nor did
he
HISTORY of VERMONT. 171
he ever conceive his property was in any danger of
being ftolen, by any of his tribe. AU that train of
infamous and unmanly vices, which arife from ava-
rice, were almoft unknown to the favage ilate. — Ly-
ing and falfehood were viewed with horror, and de-
teftation. When they found thefe vices common
among fome of the Europeans, the Indians viewed
them as a corrupt and odious race ; in whofe truth,
juftice, and declarations, no faith could be placed.
They had no name for adultery, or rape. Quarrel-
ing, contention, and difcord, with their numerous
ill effe6ls, were but little known among the members
of the fame tribe.
Their morality, confined to a few objc6ls, admit-
ted of fewer vices than the civilized ftate. Where
no wants are known but thofe of nature, and the
way to fupply thofe wants is the fame, and open to
all ; the individuals of the fame fociely, will iive in
a friendly and cordial manner together ; without
many grounds of ftrife, and without much tempta-
tion to iujure each other. In the language of the
Indians, this is denominated a ftate of brotherhood:
In this ftate, the moral fenfe will join its influence
with the focial affe&ions, to prevent injuries, evils,
and vices ; and to reftrain the members of the tribe,
from violating the rules of morality. As fuch a ftate
does not admit of many of the virtues of civilized
nations, it is alfo in a great meafure free, from many
of their moft dangerous vices.
In fuch refpecls, the favage ftate feems to have
had advantages peculiar to itfelf ; and to have pro-
duced effects, which are not to be expected among
civilized nations. But before we decide on its op-
eration and tendency, it will be necefiary to exam-
ine the dijadvantageSy to which it is fubjeel ; with
their influence, and effect, on fociety.
The Savage State Unfavourable to alt,
Intellectual Improvements.— <As one difad-
vantage
17? the NATURAL and CIVIL
vantage of the favage flate, it lias conftantly proved
unfavourable to all intellectual improvements and
exertions. Occupied Solely with hunting and war,
the favage had no idea or wifh for any intclleclual
attainment, which was not immediately connected
with h. favourite profeffions. Neither his reafon,
nor his invention, appear to have been much cxer-
cifed upon any objeel, not fuggefted by his necefli-
ties. — Taking the game, and fubduing his enemy,
did not depend on the knowledge of letters. The
transactions of his anceflors, were not of much im-
portance to him : He had no code of laws, no evi-
dences of property, or any public tranfaclions to be
recorded. With thefe arts, of fo much importance
to civilized nations, but of little conftquence to the
Indians, they were wholly unacquainted ; and had
not made any advance towards the difcovery of let-
ters. The only thing which they appeared anxious,
to record, was the exploits of their warriors. When
a party of thefe had met with uncommon fuccefs, it
was often the cafe that they made forne very rough
figures or inscriptions upon the trees, to reprcfent
the direction of their march, the number of enemies
which they had flain, and taken captive.* Thefe
kind of inscriptions were Sometimes m;.de upon the
rocks. A number of fuch figures are yet to be fecn
npon the rocks at the mouth of Weft river in this
flate. They feem to allude to the affairs of war,
but their rudenefs and awkwardneSs denotes that the
formers of them weie at a great remove from the
knowledge of any alphabet. — The art of numbering
and computation, is an elementary and eSTtntial art
in every nation where bu finely is tranfacled, or any
considerable intercourse and commerce is carried on.
But the favage had nothing to number, that was of
rnuch importance to him. lie had no treafures tq
count ;
* Sir W; Johnfon's account : Phil, Tranf. Vol, LXJIL
P»0 143-
HISTORY of VERMONT. 17J
count ; no property, the^yalue of which, was to be
computed ; nor any variety of objects, the number
and value of which, mud be expreiled by figures.
Arithmetic would therefore have been an ufelefs art
to the Indian ; and he had not made any attempt to
attain it. They could count as far as ten or twen-
ty ; all beyond this, was compared to the number
of the "trees, or the hair on their heads. — The on!y
objects, on which the Indian had employed his rea-
ibn, were thoje of external fenle ; fuch as are ma-
terial or corpc ral, the idea of which is received by
the fcnfes. They had no name for any of the fci-
ences, or for abftract and univerfal ideas. Time,
fpace, duration, fubflance, and all thofe terms, which
are ufed to reprefent abftract and univerfal ideas,
appear to have been unknown ; and probably never
were the objects of their inquiry, contemplation, or
jthought.
The ideas of religion, were extremely weak and
obfcure in the favage. Our Maker has not left us
to a courfe of metaphysical reafoning upon the con-
nexion between caufe and effect, to come to the
knowledge of his exiftence. Long before men be-
come capable of fuch exercifes of the reafoning pow-
ers, they believe in the exiftence of a Deity. A
ienfe of his being, feems to be infcribed upon the
human mind. And probably no tribe has ever been
found, that had not the idea of fome fuperiour pow-
erful being. Whether this was the object of fear,
or of love, or however it was represented, the idea
of a fuperiour being feems to have been common
and general among all nations. It takes place in the
tnind, before we are capable of reafoning about caufe
and efFect : And it feems to be derived from a rev-
elation, which the Deity hath made of himfelf to
man. In the conftitution of the human mind, in
its feelings, paflions and motions, a fenfe of the Deity
feems to be interwoven, inftamped, and infcribed.
And
i7i the NATURAL and CIVIL
And this revelation become/' more clear, plain, and
intelligible, according to the manner and degree in
which it is improved. Among the Indians, it ap-
peared in its weakcfl and mod obfcure Rate. They
denominated the Deity, the Great Spirit, the Great
Man above ; and feemed to have fome general, but
very obfcure ideas of his government, providence,
ttpiverfaj power, and dominion.
The immortality of the foul, was every where ad-
mitted among the Indian tribes. The fentiment
itfelf refults from our fears, hopes," and feelings.
Man is fcarcely ever degraded and funk fo low, but
that he hopes and believes that death will not prove
(lie extinction of his being. This fentiment pre-
vailed in every part of America. The Indians fo
firmly believed it, that it was their general cuflom
to bury with the dead, their bows, their arrows, their
fpears, and fome venifon, that they might not be
wholly unprepared to begin their courfe with ad-
vantage, in another flate. There might be a few
exceptions, but the general fentiment was nearly the
fame in every part of the continent.
JBiU both thefe fentiments, theexiftence of a God,
and the immortality of the foul, were nothing more
in the favage, than the dictate and voice of nature.
They were not the objects of his inquiry, difcourfe,
j eafoning, or contemplation. The Indians had made
no improvements, no cultivation of the gifts of na-
ture and providence ; and they had very little in-
iluence on any part of his conduct. They had not
produced any domeftic, or public devotion ; any
form, rite, or mode of worfhip ; or any fy Item of
manners and cuftoms, favourable to national virtue
and religion. Without a prieft, without a temple,
f-icrificc, or altar, the Indian was funk under the
thickelt gloom ofignorance,fuperltition, and (tupidity.
His reafon, never employed on any intellectual
y'rainment or exertion, he remained in a ftate of
nature ;
HISTORY of VERMONT. 175
nature ; wholly unacquainted with every thing de-
rived from the exerciie, improvement, and cultivation
of the po-.vers of the mind. Neither his reafon, or his
defnes, ever moved or tended towards any fuch im-
provements : And Lb long as hunting fhould have
continued to be the mode of his fubfiftence, fo long
it is probable, he would have remained at a diftance
from every intellectual attainment.
Admits of but few Virtues. — It was anoth-
er disadvantage of the favage (late, that it did not
admit of but few virtues. The moral i'en(e, or con-
icience, makes pajt of our natural conflitution ; and
is as effendal to man, as his appetites and paffions,
as his countenance and form. When this is not
corrupted or perverted, its dictates are clear and
right, and do not tend to miflead us : And its dic-
tates are never more clear and certain, than when
they are the genuine and limple voice of nature,
There were fewer temptations and there were fewer
vices in the favage ftate, to corrupt and pervert the
moral fenfc, than there are in a polifhed ftate of fo-
ciety : But there were alfo fewer motives, occalions,
and opportunities for virtue. Reverence and re-
fpect. to the Deity, had little place or effect; on the
uncultivated mind of the favage. There was noth-
ing in his fituation to produce thofe offices of kind-
nefs, and tendernefs, which foften the heart, and
fvveeten the intercourfe of life, in the civilized ftate.
The fullen pride of independence, was the ftrongeffc
paffion in the heart of the Indian ; and it left but
little room, for tender and generous affections to>
others. Depending folely upon himfelf, the heard
of the favage contracts an infenfibility, an hardnefs^
a rou<*hnefs, very unfavourable to focial connexions.
Expecting no offices of kindnefs from others, he waa
very little employed in relieving the diUrefles, fup-
plying the wants, or gratifying the defires of others,
In a heart thus contracted, but few virtues will re-
fide.
i76 the NATURAL and CIVIL
fide. The natural afreclions will remain, and may
become flrong and vigorous : But the divine, fociaJ,
and human virtues, find an unfriendly foil ; be-
come few in their number, and weak in their op-
eration.
No Attainments in the Arts. — Thofe arts,
which are the moil neceffary and ufeful to men in
the civil flate, were almoft wholly unknown among
the favages. — To provide a covering to defend the
body againft heat, cold, and moiflure, is one of the
firft arts that man muft have attended to. The In-
dian had gone no further in this primary and eflfen-
tial art, than to apply the fkins and furs of animals
to this purpofe. The art of fpinning, knitting, and
weaving, were wholly unknown to the northern In-
dian?. They had no other materials to cover and
clothe their bodies, than what were derived from
hunting. — Architecture of fome kind and form, muft
unavoidably engage the attention of men, in every
climate and country. The attainments of the In-
dians in this art, were the lowed that can be con-
ceived. Their buildings were nothing more than a
few temporary and wretched huts, put together with-
out order, ftrength, or convenience. Some crouch-
ed flakes were thrufl into the ground : Thefe were
connected by poles, laid from the one to the other ;
and the whole was covered with the bark, limbs,
and leaves cf the trees. An aperture was left at the
top, for the conveyance of fmoke ; and the fire was
kindled in the middle. This was called a cabin or
wigwam, and was without windows, doors, or any
divifion-of apartments. This was the highefl ele-
gance and convenience, the houfe of the Indian
had attained.
The progrefs of the arts, depends very much on
the inflruments and tools, with which the artificers
are furnilhed. Mod of thefe among civilized na-
tions arc derived from the application, and ufe of
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. 177
the metals ; particularly that of iron. From this
metal is formed almoft every inftrument, that is em-
ployed in peace, or in war. Civilized nations have
availed themfclves of the difcovery and ufe of this
metal, in every kind of art that they purfue. The
Indian was in no capacity to arrive to fuch an im-
provement. Copper, filver, and gold, have been
found in their perfect ftate, in the rocks, mountains,
and rivers ; and were the metals, which were firft
known and ufed. But nature never completes the
formation of iron. It mufl pafs through two or
three tedious operations by fire, before it appears
in its perfect and ufeful form. With the former
metals, the Indians in fome parts of America, were
well acquainted : But of the nature and ufe of iron,
all of them were wholly ignorant. — Deftitute of this
capital advantage, all their tools and inftruments to
an European, would have been wholly ufelefs.
Their axe was made of a fharpened ftone. Their
knife was formed out of a (hell, or bone. Every
other inftrument was equally impotent, and ill con-
trived.— The arms they had contrived for defence,
or attack, were equally feeble and awkward : A club
made of hard wood, a flake hardened in the fire, a
lance armed with a flint or a bone, a bow and an ar-
row, conftituted the whole artillery of an Indian
war. Of domeftic uteniils and houfehold furniture,
they had nothing that deferved the name. A bed, a
chair, a table, a pot, a kettle, or an oven, were whol-
ly unknown. Their bread was baked on the coals.
Their meat was broiled in the fame manner. Their
created art in cookery, was their method of boiling
their food. A piece of wood, or a ftone, with ex-
treme labour, was formed into a hollow, and filled
wilh water ; and this water was made to boil, by-
throwing into it ftones heated red hot.
The greateft peiformance of the Indiaa genius,
was the conftru&ion of hi* canoe. Wkh infinite
Y labour,
i<;d the NATURAL and CIVIJL
labour, they fometimes hollowed out a tree, and
gave it a form adapted to the purpofe of navigation^
In a canoe thus formed, four or five Indians would
pafs a river, a large lake, or a dangerous rapid, with
much fafety, and dexterity. Another kind of canoe,
was formed out of the bark of the elm, or birch.
This was the work of but a few days, and was ex-
tremely light and convenient. It was of fufficient
dimeniions., to carry four or five Indians ; and fo
light, that one of them could eafily carry it on his
back. The dexterity of his management, the fwift-
neh of his voyage, and the fafety with which the In-
dians pafs the falls, rapids, and waves in this kind of
boat, has appeared furprifing to thofe perfons, who
were befl: acquainted with the arts of navigation,
And it feems to have been the higheft attainment, to
which the genius or invention of the Indian, had ever
an (en.
In the application and nfe of particular vegeta-
ble, animal, and mineral fubftances, the Indians feenr
t-o have had fome information, which ought to have
been more attended to-, and better afcertained. They
certainly knew of foms fubftances which gave the
moil; vivid and permanent colours ; and of others
which contained the moft fubtle, active, and power-
ful poifons. In feveral cafes of poifons, wounds,
and form; other disorders, the Indiana had the knowl-
edge of very valuable medicines : And they derived
iupport, refrefhment,. and medicine, from feveral
plants and vegetables, in which the Englifh had not
difcovered any fueh virtues or qualities. The knowU
edge of ftrch facts, was the re fait of fuch obferva-
tions, as expeiience naturally produced. But as the
Indian never attempted to improve any information
winch he had, and knew of no method to preferve it
but tradition, he made fmall advances in this kind of
Knowledge ; and it was rather a matter of fecrecy,
an of investigation, Nor was there any thing irv
his-
HISTORY of VERMONT. 179
Sirs fituation, or employment, adapted to call forth
the latent powers of his mind, and to produce the
fpirit of inquiry and improvement.
Very Unfavourable to Population. — Adif-
advantage Ct ill more unfavourable attended the fav-
-age ftate, it tended much to retard population. From
the earlieft hiftories of Virginia, it has been com-
puted that the number of Indians in that part of the
continent, did nor^amount to more than one for every
fquare mile.* I do not find any account, which will
lead us to cftimate the number of Indians in New-
england, at a higher rario than this. — In thofe pares
of the United States where the farms are well manag-
ed, a farm of one hundred acres will well fupport a
family of ten perfons. This amounts to fixty four
perfons, on one fquare mile. The Indian population
• then, compared to what has already raken place in
thofe parts of the United States, which are well fet-
tled and cultivated, was in no higher a proportion
than one to fixty four. A difference fo unfavourable
to the production of life, denotes fame eiTential de-
fect in the favage ftate.
Population depends upon a variety of circumstan-
ces, all of which are never found to concur, in favour
of any people. In the ftate and fituation of the In-
dians,, there were fewer circumftances favourable to
population, than in any other ftate of fociety. — In the
conftitution, form, and vigour of his body, nature
was bountiful to the Indian. In the dimensions and
fize of his body, in the proportion and perfection of
all his limbs, members, and organs., he rather exceed-
ed than fell Ihort of the European. All that have
been acquainted with the favages, have been (buck
with this circumftance. In no race of men, has the
human body appeared to be better formed, more
nicely adjufted, or to be more perfectly proportioned
in all its members and parts. No deficiency there-
fore
? Jeffcrfon's Notts on Virginia, p, 109,
180 the NATURAL and CIVIL
fore arofe from any impotency, or want of vigour,
in any of the powers of nature.
But whatever may be the original powers of nature,
they are weakened and impaired without proper food,
and nourifhment : And it is only, where fuitable and
nutritive food is to be obtained in regular and fuffi-
cient quantities, that animals will become the mod
prolific. In this refpecl, the fituation and ftate of the
lavage, was greatly unfavourable toincreafeand pop-
ulation. Deftitute of any certain or regular food and
nourifhment, the Indians fuffered feverely this way.
At one period, all was gluttony and excels ; at anoth-
er famine and hunger became extreme and diftrefting.
The heavieft part of this diftrefs fell upon the women,
who were the leaft able to bear it: And at no time
did they enjoy that regular and fteady fupply of food,
which nature required. In the male, this tended to
impair the 2nimal patTion : In the female, it tended
not only to weaken ir, but to render it greatly dan-
gerous'to indulge it. Its effects were ftill worfe up-
on the pregnant ; and often deftroyed the increafe
and fruit of nature, before the birth.
The manner in which the Indians procured their
food, was equally unfavourable to population, as the
uncertainty and irregularity of it, Deftitute of a
fixed fettlement and abode, the favage fpent the
hunting feafon in wandering through the forefts in
queft of game, and generally carried his family with
him. Their women muft climb the mountains, wade
through the rivers, force their way in the thickets of
the foreft, fleep upon the wet ground in the open
air, and carry their children with them ; and amidft
all thefe fatigues and diftrefies, were often without
food for feveral days, and always without comfortable
refreshment! Inftead of being in any degree prolific,
the white women would have all perilhed in fuch a
fituation. The wonder is, not why population fhould
have
HISTORY op VERMONT. 181
have been fo fmall, but how it fliould fubfifl at all,
in fuch a fituation. If the conftitution of the favage
had not been uncommonly ftrong and vigorous, not
only the animal paifton, but all the powers of nature
would have ceafed and become extinct, by luch con-
tinued fcenes of fatigue and diftrefs.
The conftaucy and perpetuity of their wars, had
alio a fatal influence on population. The irruption
of an enemy defolated their cultivated lands, difturb-
ed them in their hunting exertions, and deftroyed
all the little flock of provifions they had laved. The
women and children had no place of refuge, but to
conceal thernfelves in the woods, and mountains ;
where many of them mull perifh for want of food,
and all of them mull be in a fuffering and diflreiTed
condition. In the whole catalogue of human woes,
it is not pofiible to conceive of any ftate more dif-
treffing, than that of a pregnant woman, in a fitua-
tion fo horrid and awful. Many of them lived,
and brought forth the fruit of nature, amidtt this
complication of miferies. But the prefervation of
the mother and the child, approached nearer to the
nature of a miracle, than to what is efteemed the ef-
fect of the eftablifhed and regular laws of nature, in
the civilized ftate. — While their wars had this fatal
tendency to prevent the increafe, they operated with
a force equally fatal, to deftroy and fweep off thofe
that were the moll vigorous and adlive. Revenge,
de(lru6lion, the utter extermination of an enemy,
was the object aimed at in an Indian war : And
while it was carried on, it operated and raged with a
fatal and a certain tendency, to effect its defign, aim,
and end.
Other caufes might be found, in the cuftoms,
manners, and maxims of the favage?, which were alfo
unfavourable to increafe and multiplication ; but it
is not neceffary to enumerate every particular, that
would apply to this fubjeft. The circumftance*
which
i82 the NATURAL and CIVIL
which have been mentioned, are fuflicient to account
for all that has been uncommon, in the defedt of In-
dian population. That thefe circumftances, do in
fa£fc contain the caufes, which rendered the popula-
tion fo fmall among the favages, is confirmed from
llus additional evidence. Wherever the Indians
liave been placed in a fituation favourable to increafe,
they have become equally prolific as the defcendents
of Europe. Several of the traders among the In-
dian tribes, have married with their women : When
the Indian women have been thus provided with com-
fortable food, raiment, and places of abode, and re-
lieved from the fatigues and diflreffes of the favage
flaie, they have raifed up as large and numerous
families, as are found in the houfes of the white peo-
ple.— And among themfelves, when a tribe was fit-
uated on the bank of a river abounding with fifh, or
in a fpot where the game was plenty, and they re-
mained undifturbed by their enemies ; their numbers
foon incieafed, their women became more valued
and efteemed, and population afTumed a greater force
snd vigour.
In lome parts of America, the Indians had ad-
inced beyond the favage flate, and acquired fome
of the arts and conveniencies of the civil flate. In
i'uch places, the fame increafe of numbers took place
among them, that is feen among other nations. The
intercom fe between the fexes approached nearer to
delicacy and refinement. Greater attention was
paid to the women. The men became fcnfible, how
much their happinefs might be promoted, by the
ttachrnent and tendernefs of the female. In the
empires of Peru and Mexico, the Indians had made
fiderabie advances to fuch a ftate : And their
Nation had become vigorous and rapid. Their
tmpers refembled the appearance of things in Eu-
je ; and their cities abounded with inhabitants.
oufand families,, were faid by Cortez, to be
contained
HISTORY of VERMONT. 183
contained in the city of Mexico, when he led his
band of rufSans againft it. — From thefe effects we
may determine with certainty, that the defect in the
Indian population, was not derived from any weak-
nefs, impotency, degradation, or defect of nature 5
but arofe from a fituation, in which every circum-
fiance was unfriendly to increafe, and multiplica*
tion.
From the beardlefs countenance, and inattention
of the Indian to the female, fome philofophers<of
great eminence and abilities, have formed the moft
extravagant fyflems and theories, One has ailerted
that the Indian of America, has an inferiour consti-
tution to the European - that he is weak, and defi-
cient in the organs of generation ; without ardour,
and impotent with the female ; and deftitute of nat-
ural affections to his wife and children.* Another
is pofkive that he is not defcended from the com*
mon parents of the whites, but is a diftinct, feparate.^
and inferiour order of men to them ; of a different
original, and f pedes. + And it feems to be general-
ly afTerted and believed, by the hiftorians who have
quoted thefe accounts, that the man of America was
of lefs force, energy, and vigour, than the man of
Europe ; and laboured under fome phyfical defect,
or degradation.
The clearefl; proof, and the mod unexceptionable
evidence, ought to have been produced, before a
philofopher admitted as facts, things fo repugnant
to the general principles and laws of nature. Had
this been attempted, it would have corrected the
errour ; for the facts are all in oppofition, to what
has been fo often aflferted, and quoted. No fuch
animal was ever feen in America, as the Indian M.
de Buffon defcribed in Paris. — If the facts had been
true,
* M. de Buffon, xviii. 146.
+ Kaims' Sketches Hift.of Man, Vol. I, Sketch 1. Vpl. Uh
Sketch 12-,
184 the NATURAL and CIVIL
true, the conclufions which have been drawn from
them, would have been wholly uncertain. The
want of a beard would have been no proof, that the
Indians were incapable of population: And the want
of that excemve licentious ardour, with which the
negro and the libertine glows, is in no degree un-
friendly to population. Every paffion carried to
excefs, tends to weaken and enervate the whole an-
imal frame. In obedience to that temperance, puri-
ty, and regularity, which nature enjoins and requires,
are we to look for the effects, which nature defigns.
But the ardour produced by luxury, intemperance,
and excefs, weakens its own powers, defeats its end,
and deftroys its purpofe : lnflead of proving favour-
able to population, it tends to weaknefs, impotency,
and the lofs of manhood. Is it not furprifing, that
philofophers who had feen the debilitating and de-
grading effe&s, which luxury, intemperance, and
excefs, are conflantly producing in the populous
cities of Europe; fhould view the unnatural ardour
they create, in any other, than an unfavourable light?
Or fufpect the Indian was inferiour by nature to the
European, becaufe he did not appear to be govern-
ed by that unnatural ardour, which never fails to de-
bilitate ail the powers of nature : And which often
ends, in the mod emaciated and degraded flate, to
which man can be reduced ? Happily for himfelf,
the Indian was without this unnatural ardour. Had
it been added to the other unfortunate pircum (lances
attending his fituation, it would have gone far to
have deftroyed the whole race.
Averse to all Improvements. — The mofl
fatal circurnftance of all, was, the favage Irate was
extremely averfe and oppofed to all improvements.
It is with a benevolent defign, that nature reconciles
and conciliates the mind of man, to that Mate in
which it is placed. At the fame time, it has made
us capable of continual advance and progreflion, to
greate
HISTORY of VERMONT. 185
greater improvements and perfection. So attached
was the favage to the former, that he had no wifh or
derive of the latter. Content and fatisfied with his
own flate, he had no wifh, hope, or conception, that
it could be changed for a better. — Accuftomed to
the mod perfect freedom and independence, he be-
held with deteftation, the inequality of rank, and
the fubordination eftablifhed among the Europeans.
Free from all care, and without forefight, he was
amazed at the anxiety, the care, and perpetual in-
duftry of the white people : And could not con-
ceive why they mould be thus perpetually adding
hard larbour, to the other unavoidable calamities of
life. The confiant fcencs of hurry, care, and bufi-
nefs, in which they were employed, were objects a-
verfe to all their feelings and withes : And what they
viewed as the mod degraded condition, to which
man could be reduced, W2S the bufinefs of agricul-
ture, digging and labouring in the earth. The weap-
ons of the Europeans appeared ufeful to them, and
thefe they were at much pains to acquire. But
moll of their arts, cuftoms, and manners, were great-
ly difagreeable to men, accuftomed only to the bufi-
nefs of hunting and fighting. — Men thus fatisfied
with their own condition, and averfe to that of oth-
ers, could not be brought, but with great difficulty,
to admit the improvements of the civilized life j or
to give up that independence, which they efteem-
ed the highefl diftinclion, and the greateft glory of
man.
The appetite for the hunter's ftate, is one of the
mod general and powerful, that prevails in any pe-
riod of fociety. Men never quit this Mate, until it
becomes inadequate to their fubfiftence and fupporf.
It is in hunting and in fifhing, not in agriculture and
the arts, that the indolent and wealthy in the moft
polifhed nation?, find their favourite arnufement and
exerctfe,—- The children of the white people, when
Z carried
i36 the NATURAL and CIVIL
carried among the favages in early life, have often:
contracted fuch an attachment to that ftate, that
they could not be perfuaded to return, and refide
among their friends. But nothing can reconcile
the children of the Indians, to the cuftoms, manners,
and methods of living among the Europeans : How-
ever careffed and indulged, they droop and languifb,
until they return to the freedom and wildnefs of the
foreft.
Nor was there any thing in the favage Mate, thafc
could refine or improve itfelf. While the game con-
tinued, the fame method of living would have re-
mained : And this would naturally have continued
all the difadvantages, and habits of the favage ftate.
The fame method of fuppoi t, would have perpetuat-
ed the fame manners, maxims, and cuftoms. Noth-
ing would have led a people in fuch a fituation, to-
any improvements, until ntccffity fhould have in-
troduced agriculture ; and forced them to become
hufbandmen, inllead of remaining hunters.
Such were the difadvantages attending the favage
ftate. TJiey appear to have been infeparably con-
nected with it ^ And of fuch a nature, as to prevent
the improvement, progreis, or increafe of fociety.
We need not hefitate to pronounce, that thefe dif-
advantages far exceeded any advantages that could
attend it ; and operated with a certain and fatal
tendency, to continue man in a ftate of infancy, weafc-
iiefaj and the greateft im perfection. The freedom
to which it led, was its greateft bleffing ; but the
independence of which the favage was fo fond, was
never defigned for man : And it is only in the im-
provements of civil fociety, that the human race can
find the greateft increafe of their numbers, knowl-
edge, fafety, and happind's.
CHAP.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 187
CHAP. VIII.
Oifervations on the Origin of the Indians, their Ait-
tiguity, Progrefs of Society, and Tendency to Dijs-
lution.
J. HE man of America differed in Co
many refpe&s from the men of other countries, that
it has been made a queftion among fome of the mod-
ern philofophers, whether he was originally derived
from the fame parents as the white men ; or ought
to be confidered as a different race, from the men of
other countries. No inquiries have the appearance
of greater difficulties than thofe, which relate to the
origin, and antiquity of the American Indians.
Without attempting to refolve all the questions that
have been propofed upon thefe fubjeffo, it may be
of ufe to collecl; fome of the fa6ls that feem to relate
to them, and to note the conclufions to which they
lead.
Origin.— In whatever manner this part of the
earth was peopled, the Indian or the Red Man,
feems to have been the moft ancient, or the original
man of America. This race were by far the moft
numerous ; and they had fpread over the whole
continent, from about the fiftieth degree of north
latitude to the fouthern extremity of Cape Horn.
This vafl extent of country, including all the variety
of climates, was fettled with the red men : And
thefe men, every where appeared to be the fame
race, or kind of people.-— In every part of the con-
tinent,
188 the NATURAL and CIVIL
tinent, the Indians were marked with a fimilaiity of
colour, features, and every circumftance of external
appearance. Pedro de Cieca de Leon, who was
one of the conquerors of Peru, and had travelled
through many provinces of America, gives this ac-
count of the inhabitants : " The people, men and
women, although there is fuch a multitude of tribes
or jiations as to be almoft innumerable, and fuch di-
verfity of climates, appear neverthelefs like the chil-
dren of one father and mother."* Ulloa, an able
philofopher, and an accurate obferver, vifited and
obferved many of the Indian tribes and nations, of
Southamerica : He obferved alfo the Indians at
Cape Breton, in Northamerica ; and faith of the
latter, that they were the fame people with the In-
dians of Peru, refembling them in complexion, in
manners, and in cuftoms ; the only vifible difference,
teing, that the Indians at Cape Breton, were of a
larger flature than thofe at Peru. " If we have
feen one American," faith he, " we may be faid to
have leen them all, their colour and make are fo
nearly the fame."f And it is worthy of remark,
that no nation or people upon the earth, ever have
fpread over fo large a tract of country, as thefe red
men of America.
Were thefe men the fame people with the inhab-
itants of the other parts of the globe ? — Or did they
radically differ from the men of all other countries ?
1. They were of the fame complexion, with the rnoft
ancient nation in Afia. From authentic document-,
we are able to trace the exiftence, and national tranf-
a6lions of the Hindoos, to an higher antiquity, than
we can find with certainty in any other nation.
Thefe were the Indians, or red men of Afia. And
the Indians of both continents, are marked with the
fame
* Robertfon's Hift. America, Vol. II. p, 462. note 45,
t yiloji, Notic. Americanus, p. go8t
HISTORY of VERMONT. 189
fame peculiarity of colour. The diftinguifhing col-
our of the Indian, is red, or rather a reddifh brown ;
refembling, but more dark than a copper colour.
From this fimilarity of complexion, it is natural to
conjecture, that the Indian of Afia and of America
belonged to the fame family. 2. The features and
countenance of the American Indians, very much re-
fembles thofe of another of the nations of Afia, the
Tartars. The Tartars join upon India, are. fpread
over the northern parts of Alia, and extend to the
eaftern coafts of the Pacific ocean. Of their ap-
pearance and countenance, geographeis give us this
account : " They are in general ftrong made, (lout
men : Their faces broad, their nofes flattim, their
e;/es (mall and black, but very quick."* The In-
dians of America are thus defcribed, by thofe who
had lived long among them : " The limbs are well
turned, the body of jufl proportion, the countenance
broad, their nofe flat, their eyes black, fmall, but ca-
pable of difcerning objecls at a great diftance."t If
thefe defcriptions had been taken from the fame in-
dividual, there could not have been a greater agree-
ment, in every circumftance of afpecl: and counte-
nance.
3. Some information refpecling the defcent of na-
tions, may alfo be derived from their cujtoms.
Thofe cufloms and manners which arife from the
wants, defires, and inclinations, peculiar to iituation
and employment, will be the fame in the fame flate
of fociety. A hunter in Afia, and a hunter in Amer-
ica, will have nearly the fame character, the fame
occupations, purfuits, and manners. But thofe cuf-
toms which do not arife from fituation, or from any-
natural want or defire, may be termed arbitrary :
And
- * Guthrie's Geog. p. 660.
+ Ulloa's and Pinto's account, Robertfon's Hift, Amer,
It 460,
loo tue NATURAL and CIVIL
And the probability is, that two nations would not
agree in thefe, unlefs they were derived from the one
to the other. Several of thefe arbitrary cuftoms,
were common to the men of Alia and America.
One of thefe cuftoms, was that of extracting their
beards by the roots. The Tartars and the Ameri-
cans, had both adapted this practice. Both of them
appeared either wholly without a beard, or only
with a few fcattered hairs : And both of them made
if their practice to extract or pluck them out with
the roots. Something of the fame kind is practifed
by the Chinefe. — The Tartar and the American
had both contracted the fame wandering or roving
difpofition, contrary to the cufloms and difpofitions
of moft nations ; who feldom have any difpofition
to defert their connexions and country, until they
are compelled to it by neceflity or force. — They had
Ijoth adapted the fame method of war j wafting, de-
stroying, and burning a country. The cuftom of
{calping the dead, was one of the barbarous habits
the Scythians praclifed. They cut a circle round
the necks of thofe which they had flain, (tripped off
the fkin, and carried it with them in triumph. In
their marches, the Kamtfchatkans never went abreaft,
but followed one another in the form of the Indian
file. — The Tongufi, the moft numerous nation ref-
ident in Siberia, ufe canoes made of birch bark, dif-
tended over ribs of wood, and nicely fewed together,
In thefe cuftoms they are exactly imitated by the
Indians of America.-— In burying the dead, many of
the American nations place the corps at full length,
others place it in a fitting pofture, and lay by it the
moft valuable clothing, provifion, and arms. The
Tartars did the fame j and both people agreed in
covering the whole with earth, fo as to form a tu-
mulus or barrow. — The method, in which both peo-
ple treated their neareft friends and relations, was
iliil more" extraordinary and uncommon, When
their
HISTORY of VERMONT. 191
their fathers and neareft friends were become ex-
tremely old and infirm, or were feized with a dif-
temper deemed incurable, it was the cuftom of the
Tartars to make a fmall hut for the patient, near
fome river, and to fupply it with a fmall quantity of
provifions : Removing the fufferer to fuch a Gtua-
tion, they left him to end his days, without vifiting
or affording him any further relief. The rudeft
tribes of the Americans, in feveral parts of the con-
tinent, had the fame cuftom ; and fometimes they
made ufe of force to extinguiih the remains of life,
in their difeafed and aged friends. Both people
adapted this cuftom, oppofite to the practice of all
other nations : And they both viewed it in the fame
light, not as an act of cruelty, or of any difrefpecf. ;
but as a deed of duty, and mercy : And they both
affigned the fame reafon for it : " They were kindly
relieving their friends from the increafing and un-
avoidable miferies of life ; and they were aflifling
them in their journey to the other country." Nor
is it to be doubted but that they affigned the true
reafon and motive, upon which they a&ed ; for no
people were ever known to pay a greater reverence
to the aged, or were more enthufiaftic in the vene-
ration they paid to the tombs and memories of their
anceftors.
Such cufloms are not derived from any natural
appetite, or from any thing peculiar to the ftate of
the hunter, or the favage ; but muft be deemed ex-
traordinary,uncommon, and arbitrary. Being found
only among the men of Afia and America, the pre-
emption is, that they were derived from the one to
the other ; or that the latter had taken them from
the former.
4. In the empire of Peru, there were feveral ap-
pearances of Chinefe cuftoms and manners. The
appearance, the drefs, and the fuperiour knowledge,
of Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo ; the knowledge
of
192 the NATURAL and CIVIL
of agriculture and the arts, in which the one inflrucl-
ed the men j the knowledge of fpinning, knitting,
weaving, and making garments of cotton, which the
other difFufed among the women ; the high eftima-
tion which the children of the fun afiigned to agri-
culture, above all other arts and profeflions ; their
cuftom of tilling a field with their own hands ; the
ceremony with which the Inca began the bufinefs in
the fpring ; the feftivals whicrj, attended it : The
unlimited authority of the emperor, with the patri-
archal afpecl: of the government ; the benevolent
tendency .of their laws, and wars ; and their public
regulations refpe&ing roads, bridges, canals, induf-
try, provifion for the poor and aged, and the re-
fponfibility of parents for the conduct of their chil-
dren .; all, or moft of thefe articles, bore a greater
refemblance to Chinefe maxims, manners, and cuf-
toms, than could have been acquired in America,
during the life of one man and woman, from their
Own obfervations and reafonings. They were ad-
vances towards a ftate of civilization, that nothing in
the degraded (late of the Peruvians, could have fug-
gefied, or produced, but in a long period of time.
Much pains has been taken by many learned and
ingenious men, to compare the languages of the A-
mcricans, with thofe of other nations. But while
thefe inquiries have been carried on with great affi-
duity, the moft ancient language which prevailed in
the eaft, the Sanjkreety " the parent of almoft every
dialect from the Perfian gulf to the China feas,"* was
itfelf wholly unknown : And no information has
been derived from thefe inquiries.
We muft reafon then from fuch circum (lances as
we can find : And if a judgment can be formed from
a
* Preface to the Gramrmr rf the Bengal Language, p. 3.
The fiift tranilalion from the SaniLreet language was publifu-
cd in 1785.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 193
a Gmilarity of complexion, features, and cuftoms, we
mall be led to conclude that the men of America;
were the fame people with the men of Alia ; but
that their defcent, was not from any particular one,
but from feveral nations on the eaftern continent.
No difficulty could ever have attended fuch em-
igrations. The continents of Alia and America ap-
proach fo near to each other, that the inhabitants are
frequently palling from the one to the other. The
difcoveries of the Ruffians, and the greater difcov-
eries of the moft celebrated modern navigator, Capt.
Cook% have made it certain that if the two continents
are feparated at all, it is only by a ftrait, not more
than eighteen miles in width. At no time within
the period of hiflory, Was the navigation of the rudeft
tribes unequal to the paffage of fuch a ftrait. And
probably there never has been any difficulty, in pall-
ing from the one continent to the other.
It is not improbable that the red men of Afia,
might find a paffage into America altogether by-
navigation. " It has been long known that the A-
fiatic nation called the Malayans, poffeffed in former
times, much the largefl part of the trade of the In-
dies ; and that their fhips frequented, not only all
the coafls of Alia, but even thofe of Africa, and par-
ticularly the large ifland of Madagafcar. It has
been more lately difcovered, that the fame nation
had extended their voyages and migrations from
Madagafcar, to the Marquefas, and Eafter Ifland ;
that is, nearly from the eaft fide of Africa, until we
approach the weft coaft of America. This fpace
includes almoft one half of the circumference of the
globe. Through this immenfe fpace the Malayans
had fpread, made fettlements, and founded colonics
in the iflands at all the intermediate ftages, at an im--
menle diftance from the parent continent. The
voyages of Capt. Cook have afforded the proof of
thefe hiftorical fa&s : And they have been afcertain-
Aa ed
t94 the NATURAL and CIVIL
ed not only by a fimilarity of manners and cuftoms",
but by the affinity of language, and a collection of
fimilar words, made from all the widely diffufed
iflands and countries vifited by this celebrated nav-
igator."
A people who had thus fpread over one half of
the globe, from the coaft of Africa towards Amer-
ica, and who had fettled all the iflands that lay be-
tween them, could fcarcely have avoided arriving
upon the weftern coaft of America, and leaving fame
of her people there. Several of the iflands that
were fettled, were near the American coaft ; and it
muft have been much eafier to have difcovered the
continent, along the weftern coaft of America, than
to have found lo many fmall and fcattered iflands.
It is therefore highly probable, that the fame people
who fpread over the iflands in the Pacific ocean,
fhould at times arrive alfo on the weftern fhorts of
the comment. — In both thefe ways, might people
from different nations in Alia, find a p.iffage into
America, and at very different periods of time.
The Indians however, were not the only men'
which appeared in America. Another race or kind
of men were fettled in the northern parts of the con-
tinent. Thefe have been called Esquimaux. In
their colour, dimenfions, features, and cuftoms, they
differed much from the red men. They were of a
fallow, or browniih complexion : Their fize about
four feet in height ; their faces long and wrinkled j
their nofes thick and comprelfcd ; their eyes fmall
;.ii I funk ; their cheeks much raifed ; their eye-
brows and eyelids thick ; with fmall legs and hands*
This nation had fpread over the moil northern parts
of America. They are found in Greenland, on the
jpoati of Labradore, in Madron's bay, and in all the
coafts and iflands on the weft fide of America, op-
pofite to Kamtfchatka. Their migrations had ex-
tended to Norton's found, Onolafhka, and Princs
;!liam*s
HISTORY of VERMONT. 1-95
"William's found ; one thoufand five hundred leagues
from their flations in Greenland and Labradore. The
famenefs of the people in thefe different places,has been
afcertained by their manners, cuftoms, features, and
complexion; but more decidedly by fuchan affinity and
fimilarity of language, as leaves no room for doubt. It
will be eafy to determine from whence this nation of
the Esquimaux proceeded. Every thing in the appear-
ance of this people, denotes them to be the fame with
the Laplanders, the Zemblans, the Samojeds, and
the Tartars in the eaft. Like them they are a na-
tion of dwarfs ; largeft towards the foutb, but decreaf-
ing and dwindling towards the north. They have
all the fame fallow complexion, deformed features,
ugly appearance, and fingular cuftoms. —Whether
the inhabitants, could pafs from the northern parts
of Europe into America by land, is as yet unknown.
But the paflage by water, was at all times eafy ; and
certainly, at a very early period. In the voyage
from Norway to Iceland, and from Iceland to Green-
land, or the coafl of Labradore, the firft part of the
voyage was much the largeft : And this was practic-
ed from the earlieft times, of which we have any.
account. For the ninth century, when navigation
was extremely imperfect, the paflage from Europe
to America was fo well underftood, that the Norwe-
gians planted and fettled their colonies in Greenland.
There is but little room then to doubt, but that the
nation of the Efquimaux was derived from the fame
people in the northweft parts of Europe.— -Their
defcent therefore muft have been from the Tirtarg
of Alia, for it was from them, that the Laplanders,
who are fpread over the northweftern parts of Eu-
rope, were derived.. In the year 1769, Pere Hall,
an aftronomer of Hungary, was fent into Lapland
to obferve the tranftt of Venus. This able philof-
opher had a good opportunity to become acquaint-
ed with the, manners, cuftoms, features, and language
iq6 ^the NATURAL and^CIVIL
of the inhabitants in that part of the globe : By hfc
account, " it appears that the Laplanders are only de-
generate Tartars; and that they, and the Hungari-
ans, originally Iprung from the fame bleed of men,
and from the fame country."*
The two kinds of men then that were in America,
were derived from the lame fource. The Indians
and the E'quimaux, were both defcended from the
man of Alia ; and probably the mod of them, from
the lame nation, the Tartars. — In America then
nature had not made different races of men, fitted
for, and originally placed in different climates. The
men of America were the lame with the men of Afia :
And both of them migrated from one place to anoth-
er, and fpread through all the various climates of the
earth. They were dillinguifhed by the differences
of complexion, dimenfion, features, arbitrary cuftoms,
and peculiarities of manners, as much as the inhab-
itants are in other parts of the globe. But thefe
differences rmuft have been derived from climate,
food, manner of living, or fome other circum fiance ;
for they certainly were not derived from a different
origin, or'any particular local creation.
The constitution of man appears to be the
fame, in every part of the globe. Nature has
given to him the fame phyfical and moral powers,
capable of different degrees of impiovement, accordr
ing to the ftate of fbciety in which he fhall be placed.
But in no country, or part of the globe, does man
appear to be an animal of climate. Among animals
nothing is more apparent, than that fome are animals
of climate ; that is, they are fitted by nature and
conftitution to fome particular part of the globe j
where alone they can fubfift, multiply, and obtain
their proper perfection, Thus the animals peculiar
to the torrid and frigid zone, never have their par-
ticular climates out of choice ; and when a change
of
* K.airr.s' Sketches of the Hift, of Man, I, p, u»
HISTORY of VERMONT. 197
of climate is forced upon them, they degenerate, and
walte away. It is evident that man is not fuch an
animal. He can multiply, and attain his proper
perfection, in all the various climates of the earth.
Nature has not furni fried hirn with any kind of cov-
ering, fitted to a hot, to a temperate, or to a cold
climate : This is left to his own reafon andinduflry,
according as his fituation may require. Nor has
nature afligned'to him any particular, invariable
colour. Black is the abfence or want, and white is
the mixture of ail colours : And thefe are the ex-
tremes between which, all the various complexions
fall. Nature therefore has not affigned to man any
covering, or any invariable colour, or any thing in
his conftitution, that has fitted him particularly for
the torrid, temperate, or frigid zone : But has given
him a nature and conflitution, adapted to every cli-
mate. And in every climate which produces his
proper food, the white, the red, and the black men,
will fubfifl, multiply, and attain their proper perfec-
tion.— If nature has thus made man the animal of all
climates, would it not be altogether unphilofophical,
to look out for local creations ; or to introduce mi-
raculous interpofitions of the Deity, to explain thofe
differences among men in other places, which in
America, we are certain were derived from natural
caufes ?
Antiquity. — In attempting to eflimate the an-
tiquity of the moil polifhed nations, we can derive
but little information from hiftory. No records, no
monuments, no writings can be found, that reach
back to fo ancient a period. Leafl of all is this to
be expefted from a race of favages, which had not
the knowledge of letters. All the information we
can obtain, muft be derived from fuch circum fiances
and events, as imply or denote certain periods of
years ; and of thefe there are but few, in the tranf-
jclions of the favage (late.
Some
io8 the NATURAL and CIVIL
Some information may be colle&ed from the ex-
tent of the country they had fettled. The continent
of America, in its dimenfions, amounts to one third
part of the habitable globe. Over the whole of this
continent had the favages extended, when it was firfl
ditcovered by Columbus, in the year 1492. Their
Imputation had then attained its greateft perfe&ion.
No increafe of their numbers has any where ap-
peared to take place, fince that time. No circum-
stance or event has taken place during the three
hundred years, that the Europeans have been ac-
quainted with the Indians, which can lead us to fuf-
pect that the fa v age Mate either has, or can admit of
a greater population, than what it had already at-
tained. Nor is it probable, that any increafe of
numbers, and population, could have taken place,
while hunting; continued to be the method of pro-
curing fubfilience. — From the obfervations th \t
were made in Virginia, and Maffachufetts, it has
been computed that the population of the Indians
»pon the fea coafts, could not be eftimated higher
than one for every fquare mile. In the inland parts
of the country, the Indian population certainly did
not exceed this. Geographers have computed the
n umber of fquare miles in America, to amount to
fourteen million1?, one hundred and ten thoufand,
eight hundred and fevehty four. We cannot make a
nearer computation, than to fuppofe this was about the
numb?)- of Indians itrequiredin the hunter's flate,to
fpread over the whole continent. — How long a period
would it require, for the favages to increafe to fuch a
number ? There has been no inftance of a more rapid
snercafe, than that of the Britifh colonies in Ameri-
ca. They were aided by new emigrations from Eu-
rope : But fo much were they retarded and broke up
in their fettlcmcnts by war, before the American
revolution, that they did not in fact double their
numbers in thirty years. The families of the In-
dians
HISTORY of VERMONT. 159
dians did not contain more than half fo many mem-
bers, as thofe of the white people. The Indian
population then will be highly eftimated, if we com-
pute it to one half of that of the white inhabitants s
and inftead of thirty, admit fixty years as the period
of doubling. AiTumirig the population to have pro*
eeedtd from one male and female, this would require
thirteen centuries and an half to have fpread over
the whole continent, and prqduced one inhabitant
to every fquare mile.— The period of population
could not have been lefs than this. But probably
this period was completed long before Columbua
came into America. The Indians in feveral places*
had gone out of the hunter's {late. On the fea coafts
they were advancing into fomething like monarchy.
In Mexico and Peru they were become extremely
numerous, and had eftablifhed extenfive and pow-
erful empires j the duration of which, could be trac-
ed back four or five hundred years. From their
extent and population then, we deduce with fome
degree of probability, that the Indians muft have
been iettled in America eighteen centuries when Co-
lumbus firlt difcovered the continent. This will-
carry us back three centuries before the chriftian era.
The number and variety of their languages implies
and requires a much longer duration, and an higher
antiquity. The Indians of America had not only
fpread over the continent, but they had everywhere
formed themfelves into a number of fmall tribes. If
we may judge of the number of thefe tribes from
what took place in Newengland, and Virginia, they
muft have amounted to thoufands. Several of thefe
tribes had fubfifted fo long in a national form, and
as a diftinct. people, that they had formed a partic-
ular language for themfelve3. There were three 0-
riginal languages fpoken in Canada; the Sioux, the
Huron, and the Algonquin.* In Newengland, there
were
*-AbbeRaynal, V, iogi
200 TftF. NATURAL and CIVIL
were one or two others. f In Virginia there were
three, different from either of theft, J In Mexico
thirty five were difcovered. In Southamerica there
were (till more. In Maraguon, the Portuguese count-
ed fifty. § In each of thefe places, the dialects were
nearly as many as their tribes. And yet thefe places
made but a fmall part of the continent, — What an
immenfe period of time does this require ? A language
may be feparated into different dialects in a few gen-
erations : But for thefe dialects to recede fo far from
one another, as to lofe all refemblance and affinity ;
and feveral new languages to be formed, radically dif-
fering from one another j could not take place, or be
effected, until the tribes had fubfifted for many cen-
turies, as diftinct and feparate nations.— We cannot
eftimate this procefs by fixed periods of time, be-
eaufe we have no facts from which a computation
can be made. But it may be compared to the ftate
and progrefs of things, in the other hemifphere: And
we fhall find the number of languages radically dif-
fering from one another, more numerous among the
Americans, than they were in Afia and Europe. Is
not this an indication, that the red men of America
are as ancient as the other nations of the earth ? Learn-
ing and fcieRce they had none : Bur nature, Situation,
and neceffity, would operate as certainly, and as reg-
ularly upon them, as upon any other people. And
would it not require as long a period of time to pro-
duce, and to form a language among the favages, as
among any other people ? This circumftar.ee feems
to denote an antiquity, fully equal to that, which is
claimed by any of the nations of the other hemifphere.
Their antiquity may alfo be traced back to the
time, when the mod uleful arts were unknown ; and
when
■f Hutchinfon, I. 457, 479.
J Jefferfon's Notes on Virginia, p. 59,
'$ Clavigero's liitt, of Mexico.
history of Vermont. 201
when the red men of Afia had not the ufe of the
metals, or of domeftic animals. Some of the arts
muft have been nearly coeval with the human race ;
for neither food, raiment, or habitations, could be
procured without fomething of them. Some of the
arts have been gradually advancing, without owing
much to any original inventor. And many of them
are of fuch antiquity, that their origin and inventor
are beyond the reach of hiftory. This is the cafe
with the mod neceffary and ufeful arts of life. The
origin of fpinning, and knitting, of the plough, the
loom, and the forge, were more ancient than any of
our hiftorical monuments, records, or traditions.
But when thofe arts were invented, they never could
be loft. Amidft the wars, changes, and revolutions,
to which nations are expofed, what are called the fine
arts may perifh and be loft. But no viciflitudes of
human affairs tend to deftroy thofe arts, by which
all men derive their fubfiftence ; and which are
equally neceffary to the conqueror and to the cap-
tive, to the oppreffor and to the oppreffed. The
fame obfervation may be made with refpeft to the
ufe of domeftic animals. A people that have ex-
perienced the advantages derived from the food they
afford, and from the labour they perform, would
never lofe this kind of knowledge ; but endeavour
to apply it to fuch kind of animals, as they found iri
the country to which they repaired. — Of all thefr,
the Indians of America were ignorant. They knew
not the ufe of the metals, fpinning, weaving, or the
domeftic animals : They had derived no fuch knowl-
edge from their anceftors, nor had they acquired it
themfelves. At what period then, mull they have
fettled in America ?. Before thefe arts were known
in AGa. Before the Scythians became hufbandrnen,
and before the muft neceffary and ufeful arts were
known in the midft of Aha. — Without attempting
therefore to go back to the beginning of the crotton
Bb of
£02 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
of God, we can find circum (lances that will carry u#
as far back into antiquity, as any other nation can,
pretend. The hiilory and pretentions of the Chi-
neie, do not imply or fuppofe any circumftances of
greater antiquity, than thofe which ha\re been men-
tioned. And it muft be from circumftances and
fa els, not from tradition, that we muft trace the an-
tiquity and origin of ancient nations.
Progress of Society. — The progrefs of focie-
ty among the Indians, would make a curious, and.
the moft ufeful part of their hiilory. The rudeft
and moft fimple ftate that took place among them,
Wfts that which I have been defcribing. Whtrefo-
ever the favages c®ntinued to derive their fupport
from hunting, they continued from age to age in (he
fame condition, and made no improvements. Where
the means of fubfiftence were plentiful, andeafv to be
procured, the Indians had advanced beyond the (late
of an hunter, and began to increafe their numbers*
and their agriculture. In fuch places, fociety be-
gan to afiume a different form, from what it bore in
their rudeft and moft Ample ftate. And the ten-
dency of it was every where to monarchy. — In the
fouthern parts of Newengland^ and Virginia, foms
of the tribes were advancing fad to the form of he-
reditary monarchy. In the hotter climates it was
already eftablifhecl. This was the cafe in Florida,
among the Natchez on the Miilifippi, in Cuba, Hit -
panicJa, and all the large iflands. In Bagota, Mex-
ico, and Peru, monarchy had acquired its- perfect
form, its full powers, and a complete eftablithmenc,
In each of thefe places^ the progrefs ot government
had been from perfecl freedom and independence,
to almoft abfolute and unlimited monarchy. — In the
courlc of this progrefs, two remarkable phenomeui
appeared : In one part of America, an empire and a
monarchy was eflablifhed, in mod refpecls refem-
biing thofe which had anfen in I he other h«mi£»
pliers.
.HISTORY o.v VERMONT. 205
phere. In another part of America, an empire and
a monarchy was produced, far fuperiour to thofe
which were produced in the other parts of the globe*.
In the empire of Mexico, almoft every thing had
taken the Afiatic, and European courfe. The great
body of the people were reduced to a degraded and
humiliating ftate ; and held their lives, and per-
formed their labours, under various names and de-
grees of degradation and abafement. A body cf
nobility were pofteffed of ample territories, of great
privileges, powers, and honours, under different
names and degrees. Above, and over all, was the
monarch, enjoying fupreme power and dignity. Af-
ter being elective during the reign of eleven of their
fovereigns, the monarchy was become almoft abso-
lute and hereditary, in Montezuma. The fyftem ox.
religion agreed perfectly well to the nature of the
government : It was fevere, cruel, and barbarous ;
and delighted in the fprinkling and fhedding of
blood : Human facrifices of all others wereefteerned
the mod acceptable, and availing ; and the priefU
had the privilege, the honour, and the profit, of an-
nouncing or removing the vengeance of the gods.
This fyftem of monarchy had acquired a liability, a
regularity, and a vigour, equal to any monarchy that
was then upon the earth. Upon comparing the
fpirit of monarchy, untempered by reprefentation,
in America, in Alia, and in Europe ; the fpirit and
the principles of it, will be found every where to
have operated alike. It degrades the body of the
people below the condition and nature of man. It
exalts the nobles and the fovereign above the condi-
tion and ftate, which nature defigns or admits. In
one form or another it has always been attended with
a perfecuting, cruel, and bloody religion, put into
the hands of a wealthy, and powerful priefthood.
It has conftantly produced the fpirit of war and de-
finition ; and generally derived to itfelf fecuritr„
wealth,
204 the NATURAL and CIVIL
wealth, and power, from the mifery,deftru£tion, and
{laughter, it has entailed on the human race. By
placing the rulers in a fituation altogether unnatur-
al, that is, above all fenfe of accountability to their
fellow men, it has produced that conftant, fteady,
and univerlal abufe of power, which, in every part
of the globe, has been the diftinguifhing and certain
effect of this form of government. Its fpirit and
principle have every where been the lame ; not the
honour which the great Montelquieu wifibed to af-
cnbe to it, and wanted to find in it, but that total
want of regard and accountability to man, which,
with great accuracy and propriety, has been lately
named a contempt of the people.
The empire of Peru was formed and governed
by a fpecies of monarchy, different from what-has
ever taken place among any other people. Twelve
fucceffive rnonarchs, for a period of more than four
hundred years, had been invefted with hereditary
and abfolute power. They claimed this authority,
not as derived to them in any manner or degree from
the people, but as the abfolute and exclufive dona-
tion of h?aven. They announced themfelves to be
the children of the fun, and clothed with divine and
unlimited power to dire 61; all the civil and religious
affairs of the people. The fovereign was n.'med
Inca ; and fo facred and pure were the family of the
inca's, in the m\p&s of the people, that they were
univerfallvcftecmedincapableof committing a crime,
or falling into an errour : No other family might
marry or mingle with it, for fear of polluting the
heavenly blood. The people looked up to them,
as to beings of a fuperiour and heavenly race : And
all difobedience to them, was viewed not barely as
a crime committed againft men, but as an acl of re-
bellion againfl: God. — The nobility of courfe was
nothing more than families of office. Though a dif-
ference of rank had taken place throughout the ern^
pire,
HISTORY of VERMONT. $05
pire, all but the children of the fan, vvere fuppofed
to belong to the common race of men. The people
were weil clothed, and fed ; every where diftinguifh-
ed for thetr induftry, economy, moderation, content-
ment, and happmefs. Over this people, the incas,
though abfolute in power, eftablifhed a government
the mod. mild and gentle, that has ever taken place
in any port of the earth. The morals of the people
were lb pure, that few crimes were ever committed :
The genius of the government was fo mild, that few
puniihments were ever executed : And when they
were, they were viewed as the neceffary acts of God,
and not of men. Their government, the dominion
of profperity and virtue, was efteemed by the people
the dominion of God and his inca. — Their fyflem
of religion, like their government, was mild, gentle,
an I pacific. The lun, the emblem of light, fereni-
tyt fertility, beneficence, joy, and life, was the object
of their adoration. They offered to him a part of
thofe productions, which they derived from culti-
vating the earth, enriched by his genial warmth.
They prefented to him ipecimens of thofe works of
ingenuity, which they had performed by his light.
And they brought to him fome of thofe animals,
which were nourifhed by his influence. But the
inca never flained their altars with human blood ;
or admitted the favage idea, that the fou ice of benef-
icence could be pleaitd with the perfecution, cruel-
ty, and destruction of men. — Their fyftem of war
partook of the fame fpirit of mildnefs, and wifdom.
They fought not to exterminate, but to conquer :
They conquered not to cnflave, but to improve, to
civilize, and refine. No cruel torture awaited the
captive. No barbarous marks of degradation, dis-
grace, triumph, or fiavery, were referved for the
prifoners. They were taught the fame fyHem of
government and religion, as the reft of the people :
They were admitted to the fame privileges ; and
treated
£c5 the NATURAL and CIVIL
treated with the fame lenity a;.i mildnefs. Of all
the triumphs of the inca, the nobleft and the great*
eft, was to diffufe the manifold bleffings of peace
and happinefs, to the people whom they had fubdued.
Such was the genius, the fpirit, and the effect, of
the fyftem of monarchy that was cftabliftied in Peru.
We need not hefitate to pronounce it fuperiour to
any, that was then to be found upon the face of the
earth. The genius and the fpirit of it, were above
all ethers, mild and gentle : The object and the
aim of if, were in fact, the improvement and the
happinefs of the people. And if any government
ever produced this effect, that governmtat was J he
monarchy of Peru : Not the attainment of the mod
polifhed nations of Aha, and Europe, of their arts,
fcience, and improvements ; but of the greater wif-
dom and fimplicity of the Indians, and incas of A*
merica.
We have here a phenomenon, new, and almofl
incredible in the political world. Ablolute, unlim-
ited, and hereditary monarchy, which has never
failed before or lince to prove one of the heavieft
curfes, which has fallen upon mankind ; in Peru be-
came mild, gentle, and beneficent : And was con-
stantly employed during the reign of twelve fuccef-
five monarchs, to refine, civilize, and improve the
people ; and to do the greateft good to mankind.
And yet this was a fyftem not founded in truth, or
in nature ; but in delufion and fuperftition. What
could give it a direction fo Heady, uniform, and be-
nevolent ? Not the form, but the principle of it. It
contained the belt and the pureft principle, that can
enter into the nature of human government. Its
nrigin, duration, and power, depended wholly upon
the public Jentlment. The inca claimed immediate
defcent, and relation to the fun. The fun was the
emblem of peace, and benevolence. Had the mon-
arch (lained his character by enormity in crimes and
vices,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 207
vices, or by a conflant abufe of power, nature would
have taught the Peruvians that monfters in corrup-
tion, vice, and cruelty, could not have been the fa-
vourite children of the Deity. If the inca had been
viewed in this light, ali his divinity, and his power
would have ended. His power was founded alto-
gether in the opinion the people had formed of his
divine defcent, qualifications, character, and virtues.
So foiicitous had the incas been to preferve this
opinion, that through the whole period of their fuc-
ceffions, they had taken the rnoft fcrupulous care not
to endanger or oppole it, by any bafe and unworthy
conduct. And while they thus proved the conflant
friends and benefactors of the people, the public ea-
stern and veneration increafed. In the benevolence
and ufefulnefs of the inca, the people believed they
law the children of the fun : And in the affections
and opinions of the people, the Inca found an ab-
folute and unlimited power. But if his conduct
had plainly difcovered that inflead of being tho
child of the. fun, he was the child of folly, of vice,
and abominable iniquity, his divinity, his power,
and his empire would have ceafed with the public
opinion.
Inflead then of being founded in a contempt of
the people like the empire of Mexico, the monarchy
of Peru had the Angular good fortune of being-
founded in the public fentiment. This rendered
rhe inca accountable to thepeoole for every part of
his conduct : And this fenfe of accountability would
keep a con (Ian t fenfe of duty and character upon his
mind. Thus under the form of abfolute hereditary
monarchy, the government of Peru had the uncom-
mon advantage of excluding nobility with all its
odious diuinctions and claims ; and of embracing
the beft and pureft principles, upon which civil
government can ever be founded. The Indians
feero to have been the «fnly people, among whom, a
regard
2o3 th! NATURAL and CIVIJL
regard to the public fentiincnt and benefit, did in
fact conftitute the fpirit and principle cf hereditary
and abfolute monarchy.
Tendency to Dissolution. — However beau*-
tiful and promifing the prognTs of fociety once was
among the Indians of America, it is now every
where tending to decay and diffolution ; and this
has been its tendency, ever fince the firft arrival of
the Europeans. In the deftruction of the empires
of Mexico, and Peru, Cortez and Pizarro performed
the moft accurfed tranfaction.s that ever were done
by man. And wherever the Europeans have fet-
tled, mifery, calamity, and deftruction, have been
entailed on that unhappy race of men. The vices
we have taught them, the difeafes we have fpread
among them, the intemperance they have learnt of
us, and the deftruction of their game, are evils for
which the lavage is unable to find a remedy. A
contempt of our morals, a honour at the knavery
that has attended our commerce with them, and the
conftant advances we have made into their country,
have filled their minds with prejudices againft our
arts and improvements. This, added to the fre-
quency and bitternefs of their wars, to their conftant
hardfhips and fufferings, and to a defective popula-
tion, but too plainly denote the event. The con-
ftant wafie and decay of this people, mufl end in
their total deftruction : According to the prefect
courfe and tendency of things; in two or three cen-
turies, the whole race mud become extinct. — In-
Head of wifhing for fuch an event, it would add to
the glory of the United States to make a ferious at-
tempt to prevent it. It has been the practice of ar-
bitrary governments to fport with the liberties, and
lives of men. A government or reafon and nature
ought to attempt to- conciliate the affect ions of a
free, brave, independent, and generous people. It
would be a greater glory than we have ever yet
attained,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 209
attained, if we could find out a way to impart the
tleflings of the civil (late, to a people whole great-
eft miferies and misfortunes have been derived from
the fuperiour arts, the policy, and the power of civ-
ilized nations.
Oc CHAP.
*i* Tin NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. IX.
Firfi Settlement of Vermont ly the Engli/h. Grant*
from Newb amp/hire. Proceedings of Newyork. Vi-
olent Oppofttion of the Settlers. American War*
Declaration of the Freedom and Independence of tit
State.
JL HE large and valuable tra& of
country, which is now known by the name of Ver-
mont, was fituated, between the Newengland prov-
inces, Newyork, and Canada. Its diftance from the
Englifh fettlements along the fea coafts, and from
the French on the river St. Lawrence, prevented any
fettlements being made in it, at an early period, by
either nation i But both of them, were making con-
ftant advances towards it. So early as the year 1615,
the Dutch had advanced one hundred and fixty
miles up Hudfon's river, and built a fort at Albany.
In 1640, the French had extended far up the river
St. Lawrence, and began their fettlements at Mon-
treal. In 1635, the Engliih began the town of
Springfield, upon Connecticut river ; and by 1670,
had extended as far up the river, as Deei field. On
September 3d, 1696, Colonel Fletcher ■, governor
of Ncwyoik, made a grant to Godfrey Dellius, a
clergyman at Albany, of a traft of land on the eafk
fide of Hudfon's river : This tract extended from
the norlhernmnPi bounds of Saratoga, to the rockRcJ-
fian, (now called Split Rock, in the townfhip of Willf-
borough) about feveniy miles in length, and in
width,
HISTORY of VERMONT. uti
width, twelve miles from Hudfon's river. In 1699,
this grant was declared by the government of New-
york to have been extravagant, and vacated on that
account.* — In 1716 a tract of land was granted by
the general court of MafTachufetts, in the foutheaft
part of the ftate, containing more than one hundred
thoufand acres. But it was not until the year 1724,
that any fettlement was made, within the bounds of
Vermont : The government of MafTachufetts, then
built fort Dummer, upon Connecticut river. This
fort, was then admitted to be within MafTachufetts,
afterwards it was found to be in Newhampfhire, and
is now in Vermont. This was the firft fettlement,
any civilized nation had ever made, in this flate.
On the other fide of the ftate, the French made their
advances up Lake Champlain, and in 1731* built
their fort at Crown Point, and began a fettlement on
the eaft fide of the lake. This part of America be-
came of courfe, the feat of war, and was conftantly
expofed to the depredations of both nations, and their
Indian allies.
The provinces of MafTachufetts and Newhamp-
fhire, had a long and tedious controverfv, refpe&ing
their divifxonal line. This was not fettled until March
5, 1740 ; when George the fecond, determined, " that
the northern boundary of the province of MafTachu-
fetts be, a fimilar curve line, purfuing the courfe of
Merrimack river, at three miles diflance, on the north
fide thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, and
ending at a point due north of Patucket falls ; and
a ftraight line drawn from thence, due weft, until it
meets with his Majefty's other governments." This
line was run in 1741, and has ever fince been ad-
mitted as the boundary line, between MafTachufetts
and Newhampfhire. By this decifion, and the ef*
tablifhment of this line, the government of New-
hampfhire concluded, that their jurifdiclion exteni.
ed
* Laws of Nowyork, VoU I. p. 32, Edit, 1774.
212 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
ed as far weft, as MafTachufetts had claimed and ex-
erciled ; that is, within twenty miles of Hudfou'*
river. The king of Greatbritain, had lepeatedly rec-
ommended to the aflembly of Newhamplhire, to
make provifion for the fupport of fort Dummer ; as
a fortrefs, which had now fallen within their jurif-
diction, and was known to ftand on the weft fide of
Connecticut river. From thefe circurnftances, it
•was not doubted either in Britain, or in Ameiica,
but that the jurifdiction of Newhamplhire extended
lo the weft of Connecticut river; but how far to the
weft, had never been examined, or called into quef-
tion. Menning V/ent worthy was at that time gover-
nor of Newhampfhire. In 1749, he made a grant
of a townlhip, fix miles fquare. It was fituated
twenty miles eaft of Hudfon's river, and fix miles
north of MalTachufett's line. In allufion to his own
name, he gave to this townfhip, the name of Ben-
nington. For the fpace of four, or five years, he
made feveral other grants, on the weft fide of Con-
necticut river. In 1754, hoftilities commenced be-
tween the Englifh, and the French in America, which
put a ilop to the applications and grants, and iilued
in a war between the two crowns. In 17G0, the op-
erations of the war, in this part of America, were
terminated, by the furrender of Montreal, and the
entire conqueft of Canada. — During the progrefs of
the war, the Newengland troops cut a road from
Charleftown in Newhampfhire to Crown Point, and
were frequently paffing through thefe lands ; and
their fertility and value, became generally known.
Upon the ceiTation of hoftilities, they were eagerly
fought after, by adventurers and fpeculators. By
the advice of his council, the governor of New-
hampfhire directed a furvey to be made of Connec-
ticut river, for fixty miles ; and three lines of town-
fhips, to be laid out, on each fide. The application
for lands conftantly increafed, and new furveys were
made,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 213
rctade. So rapid was the progrefs, that daring the
year 1761, not !e!s than ftxty townfhip?, of fix miles
iquare were granted on the well of Connecticut riv-
er. The whole number of grants, in one or two years
more, amounted to one hundred and thirty eight :
And their extent, was from Connecticut river, to
what was efteemed twenty miles eafl of Hudfon's
river, fo far as that extended to the northward j and
after that, as far weft as the eaftern fhore of Lake
Champlain. The cultivation of the country, and
the number of the fettlers, incteafed with a furp ril-
ing rapidity ; and Wentworth had an opportunity
to accumulate a large fortune, by the fees and do-
nations which attended the bufinefs, and by a referve
of five hundred acres, which he made in every town-
iliip for himfelf.
The government of Newyork intending to have the
difpofal of the lands, was alarmed at thefe proceed-
ings. Charles the fecond, in 1664, and 1674, made
an extraordinary grant to his brother, the Duke of
York; containing among other parts of America,
" all the lands from the weft fide of Connecticut riv-
er, to the ealt fide of Delaware bay." Xhis grant
wasinconfiftent with the chatters, which had before
been granted to MafTachufetts, and Connecticut ;
and neither of them, admitted it to have any effect:,
with regard to the lands which they had fettled, or
claimed to the weft of Connecticut river : And there
were no principles, which apply to human affairs,
by which this grant would bear a ftrict examination.
If it be examined geographically, the bounds of it
were contradictory, indefinite, and impoflible. If
it be fubjected to a legal conftruction, the whole of
it, upon James's acceffion to the throne, merged in
(he crown ; and at his abdication, paffed to William
his fucceftbr. If it be confidered as an inftrument
of government, it did not eftabliih any colony or
province of Newyork, or any power to govern any
fuck
214 tue NATURAL and CIVIL.
inch province. — Upon this inadequate and blunder*
ing tranfa&ion or Charles the fecond, Newyork
founded her claim, and hope, of obtaining the lands,
which Newhampfhire was granting. To check the
proceedings of Newhampfhire, and to intimidate the
fettlers, Mr, Colden, lteutenantgovernor of Nevv-
yoik, iiTued a proclamation,* reciting the grants to
the Duke of York, ailerting their validity, claiming
the jurifdi£tion as far eaft as Connecticut river,
and commanding the fheriff of the county of Alba-
ny, to make a return of the names of all perfons,
ivho under the colour of the Newhampfhire grants,
had taken poiTeflion of any lands to the welt of the
siver. To prevent the efleclis that might arile from
<his proclamation, the governor of Newhampfhire
put forth another proclamation, t declaring the grant
fo the Duke of York to be obfolete, that Newhamp-
ihire extended as far to the weft, as MaiTachufelts
and Connecticut, that the grants made by New-
hampfhire would be confirmed, if the jurifdiftion
xhall be aHc-red ; the fettlers were exhorted, not to
be intimidated, but to be induftrious and diligent
in cultivating their lands; and the civil officers were
required, to exercife junfdiction as far weflward, as
grants had been made, and to punifh all difturbers
of the peace. This proclamation ferved to quiet
the minus of the fettlers : And after fuch alTurances
irom a loyal governor, they had no idea that a con-
fcO. between two provinces, refpe6ling the extent of
'heir juiifcnvvlion, would ever affect, the property of
luch individuals, as had fairly purchafed their lands,
undtr a chatter from a royal government.
Newyork had as yet founded her claim to the
Lands, upon the grant to the Duke of York; but that
fetgadtous government did not choofe to rely, upon
fc precarious a ground. Applications were made
to
* 1763. Dec. 2S,
f 1764, March 13.
HISTORY of VERMONT. zt5
fo the crown reprefenling that it would be greatly?
for the convenience and advantage of the people;
who were fettled weft of Connecticut river, to be
annexed to Newyork ; that the courfe of bufinefs muft
always lie that way, and that the people were defirous
to b^ included in that government.* The refult of thefe
applications, was a decifion in favour of Newyork : O a
July 20th, 1764, his Majefty ordered and declared,
" The weftern banks of the river Connecticut, from
where it enters the province of the Maffachufetts
bay, as far north as the forty fifth degree of northern
latitude, to be the boundary line, between the faid
two provinces of Newhampfhire and Newyork.'"
This determination of the king, did not appear to be
founded on any former grant to the Duke of York ;
but was a decifion, de novo ; as the occafion, and
convenience of the people, were fuppofed to require.
In this decifion of the boundary line, there was
nothing alarming to the people, who had fettled on the
new lands. They had no idea of difputing the ju-
iifdi6tion, or oppofing the government of Newyork.
They concluded the title to their lands, would not
be in any way affe&ed, by the decifion, but rather
confirmed : And that the determination was exprelT-
cd in language, (/<? be) defigned to relate to the fu-
Sure, and not to any paft tranfaftions, or time. Had
the government of Newyork affigned the fame con-
ftruftion to the royal decifion, no controverfy would
ever have arifen j the fettlers would have remained
quiet and eafy, under their jurifdiction. But a very
different conftruftion was put upon the royal deter-
mination, in Newyork. The government of that
province
* The inhabitants complained that a petition was presented
to the king, figned with their names, but unknown to them,
In their firft petition to Congrefs, Jan. 7, 1776, they give, this
account of the petition, «« "VVe have often heard, and ve*i'v
believe [it was] in your petitioners' names,"
216 the NATURAL aW*> CIVIL
province conftrued ir, as a declaration not only of
what was to be, for the time to tome, but of whit
was, and always had been, the eaflern limit of New-
york : And of confequence, that the grants which
had been made by the governor of Newhampfhire,
were grants of what had always belonged to New-
york.
In conformity to this explanation, the grants from
Newhampfhire, were considered by the government
of Newyoik, as illegal, and of no authority. The
new diftricl; was divided into four counties : The
fouthweftern parts, were annexed to the county of
Albany; the northweft, were formed into a county
by the name of Charlotte. On the eafl; fide of the
green mountains, two counties were formed ; Cum-
berland, to the fouth; and Gloucefler, to the north;
and in thefe, courts were regularly held. The fet-
tlers were required to furrender the charters, which
they had received from Newhampfhire, and to take
out new grants from Newyork, which were attend-
ed with great fees, and expenfe. Some of the towns
complied with this requifition, and bought their lands
the fecond time, but the greater part refufed it:
And where it was not complied with, on the part of
the grantees, new giants were made of their lands,
to fuch petitioners, 3s would advance the fees which
were demanded. Actions of ejectment were com-
menced in the courts at Albany, againft. feveral of
the ancient fettlcrs ; and the decifions of the courts,
were always in^favour of the Newyork»proceedings,
and againft all titles and grant?, derived frorryrthe
governor of Newhampfhire.-— The cafe of the fet-
tlers did not admit of any relief, from the cuftomary
forms of law ; but only from the equity, the wifdom,
and the moderation, of a provincial government :
But modv^ution, and tendernefs of the rights of in-
dividuals, unable to defend their claims, was not to
be e&rjc ers, and fpeeulatots; who
had
HISTORY of VERMONT. 2tf
had an opportunity to acquire what lands they pleaf-
ed, under the cuflomary forms of law, and govern-
ment. The governor, and fome of the leading
men in Newyork, availed themfelves of this ftate of
things; and derived milch more enormous profits,
by making a fecond grant of the lands, than the gov-
ernor of Newhampfhire had acquired, by making
the firft.*
Although it proved an eafy thing for the claimants
under Newyork, to recover judgment againft the fet-
tiers, it was not found fo eafy a matter, to carry thofe
judgments into execution. When the executive of-
ficers came to ejett the inhabitants, from their houfes
and lands, they generally met with an avowed op-
pofition, from the pofleflbrs ; and were not luffered,
to proceed to the execution of their offices. The
minds of the fettlers, inftead of being depreffed into
fubmiflion, feemed to derive new powers, from op-
preflion : And the people foon began to aflbciate,
to defend one another, in their oppofition to the
courts, and officers of Newyork.
When it was found, that there was an avowed op-
pofition and combination, againft the proceedings of
the courts at Albany, an attempt was made by the
government of Newyork, to engage the militia to af-
fift and fupport the fheriff. The people who were
thus forced to march, in fupport of the fheriff, had
no affection for the bu fine fs: They were rath-
er in fentiment, with the fettlers ; and had no dif-
pofition to hazard their lives, in fupport of a quar-
rel, whkh they plainly faw, was defigned only for
the emolument of a few fpeculators; whofe claims
and conduct, did not appear to them, to be fo jufti-
fiablc as thofe of the people, againft whom they were
D d compelled
* The fees to the governor of Newhampfhire, for granting
a townfhio, were about one hundred dollars ; under the govern-
ment of Newyork, thev generally amounted to two thouiaad or
two thoufand fix hundred dollars.
2t8 the NATURAL and CIVIL
compelled to take up arms. The ftieriff foon found
that very little dependence could be placed on the
pofle, which attended him : Upon the appearance of
an armed oppofition from the fettlers, the Newyork
militia could not be kept together, and the fheriff
found his power, was no more availing, when he was
attended with the pone comitatus, than when he was
without them.
This circumftance afforded much encouragement
to the inhabitants, and they began to believe, they
(hould find that fupport from the general fentiments
of the people, in the adjacent ftates, which they could
not find from law. Their oppofition became more
general, and daring j and fome of the officers of New-
york became fufferers, for attempting to carry into
execution the judgments of their courts. In this.
courfe, the difficulties and dangers were conftantly
increafing, until feveFal on both fides were much a-
bnfed, and wounded} and no officer from Newyork,
dared to attempt to difpofTtfs any of the fettlers, of
their farms. The actions of ejectment however,
(till went on, in the courts at Albany j but no atten-
tion was paid to them, nor was any defence made by
the fettlers ; but they were never fufTered to be carri-
ed into execution: And when all other methods had
filled, the rnoft active of the leaders, were indited as
rio?ers.
The main body of the fettlers at that time, con-
fided of a brave, hardy, intrepid, but uncultivated fet
of men. Without many of the advantages of edu-
cation, without any other property than what hard
labour and hard living had procured, deftitue of the
conveniences and elegancies of life, and having noth-
ing to foften or refine their manners ; roughnefs, ex-
ce&j and violence, would naturally mark their pro-
ceedings, To deny fuch people juftice, was to pre$-
udj£e and arm them againft ir, to confirm all their
fufpicions
HISTORY of VERMONT. 219
fufpicions and prejudices againft their rulers, and to
give them an excufe and plea to proceed to outrage
and violence. When the government of Newyork,
gave to their proceedings, the names of mobs and
riots, abufe and outrage to their officers, it is probable
the expreflions conveyed pretty juft ideas, of the ap-
pearance of their conduct, and oppofition to the laws,
But when they called their oppofition, ftfony, rreafon,
and rebellion againft lawful authority, the people of
the adjacent provinces, feem to have believed, that
the government of Newyork was much more blam-
able, in making and executing fuch laws, as called
their titles to their lands in queftion, than the fettlers
were, in acting in open and avowed oppofition to
them.
In this fcen.e of violence, and oppofition to the pro-
ceedings of "Newyork, Ethan Allen placed himfelf at
the head of the oppofition. Bold, enterprifing, am-
bitious, with great confidence in his own abilities, he
undertook to direct the proceedings of the.inhabitams.
He wrote and difperfsd feveral pamphlets to diiplay
the injuftice, and defigns, of the Newyork proceed-
ings : And fo oppreffive were thofe meafures, that
although Allen was a very indifferent writer, his
pamphlets were much read, and regarded ; and had
a great influence upon the minds, and conduct of the
people. The uncultivated roughnefs of his own tem-
per and manners, feems to have affifled him, in giving
a juft defcription of the views and proceedings of
fpeculating land jobbers: And where all was a icene
of violence and abufe, fuch a method of writing, did
not greatly differ from the feelings of the fettlers, or
from the ftyle of the pamphlets that came from New-
york. But though he wrote with afperity, a degree
of generofity attended his conduct j and he carefully
avoided bloodfhed, and protcfted againft every thing
that had the appearance of meannefs, injuftice, cru-
elty,
*2o the NATURAL and CIVIL
elty, or abufe, to thofe who fell into his power.-—
Next to him, Setb IVarner feems to have been the
mofi diftinguifhed, in thofe times. Warner was
cool, firm, fteady, refolute, and fully determined
that the laws of Newyork relpecting the fettlers,
never mould be carried into execution. When an
officer came to take him as a rioter, he confidered it
as an affair <?f open hoftility ; defended himfelf, at-
tacked, wounded, and difarmed the officer^; but
with the fpirit of a foldier, fpared his life.
So notorious and alarming had this controver fy
become, that the fettlers fent three of their moft ac-
tive members, as agents to Greatbritain, to reprefent
their fituation, and implore the protection of the
crown.* An inquiry was made into the nature and
ground of their complaint ; and the event proved
favourable to their wifhes. In 1767, the king in-
terpofed to flop the proceedings of the governor of
l\Tewyork. Having recited a report from the lord.s
of the trade and plantation affairs, he gave this royal
order to the governor :t *• His Majefty doth hereby
flri&ly charge, require, and command, that the gov-
ernor or commander in chief of his M;>jefty's prov-
ince of Newyork, for the time being, do not upon
pain of his fylajefty's higheft difpleafure, pre fume to
make any grant whatsoever, of any part of the lands
defenbed in the faid report, until his Majefty's fur-
ther pleafure fhall be known concerning the fame."
The fettlers were much encouraged by this royal
mandate, and concluded it was defigned, and would
be effectual, to prevent any further proceedings in
regranting the lands. But they were foon full of
complaints, that no regard was paid to it, that the
pufinefs was purfyed with the fame avidity as be-
fore,
* Meft Samuel Robinfon, James Brakcnridge, and Mr,— — -
JIawley.
+ July 24.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 221
fore, and that the governors of Newark, while they
were calling upon them to obey the royal orders
and decifions, paid no regard to thole orders them-
felves. It feems in fact, to have been the cafe, that
the bufinefs of making new grants of the lands, was
too lucrative a job, to be ealily or foon given up ;
eipecially, when the crown could neither fully com-
prehend, regulate, or controul it.
In 1772, Mr. Tryon, governor of Newyork, made
an attempt to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants,
to that government. With this view* he wrote to
the Rev. Mr. Dcwtyt and the inhabitants of Ben-
nington, and the adjacent country, inviting them to
Jay before him the caufes of their illegal proceed-
ings ; alluring them, that both he and. the council
were difpofed to afford them fuch relief, as the fitu-
ation and circumflances of the people would juftify ;
and engaging full fecurity and protection, to any
perfons they might choofe to fend to Newyork on
the bufinefs, except Allen, Warner, and three oth-
ers. Letters were written on this occafion to gov-
ernor Tryon by the inhabitants, and by the except-
ed perfons, in explanation of their conduct and
principles ; and Capt. Stephen Fay, and Mr. Jonas
Fay, were chofen to wait upon the governor at New-
york, to negotiate the bufinefs. Upon their return,
they reported that the governor received them with
expreflions of kindnefs, and laid the flate of their
grievances before the council ; who made report,
that they were defirous that his excellency mould
afford the inhabitants of thofe townfbips, all the re-
lief in his power, by fufpending until his Majefly's
pleafure mould be known, all profecutions in behalf
of the crown, on account of crimes with which they
flood charged ; and ihould recommend it to the
owners of the contefted lands, under grants from
» Newyork
♦ May 19,
222 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
Newyork to put a (lop, during the fame period, to
all civil fuits concerning thofe lands.* — But no
tneafures or attempts of this kind, could avail, or be
attended with any permanently good effects, while
the original caufe of contention remained. The
whole property of the fettlers, was the matter in con-
teft. Their attempts to preferve this, appeared to
them, not only juftifiable, but neceflary, and highly
meritorious ; as being defigned to preferve all, that
man in any cafe, ever could have to defend. To
the government of Newyork, their conduct appeared
in a very different light, as acts of treafon, and re-
bellion, perpetrated by lawlefs and violent men, in
open and avowed oppofition to the laws of their
king and country.
While thefe different views of the conhoverfy re-
mained, the tneafures of both fides, inftead of ope-
rating to remove^the caufes of conteft, tended to in-
cfeafe the animofity, and to bring on a ftate of more
open hcftility. So high had the fpirit of oppofition
and refentment arifen, in the courfe of thefe pro-
ceedings, that in »774,t the government of Newyork
palled an a 61;, the mod minatory and defpotic, of
any thing which had ever appeared, in the Britifli
colonies. Among other extraordinary exertions of
vindictive power, it contained this lingular claufe :
fc And in cafe the faid offenders, fhall not refpec-
tively lurrendcr themfelves purfuant to fuch orders,
of his excellency the governor, or of the governor
and commander in chief for the time being, to be
made in council as aforefaid ; he or they fo neg-
lecting or refufing to furrender himfelf, or them-
felves as aforefaid, [i. e. within the fpace of feventy
days next after the fird publication of the order]
(hall; from the day to be appointed for his or their
furrendery
* Allen'i Narrative. p."4<)— 6S.
«• March o. Alien'* Narrative., p. 23 -36.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 223
furrendery as aforefaid, be adjudged, deemed, and
(if indi&ed for a capital offence hereafter to be per-
petrated) to be convicted and attainted of felony, and
fhall fuffer death, as in cafes of perfons convicted
and attainted of felony by verdict and judgment,
without benefit of clergy ; and that it fhall and may
be lawful to, and for the fupreme court of judica-
ture of this colony, or the courts of oyer and ter-
miner, or general gaol delivery, for the refpeftive
counties aforefaid, to award execution againft fuch
offender or offenders, fo indi&ed for a capital of-
fence, perpetrated after the pafling of this aft, in
fuch manner as if he or they had been convi&ed or
attainted in the fupreme courts of judicature, or be-
fore fuch courts of oyer and terminer, or general
gaol delivery refpeclively." All crimes committed
on the grants, were by this &£t fubject to be tried in
the county, and by the courts at Albany. At the
fame time, a proclamation was iffued by the gover-
nor of Newyork, offering a reward of fifty pounds a
head, for apprehending and fecuring Ethan Allen,
Seth Warner, and fix others, of the moil obnoxious
of the fettlers.
With this act all profpecl; of peace, or fubmiflion
to the government of Newyork, ended. At a gener-
al meeting of the committees for the townfhips, on
the weft fide of the green mountains, it was refolv-
ed :* " That for the future, every neceffary prepa-
ration be made, and that our inhabitants hold them-
felves in readinefs, at a minute's warning, to aid and
defend fuch friends of ours, who, for their merit to
the great and general caufe, are falfely denominated
rioters ; but that we will not aft: any thing, more or
left, but on the defenfive, and always encourage due
execution of law, in civil cafes, and alfo in criminal
profecutions, that are fo indeed ; and that we will
affUr,
* April 14, 1774. Page i*,
22.* thb NATURAL and CIVIL
afiift, to the utmoft of our power, the officers ap-#
pointed for that purpofe.'* The piofcribed per-
Tons carried the matter dill further, and in an ad-
drefs to the people of the county of Albany, and
others who were fituated contiguous to the New-
hampfhire grants, made this public declaration :*
<c We will kill and dejfroy any perfen or perfons
whomfoever, that (hall prefume to be accefTary, aid-
ing or affifting in taking any of us."
To avoid the government of Newyork, a plan
was contrived about this time, by fome of the in-
habitants, and Phillip Skeeti, to have the Newhamp-
fhire grants formed into a royal government, as a
new province. Sketnt was a colonel in one of the
king's regiments, and had large poffeflions on Lake
Champlain. To effecT; his defigns, he went to the
court of Greatbritain, and feems to have met with
fome fuccefs. On March i6tb, 1775, he wrote to
one o? the agents, that he was appointed to the gov-
ernment of Crown Point, and Tyconderoga ; and
fhould foon call upon all the Hampfhire inhabitants,
for an addrefs, to (hew their loyalty to the king ;
and he had no doubt, but they would (hew them-
felves to be as loyal fubjects, as he had reprefented
them.t
An event took place m the fpring of the year
3775, which ferved flill further to exafperate all par-
ties. In eonfequence of the proceedings of the
Britifli court, the American colonies had met in
Congrefs, Sept. 5, J 774 ; and the Congrefs had ad-
vifed the people to maintain their liberties, in fuch
ways as mould be found neceffarv. The courts Of
piftice, which were held under the royal authori!}',
in all the adjacent provinces, were;either fliut up,
or
* April 16. Page 55.
+ Skeen's letter to Opt, Hawt«y, dVcd London, Mar'cti
^6, 1775.
HISTORY of VERMONT. . 225,
or adjourned without doing any bufinefs. The
court, in Cumberland county, was to have beeii
holden at Weftminfter, on March 13th, 1775. Some
of the inhabitants of that, and the adjacent towns,
took poiR'ffion of the court houfe at an early hour/
to prevent the ofHcers of the court from entering.
Being refuled admittance at the cuftomary time of
opening the court, the judges returned to their quar-
ters : About eleven o'clock at night, the fheriff with
the other ofHcers of the court, attended by an armed
force, repaired to the court houfe. Being refufed ad-
mittance, fome of the party fired into the houfe, killed
one man, and wounded feveral. The people were in-
flamed to the higheft degree, by this rafh proceeding.
The next day they aflembled in large numbers, from
all quarters : A coroner attended, and a jury of inqueft
brought in a verdict, that the man was murdered by
the court party. Some of the officers were made
prifoners, and carried to the gaol at Northampton,
in NiafTachufetts : But upon their application to the
chief juftice of Newyork, they were releafed front
their confinement, and returned home.* — Highly
irritated by this event, the committees of a large
body of the people met at Weftminfter, April nth/
j 775 : Among other meafures, they came to" the
following refolve 2 " That it is the duty of the in-
habitants, wholly to renounce and refift the adrhin-
iflration of the government of Newyork, until fuch
time as the lives and property of the inhabitants may
be fecured by it : Or until fuch time, as they can
have opportunity to lay their grievances before his
mod gracious Majefty in council, together with a
proper remonftrance againft the unjuftifiable con-
duel of that government, with an humble petition
to be taken out of fo oppreflxve a jurifdi&ion, and
E e either
* Narrative of the Maflacre at Weftminfter court houfe,
bv Reuben Tones,
»«6 tub NATURAL and CIVIL
cither annexed to fome othe: government, or erect-
ed and incorporated into a new one, as may appear
befl for the inhabitants."*
Boih parties were in this ftate of refentment and
exafperation, when the American war broke out at
Lexington, April 19th, 1775. By prefenting new
fcenes, and greater objecls, this event feems to ba*ve
prevented either party from proceeding to houili-
ties ; and turned their attention from their particu-
lar conteft, to the general caufe of America. The
attention of all orders of men was immediately en-
gaged, local and provincial contefls were at once
{wallowed up, by the novelty, the grandeur, and the
importance of the conteft, that then opened between
Britain and America.
The enterpnfing fpiritof Alhn% foon found a new
object for its employment. At the commencement
ol hoftilities with Britain, fome of the principal lead*
crs of the American meafures, concluded it would
be a matter of much importance, to lecure the l>nt-
ifli forts on Lake Champlain, before they Ihould
get any intelligence of the American war. Arnold
was fent from Connecticut, to engage the people
on the NewhampQiire grants, upon this expedition.
■Allen immediately undertook the bufinefs, and in a.
few days raifed a body of troops, which were ef-
teemed fufficient for the purpofe : and marched
with Arnold, or rather put himfelf at the head of
the troops. He managed with bravery and fuccek,
and took Tyconderoga and Crown Point, on May
10th. In the fall, he attended Montgomery at the
fiege of St. John's, but venturing to land on the
ifland of Montreal with a few men, he was taken
pri loner by the Britim, and fuffered many hardfhips
and abufes, during a long and fevere imprifonment.
Warner,
* Proceedings of the committees met at Weftminfter, Aprii
HISTORY op VERMONT. 227
* ■ "
Warner ', who had alfo been profcribed by the gov-
ernor of Newyork, entered with much fpirit into the
American caufe. His attention, courage, and firm-
nefs, recommended him much to the officers, under
which he ferved. -Congrefs wiflied to have a regi-
ment compofed of the fettlers upon the grants : The
command of it was given to Warner ; and on every
occafion he proved a brave, judicious, and excellent
officer.
Amidfi: all the difficulties the people had paflTed
through, they had been without any form of civil
government. The conteft with Newyork had now
ceafed, and their attention was chiefly taken up, with
the affairs of the war. The method in which they
had managed their general concerns, was by meetings
of towns and plantations, by committees, officers,
and leaders, nominally appointed, and fubmitted to,
by general confent and approbation. The people
had been unable to raife any confiderable fums of
money, on any occafion ; but the affairs of the war
had fo multiplied emiffions of paper currency, that
this difficulty was in fome meafure removed. But
the conflant difficulty and embarraffment, of con-
dueling their public affairs without the advantages
of government, had given rife to combinations of a
general nature, among feveral of the towns ; and
partial conventions had been holden at feveral times,
and places, on each fide of the mountains. But no
general plan of combination and union, had taken
place ; nor does it feem, that the people at this pe-
riod of their affairs, had entertained the idea of form-
ing themfelves into an independent date. But it
had become a matter of general inquiry and conver-
fation, What fhould be done ? And what meafurer.
ought to be adopted for the public fafety ? — The
iituationof the inhabitant at this time, feems to have
approached nearly to what has been called by fome,
a date of nature. A large number of people were
{battered
sa8 tub NATURAL and CIVIL
Scattered over a large tra£l of country, in ftnall fet-
tlements, at a great diftance from each other, with-
out any form of government, any ellablifhed laws,
or civil officers. Nature and neceflity had forced
them to aiTociate, and to combine together, to pro-
mote their common fafety and intereft : But they
had not entertained the idea, of letting up au inde-
pendent government, or formed any plan for their
future proceedings, or regulation. They feem to
have been waiting, for the courfe of events to point
out to them, what was practicable and prudent.
To obtain information, in the fall of the year 1775,
fome of the leading members went to Philadelphia,
to procure the advice of Congrefs. They did nor
obtain any formal atr. or advice from that body, but
upon their return difperfed a number of letters, rep-
xefenting it as the opinion of feveral members of
Congrefs, that the people mould form a temporary
aiTociation, and government by committees and con-
ventions, as the circumftances of the people might
yequire.— Accordingly, on January 16, 1776, a con-
vention met at Dorlet, and drew up a petition to
Congrefs. Their application they ftiled, " The
humble petition, addrefs, and remonstrance of that
part of America, being fituate fouth of Canada line,
weft of Connecticut liver, commonly called and
known by the name of the Newhampfhire grants."
They avow their readinefs to bear a full proportion
of the American war, their ability and zeal in the
common caufe, and a willingnefs to be called upon
for this purpofe, whenever Congrefs (hould judge it
necelTary : But declare they are not willing to put
themfelves under the provincial government of New-
york, left it fliouid be afterwards conllrued to imply
an acknowledgment of that authority. They con-
clude with requefting, that whenever the Congrefs
Should find it neceiTary to call for their fervices, they
mi'-y not be called upon as inhabitants of Ncwyork,
or
HISTORY fl| VERMONT. 2*9
or as perfens fubjefifc to the limitations, refbic~lion%
or regulations, of the uujicia of that province j but
hs inhabitants of the Ncwhampihire grants; and
that whatever commmions, niigiit be granted to ariy
<;i the inhabitants, might confider them in that
view.*
Tins was the firfl application, the people had ever
made to Congref*. The committee to whom it was
: red, reported as their opinion, that it be recom-
mended to the petitioners for tiie prefent, to fubmit
to Lhe government of Newyork, and to aflifl. their
countrymen in the contePt with Greatbritain ; but
that inch fubmiflion, ought not to prejudice their
light to any lands in controverfy, or be conftrued to
affirm or admit the jurifdi&ion of Newyork, over
the country, when the prefent troubles mould be
ended. — This advice was fuch, as might have been
expecled : At a period when the fate of all the A-
meucan colonies was at flake, the committee could
not but with, that all local or provincial controver-
iies might fubfide : To avoid any decifion upon the
matter at that time, the petition was withdrawn.
On July the 4th, 1776, the Congrefs made a dec-
laration of Independence 1 declaring in the name, and
by the authority of the people of the United Colo-
nies, th.it they were, and of right ought to be, free
and independent flates ; that they were abfolved
from all allegiance to the Britifh crown, and that all
political connexion between them, and the kingdom.
Of Greatbritain, was totally diffblved. By this found
and decifive policy, the United Colonies were deliv-
ered from the embarralTments, with which they had
before been perplexed. It was no longer of any
importance to them, what were the powers and pre-
rogatives of the crown ; or what was the origin, or
extent of liberty, under the Britifh conftitution. One
queflion only, remained to be decided ; and that
was,
* Firft petition to Congrefs, dated Dorfct, Jan. 17, 1776.
230 the NATURAL and CIVIL
was, Whether for the future, they were to be con-
quered provinces, or free and independent Mates ? -
.But while the declaration of Independence, clear-
ly Hated to the United Colonies, the ground on which
ihey were to (land; it left the people on the New-
hampfhire grants, in a fituation more uncertain and
critical, than that, in which they had been before.
Col. Skeen had obtained a commiffion from the crown,
to bt governor of Tyconderoga, Crown Point, and
tht adjacent country ; but to what extent, was un-
known. Newhampfliire had renounced all political
connexion with them. The controverfy with New-
york was reviving. The convention of that date
hud unanimoufly voted on Auguft 2d, 1776, t* That
all quitrents formerly due to the king of Greatbritain,
are now due, and owing to this convention, or fuch
future government as fliall hereafter be eftablilhed
in this Hate."* To fubmit to the claims of New.
york, was to give up the whole of their property,
and to reduce thernfelves to a ftate of dependence,
and beggary. To oppofe her claims and power,
would probably bring on, not only a conteft with
Newyork, but with the Congrefs alfo : And to con-
tinue without fome form of government, was impof-
fib!e.
A filiation attended with fo many difficulties, gave
rife to a variety of opinions. Some were for attempt-
ing to return to Newhampfliire: Others faw no oth-
er method of proceeding, but fubmiflion to Newyork.
The more relolute, were for afluming the powers of
government, and hazarding all the conlequences of
iuch a mealure. To afcertain what the prevailing
opinion
* In the grants made by the governors of Newhampfhire,
the annual quitrents referved to the crown on every hundred
acres, were one (hilling proclamation money, equal in value to
<iine pence fterling ; in the grants made by the governors of
N-wyork, .hefe quitrents were raifed to two (hillings and fijc
pu'iice Iterling.
HISTORY or VERMONT. fi*1
opinion was, it was judged neceflary to call a gener-
al covention. This convention was called by cir*
cular letters, from fome of the mod influential per-
ftms ; it confided of fifty one members, reprefenting
thirty five towns, and met at Dorfet, July 24th, 1776.
At this feflion, the convention agreed to enter into
an affociation among themfelves, for the defence of
the libeitits of their country : But that they would
not affociate with either of the counties, or with the
provincial Congrefs of Newyork ; and that any of
the inhabitants of the Newhampfliire grants, who
fhould enter into fuch an affociation, fhould be deem-
ed enemies to the common caufe.
The fentiments of the people, were now very gen-
erally tending, towards a total feparation from New-
york. On September the 25th, the convention met
again, and refolved without any diffentient vote,
" to take fuitable meafures as foon as may be, to de-
clare the Newhampfhire grants, a free and feparate
diitncV'— - And that " no law or laws, direction or
directions from the (late of Newyork, fhould be ac-
cepted."
In January 1777, a general convention of repre-
sentatives from the towns on both fides of the moun-
tains met atWeftmintler. The fentiments of their con-
ftituents, were now, well known : And after a very"
ferious debate and confultation, the convention con-
cluded that there was no other way of fafety left,
but to form themfelves into a new ftate, and affume
all the powers of government. Accordingly, on Jan-
uary 16th, having refolved upon this meafure, they
made and published the following declaration :
" This convention, whofe members are duly chof-
en by the free voice of their conftituents, in the fcv-
eral towns on the Newhampfhire grants, in public
meeting affembled, in our own names, and in behalf
of our conllituent?, Do hereby proclaim, and pub-
licly declare, that the diftrift of territory comprc-
bending,
t$% the NATURAL and CIVIL
bending, ajnd ufuaJly known, by the name and de-
scription or the Newhampfhire grants, of ri,;ht ought
to be, and is hereby declared forever hereafter to be
considered as a free and independent jurifdi6tion, or
ftate ; to be forever hereafter called, known, and dif-
tinguiflied, by the name of Newconnefticut, alias Ver-
mont : And that the inhabitants that at prefent, or
that may hereafter become refident within faid ter-
ritory, mail be entitled to the fame privileges, im-
munities, and enfranchifements which are, or that may
at any time hereafter be allowed, to the inhabitants
of any of the free and independent dates of Ameri-
ca : And that fuch privileges^ and immunities, (hall
be regulated in a bill of rights, and by a form of
government, to be eftablifhed at the next feffion of
this convention."*
Having taken this decilive flep, they drew up a
declaration and petition to Congrefs, in which they
announce to that body, as the grand repreientative
of the United States, that they had made and pub-
limed a declaration, " that they would at all times
thereafter, confider thernfelves as a free and inde-
pendent ftate, capable of regulating their own inter*
nal police, in all, and every refpe6r. whatfoever; and
that the people in the faid dcfcribed diftricl:, had the
fole exclufive right of governing themfelves, in fuch
manner and' form, as they, in their wifdom, mould
choofe ; not repugnant to any relolves of the hon-
ourable, the continental Congrefs: — And that they
were at all times ready, in conjunction with their
brethren in the United States, to contribute their
full proportion towards the maintaining the prefent
mft war, againfl. the fleets and armies of Greatbnt-
ain."t They petition Congrefs that their declara-
tion might be received, that the diuri£t therein de~
leubed, might be ranked among the free and inde-
pendent
* Records of the Convention.
-} Copy, attciled by J. Fay, cle;k«
HISTORY of VERMONT. 233
pendent American States ; and delegates therefrom^
be admitted to a feat in Congrefs. This declaration
and petition was figned, and prefented to Congrefs
in behalf of the inhabitants, by four of the moil re-
fpe£table members of the convention ; Jonas Fay%
Thomas Chittenden, Heman Allen, and Reuben Jcnes.
No meafure was ever more neceflary, or more hap-
pily chofen, than this. Newhampfhire had wholly
reje£led them. They never had fubmitted to the
government of Newyork, but fteadfaftly oppofed her
authority. By the diffolution of all connexion with
the crown of Greatbritain, they concluded they were
no longer fubjecl to the claims of Newyork, found-
ed on the arbitrary decifionsof that crown. The pe-
riod was now come, when as they expreffed it, they
were reduced to a ftate of nature. Some form of gov-
ernment, muft be adopted. They had the fame right
to aflume the powers of government, that the Con-
grefs had. The ftep teemed to be abfolutely nec-
eflary, for the immediate fafety and protection of
the people : And now was the time, when the pow-
ers of government could be afiumed, with the greateft
fafety and advantage. To be irrefolute or timici,
was to lofe an opportunity, which might never re-
turn : And whatever oppoiition might be made to
their meafures, they could meet it with greater force,
when they had declared themfelves a free and inde-
pendent ftate, and knew by what authority they act-
ed. Every part of the United States, was at tha:
period, contending againft oppreflion ♦ and eveiv
consideration that could juftify the proceedings of
Congrefs, was a reafon, v/hy the people of Vermont^
ihould take that opportunity, effectually to guard
againft; their former lufferings. Happily for them-,
felves, and for the ftate, they adapted that firm and
temperate policy, which alone was adequate to the
object.
Ff CHAP,
*34 the NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. X.
Proceedings of Newyork. Refolvesfof Congrefs, Con-
troverfy with Newhampfhire. Claims of Newhamp-
/hire, Newyork, and Maffachufetts. Appointment
t>f Commiffioners, to confer with the Inhabitants.
Jnterpcfition of Congrefs. Conducl of Vermont.
Meafures purfued by Congrefs. Further Claims of
Vermont. Proceedings and Views of the Britifi Gen-
erals, and Minifters. Refolutions of Congrefs. Pro-
feedings of Vermont, Newyork, and Newhampfoire,
Advice of General Wajhington. Proceedings of
Vermont. Votes of Congrefs. Remarks en ths
Vefgn, and Effecl of tbofe Votes.
X HE conduct of Vermont in declar-
ing their independence, was viewed by the adjacent
dates, in very different lights. Newhampfhire ap-
peared willing to admit, and acknowledge it. In
Maffachufetts and Connecticut, the meafure was
rather applauded, than condemned. But to New-
york, the conduct of the people in attempting to
form a new ftate, appeared as a dangerous revival of
their former oppofition and rebellion to lawful au-
thority.
The committee of fafety for that ftate, were then
fitting. Apprehenfive of the confequences, they
immediately took up the matter ; and by their direc-
tion, the prefident of the Newyork convention, on
January 20th, 1777, gave this information to. Con-
grefs, " I am diire&ed by the committee of fafety of
Newyork,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 235
Newyork, to inform Congrefs, " that by the arts and
influence of certain designing men, a part of this
ftate hath been prevailed on to revolt, and difavow
the authority of its legiflature. — The various evi-
dences and informations we have received would
lead us to believe that perfons of great influence in
fome of our fifler ftates, have foftered and fo-
mented thefe divifions. — But as thefe informations
tend to accufe fome members of your honourable
body, of being concerned in this fcheme, decency
obliges us to fufpend our belief. — The convention
are forry to obferve, that by conferring a commif-
lion upon Col. Warner, with authority to name the
officers of a regiment, to be raifed independently of
the legiflature of this ftate, and within that part of
it, which hath lately declared an independence upon
it, Congrefs hath given but too much weight to the
infinuations of thofe, who pretend that your hon-
ourable body are determined to fupport thefe infur-
gents ; efpecially, as this Col. Warner, hath been
conftantly and invariably oppofed to the legiflature
of this ftate, and hath been, on that very account,
proclaimed an outlaw by the late government there-
of.— It is abfolutely necefiary to recall the commif-
fions given to Col. Warner, and the officers under
him, as nothing eife will do juftice to us, and con-
vince thofe deluded people, that Congrefs have not
been prevailed on to aflift in difmembering a ftate,
which of all others, has fuffered the moll in the
common caufe."* To perfuade Congrefs to engage
in. this caufe, another application was made to that
body, on March the lft : In this the convention of
Newyork reprefent, that they depend upon the juf-
tice of that honourable houfe, to adapt every wife
and
* Attefted copy of a letter from the Honourable A. Ten
«Broek, preftdent of the convention of Newyork, dated Jan,
«o, 1777*
236 the NATURAL and CIVIL
and falutary expedient, to fupprefs the mifchiefr
which mull enfue to that ftate and to the general
confederacy, from the unjuft and pernicious projects
of fuch of the inhabitants of Newyork, as merely
from felfifh and interefted motives, have fomented
the dangerous infurre6t.ion : That Congrefs might
be affured that the {pirit of defection, notwithftand-
ing all the arts and violence of the feducers, was by
no means general : That the county of Gloucester,
and a very great part of Cumberland, and Charlotte
counties, continued fteadfaft in their allegiance to the
government of Newyork ; and that there was not
the leaft probability, that Col. Warner could raife
fuch a number of men, as would be an objecl of
public concern.*
The proceediugs of Vermont had now aflumed a
regular form, and become an object of general at-
tention. In April, a paper was printed at Phila-
delphia, fubfenbed Thomas Young, and addrefTed to
the inhabitants of Vermont : To this addrefs was
prefixed a refolution, which Congrefs had pafled
May 15, 1776, recommending to the refpective af-
femblies and conventions of the United Colonies,
where no government (ufficient to the exigencies of
their affairs had been already eftabliflied, to adopt
fuch government, as in the opinion of the reprefen-
tatives of the people, mould beft conduce to the
happinefs and fafety of their constituents. In the
addrefs to the inhabitants of Vermont, were thefe
paragraphs : " I have taken the minds of feverai
leading members, in the honourable the continental
Congrefs, and can affure you, that you have nothing
to do, but to fend attefted copies of the recommen-
dation to take up government to every townfiiip in
your diftrict, and invite all your freeholders and in-
habitants to meet in their refpective townfhips, and
choofe
* Letter from A, Ten Broek of March 1, \7J7*
HISTORY of VERMONT- 237
choofe members for a general convention, to meet at
an earl)' day, to choofe delegates for the general
Congrefs, a committee of fafety, and to form a con-
stitution for your ilate. Your friends here tell me,
that feme are in doubt, whether delegates from your
diftrift, would be admitted into Congrefs. 1 tell
you to organize fairly, and make the experiment, and
i will enfure your fuccefs, at the rifk of my reputa-
tion as a man of honour or common fenfe. Indeed
they can by no means refufe you ! You have as
good a right to choofe how you will be governed,
and by whom, as they had."*
Publications and meafures thus avowing the
caufe, and deCgned to eftablifh the independence of
Vermont, were beheld by Newyork, with great in-
dignation and concern. On May the 28th, the
council of fafety for that ftate, made a third attempt
to engage the attention of Congrefs : By their di-
rection, their prefident wrote to that body, that a
report prevailed and daily gained credit, that the re-
volters were privately countenanced in their defigns,
by certain members of Congrefs ; that they efleemed
it their duty to give them fuch information, that by
proper refolutions on the iubjecl;, Congrefs might
ccafe to be injured, by imputations fo difgraceful
and difhonourable. " However unwilling we may
be to entertain fufpicions fo difrefpe£tful to any
member of Congrefs, yet the truth is, that no incon-
fiderable numbers of the people of this flate, do be-
lieve the report to be well founded. "t
To bring Congrefs to fome decifion upon the
matter, on June 23d, one of the delegates of New-
yoik laid before that body, the printed letter and
publication of Thomas Young. Congrefs took up
the
* Printed letter to the inhabitants of Vermont, April irt
I777, by T. Young.
t Pierre Van Cortlandt's letter to Congrefs, May 28, 1777*
238 the NATURAL and CIVIL
the matter, and ordered the printed paper, the letters
which had been received from the convention of
Newyork, and from the inhabitants of the New-
hampfhire grants, to be referred to a committee of
the whole ; and after feveral adjournments, on June
30th, paffed the following refolves :
" Refoived, That Congrefs is compofed ©f delegates
chofen by, and reprefenting the communities re-
spectively inhabiting the territories of Newhamp-
ihire, Malfachufetts Bay, Rhodeifland and Provi-
dence Plantations, Connecticut, Newyork, Newjer-
ftyt Pennfylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
Nonhcarolina, Southcarolina, and Georgia, as they
refpeclively flood at the time of its firft institution ;
that it was inflituted for the purpofe of fecuring and
defending the communities aforefaid, againft the
ufurpations, oppreffions, and hoftile invaiions of
Greatbritain ; and therefore it cannot be intended
that Congrefs by any of its proceedings would do,
or recommend, or countenance, any thing injurious
to the rights and juri (diction of the feveral commu-
nities, which it reprefents.
" Refohedy That the independent government at-
tempted to be eltablifhed by the people, ftyling
themfelves inhabitants of the Newhamplhire grants,
can derive no countenance, or juftification, from the
act of Congrefs declaring the United Colonies to be
independent of the crown of Greatbritain ; nor from
any other a£l, or refolution of Congrefs.
" Refo/ved, That the petition of Jonas Fay, Thom-
as Chittenden, Heman Allen, and Reuben Jones, in
the name and behalf of the people, ftyling them-
felves as aforefaid, praying that ' their declaration
that they would confider themfelves as a free and in-
dependent flate, may be received ; that the diftricl:
in the faid petition defcribed, may be ranked among
the free and independent dates ; and that delegates
therefrom
HISTORY of VERMONT. 239
therefrom may be admitted to feats in Congrefs,' be
difmiffed.
" Refolvedy That Congrefs by raifing and officer-
ing the regiment, commanded by Col. Warner,
never meant to give any encouragement to the claim
of the people aforefaid, to be confidered as an inde-
pendent (late ; but that the reafon which induced
Congrefs to form that corps, was, that many officers
of different ftates, who had ferved in Canada, and
alledged that they could foon raife a regiment, but
were then unprovided for> might be reinftated in the
fervice of the United States. •"
Having recited the paragraphs in the letter from
Thomas Young, which have been quoted, they next
refolve, " That the contents of the faid paragraphs,
are derogatory to the honour of Congrefs, are a grofs
mifreprefentation of the resolution of Congrefs there-
in referred to, and tend to deceive and miflead the
people to whom they are addreffed."*
Thefe refolves were favourable to the government
of Newyork : From their fpirit and ftyle, and the
manner in which the bufinefs was introduced, the
people of Vermont concluded, they were drawn up
under the influence of that flate ; and that their in-
dependence muft be fupported, with the fame fiim-
nefs and fpirit, with which it had been declared :
And they ferved only to confirm the refolution of a
people, who with all the hardihood of antiquity,
were well acquainted with the nature and origin of
their own rights.
During this period, no controverfy had arifen
with Newhampfhire. That (late had gone farther
than any other, to admit and acknowledge the inde-
pendence of Vermont. — On the 6th of July, 1777,
the American army flationed at Tyconderoga, was
forced to abandon that important poll to the formi-
dable
* Journal of Congrefs, June, 1777, p. 258, 259, 263,
240 the NATURAL and CIVIL
dable army commanded by General Burgoyne. The
people in moil of the towns on the weft fide of the
mountains, were obliged to abandon their habita-
tions, with circumftances of great diftrefs and con-
fufion.
The convention of Vermont was then fitting, at
Windfor. Their committee wrote in the moft prefix-
ing terms,* to the committee of fafety at Exeter in
Newhampfhire, for afliflance ; informing them at
the fame time, if none mould be afforded, they muft
immediately retire into the Newengland Mates, for
fupport and fafety. The affembly of Newhamp-
fhire was immediately called together : They put a
large body of their militia under the command of
General Stark, and gave him orders to <c repair to
Charleftown on Connecticut river ; there to confuit
with a committee of the Newhampfhire grants, re-
fpecting his future operations, and the fupply of his
men with provifions ; to take the command of the
militia, and march into the grants ; to aft in con-
junction with the troops of that new ilate, or any
other of the dates, or of the United States. "t About
the fame time,* Mr. Weave prefident of Newhamp-
fhire, in behalf of the council and affembly, wrote to
Ira Alletiy fecretary of the Mate of Vermont, an-
nouncing the afliflance they were fending ; the ftyle
and expreflions of his letter were addreffed to Ver-
mont, as a free and fovereign, but a new flate. From
thefe events it was not doubted in Vermont, but that
Newhampfhire had already acknowledged her inde-
pendence ; and would ufe her influence, to have it
acknowledged by Congiefs.
But the conduct of feme of the inhabitants of
Newhampfhire, foon occafioned a controverfy of a
very
* J*»Jy s.
+ ijelknapt's Hiftcry of Newhatrpfi-irr, Vol, IF. 413.
+ July 19.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 241
very ferious nature, with that ftate. Newhampfhire
Was originally granted as a province, to John Ma-
fon ; and was circumfcribed by a line, drawn at the
diftance of fixty miles from the fea. All the lands
to the weflward of that line, were properly royal
grants, and had been annexed to Newhampfnire, by
Force of royal cornmiflions. The inhabitants on the
eaftern fide of Connecticut river, well knew what the
original bounds of Newhampfhire were ; and they
were defirous to join the inhabitants on the weft fide
of the river, in fetting up a new ftate. — With thefe
views, it was not a difficult thing, to find reafons to
juftify their proceedings. They urged, that the prov-
ince of Newhampfhire could not originally extend
further, than fixty miles from the fea coaft : That the
additional towns were annexed to that ftate, folely by
virtue of the royal cornmiflions : That thefe commii-
fions could be of force, or operate no longer, than
while the power of the crown fubfifted : That as all
royal authority was done away, the obligations which
had annexed them to the province of Newhampfhire,
was done away with it : And that it now belonged
to the people to determine, what ftate they would
join, and what government they would be under.*
Thefe ideas. were propagated with much fuccefs, in
the towns adjoining Connecticut river 3 conventions
were holden, and in the courfe of a few months.f a
petition was prefented in the name of fixteen towns
in Newhampfhire, announcing " that they were not
connected with any ftate, with refpect to their inter-
nal police," and requefting the ftate of Vermont, to
receive them into an union and confederation with
them.
G g The
* Obfcrvatiotls oa the right of jurifdi£tion of Newhamp-
fhire grants: Printed 1778. Public defence of the right of
Newhampfhire grants, &c. Piinted 1770.
+ March 12, 1 778.
242 THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
The aflembly of Vermont was perplexed with
this application. Moll: of the members from the
weft fide of the mountains, viewed it as a dangerous
rneafure ; and the majority of the aflembly, appear-
ed to be againft receiving any of the towns from
Newhampihire. The towns in Vermont which ad-
joined to Connecticut river, were generally in favour
of receiving the towns from Newhampihire ; and
went fo far as to propofe withdrawing from their
connexion with Vermont, and felting up another
ftate. There was no method to preferve their own
union, but to refer the queftion to the decifion ok
the people : And the party in favour of the New-
hampihire propofals, were extremely diligent and
aftive, in fecuring a majority of the members, againft
the next meeting of the aflembly. When the aC-
fembly met, it was reprefented to them, that the in-
habitants of the towns which had applied for a
union with Vermont, were almoft unanimous in
their votes, and that Newhampfhire, as a ftate, would
not object againft faid towns joining with Vermont.*
A vote was carried in favour of their union and con-
federation :t And the aflembly of Vermont refolv-
ed further, That any other towns on the eaft fide of
Connecticut river, might alio be admitted into the
union, on producing a vote of the majority of the
inhabitants, or on their fending a repre Tentative to
the aflembly of Vermont.' — Having thus elfecled
their purpofes, the fixteen towns announced to the
government of Newhampihire, that they had with-
drawn from their jurifdi&ion, and wilhed to have
a divifional line eftablifhed, and a friendly corref-
pondence kept up.£
Thefe
* Allen's vindication of the conduct of the general aflem-
bly, &c. page 13.
+ June 11, 1778.
+ June 25.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 243
Thefe proceedings were founded upon principles,
which might introduce endlefs contentions and di-
vifions, among the United States ; and they juftly
proved greatly alarming to Newhampihire.
Me/heck JVearet Efq; was at that time prefident of
that ftate, a gentleman of great wifdom and virtue.
In the name of the affembly he wrote to Mr. Chit-
tenden governor of Vermont,* claiming the fixteen
towns as part of the ftate of Newhampftiire. His
claim was founded on the known boundaries of that
ftate, before the revolution ; on their fending dele-
gates to the convention, in 1775 ; on their applying
to the affembly of Newhampihire, for arms and am-
munition ; on their receiving commiffions from the
government, and having always acled as a part of
it. He gave information at the fame time, that the
minority in thofe towns, had claimed protection from
that ftate ; which the alfembly of Newhampihire,
viewed themfelves as bound on every confideration,
to afford. And he urged the governor of Vermont,
to exert his influence with their alfembly, to diffolve
fo irregular and dangerous a connexion. — That he
might avail himfelf of the higheft authority in A-
merica, Mr. IVeare wrote alfo to the delegates of
that ftate in Congrefs,t urging them to take advice,
and procure the interpolation of Congrefs ; intimat-
ing his apprehenfions, that this would be the only
method, in which the controverfy could be fettled,
without the effufion of blood, as all attempts for
reconciliation had been in vain.
Nor were the governor and council of Vermont
without their difficulties, in the management of thefe
affairs. To guide the movements of a people, irri-
tated by a long feries of injuries, and now too much
elated by fuccefs, was a critical and difficult bufinefs.
Aware of the applications that would be made to
Congrefs,
♦ Auguft 3?, t Auguft 19.
*44 the NATURAL and CIVIL
Congrefs, in September they fent Col. Ethan Allen,
as their advocate to that body ; and to procure in-»
formation, in what light their proceedings were view-
ed at Philadelphia. Upon his return he made re-
port,* that Congrefs was unanimously oppofed, to
their forming any connexions with the people of
Newhampfhire : And that if thofe proceedings were
difannulled, none of the members of Congrefs, ex-
cept the delegates from Newyork, would oppofe their
independence.
The next affembly of Vermont met in October,
at Windfor. Reprefentatives from ten of the fix
teen towns, took their feats in the affembly. A
queftion was moved, " Whether the towns on the
eafl fide of Conne6ticut river, which had been ad-
mitted into an union with Vermont, mould be ere fl-
ed into a county by themfelves ? The vote palled
in the negative. Finding by this, and fome other
votes, that the affembly declined to do any thing
more, to extend their jurifdiclion to the eafl of Con-
necticut river, the members from thofe towns with-
drew from the affembly, and were followed by fif-
teen of the reprefentatives from fome of the towns
in Vermont, adjoining to the river, with the deputy
governor, and two affillants. The affembly of Ver-
mont confided of but fixty members, -two thirds of
which were neceffary to make a houfe, to do bufi-
nefs : And this, was juft the number that was left,
when the feceding members had withdrawn. The
remaining members went on with the public bufi-
nef , and continued their feffion, until the bufinef's
of it was finifhed : But he referred the matter to their
conilituents, to inftru£l them how to proceed with
regard to the union with Newhampfhire, at their
next feffion. t — The members who had withdrawn
themfelvec
* Oftober 10.
+ Allen's Vindication, p, 14. 16. 22, 44.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 245
themfelves from the afiembly, formed into a con-
vention, and gave an invitation to the towns on both
iides of Connecticut river, to unite, and to meet with
them, in a convention at Cornifh, in Newhampfhire,
Dec. 9, 1778. — The interefts and views which pro-
duced thefe proceedings, were pretty well underftood,
and proved greatly injurious to Vermont. The peo-
ple on both fides of Connecticut river, wifhed to
form a government, the center and feat of which,
fhould be upon the river. The people on the weft
fide of the mountains, were averfe to this plan, and
to any connexion with Newhampmire.
On December the 9th, the convention which had
been called, met at Cornifh, one of the fixteen towns.
They agreed to unite, without any regard to the
limits which had been afligned to Newhampmire, in
j 764 ; and to make the following propofals to that
government. Either to agree with them on a di«
vifional line, or to fubmit the difpute to Congrefs,
or to arbitrators mutually chofen. If neither of
thefe propofals mould be accepted, and they could
agree with Newhampfhire upon a plan of govern-
ment, they refolved further, ■' We will confent that
the whole of the grants connect with Newhampfhire,
and become with them one entire ftate, as it was lim-
ited and bounded, before the fettling of the laid line
in 1764." Until one of thefe propofals fhould be
complied with, they refolved to trufl in providence,
and defend themfelves.* — There were but eight
towns from Vermont, which were reprefented in this
convention ; and fome of them declined to act in
making any overtures to Newhampmire, to extend
their jurifdi&ion over the ftate of Vermont. But
the proceedings of the convention, ferved to difcov-
er to the whole body of the people, what had been
the views of the leading men, in propofingthe union
of
f Allen's Vindication, p. 32, 33.
246 tub NATURAL and CIVIL
of the fixteen towns from Mewhampfhire : It was
now manifeft, that their whole aim, had been to
form a government, the center and feat of which,
fhould be upon Connecticut river. This would be
afFe6ted, either by connecting a considerable part of
Newhampfhire, with Vermont ; or by breaking up
the government of Vermont, and connecting the whole
of it, with Newhampfhire : The one or the other of
thefe meafures, they were earneft to effecT; ; and ei-
ther of them would probably have formed a ftate, the
metropolis of which, muft have been upon the river
which divides the two ftates, — To get rid of a con-
nexion, which had occafioned fo much trouble and
danger, the aflfembly of Vermont, on Feb. 12, 1779,
voted to dififolve the union, which had fubfifted be-
tween them, and the towns in Newhampfhire ; and
immediately communicated their refolves to that
government.* Encouraged by thefe divifions, the
afTembly of Newhampfhire was perfuaded by fome
of her leading members, to claim the whole tra& of
country, which belonged to her before the royal de-
termination in 1764: Accordingly that ftate put
into Congrefs, a claim to the whole territory of Ver-
mont. Newyork took the fame ftep, and put in her
claim to the whole of the lands. As Newhampfhire
had not the leaft pretence, upon any principle what-
ever, to make fuch a claim it was not doubted in
Vermont, but that intrigues had been formed by the
leading men in thofe two flates, to divide Vermont
between them. The range of mountains, which
runs through the ftate, would afford a natural line,
for fuch a divifion : And this meafure would unite
the two ftates of Newhampfhire and Newyork j and
put an end to all future controverfy, with the peo-
ple of Vermont; either refpecting their limits, the
validity of their grants, or the powers of government
which
* i779» Jun? c4«
HISTORY of VERMONT. 247
which they had affumed. And if thefe two dates
could be united, there was a fair project that the
reft would leave them to fettle the affairs of Vermont,
which began to bear a very ferious afpeft, and might
prove troublefome to Congrefs. — The other ftates-
had not as yet concerned themfelves, about thefe
controverfies ; but Maffachufetts now interpofed.
Whether aiming to difappoint the views^f New-
hampfhire and Newyork, or in earneft to fecure a
part of the controverted lands, that Mate alfo put in
a claim to a large part of Vermont : And her claim
had a much better appearance, than that of New-
hampfliire : For although the line between Maffa.
chufetts and Newbampihire might be efteemed to
be fettled, yet the line between Maffachufetts and
Newyork had never been determined.
While thefe controverfies had been carried on with
Nevvharnpfhife, the debate with Newyork had not at
all fubfided. In a letter of July 7th, 1778, Mr.
Clinton, governor of Newyork, wrote to one of his
friends in Vermont, that he "would flillas on a.former
occafion, earneflly recommend a firm and prudent
refiftance to the draughting of men, railing taxes,
and the exercife of every aft of government, under
the ideal Vermont Mate ; and in fuch towns, where
our friends are fufficiently powerful for the purpofe,
1 would advife the entering into affociation, for the
mutual defence of their perfons and eftates againfl:
this ufurpation."* In a letter of July 8th, he warmly
urged Congrefs to come to fome decifion on their
controverfy with Vermont ; blamed the inhabitants
for the violence of their proceedings, affirmed that it
would foon bring on a civil war, and that all the
grievances of the people of Vermont had fuffered,
arofe from the former government of Newyork, and
not from the prefeat.t
In
* Copy of a letter from governor Clinton, to Pelitiah Fitcb^V,
■f Atteftcd copy.
£48 the NATURAL and CIVIL
In 1779, the controverfy with Newyork bore a
more hoflile appearance. There were feveral per-
fons in the foutheafl part of the flatc, then called the
county of Cumberland by Newyork, who were at-
tached to the authority of that ftate, and oppcfcd the
government of Vermont. To fome of them, gov-
ernor Clinton had given commiffions. They avert-
ed that they had a regiment, of about five hundred
men ; and that a committee of the county, was alfo
oppofed to the authority of Vermont. The govern-
ment of Vermont found it necelTary, to put an end
to thefe hoftile afTociations ; and Col. Ethan Allen
was directed to raife a part of the militia, for that
purpofe. Upon this intelligence, a Colonel bearing
a commiffion under the government of Newyork,
wrote to governor Clinton for his advice and direc-
tion, fuggefting the necelfity of having the militia of
Albany held in readinefs to attack any armed force,
that mould gather with (hat defign ; and that it would
be an eafy thing to get intelligence, by employing
the enemies of Vermont, in their own towns, to give
information.* In anfwer to this application, the
governor of Newyork recommended in general, firm-
nefs and prudence, and in no infhnce to acknow-
ledge the authority of Vermont, unlefs where there
was no alternative left between fubmiffion and inev-
itable ruin : He aifured them, at the fame time, that
if any attempt was made by Vermont to reduce them
by force of arms, he would inflantly iflue his orders
to the militia, who were properly equipped, and who
would be led againft the enemies of the flatc,- where-
ever they might happen to be.t
Alaimcd with Ihefe profpedls, Mr. Clinton wrote
to the prefident of -Congrcfs, May the 18th, that
matters
* Patt-n Ton's letter to Governor Clinton, of May 5, 1779:
and Mil ot's petition of May 4, 1779.
+ . Clinton's letter to .'i. H'npVqf MaSj »1> J7 3-
HISTORY of VERMONT. 249
tnatters were fad approaching to a very ferious cri-
fis, which nothing but the immediate interpofitiori
of Congrefs, could poflibly prevent ; that he daily
expected he fhould be obliged to order out a force,
for the defence of thofe who adhered to Newyoik ;
that the wifdom of Congrefs would fugged to them,
what would be the confequence of iubmitting the
controverfy, efpecially at that juncture, to the deci-
fion of the fword ; but that juftice4 the faith of gov*
eminent, the peace and fafety of fociety, would not
permit them, to continue any longer paflive fpctta-
tors of the violence committed on their fellow citi-
zens.* Thefe letters, and fundry other papers re-
lating to the difputes with Newhampfhire, were laid
before Congrefs, May 29th, 1779^ and were referred
to a committee of the whole. On June lit, C01 =
grefs refolved, " that a committee be appointed to
repair to the inhabitants of a certain dtdrict, known
by the name of the Newhampfhire grants, and in-
quire into the reafons why they refufe to continue
citizens of the refpe6live dates, which heretofore ex-
ercifed jurisdiction over the laid diftricl:. And that
they take every prudent meafure to promote an am-
icable fettlement of all differences, and prevent di-
vifions and animofities, fo prejudicial to the United
States."f
While the governor of Newyork was taking thefe
fneafures with the party that adhered to him in Ver-
mont, and with Congrefs, Alien marched with an
armed force, and made prifoners of the Colonel,
and militia officers, who were a&ing under the au-
thority of Newyork. Complaint was immediately
made to governor Clinton, with an earned recjueft,
that he would take the mod fpeedy and effectual
meafures for their relief. £ On June the ^rh, Mr,
H h C lift tin
* Clinton's letter to Congrefs, of May 18, 1779.
+ Journal of Congrefs, June 1, 177.9, p. 237.
Minot'* letter to governor Chnion, ot May 25, 17-9.
Sr5Q THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
Clinton wrote again to Congrefs, informing trrera
what had happened, difapproving of their meafures,
and particularly of the appointment of a committee
to confer with the inhabitants j and wifhing their
journey might be poftponed, until the legiflatm e of
.Newyork fliould be convened, and take the reiolu-
tions of Congrefs under confederation. On the
i6th, Congrefs refolved that the officers who had
been thus reflrained of their liberty, ought to be imme-
diately liberated ; and that their committee who
were appointed to confer with the inhabitants fhould
be directed to make inquiry into the matters and
things contained in governor Clinton's letters ; and
that all further proceedings be poftponed, until they
fhould report.*
Five commiflioners were appointed to repair to
Vermont : Of thefe but two, Dr. Witherfpoon, and
Mr. Atle, attended. Thefe gentlemen repaired to
Bennington, in June ; made many inquiries, and
had feveral conferences with the friends of Vermont,
and with others who were in the intereft of New-
york. They propofed feveral queftions to the gov-
ernor of Vermont, to which he returned written an-
fwers. Their aim feems to have been, to bring
about a reconciliation between the parties. Upon
their return they made a report to Congrefs, July
13th ; but which evidently denoted, that no part of
the bufinefs on which they were fent, had been ef-
feaed.t
Four different claims were now before Congrefs,
to the fame tract of country ; and the controverfy
had become fo intricate, and warm, that very ferious
confequences were juftly to be feared. It became
neceffary for CongreCs to interpofe ; and as all par-
ties
* Journal of Congrefs, June 16, 1779, p. 259, 260.
i Account of the proceedings of Mr. Wuhcifpoon, and
%lr. Atie,
HISTORY of VERMONT. .251
ties had appealed to that body, they could no longer
avoid coming to fome refolutions upon a matter,
which feemed effentially to concern the union of the
flates. Accordingly on September 24, 1779, Con-
grefs, among other refolves, paffed the following :
'! Refolved unanimoufly, That it be, and hereby is
mod earneflly recommended, to the dates of New-
hampfhiie, Maflachufeits Bay, and Newyork, forth-
with to pafs laws, exprefsly authorising Congrefs, to
hear and determine all differences between them,
relative to their refpe&ive boundaries.— -Refolved
unanimoufly, That Congrefs will on the firft day of
February next, proceed without delay, to hear and
examine into the difputes and differences relative to
jurifdi&ion aforefaid, between the faid three flates
refpe&ively, or fuch of them as fhall pafs the laws
beforementioned on the one part, and the people of
the diftricT: aforefaid, who claim to be a feparate ju-
rifdiction on the other, and after a full and fair hear-
ing, will decide and determine the fame according to
equity. — Refolved unanimoufly, That it is the duty
of the people of the diftricl aforefaid, who deny the
jurifdi&ion of all the aforenamed dates, to abflain
in the mean time, from exercifing any power over
any of the inhabitants of the faid didrift, who pro-
fefs themfelves to be citizens of, or to owe allegiance
to any or either of the faid dates, but that none of
the towns, either on the ead or wed fide of Connec-
ticut river, be considered as included within the faid
didritt, but fuch as have hitherto a&ually joined in
denying the jurisdiction of either of faid dates, and
have affumed a feparate jurifdi&ion, which they call
the date of Vermont.— And further, That in the
opinion of Congrefs, the faid three flates aforenamed,
ought in the mean time to fufpend executing their
laws over any of the inhabitants of faid didricT:, ex-
cept fuch of them, >as fhall profefs allegiance to, and
csnfefs the jurifditt.ion of the fame refpeclively.—
Refolved
|£| the NATURAL amd CIVIL
Refolved unanimoufly, That in the opinion of Con-
grefs, no unappropriated lands or cftates, which are
or may be adjudged forfeited or cdnfifcated, lying in
laid diftricl, ought until the final decifion of Con-
grefs in the premifes, to be granted or fold."*
From cnele relolutions it was apparent, that the
views of Congrefs were to evade any determination,
and to pacify and quiet all parties for the prefent ;
and that it was of much more importance, in their
view, to preferve the union and afFe6tion of the free
ftates, than that of Vermont. At a time when the
fate of America depended upon preferving the union
of the Mates, and all might have been loft by the
diiaffe&ion of any one, perhaps this evafive policy
was the beit. It feems to have quieted all parties
hut Vermont. The ftates of Newhampfhire, and
Newyork, palled the acts which Congrefs had called
for. MaiTachufetts did not, and probably with a
view to prevent the district of Vermont from being
facrificed by either, or both of the other ftates.
It was impoflible that Vermont fhoulcf comply
wifh the refoJves of Congrefs. To have four fepa-
Tate jurifdi&ions exilling at the fame time, in the
fame territory, as the refolutions recommended,
would at any time have been abfurd and impoffible ;
leaft of all was it to be admitted or attempted, after
the people had declared themfelves to be a free and
independent Rate, affumed the powers of govern-
ment, and exercifed them in all cafes, and in every
part of the ftate. They had already formed their
conftitutton, enacted a code of laws, erected courts
of jultice, and fully exercifed all the powers of gov-
ernment. The plan of four feparate jurifdi&ioris,
which Congrefs propofed, was incompatible with
any ftate of fociety ; and the more dangerous, as
Newyork was conftantly aiming to break up the
government
* Journal of Congrefs, September 24, 1779.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 253
government of Vermont, by granting commiflions te>
her adherents, encouraging informers, and promot-
ing difafiFe&ed perfons, in every part of the territo-
ry ; and at the fame time, denied their titles to their
lands, and all the public acts of the ftate.
Nothing remained for Vermont in this fituation,
but to take a decifive part ; and fupport with firrn-
nefs and refolution, the independence which her
reprefentatives had declared, by the defire of the
people. Her rulers did not prove deficient in ref-
olulion : Well acquainted with their own rights and
interelts, they determined not to facrifice them, ei-
ther to the intrigues of the adjacent dates, or to the
policy of Congrefs. The governor and council
publiilied an appeal to the candid and impartial
world,* in which they declare that " they could not
view themfelves as holden either in the fight of God
or man, to fubrnit to the execution of a plan, which
they had reafon to believe was commenced by
neighbouring itates : That the liberties and privi-
leges of the ftate of Vermont, by faid resolutions,
are to be fufpended upon the arbitrament and final
determination of Congrefs, when in their opinion
they were things too facred ever to be arbitrated
upon at all ; and what they were bound to defend^
at every rifle : That the Congrefs of the United
States had no right to intermeddle in the internal
police, and government of Vermont : That the ftate
exifted independent of any of the thirteen United
States, and was not accountable to them, or to their
reprefentatives, for liberty, the gift of the beneficent
Creator : That the ftate of Vermont was not repre-
fented in Congrefs, and could not fubmit to refolu-
tions pafled without their confent, or even knowl-
edge, and which put every thing that was valuable
to
* Drawn up by Stephen R, Bradley, Efq; published Dec*
»?; J779»
254 thb NATURAL and CIVIL
to them, at ftake : That there appeared a manifeft
inequality, not to fay predetermination, that Con-
grcis mould requeft of their conftituents power to
judge and determine in the caufe, and never afk the
con lent of thoufands, whofe all was at flake : They/
alfo declared that they were, and ever had been
ready to bear their proportion of the burden and
expenfe of the war with Greatbritain, from its fir ft
commencement, whenever they were admitted into
the union with the other dates : But they were not
To loft to all fQnCet and honour, that after four years
war with Britain, in which they had expended fo
much blood and treafure, that they fhould now give
up every thing worth fighting for, the right of mak-
ing their pwn laws, and choofing their own form of
government, to the arbitrament and determination
of any man, or body of men, under heaven."
- It feems to have been the defire and expectation,
of all parties, that Congrefs fhould take up the mat-
ter, as they had propofed, on February 1, 1780.
Vermont had now acquired fuch numbers, popular-
ity, and power, that much was to be expected from
having her claims thoroughly understood, and con-
sidered by the United States. But inftead of being
decided, the matter was not taken up at all, on the
id of February ; and on March 21ft, it was order-
ed by Congrefs that the matter be poflponed, nine
■, exclufive of thofe who were parties in the
queftion, not being reprefented.* On June 2d,
Congrefs refolved that the proceedings of the people
of the Newhampfhirc grants were highly unwarrant-
able, and fubverfive of the peace and welfare of the
United States ; and that they be ftrictly required to
fo shear from any acts of authority civil or military,
thofe of the people, who profefled allegiance to
other
* Journal oF Congrcf>, March 21, 1780, p. 48, 49, .
HISTORY of VERMONT. 255
other ftates : And on June the 9th, they refolved
to defer the matter to the fecond Tuefday in Sep-
tember.*-— Upon the receipt of thefe refolves, the
governor of Vermont, by the advice of his council,
replied, that " however Congrefs might view thofe
refolutions, they were confidered by the people of
Vermont, as being in their nature fubverfive of the
natural right which they had to liberty and inde-
pendence, as well as incompatible with the princi-
ples on which Congrefs grounded their own right to
independence, and had a natural and direct tenden-
cy to endanger the liberties of America ; that Ver-
mont being a free and independent ftate, had denied
the authority of Congrefs to judge of their jurifdic-
tion ; that as they were not included in the thirteen
United States, if neceflitated to it, they were at lib-
erty to offer or accept terms of ceffation Of hoftili-
ties with Greatbritain, without the approbation of
any other man, 01 body of men ; for, on provifo that
neither Congrefs, nor the legillatures of thofe ftates
which they reprefent, will fupport Vermont in her
independence, but devote her to the ufurped gov-
ernment of any other power, fhe had not the mod
diftant motive to continue hoftilities with Greatbrit-
ain, and maintain an important frontier, for the ben-
efit of the United States, and for no other reward
than the ungrateful one, of being enflaved by them ;
but notwithstanding the ufurpations and injuflice of
neighbouring governments towards Vermont, and
the late refolutions of Congrefs, from a principle of
virtue, and clofe attachment to the carufe of liberty,
as well as from a thorough examination of their own
policy, they were induced once more to offer union
with tbe United States of America, of which Con-
grefs were the legal reprefentative body."f
In
* Journal of Congrefs, March 4i, 1780, p. 81, 82. 84.
i Gov, Chittenden's letter to Congrefs, of July 25th, 1780,
256 the NATURAL and CIVIL
In September, there feems to have been a mbrfc
ferious attempt, to bring the contelt to fome deci-
fion. The claims of Newhampfhire, and Newyork,
were put in ; and both thefe flates pleaded that
Vermont had no right to independence, but belong-
ed to them. The agents of Vermont were alfo pref-
ent,* but were not confidered or treated by Con-
grefs, as the agents or representatives of any date,
or of a people inverted with legiflative authority.
They announced their buGinefs to Congrefs, and re-
quelled that when any debates came before Congrefs,,
which might afFec~l the rights, the fovereignty, or in-
dependence of the flate of Vermont, they might be
admitted to be prefent. On September 19th, they
received a notification to attend Congrefs that day,
on the hearing of the queftion refpecting the jurif.
di£lion of the Newhampfhire grants. On that day,
and the next, the agents from Newyoik exhibited
their evidence to fliow that the people on the New-
hampfhire grants, belonged to them, and had no
right to a feparate and independent jurifdidlion.
The queftion refpedling the right to jurifdictionj
Vermont had always refufed to fubmit to the deter-
mination of Congrefs : And the agents were alarm-
ed, to find by the mode of proceeding, that Congiefs
was admitting evidence to decide this queftion, with-
out admitting Vermont as one of the parties ; or
confidering her agents in any other character, than
that of private perfons. They eftcemed it thtir
duty, to proteft againfl the whole proceeding ; and
on September 22d, they put in a remonftrance to
Congrefs : They declare they can no longer fit as
idle fpectitcrs, without betraying the truft repofed
in them, and doing violence to their own feelings ;
that by the mode of trial which was adopted, the
flate ol Vermont could have no hearing, without
denying
* The Iloncutable fra Allen and Stephen R. Bradley.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 257
denying their own exiftence, and that they would noc
take on themfelves that humility and felfabafement,
as to lofe their political life in order to find it j they
declared their readinefs to bear a full proportion in
all the expenfes of the American war, until it fhould
be ended, and their willingnefs that one or more of
the legiflatures of the independent dates, fhould in-
terpofe as mediators, and fettle the difpute j but rep-
robate every idea of Congrefs fitting, as a court of
judicature, to determine the difpute by virtue of au-
thority given them, by the aft or acts of the ftate or
ftates, which made but one party ; they conclude
with obferving, that if the matter is thus purfued,
they (land ready to appeal to God and the world,
who muft be accountable for the awful confequences
that may enfue.* — Having heard the evidence on the
part of Newhampfhire, on September 27th, Congrefs
refolved that the further confideration of the fubject
fhould be poftponed.f
At no time had the fpirit of parties run higher,
than at this period. During the whole of this trial,
it does not appear that either of the contending par-
ties, had any ideas of conciliatory meafures ; all feem
to have been determined to effect their purpofes :
And although Vermont was not admitted to appear
as one of the parties before Congrefs, her expecta-
tions and profpects, had at no time been fo high.
She well understood the ground, on which fheftocd;
and it was generally believed in the other ftates, thai:
fome of her leading men would incline to join with
Canada, and make the befi: terms they could with
the Britifh government, if no alternative was held out
to them, but fubmiffion to the government of New-
I i york.
* Remonftrance of Ira Allen and Stephen R. Bradley to
Congrefs, September 22, 1780.
+ Journal of Congrefs. September 13. 19, 2c. zj, 1780, p.
j8*§ — 197,
25^ thb NATURAL and CIVIL
york. In this flate of the parties it was as danger-
ous to the American caufe, to decide againft Ver-
mont, as againft Newhampfhire, or Newyork. Con*
grefs felt, and wifely endeavoured to avoid the dif-
ficulty : A queftion was made, whether Congrefs
had any power to form a new ftate, within the lim-
its of the union. — Thofe who remember the viru-
lence of thefe parties, and the precarious fituation
of the American conteft at that time, will not won-
der that Congrefs found reafons, to avoid coming to
any decifion at that period ; for no decifion could
frave been made, that would not have proved high-
ly irritating to fome of thofe ftates, already too much,
inflamed, by the violence, and duration of the con-
troverfy.
Difappointed in her expectations of admiSon
into the federal union, and alarmed by the meafurea
that were purfued by Newhamplhire and Newyoik,
Vermont now endeavoured to increafe her own in-
ternal flrength, by purfuing the fame meafures,. that
had been adopted by thofe ftates, of claiming jurif-
di&ion. — Mod of the inhabitants of the towns in
the weftern parts of Newhampfhire, were defirous
of being |hnexed to the government of Vermont :
There were others, who wiftied to fupport the New-
hampfhire claim, and aimed to extend her jurifdic-
tion over the whole of Vermont. A convention
was propofed, and letters were fent by feveral influ-
ential men in the intereft of Newhampfliire, inviting
fthe weftern towns to fend reprefentatives, to attend a
convention at Charlcftown. Th^convention washeld
January iSth, 1781 j and confided of representatives
irom forty three towns. To the difappointment of
thofe who had propofed the mcafure, a large major-
ity of the convention, appeared to be in favour of
joining with the government of Vermont. A com-
mittee was appointed to confer with her aflembly,
on that fubjeci ; And on February 10th, the com-
mittee
HISTORY o? VERMONT. 259
mittee informed the aflembly, then fitting at Wind-
for, that " the convention of the Newhampfhira
towns, was defirous of being united with Vermont,
in one feparate independent government, upon fuch
principles as mould be mutually thought the moft
equitable and beneficial to the whole." In confe-
rence of this application, the legiflature refolved,
on February 14th, that " in order to quiet the pref-
ent disturbances on the two (ides of the river (Con-
necticut) and the better to enable the inhabitants on
the two (ides of faid river to defend their frontier,
the legiflature of this ftate, do lay a jurifdiElional
claim to all the lands whatever, eaft of Connecticut
river, north of the Maflachufetts, weft of the Ma fori
line, and fouth of latitude 450 ; and that they do
not exercife jurifdiction for the time being.' * The
convention of the Newhampfhire towns, was then
fitting at Cornifh, on the oppofite fide of the river ;
and on February 2 2d, the articles of union were
agreed upon, and confirmed ; and the affembly of
Vermont refolved, that they fhould be held facred.*
A petition had alfo been received from a number
of the inhabitants in the adjacent parts of Newyork,
praying that Vermont would afford them 'protection
againft the enemy in Canada, and receive them into
union with her, that their forces might be mutually
joined for the defence of the frontiers ; informing at
the fame time, that if their petition was rejected,
they muft remove with their families and effe&s, in-
to the interiour parts of the country for fafety. This
petition of the inhabitants, the neceffity of defend-
ing the frontiers, and the meafures Newyork were
purfuing to fubdue Vermont, were affigned as rea-
ibns by the legiflature, why Vermont ought to re-
ceive thofe inhabitants, into her union : According-
ly on Feb. 14th, it was refolved, "that the legifla-
ture
v* Journal Qf the affembly of Vermont, Vol, I. p. 356,
s6o to NATURAL and CIVIL
ture of this ftate, do lay a jurifdi&ional claim, to all
the land fituate north of the north line of the itate
of Maflfachufetts, and extending the lame to Hud-
ion's river ; the eaft of the center of the deepeft chan-
nel of laid river, to the head thereof ; from thence
eaft of a north line, being extended to latitude
45° ; and fouth of the fame line, including all the
lands and waters to the place where this itate now
exercile jurifdicTion. — And not to exercife juritdic-
tion for the time being."*
Thus, while Newhampfhire and Newyork were
extending their claims over the whole territory of
Vermont, Vermont adopted the fame policy ; and in
conformity to the petition of the inhabitants, extend-
ed her claim over a large part of the territory of both
thefe Hates.
Great fuccefs attended this policy : Not only the
iixteen towns in Newhampfhire which had former-
ly joined, but thole in Vermont which had been dif-
afFecTed upon the diMolution of the former union,
and thofe that had been attached to Newyork, im-
mediately joined in the meafure. Mod of the towns
in the adjacent counties of Chefhire, and Grafton,
in Newhampfhire, declared for the union : And at
a feffion of the alTembly of Vermont in April, thirty
five towns in the weflern parts of Newhampfhire,
were reprefented. — The adjacent fettlements in New-
york generally embraced the fame meafures, and
ieveral petitions were received from their inhabitants
at this feffion of the alTembly, requefling the legif-
lature of Vermont, to exercife jurifdiclion over them
without any further delay. A committee was ap-
pointed by the alTembly, to confer with a conven-
tion of thofe diftricTs ; and on May 15th, articles of
union were agreed to, by the reprefentatives of
twelve diflricTs in Newyork, and the committee from
Vermont.
* Journal of the alTembly of Vermont, Vol. I, Feb, 141 178^
HISTORY of VERMONT. 261
Vermont. On the i6ih of June, thefe articles were
confirmed by thclegiflature, and reprefentatives from
ten of the dilliicts took their feats in the aflembly of
Vermont.*
Many circumftances had combined, to produce
this union of the people, in favour of Vermont ; and
one of a lingular nature, had ferved to reconcile thofe,
who had been unfriendly to the caufe of America;
it was generally believed that negotiations, were at
this period, carried on between fome of the leading
men in Vermont, and the Biitifh generals in Cana-
da, and Newyork. This report ferved to engage the
adherents to Britifh government, to efpoufe the meaf-
ures of the new flate : And iuch was the increafe of
numbers, popularity, and power, which Vermont
had now acquired, that (he had in fact nothing to
fear from the power, or from the policy of her op-
pofers : And notwithilanding the refolves of Con-
grefs, the aflembly proceeded to make grants of their
lands, without paying any regard to the grants which
had been made by Newyork; thofe only excepted,
which had been made in confirmation of the former
grants from Newhampfhire.
From theie contefls refpecting Vermont, the Brit-
ifh generals and minifters conceived high expecta-
tions, that they mould be able to derive great ad-
vantages. Unacquainted with the feelings, the views,
or the fpirit of a people, contending for freedom,
they calculated upon the fyflem of corruption ; and
had no doubt but they (hould find a people in Ver-
mont, that they could feduce from their attachment
to the American caufe, and unite to the Britifh gov-
ernment. With this view they entered upon meaf-
ures, to perfuade Vermont to become a Britifh prov-
ince.
The
* Journal of the aflembly of Vermont, Vol, I, June 16, 1781.
262 the NATURAL and CIVIL
The wifh and aim of the Britifh general in New-
york, was firft announced in a letter from Col. Bev.
Robinfon, to Ethan Allen, at that time a Colonel
in the American fervice. The letter was dated New-
york, March, 30th, J780; and delivered to Allen in
the Itreet at Arlington, in July, by a Britifh. foldier
in the habit of an American farmer. In this letter
Robinfon began the bulinefs, thus, " lam now un-
dertaking a taflc, which I hope you will receive with
the fame good intention, that inclines me to make it.
I have often been informed that you, and mod of
the inhabitants of Vermont, are oppofed to the wild
and chimerical fcheme of the Americans, in attempt'
ing to feparate this continent from Greatbritain, and
to eftablifh an independent (late of their own ; and
that you would willingly aflift in uniting America
again to Greatbritain, and reftoring that happy con-
flitution we have fo wantonly and unadvifedly de-
flroyed. If I have been rightly informed, and thefe
fhould be your fentiments and inclination, I beg you
will communicate to me, without referve, whatever
propofals you would wifh to make to the command-
er in chief; and I hereby promife that I will faith-
fully lay them before him, according to your direc-
tions, and flatter myfelf, 1 can do it to as good effect
as any perfon whatever. I can make no propofals
to you, until I know your fentiments, but think up-
on your taking an active part, and embodying the
inhabitants of Vermont in favour of the crown of
England, to a£i as the commander in chief fhall di-
rect, that you may obtain a feparate government,
under the king and conflitution of England, and the
men, formed into regiments under fuch officers as
you fin II recommend, be on the fame footing as all
the provincial corps are. — If you fhould think prop-
er to fend a friend of your own, here, with propofals
to the general, he (hall be protected, and well treat-
ed here, and allowed to return whenever he pleaf-
HISTORY of VERMONT. 26*3
cs."* — On the receipt of this letter, Allen immedi-
ately communicated it to the governor, and a num-
ber of the principal gentlemen in Vermont ; who a-
greed in opinion, that it was mod prudent not to
return any anfwer, but to let the matter pafs into
oblivion.
On Feb. 2d, 1781, Robinfon wrote another letter
to Allen, including a copy of the former, which he
fuppofed had been mifcarried, as he had not receiv-
ed any anfwer. In this he writes, " The frequent
accounts we have had for three months paft, from
your part of the country, confirms me in the opin-
ion I had of your inclination to join the king's caufe,
and to aifift in reftoring America, to her former
peaceable and happy conftitution. This induces
me to make another trial, in fending this to you ;
efpeciaiiy as 1 can now write with more authority,
and allure you, that you may obtain the terms men-
tioned in the' above letter, provided you, and the
people of Vermont take a decifive and active part
with us."t — He requefts an anfwer, and that fome
method might be pointed out, for carrying on a cor-
refpondence for the future ; and information, in what
manner the people of Vermont could be the moft
ferviceable to the Britifh government, " either by act-
ing with the northern army, or to meet and join an
army from Newyork."
Allen returned no anfwer to either of thefe letters,
but on March 9th, 1781, inclofed them in a letter
to Congrefs, informing them of all the circumflances
which had attended the bulinefs. In his letter to
that body, he made feveral obfervations, juftifying
the conduct, of Vermont, afferting her right to inde-
pendence, and exprefiing his determinate refolution,
to do every thing in his power to eftablifh it. Con-
fcious
* Copy of Robinfon's letter, by E, Allen.
t Copy of Robinfon's letter of Feb, 2, 1781, by E, Allen,
264 thr NATURAL and CIVIL
fcious of his own integrity, and fenfible that his ao*
tivity and fufferings in che caufe of his country, were
known to all America, he wrote in this llyle ; " I
am confident that Congrefs will not difpute my fin-
cere attachment to the caufc of my country, though
I do not hefitate to fay, I am fully grounded in opin-
ion, that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree
on terms of a ceffation of hollilities with Greatbritain,
provided the United States perfift in rejecting her
application for a union with them : For Vermont,
of all people would be the moft miferable, were fhe
obliged to defend the independence of the United
claiming States, and they, at the fame time, at full
liberty to overturn, and ruin the independence of
Vermont. I am perfuaded, when Congrefs confid-
cr the circumftances of this ftate, they will be more
furprized that 1 have tranfmitted them the inclofed
letters, than that I have kept them in cuftody fo
long ; for I am as refolutely determined to defend the
independence of Vermont, as Congrefs are, that of
the United States ; and rather than fail, will retire
with hardy Green Mountain Boys, into the defolate
caverns of the mountains, and wage war with hu-
man nature at large."*
An event took place in the fpving of the year 178c,
tv'hich furnifhed the Biitifli with an opportunity, to
make a (imtlar attempt from Canada. A number
of men had been made prifoners in a defcent, which
the Biitifli made upon Royalton, in the month of
May. Their friends applied to governor Chittenden
to fend a fLg into Canada, to negociate their releafe,
or exchange. The governor complied with their
requelt, and in the month of July, a flag was lent
with a letter to the commandm* officer in Canada.
In the fall, the Britifh came up Lake Champlain, in
great force: The commanding officer brought a very
favourable
*E. Allen's letter to the pieRJcnt of Congrefs, March 9th, 1781.
HISTORY of VERMONT. i&$
Favourable anfwer from general Haldimand, to Gov-
ernor Chittenden's letter; and fent a flag to Ethan
Allen, then a brigadiergeneral, and commanding
officer in Vermont, propoling a ceiTation of fibftilf-
ties with Vermont, during a negociation for the ex-
change of prifoners. Alien agreed to the propofal,
upon condition that it fhould extend to the adja-
cent frontiers of Newyork. The Britifti officer ap-
peared to be unwilling to treat with any part of A-
merica, but Vermont ; but finally agreed to every-
thing, which Allen propofed.
Before the enemy retired into their winter quar-
ters, Colonel Ira Allen, and Major Jofeph Fay,
were appointed by the governor of Vermont, com-
miffioyners to negociate the propofed exchange of
prifoners. They proceeded to treat with the Brit-
iffa agents, Captain [. Sherwood and George Smyth,
on this fubjecl:. The Britiffi agents availed them-
felves of this opportunity, to explain their views, to
make their propofals, and to offer as complete an
eftablifhment for Vermont, from the royal authority,
as fhould be defired. The cornmitTioners from Ver-
mont treated the propofals with affability, and good
humour ; and though they avoided bringing any
thing to a decifion, the Britifh concluded, they were
in a fair away to effecl; their purpofes ; and J he
campaign ended, without any further hoflilitics to
Vermont.
The next year, the Britiflh entered upon the bu -
finefs, with high expectations of fuccefs ; and it \\f«&
the intereft of Vermont, not to undeceive then ,.
Newyork had withdrawn their troops, from the pbfc
at Skeenfborough ; all the continental troops, bad.
been ordered out of the territory ; and the adjacent
Hates, did not afford them any affiftance. The peo-
ple of Vermont were expofed to the whole force of
the enemy in Canada, and had neither magazines,
money, or an army, to oppofe to the enemy at thy
K k northward,
&66 the NATURAL and CIVIL
northward, who were feven thoufand fhong. No
way of fafety remained for Vermont, but to endeav-
our to effect that by policy, which could not be done
by power. The cabinet council concluded, that they
were defignedly forfaken by the continent, to force
them into a fubmiffion to Newyork ; and that it was
clearly their duty, to provide for the fafety of the
people, in the only way that remained, by manag-
ing the Britiih attempts to corrupt them, to their
own advantage.*
On May ill, Colonel Ira Allen was fent to Can-
ada, with a commiffion to negociate the exchange of
prifoners. The Britifh agents concluded, that the
day of their complete fuccefs, was at hand : They
complied with every thing which Allen required ;
and urged inceffantly to have Vermont declare itfelf
a Britifh province ; with affurances, that every thing
fhe could afk for mould be granted by the Britifli
generals, and confirmed by the king, in the molt
amole manner. Colonel Allen was fully equal to
the bufinefs, which had been en t rutted to him ; and
both he, and his employers, were among the firmeft
friends to the independence of Vermont, and of
America. With a lingular talent at negociation, he
fuffered the Britifh agents to deceive themfelves with
an idea of their own fuccefs, and completely effect-
ed his own views, in leading the enemy into an
agreement, that no hoftilities fhould be commenced
againft the Hate of Vermont. — In July, M.ijor jo-
feph Fay was fent to the enemy on Lake Cham-
plain, and completed an exchange of prifoners :
And in September, Allen and Fay, had another con-
ference with the Britifh agents ; which like the
former, left fhe Britifh in high expectations of mak-
ing Vermont a Britifh province ; and procured to
Vermont
* Governor Chitfenderv^ettcr to General Walkin&tor, of
November 14th, 1 7S 1 . ^r
HISTORY of VERMONT. 267
Vermont the fofid advantages, that the enemy avoid-
ed all hoftilities againft her, and returned all her in-
habitants, which had been taken prifoners.
On October 19th, 1781, Lord Cornwallis furren-
dered with his army to General Wafliington. When
the news of this important event arrived, the gener-
al aflembly of Vermont were fitting at Charleftown.
The enemy had come up the lake with a large force,
and were then at Tyconderoga. They had con-
cluded, that their bufinefs was fo far effected with
Vermont, that they might make an open proclama-
tion of their defigns- and offers. Their agents had
accordingly brought with them, a number of printed
proclamations, announcing the royal offers to the
people of Vermont, and inviting them to unite, and
become very happy, as a royal province, under the
king's government. The Britifh agents fent on their
letters to Charleftown, announcing the meafutes
they were purfuing, and propofing to publiih and
difperfe their proclamations, immediately among the
people. They were told in anfwer, that the news
of CornwalhVs furrender, would render fuch a Hep
extremely dangerous, and was the fure way to pre-
vent all profpe£l of fuccefs • and that they mult
wait, until time fhould determine, what was practi-
cable and prudent. — Mortified by the difafter of
Cornwallis, but comforted with groundlefs expecta-
tions and hopes, they returned in a peaceable man-
ner down the lake, and went into winter quarters,
without having done any injury to Vermont, through
the whole campaign.
In the winter of 1782, the enemy in Canada,
were extremely impatient to know, what effecl; the
furrender of Cornwallis had produced on the minds
of the people of Vermont. In February and in
April, the Britilh agents wrote in the mod preffing
terms, for information. Their anxiety and views
will beft appear, from the flyle of their letters : The
following
sC8 the NATURAL and CIVIL
following extract, is from a letter from one of the
Britifh agents, dated 28ih February 1782, " My
anxiety to hear from you, induced me to apply to
his excellency [General llaldimandj for leave to
fend ihe bearer, with this ; which having obtained,
I eameftlv requeft you to fend me in the mod can-
did, unreferved manner, the prefent withes -and in-
tentions, of the people, and leading men of your
jftate, refpecting our former negociations ; and what
crTeci the late cataftrophe of Lord Cornwallis, has
on them. — Will it not be well to confider, the
many chances and viciffiiudes of war ? However
brilliant the laft campaign may appear, the next may
wear a very different alpecx : Add to this, the great
probability of your being ruined, by your haughty
neighbours, elated by (what they call) a fignal vic-
tory ; and I hope you will fee as I do, that it is
more than ever your intereft, to unite yourfelves
with thole, who wifli to make you a happy and free
government. Will there be a proper time to fend
ihe proclamations ? I repeat my requeft, that you
•will tell me, without referve, what may be expected
in future "
On the 22d of April, the Lritifh agents write in
this ftyle, " In confidence, we take this opportunity
to acquaint you, by the authority of his Excellency
General Haldimand, that he is ftill inclined to treat
amicably with the people of Vermont ; and thefe
Jiis generous and humane inclinations, are now fec-
onded by much flronger powers from his Majefty,
than he has hitherto enjoyed for that purpofe. — We
do in confidence', officially allure you, that every ar-
ticle propofed to you in his excellency's former of-
fer, as well as the confirmation of the eaft and weft
unions, in their utmoft limits, will be amply and
punctually complied with. — We hope, your anfwer
may be fuch, as to unburden our anxious minds."
Extremely fearful about the event, and impatient at
not
HISTORY of VERMONT. 269
not receiving an anfwer, on April 30th, they wrote
again, an,d carried their offers and promifes to a^ftill
greater extent : " His excellency has never loft fight
of his ilrft object ; and I am happy to be able in
this, to inform you, that the general has lately re-
ceived by way of Halifax, full powers from the king
to eflablifh V 1 government, including the
full extent of the eafl and weft unions, with every
privilege and immunity, formerly proffered to you ;
and he is likewife fully authorized, as well as fin-
cerely inclined, to provide amply for ****#, and
to make * # * *- * brigadiergeneral in the line,
##*####** * field, officers, with fuch other re-
wards, as your fincerity, and good fervices in bring-
ing about the revolution, may in future merit. In
fhort, the general is veiled with full powers, to make
fuch rewards, as he fhall judge proper, to all thofe,
who diftinguifh themfelves, in promoting the happy
union : And as his excellency has the greatefl con-
fidence in you, and * * * * *, much will depend on
your recommendations."
In July, Colonel Ira Allen was fent again into
Canada, with a letter from the governor of Vermont,
to General Haldimand, rcquefling the releafe of two
officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then prif-
oners in Canada. The Britifh agents were uncom-
monly defirous, of bringing their negociations with
Vermont, to an immediate decifion. All the arts of
negociation were employed, on the one hand, to
perfuade Vermont, to declare herfelf a Britifh prov-
ince ; and, on the other, to avoid this ilep, without
bringing on a renewal of hoflilities. A fecret treaty
was offered, and much urged : And in the event,
Haldimand agreed to continue the fufpenlion of
hoflilities ; and wrote a very friendly letter to Gov-
ernor Chittenden, fully complying with his requeft
of liberating the prifoners, and announcing his pa-
cific dilpofition towards Vermont, in this unequivo-
cal
270 the NATURAL and CIVIL
cal manner : " You may reft aflured that I fhall
give fuel) orders, as will effectually prevent hofliii-
ties or any kind, being exercifed in the diftricT: of
Vermont, until fuch time as a breach on your part,
cr fome general event, may make the contrary my
duty. And you have my authority, to promulgate,
in fuch manner, as you fhall think lit, this my inten-
tion to the people of the (aid dirTrici, that they may,
without any apprebenfion, continue to encourage
and promote the fettlement and cultivation of that
new country, to the intereft and happinefs of them-
felves, and their pcfterity."*
With this, year, the war, and the negociations,
came to an end ; leaving favourable impreflions on
the government of Canada, towards Vermont. Th£
Jaft letter the Britifh agents wrote upon the bufinefs,
was on March 25th, 1783 ; before the news of the
peace, was officially known, or fully believed in
Canada. Their views and fentiments, at that pe-
riod, were thus expreffed, " I am commanded to ac-
quaint you, that actuated from the beginning, by a
uncere defire of ferving you, and your people, as
well as of promoting the royal caule, by reuniting
you with the mother country, his excellency never
loft an opportunity of reprefenting every circum-
ftari.Ce that could be advanced in your favour, to the
king's mimflers, in the hope of accomplishing a rec-
onciliation.— His excellency will continue by fuch
reprefentations, to do all in his power, to ferve you,
but what eJTec"l it may have, at this late period, is
very uncertain. While his excellency fincerely re-
grets the happy moment, which it is much to be
feared, cannot be recalled, of reftoring to you the
bleflings of the Uritifh government, and views with
concern the fatal confequences approaching, which
he
* Haldimand's letter to Governor Chittenden, datej Que-
bec, 8-ih Auguft, 1782.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 271
he has fo long, and fo frequently predicted, from
your procraftination, he derives fome fatisfaftion
from a confcioufnefs of not having omitted a circum-
ftance, which could tend to your perfuafion, and
adoption of his defired purpofe. In the prefent
uncertain ftate of affairs, uninformed as his excel-
lency is, of what is doing, or perhaps done, in a gen-
eral accommodation, he does not think fit, until the
refult mall be known, to give any opinion, which
may influence you, perhaps to the prejudice of your
interefts, or that might interfere with the views of
government. If the report now prevailing, has any
foundation, a very fliort time will determine the fate
of Vermont. — Should any thing favourable prefent.,
you may Hill depend on his excellency's utmoft en-
deavours, for your falvation."
Thus terminated a controverfy, which occafioned
many and various conjectures, at the time when it
was carried on. On the part of the Britifh, it con-
fided of conflant attempts and endeavours to per-
fuade the leading men of Vermont, to renounce their
allegiance to the ftates of America, and become a
Britifh province. On the part of the gentlemen of
Vermont, the correfpondence confifted of evafive,
ambiguous, general anfwers and propofals ; calculat-
ed, not to deftroy the Britifh hopes of feduclion, but
carefully avoiding any engagements or meafures, that
could be conftrued to be an aft. of the government ;
And it had for its object, a ceffation of hoftilities, at
a time when the ftate of Vermont, deferted by the
continent, and unable to defend herfelf, lay at the
mercy of the enemy in Canada.
Eight perfons only in Vermont, were in the fecret
of this correfpondence. Each of them, were known
to be among the moft confirmed friends, to the A-
merican caufe. They had avowed their fentimentSj
and embraced the caufe of their country, from the
beginning of the American war : They had differed
feverely*
9.rz the. NATURAL an* CIVIL
feverely, often borne arms, and done every (lung in
their power, to defend the independence of the
ftates : And through the whole of this correfpon-
dence, they gave the moll decifive proofs, that they
could not be bought, or brided, by any offers of
wealth or honour. — But fo odious were the Britifli
proceedings and government, at that time, to the
people of America, that it was with difficulty, the
people of Vermont could be kept quiet, under the
idea of a correfpondence carried on with the Britifh,
though known to be defigned for their protection.
Once or twice, there were lmall infurreclions, to de-r
mand explanations : And nothing but the well
known, and ftrong attachment of the gentlemen con-
cerned, to the independence of Vermont and of A-
merica, could have preferved them from open vio-
lence, and destruction.
It may be doubted, how far fuch a meafure was
justifiable, in that, or in any other (late of things.
On the one hand, it may be faid, when the fafety of
all America was in question, and in much danger,
nothing ought to have been done to encourage the
enemy, that they mould be able to divide, and thus
fubdue the' continent. On the other hand, it may
be urged, that when thirty thoufand people were de-
ferted by the Congrefs, and become the objects of
the intiigues and policy of the adjacent ftates, it wa s
as justifiable and neceffaVy for them, to provide for
their fafety, as it was for the reft of the continent. —
If there was no other alternative for the people of
Vermont, than to be divided, fubdued, and delivered
over to the power of their ancient enemies ; their
leaders will not be blamed, for taking neceiTary and
adequate measures, to prevent fuch an evil. In fuch
a fituation, it was fcarcely poffi'ule for the people of
Vermont to believe, that they could be under any
moral obligation, to facrifice themfelves, to procure
independence ior thofe, who by the act of their
reprefentatives,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 273
reprefentatives, had rejected them from their confed-
eration.
But whatever may be thought refpecting the pro-
priety of fuch policy, the event (hewed, that the gen-
tlemen of Vermont had formed a found judgment,
with regard to the effect. Flattered with the prof-
peel, that they fhould draw off a confiderable part of
the continent, to their government and meafures, the
Britifh carefully avoided all hoftilities againft Ver-
mont, reftored her prifoners, forbade their troops to
enter or attack her territory, and confidered the peo-
ple rather in the light of friends* than enemies.
Thus while the Britifh generals were fondly imag-
ining that they were deceiving* corrupting, and de-
ducing the people of Vermont, by their fuperiour
arts, addrefs, and intrigues ; the wifer policy of eight
honeft farmers, in rhe mofl uncultivated part of A-
merica, difarmed their northern troops, kept them
quiet and inoffenfive during three campaigns, affifr.-
ed in fubduing Cornwallis, protected the northern
frontiers, and finally faved a date.
Not only the Britifh generals, but fo much was
the Britifh government deceived by thefe appear-
ances, that the minifters flatt-ered themfelves, that
they had nearly effected the defection of Vermont
from the American caufe, and drawn them over to
the Britifh intereft. Lord George Germain was at
that time minifler of ftate, for the American depart-
ment. A letter which he wrote to Sir Henry Clin-
ton, commander of the Britifh troops in Newyork,
was intercepted and carried into Philadelphia. The
letter was dated Whitehall, February 7, 1781, in
which he wrote thus, " The return of the people of
Vermont to their allegiance, is an event of the ut-
moft importance to the king's affairs ; and at this time
if the French and Wafhington really meditate an ir-
ruption into Canada, may be confidered as oppofing
an unftj.-mountable bar to the attempt. General Haj-
L 1 dimand,
274 tub NATURAL and CIVIL
dinnnd, who ha^the fame inflru&ions with you to
draw over thofe people, and give them fupport, will>
I doubt not, pufh up a body of troops, to aft in
conjunction with them, to (ecure all the avenues,
through their country into Canada; and when the
feafon admits,, take poifeffion of the upper parts of
the Hudfon's and Connecticut rivers, and cut off
the communication between Albany and the Mo-
hawks country. How far they may be able to extend
themfelves fouthward, or eaftward, mud depend
on their numbers, and the difpofition of the inhabit-
ants."
This letter was publifhed in the Pennfylvania
Packet, of Aug. 4th, 1781. Nothing could have
been better fuited to promote the interefts of Ver-
mont, than the ftyle, and publication of this letter.
The people of the United States, had now complete
evidence that the Bmifh generals in Newyork and
Canada, had orders to receive and fupport the peo-
ple of Vermont, and that the Britifh miniftry were
perfuaded of their difpofition to join the Bn'tifh gov-
ernment. They faw at once, the effect, this mult
have upon the American war,- and they knew at the
fame time, that nothing was wanting to prevent it,
but to admit Vermont into the union of the Rates.
The public opinion was now decidedly in favour of
this meafure: And it was found that th? leaders of
Vermont, were fully equal to the bufirtefs they had
undertaken ; and while they had acled with great
fpirit and firmnefs, in every part of the American
war, they had difcovered the fame activity and in-
trepidity, in every part of the contefl refpecting the
independence of their own Hate. No policj', it was
every where urged, could be more dangerous, than
to hazard the fuccefs of the American caufc, upon
a difpute with a people, whofe exertions had fully
fhown that they deferved all the bleflings of freedom,
to as great an extent as any of their neighbours ; and
whof=J
HISTORY of VERMONT. 275
whofe ability and enterprife would not fail to fecure
it, in one form /or another. What gave weight to
the public opinion, was the general belief that the
commander of the American forces, was fully of the
fame opinion.
The Congrefs of the United States immediately
took up the matter, and formed their refolves in a
ftyle very different from what they had done, the
year before. Their refolves were officially trans-
mitted to the legislature of Vermont, and were in
the following words : '* By the United States in Con-
grefs aflembled, Auguft 7, 1781. Whereas the
flates of Newhampfhire and Newyork have Submitted
to Congrefs, the decifiorT of the difputes between
them, and the people inhabiting the Newhampfhire
grants, on the weft fide of Connecticut river, called
the flate of Vermont, concerning their refpe&ive
claims of jurifdiclion over the faid territory, and have
been heard thereon; and whereas the people afore-
faid claim and exercife the powers of a fovereign in-
dependent ftate, and have requefted to be admitted
into the federal union of the United States in Ame-
rica ; in order thereto, and that they may have an
opportunity to be heard in vindication of their faid
claim ; Refolved, That a committee of five be ap-
pointed to confer with fuch perfon or perfons, as
may be appointed by the people refiding on the
Newhampfhire grants, on the weft fide of Connecti-
cut river, or by their reprefentative body, refpecting
their claim to be an independent ftate ; and on what
terms it may be proper to admit them into the fed-
eral union of thefe ftates, in cafe the United States in
Congrefs afTembled fhall determine to recognize their
independence, and thereon to make report. — And it
is hereby further recommended to the people of the
territory aforefajd, or their reprefentative body, to
appoint an agent, or agents to repair immediately
£0 Philadelphia with full powers and inftru&ions to
confer
276 the NATURAL and CIVIL
confer with the faid committee, on the matters afore-
faid, and on behalf of the faid people to agree upon,
and ratify terms and articles of union and confeder-
ation with the United States of America, in cafe they
ihall be admitted into the union. And (he faid
committee are hereby inftru&ed to give notice to the
agents of the dates of Newhampfhire and Newyork,
to be prefent at the conference aforefaid.
" Augufl 20, 1781. — Refolved, That it be an in-
difpenlable preliminary, to the recognition of the
independence of the people, inhabiting the territory
called Vermont, and their admiffion into the federal
union, that they explicitly relinquifh all demands of
lands, or jurifdiflion, on the eaft fide of the weft
bank of Connecticut river, and on the weft fide of a
line beginning at the northweft coiner of the ftate
of Miiffachufetts, thence running twenty miles eaft
of Hudfon's river, lo far as faid river runs northeaft-
eily in its general courfe, then by the weft bounds
or the townfhips granted by the late government of
Newhampfhire, to the river running from South bay
to Lake Champlain, thence along the faid river to
JLake Champlain, thence along the waters of Lake
Champlain to the latitude forty five degrees north,
excepting a neck of land, between Miffiikoy bay, and
the waters or Lake Champlain."*
With thefe refolves of Congrefs, a verbal meflage
was fent by General Walhington to Governor Chit-
tenden, defiring to know what were the real defigns,
views, and intentions of the people of Vermont :
Whether they would be fatisfied with the indepen-
dence, propofed by Congrefs ; or had it ferioully in
contemplation, to join with the enemy, and become
a Britifh province. The governor returned an un-
equivocal, and decifive anfwer. That there were no
people on the continent, more attached to the caufe
of
* Journal of Congrers, Aug. 7th, and 20th, 1781, p, i66t tyQ^
HISTORY op VERMONT. 277
of America, than the people of Vermont; but that
they were fully determined, not to be put under the
government of Newyork, that they would oppofe
this by force of arms, and would join with the Brit-
ifh in Canada, rather than to fubmit to that govern-
ment.*
In October, the general aflfembly of Vermont, met
at Charleftown in Newhampihire, The refolutions
of Congrefs were laid before them ; but although the
refolves held out all that Vermont had at firft claim-
ed, or had ever expected to obtain, they did not
produce a full confidence in Congrefs ; nor did they
fall in with the views of thofe towns, which had join-
ed Vermont, from iNewhampfhire, and Newyork.
When they had been debated, the aftembly voted,
October the 19th, that they could not comply with
the refolutions of Congrefs, of Auguft the 20th,
without destroying the foundation of the univerfal
harmony and agreement, that fubfifted in the Mate,
and a violation of folemn compact entered into by
articles of union and confederation ; that they would
remain firm in the principles, on which the ftate had
firft alTumed government, and hold the articles of
union, which connected each part of the ftate with
the other, inviolate ; that they would not fubmit the
queftion of their independence, to the arbitrament
of any power ; but that they were willing and ready
to refer the queftion of their jurifdictional boundary
with Newhampihire, and Newyork, to commiflion-
ers mutually chofen ; and when they fhould be ad-
mitted into the American union, they would fubmit
any fuch difputes to Congrefs. t
The refolves of Congrefs, though they had not
been accepted by Vermont, wereconfidered by New-
york,
* Governor Chittenden's letter to General Wafhington, of
Nov. 14, 1781.
f Journal of Congrefs, April 4, 1782, p. 326—329.
278 thb NATURAL and CIVIL
yoik, as a virtual determination of her claims. The
legiflature of that ftate, on the 15th and 19th, of
November, palled a number of refolutions, and a
folemn proteft, againft the proceedings of Congrefs.
Having ftated their claims, and related fome of the
former proceedings of Congrefs relative to the- con-
troverfy, they refolved, that the legiflature of that
ilate, was greatly alarmed at the evident intention of
Congrefs, from political expedience^ to eftabliffi an
arbitrary boundary, which excluded from that ftate,
a great part of its territory ; that it was the fenfe of
the legiftaturt, that Congrefs had not any authority,
by the articles of confederation, to intermeddle with
the former territorial extent of jurifdi&ion or prop-
erty, of either of the United States, except in cafes
of difpute between two or more of the ftates in the
union, nor to admit into the union, even any Britifti
colony except Canada, without the c«nfent of nine
dates, nor any other ftate whatsoever, nor above all
to create a new ftate by difmembering one of the
thirteen United Sates, without their univerfal con-
fent ; that in cafe of any attempt of Congrefs to car-
ry into execution their acts of the 7th and 20th of
Auguft, the legiflature were bound in duty to their
constituents, to declare the fame an aflumption of
power, and a manifeft infraction of the articles of
confederation, and do therefore folemnly protejl a-
gainft the fame ; that a copy of thejr refolutions be
tranfmitted to Congrefs, and their delegates expreff-
ly directed and required to enter their diflent on ev-
ery Hep, which may be taken in and towards carry-
ing the faid acts of Congrefs into execution.*
Anxious for the fafety of Vermont, and wifhing to
avail himfelf of every meafure to promote it, on
Nov. 14th, Governor Chittenden wrote to General
Washington, on the fubjeft, explaining to him their
fituation,
* Jourt}*! of Congrefs, April 4, 1782, p. 329—334,
HISTORY of VERMONT, 279
Situation, difficulties, and views. In this letter, the
governor placed great confidence in the general, and
gave him an account of the tranfactions with the en-
emy ; and aligned the reafon, " Vermont drove to
defperation, by the injuftice of thofe who fhould
have been her friends, was obliged to adopt policy
in the room of power ;*' and with regard to the laft
reiblution of Congrefs, he afcribed them to their
true caufe, not the influence of their friends, but the
power of their enemies ; " Lord George Germain's
letter wrought on Congrefs, and procured that from
them, which the public virtue of this people could
not obtain."
While thefe tran factions were taking place, new
fcenes of difficulty, and of danger, were opening in
the eaftern and weftern unions. The fheriffof one
of the counties of Newhampfhire, which hacl joined
with Vermont, wrote to Governor Chittenden, thaE
there was a high' probability, that the government
of Newhampfhire were about taking coercive meaf-
ures, to compel the citizens who had joined with
Vermont, to fubmit to the laws and authority of
Newhampfhire. The governor, on December 14th,
wrote to General Paine, at that time lieutenantgov-
ernor of the flate, to call on the militia eafl of the
green mountains, and aflifl the fheriff in the execu-
tion of the laws, and to defend the citizens againfl
any infult ; and if Newhampfhire fhould make an
attack with an armed force, to repel force by force.
Mr. Paine fent a copy of the orders which he had
received, to the prefident of Newhampfhire, and
wrote that if Newhampfhire began hoflilities, he
fhould execute the orders he had received, and did
not doubt but that the people would fupport him,
with their moil fpirited exertions, and that New-
hampfhire muft be accountable for the confequences.*
With
* Mr. Pain's letter toPtefidcRt Weare, Dec, M.trSi.
28o the NATURAL and CIVIL
With this letter, commiflioners were fent to the
general afiqmbly of Newhampfhire, to endeav-
our to accomodate matters, and prevent the effufion
of blood*.
At the fame time the troops of Newyork were in
motion to fupprefs the proceedings of their citizens,
who had formed an union with Vermont. On De-
cember 18th, their commander, Brigadiergeneral
Ganfevoort, wrote to the commanding officer of the
troops from Vermont, that in purfuance of a law of
Newyork, he had been detached with a part of his
brigade to fupprefs an infurreclion of fome of the in-
habitants of Schaticook, and Hooiac ; that he was
arrived to aid the fheriffof the county, to apprehend
the infurgents j and was informed that a large body
of troops from the grants, were marching in force,
with artillery j but before he proceeded any further,
he wifhed to be informed what was the object of
their movement into the interiour parts of that ftate,
and by what authority. t — Colonel Walbridge com-
mandant of the troops from Vermont", vvote in an-
fwer, that the object of their movement, was to pro-
tect thofe of the inhabitants, who in confequence of
the union, profefTed allegiance to the ftate of Ver-
mont ; that he wifhed conciliatory methods might
be adopted, but if thofe perfons who profeiTed to bs
citizens of Vermonr, fhould be imprifoned, and their
property deftroyed, he was not to be anfwerable for
the confequences.+
All parties feem to have been ferioufiy alarmed;
at thefe profpects of a civil war : And happily for
themfclvcs, they had all. of them, more moderation
and wifdom, than to proceed to hoftilities. Reflect-
ing on the war with Greatbritain, in which their
country
* Crnrral Roger Eno«, Ira Allen, and William Page,
•t P. Ganfevoort's letter, of December i8, 1781.
_£ E. Walbridgc's letter, of December 17, 1701,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 28*
country was Co deeply engaged, they feem to have
been fully convinced that no differences among the
dates, ought to be fuffered to produce a war among
themfelves.
A controverfy To full of mifchief and danger to the
United Stares, gave much concern to the commander
in chief of the American army. Aware of the ex-
tremes to which all parties were tending, on January
ift, 1782, he returned an anfwer to Governor Chit-
tenden's letter, in which were thefe expreffions ;
" It is not my bufinefs, neither do I think it nec-
effary now, to difcufs the origin of the right of a
number of inhabitants to that traft of country," for-
merly diftinguifhed by the name of the Newhamp-
fhire grants, and now known by that of Vermont.
I will take it for granted that their right was good,
becaufe Congrefs, by their refolve of the 7th of Au-
guft, imply it ; and by that of the 21 ft, are willing
fully to confirm it, provided the new ftate is confin-
ed to certain defcribed bounds. It appears there-
fore, to me, that the difpute of boundary is the on-
ly one that exifts, and that being removed all other
difficulties would be removed alfo, and the matter
terminated to the fatisfaction of all parties.— .You,
have nothing to do but withdraw your jurifdi&ion,
to the confines of your old limits, and obtain an ac-
knowledgement of independence and fovereignty,
under the refolve of the 2 1 ft of Auguft, for fo much
territory as does not interfere with the ancient ef-
tabliftied bounds of Newyork, Newhampfhire, and
MafTachufetts. — In my private opinion, while it be-
hoves the delegates to do ample juftice to a body of
people fufficiently refpedtable by their numbeis,
and entitled by other claims to be admitted into that
confederation, it becomes them alfo to attend to the
interefts of their conftituents, and fee, that under
the appearance of juftice to one, they do not mate-
M m riallv
£8a the NATURAL and CIVTL
xially injure the rights of others. I am apt to thinS
this is the prevailing opinion of CongtLfc."
It is only among a free people, that wifdom and
virtue can have their full effects. The fortitude,
the wifdom, the difinterellednefs, with which JVafo-
itjgton had conducted the affairs of the war, through
one continued fcene of hardfhip and danger, had
given him an influence over the minds or the people,
which no man in America, ever had before. It was
not merely becaufe he had proved the fuccefsful de-
fender of his country, and the greateft general that
had ever appeared in America, but it was the fteadi-
nefs of his integrity and virtue, which gave him fuch
an influence over the minds of men : And while the
politicians were every where ftriving for popularity
and power, the molt honourable and important of
all chitinctibns, was referred for him ; a preeminence
in the dominion of reafon, wifdom, and virtue.
The alterably of Vermont met in February, at
Bennington. The letter from the general was laid
Ixfore them, and it produced thole effects which the
general feems to have intended : It corrected the
errors of the government of Vermont, and produced
a confidence in the refolves of Congrefs, thus rec-
ommended by the opinion and advice of Wafhing-
ton. After a full debate upon the matter, the af-
""mbly refolved to comply with the preliminary,
1l ned of them. Their proceedings- were m this
requ.
[?V™ *' f ^'rwczt, in General Afttebfy, Feb. 22, 1782.
ot&teoj. ■- nrner;dation of the grand committee,
" The recon *jiv-iJ- o »
r.\ cu o "cehVflcy the governor, the hon-
rnnfifhnff of his eA *-Ui1-- > ft r ■ , .
conmuxig" fJl reprefcntatives of the
nnrable the council, ..nu w 1 .
ouraoic I"*- » rrtnfr.* -ration the resolutions
people, on taking into conlicv
of Congrefs refpeaing this il
Auguft lad, being read, is as i
fenfe of this committee, Congr
of kuguit laft, m guaranteeing to the tote of New-
HISTORY of VERMONT. zSg
york and Newhampfhire refpectively, all the territory
without certain limits therein expreffed, has eventu-
ally determined the boundaries of this flate. And
whereas it appears to this committee, conliftent with
the Spirit, true intent, and meaning of the articles of
union entered into by this flate, with the inhabitants
of a certain diftrict of country, on the eaft tide of
the weft banks of Connecticut river, and on the weft
fide of a line twenty miles eaft of Hudfon's river,
which articles of union were executed on the 25th
day of February, and the 15th day of June laft, that
Congrefs Should confider and determine the boun-
dary lines of the ftate : It is recommended to the
Jegiflature of this ftate, to pafs resolutions, declaring
their acquiefcence in, and acceflion to the determin-
ation made by Congrefs of the boundary lines -be-
tween the ftates of NewhampGiire and Newyork re-
fpectively, and this ftate, as they are in faid refolu-
tions defined and defcribed. And alfo, exprefsly
relinquishing all claims to, and jurisdiction over, the
faid diftricts of territory without faid boundary lines,
and the inhabitants thereon refiding.
Confiding in the faith and wifdom of Congrefs, that
they will immediately enter on meafures, to carry
into effect the other matters in the faid leSolution
contained, and fettle the fame on equitable terms,
whereby this ftate may be received into and have and
enjoy all the protection, rights, and advantages, of a
federal union with the United States of America, as
a free, independent, and fovereign ftate, as is held
forth to us, in and by the faid refolutions :
cc And that the legiflature caufe official informa-
tion of their refolutions, to be immediately trans-
mitted to the Congrefs of the United States, and to
the ftates of Newhampfhire and Newyork refpectively.
" Whereupon refolved,
" That the foregoing recommendation be compli-
ed with, and that the weft banks of Connecticut riv-
er,
284 the NATURAL and CIVIL
er, and a line beginning at the northweft corner of
the ftate of Maffachufetts, from thence northward
twenty miles eaft of Hudfon's river, as fpecified in
the refolutions of Congrefs in Auguft; lad, be con-
sidered as the eafl and well boundaries of this Hate.
That this affembly do hereby relinquim all claims
and demands to, and right of junfdiction in and over
any and every diflri£t of territory, without laid
boundary lines. That authentic copies of this ref-
olution be forthwith officially tranfmitted to Con-
grefs, and to the Hates of Newhampfhire, and New-
york refpefitively."
Thus was diffolved an union which had been con-
stantly acquiring numbers, extent, popularity, and
power, from its fir ft formation : Which, it was gen-
erally believed had prevented the divifion of Ver-
mont, by Newhampfhire and Newyqrk ; and which
if it had been continued, would probably have ex-
tended much further into thofe Hates. It was not
without a ftruggle, that the meafure could be effect-
ed ; and it was not without refentment, that the
members from the towns in Newhampfhire and New-
york, found themfelves excluded from a feat or a
vote in the affembly, with which they had been con-
nected by articles of union and confederation, which
they fuppofed would have been perpetual.
Having thus fully complied with the refolves of
Congrefs, the affembly concluded that all difficulties
relating to their admiffion into the confederation of
the flates, were removed. They proceeded* to
choofe four agents and delegates, to reprefent the
ilate of Vermont in Congrefs ; and requefted the
governor to commiflion them with plenary power?,
to negociate the admiffion of Vermont, into the con-
federation of the United States ; and when the ftate
was admitted, two of the agents were empowered to
take
* February 28,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 285
take their feats, and reprefent Vermont in Congrefs.
The agents were accordingly commiffioned, " to ne-
gociate and complete on the part of Vermont, the
admiffion thereof into the federal union with the
United States of Northamerica. And in behalf of
the ftate, to fubfcnbe articles of perpetual union and
confederation therewith."
While the afiembly of Vermont was thus em-
ployed in effecting a compliance with the refolves of
Coi. iie(s, warm debates had taken place in that af-
fembly, rel peeling the meafures that ought to be
purfued with Vermont. The refufal of the legifla-
ture in October, to comply with the refolve Con-
grefs had palled on Auguft 2C^h, was viewed in a
Very unfavourable light. On March 1 ft, it waspro-
pofed in Congrefs to pafs a refolve, that if within
one month from the time in which the refolve fhould
be communicated to Thomas Chittenden, the in-
habitants of Vermont mould comply with the re-
folves of Auguft 7th and 20th, 1781, they mould be
immediately admitted into the union, but if they
fhould refufe this, and did not defift from attempt-
ing to exercife jurifdi&ion over the lands guaranteed
to Newhampfhtre, and Newyork, Congrefs would
confider luch neglecl or refufal, as a manifefl indica-
tion of defigns hoflile to the United States, and that
all the pretentions and applications of the faid in-
habitants, heretofore made for admiffion into the
federal union, were fallacious and deludve ; and
that thereupon the forces of the United States, fhould
be employed againft the inhabitants, and Congrefs
would confider all the lands within the territory to
the eaflward of the ridge of mountains, as guaranteed
to Newhampfhire ; and all the lands to the weft-
ward of faid line, as guaranteed to Newyork ; and
that the commander in chief of the armies of the
United States, do without delay or further order
carry thefe refolutions into full execution. — But af-
ter
286 the NATURAL and CIVIL
ter warm debates, and repeated trials, a vote could
not be obtained to adopt thefe refolutions, and the
matter iubfided.*
The reientment Congrefs difcovered, at Vermont's
refu&ng to agree with her refolves, was but of a fliort
duration. In a few days the agents arrived at Phi-
ladelphia, and on March 31ft, officially laid before
that body, the compliance of the legiflature of Ver-
mont, with their refolutions of the 7th and 20th of
Augnft.
The matter was referred by Congrefs, to a com-
mittee of five of their members. On the 17th of
April, the committee made the following report,
" In the fenle of your committee, the people of the
faid difti i£t by the laft recited aft, have fully com-
. plied with the flipulation made and required of
them, in the refolutions of the 20th and 2 ill of Au-
gufr, as preliminary to a recognition of their fover-
eignty, and independence, and admifiion into the
federal union of the Mates. And that the condition-
al promife, and engagement of Congrefs of fuch
recognition, and admifiion, is thereby become abso-
lute and vecejj'ary to be performed. Your commit-
tee therefore iubmit the following resolution :
" That the diftriclt or territory called Vermont, as
defined and limited in the refolutions of Congrefs
of the Both and 21ft of Auguft, 1781, be, and it is
hereby recognized, and acknowledged by the name
of the date of Vermont, as freet fovereign, and in-
dependent ; and that a committee be appointed to
treat and confer with the agents and delegates from
laid (late, upon the terms and mode of the admifiion
of the faid (late into the federal union." — When
this report was read in Congrefs, a motion was made
?.nd feconded, that the firfl Tuefday in October next
be afiigned for the conhderation of the report : The
vote
* journal of Corgref>. March i, 1782, p, 298—305.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 287
vote patted in the negative. A motion was then
made and fecondcd, that the third Tuefday in. June
next, be affigned for the consideration of the report :
The vote was again in the negative. A motion was
then made and feconded, that Monday next be af-
figned for the confederation of the report ; and the
vote was alfo found in the negative, for the third
time.*
From thefe votes it was apparent, that Congrefs
had again adopted their former policy of evasion,
and did not mean to come to any decifion upon the
affairs of Vermont. Having no profpect of fuccefs
iri their agency, the agents concluded their bufinefs,t
with a letter to the prefident of Congrefs, represent-
ing that Vermont, in confequence of the faith which
Congrefs had pledged to them, had been prevailed
upon to comply with their refolutions, in the moft
ample manner ; that they were difappointed by the
unexpected delay of Congrefs, in not executing on
their part, the intent and fpirit of the refolve ; that
Vermont was now reduced to a critical {ituarion, by
calling off a confiderable part of her ftrength, in be-
ing expofed as a forlorn hope, to the main force of
the enemy in Canada, and deftitute of the aid of the
United States ; which made them urgent that un-
necefTary delay might not deprive them, of the benefit
of the confederation; and that they mould expect
to be officially acquainted, when their attendance
would be neceffary.^
The proceedings of Congrefs, ought to be treated
with all the refpecl;, which is due to government,
and with all the candour that is due to the imper-
fection of man. But when every reafonable allow-
ance
* Extract from the minutes of Congrefs, of April 17, 1 y&2j,
+ April 19.
t Copy of the letter from the Hon. Jonas Fay, Mofes RobiT>
fon, and Ifaac Tiebanor.
288 the NATURAL and CIVIL
ance is made, their conduct in this affair, cannot be
confidered in any other, than an unfavou
There could be no neceffity of evafive i a
period, when the public feniime t •
cifion of a queflion, which had aire
fo much trouble and danger. Th< Con-
grefs had paMed on Auguft 7th, an 1 781,
could not be underftood in any other fe in as
a conditional engagement or promife on 1 ie paTt of
Congrefs. The condition had been fully *~ornplied
with. In that ftage of the bufinefs, to reiblve their
own engagements info nothing, had nor the appear-
ance of wifdom and found policy, bur of art, cun-
ning, and littlenefs. Their own faith and honour,
and what ought to have been infinitely dear to them,
the honour of their general, required the mod un-
equivocal and pun6r.ua! performance of what they
had virtually engaged, and led the people of Ver-
mont to confide in. — Nor would the agents of Ver-
mont have been wrong, if they had expreffed in
terms more ftrong and decifivc, their indignation at
the public trifling of a bodv, whofe public meafures
ought to have been matked, in every inftance, with
the ftrifieft faith, the greatefl integrity, and the mod
delicate fenfe of honour.
When the lafl refolutions of Congrefs became
known in Vermont, the general opinion was, that
the affembly had been duped by the finelTe of Con-
grefs, to bring themfelves into a Mate more weak, and
dangerous than they had been before : And that there
would be no fafety, in being guided by refolutions,
which might be formed, and changed, arnidfl the in-
trigues and cabals of parties. Both the people and
the aiTcmbly of Vermont, feem to have been deter-
mined by the meafures of Congrefs, to maintain
fheir own independence, to adhere to the boundaries
to which they had agreed, and to defend themfelvcs
by force againfl. any body of men who fhould en-
deavour
HISTORY of VERMONT. 289
deavour to diffolve, or to difturb their government ;
and not to make any further folicitations to Con-
grefs, to receive them into the confederation. But
that no blame might be laid upon them, or any de-
ficiency be found in their proceedings, the general
affembly at their annual feflion in October, again
appointed agents with full powers and inftru6Uons>
to negociate and complete the admiflion of Vermont
into the union of the ilates,
tf A CHAP.
290. this NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. XL
Dijlurhances in Vermont. Refohtions of Cor.gnfs.
Remonjirances againft the Proceedings of Congrefs.
Peace with Greatbritain. Diftnclination of Ver~
mont to an Union with the Confederated States,
New Federal Conftitution. Propofals of Newyork.
Settlement of the Controverfy with that State. A&
mif/ion of Vermont into the Federal Union. Polit-
ical Effecls of thefe C.ont rover fie s.
_N the internal government of ta-
flate, Vermont had met with good fuccefs. The
people were not fully united in the meafure, when
the powers of government were fir ft aflumed. Some
were upon principle, attached to the government of
Newyork. Thofe who were of a timid conftitution,
were fearful of the confequences. Thofe who wifh-
ed to be free from the reftraints of law and govern-
ment, were clamorous about tyranny and oppreftlon.
Several of thefe fought protection from Newyoik,
avowed their allegiance to that ftate, and received
commiflions for civil and military offices, under that
government ; and were extremely active to eppofe,
and difturb the government of Vermont. Notwith-
standing thefe attempts, the government of Vermont
had been conftantly gaining flrength, not only
among the people who were already fettled in the
territory, but by the acceflion of large numbers of
people
HISTORY of VERMONT. zgx
people from other dates, but chiefly from Connecti-
cut. The new fettlers were almoft univerfally, in
favour of the proceedings of the government,; and
were adding much every year, to its ftrength, num-
bers, and unanimity. With thefe profpefts the legis-
lature judged that a general aft of amnefty, in favour
of thofe who had been in opposition to government,
might be of ufe to reconcile and quiet thofe, who
were now fully convinced, that nothing could be
carried againfl the government, by force and oppo-
sition. Accordingly in February, 1781, the legifla-
ture paffed a general aft of amnefty, in favour of
fuch perfons within the ftate, as had previoufly made
opposition to its authority. Upon this judicious
extenfion of lenity, all opposition to the internal
government of Vermont, had ceafed for more than
a year ; and all parties within the ftate, feemed to
acquiefce in the fupport of government.
Congrefs had withdrawn all the continental troops,
and left the inhabitants to take care of themfelves.
In their expofed Situation, it became necetfary to
raife a body of troops, for the defence of the fron-
tiers. The legislature ordered them to be raifed
from the feveral towns, in the ftate, in proportion to
the number of their inhabitants. There were fome
perfons in the foutheafterly parts of the ftate, who
oppofed the railing and payment of thefe men. The
governor of Newyork by letters to them, and other-
wife, interfered in the bufinefs. To fome of thefe
difaffefted perfons he gave civil and military com-
mifJions, and encouraged them with the profpeft, or
promife of Support and protection.* Made info-
ient by this profpeft of fupport and diftinftion from
the government of Newyork, fome of thefe difaffeft-
ed perfons, had the effrontery to attempt toexercile
the laws of Newyork, over the citizens of Vermont,
in
* RernOnftrance of the Council of Vermont, p. :$,
sg2 the NATURAL and CIVIL
in avowed contempt and defiance of her authority.
Infolence fo audacious, admitted of no other treat-
ment, than the punifhment, which civil laws affign
to fuch crimes. Lenient meafures proved in vain,
and the government of Vermont ordered a military
force to be fent to aflifl the fheriffof the county of
"Windham, and to protect the courts of juflice again ft
an armed violence and oppofition. Five of the mod
obnoxious of the criminals were banifhed, and fun-
dry others were amerced in pecuniary fines, accord-
ing to the cuftomary and due forms of law. The
offenders had been guilty of that avowed and armed
oppofition to law and government, which in every
country is denominated trealon and rebellion. But
great care was taken to avoid the effufion of blood,
and to have the punifhment of the offenders extend-
ed no further than was necefTary, to preferve the in-
dependence and fafety of the ftate.
Diiappointed in their views and expe&ations of
producing an infurre&ion in Vermont, checked and
xeflrained by the proceedings of her courts, nothing
xemained for them but to leek fupport and rewaid
from the government, under whole authority they
pretended to haveacted. But it was not in the pow-
er of Newyork, to afford them fuch relief as they
"svifhed : Neither her power, or policy, her promi fes,
or her threatenings, would have had the leaft effe6i
upon the people, or the government of Vermont.
[Nothing remained but an appeal to Congrefs. Com-
plaint was made to that body, that their relolutions
of Sept. 24, 1779, and of June 2, 1780, were pub-
licly violated; and that Vermont had proceeded to
exercife jurifdi&ion over the perfons and properties
of fundry perfons, who profeffed themfelves to be
fubject-totheftateof Newyork. Congrefs took up the
complaint, and referred it to a committee. On No-
vember the 14th, the committee reported, " that the
jneafures complained of, were probably occafioned
by
HISTORY op VERMONT. 293
by the ftate of Newyork having lately iffued com-
mi/Iions, both civil and military, to perfons refident
in the diftric~t calied Vermont :" And that it be
recommended to Newyork, to revoke all the com-
miffions which they had iffued iince the month of
May ; that it be recommended to the inhabitants to
make full fatisfaclion to the perfons, who had fuffer-
ed damages ; and that it be recommended to New-
york, and to the people exercifing government in
Vermont, to adhere to the refolutions of Congrefs,
of Sept. 24th, until a decifion (hould be had upon
their affairs. But after feveral attempts, a vote could
not be obtained in favour of thefe refolves, and the
matter was adjourned.*
On December the 5^1, the bufinefs was taken up
again ; and Congrefs, in (lead of proceeding to fulfil
■r own engagements to Vermont, was led by an
ill judged policy, to embrace the caufe of the crimi-
nals, and to pafs refolutions full of cenfure and
threatening, again ft the proceedings of the ftate.
Their refolves were in this ftyle :
" By the United Stales in Congrefs affembled, Dec.
5, 1782. Whereas it appears to Congrels by au-
thentic documents, that the people inhabiting the
diflricl; of country, on the weft fide of Connecticut
river, commonly called the Newhampihire grants,
and claiming to be an independent ftate, in contempt
of the authority of Congrefs, and in dire 61; violation
of their refolutions of the 24th of September, 1779,
and of the 2d of June, 1780, did, in- the month of
September lair, proceed to exercife jurifdiclion over
the perlons and properties of fundry inhabitants of
the faid diftricl, profeffing themfelves to be the fub-
jecls of, and to owe allegiance to the ftate of New-
york ; by means whereof divers of them have been
condemned to banifhment, not to return on pain of
death
f Journal of Congrefs, Nov, 14, 1782,
' 294 ™* NATURAL and CIVIL
death and confifcatioq of eftate, and others have been
fined in large fums, and otherwife deprived of prop-
erty. Therefore, Refolved, That the faid acts and
proceedings of the laid people, being highly derog-
atory to the authority of the United States, and
dangerous to the confederacy, require the immedi-
ate and decided interpolation of Congrefs, for the
prote6lion and relief of fuch as have fuffered by
them, and for preferving peace in the faid diftric~t,
until a decifion fhall be had of the controverfy rel-
ative to the jurifdi&ion of the fame.
" That the people inhabiting the faid diftriffc
claiming to be independent, be, and they are hereby
required without delay to make full and ample ref-
titution to Timothy Church, Timothy Phelps, Hen-
ry Evans, William Shattuck, and fuch other?;, as
have been condemned to banifhment and confisca-
tion of eftates, or have otherwife been deprived of
property, fince the firlt day of September iaft, for
the damages they have fuftained by the acts and
proceedings aforefaid, and that they be not molefted
ra their perfons or properties, on their return to their
habitations in the faid diftricl;.
41 That the United States will take effecluil meaf-
ures to enforce a compliance with the aforefaid res-
olutions, in cafe the fame fliall bedifobeyed by the peo-
ple of the laid dtftricV*
The peopleof Vermont were already prejudiced a-
gainft the proceedings of Congrefs; thefe relolutions
could not fail to impair, all that remained, of reverence
and refpeCl. The governor and council fent a fpirited
remonflrance to Congrefs againft thefe resolutions.*
In this remonflrance Congrefs was reminded of their
folemn engagements to the ftate of Vermont, in their
public a£ts of Augufl/th, and 21ft, 1781, which had
btcn fully complied with on the part of the ftate^
but
* Jan- 9> J783»
HISTORY of VERMONT. 295
I*ut which Congrefs had refufed or neglecled to ful-»
ill : They were told that by their own articles of
confederation, they had no right to interfere, or med-
dle with the internal police of any of the United
States ; and leaft of all with that of Vermont, from
which they had not received any delegated authori-
ty whatever : That Vermont had as good a right to
independence, as Congrefs ; and as much authority
to pafs refolutions prefcribing meafures to Congrefr,
as Congrefs had to prefcribe meafures, directing them
to receive the banifhed, and make reftitution to-
criminals of the property which had been taken from
them by due courfe of law, for their crimes againft
the laws and authority of the Hate : They were re-
minded that they were purfuing the fame meafures
againft Vermont, which Britain had ufed againft the
American Colonies, and which it had been judged
neceffary to oppofe at every rife and hazard : Thab
their proceedings tended to make the liberty and
natural rights of mankind a mere bubble, and the
fport of Hate politicians : That it was of no impor-
tance to America to pull down arbitrary power in>
one form, that they might eftablifh it in another 1
That the inhabitants of Vermont had lived in a ftate
of independence from the firft fettlement of the
country, and could not now fubmit to be refolved
out of it by the influence which Newyork, their old
adverlary, had in Congrefs : That they were in full
poiTeffion of freedom, and would remain independ-
ent, notwithftanding all the power and artifice of
Newyork : That they had no controverfy with the
United States, complexly confidered ; but were at
all times ready and able to vindicate their rights and
liberties, .againft the ufurpations of the ftate of New-
york.
With regard to that part of the refolves, which
declared " the proceedings of Vermont to be derog-
atory to the authority of the United States, and
dangerous-
2g6 the NATURAL and CIVIL
dangerous to the confederacy, and fuch as required
the immediate interpolation of Congrcfs to relieve
the fufferers, and preferve peace," they anfvvev, That
it appears like a paradox to affei t that the exercife of
civil law in Vermont fliould be derogatory to the
authority, or dangerous to the confederacy of the
United States ; or that the interpolation of Congrefs,
would be the means of eftablifhing peace in the ftate.
Law, jufiice, and order, they alien were eflablifhed
in Vermont, before Congrefs palled their late reso-
lutions ; what difcord they would occafion, time
would determine : But that it was the general opin*
ion that a ratification of their ftipulated agreement^
would have had a more falutary tendency to pro-
mote peace, than their late refolutions.
As to the requifition that " the Mate without delay
make full and ample reftitution to thofe who had
been condemned to baniflhment and confifcation of
eftate," they obferve, That Congrefs has been fo
mutable in their refolutions refpecting Vermont,
that it is impoffible to know on what ground to find
them, or what they defign next. At one time they
guarantee to the Rates of NewhampfliireandNewyork,
their lands to certain defcribed limits, leaving a place
for the exiftence of the Mate of Vermont. ; the next
thing Vermont hears from them, is, they are within
thefe limits controlling the internal government of
the flate. Again, they prefcribe preliminaries of
confederation, and when complied with on the part
of the flate, they unreafonably procraftinate the rat-
ification.
To that part of the refolves in which the flate was
threatened, ** that the United States would take ef-
fectual meafures to enforce a compliance with their
refolutions, in cafe they mould be difobeyed by the
people of faid diftricV they return for anfwer, That
the flate would appeal to the juflice of his excellen-
cy General Wa&ingtdb .: and as the general and
mofl
HISTORY op VERMONT. 297
moft of the inhabitants of the contiguous dates, were
in favour of the independence of Vermont, it would
be more prudent for Congrefs to refer the fertlement
of this difpute to theftatesof Newyork and Vermont*
than to embroil the confederacy wich it. — But fup-
pofing Congrefs had a judicial authority to controul
the internal police of the ftate, the ftate had a right
to be heard in its defence : That the proceedings of
Congrefs were wholly unjuftifiable, upon their own.
principles ; and that coming to a decifion of fo im-
portant a matter, ex parte, and without any notice to
the ftate, was illegal, and contrary to the law of na-
ture and nations. — The remonftrance was concluded
with foliciting a federal union with the United States,
agreeable to their preliminary agreement, which their
committee had reported, was i{ become abjolute and
necejfary on their part to be performed j" and from
which, they were allured, Vermont would not recede.
The affembly met in the month of February, and
fent their remonftrance to Congrefs. Like that of
the governor and council, this was alfo plain, fpirit-
ed, and decifive ; announcing to Congrefs in thS
plaincft terms, that they fhould not intermeddle in
the internal affairs of government ; and that they
were fully refolved, to maintain their independence.
The effect produced by thefe acts of Concrete;
was in evtry refpect different, from what that body
feem to have expected. Inftead of being awed into
fubmiflion, the people and government of Vermont
concluded they were produced by the influence of
Newyork; and determined that they never fiiouM
be executed. The evafive, irrefolute, contradictory
acts of Congrefs, had nearly deftroyed all the faith
and confidence, which the people of Vermont had
repofed in that body : And it was generally thought
it would not be beft, to have any connexion with
them ; but only to keep up the cuftom and form of
O o choofmg
2tj$s THE NATURAL AND CIVIL
choofing delegates every year, to reprefent the (late
of Vermont.
The war with Greatbritain, had proved greatly
diftrefling to every part of the United States ; but
it had ferved to eftablilh an union among the peo-
ple of America, which could not have been fo firm-
ly cemented, but by the profpecl of common danger.
This appearance was now come to an end. On
January the 20th, 1783, the preliminary articles of
peace were ligned by the miniflers of the king of
Greatbritain, and the United States of America,
In this treaty the former colonies were acknowledg-
ed to be free, fovereign, and independent ftates.
By putting an end to the war, this treaty put an end
to the embarrafl'ments of Congrefs, and to all the
fears of the people o! Vermont. An union with the
confederation, was no longer a matter of immediate
and urgent neceffity. The (late had now no exter-
nal enemies to oppofe,. or any body of troops to be
railed, or kept in pay. Weary of fo long and dif-
treffing a war, all parties wifhed for the repofe and
tranquillity of peace ; and were heartily deftrous of
dropping all occafions of controverfy and debate. —
The bufinefs of Congrefs however, became mors
and more embarraLQng. Their currency had failed,
their revenues were exJiaufted, their armies were dif-
iatisfied and unpaid, the debts they had contracted
were unfunded, the public creditors were every
where full of complaints againJt their proceedings,
and they had no refources to anfwer the demands
that were perpetually made upon them. Few of
the dates paid much regard to their refolutions, and
it was now fully evident that their powers were in-
adequate to the public bufinefs of the United States,
and that the articles of union and confederation
were eflentully defective. Without power to re-
lieve themfelves under thefe embarralfments, the
Congrefs was daily finking into a ftate of insignifi-
cance
HISTORY of VERMONT. 299
■cance and contempt ; and the public affairs of the
union were conftantly becoming more and more em-
barrafled with weaknefs, diforder, the want of wif-
dom, credit, and power.
In fuch a ftate of things, an admiffion into the
confederacy of the ftates, ceafed to be an object of
any importance, or even defire. Vermont was hap-
py in being free from the load of debt, which lay
Upon the United States ; and was not perplexed by
the conftant calls of Congrefs, to raife the neceifary
fums of money. The legislature had acquired wif-
dom and experience in governing the people, from
the difficulties in which they had been engaged. It
had not been in their power to contract very large
debts, nor was it neceflary or practicable to lmpoie
heavy taxes upon the people. The ftate had a large
quantity of valuable lands to difpofe of ; and pur-
chafers, and fettlers were conftantly coming in from
all the Newengland ftates. — Thus, by one of thofe
fudden tranfitions which are common to human af-
fairs, from the mod diftreiled and perplexed ftate,
the condition and profpect of the people of Vermont,
became at once more eafy and flattering than thofe
of their neighbours. Encouraged by the mildnefs
of the government, the fmallnefs of the taxes, the
fertility and cheapnefs of the lands, large additions
were annually made to their numbers and property,
by the acceffion of inhabitants from other ftates. —
There was nothing therefore in the public affairs of
the United States, or in thofe of Vermont, that could
lead the inhabitants any longer to wifh for an admif-
fion into the confederation. The body of the peo-
ple felt that they were in a better fituation, than the
people in the neighbouring ftates : And it was the
general inclination and defire not to be connected
with the union, if it could be decently avoided.
In this fituation things remained, until feveral of
the leading men in the United States, became alarm-
ed
3oo the NATURAL and CIVIL '
ed with the operation and tendency of public af-
fairs. Statefmen of ability and information law
that the powers inverted in Congrefs, were in effect,
only the powers of a diplomatic body ; and wholly
inadequate to the purpolcs of federal government :
And that the liberties, the lafety, and the union of
America, could not be preferved, unleis an adequate
and efficient government could be eftablithed in the
United States. Virginia had the honour to lead, in
the lirft avowed oppofition to the Britiih king and
parliament : And fhe wsts the fir ft that attempted to
call a convention of the dates-, to form a new fed-
eral conftitution. The meafure was crowned with
that fuccefs, which might be expected from the de-
liberate confultations of a free and uncorrupted peo-
ple, aiming to fecure the public fafety. A new fed-
eral conftitution was adopted by the people of A-
raerica : And a new Congrefs, fuinifhed with com-
petent powers, met in the city of Newyork, March
3d» 3789-
Like the other citizens of America, the people of
Vermont were anxious to know, what would be the
policy and proceedings of the federal government.
Their intereft had not been much promoted by the
meafures of the Congrefs, with whom they had for-
merly tranfacted buliiiefs. But there was now a
general expectation among the people, that fome-
thing wifer and better, was to take place : But they
had learned from experience, that there was no oth-
er way to judge with certainty, of the excellency of
any conftitution, or government, but by the good
which it did to the people. In the courfe of one or
two feffions, they found the federal government had
been labouring to reftore the public credit, to do
juftice to the public creditors, to provide for the
payment of the public debt, and to eftablifh a fyt-
tem of equal law and juftice, in every part of the
federal government. Meafures thus marked with
wifdom
HISTORY of VERMONT. 301
wifdom and juftice, ferved to abate the fears thac
many had entertained, and to conciliate the minds
of the people to federal (entiments : And the prof-
peel: teemed favourable, thac every part of the A-
inerican ftates might be brought to act. with union
and vigour, in fupport of the federal fyftcm.
But the iincnnt difficulty with Newyork, was not
yet removed. That ftate had indeed given up all
piolpecT:, and probably all defire, of fubduing Ver-
mont by force, or by policy ; and well knew that
Vermont was, and would remain, a free and inde-
pendent ftate. But large tracTs of land had been
granted by the governors to individuals : Thefe
tracts of lands, by means of the increafing fettlements
and profperity of Vermont, were become greatly
valuable. The government of Vermont hitd uni-
formly refufed to acknowledge the validity of thefe
grants, or fubmit to any of the legiflative acts of
Newyork, and had made new grants of all thofe
tracls of land : And was unalterably fixed in refuf-
ing to admit the legality of any legiflative act of
Newyork, which related to the territory of Vermont,
The grantees under Newyork, were conftantly com-
plaining of the injuries that were done to them, in
not being permitted to take poiTeffion of their prop-
erty ; and of the injuftice that would be eftabli fried,
if the government of Newyork mould fuffer their
lands to be thus taken from them without an equiv-
alent. Much pains had been taken to compromise
the difficulty, but without coming to any ger
agreement : And the government of Newyork did
not conceive any very ftrong obligation lay upon
them, to refund that to individuals, which the ftate
had no hand in granting ; but which was (imply an
act of the crown of Greatbritain, executed by the
will of the royal governor ; generally for his perfonal
profit, always for the benefit of his particular friends,
but
3©2 the NATURAL and CIVIL
but never for any emolument to the government or
people.
A courfe of events at length occurred, which ren-
dered the views of Newyork, more favourable to-
wards Vermont. Difputes relative to the perma-
nent feat of the federal government, ran high in
Congrefs. After repeated trials, the decifion fome-
times feli in favour of remaining at Newyork, and
Sometimes in favour of removing to Philadelphia ;
and it was finally carried in favour of Philadelphia,
by a very final 1 majority. Kentucky, it was fore-
ieen, would loon be admitted into the federal union :
And Virginia, to whofe territory it belonged, with
great dignity and honour, inftead of oppofing, was
aiming to promote that event. The reprefentation
from the eaftern flates, was diminifhed of its juft
proportion, by the exclufion of Vermont ; and this
had already proved to the difadvantage of Newyotk.
If their old controverfy could be fettled, it was ap-
parent that the interefts and influence of thefe ftates,
would in almoft every inftance coincide. — The pub-
lic fentiment called loudly, for the fame meafure.
To what purpofe, it was faid, is Vermont kept out
of the union ? — Is it not in the full and complete
polieffion of independence j and as well regulated
and governed as the other flates ? — And fhall the
federal union throughout the whole territory, be ob-
fliucled, and rendered incomplete, by the ancient
and endlefs controverfy, between Newyork and Ver-
mont ?
Newyork wifhed with the refl of America, to have
the federal union completed : And without calling
to view the former occafions of contention, paffed
an a6t, July 15, 1789, appointing commiffioners with
full powers to acknowledge the independence of
Vermont, and to fettle all matters of controverfy
with the ftate. On Oclober the 23d, 1789, the le-
gi fid tare of Vermont appointed commiffioners on
their
HISTORY of VERMONT. 303
tJieif part, to treat with thofe of Newyork, with pow-
ers to adjuft, and finally determine, every thing
which obflru£fced the union of Vermont with the
United States.— -The commiflioners from both ftates,
were themfelves very defirous to have Vermont
brought into the federal union. The only point of
difficulty and debate, related to a compenfation for
the lands claimed by the citizens of Newyork, which
had been regranted by the government of Vermont.
After two or three meetings of the commiflioners,
the matter was brought to an equitable and arnica-
ble agreement.
October the 7th, 1790, " the commiflioners for
Ne.wyork by virtue of the powers to them granted
for that purpofe, declared the confent of the legifla-
ture of Newyork, that the ftate of Vermont be ad-
mitted into the union of the United States of Amer-
ica j and that immediately upon fuch admiflion, all
claims of jurifdiclion of the (late of Newyork, with-
in the ftate of Vermont, fhall ceafe ; and thenceforth
the perpetual boundary line between the ftate of
Newyork, and the ftate of Vermont fhall be" as was
then holden and poflefled by Vermont, that is, the
weft lines of the moft weftern towns which had been
granted by Newbampfhire, and the middle channel
of Lake Champlain.* — With regard to the lands
which had been granted by Newyork, " the faid
commiflioners by virtue of the powers to them
granted, declare the will of the legiflature of New-
york, that if the legiflature of the ftate of Vermont
fhould, on or before the firft day of January, 1792,
declare that on or before the firft day of June, 1794,
the faid ftate of Vermont would pay the ftate of
Newyork, the fum of thirty thoufand dollars, that
immediately from fuch declaration by the legiflature
of the ftate of Vermont, all rights and titles to lands
within the ftate of Vermont, under grants from the
government of the colony of Newyork, or from the
ftate
go4 the NATURAL, and CIVIL
ftate of Newyork, fhould ccafe," thofe excepted,
which had been made in confirmation of the grants
of Newhampihire.
This propofal and declaration being laid before
the legiflature of Vermont, they very readily agreed
to the plan, which had been concerted bv the com-
miflioners from both dates ; and on October 28,
1790, palTed an act. directing the treafurer of the
ftate, to pay the fum of thirty thoufand dollars to
the ftate of Newyork, at the time propofed ; adopt-
ing the weflern line, as the perpetual boundary be-
tween the two Hates ; and declaring all the grants,,
charters, and patents of land, lying within the ftate
of Vermont, made by or under the late colony of
Newyork, to be null and void, thofe only excepted
which had been made in confirmation of the grants
from Newhampihire.
In this amicable manner, was terminated a con-
troverfy, which had been carried on with great ani-
rnoiity for twenty lix years. Both fides were weary
of the contcft, and happily for them, the general
ftate of America led to moderation, equity, and
wifdom : And this feems to have been the only pe-
riod, in which the matter could have been adjufted
to the fatisfaction of all parties.
The difficulties with Newyork being thus remov-
ed, 1 he allembly of Vermont proceeded to call a con-
vention of the people, to take into confederation the
expediency of joining the federal union. The con-
vention met at Bennington, January 6, 1791. The
members were not all agreed in the expediency of
being connected with the thirteen flatts : And it
vas doubted whether a majority of the people, were
the meafurc. Several members of the conven-
tion wiflied to defer the confederation of the quef-
tion, to a more diflant period. It was urged on the
other hand, that the faiety, the intereft, and the
honour of Vermont, would be effentially promoted
by
HISTORY op VERMONT. 305
by joining the union of the other flares j and that
this was the precife time, when it might be done
without difficulty, or oppofition. A large majority
of the members were convinced that the matter could
not be put off any longer ; and after a debate of
three days, the queftion was carried in the affirma-
tive, by a majority of one hundred and five to two.
This being the only bufinefs for which the conven-
tion had been called, it was diffolved January 11th.
The general affembly of Vermont met at Ben-
nington, January the 10th. On the 18th, they
made choice of the Honourable Nathaniel Cbipman^
and Lewis R Morris^ Efqj their commiflioners to at-
tend Congrefs, and negociate the admiffion of the
flate into the union of the confederated ftates of
America. The commiflioners repaired to Philadel-
phia, and laid before the prefident of the United
States, the ads of the Convention and legiflature of
Vermont ; and on February 18th, 1791, the admif-
fion of Vermont was completed, by an acl: of Con-
grefs, without any dibite, or one dilTentient vote.
By this event all theconiroverfies refpeciing Vermont,
were brought to a conclufion : She v/as to take her
feat in Congrefs, March 4, 1791 ; and the federal
union was completed, in every part of the Uiiited
States of America.
The violence and duration of the controverfie?, in
which Vermont was lo long engaged, proved unfa-
vourable to thcftate of fociety in that, and in the ac*«
jacent ftates. During the fir ft part of their co,
with Newyork, there was not any fettled form of
government in Vermont. The people tran faded
their bufinefs, by the meetings of towns and planta-
tions ; by committees, leaders, and officers, appointed
and fubmitted to, by general confent. The opposi-
tion to Newyork was one continued fcene of vio-
lence, and'the minds of the fettlers^ were conflai
!ed by the moft uncomfortable paffions : But a
Pp general
305 the NATURAL and CIVIL
general fear of the final iflue, prevented both parties
from proceeding to bloodfhed. But in one inftance,
was there any perfon (lain, in this quarrel. In March
1775, during the feflion of a court holden under the
authority of Newyorkat Weftminfter, one man was
(hot through the body in the court houfe. But if
gave fuch a general alarm, that both parties were
more cautious to avoid the extremes of irregularity.
In this ftage of the controverfy, the fettlernent of the
country was much prevented by the contrary claims
which fubfifted, and the violences they produced. — »
In the latter part of the year, 1781, the controverfy
with Newhampfhire bore a very ferious afpeft.
Cheftei field in that ftate, was one of the towns which
had joined with Vermont ; but fome of the inhabit-
ants ftill adhered to the jurifdi&ion of Newhamp-
fhire. A conftable under the authority of Vermont,
went to ferve a writ upon one of the inhabitants of
that town. His authority was denied, and an offi-
cer, under the authority of Newhampfhire, rnterpof-
ed. In the courfe of the conteft.tbe NevrhampibiiG
officer with one or two of his adherents, were im-
prisoned by the officer from Vermont. Orders were
given by the government of NeVhampfhinei to raifc
the foffe comitatus, and liberate the imprifoned fher-
iff by force. The governor and council of Vermont
fent three agents to Exeter, to endeavour to corn-
promil'e the matter with the government of Ne\v-
hampfhire. One of thefe was a fheriifof Vermont :
By way of retaliation, he was immediately imprifon-
ed at Exeter. Alarmed with this approach to hoi-
tilities, both governments were obliged to interpofe
to prevent more violent meafures, which threatened
to break out into a civil war.— In 1784, the fecreta-
ry of Vermont was arrcfled in the city ofNcwyork,
or account of his political conduft in Vermont:
The matter be:^; laid before the general affemblv of
the ilatc, they unanimoufly reiblved that fuch land?
HISTORY of VERMONT. 307
in the territory of Vermont, as belonged to the citi-
zens of Newyorlc, mould be fold, until money enough
was railed from their fales, to make full reftitution
to their fecretary for all the charges and damages
which might accrue, from his arrelt in Newyork.
Thefe violences were unfavourable to the fettle-
ment of the country ; they tended to keep the minds
of the people, in a flate of irritation ; and had an
ill effeft on the flate of fociety. But it is worthy of
remark, how extremely unwilling the people of A-
rnerica were, to proceed to war with one another.
In their higheft ftate of provocation and refentment,
they abhorred the idea of killing and flaughteriag
each other. Unufed to the practices of rebellion,
murder, and aflalTination, when they were exafperated
with the highefl fenfe of injuries, they had no inten-
tion or idea of kindling a civil war in their coun-
try, of deflroying thofe who oppofed them, or of
ftaining the American fyftem of freedom, with blood
and (laughter. So far from this, that amid ft a vio-
lent oppofition to one another, they were all agreed,
that the war fhould be carried on with unceafing
vigour againft Greatbritain ; but that no other vvar
fhould be permitted to exifl in the country.
But although all parties had cautioufly avoided
enkindling a civil war in their country, they had
been hurried into great miflakes and errors. The
people of Vermont had no idea of oppofing the
government of Newyork, until the governor and
council of that province had proceeded to make new
grants of their lands, which they had bought under
the royal grants, and fubdued by extreme labour and
hardfhip. To relinquifh all their property, to re-
duce themfelves and families to a ftate of beggary,
and fubmit to have all the profit of the labour and
fufFerings of their whole lives wantonly taken from
them, and given to others ; there was an infolence
and cruelty in this kind of oppreffion, to which they
ought
3o8 the NATURAL and CIVIL
ought not to have fubmitted, fo long as it was in
their power to prevent it. Inftead of being foften-
ed, the iniquity of this oppreffion was increafed, by
its being committed under the oftentatious authori-
ty of the king, the law, and the government of New-
york. The iettlers certainly did right in oppofing
iucli pretentions, and proceedings. They felt with
an irrefiftible evidence, that the natural rights, of
men, were of an higher original, and of a more fa-
cred authority, than the variable decifions of a Brit-
ain king, or the rapacious views of a provincial gov-
ernor, and council : Such oppofition to thefe pro-
ceedings, as was neceffary in order to be effectual,
was undoubtedly juftifiable by the law of nature and
nations. — But Vermont was not without error, in
iufFering the fixteen towns from Newhampfhire, to
join with her. This was opening the door to irreg-
ularity, and confufion; and in the event, was of
more difadvantage, than benefit ; and ought, in the
firft inftance, to have been prevented. But when
jNewhampfhire and Newyork were aiming to divide
the whole territory of Vermont between them, Ver-
mont was not blameable for defending herfelf by the
fame policy, and receiving their towns and fettle-
ments into her confederation.
Newyork had a proper right to claim the jurifdic-
tion of the whole territory, which the royal decifion
Jiad afligned to her, in 1764: And had fhe been
content with this, there never would have been any
controverfy about the matter. Her great error was
in regranting the lands, and ejecting the fettlers from
the eftates, which they had honeflly bought before
of the highefl Britifh authority ; and made valuable
by their labour, fufferings, and hardfhips. It is
true, the proceedings of Newyork were all agreeable
to the forms of their laws : Inftead of being a jufti-
iication of thofe proceedings, the abufe and cruelty
fcecame greater from this circumftance ; for injufticei
is
HISTORY of VERMONT. 309
is moft of all odious, when it is calmly and deliber.
ately done, under the colours of law and govern-
ment.— Under the royal governments fuch proceed-
ings had not been altogether uncommon, nor was it
in the power of the people to prevent them : But
when the people had taken the powers of govern-
ment into their own hands, thele errors certainly
ought to have been corrected. A perfeverance in
the fame error, feems to have rendered the claims of
Newyork, difagreeabletoCongrefs; and in the event,
united the public opinion, in oppofition to her
claims, and in favour of thofe of Vermont.
Newhampfhire had jufl occafion for offence, at
the proceedings of her citizens, in the feceding
towns ; and with the government of Vermont, for
receiving them into her confederation. But there
was not, either found policy, or any advantage, in
extending her claim over the whole territory : No
colour of title, or any pretence of right, could be
found for fuch a claim ; and the defign of it was
perfectly well underftood.
How far Congrefs was forced to adopt an evafive
policy, by the ciicumftances of the war, it may be
difficult for thofe who were not in the cabinet, to
determine. Her great bufinefs, undoubtedly was to
preferve peace and union among the dates ; and to
prevent their contentions, from injuring the common
caufe. This end was effected : But it does not feem
to have been produced by the policy of Congrefs,
but by the virtue of the people. The meafures of
Congrefs relpecling the controverfies of Vermont
with Newfaampfliire and Newyork, ferved rather to
difpleafe all parties, than to fatisfy any. Such was
their uncertainty, their contradictory, and evafive
nature, that when the dangers occafioned by the war
were removed, the people of Vermont had very lit-
tle defire or inclination to be much connected with
Congrefs, It was not until more fteadinefs, vigour,
and
3io this NATURAL and CIVIL
and ability, appeared in the federal government,
that the people were willing to be brought into the
American union.
Amidft the errors and evils which attended thefe
controverfies, they were found to produce fome good
efFecls. They ferved to exercife and draw forth abil-
ities and powers, which proved of great fervice to
their country, when they came to be employed in
the grand conteft with Britain. They led the peo-
ple to acquire jufl fentiments of the rights of men,
and of the nature, importance, and extent of govern-
ment. At that period, every thing in America
feemed to operate, to promote political knowledge.
The principles of civil liberty, which were but im-
perfectly confidered in the writings of L,ocke, Syd-
ney, and Montefquieu, occurred every moment to
the views and feelings of the whole body of the peo-
ple : In (lead of being any longer barely the difcov-
eries of a few enlightened philosophers, they became
the prevailing fentiments of the whole body of the
American citizens : And from that period untii now,
they have been conftantly operating to produce a
more natural form of government, a more perfect
.fyftem of freedom, and a more flourifhing fta-te of
fociety in America, than ever had been known before,
among all the allocations of men.
CHAP,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 31*
CHAP. XII.
State of Society. — The Employments of the Peo*
pie : Agriculture, Manufactures, Hunting, Commerce-
ike Prof is of Labour.
IN the natural conftitution of mana
the author of nature feems to have eftablifhed the
limits, below, and above which, the human race can-
not be found. Somewhere within thefe limits, every
nation will take its place : But where, depends chief-
ly upon the ftate of fociety. It fhould feem that
feveral of the nations of the earth, are yet near the
ultimate point of depreflion ; and have been fo, from
time immemorial. But what is the ultimate point
of perfection to which men may rife, we cannot de-
termine. The many and great imperfections, which
attend the ftate of fociety in every nation, feem to
denote that none of them have as yet, made very
near approaches to it.
The caufes which produce the degradation, or the
fuperiority of one nation to another, will always be
found in thofe things, which have the greateft effect,
in confltituting their ftate of fociety. Among thefe,
the employments of the people, their manners and
cuitoms, their religion, their government, their pop-
ulation, and the degree of freedom which they en-
joy, will always be among the capital articles. A
juft deicription of thefe, would afford a proper ac-
count of the ftate of fociety, in this part of America,,
EMPLOYMENTS
312 T the NATURAL and CIVIL
EMPLOYMENTS of the PEOPLE.
Agriculture. — The body of the people in
Vermont are engaged in agriculture. In a new
country where the fettlements are yet to be made,
agriculture puts on a very different appearance from
that, which it bears in the ancient and well cultivat-
ed fettlements. There, the bufinefs is to cultivate
and improve the farms, which have been already
greatly improved : To increafe the produce, by the
application of more labour and cultivation, and thus
to derive a greater profit from the land. In anew
fettlement, the firll bufinefs of the hufbandman is
to cut down the woods, to clear up the lands, to fow
them with grain, to erecl; the neceffary buildings,
and open the roads ; and thus to connect and form a
communication between the fcattered fettlements9
and make the moil of his labour. — Amidft the hard
living 3nd hard labour, that attends the forming a
new fettlement, the fettler has the moll flattering
profpetls and encouragements. One hundred acres
of land in a new town, does not generally coft him
more than he can fpare from the wages of one or
two years. Befides maintaining himfelf, the profits
of his labour will generally enable a young man, in
that period of time, to procure himfelf fuch a tract
of land. — When he comes to apply his labour to his
own land, the produce of it become;; extremely prof-
itable. The firft crop of wheat will fully pay him
for all the expenle he has been at, in clearing up3
fowing, and fencing his 'and ; and at the fame time,
increafes the value of the land, eight or ten times the
original coil. In this way, every day's labour fpent
in clearing up his land, receives high wages in the
grain which it procures, and adds at the fame time
a quantity of improved land to the farm. An acre
of laud which in its natural (late, cofi him perhaps
the
HISTORY of VERMONT. 313
the half of one day's labour, is thus in one year made of
that value, (hat it will afterwards annually produce him
from fifteen to twenty five bufhels of wheat ; or other
kinds of produce, of equal value. In this way, the
profits attending labour on a new fettlement, are the
greateft that ever can take place in agriculture %
the labourer conftantly receiving double wages. He
receives high wages in the produce of his corn or
wheat j and he receives much higher wages of anoth-
er kind* in the annual addition of a new tract of cul*
tivated land tohisfarm. This double kind of wages,
nature with great benevolence and defign, has afiign-
ed to the man of induftry, when he is firft making
a fettlement in the uncultivated parts of America :
And in two or three years* he acquires a very com-
fortable and independent fubfiftence for a family, de-
rived from no other fourcc but the earth, and his
own induftry.
In every country, agriculture ought to be efteem^
ed, as the mod neceflary and ufeful profeflion. The
food and the raiment by which all orders of men are
fupported, mud be derived from the earth. Agri-
culture is the art, by which this is effected j and of
confequence the art which fupports, fupplies, and
maintains all the reft. It ought therefore to be ef-
teemed the primary* the fundarilentai, and the moil
efiential art of all ; that which deferves the firft and
the greateft confideration, and encouragement. —
The wealth drawn fforit agriculture, is permanent
and durable ; not fubjeel to the uncertainties attends
ing that, which is derived from commerce • and not
dependent upon the inclinations, the difpofitions, or
the regulations of other kingdoms and countries*
The people that thus live by their own agriculture*
are independent of other nations, and need not be af-
fected by their wars, revolutions, or convuifions ;
but may always have the means of fupport and inde-
Q^q pendence,
314 the NATURAL and CIVIL
pendence, among themfelves. While they havethsS
which is drawn from the cultivation of the land, they
will have every thing that nature and louety can
need, or have made valuable.
The other profeflions, thofe efpecially of the lib-
eral arts, are of great utility, and of high importance,
and they are what fociety could not flourilh without.
But (hey derive their importance and utility from the
imperfections of man., and of fociety ; .ind do not of
themfelves, add any thing to the wealth of nations.
The phyfician, the lawyer, the divine, the fUtelman,
and the philofopher, are engaged in employments of
great utility to mankind. But there is not one of
them, that adds any thing to the wealth and property
of the community : They mud all derive their lup-
port, from the cultivation of the land. Of all aits
and profeflions then, agriculture ought to be cftet til-
ed the moft ufeful, and the moft important. It is
the art which produceth, and nounihes all the reft.
The other arts teach how to prelerve the health, the
property, and the morals of men ; to enlarge their
underftandinss. and to give a rigjit direction to their
npinds : But this provides food, raiment, and iapport
for them all,
In no way, has the glory of nations been more cx«
panded, than by their attainments and difcovenes in
icience. The matnematicians have meafured, atid
fettled the dimenhons of (he folar fyftem : But the
new fetckr, has in facl, enlarged the hounds of the
habitable creation. The philosophers have expand-
ed our minds with the ideas, and evidence, thae the
other planers are inhabited ; but thehmpleand hon-
irmer, has made the earth the place for more in-
habitants than it ever had before. And while the
aftronomers are lbjufily celebrating the dilcoveries, •
a. id the new planet of Herfchel, all mankind fhould
rejoice j that the fmiple peafant in the wik!ernefsa
has
HISTORY of VERMONT. 315
lias found out a way, to make our planet bear more
men.
Tbofe employments which are the mod neceffary,
and the mod ufeful to men, feem to be the moll
nearly connected with morality and virtue. Agri-
cultuue appears to be more nearly allied to this, than
any of the arts. The man that is conftan'ly pur-
fuing the bufinefs, which nature hasaffigned lo him,
feems to have but little to corrupt him. In the
many hi (lories of corruption, there ivS not any ac-
count, that the body of the hufbandmen ever be-
came a corrupt, venal, and debauched generation.
They mud fird be led to defert their employment.';,
or they mud be blinded and deceived, before they
can be made fit tools for politicians to corrupt, and
manage. Their profeflion tends to render them an
induftrious, hardy, incorrupted, and honed iet of
men. It is never in the body of the hufbandmen,
but among the (peculators, politicians, and leaders
of mobs, that we look for a fettled trade, and high
attainments, in venality and corruption.
Manu f act u res. — Next to agriculture, the chief
fource of employment is manufactures. Thefe are
chiefly of the domejiic kind, defigned to procure
clothing for families. In no part of the TJniied
States, does the farmer meet with more fuccefs in
railing fheep. The climate agrees well with the
breed of fheep, that is fpread over the territory :
And the richnefs of the paftures, in new fettlements,
gives an extraordinary fweetnefs to the meat, and
richnefs to the fleece. It is not uncommon for a
fheep of two or three years old to weigh one hun-
dred and twenty pounds, and to afford three or four
pounds of wool. And from the wool of their own
raifing, the bigger part of the farmers manufa6ture
the woolens, which are ufed in their families. In
no places does flax fucceed better, than on the new
lands. The common produce from one acre, is
from
3iS the NATURAL and CIVIL
from four to five hundred pounds. Every family
raifes a quantity of flax, and carries on a fmall man-
ufacture of linen. Thefe domeftic manufactures,
are of the highefb importance to the people. When
the country {hall be well fettled, wool and flax will
become two of its mod capital productions. At
prefent, there is not enough of either annually pro-
duced, to fupply the inhabitants.
Great advantages may be derived to the ftate,
from the manufatiurts cf iron. Large quantities of
iron ore are found in feveral of the towns, on the
weft fide of the green mountains. Tinmouthj Rut-
land, Pittsford, and Shoreham, contain great quan-
tities. The ore in thefe towns is of a reddifh kind,
.mixed with earth tindlured with yellow ore. It
melts eafily, and produces from one feventh to one
fourth of iron. The iron is moftly of the coldftiire
kind, works eafily, and makes excellent nails. The
principal part of the ore that has hitherto been ufed
in this ftate, has been brought from a mountain on
the wtrft fide of Lake Champlain, about four miles
north of Crown Point. This ore is of a black,
heavy kind j moftly iron, mixed with a grey flint-
Hone. The iron in this ore, appears in large grains,
i'ome of them nearly as large as a pea : Thefe grains
appear to be of pure iron. Some of this ore is fo
peculiarly rich, that when it is well managed, it will
yield four fevenths of pure iron ; but is exceeding
hard to melt. When the ore is well worked, it pro-
duces the beft iron for chains, horfe fhoes, nails, &c.
and fuch matters as are drawn lengthways. When
applied to ufes which require plaiting widthways, it
does not anfwer fo good a purpofe j though it is
neither coldfhire, nor redfhire. The fame kind of
ore is found in many of the mountains, on the weft
fide of the Lake, as far fouth as its waters extend. —
A. country thus abounding with the richeft kind of
iron ore, naturally invites the fettlers to the iron
manufactures.
HISTORY 0? VERMONT. 317
manufactures. And they have already (1792)
erected feveral forges, and furnaces. In Bennington
county they have one forge ; in Rutland county
fourteen ; in Addifon county four ; and in Chitten-
den county two. In addition to which three fur-
naces are alio erected, in the county of Rutland.
From thefe works, large quantities of bar iron are
annually produced. The manufacture of nails is
already become common, and profitable ; and every
other branch of the iron manufacture, muft foon
be (0. — Thefe manufactures, like every thing elfe
in the new fettlements, are as yet in their infancy.
But if we may judge from the plenty, or the eafe
and cheapnefs, with which an immenfe quantity of
the beft kind of iron ore may be procured, we fhall
be apt to conclude that nature hasdefigned this part
of the United Slates, to be the feat of very flounfh-
ing manufactures of every thing that can be made of
iron, or fleei.
The manufacture of pot and pearl ajhts, is flill
more extenfive, and ufeful. The immenle quantity
of wood, with which the country is every where cov-
ered, may fupply any quantity of afhes for this pur-
pole : And the greatefl economy takes place in col-
lecting the afhes, made either by culinary fires, or
thofe which are defigned to burn up the wood,
where the inhabitants are^clearing the lands. In al-
moft every new fettlement, one of the firft attempts^
is to erect works for the pot and pearl afh manufac-
ture : And there are probably as many works of
this kind, as there are fettled towns in the date.
The bufinefs is every where well understood ; and
there is no better pot or pearl afhes made in any
part of America, than that which is produced in
Vermont. It has hitherto taken fiom four hundred
and fifty to four hundred and eighty bufhels of afhes,
to make one ton of pot afh. Conftant attempts are
UQYf nude, to find out a way of extracting more of
the
318 the NATURAL and CIVIL
the falts from the afhes, than has been heretofore
done by the common method of bleaching ; and al-
io to extract more falts from the afhes, which have '
been thrown aflde as ufelefs. Flattering profpects
feem to have attended fome chymical experiments of
this kind ; and improvements have been made in
the method of conftructing the woiks for the pot
afh. But much further improvements are neceffary,
before thcfe imperfect attempts, can be of any very
valuable ufe to the manufacturer.— The quantity of
pot and pearl afhes, which is annually made in Ver-
mont, cannot be exactly ftated. From the bell ac-
counts I could procure, in the year 1791, the quan-
tity might be eflimated at about one thouland tons :
Piobably this may be near the truth. But whatev-
er may be the quantity produced at prefent, it is
rapidly increafing • and probably wilt for fever al
years, bear fome proportion to the increafe of the
inhabitants. As the mountains will not fail to iup-
ply wood for this manufacture, for centuries yet to
come, it feems that Vermont will be one of the
dates, in which this manufacture will be attended
with its greateft perfection and profit.
The manufacture of maple Jugar is alfo an article
of great importance to the ffate. Perhaps two
thirds of the families are engaged in this bu fine fs in
the fpring, and they make more fugar than is ufed
among the people. Confiderable quantities are car-
ried to the fhopkeepers ; which always find a ready
Jale, an:l good pay. — The bufinefs is now carried on,
under the greateft: difadvantages : Without proper
conveniences, rniiruments, or works ; (olely by the
exertions of private families, in the wood.;, and with-
out any other conveniences than one or two iron
kettles, the large fl of which will not hold more than
four or five pailfulls. Under all thefe difadvantages,
it is common for a family to make two or three hun-
-dred pounds of maple fugar» in three or four weeks.
This
HISTORY of VERMONT. 319
This manufaclure is capable of great improvements.
The country abounds with an immenfe number of
the fugar maple trees. The largeft of thefe trees
are five and an half or fix feet in diameter ; and will
yield five gallons of lap in one day; and from
twelve to fifteen pounds of fugar, during the feafon.
The younger and fmaller trees afford fap or juice,
in a (fill greater proportion. Were the workmen
furniihed with proper apparatus and works, to coi-
led and boil the juice, the quantity of fugar might
be increased, during the time of making of it, in al-
moft any proportion : And it might become an ar-
ticle of much importance, in the commerce of the
country. — I have never tafted any better fugar, than
what has been made from the maple, when it has
been properiy refined ; it has a peculiarly rich, fa-
Iubiious, and pleafant tafte. But it is generally
made under fo many unfavourable circumftances,
that it appears for the moft part, rough, coarfe, and
dirty; and frequently burnt, fmoaky, or greafy, when
it is fir ft made. — In one circumftance only, does na-
ture feem to have let bounds to this manufacture,
and that is with refpeft to time. It is only during
four or five weeks in the fpring, that the juice can
be collected. While the trees are frozen at night,
and thawed in the day, the fap runs plentifully : But
as foon as the buds come on, the fap ceafes to flow
in luch a manner, as that it can any longer be col-
lecied. — We cannot determine with much accuracy
what quantity of this fugar is annually made in the
ftate. In the town of Cavendifh, in the fpring of
the year 1794, the quantity made by eighty three
families, w^s fourteen thoufand and eighty pounds.
If the families in the other towns manufacture in
the fame proportion, there muft be above one thou-
fand tons annually made in Vermont.
Several difiilleries have of late been ere£led in this
ftate, The objed of them is to make fach fpirituous
liquors,
32o the NATURAL and CIVIL
liquors, 33 can be extracted from grain. Confideriflg
the large quantities of wheat, rye, and barley, that
are railed in the country, it Terms probable that thefe
diflillerics will foon be in a flourishing ftate. All
kinds of grain are raifed fo eafily upon our lands,
and in fuch quantities, that the farmer can find no
fale, and has no ufe for them. They might imme-
diately be raifed to double their prefent quantity, if
there was any demand for them. The diftilleries
have met with good luccefs in their attempts to make
gin. And nothing feems wanting, but time, and ex-
perience, to produce large quantities of all thofe
fpirits, that can be produced from grain. As yet
thefe woiks are in their infancy ; probably they will
become a lucrative branch of bufinefs to their own-
ers, and of very confiderable advantage to the ftate.
Hunting. — Hunting was formerly a bufinefs,
which was much purfued, and attended with confid-
erable profit in this ftate. The country, in its early -
ftate, abounded with moore, deer, beais, foxes,
wolves, rabbits, martins, Sec In the lakes and
creeks, there were large numbers of beaver, otter,
mufkrats, and minks. The flefn of fome of thefe an-
imals, and the furs of all of them, proved a lucrative
branch of bufinefs to fome of the firft fettlers. But
as the fettlements increafe, the wild animals difap-
pear, and in a few years they will be fcarcely to be
found at all. At prefent the peltry may amount to
one or two thoufand pounds per annum ; but it has
aim oft ccafed to be attended with a profit, adequate
to the ■ cxpenfe.
Commerce. — Commercial concerns afford em-
ployment for a confiderable number of people*
This branch of bufinefs is wholly confined to the
adjacent parts of the country : Pait of it is carried
on with Connecticut, part with M affachufetts, a con-
fiderable part with the province of Canada, but much
the large ft part with Ncwyork. The articles tha*
HISTORY of VERMONT. 3it
are brought into the ftate are chiefly rum, wines, bran-
dy,andgin: Coarfe linens and woolens, and the various
articles of cheap clothing : Tea, coffee, chocolate,
and all the articles neceffary for building, which are
not yet produced in the country. The exports are
grain of all kinds, bar iron, and nails : Pot and pearl
a£hes ; beef, pork, live cattle, horfes ; lumber, pelt-
ry, fome flax, and maple fugar.— The amount of
the commerce of an inland country, cannot be very
accurately afcertained ; nor have we any way to de-
termine, what quantity of goods are annually brought
into the ftate; or to what value, the remittances an-
nually amount. — The trade itfelf has been of great
advantage, in promoting the fettlement of the coun-
try ; but the carriage of the articles, being chiefly
by land, and through long and bad roads, has been
attended with great expenfe ; and has much pre-
vented the railing of wheat, and other kinds of grain,
The natural channels into which the trade of Ver-
mont will refolve itfelf, will be a water carriage upon
Connecticut river ; and through Lake Champlain,
down the rivers of Hudfon, and St. Lawrence. As
vigorous attempts are now making, to render all
thefe waters better fuited to the purpofes of naviga-
tion, the time cannot be far diftant, when commerce
(hall be more eafily carried on, become much ir.»
creafed, and be attended with much greater advan*
tages to the ftate.
In any of thefe employments, the labourer has the
profpecl of acquiring not only a very comfortable
living, but fufficient property to maintain a family.
The price of labour will always bear a proportion
to the profits it will produce, and to the demand
which there is for it. In a new country every one
that can perform a day's work, will find employ-
ment in any part of the country. In agriculture,
the labourer can procure feventy dollars a year lor
work i equiHii value to one hundred and twen-
R r tv
0
.2 the NATURAL and CIYFL
ty bufhels of wheat. In the bufy feafons of ths
vear, the common price of a day's labour is half a
dollar ; in winter not more than half this fum. All
kinds of labour arc in the ufual proportion to chat of
agriculture. — Of thefe wages it will take twenty dol-
lars, to procure comfortable clothing ; the remain-
der the labourer is able to referve for other purpofcs,
Thus by labouring for another for two or three
years, the labourer becomes independent, and woiki
afterwards upon his own land or Mock.
The writers upon political economy in Europe,
are constantly mentioning the great advantages which
accrue to trade and commerce, from an extreme
cheapnefs of labour. The beneficial effects that
would arife from it in America, would be no com-
penfation for the difadvahtages that would attend it.
It would not be any advantage to the country, to
carry on any branch of bufinels, which would not
fupport itfelf, and pay well for the labour. Lead
of all would it be of any public benefit, to have
the profits of the labour of many, centre in the
hands of a few wealthy men. This would reduce the
body of the people to poverty, dependence, and ve-
nality ; and introduce all that endlefs confufion of
Jaws for the fupport of the poor, which has perplexed
all the wealthy parts of Europe, for more than a cen-
tury. Thofe laws, with their perpetual alterations,
plainly denote that the difficulty does not admit any
remedy from the ordinary com fe of law. — In every
country, in which the Mate of fociety is fuch, that the
labourers have the profpecr. and the hope of acquir-
ing property, that body of men are as active, enter-
prifing, and economical, as any other order in ~ the
ftate. Take from them, under any pretence, the
proper profits of labour, and all profpect and hope
of acquiring eafe and property by it, and the Euro-
pean confequences will follow : The poor will every
where abound, the wealthy muff maintain them, and
both
HISTORY of VERMONT. 323
both will be difTatisfied : Speculators will be per-
petually propoflng new laws, and the more the laws
are multiplied, the worfe will be the condition of the
poor, and the greater will be the expenfe of the rich.
This will be the unavoidable confequence, when the
wealth of a nation has puffed into the hands of a
few men : Or when the body of the workmen, in>
Head of labouring upon their own property, continue
to ferve uader a matter.
C II A P.
324 the NATURAL and CIVIL
C H A P. XIII.
State of Society. — Cujioms and Manners : Edu-
cation, early Marriages, Aftivity^ Equality, Eccx-
omy, and Bojptality of the People.
X HE cuftorns and manners of na-
tions are derived from defcent, Gtuation, employ-
ment, and all thofe regulations which have an influ-
ence upon the ilate of the people ; and they ferve
better than other circumftances to afcertain the char-
acter of nations, and to denote the (late of fociety
at any given period in their hiftory. — The cuftorns
and manners of the people of Vermont, are princi-
pally derived from the people of Newengland, from
whom they are defcended : But in a few particulars
they have received a direction, from the ftate of fo-
ciety which takes place among the fettlers in a new
country.
Education. — Among the cuftorns which are
univerfal among the people, in all parts of the
flate, one that fcems worthy of remark, is, the atten-
tion that is paid to the education of children. The
aim of the parent, is not fo much to have his children
acquainted with the liberal arts and fciences ; but to
have them all taught to read with eafe and proprie-
ty ; to write a plain and legible hand ; and to have
them acquainted with the rules of arithmetic, fo far
as fhall be neceiTary to carry on any of the moft com-
mon and neceflary occupations of life. All the chil-
dren are trained up to this kind of knowledge : They
*re
HISTORY or VERMONT, 3:5
are accuftomed from their carlieft years to read the
Holy Scriptures, the periodical publications, newfpa-
pers, and political pamphlets ; to form fome general
acquaintance with the laws of their country, the pro-
ceedings of the courts of juftice, of the general af-
fembly of the ftate, and of the Congrefs, Sec. Such
a kind of education is common and univerfal in ev-
ery part of the ftate : And nothing would be more
di (honourable to the parents, or to the children, than
to be without it. One of the firft things the new
fettlers attend to, is to procure a fchoolrnafter to in-
ftrucr. their children in the arts of reading, writing,
and arithmetic : And where they are not able to pro-
cure or to hire an inftrucror, the parents attend to
it themfelves, No greater misfortune could attend
a child, than to arrive at manhood unable to read,
write, and keep fmall accounts : He is viewed as un-
fit for the common bufinefs of the towns and plan-
tations, and in a ftate greatly inferiour to his neigh-
bours. Every confederation joins to prevent fo de-
graded and mortifying a ftate, by giving to every one
the cuftomary education, and advantages. — This
cuftom was derived from the people of Newengland;
and has acquired greater force in the new fettlements,
where the people are apprehenfive their children
will have lefs advantages, and of confequence, not
appear equal to the children in the older towns.-—
No cuftom was ever better adapted to private, or
public good. Such kind of education and knowl-
edge, is of more advantage to mankind, than all the
fpeculations,dilputes, and diftin6lions,that metaphyf-
ics, logic, and fcholaftic theology, have ever pro-
duced. In the plain common good fenfe, promoted
by the one, virtue, utility, freedom, and public hap-
pinefs, have their foundations. In the ufelefs fpec-
ulations produced by the other, common fenfe is loft,
folly becomes refined, and the ufeful branches of
knowledge are darkened, and forgot.
Early
3a§ the NATURAL and CIVIL
Early Marriages. — Another cuflom, which
every thing tends to introduce in a new country, is
early marriage. Trained up to a regular induftry
and economy the young people grow up to maturi-
ty, in all the vigour of health, and bloom of natural
beauty. Not enervated by idlenefs, weakened by
luxury, or corrupted by debauchery, the inclinations
of nature are directed towards their proper object?,
at an early period ; and affume the direction, which
nature and fociety defigned they fhould have. The
eafe with which a family may be maintained, and
the wiihes of parents to fee their children fettled in
the way of virtue, reputation, and felicity, are cir-
cumftances, which alio ftrongly invite to an early
fettlement in life. The virtuous affections arc not
corrupted nor retarded by the pride of :' families, the
ambition of orientation, or the idle notions of u'elelf.
and dangerous dittinctions, under the name of hon-
our and titles. Neither parents nor children have
any other profpects, than what are founded upon
induftry, economy, and virtue. — Where every cir-
cumftance thus concurs to promote early marriages,
the practice becomes univerfal, and it generally takes
place, as loon as the laws of fociety fuppole the
young people of fufficient age and difcretion to tranl-
act the bufinefs of life. — It is not neceflary to enu-
merate the many advantages, that arife from this
cuftoin of early marriages. They comprehend all
that fociety can receive from this fource ; from the
prefervation, and increafe of the human race. Ev-
ery thing ufeful and beneficial to man, feems to be
connected with obedience to the laws of his nature :
And where the (late of fociety coincides with the
Jaws of nature, the inclinations, the duties, and the
happinefs of individuals, refolve themfelves into cuf-
toms and habits, favourable, in the higheft degree,
10 fociety. In no cafe is this more apparent, than"
in the cufloms of nations refpecting marriage. When
wealth,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 327
wealth, or the imaginary honour of families, is the
great object, marriage becomes a matter of trade,
pride, and form ; in which affection, virtue, and hap-
pinefs, are not confultcd ; from which the parties
derive no felicity, and fociety receives no advantage.
But where nature leads the way, all the lovely train
of virtues, domeflic happinefs, and the greateft of
all public benefits, a rapid population, are found to
be the fruit.
Activity and Enterprize. — A fpirit of ac-
tivity and enterprize is every where found in a new
ftate. Depending upon their own induftry, and
having nothing to expect, from fpeculation and gam-
ing in public funds, or from the errors or vices of
government, the views of the people are directed to
their own employments and bufinefs, as the only
probable method of acquiring fubfiftence, and eftate.
Hence arifes a fpirit of univerfal activity, and en*
terprize in bufinefs. No other purfuits or profpects
are fuffered to divert their attention • for there is
nothing to be acquired in any other way. Neither
begging, or gaming, or trading upon public funds,
meafures, and management, can be profitable em-
ployments to the people who live at a diftance from
wealthy cities, and the feat of government. The
only profitable bufinefs, is to purfue their own pro-
feffion and calling. — To this purfuit their views be-
come directed j and here, their activity and enter-
prize become remarkable. No difficulty or hard-
ship fecm to difcourage them : And the perfeverance
of a few years generally ferves to overcome the ob»
flacles, that lay in their way at firft. It is only thofe
who are of this enterprifing fpirit, who venture to
try their fortunes in the woods j and in a few years,
it generally raifes them into eafy and comfortable
drcumftances, — To the rnofl eflentiai and neceffary
duties of man, heaven has annexed immediate and
;r,portar.t bkfjings, The people thus active, labo-
rious
328 tue NATURAL and CIVIL
rious, and perpetually in hard exertions, are defti-
tute of many of the conveniences of life ; and of
what, in every populous city, would be eftcemed
its neccflaries. Can their health and fpnits remain
unimpaired, arnidfl this fcene of hard living, and
hard labour ? Will they not wafte away thus labour-
ing in the woods, without good living, -able phyfi-
cians, and the advantages of medicine ? So far fioin
it, that no people have fo few difeafes, multiply i'o
fall, or fuffer fo little from ficknefs. Temperance
and labour do more for them, than art and medicine
can do for others. The diforders which wear away
the inhabitants of wealthy cities, are almoft unknown
in the woods. Very few die, but under the una-
voidable decays of nature; and the deaths are to
the births, in no higher a piopoition than 1 to
4,8. Unacquainted with the improvements which
are made in the medical art in Europe, the people
of the new fettlemcnts neither know the names of the
difeafes, or their remedies ; nor Hand in any need
of their difcoveries, or prefcriptions. The benevo-
lent Author of Nature has annexed that health to their
temperance, induftry, and activity, which is never
found in drugs, medicines, or any attainments of
art. And while the people are thus active and in-
duftrious in performing their duty, the property and
health of individuals, and the profperity of the (late,
are all found to flourifli together.
Equality. — The nearefl equality that ever can
*akc place among-men, will alfo be found among the
inhabitants of a new country. When a number of
men are engaged in the fame employments and pur-
fuits, and have all of them to depend upon their own
labour and induftry for their fuppoit, their fituation,
view*i and manners, will be nearly the fame ; the
way to (ubfiRence, to eate, and independence, being
the fame to all. In tbii (tage of fociety the neareft
tonality will tak? place, that ever can fubfift among
met
HISTORY of VERMONT. 329
men. But this equality will be nothing more than,
an equality of rights; and a fimilarity of employ-
ment, fituation, purfuit, and intereft. In a new-
country this fimilarity will be fo great, as to form a
near refemblance of manners and character ; and to
prevent any v^ry great inequalities of privilege frorri
taking place in fociety, either from rank, offices of
government, or any other caufe.— ~But nothing ever
did, or ever Can produce an equality of power, ca-
pacity, and advantages, in the focial, or in any other
ftate of man. By making men very unequal in their
powers and capacities, nature has effectually pre-
vented this. The whole race refemble one another
in the make and form of their bodies ; in their orig-
inal appetites, paflions, and inclinations ; in reafon,
underftanding, and the moral fenfe, Sic. But in thefe
refpects it is fimilitude, not equality, which nature
has produced. To fome, the Author of Nature has
afligned fuperiour powers of the mind, a ftrength of
reafon and difcernment, a capacity of judging, and
a genius for invention, which are not given to oth-
ers. To others, the Deity has afligned a ftrength,
vigour, and firmnefs of conftitution, by which the
bodily powers are more favoured in one, than in ar»
ether. Caufes thus natural and original, will be
followed with their natural and proper effects. Su-
periour v/ifdom and abilities, v/ill have fuperiour in-
fluence and effect in fociety. Superiour ftrength
and activity of body, will alfo have advantages pe-
culiar to themfelves. In making thefe natural dis-
tinctions, nature evidently defigned to qualify men
for different attainments, and employments. And
while (he gave to all the nature and the rights of
man, fhe afligned to fome a capacity and a power,
(0 make a much more uieful improvement and ex-
<rnfe of that nature, and of thofe rights, than fhe ha'S
-iven to other?, — Thus a ftate of nature is itfeif a
focteifVj or at leaf} naturally tends to produce
S f it.
330 the NATURAL and CIVIL
it. And in the earlieft ftages of fociety, all tha&
equality will take place among mankind, which is
confident with it. Placed in a fituation nearly fim-
ilar, the employments, views, and purfuits of ths
people, become nearly the fame. The diflinchons
derived from birth, blood, hereditary titles and hon-
ours, and a difference of rights and privileges, are
either unknown or refolve themfelves into nothing,
among a people in fuch a fituation ; in every view,
they ceafe to be of any ufe or importance to them.
Their fituation naturally leads them to difcern the
tendencies,, and defigns of nature. They all fesl
that nature has made them equal in refpeft to their
rights; or rather that nature has given to them a
common and an equal right to liberty, to property,
and to fafety •, fp juftice, government, laws, religion,
and freedom. They all lee that nature has made
them very unequal in refpec*t to their original pow-
ers-, capacities, and talents. They become united in
claiming and in prelerving the equality, which na-
ture has afligned to them ; and in availing themfelves
of the benefits, which are defigned, and may be de-
rived from the inequality, which nature has alio ef-
fabliflied. Wherever a number of people are en-
gaged in a common, economical, laborious purfuit
of fubfiftence, property, and fecurity ; fuch views of
their equality, and rights, immediately occur to their
winds 3 they are eafilv diicerned, and they are per-
fecily well under flood.
Economy. — Every thing in the fituation and'
employments of the people, in a new country, will
naturally tend to produce economy. There are no
3-irgc e flutes, or cultivated farms, prepared before-
hand for the heir. Every thing for food, raiment,
and convenience, mull be procured by the labour
and induftry of the planter ; and it is not without
much difficulty and hardfhip, that the people can
procure the neceilaiies of life at fir ft, or the conve-
niences
HISTORY of VERMONT. 331
*iiences of it afterwards. What is thus procured
with labour and difficulty, will be ufed with pru-
dence and economy. The cuftom will not be to
fall into fcenes of expenfive entertainments, amufe-
ment, and diffipation : But to provide for the calls
and demands of nature, to preferve the health and
vigour of the body, and to be able to raife up and
fupport a family. And this will of courfe, intro-
duce a fteady regard to economy, in all their ex-
pen fcs, habits, and cuftoms. — The influence that
this has on the affairs of individuals, and on the
ftate of locicty, is every where apparent. No fuch
degrees of wealth can ever exift in any place, as (hall
be equal to the demands of luxury. And where
cuftom has introduced a habit of living and expenfe,
above the annual income, dependence, venality, and
corruption, with conftant want and diftrefs, is the
never failing conference. But the moft pernicious
of all the effects of luxury, is the degradation it
brings on the nature of man. It deOroys the vig-
our and powers of men, and by conftantly enfeeb-
ling the body and mind, feems to reduce them to a
lower order of beings. The body, weakened by ex-
ceflive indolence and indulgence, lofes health, vig-
our, and beauty, and becomes fubjecl to a thoufand
emaciating pains and maladies. The mind, fubdu-
ed by indolence and inactivity, fcarcely retains its
rational powers ; and becomes weak, languid, and
incapable of manly exertions, or attainments. To a
flate thus degraded, efFeminate, and unmanly, lux-
ury frequently reduces thofe, who bear the remains
of the human form. Political writers have frequent-
ly argued that luxury was of real fervice to the na-
tions of Europe ; that it tended to find employments
for the poor, and was neceflary to keep the money
in circulation. This reafoning cannot be contra-
dicted : But it fuppofes the ftate of fociety to be ef-
fentially bad ; and that it cannot be fupported but
by
332 the NATURAL and CIVIL
by the management, operations, and balance of
vices. In fuch a ftate or fociety, luxury is certainly
a benefit : And the higheft degree cf it, would be
the greateft benefit of all. It would be the beft
thing that could happen in fuch a fociety, for the
corrupted venal part to fpend their cftates, by lux-
ury and diffipation, and to have them pafs into oth -
er hands. This would be far better for mankind
than to have them live ufelefs, be conftantly cor-
rupting others, or train up an emaciated feeble race,
degraded by effeminacy and weaknefs, below the
reft of the human race. Whatever might be done
to load fuch with honours, titles, and diftinftions, it
will be impolTible ever to make them men ; or at
lead fuch kind of men, as fhall be upon terms of
equality with the reft of the human race. — Activity,
induftry, and economy, will prevent fuch a race
from appearing, or fuch effects from taking place,
in any of the new ftatcs of America.
Hospitality. — That benevolent friendly dif-
>pofition, which man fhould bear to man, will ap-
pear under different forms, in different ft ages of fo-
ciety. In the fir ft combinations of mankind, when
all are expofed to danger, fufrerings, and want, it
appears in one of its mod amiable forms, and has
been called hofpitality. In this form it exills among
the people who are fubjefted to the common dan-
ger, fatigue, and fufferings, which attend the form-
ing of new fettlements. Feeling every moment
their own wants and dangers, they are led by their
fituation, to aftift each other in their difficulties and
danger. The traveller finds among them, all the
relief their circumftances will enable them to afford
him : And before they are able to ere6f. hou fes for
public entertainment, the ft ranger is fure to find the
beft accommodations, the fituation of private fam-
ilies will admit. — This hofpitable difpofition feems
to be univcrfal, in all the new fettlements : And the
unfortunate
HISTORY of VERMOXL 333
unfortunate and poor man finds a relief from it,
which he never expects to find among a more
wealthy people. No cuilom was ever better adapt-
ed to afford relief to an individual or to promote
the advantage of the fiate. A beggar or robber is
fcarcely ever to be ieen rri a country, where th^re is
nothing to be obtained by the bufinels. The poor
find their relief in labour, and not from a multiplic-
ity of laws, which extract large (urns from others,
but afford iitile Relief to them : And from the prof-
its of their labour, they will foon ceafe to be in dif-
trtfs. Thofe th^t appear to be objects of dillrefs,
are generally fuch in leality : And where the pub-
lic has not been abufed by fuch pretences, few will
be exposed to fuller on fuch accounts. In fuch a
ftate of lociety, hofpitality naturally performs what
it ought to perform : Jt encourages none in idlenefs
and diflipation, but relieves thofe whofe circum-
flances require relief. It provides only for thofe,
who cannot find other refources ; and aims only
to put luch into a fituation, in which they may lup-
port ihemfelves, and be of ufe to the public.
A P
334 the NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. XIV.
State op Society. — Religion : Importance of this
Principle, Danger of any Controul in it, Equality of
all Denominations , Effecl of this Equality , Grants
and Laws for the Support of Religion, Extent of
Religious Liberty, Connexion of Religion with Sci-
ence and Education.
RELIGION is one of thofe con-
cerns, which will always have great influence upon
the ftate of fociety. In our original frame and con-
ftitution, the Benevolent Author of our Natures,
has made us rational and accountable creatures ;
Accountable to ourfelves, to our fellow men, and to
our God. Thefe foundations of religion, are fo
ftrong, and univerfal, that they will not fail to have
an effecl; upon the conduct of every one : And
while fhey thus enter into the feelings and conduct
of all the members, they will unavoidably have a
great influence upon the flare and conduct of focie-
ty. Nor can fociety either fet them afide, or cany
on the public bufinefs without them. Inftead of
this, in one form or another, fociety will be perpet-
ually calling in the aids of religion. When human
declarations and evidence are to receive their high-
eft force, and moft folemn form, or when the mod
important tranfaftions are to be performed, and of-
£ces of the higheft truft and conlequence are com-
mitted
HISTORY o? VERMOxNT. 335
netted to men, the Jaft appeal will be to religion, in
the form of folemn affirmation or oath.
The mod pure and benevolent fyftem of religion,
which has ever prevailed among men, is that of
Chriftianity. This religion founded in truth, and
adapted to the nature and ftate of man, has propof-
ed for its end and aim, that which is of the higheft
importance to men and to fociety, univerfal benev-
olence, the love of God and man, or univerfal vir-
tue. But neither this, nor any other fyftem of
moral truth, can impart infallibility to men. What-
ever infallibility there may be in moral, in mathe-
matical, or in revealed traths, men may greatly mif-
fake when they come to explain, and apply them ;
And inftead of being above all poflibility of error,
they will find that infallibility belongs only to the
government of God ; and that it certainly is not en-
lailed upon any parties, or denominations of men. —
Nothing therefore could be more dangerous, than
to allow to any of thefe denominations the power to
make laws to bind the reft, in matters of religion.
The ruling party would vote themfelves to be the
only pure denomination, they would make the reft"
contribute to their fupport, and eftablifh, their own
fentiments and pra&ice, as the perfection of knowl-
edge, wifdom, and religion ; and in this way adopt
meafures, which tend to entail all their imperfections
and errors, upon future ages. The dominion of
one party over another in matters of religion, has
always had this effe& : It has operated to confirm
error, opprefs the minority, prevent the fpirit of
free inquiry and inveftigation ; and fubje&ed men
to the moft unrelenting of all perfecutions, the per-
fecution of priefts and zealots, pleading principle tcr
jriftify their vileft actions. — At the fame time, every
good man feels himfelf bound not to renew or ad-
mit any fuch authority in matters of religion. The
•obligations of religion are antecedent to, and more
flrong '
336 the NATURAL am, CIVIL
ftrong than any obligations derived from the laws of
fociety. The fird and the mod important obliga-
tion any man can feel, is to obey his Maker, and the
dictates of his own heart. The peace of our minds
depends more eflentially upon this, than any other
circum dance in the courfe of human life. — What
then has fociety to do in matters of religion, but
fimply to follow the laws of nature : To adopt thefe,
and no other ; and to leave to every man a full and
perfecl liberty, to follow the dictates of his own con-
science, in all his tranfattions with his Maker ?
The people of Vermont have adopted this prin-
ciple, in its fulled extent. Some of them are epif-
copalians, others are congregationalids, others are of
the prefbyterian, and others are of. the baptifl per-
fuafion ; and fome are quakers. All of them find
their need of the afliftance of each other, in the
common concerns and bufinefs of life ; and all of
them are perfuaded, that the government has noth-
ing to do with their particular and diftinguifhing
tenets. — It \s not barely toleration, but equality \
which the people aim at. Toleration implies either
a power or a right in one party, to bear with the
other ; and feems to fuppofe, that the governing
party are in podeflion of the truth, and that all the
Others are full of errors. Such a toleraticn is the
mod that can be obtained by the minority, in any
nation, where the majority afiume the right and the
power, to bind fociety, by edablifhed laws and forms
in religion. The body of the people in this com-
monwealth, carry their ideas of religious liberty
much further than this : That no party fhall have
an)' power to make laws or forms to oblige another \
that each denomination may lay themftlves undtM
v, li.it civil contracts and obligations they pleafe ; but
government dial I not make any diftin&ions be~
. them j that all denominations fhall enjov
equal
HISTORY ®f VERMONT. 337
equal liberty, without any legal diftinction or pre-
eminence whatever.
The effect of this religious freedom, is peace,
quietnefs, and profperity to the ftate. No man is
chofen to, or excluded from civil offices, on account
of his particular religious fentiments. The clergy
of the feveral denominations, have no chance to af-
fume any powers, but among their own party. The
people are under no obligation to fupport any teach-
ers, but what they choofe to lay themfelves under.
And no civil advantages are to be gained, or loft,
by belonging to one denomination, rather than to
another. The caufes and the motives to conten-
tion, being thus taken away, there is fcarcely any
thing left to influence men to join one denomination
rather than another, but belief, fentimenr, and con-
ference. In this equality of all parties, religious
profeflions become what they always ought to be ;
not matters of gain, profit, or civil diftinctions j but
matters of opinion, perfuafion, and confeience : Sen-
timents and faith refpecling the Deity, in which none
expect to find the power of oppreffing or ruling over
others ; but the fame protection and benefit from the
government, which they are at equal expenfe in fup-
porting.
The fettlement and fupport of the minifters of re-
ligion, has been encouraged and affifted by the gov-
ernment. The earlieft grants of land in this (late,
were made by Benning Wentworth, governor of
Newhampfhire. This gentleman was of the com-
munion of the church of England. In the grants of
land that were made by him, there were three rights
in each townfhip referved for religious purpoles :
Or.e^to the fociety for propagarn^ the go'pel irt
foreign parts ; one for a glebej dengned for the uie
of an tpifcopal clergy ; a third for the firflt fettled
1 fter, intended to: his private property, to en-
T t courage
£3* the NATURAL and CIVIL
courage the fettlement of a minifter in the new plan-
tations. In the grants of townfhips, which have been-
made by the government of Vermont, two rights
have been referved for the fupport of a clergy :
Gne for a parlbnage, defigned for the fupport of a
minifter, and unalienable from that purpofe j anoth-
er to become the property, and defigned to encour-
age the fettlement of the fir ft minifter. This right
accrues to the firft clergyman who is fettled in the
town, of* whatever denomination he may be. — The
falary of the minifter arifeth wholly from the con-
tract which the people may make with him. Thefe
contracts are altogether voluntary : But when made,
by a law pafTed October 18, 178.7, are confidered as
being of equal force and obligation as any other con-
tracts ; but no perfons of a different denomination
are obliged by them. The law has no reference to
any particular denomination, but confiders them all
as having a right to make what contracts they pleafe,
with the minifter they choofe j and being of courfe
bound by their own act, to fulfil their contract. A
l*arw defigned to confirm the equal rights of all, is not
fubject to the exceptions or complaints of a-ny party.
No embarrafiments have attended any of the
grants of land, which have been made for religious
purpofes, but thofe defigned for a glebe, and thole
made to the fociety for propagating the gofpel in
foreign parts. In moft of the towns there are not
any perfons of the epifcopal perfuaiion, nor any in-
cumbent to have the care of th6 glebe lots. The
fociety for propagating the gofpel in foreign parts,
have not concerned themfelves about the lands,
Which were granted to them. Both thefe rights have
remained unimproved and uncultivated, except where
individuals have gained poftefilon of them j and it
has been a disadvantage to the ftate, to have fuch
tracts- of land lying wafte. It has been repeatedly a
matter
HISTORY of VERMONT. 359
matter of confideration in the general aflembly, what
ought to be done with thefe lands. — Inftead of com-
ing to any decifion upon the matter, in October,
1787, the general aflembly paiTed an act, authorising
the feleftmen of the feveral towns, to take caie of
and improve the glebe and fociety lands, for the fpace
of feven years ; and to apply the incomes to the im-
provements of the lands, thofe excepred, which were
in the pofTeflion of an epifcopal minifler. This law-
has been but little attended to., and is not at all com-
petent to the improvement of the lands, or to render
them beneficial to the ftate, or to any valuable pur-
pole. — In any view of the matter, thefe lands ought
not to be fuffered to remain ufelefs, and detrimental
to the (late. If the fociety for propagating the goi\
pel in foreign parts, had made fuch an affignation of
them, as would have ferved to promote religious iq-
ftruction and knowledge, the people would have had
the benefit that was intended by the grantor. If
this be neglected an unreafonable time, it becomes
the duty of the legillature, to prevent their remain-
ing a public difadvantage to the itate, by continuing
uncultivated and ufelefs.
The principles of religious liberty, are afferted ia
their fulled extent, in the conftitution of Vermont.
In the declaration of rights, there is a claufe which
feems to be adequate to the fu eject, and clearly ex-
prefies the religious rights of the people. — " Nor
can any man be juftly deprived or abridged of any
civil right as a citizen, on account of his religious
fentiments, or peculiar mode of religious worfliip ;
and no authority can, or ought to be vefted in, or
afiumed by any power whatever, that fhall in any
cafe interfere with, or in any manner controul the
rights of confeience, in the free exercife of religious
wormip."* In the plan of government formed in
1778,
* Declaration of rights, Article 1JI,
34P the NATURAL and CIVIL
1778, and revifed in 1786, a religious tefl: was im»
poled upon the members of the aflembly, incon-
fiftent with the above declaration : In the late re-
vifal of the conftitution (1792) this imperfection has
been done away ; and religious liberty has acquired
a complete eftablifhment, by a declaration that " no
religious tell fhall be requited of any member of
the legiflature."*
A greater attention to the liberal arts and fci-
ences, would be of great advantage to the religious
and civil interefls of the date. The people of Ver-
mont have not the advantages for the education of
their youth, or the improvement of knowledj >
which the people in the other fiates have. The
difadvantages and dangers, which arife for want of
literary inftitutions, are greater than they are aware
pf. The religion of ignorance, will either be, infi-
delity, or fuperftition ; and it often produces an
unnatural mixture of both, greatly unfavourable to
the moral, and civil interefts of men. When folly,
in its own view, is become infallible and facred, it
oppofes with obftinacy, all improvements in fociety ;
and requires, with a peculiar infolence, the fubmif-
fion of all other men, to its own weaknefs and big-
otry. The only remedy for the difficulties which
aiile in fociety, from this caufe, is the incveafe of
knowledge and education. And where fociety is
deflitute of the means and inftituttons, which are
rcquifite to promote knowledge, it is without one of
its mofL elTential advantages ; the means of her own
cultivation, and improvement.
The education of children for the common bufi-
nefs of life, is well attended to. But the cuftomary
methods of education for the profeiTions of divinity,
law, or phytic, are extremely deficient ; and do not
promife either eminence, or improvement. The
\ body
* Plan or frame of government, Settion Vc
HISTORY of VERMONT. 341
body of the people appear to be more fenfible of
this defect, than profeffional men trjemfelves* From
the firit ailumption of the powers of government,
the aifembly had in contemplation, the eftabfifhrnent
of an univei fity in the Mate ; and with this view,
refeived one light of land in all the townfiiips which
'■they granted, lor the ufe of fuch a feminary. In
November, 1791, the legiflature palfed an act eflab-
liming the univerfity at Burlington, upon a liberal,
catholic, and judicious foundation. It has not as
yef, entered upon the bufinefs of inflruction. If it
ihould be furniihed with able and judicious instruc-
tors, by extending the benefits of education, and
promoting an attention to the arts and fciences, it
would greatly affilt the intellectual and moral im-
provement of the people : Thefe improvements
are of elfential importance to men, in every flage of
fociety ; but rnofl of all neceffary, when they are
forming a new Hate.
CHAP.
342 the NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. XV.
State of Society. — Nature of the American Gov-
ernment. Conjlitution of Vermont , Laws, Counties
and Courts, Annual Expenfe of Government, "Public
Revenue, Militia, Popularity of the Government.
Nature of the Amer. ? *T* .
ican Government, j X HE object: and the princi-
ple of government is the fame, in every part of the
United States of America. The end or the defign
of it, is the public bufinefs ; not the power, the
emolument, or the dignity, of the perfons employ-
ed, but only that public buunefs which concerns ei-
ther the whole federal territory, or fome particular
ilate. — The principle on which all the American
governments are founded, is reprejentation. They
do not admit of fovereignty, nobility, or any kind
of hereditary powers ; but only of powers granted
by the people, ascertained by written conflitutions,
an^ exercifed by reprefentation for a given time.
Governments founded on this principle, do not
necefTarily imply the fame form. They do not ad-
mit of monarchy, or ariflocracy ; nor do they ad-
mit of what was called democracy by the ancients.
In the ancient democracies the public buunefs \vas
tra.nfact.ed in the aflemblies of the people : The
whole body afTembled to judge and decide, upon
public affairs. Upon this account, the ancient de-
mocracies were found to be unfit, and inadequate to
the government of a large nation. In America this
difficulty
HISTORY of VERMONT. 343
difficulty never occurs : All is tranfacled by repre-
fentation. Whatever may be the number of the
people, or the extent of the territory, reprefentation.
is proportioned to it ; and thus becomes expreflive
of the public ientiment, in every part of the union.
Hence the government in different Hates, though
chiefly republican, varies in its form ; committing
more or lefs power to a governor, fenate, or houfe
of reprefentatives, as the circumftances of any par-
ticular ftate may require. As each of thefe branch-
es derive their whole power from the people, are ac-
countable to them for the ufe and exercifc they make
of it, and may be difplaced by the election of others ^
the fecurity of the people is derived not from the
nice ideal application of checks, ballances, and me-
chanical powers, among the different parts of the
government ; but from the refponfibility, and de-
pendence of each part of the government, upon the
people.
This kind of government feems to have had its
form and origin, from nature. It is not derived
from any of the hiltories of the ancient republics.
It is not borrowed from Greece, Rome, or Carthage.
Nor does it appear that a government founded in
reprefentation ever was adopted among the ancients,
under any form whatever. — Reprefentation thus
unknown to the ancients, was gradually introduced
into Europe by her monarchs ; not with any defign
to favour the rights of the people, but as the befi:
means that they could devife to raife money. The
monarchs who thus introduced it, with a view to
collect money from the people, always took caie to
check it when it ventured to examine the origin and
extent of the privileges of the fovereign, or of the
rights of the people. — In America every thing tend-
ed to introduce, and to complete the fyftem of rep-
refentation. Made equal in their rights by nature,
the body of the people were in a fituation nearly
fimilar
344 tije NATURAL and CIVIL
fimilar with regard to (heir employments, puffuit*,
and views. Without the diflinclions of titles, fam-
ilies, or nobility, they acknowledged and reverenced
only thofe diftinclions which nature had made, in a
diverfity of talents, abilities, and virtues. There
were no family interefb, connexions, or eftates,
large enough to opprefs them. There was no ex-
ceflive wealth in the hands of a few, fufficient to cor-
rupt them. Britain tried in vain to force upon them
a government, at firft, derived from the decrees of
her parliament ; afterwards, from conqueft. Noth-
ing remained for fuch a people, but to follow what
nature taught ; and as they were too numerous to
attempt to carry on their governments in the form
of the ancient democracies, they naturally adopted
the fyftem of representation : Every where choofing
representatives, and affigning to them fuch powers
as their circumflances required. This was evident-
ly the fyftem of government, that nature pointed
out : And it is a fyftem that has no where been Suf-
fered to prevail but in America, and what the peo-
ple were naturally lead to by the fituation, in which
Providence had placed them. The fyftem of gov-
ernment then in America, is not derived from Super-
flition, conqueft, military power, or a pretended
compact, between the rulers and the people ; but it
was derived from nature, and reafon ; and is found-
ed in the nature, capacities, and powers, which God
hath afligned to the race of men.
All the power that fuch governments can have, i3
derived from the public opinion. The body of the
people while they remain induftrious and economic-
al, will be fteadilv attached to the public intereft,
which will entirely coincide with their own. Thev
will more readily difcern what their intereft is, and
be more fteadilv attached to it, than is to he expect-
ed from men who are placed in offices cf honour
and profit. The public opinion will be much near-
■
HISTORY of VERMONT. 343
ft the truth, than the reafonings and refinements of
fpeculative or interefted men : The former will be
rounded wholly in a delire, and aim, to promote the
public fafety ; the latter will be unavoidably more
or lefs governed, by private views,intereftsj and aims :
And when the government has the general opinion
of the people to fupport it, it can a£r. with the greateft
force and power ; that is, with the collected force and
power of the whole nation : And this is the greateft
force that ever can be exerted by any government,
in any iituation whatever. — Defpotifm never ac-
quires a force equal to this. When a whole nation
unite, and the public fpirit moves and operates in
the fame direction, nothing can withstand its force,
and the powers of defpotifm, with all their Handing
troops and regular armies, fall before it. It is only
when the public fentiment and fpirit is thus united^
and brought into action, that government has ac-
quired, or is able to exert the whole force of the na-
tional power. — With this ftrength, the governments
of America amidft every kind of difficulty ^ rofe fu~
periour to all oppofition ; firmly eftablifhed them-
f elves, in fifteen different ftates ; and gave uncom-
mon vigour and efficacy to a federal eftabliihrnenr,
which was defigned and adapted to manage the pub-
lic bufinefs of the whole fyftern.
But whatever be the form or the power of gov-
ernment, it cannot attain its greateft perfection, un-
lets it contains within itfelf, the means of its own
improvement. The men of civilized countries, are
making gradual and confiant improvements in knowl-
edge, in the fcieuces, and in all the arts by which life
is made more fecure and happy. Hence, that form
of government which was heft fuited to then itate
in one ftage of fociety, ceafes to he fo, in another ;
And unlets the government itfelf improves, with the
gradual improvement ol Society, it will lofe much
of its refpeciability, and power ; become uafuited to
U u ths
34^ Til* NATURAL and CIVIL
the ftate, and injurious to the people. Defpctifm
has always contemplated the body of the people, as
mere mob ; and has aimed and operated to keep
tbern in that (ituation. To governments founded
in this principle, the improvement of mankind proves
fatal and deftru&ive : And there is nothing, fuch
governments are more anxious to prevent, than
knowledge, property, and- improvement, in the body
of the people. — Built upon the rational and facial
nature of man, the American government expects
to find its fa re f I fupport, and greateft duration, in
the gradual improvement, in the encreahng knowl-
edge, virtue, and freedom, of the human race. The
prefent government of America, is therefore propol-
ed to her citizens, not as the mod per fee"! (tandard
of what man can ever attain to, but only as the bed
form, which we have as yet been able to difcover :
Not as a form, which is to bind our heirs and pof-
terity forever, but as a form which is referred to
them, to alterand improve, as they (hall find beft. Up-
on this idea, it is one of the conflituent and eiTential
parts of American government, that conventions (hall
Ire called at certain periods of time,. to alter, amend,
and improve the prefent form and conftitution of
government ;. as the ftate, circumftances, and im-
provements of fociety, fhall then require. Thus
provifion is made, that the improvement of govern-
ment, fhall keep pace with the improvement of fo-
eiety in America. And no policy would appear
more puerile or contemptible to the people of A-
merica, than an attempt to bind pofterity to oui
forms, or to confine them to our degrees of knowl-
edge, and improvement : The aim is altogether the
reverfe, to make provifion for the perpetual improve-
ment and progrefiion of the government itfelf.
As this kind of government is not the fame as that,
which has been called monarchy, ariftocracy, or de-
mocracy ; as it had a conlpicuous oiigin in America*
and
HISTORY of VERMONT. gftf
:-nd has not been differed to prevail in any other part
•of the globe, it would be no more than juft and prop-
er, to diftinguifh it by its proper name, and call it,
The American Syjiem of Government.
Constitution of Vermont. — The govern-
.ment of Vermont is of the fame nature, and found-
ed upon the fame principles, as the other govern-
ments in the United States. By their conftitutioir,
formed in i7J%, and revifed in 1786, and 1792, the
fupreme legiflative power is veiled in a houfe of
representatives of the freemen. Every town has a
right to choofe a reprefentative, on the firii Tuefday
of September annually. The reprefentatives fc
chofen, are to meet on the fecond Thurfday of the
fucceeding Q6lober,and are ftyled The General AJfem -
bly of the ft ate of Vermont. They have power to choofe
their own officers ; to (it on their own adjournments ;
prepare bills, and enacl them into laws ; they may
expel members, but not for caufes known to their
conflituents antecedent to their election; impeach
ftate criminals; grant charters of incorporation, con-
ftitute towns, boroughs, cities, and counties ; in con-
junction with the council they are annually to elect
judges of the fupreme, county, and probate courts,
fheriffs and juftices of the peace j and aMb with the
council, may elect, majorgenerals, and brigadier -
generals, as often as there (hall be occafion : They
have all other powers neceffary for the legiflatare o':
a free and fovereign flate : But have no power to
add to, alter, aboliih, or infringe any part of the con-
stitution.
The fupreme executive power is veiled in, a gov-
ernor, or lieutenant-governor, and a council of twelve
perfons, chofen by the freemen, at the fame time
they choofe their reprefentative. The governor, or
the lieutenantgovernor and council, are to cornmif -
iion all officers; prepare fuch bufinefs as may ap-
pear to them neceffary to lay before the general at-
fecnbly :
348 the NATURAL and CIVIL
fembly : They are to fit as judges to hear and de-
termine on impeachments, taking to their alliilance,
for advice only, the judges of the fupreme court.
They have power to grant pardons, and remit tines,
in ail cales whatloever, except in treafon and mur-
der, in which they have power to grant reprieves,
but not to oardon until after the end of the next
feffion of affembiy, and in cafes of impeachment, in
which there is no remiffion or mitigation of punifh-
ment3 but by acl: of legiflation. They may alio lay
embargoes, or prohibit the exportation of any com-
modity, for any time not exceeding thirty days, in
the ccefs of the houfe only. — The governor is cap-
tar.::eneral and commander in chief of the forces of
the ffate, but mall not command in perfon, except
advifed thereto by the council, and then only fo
Jong as they fhall approve : And the lieutenantgov-
ernor by virtue of his office, is lieutenantgeneral of
all the forces of the ft.3te.
That the laws before they are enatled may bs»
more maturely confidered, and the inconvenience
of hafty determinations as much as poffible prevent-
ed, all bills which originate in the affembiy are laid
before the governor and council for their revifion
and concurrence, or propofals of amendment ; who
return the fame to the affembiy with their propofals
of amendment (if any) in writing j and if the fame
are not agreed to by the affembiy, it is in the power
of the governor and council, to fufpend the palling
of luch bills, until the next feflion of the legislature.
But no negative is allowed to the governor and
council.
The formers of the conflitution were aware that
the plan of government, which they had drawn up,
would not be adequate to the affairs of government,
when the ftate of the people mould become differ-
ent, but muff neceffarily vary with it : And they
wifely madejjprovifion to have the whole examined
and
HISTORY of VERMONT. 340,
end revifed, at the end of every Teven year?. The
proviflon they made for this par pole was a council of
cenfors, to con fill of thirteen perlcns, to be eiecled
bv the people every f event rr year, on the laft Wed-
nefday in March ; and to aftembie on the fir ft Wed-
nefdav in June. The duty auigned to them, is to
inquire whether the conflitution has been preferved
inviolate in every part ; whether the legiilative and
executive branches of government have performed
their duty, as guardians of the people ; or affumed
to themfelves, or exercifed other or greater powers,
than they are entitled toby the conflitution ; wheth-
er the public taxes have been juPJy laid, and col-
lected ; in what manner the public monies have
been difpofed of ; and whether the laws have been
duly executed. Powers fully competent to thefe
purpofes, are committed to them. They may fend
for perfons, papers, and records : They have au-
thority to pais public cenfures, to order impeach-
ments, and to recommend to the legiflature the re-
pealing fuch laws, as fhall appear to them to have
been enacled contrary to the principles of the con-
flitution. Thefe powers they may exercife during
the fpace of one year, from the time of their elec-
tion ; and theymay call a convention to meet within
two years after their fitting, if they judge it neceflary.
In examining a conflitution of government, the
moil capital circumflance to be taken into confeder-
ation, is, the condition and circumftances of the peo-
ple, or the ftate of lociety among them. At the firffc
aflumption of government in Vermont, the form of
ir differed but little from the democracy of the an-
cients. From that period, it has been conflantly
tending to give more power to the houfe of repre-
sentatives.— But it is found by experience, that in
fo popular a government, nothing is more neceflary
than fome provifion, like that of the council of cen-
fors, to have all the public proceedings revifed at
certain
S5o the NATURAL and ClV-EL
certain periods of time ; and fuch alterations made
in the constitution, as time, events, or the circum-
itances of the people, may require. As the (late of
iociety is prqgreffive, there is no way to hare the
government adapted to the (late of fociety, but to
have the government alfo progreffive ; that both
may admit of the improvements, that are gradually
made in human affairs. With this provifion, a
conftitution of government which contains many
faults, will gradually mend and improve ltfelf, with-
out being forced to the dangers and convulsions of
3 revolution : And it feems to be the only provi-
sion which human wifdom has yet found, to prevent
the interpolation of fuch calamities.
Laws. — So much of the common law of England
*s is not repugnant to the conftitution, or to any acTr
of the legiflature, is adopted as law within this fta'e :
And fuch ftatute laws, and parts of laws of the king-
dom of England and Greatbritain, as were paired
before the nrft day of October, 1760, for the expla-
nation of the common law, and are not repugnant
to the conftitution, or fome act of the legiflature^
and are applicable to the circumftances of the ftate,
are alfo adopted and made law in Vermont. — The
criminal law of Greatbritain. feems to be adapted on-
ly to a very degraded, vicious, and barbarous (late
of fociety. No lets than one hundred and fixty
crimes are punifhable by death. Sanguinary laws
snd executions have there made death fo common
and familiar, that it feems to have become one of
thcTe common occurrences, which is conftantly to be
expected, and is very little regarded. Several of
the punifhments, in the contrivances of their cruel-
ly, are fully equal to any thing that has ever been
perpetrated by the Indians of America : In brutal
sage and inhuman torture, the punifhment affigned
to high treafon, fairly exceeds any thing the Indian
genius could ever conceive*"— Such a code of crimi-
nal
HISTORY of VERMONT. 351
nal law is wholly unfitted to the uncorrupted ftate
of the people in America • nor would they in any
part of the continent, be perfuaded to admit it.
Inftead of one hundred and fixty, there are only
nine crimes, to which the laws of Vermont have af-
iigned the puniftunent of death : And fince the firft
ailumption of government in 1777, there has not
been any perfon convicted of any of thefe crimes.—-
What relates to the internal affairs of government,
the regulations neceffary for a new country, or fuch
as are fuited to our particular ftate of fociety, are
provided for by ftatutes made for fuch particular
cafes and purpofes. — To form a code of laws fuited
to the ftate of a large nation, has been juftly efteem-
ed the mod difficult part of government. It does
fiot appear that human wifdom has ever been able
to effect this without great errors, in any part of the
earth. If it is to be obtained, the particular ftates
of America have now a fair opportunity to make
the experiment, how far human wifdom can proceed
at prefent, in effecting this arduous but mod im-
portant attainment.
Counties and Courts. — For the more con-
venient adminiftration of juftice, the ftate is divided
into eleven counties ; viz.
Counties. County Towns,
Windham, Newfane.
jtt- jr f Wind for.
Rutland, Rutland.
Orange, Newbury
Addifon, Mid die bury.
Chittenden, Burlington,
Caledonia.
Efiex.
Franklin,
Orleans.-* la
352 the NATURAL and CIVIL
In the four laft counties, courts are not to d£
holden until the firfl day of October, 1796. In
the other counties there are probate courts, juftices'
courts, county courts, a lupreme court, and a court
of chancery.
The juflices of peace in each county are annually
nominated, and appointed by the general aflemMv :•
They are of courfe the fame perfons, as the mem-
bers of the afTembly from each county, with the ad-"
dition of a few others. They have power to try
and determine all pleas and actions of a criminal
nature, where the fines and forfeitures are within
the fum of forty (hillings, and the corporal punifli-
ment fhall not exceed ten flripes- They may alfo
try and determine all pleas and actions of a civil na-
ture (other than actions of defamation, replevin,
trefpafs upon the freehold, and where the title of
land is concerned) where the debt, and other matter
in demand, does not exceed the fum of four pounds ;
and alfb determine on all fpeciahies, notes of hand,
and fettled accounts, not exceeding the fum of eight
pounds. They may alfo bind over to be tried by
the county or fupreme court, all criminal offenders,
the enoimity of whofe miidemeanor furpafs their
power to try; No judgment rendered by a juflice
of peace, can be reverfed by writ of error : But ap-
peals are allowed to the next county court, m all
cafes where the judgment for debt or damages, (hail
exceed the fum of forty (hillings.
In each county there is alfo a county court ; con-
fiding of three judges, who arc alio annually ap-
pointed by the afTembly. The county courts, with-
in their refpe.clive counties, are to take cognizance
of all criminal matters of every name and nature
(except Inch cafes as are cognizable on! e lu~
preme court, or before a jullice of the peacej and
award fentence. But any perfon profecuted for a
criminal offence, may appeal from the judgment of
HISTORY of VERMONT. 35^
t county court, to the next fupreme court. All ac-
tions and caufes of actions of a civil nature (except
fuch actions as are made cognizable folely before the
fupreme court, or juftices of the peace) muft be
originally commenced, and profecuted to efFecl: in a
county court.
The fupreme court of judicature confifts of thre6
judges, to be annually chofen by ballot, by the gov-
ernor, council, and general affembly, at their Octo-
ber feflion. This court has cognizance of all pleag
of the ftate, criminal actions and caufes, and whatfo-
ever relates to the confervation of the peace, and
punifhment of offenders ♦ and alfo of civil caufes or
actions between party and party, and between the
ftate and any of its fubje&s, whether the fame be
brought into faid court by appeal, writ of error, or
in any other legal v/ay whatfoever. The fupreme
court has original exclufive jurifdi&ion of the crimes
of adultery, polygamy, and all capital felonies, of
treafon, mifprifon of treafon, counterfeiting the cur-
rencies of the ftate, and every fpecies of forgery,
perjury, fubordination of perjury, inceft, rapes, de-
faming the civil authority of the ftate, and all other
crimes and mifdemeahors, where a fine or penalty is
going to the ftate treafury, or where the punifhment:
extends, either by common or ftatute law; to the
lofs of life, limb, or banifhment. — The fupreme
Court begins their circuit in Bennington county, ori
the firft Tuefday in Auguft : From thence it pro-
ceeds to Rutland, the next adjacent county, begin-
ning the feffion there on the fecond Tuefday in Au-
guft ; and in this order proceeds through all the
counties in the ftate, beginning the feflion in the
next county, On the fucceeding Tu'efdays, until they
have finiihed the circuit in feven weeks at Windham,
county : And it is left to the chief juftice, to call a
fpecial court, where the exigencies of government
fcall require it.
W w A
354
the NATURAL and CIVIL
A court of chancery is alfo conftituted in the flat?
of Vermont ; to be holden in the feveral counties
within the ftate, at the feveral times and places ap-
pointed by law for holding the fupreme court of ju-
dicature. The judges of the fupreme court, are
conftituted judges or chancellors of the court of
chancery. They have all the powers, ufually ex-
ercifed by that court in the kingdom of Greatbritain,
and in the neighbouring ftates, and not repugnant to
the conftitution. The manner of procefs in this
court, is to be governed and regulated by the judges ;
conforming, a* near as may be, to the rules and
precedents eftablifhed in the courts- of chancery, in
the kingdom of Greatbritain.
Annual Expense of Government. — The an-
nual expenfe of the government is generally about
thirty two or thirty three hundred pounds. In the
year 1792, the feveral articles of it were thefe,
The governor's falary„ j£«i50 o a
Lieutenant-governor's fees for at-~
tending council, fifteen fhillings per
day.
Counsellors' fees for attending
council, feven millings per day.
Representatives' fees for attending
the general aifembly, fix fhillings per
day.
Secretary of Mate's fees for attend- ^1196 9 c
ing the general affembly, twelve fhil-
lings per day.
Secretary of council's fees for at-
tending the council, nine millings per
day.
Officers attending the general af-
fembly, fheriff, auditor of accounts,
chaplain, Sec. fix fhillings per day.
Chief
HISTORY of VERMONT. 355
Chief juftice of the fupreme court,"!
vhile on the circuit, one pound fev- \
en fhillings per day. ! 6 Q
Two affiftant judges, one pound f ° 9
two (hillings per day ; orders drawn J
on the treafury by the fupreme court. J
Treafurer's falary. 118 0 0
Occasional expenfes. Ordersdrawn
on the treafury, by the auditor of ac-
counts. 449 14 9
Total expenfe from October 1,
1791, to Oftober 1, 1792. £.3»219 9 9
Xhefe are the conftant and annual cxpenfes at-
tending the government, and do not greatly differ in
different years ; But as the number of representatives
is annually increafing, the public expenfe is annu-
ally increafing on that account. There are other
cxpenfes which arife almoft every year, which are of
an occasional, and contingent nature. Of this kind
are commiflSoners for public purpofes, the council
of cenfors, conventions &c. As thefe are only for
fome particular or oecafional purpofe, the expenfe
varies with the occafion ; and they cannot be esti-
mated among the annual charges of government.—
The whole expenfe then of government, from Oc-
tober, 1791, to October, 1792, amounted to three
thoufand two hundred and nineteen pounds, nine
{hilling?, and nine pence. If this fum be divided
among the inhabitants of the Hate, as determined by
the cenfus taken in 1791, it will amount to but nine
pence, or the eighth part of a dollar, for each per-
fon. This is the fum that each perfon in Vermont
pays for the protection of his perfon, property, and
the advantages of a free government. I believe
there is not any part of the civilized world, in which
the inhabitants enjoy the bleflings of government,
at fo frnall an expenfe.
Public
356 the NATURAL and CIVIL
Public Revenue.— The revenue of the (late
arifeth wholly from the public taxes. For fome
time after Vermont had aiiumed the powers of gov-
ernment, very confiderable revenues arofe from the
unappropriated lands : But as thefe lands are al-
moft all appropriated, no further incomes can be
derived from this fource. Commerce, in an inland
country, can never be attended with any confidera-
ble revenue. The only fource that can be found,
is taxation. — In the year 1791, the whole lift of
the taxable property of the ftate, amounted to
£, 324,796 18 10. The prices at which the lifters
were directed to eftimate the improved lands, and
cattle, were fcarcely one half of the current prices of
thofe articles : The eftimate therefore in the lift,
could not amount to one half of the real value of
the rateable property of the ftate. After making
an abatement upon this lift of £.1,116 8 o forthe
twofolds, a tax was voted of two pence halfpenny,
upon the pound ; amounting toyr.3,371 14 o. The
expenfe of collecting this rate, allowed by law as fees
to the collector, is a fiftieth part : And a further a-
batement is made for the benefit of the poor, of a
twentieth part. Thefe abatements being deducted,
the fum the government receives is £.3,135 140.
With the addition of £.83 to this fmall fum, was
the whole expenfe of government, among eighty
fix thoufand perfons, defrayed in the year 179c
If this be compared with the expenfe of government
in Europe, the difference will be found to be infi-
nite : The babe of a monarch, will coft a nation
there, thirty or forty times this fum.
It ought alfo to be recorded, for the benefit and
remembrance of the people of America. For this
is the place, where a corruption in government, al-
ways makes its firil appearance. Reafons and caufes
are eafily found, to increafe the number of public
b places and officts : And thofe who are in power.
and
HISTORY of VERMONT. 357
Stnd derive their living from the public, will compute
the honour and dignity of the government, by the
fums of public money which are allowed to them.
The progvefs has ever been certain, gradual, and
regular ; from fmall beginnings, to the utmoft ex-
treme of luxury and diflipation, that the national
wealth couid fupoly. It would be almofl: a miracle*
if public affairs mould not alfume the fame afpeffc
and couife, in America. If it is prevented, it will
not be by government : It can alone be done by the
virtue, the knowledge, the economy, and the public
fentiment of the people.
Militia. — The military force of the ftate con-
iifts of all the able bodied males, from fixteen to
forty five years of age ; with fuch exceptions as are
cuftomary in the other ftates. The men are requir-
ed by law to provide themfelves with fuch arms as
are uled in times of war, when in actual fervice.
They are divided into companies, regiments, brig-
ades, and divifions. The companies ele£f. their
captains, and fubalterns. The captains and fubal-
terns appoint the field officers of their refpe6live
regiments. The brigadiergenerals, and the major-
generals, are appointed by the governor, council,
and houfe of representatives. The governor is
captaingeneral and commander in chief, and with
the advice of council, is to arrange the whole mili-
tia into divifions, and brigades ; and may from time
to time, make fuch alterations as he (hall think fit.
The whole militia of the ftate, is to be reviewed at
leaft once in two years.
In 1792, the Hate of the militia was as follows ;
Twenty regiments of infantry, divided into eight
brigades, and four divifions : Fifteen companies of
cavalry, and fix companies of artillery ; the whole
computed at eighteen thoufand, five hundred.
The ftafFconfifts of one captaingeneral, one lieu-
tenantgeneral, four majorgenerals, eight brigadier-
generalsj,
358 tije NATURAL and CIVIL
generals, one adjutantgeneral, and one commifTary-
general.
The militia of Vermont are a body of brave,
hardy, robu ft, and intrepid men. Trained up to
hardihip, labour, economy, and hunting, they have
all the qualifications that tend to fit men for the mil-
itary character : Difcipline and actual fervice, tranf-
forms them at once, into a body of excellent troops.
In the American war, there were no better troops
collected from any part of Europe^ or America, than
the regiments raifed in Vermont. The moft brave,
hardy, and robuft militia, will always be found a-
rnong the inhabitants of new countries.
Popularity of the Government. — From the
experience the people have had, of the influence and
operation of the government, they are not only fatif-
fied with it, but they are very ftrongly attached to it.
This is the fureft way to judge of all theories, forms,
and conftitutions of government. What is written
upon paper refpecting government, is no otherwife
good or bad, than as it is applicable to mankind, and
may be beneficial, or difadvantageous to them.
While government ferves to promote the benefit and
profperity of the people, the people will be attached
to it. But when the body of the people become dis-
contented and uneafy, it may be prefumed, there is
feme capital error, or vice in the government. — Dur-
ing a century and an half, every part of America,
was under the controul of the kings of Europe. The
minifters of the European courts were perpetually
interfering in the affairs of the colonies, and were
perfuaded that the colonifts had not wifdom enough
to govern themfelves. Through the whole of this
period, all thofe parts of America flourifhed the moft,
in which the European monarchs intermeddled the
leaft : And there was not one fpot on the continent,
'rhere the inhabitants were not better qualified to
govern
HISTORY of VERMONT. 359
govern themfelves, than the wifeft minifter of ftate
in Europe. The one, perfe<5Uy well underftood their
own fituation, circumftances, dangers, and intereftsj
and were attached to the welfare of the country : The
other, were armoft wholly ignorant of the ftate of
things in America j and not at all difpofed to pro-
mote her intereft, any further, than as it ferved to
advance the intereft of the crown, under which they
ferved. This muft always be the cafe, where one
people are in fo unhappy and unnatural a fituation,
as to be under the government of another. — The
people of America have now no reftraint, no oppofite
intereft of a foreign king, and parliament, to perplex
their government, influence their meafures, and op-
pofe their intereft. They have every where fet up
governments for themfelves j and they are every where
flourifhing, and rapidly increafing in their wealth,
and numbers : And are not only fatisfied, but they
are ftrongly attached to their governments. If there
be any certain marks of a good government, thofe
marks are the peace, happinefs, and profperity, the
tncreafe, and the affections of the people.
CHAP.
36*0 thi? NATURAL and CIVIL
CHAP. XVJ.
State of Society .—Population : Caufes on which
this depends, the mean Period of Human Life in the
American States, Period of doubling in Vermont^
comparative View of Population in new and old
Countries.
-POPULATION depends upon'
two general caufes, the original laws of nature, and
the Rate of fociety. — In the original conftitution of
animals, the Author of Nature has eftablifhed certain
laws refpecting their increafe, and multiplication,
which cannot be exceeded. Thefe laws relate chief-
ly to the age at which the female becomes capable
of bearing fruit, the numbers that may be produced
at one birth, the time that muft intervene between
one birth and another, and the age at which the fe-
male will ceafe to be prolific. The laws of nature
refpefting each of thefe particulars, confidered with
refpec"fc to the human race, are much affected by cli-
mate ; and are every where fubjecT: to univerfal and
conftant observation. But they are fo far from be-
ing accurately known, or afcertained, that whoever
fhall attempt to make a computation upon either, ot
all of them, will find that not one of thefe periods
has been maiked by obfervation ; and that the mean-
period required by nature for thefe purpofes, is yet
unknown in every country and climate.
Th«
HISTORY of VERMONT. 361
The incrcafe of mankind, thus confined within
certain limits by nature, is alfo very much affected
by the Mate of fociety. The condition of the body
of the people, the eafe or the difficulty with which
they can procure property to maintain a family, the
genius of the civil government, the fpirit and regu-
lations of religion, the numbers employed and the
deflruction occafioned by war, the inllitutions of
celibacy, with the manners and cuftoms of the peo-
ple, may retard or favour population, to a great de-
gree ; and caufe it to be very different in the fame
climate, and at the fame place, at different times.
Both thefe caufes generally combine, and operate
together,- and in fuch a manner, that we cannot fep-
arate their effects ; or determine how much is to be
afcribed to the law of nature and climate, and what
is derived from the ftate of fociety. This difficulty
attends all the tables which have been made of
births, deaths, and marriages. Tables of this kind
have beeo made for almoft every nation in Europe,
and for feveral places in America. They appear to
have been the refult of accurate obfervations and
calculation. But the refults at different places in
the fame latitude and climate, have been fo different,
that np general conclufions can be drawn from them,
reflecting the natural increafe of the human race :
They mark what has taken place at a given time,
and place ; but they afford little information of
what is to be expected, from the general courfe of
nature, in any particular country, or climate.
By the late enumeration of the inhabitants of the
United States of America, a period has been found
in the courfe of human life, above, and below which
'he number of the males are nearly equal. Thispenod
is nearly at the age of fixteen years. Can we not derive
Some information,from fo remarkable afact,refpecting
the increafe and population of the people of the
rd States ? And may it not be determined what
X x aft
36*9 the NATURAL and CIVIL
mufl be the operation of nature, to produce and
prefcrve this equality of numbers, below, and above
thai age ?
Let us attempt to compute it upon a given cafe.
Suppofc the whole number of people in one of the
iiates of Ameiica, amounted to thirty two thoufand ;
one half of which had not attained the age of foe-
t:cn, and the other half had palled this peiiod. At
the end of fifteen years, the whole number will
have pa {fed the mean period, and be found in that
number whole age is above fixteen, making togeth-
er thirty two thoufand. — To ballance this number,
nature mufl have produced in the fame time, an
etjttal number whole age will be below fixteen .-.
Tnat is, dining this period of fixteen years, thirty
ihouiand mud have been born. For everyone
that.tiai pa&ed the period of fixteen years,
;e moil have produced two; otherwife the bal-
, or an equality in the numbers below and above
. could not be preferved. And this would
ai!o be the exaci peiiod of doubling the number of
the inhabitants.
This miift be *he operation of nature, if the fub-
jtci en whom the calculation w;is made, had been
invariable, or lubje£t to no diminution. But this
is not the ofe. Death is conflantly diminifhing the
number of thole whofe age is above fixteen, of thofe
ivboic age is below fixteen ; and it diminifhes them
both, in the fame proportion. This curious facl is
ascertained by a courfe of observations, made in fev-
rral towns in the eallern parts of Newhampfhire.
At Hampton an accurate table of deaths, with the
of each perfon, was kept by the miniflers of the
in, from the year, 1735 to 1791. Similar bills
were kept at Eaflkingjlon, from 1740 to 1771 : At
■market, from 1731 to 1770: At Dovery from
170/ to 1786.* The reiult of thefe oufervations
is,
* Bilknap's Ilift-of Newhampfhire, ItL p. 238—248,
HISTORY of VERMONT. 3G3
is, that the whole number which died in thofe towns,
during thofe years, was two thoufand and ninety
eight : Of thefe, one thoufand and fifty were under
hxteen years of age, and one thoufand and forty
eight above that age. In the relult of Co long a
courfe of obfervations, made in four different towns,
we may expect to find the regular courfe of nature,
or the natural operation of death, well afcertained.
And they feem fully to have eftablifhed this curious
fact, That death has an equal effect, or is confUnt-
ly deftroying equal numbers of thofe whofe age is
above, and of thofe whofe age is below iixtten years.
Such is the operation and effect of death : And
by conftantly dhninifhing the numbers Oi mankind,
it will every where prolong the period of doub'-ing,
beyond the mean period of human life. But to
what degree wiil it retard this event ; or to what
length of time will it prolong the period of doub-
ling? It will prolong the period of doubling, exact-
ly in that ratio, which the deaths fhall bear to the
births, in the fame period of time. — The bills which
were kept in Newhampfhire, do not contain an ac-
curate account of the births, bu* only of the bap-
tifms ; and therefore will not ferve to difcover what
proportion the deaths bear to the births, in thofe
towns. But from the bills of mortality, which have
been kept in MaiTachufetts, it has been found that
the number of deaths, are annually in a confi^nr.
and fettled ratio to the number of births. At Ming-
h&m, the aged and venerable Dr. Gay, kept .< very
exact lift of all the deaths and births in his parifh,
for the fpace of fifty four years, from 1726 to 1779,
inclufive. The deaths amounted to one thou land
one hundred and thirteen, the births to (wo thou-
fand two hundred and forty feven. At Ipfwicb^ the
Rev. Dr. Cutlery made {inula r obfervations for a
courfe of ten years, from Sept. 11, 1771, to Sept.
11, 1781, The number of deaths were one hundred
and
364 the NATURAL and ClVIl!
and fixty four, the number of births three hundred
and thirty one.* At Salem, an accurate and able
phyiician and philofopher, C. A. Holyoke, M. D.
has given an exact, bill for the years 1782, and 1 783 :
The deaths were three hundred and fixty four, and
the births feven hundred and two.t In thefe num-
bers we have the refult of a courfe of obfei vations
carried on in three different places, during a period
of fixty fix years. The refult of the whole, is, that
the deaths were one thousand fix hundred and forty
one, and the births amounted to three thoufand two
hundred and eighty; that is, the deaths were to the
births in the ratio of one to two. This is the annu-
al and conftant proportion of death to birth, in the
ancient towns, along the fea coft, in Maffachufetts.
The increafe of the people therefore derived from
the births, is annually diminifhed one half by the
natural operation of death : And inftead of doubling
in fixteen years as mud have been the cafe had no
one died, the effect, occafioned by death, will be, to
prolong this period one half; inftead of fixteen years
the period of doubling will become twenty four.
This will be the period of doubling in all thofe pla-
ces, where the mean age of human life is fixteen years,
and the ratio of death to birth as one to two.
From this method of reafoning, I much fufpe£l
that the age at which the numbers of people aie e-
qually divided, will in every country prove to be
the time, which nature requires in that climate, to
pioduce double the number of people that are then
iiving : That the aclual period of doubling, will in
fa£t be retarded in exact, proportion to that, which
the deaths bear to the births : And that this ratio
will very nearly determine what influence the flare
of fociety has, on the increafe of mankind in any
country or town.
I
* Memoirs of American Academy, Vol. I, p. 566,
llISTORY o? VERMONT. 365
I am not in poffeffion of the data that would be
necefTary to examine this theory, by the (late of
things in the ancient and populous countries, of the
other hemiiphere. But from the enumeration that
was made or the inhabitants of the United States of
America in 1790, we may venture to compute the
ILate of things among ourfeives. — The number of
males, their relative proportions, and the age at which
the numbers below and above fixteen become equal,
are as-foilows :
I Males
below 16
years of
age
JtAre, Maine and MaJ-
facbufttts, P.hode-
ijland, Conneilku:, and
New)Ork.
Middle States.—
Newjerfey, Peiinfjl-
vania, Delaware, and
Maryland.
Southern States —
L'irginia, Kentucky,
Nortbcarohna, Soutb-
.arolina, and Georgia.
3t-7>54°
211,846
262,464
Males
'.hove 16
years ot
lge.
338,600
223>737
44>757
D.ffcrence.Wfowj Age at
16 years of age. /which the
numbers
below and
above 16,
become e- •
qua).
Yvf. Mths«
21,060
Above 16, &c.
11,891
Below 16 year?
of age.
!7»7°7
16
16 s|
Si
From this view of the refult, it fhould feem that
the middle and northern (fates were the mod fa-
vourable to longevity, and the prefervation of life:
And that the fouthern (fates were the moft favoara-
ble to a rapidity of production, and increafe. Wheth-
er thele circumRanccs will not ballance each other,
and produce an equality in the period of doubling
cannot be determined without further obfervations„
In Majfachujetts, the period of doubling cannot be
far from twenty four years and three months. What
this period is in the other {fates, rauft be determined
either from actual obfervation, or by afcertaining
the ratio which the deaths bear to the births. If
the enumeration which is to be taken in the year
iSoo,
366 the NATURAL and CIVIL
1800, fhould be as particular with refpect to the fe-
males, as the lafl was with refpect to the males, it
would enable us to afcertain feveral particulars in
this part of the natural hiftory of man, which cannot
be determined without another enumeration.
It has been generally fuppofed, that the increafe
of mankind is mod of all rapid, in a new country ;
and that it is in the new fettlements, that nature acls
with the greatefi force and vigour. Vermont is
now in the fituation, in which a new country ought
to be examined. We have no populous towns,
i'eaports, or large manufactories, to collecl the peo-
ple together. They are fpread over the whole
country, forming fmall and feparate fettlements.
Agriculture is almoft the univerfal employment.
But few are pinched for want of the neceffaries of
life, and nothing like luxury has yet taken place
among us. The government is highly democratic.
In religion the moft perfect freedom and equality
takes place among all parties. The taxes are no
more than what are unavoidably neceffary, to pre-
ferve the exiftence and form of government. Lands
are eafy to be procured, and the foil is rich and
fertile. — Every family enjoys nearly the whole prod-
uce of their labour. The climate is falubrious and
healthy. And neither war, ficknefs, or famine, have
of late diminifhed the increafe, or difturbed the. la-
bours of the people. — I do not know that, we can
find any new country, in which, every circumftance
ms more1 favourable to increafe : Or any, in
which we may more probably expeft to find the
maximum, which nature and fociety can produce in
fuch a latitude and climate. — -From the enumeiation
of the inhabitants taken in 1791, we have the fol-
Icsvzng refult .:
Vermont.
HISTORY of VERMONT.
367
Males be-
Males a-
low j 6 yeais
hove 16
of age.
years of
age.
VZHMONT.
22,328
22,435
Difference.
Above 16
years of age.
Age at which the
numbers below
and above 16,
become equal.
Years. Months.
107 1 16 1
To afcertain the effect produced by the natural
operation of death, I have procured a bill of mortal-
ity for one of the principal towns, for the years
1,789, 90, and 91. It is made for Rutland, from
the observations of E. Porter, and D, Reed, two
able phyficians.
Number of inhabitant?
J Deaths.
Births.
Ratio of the
Period of doubling
in Rutland in 1791.
1
deaths to the
births.
prolonged by ths
tfl III s.
Years Months*
1407
46
223
I to 4, 85
3 4
From this table it appears that the deaths in Ver-
mont, are to the births, in the porportion of l to
4, 85 • of confequence the period of doubling in this
ftate, at prefent, is nineteen years and five months.*
From fuch views of the increafe and population
in America, we can fcarcely avoid comparing the
ftate of things in the United States, with that of the
ancient and populous countries in Europe. In the
city of London, if we may judge from the annual
bills of mortality, the human race are annually de-
creasing ; the deaths generally exceed the births,
about one tenth every year. The favage ftate was
lefs unfavourable to the increafe of mankind, than
fuch large and populous cities : Inftead of preferv-
ing, they tend to deflroy the human race.
In mod of the ancient and populous nations o£
Europe, their forms of government, their ecclefiaf-
lical
* Since writing the above I have received from Dr. Afaph.
Fletcher, an accurate obferver and able phyfician, an account
of the births and deaths in the town of Ca-vendijb. In the
courfe of feven years the number of births in that town was
two hundred and ten ; the number that died in the fame pe-
nod, was thirty. „ The ratio of deaths to that of births in that
town, during this period, has been but as one to feven.
-58 the NATURAL and CIVIL
o
tical eftablifhments, tjie extreme luxury of one part
of the people, and the extreme poverty of the other,
their long and bloody wars, their numerous fleets
and armies, the numbers which are reduced to fer-
vitude, and rendered incapable of fupporting fami-
lies, with the impious inftitutions of celibacy, have
nearly deftroyed the natural increafe of mankind ;
cr at leaft they have rendered it extremely flow,
and uncertain. " In Greatbritain, and mod other
European countries, they are not fuppofed to double
in lefs than five hundred years."* — In vain do pol-
iticians ^o about to celebrate the wifdom of a ftate
of fociety, which deftroys the nobleft fruit and pro-
duction of nature : It muft be eflentiallv, and fun-
damentally bad. The fureft proof of the profperity
of any country, is a rapid increafe of the people.
* Smith's wealth of nations, Vol. I. 94.
CHAP.
HISTORY op VERMONT. 369
CHAP. XVII.
State of Society.— Freedom : bejlroyect in feme
Countries by the State of Society , froduced by the
Settlement of America^ the Caufe and Effecl of the
American JYar, cannot be preferved by Government \
depends on the State and Condition of the People,
X HE employments, the government,
the religion, the cuftoms, habits, manners, and condi-
tion of the people, conftitute their ftate of fociety . In
the ftate of fociety which had taken place in America,
the foundations of her freedom were laid, long before
the nations of Europe had any fufpicion of what
was taking phce in the minds of men. — -Conqueft,
religion, law, cuftom, habits, and manners, confirm-
ed by military power, had eftablifhed a ftate of foci-
ety in Europe, in which the rights of men were ob-
literated and excluded. The property and power
of a nation had palled into the hands of the iover-
eign, nobility and church. The body of the people
were without property, or any chance or profpect
of fecuring any ; and without education or knowl-
edge to form them to any rational principles and
fentiments. Without property and without princi-
ple, they were of little or no confequence, m the
view of government. When the conteft was wheth-
er the king or the commons fhould gain more pow-
er, the meaning was not at all whether the body of
the people fhould be railed out of their degraded
Y y Rate
8/
the NATURAL and CIVIL
ftate of ignorance, poverty, and inGgnificance ; but
whether that part of the nation, which had acquired
much wealth and property, fhould have more in-
fluence in the affairs of government. The body
of the people were efteemed as mere mob, wholly
inadequate and unfit for the affairs of government.
The king, lords, and commons, were agreed in view-
ing the mafs of the people in this light. And as
they had neither property, principle, or knowledge,
it is probable that the opinion which their rulers
formed of them, was but too juft.
Such had been the ftate of fociety in Europe, for
many centuries Time, law, religion, and power,
had combined with every other cirCumftancey to de-
grade the people -, and to reduce the body of them
to the lowed itate of abatement, and contempt. — In
a ftate of fociety, in which every thing had fo long
deviated from the defign and law of nature, it could
not be, but that the rights of men fhould be lofl ;
and the idea of them had nearly perifhed. Nothing
was to be feen but one general degradation of the
body of the people, and an unnatural and exceflive
exaltation of thole who bad acquired power ; every
where tending to corrupt both, and to give the molt
unfavourable idea of the capacity of the former, and
of the difpofition of the latter. It required the dar-
ing fpirii of Milton and Sydney, and the abilities of
Locke and Montefquieu, to dilcover the rights of
men, when men themfelves for many centuries, had
made the ftate of fociety wholly oppofite and con-
truly to the ftate of nature. The philofopher had
to deduce them from the creation, and nature of
man. In this inquiry, the progrefs, like difcoveries
in other fciences, was extremely flow and precarious.
Jntereft and reputation weie iigainft the progrefs of
this kind of knowledge. The law, the chuich, and
the government, were not only oppofed to it, but
they punifhed the diicoverers and writers, by whip-
ping.
HISTORY of VERMONT. 371
ping, imprifonments, heavy fines, and death. None
but the greateft and mod virtuous of men, were
either able to inveftigate, or would dare to alTert
what belonged to the nature of man, and what was
derived from the nature of fociety.
In America, every thing had affumed a different
tendency and operation. The firft fettlers of the
colonies, had fuffered fevcrely under the bigotry and
intolerance of ecclefiaftical power, in the days of
Elizabeth, James, and Charles the firft. They had
not at firft, any more knowledge of the rights of human
nature than their neighbours, and they were as far
from the fpirit of candour and toleration. But
when they were expofed to fevere fufFerings on ac-
count of their religion, they were placed in a fitua-
tion, in which their feelings would perform for them,
what their reafon had not acquired fufBcient force
to effect. They felt, and of courfe faw, that thsre
was no reafon or righteoufnefs in the puniuYments
which were inflicted upon them, on account of their
religion. In fuch a fituation, truth occurred to them
every moment ; and their fituation and fufFerings
effectually taught them, what were the rights of men :
They could at once difcern and underftand the
voice of nature, which had no effecl upon thofe in
power, and probably would have had more upon
them, had they been in the fame ftate. — With thefe
views they came into America. Situation and em-
ployment immediately operated to enlarge and con-
firm the fentiments which their fufFerings had firft
produced. The wildernefs was to be cleared up,
habitations were to be built, the means of living were
to be procured : Thefe occupations were fo neceffa-
ry, that they became unavoidable ; and every man
who did not mean to perifh, was obliged to engage
in them. This fimilarity of fituation and employ-
ment, produced a fimilarity of ftate and condition ;
at that time, unknown to the reft of the world : The
effects
372 the NATURAL and CIVIL
efFects of which the firft fettlers did not at all com-
prehend, themlelves. The bigger part of them rev-
erenced monarchy, as a facred inftitution of heaven ;
but they felt at the fame time that the honours and
diflinctions it produced, were of no avail to them.
To be wife, fttong, induftriou&, and healthy, to have
rulers, judges, and generals, the diftinctions which
nature urged, they found to be of the higheft im-
portance. But to be called a duke, an earl, or a
marquis, the diftin£lions which fociety had let up
again ft nature, they found could be of no impor-
tance to them, and denoted nothing valuable in them-
felves. Nothing was left for them but to purfue the
line and courfe of nature, which was that of utility
and fafety. And this could produce nothing but
limilnrity of fituation, rights, privileges, and freedom.
Every new fettlement, was a confirmation of the
fame ftate of fociety j and notwithstanding the per-
petual interference of royal authority, every thing
operated to produce that natural, eafy, independent
iituation, and fpirit, in which the body of the people
were found, when the American war came on. — In
fuch circumftances, the common farmer in America
had a more comprehenfive view of his rights and
privileges, than the fpeculative philolopher of Eu-
rope, ever could have of the fubjecl;. The one was
in a fituation, where the language, dictates, and de-
figns of nature, were perpetually occurring to his
views : The other was in a fituation, where every
thing in fociety had deviated from nature ; and with
infinite labour and fludy, the firft principles, muft
be deduced from theory and reafoning. Learning
their principles from the ftate of fociety in America,
Paine> and other writers upon American politics, met
with amazing fuccefs : Not becaufe they taught the
people principles, which they did not before under-
hand ; but becaufe they placed the principles which
they had learned of them, in a very clear and link-
ing
HISTORY of VERMONT. 373
ing light, on a molt critical and important occa-
fion.
When the war came on, the leaders of mobs, and
the mobs which they created, appeared in their true
light : The former funk into contempt, and the lat-
ter were foon fupprefled. The enlightened, virtu-
ous, fubftantial body of uncorrupted citizens, took
up the bufinefs. Unacquainted with the ftate of
fociety here, Europe faw with wonder, the fpirit of
freedom unconquerable in America: Rifmg, the
more it fufFered, the more fuperiour to all the at-
tempts of the wifefi and mod powerful nation of
Europe. The minifters of Britain at that time, were
men of great eminence and abilities, in managing
bufineO?, upon the European fyftem : But they had
no ideas of the (late of things in America, or of a
fyftem in which nature and fociety had combined to
produce and to preferve freedom. What they call-
ed rebellion, was only the tendency of nature and
fociety towards freedom, made more a£live, by their
oppofition. Miftaking the caufe, they perpetually
miftook in their meafures : And what could not
have happened from any other caufe but total mif-
take, it was their lingular ill fortune never to judge
right, either through defign, or by miftake. — The
refult was the natural efFe6t. of things. It did not
partake of the nature of miracles, of the extravagant
fpirit of chivalry, or of the madnefs of religious or
political enthufiafm. It was nothing more than the
natural efFecl:, of natural caufes. Freedom, for a
century and an half, had been the conftant product
and effect, of the (late of fociety in the Britifh col-
onies : And when the decifive trial was to be made,
this ftate of fociety produced its natural effett ; —
a firm, (leady, unabnting, and unceafing conteft,
which could not admit of any other period, but the
total deftru&ion, or complete eftablifhment of free-
dom.
No
the natural and civil
No other caufc but that which fir ft produced the
freedom of America, will prove fufficient to fupport
and preferve it. It is in the (late of fociety that
civil freedom has its origin, and fupport. The ef-
fect can never be more pure or perfect, than the
caufes from whence itarifes; and all thofe caufes
terminate in the Hate and'condition of the people. —
The form of government by which the public bufi-
nnt$ is to be done, a bill of rights to alcertain the
juft claims of the people, a constitution to direct and
reftrain the legiflature, a code of laws to guide and
direct the .executive authority, are matters of high
importance to any people ; and are j u ft) y e (teemed
among the wifclt productions, of ancient or modern
times. But no people ought to expect that any
thing of this nature will avail to fecure, or to per-
petuate their liberties. Such things are confequen-
ccs, not the caufes ; the evidences, not the origin of
the liberties of the people. They derive their whole
authority and force, from the public fentiment ; and
are of no further avail to fecure the liberties of- the
people, than as they tend to exprefs, to form, and
to preferve the public opinion. If this alters and
changes, any bill of rights, any constitution or form
of government, and law, may eafily be fet afide, be
changed, or be made of none effect. For it will
never be dangerous for the government of any peo-
ple, to make any alterations or changes, which the
public opinion will either allow, juflify, or fupport.
Nor ought any people to expect, that their legifla-
tors or governors will be able to preferve their lib-
erties, for a long period of time. Any body of men
who enjoy the powers and profits of public employ-
ments, will unavoidably wifh to have thofe profits
and powers increafed. The difficulties they will
meet with in the execution of their office, the un-
reasonable oppofit.ion that will be made by many to
their wifeft and belt meafures, and the conftant at-
tempts
HISTORY of VERMONT. 375
tempts to difplace them, by thofe whofe only aim
and wifh is to fucceed them ; fuch things, joined
with a natural love of power and profit, will not fail
to convince all men in public employments, that it
would be beft for the public to put more confidence
and power in them. While they thus with and
aim to increafe and add ftrength to their own pow-
ers and emoluments, thofe powers and emoluments
will be called the powers and the dignity of govern-
ment. It may be doubted whether men are much
to blame, for wifhing and aiming at that, which their
filualion and employment naturally leads to. The
effect feems to be univerfal. It has ever been the
cafe that government has had an univerfal tendency,
to increafe its own powers, revenues, and influence.
No people ought to expect that things will have a
different tendency among them : That men will
ceafe to be men, or become a more pure and perfect
order of beings, becaufe they have the powers of
government committed to them.
Upon what then can the people depend, for the
fupport and prefervation of their rights and freedom ?
Upon no beings or precautions under heaven, but
themfelves. The fpirit of liberty is a living princi-
ple. It lives in the minds, principles, and fenti-
ments of the people. It lives in their induftry, vir-
tue, and public fentiment : Or rather it is produced,,
preferved, and kept alive, by the ftate of fociety. If
the body of the people mail lofe their property »
their knowledge, and their virtue, their greater! and
mod valuable blefiings are loft at the fame time,
With the Jofs of thefe, public fentiment will be cor-
rupted : With the corruption of the public fenti-
ment, bills of rights, conftitutions written upon pa-
per and all the volumes of written law, will lofe their
force, and utility. Their government will immedi-
ately begin to change : And when the people have
themfelves loll the caufe, the principle, and the fpir-
it
S76 the NATURAL and CIVIL, &V.
it of freedom, they will no longer be capable of a
free government : They are better fuiied for the re-
ftraints of ariftocracy, or what is far better, for the
regulations of monarchy. The conilitutions and the
laws of fuch a people, will no more preferve their
freedom, than the tombs and the coffins of Montef-
quieu and Franklin, will retain their abilities and
virtues.
Ye people of the United States of America, be-
hold here the precarious foundation upon which ye
hold your liberties. They reft not upon things
written upon paper, nor upon the virtues, the vices,
or the defigns of other men, but they depend upon
yourfelves ; upon your maintaining your property,
your knowledge, and your virtue. Nature and fo«
ciety have joined to produce, and to eftablilli freedom
in America. You are now in the full poiftiTion of
all your natural and civil rights ; under no restraints
in acquiring knowledge, property, or the higheft
honours of your country ; in the molt rapid Mate of
improvement, and population ; with perfect, freedom
to make further improvements in your own condi-
tion. In this Itate of fociety, every thing is adapted
to promote the profperity, the importance, and the
improvement of the body of the people. — But noth-
ing is fo eftab'ifhed among men, but that it may
change and vary. If you fhould lofe that fpirit of
induftry, of economy, of knowledge, and of virtue,
which led you to independence and to empire, then,
but not until then, will you lofe your freedom : Pre-
ferve your virtues, and your freedom will be per-
petual !
APPENDIX.
377
APPENDIX.
N°. I.
An Account of the Variation of the magnetic Needle, in tke eafitrx
States. Chap. I. p. 18.
IN laying out lands in America, the direftion of the lines, is
generally taken by the magnetic needle. The inftruments
which have been generally ufed, are the Plain Table, or the CrV-
cumferentor, divided into degrees, and fitted with a magnetic
needle of three or four inches radius. — Had the greateft poihblc
care been taken by able mathematicians, it would not have been
poffible for them, with fuch inftruments, to have avoided many
errors 2nd miftakes. But in fcarcely any inftance has the varia-
tion of the needle been known, or at all attended to. Many,
and almoft endlefs controversies and lawfuits, have arifen from,
this caufe. In many inftances no data could be- found, by which,
it was poffible to come to a juft decifion ; the variation of the
magnetic needle, at the times when the contefted lines were run,
being unknown. On fuch accounts, the knowledge of the mag-
netic variations in the inland parts of America, is become a mat-
ter of grgat importance to the people ; their intereft and proper-
ty in many cafec, being much affected by it.
From the year 1302, the directive pdver of the magnet has
been employed with great fuccefs, in the affairs of navigation.
But the full account that we have of any obferved variation in its
direction, was bv Columbus, in the year 1492, in his firft voyage
to America. Until that time, phiiofophers uniformly believed
that the pole of the magnet, exactly coincided with the pole of
the earth ; and they had no idea of any fuch thing, as a varia-
tion. Amidft the uncommon fcenes of difficulty which oppofed
the views, and exercifed the genius of the difcovererof America,
when he had advanced two hundred league* weft of the Canary
I (lands, his compafs began to fail him ; and it was found not to
point to the pole of the earth, or exaclly north, but one degree to
the weft of that point. From that time the variation began to
be obferved, and became more and more known. For the latl
century and an half, mathematician! have made it a regular
part of their bufinef* to obferve it, in different parts of the
earth ; with the annual alterations that are conftantly raking
pface.
In the year 1723, a very accurate obferver, G. Graham, of Lon-
don, difcovered that the magnetic needle had a diurnal, as w.eJi
Z x aa
37*
APPENDIX.
as an annual variation. And it is now well known to philofo.
phers that from about eight o'clock in the morning, the mag-
netic needle verges to the weft, until about two o'clock in £e
afternoon. When it has attained its greatest weltward variation,
it gradually returns to the eaft, until about eight or nine o'clock
in the evening j. when it becomes Stationary, until the next morn-
ing —Tables expreflive of this diurnal variation are become com-
mon ; and are to be found in the transactions of all philofophical
focieties. Thus in the moll regular Aate of the magnetic needle,
it is constantly Subject to two variations ; an annual, and a diurnal
one.
The effect of thefe variations are at all times fuch", that the
magnetic needle can never give to the Surveyor who follows irs
directions, a Straight or an accurate line. And it ought not be
ufed at all, where the bufinefs requires great- accuracy and pre-
cision. It is however Scarcely practicable in America, to iub-
fiitute any thing better, in the room of it : MoSt of the line? which
have been already run by Surveyor?, were run by the needle ;
this is much the.moit convenient instrument that can be carri-
ed, or tiied ia the woods ; the expenSe of running lines any other
way, would be too great for individuals to bear ;. ancf the Survey-
ors are not qualified to run them by the true meridian. For
fuch reafons it is probable that the magnetic needle will Slill con-
tinue to be the instrument, by which the lines will be run, and
the to.vnihips re laid out in America. — We muSt therefore en-
deavour io provide the bed remedy we can, for an error or evii,
which we cannot ealily remove. The be St remed.v which the
ftal'e admits of, is an accurate observation of the variation of tfte
magnetic needle, at che time when' divi'fibnal lines are run.
This ihoulii be done by able mathematician', and in as many
puces in *• State, as may be. Such obfervations will aftbrd the
belt direction, Surveyors will be able to rind, to enable them to
determine what is the real or true direction of their magnetic
lines — .It is with this view, that the following Table is lub-
joined.
Magnttk
APPENDIX.
379
Magnetic Obfervations made in Canada,
America.
and the eafttm States, of
State. |
Place.
° J
Quebeci
(Three Rivers
Montreal.
I
f North line of Ver-
j mont,20 miles eaft
of Connec. river
Burlington.
Rutland.
Pownal.
Penobfcot fort,
Pownal.
Falmouth.
Kittery point.
Portfmouth.
Hindfdale.
"Newbury port.
Beverly.
Cambridge.
{
j Wrentham,at An
-« U!e Tfee.
| f Northeaft corner
!§>< of Rhoaeifland.
r> £ Providence.
Hartford, in Connecli.
fNorthweft corner
1 j of the Oblong.
|.<( Newyork.
H
Time.
1649
1686
Odober
Auguft
1785
i793
1785
>749
i7*5
March 3,
April 17,
Sept. 30,
178;
1793
1789
1786
July 1 8,
1761
1763
1771
1771
1772
Auguft 6,
Auguft 2,
1781
1781
1742 1
June 20,
June 4,
«757
1763
1782
1788
April 7,
1785
June,
Sept. iS,
1741
1769
1786
Sept. 25,
1786
1686
Sept. 18,
T724
1 7)«
Van
160 o' W
30
12
12
9
10
5
3°
38
8 24
40
38
3
45
46
48
o
18
z
o
20
o
46
38
5 46
3°
30
25
5 3
8 45
7 20
£ 22
O^Csrver.
Oes Hayes
~l Holland,
>Surv.gen!.
J of Canada.
M. Gillion.
Holland.
WhitIaw,SG
WrAjs.
(or.
JDr.Wintp.
Holland.
Holland.
Wright.
Dr. Willms.
Dr. Willard.
S-Dr.Wintp,
j Dr. Wm$.,
Dr. Willms.
Cms. f. r.t.l.
b.R.I.&Maf.
Dr. Weft.
Dr. Willms.
Dr. Willms.
Wells, S. G.
Gov. Bumou
Alexander.
No.
380 APPENDIX.
No. II.
Ob/ervaticns on the Change of Climate in Europe^ and other Flicts*
Chap. IV. p. 65.
THE change of climate which has taken place in Northamer-
ica, has irecn a matter of conftant observation and expe-
rience. It feems to be the universal opinion of hiftorians and
philofopbers, that there has been a more remarkable change of
climate throughout ail Europe. There are feveral phenomena
from which it may be fhown with much certainty, that this hai
been the cafe in feveral places.
Iri the land of Palejtiue, about the latitude of 30 or 31 degrees,
north, the author of the book of Job makes ufe of fuch language
a, fhir, *' Haft thou entered into the treasures of the fnovv ? Or
hall thou feen the treafures of the hail ? — Out of whofe womb
< :ime the ice r — And the hoary froft of heaven, who hath gen-
dered it ? — The waters are hid as ivi/h ajione, and the fate if tie
"deep is frozen." Job xxxviii. 22. 29, 30. Thefe are probably
the words of Mofes. And they are exprcflive of that degree of
eol5j in which thefurfacc of water is fo flrongly frozen as to con.
ceal its fluidity, and refemble the confillence and hardoefs of
ftone. Th» degree of heat in which this effect takes place in
rivers, pond?, and large collections of water, I have generally
found to be about 25 degrees of Farenheit's thermometer ; with
a duration of a week or ten days. We fha'l not therefore be
far from the truth, if we conclude that the extremity of the cold
!n the land of Midian, could noc have been lefs than 25 degrees,
in the days of Moles : And that fuch1^. cold, was of fome days
duration. Such was the degree, and the effeQ of the cold in the
land of the Midianites , about 32-^ centuries ago.
In the writings of David we have alfo a defcription, of what
was efleemed a /evere feafon. " He giveth fnow like wool : He
fcattereth the hoar froft like afhes. He cajleth forth his ice like
tnrrfels : Who can fraud before his cold :" Pfalm cxlvii. 16, 17.
Thrs account muft have been written at leaft 284- centuries ago.
The language of the poet does very flrongly exprefs the effect,
which the cold had on the feelings of men in that warm climate.
Eut the account which he gives of the appearance and form of
the ice, denotes a lefs degree of cold than what took place in the
days of Mofes. When the degree of heat is but 31 degrees of
Farenheit's thermometer, the ice may appear to be caft into the
form of morfels and cryftals : And this feems to have been the
greater! degree of confiftence, extent, and hardnefs, in which the
poet had either feen it, or conceived of it. — It fhould feem there-
jore that from the time of Mofes to David, the cold had abated
in the land of Palejiine : That four centuries before, it hid th«
jpaters as with a ftone, and ca.ufed the face of the deep to be
fro?eo :
APPENDIX. 33 1
frozen : But that now it only cart oat the ice like tnorfels or cryf-
tals. The difference in the degree of cold neceffrry to produce
thele effects, \» about 6 degrees.
We have here an account of the climate in the land of Palef-
tine, (o far back as 28 and 32 centuries. Inftead of treafures of
fnoiv, hail, and ice, a frozen deep, and cold which car. fcarce be
flood before, the inhabitants of that country now find a hot, ful-
try climate ; in which fnow and ice are never feen. We have
not an account of any meteorological obfervations made at the
places, where Moles and David lived. The climate is probably
much the fame at thofe places, as it is in others of a Gmilar lat-
itude and fituation. We may therefore make ufe cf thefe which
have been made at Grand Cairo, as the raoft applicable, and the
bed which we can find, to give us an idea of the temperature of"
the winter in thofe parts of the globe. Grand Cairo lies in the
latitude of 300 north. According to Mr. Nicbur's obfervatiens
made there in the years 1761 and 1762, the mean heat of thofe
years was 73°,65> The mean heat in the month of Jaouary was
'jj°; that of February was 630.* It isbut feldom that the mean
heat of the fevered week in the winter, falls more than 7 cr 8
degrees below the mean temperature of the whole month. This
will give 49 degrees, as the mean temperature of the fevereft
week, in the winter at Grand Cairo. And this cannot be great-
ly different from the temperature of the winter, in the land of
Paleftine. Frorw this way of computation, we fhall have 24 de-
grees of Farenheit's thermometer, as the alteration which has
taken place in the feverity of the winters in that country, fince the
time of Mofes.
The climate in Italy is alfo found to be very different now,
from what it was 18 centuries ago. Virgil, the celebrated peer,
was diftinguifbed alio by his knowledge in agriculture. In his
georgics he is frequently giving advice for the fecurity cf cattle,
againft the dangerous effects of ice and fnow. His directions
were defigned for the country round Mantua or Naples, his na-
tive place, in the latitude of 41°. Mentioning Calabriathe moft
fouthern part of Italy, he fpeaks of the freezing of the riven, as
an event that was commonly to be expected. Pliny, Juvenal,
and JElian, writers in the firft and fecond centuries, fpeakof ice
and fnow as what was common in Italy. One of thefe writers,
./Elian, has a chapter which confift^ altogether of inftru&ions how
to fifh for eels, when the water isxovered with ice. — The degree
of cold neceffary to effect this, cannot be eftimated at a lefs de-
gree than 25. From the meteorologicalobfervations which were
made at Rome in the years 1782 and 1783, it appears that the
mean heat in the month of January at that place, is now 46 de-
crees ; and that the mean heat of the coldeft week in the winter
was
# Voyage, Vol, I«
38*
APPENDIX.
•was 42 degrees ;* 17 degrees greater than that, in which the
permanent freezing of rivers takes place. The change of cli-
mate therefore in Italy during the laft 18 centuries, cannot
have been lefs than 17 degrees ; but from the inaccuracy of
the ancient accounts it may have been many more.
A fimilar change has taken place in the country round Con-
JJantinopfe, and the Euxine or B>ack Ssa. This we collect from
the works of Ovid. This celebrated poet was banifhed to
Tomos, by the Roman emperor. This place is in the latitude
of 440 ; and lies near the coaft of the Euxine fea. The poet
fpent feven years in his banifhment at this place, about the
middle of the firft century. He informs us that he faw the
Euxine fea covered with ice : That he walked upon this ice ;
and that oxen and carriages palled over it. He goes farther,
and adds, that when he called for wine in a fevere feafon, it
was prefented to him in a ftate of con^elarion : And that tho
fnow in many places, was never diflolved during the fummer
feafon. Tourntfort obferves that in the days of Conftantine,
the ft.reight of Byzantium was frozen over : And that in the
year 401, the Euxine fea was covered with ice for 20 days to-
gether.—We have not any meteorological obfervations to ftate
with exaftnefs, what the prelent temperature of that climate
is. But nothing would be more uncommon and extraordinary,
than to fee this fea frozen over now. In 1667, the Turks were
greatly aftonifhed at the appearance of fome ice at Constanti-
nople : And in all the adjacent country, inftead of a frozen
fea, frozen wine, and perpetual fnow, they have now a fine
moderate warm climate ; one of the moft luxuriant, and de-
lightful, that is to be found upon the face of the earth. So
far as we can judge from the general phenomena, the change
of the climate there, has been fully equal to what has taken
place in Italy.
The fame alteration has been obferved upon the Alps and
Appenines. Thefe are the higheft mountains in Europe, and
divide Italy from France, Switzerland, and Germany. The
march of Hannibal's army over thefe mountains, was one of
the moft memorable exploits of antiquity. In their accounts
of it, Livy and Polybius in almoft every line, are mentioning
the extreme difficulty and fufferings which arofe from the fe-
vere frofts, ice, and fnow. Thefe mountains are eafily paffed
now. Armies have frequently croffed them without any un-
common fufFerings, from the time of Francis the firft. +
The change of climate has been alfo very remarkable in
Cermany, Two circumftances have marked this with certain-
ty. By the account of Diodorus Siculus : 1. " The great riv-
ers
* Ephem. Soc. Metor. Palat. ObfervationesRomanae, Tom. II & III,
f Phil. Tranf. Vol. LVIH, for 1769, p. 58, &c.
APPENDIX. 383
frs which covered the Roman provinces, the Rhine and the-
Danube, were frequently frozen over, and capable of fupport-
ing the molt enormous weights. The barbarians who often
chofe that feverc feafon for their inroads, tranSpo.'tcd without -
apprehension or danger, their numerous armies, their cavalry,
and their heavy waggons over a vaft and (olid bridge of ice*
Modern ages have not prefented an inftance of a like phenom-
enon. 2. The reindeer, that uSeful animal, from whom the
favage of the north derives the beft comfort of his dreary life,
is of a constitution that Supports and even requires the mofi
intcnle cold. He is found on the rock of Spuzberg, within
ten degrees of the pole ; he feems to delight in the Shows of
Lapland and Siberia. But at prefent he cannot Sub Si ft, much
lets multiply in any country to the South of the Baltic. In
the time of C:efar, the reindeer, as well as the elk, and the
wild bull, was a native of the Hercynian foreSt, which then
overShadowed a grear part of Germany and Poland. "*
TheSe accounts will afTiSt us to form Some general idea of
the climate of Germany at that time. The freezing of the
Rhine and the Danube is mentioned, as an event that was- an-
nually to be expeeied ; what the barbarians always found to
take place in the Severe Seafon ; and to fuch a degree, as to
afford them a certain and a Safe paffage for the heaviefi bur-
dens, and for the largeft armies. This account of the Strength,
fcimneSs, and duration of the ice, conveys the idea of a win-
ter equal in all its effefts, to that which takes place in the un-
cultivated parts of Northameriea. The rivers are here con-
stantly frozen every winter. The inhabitants find by constant
experience, that at that SeaSon of the year they can tranfport
their heavieSt effedts, and the greater! weights, with Safety,
certainty, and convenience.— The mean heat of our winter9
m fuch places, is from 15 to 20 degrees-. In fuch a cold, the
rivers and Stream's will be So constantly and Steadily frozen,
that the inhabitants find a certain and a Safe paSfage every
winter, over the rivers and lakes. This Seems to have been
very much the State of the ancient German winter. From the
observations which were made at Vienna, latitude 480 — 12/
north, in the years 1779 anc' l7%°> *l appears that the mean
heat there in the month of January was 27^5 ; in February
it was 33°,23. At RatiSbon, latitude 480 — 56' north, in the
years 1781 and 1782, the mean heat in the month of January
was found to be 30°,$2 ; that of February was 30°,76. At
Manheim, latitude 490 — 27' north, in the years 1781 and 1782,
the mean heat in the month of January was 35°,o8 ; in Feb^
suary it was 35°,8.+ The mean of theSe, 3i°,3 in Januajy.^
and
* Gibbon's Roman Hiftory, Vol. I, p. 346.
f Fphein, Soc, Meteor. Palat, Tem< 1, II, III, &c
384 A P P E . N D I X.
and 33°,i6 in February, will accurately exprefs the prefent
r*mperature of the German winter upon the Danube and the
Rhine.— The time when the barb^iians began their inroads
into the Roman provinces was about the year 22;. Accord-
ing to this computation, the change of climate in Germany
hai been between 1 x and 16 degrees, in 15^ centuries.
The other inftance mentioned by the hiitoiian, and which
ferves to mark the climate in Germany in the time of Coifar,
was the appearance of the reindeer. The warmed countries
in which he now refides, arc Sweden, Ruffia, and Lapland.
From the oblervations made at Abo, latitude 6o° — 27' noith,
from the year 1750 to 1761 the mean heat in the month of
January, was found .to be 19°;58 ; that of February was
2i°,38. At Peterlburg, latitude 59- — 56' north, from the
year 1762 to 1777, the mean heat in January, was io° ; in
February, the mean heat was r6°,46. The mean of thefe
I4°,8 in January, and i8°,9 in February is the temperature of
the winter in that part of the globe.* Thefe arc the warmeft
climates in which the reindeer does now fubfift. It may
therefore with much probability be inferred, that this was the
temperature of the German winter in the days of Ccefar, 18'-
centuries ago. Hence the alteration of climate in Germany
during that fpace of time, has been about r6 degrees. It
feems to be a confirmation of the truth and propriety of thefe
different methods of computation, that they both afford much
the fame refult.
From thefe accounts it appears with a decifive evidence,
that the climate, in the courfe of . leveral centuries, has re-
markably changed at Palefline, in Italy, around the Eu\ine-
fea, at the Alps, and throughout all Germany. Through, all
this vaft extent of country, the climate is now become ib or
1 j degrees warmer than it was 18 centuries ago. 1 he conti-
nent of America in fimilar latitudes, is {till fubject to a gicat
degree of cold. If the meteorological oblervations which
have been made at Williamfburg, Cambridge, Oaebec, and
Hudson's Bay in America, be comp3red with thole which have
been made at Algiers, Rome, Poiclier?, and Solylkamiki,
places whole latitudes are nearly equal ;r it will be found
that the European continent is now 11 degrees warmer theni
that of America. Many inquiries and fpeculations have bceu
propeJed to account for this extreme cold of America. From
the accounts which btavd been mentioned, it appears that 17
or 18 centuries ago, the conlioeat oc. Europe ir.itead oi being
1 1
* Kiiwa.i'3 eftijnstf.
f Algitni lat -,<>°— 49'
Koij.c 4rc
M. !f.j
'
1
M. V..
7~° |
' I
-39'
S39.8
i
APPENDIX. 385
1 t degrees warmer, was fubject to a cold 4 or 5 degrees great-
*r, than that which now takes place on the continent of A-\
merica. The proper inquiries therefore feem to be, Whence
is it that the European continent is become fo much more
mild and temperate than that of America ? — Whether the lat-
ter will not in a courfe of time become equally warm and
temperate as the former ?— -Whether the climates of both will
not gradually become more equal, uniform, and moderate,
than they now are ? — And, Whether cultivation is fufficient
to account for thefe changes ? For whatever the caufe may
h&, the fact feems to be certain, the heat of all that part of the
earth, of which we have any ancient accounts, has been in-
ci earing from the earlieft ages.
N°. III.
A Dijfertaiion on the Colours of Men, particularly on that of the In-
dians of America. Chap. VIII. p. 197.
r> A/r /""\NE of the mod curious phenomena
Colours of Men. I 1 ., . ., , ., ,r , ,«.n
\_y that belongs to the natural hiflory
of man, is the colour with which he is marked. Every objett.
which we behold, appears to be of fom« particular colour.
In animals thefe colours are extremely various, different, and
beautiful ; and fometimes they appear to be variable. Man,
like other animals, is dillinguifhed both by a peculiarity, and
by a variety of colour. In Europe, he appears white : In
Africa, he is black : In America, his colour is red : In Afta,
a variety of colours are to be found upon the human counte-
nance. There are other fhades and tinctures to be found in
each quarter of the globe, betides thofe mentioned above :
But thofe that have been mentioned are the moll general and
prevalent colours, under which man appears, in the four gen-
eral divifions of the globe.
Variety of Colours. — The moft diftinguifhing, per-
manent, and general colours of the human fpecies, and which,
are at the greateft extremes from each other, are black and
white. Between thefe, or rather as different degrees and va-
riations of them, are all the other colours of the human coun-
tenance : And they may be reduced to Iwatthy, red, copper,
and brown. — Black is the colour of the Africans under the
equator ; of the inhabitants of Newguinea, and Newholland.
A fivartby coluur includes the Moors in the northern parts of
Africa, and the Hottentots in the fouthcrn parts of it. Red
diflinguifhes the Indians of Northamerica. The fame, or
perhaps more accurately a copper co'rur denotes the complexion
. >; comptehends the Tartar-, Per.
i a • iun«,
3*6
A P P E N D I
fians, Arabs, Africans on the coaft of the Mediterranean, and-
the Chineie. The inhabitants of the iflands in the Pacific
Ocean, are a'fo chiefly of this colour. Under this colour in
comprehended all thofe different fhades. which ate denoted
by ol.ve, chefnut, and deep yellow. A lefs dark colour, o*
bio^nij/.^ will beft exprefs the complexion of the inhabitants
in tie fouthem parts of Europe : The Sicilians, Ab)lhnians,
Spaniards, Turks ; and a!fo the Samoiedes, and Laplanders
li'ii'.te is the colour of mo ft of the European nations ; as-
Swedes, Ruffians Danes, English, Germans, Poles. &c. Ka-
baidinfki, and Georgians. It is oblervable that all thele col-
ours are included between the two extremes ; or rather they
are different degieesor variations of black and white*
Change of Colour. A change of colour is always pro-
duced by the mat nage or mxture of pe A ons of different com-
plexions. Th,us the offspring of the European and the negro, is
of a yellow complexion : lefs white than the European, and
)cfs black than the negio ; or rather of a dark cream colour.
'1 his race are numerous in feme parts of America, and are
called Mulrdtcc-. The offspring of an European and an Indian
is alfo of a cream colour ; and more light than the rr.ataitoe.
Thefe are called among the Spaniards Mejiigo'. The effect
and operation of this change of the original colour'-, in the
tUmate; of America, is always in favour of the fairer com-
plexion j and never approaches towaids, 01 ends in )he darker
i. — This change and alteration of colour, when it is lelt
to its natural tendency and effecf, is extremely flow and mod-
erate in its operation ; and it is not until aher many yeai-s,
ih.'t the full effect is produced. In the Spanilh fetllements,
this mixed race ha- fo multiplied as to form a confiderable
part of the inhabitants : And the feveral itages of variation in
this race, with the gradual alteration of fhade until it ends in
the European complexion, have been well afeertained, and
are now perfettly well underftood. Thole of the lirft gene-
ration are conudered, and treated as negroes or Indians. In
the third generation the Indian colour difappears. It is not
-until the fifth defcent that the deeper black of the negro is
loft. At the end of thefe different periods, the offspring' can
no longer be diftingutfhed from the European ; but is confid-
erari as fuch, and entitled to all their privileges.*— In this
change of colour, produced by the mod powerful of all nat-
ural caules, the mixture of pc-rfons of different complexions \
io gradual and flow is the operation, that the black mud be
fubjedt to five divifions, and the operation muft be continued
through five generations, before the colour is completely
changed.
Seat
* Voyage de Ulloa, I. 27, Robertfon*s Hift, Araer. II, \^
APPENDIX. 387
Seat of Colour. — That the different colours of the hu-
man fpecies are feated in the fkin is very apparent. The fkira
Confifts of three folds or coverings. The firft is a very fine
and tranfparent integument, and is white in people of all col-
ours. The fecond is a cellular membrane, differently colour-
ed in different petfons. The third is alio white. It is in
the lecond of thefe, that the colour is feated. In black peo-
ple, a very ab!e analomift* oblerves that the fkin is much
thicker and larger, than in white ones ; the cellular membrane.
in the latier bcipg a thin mucus, but in the former a thick
membrane. In whites this feat of the colour is ttanfparent,
and either totally deprived of vefTels, or only furnifhed with
3 very few ; as the yellow colour appearing in jaundice van-
ishes on the caufe of the difeafe being removed, which is not
ihe cafe with ftains from gunpowder, or fimflar caules. —
Hence, he oblerves, three caufes may be very readily afUgried,
which will operate to defiroy the pclucidity of the fkin, and
give it a brown colour, and render it thicker. Thefe are the
heat of the fun, the accefs of air, and naftinefs. And in gen-
eral any thing that operates to produce or to dellioy the
pelucidity of the fkin, will tend to vary and change the col-
our of the human body.
Colour connected with Ciimate. — Among the
caufes which may affect the colour of the human body, it has
been generally fuppoied that the influence of heat or climate,
has a confiderabte eftedt. Concerning this influence or con-
nexion between colour and climate, the following cbferva-
tions may be made.
1. Different colours are bed fuited to different climates.
In all the plants and animals which are ipread over the face
of the earth, there is fomething by which they are peculiarly
fitted to the climate and country, in which they aire placed.
One kind of vegetable requires a great degree of heat: An-
other flourifhes the beft in a temperate and cold country. It
is the fame with animals. Some are fitted for the heat of the
torrid zone. Others require the fevere cold of the frigid
zone, to give them their greatefi perfection. To all thefe an-
imals, nature has given the proper clothing ; which admits
of no other variation than what the feafons of the year re-
quire.— Man is an animal made for every climate * Inftead
of being formed for the torrid or frigid zjne, he can^JTva,
multiply, and arrive to his proper perfection, jh any climate:
And it is left to his own reafon and indultry to provide him-
felf with fuch clothing, as his condition may require, in ev-
ery climajc through which he may paf; ; or in which he may
fojouro. And yet there is fomething in different men, which
quaUBcs
* D.;ftor Hunter,
3«»
APPENDIX.
qualifies and fits them for one climate, better than for aw
and that is, colour. — The man whole colour is black, is bcti?:
fuited to the extreme heat of the hocteft climate, than arv other
of the human race. This has been long known and obferved in
the climates of America. The negroes of the Weilindia if
in the Spanifh dominions, and in the ftates of Georgia, and S
Carolina, are found to bear the extreme heat of the fummcr bet-
ter than the white people. On the contrary, the negroes >■
northern Mates of America are more tender than the uhite peo-
ple, lefs able to bear the feverity of our winters, and more apt
to complain, fuffer, and freeze with the cold. — The white men
are the reverfe of this. They bear the fevere winters of Canada,
and Rufiia, without m£ch difficulty or fuiFering : Bat in an hot
climate they become fickly, and fail fooner than the negroe?.
Several colonies of white peop'e have fubfjfted in the torrid zct i
in America, more than two centuries : And yet they cannot bear
the heat, like the original inhabitants, or like the negroes.
The one is apparently beft fuited to a cold, and the other to a
hot climate. And thefe differences are as apparently owing to
their colour, for they do not appear to be connected with any
other caufc, or circumftance. Different colours therefore in the
human fpecies, are certainly beft adapted, fatted and fuit:
different climates.
2. There is a tendency in climate to produce the colour which
?.t require*. Animal heat is derived but little from the fun, or
from the atmofphere ; but chiefly snd mainly from original con-
ilitution. The defign of covering and clothing, is to detain and
preferve the heat of the animal body, in its natural fituaticn,
degree, and quantity ; and to prevent an extreme wafte or rli!'.
perfion of it. Black readily receives and abforhs the heat of
Xhe animal body ; and in this way, tends to exh.tuil and cfi
it. White reflects and repels the rays of light and heat more
t;r.>an any other colour, 2nd thus prevents and oppofer. their paf-
fage ; and in this way, tends to preferve and detain the <
tutiojnal hea,t of the animal body. Hence the covering, ISmirh
natu;e has afiigned to the earth in cold climates, is fnow : By
lotu: it becomes beft of all adapted to prevent the heat frcrn
.flowing out of the earth into the atmofophere. And here •
covering, of moft animals in the fevered feafon, and country, is
gericraliy white ; the colour which moft of all preferves th
of the animal body, and prevents its flowing out. In conform-
ity to the fame law cf nature, many animals change their col-
our at the approach of winter ; and from black, brown, or grey,
become white.. This is the cafe with the rabbits, foxes, and
bears, Sic. at Hudfon's bay, RufCa, and Siberia. From the
darker colours which they bear in fummer, they turn white at
he approach of winter ; and remain fo. until the return of fpring.
In
A P P E N D IX. 389
Ib fuch ca&s, climate appears to have a powerful and a fudden
operation, to produce the colours it require:-.
The change of colour in man, is more flow and gradual : It
is however certain and apparent. The white men who are much
expofed to the heat and rays of the fun, and to the influence of
the wind, in hot fe-ifons lofe their whitenefs, and become brbwn
or red. The inhabitants of Europe when they fettle irt Netvfpain
or in the Weftindia iflands, foon lofe their whitenefs, and be-
come of a brownifh yellow. The Europeans who refide long j.a
the Eaitindies, become of the fame cream coloured complexion.
We have an accurate account of the effeel produced by climate
in Southamerica, by Dr. Mitchell : " The Spaniards who have
inhabited America under the torrid zeme for any considerable
time, are become as dark coloured as our native Indians of Vir-
ginia, of which I myfeif have been a witnefs."* An account
from Africa, is equally authentic and accurate, " There are
feveral other fmall Portuguefe fettlements, and one of fome note
at Mitcmba, a river in Sienna Leon. The people here called
Portugue/e, are principally perfons bred from a mixture of the
firft Portuguefe difcoverers with the native?, and now become,
in their complexion, and woolly quality of their heir, perfect-
segroe', retaining however, a fmattering of the Portuguele lan-
guage.'^ Here the operation of mixture by marriage, is de-
termined by climate in favour of the African colour. There
are fimilnr accounts of th,e complexion of the Portuguele, who
fettled at Senegal in 1400 ; and of thofe who are fettled on the
coafl of Congo. The varying complexion of the Jews is alio
very remarkable. Defcended from one fleck, their religion
has prevented their marrying with other people. In Britain
and Germany, they are white. In France and Turkey, they
are brown. In Spain and Portugal, their colour is fwarthy.
in Syria and Chaldea, the olive colour prevails : In Arabia and
Egypt they are of a tawny or copper colour. J Among every
nation they feem to partake of the colour of the climate. And
one of them, Tudela, relates that his countrymen in AbyfEnta,
have acquired the dark complexion of the original natives.
It is ohfervable that all thefe changes, are from a light, to a
more dark complexion. Similar changes have not been obferv-
ed in the negroes, that have been brought into the temperate
climates of America. It fhculd feem therefore that the tranfi-
tion is eafier from white to black, than from black to white ; or
mat the negro colour is the 1*0 ft deeply imprefied of any ; or
that heat has a much more fudden and powerful effeel than cold.
It ought however to be obferved that it is only in white and fair
complexions,
•Plnl.Tranf. No. 476.
•j- Account of the traile of Greatbritain to Africa, by an African mer-
chant.
| ftuffoo Nat. Hift. Vol. ill.
390 APPENDIX.
complexions, that thefe changes of colour would Toon become
xifible, or apparent to common observation. In a dark or black
countenance, i'mall and gradual variations of fhade would not be
obferved. It would not be until the negro had loft much of his
/brmer colour, that the change would be generally noticed.— But
I much fufpect that theie is f>mething more curious in this fub-
jeit, than has been imagined: That lb me of the colours of the
inaman countenance, are in their own nature, colours which are
Jefs changeable than others. It feenvs to be univeifally the cafe,
that the black produced by fcorching, or by an intenfe heat, is
the m oft durable of any colour whatever: And that white is
more foon andeafily full ted, and changed, than any of the other
colours, with which any object is marked.
3. It teems to be a confirmation of thefe remarks, that the col-
ours of men in different climates, are in fact fuch, as thofe cli-
mates feem to require. Under the equator the darkeft fhade,
perfect black takes place. The negro of Africa is placed in the
snort intenfe heat, that takes place on this globe; and the colour
of the negro is the deeped and darkeft black, that any where ap-
pears on the human countenance. Advancing fiom the equator
towards the pole, the colour of the human fpecies acquires a com-
plexion mire and more light ; until having palled through all the
intermediate gradations of (hade, it terminates in the whitenefs
of a temperate and cold climate. — There are indeed variations
and exceptions from this, and from every other general law of
nature, intermixtures of different nations, migration, differen-
ces in ford, difeafe, cleanlinefs, health, and many other local
vircumftancss and caufes, will produce thefe. Asfuch variations
.'-re not agreeable to any general law of nature, they are neither
evidences of, or objections to fuch laws; but derive their origin
from local and particular caufes. — But it is impoffible not to dif-
cern the general regularity, tendency, and effect of the laws of
nature, refpecting climate and colour. The moil intenfe black,
is the general colour of man in the hotteft part of the globe.
Where the heat is coofiderably abated, the black abates too, and
the' colour becomes fwarthy. To this fucceeds the red or copper
idourof the ealt and weft Indians ; fuited to that part of Afia,
where the Indians have been long fixed and permanently fettled.
The next gradation is brown, comprehending the olive, and dark
yellow. A lighter (hade, or a brown approaching nearer to
v h:te, diftinguifheth a clirr.are (till more temperate. The whole
terminates in the^coldnefs, and i« the whitenefs of the European
wnd northern nations; beyond which nature has not proceeded.
.•\nd where a country is of great extent, as India, and China,
the colour of the fome people is dark in the fouthern, and more
f.iir in the northern parts. Whatever particular exceptions and
elanauoijs may be found, the general law of nature refpecting
colour.
A P P E N D I X. 0i
sclour, is marked with as much regularity, uniformity,, defign ,
and order, as any other law of nature, which applies to the veg-
etable or animal world.
4. This operation and effect of climate mull be extremely grad-
ual and flow. Whatever thofe caufes are which have ferved to
form and fix the colours of men, they are caufes which have beer?
in operation, from the beginning of the creation of God. If
tkere were any differences in the natural conftitutions of men, fo
as to form what has been called different races, thofe differences
rood have been original ; and therefore as ancient as thofe fup~
pofed races of men. If the effect has been produced by climate,
this caufe mufl have been operating upon nations, ever fince their
refidence became fixed in any particular part of the earth. The
fame remark will apply to any other luppofed caufe, Be it what
it may, upon every nation whofe refidence has been fixed, it mult
have been operating ever fince their fituation became eftablifhed.
With regard then to all thofe nations which have long refided.
in the fame part of the globe, their colours mull be viewed aa
the effect of caufes, which have been in operation either from the
beginning of the creation, or from the time when they began to
refide in their prefent fituations, or countries. — What then ought
to be expected, if any race of men whofe colour was already
formed, fhould be removed to a country, where the tendency 0/
climate was to reverfe the former effects, and change the colour
which had been lo-ag fixed ? — Could it be expected that the pow-
er of climate to change a colour long formed and fixed, could be
exerted in lefs time than it had required to produce and to eftab-
lifhit ? — Would it require lefs time to remove an eflablifhed colour,
and to produce a new one, than it did to produce and fix the firft ?
So far as we can derive any information from the ordinary coijrfe
of nature, we cannot conceive that the colour of the negro, could
be chanped into that of the white man, in a lefs period of time,
than it had taken, to produce and eftablifi) that colour at firft,
It is much more probable, that a longer period of time would
be nec-effary to eradicate the frit, and produce the fecond, than
was requifite to form the complexion at firft. — Thofe then that
mean to inquire carefully into the operations and effects of na-
ture, muft put on the patience of the antiquarian, and learn to
compute time with the aftronomers. The impatience of many
leads tbem to expect that climate fhould undo that in three or
four generations, which nature has been conflantly at work to
effeft, from her firft origin until now.
I will venture to propofe a conjectural eftimation, not becaufj
I think it approaches very near to certainty cr decifion, but be-
caufeT cannot find any thing upon thefubject, that has a greater
appearance of probability. The moil powerful of all the caufes,
which have been found to change the complexion of man, is that
cf mixture by marriage. In the negro colou/j this requires five
generatiorf.'..
39 a A P P E N D I X.
gener£»tisy)$, and five divifions, tcfore the African biackne/s ii
iyftjp the European whhene|s : fa the lefi dark complexion oi
the Indian, it requires three generations and three divifio
produce the fame effect, Tli2 time ot one ofthefc generations may be
eifimated at about twenty five years. The time then whi I
requires to effect the change of colour from this caufe, would be one
hundred and twenty five years, for the negro. A thirty itc-
ond part of the whole colour, upon this fuppofition is dune away
by fowe other caufe, fay that of climate. U the whole effect, had
been produced by climate, and in this proportion, the time nee-
effary to have completed the effect would have been four thou-
land years. By the fame method of conjcfiural eltimation, the
time neceffary to reduce the Indian to the European colour,
would be fix hundred years. — The difficulty and uncertainty at-
tending this method of forming an eftimate, is not that it can
give the period of time too long, but that it affumes whit can-
not be afceitained by obfervation. It is nor; and probably can-
r.ot be made certain by obfervation, that a thirty fecond part of
the negro colour is done away by climate, or that it L done away
at all, when the negro complexion is fuppofed to be complete! /
changed. It is not probable that if a thirty fecondpart of the
dark colour remained, it could he readily difiinguiihed by the
f^ye.— »But uncertain as the data are, they are fufiicient to flio*
that the operation of climate, in any view in which the matter
tan be confidered, is extremely gradual and iluw. Eut
5. This influence of climate, whatever it if, may be increaf-
e«, or it may be retarded, by the operation of other caufes.
The colour of the fkin may be affected and changed by other
caufe?, as well as by heat and cold. If there be any thing in
the common method of living, in being conflamly expofed to
the fun and wind, in the ufe of paint and oil, or in an habit-
ual cleanlinefs or filthinels, that lends to darken, or to rendu
the complexion more fair ; this, may onerate either with ov
againfl the influence of climate, according as the nature and
tendency of fuch cuftorn or pra&ice maybe. And we ought
not 10 afcribc that to, or make that any objection to the in-
fluence of climate, which may be derived from other caufr.*.
Thus in Greenland, the influence of clima'e is in favour of *
fair and white complexion. But in the coudant application
of gieafe, oil, and n'thinefs, to the hu'nan body, there is an-
other tmd a move pov. erful caufe to effect its colour,
climate; and which, acting in constant opposition to it,
lo the countenance a fallow or dirty ohvc complexion.
.. may act with a force and power, equal or (upcriour to
that of climate ; but they are not equal)' permanent, univerfj],
or invariable. — These is no error more common, or move apt
to deceive us in contemplating 'he natural hiftory of man,
than to afcribe that to One caufe _. which is d';!:."ed fr< m or
ptoduced
APPENDIX.
393
produced by the joint operation of many. Whatever tends to
render the (kin more or Jefs tranfparent, will affett the colour
of the human fpecies, as certainly as the climate in which they
are placed.
Colourand Climate of the Indians of America.—
There is no fubjeft in philofophy fo well undet flood, but that
a dumber of queftions and inquiries may be propofed refpeci-
ing it, which do not admit of a fatisfaftory or complete an.
fwer. And this will always remain to be the cafe, becaufe our
knowledge of nature will never be equal or commenfurate to
the fubjecf. But there is one inquiry arifing here, which de-
mands our careful attention : How does the climate and the
colour of the Indians of America agree with this, or with any
other fuppofed law of climate? The Indians were fpread over
the whole continent of America: They dwelt in every habi-
table climate from the equator to the pole : And they were)
of the fame colour in every place. In the greateft heat under
the equator, and in the fcverefl climates of Canada and Hud-
fon's bay, they were of the fame brownifh red.* This appears
to be the proper Indian colour in every part and climate of
America. Are the climates of America different from thofe
of the other continent ? Or whence is it that the connexion
which takes place between climates and colour in the other
parts of the globe^ is not to be found among the Indians?—
This curious phenomenon has occafioned much inquiry and
fpeculation : Can the caufes of it be found, ia the observa-
tions which have been already mentioned ?
1. The Indian colour is very evidently the mixture of black
and red. The colour, which an intenfe heat produces, upon
all bodies to which it is applied, is black : And it is as natural
Bbb to
* It has been cuftomary to write in this laflgu3ge, but we are far from
being certain that it is either accurate, or proper. It has been taken for
granted, but it has never been examined, whether the Indian colour is
the fame in every part of America. An accurate and inquifitive obferv-
er, M. de le Pinto, who commanded for feveral years at Matagrofla, a
Poituguefe fettlement in the intertour parts of Brafil, where the Indians
are numerous, and not altered by their intercourfe with the Europeans,,
noted a difference in their complexions : " They are all of a copper col.
bur, with fome diverfity of (hade, not in proportion to their dilfance frorh
the equator, but according to the degree of elevaiion of the territory
which 'fn-fy inhabit. Thofe who live in ?. high country are fairer than
;hofe in the maifhy low lands on the coaft/'— Robeitfon's Hift. Atner.
1. 4.60. *— On the northweft pan of the American continent, it lias been
i<und, that " the compltxion cf the Indians is lighter than -thai of the
foot hern Indians, and fome of their women have rofy chef ks." — Morfe's
G^og, I. 99 105 Edit. 1793. — Of the Indians of Paraguay we have
•com. 1 \ " They are generally of a^ olive complexion, feme dai kif ,
uhets- lighter, and f»tns as whitest th« ^sh'tatd*."— fbid^p. 8s.
394 A P P E N D I X.«
to cxpeft it fhould have this efFecl: upon the human body, a*
upon any other bodies. The colour which is produced upon
the human body, by living much in the open air, expofed to
the influence of the fun and wind, is red. The white men
who live in fuch a fituation, always contraft this colour.
That part of cheir bodies, which is expofed to the influence of
the fun and wind, becomes of a reddifh colour ; or as it is com-
monly expreffed, they become tanned, or fun burnt; that is, thty
acquire a colour formed by a mixture of red and white.— Tins
influence of the wind and fun, in producing the red complexion,
is found to be much the fame in fummer and winter : The white
roan is nearly as much, and as foon tanned, in the winter as in
the fummer. It feems therefore that the production of this red
colour, does not depend upon climate,, heat, cr cold, but upon
habit ; the habit of living in the open air, and having the body
expoied to the conflant influence of the Tun and wind. — The In-
dian colour then feems to have been formed by the mixture of
two different colours, black and red ; and to have been derived
from two powerful caufes, climate and habit : Caufes diftinct from
one another, and the latter producing nearly the fame effett in
every climate.
2. This colour of the Indians wa.s probably completely form-
ed, when they iirii came into America. They were of the fame
colour as the Indians, and fouthern Tartars ir. Afia ; and ap-
pear to have been defcehded from them. Their colour therefore
was completely formed and fixed, before they came in'o Amer-
ica. This coloiu feems to have been derived from the warm
climate of Afia ; and from the habit of living conftantly expofed
to the fun, and to the open air. The colour thus formed and
fixedt they would naturaJly convey to their offspring. And as
there were no other people with whom they could have any in-
tercourfe, there could be no change or alteration of colour, pro-
duced by a mixture of parents of different complexions.. Their
colour therefore rouft have been fettled, and uniform : And th*
whole effed> of population muft have been to fpread, propagate,
and preferve it. The effeS of climate then upon the Indian in
America, would not be to produce and form his colour ; but ei-
• :.t- to piefervc, or to change it.
3. No part of the climate of America was fufficiently hot, to
change it into an inrenfe black. It is only in the pott intenfe
heat of the hotteft climate, that the extreme black of the negro
is formed . The el'iraate of America under the line falls far
fhort of thi.c. " While the Regro on the coaft of Africa is f core li-
ed with unremitting heat, the inhabitant of Peru breathes an air e-
sjually mild and temperate, and is perpetually fhaded under a cano-
py of grtv clouds, which intercept the fierce beams of f.he fun."**
The
* RobeitfonVHifh Ameri. I. ?<;■>.
APPENDIX. 39
E
The climate in every part of the torrid zone in America,
is much more mild and temperate than the fame latitude in
Africa, or Afia. In a country where the hotteft climate is (a
moderate, it is not to be expected that the Indian colour fhouid
be changed into extreme black. No part of the climate was
l:ot enough to produce this : And any fmall variation in the In-
dian countenance, would not be readily or eafily difcerned.
4. The change of colour moil naturally to be expected would
be of the contrary kind, not to black, but to white ; at leaft to
a lighter (hade than what took place under the equator. If there
be any influence or tendency in extreme cold to produce a fair
and white complexion, this might have been expected ; for there
are no colder climates upon the face of the earth, than thofe of
the northern parts of America. — But whatever might be the in-
fluence of the climate to produce fuch a complexion, the Indians
made ufe of feveral certain and conflant methods to prevent: it.
One, was their conftant habit of living and wandering about in
the woods, expofed to the full force of the winds and fan : An-
other, was their extreme and perpetual filth, and dirtinefs : A
third, was their habitual ufe of greafe and paint. It was their
univerfal cuftom to anoint and rub their bodies with the greafe
and oil of the bear, beaver, muikr;.!, and other animals ; and to
mix the greafe with different kinds of paints, and gums. This
practice was probably defigned to proteft the body again!! the
extreme variations of heat, cold, and moifture, to which riiey
were conftantly expofed. Nyr could they have provided any bet-
ter defence againfl heat, cold, rain, and infeils, than thus to
cover their bodies with a glutinous kind of varnifh. And in do-
ing thil, they took a fure and a certain method, to fix and pre-
serve their colour from any approaches to a white, or to a fair
complexion. When extreme dirtinefs was added to the greafe,
oii, and paint, neither climate or any other caufe could produce,
a fair complexion, until thefe were removed and difufed. Thus
in the Indian cuftoms, and method of guarding his body againit
she e.ffecls of climate, the Indian himfelfwas taking conftant care
that nothing fhould change the colour of his flcin, or make it
more tranfparent. But
5. Where thefe cuftoms have been difufed, the Indian colour
has been found to be changeable. It has never been decided
whether the Indian colour is exadtly the fame in every part of
America. No accurate comparifons have ever been made be-
tween the colour of the Indians in the hottefr. parts under the e-
qu?nor, and thofe in the remote regions of Canada and Hudfon's
,bay. Their colours have never been compared to any accurate
and known ftandard ; and fmall variations in a dark complexion,
would not be a matter of common obfervation. — But whether the
Indian colour be the fame in every part of America, or not, it is
certainly more changeable, and not fo deeply fixed, as that of
the
B96 A. P P E N D I X.
the negro. Many families pf the Indian tribes are to be found
in feveialof -our towfts< Some of thefe are at Capecod, anri
Rhodeifiand : A considerable number of them, are atNatic, andl
Stockbridge, in Maffachufetts. Their habiu and m-ir.nrrs o|
life are different from thofe of the Indians, who relidc 1
forefls. They live in houfes, have a fixed place ot reGdeticc,
and have much difufed the cullom of paints and oils ; and Bheir
complexion differs much from that of the tribes .who yet remain
in their ancienc and original ftate. The reddifh call a abated.
The tawny afpeel appears more dull, pale, and clouded. . The
crimfon mixture has difappearcds and they have approximated
much nearer to the colour of the hunter among the whites, than
the tribes who retain their ancient cufloms and habits. This
change of colour in the Indians who have lived long among the
whites, is apparent to common o'ofcrvation. And it is apparent-
ly derived from the change ;n their manners, cuftoms, and hab-
its. This change of the Indian complexion, clearly fliows what
has been the effect of cuflom, and habit.
6. In the northern part3 of America, there are permanent phe-
nomena, which will (erve alio to fhow what has been the efTei'i
of climate. The Elquimaux in the northern parts of America,
are a people remarkably different from 'he Indians, which oc-
cupy the other parts of the continent. There is not much room
to doubt, but that they were derived from the northweft parts
of Europe ; are the fame people with the Greenlanders, Lap-
lander?, Zemblans, and Samojeds ; and like them, were defcend-
ed from the Tartars in the ealt. Their defcent then was prob-
ably from the fame nation as the Indians. But while the Indian
tribes have by cullom, preferved their red complexion, the Ef-
quimaux have acquired a fallow olive, or brownifh colour ; more
inclining to the European whitenefs, than to the brownifh red-
of the American. — To what caufe can we abferibe the lighter
co'cur of this branch of the Tartar race, but to their more north-
erly and frozen Situation r They have adopted the fame cufloms
and habits, as the Indians. They rub and anoint their bodie?,
with greafe, the fat of the feal, and train oil j and are as filthy
as the Indians. Not only fo, but they drink the fat of the feal,
and their train oil, and efteem it the mod pleafant liquor. -Can'
St be doubted what mufl.be the effect upon their colour ? It op.
crates againft the influence of climate, in that part of the earth
where climate operates moil powerfully to produce a white com-
plexion. The influence of the two caufes is divided, but the
ballance is in favour of climate, and the European complexion.
Thus in two very extenfive and numerous kinds of men, deriv-
ed from the fame nation, climate, cuflom, and habit, in one
part of America, have produced or preferved the dark crimfon
of the Indian j but in the mofl northerly and frozen parts of the
continent, the fame caufes have efUblifhed the fallow olive colour
of
APPENDIX. 397
of the Esquimaux, more refembling the European whhenefi.,
than the indian rtd. Upon a jiareful attention then, to the col-
ours and cudoms of the original inhabitants of America, the phe-
nomena feem to confirm the general connexion which nas taken
place between climate and colour, in the various paru of the oth-
er hemifphere.
This part of the natural hificry of man, feems to be but very
imperfectly undertfood. The great difficulty that attends it, is
the want of ancient and accurate accounts. It does indeed feem
to be pretty well determined, that the colour of the white man is
eafily, and foon changed, to a dark complexion ; And that the
colour of the Indian is changeable, into a lighter complexion.
But no relations which I have leen afford the fame information,
refpedling the change of the African black. Nor can I find any
phenomena or accounts which ferve to afcertain the matter, and
pat it out of all doubt, whether there has been any change in,
the colour of the negroes, which have been brought into any part
of America. Nor is it certain that any fuch apparent alteration
of the negro colour, ought upon any hypothecs to have been ex .
peeled, in the courie of four or rive generations. And yet, until
fooie of thefe foGki (hall be afcertained, we can hardly expeft
that the laws of nature which apply to this fubjeel, will be un-
deruood.— Impatient of the fatigue of inquiry, collecting and
comparing phenomena, fome philofophers, with great precipita-
tion, have pretended to decide it by fyftem. To folve all dif-
ficulties it has been declared by fome, (has there are different
creations, and races of men : That the white man is one kind,
the negro another, and the Indian a third, &c— The bufinefs of
making Jyflems for nature, has feldoro anfwered any other pur-
pofe, than to dilcover the preemption of thofe, who have made
them. It has proved fo in this cafe. If there had been as many
local creations as there are individuals, this would not afford us
any information, or enable us to advance one ftep, towards a
folution of the problem refpecling the colours of different men.
Still the inquiries would remain, What is the feat of colour in
thefe different men ? Why do the rays of light appear of fuch
different colours, upon the flcin3 of the one, and the other ? Why
djoes one colour appear molt common in an hot, and another col-
our prevail the molt in a cold climate? And how is the change
of colour produced by marriage and mixture ?— Inftead of amuf-
ing ourfelves with theories that are attended witn no evidence,
and can be of no ufe, what is wanted in this fubjeel, is careful and
accurate obfervations. Thefe will indeed require a long courfe
of time, and abilities very different from thofe, which decide by
metaphifical difputes and fpeculations. But it is the only meth-
od, in which we have any reafon to expect cur knowledge of this
fubjeft will be promoted.
No.
398 APPENDIX.
N*. IV.
<Tk; Declaration and Petition of the Inhabitants of the Keivhamf-
Jhirc Grants to Congrefs, anitoui.ing the DijS-itl to be a Free and
Independent Stale. Chap. IX. p. 233.
To the Honourable the Co ktinentai Congress.
THE declaration and petition of that part of Northameri.
ca, fituate fouth of Canada line, welt of Connecticut
river, north of the Maflachufetts bay, and eaft of a twenty
mile line from Hudfon's river, containing about one hundred
and forty four townfhips, of the con ents of lix miles fq'jare,
each granted your petitioners by the authority of Newhamp-
fhire, befides feveral grants made by the authority of Newyork,
and a quantity of vacant land, humbly fheweth,
Tnat your petitioners, by virtue of feveral grants made
them by the authority aforefaid, have many years fince, with
their families, become adtual fettlers and inhabitants of the
faid delcribed premifes ; by which it is now become a resec-
table frontier to three neighbouring ftates, and is of great kn-
porUnce to our common barrier Ticonderoga ; as it has fur.
rufhed the army there with much provifions, and can multer
more than five thoufand hardy foldiers, capable of bearing
arms in defence of American liberty:
That fhortly after your petitioners began their fettlements,
a party of 1 and jobbers in the city and ftate of Newyork, be-
gan to claim the lands, and took mcafures to have them de-
clared to-be within that jurifdiftion :
. That on the fourth day of July, 1764, the king of Great-
britain did pafs an order in council, extending the jurifdic-
tion of Newyork government to Connecticut river, in con-
sequence of a reprefentation made by the late Lieutenantgov-
ernor Colden, that for the convenience of trade, and admin,
iftration of juftice, the inhabitants were defirous of being an-
nexed to that ftate :
That on this alteration of jurifdiftion, the faid Lieutenant-
governor Colden did grant feveral trafts of land in the above
defcribed limits, to certain perfons living in the Mate of New-
york, which were at that time in the aftual polTefTion of your
petitioners; and under colour of the lawful authority of faid
itatc, did proceed againft your petitioners, as lawlels intrud-
ers upon the crown lands in their province. This produced
an application to the king of Greatbritain from your peti-
tioners, letting forth their claims under the government of
Newhampfhire, and the disturbance and inteiruption they
liad fuffered from faid poft claimants, under Newyork. And
en the 24th day of July, 1767, an order was paffed at SrV-
Jaaj^s's, prohibiting the governors of Newyork, for the time
being
APPENDIX. 399
being, from granting any part of the defcribed premifes, on
pain of incurring his highcit difpleafurc. Neverthelcfs tho
lame Lieutenantgovernor Coldcn, Governors Dunmore and
Tryon, have eacn and every of them, in their refpe&ive turns
of adminiltration, prefumed to violate the faid royal order, by'
making fevcral grants of the prohibited premifes, and coun-
tenancing an actual invafion of your petitioners, by force of
arms, to drive them oft from their poffeflions.
Thole violent proceedings, (with the folemn declaration of
the fupreme court of Newyork, that the charters, conveyances
&c. of your petitioners' lands, were utterly null and void) on
which they were founded, reduced your petitioners to the
difagieeable neceffily of taking up arms, as the only means
left for the fecunty of their poffeflions. The confequence of
this flop was the palling twelve atts of outlawry, by the le-
giflatureof Newyork, on the ninth day of March, 1774 ; which
were not intended for the ftate in general, but only for part
of the counties of Albany and Charlotte, viz. fuch parts there-
of as are covered by the Newhampfhire charters.
Your petitioners having had no reprefentative in that af-
fembly, when thefe a£ts were paffed, they firft came to the
knowledge of them by public papers, in which they were in-
ferred. By thefe, they were informed, that if three or mora
of them affembled together to oppofe what faid affembly call-
ed legal authority, that fuch a* fhould be found affembled to
the number of three or more, fhould be adjudged felons : And
that in cafe they or any of them, fhould not furrender him-
felf or themfelves to certain officers appointed for the purpofe
of fecuring them after a warning of feventy days, that then
it fhould be lawful for the refpeftive judges of the fupreme
court of the province of Newyork, to award execution of
Death, the fame as though he or they had been attainted before
a proper court of judicatory. Thefe laws were evidently
calculated to intimidate your petitioners into a tame furrender
of their rights, and fuch a ftate of vaffalage, as would entail
mifery on their lateft pofterity.
It appears to your petitioners, then an infringement on their
rights is ftill meditated by the ftate of Newyork ; as we find
that in their general convention at Harlem, the fecond day of
Auguft laft, it was unanimoufly voted, «' That all quitrenta
formerly due and owing to the crown of Greatbritain within
this if ate, are now due and owing to this convention, or fuch
future government as may hereafter be eftablifhed in this
ftate."
By a fubmiffion to the claims of Newyork, your petitioners
would.be fubje&ed to the payment of two Shillings and fix
pence fterling on every hundred acres annually ; which, com*
£»red with the quitrcnts of Levingfton'fl, Phillips'*, and Ran-
flcar's
*oo A P P E N Ds I X.
wear'., manor?, and many ether cnormoui trafts in the beft
fituations in the ftate, would lay the mod difproportionato
fiiare of the public expenfe on your petitioners, in all refpefts
the leaft able to bear it.
The convention of Newyork. have now nearly completed a
code of laws, for the future government of that ftate ; which,
fhould they be attempted to be put in execution, will fubjecT:
your petitioners to the fatal neceffity of oppofmg them by
every means in their power.
When the declaration of the honourable the Continental
Congrefs of the fourth of July laft paft, reached your petition-
ers, they communicated it throughout the whole of their dif-
tri£l; and being properly apprized of the propofed meeting,
delegates from the feveral counties and towns in the d'ftrift,
defcribed in the preamble to this petition, did meet at Weft-
jninfter in faid diftrift, and after feveral adjournments for the
purpofe of forming themfelves into a diftinttand feparate ftate,
did make and publifh a Declaration, '< that they would at all
times thereafter confider themfelves as a free and independent
ftate, capable of regulating their own internal police, in all
and every refpeft whatfoever ; and that the people in the faid
defcribed diftrift, have the fole exclufive right of governing
jhemfelves in fuch a manner and form, as they in their wif-
dora fhould choofe : not repugnant to any refolves of the hon-
ourable the Continental Congre^ :" And for the mutual fup-
port of each other in the maintenance of the freedom and in-
dependence of faid diftricl: or feparate ftae, the faid delegates
did jointly and feverally pledge themfelves to each other, by
ail the ties that are held facred among men, and refolve and
declare, that they were at all times ready, in conjunction with
their brethren of the United States, to contribute their full
nroportion towards maintaining the prefent juft war againft
the fleets and armies of Greatbritain.
To convey this declaration and refolution to your honoura-
ble body, the grand reprefentative of the United States, were
we (your more immediate petitioners) delegated by the united
and unanimous voices of the reprefentativcs of the whole
bod)« of the fettlers on the defcribed prcmifes, in whofe name
and behalf, We humbly pray, that the laid declaration may
be received, and the diftiicl defcribed therein be ranked by
your honours, among the free and independent American
/rates, and delegates therefrom admitted to feats in the grand
Continental CongrefSj and your petitioners as in duty boand
fhall ever pray.
Neivbavpjhirc Grants, Wcjlminjlir, l$tb, Jan. 1777.
1 JONAS FAY.
Signed by order, and in | THOM AS CHITTENDEN,
behalf of laid inhabitants, f HEM AN ALLEN.
J REUBEN JONES. Nc.
APPENDIX. 401
N». V.
The Remcnjlrance of the CommiJJioners from Vermont againft the
Proatdings of Cqngrefs, September 22, 1780. Chap. X.
p. 2,56.
To the Honourable Congress of the United States of
NoRTHAMERICA.
THE remonfhance of Ira Allen and Stephen R. Bradley,
commiffioners from the free and independent ftate of
Vermont, appointed for the time being to attend on Congrefs.
With plealurc they embrace this firft opportunity to teftify
their thanks for the peifonal honour done them by Congrefs,
in giving them an attendance though in a private capacity, with
their honourable body : At the fame time lament the neceflity
which obliges them to fay, they can no longer fit as idle fpec-
tators, without betraying the truft repofed in them, and doing
violence to their feelings, to fee partial modes purfued, plans
adopted, ex parte evidence exhibited, which derives all its
authority from the atteftation of the party ; paflages of writ-
ings felected giving very falfe reprefentations of fa£ts, to an-
fwer no other end but to prejudice your honourable body a-
gainft the State of Vermont ; thereby to intrigue and baffle a
brave and meritorious people out of their rights and liberties*
We can eafily conceive the fecretary's office of the ftate of
Newyork, nny. be converted into an inexhauflible fource to
furnifh evidence to anfwer their purpofe in the prefent dif-
pute. \
Needlefs would it be for us to inform Congrefs, that by the
mode of trial now adopted, the ftate of Vermont can have no
hearing without denying itfclf: And to clofe with thofe re-
folutions, which we conceive our enemies have extorted from
your honourable body, and on which the trial Is now placed,,
would be in fact, taking upon ourfelves that humility and felf
abatement, as to lofe our political life, in order to find it.
We believe the wifdom of Congrefs fufficient to point out,
that purfuing the prefent mode, is deviating from every prin^
ciple of the laws of nature, or nations: For if the difpute is
between the Mates claiming on the one part, and the ftate of
Vermont on the other, whether the latter be a ftate de jure, as an
independent jurifdiction de fafto 5 they ought to be confideied
in the courfc of the difpute, until the powers interpofing, have
determined whether the latter be an independent jurifdiction
de jure, if not they of courfc ought to annihilate the jurifdic-
tion de faao\ but to annihilate the ftate de faEio in the firft
place, is fummarily ending the difpute; to deny the latter any
independent jurifdiction XeJuQp, is to diny there is any longer
x. *' tie? in the difpute.
C c c Aga'n
4C2 A P P E N D I X.
Again we conceive the means connected with the end, and
upon no principle whatever can we jullify, that cither part
fhould eftablifh the modus, or rules to be purfued in detct min-
ing ditputes, without confounding every idea of right and
wrong — In the prelent cafer on the one part might the end
as juftly have been eftablifhcd as the way and means to effett
the end.
We are far horn being willing thofe brave and ftrenuou*
eTnns made by the itate of Vermont in the contrbverfy with
Grearbritain, fhould b* buried by our grafping adverfaries,
(thu iting after domination and prey) in the ipecious pretext
of riotoufly alluruing government ; and we thereby lofe all'
credit for the men and money we have expended.
Thus while *ve are neceflitated to remonltrate againft the pro-
ceedings of Congrefs on the prelent mode, we are willing a; the
f'ime time any equitable inquiry Ihould he made, the itate of
Vermont being aliowed equal privileges with the other fiate; in
the difpu;e.
Ar.d that the flate of Vermont might ftand jTrtU&ed to your
able body, and to the world, bo:h as to her prefent and
future conduct, we are induced, as well from principles of at*
lent to the American caufe, as a regard we have for peace
and harniouy among the ftates of America now at war with
> make the following propofaU, » iz :
ift. That the Hate of Vermont will as foon a'> in.iy be for-
ward to the fccietary of Congrefs, an attefted return of all
m^le perlons. liable to do duly agreeable to a militia aft here-
tofore exhibited to Congrefs in a codcof laws, entitled '< The
Laws of Vermont ;" and the ftate of Vermont fhail for and
during the prefent war with Grcatbritain, from year to year
furnifh an equal number of troops in the field in proportion
to their number:-, as Congiefs (hall eititnate the quotas of the
feveral United States in proportion to their numbers ; which
troops ihall be clothed, quartered, and paid, by the flate of
Vermont. And at the clofe of the war, the difpute fhall he
equitably fettled by the mediation of fpvereign powers ; and
nothing heiein contained, fhall be conttrued to lake away the
right any of the united States claim to have in or over the
fia'c of Vermont : Or
2(//>-. We are willing to agree upon fome one or more of the
legislatures of the difintercfled ftates to interpole as mediators,
and iettle the difpute : Or
. We are willing Congrefs, being pofrtfTed o( fovereign-
ould interpole to prevent the elfufion of human blood :
At the fame time, we leprobate every idea of Congiefs fitting
as a court of judicature, to determine the difpute by virtue oi
authority given them by the acl or acbof the Mate or ftates that
make but one party.
It
APPENDIX. 403
It gives us pungent grief that fuch an important caufc at
this jun6ture of affairs, on which our all depends, fhould hi
forced on by any gentlemen profeMing themfelves friends to
the caufc of America, with fuch vehemence and fpirit as ap-
pears on the part of the flate of Newyork : And fhall only
add, that if the matter be thus purfued, we (land ready to ap-
peal to God and the world, who muft be accountable for the
awful confequences that may enfue.
Sigied at Philadelphia this 22^ day oj 'September, A. D. 1780.
IRA ALLEN,
STEPHEN R.BRADLEY.
N°. VI.
££tt (lions prope/eJ by the Committee of Congrefs to the Agents on the
Pa^t oj. Vermont) ivitb the Anjwerscf ' tk& Agents, Augvjl -iS, 1 781.
0 /?' /? A ^^ tnc 00undaries fet forth in the written
~*J!eJ l J ' _/-\_ proportions delivered in by the faid Agents
at this time, claimed by the flate of Vermont -as the lines of
jurifd ft;on, the fame as contained in ilia relolution ot Con-
grefs of the ;th of Augult mftant ?
Answer. They are the fame, with the addition of part of the
wafers of Lake Champtain, for the benefit of trade.
^K 2J. What par; do the people of Vermont mean to take
as to the pall expenles of the prefent war, and what aid do
they propofe to afford as to men and money to the common
defence ?
A. Such proportion as fhall be mutually judged equitable
after their admifhon to a feat in Congreis ; which has been at
fcveral different times officially propoled by agcrKs on the part
of Vermont.
^. 3</. What are the ideas of the people of Vermont rela-
tive to the claim of private property, under grants or patents
from Newhampfhire, or Newyork previous to the prefent
tevolution ?
A. Although the Mate of Vermont have not hitherto au-
thorized any courts to take cognizance of fuch caul.es as re-
fpe£l titles of lands, nevertheless they have had, and ftil! have
it in contemplation to adopt fuch modes as the circumftancej
arifing out ot each cafe may juitify, without adhering to the
ftrift rules of law.
£K 4/h. What are the intentions of your conftitusnts in re-
gard to the patents that were granted on conditions of fettle-
ment within a given time, and which have been prevented by
the claims of thj people of, Vermont, and the prefent revo-
lution ?
A,
404
APPENDIX.
A. No forfeitures have been taken by the ftate of Vermont
on any fuch grants for nonperformance of conditions of fct-
tlement, and we conceive it to be the intention of our confti-
tuents to grant a further reafonable time for fulfiling luch
conditions.
4?. $tb. What are the number of inhabitants within the
lines mentioned in the propofrtions above mentioned ?
A. As the citizens of Vermont have not been lately num-
bered, we can therefore only eftimate them at thirty thoufand,
which we conceive to be nearly a true eftimate.
£K Stb. What quantity of land is contained within the faid
bounds ?
A. There has been no accurate furvey of the Irate of Ver-
mont, but we conceive it to contain about five millions of acres.
£K yth. What applications have been made either publicly
or privately by the enemies of the United States, or their ad-
herents, to draw off the people of Vermont from their affec-
tion to the United States of America ?
A. The honourable committee are poffeffed of copies of
Bev. Robinfon's letters inclofed in Brigadiergeneral Allen's
letter of the 9th day of Match laft, to the then Preudern of
Congrefs, and any ptivate offers we cannot avouch for.
i?. 8//-. In cafe the enemy Ihould attempt an invafion of
the northern frontiers, what aid as to men and provifions
could be raifed in the -ftate of Vermont for the public defence
(you can fuppofe the invafion made in different quarters) and
in what time ?
A. The number of militia within the lines herein limited,
we fuppofe to be about feven thoufand ; are in general well
armed and accoutred, and have ever fhown theinleives fpirit-
cd in cafe of alarms, &c. In regard to provifions, the coun-
try is fertile, but. new, and confiderable emigrations from oth-
er ftates to Vermont. — The legiflature at their feffion in Oc-
tober laft, levied a tax on the inhabitants fufficient for victu-
alling one thoufand five hundred troops in the field for twelve
months, and we are of opinion a larger ftore may be in the
fame manner colle&ed the enfuing autumn.
N°. VII.
An Account of tie ratealle Property^ and of the Number of Inhab-
itants in Fermont, at different Periods of Time.
BENNINGTON COUNTY.
Names of the Towns,
Bennington
§h.aftfbury
Value of the ratablt
Value of the rata
Numb, of
property in the yem
ble property in the
luhab. in
1781.
year 1791.
I792'
£.11898 0 0
£.11628 18 0 1 237/
9118 0 0
10926 9 0 J 1999
Barnes
APPENDIX.
Isames of the Towns
Pownal
Manchefter
jiVrhngton
R i. pert
fet
Sunder! 2nd
S Am ford
o a negate
Windhall
Bromly
Reecfb ;ro!jgh
Woodford
Glafrcnbury,
Landgrove
Total
Va'u; of the rafabl.
property in the ye^i
1781.
£. 6615 10 c
5170 3 o
3503 5 o
271 1 15 o
2469 12- O
1928 16 o
849 5 o
847 10 c
V3lueof theratabk
r>ropeuy in the jeai
1791.
£< 6395 o o
6578 7 6
4331 *5 °
4929 15 o
4016 15 o
1932 15 o
904 o o
2677 5 o
Numb, of
[t'hah. in
1792.
1746
12?6
991
1033
958
414
272
773
*55
7i
64
Co
54
31
£-4S»»n »€ o l£-5^3l5 T9 6 I 12>254
WINDHAM
Guildford
Brat'leborough
Weftminfter
Putney
Hab fax
Rockingham
Dummerfton
Marlborough
Wilmington
Hinfdale
Nevrfane
Townfend
Londonderry
Whitingham
Athens
Thomlinfon
Jamaica
Wardfboro' N. D.
Wardfboro' S. D.
Somerfett
Stratton
Johnfon's Gore
- Total
5836 10
49ba
4*35
3569
3363
2970
1881 10
1874 o
1869 o
1687 6
j 462 5
886 10
693 10
442 17
200 o
186 10
COUNTY.
o 6717 11 o
o 5969 12 6
o 6695 10 o
o 6138 10 o
o 4640 10 o
o 4832 15 o
o 4978 o o
o 2676 o o
o 2735 10 o
o 1908 o o
o 2597 o o
o 2463 16 o
o 1560 10 o
o - 1352 5 o
O 1212 5 O
o 1422 15 O
o 663 15 o
1758 10 o
1009 15 o
2432
1601
1848
1309
1235
1501
629
645
482
660
676
362
442
450
561
263
483
270
HI
95
49
/•4L738 17 o |£.€ 1,332 9 6 117,693
WINDSOR COUNTY.
Windfor I 4085 3 o J 6667 8
Norwich I 3659 15 0 j 5695 o
o 1542
o j 1158
Names
406
A P P E N D I X.
Names of the Towns,
Hartford
Woodftock
Hartland
Springfield
Chefter
Pom fret
Weathcrsfield
Barnard
Sharon
Royal ton
Cavend-fh
Reading
Andovcr
Bethel
Bridgewater
Rochelter
Ludlow
Saltaffi
Stuckbridge
o
o
o
12
301 10
Value of the rati
ble property in th$
.ear 1781.
C' 3°'3 2
2770 5
2549 10
2139 10
1884 10
M93 ©
1279 10
1027 o
S93
825
502
358
Value of tli- rat3-
nle property in tie
year 1791.
£• 4709
6375
378i
4703
3182
4130
3000 15
341b o
33l3 '5
l572 5
2601 o
99^ 5
1803 15
j 106 c
845 »5
o
9
l5
12
5
*5
5
Nuirib. of
179*.
988
160,5
1652
1097
9'^ '«•
710
1146
673
5<9
74«
491
7A7
473
"93
215
%79
106
100
Total £.26,781 7 6 U.%315 ig o \i5>7-&
RUTLAND COUNTY.
Rutland
Clatendon
Tinmouth
Danby
PawTec
Poultney
Wells
Caftlcton
Wallingford
Pittsford
Ira
Shrewfnury
liar wick.
Middleiown
Orwell
Brandon
iairhaven
Benfon
Hubbardton
Sudbury
Chittenden
Pitts field
3975
10
0
6324
10
0
1407
3748
S
0
6083
©
0
1478
35°7
5
0
4410
0
0
935
3241
0
0
445 6
lS
6
tzc6
2507
5
0
6038
5
0
1458
2296
5
0
46^9
l7
6
1 121
1300
0
0
2089
0
0
62?
1257
0
0
3386
11
3
800
1200
0
0
20S7
2
0
536
573
10
0
34'1
lS
0
850
5i;
0
0
1220
'5
0
3*2
228
0
0
"5S
10
0
383
soo
0
0
5*3
i)
0
165
\
2984
s
0
699
-^94°
'5
0
778
e273
10
0
637
>
2225
8
0
545
2179
»5
0
658
1692
0
0
404
1032
10
0
258
499
15
0
*S9
AM
Name*
APPENDIX.
407
Namwof the Towns.jValue of the rata
[hit property in iht
Lea? 1781.
Philadelphia \£-
Medway
Killington
Total
£-H>S49 3 °
Value of die rata-
ble property in the
year 1791.
Numb, of
[nhab. in
179a.
J9
34
£61 644 14 3 J 15,565
ORANGE COUNTY.
Newbury
Thetford
Bradford *
Stafford
Carinth
Barnet
FairLe
Rugate
. Gu lahdll
Lunenburg
MaidUonc
Peacham
Randolph
Brookfitld
Tunb ridge
Verfhire
Danville
Williamftown
Biaintica
Chelfea
St. Johnfbuyy
Montpeher
Top (ha m
Berlin
Cabot
Wilderfburg
Wafhington
Brunfwick
Littleton
Lyndon
Concord
Dewey's Gore
Calais
Croton
Northfield
V/heelock
Walden's Gore
Lemington
2880
10
0
367S
0
0
87}
1802
5
0
3363
15
0
862
1450
0
0
2432
0
0
654
*349
'5
0
3048
0
0
845
1075
10
0
1781
0
0
578
651
5
0
202b"
0
0
477
508
0
0
14 1 9
5
0
463
4 27
0
0
994
15
0
187
416
10
0
730
6
u
158
365
0
0
494
*S
0
119
220
0
0
679
10
0
125
214
10
0
1367
*5
0
365
3098
0
0
892
1672
0
0
421
f€4i
5
0
487
H83
15
0
439
1440
12
6
574
802
'5
0
146
799
0
0
221
790
*3
6
239
590
0
0
143
J8J
6
0
118
162
134
122
76
7?
66
63
59
49
48
45
45
40
33
3*
Name*
4o3
Names of the Towns.
Canaan
Green (borough
Roxbury
Walden
Hardwick
Total
Value of the rata
Value of ihe rata
N;)inU. of
Ijle property in [h
ble property in tin
Inhab. in
year 1 781.
war J 79 1.
I79Z.
£■
£.
l9
'9
I 3
Ijf. 149541 17 6
^.324796 18 10 1 10,529
ADDISON COUNTY.
Cornwall
Newhaven
Salifbury
Shoreham
Bridport
Monktorx
Addifon
Fetriiburg
Leicefler
Whiting
Vergennes
Middleborough
Wey bridge
Panton
Briftol
King (ton
Hancock
3314
'5
0
826
2939
5
0
72*
2850
12
6
446
2422
11
0
721
2008
0
0
449
1985
5
0
450
«9'5
10
0
401
1843
5
0
481
13*5
5
0
343
*°53
10
0
250
94o
16
0
201
«59
0
0
395
817
5
0
1 1 5
781
0
0
220
21 1
Total
101
5£
\£' 25»u3 x9 6 I M49
CHITTENDEN COUNTY.
Charlotte
Willi Ron
South Hero
Shelbutne
Jericho
Hinefburg
Cambridge
EtTex
Ceoigia
Burlington
Milton"
St. Albans
Fairfax
North Hero
Colcbtltcr
2767
12
6
*M
2206
O
0
4-1
J979
5
0
537
1907
16
0
389
1728
5
6
**!
1697
J5
0
454
15VI
5
0
359
1487
*5
0
354
I}12
10
0
31(>
I258%
0
0
33-
IO:J F
0
0
28^
014
0
0
256
878
10
0
354
569
'5
0
12 ;
5il
10
0
*3>'
APPENDIX.
4*9
Faroes of the Towns.
Fairfield
Newhumington
Hghgate
Hungerford
Johnion
omithficld
Bolton
Middlefex
Ifle Mott
Allbuig
Waterbury
Swanton
Underhill
Wen ford
Wait'field
St. George
Fletcher
Huntfburg
Hydcfpark
Stark fborough
Duxbury
Wolcott
N. Huntington G.
Moretown
Minden
Cambridge Gore
Bakersfield
Elmore
Morriftowri
TotalintheCounty
Value of the ratable
Value of the rata-
Numb.of
property in the year
hie property in the
Inhab. in
1781.
year 1791.
i79»-
ff
£. 480 14 2
129
423 10 0
136
300 0 0
103
300 0 0
40
275 0 0
93
273 0 0
70
176 10 0
82
176 0 0
60
159 *5 0
446
93
74
65
63
ft
57
46
43
40
39
3*
3*
24
18
»3
12
10
_j 24,358 8 2 \ 7,301
Total in the State. |£\i 4.9,541 17 6 |£\ 324. 796 18 10(85,539
The above are the lifts whteh were given in to the Generat
Affembly, by the particular towns, in conformity lo an aft of
the leg:flature. — -In computing the value of the 1ft taken iri
1791, the price* of Tome of the capital articles were ihus itat-
ed by the AlTcmbly : — Improved knd, ten (hillings per acre.
Neat Cattle, one yea- old, fifteen (hillings per head ;two years
old, thirty {hillings per head ; three years old and upwards,
forty fhidmgi per head : An ox, four years old, and upward^,
three pounds. Horles, one year old, twenty (hillings; two
years old. forty (hillings ; th.tce years old, and upwards, four
pounds.-— .As triefe prices were fcarccly one half of the current
prices of thefc articles, the real value of the ratable property
Ddd or
419 A P P E N D I X'.
of the fiate, muft have been double of what was fet down in
the lifts. It is probable this was alio the cafe wi h the hit*
taken in 1781.— Bur although neither of thefe lifts will give
the exact value of the taxable property of the flate, at cither
of thofe periods, they will give the incieafe, or the relative
value of the taxable property at thofe times : And we can
clearly doduce from them, that from the year 1781, the whole
ratable property of Vermont became doubled in eight years
and an half. In Virginia, the period at which the value of
their lands and flaves taktn conjunctly, doubles, is ftated by
Mr. Jeffsrfon, to be about twenty years.*
The number of towns reprefented in 1781, was fixty three .
The numb r reprefented in 1791, was one hundred and twen-
ty fix. Thofe towns which are act taxed or reprefented, do
not give in to the affembly any account of their ratable prop-
erty.
No proper enumeration of the inhabitants of Vermont, was
made, before the cenfus taken in 1792. The general eftima-
tions of the affemblies and agents before that time, were mere-
ly conjectural. — From a report, which Governor Tryon of
Newyork made to the king of Greatbritain, of the (late of that
province in the year 1772, it appears that he had procured a
lift of the inhabitants of each county in that province : Two
of thofe counties, Cumberland, and Gloucefter, were in Ve;~
mont ; and contained the tract of country, which lies on the
raft fide of the green mountains, and is now'formed into the
counties of Windham, Windlor, and Orange. The number
of people in thofe counties in the year 1771* was> as follows :
* Njtes on Virginia, p. 18S.
Whites*
APPENDIX.
4U
Whites.
Blacks.
11
."
c 1
■ ■
""*
-
■O
K jf
cu
M
X
-
X
» -
X
X
II
3
.5
* .
" .
^
Namet of the
Counties.
u
-3 .
- c
k x
3
U u
> ».
.O C
CO
-§ .
- c
09 —
e
3 •
3 c
V
<r> —
_V
a
s
- c ■ '
?!
O XL
3 *"
-
3
ro
B
r
* 5
"5 c
.0
c
M
u
■0 .
= c
3 »■
H
a
U
9
j
.•a
Li
a-
-* >
3 5
5 *
5-2
S3
to op
M X>
S I
u
&
<r1
§:-.
s
it,
£
GloticeittM. | i7§t 1S5I 81 193I 151I 715H
2| 4
0| l|
oj 7|| 722
CumDerf.ind; lio-iboozl 59I 9 4. r 1 862I39351I
ol 6| i| j|
2I i:||J9+7
Thefe two Counties, at that time, contained about two thirds of the peo-
ple in the whole diftrift. The whole number of inhabitants therefore in
1771, muft have been about feven thoufand. — In the Ccnfus taken in 1792,
the numbers' Hood thus :
Counties.
Addiion,
Bennington,
Chittenden,
Orange,
Rutland,
Windfor,
Windham,
Total
-a m>
S-'S «
" -a v
3 r~
fc. (J P
<* c %
--OO
U R» WO
U > T3
*i > «
)« O.V
i< us 3 -a
8
b
■u «
u u E
i£* 2-.««
V.
0
CM
O
u
u
<*- 0
0
V
>
zr2
%
<
W3
3
H
1784
3I[4
2256
2874
3986
4003
4418
1664
3211
1764
2768
4092
4X57
4672
224351 223z8|
2964 37 6449
5893 20 ;6 12254
5258 23 730I
4846 41 10529
7456. 31 1; ;,565
7543' 45 »5748
_8S45 58| , T 769,1
4<>505J 255! l6J 85^539
ERR AT
4.
Pa^c
line for
read
Page
line for
read
S3
J 1 Lahontau
Lakontan.
J 54
21 band
mind.
6%
30 eight
eight tenths-
360
9 to
for.
37 dele eight.
169
12 adapted
adopted.
70
a 1 Amur
Aim,
196
36 ha^e
leave.
76
4 and
are.
e*j
2Z was
were.
JOl
9 aquative
aquatic^
7.44
32 he
itfey,
103
S a'i
able.
252
10 f,ee
three.
38 /y«<to
OfcuJo.
271
17 controverly
correfpondence.
104
a8 Laaza
Ziara.
272
5 brided
bribed.
112
1 3 B/irf
ruirtf.
279
S refoluti 1
refolutions.
»H
10 mode
rude.
316
15 ore
ocre.
14.Z
31 fat -
fort.
335
36 renew
rtvere.
'51
6 adapted
ftdQoted,
-71
16 more
none.
NAMES
NAMES of the SUBSCRIBERS.
:re.
SENATORS of the UNITED STATES.
Honourable john langdon, i H ^
Paine Wingate, ,J r
Caleb Strong, 1 M attach ufctts.
George Cabot, J
Theodore Fofter, 1 Rhodcifland#
Joleph Stanton, J
Oliver Ellfworth, "1 n .. «. . i.
•c c, ■ > Connecticut.
Koger bherman, J
Stephen R Bradley, 2 copies 1 Verm0Btt
Moles Robinlon, 3
Aaron Burr, 2 copies 7 XT ,
•or v r J- Newyork.
Kurus King, J }
Philemon Dickinfon, 7 v • r
John Ruthe, ford, J ^wjerfey.
Robert Morris, Pennlylvania.
Richard Baffet, 7 t> 1
G.j j ' > Delaware,
eorge Read, \
John Henry, Maryland.
James Munroe, 2 copies, Virginia.
John Brown, ) v . ,
John Edwards, \ Kentucky.
J^eniamin Hawkins, 1 XT ,, r,
Samuel Johnfon, \ Norlhcarol.na.
Pierce Butler, 12 copies, ? e .i. r
Ralph I2ard F J Southcarohna.
•William Few, Georgia.
VERMONT,
His Excellency Thomas Chittenden, Governor.
The Honourable Peter Olcott, Lieutenantgovernor
The Honourable Timothy Brownfo/i,
Samuel Safford,
John Strong,
Ebenczer Walbridge, 1 z cop.
Jonathan Arnold, 2 copies, \ Counfellors.
Paul Brigham,
Ebenezer Marvin,
Luke Knowlton, z copies,
Thomas Porter,
The
SUBSCRIBERS* NAMES. 413
The Honourable Samuel M-attocksj- Treafurer.
Rofewell Hopkins, Efq; Secretary of State.
Jofeph Fay, Efq; Secretary to the Governor and Coun-
cil.
The Honourable Gideon OHn, Speaker of the Houfe of Rep-
refentatives, 3 copies.
Samuel Knights, Chief Juftice of the Supreme
Court.
Elijah Paine, Juftice of the Supreme Court.
Ilaac Ttchenor, Jufticeof the Supreme Court.
Nath. Chiproan, Judge of the Di Uriel: Court,
2 copies.
Samuel Hitchcock, Efq; Attorneygeneral.
A.
Aaron Adams.
Jeremiah Adams.
Edwaid Aiken.
Jofeph Allen.
Samuel C. Allen.
James Alien.
Caleb Allen.
Rev. Jonathan Allen.
Majorgeneral Ira- Allen.
Levi Allen.
William Alvord.
Dr. Abel All is.
Robert Anderfon.
Reuben Atwater, Efq.
Capt. Elifha Averil.
Elijah Avery.
B.
Benjamin P. Baldwin.
Frederic Baldwin.
William Baker.
Tilley Ballard
John Bancroft.
Rev. Thomas Barnard.
Jonathan Barrett.
Thomas Barrett.
John Barton.
Dr. Prefcott Barron.
Frye Bayley, Efq
John G. Bayley, Efq.
lfaac Bayley, Efq.
Jofeph Bayley.
Samuel Beach.
Moody Bedel, Efq.
Jonathan Bell, Efq. 1 copies,
John Benedict.
Mofes Bennett.
Alfred Bingham.
Silas Bingham.
Solomon Bingham.
Elijah Blake.
John W. Blake.
Rev. Enos Blifs.
Charles Boyle.
Jofeph Bradford,
lfaac Brevoort.
John Bridgman, Erq.
Rev. Aaron Jordan Booge.
Samuel Brown.
Prolper Brown.
Bryant Brown, Erq.
Ebenezer Bjown, Efq.
Elifha Brown.
Daniel Buck, Efq.
Major Elias Buel.
Thomas Bull.
Abraham Burnham, Efq.
John Burnam.
Benjamin Burt, Efq.
Jonathan Burt.
C.
Jofeph Cable.
Doftor Jofeph Caldwell.
Dr. Alex. Campbell, 2 copies.
Dr. John Campbell.
Matthew Carey, 12 copies.
Philip Carigain.
Bifid Cafe.
Louden Cafe.
Abbe Cady.
Nathaniel
4i4 SUBSCRIBERS* NAMES.
Nathaniel Chamberlain.
William Chamberlain.
Gardner Chandler, Efq,
Jeflfe Chandler.
Thomas L. Chandler.
Jfaac Chattel ton.
X)r. Cyrus Chipman.
Daniel Chipman, Efq.
Darius Chipman, Efq.
Lemuel Chipman, Eiq.
John Chipman, Efq.
Samuel Chipman, Efq.
Col. James Claghorn.
Eleazar Claghorn, Efq.
Jofeph Clark.
Ozias Clark.
John Clayton.
Edward Clifford.
Capt. John Cobb.
Samuel Cobb.
Brigadiergenl. Eli Cogfwell.
William Coir.
John Cook.
Caleb Cooley.
Stephen .Coolidge.
Ozias Crampton.
Samuel Cutler, Efq,"
John Curtis
Zebina Curtis,
D.
Ezra Dean.
William Denifon.
Elijah Dewey, Efqa
Ormond Doty.
Peleg Douglafs.
Mofes Dow, Efq.
Jafon Duncan.
Jlaac Duffs.
Jofiah Dunham, t2 copies.
Salmon Dutton, Efq. 2 copies.
E.
Ifaac Elli6.
Peiei Evans.
Zadoc Evrri'it.
James Em 1 .
James Enos, jun.
jVlajorgeneral Roger Enos,
Jaroco Ewing, Efq.
F.
Rev. Daniel Farrand
Daniel Ferrand, Efq.
David Fifk.
Mofes Fifk.
J^hn Fitch, Efq.
Afaph Fletcher, Efq.
Samuel Fletcher, Efq.
Mills D. Foreft, Efq.
Jabez Fofter,
Rev. Robert Fowle.
Col. John Fuller.
G.
Jonas Galufha, Efq.
Elijah Garfield.
Jonathan Gates.
Willeby Goodwin.
Nathaniel Gove.
John A. Graham, Efq. z cop.
Afa Graves.
Benjamin Green, Efq.
Ifaac Green.
Nathaniel Green, Efq,
Sylvanus Gregory,
John Griffin, Efq.
H.
Nathan Hale, Efq.
William Hale.
Lot Hall, Efq. 2 copies.
Joel Hamilton.
Dr. Z. Hamilton.
H. Hardie, 12 copies,
Ezckiel Harmon.
Joel Harmon
William C. Harrington, Efq,
Alex. Harvey, Efq. 2 copies.
Dr. Aaron Haftings.
Anthony Hafwcll, 12 copies.
Reuben Hatch.
William Havendren.
Jofeph Hawley,
Col. Udny Hay.
Rev. Lemuel Haynes.
William Hennefy.
Benjamin Henry,
Frederic Hill, Efq.
Mofes Hinraan
Lyman Hitchcock,
David
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES, 415
David Hoit.
Elijah S. Hollifler.
Jells HoUifter.
Seth Holt.
John Hopkins.
Lucius Hubbard, Efq.
John Hubbard.
Jonathan H. Hubbard, Efq.
Arad Hunt, Efq.
John Hunt, Efq.
John Hurd, Efq. 12 copies.
Richard Hurd.
Robert Hufton.
Aaron Hutchinfon, Efq.
Stephen Jacobs, Efq.
Leon2rd jewett.
A fa Johnion, Efq.
Col. Thomas Johnfon.
Perez Jones.
Etenezer W, Judd, Efq.
Bradford Kellogg.
Rev. Dan Kent.
Jacob Kent.
Col. Stephen Keyes.
William Kilburn.
Nathaniel KingGey.
Aaron Kinfman.
Ephraim Kirby, Efq.
Elijah Knight.
Calvin Knowlton, Efq.
Rev, Nathaniel Lambert.
Luther Lar.gdon.
Reuben Langdon.
Samuel Lathrop, Efq.
John Law, Efq.
Jeffe Leavenworth, 3 copies.
George Leonard.
William Leverett.
Beriah Loomis, Efq.
Elijah Lovett.
John Lovett, Efq.
Cornelius Lvnde, Efq.
Rev. Afa Lyon.
James Lyon.
Col. Matthew Lvon,
M.
Samuel McCluer.
Afa McFarland.
John McNeil, Efq.
Jeremiah Mafon, Efq.
Joel Marih.
Nicholas S. Matters, Efq.
Capt. Ifaac Meacham.
Moulton Morey, Efq.
Brigadiergnl. Lew. R. Morris.
James Morfe.
Conftant Murdock.
Benjamin Muzzy.
W. Mynderfe.
N.
John Nanton.
Nathan Nelfon.
Oliver Noble.
O.
David Oaks.
Elias Olcott, Efcj»
Henry Olin.
Jonathan Ormfly.
Nathan Ofgood, 2 copies.
P.
Jofiah Page.
Benjamin Paine.
Amafa Paine, Efq.
Gamaliel Painter, Efq,
Col. Stephen Pearl. ,
Chauncy Pier.
William Pike.
John Pomroy.
Afa Porter, Efq.
Benjamin Porter.
Dr. Ezekiel Porter,
John Porter, Efq.
Jofeph Porter, jun.
Rofewcll Poft.
Dr. Cephas Prentifs.
Samuel Prentifs.
Nathaniel Prefon,
Jofeph Prince.
R,
Martin Reed.
Dr. Daniel Reed.
Stephen Rice.
Amos Richardfon.
Jofhua
416 .SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Jofhua Ricker.
John Ripley.
Phinea< Ripley.
Chriftopher Roberts.
Joel Roberts.
Hon. Jcfle Root.
William Round.
S.
Silas Safford. Efq,
David Sandcrfon.
IVIajor James Sawyer.
Col. Thomas Sawyer.
Andrew Selden, Efq.
Jofeph Selden.
Aaron Sexon.
David Sheldon.
Nathaniel Sheldon.
Samuel Shepardfon.
John Shumway, Efq.
Rev. Samuel Shuttlefworth.
Walter Sloan.
Jacob Smith.
John Smith.
Jonathan Smith.
Ifaac Smith, Efq,
Ifrael Smith.
Simeon Smith, Efq.
Prince Super.
Col. John SpafFord.
Simeon Spencer.
Eliakim Spconer, Efq.
Trumau Squier.
John Stacey.
Elias Stevens,
Ab'jah Stone, Efq.
David Stone.
Phineas Stone.
William Stprer.
Serb Stcr'rs, Efs.
Chipman S,wift, Efq.
T.
Mansfield Taplin, 2 copies.
Aid Tenny.
1 Thayer^
Rev. Lathrop Thorr.fon.
Thomas Thomfon,
Stephen Thorn.
Timothy Todd.
Thomas Toleman.
Col. Orange Train.
Nahum Trafk.
Geoige Trimble.
Turell Tufts.
U.
James Underhill.
W.
Samuel Walker,
Samuel Ward.
Azel AVafhburn.
Calvin Webb.
Jehiel Webb, Efq.
Dr. Jofhua Webb.
Noah Webfter, Efq.
Jabez H. Weld.
Shipley Wells.
Elijah Weft.
Jedediah Weft.
Eli Wheeler.
Afa Wheelock, Efq,
John White, Efq.
Nathaniel White.
Dr. Samuel White.
James Wh;telaw, Erq. 2 cop.
Rev. Samuel Whiting.
Benjamin Whitman.
John Whitman.
Brigadiergenl. Dav. Whitney,
John Whitney.
James Wh-tney.
Lemuel Whitney.
Richard Whitney, Efq.
Elias Wiiiard, jun.
Samuel Williams, Efq.
Dri James Whitherel/
Enoch Woodbridge, Efc.
Jofeph Woodward.
Elcjzcr Wright,
FIN! •".-
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