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A NEW VOYAGE AND
DESCRIPTION OF (OTHE

ISTHMUS OF AMERICA
@. BY LIONEL WAFER @

Reprinted from the original edition of 1699

EDITED BY
GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP
Librarian of the John Carter Brown Library

CLEVELAND
Tue Burrows BroTrHers CoMPANY

1903

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CONTENTS

Map OF THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMA AND

DARIEN : : f : Frontisprece
INTRODUCTION 7
WAFER’S DARIEN 25

Title-page (facsimile ) 27

Dedication 29

To the Reader 35

Mr. Wafer’s Voyages; and Deccapuon

of the Isthmus of America Mere
Mr. Wafer’s Description of the Isth-
_ mus of America 69
Of the Trees, Fruits, &c. in che beth
mus of America. 95
Of the Animals; and first of Beasts
and Reptiles 110
The Birds, and flying deus 118
Of the Fish AS
Of the Indian Wate itauts: ice
Manners, Customs, &c. 131

Mr. Wafer’s Voyages, &c. 173

Index : : A : 199

Map: Isthmus of Darien, & Bay of Panama,

facing page 33. Illustrations: The Indians
manner of Bloodletting, facing page 54; The
Indians in their Robes in Councel, and Smoaking
tobacco after their way, facing page 109; The
Indians marching upon a Visit, or to Feast,
facing page 137.

SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX

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INTRODUCTION

the one which is today least known was

at the end of the seventeenth century
the most familiar to the readers of popular
literature. The pressure of European rivalries
and the opportunities for money-getting, com-
bined with the interest which every one feels
in the doings of those whose career lies outside
the pale of ordinary legalized ways of getting a
livelihood, gave to the side-door entrance to the
Pacific —the Darien route of Wafer and his
fellow-buccaneers — a prominence greater than
it enjoyed ever before or since. During the
twenty years which ended in 1700, there was
an intermittent stream of travelers along this
route, occasionally interrupted for a season or
two, and then started afresh by new rumors
of Spanish unpreparedness or by some too
vigorous investigation into the doings of chance
sailing vessels on the Caribbean waters. Eng-
lish and French and New-Englanders, with
Dutch and Moors and native Americans, the
pick of the ne’er-do-wells of all the world,
climbed the mountain-paths and floated down
stream into the South Seas, to fight or to drown,

() F all the American inter-oceanic highways,

8 INTRODUCTION

to gamble and gorge or perish of thirst, for the
sake of winning the gold demanded by the harlots
and winesellers of Kingstown and Petit Guaves.

Great as are the gains of piracy, they must
always be less than the ultimate profits of
legitimate trade, and so the unyielding laws of
human affairs decreed that the buccaneers must
disappear, and with them went their favorite
pathways to the hunting-grounds across the
Isthmus. The country through which they
passed remains today much as they left it two
hundred years ago, as it has been preserved for
us on the pages of Lionel Wafer’s entertaining
account of what he saw and did in the spring
months of the year 1681. The candle-snuffers
have been displaced by sometimes-white cotton
breeches, and the sellers of print-cloths have
introduced the gaiety of their fabrics into the
scenes of merry-making. The missionary
priests have taken the place of the pawaws,
and by the service of the mass and the jollifica-
tions of holy days are gradually leading their
widely scattered flocks toward European ways
of living and thinking. But the mountain-
passes remain as steep as of old, the torrents
flood the valleys with the same overwhelming
unexpectedness, the plantain-walks are as
delightsome and the savannahs as fruitful, as
when Wafer saw them.

For more than a hundred years Spain per-
sisted in the refusal to allow her heretical British
rivals to have any lawful commercial intercourse
with her possessions in the West Indies. But

INTRODUCTION 9

prohibitions and interdicts could not keep the
English sailors and traders away from the
wealth of the Islands and the Main. The
Spaniards indulged in the pleasures of retalia-
tion, despite the fact that each year found them
further and further behind in the account against
the free-handed British rovers. There was ‘‘ no
peace beyond the line’’ of the tropics, and so
the plundering of ships and stealing of crops
went on, to the demoralizing prosperity of
Jamaica and of some high in official station at
home. Buttheend had to come at last, and the
Treaty of Madrid was agreed to in the summer of
1671, just too late to save Spain from the crown-
ing aggravation of Morgan’s sack of Panama.

Peace was more easily proclaimed than
enforced. ‘The habits of more than a century —
habits of reckless daring and riotous debauchery,
of a steady flow of Spanish treasure through
Jamaica toward London, where the complaints
of those who felt the decrease in rents and per-
quisites were not the least of the troubles of the
Lords of Trade and Plantations— were not
readily overcome. Some of the buccaneers who,
like Henry Morgan, were in funds at the time,
settled down and became most respectable
members of the community. More spent their
money as they had spent it before, and then
looked about for a fresh supply. Thus it is
easy to understand how it came to pass that
every now and then a shipload of jolly lads,
with nothing in the world to lose, sailed out by
Port Royal to take whatever the high seas had
to offer.

10 INTRODUCTION

With one of these crews Lionel Wafer set out
to seek his fortune. He was a young English-
man who had already voyaged to the East
Indies, picking up some notions of surgery and
physic on the way, and he had traveled in
Ireland and Scotland, where he acquired the
Highland tongue. He went to Jamaica to visit
a brother, who found a place for him, but the
tales of the seas soon tempted him away from
settled life. The increasing freedom with
which the buccaneers came and went during
the rule of Governor Modyford encouraged them
to make plans for an exploit which should rival
Morgan’s famous sack of Panama. Recruits
were easily gathered, and when Wafer reached
the rendezvous at one of the islands off the Da-
rien coast, he found nearly four hundred com-
rades assembled to discuss the opportunities for
successful plunderings. They decided to attack
Santa Maria, a gold-washing station on the
opposite side of the Isthmus. Leaving a small
guard with their seven ships, they began the over-
land march on April 5, 1680. Nine days of hard
marching up and down hills and of harder float-
ing down streams choked with logs over which
the heavy tree-trunk canoes had to be dragged,
brought the party to their goal, which was
promptly carried by assault. Unluckily, most
of the Spaniards had fled at the first warning of
their approach, carrying off nearly everything
of value. This disappointment confirmed the
majority of the buccaneers in a desire to pursue
their earlier plan of attacking Panama, and the
less venturesome minority, who favored going

INTRODUCTION — 11

back to the ships, were induced to go forward
by the election of their leader, Coxon, as chief
of the expedition. Seven who were too faint-
hearted to go on were sent back to notify the
guard at the ships, while the rest embarked in
canoes procured from the Indians and rowed
forth to try the fortunes of the South Seas.

A trading-boat, unsuspicious of danger, soon
fell in their way, and became the nucleus of
their fleet. Approaching Panama, they learned
that the city had been forewarned by the fugi-
tives from Santa Maria, and three little war-ships
confirmed this news by coming out to attack
them. ‘There was a sharp fight, which ended
by two of the Spanish ships being added to the
buecaneer force. The new-comers spent the
next fortnight in looking about among the
islands of the Gulf of Panama, picking up a few
stray provision boats, searching for fresh-water
supply, planning schemes for the future, and
talking about their exploits in the recent
battles. Some of the stories told about the
fight off Panama described the backwardness of
Coxon in closing with the enemy, and when this
gossip reached his ears, he took such offense
that he forthwith abandoned the expedi-
tion and started back across the Isthmus to
the North Sea. About seventy of his immediate
followers went with him, leaving behind the
wounded men of theircompany. ‘The bad feel-
ing caused thereby was aggravated by the fact
that Coxon took away the principal surgeon and
most of the medicines. This doubtless con-
tributed to Wafer’s professional advancement,

12 INTRODUCTION

although he seems still to have been far
from holding a recognized place as a practitioner.
A merchant craft from Truxillo in Peru, loaded
with gunpowder, two thousand jars of wine and
brandy, and fifty-one thousand pieces-of-eight
(the Spanish colonial dollar), relieved the monot-
ony of gossip and fault-finding, and then it was
decided to take Puebla Nueva, north of Pana-
ma. Here a careless beginning led to rash-
ness, for which Sawkins, Coxon’s successor as
chief, paid with his life, and the attack failed
completely. Sawkins was probably the ablest
of the captains, and his definite schemes for a
campaign down the Peruvian coast and home-
ward through the Strait of Magellan had held
together many who felt little sympathy with
the more reckless of the freebooters. After his
death, sixty-three of his followers withdrew
from the expedition and went back by way of
the Darien route. Some time before this, two
of the smaller boats, with seven and fifteen men
in them, had slipped away from the fleet to try
their luck by themselves, with what results is
not known. Despite the departure of the more
discordant partisans, there was still a pro-
nounced difference of opinion among those who
remained regarding future plans, and this was
increased by the election of Bartholomew Sharp
as Sawkins’s successor. Sharp was in all prob-
ability the best man for the chief command,
although a large party, including Wafer and
Dampier, had no confidence in his courage or
skill as a leader.

A cruise to the southward was decided upon,

INTRODUCTION 13

and for six months, beginning June 6, 1680, the
buccaneers followed the South American coast.
The trip yielded little except to the luckier
gamesters, in whose money-bags the bulk of
the plunder gradually accumulated. A well-
planned attack on Guayaquil had to be given up
because of information secured by the enemy
from a stray party which had gone off in a
small boat to look for women and wine, and who
were quickly enticed into an ambuscade. The
tedious voyage, with vanishing water supply,
continued down the coast to Arica, where armed
horsemen awaited their arrival at every land-
ing-place. Thence they bore up for Ilo, where
fortune changed and the town was captured.
They found little booty, everything of value
having been removed excepting the much-
needed water and fruit-trees. From here they
sailed to the island of Juan Fernandez, where
the labors of gathering wood, water, and goat
meat were enlivened by the festivities of Christ-
mas and New Year’s.

The disputes over Sharp’s leadership contin-
ued and, while at Juan Fernandez, he was
outwitted and put in irons until after an old-
time buccaneer, John Watling, had been agreed
upon to be his successor as chief. The appear-
ance of three armed vessels approaching the
island forced the buccaneers to put to sea, and
Watling easily persuaded his fellows, who were
no more eager than the Spaniards to close in an
engagement, to sail away for the mainland. A
spirited attack was made on Arica, and the city
should have been taken, but Watling, unable

14 INTRODUCTION

to control his men, misdirected the assault. He
was killed, and the whole force came very near
to the same end. Sharp, who had been fight-
ing in the ranks, at last yielded to entreaties
and took command, successfully drawing off his
comrades to their boats. In the confusion the
surgeons, although aware of the retreat, were
left behind—a result of their having found a
well-stocked wine-room in the church which
they had occupied to use as a hospital. Luckily
their profession was in demand thereabouts, and
after they had sobered off, their lives were
granted on condition that they settled down to
practice in the city. Wafer, who was one of the
guard stationed at the boats during the engage-
ment and thus escaped the fate of his profes-
sional superiors, seems by their loss to have
risen to the post of chief surgeon to what was
left of the expedition.

The disaster at Arica aroused fresh dissen-
sions, which were not quieted by a lucky descent
upon Ilo a few days later. Continuing the
voyage northward, when off the Isle of Plate or
Drake’s Island, made famous by the tales of
how Sir Francis divided his booty by the bucket-
fuls of coined silver, the factions finally agreed
to separate. The minority, numbering fifty-
two, of whom three were Indians and five negro
slaves, started off in two canoes and the ship’s
launch or long-boat, to make their way back to
the North Sea by way of Darien. One of this
party was Wafer, whose account of his experi-
ences during the ensuing six months forms the
main portion of the present volume. Wafer

INTRODUCTION 15

and his companions in the small open boats
were nearly swamped before they reached the
mainland shore, where they found a bark for
which they exchanged their craft, and in this
continued their voyage more comfortably. At
the mouth of the Santa Maria River, a Spanish
cruiser was watching for buccaneers going or
coming by the Isthmus route, and so they sailed
by, to a creek where they landed May 1, 1681.
Twenty-three days later, after a series of mis-
haps, one of which disabled Wafer so badly that
he had to be left in the care of some friendly
Indians, thirty-nine of the party reached the
north coast, where they were taken aboard a
buccaneer vessel which chanced to be anchored
there. One of Wafer’s companions who com-
pleted the journey with the main party was
William Dampier, who afterward published
an account of his voyages. He gave a
detailed account of this march, which supple-
ments the narrative of Wafer with so little
duplication that it seems certain that the two
authors were closely associated while writing
their respective books. The circumstances
under which they wrote will be explained
toward the end of this Introduction.

After the departure of the party of Dampier
and Wafer from Drake’s Island in April, 1681,
the main body under Captain Sharp continued
their voyage, meeting with various prizes.
Aboard one of these, taken in August, they
found letters which stated that the Spaniards
had captured one of Wafer’s companions, a
fellow who tired of walking and dropped behind

16 INTRODUCTION

during the third day’s march, and that the rest
of the party had been forced to fight its way
against both Spaniards and Indians entirely
across the Isthmus, a detail which does not
agree with the accounts of either Dampier or
Wafer. Sharp and his fellow-voyagers, about
the first of September, decided to leave the
Pacific. Missing the Strait of Magellan, they
were blown southward into the region of ice-
bergs, through which they passed safely, and
celebrated Christmas while northward bound
in the Atlantic. Barbados was sighted January
28, 1682, but the appearance of a British
cruiser in the harbor led them to keep on to
Antigua, where they sent ashore for tobacco
and permission to enter the port. The latter
was flatly refused, and so they agreed to give
the vessel to those of the company who had
gambled away all their gains, while the others
were set quietly ashore.

One of Sharp’s companions, Basil Ringrose,
took passage on a ship from Antigua to London,
where he arrived in March, 1682. He found
the town full of gossip about the buccaneers.
Exquemeling’s account of Henry Morgan’s
exploits, originally published in Dutch in 1678,
had become more widely known after the ap-
pearance of the Spanish edition in 1681. An
English version was in demand, and soon
appeared with the title: Bucanzers of America:
Or, a true Account of the Most remarkable Assaults
Committed of late years upon the Coasts of The West-
Indies. . . . Written originally in Dutch,
thence translated into Spanish, Now faithfully ren-

INTRODUCTION 17

dred into English. (London: printed for William
Crooke, 1684.)* Some of the buccaneers who
were living respectably in London took offense at
statements which appeared in Crooke’s edition,
and they were perhaps responsible for another
version of Exquemeling’s book which was
entitled: The Hzstory of the Bucanters.

Made English from the Dutch Copy, very much Cor:
rected, from the Errours of the Original, by the
Relations of some English Gentlemen, that then
resided in those Parts. Den Engelseman ts cen
Duyvil voor een Mensch. (London, Printed for
Tho. Malthus, 1684.)+ The corrections in this
version, aS a comparison of the collations
suggests, consisted principally in omissions.
Another book which came out this year to sup-
ply the popular demand was edited by Philip
Ayres with the title: The Voyages and Adven-
tures of Capt. Barth. Sharp And others. Published
by P. A. Esg. (London, 1684.){ This volume
contained a diary of Sharp’s voyage, probably
abstracted from the captain’s log-book, which
was printed more fully on pages 1-55 of A Col-
lection of Original Voyages. . . . Published by
Capt. William Hacke. (London, printed for James
Knapton, 1699.)** Crooke meanwhile had
secured from Ringrose a much more detailed
account of his voyage with Sharp, and pub-

*Small quarto. Title; 5 ll. ‘‘To the Reader;’’ text, pp.
I-115, I-I51, 1-124; 611. ‘‘ Table;’’ and g plates.

TSmall octavo. Title; 11 ll. ‘‘To the Reader,’’ poetical
dedication to Morgan, etc.; text, pp. 1-192; and 2 plates.

$Small octavo. Title; 11 ll. ‘‘Preface;’’ text, pp. 1-172.

** Small octavo. Title; 7 ll. ‘‘ Index,’’ etc.; text, pp. 1-45,
I-100, 1-53; 1 1. advertisement; and 6 plates.

18 INTRODUCTION

lished this as the second volume, or Part IV.,
of the Bucanzers of America,* early in 1685.
About the same time, Crooke issued a second
and cheaper edition of the first volume.t Ex-
tracts from all of these books will be found
in the notes to Wafer’s narrative in the present
volume.

Wafer, having completed the sojourn in the
Darien country which he describes in the nar-
rative reprinted herewith, rejoined Dampier and
the rest of the party with whom he had started
to cross the Isthmus. During the autumn of
1681, he cruised about the Caribbean with one
division of the party, until the approach of the
season for hurricanes led him to go north to
Virginia, where he found Dampier and others
of the South Sea men who had preceded him.
A few months of plantation life, even with such
enlivenment as was afforded by petty piracy
along the Carolina coast, turned the thoughts
of the buccaneers toward the scenes of their
distant adventures. In August, 1683, Captain
John Cook appeared in Chesapeake Bay, where
he gathered fifty-two congenial spirits, among
them Dampier and Wafer, aboard his ship
The Revenge, and then set sail for the southward.
Off the Guinea coast they forcibly exchanged
craft with the crew of a new forty-gun vessel,
which they declared very fit for their purposes,
being ‘‘ well stored with good Brandy, Water,

* Small quarto.” Ditle;\7) ll!) <" Preface; '" text, pp. t212;
r2 1. “| able: i;/2) plates:

TSmall quarto, as the first edition. Title; 5 ll. ‘‘ To the
Reader;’’ text, pp. 1-(55), 1-80, 1-84; 6 ll. ‘‘ Table;’’ and 9
plates.

INTRODUCTION 19

Provisions, and other necessaries.”’ Equipped
to their liking, they went around the Horn into
the Pacific. After aseries of profitable adven-
tures, the party divided in August, 1685, the
majority, one of whom was Dampier, crossing
to the East Indies, while the rest, including
Wafer, remained in American waters. For two
years longer they wandered up and down the
coast, taking a living as they could find it.
Late in 1687, they decided to return to the At-
lantic, and after a trying voyage were once
more in the West Indies. Piracy was now an
unprofitable risk thereabouts, and so the crew
split up, Wafer getting passage to Philadelphia.
After a short visit in Virginia, he returned
home to London. There he was soon rejoined
by Dampier, who had completed the circum-
navigation of the globe by way of the Cape of
Good Hope.

The tales of these returning voyagers reawak-
ened interest in their doings and, to meet the
demand of public and publishers, Dampier wrote
his New Voyage around the World. ‘The volume
appeared in 1697, and ran through four editions
before the end of the century. This success led
him to write two other volumes, which together
form the basis for a set of his Voyages. Dam-
pier’s first volume was illustrated with five
maps, one of which represented the Isthmus of
Darien, with a dotted line showing his route
across in 1681 and the different stopping-places
during that journey. This map was afterwards
used to illustrate Wafer’s narrative, and it is
reproduced in the present volume. In examin-

20 INTRODUCTION

ing it, the reader should recollect that the route
marked on it is that of Dampier and the main
body of his companions, and not that traversed
a few months later by Wafer.

While Dampier was writing his first book, a
scheme was being promoted for establishing a
Scotch colony on the northern Darien coast.
Wide-spread public curiosity, rivaling that of
the South Sea and Mississippi bubbles, was
stirred up throughout Britain. Wafer, than
whom no one was more familiar with the coun-
try about which every one was talking, took
advantage of the opportunity and, in 1699, pub-
lished an account of his observations and experi-
ences in Darien.* This was the first edition of
the work which is reprinted in the present
volume. Wafer’s book was by no means depend-
ent upon the mischances of the Scotch settle-
ment for success. A second editiont+t ap-
peared in 1704, the special occasion being the
interest aroused by reports of a lucky raid on
the gold mines on the south side of the Isthmus,
of which it contains an account written by one
of the raiders named Davis. This edition also
included ‘‘ An Additional Account of several
Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Reptiles, &c. and partic-
ularly many Trees, Shrubs, and Herbs, with
their Names, Use, Vertues, &c. as has been
observ’d in those Parts. Communicated by a
Member of the Royal Society.’’ This fills pages

*Octavo. ‘Title, as on page 27; 3 ll. dedication, etc.; text,
pp. 1-224; 7 ll. “‘Index;’’ 1 1. ‘‘ Books printed for James
Knapton;’’ map and 3 plates.

} Title; 7 ll. dedication and preface; text, pp. 1-283; 6 Il.
‘* Index ;’’ map and 3 plates.

INTRODUCTION 21

180-262, and its value may be guessed from the
quotations which are given among the notes to
Wafer’s text. Wafer’s narrative was printed
again in 1729, as pages 263-463 of the third
volume of Dampier’s Voyages.

The Dutch were quick to appreciate the value
of Wafer’s narrative, as well as its proper rela-
tion to Dampier’s Voyages, for it forms a part of
Sewel’s translation of Dampier, the second
volume of which has the title: Zweede Deel van

William Dampiers Reystogt. . . . Mudsgaders
cen Naauwkeurige beschryving van Darien Of de
Land-engte van Amerika, . . . beschreeven

door Lionel Wafer. Alles uyt het Engelsch vertaald
door W. Sewel. (In’sGravenhage. By Abrahain
de Hond, 1700.) Wafer has also a separate
title, a close translation from the first English
title, with the addition of two lines, “‘ Uyt het
Engelsche vertaald door W. Sewel,’’ and the
imprint, ‘‘Gravenhage, 1700;’’ so that this
part of the volume, which has its own pagina-
tion,* may have been sold separately. Sewel’s
translation was reprinted at Amsterdam in
I716—17.

A French version, with the title: Les Voyages
de Lionnel Waffer contenant une description tres-
exacte de l’Isthme de l’ Amerique & de toute la
nouvelle Espagne, translated by M. de Montirat,
‘‘Interprete des Langues,’’ was published at
Paris, ‘‘ chez Claude Cellier,’’ in 1706. The

* Title; 11. ‘‘ Aan den Leezer;’’ text, pp. 5-88; 4 ll. ‘‘ Blad-
wyzer;’’ map and 3 plates.

TSmall octavo. Title; 3 preliminary ll.; text, pp. 1-398;
211. ‘‘ Privilege du Roy;’’ 2 maps.

22 INTRODUCTION

translation follows the first edition of Wafer,
with some slight condensation, including the
elimination of the Scotch vocabulary, and ends
on page 253. The remainder of the volume
contains a narrative of the adventures of the
captain of a Spanish vessel, the Tartan men-
tioned in the note on page 64, who had been cap-
tured and taken to London, where Wafer is said
to have met him while he was awaiting the
arrival of money from Peru with which to pay
his ransom. ‘This Spanish captain’s narrative
follows Wafer’s account without any break in
the text or any explanation of the fact that it
is not translated from the same English volume
as the preceding account.

Another French edition, Voyage de M*. Wafer,
Ox Ll’ on trouve la description de l’Isthme de 1 Ame-
rique, was published ‘‘ Chez la Veuve de Paul
Marret,’’ Amsterdam, 1714.* Thisisa different
translation of Wafer, including the Scotch
vocabulary, and also containing the Spanish
captain’s narrative.

In 1707 a German translation appeared as a
part of the Dritter Theil Der Reisen Herrn Wilhelm
Dampier. . . Welchem beygefiiget worden:
Flerrn Leonel Wafers, eines Englischen Chirurgi,
Reise und Beschreibung des Isthmi oder Erd-Enge
Darien in Americéd. Aus der Englischen in die
Frrantzosische, und aus dieser in die Hoch-Teutsche
Sprache tibersetzet. (Franckfurt und Leipzig, Bey
Michael Rohrlachs seel. Wittib und Erben,
1707.) Wafer occupies pages 200-421, with a
map and the three plates. The Scotch vocabu-

*Small octavo. ‘Title; text, pp. 3-262; 711. ‘‘ Table.”

INTRODUCTION 23

lary is given, but not the Spanish captain’s
narrative.

There are references to a Swedish edition, by
S. Oedmann, Upsala, 1789, in octavo, but no
copy of this has as yet been located by the
editor of this reprint.

A Spanish translation, made from one of the
French texts, by Sr. D. Vicente Restrepo, was
published in the Bogota (Colombia) Refortorio
Colombiano in 1880-81. Sr. Restrepo after-
wards secured a copy of the original English
edition, with which he carefully compared his
translation. The revised text was published
with the title: Vuazes de Lionel Wafer al Istmo del
Darten (cuatro meses entre los indios) traducidos y
anotados por Vicente Restrepo. (Bogota, 1888.)*
The translation gives the descriptive portions
of Wafer’s volume in full, the narrative of
travel being much condensed. Sr. Restrepo
annotated the text with many extremely valu-
able notes, which have been freely used in the
present edition. Those marked with his initials
(V. R.), are taken directly from his pages. In
addition to these notes, his volume contains an
account of a trip through the country described
by Wafer, made in 1887 by the son of the trans-
lator, D. Ernesto Restrepo. ‘This description
of the country as it now is, affords the most
convincing evidence of the accuracy and reli-
ability of Wafer’s observations.

The present volume contains an exact reprint
of the first edition of Wafer’s Mew Voyage, as it

*Octavo. 2 titles; pp. v-xx, ‘‘Prologo,’’ etc.; text, pp.
1-129; 11. ‘‘Indice.”’

24 INTRODUCTION

appeared in London in 1699, with the exception
of some obvious typographical errors, most of
which were desired to be corrected in the ‘‘ Er-
tata’’ at the end of the preface in the original
edition. The notes at the bottom of the pages
and those within brackets at the sides have been
added by the editor of the present reprint.
They are for the most part extracts from the
writings of Wafer’s companions, which explain
or add to the information given in the text.
The illustrations are photographic reproductions
of those in the 1699 edition, excepting the
frontispiece map, which is a copy from the
British Admiralty chart of the Darien country.
This map provides a better commentary than
any notes upon the geographical statements
made by Wafer.
GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP.

WAFER’S DARIEN

LONDON: JAMES KNAPTON, 1699

Reprinted from a copy of the original edition in the possession
of the Publishers.

Pate:
} i

a nt a
Ney Sat if

ICES Se at fi
Lae ACTIONS a \ ail iy na tee
EN
DAWA ANY iN i q

ohh

YN
RAE

a
lass
ura

mii Ml
iH i: nae
ei Ra
Malo eeeL eu
Ae

h

Ame
ORLA
ny i

v

ey

WEG
a

iv

Aan)
Hy

A NEW

POT AG E

AND

DESCRIPTION

OF THE

Vthmus of America,

Giving an Account of the
AuTHOR’s Abode there,

The Form and Make of the Country,
the Coafts, Hills, Rivers, &c. Woods,
Soil, Weather, &c. Trees, Fruit, Beafts,
Birds, Fifb, &c.

The Indian Inhabitants, their Features,
Complexion, &c. their Manners, Cu-
{toms, Employments, Marriages, Feafts,
Hunting, Computation, Language, ec.

With Remarkable Occurrences in the South

Sea, and elfewhere.

By LIONEL WAFER.
Mlurated with federal Copper: Plates.

LONDON:
Printed for Janes Knapton , at the Crown in
St. Paul’s Church yard, 1699.

eae NN
eee

eps
Bay
ri

y i

hy

WAFER’S DARIEN 29

[iii] To his Excellency, the Right Honourable
Henry Earl of Romney,

Vifcount Sidney of Sheppey, and Baron of
Milton zz the County of Kent, Lord Lieutenant
of the fame, and of the City of Canterbury, Vice-
Admiral of the fame, Lord Warden of the Cinque
Ports, Conftable of Dover Ca/ftle, Ma/fter of the
Ordinance, Lieutenant-General of His Majefty’s
Forces, Collonel of His Majefty’s own Regiment
of Foot Guards, One of the Lords of His Majefty’s
Bed-Chamber, One of the Lords of His Majefty’s
most Honourable Privy Council ; and One of the
Lords Juftices of England, during the Abfence
of His Majefty.

This Relation of his TRAVELS, [iv] And
Defcription of the JSTHMUS of AMERICA,
is humbly Dedicated by

fis Excellency’s
Most Devoted
Humble Servant,

LIONEL WAFER.

We Ny
PA DRO RI
PAGE NDI

WAFER’S DARIEN 31

[v] To the Reader.

HO’ this Book bears partly the Name of
Woypages, yet Lf shall here acquaint you
before-hand, as I have hinted in the Book

ut Self, That you are not to expect any Thing like
a Compleat Journal, or Hiftorical Account of all
Occurrences in the Scene of my Travels. My
principal Defign was to give what Defcription J
could of the Wtbmus of Darten, where [ was
left among the wild [vi] Indians: And as for the
preceding and fubfequent Relations, I have, in
them, only briefly reprefented the Courfe of my
Voyages; without particularizing, any further,
than to fpeak of a few Things I thought more
efpectally remarkable. I cannot pretend to fo great
an Exatine/s, but that I may have fail’d in fome
Circumitances, e/pecially in the Defcriptional
Part; which I leave to be made up by the longer
Experience, and more accurate Obfervations of
Others. But I have been as careful as I could:
And tho there are fome Matters of Fak that will
feem ftrange, yet I have been more efpecially
careful in thefe, to fay nothing but what, accord-
ing to the beft of my Knowledge, is the very
Truth. J [vii] was but Young when I was
abroad, and I kept no Journal; fo that I may be

32 WAFER’S DARIEN

aifpencd with as to Defects and Failings of lefs
moment. Yet I have not trufted altogether to my
own Memory; but /ome Things I committed to
Writing, long before I return’d to England; and
have fince been frequently comparing and rectifying
my Notices, dy Difcourfing /uch of my Fellow-
Travellers as I have met within London. And
"tis even my Defire that the Reader, as he has
Opportunity, would confult any of them, as to
thefe Particulars; being not fond of having him
take them upon my fingle Word. He will do both
himfelf and me a Kindnefs in tt; tf he will be fo
Candid, wzthkal, as to make me fuch Allowance
[viii] as the Premifes call for: He will cafe me
of the Odium of Singularity; and himfelf of
Doubt, or a Knowledge, tt may be, too defective.

a ee er mas att

te ba

The North Sea Coaft of theIsthmus i
of AMERICA fa the west of Portobel}

ZT Nita

Irhe-South Sea Couft of the Isthmus of
AMERICA w the west of Panama
= SS a F a be,

wae

Bastune

oe

Sof Concepre
a re

=
—

Se oc

dé Cruzes

a>
Ee ©

= ee ie

Las —

aan

yt ey
Lsihe

ak
CNet ah

ip aoe
ie

vi NA
Ene A :

ui

Roe

Main!
avis

WO Ot)
WN
Var i

5

WAFER’S DARIEN 33

[1] Mr. Wafer’s Voyages; and Defcription of
the I{thmus of America.

Y firft going abroad was in the Great Ann
M of London, Capt. Zachary Browne Com-
mander, bound for Bantam in the Ifle of

Java, in the East-Indies, in the Year 1677. I
was in the Service of the Surgeon of the Ship;
but being then very young, I made no great
Obfervations in that Voyage. My Stay at
Bantam was not above a Month, we being fent
from thence to /améy in the Ifle of Sumatra. At
that time there was a War between the Jalayans
of /thor on the Promontory of Malacca, and thofe
of Jamby; and a Fleet of Proe’s from Jzhore

‘TheyAves
[i. e., Au-
thor’s] firft
Voyage.

Bantam.

LIthor.
Malacca.

block’d up the Mouth of the River of Jamby. Jamby.

The Town of /Jamby is about 100 Mile up the
River: [2] But within 4 or 5 Mile of the Sea, it
hath a Port Town on the River, confifting of
about 15 or 20 Houfes, built on Pofts, as the
Fafhion of that Country is: The Name of this
Port is Quolla; though this feems rather an
Appellative than a proper Name, for they gener-
ally call a Port Quolla: And ’tis ufual with our
Englifh Seamen in thofe Parts, when they have
been at a Landing-place, to fay they have been
at the Quolla, calling it fo in imitation of the

Quolla.

Barcadero.

The A.’s 2d
Voyage.

Jamaica.

Capt.
Bucken-
ham’s
hard For-
tune.

34 WAFER’S DARIEN

Natives; as the Portuguefe call their Landing-
places, Barcadero’s. This War was fome hin-
drance to our Trade there; and we were forc’d to
{tay about 4 Months in the Road, before we
could get in our Lading of Pepper: And thence
we return’d to Bantam, to take in the reft of
our Lading. While I was afhore there, the
Ship fail’d for England: So I got a Pafflage home
in another Ship, The Bombay, Capt. White Com-
mander; who being Chief Mate, fucceeded
Capt. Bennet, who dy’d in the Voyage.

I arrived in Exgland again in the Year 1679.
and after about a Months {tay, I entred my felf
on a Second [3] Voyage, in a Veffel commanded
by Capt. Buckenham, bound for the We/t-Indies.
I was there alfo in the Service of the Surgeon of
the Ship: But when we came to /amaica, the
Seafon of Sugars being not yet come, the Cap-
tain was willing to make a fhort Voyage, in the
mean while, to the Bay of Campeachy, to fetch
Log-wood: But having no mind to go further
with him, I f{taid in Jamaica. It proved well
for me that I did fo; for in that Expedition, the
Captain was taken by the Spaniards, and carried
Prifoner to Mexico: Where one Ruffel faw him,
who was then alfo a Prifoner there, and after
made his Efcape. He told me he faw Capt.
Buckenham, with a Log chain’d to his Leg, and
a Basket at his Back, crying Bread about the
Streets for a Baker his Mafter. The Spaniards
would never confent to the Ranfoming him, tho’
he was a Gentleman who had Friends of a con-
fiderable Fortune, and would have given them
a very large Sum of Mony.

WAFER’S DARIEN 35

I had a Brother in /amaica, who was imployed
under Sir Thomas Muddiford,* in his Plantation
at the Angels: [4] And my chief Inducement in
undertaking this Voyage was to fee him. I
ftaid fome time with him, and he fettled me in
a Houfe at Port-Royal, where I followed my
Bufinefs of Surgery for fome Months. But in
a while I met with Capt. Cook, and Capt. Linch,+
two Privateers, who were going out from /ort-
Royal, toward the Coaft of Cartagena, and took
me along with them. We met other Privateers
on that Coaft; but being parted from them by
{trefs of Weather about Golden-Ifland, in the
Samballoe’s, we {tood away to the Ba/timento’s,
where we met them again, and feveral others,
who had been at the taking of Portobel, and were
Rendefvouzed there. Here I firft met with Mr.
Dampier, and was with him in the Expedition
into the S. Seas.
up our Forces at Golden-I[fland, and landed on
the [/thmus, we march’d over Land, and took
Santa Maria; and made thofe Excurfions into
the S. Seas, which Mr. Riugrofe relates in the
4th part of the Az/fory of the Buccanters.

*Sir Thomas Modyford emigrated in 1647, to Barbados
where he was appointed governor in 1660. In 1664 he was
made governor of Jamaica, a post which he held until 1667,
when he was displaced and sent home under arrest, charged
with ‘‘ making war and committing depredations and acts of
hostility upon the subjects and territories of the king of
Spain ’’ —in other words, of having had too much to do with
the buccaneers. He was committed to the Tower for a season,
but was released and, in 1675, probably in company with
Sir Henry Morgan, returned to Jamaica, where he died
in 1679.

_ J} Probably John Cooke and Stephen Lynch.

The Angels
Plantation.

Port-Royal.

Cartagena.

Golden-l.
Bafit-

mento’s.

Portobel.

Mr. Dam-

For in fhort, having mufter’d #7:

Lhhmus.
Santa
Maria.
S. Seas.
Hitt. of
the Buc.

Mr. Dam-
pier.

Capt.
Sharp.

Lhkhmus.

The A.
left in the
Lrkhmus.

His Knee
burnt.*

36 WAFERS DARIEN

Mr. Dampzer has told, in his [utrodudion to his
Voyage round the World, [5| in what manner the
Company divided with reference to Capt. Sharp.
I was of Mr. Dampier’s fide in that Matter, and
of the number of thofe who chofe rather to
return in Boats to the //hmus, and go back
again a toilfom Journey over Land, than ftay
under a Captain in whom we experienc’d neither
Courage nor Conduct. He hath given alfo an
Account of what befel us in that Return, till
fuch time as by the Carlefnefs of our Com-
pany, my Knee was fo fcorch’d with Gun-
powder, that after a few Days further March, I
was left behind among the Wi/d-Indians, in the
L[fthmus of Darien.

It was the 5th Day of our Journey when this
Accident befel me; being alfo the 5th of May,
in the Year 1681. I was fitting on the Ground
near one of our Men, who was drying of Gun-
powder in a Silver Plate: But not managing it
as he fhould, it blew up, and fcorch’d my Knee
to that degree, that the Bone was left bare, the
Flefh being torn away, and my Thigh burnt for
a great way above it. I applied to it immedi-
ately fuch Remedies as I had in my Knapfack:
And being unwilling to be left behind my [6]
Companions, I made hard fhift to jog on, and

* Dampier, p. 15, says: ‘‘ Our Chyrurgeon, Mr Wafer, came
to a sad disaster here: being drying his Powder, a careless
fellow passed by with his Pipe lighted, and set fire to his
Powder, which blew up and scorch’d his Knee; and reduced
him to that condition that he was not able to march; where-
fore we allowed him a Slave to carry his things, being all of
us the more concerned at the accident, because lyable our
selves every moment to misfortune, and none to look after us
but him.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 37

bear them Company for a few Days; during
which our Slaves ran away from us, and among
them a Negro whom the Company had allow’d
me for my particular Attendant, to carry my
Medicines.* He took them away with him,
together with the reft of my Things, and
thereby left me depriv’d of wherewithal to
drefs my Sore; infomuch that my Pain increaf-
ing upon me, and being not able to trudge it
further through Rivers and Woods, I took leave
of my Company, and fet up my Reft among the
Darien Indians.

This was on the 1oth Day; and there ftaid R. Godjon.
with me Mr. Richard Gopfon, who had ferved an
Apprenticefhip to a Druggift in London. He
was an ingenious Man, and a good Scholar; and
had with him a Greek Teftament which he fre-
quently read, and would tranflate extempore into
Englifh to fuch of the Company as were dif-
pos’d to hear him. Another who ftaid behind
with me was John Hing/fon, Mariner: They /. Hingyon.
were both fo fatigued with the Journey, that
they could go no further. There had been an
Or-[7]der made among us at our firft Landing,
to kill any who fhould flag in the Journey: But
this was made only to terrify any from loiter-
ing, and being taken by the Spaniards; who by

*Dampier, p. 16, says that, during the night following the
seventh day, ‘‘these hardships and inconveniences made us
all careless, and there was no Watch kept, (tho I believe no
body did sleep:) So our Slaves taking this opportunity, went
away in the night; all but one, who was hid in some hole,
and knew nothing of their design, or else fell asleep. Those
that went away carried with them our Chyrurgeons Gun and
all his Money.”’

The /ndzans
cure the A.

38 WAFER’S DARIEN

Tortures might extort from them a Difcovery
of our March.* But this rigorous Order was
not executed; but the Company took a very
kind Leave both of thefe, and of me. Before
this we had loft the Company of two more of
our Men, Robert Spratln and William Bowman,
who parted with us at the River Congo, the Day
after my being fcorch’d with Gun-powder. ‘The
Paffage of that River was very deep, and the
Stream violent; by which means I was born
down the Current, for feveral Paces, to an Eddy
in the bending of the River. Yet I got over;
but thefe two being the hindmott, and feeing
with what difficulty I crofs’d the River, which
was {till rifing, they were difcourag’d from
attempting it, and chofe rather to {tay where
they were. Thefe two came to me; and the
other two foon after the Company’s departure
for the North-Sea, as I fhall have occafion to
mention; fo that there were five of [8] us in all
who were left behind among the J/udians.

Being now forc’d to ftay among them, and
having no means to alleviate the Anguifh of my
Wound, the /zdians undertook to cure me; and
apply’d to my Knee fome Herbs, which they
firft chew’d in their Mouths to the confiftency
of a Pafte, and putting it on a Plantain-Leaf,

* Dampier explains, p. 2, that, before they separated from
Sharp, ‘‘ because there were some designed to go with us that
we knew were not well able to march, we gave out, that if
any man faultred in the Journey over Land he must expect
to be shot to death; for we knew that the Spaniards would
soon be after us, and one man falling into their hands might
be the ruin of us all, by giving an account of our strength and
condition: yet this would not deter ’em from going with us.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 39

laid it upon the Sore. This prov’d fo effectual,
that in about 20 Days ufe of this Poultefs,
which they applied frefh every Day, I was per-
fectly cured; except only a Weaknefs in that
Knee, which remain’d long after, and a Benum-
mednefs which I fometimes find in it to this
Day. Yet they were not altogether fo kind in
other refpects; for fome of them look’d on us
very fcurvily, throwing green Plantains to us,
as we fat cringing and fhivering, as you would
Bones toa Dog. This was but forry Food; yet
we were fore’d to be contented with it: But to
mend our Commons, the young /zdzan, at whofe
Houfe we were left, would often give us fome
ripe Plantains, unknown to his Neighbours;
and thefe were a great Re-[g]frefhment to us.
This /udian, in his Childhood, was taken a Prif-
oner by the Spaniards; and having liv’d fome
time among them, he had learn’d a pretty deal
of their Language, under the Bifhop of Panama,
whom he ferv’d there; till finding means to
efcape, he was got again among his own Coun-
try-men. ‘This was of good ufe to us; for we
having a fmattering of Spant/h, and a little of
the Jndian’s Tongue alfo, by paffing their
Country before, between both thefe, and
with the additional ufe of Signs, we found
it no very difficult Matter to underitand one
another. He was truly generous and hofpitable
toward us; and fo careful of us, that if in the
Day-time we had no other Provifion than a few
forry green Plantains, he would rife in the
Night, and go out by ftealth to the Neighbour-
ing Plantain-walk, and fetch a Bundle of ripe

A kind
Indian.

R. Spratlin,

W. Bow-
WAN.

40 WAFER’S DARIEN

ones from thence, which he would diftribute
among us unknown to his Country-men. Not
that they were naturally inclin’d to ufe us thus
roughly, for they are generally a kind and free-
hearted People; but they had taken fome par-
ticular Offence, upon [10] the account of our
Friends who left us, who had in a manner awed
the Judian Guides they took with them for the
remainder of their Journey, and made them go
with them very much againft their Wills; * the
Severity of the Rainy Seafon being then fo
great, that even the /udians themfelves had no
mind for Travelling, tho’ they are little curious
either as to the Weather or Ways.

When Gop/fon, Hingfon, and I had lived 3 or
4 Days in this manner, the other two, Spratlin
and Bowman, whom we left behind at the River
Congo, on the 6th Day of our Journey, found
their way to us; being exceedingly fatigued
with rambling fo long among the wild Woods
and Rivers without Guides, and having no other
Suftenance but a few Plantains they found here
and there. They told us of George Gainy’s

* Dampier, p. Ig, says that the party found two young
Indians at this place who could speak a little Spanish, and
who offered to act as guides, provided the white men would
wait until the second day before starting. ‘‘ But we thought
our selves nearer the North Sea than we were, and proposed
to go without a Guide, rather than stay here a whole
day 2°): 0 \Dhe jtenth: [ie.) the next] “day we got ap
betimes, resolving to march, but the /zdzans opposed it as
much as they could, but seeing they could not perswade us to
stay, they came with us.’”’ The Indians were probably anxious
to secure the hatchets with; which the Englishmen usually
rewarded their guides, but they were evidently provoked by

the haste of the white men, which no doubt interfered with
their plans for this day.

WAFER’S DARIEN 41

Difafter, whofe Drowning Mr. Dampier relates
p. 17.* They faw him lie dead on the Shore
which the Floods were gone off from, with the
Rope twifted about him, and his Mony at his
Neck; but they were fo fatigued, they car’d not
to meddle withit. Thefe, after their coming
[11] up to us, continued with us for about a
Fortnight longer, at the fame Plantation where
the main Body of our Company had left us; and
our Provifion was {till at the fame Rate, and the
Countenances of the /zdians as {tern towards us
as ever, having yet no News of their Friends
whom our Men had taken as their Guides. Yet
notwithitanding their Difguit, they {till took
care of my Wound; which by this time was
pretty well healed, and I was enabled to walk
about. But at length not finding their Men
return as they expected, they were out of
Patience, and feem’d refolved to revenge on us
the Injuries which they fuppos’d our Friends
had done to theirs. To this end they held fre-
quent Confultations how they fhould difpofe of
us: Some were for killing us, others for keeping

* Dampier says that, the river being much swollen, “ at
length we concluded to send one man over with a Line, who
should hale over all our things first, and then get the men
over. . . . George Gayny took the end of a Line and
made it fast about his neck, and left the other end ashore, and
one man stood by the Line, to clear it away to him.» But
when Gayny was in the midst of the water, the Line in draw-
ing after him chanced to kink, or grow entangled; and he that
stood by to clear it away, stopt the Line, which turned Gayny
on his back, and he that had the Line in his hand threw it all
into the River after him, thinking he might recover himself;
but the stream running very swift, and the man having three

hundred Dollars at his back, was carried down, and never seen
more by us.”’

G. Gazny’s
drowning.

A Confult
to deftroy
the A. and
his Com-
panions.

Prepara-
tions to
kill them.

Lacenta

faves them;

and fends

them away.

42 WAFER’S DARIEN

us among them, and others for carrying us to
the Spaniards, thereby to ingratiate themfelves
with them. But the greate{t part of them mor-
tally hating the Spanzards, this laft Proje&t was
foon laid afide; and they came to this Refolu-
tion, To forbear doing any thing to us, till fo
much Time were expir’d as [12] they thought
might reafonably be allow’d for the return of
their Friends, whom our Men had taken with
them as Guides to the North Sea-Coaft; and
this, as they computed, would be 10 Days, reck-
oning it up to us on their Fingers.

The Time was now almoft expir’d, and having
no News of the Guides, the /nzdians began to
fufpect that our Men had either murder’d them,
or carried them away with them; and feem’d
refolv’d thereupon to deftroy us. To this end
they prepared a great Pile of Wood to burn us,
on the 10th Day; and told us what we mutt truft
to when the Sun went down; for they would
not execute us till then.

But it fo hapned that Lacenta, their Chief,
paffing that way, diffuaded them from that
Cruelty, and propofed to them to fend us down
towards the North-fide, and two J/udians with
us, who might inform themfelves from the
Indians near the Coaft, what was become of the
Guides. They readily hearken’d to this Pro-
pofal, and immediately chofe two Men to conduct
us to the North-fide. One [13] of thefe had
been all along an inveterate Enemy to us; but
the other was that kind /zdzan, who was fo much
our Friend, as to rife in the Night and get us
ripe Plantains.

WAFER’S DARIEN 43

The next Day therefore we were difmiffed
with our two Guides, and marched Joyfully for
3 Days; being well affur’d we fhould not find
that our Men had done any hurt to their Guides.
The firft three Days we march’d thro’ nothing
but Swamps, having great Rains, with much
Thunder and Lightning; and lodg’d every
Night under the dropping Trees, upon the cold
Ground. The third Night we lodg’d on a {mall
Hill, which by the next Morning was become an
Ifland: For thofe great Rains had made fuch a
Flood, that all the low Land about it was cover’d
deep with Water. All this while we had no
Provifion, except a handful of dry Maiz our
Indian Guides gave us the firft two Days: But
this being fpent, they return’d home again, and
left us to fhift for our felves.

At this Hill we remained the fourth Day;
and on the fifth the Waters being abated, we
fet forward, [14] fteering North by a Pocket
Compafs,* and marched till 6 a Clock at Night:
At which time, we arrived at a River about 40
foot wide, and very deep.t Here we found a
Tree fallen crofs the River, and fo we believed
our Men had paft that way; { therefore here we

* When the main body started off from the village where
Wafer remained, Dampier, p. 19, says that ‘‘ we often look’d
on our Pocket Compasses, and shewed them to the Guides,
pointing at the way that we wou’d go, which made them shake
their heads, and say, they were pretty things, but not conve-
nient for us.’’ Any one who has tried to follow a compass-line
through broken country will appreciate the feelings of the
guides who knew the easier route following the lay of the land.

{ Cafilaza River.—V. R.

{ Dampier, p. 20, says that, on the fourth day after leaving
Wafer at the Indian settlement, the guides ‘‘ carry’d us toa

Bad
Travelling.

They are

bewilder’d.

Bowman
like to be
drown'd.

44 WAFERS DARIEN

fat down, and confulted what courfe we fhould
take.

And having debated the Matter, it was con-
cluded upon to crofs the River, and feek the
Path in which they had travelled: For this River
running fomewhat Northward in this place, we
perfwaded our felves we were paft the main
Ridge of Land that divided the North part of
the //hmus from the South; and confequently
that we were not very far from the North Sea.
Befides, we did not confider that the great Rains
were the only caufe of the fudden rifing and
falling of the River; but thought the Tide
might contribute to it, and that we were not
very far from the Sea. We went therefore over
the River by the help of the Tree: But the Rain
had made it fo flippery, that ’twas with great
difficulty that we could get over it aftride, for
there was no [15] walking on it: And tho’ four
of us got pretty well over, yet Bowman, who was
the laft, flipt off, and the Stream hurried him
out of fight in a moment, fo that we concluded
he was Drown’d. ‘To add to our Affliction for
the lofs of our Confort, we fought about for a
Path, but found none; for the late Flood had
fill’d all the Land with Mud and Oaze, and
therefore fince we could not find a Path, we
returned again, and paffed over the River on
the fame Tree by which we crofs’d it at firft;
intending to pafs down by the fide of this River,

Tree that stood on the Bank of the River, and told us if we
could fell that Tree cross it, we might pass; if not, we could
pass no further. Therefore we set two of the best Ax-men
that we had, who fell’d it exactly cross the River, and the
boughs just reached over; on this we passed very safe.’’

WAFER’S DARIEN 45

which we {till thought difcharged it felf into
the North Sea. But when we were over, and
had gone down with the Stream a quarter of a
Mile, we efpy’d our Companion fitting on the
Bank of the River; who, when we came to him,
told us, that the violence of the Stream hurry’d
him thither, and that there being in an Eddy,
he had time to confider where he was; and that
by the help of fome Boughs that hung in the
Water, he had got out. This Man had at this
time 400 pieces of Eight at his Back: He was a
weakly Man, a Taylor by Trade.

[16] Here we lay all Night; and the next
Day, being the 5th of our prefent Journey, we
march’d further down by the fide of the River,
thro’ thickets of hollow Bamboes and Brambles,
being alfo very weak for want of Food: But
Providence fuffer’d us not to Perifh, tho’ Hun-
ger and Wearinefs had brought us even to
Death’s door: For we found there a Maccaw
Tree, which afforded us Berries, of which we
eat greedily; and having therewith fomewhat
fatisfied our Hunger, we carried a Bundle of
them away with us, and continued our March
till Night.

The next Day being the 6th, we marched till
4 in the Afternoon, when we arrived at another
River, which join’d with that we had hitherto
coafted; and we were now inclos’d between
them, on a little Hill at the Conflux of them.
This laft River was as wide and deep as the
former; fo that here we were put to a Won-plus,
not being able to find means to Ford either of
them, and they being here too wide for a Tree

Great
Hardtfhips.

Maccaw-
berries.

They are
befet with
Rivers.

They
miftake

their way.

Violent
Rains.

Great
Floods.

46 WAFER’S DARIEN

to go acrofs, unlefs a greater Tree than we were
able to cut down; having no Tool [17] with us
but a Macheat or long Knife. This laft River
alfo we fet by the Compafs, and found it run
due North: Which confirmed us in our Miftake,
that we were on the North fide of the main
Ridge of Mountains; and therefore we refolv’d
upon making two Bark-logs,* to float us down
the River, which we unanimoufly concluded
would bring us to the North Sea Coaft. The
Woods afforded us hollow Bamboes fit for our
purpofe; and we cut them into proper lengths,
and tied them together with Twigs of a Shrub
like a Vine, a great many on the top of one
another.

By that time we had finifhed our Bark-logs it
was Night, and we took up our Lodging ona
{mall Hill, where we gathered about a Cart-load
of Wood, and made a Fire, intending to fet out
with our Bark-logs the next Morning. But not
long after Sun-fet, it fell a Raining as if Heaven
and Earth would meet; which Storm was accom-
panied with horrid Claps of Thunder, and fuch
flafhes of Lightning, of a Sulpherous fmell, that
we were almoft {tifled in the open Air.

[18] Thus it continued till 12 a Clock at Night;
when to our great Terror, we could hear the
Rivers roaring on both fides us; but ’twas fo
dark, that we could fee nothing but the Fire we

* This was the ordinary name in the South Sea for any sort
of araft. ‘They were very common, and of all sizes, from the
two-logs on which the fisherman paddled about, sitting astride
in the water, to the large double-deck craft which carried

cargoes of grain and wine from the ports of Chile and Peru
to Panama, sailing‘before the steady northerly winds.

WAFER’S DARIEN 47

had made, except when a flafh of Lightning
came. ‘Then we could fee all over the Hill, and
perceive the Water approaching us; which in
lefs than half an hour carried away our Fire.
This drove us all to our fhifts, every Man feek-
ing fome means to fave himfelf from the threat-
ning Deluge. We alfo fought for {mall Trees
to climb: For the place abounded with great
Cotton Trees, of a prodigious bignefs from the
Root upward, and at leaft 40 or 50 foot clear
without Branches, fo that there was no climbing
up them.

For my own part, I was in a great Confterna-
tion, and running to fave my Life, I very oppor-
tunely met with a large Cotton Tree, which by
fome accident, or thro’ Age, was become rotten,
and hollow on one fide; having a hole in it at
about the height of 4 foot from the ground. I
immediately got up into it as well as I could:
And in the Cavity I found [19] a knob, which
ferved me for a Stool; and there I fat down
almoft Head and Heels together, not having
room enough to ftand or fit upright. In this
Condition I fat wifhing for Day: But being
fatigued with Travel, though very hungry
withal, and cold, I fell afleep: But was foon
awakned by the noife of great Trees which
were brought down by the Flood; and came
with fuch force again{t the Tree, that they made
it fhake.

When I awoke, I found my Knees in the
Water, though the loweft part of my hollow
Trunk was, as I faid, 4 foot above the ground;
and the Water was running as {wift, as if ’twere

The A.
climbs a
Tree.

He is befet
with the
Waters.

The Floods
go off.

He meets
again with
his Compan-
ions.

48 WAFER’S DARIEN

in the middle of the River. The Night was {till
very dark, but only when the flafhes of Light-
ning came: Which made it fo dreadful and
terrible, that I forgot my Hunger, and was
wholly taken up with praying to God to {pare
my Life. While I was Praying and Meditating
thus on my fad Condition, I faw the Morning
Star appear, by which I knew that Day was at
hand: This cheared my drooping Spirits, and in
[20] lefs than half an hour the Day began to
dawn, the Rain and Lightning ceas’d, and the
Waters abated, infomuch that by that time the
Sun was up, the Water was gone off from my
(iree:

Then I ventured out of my cold Lodging; but
being {tiff and the Ground flippery, I could
fearce {ftand: Yet I made a fhift to ramble to
the Place where we had made our Fire, but
found no Body there. Then I call’d out aloud,
but was anfwer’d only with my own Eccho;
which {truck fuch Terror into me, that I fell
down as dead, being opprefs’d both with Grief
and Hunger; this being the 7th Day of our Fatt,
fave only the Maccaw-berries before related.

Being in this Condition, defpairing of Comfort
for want of my Conforts, I lay fome time on the
wet Ground, till at laft 1 heard a Voice hard by
me, which in fome fort revived me; but efpe-
cially when I fawit was Mr. Hzng/on, one of my
Companions, and the reft found us prefently
after: Having all fav’d themfelves by climbing
{mall Trees. We greeted each o-[21|ther with
Tears in our Eyes, and returned Thanks to God
for our Deliverance.

WAFERS DARIEN 49

The firft thing we did in the Morning was to
look after our Bark-logs or Rafts, which we had
left tied to a Tree, in order to profecute our
Voyage down the River; but coming to the
Place where we left them, we found them funk
and full of Water, which had got into the hollow
of the Bamboes, contrary to our Expectation;
for we thought they would not have admitted
fo much as Air, but have been like large Blad-
ders full blown: But it feems there were Cracks
in them which we did not perceive, and perhaps
made in them by our Carelefnefs in working
them; for the Veffels made of thefe Hollow
Bamboe’s, are wont to hold Water very well.

This was a new Vexation to us, and how to
proceed farther we knew not; but Providence
{till directed all for the better: For if we had
gone down this River, which we afterwards
underftood to be a River that runs into the
River of Cheapo, and fo towards the Bay of
Panama and the South Sea, it would have carried
us [22] into the mid{t of our Enemies the Span-
zards, from whom we could expect no Mercy.

The Neighbourhood of the Mountains, and
{teepnefs of the Defcent, is the caufe that the
Rivers rife thus fuddenly after thefe violent
Rains; but for the fame reafon they as fuddenly
fall again.

But to return to my Story, being thus fruftrate
of our Defign of going down the Stream, or of
crofling either of thefe Rivers, by reafon of the
finking of our Bark-logs, we were glad to think
of returning back to the /zdian Settlement, and

* Now called the Chepo, or Bayano.

ag

In danger
of going
among their
Enemies.

River of
Cheapo.*

They are
forc’d to
return.

They are in
fear of the
Indians.

50 WAFERS DARIEN

Coafted up the River fide in the fame Track we
came down by. As our Hunger was ready to
carry our Eyes to any Object that might afford
us fome Relief, it hapned that we efpied a Deer
fa{t afleep: Which we defigned if poffible to
get, and in order to it we came fo very near, that
we might almo{t have thrown our felves on him:
But one of our Men putting the Muzle of his
Gun clofe to him, and the Shot not being
wadded, tumbled out, juft before the Gun went
off, and did the Deer no hurt; but f{tarting up
t the noife, [23] he took the River and fwam
over. As long as our way lay by the River fide,
we made a fhift to keep it well enough: But
being now to take leave of the River, in order
to feek for the /udians Habitation, we were much
atalofs. This was the Eighth Day, and we
had no Suftinence befide the A/accaw-Berries we
had got, and the Pith of a Azbdy-Tree we met
with, which we {plit and eat very favourly.
After a little Confideration what courfe to
{teer next, we concluded it be{ft to follow the
Track of a Pecary or Wild-Hog, hoping it might
bring us to fome old Plantain Walk or Potato
Piece, which thefe Creatures often refort to, to
look for Food: This brought us, according to
our Expectation, to an old Plantation, and in
fight of anew one. But here again Fear over-
whelmed us, being between two {traits, either
to {tarve or venture up to the Houfes of the
Indians, whom being fo near, we were now
afraid of again, not knowing how they would
receive us. But fince there was no avoiding it,
it was concluded that one fhould go up to the

WAFER’S DARIEN 51

Houfe, while the reft {taid behind to [24] fee
the Iffue. In conclufion I went to the Planta-
tion, and it proved the fame that we came from.
The Indians were all amazed to fee me, and
began to ask many Queftions: But I prevented
them by falling into a Swoon, occafion’d by the
heat of the Houfe, and the fcent of Meat that
was boyling over the Fire. The /ndians were
very oOfficious to help me in this Extremity, and
when I revived, they gave me a little to eat.
Then they enquired of me for the other four
Men, for whom they prefently fent, and brought
all but Gob/on, who was left a little further off,
and treated us all very kindly: For our long
expected Guides were now returned from the
North fide, and gave large Commendations of
the kindnefs and generofity of our Men; by
which means all the /zdians were become now
again our very good Friends.* The /zdian, who
was fo particularly kind to us, preceiving Mr.
Gobjfon was not yet arrived at the Plantation,
carried out Victuals to him, and after he was a
little .refrefh’d with that, brought him up to us.
So that now we were all together again, and had
a great deal of care taken of us.

[25] Here we ftayed feven Days to refrefh our

* Dampier, p. 23, says that, when the main party went
aboard the French privateer, ‘‘ the first thing we did was to
get such things as we could to gratifie our Indian Guides, for
we were resolved to reward them to their hearts content. This
we did by giving them Beads, Knives, Scissars, and Looking-
glasses, which we bought of the Privateers Crew; and half a
Dollar a man from each of us; which we would have bestowed
in goods also, but could not get any, the Privateer having no
more toys.’’

The Jadzans
receive them
kindly.

They fet
out again.

Lacenta’s
Palace.

Large Cot-

ton Trees.

52 WAFER’S DARIEN

felves, and then took our March again: For we
were defirous to get to the North Seas as foon
as we could, and they were now more willing to
guide us than ever before; fince the Guides our
Party took with them, had not only been dif-
mifs’d civilly, but with Prefents alfo of Axes,
Beads, &c. The J/udians therefore of the Village
where we now were, order’d four lufty young
Men to conduct us down again to the River,
over which the Tree was fallen, who going now
with a good will, carried us thither in one Day;
whereas we were three Days the firft time in
going thither. When we came thither, we
marched about a Mile up the River, where lay
a Canoa, into which we all Imbarked, and the
Indians guided us up the fame River which we
before, thro’ miftake, had {trove to go down.
The J/udians padied ftoutly againit the Stream
till Night, and then we Lodged at a Houfe,
where thefe Men gave fuch large Commenda-
tions of our Men, who were gone to the North

_ Sea, that the Mafter of the Houfe treated [26]

us after the beft manner. The next Day we fet
out again, with two /udians more, who made fix
in all, to Row or Paddle us; and our Condition
now was well altered.

In fix Days time after this, they brought us
to Lacenta’s Houfe, who had before faved our
Lives.

This Houfe is fituated on a fine little Hill, on
which grows the {tatelieft Grove of Cotton Trees
that ever I faw. The Bodies of thefe Trees
were generally fix foot in Diameter, nay, fome
eight, nine, ten, eleven; for four Judians and

WAFERS DARIEN 53

my felf took hand in hand round a Tree, and
could not fathom it by three foot. Here was
likewife a f{tately Plantain Walk, and a Grove of
other {mall Trees, that would make a pleafant
artificial Wildernefs, if Induftry and Art were
beftowed on it.

The Circumference of this pleafant little
Hill, contains at leaft 100 Acres of Land; and
is a Peninfula of an Oval form, almoft fur-
rounded with two great Rivers, one coming
from the Eaft, the other from the Weft ;* which
approaching within 40 foot of each other, at the
front of the Penin-[27]fula, feparate again,
embracing the Hill, and meet on the other fide,
making there one pretty large River, which
runs very fwift. There is therefore but one
way to come in toward this Seat; which, as I
before obferved, is not above 4o foot wide,
between the Rivers on each fide: and ’tis fenced
with hollow Bamboes, Popes-heads and Prickle-
pears, fo thick fet from one fide the Neck of
Land to the other, that ’tis impoffible for an
Enemy to approach it.

On this Hill live Fifty Principal Men of the
Country, all under Lacenta’s Command, who is
as a Prince over all the South part of the //?hmus
of Darien; the /ndians both there and on the
North fide alfo, paying him great refpect: but
the South fide is his Country, and this Hill his
Seat or Palace. There is only one Canoa belong-
ing to it, which ferves to ferry over Lacenta and
the reft of them.

* Perhaps at the junction of the SAbalo with the Cafiaza. The
Mandingas tribe had its headquarters in this region,—V. R.

Lacenta
keeps them
with him.

The /rdzans
way of
letting
Blood.

The A.
bleeds
Lacenta’s
Queen.

54 WAFER’S DARIEN

When we were arrived at this Place, Lacenta
difcharged our Guides, and fent them back
again, telling us, That ’twas not poffible for us
to Travel to the North fide at this Seafon; for
the Rainy Seafon was now in [28] its height,
and Travelling very bad; but told us we fhould
{tay with him, and he would take care of us:
And we were force’d to comply with him.

We had not been long here before an Occur-
rence happen’d, which tended much to the
increafing the good Opinion Lacenta and his
People had conceiv’d of us, and brought me
into particular Efteem with them.

It fo happen’d, that one of Lacenta’s Wives
being indifpofed, was to be let Blood; which
the /udians perform in thismanner: The Patient
is feated on a Stone in the River, and one with
a {mall Bow fhoots little Arrows into the naked
Body of the Patient, up and down; fhooting
them as faft as he can, and not miffing any part.
But the Arrows are gaged, fo that they pene-
trate no farther than we generally thruft our
Lancets: And if by chance they hit a Vein
which is full of Wind, and the Blood fpurts out a
little, they will leap and skip about, fhewing
many Antick Geftures, by way of. rejoycing
and triumph.

[29] I was by while this was performing on
Lacenta’s Lady: And perceiving their Igno-
rance, told Lacenta, That if he pleafed, I would
fhew him a better way, without putting the
Patient to fo much Torment. Let me fee, fays
he; and at his Command, I bound up her Arm
with a piece of Bark, and with my Lancet

—_—_

SSS

feeb.

ier
<a

- ee ee

WSs

a)
i

—————_— ———

Weta

WAFER’S DARIEN 55

breathed a Vein: But this rafh attempt had like
to have coft me my Life. For Lacenta feeing
the Blood iffue out in a Stream, which us’d to
come only drop by drop, got hold of his Lance,
and {wore by his Tooth, that if fhe did other-
wife than well, he would have my Heart’s Blood.
I was not moved, but defired him to be patient,
and I drew off about 12 Ounces, and bound up
her Arm, and defired fhe might reft till the next
Day: By which means the Fever abated, and
fhe had not another Fit. This gained me fo
much Reputation, that Lacenta came to me, and
before all his Attendants, bowed, and kifs’d my
Hand. Then the reft came thick about me, and
fome kiffed my Hand, others my Knee, and
fome my Foot: After which I was taken up into
a Ham-[30]mock, and carried on Men’s Shoul-
ders, ZLacenta himfelf making a Speech in my
Praife, and commending me as much Superiour
to any of their Doctors. Thus I was carried
from Plantation to Plantation, and lived in great
Splendor and Repute, adminiftring both Phyfick
and Phlebotomy to thofe that wanted. For tho’
I loft my Salves and Plaifters, when the Negro
ran away with my Knapfack, yet I preferv’d a
Box of Inftruments, and a few Medicaments
wrapt up in an Oil Cloth, by having them in
my Pocket, where I generally carried them.

I lived thus fome Months among the Jzdians,
who in a manner ador’d me. Some of thefe
Indians had been Slaves to the Spaniards, and
had made their Efcapes; which I fuppofe was
the caufe of their expreffing a defire of Bapti{m:
but more to have a European Name given them,

The A.
much re-
puted for
this.

He goes on
Hunting
with
Lacenta.

Gold River.

The way of
gathering
Gold.

56 WAFER’S DARIEN

than for any thing they know of Chriftianity.

During my abode with Lacenta, I often accom-
panied him a Hunting, wherein he took great
delight, here being good Game. I was one
time, about the beginning of the dry Seafon,
[31] accompanying him toward the South-Eaft
part of the Country, and we pafs’d by a River
where the Spaniards were gathering Gold.* I
took this River to be one of thofe which comes
from the South-Eaft, and runs into the Gulph
of St. Michael. When we came near the Place
where they wrought, we {tole foftly through the
Woods, and placing our felves behind the great
Trees, looked on them a good while, they not
feeing us. The manner of their getting Gold
it is as follows. They have little Wooden
Difhes, which they dip foftly into the Water,
and take it up half full of Sand, which they
draw gently out of the Water; and at every
dipping they take up Gold mix’d with the Sand
and Water, more or lefs. This they fhake and
the Sand rifeth, and. goes over the Brims of the
Difh with the Water; but the Gold fettles to
the bottom. This done, they bring it out and
dry it in the Sun, and then pound it in a Mor-
tar. Then they take it out and fpread it on
Paper, and having a Load-{tone they move that
over it, which draws all the Iron, &c. from it,
and then leaves the Gold [32] clean from Ore or
Filth; and this they bottle up in Gourds or
Calabafhes. In this manner they work during
the dry Seafon, which is three Months; for in

* The Balsas or one of the other southern tributaries to the
Rio Santa Maria.—V. R.

WAFER’S DARIEN 57

the wet time the Gold is wafhed from the Moun-
tains by violent Rains, and then commonly the
Rivers are very deep; but now in the gathering
Seafon, when they are fallen again, they are
not above a Foot deep. Having fpent the dry
Seafon in gathering, they imbark in fmall
Veffels for Santa Maria Town; and if they meet
with good Succefs and a favourable Time, they
carry with them, by Report, (for I learnt thefe
Particulars of a Spaniard whom we took at Santa
Maria under Captain Sharp) 18 or 20 thoufand
Pound weight of Gold: But whether they gather
more or lefs, ’tis incredible to report the {tore
of Gold which is yearly wafh’d down out of
thefe Rivers.

During thefe Progreffes I made with Lacenta,
my four Companions ftaid behind at his Seat;
but I had by this time fo far ingratiated my felf
with Lacenta, that he would never go any where
without me, and I plainly [33] perceiv’d he
intended to keep me in this Country all the days
of my Life; which raifed fome anxious Thoughts
in me, but I conceal’d them as well as I could.

Purfuing our Sport one Day, it hapned we
{tarted a Pecary, which held the Jnudians and
their Dogs in play the greateft part of the Day;
till Lacenta was almo{t {pent for want of Victu-
als, and was fo troubled at his ill Succefs, that
he impatiently wifhed for fome better way of
managing this fort of Game.

I now under{tood their Language indifferent
well, and finding what troubled him, I took this
opportunity to attempt the getting my Liberty
to depart, by commending to him our English

Santa
Mariza.

The Gold
carried to
Santa
Maria.

The A.
moves for
Leave to
depart;

and ’tis
granted.

He returns
towards
Lacenta’s
Houfe;

and arrives
there.

58 WAFER’S DARIEN

Dogs, and making an Offer of bringing him a
few of them from England, if he would fuffer
me to go thither fora fhort time. He demurr'd
at this Motion a while; but at length he fwore
by his Tooth, laying his Fingers on it, That I
{hould have my Liberty, and for my Sake the
other four with me; provided I would promife
and fwear by my Tooth, That I would return
and marry among [34] them; for he had made
me a Promife of his Daughter in Marriage, but
fhe was not then marriageable. I accepted of
the Conditions: And he further promifed, that
at my return he would do for me beyond my
Expectation.

I returned him Thanks, and was the next Day
difmiffed under the Convoy of feven lufty Fel-
lows; and we had four Women to carry our
Provifion, and my Cloaths, which were only a
Linnen Frock and pair of Breeches. Thefe I
faved to cover my Nakednefs, if ever I fhould
come among Chriftians again; for at this time I
went naked as the Salvages, and was painted by
their Women; but I would not fuffer them: to
prick my Skin, to rub the Paint in, as they ufe
to do, but only to lay it on in little Specks.

Thus we departed from the Neighbourhood of
the South Seas, where Lacenta was Hunting, to
his Seat or Palace, where I arrived in about 15
Days, to the great Joy of my Conforts; who had
{taid there, during this Hunting Expedition I
made with Lacenta to the South-Eatt.

[35] After many Salutations on both fides, and
fome joyful Tears, I told them how I got my
Liberty of Lacenta, and what I promifed at my

WAFER’S DARIEN 59

return: And they were very glad at the hopes
of getting away, after fo long a {tay in a Savage
Country.

I ftayed here fome few Days till I was
refrefhed, and then with my Companions,
marched away for the North Seas; having a
{trong Convoy of armed /ndians for our Guides.

We travelled over many very high Mountains;
at lait we came to one far furpaffling the reft in
height, to which we were four Days gradually
afcending, tho’ now and then with fome Defcent
between whiles. Being on the top, I perceived
a {trange Giddinefs in my Head; and enquiring
both of my Companions, and the /udians, they
all affured me they were in the like Condition;
which I can only impute to the height of the
Mountains, and the clearnefs of the Air. I take
this part of the Mountains to have been higher
than either that which we crofs’d with Captain
Sharp, or that which Mr. Dampier and the reft
of our Party crofs’d in their [36] return: For
from this Eminence, the tops of the Mountains
over which we paffed before, feem’d very much
below us, and fometimes we could not fee them
for the Clouds between; but when the Clouds
flew over the tops of the Hill, they would break,
and then we could difcern them, looking as it
were thro’ fo many Loop-holes.

I defired two Men to lie on my Legs, while I
laid my Head over that fide of the Mountain
which was moft perpendicular; but could fee
no Ground for the Clouds that were between.
The Jndians carried us over a Ridge fo narrow
that we were forced to ftraddle over on our

He and the
reft fet out
again for the
N. Sea.

The main
Ridge of
Hills.

Indian
Settlements.

They come
to the
Sea-fide.

Indians in
their Gowns.

The /udzans
fall to
Conjuring.

60 WAFER’S DARIEN

Britches; and the /zdians took the fame Care of
themfelves, handing their Bows, Arrows, and
Luggage, from one to another. As we
defcended, we were all cured of our Giddinefs.

When we came to the foot of the Mountain
we found a River that ran into the North Seas,
and near the fide of it were a few /ndian Houfes,
which afforded us indifferent good Entertain-
ment. Here we lay one Night, it being the firft
Houfe® 1 had feen (“tor [37] ix Days; my
Lodging, by the way, being in a Hammock made
fa{t to two Trees, and my Covering a Plantain-
Leaf.

The next Morning we fet forward, and in two
Days time arrived at the Sea-fide, and were met
by 40 of the beft fort of /ndzans in the Country
who congratuled our coming, and welcom’d us
to their Houfes. They were all in their fineft
Robes, which are long white Gowns, reaching
to their Ancles, with Fringes at the bottom, and
in their Hands they had Half Pikes. But of
thefe Things, and fuch other Particulars as I
obferv’d during my Abode in this Country, I
fhall fay more when I come to defcribe it.

We prefently enquired of thefe /zdians, when
they expected any Ships? They told us they
knew not, but would enquire; and therefore
they fent for one of their Conjurers, who imme-
diately went to work to raife the Devil, to
enquire of him at what time a Ship would arrive
here; for they are very expert and skilful in
their fort of Diabolical Conjurations. We were
in the Houfe with them, and they [38] firft
began to work with making a Partition with

WAFER’S DARIEN 61

Hammocks, that the Pawawers, for fo they call
thefe Conjurers, might be by themfelves.
They continued fome time at their Exercife,
and we could hear them make moft hideous
Yellings and Shrieks; imitating the Voices of
all their kind of Birds and Beafts. With their
own Noife, they join’d that of feveral Stones
{truck together, and of Conch-fhells, and of a
forry fort of Drums made of hollow Bamboes,
which they beat upon; making a jarring Noife
alfo with Strings faften’d to the larger Bones of
Beafts: And every now and then they would
make a dreadful Exclamation, and clattering all
of a fudden, would as fuddenly make a Paufe
and a profound Silence. But finding that after
a confiderable Time no Anfwer was made them,
they concluded that ’twas becaufe we were in
the Houfe, and fo turn’d us out, and went to
Work again. But {till finding no return, after
an Hour or more, they made a new Search in

*In the preface to the second edition, Wafer took ‘‘ this
Opportunity of vindicating my self to the World, concerning
some Circumstances in the Relation I have given of the Indian
way of Conjuring (called by them Pawawing) and of the
White Indians [p. 134]; at which several of the most eminent
Men of the Nation seem’d very much startled. . . . Mr.
Davis . . . . desired me, in a late Conference I had with
him, to acquaint the World, that if the said Relation had not
been printed off before I talk’d with him about it, he would
himself have given a large Account of it; declaring, That the
Pawawing of the Indians that follow’d Don Pedro in that
Expedition was the principal Reason that induc’d some of the
English, who were more Superstitious than others, to leave
the Mines much sooner than they at first intended to have
done; because the Uneasiness in which the Indians then
seemed to be, made them likewise apprehensive of some ex-
traordinary Danger from the Spaniards.”’

Pawaw-
ing .*

The Anfwer
made to the
Conjuring.

2 Ships
arriv’d.

62 WAFER’S DARIEN

our Apartment; and finding fome of our Cloaths
hanging up in a Basket again{t the Wall, they
threw them out of Doors in great [39] Difdain.
Then they fell once more to their Pawawing;
and after a little time, they came out with their
Anfwer, but all in a Muck-fweat; fo that they
firft went down to the River and wafh’d them-
felves, and then came and deliver’d the Oracle
to us, which was to this Effect: That the roth
Day from that time there would arrive two.
Ships; and that in the Morning of the roth
Day we fhould hear firft one Gun, and fome-
time after that another: That one of us fhould
die foon after; and that going aboard we fhould
lofe one of our Guns: All which fell out exactly
according to the Prediction.

For on the roth Day in the Morning we heard
the Guns, firft one, and then another, in that
manner that was told us; and one of our Guns
or Fufees was loft in going aboard the Ships:
For we five, and three of the /zdians went off to
the Ships in a Canoa; but as we crofs’d the Bar
of the River, it overfet; where Mr. Gop/on, one
of my Conforts, was like to be drowned; and
tho’ we recover’d him out of the Water, yet he
loft his Gun according to the Prediction. [40] I
know not how this happen’d as to his Gun; but
ours were all lafh’d down to the fide of the
Canoa: And in the West-Indies we never go into
a Canoa, which a little matter overfets, but we
make fa{t our Guns to the Sides or Seats: And
I fuppofe Mr. Gop/on, who was a very careful
and fenfible Man, had lafh’d down his alfo, tho’
not faft enough.

WAFER’S DARIEN 63

Being overfet, and our Canoa turn’d up-fide
down, we got to Shore as well as we could, and
drag’d Mr. Gop/fon with us, tho’ with difficulty.
Then we put off again, and kept more along the
Shore, and at length ftood over to La Sounds
Key, where the two Ships lay, an Exzgli/h Sloop,
and a Spani/h Tartan, which the Engli/h had
taken but two or three Days before. We knew
by the make of this laft that it was a Spanzi/h
Veffel, before we came up with it: But feeing
it in Company with an Enugli/h one, we thought
they mu{ft be Conforts; and whether the Spanz/h
Veffel fhould prove to be under the Engli/h one,
or the Engli/h under that, we were refolv’d to
put it to the venture, and get aboard, being
quite tir’d with our [41] ftay among the wild
Indians. ‘The Indians were more afraid of its
being a Veffel of Spaniards, their Enemies as
well as ours: For this was another Particular
they told us 10 Days before, when they were
Pawawing, that when their Oracle inform’d
them that two Veffels would arrive at this time,
they underftood by their Demons Anfwer that
one of them would be an EAngli/h one; but as to
the other, he fpake fo dubioufly, that they were
much afraid it would be a Sfani/h one, and ’twas
not without great difficulty that we now per-
fuaded them to go aboard with us: Which was
another remarkable Circumiftance; fince this
Veffel was not only a Spani/h one, but actually
under the Command of the Spaniards at the
time of the Pawawing, and fome Days after, till
taken by the Angli/h.*

* Dampier, who should have known, states on p. 30 that this

They go off
to the Ships.

They and
the /ndzans
receiv’d
aboard.

The A.
wathes orf
his Paint.

64 WAFER’S DARIEN

We went aboard the Lugli/h Sloop, and our
Indian Friends with us, and were received with
avery hearty welcome. The four Enxgli/kh Men
with me were prefently known and carefs’d by
the Ships Crew; but I fat a while cringing upon
my Hams among the /zdians, after their Fafhi-
[42]on, painted as they were, and all naked but
only about the Waift, and with my Nofe-piece
(of which more hereafter) hanging over my
Mouth. Iwas willing totry if they would know
me in this Difguife; and ’twas the better part
of an Hour before one of the Crew, looking
more narrowly upon me, cry’d out, Here’s our
Doctor; and immediately they all congratulated
my Arrival among them. I did what I could
prefently to wafh off my Paint, but ’twas near a
Month before I could get tolerably rid of it,
having had my Skin fo long ftain’d with it, and

Spanish tartan was captured several weeks before this, by
Captain Wright, who gave it to Dampier and those who came
with him, not long after they rejoined the buccaneer fleet in
the Gulf. Wright left them to go in search of provisions, while
the tartan and her crew, ‘‘ cruising in among these Islands, at
length we came again to La Sound’s Key; and the day before
having met with a /amazca Sloop that was come over on the
Coast to trade, she went with us. It was in the evening when
we came to an Anchor, and the next morning we fir’d two
Guns for the /zdzans that lived on the Main to come aboard;
for by this time we concluded we should hear from our five
men, that we left in the heart of the Country among the
indians, this being about the latter end of August, and it
was the beginning of M7/ay when we parted from them.
According to our expectation the /zdzans came aboard, and
brought our friends with them: Mr Wafer wore a Clout about
him, and was painted like an /zdzanx; and he was some time
aboard before I knew him. One of them, named Richard
Cobson, dyed within 3 or 4 days after, and was buried in La
Sound’s Key.’’— Dampier, p. 4o.

WAFER’S DARIEN 65

the Pigment dried on in the Sun: And when it
did come off, ’twas ufually with the peeling off
of Skin and all. As for Mr. Gop/on, tho’ we
brought him alive to the Ship, yet he did not
recover his Fatigues, and his drenching in the
Water, but having languifh’d aboard about
three Days, he died there at La Sound’s Key;
and his Death verified another part of the
Pawawer’s Prediction. Our Indians, having
been kindly entertain’d aboard for about 6 or 7
Days; and many others of them, who went to
and fro with their Wives and [43] Children, and
Lacenta among the re(ft, vifiting us about a Fort-
night or three Weeks, we at length took leave of
them, except 2 or 3 of them who would needs
go with us to Windward; and we fet Sail, with
the Tartan in our Company, firft to the more
Eaftern Ifles of the Sambaloe’s, and then towards
the Coaft of Cartagene.

But I fhall] not enter into the Difcourfe of our
Voyage after this, Mr. Dampier, who was in the
fame Veffel, having done it particularly. It
may fuffice juft to intimate, That I was cruifing
with him up and down the We/t-India Coaft and
Iflands, partly under Capt. Wright, and partly
under Capt. Yanky; till fuch time as Capt. Vanky
left Mr. Dampzer and the reft under Capt. Wright,
at the Ifle of Salt Tortuga, as Mr. Dampier relates
in the 3d Chapter of his Voyage round the World,
p- 58. I went then away with Capt. Vanky;
fir{t to the Ifle of A/Z, where the French took
us, as he relates occafionally, Chap. 4. p. 68.+

* Also known as ‘‘ Yankey Duch,”’ or ‘‘ the Dutchman.”’
ft Dampier, p. 68: ‘‘M*. Coo# being Quarter-master under

Mr. Gop/on
dies.

The /ndians
return
afhore.

They fet
Sail towards
Cartagene.

whe vAns
Coafting
about the
W. Indies
with Mr.
Dampier,

and with
Capt.
Yanky.*
I. of A/h.

66 WAFER’S DARIEN

as alfo their turning us there afhore; our being
taken in by Capt. 7rz/fzan, another French Man;
his carrying us [44] with him almoft to Peézt-

Captain Yanky, the second place in the Ship, according to the
Law of Privateers, laid claim to a Ship they took from the
Spaniards; and such of Capt. Yanky’s Men as were so dis-
posed, particularly all those who came with us over Land went
aboard this Prize Ship under the new Capt. Cook. This dis-
tribution was made at the Isle of Vacca, or the Isle of Ash,
-as we callit; and here they parted also such Goods as they had
wtaken. But Capt. Cook having no Commission, as Captain
_ VYanky, Captain 7rzstzansand some other French Command-
ers had, who lay then at that Island, and they grutching the
English such a Vessel, they all joined together, plundered
the Anglzsh of their Ship, Goods, and Arms, and turned them
ashoar. Yet Capt. Z77zstzan took in about 8 or 10 of these
English, and carried them with him to Petzt-Guavers: of

which number Captain Cook was one, and Capt. Davzs_

another, who with the rest found means to seize the Ship as
she lay at anchor in the Road, Capt. 77rzs¢tzax and many of
his Men being then ashoar: and the Azg/zsh sending ashoar
such /rench Men as remained in the Ship and were mastered
by them, though superior in number, stood away with her
immediately for the Isle of Vacca, before any notice of this
surprize could reach the -rench Governor of that Isle; so
deceiving him also by a Stratagem, they got on board the rest
of their Country-men, who had been left on that Island; and
going thence they took a Ship newly come from France, laden
with Wines. They also took a Ship of good Force, in which
they resolved to embark themselves, and make a new Expedi-
tion into the South Seas, to cruise on the Coast of CAz/z and
Peru. But first they went for Vzrgzuza with their Prizes;
where they arrived the Afrz/ after my coming thither. The
best of their Prizes carried 18 Guns: this they fitted up there
with Sails, and every thing necessary for so long a Voyage;
selling the Wines they had taken for such Provisions as they
wanted. My self, and those of our Fellow-travellers over the
Isthmus of Amerzca, who came with me to Vzy.gznza the year
before this, (most of which had since made a short Voyage to
Carolina, and were again return’d to Vzrgznza,) resolved
to join our selves to these new Adventurers: and as many
more engaged in the same design as made our whole Crew

\y

WAFER’S DARIEN 67

~ Guaves;* our Men feizing the Ship when he
was gone afhore, carrying it back to the Ifle of
A/fh, and there taking in the reft of our Crew:
The taking the French Ship with Wines, and the
other in which Capt. Cook, who was then of our
Crew, went afterwards to the South Seas, after
having firft been at Virginia: So that we
arrived in Virginia with thefe Prizes about 8 or
9 Months after Mr. Dampier came thither. I fet
out with him alfo in that new Expedition to,the
South Seas under Capt. Cook, tho’ he forgot to
mention me in that part of his Voyages. We
went round Zerra del Fuego, and fo up the South-
Sea Coaft, along Chili, Peru and Mexico, as he
relates at large in his 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th
Chapters)/\/Phere; \p. 223), he tells) how) Capt:
Davis, who had fucceeded Capt. Cook at his
Death, broke off Confortfhip with Capt. Swan,
whom we had met with in the South Seas.
That himfelf being defirous to {tand over to the
Eaft-Indies, went aboard Capt. Swan: But I
remain’d aboard the fame Ship, now under Capt.
Davis, and return’d with [45] him the way I
came. Some few Particulars that I obferv’d in
that Return, I fhall fpeak of at the Conclufion
of this Book: In the mean while having given
this Summary Account of the Courfe of my
Travels, from my firft parting with Mr. Dampier
in the //hmus, till my laft leaving him in the
consist of about 70 Men. So having furnish’d our selves with
necessary Materials, and agreed upon some particular
Rules, especially of Temperance and Sobriety, by reason of
the length of our intended Voyage, we all went on board

our Ship.’’
* A town on the coast west of Port au Prince in Haiti.

His Arrival
in Virginza.
He goes into
the S. Seas
with Mr.
Dampier ;

and parts
with him
there.

This Rela-
tion difcon-
tinued, to
defcribe the
Lhthmus.

68 WAFER’S DARIEN

South Seas, | fhall now go on with the particular
Defcription of the [mus of America, which was
the main Thing I intended in publifhing thefe
Relations.

WAFER’S DARIEN 69

[46] Mr. Wafer’s Defcription of the I{thmus
of America.

HE Country I am going to defcribe is the
T narroweit part of the //hmus of America,
which is more peculiarly call’d the [/7/hmus
of Darien; probably, from the great River of
that Name, wherewith its Northern Coaft is
bounded to the Eaft:* For beyond this River the
Land fpreads fo to the Eaft and North-Eait, as
that on the other Coait does to the South and
South-Eaft, that it can no further be call’d an
Ifthmus. It is moftly comprehended between
the Latitudes of 8 and 10 N. but its breadth, in
the narroweit part, is much about one Degree.
How far it reaches in length Weftward under
the Name of the //hmus of Darien; whether as
far as Honduras, or Nicaragua, or no further
than the River Chagre, or the Towns of Portobel
and Panama, I cannot fay.

[47] This laft is the Boundary of what I mean
to defcribe; and I fhall be moft particular as to
the middle part even of this, as being the Scene
of my Abode and Ramble in that Country: Tho’

* The Atrato River, which empties into the Gulf of Darien.
According to local usage, the name Darien River belongs more
properly to the Tuyra or Santa Maria River, which debouches

on the opposite coast. This identity in name for the two
Tivers has led to some curious historical blunders.—V. R.

Lhmus of
Daréen.

River of
Darien.

Extent of
the Zzhmus.

Breadth.

Length.

Bounds of
what is
ftrictly the
Lhhmus.

Its
Situation.

Iflands on
each fide.

Bay of
Panama.

70 WAFER’S DARIEN

what I fhall have occafion to fay as to this part
of the Z/hmus, will be in fome meafure applic-
able to the Country even beyond Panama.

Were I to fix particular Limits to this nar-
roweft part of the American [fthmus, 1 would
affign for its Weftern Term, a Line which
fhould run from the Mouth of the River Chagre,
where it falls into the North Sea, to the neareft
part of the South Sea, Weftward of Panama;
including thereby that City, and Portobel, with
the Rivers of Cheapo and Chagre. And I fhould
draw a Line alfo from Point Garachina, or the
South part of the Gulph of St. Michael, directly
Eaft, to the neareft part of the great River of
Darien, for the Eaftern Boundary, fo as to take
Caret Bay into the 7fhmus. On the North and
South it is fufficiently bounded by each of thofe
vaft Oceans: And confidering that this is the
narroweft Land that dif-[48]joins them, and
how exceeding great the Compafs is that muft
be fetch’d from one Shore to the other by Sea,
fince it has the North and South America for
each Extreme, ’tis of a very fingular Situation,
very pleafant and agreeable.

Nor doth either of thefe Oceans fall in at once
upon the Shore, but is intercepted by a great
many valuable Iflands, that lie fcatter’d along
each Coaft: The Ba/ftimento’s and others, but
efpecially the long Range of the Sambatloe’s,* on
the North fide; and the KAzugs or Pearl Iflands,
Perica and others in the Bay of Paxama, on the

*The Mulatas, consisting of neighboring groups of small
islands, ‘‘ more numerous than the days of the year,’’ accord-
ing to a local saying.—V. R.

WAFER’S DARIEN 71

South-fide. This Bay is caus’d by the bending
of the //fhmus : And for the bignefs of it, there
is not, it may be, a more pleafant and advanta-
geous one any where to be found.

The Land of this Continent is almo{ft every
where of an unequal Surface, diftinguifh’d with
Hills and Valleys, of great variety for heigth,
depth, and extent. The Valleys are generally
water’d with Rivers, Brooks, and Perennial
Springs, with which the Country very much
abounds. They fall fome into the North, and
[49] others into the South Sea; and do mott of
them take their Rife from a Ridge or Chain
of higher Hills than the reft, running the length
of the /7imus, and in a manner parallel to the
Shore; which for diftinction’s-fake, I fhall call
the Main Ridge.

This Ridge is of an unequal Breadth, and
trends along bending as the //thmus it felf doth.
’Tis in moft parts neareft the Edge of the
North Sea, feldom above to or 15 Miles diftant.
We had always a fair and clear View of the
North Sea from thence, and the various makings
of the Shore, together with the adjacent Iflands,
render’d it a very agreeable Profpect; but the
South Sea I could not fee from any part of the
Ridge. Not that the diftance of it from the
South Sea is fo great, as that the Eye could not
reach fo far, efpecially from fuch an Eminence,
were the Country between a Level or Cham-
pian: But tho’ there are here and there Plains
and Valleys of a confiderable Extent, and fome
open Places, yet do they lie intermix’d with
confiderable Hills; and thofe too fo cloath’d

The Face of
the Land.

Hills and
Vales.

Waters.

Main Ridge
of Hills.

Fine
Profpect.

Hills to the
S. of the
main Ridge.

N. fide alla
Forreft.

Breaks in
the main
Ridge.

R. Chagre.

72 WAFER’S DARIEN

with tall Woods, that they [50] much hinder
the Profpect there would otherwife be. Neither
on the other fide is the main Ridge difcern’d
from that fide, by reafon of thofe Hills that lie
between it and the South Sea; upon afcending
each of which in our Return from the South Sea,
we expected to have been upon the main Ridge,
and to have feen the North Sea. And tho’ {till
the further we went that way, the Hills we
crofs’d feemed the larger; yet, by this means,
we were lefs fenfible of the heigth of the main
Ridge, than if we had climb’d up to it next way
out of a low Country.

On the North fide of the main Ridge, there
are either no Hills at all, or fuch as are rather
gentle Declivities or gradual Subfidings of the
Ridge, than Hills diftiné& from it: And tho’
this fide of the Country is every where covered
with Woods, and more univerfally too, for it is
all one continued Forreft, yet the Eye from
that heigth commands the lefs diftant Northern
Shore with much Eafe and Pleafure.

Nor is the main Ridge it felf carried on every
where with a continued [51] Top; but is rather
a Row or Chain of diftincét Hills, than one pro-
longed: And accordingly hath frequent and large
Valleys disjoining the feveral Eminencies that
compofe its length: And thefe Valleys, as they
make even the Ridge it felf the more ufeful and
habitable, fo are they fome of them fo deep in
their Defcent, as even to admit a Paffage for
Rivers. For thus the River Chagre, which rifes
from fome Hills near the South Sea, runs along
in an oblique North Wefterly Courfe, till it

WAFER’S DARIEN 73

finds it felf a Paffage into the North Sea; tho’
the Chain of Hills, if I miftake not, is extended
much farther to the Weft, even to the Lake of
Nicaragua.

The Rivers that water this Country are fome
of them indifferent large; tho’ but few Navig-
able, as having Bars and Sholes at the Mouths.
On the North Sea Coaft the Rivers are for the
moft part very {mall; for rifing generally from
the main Ridge, which lies near that Shore,
their Courfe is very fhort. The River of Darien
is indeed a very large one; but the depth at the
Entrance is not anfwerable to the widenefs of
its [52] Mouth, tho’ ’tis deep enough further in:
But from thence to Chagre, the whole length of
this Coaft, they are little better than Brooks:
Nor is the River of Conception any other, which
comes out over again{t La Sound’s Key in the
Sambaloe’s. ‘The River of Chagre is pretty con-
fiderable; for it has a long bending Coaft [i. e.,
Course], rifing as it does from the South and
Eatft-part of the //imus, and at fuch a diftance
from its Outlet. But in general, the North
Coaft is plentifully water’d; yet is it chiefly
with Springs and Rivulets trickling down from
the Neighbouring Hills.

The Soil on this North Coaft is various; gen-
erally ’tis good Land, rifing in Hills; but to the
Sea there are here and there Swamps, yet feldom
above half a Mile broad.

Inclufively from Caret Bay, which lies in the
River of Darien, and is the only Harbour in it,
to the Promontory near Golden Ifland, the Shore
of the //hmus is indifferently fruitful, partly

The Rivers,
Brooks &
Springs of
the N. Coatft.

R. of
Darien.

River of
Conception.

R. Chagre.

The Soil by
Caret Bay.

Bay near the
Entrance of
the R. of
Darien.

I. in the Cod
[i. e., inner-
most part] of
the Bay.

Golden I.

Good
Harbour.

74 WAFER’S DARIEN

Sandy Bay; but part of it is drowned, fwampy,
Mangrove Land, where there is no going afhore
but up to the middle in Mud. The Shore of
[53] this Coaft rifes in Hills prefently; and the
main Ridge is about 5 or 6 Milesdiftant. Caret
Bay hath 2 or 3 Rivulets of frefh Water falling
into it, as I am inform’d, for I have not been
there. It is a little Bay, and two {mall Iflands
lying before it, make it an indifferent good Har-
bour, and hath clear Anchoring Ground, with-
out any Rocks. Thefe Iflands are pretty high
Land, cloathed with variety of Trees.

To the Weftward of the Cape at the Entrance
of the River Darien, is another fine Sandy Bay.
In the Cod of it lies a little, low, fwampy Ifland;
about which ’tis Shole-water and dirty Ground,
not fit for Shipping; and the Shore of the
Ifthmus behind and about it, is fwampy Land
over-grown with Mangroves; till after three or
four Mile the Land afcends up to the main
Ridge. But though the Cod of this Bay be fo
bad, yet the Entrance of it is deep Water, and
hard fandy bottom, excellent for anchoring; and
has three Iflands lying before it, which make it
an extraordinary good Harbour. The Eaftermoft
of thofe three is Golden [fland, [54] a {mall one,
with a fair deep Channel between it and the
Main. It is rocky and {teep all round to the
Sea, (and thereby naturally fortified) except only
the Landing-place, which is a {mall Sandy Bay
on the South fide, towards the Harbour, from
whence it gently rifes. It is moderately high,
and cover’d with fmall Trees or Shrubs. The
Land of the //hmus oppofite to it, to the South

WAFER’S DARIEN 75

Fatt, is excellent fruitful Land, of a black Mold,
with Sand intermix’d; and is pretty level for 4
or 5 Mile, till you come to the foot of the Hills.
At this Place we landed at our going into the
South Seas with Capt. Sharp. I have been
afhore at this Golden I[fland, and was lying in the
Harbour near it for about a Fortnight together,
before I went into the South Seas. Near the
Eaftern Point of the Bay, which is not above
three or four Furlongs diftant from Golden Ifland,
there is a Rivulet of very good Water.

Welt of Golden Ifland lies the biggeft of the
three that face the Bay; it is, as a large low
fwampy Ifland, fo befet with Mongroves, that it
is difficult to go afhore; nor did any of us [55]
care to attempt it, having no bufinefs in fuch
bad Ground. It lies very near a Point of the
Ifthmus, which is fuch a fort of Ground too, for
a Mile or two further Weftward; and fuch alfo
is the Ground on the other fide, quite into the
Cod of the Bay. This Ifland is fcarce parted
from the //fhmus but at High-water; and even
then Ships cannot pafs between.

The Ifland of Pines is a {mall Ifland to the
North of the other two, making a kind of Tri-
angle with them. It rifes in two Hills, and is
a very remarkable Land off at Sea. It is cover’d
all over with good tall Trees, fit for any ufe;
and has a fine Rivulet of frefh Water. The
North of it is Rocky, as is the oppofite Shore of
the [fhmus. On the South fide you go afhore
on the Ifland at a curious Sand-bay, inclofed
between two Points like a Half-moon; and there
is very good Riding. You may fail quite round

Another
Ifland.

Ifland of
Pines.

The Shore
to Point
Sanballas.

Tickle me
quickly
Harbour.

Sambatoes
Ifles.

76 WAFER’S DARIEN

the Ifland of Pines; but to go to Golden L[fland
Harbour, you muft enter by the Eaft-end of
Golden I[flands, between that and the Main; for
there is no paffing between it and the great low
Ifland.

[56] From thefe Iflands, and the low fwampy
Point oppofite to them, the Shore runs North
Weiterly to Point Saxballas; and for the firft 3
Leagues ’tis guarded with a Riffe of Rocks, fome
above, and fome under Water, where a Boat
cannot go afhore: The Rocks lie fcatter’d un-
equally in breadth, for a Mile in fome Places,
in others two from the Shore. At the North
Weft end of thefe Rocks, is a fine little Sandy
Bay, with good anchoring and going afhore, as
is reported by feveral Privateers: And the end
of the Rocks on the one fide, and fome of the ©
Sambaloes \flands (the Range of which begins
from hence) on the other fide, guard it from the
sea, and make it a very good Harbour. This,
as well as the reft, is much frequented by Priva-
teers; and is by thofe of our Country call’d
Tickle me quickly Harbour.

All along from hence to Point Saxballas, ly the
Samballoe's Hlands, a great multitude of them
fcattering in a Row, and collaterally too, at very
unequal Diftances, fome of one, fome two, or
two Mile and an half, from the Shore, and from
one another; [57] which, with the adjacent
Shore, its Hills and perpetual Woods, make a
lovely Land{chape off at Sea. There area great
many more of thefe Iflands than could well be
reprefented in the Map; fome of them alfo
being very fmall. They feem to lie parcell’d

WAFER’S DARIEN 77

out in Clufters, as it were; between which,
generally, there are Navigable Channels, by
which you may enter within them; and the Sea
between the whole Range and the //thmus is
Navigable from end to end, and affords every
where good anchoring, in hard Sandy Ground,
and good Landing on the Iflands and Main. In
this long Channel, on the Infide of fome or
other of thofe little Keys or Iflands, be the
Winds how they will, you never fail of a good
Place for any number of Ships to ride at; fo that
this was the greateft Rendezvous of the Priva-
teers on this Coait; but chiefly Za Sound’s Key,
or Springer’s Key, efpecially if they ftay’d any
time here; as well becaufe thefe two Iflands
afford a good Shelter for Careening, as becaufe
they yield Wells of frefh Water upon digging,
which few of the reft do. The Sambaloe’s [58]
are generally low, flat, fandy Iflands, cover’d
with variety of Trees; [efpecially with Mam-
mees, Sapadilloes, and Manchineel, &c. befide
the Shell-fifh, and other Refrefhments they afford
the Privateers].* The outermoft Keys toward
the main Sea, are rocky on that fide (and are
called the Riffe Keys); tho’ their oppofite Sides
are Sandy, as the innermo{ft Keys or Iflands are.
And there is a Ridge alfo of Rocks lying off at
sea on the outfide, which appear above Water
at fome half a Mile diftance, and extend in
length as far as La Sounds Key, if not further;
and even the Sea between, and the Shore of the
Sambaloes it felf on that fide, is all rocky.

The long Channel between the Saméaloes and

* Brackets thus in original.

La Sounds
Key.
Springer’s
Key.

Trees in the
Sambatoe's.

Channel
of the
Sambaloes.

R. of Con-
ception and
adjacent
Coatft.

Good
Landing.

Point
Sanballas.

78 WAFER’S DARIEN

the [/hmus is of two, three, and four Miles
breadth; and the Shore of the //hmus is partly
Sandy Bays, and partly Mangrove Land, quite
to Point Sanéallas. The Mountains are much
at the fame diftance of 6 or 7 Miles from the
Shore; but about the River of Conception, which
comes out about a Mile or two to the Eaftward
of La Sound’s Key, the main Ridge [59] is fome-
what further diftant. Many little Brooks fall
into the Sea on either fide of that River, and
the Outlets are fome of them into the Sandy
Bay, and fome of them among the Mangrove
Land; the Swamps of which Mangroves are (on
this Coaf{t) made by the Salt Water, fo that the
Brooks which come out there are brackifh; but
thofe in the Sandy Bay yield very {weet Water.
None of thofe Outlets, not the River of Concep-
tion it felf, are deep enough to admit any Veffel
but Canoas, the Rivers on this part of the Coaift
being numerous but fhallow; but the fine Riding
in the Channel makes any other Harbour need-
lefs. I have been up and down mott parts of
it, and upon many of the Iflands, and there the
going afhore is always eafy. But a Sea-wind
makes a great Sea fometimes fall in upon the
Ifthmus, efpecially where a Channel opens
between the Iflands; fo that I have been overfet
in a Canoa going afhore in one River, and in
putting off to Sea from another. The Ground
hereabouts is an excellent Soil within Land,
rifing up gently to the main Ridge, and is a
continued Foreft of {tately Timber-Trees.

[60] Point Sanballas is a Rocky Point, pretty
long and low, and is alfo fo guarded with Rocks

WAFER’S DARIEN 79

for a Mile off at Sea, that it is dangerous coming
near it. From hence the Shore runs Weit, and
a little Northerly, quite to FPortobel, About
three Leagues Weftward from this Point lies
Port Scrivan. The Coaft between them is all
Rocky, and the Country within Land all Woody,
as in other Parts.

Port Scrivan is a good Harbour, when you are
got into it; but the Entrance of it, which is
fcarce a Furlong over, is fo befet with Rocks on
each fide, but efpecially to the Eaft, that it is
very dangerous going in: Nor doth there feem
to beadepth of Water fufficient to admit Veffels
of any Bulk, there being in moft Places but
eight or nine Foot Water. The Infide of the
Harbour goes pretty deep within the Land; and
as there is good Riding, in a Sandy bottom,
efpecially at the Cod of it, which is alfo fruitful
Land, and has good frefh Water, fo there is
good Landing too on the Eaift and South, where
the Country is low for two or three Miles, and
very firm Land; but the Weft-fide isa Swamp
[61] of Red Mangroves. It was here at this
Swamp, as bad a Paffage as it is, that Capt.
Coxon, La Sound, and the other Privateers landed
in the Year, 1678. when they went to take Por-
tobel. They had by this means a very tedious
and wearifome March; but they chofe to land
at this diftance from the Town, rather than at
the Bafitmento’s or any nearer Place, that they
might avoid being difcover’d by the Scouts
which the Spaniards always keep in their Neigh-
bourhood, and fo might furprize them. And
they did, indeed, by this means avoid being

Port
Scrivan.

Red
Mangroves.

Nombre de
Dios.

80 WAFER’S DARIEN

difcern’d, till they came within an Hours march
of the Town; tho’ they travelled along the
Country for five or fix Days. The Spanzards
make no ufe of this Port Scrivan; and unlefs a
Privateer, or a rambling Sloop put in here by
chance, no Veffel vifits it in many Years.

From Port Scrivan to the Place where {tood
formerly the City of Nombre de Dios, ’tis further
Weftward about 7 or 8 Leagues. The Land
between is very uneven, with {mall Hills, {teep
againft the Sea; the Valleys between them
water’d [62] with forry little Rivers. The Soil
of the Hills is Rocky, producing but fmall
fhrubby Trees; the Valleys are fome of good
Land, fome of Swamps and Mangroves. The
main Ridge here feems to lie at a good diftance
from the Sea; for it was not difcernible in this
March of the Privateers along the Shore to Por-
tobel. ‘The Place where Nombre de Dios {tood is
the bottom of a Bay, clofe by the Sea, all over-
grown with a fort of Wild-Canes, like thofe
us’d by our Anglers in England. ‘There is no
Sign of a Town remaining, it is all fo over-run
with thefe Canes. The Situation of it feems to
have been but very indifferent, the Bay before
it lying open to the Sea, and affording little
Shelter for Shipping; which I have heard was
one Reafon why the Spaniards forfook it: And
another, probably, was the Unhealthinefs of the
Country it felf, it being fuch low fwampy Land,
and very fickly; yet there is a little Rivulet of
very {weet Water which runs clofe by the Eatft-
fide of the Town. ‘The Mouth of the Harbour
is very wide; and tho’ I have heard that there

WAFER’S DARIEN 81

lie before it two [63] or three little Keys, or
Rocks, yet they afforded no great Security to it.
So that the Spaniards were certainly much in
the right, for quitting this Place to fettle at
Portobel; which tho’ it be alfo an unhealthy
Place, yet has it the advantage of a very good
and defenfible Harbour.

About a Mile or two to the Weftward of thefe
{mall Iflands, at the Mouth of the Bay of Momébre
de Dios, and about half a Mile or more from the
Shore, lie a few Iflands called the Ba/timento’s,
for the moft part pretty high, and one peeked,
and all cloathed with Woods. On one of them,
(part of which alfo was a Sandy Bay, and a good
Riding and Landing-place) there is a Spring of
very good Water. I was afhore at this Ifland,
and up and down among the reft of them; and
all of them together make a very good Harbour
between them and the //hmus. The Bottom
affords good Anchoring; and there is good
coming in with the Sea-wind between the Eatft-
ermoft Ifland and the next to it, and going out
with the Land-wind the fame way, this being
the chief Paffage. Further Weft, before you
come to [64] Portobel, lie two fmall Iflands, flat
and without Wood or Water. Theyare pretty
clofe together; and one of them I have been
afhore upon. The Soil is fandy, and they are
environ’d with Rocks towards the Sea; and they
lie fo near the Z/hmus that there is but a very
narrow Channel between, not fit for Ships to
come into.

The Shore of the //imus hereabouts confi{ts
moftly of Sandy Bays, after you are paft a Ridge

I. Bafit-
mento s.

2 other Ifles.

The Neigh-
bouring
Shore of the
Lhihmus.

Spantfh
Indians.

Poritobel.

The
Harbour.

The Forts.

82 WAFER’S DARIEN

of Rocks that run out from the Bay of Nombre
de Dios, pointing towards the Ba/timento’s.
Beyond the Ba/timento’s to Portobel, the Coaft is
generally Rocky. Within Land the Country is
full of high and fteep Hills, very good Land;
moft Woody, unlefs where clear’d for Planta-
tions by Spani/h Indians, tributary to Portobel,
whither they go to Church. And thefe are the
firft Settlements on this Coaft under the Spani/h
Government, and lie fcattering in lone Houfes
or little Villages, from hence to fortobel and
beyond; with fome Look-outs or Watches kept
towards the Sea, for the Safety of the Town.
In all the reft of the North-[65|fide of the
Ifthmus, which I have defcrib’d hitherto, the
Spaniards had neither Command over the /udzans,
nor Commerce with them while I was there,
though there are /mdians inhabiting all along the
Continent; yet one has told me fince, that the
Spaniards have won them over to them.*
Portobel is a very fair, large and commodious
Harbour, affording good Anchoring and good
Shelter for Ships, having a narrow Mouth, and
{preading wider within. The Galleons from
Spain find good Riding here during the time of
their Bufinefs at Portobel; for from hence they
take in fuch of the Treafures of Peru as are
brought thither over Land from Panama. ‘The
Entrance of this Harbour is fecur’d by a Fort
upon the left Hand going in; it is a very {trong
one, and the Paffage is made more fecure by a
Block-houfe on the other fide, oppofite to it.

PIRES ot AVE ANS lS SSIS AUS Ua rR a aL
*Chiefly through the efforts of the well-known Bishop
Piedrahita.—V. R.

WAFER’S DARIEN 83

At the bottom of the Harbour lies the Town,
bending along the Shore like a Half-moon: In
the middle of which upon the Sea, is another
fmall low Fort, environ’d with Houfes except
only to the Sea: And [66] at the Weft end of
the Town, about a Furlong from the Shore,
upon a gentle Rifing, lies another Fort, pretty
large and very ftrong, yet overlook’d by a
Neighbouring Hill further up the Country,
which Sir Henry Morgan made ufe of to take the
Fort. In all thefe Forts there may be about 2
or 300 Spani/h Souldiers in Garifon. The Town
is long and narrow, having two principal Streets
befides thofe that go acrofs; with a fmall Parade
about the middle of it, furrounded with pretty
fair) ‘Toutes: (Dhe\/otherHoufes''\alfo’ and
Churches are pretty handfome, after the Spanz/h
make. The Town lies open to the Country
without either Wall or Works; and at the Eait-
fide of it, where the Road to Panama goes out,
(becaufe of Hills, that lie to the Southward of
the Town, and obftruct the direct Paffage) there
lies a long Stable, running North and South from
the Town, to which it joins. Thisisthe King’s
Stable for the Mules that are imployed in the
Road betwixt this and Panama. ‘The Govern-
ours Houfe is clofe by the great Fort, on the
fame Rifing, at the Weft of the Town. [67]
Between the Parade in the middle of the Town,
and the Governours Houfe, is a little Creek or
Brook, with a Bridge over it; and at the Eait-
end, by the Stable, is a fmall Rivulet of frefh
Water. I have already faid that it is an un-
healthy Place. The LEaft-fide is low and

The Town.

Road to
Panama.

The K’.s
Stable.

The Gover-
nours
Houfe.

Rivulet.
Bad Air.

The Coatft
hence to
R. Chagre.

Bocca Toro
& Bocca
Drago.
The S. Sea

Coait of the
Lkhmus.

Point Gara-
china.

84 WAFER’S DARIEN

{wampy; and the Sea at low Water leaves the
Shore within the Harbour bare, a great way from
the Houfes; which having a black filthy Mud,
it {tinks very much, and breeds noifome Vapours,
thro’ the Heat of the Climate. From the South
and the Eaft-fides the Country rifes gently in
Hills, which are partly Woodland and partly
Savannah; but there is not any great Store
either of Fruit-trees or Plantations near the
Town. This Account I have had from feveral
Privateers juft as they return’d from Portobel;
but I have not been there my felf.

The Country beyond this Weftward, to the
Mouth of the River Chagre, I have feen off at
Sea: But not having been afhore there, I can
give no other Account of it, but only that it is
partly Hilly, and near the Sea very much
Swampy; and I have [68] heard by feveral that
there is no Communication between Portobel and
the Mouth of that River.

I have been yet further Weftward on this
Coatft, before I went over the //7hmus with Capt.
Sharp, tanging up and down and careening at
Bocca Toro and Bocca Drago; but this is without
the Verge of thofe Bounds I have fet my felf.

Having thus Survey’d the North-Coaft of the
L[fthmus, I fhall take a light View of the South
alfo: But I fhall the lefs need to be particular in
it, becaufe Mr. Dampier hath in fome meafure
defcrib’d this part of it in his Voyage round the
World.

To begin therefore from Point Garachina,
which makes the Weft-fide of the Mouth of the
River of Samo, this Point is pretty high faft

WAFER’S DARIEN 85

Land; but within, towards the River, it is low,
drowned Mangrove, and fo are all the Points of
Land to Cape Saint Lorenzo.

The River of Sambo I have not feen; but it is
faid to be a pretty large River. Its Mouth
opens to the North; and from thence the Coat
bears North Eaft to the Gulph of St. Michael.
[69] This Gulph is made by the Outlets of fev-
eral Rivers, the moft noted of which are the
River of Santa Maria, and the River of Congo;
tho’ there are others of a confiderable bignefs.
Of thefe Rivers, to the Southward of Santa
Maria, one is called the Gold River, affording
Gold Duft in great plenty: For hither the
Spaniards of Panama and Santa Maria Town
bring up their Slaves to gather up the Gold
Dutt.

The next to the Gold River is that of Santa
Marta, fo called from the Town of that Name
feated on the South-fide of it, at a good diftance
fromthe Sea. It wasalong this River we came,*
when we firft entred the South Seas with Cap-
tain Sharp, ftanding over it, from the Bay by
Golden Ifland, where we landed. We then took
the Town of Santa Maria in our way; which
was garrifon’d with about 200 Spauz/h Soldiers,
but was not very f{trong, having no Walls; and
the Fort it felf was fecur’d with Stockadoes
only, or Palifadoes. This is but a new Town,
being built by the Spaniards of Panama, partly

* They followed the Sucubti, which rises in the mountains
back of Caledonia Harbor, down to the main stream of the Chu-
gunaque and down this stream to the town of Santa Maria.
The Tuyra and the Santa Maria were the gold rivers.—V. R.

Cape St.
Lorenzo.

R. Saméo.

Gulph of

S. Michael.

Gold R.

R. Santa
Maria.

Santa
Maria
Town.

The Coun-
try about.

Scuchadero
V.

R. Congo.

Gulph of
S. Michael.

86 WAFER’S DARIEN

for a Garifon and Magazine of Provifion, [70]
and partly for Quarters of Refrefhment, and a
retiring Place for their Workmen in the Gold
River. The Country all about here is Woody
and Low, and very unhealthy; the Rivers being
fo Oazy, that the ftinking Mud infects the Air:
But the little Village of Scuchadero, which lies
on the right fide of the River of Santa Maria,
near the Mouth of it, is feated on faft rifing
Ground, open to the Gulph of St. Michael, and
admitting frefh Breezes from the Sea; fo that
this is pretty healthy, and ferves as a Place of
Refrefhment for the Mines; and has a fine
Rivulet of very fweet Water; whereas thofe
Rivers are brackifh for a confiderable way up
the Country.

Between Scuchadero and Cape St. Lorenzo,
which makes the North-fide of the Gulph of St.
Michael, the River of Congo falls into the Gulph;
which River is made up of many Rivulets, that
fall from the Neighbouring Hills, and join into
one Stream. The Mouth of it is muddy, and
bare for a great way at low Water, unlefs juft
in the depth of the Channel; and it affords
little Entertainment for Ship-[71]ping. But
further in, the River is deep enough; fo that
Ships coming in at high Water might find it a
very good Harbour, if they had any Bufinefs
here. The Gulph it felf has feveral Iflands in
it; and up and down in and about them, there
is in many Places very good Riding; for the
moft part in Oazy Ground. The Iflands alfo,
efpecially thofe towards the Mouth, make a good
Shelter; and the Gulph hath room enough for

WAFER’S DARIEN 87

a multitude of Ships. The Sides are every
where furrounded with Mangroves, growing in
wet fwampy Land.

North of this Gulph is a fmall Creek, where
we landed at our Return out of the Seas;* and
the Land between thefe is partly fuch Mangrove
Land as the other, and partly Sandy Bays.
From thence the Land runs further on North,
but gently bending to the Weft: And this Coaft
alfo is much fuch a mixture of Mangrove Land
and Sandy Bay, quite to the River Cheapo; and
in many Places there are Sholes, for a Mile or
half a Mile off at Sea. In feveral parts of this
Coaft, at about five or fix Miles [72] diftance
from the Shore there are fmall Hills; and the
whole Country is covered with Woods. I know
but one River worth obferving between Congo
and Cheapo: Yet there are many Creeks and
Outlets; but no frefh Water, that I know of, in
any part of this Coaft, in the dry Seafon; for
the Stagnancies and Declivities of the Ground,
and the very droppings of the Trees, in the wet
Seafon, afford Water enough.

Cheapo is a confiderable River, but has no
good entring into it for Sholes. Its Courfe is
long, rifing near the North Sea, and pretty far
from towards the Eait. About this River the
Country fomething changes its Face, being
Savannah on the Weft-fide; though the Eatft-
fide is Woodland, as the other. Cheapo Town

* Dampier, p. 7: ‘‘ We just got about Cape S¢. Lorenzo in
the morning; and sailed about 4 miles farther to the West-
ward, and run into a small Creek within two Keys, or little
Islands, and rowed up to the head of the Creek, being about a
mile up, and there we landed May tr. 1681.’’

The Land to
the N. of the
Gulph.

Sholes.

R. Cheapo.

The Land
here.

Cheapo T.

Savannah’s.

R. Chagre.

Venta de
Cruzes.

Carriage to

Portobel.

3 Rivers.

Old Pax-
ama.

88 WAFER’S DARIEN

{tands on the Welt-fide, at fome diftance from
the Sea; but is fmall, and of no great Confe-
quence. Its chief Support is from the Paftur-
age of black Cattle in the Savannah’s.

Thefe Savannah’s are not level, but confilt of
{mall Hills and Valleys, with fine Spots of
Woods intermix’d; and from fome of thefe Hills
not far [73] from Cheapo, the River of Chagre,
which runs into the North Sea, takes its rife.
It runs Weft for a while; and on the South-fide
of it, at no great diftance from Panama, is Venta
de Cruzes, a {mall Village of Inns and Store-
houfes; whither Merchandifes that are to be
fent down the River Chagre are carried from
Panama by Mules, and there embark’d in Canoa’s
and Pereagoe’s; but the Plate is carried all the
way by Land on Mules to FPortobel. ‘The Coun-
try here alfo is Savannah and Woodland inter-
mix’d; with thick fhort Hills, efpecially towards
Panama.

Between the River of Cheapo and Panama,
further Weft, are three Rivers, of no great
Confequence, lying opentothe Sea. The Land
between is low even Land, moft of it dry, and
cover’d here and there by the Sea, with fhort
Bufhes. Near the moft Wefterly of thefe Old
Panama was feated, once a large City; but noth-
ing now remains of it, befides Rubbifh, and a
few Houfes of poor People. The Sfanzards
were weary of it, having no good Port or Land-
ing-place; and had a defign to have left [74] it,
before it was burnt by Sir Henry Morgan. But
then they no longer aeliberated about the Mat-
ter; but in{tead of rebuilding it, raifed another

WAFER’S DARIEN 89

Town to the Weftward, which is the prefent
City of Panama. The River of Old Panama runs
between them; but rather nearer the new Town
than the Old; and into this River fmall Barks
may enter.

The chief Advantage which New fanxama
hath above the Odd, is an excellent Road for
{mall Ships, as good as a Harbour; for which it
is beholden to the Shelter of the Neighbouring
Ifles of Perica, which lie before it, three in num-
ber, in a Row parallel to the Shore. There is
very good Anchoring between, at a good diftance
from the Town; but between the Road and the
Town is a Shole or Spit of Land; fo that Ships
cannot come near the Town, but lie neareft to
Perica; but by this means the Town has them
lefs under Command. Panama ftands on a level
Ground, and is furrounded with a high Wall,
efpecially towards the Sea. It hath no Fort
befides the Town-Walls; upon which the Sea,
[75] which wafhes it every Tide, beats fo {trong-
ly, fometimes, as to throw down a part of them.
It makes a very beautiful Profpect off at Sea,
the Churches and chief Houfes appearing above
the reft. The Building appears white; efpe-
cially the Walls, which are of Stone; and the
Covering of the Houfes red, for probably they
are Pan-tile, which is much ufed by the Span-
tzards all over the West-Indies. 'The Town is
furrounded with Savannahs, gentle flat Hills,
and Copfes of Wood, which add much to the
Beauty of the Profpect; and among thefe are f{cat-
ter’'d here and there fome H/fantion’s or Farm-
houfes for the managing their Cattel; which

R. of
Panama.

New
Panama.

The
Harbour.

Ifles of
Perica.

Shole.

Fine Prof-
pect of
Panama.

Efantion’s.

The great
refort to
Panama.

Its Jurif-
diction.

Bad Air.

R20 Grande.

90 W AFER’S DARIEN

are Beeves, Horfes and Mules. This Town is
the great Rendezvous of this part of the South-
fea Coaft; being the Receptacle of the Treafures
from Lima, and other Sea-ports of Peru; trading
alfo towards Mexico, though very little beyond
the Gulph of Micaragua. The King of Spain
hath a Prefident here, who acts in Concert with
his Council; and the Governour of Portobel is
under him. His Jurifdiction comprehends
Nata, Lavelia, Leon, [76| Realeja, &c. till he
meets with the Government of Guatimala; and
Eaftward he commands over as much of the
Ifthmus, on both Seas, as is under the Spanzards.
The Place is very fickly, though it lies in a
Country good enough; but poffibly ’tis only fo
to thofe who come hither from the dry pure Air
of Lima and Truxillio, and other Parts of Peru;
who grow indifpos’d prefently, and are fore’d to
cut ol their) Hair. Yet is) it very healthy in
comparifon of Portobel.

About a League to the Weft of Panama is
another River, which is pretty large, and is
called by fome zo Grande. It is Shole at
entrance, and runs very {wift; and fo is not fit -
for Shipping. On the Weft-banks of it are
Eftantion’s and Plantations of Sugar; but the
Shore from hence beginning to trend away to
the Southward again, I fhall here fix my Wett-
ern Boundary to the South-fea Coaft of the
[fthmus, and go no further in the Defcription
of it.

The Shore between Point Garachina and this
River, and fo on further to Punta Wala, makes
a very regular [77] and more than Semi-circular

WAFER’S DARIEN 91

Bay, called by the name of the Bay of Panama.
In this are feveral as fine Iflands as are any
where to be found, the Kzzg’s or Pearl Iflands,
Pacheque, Chepelio, Perica, &c. with great variety
of good Riding for Ships: Of all which Mr.
Dampier hath given a particular Account in the
7th Chapter of his Voyage round the World; fo
that I fhall forbear to fay any thing more of
them. ’Tis a very noble delightful Bay; and
as it affords good anchoring and fhelter, fo the
Iflands alfo yield plenty of Wood, Water,
Fruits, Fowls and Hoggs, for the accommoda-
tion of Shipping.

The Soil of the Inland part of the Country is
generally very good, for the moft part, of a
black fruitful Mould. From the Gulph of St.
Michael, to the Ridge of Hills lying off Caret
Bay, it is a Vale Country, well water’d with the
Rivers that fall into that Gulph: But near the
Gulph ’tis very {wampy and broken, fo as that
it is fearce poffible to travel along the Shore
thereabouts. Wetftward of the River of Congo,
the Country grows more Hilly and Dry, with
pleafant [78] and rich Vales intermix’d, till you
are paft the River Cheapo; and thus far the
whole Country is all, as it were, one continued
Wood. The Savannah Country commences
here, dry and graffy; with fmall Hills and
Woods intermix’d: And the Hills are every
where fertile to the top (tho’ more fruitful
nearer the bottom) and even the tops of the
main Ridge are cover’d with very flourifhing
Trees. Yet the Hills from which the Gold
Rivers fall, near Santa Maria, are more barren

Bay of
Panama.

The Soil.

The Woods.

Swampy
Thickets.

92 WAFER’S DARIEN

towards the top, and bear fhort Shrubs fcatter’d
here and there. The Soil feems capable of any
Productions proper to the Climate: I believe we
have nothing that grows in /amaica but what
would thrive here alfo; and grow very luxuri-
antly, confidering the exceeding richnefs of the
soil.

The Woods of this Country are not the fame
on the tops or fides of the Hills in the Inland
Country, as they are near the Sea. For in the
drier and more rifing Inland Country, the Woods
are rather a large Foreft of Timber-trees, or a
Delightful Grove of Trees of feveral kinds,
very large [79] and tall, with little or no Under-
wood: And the Trees are plac’d at fuch a
diftance from each other, as that a Horfe might
gallop among them for a great way, and decline
them with eafe. The tops of thefe Trees are
generally very large and fpreading; and I pre-
fume, ‘tis the fhade and dropping of thefe
which hinders any thing elfe from growing in
the rich Ground among them: For in the open
Savannahs, or where the Ground is clear’d by
Induftry for Plantations, there grow fmaller
Vegetables in great abundance. But on the
Sea-Coaft, where the Soil is often fwampy
drown’d Land, efpecially near the Mouths of
Rivers, the Trees are not tall but fhrubby, as
Mangroves, Brambles, Bamboe’s, &c. Not
growing in the manner of Groves or Arbours,
fcattering at convenient diftances; but in a con-
tinued Thicket, fo clofe fet, that ‘tis a very
difficult matter to work ones way through thefe
Moraffes.

WAFER’S DARIEN 93

The Weather is much the fame here as in
other places of the Torrid Zone in this Lati-
tude; but inclining rather to the Wet Extreme.
The [80] Seafon of Rains begins in AZgrd or
May; and during the Months of June, July and
Auguft, the Rains are very violent. It is very
hot alfo about this time, where-ever the Sun
breaks out of a Cloud: For the Air is then very
fultry, becaufe then ufually there are no Breezes
to fan and cool it, but ’tis all glowing hot.
About September, the Rains begin to abate: But
"tis Movember or December, and it may be, part of
January ere they are quite gone: So that ’tisa
very wet Country, and has Rains for Two
Thirds, if not Three Quarters of a Year. Their
firft coming is after the manner of our fuddain
April Showers, or hafty Thunder Showers, one
in a Day at firft. After this, two or three ina
Day; at length, a Shower almo{ft every Hour:
and frequently accompanied with violent Thun-
der and Lightning: During which time, the Air
has often a faint Sulphureous Smell, where
pent up among the Woods. After this variable
Weather, for about four or fix Weeks, there will
be fettled continued Rains of feveral Days and
Nights, without Thunder and Lightning, but
exceeding vehement, [81] confidering the length
on them)))/Net/at) certain Intervals) between
thefe, even in the wette({t of the Seafon, there
will be feveral fair Days intermix’d, with only
Tornado’s or Thunder-Showers; and that fome-
times for a Week together. Thefe Thunder-
Showers caufe ufually a fenfible Wind, by the
Clouds preffing the Atmofphere, which is very

The
Weather.

Seafon of
the Rains.

Thunder
and Light-
ning.

Moskito’s.

Land-
Floods.

94 WAFERS DARIEN

refrefhing, and moderates the Heat: But then
this Wind fhaking the Trees of this continued
Fore{t, their dropping is as troublefome as the
Rain it felf. When the Shower is over, you fhall
hear for a great way together the Croaking of
Frogs and Toads, the humming of Moskito’s or
Gnats, and the hiffing or fhrieking of Snakes and
other Infects, loud and unpleafant; fome like the
quacking of Ducks. The Moskito’s chiefly
infeft the low fwampy or Mangrove Lands, near
the Rivers or Seas: But however, this Country
is not fo pefter’d with that uneafie Vermin, as
many other of the warm Countries are. When
the Rains fall among the Woods, they make a
hollow or ratling found: But the Floods caus’d
by them often bear down the [82] Trees; as I
obferv’'d in relating my Pafflage over Land.
Thefe will often Barricado or Dam up the River,
till ’tis clear’d by another Flood that fhall fet
the Trees afloat again. Sometimes alfo the
Floods run over a broad Plain; and for the time,
make it all like one great Lake. The cooleft
time here is about our Chriftmas, when the fair
Weather is coming on.

WAFER’S DARIEN 95

[83] Of the Trees, Fruits, &c. in the I{thmus
of America.

S this Country is very Woody, fo it con-

A tains great variety of Trees, of feveral

Kinds unknown to us in Europe, as well
Fruit-Trees as others.

The Cotton-tree is the largeft of any, and
grows in great plenty in moft parts of the
[fthmus; but I do not remember that I have
feen it in the Samballoes, or any other of the
adjacent Jfands. It bears a Cod about as big as
a Nutmeg, full of fhort Wool or Down, which
when ripe burfts out of the Cod, and is blown
about by the Wind, and is of little ufe. The
chief Advantage that is made of thefe Trees, is
by forming them into Canoa’s and Periago’s;
which lait differ from the other, as Lighters
and fmall Barges do from Wherries.* The

* Both were made from the single trunk of a tree, hollowed
out by burning and scraping. ‘‘ A Canow is like a little
Wherry-boat made of one only Tree, without the help of any
other Instrument but fire only, which they set to the root of
the Tree, governing it with such industry, as nothing is burnt
but that that they would have, thus by this only Instrument
they put it into such a form, as makes it capable to Sail three
or fourscore Leagues without hazard.’’— History of the Buca-
nzers (London, Malthus, 1684, 12mo), p. 181.

Trees, Gve.

Cotton-tree.

Cedar.

Macaw-
tees

96 WAFER’S DARIEN

Indians burn the Trees hollow; but the Spanzards
hew and chizzel them; and the Wood is very
foft and eafy [84] to work upon, being fofter
than Willow.

The Cedars of this Country are valuable for
their heighth and largenefs; there are very
{tately ones on the Continent, but I remember
not any in the Jfands. They grow towards
each of the Sea Coa/ts, but ef{pecially towards the
North. The Wood is very red, of a curious fine
Grain, and very frag[rjant. But thefe are put to
no better ufe than the Cotton-trees, ferving only
to make Canoa’s and Periago’s: And their
plenty you may judge of by this, that if the
Indians want to cut one for a Canoa, they will
not trouble themfelves about any a Furlong off,
tho’ never fo fine; having enough ufually to
fell by the fide of the River into which they
intend to Launch it.

There are on the Continent feveral Trees of
the Palm-kind, of which fort we may reckon
the Macaw-tree. It grows in great plenty in
{wampy or moift Grounds; and I remember not
that I faw them any where but on the South-
fide of the Z/thmus, which is moftly of fuch a
Soil. Itis not very tall, the Body rifing {treight
up [85] to about ten Foot or more, furrounded
with protuberant Rings at certain diftances,
and thofe thick-fet with long Prickles. The
middle of the Tree is a Pith like Elder, taking
up above half the Diameter of the Body. The
Body is naked without Branches till towards
the top; but there it puts out Leaves or Branches
12 or 14 Foot long, anda Foot and an half wide,

WAFER’S DARIEN 97

leffening gradually toward the Extremity. The
Rib or Seam of this Leaf is befet all along with
Prickles, on the out-fide; and the Leaf it felf is
jagged about the Edges and as thick as ones
Hand, at the broader end of it. At the top of
the Tree, and amidift the Roots of thefe Leaves
grows the Fruit, a fort of Berries {fprouting up
in Cluiters, each about the fize of a {mall Pear,
but many fcore of them together. ‘They incline
to an oval Figure, and are of a yellow or reddifh
Colour when ripe. There is a Stone in the
middle, and the outfide is ftringy, and flimy
when ripe; of a tart Taft, harfh in the Mouth,
yet not unpleafant: And the way of eating the
Fruit is to bite the Flefhy part from the Stone,
and having chew'd it, [86] to fpit out the
remaining {tringy Subftance. The /udians fre-
quently cut down the Tree only to get the
Berries; but fuch of them as are more low and
flender, you may bend down to your Hand.
The Wood of the Tree is very hard, black, and
ponderous, and is of great ufe. It {plits very
eafily, and the /udzans make of it many Conve-
niencies for their Building and other Occafions,
{plitting the Tree into fmall Planks or Rafters
which they ufe about their Houfes. The Men
make Arrow-heads of this Wood; the Women
Needle-Shuttles to weave their Cotton, &c.
Upon the Mazn alfo grows the Bzbby Tree, fo
called from a Liquor which diftills from it, and
which our Eugli/h call Bibby. The Tree hath a
{treight flender Body no thicker than ones
Thigh, but grows to a great heighth, 60 or 70
Foot. The Body is naked of Leaves or Branches,

Brbby-tree.

Nut-Oil.

The Bzbby.

Coco.

Anonymous.

Plantains.

98 WAFER’S DARIEN

but prickly. The Branches put out at the top,
and among them grow the Berries abundantly,
like a Garland round about the Root of each of
the Branches. The Tree hath all along the
infide of [87] it anarrow Pith; the Wood is very
hard, and black asInk. The /udians do not cut,
but burn down the Tree to get at the Berries.
Thefe are of a whitifh Colour, and about the
fize of a Nutmeg. ‘They are very Oily; and the
Indians beat them in hollow Mortars or Troughs,
then boil and ftrain them; and as the Liquor
cools, they skim off a clear Oil from the top.
This Oil is extraordinary bitter: The Jzdians
ufe it for anointing themfelves, and to mix with
the Colours wherewith they paint themfelves.
When the Tree is young they Tap it, and puta
Leaf into the Bore; from whence the Bzddy
trickles down in great quantity. It isa wheyifh
Liquor, of a pleafant tart Tafte; and they drink
it after it hath been kept a Day or two.

There are Coco-trees in the Iflands, but none
on the J/hmus that I remember; and no Cacao-
trees on either.

On the Main grows a Tree that bears a Fruit
like a Cherry; but full of Stones, and never foft.

On the Mazn alfo are Plantains in great abun-
dance, which have a Body confifting of feveral
Leaves or Coats, [88] that grow one from under
another, {piring upwards into an oblong Fruit at
the top; the Coats or Leaves, which are very
long and large, fpreading off from the Body,
and making a Plume all round. None of them
grow wild, unlefs when fome are brought down
the Rivers in the Seafon of the Rains, and being

WAFER’S DARIEN 99

left aground, fow themfelves. The /ndians fet
them in Rows or Walks, without under-wood;
and they make very delightful Groves. They
cut them down to get at the Fruit; and the
Bodies being green and fappy, they are cut
down with one Stroke of an Axe.

The Bonano’s alfo grow on the //thmus very
plentifully. They area fort of Plantains. The
Fruit is fhort and thick, fweet and mealy. This
eats be{t raw, and the Plantain boil’d.

On the /fands there are a great many Mam-
mee-trees, which grow with a clear, ftreight
Body, to 60 Foot high, or upwards. The Fruit
is very wholefome and delicious; fhap’d fome-
what like a Pound-pear, but much larger, with
a {mall Stone or two in the middle.

[89] The Mammee-Sappota differs fomething
from the other, and is a fmaller and firmer
Fruit, of a fine beautiful Colour when ripe. It
is very fcarce on the /fands; and neither of thefe
grow on the Contznent.

So neither are Sapadillo’s found growing on
the J/thmus, though there is great plenty of them
in the /fands. ‘The Tree is not fo high as thofe
laft; it grows without Branches to the top,
where it fpreads out in Limbs like an Oak.
The Fruit is very pleafant to the Taft. It is
fmall as a Bergama/co Pear, and is coated like a
Ruffet-Pippin.

On the J/hmus grows that delicious Fruit
which we call the Pize-Apple, in fhape not much
unlike an Artichoke, and as big asa Mans Head.
It grows like a Crown on the top of a Stalk
about as big as ones Arm, and a Foot and a half

i Liof C3

Bonano’s.

Mammee.

Mammee
Sappota.

Sapaditlo’s.

Pine-Apple,

Prickle
Pear.

Popes
Heads.

Sugar-
Canes.

Manchinel.

100 WAFER’S DARIEN

high. The Fruit is ordinarily about fix Pound
weight; and is inclos’d with fhort prickly
Leaves like an Artichoke. They do not {trip,
but pare off thefe Leaves to get at the Fruit;
which hath no Stone or Kernel init. ’Tis very
juicy; and fome fancy it to refemble the [90]
Taft of all the moft delicious Fruits one can
imagine mix’d together. It ripens at all times
of the Year, and is rais’d from new Plants.
The Leaves of the Plant are broad, about a Foot
long, and grow from the Root.

On the Mam alfo grows the Prickle Pear,
which is a thick-leav’d Plant about four Foot
high, full of Prickles allover. That which they
call the Pear grows at the Extremity of the
Leaf. It’s a good Fruit, much eaten by the
Indians and others.

There are Popes Heads, as we call them, on
the Main. They are a Plant or Shrub growing
like a Mole-hill, and full of Spurs a Span long,
fharp, thick and hard, with a black Point.
They make a very good Fence, galling the Feet
and Legs of any who come among them.

They have Sugar-Canes on the [/hmus; but
the Judians make no other ufe of them, than to
chew them and fuck out the Juice.

There is on the /flands, a Tree which is called
Manchinel, and its Fruit the Manchinel Apple.
’Tis in Smell and Colour like a lovely pleafant
Apple, fmall and fragrant, but of a poifonous
[o1] Nature; for if any eat of any Living Crea-
ture that has happen’d to feed on that Fruit,
they are poifoned thereby, tho’ perhaps not
mortally. The Trees grow in green Spots; they

WAFER’S DARIEN 101

are low, with a large Body, fpreading out and
full of Leaves. I have heard that the Wood hath
been us’d in fine carv’d or inlay’d Works; for
it is delicately grain’d. But there is danger in
cutting it, the very Sap being fo poifonous, as
to blifter the part which any of the Chips {trike
upon as they fly off. A French-man of our
Company lying under one of thefe Trees, in
one of the Saméalloes, to refrefh himfelf, the
Rain-water trickling down thence on his Head
and Breait, bliftered him all over, as if he had
been beftrewed with Cantharides.* His Life was
faved with much difficulty; and even when
cured, there remained Scars, like thofe after
the Small-Pox.

The Maho Tree, which grows here is about as
big as an Afh. Another fort of Mako, which is
more common is fmaller, and grows in moilt
fwampy Places, by the fides of Rivers, or near
the Sea. Its Bark is [92] ragged like tattered

* Ringrose, p. 44, says that, while bathing in the pond from
which the ship’s water-casks were being filled, at Cayboa
Island, north of Panama, ‘‘as I was washing my self, and
standing under a Manzanzt/a-tree, a small shower of rain
hapned to fall on the tree, and from thence dropped on my
skin. These drops caused me to break out all over my body
into red spots, of which I was not well for the space of a week
after.’’ Inthe Azstory of the Bucaniers (London, Malthus,
1684), p. 181, it is said that ‘‘ the Tree called Mancanz?la, or
the Dwarf Apple, is found here, whose Fruit is of a most
venemous quality, for being eaten by any Person, immediately
he changeth colour, and is taken with such a thirst, that no
water can quench, and within a little dies perfectly mad. Yea,
if a Fish eat of it (as sometimes they do) it is poisonous.”’
The sap of the manchineel is very injurious to the eyes, but
otherwise not as dangerous, at least not to persons in good
health, as the above would imply.

Maho Tree.

Calabafh
mnee:

102 WAFER’S DARIEN

Canvafs; if you lay hold on a piece of it, ’twill
rip off in Strings to the top of the Tree; the
Strings are of a great length, flender, and very
{ftrong. Ropes are made of it for Cables, and
Rigging for fmall Veffels. The way the /udzans
order it, is thus: They {trip off the Bark in
great flakes: Out of them they draw greater or
leffer Strings as they pleafe. Thefe they beat
and clean, and twift into Threads and Cords, by
rolling them between the Palm of the Hand,
and the top of the Knee or Thigh, as our Shoo-
makers twift their Ends, but much quicker. Of
thefe they make Nets for Fifhing, but only for
great Fifh as Tarpoms, or the like.

The Tree which bears the Calaba/h is fhort
and thick, the Calabash grows up and down
among the Boughs, asour Apples do. It is ofa
Globular figure, the out-fide of it an hard Shell,
holding the quantity of 2, 3, 4, or 5 Quarts.
Thefe Shells the Judians ufe as Veffels for
many occafions. There are two forts of thefe
Trees, but the difference is chiefly in the Fruit;
that of the one being fweet, [93] the other
bitter. The Subftance of both is Spongy and
Juicy. That of the fweeter fort does yet incline
to a tart, fourifh Taft. The /udians, however,
eat them frequently in a March, tho’ they are
not very delightful. They only fuck out the
Juice, and {pit out the reft. The bitter fort is
not eatable, but is very Medicinal. They are
good in Tertian’s; anda Decoction of them ina
Clyiter is an admirable Specifick in the Tortions
of the Guts or dry Gripes. The Calaba/h Shells
are almoft as hard as thofe of the Coco-nuts, but

WAFER’S DARIEN 103

not! halt) to, thick.) Phe! Darien) Calabash 1s
painted, and much efteem’d by the Spaniards.

There are Gourds alfo which grow creeping
along the Ground, or climbing up Trees in great
quantities, like Pompions or Vines. Of thefe
alfo there are two Sorts, a Sweet and a Bitter:
The Sweet eatable, but not defirable; the Bitter
medicinal in the Paffo Iliaca, Tertian’s, Coftive-
nefs, &c. taken in a Clyfter. But the Judians
value both forts chiefly for their Shells; and the
larger fort of thefe ferve them by way of Pails
and Buck-[o4]ets, as Calabafhes do for Difhes,
Cups and Drinking-Veffels.

They have a Plant alfo which is of good ufe
to them, call’d by us S7/k-Gra/s; tho’ ’tis indeed
a kind of Flag. It grows in great quantities in
moi{t Places on the fides of Hills. The Roots
are knobbed, and fhoot out into Leaves like a
Sword-blade, as thick as ones Hand in the
middle of the Leaf towards the Root, thinner
' towards the Edges and the top; where it ends
in afharp Point, altogether like our Flags, fave
that the Leaf is much broader, and a yard or
two in length, and jagged at the Edges like a
Saw or fome Reap-hooks. The /udians cut
thefe Leaves when of a convenient Growth, and
having dried them well in the Sun, they beat
them into Strings like fine Flax, extraordinary
{trong, beyond any of our Flax or Hemp: For
the Leaf it felf feems to be nothing but a Con-
geries of Strings inclos’d with a Skin on each
fide. They twift thefe Strings as they do thofe
of the Maho-tree, and make of them Ropes for
Hammocks, Cordage of all forts, but efpecially

Gourds.

S2lk-Grafs.

Light-wood,

104 WAFER’S DARIEN

a finer kind of Nets for {mall Fifh. In /amaica
[95] the Shoomakers ufe this for Thread to few
with, as being ftronger than any other. The
Spanish Women make Stockins of it, which are
call’d Silk-gra/s Stockins, and are fold very dear.

They make of it alfo a kind of yellowifh Lace,

which is much bought and worn by the Mo/te/a-
women* in the We/t-Indian Plantations.

There grows here a Tree about the bignefs
of an Elm, the Wood of which is very light, and
we therefore call it Light-wood. The Tree is
{treight and well-bodied, and has a great Leaf
like a Wall-nut. A Man may carry on his Back
a great quantity of the Wood when cut down:
Its Sub{tance refembles Cork, and is of a whitifh
Colour; but the Grain of it is rougher than Fir,
or courfer yet, like that of the Cotton-tree. I
know not whether it has that {fpongy Elafticity
that Cork has; yet I fhould think it an excellent
Wood for making Tomkins, or Stopples for the
Muzzles of great Guns. ’Tis fo very light in .
Water that three or four Logs of it, about as
thick as ones Thigh and about four Foot long,
fhall make a Rafter on which two or [96] three
Men may go out to Sea. The /udians make
large Rafters of it upon occafion, after this
manner: They take Logs of this Wood not very
big, and bind them together collaterally with
Maho-Cords, making of them a kind of Floor.
Then they lay another Range of Logs acrofs
thefe, at fome diftance from each other, and
peg them down to the former with long Pins of

* Mestizo, half-breeds of European fathers. Commonly
reputed beautiful and otherwise attractive.

WAFER’S DARIEN 105

Macaw-wood; and the Wood of the Float is fo
foft, and tenacious withal, that it eafily gives
admittance to the Peg upon driving, and clofes
fait about it. The Floats, were they boarded,
would refemble our Dyers-floats in the Thames at
London; and the Jndians ufe them chiefly for
Paffage crofs a great River where Canoa’s or
other Trees are wanting; or for Fifhing.

Another Tree they have which we call White-
wood. ‘The Body of it grows in heighth about
18 or 20 Foot, like a large Willow, and about as
thick as ones Thigh. The Leaf is like Senna,
very {mall. The Wood is very hard, clofe and
ponderous, and exceeding White, beyond any
European Wood that ever I faw, and of a [97]
very fine Grain: So that I cannot but think it
would be very good for inlaying, or other
Cabinet-work. I never faw this Tree any
where but in this //7hmus.

They have Tamarinds here of the brown fort,
and good, butnot well Manur’d. The Treeisa fair
{preading one, and very large of the kind. The
Tree grows ufually in a fandy Soil, near a River.

The Tree alfo that bears the Locu/-fruit,
grows here. The Wild fort is found in great
abundance, ’tis not much unlike the Zamarind.

They have a Bafiard-Cinnamon allo, bearing a
Cod fhorter than a Bean-cod, but thicker, it
grows only on the Mazn.

Bamboes grow here but too plentifully, like
a Briar, whole Copfes of them. ‘The Branches
or Canes grow in clufters 20 or 30 or more of
them from one Root, and guarded with Prickles.
They render the Places where they grow

White-
wood.

Tamarind.

Locufe-
Tree.

Bafara-
Cinnamon.

Bamboes.

Hotllow-
Bamboes.

Mangrove.

106 WAFER’S DARIEN

almo{t impaffable, which are generally {wampy
Grounds, or the fides of Rivers. They are
found moftly on the Mazin, the [flands having
only fome few of them.

[98] The Hollow Bamboes are on the Mazn only.
They grow twenty or thirty Foot in heighth,
and as thick as ones Thigh. They have Knots
all along at the diftance of about a Foot and an
half. All the Space from Knot to Knot is hol-
low, and of the Capacity ufually of a Gallon or
more, and thefe are ferviceable on many Occa-
fions. The Leaves of this Shrub are like Eldern-
leaves, in a Clufter at the top of each Cane,
and thefe alfo grow thick together in Copfes.

Mangrove-Trees grow out of the Water, both
in the Iflands and the Main, rifing from feveral
Roots like Stilts entangled one among another.
The Roots or Stumps appear fome Feet above
Water, rifing from a pretty depth alfo from
under the Surface of it, and at length they
unite all together, Arbour-wife, into the Body
of a lufty tall Tree, of a Foot or two Diameter.
There is fcarce any pafling along where thefe
Trees grow, the Roots of them are fo blended
together. The Bark of the Mangroves that
grows in Salt Water is of a red Colour, and is
us’d for tanning of Leather. I have fome
Reafon to [99] think that the Tree from whence
the Peruvian or /Jefuits Bark is fetcht is of the
Mangrove kind;* for when I was laft at Arica in
Peru, 1 faw a Caravan of about 20 Mules with
this Bark juft come in, and then unlading at a

*Except that the bark of both is used in medicine, the two
are nowise related.

WAFER’S DARIEN 107

Store-houfe. One of our Company, who f{pake
Spanifh, ask’d a Spaniard who guided the Drove,
from whence he fetch’d that Bark? He
anfwered, from a great frefh Water Lake behind
a Mountain a great way within Land; at the
fame time pointing at a very high Ridge of
Hills we faw at a great diftance from us, and
the Sea. Being further examined as to the Tree
it grew on, he fo defcrib’d it, by thefe intangled
Stilts, and other Particulars, that our Interpreter
faid to him, Sure it muft be a Mangrove-Tree!
The Spaniard anfwer’d, Yes, a frefh-water
Mangrove: Yet he faid it was a very {mall Tree,
which the Mangrove is not, unlefs this fhould
be a Dwarf kind of it. We brought away with
us feveral Bundles of this Bark, and I found it
to be the right fort, by the frequent ufe I
made of it in Virginta and elfewhere; and I
have fome of it now by me.

[100] They have two forts of Pepper, the one
called Bell-Pepper, the other Bzrd-Pepper, and
great quantities of each, much ufed by the
Indians. Each fort grows on a Weed, or Shrub-
by Bufh about a Yard high. The Bird-Pepper
has the fmaller Leaf, and is by the Judians
better efteemed than the other, for they eata
great deal of it.

There is on the Main a Red fort of Wood that
might be of good ufe for Dyers. It grows
moftly towards the Worth-Sea Coaft, upon a
River that runs towards the Samballoes, about
two Miles from the Sea-fhore. I faw there

* Capsicum, or chillies.
Tt Logwood, also known as Campeachy wood.

Pepper.*

Red Wooad.t

Potato’s.

Yams.

Caffava.

108 WAFER’S DARIEN

great quantities of thefe Trees: They are thirty
or forty Foot high, about as big as ones Thigh,
and the out-fide is all along full of Cavities or
Notches in the Bark. When the Wood is cut,
it appears of a Yellowifh Red. With this, and
a kind of Earth which they have up the Coun-
try, the /udzans die Cottons for their Hammocks
and Gowns. I tried a little of it, which upon
boiling two Hours in fair Water, turn’d it Red
as Blood. I dipt therein a piece of Cotton,
which it died of a good Red; and when I wafh’d
it, it turn’d [101] but a little paler, which I im-
puted to the want only of fomething to fix the
Colour; for no wafhing could fetch out the
Tincture. *‘Twasa bright and gloffy Red, very
lively.

The Indians have feveral Roots which they
plant; efpecially Potato’'s, which they roa{t and
eat.

They do the fame alfo by Yams, of which
they have two forts, a White and a Purple.

They have a Root call’d Caffava, not much
unlike a Parfnip. There are two forts alfo of
thefe, a Sweet and a Potfonous. The Sweet Sort
they roaft and eat as they do Potato’s or Yams.
Of the Pot/onous they make Bread, having firft
ptefs’d out the Juice, which is noxious. Part
of the remaining Subftance they grate to a
Powder; and having a Baking-ftone or Trivet
fet over a Fire, they ftrew the Flower over the
hot Stone gradually, which bakes it all to a
Cake, the bottom hard-bak’d and brown, the
re{t rough and white, like our Oat-cakes; they
ufe to hang them on the Houfes or Hedges,

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WAFER’S DARIEN 109

where they dry and grow crifp. In Jamaica
they ufe them fre-[102]quently inftead of Bread;
and foin other of the We/t-Indian Ilands.

Thefe Judians have Tobacco among them. It
grows as the Tobacco in Virginia, but is not fo
{trong: Perhaps for want of tranfplanting and
manuring, which the Jzdians don’t well under-
{tand; for they only raife it from the Seed in
their Plantations. When ’tis dried and cured
they {trip it from the Stalks; and laying two or
three Leaves upon one another, they roll up all
together fide-ways into a long Roll, yet leaving
a little hollow. Round this they roll other
Leaves one after another, in the fame manner
but clofe and hard, till the Roll be as big as
ones Wrift, and two or three Feet in length.
Their way of Smoaking when they are in Com-
pany together is thus: A Boy lights one end of
a Roll and burns it to a Coal, wetting the part
next it to keep it from waiting too faft. The
End fo lighted he puts into his Mouth, and
blows the Smoak through the whole length of
the Roll into the Face of every one of the Com-
pany or Council, tho’ there be 2 or 300 of them.
Then they, fitting in their ufual Pofture upon
[103] Forms, make, with their Hands held hol-
low together, a kind of Funnel round their
Mouths and Nofes. Into this they receive the
Smoak as ’tis blown upon them, fnuffing it up
greedily and ftrongly as long as ever they are
able to hold their Breath, and feeming to blefs
themfelves, as it were, with the Refrefhment
it gives them.

Tobacco.

Indian
way of
Smoaking.

Pecary.

110 WAFER’S DARIEN

[104] Of the Animals; and firft of Beafts
and Reptiles.

HE Variety of Beafts in this Country is not

iT very great; but the Land is fo fertile,

that upon clearing any confiderable part

of the Woods it would doubtlefs afford excellent

Pafture, for the maintaining black Cattle,

Swine, or whatever other Beafts ’tis ufual to
bring out of Europe into thefe Climates.

The Country has of its own a kind of Hog,
which is call’d Pecary, not much unlike a Ver-
ginia Hog. ’Tis black, and has little fhort Legs,
yet is pretty nimble. It has one thing very
{trange, that the Navel is not upon the Belly,
but the Back: And what is more {till, if upon
killing a Pecary the Navel be not cut away from
the Carkafs within three or four Hours after at
fartheft, twill fo taint all the Flefh, as not only
to render it [105] unfit to be eaten, but make it
{tink infufferably. Elfe ‘twill keep frefh fev-
eral Days, and is very good wholefome Meat,
nourifhing and well-tafted. The Judians barbe-
cue it, when they would keep any of it longer:
The manner in which they do it I fhall defcribe
elfewhere. Thefe Creatures ufually herd
together, and range about in Droves; and the

WAFER’S DARIEN 111

Indians either hunt them down with their Dogs,
and fo ftrike them with their Lances, or elfe
fhoot them with their Arrows, as they have
opportunity.

The Warree is another kind of Wild-Hog they
have, which is alfo very good Meat. It has
little Ears, but very great Tusks; and the Hair
or Briftles ‘tis cover’d with, are long, {trong
and thickfet, like a courfe Furr all over its
Body. The Warree is fierce, and fights with
the Pecary, or any other Creature that comes in
his way. The Jzdians hunt thefe alfo as the
other, and manage their Flefh the fame way,
except only as to what concerns the Navel; the
fingularity of which is peculiar to the Pecary.

[106] They have confiderable {tore of Deer
alfo, refembling moft our Red Deer; but thefe
they never hunt nor kill; nor will they ever eat
of their Flefh, tho’ ’tis very good; but we were
not fhy of it. Whether it be out of Superiti-
tion, or for any other Reafon that they forbear
them, I know not: But when they faw fome of
our Men killing and eating of them, they not
only refus’d to eat with them, but feem’d dif-
pleas’'d with them for it. Yet they preferve
the Horns of thefe Deer, fetting them up in
their Houfes; but they are fuch only as they
fhed, for I never faw among them fo much as
the Skin or Head of any of them, that might
fhew they had been kill’d by the Jndzans; and
they are too nimble for the Warree, if not a
Match for him.

The Dogs they have are fmall, not well-fhap’d,
their Hair rough and ftragling, like our

Wearree.

Deer.

Dogs.

Rabbits.

Monkeys.

112 WAFER’S DARIEN

Mungrels. They ferve only to bark and {tart the
Game, or by their barking give notice to the
Hunters to fhoot their Arrows. They will run
about in this manner from Morning to Night;
but are fuch meer whiffling Curs, that of 2 or
300 [107] Beafts ftarted in a Day, they fhall fel-
dom kill above two or three; and thefe not by
running them down, but by getting them at a
Bay and befetting them, till the Hunters can
come up with them. Large {trong Dogs would
make better Work here; and it might be a very
acceptable Thing to the Jzdians to tranfport
hither a Breed of fuch: But then they muft keep
to their Houfes, or they would be in danger of
running Wild, in this Country.

Here are Rabédits, call’d by our English, Indian
Conies. They are as large as our Hares;
but I know not that this Country has any
Hares. Thefe Rabbits have no Tails, and
but little fhort Ears; and the Claws of their
Feet are long. They lodge in the Roots of
Trees, making no Burrows; and the Indians
hunt them, but there is no great plenty of them.
They are very good Meat, and eat rather
moifter than ours.

There are great Droves of Monkeys, fome of
them white, but moft of them black; fome have
Beards, others are beardlefs. They are of a
middle Size, yet extraordinary fat at the [108]
dry Seafon, when the Fruits are ripe; and they
are very good Meat, for we ate of them very
plentifully. The Indians were fhy of eating
them for a while; but they foon were perfuaded
to it, by feeing us feed on them fo heartily. In

WAFER’S DARIEN 113

the Rainy Seafon they have often Worms in
their Bowels. I have taken a handful of them
out of one Monkey we cut open; and fome of
them 7 or 8 Foot long. They are a very wag-
gifh kind of Monkey, and plaid a thoufand
antick Tricks as we march’d at any time through
the Woods, skipping from Bough to Bough, with
the young ones hanging at the old ones Back,
making Faces at us, chattering, and, if they had
opportunity, piffing down purpofely on our
Heads. To pafs from top to top of high Trees,
whofe Branches are a little too far afunder for
their Leaping, they will fometimes hang down
by one anothers Tails in a Chain; and {winging
in that manner, the lowermoft catches hold of a
Bough of the other Tree, and draws up the reft
of them.*

[109] Here are no Bullocks, Horfes, Affes,
Sheep, Goats, or other fuch Beafts as we have for
Food or Service. They are exceedingly pefter’d
with Mice and Rats, which are moftly Grey; and
a Brood of Cats therefore to deftroy thefe, might
be as acceptable a Prefent to them as better
Dogs for their Hunting. When I left the /7imus,
2 of the /zdians who came aboard the fame Veffel
at the Samballoe’s, went a Cruifing with us
towards the Corn-L[flands and Cartagene: And
when they were difpos’d to return, and we were
{tudying to oblige ’em with fome Prefent, one
of them {pied a Cat we had aboard, and beg’d

* The ‘‘ Member of the Royal Society ’’ in the second edition
describes the black and satyr monkeys, of whom the latter
‘‘ are bigger than the last and black like them, with very long

Beards; these are very leacherous, and often fall foul on the
Negro Women.”’

No £uro-
pean Cattel.

Rats and
Mice.

Cats much
efteem’d.

Infects and
Vermin.

Soldzter-
Infect.7

Delicious
Meat.

114 WAFER’S DARIEN

it: Which we had no fooner given him, but he
and his Confort, without ftaying for any other
Gift, went immediately into their Canoa, and
padled off with abundance of Joy. They had
learnt the ufe of Cats while they were aboard.*

They have Snakes, but of what kind I don’t
well remember; nor did I fee or hearany Rattle-
Snakes. Spiders they have many, very large,
but not poifonous. They have Lice in their
Heads; which they feel out [110] with their
Fingers, and eat as they catch them.

There is a fort of Infect like a Snail in great
plenty among the Saméalloe’s, which is call’d
the Soldier-Infec&; but I don’t remember I faw
any of them upon the Main. The reafon of the
Name, is becaufe of the Colour; for one third
part of his Body, about his Head, which is out
of the Shell, is in Shape and Colour like a boil’d
Shrimp, with little Claws, and 2 larger like
thofe of a Crab. That part within the Shell,
the Tail efpecially, is eatable, and is good Food,
very well tafted and delicious, like Marrow.
We thruft a Skuer through this part, and roaft
a pretty many of them in a row. ‘The forepart
is bony, and ufelefs. They feed upon the
Ground, eating what falls from Trees: And
they have under the Chin a little Bag, into
which they put a referve of Food. Befide this,
they have in them a little Sand Bag, which mutt

* The ‘‘ Member of the Royal Society ’’ describes twenty-
nine beasts, of which No. 27 is ‘‘ The S/oath. Is avery slow
paced Animal, taking a whole Day in going fifty Paces: he is
about the bigness of a middling Fox; living on Trees, eating
the Leaves, but never drinks.’’

7 A variety of the hermit crab.

WAFER’S DARIEN 115

always be taken out when they are to be eaten.
This Bag is commonly pretty full of Sand: And
Conchs and Welks, and other Shell-fifh, have
ufually Sand in a Vef-[111]fel that runs the
length of the Body, in manner of a Gut;
which we are forc’d to take out, for elfe they
would be gritty in ones Teeth. If thefe Soldiers
eat of any of the Manchineel-Apples which drop
from the Trees, their Flefh becomes fo infected
with that virulent Juice, as to poifon ina manner
thofe who eat of it: And we have had fome of
our Company very fick by eating fuch as had
fed on Manchineel; but after a while ’twould
wear off again, without further damage. The
Oil of thefe Infects is a moft Soveraign Remedy
for any Sprain or Contufion. I have found it
fo, as many others have done frequently: The
Indians ufe it that way very fuccefsfully, and
many of the Privateers in the West-Indies: And
our Men fought them as much for the Oil, as
for the fake of eating them.: The Oilis ofa
yellow Colour, like Wax, but of the Confiftency
of Palm-Oil.

On the Samballoe’s I think there are alfo Land-
Crabs, tho’ but few: But in the Carzddce-Iflands,
among which I have been Cruifing, and efpe-
cially on Anguzlla, they are very numerous, and
fome very large, as big as the [112] largeft Sea-
Crabs that are fold at London. They have them
alfo in other of the We/t-/ndia Iflands; but on
Anguilla they fwarm; and a little Ifland near it
has fuch multitudes of them, that ’tis call’d
Crab-Iland. They are excellent good Meat,
and are the main Support of the Inhabitants,

Sand-bag.

Poifonous if
fed with
Manchineel.

The Oil
an excellent
Salve.

Land-
Crabs,

where.

Anguilla.

Craé-Ifland.
Good Meat,

fatten’d
with
Potato’s.

Alligators.

Guano’'s.

Lizards.*

116 WAFER’S DARIEN

who range about a Crabbing, as they call it.
After a Shower of Rain they will come abroad;
and then is the beft time to look out for them.
They live in Holes or Burrows like Rabbits,
which they dig for themfelves with their Claws.
When they are upon the March they never go
about, nor turn their Backs, but crawl over any
thing that lies in their way, guarding with their
great Claws, while they creep with the small
ones; and whatever they lay hold of they pinch
very feverely. The Inhabitants of fome of
thefe Ifles, when they take any of them, put
them for three or four Days into a piece of
Potato-ground, to fatten them; for which they
are faid to eat much the better.

Alligator’s and Guano’s, which are alfo very
good Meat, efpecially the Tail of the Aligator,
I have eaten in [113] feveral Parts of the We/-
Indies; but I don’t remember my feeing either
of them in the //fimus. The Guano is all over
very good Meat, prefer’d to a Pullet or Chick-
en, either for the Meat or Broth. Their Eggs
alfo are very good; but thofe of the Adigator
have too much of a musky Flavour, and fome-
times fmell very {trong of it. There are up

and down the //hmus a great many Lizards,

* The ‘‘ Member of the Royal Society '’ describes six lizards
of which No. 5 is‘‘ The House Lizzard. Isafriendly Animal’
for if it sees you in danger of any hurtful Creature whilst
asleep, it will come and awake you.

“6. The Blew-tadl’d Lizzard. Is not thicker than a
Swan-quill, and but three Inches long; its body smooth and
squarish; these are said to be poysonous, and thirst after the
Blood of breeding Women: and they report, that if a Woman,
or but her cloaths do touch this Creature, she will afterwards
prove barren.” .

WAFER’S DARIEN 117

green, and red-fpeckled; but thofe in the
Swampy Land and Thickets look more black
or rufty. They are none of them large; gen-
erally lefs thanaSpan. I never faw the /udians
eat of them. They are pretty innocent familiar
Creatures, and the /xdians fuffer them to creep
up and down their Houfes.

They have Frogs and Toads, and other
{fmaller Infects; but I took no particular Notice
of them.

Chicaly-
Chicaly.

Quam.t

118 WAFER’S DARIEN

[114] The Birds, and flying Infects.

HEY have feveral forts of Birds, fome of
Kinds unknown to us; and remarkable
both for their Beauty, and the good

Relifh of their Flefh.

There is one {tately kind of Land-bird, pretty
common among the Woods on the //fhmus,
which is call’d by the Indians Chicaly-Chicaly.
Its Noife is fomewhat like a Cuckow’s, but
{harper and quicker. ’Tis a large and long
Bird, and has a long Tail, which he carries
upright like a Dunghill Cock. His Feathers
are of great variety of fine lively Colours, red,
blue, Gc. The Jndians make a fort of Aprons,*
fometimes, of the Feathers which grow on his
Back; but thefe they feldom wear. This Bird
keeps moftly on the Trees, flying from one to
another, and but rarely to the Ground. He
feeds on Fruit. His Flefh is blackifh, and of a
courfe Grain, yet pretty good Meat.

[115] The Quam is alfo a large and long Land-
bird. He feeds alfo upon Fruits, and flies up
and down the Trees. His Wings are of a Dun

* Ceremonial or festival garments.

+ Dampier, p. 19, says that, on the day after he parted from

Wafer, ‘‘ This evening I killed a Quaum, a large Bird as big
asa Turkey, wherewith we treated our Guides.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 119

Colour, but his Tail is very dark, fhort, ftumpy,
and upright. This Bird is much better Meat
than the other.

There is alfo a Ruffet-colour’d Land-bird,
fhap’d not unlike a Partridge; but has a longer
Neck and Legs, yet afhort Tail. He runs moft
on the Ground, and feldom flies. His Flefh is
very good Meat.

The Corrofou is a large, black Land-bird,
heavy and big as a Turkey-hen; but the Hen is
not fo black as the Cock. The Cock has on his
Head a fine Crown or Comb of yellow Feathers,
which he moves to and fro as he pleafes: He
has Gills alfo like a Turkey; but the Hen has
neither Plume nor Gills. They live on the
Trees, and feed on Fruits. They Sing or make
a Noife big and grofs, yet very fweet and
delightful; efpecially to the J/udians, who in-
deavour to imitate them: And the /nudzans and
they will fometimes anfwer one another this
way, and the /mdzans difcover their Haunts by
it. The old [116] ones alfo call their young
ones by this Sound. The Flefh is fomewhat
tough, but otherwife very good and well-tafted
Meat. The J/udians either throw the Bones of
the Corrofou into the River, or make a Hole and
bury them, to keep them from their Dogs,
being thought unwholfome for the Dogs to
eat; and the J/udians fay they will make the
Dogs run mad: Neither do the Eugl/h in the
Weft-Indies let the Dogs eat of them. The
Indians fhoot down all thefe Birds with their
Arrows.

They have Parrots good ftore, fome blue and

Anonymous.

Corrofou.

Parrots.

Parakites.

Macaw-
birds.

120 WAFER’S DARIEN

fome green, for Shape and Size like the gen-
erality of the Parrots we have from /amazca.
There is here great variety of them, and they
are very good Meat.

They have alfo many Farakites, moit of them
Green; generally much the fame as in other
Places. They don’t fort with the Parrots, but
go in large Flights by themfelves.

Macaw-birds are here alfo in good plenty.
’Tis fhap’d not much unlike a Parrot, but is as
large again as the biggeft of them. It hasa
Bill like a Hawk’s; anda bufhy Tail, with [117]
two or three long {ftragling Feathers, all Red
or Blue: The Feathers all over the Body are of
feveral very bright and lovely Colours, Blue,
Green and Red. The Pinions of the Wings of
fome of them are all Red, of others all Blue,
and the Beaks yellow. They make a great
Noife in a Morning, very hoarfe and deep, like
Men who fpeak much in the Throat. The
Indians keep thefe Birds tame, as we do Parrots,
or Mag-pies: But after they have kept them clofe
fome time, and taught them to fpeak fome
Words in their Language, they fuffer them to
go abroad in the Day-time into the Woods,
among the wild ones; from whence they will on
their own accord return in the Evening to the
Indian's Houfes or Plantations, and give notice
of their arrival by their fluttering and prating.
They will exactly imitate the Jndian’s Voices,
and their way of Singing, and they will call the
Chicaly-Chicaly in its own Note, as exactly as the
Indians themfelves, whom I have obferv’d to be
very expert atit. ’Tis the moft beautiful and

WAFER’S DARIEN 121

pleafant Bird that ever I [118] faw; and the
Flefh is fweet-tafted enough, but black and
tough.

There is alfo a fort of Wood-pecker, with fuch

Wood-

a long flender Bill as that kind of Birds have. 2¢¢#er.

Thefe have {trong Claws, wherewith they climb
up and down the Bodies of Trees, and {tick
very clofe to them. They are pied like our
Mag-pies, white and black; but more finely,
being a fmaller Bird. The Flefh is of an earthy
unpleafant Tait. I tafted of them as I was
travelling with my Companions, for Hunger
then made us glad of any thing of Food; but
the /udians don’t eat of them.

They have great plenty of Poultry tame about
their Houfes, of 2 forts, a greater and a lefs.
The larger fort are much like ours, of different
Colours and Breed, as Copple-crown’d, the com-
mon Dunghil Cock and Hen, and of the Game
kind; tho’ thefe /mdzans don’t delight in Cock-
fighting as thofe of Java do. The {maller fort
are feather’d about the Legs like Carrier-
pigeons, and have very bufhy Tails, which they
carry upright; and the tips of the Wings are
generally black. This {mall fort keep a-[119]
part from the other. They all keep the fame
Crowing Seafon, before Day, as our Cocks do.
They are con{tantly about the Houfes, not rang-
ing far into the Woods; and both their Flefh
and their Eggs are as well-tafted as any we have
in England; and they are generally fatter; for
the /ndians give them Maiz good ftore, which is
very fattening.

Thefe are all the kinds of Land-birds I noted

Dunghil
Fowl.

Small Birds.

Sea-fowl.

Pelican.

122 WAFER’S DARIEN

among them: Though there are many fmall
ones which I did not fo particularly obferve;
and thefe generally very pretty and mufical.*

About the Sambaloes and the other Iflands, and
the Sea-Coaft, on the North-fide efpecially,
there are great numbers of Sea-fowl. The
South-Sea Coaft, more to Windward, has many
of them too; but whether it be that the Bay of
Panama does not afford fo many Fifh to invite
them, for ’tis not near fo well-{tock’d with Fifh
as the Coaft about the Samballoes, there are but
very few Sea-fowl on the South-Sea Coaft of the
Ifthmus, to what there are on the North-Coatt;
and as to Pelicans particularly, which [120] are
very frequent among the Samballoes, and all
along the We/t-India Coa{ts, I don’t remember
that I ever faw one of them any where in the
South Seas.

* The ‘‘ Member of the Royal Society’’ describes 118 birds,
of which No. 5 is ‘The Chrzstmas-Bird. Is almost as big as a
Pidgeon, it has about the Throat many inch-long black Watles;
it never cries but in December and begginning of January,
but then may be heard a great way off. Bay

“8. The Unzcorn-Bird. Has a Horn on his Head above
two Inches long, which is said to be a great Counter-poyson.
The Female bigger than a Swan, and the Male twice that
bigness. sie

‘90. The red-lege’d Duck. The Feet of these when
roasted dye both Hands and Linnen red.

‘“91. The crested Hag/e. Hiscry is like a Hen that has
LOSE TES YOUNG ie ein

“60, The Great Wide-Mouth. Is as big as an Owd;
when it gapes one may easily put in ones fist.

‘‘67, The Lzttle Tame-Owl. Its of the bigness of a
Throstle, and plays with Men, making divers antick
Faces. :

“81, The Brown-headed Parrakeet. Is a_ beautiful
Bird.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 123

The Pelican is a large Bird, with a great Beak,
fhort-legg’d like a Goofe; and has a long Neck,
which it holds upright like a Swan. The
Feathers are of dark Grey; ’tis Web-footed.
Under the Throat hangs a Bag or Pouch, which,
when fill’d, is as large as both ones Fifts. The
Subftance of it is a thin Membrane, of a fine,
grey, afhy Colour. The Seamen kill them for
the Sake of thefe Bags, to make Tobacco-pouches
of them; for, when dry, they will hold a Pound
of Tobacco; and bya Bullet hung in them, they
are foon brought into Shape. The Pelican flies
heavy and low; we find nothing but Fifh in his
Maw, for that is his Food. His Pouch, as well
as Stomach, has Fifh found in it: So that it
feems likely that the Pouch is a Bag intended
to keep a Referve of Food. I have never feen
any of the old Pelicans eaten; but the young
ones are faid to be Meat good enough, but I
have never eaten of any of them.

[121] There are Cormorants alfo among the
Samballoes, which for Size and Shape are like
Ducks, but rather lefs. They are black, but
have a white Spot on the Breaft. Tho’ they are
Web-footed, as other Water-fowl are, yet they
pitch on Trees and Shrubs by the Water-fide.
I have never heard of any one’s eating of thefe,
for their Flefh is thought to be too courfe and
rank.

There are a great many Sea-Gulls alfo and
Sea-Pies, on that Coait; both of them much like
ours, but rather fmaller. The Flefh of both
thefe is eaten commonly enough, and ’tis toler-
able good Meat, but of a Fifhy Taft, as Sea-fowl

Cormo-
rants.

Sea-Gulls
and Sea-
Pies.

Bats.

Flying
Infects.

Shining Fly,

Bees.

124 WAFERS DARIEN

ufually are. Yet to correct this Taft, when we
kill’d any Sea-Gulls, Sea-Pies, Boobies, or the
like, on any Shore, we us’d to make a Hole in
the hot Sand, and there bury them for eight or
ten Hours, with their Feathers on, and Guts in
them: And upon dreffing them afterwards, we
found the Flefh tenderer, and the Taft not fo
rank nor fifhy.

There are Bats, on the /[/thmus, the Bodies of
which are as large as [122] Pigeons, and their
Wings extended to a proportionable length and
breadth; with Claws at the Joints of the Wings,
by which they cling to any thing. They much
haunt old Houfes and deferted Plantations.

Of Flying Infects, befide the Moskito’s or
Gnats before-mention’d, there are up and down
the [/thmus Wafps and Beetles, and Flies of
feveral kinds: particularly the Shining Fly,
which fhines in the Night like a Glow-worm;
and where there are many of them in a Thicket,
they appear in the Night like fo many Sparks
of Fire.

They have Sees alfo, and confequently Hony
and Wax. ‘The Bees are of two forts; the one
fhort and thick, and its Colour inclining to Red;
the other blackifh, long andflender. They neft
on the tops and in the holes of Trees; which
the J/udians climb, and thruft their Arms into
their Neit, to get the Combs. Their Arms will
be cover’d with Bees, upon their drawing them
back; yet I never perceiv’d they were {tung by
them: And I have had many of them at a time
upon my naked Body, with-[123]out being
{tung; fo that I] have been inclin’d to think

WAFER’S DARIEN 125

they have no Stings: But that’s a thing I never
examin’d. The /udians fometimes burn down
the Trees to get at the Combs, efpecially if they
be high and difficult to climb. The Hony they
mix with Water, and drink it: But they make
no ufe of the Wax, that ever I faw; ufing for
Candles a fort of light Wood, which they keep
in their Houfes for that purpofe.

They have Ants with Wings, large and long,
as well as thofe which are Reptile only. They
raife Hillocks like ours: They {ting, and are
very troublefome; efpecially when they get into
the Houfes, as they frequently do. They
{warm up and down the Saméalloes and the other
Neighbouring Ifles, as well as on the //hmus it
felf; and there is no lying down to Reft on any
piece of Ground where they are. Neither do
the /ndians care to tie their Hammocks to any
Trees near the Ant-hills; for the Ants would
climb up fuch Trees, and foon get into their
Hammocks.

Flony.

Ants.

Sea-fifh.

Tarpom.

Sharks.

Dog-fith.
Cavally.

126 WAFER’S DARIEN

[124] Of the Fifh.

HE North-Sea Coaft, as I intimated, abounds
iT in Fifh, and has great variety of them.
Thofe which I have had the opportunity

of feeing, are chiefly thefe:

The Zarpom, which is a large and firm Fifh,
eating in Flakes like Salmon or Cod. They are
fome of 50 or 60 Pound weight and upwards.
One of them afforded a good Dinner once to
about ten of us, as we were cruifing towards the
Coaft of Cartagene; befide a good quantity of Oil
we got out of the Fat.

Sharks are alfo found in thefe Seas; tho’ not
fo commonly about the Samballoes, as on other
of the We/t-India Coatts.

There is a Fifh there like the Shark, but
much fmaller and fweeter Meat. Its Mouth is
alfo longer and narrower than the Sharks;
neither has he more than one Row of Teeth.
Our Seamen us’d to call this the Dog-ji/h.

[125] The Cavally is found among the Sambal-
loes. ’Tisafmall Fifh, clean, long and flender,
much about the fize of a Macarel; a very fine
lively Fifh, with a bright, large Eye; and 'tis
very good Meat, moift and well-tafted.

WAFER’S DARIEN 127

Old-wives, which is a flat kind of Fifh, and
good Meat, are there alfo.

They have Paracoods alfo, which are a long
and round Fifh, about as large as a well-grown
Pike, but ufually much longer. They are gen-
erally very good Meat; and here efpecially:
But there are fome particular Banks off at Sea,
where you can take no Paracoods but what are
poifonous. Whether it be from fome particular
Feed they have there, or from what other Caufe,
I know not; but I have known feveral Men
poifon'd with them, to that degree as to have
their Hair and Nails come off; and fome have
died with eating them. The Antidote for this
is faid to be the Back-bone of the Fifh, dried and
beaten to a Powder, and given in any Liquor.
I can’t vouch for the Succefs of this my felf;
but feveral have told me, That they have us’d
it themfelves, [126] when they have found
themfelves fick with eating any Paracood; but
that upon taking the Bone thus powder’d, they
have found no other ill Effect, but only a Num-
mednefs in their Limbs, and a Weaknefs for
fome time after. Some will pretend to diftin-
guifh a poifonous Paracood from a wholefome
one, by the Liver; which as foon as they have
taken the Fifh, they pull out and taft. If it
tait fweet, they drefs and eat the Fifh without
any Fear; but if the Liver be bitter, or bite the
Tongue like Pepper, they conclude the Fifh to
be naught, and throw it away.

There is another fort of Fifh on the North-
Sea Coaft, which our Sea-men call Gar-fith:
Some of them are near two Foot long. They

Old-wives.

Paracoods.

Gar-fith,

Sculpins.

Sting-rays,
Parrot-fifh,
Snooks,
Conger-
Eels, &c.

Shell-fifh.
Conchs.

128 WAFERS DARIEN

have a long Bone on the Snout, of about a 3d
part the length of the Body; and ’tis very fharp
at the end. They will glide along the Surface
of the Water as {wift as a Swallow, gliding thus
on the Surface, and leaping out of the Water,
alternately, 30 or 40 times together. They
move with such a Force, that, as I have been
inform’d, they will run their Snout through the
[127] fide of a Canoa; and ’tis dangerous fora
Man who is Swimming to meet with them, left
they {trike through him. The Back-bone looks
blewifh, of a Colour towards a Saphire. The
Flefh is very good Meat.

There are Sculpins alfo, a Fifh about a Foot
long, with Prickles all about him: They {trip
them of their prickly Skin, and then drefs them.
They are very good Meat.

There are in the North-Sea many other Fifh
befide thefe, as Stzng-rays, Parrot-fifh, Snooks,
Conger-Eels, &c. and many others, probably,
that I have neither feen nor heard of; for ’tis a
Sea very well {tor’d with Fifh.

Of Shell-fifh, there are Conchs all along the
Samballoes in abundance. Their Shells are very
large, winding within like a Snail-fhell; the
Mouth of the Shell is flat, and very wide, pro-
portionably to the bignefs of the Shell. The
Colour of it within is like Mother of Pearl; but
without, ’tis courfe and rugged. The Fifh is
flimy, the out-parts of it efpecially, and muift
therefore be fcour’d with Sand before 'tis
drefs’d for Eating. But within, the Sub{tance
is hard and tough; for [128] which Reafon they
beat them after they have fcour’d the out-fide:

WAFER’S DARIEN 129

But when they have been thus managed, they
are a very {weet and good Fifh.

There are Periwinkle’s good {tore among the
Rocks; which are alfo good Meat. We pick
them out of the Shells with Pins.

The Limpzts alfo {tick to the Rocks hereabouts;
and are rather better Meat than the other.

There are no Oy{ters nor Lobfters on the
Coait of the [/hmus; but a few Crabs: and a
fort of Craw-fifh among the Rocks of the Samdéal-
Joes, as large as {mall Lobfters, but wanting the
two great Claws. Thefe laft are very delicious
Meat; but the Sea-Crabs are not very good.

‘here, are Pith inthe (Rivers) alfo) of) the
L[fthmus; but Il am not acquainted with many of
the kinds of them.

There is one fort like our Roach, blackifh
and very bony, in length about a Foot, very
{weet, firm, and well-tafted.

There is another Fifh in fhape like the Para-
cood, but much fmaller, and a very good Fifth.

[129] There is a Fifh like our Pike or Jack
for Shape; but not above 8 or 10 Inches long.
His Mouth is fomewhat like a Rabbits, his
Teeth a little way within: His Lips are Cartila-
ginous. ’Tis a very good Fifh.

What other Fifh their Rivers yield, I know
not; for I took no very particular notice even of
thefe.

But I was more obferving of the /udians man-
ner of /7z/hing, at which they are very expert,
and manage it differently, according to the Place
where they Fifh. In the Rivers Mouths, and
upon the Sea-Coafts, in Sandy-bays where there

Pertwin-
kles.

Limpits.

Sea-Crabs.

Craw-fish.

Frefh-water
Fifth.

Anonymous.

Manner of
Fifhing.

Drefifing
their Fifh.

Salt, how
made.

130 WAFERS DARIEN

are no Rocks, they ufe Nets like our Drag-nets,
made of Maho-bark, or Silk-grafs; which they
carry out in their Canoa’s. But in the Hill-
Country, where the Streams are clear, and the
Banks in many places Rocky, they go along the
Banks up the River, looking narrowly into the
Water to view the Fifh. When they {py any
to their Mind, they leap into the Water, and
wade or fwim up and down after them; and if
the Fifh, through the Fright, betake themfelves
into the holes in the Banks for Shelter, as they
[130] frequently do, the /udians feel them out
with their Hands and take them thence, as we
do Chubs or Craw-fifh in our Rivers. By Night
they bring with them Torches of Light-wood,
and with thefe they {py out the Fifh, and fo
jump in, and purfue them into their Holes.

For drefing their Fifh; they firft gut them,
and then either boil them in an Earthen Pot, or
elfe barbecue or broil them.

For Salt, they have it out of the Sea-water;
which they boil up and evaporate in Earthen
Pots, till the Salt is left in a Cake at the bottom,
which they take out and break in pieces for ufe:
But as this is a tedious way, fo they have but
little, and are very choice and{paring of it.*
They don’t falt their Fifh for keeping; but
when they eat it, they boil abundance of Pepper
with it, as they do with every thing elfe. But
their Cookery I fhall fpeak of elfewhere.

* Much of the salt used by the inhabitants of the isthmus
is still obtained by this method.—V. R.

WAFER’S DARIEN 131

[131] Of the Indian Inhabitants; their Man-
ners, Cuftoms, &c.

HE /ndian Inhabitants of the //hmus are

i, not very numerous, but they live thickeft

on the North-fide, efpecially along the

fides of Rivers. The wild Juazans of the South-

fide live moft towards Peru: But there are

Indians {catter’d up and down all parts of the
Lfthmus.

The fize of the Men is ufually about 5 or 6
Foot. They are ftreight and clean-limb’d,
big’d-bon’d, full-breafted, and handfomly
fhap’d. I never faw among them a crooked or
deformed Perfon. They are very nimble and
active, running very well. But the Women are
fhort and thick, and not fo lively asthe Men.
The young Women are very plump and fat,
well-fhap’d; and havea brisk Eye. The elder
Women are very ordinary; their Bellies and
Breaits [132] being penfile and wrinkled. Both
Men and Women are of a round Vifage, with
fhort bottle Nofes, their Eyes large, generally
grey, yet lively and fparking when young.
They have a high Forehead, white even Teeth,
thin Lips, and Mouth moderately large. Their
Cheeks and Chin are well proportion’d; and in

Indian
Inhabitants.

Their
Stature.

Shape.

Features.

Hair.

Combs of
Macaw-
fticks.

132 WAFER’S DARIEN

general they are handfomly featur’d, but the
Men more than the Women.

Both Sexes have {treight, long, black Hair,
lank, courfe and {trong, which they wear ufually
down to the middle of the Back, or lower, hang-
ing loofe at its full length; only the Women tie
it together with a String juft behind the Head,
below which it flows loofe as the Mens. Both
Men and Women pride themfelves much in the
length of the Hair of the Head; and they fre-
quently part it with their Fingers, to keep it
difentangled; or comb it out with a fort of
Combs they make of Macaw-wood. ‘This Comb
is made of feveral {mall Sticks, of about 5 or 6
Inches long, and tapering to a point at each end
like our Glovers Sticks. Thefe being tied 10
or 12 of them together about [133] the middle
where they are thick, the Extremities of them
both ways open from each other, and ferve at
either end for a Comb: which does well enough
to part the Hair; but they are forc’d to ufe
their Fingers to fetch the Lice out of their
Heads. They take great delight in Combing
their Hair, and will do it for an Hour together.
All other Hair, except that of their Eye-brows
and Hye-lids, they eradicate: For tho’ the Men
have Beards if they would let them grow, yet
they always have them rooted out: And the
Women are the Operators for all this Work;
ufing two little Sticks for that purpofe, between
which they pinch the Hair, and pluck it up.
But the Men upon fome occafions cut off the
Hair even of their Heads, it being a Cuftom
they have to do fo by way of Triumph, and as

WAFER’S DARIEN 133

a diftinguifhing Mark of Honour to him who
has kill’d a Spaniard, or other Enemy. He alfo
then paints himfelf black (which is not ufual
upon any other occafion) continuing painted of
this Colour till the firft New-moon (as I remem-
ber) after the Fact is done.

[134] Their Natural Complexion is a Copper-
colour, or Orange-tawney; and their Eye-brows
are naturally black as Jet. They ufe no Art to
deepen the Colour either of their Eye-brows, or
the Hair of their Head; but they daub it with
Oil to make it fhine; for like other /udians they
anoint themfelves all over, whether for Beauty to
make the Skin fmooth and fleek, or to fupple it
and keep it from parching, or to hinder too much
Perfpiration in this hot Country, I know not.

There is one Complexion fo fingular, among
a fort of People of this Country, that I never
faw nor heard of any like them in any part of
the World. The Account will feem ftrange,
but any Privateers who have gone over the
Ifthmus mutt have feen them, and can atteft the
main of what I am going to relate; tho’ few
have had the opportunity of fo particular an
Information about thefe People as I have had.

They are White, and there are of them of
both Sexes; yet there are but few of them in
comparifon of the Copper-colour’d, poffibly but
one to [135] two or three hundred. They differ
from the other J/udians chiefly in refpect of
Colour, tho’ not in that only. Their Skins are
not of fuch a White as thofe of fair People
among Europeans, with fome tincture of a Blufh
or Sanguine Complexion; neither yet is their

Complexion.

Anointing
themselves.

White
Indians.

Milk-white
Skins [i. e.,
Albinos],

Down,

and Hair.

Smaller than
the other
Indians.

Moon-ey’d.

134 WAFER’S DARIEN

Complexion like that of our paler People, but 'tis
rather a Milk-white, lighter than the Colour of
any Europeans, and much like that of a white
Horfe.

For there is this further remarkable in them,
that their Bodies are befet all over, more or lefs,
with a fine fhort Milk-white Down, which adds
to the whitenefs of their Skins: For they are
not fo thick fet with this Down, efpecially on
the Cheeks and Forehead, but that the Skin
appears diftinct from it. The Men would prob-
ably have white Briftles for Beards, did they
not prevent them by their Cuftom of plucking
the young Beard up by the Roots continually:
But for the Down all over their Bodies, they
never try to get rid of it. Their Eye-brows are
Milk-white alfo, and fo is the Hair of their
Heads, and very fine withal, about the length
of fix or [136] eight Inches, and inclining toa
Curl.

They are not fo big as the other /zdzans; and
what is yet more {trange, their Eye-lids bend
and open in an oblong Figure, pointing down-
ward at the Corners, and forming an Arch or
Figure of a Crefcent with the Points down-
wards. From hence, and from their feeing fo
clear as they do in a Moon-fhiny night, we us’d
to call them Moon-ey'd. For they fee not very
well in the Sun, poring in the cleareft Day;
their Eyes being but weak, and running with
Water if the Sun fhine towards them; fo that
in the Day-time they care not to go abroad, |
unlefs it be a cloudy dark Day. Befides they
are but a weak People in comparifon of the

WAFER’S DARIEN 135

other, and not very fit for Hunting or other
laborious Exercife, nor do they delight in any
fuch. But notwithftanding their being thus
fluggifh and dull and reftive in the Day-time,
yet when Moon-fhiny nights come, they are all
Life and Activity, running abroad, and into the
Woods, skipping about like Wild-Bucks; and
running as faft by Moon-light, even in the
Gloom [137] and Shade of the Woods, as the
other /udians by Day, being as nimble as they,
tho’ not fo {trong and lufty.

The Copper-colour’d Jndians feem not to
re{fpect thefe fo much as thofe of their own
Complexion, looking on them as fomewhat
moniftrous. They are not a diftinct Race by
themfelves, but now and then one iis bred of a
Copper-colour’d Father and Mother; and I have
feen a Child of lefs than a Year old of this fort.
Some would be apt to fufpecdt they might be
the Off-fpring of fome European Father: But
-befides that the Europeans come little here, and
have little Commerce with the J/zdzan-women
when they do come, thefe white People are as
different from the Europeans in fome refpedcts,
as from the Copper-colour’d /xdzans in others.
And befides, where an European lies with an
Indian-woman, the Child is always a Mo/fe/e, or
Tawney, as is well known to all who have been
in the West-Indies; where there are Mo/efa’s,
Mulatto’s, &c. of feveral Gradations between the
White, and the Black or Copper-colour’d,
according as the Parents are; even to Decom-
pounds, as a Mu-[138]/atto-Fina, the Child of a
_ Mulatto-man, and Moftefa-women, &c.

Active by
Moon fhine.

Of Copper-
colour’d
Parents,

and Parents
of fuch.

Painting
their Bodies
and Faces.

Women-
Painters.

Pricking the
Skin.

136 WAFER’S DARIEN

But neither is the Child of a Man and Woman
of thefe white J/zdians, white like the Parents,
but Copper-colour’d as ¢heiy Parents were. For
fo Lacenta told me, and gave me this as his Con-
jecture how thefe came to be White, That ’twas
through the force of the Mother’s Imagination,
looking on the Moon at the time of Conception;
but this I leave others to judge of. He told me
withal, that they were but fhort-liv’d.

Both thefe and the Copper-colour’d J/ndians
ufe painting their Bodies, even of the Sucking
Children fometimes. They make Figures of
Birds, Beafts, Men, Trees, or the like, up and
down in every part of the Body, more efpecially
the Face: But the Figures are not extraordinary
like what they reprefent, and are of differing
Dimenfions, as their Fancies lead them.

The Women are the Painters, and take a great
delight in it. The Colours they like and ufe
moit are Red, Yellow and Blue, very bright and
lovely. They temper them with fome [139]
kind of Oil, and keep them in Calabafhes for ufe;
and ordinarily lay them on the Surface of the
Skin with Pencils of Wood, gnaw’d at the end
to the foftnefs of a Brufh. So laid on, they will
laft fome Weeks, and are renew’d continually.
This way they painted me.

But finer Figures, efpecially by their greater
Artif{ts, are imprinted deeper, after this manner.
They firft with the Brufh and Colour make a
rough Draught of the Figure they defign; then
they prick all over with a fharp Thorn till the
Blood gufhes out; then they rub the place with
their Hands, fir{ft dipp’d in the Colour they

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WAFERS DARIEN 137

defign; and the Picture fo made is indelible:
But fcarce one in forty of them is painted this
way.

One of my Companions defired me once to
get out of his Cheek one of thefe imprinted
Pictures, which was made by the Wegroes, his
Name was Bullman; which yet I could not
effectually do, after much fcearifying and fetch-
ing off a great part of the Skin. The Men,
when they go to War, paint the Faces all over
with Red; and the Shouldiers, Breaft, and the
[140] reft of the Bodies, here with Black, and
there with Yellow, or any other Colour at pleaf-
ure, in large Spots; all which they wath off at
Night in the River before they go to fleep.

They wear no Cloaths, ordinarily; but only
the Women have a Clout or piece of Cloth about
their middle, tied behind with a Thread, and
hanging down to their Knees; or Ankles, if
they can get one large enough. They make
thefe of Cotton; but fometimes they meet with
fome old Cloaths got by trucking with their
Neighbour /udians fubject to the Spaniards; and
thefe they are very proud of. Mr. Dampier
relates how we prevail’d with a morofe /ndian,
by prefenting his Wife with a Sky-colour’d
Petticoat: And nothing will oblige the Women
more than to give them Cloaths, efpecially of
Gaudy Colours.*
from the old Indian at whose house the party stopped on the
third day’s march: ‘‘ At first he seemed to be very dubious in
entertaining any discourse with us, and gave very impertinent

answers to the questions that we demanded of him; he told
us that he knew no way to the North side. . . . Wecould

Womens
Garb.

Men naked.

Conick
Veffel.

Modefty of
both Sexes.

138 WAFERS DARIEN

The Men go ordinarily quite naked, without
fo much as a Clout about them, which few other
Indians are without. But thefe have only a
{mall Veffel of Gold or Silver, if they are able,
or at leaft a piece of Plantain-Leaf, of a Conick
Figure, like the [141] Extinguifher of a Candle.
They forceably bear back the Fenzs within its
own Tegument, clofe tothe Pubes; andthey keep
it there with this Funnel tied hard upon it, with
a String coming from it, and going about their
Waifts. They leave the Scrotum expos’d, hav-
ing no Senfe of Shame with reference to that,
as they have with refpect to the Penzs, which
they never fhew uncover’d: But the Men will
turn away their Faces even from one another,
if by any accident it be uncover’d; and when
they would make Water, they turn their Backs
to their Companions, and fquatting down, flip
off the Funnel with one Hand, and having done,
put it on again very nimbly. When they would
go to Stool, they choofe always to go into the

get no other answer from him, and all his discourse was in
such an angry tone as plainly declared he was not our friend.
However, we were forced to make a virtue of necessity, and
humour him, for it was neither time nor place to be angry
with the Indians; all our lives lying in their hand.

‘‘ We were now ata great loss, not knowing what course to
take, for we tempted him with Beads, Money, Hatchets,
Macheats, or long Knives; but nothing would work on him,
till one of our men took a Sky-coloured Petticoat out of
his bag and putit on his wife; who was so much pleased
with the Present, that she immediately began to chatter to
her Husband, and soon brought him into better humour. He
could then tell us that he knew the way to the North side, and
would have gone with us, but that he had cut his foot 2 days
before, which made him uncapable of serving us himself: But
he would take care that we should not want a guide.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 139

River, both Men and Women; having a great
Senfe of Shame as to that particular: And in
general, they are both a modeft and a cleanly
People.

Yet the Men alfo have a value for Cloaths;
and if any of them had an old Shirt given him
by any of us, he would be fure to wear it, and
{trut about at no ordinary rate. Befides [142]
this, they have a fort of long Cotton Garments
of their own, fome white, others of a rufty
black, fhap’d like our Carter’s Frocks, hanging
down to their Heels, with a Fringe of the fame
of Cotton about a Span long, and fhort, wide,
open Sleeves, reaching but to the middle of
thei | Anms.*/)))\Thete Garments) they) put) on
over their Heads; but they are worn only on
fome great Occafions, as attending the King or
Chief, either at a Feaft, a Wedding efpecially;
or fitting in Council, or the like. They don’t
march in them: But the Women carry thefe and
their other Ornaments in Baskets after them;
which they put on when they come to the Place
of Affembly, and there make themfelves as fine
asthey can. When they are thus affembled, they

* Ringrose, p. 7, says that the ‘‘ King or chief Captain of
these Indians of Darien,’’ who visited the buccaneers on their
way across to attack Santa Maria, ‘‘ was covered with a thin
white cotton robe, reaching unto the small of his legs, and
round its bottom a fringe of the same three inches deep. So
that by the length of this Robe, our sight was impeded, that
we could see no higher than his naked Ankles. In his hand
he had a long bright Lance, as sharp as any knife. With him
he had three Sons, each of them having a white Robe, and
their Lances in their hands, but standing bare-headed before
him; as also were eight or nine persons more of his Retinue,
or Guard.’’ His crown is described in the note on page 142.

The Men’s
Robes, on
particular
Occafions.

Plates hang-
ing over the
Mouth.

140 WAFER’S DARIEN

will fometimes walk about the Place or Planta-
tion where they are, with thefe their Robes on:
And I once faw Lacenta thus walking about
with 2 or 300 of thefe attending him, as if he
was muftering them: And I took notice that
thofe in the black Gowns walk’d before him,
and the white after him, each having their
Launces of the fame colour with their Robes.
[143] For an Ornament to the Face, befide
their general painting and daubing their Cheeks
with Red when they go to War, the Men wear
at all times a piece of Plate hanging over their
Mouths, generally of Silver, but the principal
Men have it of Gold. ’Tis of an Oval Figure,
covering the Mouth from corner to corner; and
this is the length of it. It reaches fo low as to
ly upon the Under-lip with its loweft fide; and
there is a piece cut out of the upper fide, near
the Extremity of it; which Edge being cut
afunder, the whole Plate is like the Figure of a
Half-moon, only inclining more to an Oval; and
gently pinching the Bridle of the Nofe with its
Points, it hangs dangling from thence. It isin
the middle of about the thicknefs of a Guinea;
but grows thinner gradually towards the Edge.
The Plates of this fize are fuch as they ufe when
they go to a Feaft or Council: But that which
they wear abroad upon a long March, Hunting,
or at ordinary times, is of the fame Shape, but
much fmaller, and does not cover their Lips.
Such an one I wore among them of Gold.*

* Davis, in the second edition, p. 276, describes the Indians
who accompanied him across the Isthmus as being about a
hundred, ‘‘ brisk young Fellows, each of them having two

WAFER’S DARIEN 141

[144] Inftead of this Plate, the Women wear
a Ring hanging down in the fame manner; and
the Metal and Size alfo differing according to
their Rank, and the Occafion. The larger fort
is of the thicknefs of a Goofe-quill; and not
Oval, as the Mens Plates, but Circular. It goes
through the Bridle of the Nofe; which many
times, by its weight and long ufe, efpecially in
Elder Women, it brings down to the Mouth.

Both Men and Women, at folemn Meals or
Feafts, when they wear their larger Plates or
Rings, take them out, and lay them afide till
they have done Eating; when rubbing them
very clean and bright, they put them in again.
At other times, when they eat or drink, they
content themfelves with lifting up with the left
Hand, if need be, the {mall Plates or Rings they
then wear, (and the Womens Rings are feldom
fo {mall but they lie upon the Lips) while they
ufe their right Hand in taking up the Cup or
feeding themfelves. And by the way, they
always make the chief ufe of their Right Hands:
And I never perceiv’d a Left-handed [145] Per-
fon among them. Neither the Plates nor Rings
hinder much their Speaking, tho’ they lie bob-
bing upon their Lips.

The King or Chief, and fome few of the great
ones, at extraordinary times, wear in each Ear,

Lances, two Bows, and about twenty Arrows. They are all
naked, having long black Hair hanging down to their Wastes,
and a Horn which they put their Yards into, ty’d with a String,
and a very large piece of Gold, with a Ring in the shape of
half Moon, reaching from Ear to Ear, and a Hole in their
Nose, into which the Ring goes.’’ These rings are illustrated
in the plate at p. 137.

The
Women’s
Nofe-rings.

None of
them Left-
handed.

Ear-
pendants.

Diadems of
Gold,

and of Canes
& Feathers.

142 WAFER’S DARIEN

faftned to a Ring there, two large Gold Plates,
one hanging before to the Breaft, and the other
behind on the Shoulder. They are about a
Span long, of an Heart fafhion (as that is com-
monly painted) with the Point downward;
having on the upper part a narrow Plate or
Label, about three or four Inches long, by an
hole in which it hangs to the Ring in the Ear.
It wears great holes in the Ears by frequent ufe.

I once faw Lacenta, in a great Council, wear
a Diadem of Gold-plate, like a Band about his
Head, eight or nine Inches broad, jagged at top
like the Teeth of a Saw, and lined on the infide
with a Net-work of fmall Canes.* And all the
armed Men, who then attended him in Council,
wore on their Heads fuch a Band, but like a
Basket of Canes, and fo jagged, wrought fine,
and painted very hand-[146]fomely, for the
moft part red; but not cover’d over with a
Gold-plate as Lacenta’s was. ‘The top of thefe
was fet round with long Feathers, of feveral of
the moft beautiful Birds, {tuck upright in a

*Ringrose, p. 6, describing the ‘‘ King’’ of Darien, who
visited the buccaneers while they were on their way to attack
Santa Maria, says: ‘‘ His Crown was made of small white reeds,
which were curiously woven, having no other top than its
lining, which was red silk. Round about the middle of it was
a thin plate of gold, more than two inches broad, laced behind;
from whence did stick two or three Ostrich feathers. About
this plate went also a row of golden beads, which were bigger
than ordinary pease [i.e., peas]; underneath which the red
lining of the crown was seen. In his nose he wore a large
plate of gold, in form of an half Moon; and in each ear a great
golden Ring, nigh four inches in diameter, with a round thin
plate of Gold of the same breadth, having a small hole in the
center, and by that hanging to the ring.”’

WAFER’S DARIEN 143

Ring or Crown: But Lacenta had no Feathers
on his Diadem.

Befide thefe particular Ornaments there are
yet other general ones, which they all wear,
Men, Women, and Children of feven or eight
Years old, in proportion to their Age. Thefe
are feveral Strings or Chains of Teeth, Shells,
Beads, or the like, hanging from the Neck
down upon the Brea{t, and to the pit of the
Stomach. The Teeth-chains are curiously
made with Teeth jagged like a Saw in feveral
Rows, fo contriv’d as that the Prominencies of
the one Row may lie in the Notches of the
other, and look like one folid Mafs of Bone.
This was worn only by Lacenta, and fome few
of the principal Men, on particular Occafions;
and they put them on over the reft of their
Beads. We us’d to call thefe, Tygers-teeth,
though I know not for what Reafon; for I never
faw any fuch Creature [147] there: Yet I have
been inform’d there are Tygers on this Conti-
nent. Someofour Men whocrofs’d the //hmus,
told me, they kill’d one there; and at another
time, when we went over with Capt. Sharp, fome
of the Men faid they faw a Tyger, who ftood at
a {mall diftance, and ftar’'d upon them. I have
heard alfo that there is a fmall fort, but very
fierce, in the Bay of Campechy.

But for the reft of them, both Men and
Women, they wear not any Teeth, but only a
few fcattering fometimes here and there in the
Chains, among the reft of the Baubles. Each
of them has, it may be, about the Neck 3 or 400
Strings of Beads, Shells, or the like, but thefe

Chains of
Beads, &-c.

their great
Mens.

Tygers-
teeth.

Tygers on
the Z2imus.

The Chains
how made;

Their great
Weight;

when worn.

144 WAFER’S DARIEN

divided into 7 or 8 Ranks; and the Strings of
each, by being turn’d a little about one another,
make, as it were, fo many Ropes of them.
Thefe hang ufually one below another, yet in
no great order; and the Women generally have
theirs hanging all on a Heap or Clufter. What-
ever Bugles* or other fuch Toys they get, they
find a place for them among their Chains; which
the heavier they be, the more [148] ornamental.
She is a poor Woman who has not fifteen or
twenty Pound weight upon her; fome have
thirty or more; and the Men have commonly
near twice as much in weight as the Women,
according as their Strength is, and their Ability
to compafs them.

When they are in the Houfe, or on Hunting,
or going to War, they wear none of thefe
Chains; but only when they would appear in
State, upon occafion of a Feaft, Wedding,
Council, or the like. As they go to the place
of Rendezvous, the Women carry them for
them, as they do their other Trinkets, in Baf-
kets; one at each end of a Pole laid acrofs the
Shoulder. When they come to the place, they
put them on, and walk about; and fometimes
will dance in them; till with the Motion and
Weight they Sweat extreamly. When they fit
down to eat, they take them off till they have
done.

The Children have only a few {mall Chains;
and a String or two of Beads or Bugles they
will put upon their very Infants. And the
Women, befides thefe Chains, have fometimes

* Long black glass beads.

WAFER’S DARIEN 145

[149] Bracelets about their Arms, of a {mall
quantity of the fame Materials twifted feveral
times about. Both Men and Women, when
painted, and fet out with all thefe Fineries,
make no ordinary Figure.

Their Houfes lie moftly thin and fcattering,
e{pecially in New Plantations, and always by a
River-fide. But in fome Places there are a
pretty many together, fo as to make a Town or
Village; yet not ftanding clofe or orderly, in
Rows or Streets, but difpers’d here and there,
like our Villages on Commons, or in Woodlands.
They have Plantations lying about them, fome
at a nearer, others at a greater diftance; referv-
ing {tilla Place to build the common War-houfe
on. They change not their Seats or Houfes,
unlefs either for fear of the Neighbouring
Spaniards, if they think them too much ac-
quainted with the place of their Abode; or to
mend their Commons, when the Ground is worn
out of Heart; for they never manure not.

In building, they lay no Foundations, only
dig Holes two or three Feet afunder; in which
they fet fmall [150] Pofts upright, of an equal
heighth, of 6, 7, or 8 Foot high. The Walls
are walled up with Sticks, and daub’d over with
Barth: And from thefe Walls the Roof runs up
in {mall Rafters, meeting in a Ridge, and cover’d
with Leaves of fome Trees of the Palm kind.

The Building is all irregular. The Length
‘is about 24 or 25 Foot; the Breadth proportion-
able. There is no Chimney, but the Fire is
made in the middle of the Houfe, on the
Ground; the Smoke going out at a hole on the

Womens
Bracelets of
the fame.

Their
Houfes;

and how
feated,

and built.

The War
houfes or
Forts.

146 IVAFER’S DARIEN

top, or at Crevifes in the Thatch. The Houfe
is not fo much parted into Rooms, as all of ita
Clufter of Hovels, joining together into one
Houfe. No Stories, no Doors, nor Shelves;
nor other Seats, than Logs of Wood. Every
one of the Family has a Hammock tied up,
hanging from end to end of the Hovel or Room.

Several Houfes in a Village or Neighbour-
hood, have one War-houfe or Fort in common
to them; which is generally at leaft 120 or 130
Foot long, about 25 broad, the Wall about g or
10 Foot high; and in all to the top of the Ridge
about 20 Foot; [151] and cover’d with Leaves
as their other Houfes. The Materials and
Method of Building are alfo much the fame as
in the other Houfes; but there are no Parti-
tions. The Sides and Ends of thefe War-houfes
are full of Holes, each about as wide as ones
Fift; but made here and there at Random, in
no regular Figure or Order. Out of thefe they
view an approaching Enemy, and fhoot their
Arrows. They have no way of flanking an
Enemy. Thefe Houfes are always feated ona
Level, on the Nap or Edge of a gentle Hill;
and they clear the Coaft of Woods and Shrubs,
for a Bows-fhoot quite round it. There is a
Door-way at each end; and to Barricado it, a
fort of Door made of Macaw-wood and Bamboes,
both fplit and bound together with Withs; ’tis
about a Foot thick: This they have ready to fet
up again{ft an Enemies entrance; and two or
three Pofts in the Ground to fupport it. ‘Tisa
great Inconvenience of thefe Forts that they are
eafily fet a Fire; and the Sfanzards fhoot into

WAFER’S DARIEN 147

the Thatch Arrows with long Shanks made red
hots for that) purpote: ))\(Uhere'is') ufually’ a
Family [152] of Jxdzans living in the War-houfe,
as a Guard to it, and to keep it clean: And they
are always kept pretty neat, as their private
Houfes alfo are. The War-houfes ferve them
alfo to hold their Councils, or other general
Meetings.

In the Plantations, among their Houfes, they
fet fo much of Plantains, Maiz, or the like, as
ferves their Occafions. The Country being all
a Forett, the firft thing of their Husbandry is
ufually to cut down the Trees, and clear a piece
of Ground. They often let the Trees lie along
on the Place 3 or 4 Years after they are cut down;
and then fet fire to them and the Underwood or
Stumps, burning all together. Yet in the mean
time they plant Maiz among the Trees as they
lie. So much of the Roots of the Trees as are
under Ground, they fuffer to lie there and rot,
having no way to grub them up. When the
Ground is pretty clear, they how [i.e., hoe] it
up into little Ridges and Hillocks; but in no
very good Form nor regular Diftance. In each
of thefe Hillocks they make a hole with their
Fingers, and throw in 2 or 3 Grains [153] of
Maiz, as we do Garden-beans; covering it up
with Earth. The Seed-time is about Aprz/; the
Harvett about September or Oltober. They pluck
off the Ears of the Maiz with their Hands, as is
ufual alfo elfewhere: And tho’ I was not there
in their Harve{t-time, yet I faw the Maiz of the
preceding Harveft laid up in the Husk in their
Houfes. Inftead of Threfhing, they rub off

Plantations
and Husban-
dry.

Maiz-flower
[i. e., flour,
or corn-
meal].

Corn-
Drink ; *

how fer-
mented.

148 WAFER’S DARIEN

the Grain. They make no Bread of it, nor
Cakes, but ufe the Flower on many Occafions;
parching the Corn, and grinding it between two
Stones, as Chocolate is made. One ufe they
put the Flower to is to mix it with Water
ina) Calabathy) and imowdrinky it Jot which
they do frequently when they Travel, and
have not leifure to get other Provifions. This
mixture they call Chicha, which I think fignifies
Maiz.

They make a Drink alfo of their Maiz, which
they call Chichah Co-pah; for Co-pah fignifies
Drink. They {fteep in a Trough of Water a
quantity of Maiz bruifed, about 20 or 30 Bufh-
els, if it be again{ft a Feaft or Wedding; letting
it lie fo long till the [154] Water is impregnated
with the Corn, and begins to turn four. Then
the Women, ufually fome old Women, who
have little elfe to do, come together, and chew
Grains of Maiz in their Mouths, which they
spit out each into a Gourd or Calabafh: And
when they think they have a fufficient quantity
of this Spittle and Maiz in the Calabafhes, they
empty them into the Trough of Water, after
having firft taken out the Maiz that was infus’d
in it; and this ferves inftead of Barm or Yeatt,
fetting all the Trough of Liquor in a {mall Fer-
ment. When it has done working, they draw
it off clean from the Sediment into another
Trough, and then ’tis ready for ufe. It tafts
like four fmall Beer, yet ’tis very intoxicating.
They drink large Quantities of it, and are very
fond of it: It makes them belch very much.

* Davis calls this Chztty.

WAFERS DARIEN 149

This is their choice Drink; for ordinarily they
drink plain Water or Mzflaw.

Mifaw is a Drink made of ripe Plantains:
There is of two forts, one made of Plantains
frefh-gather’d, the other of dry ones. The
former they roaft in its Cod, which peeling off,
[155] they put the Plantain into a Calabafh of
Water, and mafh it with their Hands, till ’tis
all diffolved; and then they drink it up with the
Water. The other is made of Cakes or Lumps
of Plantain dried; for the Plantains when ripe
and gather’d, will not keep, but quickly grow
Totten! 1 lett im) the, Codi) fo preferve: then:
therefore, they make a Mafs of the Pulp ofa
great many ripe Plantains, which they dry with
a gentle Fire upon a Barbecue or Grate of
Sticks, made like a Grid-iron. This Lump they
keep for ufe, breaking off a piece of it when
they pleafe, and mafhing it in Water for M/z/law.
They carry a Lump of Plantain with them for
this end whenever they travel; efpecially into
Places where they can’t hope to get ripe Plan-
tains, tho’ they prefer the dried ones. Green
and half-ripe ones they eat inftead of Bread
with Flefh; but they boil them firft. They do
the fame with their Yams and Potato’s, which
they fometimes roaift; as alfo the Caffava-root:
And their Plantations are never without fome
or other of thefe, and ufually in good plenty;
e{pecially the old Plantations.

[156] I faw no Herbs or Sallading in their
Plantations, neither did I ever fee them eat any
kind of Herbs. But they never forget to have

* Called Wushlaw by Davis, and Mzscelaw by Sharp.

Miflaw of
Plantains.*

Women,
Planters.

The
Womens
Drudgery
voluntary.

Their good
Conditions;

150 WAFER’S DARIEN

in their Plantations fome of their beloved Pep-
per; and they ufually are pretty well ftor’d
with Pine-Apples, which they have very plen-
tiful, and eat of them every Day.

The Men firft clear the Plantations, and bring
them into order, but the Women have all the
trouble of them afterwards; the digging, howing,
planting, plucking the Maiz, and fetting Yams,
and every thing of Husbandry, is left to them,
but only the cutting down Trees, or fuch Work
that requires greater Strength. The Women
alfo have the managing Affairs within Doors,
for they are in general the Drudges of the
Family; efpecially the old Women, for fuch
Works as they are able to do, as Cooking, Wafh-
ing, and the like. And abroad alfo the Women
are to attend their Husbands, and do all their
Servile Work. Nay, they are little better than
their Pack-horfes, carrying all the Luggage of
their Houfhold-Utenfils, Victuals, &c. and when
they [157] come to the place where they are to
lodge, the Wife dreffes Supper, while the Man
hangs up the Hammocks; for each of them lies
in their own Hammock.

But notwith{tanding the Women are put thus
to all manner of Drudgery about the Houfe and
Plantations, and in Travelling abroad, and are
little better than Slaves to their Husbands; yet
they do their Work fo readily and cheerfully,
that it appears to be rather their own Choice
than any Neceffity laid upon them. They are
in general very good condition’d, pitiful and
courteous to one another, but efpecially to
Strangers; ready to give any juft attendance or

WAFER’S DARIEN 151

affiitance they can. They obferve their Huf-
bands with a profound Refpect and Duty upon
all occafions; and on the other fide their Huf-
bands are very kind and loving to them. I
never knew an /xdian beat his Wife, or give her
any hard Words: Nor even in the Quarrels
which they are wont to have in their Cups, do
they fhew any Roughnefs toward their Women
who attend them.

[158] Befide thefe Cares, the Women have
that which more immediately belongs to them,
the Care of their Children. When a Woman is
deliver’d of a Child, another Woman takes it in
her Arms within half an hour or lefs after ’tis
born, and takes the lying-in Woman upon her
Back, and goes with both of them into the River
and wafhesthem there. The Child for the firft
Month is tied upon a Board, or piece of Macaw-
wood fplit (for that ferves them ufually for
Boards, having no Saws) and this piece of Wood
is {wathed to the Back of the Child; and their
Children generally grow very ftreight. When
there is occafion to clean the Child, they take it
off from the Board, and wafh it with cold Water;
and then fwath it on again. The Mother takes
up the Child to give it Suck, Board and all, and
lays it down again in a little Hammock made
for that purpofe; the upper part of which is
kept open with fhort Sticks.

As the Children grow up, the Boys are bred
to their Fathers Exercifes; efpecially fhooting
with the Bow and Arrow, and throwing the
[159] Lance; at both which they are very expert.
I have feen Things perform’d by them with a

and their
Husbands.

Care of their
Children.

Lying-in.

Nurfing.

Education
of the Boys:

Their
Dexterity.

Indulgence.

Girls Em-
ployments.

152 WAFERS DARIEN

Dexterity almoft incredible: For Inftance, a
little Boy of about eight Years old, would fet a
Cane up on end, and going about twenty Paces
from it, would fplit it with a Bow and Arrow,
and not mifs once in feveral Effays. This I
have feen, and this is the chief of their Exer-
cife: And as they generally accompany their
Fathers on Hunting, (efpecially when about 10
or 12 years old, and big enough to carry their
own Provifion, and a Calabafh of Corn-drink) fo
they will fhoot little Birds they meet with, and
{trike in withthe Hunt. Their young Children
they never carry abroad with them on a Journey,
or on a hunting or fighting Expedition. The
Boys, when grown fomewhat big, always go
abroad with the Father and Mother, and do
what little Services they can; but the Girls {tay
at home with the old Women.

They feem very fond of their Children, both
Fathers and Mothers, and I have fcarce feen
them ufe any Severity towards them. And the
[160] Children are fuffer’d to divert themfelves
which way they will. Swimming in the Rivers
and catching Fifh, is a great Exercife even for
the {mall Boys and Girls; and the Parents alfo
ufe that Refrefhment. They go quite naked,
both Boys and Girls, till the Age of Puberty;
when the Girls put on their Clout, and the
Boys the Funnel.

The Girls are bred up by their Mothers to
their Domeiftick Employments. They make
them help to drefs the Victuals, and fet them
to draw Strings out of Makho-bark, and to beat
Sik-grafs, for Thread, Cordage, and Nets.

WAFER’S DARIEN 153

They pick the Cotton alfo, and fpin it for their
Mothers Weaving. For Weaving, the Women
make a Roller of Wood, about three Foot long,
turning eafily about between two Pofts. About
this they place Strings of Cotton, of 3 or 4
yards long, at moft, but oftner lefs, according
to the ufe the Cloth is to be put to, whether for
a Hammock, or to tie about their Waifts, or for
Gowns, or for Blankets to cover them in their
Hammocks, as they lie in them in their Houfes;
which are all [161] the Ufes they have for Cloth:
And they never weave a piece of Cotton with a
defign to cut it, but of a fize that fhall juft ferve
for the particular ufe. The Threads thus com-
ing from the Roller are the Warp; and for the
Woof, they twift Cotton-yarn about a {mall
piece of Macaw-wood, notch’d at each end; and
taking up every other Thread of the Warp with
the Fingers of one Hand, they put the Woof
through with the other Hand, and receive it
out on the other fide: And to make the Threads
of the Woof lie clofe in the Cloth, they {trike
them at every turn with a long and thin piece
of Macaw-wood like a Ruler, which lies acrofs
between the Threads of the Warp for that
purpofe.

The Girls alfo twift Cotton-yarn for Fringes,
and prepare Canes, Reeds or Palmeto-Leaves,
as the Boys alfo do, for Basket-making. But
the making up the Baskets is the Mens Work;
who fir{t die the Materials of feveral curious
lively Colours, and then mix and weave them
very prettily. They weave little Baskets like
Cups alfo very neat; with the Twigs [162]

The
Womens
Weaving.

The Mens
Basket
making.

Woven
Cups.

Modefty of
the young
Maids.

Plurality of
Wives.

Punifhment

of Adultery,

Theft,

and deflour-

ing Virgins.

154 WAFERS DARIEN

wrought fo very fine and clofe, as to hold any
Liquor, without any more ado, having no Lacker
or Varnifh: And they as ordinarily drink out of
thefe woven Cups, as out of their Calabafhes,
which they paint very curioufly. They make
Baskets of feveral fizes, for carrying their
Cloths, or other ufes, with great variety of
Work; and fo firm, that you may crufh them or
throw them about, how you will almoft, with
little or no damage to them.

The young Maids are fhut up in private by
their Parents at the time of Puberty, and will
not be feen by any, but put a piece of Cotton as
a Vail over their Faces, if any one fhould come
accidentally into the Place where they are, tho’
it be their Father. This Confinement lafts not
long, but they foon go abroad again. They are
very modeft; and tho’ they will lay hold on
any part of a Man, yet they do it with great
Simplicity and Innocence.

Lacenta had feveral Wives, as others of them
alfo had. Lacenta’s were Seven in number.
When he went a Progrefs or long Journey, [163]
’twas fo contriv’d, that he {till found one of his
Wives at every new Stage he came to.

Adultery is punifhed among them with the
Death of both Parties. Yet if the Woman con-
feffes the Fa&t to her Husband, and {wears fhe
was fore’d, fhe finds Favour: But if fhe conceals
it, and it be prov’d again{ft her, fhe is burn’d.
Their Laws are fevere alfo in other refpects;
for a Thief dies without Mercy.

If a Man debauches a Virgin, they thruft a fort
of Bryer up the paffage of his Penis, and then

WAFER’S DARIEN 155

turn it round ten oradozen times: Which is not
only a great Torment, but commonly mortifies
the part; and the Perfon dies of it; but he has
liberty to cure himfelf if he can. Thefe Facts
muft be proved by Oath; which is by their
Tooth.

When they marry, the Father of the Bride,
or the next Man of Kin, keeps her privately in
the fame Apartment with himfelf the firft feven
Nights;* whether to exprefs an unwillingnefs
to part with her, or for what other Reafon I know
not; and fhe is then deliver’d to her Husband.

[164] When a Man difpofes of his Daughter,
he invites all the /udzans within 20 Miles round,
to a great Feaft, which he provides for them.
The Men who come to the Wedding bring their
Axes along with them, to work with: The
Women bring about half a Bufhel of Maiz: The
Boys bring Fruit and Roots: The Girls Fowls
and Eggs; for none come empty-handed. They
fet their Prefents at the door of the Houfe, and
go away again, till all the reft of the Guetfts
have brought theirs; which are all receiv’d in,
and difpos’d of by the People of the Houfe.

* Davis, in the second edition, p. 273, states that he was
informed by Captain Christian that Pedro, the Indian ‘‘ King,”’
‘*had several wives more [than the one whom the Spaniards
saw] and that he had had a Child by one of his own Daugh-
ters, and that that is very common among them; it is their
way, that whenever they Marry their Daughters, that the
Father (if able) lies with them first, if she is a Maid, and if
the Father is very Old, and past his Labour, then the Eldest
Son does that Office, and the next day all his and her
Friends meet, and put them together: This Captain Chris-
tian is very well acquainted with all their methods, for he
lived among them some Years.”’

Their
Marriage.

Prefents
brought.

Marriage
Ceremonies.

Working
for the new
Couple.

156 WAFER’S DARIEN

Then the Men return firft to the Wedding,
and the Bridegroom prefents each Man with a
Calabafh of {trong Drink, and conducts them
through the Houfe one by one, into fome open
place behind it. The Women come next, who
likewife receive a Calabafh of Liquor, and
march through the Houfe. Then come the
Boys, and laft of all the Girls; who all drink at
the Door, and go after the retft.

Then come the Fathers of the young Couple,

with their Son and [165] Daughter: The Father
of the Bridegroom leads his Son, and the Father
of the Bride leads his Daughter. The former
makes a Speech to the Company; and then
dances about, with many Antick Geftures, till
he is all ona Sweat. Then kneeling down he
gives his Son to the Bride; whofe Father is
kneeling alfo and holds her, having danc’d him-
felf into a Sweat, as theother. Thenthe young
Couple take each other by the Hand, and the
Bridegroom returns the Bride to her Father;
and thus ends the Ceremony.
“Then all the Men take up their Axes, and run
fhouting and hollowing to a Tract of Wood-
land, which is before laid out for a Plantation
for the young Couple. There they fall to
work, cutting down the Woods, and clearing
the Ground as faft as they can. Thus they
continue about Seven Days, working with the
greateft Vigour imaginable: And all the Ground
which they clear, the Women and Children
plant with Maiz, or whatever elfe is agreeable
to the Seafon. They alfo build a Houfe for the
new-married Couple to live in.

WAFER’S DARIEN 157

[166] The Seven Days being ended, and the
young Man fetled with his Wife in his new
Houfe, the Company make merry there with
Chicha-Co-pah, the Corn-drink before defcrib’d,
of which they are fure to provide good {ftore.
They alfo make Provifion for Feafting; and the
Guetts fall to very heartily.

When their Eating is over, the Men fall to
hard Drinking: But before they begin, the
Bridegroom takes all their Arms, and hangs
them to the Ridge-pole of the Houfe, where
none can come at them but himfelf: For they
are very quarrelfome in their Drink. They
continue drinking Night and Day, till all the
Liquor is fpent; which la{ts ufually 3 or 4 Days.
During which fome are always drinking, while
others are drunk and fleeping: And when all
the Drink is out, and they have recover’d their
Senfes, they all return to their own Homes.

They have Feafting on other Occafions alfo,
as after a great Council held, or any other Meet-
ing; which they have fometimes only for
Merriment. The Men conftantly drink to [167]
one another at Meals, {peaking fome Word, and
reaching out the Cup towards the Perfon they
drink to. They never drink to their Women;
but thefe conftantly {ftand by and attend them
while they are eating; take the Cup of any one
who has drank, throw out the remainder of the
Liquor, rinfe it, and give it full to another.
The Women at all Feafts, and in their own
Houfes, wait on their Husbands till they have
done; and then go and Eat by themfelves, or
with one another.

The Mar-
riage Featt.

Hard
Drinking.

Care to
prevent
Quarrelling.

Other Feafts
& Meals.

The Mens
Employ-
ments.

Their
Recreation.

Dancing.

158 WAFER’S DARIEN

The Men, when they are at home, trouble
themfelves little with any Bufinefs; but that
they may not be quite idle, they will often be
making their Cups and Baskets, Arrows and
Heads for them, Lances, Nets, and the like.

The Men make alfo a fort of Pipes of fmall
hollow Bamboes, and fometimes of a fingle
Reed. They cut Notches in it, and blow it
{trongly, making a whining Noife, but without
any diftinct Notes: And they frequently enter-
tain themfelves with fuch Inftruments, as they
us’d in their Pawawing. They will do any thing
[168] to make a Noife, which they love much;
and they keep every one a Humming at the
fame time to themfelves.

They Hum alfo when they Dance, which they
do many times 30 or 40 in a ring, Men only
together. They ftretch out their Hands,
laying them on one anothers Shoulders. Then
they move gently fideways round in the fame
Circle; and fhake all the Joints of their Bodies
with a wrigling Antick Gefture, as they move
along the Ring.

They pipe and drum often, even at working
times; but their dancing they ufe chiefly when
they get together to make merry. When they
have danc’d fome time, one or other of the
Company goes out of the Ring, jumps about,
and plays Antick Tricks, throwing and catching
his Lance, bending back towards the Ground and
{pringing forward again, with many other Mo-
tions like our Tumblers; but with more Activity
than Art: And when one is tired with his
Tricks, another {teps out, and fometimes 2 or 3

WAFER’S DARIEN 159

together. As foon as ever ’tis over, they jump
into the [169] River, all in a violent Sweat as
they are, and there wafh themfelves clean; and
when they come out of the Water, they {troke
it off from their Hair and Bodies with their
Hands. <A Dancing-bout, if the meeting be
large, lafts fometimes a whole Day, feldom lefs
than 5 or 6 Hours; and ’tis ufually after having a
fhort drinking Bout: But they dont dance after
they have drank very hard.

Thefe, and the huntings and fhooting ata
Mark, are their chief Divertifements; for both
Men and Boys will be letting fly at any thing
they fee, tho’ for nothing but exercife or trial
of Skill. The Women have Dancings and
Merriments by themfelves, when their Huf-
bands Paitimes are over; for they never feaft
nor play together with the Men: But they will
drink by themfelves till they are fuddled.

The Women take great care of their Huf-
bands when they have made themfelves drunk.
- For when they perceive him in fuch a Condition
that he can bear up no longer, they get one or
two more Women to affift them to take him up,
and put him [170] into his Hammock; where as
he lies Snoring, they ftand by and fprinkle
Water on his Body to cool him, wafhing his
Hands, Feet and Face; {troking off that Water
with their Hands, as it grows warm, and throw-
ing on frefh. I have feen 10 or 12 or more,
lying thus in their Hammocks after a Feaft, and
the Women {ftanding by to look after them.

The Men never {tir abroad upon the moft
ordinary Occafions, if it be but juft without the

The
Womens
Diverfions.

Their care
of their
drunken
Husbands.

Hunting Ex-
peditions.

Provifions.

160 WAFER’S DARIEN

door to make Water, but they take with them
fome or other of their Weapons, their Bow and
Arrow, Lance, Hatchet, or Macheat or Long-
knife. Their moft frequent Expeditions, in
time of Peace, are to go a Hunting. For this
is their way of fupplying themfelves with Flefh;
and they go out as often as it fails at home.
They fometimes go out a Family or two only by
themfelves; but they have often larger and
more folemn Huntings, of a great many in com-
pany together: And there is feldom a Council
held, or Feaft, but there is fome Hunting-Match
concluded on before they part; and a time fet
for every one to ap-[171]pear with their feveral
Neceffaries, at the general Rendezvous.

A Hunting-Expedition iafts fometimes 3 or
4, fometimes 10, 12, 17 or 18 Days, according
as they meet with the Game, and as the Courfe
is which they {fteer to find it: For fometimes
they will range to the Borders, to vifit or traffick
with their Neighbouring /udians; and they will
hunt all the way as they go and return. They
hunt more or lefs at all Seafons of the Year;
never regarding whether their Venifon be in
Seafon or not. They take with them one or
two Dogs apiece, to beat about; and there go as
well Women as Men. When I went with them
a Hunting, a young Woman was appointed me
to wait on me, and carry my Basket of Provi-
fions.

The Women carry in their Baskets, Plan-
tains, Bonanoes, Yams, Potatoes and Caffava-
roots, ready roafted; but in the Woods, among
the ruin’d Plantations, they often meet with

WAFER’S DARIEN 161

green Plantains which they drefs there, and
with thefe Roots: So that if they go defignedly
among fuch Plantations, they carry the lefs with
them. [172] They carry alfo fome parch’d Maiz
in Meal or Flower, and fome ripe Plantains raw,
to make Mzflaw with. ‘This is all their Provi-
fion. Every Woman carries a Calabafh; and
there are one or two Pipkins among them all.
The Men carry Bows and Arrows, and Lances,
a Tamahock or little Axe, and a Machete. All
go barefoot, and are often fcratch’d in the
Woods, but matter it not. They hunt Pecary,
Warree, Quaums, Chicaly-Chicalees, Corrofou’s, or
any other Beaft or Bird they meet with, except
Monkeys and Deer. The Fowls, and what will
not be fo eafily preferv’d, they eat prefently.
They lodge all Night at any place where they
happen to be at Sun-fet, fo it be near a Brook
or River, and on the Nap of a Hill. They
hang up their Hammocks between two Trees,
and cover themfelves with a Plantain-Leaf, for
Shelter from Rain, Wind, &c. with a Fire all
Night by the Hammock. They never hunt
after Sun-fet; and begin not again till Sun-rife.
Their chief Game are the Pecary and Warree;
neither of which are fwift of foot. They goin
Droves, often 200 [173] or 300; fo that if the
Indians come upon them unawares, they ufually
kill fome by random Shot among them. But
elfe, they are many times a whole Day without
getting any; or fo few, confidering how many
they ftart, that it feems a great Toil to little
purpofe. I have feen about 1000 ftarted ina
Day, in feveral Droves, when I was hunting

The Game.

Curing the
Meat.

162 WAFER’S DARIEN

with them; of which we kill’d but two, as I
remember. Sometimes when they are fhot,
they carry away the Arrows quite. When the
Beaift is tir’d, it will ftand at a Bay with the
Dogs; which will fet him round, lying clofe,
not daring to feize, but {napping at the But-
tocks; and when they fee their Mafter behind a
Tree ready to fhoot, they all withdraw to avoid
the Arrow. As foon as an /udian hath fhota
Pecary ot Warree, he runs in and lances them;
then he unbowels them, throwing away the
Guts, and cuts them in two acrofs the middle.
Then he cuts a piece of Wood fharp at both
ends; fticks the forepart of the Beaft at one end,
and the hinder part at the other. So each lay-
ing his Stick acrofs his Shoulder, they go to the
Rendez-[174]vous, where they appointed the
Women to be; after which they carry their
Meat home, firft Barbecuing it that Night.

When they take a Beaft or Bird, they pierce
it with the Lances, or fhoot Arrows into it, to
let out the Blood. Then they quarter it (firft
cutting off the Head); and if it be a Pecary they
fcald off the Hair with hot Water; if a Warree,
they flea it. From fome of the Birds they {trip
the Feathers only, from others the Skin alfo:
And this not regularly, while the Carkafs is
whole, but piece-meal, after they have difmem-
ber’d it; efpecially in their Journies.

If they intend to preferve any, having little
Salt, they erect four forked Sticks 8 or 9 Foot
afunder, on which they lay two parallel Staves
that fhall be above a Foot from the Ground, and
fo make a Barbecue. Acrofs thefe Staves they

WAFER’S DARIEN 163

lay the pieces of the Beafts or Birds; and fpread
underneath a few live Coals, to make which they
burn a parcel of Wood on purpofe; and turn
the fame pieces, and renew this fmall Fire for
three or four Days, or a Week, till the Meat be
as dry as [175] a Chip, or like our fmoak’d Beef.
This they do abroad if they killa great many
Pecary, Birds, &c. and bring the pieces home
ready dried: And if there be much of it, the
Men help the Women to carry home the Veni-
fon. Thefe pieces will keep a great while; and
when the Stock is almoft out, they go again a
hunting. They make a Barbecue at home alfo,
heaping up thefe dried pieces acrofs, and often
putting fome Embers underneath, to keep them
from giving, or growing mufty, in that moift
Country. From thefe pieces they cut off bits
for ufe as they want them.

If they take any parcels of their dried Flefh,
or any newly kill’d, they cut it into fmall pieces,
and throw them into the Pipkin; putting into
it fome of the Roots and green Plantains or
Bonano’s, or any other Eatable, and a great deal
of Pepper; {ftewing all together by a fimmering,
gentle Meat meyer, boiling iat.))\)) ihe Vettel
{tands thus clofe cover’d for feven or eight
Hours, for ’tis fet on very early in the Morning,
and they ftay till all be brought to Pulp or
Mafh. This is for fet Meals; for [176] Plan-
tains and Bonanoes they eat all Day; but this
fet Meal of Flefh they eat but once, about Mid-
day only. The Mafh they pour out into a large
Earthen Difh or Calabafh, fetting it on the
great Block which is in every Houfe as a Table,

Their
Cookery ;

and manner
of Eating.

Their
Travelling.

164 WAFER’S DARIEN

fitting round on little Blocks as on Stools. But
at great Feafts, for large Companies, they make
a great Barbecue 10, 12, or 20 Foot long, or
more, as the Company is, and broad proportion-
ably: They fpread on it 3 or 4 Breadths of
Plantain-leaves for a Table-Cloth. Every one
has a Calabafh of Water {tanding by him at his
Right Hand, on the Ground. In Eating, they
dip the two fore Fingers of the Right Hand,
bent hook-wife, and take up therewith out of
the Difh, as with a Spoon, as much as they can,
{troking it acrofs into their Mouths. At every
Mouthful they dip their Fingers into the Cala-
bafh of Water by their Side, whether for
Cleanlinefs or Cooling, I know not; for they eat
their Meat exceffive hot, as well as violently
pepper’d. They eat nothing with it as Bread;
but when they have a lump of Salt (which is
tare) at every three [177] or four Mouthfuls they
{troke it over their Tongue, to give a Relifh,
and then lay it down again.

The /udians, when they Travel, guide them-
felves either by the Sun, when it fhines, or by
{teering towards fuch a determinate Point,
obferving the bending of the Trees, according
as the Wind is. If they are at a lofs this way,
they notch the Barks of Trees, to fee which fide
is thicke{t; which is always the South, or Sunny
fide; and their way lies generally through
Woods. They goalfo through Swamps, Boggs,
Rivers, &c. where there is no fign of a Path,
and are often fore’d to turn afide; yet will keep
their way pretty direct for feveral Days together;
clearing their way through Thickets with their

WAFER’S DARIEN 165

Macheats, efpecially if of hollow Bamboes, for
there is no getting through without it. They
{wim over Rivers, Men, Women and Children,
without felling Trees as we did there. But
down the River they ufe either their Canoas, or
Bark-Logs made of Light-Wood.

When any enquire the Way of them, as we
had feveral times occafion [178] to do in paffing
and repaffing the //hmus, their ufual Method of
informing them as to the Bearing of the Place
they enquire after, is by pointing towards it;
and as to the Z7zme in which they may hope to
arrive there, by pointing to fome part of the
Arc the Sun defcribes in their Hemifphere: For
according as they point higher or lower, either
to the Eaft or Weft of the Meridian, they fug-
geft the time of the Day, Morning or Afternoon,
in which you may hope to arrive at the River,
Plantations, or whatever ’tis you enquire after.
So the middle diftance between the Eaftern-
Limb of the Horizon, and the Meridian, fignifies
g a Clock in the Morning; 4ths of the South-weft
Arc of the Suns Diurnal Courfe denotes 4 in the
Afternoon, &c. If the Time they would inti-
mate be not of Hours but Days, they turn their
Faces Southward, and defcribing with their
Hand the Arc of the Suns Diurnal Courfe from
Eaft to Weft, when they have brought their
Hand to point to the Weftern Horizon, they
then bring it to the fide of their Head; and lay-
ing down their Head on that [179] fide upon it,
and fhutting their Eyes, counterfeit for a
moment their being afleep. Then repeating the
Motion with their Hand, and the intervening

Shewing the
Way and
Time by
Signs.

Computa-
tion of Time.

Numbers
and Calcula-
tions.

166 WAFER’S DARIEN

fleeping times, they make you underftand that
there will be fo many fleeping Times or Nights
before you arrive at the Place you feek.

I obferv’d among them no diftinction of
Weeks or particular Days; no parting the Day
into Hours, or any Portions, otherwife than by
this Pointing: And when they ufe this, or any
other Sign, yet they fpeak at the fame time,
and exprefs their Meaning in their own Lan-
guage, tho’ to Europeans who underftand it not.
They reckon Times paft by no Revolutions of
the Heavenly Bodies, but the Moons: For
Lacenta {peaking of the Havock the Spanzards
had made to the Weftward, intimated ’twas a
great many Moons ago.

Their Computation is by Unites and Tens,
and Scores, to an Hundred; beyond which I
have not heard them reckon. To exprefs a
Number above this, they take a Lock of their
Hair, little or great, (in proportion to the
Number they would [180] intimate) and hold it
up in their Hands, forting it gradually with
their Fingers, and fhaking it. To exprefs a
Thing innumerable, they take up all the Hair
on one fide of the Head, and fhake it.

When we went into the South Seas under
Captain Sharp, we were in number about 336,
as I remember;* and a pretty many of the
Indians of the [ihmus bore us Company in our
March. They were willing to take an Account
of our Number as we march’d; fo one of the

*Ringrose, p. 6, says 327, not including four men who
‘““tyred, and returned back unto the Ships’’ at the end of the
first day’s march.

WAFER’S DARIEN 167

Indians fat in the Path, and having a little heap
of Maiz-grains by him, for every Man of ours
that pafs’d by him he put one Grain into his
Basket. When he had thus taken a great part
of our Number, one of our Men, in paffing by,
gave his Basket purpofely a Tofs, and threw
out his Corn, and fo {fpoil’d his Account. ‘This
feem’d to difpleafe them: Yet one of them got
a little before, and fitting clofe in the Wood, at
a {mall diftance from the narrow Path, which
we were to pafs one by one, he there took our
Number in Grains of Maiz. But when he had
taken his Account, they were put [181] to it to
caf{t it up: For two or three Days after, in the
progrefs of our March, coming among fome of
the Southern /udians, we faw fome 20 or 30 of
the graver Men got together, and trying their
Skill to compute the Grains in the Basket; which
when they had laid upon a Plantain-Leaf,
feveral of them indeavour’d to tell one after
another: But when they could tell no further,
(the Number, probably, exceeding their Arith-
metick) and feem’d to grow very hot, and earneft
in their Debates about it; one of them ftarted up,
and forting out a Lock of his Hair with his Fin-
gers, and fhaking it, feem’d to intimate the Num-
ber to be great and unknown; and fo put an end
to the Difpute. But one of them came after us,
and enquir’d our Number in broken Spani/h.
Their Cardinal Numbers, One, Two, Three,

they name thus:

I. Conjugo.

2. Poquah.

3. Pauguah. '

Numeral
Names.

168 WAFERS DARIEN

4. Pakequah.
5. Eterrah.
[182] 6. Ludricah.
7. Coogolah.
8. Paukopah.
9g. Pakekopah.
10. Anivego.
11. Anivego Conjugo.
12. Anivego Poquah.
13. Axnivego Pauqua, &c.
20. Toola Boguah.
40. Toola Guannah.
And fo on to 100.*

Under 10 they content themfelves with nam-
ing the particular Number at once; which they
do readily. But at the fame time that they
name Axzvego, or 10, they clap together their
expanded Hands. And for 11, 12, 13, &c. to
20. they clap together their Hands, and fay
Anivego; and then feparating them, they {trike

*The most convincing proof of the honesty and reliability
of Wafer’s observations is furnished by the vocabularies of the
Indians of this region printed by Sr. Restrepo. The first was
collected by General Joaquin Acosta in 1820, and the second by
Dr. Cullen whose Darden Ship Canal was published in 1853.

ACOSTA: CULLEN:
1. Cuencheco. Cuinchecua.
2. Fogua. Pocoa.
3. Fagua. Paqua.
4. FPaquegua. Paquegua.
5. Atale. Aptali.
6. Nergua. Nercua.
7. Anvege. Cugle.
8. Cugule. Pabagt.
9. Paquebag.
10. Ambe.
20. Tulaquena.

WAFER’S DARIEN 169

in order the Fingers of the left Hand, one by
one, with the Fore-finger of the right, faying,
Anivego Conjugo, Anivego Poqua, Anivego Pauqua,
&c. to the Number they would exprefs, if
under 20.

When they would exprefs 20, they clap their
Hands twice, (once at every 10) and fay Toola
Boguah. Toola [183] feems to fignifie the fame
with them, as Score with us. For 21, they fay
Toola boguah Conjugo; 22, Toola boguah Poquah,
éc,) (To) exprefs 30, ‘they, clap, their’) Hands
thrice, and fay Toola boguah Anivego, (Twenty
and Ten); for 31, Zoola boguah Anivego Conjugo,
(Twenty and Eleven), and fo on to 40; when
again they clap their Hands four times, and fay,
Toolaguannah, implying another Score; 41, Zoola
guannah Conjugo, &c. 50, Toola guannah Anivego,
(Two Score and Ten); 51, Yoola guannah Anivego
Conjugo, (Two Score and Eleven), &c. The Name
of the other Scores to 100, I know not; and
there are few of them can reckon fo far: For
while I was among them, I was indu{trious to
learn their Numbers, and ’twas a Diverfion I
had with them; for they liked well my trying
to imitate them, and would be very merry upon
it: But ’twas not every one could readily carry
me much farther than I have now reckon’d, or
fet me right if I was out.

Their way of Reckoning thus from Score to
Score, is no more than what our old Engl/h way
was: But their [184] faying inftead of 31, 32.
One Score and Eleven, One Score and Twelve,
G&c. is much like the Azgh-Landers of Scotland
and J/reland, reckoning Eleven and Twenty,

Reckoning
by Scores.

Trifh and
Scotch
Highland-
ers Num-
bers.

170 WAFER’S DARIEN

Twelve and Twenty, &c. fo for 53, the Azgh-
Landers fay Thirteen and Twofcore, as the
Darien Indians would, Two Score and Thirteen,
only changing the Place. In my Youth I was
well acquainted with the High-Land, or Primi-
tive /ri/h Language; both as it is fpoken in the
North of /reland, particularly at the Vavan upon
the Boyne, and about the Town of Vzrginz upon
Lough Rammer in the Barony of Ca/ftle Raghen,
in the County of Cavan; and alfo in the Aigh-
Lands of Scotland, where I have been up and
down in feveral Places. Their way of Reckon-
ing may be a Curiofity to fome; for which
Reafon I have here inferted a Table of it; f{pelt,
not according to the Orthography, but the Pro-
nunciation.

[185]

. Shaucht.

. Oacht.
Nnye.
Deh.

. Heanegg.

b=
CO OS Ye
<
S
Q
%&

een |
N
e

Doeegg.

. Treedeegg.

. Caherdeeg.

. Cooigdeegg.

. Shaedeegg.

. Shauchideegg.
. Oachtdeegg.

ee
oN Ov pW

WAFER’S DARIEN 171

19. Nnyedeegg.
20. Feh. A Score.
21. Hean augus feh. Briefly ausfeh; augus
[fignifies and.
22. Do augus feh. Two and a Score.
2g ree augus fer.) \Dhree, Ge.
30. Deh augus feh. Ten and a Score.
31. Heanegg augus feh. Eleven and a
[Score.
[186] 32. Doeegg augus feh.
40. Yoyzht.
41. Hean augus th’ yoytht.
42. De augus th’ yoytht.
50. Deh augus th’ yoytht.
51. Heanegg augus th yoytht.
52. Docegg augus th’ yoytht.
60. Tree feht.
61. Hean augus Tree feht.
70. Deh augus Tree feht.
80. Carch-fehth.
90. Deh augus Careh-fehth.
100. Cooig fehth; or Caed, a Hundred.
200. Oychead.
1000. Meelah.
1000000. Meelzoon.

My Knowledge of the Azgh-Land Language Jndian Pro-
made me the more capable of learning the RTH
Darien Indians Language, when I was among War one
them. For there is fome Affinity, not in the
Signification of the Words of each Language,
but in the Pronunciation, which I could eafily
imitate; both being fpoken pretty much in the
Throat, with frequent Afpirates, and much the
fame fharp or circumflex Tang or Cant. I

Indian
Words.

172 WAFER’S DARIEN

learn’d a great deal [187] of the Darzen Language
in a Months Converfation with them; for I was
always asking what they call’d this and that:
And Lacenta was continually talking with me;
who fpake alfo a few Words of broken Spanzi/h.
I took no care to retain any of the /ndians Lan-
guage; but fome few Words that I {till remem-
ber, I have here put as a Specimen.

Tautah, Father.

Naunah, Mother.

Poonah, Noman.

Roopah, Brother.

Bidama foquah Roopoh ? Wow do you Brother?

Neenah, a Girl.

Nee, the Moon.

Chaunah, Go.

Chaunah Weemacah; Make hatt, run.

Shennorung; big, a great Thing.

Eechah, ugly.

Paeecha; foh! ugly!

Eechah Malooguah, (an Expreffion of great dif-
like).

Cotchah, fleep.

Caupah, a Hammock.

Cotchah Caupah? Will you go fleep in the
Hammock?

[188] Pa poonah ecetah Caupah? Woman, have
you got the Hammock?

Doolah, Water.

Doolah Copah ? Will you drink Water?

Chicha-Copah, Maiz-drink.

Mamaubah, Fine.

Cah, Pepper.

Aupah eenah ? What do you call this?

WAFER’S DARIEN 173

[189] Mr. Wafer’s Voyages, &c.

AVING thus gone over the //hmus, and
made fuch Obfervations about it as
occurr’d to me, I fhall now refume the

Thread of my Voyage, which I broke in the
South Sea, at Realeja on the Coaft of Mexico,
where I parted with Mr. Dampier, after my
fecond being with him in thofe Seas. Captain
Swan, in the Cygnet, was going to the Weft-
ward; and Mr. Dampzer chofe to go with him.
I ftaid with Captain Davis, in the Batchelors
Delight; and he was for going again to the
Southward.

So we left them in the Harbour of Realeja,
when we fet out Aug. 27. 1685. with three other
Veffels in ourCompany. But our Men growing
very fick when we were got out to Sea, we foon
put into the Gulph of Amapalla. ‘There we lay
feveral Weeks at a fmall Ifland, on which we
built Huts for our fick Men, whom we put
afhore. In our 4 fmall Ships, we had then
above 130 fick [190] of the Spotted Fever, many
of whom died: Yet tho’ I attended them every
Day, I thank God I efcap’d the Infection. But
‘tis not my Intention to particularize as to all
the Places or Occurrences we met with; for I

The Rela-
tion of the
Voyage con-
tinued.

See p. 44.
Harbour of
Realeja.

See Dam-
pier’s Voy-
ages, Vol. tr.
p. 223.

Gulph of
Amapalla.

Hot River.

Fierce
Wolves.

I. Cocos,

174 WAFER’S DARIEN

kept no Journal: But fome fuch Things as I
took more particular Notice of, and thought
worth remarking, I fhall briefly {peak of as I go
along.

Being in great want of Provifion while we lay
here, we went afhore, in order to fupply our
Necefiities at a Beef-Eftantion on the Continent,
at the South of the Cod of the Bay, which lay
from the Landing-place about three Miles. In
our way we were forced to pafs a hot River in
an open Savannah, altho’ we made fome diffi-
culty at it by reafon of its Heat. This River
iffued out from under a Hill: But it was no
Vulcan, tho’ there are feveral on this Coaft. I
had the Curiofity to wade up the Stream as far
as I had Day-light to guide me: The Water
was clear and fhallow, but the Steams under
the Hill were like thofe of a boiling Pot, and my
Hair was wet with them. The [191] River
without the Hill reek’d for a great way. Many
of our Men who had the Itch bath’d themfelves
here, and growing well foon after, they imputed
it to the Sulphuroufnefs, or other Virtue of this
Water. Inthis place are a multitude of Wolves,
which are the boldeft that ever I met with; for
they would come fo near, as to be almoft ready
to pull the Flefh out of our Hands: Yet we
durit not fhoot them for fear the noife of our
Guns fhould call more to their Affiftance, and
we went but ftragling up and down.

Our Men being tolerably well recover’d, we
{tood away to the Southward, and came to the
Ifland Cocos, in 5 Deg. 15 Min. N. Lat. ’'Tis fo
call’d from its Coco-Nuts, wherewith ’tis plenti-

WAFER’S DARIEN 175

fully ftor’d. ’Tis but a fmall Ifland, yet a very
pleafant one: For the middle of the Ifland is a
{teep Hill, furrounded all about with a Plain,
declining to the Sea. This Plain, and particu-
larly the Valley where you go afhore, is thick
fet with Coco-nut Trees, which flourifh here
very finely, it being a rich and fruitful Soil.
They grow alfo on the [192] Skirts of the hilly
Ground in the middle of the Ifle, and fcattering
in Spots upon the fides of it, very pleafantly.
But that which contributes mo{t to the Pleafure
of the Place is, that a great many Springs of
clear and fweet Water rifing to the top of the
Hill, are there gather’d asin a deep large Bafon
or Pond, the Top fubfiding inwards quite round;
and the Water having by this means no Chan-
nel whereby to flow along, as in a Brook or
River, it overflows the Verge of its Bafon in
feveral Places, and runs trickling down in many
pretty Streams. In fome Places of its overflow-
ing, the Rocky Sides of the Hill being more
than perpendicular, and hanging over the Plain
beneath, the Water pours down in a Cataract, as
out of a Bucket, fo as to leave a Space dry
under the Spout, and form a kind of Arch of
Water; which, together with the advantage of
the Profpect, the near adjoining Coco-nut Trees,
and the frefhnefs which the falling Water
gives the Air in this hot Climate, makes it a
very charming Place, and delightful to feveral
of the Senfes at once.

[193] Our Men were very much pleas’d with
the Entertainment this Ifland afforded them:
And they alfo fill’d here all their Water-Casks;

a pleafant
Place.

Arched
Cataracts.

Numbed-
nefs with
drinking

Coco-milk.

I.°Galla-
pago’s.

Land-Tor-

toife, vc.

\

176 WAFER’S DARIEN

for here is excellent frefh Water in the Rivulet,
which thofe little Cataracts form below in the
Plain; and the Ship lay juft at its Outlet into
the Sea, where there was very good Riding:
So that ’tis as Commodious a Watering-Place
as any I have met with.

Nor did we fpare the Coco-nuts, eating what
we would, and drinking the Milk, and carry
feveral Hundreds of them on board. Some or
other of our Men went afhore every Day: And
one Day among the reft, being minded to make
themfelves very merry, they went afhore and
cut down a great many Coco-trees; from which
they gather’d the Fruit, and drew about 20
Gallons of the Milk. Then they all fat down
and drank Healths to the King, Queen, Gc.
They drank an exceffive quantity; yet it did not
end in Drunkennefs: But however, that fort of
Liquor had fo chilled and benumb’d their
Nerves, that they could neither go nor ftand:
Nor could they return on board the [194] Ship,
without the Help of thofe who had not been
Partakers in the Frolick: Nor did they recover
it under 4 or 5 Days time.

From hence we {tood on {till to the South,
and came to one of the Gallapago-Iflands, lying
under the Line. Upon one of thefe Iflands we
found a great many very large Land-Tortoife,
of that fort which we us’d to call Hecatee. Upon
this Ifland is no Water to be found, but in one
place, whither I obferv’d thefe Animals fre-
quently go to drink; but they go not into the
Water.

At this Ifland there was but one Watering-

WAFER’S DARIEN 177

place, and there we Careen’d our Ship. Hither
many Turtle-Doves and other Birds reforted for
Water; which were at firft fo familiar with us,
that they would light upon our Headsand Arms;
infomuch that for feveral Days we maintained
the Ships Company with them: But in a little
time they began to be fo fhy, that we could kill
none, but what we fhot. Here are alfo Guano’s
very plentiful, which are very good Food.
There grows a fort of Wood in this Ifle very
{weet in {mell. [195] Tis but a low Tree, not
fhrubby, but like a Pear-tree, tho’ thicker; and
full of very {weet Gum. While we lay here at
the Gallapago’s, we took in at one of the Iflands
there 500 Packs of Flower, which we had form-
erly left there upon the Rocks;* but the Turtle-
Doves had devour’d a great deal of the Flower,
for the bags lay expos’d to the Air.

When we left the Gallapago’s we went cruifing
upon and down about feveral of the Iflands and
Coafts of Peru; the Particulars of which I fhall
not trouble the Reader with. We had Engage-
ments at Guavra, Guacha and Pifca; and the two
la{t very fharp ones, yet we took the Towns.
There was with us then in Company Captain
Knight only; for the other two Veffels that

*In May, 1684, the buccaneers took on one day three ships
laden with flour, bound from Guanchaquo, the seaport of
Truxillo, to Panama, while near the Lobos Islands. Thence
they sailed to the Gallapagos Islands, where ‘‘ we stay’d but
12 days; in which time we put ashoar 5000 packs of Flower, for
a reserve, if we should have occasion of any before we left
these Seas. . . . Captain Davis came hither a second
time; and then he went to other Islands on the West side of
these.’’— Dampier, pp. 109-110.

Guand's.

Flower left
there.

Cruifing on
the Coaft of
Peru.

Monkeys
and Oyfters
at Gorgonias

La Na/fca
Wine.

Coguzmbo.

Its Gold
River.

178 WAFER’S DARIEN

came with us from Amapalla, had left us at the
Ifland Cocos. ’Twas /uly 1686. when we were
at Pifca, and Capt. Knight and we kept Com-
pany almoft all that Year.

Among other Places we were at the [land
Gorgonia, where we clean’d; and I took notice
of feveral Monkeys there who liv’d partly upon
Oyiters, [196] which they got out of the Sea at
low Water. Their way was to take up an
Oyifter, and lay it upon a Stone; and with
another Stone to keep beating of it, till they had
broke the Shell to pieces.

We were together alfo at La Na/ca, which is
a {mall Port, in the Lat. of 15 S. It affords
abundance of rich, {trong Wine, (as Pi/ca and
other Places on that Coaft alfo do) tafted much
like that of Madera. ’Tis brought down out of
the Country to this Port, to be fhipt for Lima,
Panama, or other Places. It lies here fometimes
many Years {topt up in Jars of about eight Gal-
lons apiece: But the Jars are under no Shelter,
but ftand expos’d to the hot fcorching Sun;
being plac’d along the Bay, and between the
Rocks, every Merchant having his own Mark’d.
We took in ftore of this Wine.

We were alfo together at Coguzmdo, a large
Town with nine Churches in it, lying in about
29S. Lat. Here we landed upon a deep Sand,
in a large Bay, which had a fmall River that
ran through the Country, and made its way out
three Mile below the [197] Town. In this River
the Spaniards get Gold higher up in the Coun-
try; and the Sands of the River by the Sea, as
well as the whole Bay, are all befpangled with

WAFER’S DARIEN 179

Particles of Gold; infomuch that as we travelled
along the Sandy Bays, our People were covered
with a fine Gold-duft; but too fine for any thing
elfe; for ‘twould be an endlefs Work to pick it
up. This Obfervation I have made in fome
other Places along the Coaft, where any of thofe
Gold-rivers make their way into the Sea thro’
sandy Bays; for there the Sand is in a manner
guilded by them: But all that is worth looking
after is up near the Rivers Heads, or towards
the Mountains they fall from, where the weight-
ier Grains lodge; for none but this meer Duft
of it is wafh’d down to the Sea.

We went after this to the Ifland of /okn Fer-
nando, where we Careen’d; and there Captain
Knight left us, making the beft of his Way
round TZerra del Fuego to the We/ft-Indies. But
we were for Coafting it back again toward the
Line; having with us a Bark we had taken off
Prfca.

[198] Going off therefore from John Fernando's,
we {tood yet further South in going over to the
Continent, to the Latitude of 39 S. as well to
gain a Wind as to have the more of the Coaft
before us. We fell in firft with the Ifand of
Mocha, which lies in about 38 Deg. 20 Min. S.
and wanting Water and Provifion we came to
an Anchor, and put afhore there, about the
middle of December, 1686. and ftay’d 5 or 6
Days. Here we were very well relieved, for
the Ifland afforded both Water and frefh Provi-
fion for our Men, all the time we ftay’d. The
Land is very low and flat, and upon the Sea-
coaft fandy; but the middle Ground is good

I. John
Fernando.

I, Mocha.

Its Sheep
[i. e., the
Llama].

180 WAFER’S DARIEN

Mould, and produces Maiz and other Wheat,
Barly, with variety of Fruits, &c. Here were
feveral Houfes belonging to the Spanz/h Indians,
which were very well ftored with Dunghil-Fowl.
They have here alfo feveral Horfes: But that
which is moft worthy of Note, is a fort
of Sheep they have, which the Inhabitants call
Cornera de Terra. This Creature is about four
Foot and an half high at the Back, and a very
{tately Beaft. Thefe Sheep [199] are fo Tame,
that we frequently ufed to bridle one of them,
upon whofe Back two of the luftiest Men would
ride at once round the Ifland, to drive the reft
to the Fold. His ordinary Pace is either an
Amble or a good Hand-gallop; nor does he care
for going any other Pace, during the time his
Rider is upon his Back. His Mouth is like that
of a Hare; and the Hair-lip above opens as well
as the Main-lips, when he bites the Grafs, which
he does very near. His Head is much like an
Antelope, but they had no Horns when we were
there; yet we found very large Horns, much
twifted, in the form of a Snail-fhell, which we
fuppos’d they had fhed: They lay many of them
{eattering upon the Sandy-bays. His Ears
refemble thofe of an Afs, his Neck fmall, and
refembling a Cammels. He carries his Head
bending, and very ftately, like a Swan; is full-
chefted like a Horfe, and has his Loyns much
like a well-fhap’d Grey-hound. His Buttocks
refemble thofe of a full-grown Deer, and he has
much fuch a Tail. He is Cloven-footed like a
Sheep, but on the infide [200] of each Foot has
a large Claw, bigger than ones Finger, but fharp

WAFER’S DARIEN 181

and refembling thofe of an Eagle. Thefe Claws
{ftand about two Inches above the Divifion of
the Hoof; and they ferve him in climbing
Rocks, holding faft by whatever they bear
againft. His Flefh eats as like Mutton as can
be: He bears Wool of 12 or 14 Inches long
upon the Belly; but ’tis fhorter on the Back,
fhaggy, and but inclining to a Curl. ’Tis an
innocent and very ferviceable Bea(t, fit for any
Drudgery. Of thefe we killed forty three; out
of the Maw of one of which I took thirteen
Bezoar-{tones, of which fome were ragged, and
of feveral Forms; fome long, refembling Coral;
fome round, and fome oval; but all Green when
taken out of the Maw: Yet by long keeping
they turn’d of an Afh-colour; and I have fome of
them now by me.

The Spaniards told us, That thefe Creatures
are extraordinarily ferviceable to them at the
Mines of Potofi, (which lie a great way up in the
Country) in bringing the Silver from thence to
the Cities that lie toward [201] the Sea; between
which Cities and the Mines are fuch cragged
Ways and dangerous Precipices, that it were
almoft impoffible for any Man, or any other
Beait to carry it. But thefe Sheep being laden,
and led to the Precipices, their Mafter leaves
them there to themfelves for above fixteen
Leagues; and never meets them, till he himfelf
has alfo fetch’d a Compafs about 57 Leagues
round. This their furenefs of Foot confifts
folely in their aforefaid Claws, by which they
hold themfelves fo faft upon the lea{t Footing,
that they can go where no other Beaft can.

R. of
Copayapo.

182 WAFER’S DARIEN

The Spaniards alfo inform’d us, That at a City
they named, which has no Water within a League
of it, thefe Beaits, being bred up toit, were wont
to be laden with two Jars, like Panniers, upon
their Backs, and away they would go, without
Guide or Driver; and when they came to the
River, would lie down, and rowle themfelves
in the Water until both the Jars were full; and
then, of their own accord, would return home
with their Water. The Sfaniards added, That
this Creature will not nor can be force’d [202] to
work after Day-light: And we found them
ob{tinate enough; for when once lain down, no
Beating fhould make them rife; but they would
lie and make a whining or groaning, tho’ they
were not tir’d, being but newly taken up.

We went from Mocha to the Continent, and
kept failing and touching along the Coaft of
Chili, often fending our Canoas afhore, till we
came to Copayapfo, in the Lat. of about 26 S.
We wanted Water, and fo put afhore to fee if
we could find the River that bears the Name of
the River of Copayago. As foon as we came
afhore we afcended a Hill, in hopes to defcry
that River from the top thereof; but contrary
to our Expectation, when we came to the top,
we had yet another {teep and very high Hill to
climb, and another after that; infomuch that
before we reach’d the utmoft heighth, I fainted
for want of Water: But refrefhing my felf with
that of my own, I at laft came to the top of the
third Mountain, where we fat down and refted
our felves under the Shade of a vaft craggy Rock.
The Place where we fat was cover’d with Sand

WAFER’S DARIEN 183

and Sea-fhells of [203] divers Shapes and Forms;
tho’ indeed, which I wonder’d at, there were no
Shell-fifh on the Shores all along this whole
Coait. I have landed at many Places of it, but
could never find any. When we had refted our
Selves in this Place, which was, as near as we
could compute, 8 Miles from the Sea, and at
leaf{t a Mile in perpendicular above it, we looked
round us, to fee for the River; but to our great
Grief could difcover none. All this Land, as
well high as low Ground, is cover’d with Sand
and Sea-fhells, many of which are of the fhape
of a Scallop-fhell; and thefe in vait quantities,
in fome Places, efpecially at the Feet of the
Rocks, from whence they are crumbled and
driven down by the Winds: For in the very Mafs
of the Stones of Rocks there were, as I remem-
ber, of the very fame forts of Shells. We were
told by the Spanzards, That at one time of the
Year, the Sun melting the Snow that lies upon
the top of the Mountains that are a great way
up in the Country, makes the River that we
looked for overflow. It may as well poffibly be
from Rains falling on [204] thefe Mountains far
within Land; for I never knew it Rain on all
the Sea-Coaft of Chili and Peru; but we could
fee Clouds hovering over the Tops of the Moun-
tains within Land, as we fail’d along the Coatt:
And once at Arica we could not fee the Moun-
tains peeked Top for Clouds that hung about it;
tho’ at another time we faw it plain enough;
the Rains then probably, being gone off from
the Hill-Country: But as for Avizca it felf and
its Neighbouring Sea-Coaft, we were told by old

Sea-fhells on
the tops of
Hills: No
Shell-fifh on
the Coatt.

No Rain on
the Coaft.

Barren
Land.

Arica,

the Port for
the Mines of
Potof.

184 WAFER’S DARIEN

Spaniards, Inhabitants there, that they never
had any Rain. I have alfo been at one time of
the Year afhore at the River of Ylo, but could
find little or no Water: Yet at another time of
the Year there was Water enough, although I
never knew of any Rain on that Coait, and the
Spaniards told us it never rain’d there, unlefs far
within Land: Yet they have very great Dews.
At Copayapo the Coatt is barren and defolate, and
fo on each fide all along both Chziz and Peru;
nothing is to be feen but bare Sands, and naked
Rocks, unlefs in a Valley now and then: No
Trees, [205] Herbs, or other green Thing. Nor
did we fee any fort of Fowl, nor Beaft, or other
living Creature: No People, nor Sign of any;
unlefs here and there a poor Town or Village,
at as forry a Port, with fcarce Water enough,
at moft of them, to admit a Cock-boat, unlefs
at a Flood: Elfe, little or no Water, nor any
Thing for Accommodation or Ufe.

Getting no Water at Copayapo, we were force’d
to put to Sea again, and ftood along the Coaft
to Arica, which is a Town of Peru, handfomely
feated in the bending of that Coaift, in the Lat.
of between 18 andig S. Hither the Silver of
Potofi is brought down to be fhipt off for Pana-
ma, for the Harbour is tolerably good, having a
Road made with a little INand lying before it,
breaking the Swell of the Sea, which is here
very great and continually rowling in upon the
Shore; though fmooth as the Surface of a River,
here being little or no Wind to curl the Waves.
It dafhes fo violent againi{t the Shore, which is
all along a high bold Coaft, tho’ nothing fo high

WAFER’S DARIEN 185

as the Mountains far within Land, that there is
fcarce any Land-[206]ing hereabouts but juft at
Arniea tty tet. Where is jay little River’ “which
Aria {tands upon, and we would have taken in
Water there; but there was no getting at any
frefh, for its Outlet was among little craggy
Rocks, and the Sea-water dafh’d in among it.
We landed here, and ranfack’d the Place, meet-
ing with little or no Refiftance; we got a few
Hogs and Poultry, Sugar and Wine; and faw a
whole Houfe full of /e/uits Bark,* as I have
faid already, p. 99. Iwas here alfo formerly
with Capt. Sharp, when we had fo fmart an
Engagement that we loft a great number of our
Men; and every one of our Surgeons was kill’d
befide my Self, who was then left to guard the
Canoas.

We went hence a little further to Lee-ward,
and water’d at the River Y/o, where we got Oil-
Olive, Figs, and Sugar, with feveral Fruits;
all which grow there very plentiful. There is
an Oil-work, and two or three Sugar-works.
There are extraordinary good Oranges, of the
China fort. ’Tis the fineft Valley I have feen
on all the Coaft of Peru; very fertile and well
furnifh’d with [207] a multitude of Vegetables:
Tho’ it has no Moifture but that of the little
River, (which they carry winding up and down
among their Grounds in Artificial Channels) and
the great Dew which falls every Night. The
Valley is the pleafanter, and fo are all thofe of
Peru and Chil, for the difmal barren Mountains

*Chinchona, or Peruvian bark, from which ‘‘ quinine’’ is
derived.

The Andes.

R. Vio.

A fine
Valley.

Courfe Diet.

Vermejo.

Dead Bodies
in great
Numbers.

186 WAFER’S DARIEN

that lie all about, and ferve as Foil to them:
They are moftly fandy or black Rocks, like
Cinders or Iron-Stones, for Colour.

In failing along upon this Coaft we were
fometimes put to it for Food as well as Water;
and once were fo Hunger-pinch’d, that meeting
with fome Sea-Crabs on the Coaft, one of our
Men, Mr. Smallbones, eat them raw, and even
Sea-weeds: But others of us, whofe Stomachs
would not ferve for that Food, looking about,
found a lean gall’d Horfe grafing in a little Spot
at the foot of the Hill; which we prefently
kill’d, cut in pieces, and making a Fire with
Sea-weeds, eat the Flefh while ’twas hardly
warm, leaving none, but carrying the very Guts
aboard.

[208] I fhall not purfue all my Coafting along
this Shore with Captain Davis; but two Particu-
lars more I mu{t not omit: The one is, That we
put afhore at Vermejo, in 10 Deg. S. Lat. There
we landed about 30 Men (of whom I was one) to
fee for Water, or any other Refrefhment that
we wanted. After we were landed, we marched
about four Miles up a Sandy Bay; all which we
found covered with the Bodies of Men, Women
and Children; which lay fo thick, that a Man
might, if he would, have walked half a Mile, and
never trod a Step off a dead human Body. Thefe
Bodies, to appearance, feem’d as if they had
not been above a Week dead; but if you
handled them, they prov’d as dry and light as
a Spunge or piece of Cork. After we had been
fome time afhore, we efpyed a Smoak; and
making up to it, found an old Man, a Spanish

WAFER’S DARIEN 187

Indian, who was ranging along the Sea-fide, to
find fome dried Sea-weeds, to drefs fome Fifh
which his Company had caught; for he belong’d
toa Fifhing-boat hard by. Weasked him many
Queitions, in Spanz/h, about the Place, and how
[209] thofe dead Bodies came there? To which
he returned for Anfwer, That in his Fathers
time the Soil there, which now yielded nothing,
was green, well-cultivated and fruitful: That the
City of Wormia had been well inhabited with
Indians: And that they were fo numerous, that
they could have handed a Fifh, from Hand to
Hand, 20 Leagues from the Sea, until it had
come to the Kings or Yuca’s Hand: That the
River was very deep, and the Current {ftrong:
And that the reafon of thofe dead Bodies was,
That when the Spanzards came, and block’d up
and lay’d Siege to the City, the /vdians, rather
than lie at the Spaniards Mercy, dug Holes in
the Sand, and buried themfelves alive. The
Men as they now lie, have with them their
broken Bows; and the Women their Spinning-
wheels, and Diftaffs with Cotton-yarn upon
them. Of thefe dead Bodies I brought on board
a Boy of about 9 or 10 Years of Age, with an
intent to bring him home for England: But was
fru{trated of my purpofe by the Sailors; who
having a foolifh Conceit, that the Compafs
would not [210] traverfe aright, fo long as any
dead Body was on board, threw him overboard,
to my great Vexation.

This Place is a deep fandy Ground, of little
Hills and Valleys of Sand. ’Tis like the reft
of this part of Peru, without Rain: But it has

Santa.

Ships caft
far afhore
by an Earth
quake.

188 WAFERS DARIEN

Dews, and there was the Channel of a {mall
River; yet ‘twas dry when we were there.

The other Particular I would fpeak of, is of
our touching at a Place called Santa, a {mall
Town in the Lat. of 8 Deg. 40 Min. S. Herel
went afhore and fo up to the Town, which was
three Miles or thereabouts fromthe Sea. Inour
way to the Town we crofs’d a fmall Hill; and
in a Valley between the Hill and the Town we
faw three {mall Ships of about 60 or 100 Tuns
apiece, lodg’d there, and very ruinous. It
caufed in us great Admiration, and we were
puzzled to think how thofe Ships could come
there: But proceeding toward the Town, we
faw an /udian, whom we called, and he at the
firft Motion came to us. We ask’d him feveral
Queiftions, and among the reft, how thofe Ships
came there? He told [211] us, That about 9
Years before, thefe 3 Ships were riding at
Anchor in the Bay, which is an open Place,
about 5 or 6 Leagues from Point to Point; and
that an Earthquake came, and carried the Water
out of fight; which {ftayed away 24 Hours, and
then came in again, tumbling and rowling with
fuch Violence, that it carried thefe Ships over
the Town, which then {tood on the Hill which
we came over, and lodged them there; and that
it deftroyed the Country for a confiderable
way along the Coait. This Report, when we
came to the Town, was confirmed to us by the
Parifh-Prieft, and many other Inhabitants of the
Town.

We continued thus Rambling about to little
purpofe, fometimes at Sea, and fometimes

WAFER’S DARIEN 189

afhore; till having {pent much time, and vifited
many Places, we were got again to the Gadla-

I. Galla-

pago’s, under the Line; and were then refolv’d 278%

to make the beift of our Way out of thefe Seas.

Accordingly we went thence again for the
Southward, intending to touch no where till we
came to the Ifland of /ohku Fernando. In our way
[212] thither, about four a Clock in the Morning,
when we were in the Lat. of 12 Deg. 30 Min.
S. and about 150 Leagues from the Main of
America, our Ship and Bark felt a terrible
Shock; which put our Men into fuch a Coniterna-
tion, that they could hardly tell where they
were, or what to think; but every one began to
prepare for Death. And indeed the Shock was
fo fudden and violent, that we took it for granted
the Ship had {truck upon a Rock: But when the
Amazement was a little over, we caft the Lead,
and founded, but found no Ground; fo that
after Confultation, we concluded it muft cer-
tainly be fome Earthquake. The fuddennefs
of this Shock made the Guns of the Ship leap in
their Carriages, and feveral of the Men were
fhaken out of their Hammocks. Captain Davis,
who lay with his Head over a Gun, was thrown
out of his Cabbin. The Sea, which ordinarily
looks Green, feemed then of a Whitifh Colour;
and the Water which we took up in our Buckets
for the Ships ufe, we found to be a little mixed
with Sand. This at firft made us think there
was [213] fome Spit of Sand; but when we had
founded, it confirmed our Opinion of the Earth-
quake. Some time after we heard News, That
at that very time there was an Earthquake at

Earthquake
felt at Sea.

Earthquake
at Callao by
Lima.

New Land
difcover’d.

* (St. Felix
and St.

Ambrose
Islands. ]

190 WAFER’S DARIEN

Callao, which is the Road for Lima; and that the

Sea ebbed fo far from the Shore, that on a fud-
den there was no Water to be feen: And that
after it had been away aconfiderable time, it
return’d in rowling Mountains of Water, which
carried the Ships in the Road of Callao a League
up into the Country, overflowed the City of
Callao, though it ftood upon a Hill, together
with the Fort, and drowned Man and Beaft for
50 Leagues along Shore; doing Mifchief even
at Lima, though fix Miles within Land from the
Town of Callao. This feems to have been much
fuch another Earthquake as that, the Effects of
which we faw at Santa.

Having recover’d our Fright, we kept on to
the Southward. We fteer’d South and by Eaftt,
half Eafterly, until we came to the Latitude of
27 Deg. 20 Min. S. when about two Hours
before Day, we fell in with a {mall, low, fandy
Ifland, and [214] heard a great roaring Noife,
like that of the Sea beating upon the Shore,
right a Head of the Ship. Whereupon the Sail-
ors, fearing to fall foul upon the Shore before
Day, defired the Captain to put the Ship about,
and to {tand off till Day appeared; to which the
Captain gave his confent. So we plied off till
Day, and then {tood in again with the Land;
which proved to be afmall flat Ifland, without
the guard of any Rocks. We ftood in within a
quarter of a Mile of the Shore, and could fee it
plainly; for ‘twas a clear Morning, not foggy
nor hazy. To the Weftward, about 12 Leagues
by Judgment, we faw a range of high Land,
which we took to be Iflands, for there were

WAFER’S DARIEN 191

feveral Partitions in the Profpectt. This Land
feem’d to reach about 14 or 16 Leagues in a
Range, and there came thence great Flocks of
Fowls. I, and many more of our Men would
have made this Land, and have gone afhore at
it; but the Captain would not permit us. The
{mall Ifland bears from Copayapo almoft due E.
500 Leagues; and from the Gallapago’s, under
the Line, 600 Leagues.

[215] When we were again arriv’d at John
Fernando's, which was at the latter End of the
Year, 1687. we clean’d our Ship there, having
quitted our Bark, and f{tood over to the Main;
intending to get fome of the Sheep of Mocha, for
our Voyage round TZerra del Fuego. But when
we came there, the Spaniards had wholly de-
{troyed or carried away the Sheep, Horfes, and
all other living Creatures. We went then to
Santa Maria, an Ifland in 37 Deg. S. in expecta-
tion of frefh Provifion; but this Ifland was like-
wife deftroy’d: So we were force’d to content
our felves with fuch Provifion as we had brought
from the Gallapago’s; which were chiefly Flower,
Maiz, Hecatee or Land-Tortoife falted, and the
Fat of it tried, or made into Lard or Oil, of
which we got there 60 Jars.* The Spanzards

* Dampier, p. 109, says that, while he was at the Gallapagos,
in 1684, they ‘‘ sent ashoar the Cook every morning, who killed

as many as served fortheday . . . . feeding sometimes
on Land-Turtle, sometimes on Sea-Turtle. Captain Davis
came hither again asecond time; and . . . . heandhis

Men eat nothing else for 3 Months that he staid there. They
were so fat, that he saved sixty Jars of Oyl out of those that
he spent: This Oil served instead of Butter, to eat with
Dough-boys or Dumplins, in his return out of these Seas.’’

I. Mocha
laid wafte:

I. Santa
Marta alfo

and John
Fernando's.

Some ftay
afhore at
John Fer-
nando’s.

Terra del
Fuego.

A Storm.
C. Horn.

192 WAFER’S DARIEN

had fet Dogs afhore at John Fernando's alfo, to
def{troy the Goats there, that we might fail of
Provifion: But we were content with killing
there no more than we eat prefently; not doubt-
ing but we fhould have found Sheep enough at
Mocha, to victual the Ship.

[216] Three or Four of our Men, having loft
what Mony they had at Play, and being unwill-
ing to return out of thefe Seas as poor as they
came, would needs {tay behind at John Fernando's,
in expectation of fome other Privateers coming
thither. We gave them a {mall Canoa, a Por-
ridge-pot, Axes, Macheats, Maiz, and other
Neceffaries. I heard fince that they planted
fome of the Maiz, and tam’d fome of the Goats,
and liv’d on Fifh and Fowls; of which there is
one fort Grey, and about the fize of a {mall
Pullet, that makes Burrows in the Ground like
a Rabbit; lodging there in the Night, and
going out to catch Fifh in the day: For ’tisa
Water-Fowl, and eats a little fifhy, yet pretty
well tafted after a little burying. I heard alfo
that thefe Men were taken by a Privateer-Veffel
which came thither a Year or two after; and
that one of them is fince come to Eugland.

We were now {tanding out to Sea again, to
double Zerra del Fuego: We were in a terrible
Storm for about three Weeks before we came
off Cape Horn: We did not fee Cape Horn, [217]
being a great way to the South of it, and in the
Lat. of 62 Deg. 45 Min. S. nor did we well
know what Courfe to fteer, having but very
indifferent Seamen aboard. It was now about
the heighth of Summer here; for I remember

WAFER’S DARIEN 193

that upon Chrifimas day, 1687. we were jult
clear of the Storm, and in the Latitude we men-
tion’d, off Cape Horn. Running hence to the
Northward again, being now got out of the
South Sea, we met feveral Iflands of Ice; which
at firft feemed to be real Land. Some of them
feemed a League or two in length, and fome
not above half a Mile. The bigge{t feemed, as
we fail’d by them, which we did before the
Wind for feveral Days, to be about 4 or 500 Foot
high. We founded near them, but found no
Ground; fo that it may reafonably be concluded
they were afloat; and perhaps reach’d as deep
into the Water, as their heighth was above it.
We faw no fuch Iflands of Ice as I went into the
South Sea with Mr. Dampzer; neither did I ever
hear that Captain Sharp met with any in his
return out of that Sea. Thefe Iflands [218]
appear’d to us fo plain at Night, that we could
eafily fee how to fteer clear of them: But there
were fome which lay under Water, which we
could not poffibly fhun, but fometimes they
would fhake our Ship: Yet they never did us
much Dammage. From thefe Hills of Ice came
very cold Blafts of Wind; infomuch that our
Men, newly coming out of a hot Country, could
hardly endure the Deck.

In all our Pafflage round Zerra del Fuego the
Weather was fo {ftormy, for 3 Weeks that we lay
to the Southward of Cape Horn, and the Sun and
Stars fo obfcur’d, that we could take no Obferva-
tion of our Lat. yet, by our Reckoning, we were
in very near 63 Deg. S. Lat. which is the farth-
eft to the South that any European, probably,

Iflands of
Ice.

Mifreckon-
ing the
Variation.*

A feafon-
able Rain.

194 WAFER’S DARIEN

ever yet was, and perhaps any Man. When we
were in Lat. 62. Deg. 30 Min. we began to think
of fhifting our Courfe to the Northward again,
toward the £thiopick and Atlantick Seas; and we
foon brought our felves to ftand E. N. E. and
E. and by N. and kept much thofe Courfes for
a great way. In our Paf-[219]fage we had
allow’d for three Points Weifterly Variation:
But when we came to have a good Obfervation,
we found that we had gone to the Eaftward,
making our way E. and by S. We found there-
fore that we had miftaken the Variation of the
Compafs, fo that we concluded the Variation to
be Eafterly, and fteer'd away N. N. E. and N.
EK. and by N.

By this means, when we came into the Lati-
tude of the River of Flate, along which we
intended to run, we reckon’d our felves to be
about 100 Leagues off Land; and ftood in
directly for the Shore, not doubting but we
fhould find it at that diftance. But we were
then really 500 Leagues off; and having run
fome hundreds of Leagues to the Weft in the
fame Latitude, and yet finding no Land, our
Men were out of Heart, fearing we were {till in
a wrong Courfe, and being all in danger of
perifhing at Sea, through want of Provifions;
having little Food, and lefs Water. It pleas’d
God, during this Exigence, to fend us a Days
Rain, which fell very plentiful; and we fav’d
of it feveral Casks of Water, [220] which was a
great Refrefhment to us, and made our Men
pluck up their Hearts for fome time. But hav-

* Cape Horn current sets strongly eastward.

WAFER’S DARIEN 195

ing run 450 Leagues in this Latitude, and {till
finding no Land, which they had expected to
have feen in 100, this bred a frefh Commotion,
and we had like to have been all together by the
Ears upon it. The greateft part were for
changing the Courfe, which they thought muift
needs be wrong: But Captain Davzs, and Mr.
Knott the Mafter, begg’d of them for God’s fake
to keep the fame Courfe two Days longer,
which they did, though we had but a fmall
Wind: And in that time a Flight of Locufts and
other Infects coming off with a Flurry of Wind
from the Weft, affur’d us there was Land there,
not far off. Had not this providentially hapned,
we fhould have chang’d our Courfe, for the
Men would not have been perfuaded to the con-
trary; for a great many of them were fo ignor-
ant, that they would not be perfuaded but they
were {till in the South Sea: And had we chang’d
this Courfe, we fhould have {ftood out to Sea
again, and muft have perifh’d there.

[221] The Land we made, following the
direction of the Flurry and the Locufts, and
fetting the Point they come from by the Com-
pafs, was a little to the North of the Mouth of
the River of Plate. We put afhore here to get
Water and frefh Provifions, of which this Coun-
try afforded plenty: And here our Men having
with them their Fufees, fpy’d a Herd of Sea-
Swine, as we call them, upon a Point a Land;
and were thereupon refolved to kill fome of
them to bring on board. In order thereunto
they contrived, that fome Men fhould {top the
Pafs that led up to the Mountain, whilft others

Deliverance
from a
Danger of
perifhing at
Sea.

Coaft by the
R. of Plate.

Sea-Swine.

Efiridges.

196 WAFER’S DARIEN

went in among them, and with their Cutlaffes
did what Execution they could. But {till as the
Men came near them, the Herd walked toward
the Sea, contrary to our Mens expectation; for
they hitherto took them to be Land-Swine.
There they ftood on the Shore, f{taring at and
admiring our People: But when the Men came
near enough, and were juft going to {trike
among them, the whole Herd jump’d into the
Sea, leaving the Men in amazement, and forely
vex'’d at [222] their Difappointment. But at
another time they fhot and brought on Board
two of them, which eat like Land-pork, except
fome Fifhy tafte it had. They were fhap’d
much like Swine, and had fhort Hair more
briftly than that of Seals; and like them had
finny Stumps to fwim with, and were of a
Black Colour. The Country hereabouts is
well watered, but without any Inhabitants.
Here is notwithitanding abundance of black
Cattle, of which for feveral Scores of Leagues
we obferved many Herds; with Deer alfo, and
Eftridges.

We faw a great many of thefe Eftridges, and
found abundance of their Eggs on the Sand:
For there fhe drops her Eggs upon the Ground,
and ’tis faid fhe never takes any farther Care of
them; but that they are hatched by the Sun,
and the young one fo foon as hatched follows
the firft Creature it meets with. I my felf had
fometimes a great many young Eftridges follow-
ing me. They are a foolifh Bird; they will
follow Deer or any Creature. The old Birds
are here very large: I meafur’'d the Thigh of

WAFER’S DARIEN 197

one of them, and [223] thought it little lefs than
my own. We have had feveral of them on
board, and fome we eat; but the old ones were
very rank, courfe Food. Some fancy that the
Eftridge eats Iron: I believe juft as truly as
Poultry eat Pebble-Stones, not as Food but
for Digeftion, and to ferve as Mill-Stones,
or Grinders, to macerate their Food in the
Maw. The Eftridge will indeed fwallow
Nails or Stones, or any thing you throw to it;
but they pafs through the Body as whole as they
went in.

Putting off to Sea again, we Coafted along
Brafil, and thence toward the Carzdée-Iflands;
where meeting with one Mr. Edwin Carter, in
a Barbadoes Sloop, I and fome others went
aboard him, and had of him the News of King
James's Proclamation to pardon and call in
the Buccaniers.* So we went in his Ship to
the River de la Ware, and up into Penfilvania,
to the City of Philadelphia; where I arriv’d in
May, 1688.

There I {tayed fome time; after which I came
down the River de la Ware as far as Apokunnumy-
creek, with Capt. Davis, and John Hing/fon who
[224] was left with me on the //hmus.: There
we carted our Chefts, with other Goods, over a
{mall Neck of Land into Bohemia-River, which
leads down the great Bay of Chi/apeck to Point-
Comfort in James-River in Virginia. ‘There I

* This was probably either the royal proclamation against
pirates issued January 20, 1688, following the announcement
of the cessation of hostilities with France, or perhaps the royal
declaration of indulgence and proclamation for suppression of
piracy, issued May 22, 1687.

2

Brafil.

The A.
arrives in
Penjil-
vanta,

and
Virginia.

Conclufion.

198 WAFER’S DARIEN

thought to fettle: But meeting with fome
Troubles, after a three Years refidence there, I
came home for Eugland in the Year, 1690.

BE ON GES:

WAFER’S DARIEN 199

[225] Index.

[figures refer to original pagination, in brackets.]

va\y

DULTERY; how punifhed, Pag. 163.

A Air at Portobel, 67.

at Panama, 76.

Alligators, 112.

Amapalla Gulph, 189.

Anguilla; zts Land-Crabs, 112.

Animals of the \{thmus, 104.

Ants, 123.

Arica, 205.

Afh-/fle, 143.

Author's firft Voyage, 1. fecond Voyage, 3. firft
meets Mr. Dampier, 4. Misfortune in paffing the
Iithmus, 5. great Hard/hips, 5, to 24. narrowly
efcapes Drowning, 18. his fear of the Indians, 23.
fets out for the North Sea a fecond time, 25.
bleeds Lacenta’s Lady, 29. his repute among the
Indians, 30. gets leave of Lacenta to [226] depart,
33. fets out a third time for the North Seas, 35.
arrives at the Sea-fide, 37. meets with the Priva-
teers, 41. his coafting about the Weit-Indies with
Mr. Dampier, 43. arrival at Virginia, 44. goes
a fecond time with Mr. Dampier znto the South

200 WAFER’S DARIEN

Sea, and parts with him there, 45. Voyage con-
tinued, 189. arrives at Penfilvania, 223. and

Virginia again, 224.
B.

Bamboes, 27, 97.

Bantam, 1.

Barcaderoes, or Landing-places, 2.
Baftimento’s /fle, 4, 48, 61, 63.
Bats, 121.

Bees, 122.

Bezoar-/tones 1n Mocha Sheep, 200.
Bibby-tree and Fruit, 23, 86. and Oil, 87.
Luirds of the \{thmus, 114, 119.
Blood-letting, 28.

Bocca-Drago, 68.

Toro, 68.

Bonano’s, Tree and Fruit, 88.

Bowman (William) Ais narrow E/fcape, 15.

(2274) (Braiil,, 223°

Buckenham (Capt.) taken Prifoner, 8.

Ufage, 3.
C.

Calabafsh-tree, 92.

Canes, 63.

Caret-Bay, 47, §2.

Cartagena, 4.

Caffava Roots and Bread, 10t.

Cats; much efteem’d by the Indians, 1009.
Cavally-fifh, 125.

Cedars, &4.

Chagre-River, 47, 51, 52, 73.

Chains; ornamental, 146.

hara

WAFER’S DARIEN

Cheapo-River, 21, 47, 72.
Chepelio-//e, 77.

Chicaly Chicaly; Bird, 114.
Cinamon, 97. °

Coco-/fle, 191.

Nut- Tree, 87, 192.
Combs us’d by the Indians, 132.
Conception-Azver, 52, 58.
Congo-River, 70, 77.
Conjuring, 37.

Cookery, 175.
Copayapo-Rzver, 202.
Coquimbo, 196.
Cormorants, 121.

[228] Corofou-Bird, 115.
Cotton-tree, 26, 83.
Conchs, 127.

Crabs; Land, 111.

Sea, 128.
Crab-l[fland, 112.
Craw-fifh, 128.

Cups, 162.

D.
Dancing, 168.

Dead Bodies found in abundance, 208.

Deer, 106.

Dexterity of the Indians, 159.
Diadems of Gold, &c. 145.
Dect 2077,

Diver fion, 169.

Dogs, 106.

Dog-fifh, 124.

Drink, 153.

201

202 WAFER’S DARIEN

E.

Earthquake felt at Sea, 212. Ships cast far on Land
by them, 210, 213.

Eating, 176.

Education, 158.

Feels, 127.

Employments, 161, 167.

Efiridges, 222.

[229] F.
Fea/fts, 166.
John Fernando //le, 197, 217.
Figs, 206.

Fifh of the Withmus, 124, 128.
Fifhing, 129.

Fly; shining, 122.

Floods, 18, 8%.

Forts, or War-houfes, 150.
Fowl of the Uithmus, 119.
Fruits of the Uthmus, 83.

G.

Gainy (George) drowned, 10.
Gallapago’s [/les, 194, 211.
Gar-fifh, 126.

Garachina, 47, 68, 76.
Guatimala Government, 76.
Gopfon (Richard) dies, 42.
Gold, 31.
Golden Jfland, 4, 53.

Gold River, 31, 69, 197.
Gorgonia, 195.

Gourds, 93.

WAFER’S DARIEN 203

Guacha, 195.
Guanoes, 113, 194.
Guavra, 195.
Sea-Gulls, 121.

[230] H.
Habits of the chief Indians, 37, 141, 146. of the
other Men and Women, 138, 140, &c.
A at7) 132) 03 5.
fills, 34, 48, 50.
Flogs, 104.
FLOR 122.
Horn, Cape, 216.
Ffforfes, 198.
Houfes, 149.
Flunting, 170.
Flusbandry, 152.

Jamaica, 3.

Jamby Jown, 1.

Ice-[flands, 217.

Sefutts-Bark, 99, 206.

Tihor, 1.

Indians cure the Author, 8. are difpleas’d, 8. con-
fult to kill the Author and his Company, 11.
afterwards receive them kindly, and why, 24.
Conjuring, 37. their Stature, Features, &c. 131.

cutting off their Hair on killing an Enemy, 133.
white Indians, [231] 134. painting them/felves,
138. other Ornaments of both Sexes, 140, 143,
&c. Houfes, 149, &c. Plantations and Husbandry,
152. Womens Employments, 157, 160. Lying-in,
158. Education of Children, 158, 160, &c.

204 WAFERS DARIEN

Mens Employments, 161, 167, 170. Punishments,
163. Marriages and Feafis, 163, 166. Recrea-
tions, 167. Hunting and Cookery, 170, 174.
Travelling, 177. Numbers and Calculation, 178,
179, &c. Language and Pronuntiation, 186.
Good Qualities, 8, 9, 24, 141, 157, 162, 165, 169.
Bad 166, 170.

Infeéis, 109, 122.

Iflands on each fide the Ifthmus, 48, 54.

I{thmus of Darien; zts breadth, &c. 46. Situation,
AZ. Haus, (SEC. 48s. Revers.) GL.) VOR LaSee
Coaft defcrib’d, 52, &c. South-Sea Coafi, 68,
&c. Soil, 77. Woods, 50, 78. Air and Weather,
79. Floods, 18, 81. Vegetables, 83. Beafis and
Reptiles, 104. Birds and Flying Infecis, 114.
Inhabitants, 131.

L.

Lacenta zs Civility, 12. Palace, 26. detains the
Author, S&C. 27. Refpect i232) to the Auchor,
32, 34. gives him leave to depart, 33. his Wives,
162.

Land, barren, 204.

Floods, 18, 81.

new atfcover'd, call’d by Mr. Dampier, .
Davis’s Land, 214.

Language, 187.

Lavelia, 75.

Leon, 75.

Lightning, 80.

Limpits, 128.

Ligards, 113.

Locuft-tree, 97.

Lorenzo, Cape, 68.

WAFER’S DARIEN 205

M.

Macaw-berries and Tree, 16, 84.
Macaw-birds, 116.

Maho-tree, 91.

Matz, Flower and Drink, 153, 166.
Malacca, I.

Mammee-tree and Frutt, 88.
Mammee-Sappota, 89.

Manchinel-tree and Frutt, potfonous, 90.
Mangrove-trees, 61, 98.

Marrtages, 163.

Mice, 109.

[233] Sz. Michael’s Gulph, 47, 68, 71.
Miflaw of Plantains, 154.

Mocha-Jfle, 195, 215.

Modefty of the Indians, 141, 162.
Monkeys, 107, 195.

Moon-ey’'d Indians, 136.

Moskito’s, or Gnats, 81.

N.

La Nafca, 196.

Nata, 75.

Nicaragua-Lake, 51.

Nombre de Dios, 62.

North-Sea Coaft of the \{thmus, 52.
Nofe-rings, 144.

Numbering and Numeral Names, 181.
Numbedne/s with drinking Coco-milk, 193.

O.

Oil of Bibby-berries, 87.
Olive, 206.
of the Soldier-Infetis;, tts Vertues, 111.

206 WAFER’S DARIEN

Old Wives, a Fifh, 125.
Oranges, 206.
Oy/fters, 195.

[234] P.
Pacheque //fland, 77.
Panama, 48, 74, 77.
Paracoods, Fish, 135.
Parakites, 116.
Parrots, 116.
Parrot-fifh, 127.
Pawawing, or Conjuring, 38.
Pearl-[flands, 48, 77.
Pecary, Beaft, 104.
Pelican, 119.
Pendants, 145.
Penfilvania, 223.
Pepper, 100.
Periea, 2,48, 74,177:
Periwinkles, 128.
Sea-Pies, 121.
Pine-apples, Fruzt, 89.
Pines, [fland, 55.
Pifca, 195.
Plantains, 87.
Plantations, 152.
Plates of Gold, &c. ornamental, 143.
Popes-heads, a Shrub, 27, 90.
Portobel, 4, 47, 65.
Port-Royal, 4.
Potato’s, 101.
Prickle-pear, Fruit, 27, 90.
[235] Prevateers, make an order to kill thofe that
flag, 7, four left on the W{thmus with the Author,

WAFER’S DARIEN 207

7. leave the I{thmus, and cruife in the W.
Indies, 43. cruz/e on the Coaft of Peru, 195.
Provifions, 171.
Punta mala, 76.

Q.
Quolla, or Landing-place, 2.
Quam, Bird, 115.

R.

Rabbits, 107.
Rain, 17, 80.
Rats, 109.
Realeja, 76.
Recreations, 167.
Rio Grande, 76.
Rivers, 46, 51.
hot, 190.

Salt, how made, 130.
Sambo-River, 68.

Sambaloes Channel, 58.
Sambaloes, Jfles, 48, 56.

[236] Sanballas, Pont, 56, 60.
- Santa, Ships caft a-ground there, 210.
Santa Maria, 4, 60, 215.
Sappadilloes, Tree and Fruit, 89.
Savannahs, 72.

Scrivan, Port, 60.

Sculpins, Fifh, 127.

Sea-Gulls, 121.

Sea-pies, 121.

Sea-/wine, 221.

208 WAFER’S DARIEN

Scuchadero, 70.

Sharks, 124.

Sheep, 1098.

Shell-fifh, 127.

Ships caft fome miles on the Shore, 210.
Shining Fly, 122.

Sholes, 71.

Silk-grafs, 94.

Smoaking, 102.

Snakes, 109.

Snooks, Fish, 127.

Soil of the I{thmus, 52, 77.
Soldier-Infec?, 110.

La Sounds Key, 57.

South-fea Coaft of the \{ithmus, 68.
Spanifh Indians, 64.

Spaniards deftroy Mocha, Sec. 215.
Spiders, 109.

Springer’s Key, 57.

Stingrays, Fifh, 127.

[237] Storms, 216.

Sugar, 206.

Sugar-Canes, 90.

Tamarinds, 97.

Tarpom, Fifh, 104.

Terra del Fuego, 216.

Theft, 163.

Thunder, 80.

Tigers, 147.

Teeth, 147.

Time, the Indians computation of tt, 179.
Tobacco, 102.

WAFER’S DARIEN

Tortoife, 194.
Travelling, 13, 177.
Trees, 58, 83.

Valleys, 48.

Venta de Cruzes, 73.

Vermin, 109.

Vermejo, dead Bodtes there, 208.

W.
Warree, Beaf?, 105.
Wars, \.
[238] Water, 48.
Wax, 123.
Weather, 79.

Weaving, 160.

Wine, La Nafca, Pifca, &e. 196.
Women, 138, 140, 156, 162.
Woods, 50, 78.

Wood-pecker, 118.

Wood, light, 95.

red, 100.

white, go.

Yams, 101.
Ylo River, 206.

200

ay
sae

TEAS TB
Wie

SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX
To the Introduction and Notes

(The numbers refer to the pagination of this volume, and nol,
as in the preceding Index, to that of the original
edition, reprinted in brackets in the text.)

Acosta, Joaquin, 168 zo/Ze.

Adultery, how punished, 154.

Albinos, 133.

Antarctic regions, buccaneers
in, 16, 67, 179, 193-

Antigua Island, 16.

Arica, Chile, 13, 14.

Atrato River, 69 zo/e.

Ayres, Philip, 17.

Balsas River, 56 oZe.

Barbados Island, 16.

Bark logs, description of, 46
note, 49.

Bayano River, 49 xo/e.

Blood-letting, 54.

Bowman, William, 38, 44.

Browne, Zachary, 33.

Caledonia, Scotch colony in
Darien, 20.

Cafiaza River, 43 ole, 53 note.

Canoes, 10, 95.

Carolina, piracy in, 18, 66 ote.

Chepo River, 4o.

Chugunaque River, 85 zole.

Congo River, Colombia, 15, 38,
87 note.

Cook, John, 18, 35, 65 mode, 67.

Coxon, 11.

Crooke, William, 17, 18.

Crusoe’s Island, 192.

Dampier, William, 12, 15, 18,
19, 35, 65.

Darien Company, Scots’, 20.

Davis, John, 173, 177, 197.

Doctors, accompanying bucca-
MEECLS, Lis Las 37) 55:

Doctors, Indian, 54.

Drake, Sir Francis, 14.

Drake's Island, 14, 15.

Exquemeling, John, 16.

Gallapagos Islands, 177.
Gambling, 13, 16.
Gayny, George, 41.
Gold, 56.

Gopson, or Gobson,
37, 51, 62, 65.
Greek testament, read by buc-

caneers, 37.

Richard,

Cobson, Richard: See Gobson. | Guayaquil, Ecuador, 13.

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