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THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES
OF THE YNCAS.
FIRST PART
ROYAL COMMENTARIES
THE YNCAS
YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.
TRANSLATED AND EDITED,
£2£ttfj jjLotts anto an Cntrofcuctton,
BY
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.
VOLUME I.
(CONTAINING BOOKS i, n, in, AND iv.)
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXIX.
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Ha
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41
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COUNCIL
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, BART., K.C.B., G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Corr
Mem. Inst. F., HOD. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. Petersburg, etc., etc., PRESIDENT,
ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. )
\ VICE-PRESIDENTS.
THE RT. HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS. )
THE RIGHT HON. H. U. ADD1NGTON.
REV. G. P. BADGER, F.R.G.S.
J. BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.
REAR-ADMIRAL R. COLLINSON, C.B.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
GENERAL C. FOX.
W. E. FRERE, ESQ.
R. W. GREY, ESQ.
JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ., F.S.A.
R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.
SIR CHARLES NICHOLSON, BART., D.C.L., LL.D.
CAPTAIN SHERARD OSBORN, R.N.,C.B.
MAJOK-GENEKAL SIR HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B.
HON. H. STANLEY.
THE BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.
COLONEL YULE, C.B.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., F.S.A., HONORARY SECRETARY.
INTRODUCTION.
THE first part of the Royal Commentaries of Peru
describes the manners and customs of one of the two
great civilised communities of the New World, and
was written by an author who had known the country
from his childhood, and had peculiar qualifications for
his task. The writer was not one of those travellers
or explorers who set out from Europe in search of ad-
ventures in the New World. He had even greater
advantages as a describer of a distant and little known
land ; for he was the son of such an adventurer by a
native mother, and thus began to acquire the know-
ledge which enabled him afterwards to write this in-
valuable work, in his very cradle. So that his travels
over all parts of Peru were not commenced until he
had learnt the traditions and customs of his mother's
people, and had become intimately acquainted with
their language. The young Ynca had a wonderful
start of all other contemporary travellers, for he was
born, as it were, in the midst of his work, and began
to store his material as soon as he could speak.
Our author's father, Garcilasso de la Vega,* was a
* The Spaniards in those days had very uncertain rules in the
adoption of surnames. One brother would take his father's,
another his mother's, and a third his grandmother's. Garcilasso
1)
[NTRODUCT10N.
de Jlinestrosa Jo Vargas and his
uarez de Figneroa. His paternal
. the lords of Sierrabrava, descended from that
gallant warrior \vlio fought by the side of St. Ferdi-
nand at the capture of Seville from the Moors — Carol
de Vargas, in KMS. In an old popular song
the famous city is made to say :—
Jlcivult's Iniilt me
.hi I'm- ( Isesar encircled me
With toweK and long walls
The sainted King conquered me
Will: ! 'CYC/, de Vargas.*
The head of his mo: mily was her cousin the
iMik. ia, one of the Spanish courtiers who ac-
1 Phili]) to England, and the only one who
1 an Kii<Jish wife. He married Miss Jane Dor-
danghter i»f Sir William Dormer Ly Mary Syd-
i lasso dc la \'«>ga was of
,,ily, and a iirst cousin once reinoved of
So that the an if (iareilasso de la, Vega the
itliciently distinguished and noMe, as will
illation of the. pedi-
be f"llov, 1,,,1-n in the city
liis l-itlu-i-'s si.lr, and a Snanv, <|tj
adi.pn-il also hy the
inatiTiial anccsloi-.
Bod
.in1
:^--J e §
. :.I121
^t!?1
"H
iv [NTRODUCTIOK.
tdajoz in Estremadura, in the year 150(> ; and
;1 handsome young man, polished, generous,
and \vdl practised iii the use of arms when, in 1531,
; tor the Xe\v \Vorld as a captain of infantry
in company with Don Alonzo do Alvarado, who was
:iing to resume his government of Guatemala.
That famous chief, on hearing of the riches of Peru,
:: with a large fleet from Nicaragua, and landed in
tin- : ' 'aragues in .May 1534. Garcilasso de la
•ompanied him, and shared all the terrible
hardships and sufferings of the1 subsequent march to
nina. After the convention with Alrnagro, and
the dispiTsi.m of Alvarado's forces, Garcilasso was
srnt to compl.-te the eonqiiest of the country round
the i iitura. He and his small band of
followers forced their way, for many days, through
uninhabited foivsts. i-nduring almost incredible
liMi-d.-hijis, and finding nothing to repay their labours.
Uplayed mnch constancy and ]»crseveraiice, but,
havi: I' his men !V«>m hunger and fever,
to ivtival. He then went to
the time \vhell I'i/aiTo Was closely besieo'ed
• Indians and afterwards marched to
the iv|i,-f of CUZCO, which \\ -ui'i-ounded b\- an
d UM-" STnca,
Then followed the civil war between the conquerors
'id death of Almagro. During
appears to have
ived a, ].oi-tion of a
the Ync.i-, afl In- share <>f tin-
INTRODUCTION. V
besides grants of land in the neighbouring districts.*
After having reaped the fruits of his warlike exploits,
and settled himself as a citizen of Cuzco, this noble
cavalier, like many of his comrades, became enamoured
of a young Ynca princess. Their connection must
have commenced in about the year 1538, when the
Pizarro faction in Peru had become all-powerful, through
the defeat and death of Almagro. The name of the
young Indian was Chimpa Ocllo, and she had been
baptised as Dona Isabel, but most of her older relations
were still worshippers of the Sun. A contemporary
picture of this nusta or princess still exists at Cuzco —
a delicate looking girl with large gentle eyes and
slightly aquiline nose, long black tresses hanging over
her shoulders, and a richly ornamented woollen mantle
secured in front by a large gold pin. Her father's
name was Hualpa Tupac, brother of the great Ynca
Huayna Ccapac, and son of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui.
Our author, the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, was born
in 1540 ; and during the first years of his life his
father was engaged in the civil wars which distracted
the early days of the conquest.
Garcilasso de la Vega, the father, accompanied Gon-
zalo Pizarro in his expedition to Charcas, and on the
arrival of the new Governor Vaca de Castro in Peru,
he joined his camp, and in September 1542 was
wounded in the bloody battle of Chupas, where the
younger Almagro was overthrown. When Gonzalo
Pizarro rose in rebellion against the Viceroy Blasco
Nunez de Vela, Garcilasso appears to have joined the
* See pages 101, 2k>.
vi [NTRODUCTION.
3 in the lirst instance, and his brother Juan
g was slain in the battle of Huariua on the
sh.uvs of lake Titicaca, on October 26th, l."347. After
this bat i If (Iniixalo 1'ixarro marched in triumph to
o, and his entry into the city is one of the earliest
iviu'i! of our author, who was then but seven
3 old. The. day before, the little boy had gone
out with his mother to meet their returning lord, as
a the village of Quispicancha, three leagues south
IZCO. He tells us that he walked part of the way,
and was carried on the back of an Indian when he
got tired. Hut his father got him a horse to ride back
on, and he passed under all the triumphal arches of
with the victorious cavalcade.*
arcilasso de la Vega resolved to
i use of the rebel chief, and, with several
other knights, he fled from ( 'uxco to Arequipa, and
tinner up, by the (1 of the coast, to Lima, in
ord< i i In- tort lines of the Viceroy Blasco
Nun. la. Jiut when he arrived at Lima, that
ill-fated and wr< it was gone, so the
lied themseh they could.
d in the house of a friend, and
1 If in the convent of San Fran-
'he int' i of friends, (jonxalo
ted him a pardon, but detained him as a
the army of Gasca, on the
1 :ill tlic . must distinctly,
c:ipt:iins :
or 1<> (|iic vi«'»
' bmm, //-"/. u
INTRODUCTION. Vll
morning of the battle of Xaquixaquana, galloping
across the space between the two camps at early dawn,
on his good horse Salinillas. This was in 1548. He
afterwards resided quietly at his house in Cuzco until
the rebellion of Giron broke out in 1553, when he
once more showed his loyalty by escaping in the night,
and joining the royal camp. The insurrection of Fran-
cisco Hernandez Giron broke out at Cuzco. The Cor-
regidor and principal citizens were assembled at supper
in the house of Alonzo de Loaysa, a nephew of the
archbishop of Lima, to celebrate a wedding, on the
3rd of November. Amongst others, Garcilasso de la
Vega and his little half-caste son, then fourteen years
old, were present. Suddenly the doors were burst
open, and Giron, with many armed followers, rushed
into the room. Garcilasso, with his son and a few
friends, got out by a back way, and over the roof of
the house, and so into the street. The boy was then
sent on in front as a sort of sentry, to whistle if the
coast was clear at each turning. In this way Garci-
lasso and his friends got to their houses, mounted
their horses, and rode off to Lima.*
Our author's mother, the Ynca princess, was pro-
bably dead at this time, for he speaks of his step-
mother in his interesting account of these stirring
transactions.
After the fall of Giron, Garcilasso de la Vega was
appointed Corregidor and Governor of Cuzco, where
he appears to have devoted himself to the duties of
his office, and, amongst other good deeds, he restored
* II, lib. vii, cap. ii, iii.
iuct which brought a supply of water from
tin- 1, linchira for a distance of two leagues, to
the vallev of ('uzco. His house was a centre
of hospitality and kindness, where the conquerors
t ought their 1 tattles over again in the evenings, and
where numerous charities were dispensed. Both he
and his wife were engaged in acts of benevolence, and
in collecting subscriptions for charitable purposes during
me that he held office. It is said that in one
he raised 34,500 ducats for a hospital for In-
dians. They were also the guardians of many orphans,
and (laivilasso particularly took charge of the children
of his old companion-in-arms Pedro del Barco, who
ruthlessly hanged by savage old Carbajal, the
lieutenant of (lonzalo Pizarro.* When Garcilasso was
relieved of his ollice, the Jacz d<> Residencia who came
to review his administration, honourably acquitted
him of the charges which, in those days, were invari-
ably brought ajjaiii-t retiring officials.
The future historian was thus brought up amidst,
:urmoil and insecurity of civil wars in a. newly
cniKjiiei-ed country : bill he was fortunate in having
honourable cavaliers of noble blood
the rnn.jiiernix r«,r his father; while he learnt
much from i s, his mother, and
i Hot neglected. He
e of the gnod Canon
•hi, in ' Medina del ( ampo, who
to the hnlf-c is of the eili/eus
Thii • \ ' IN nt priest undertook the work of
INTRODUCTION. IX
teaching out of kindness, and at the request of the
boys themselves ; for as many as four previous school-
masters had forsaken their scholars after a few months,
thinking to make more money in other ways. Men
were unsettled and restless in those early days of the
discovery of the New World. But the good canon
read Latin with his pupils, about eighteen in number,
for nearly two years, amidst all the turmoil of the
civil wars. Among the young Ynca's schoolfellows
were Diego de Alcobasa, his adopted brother, whose
father was guardian to our author when his warlike
sire was absent in the wars;* Pedro Altamirano, whose
eye for beauty once caused him to lose a race ;f a son
of the gunner Pedro de Candia, one of the famous
thirteen who stood by Pizarro on the isle of Gallo;
sons of Juan Serra de Leguisano,J Juan Balsa, and
Pizarro by Ynca princesses, and the children of Pedro
del Barco. There was also a young Indian of full
blood at the school, named Felipe Ynca, who was an
excellent scholar ; and indeed the schoolmaster was so
pleased with them all that he used to say : — " 0 sons !
what a pity it is that a dozen of you should not be in
the university of Salamanca."
During these early days, while our author was learn-
ing some of the lore of the old World at school, his
mind was stored with the history and traditions of his
native land at home. Almost every week, he tells us,
some of the relations of his Indian mother came to
visit her ; and on these occasions their usual conversa-
tion was on the subject of the former grandeur of their
* See p. '211. f See p. 104. J See p. 272 (uute).
[INTRODUCTION.
fallen dynasty, of ttness, of the mode of govern-
ment in peace and war, and of the laws ordained by the
t he good of their subjects. The half-caste hoy
ly to these conversations : and at last, when
->ut <i\t< \eiiteeii years old, he began to
- to an old Ynca nobleman, who was his
mother's l»rother, and received from him the story of
D of the Ynca dynasty.* As the lad grew
: ployed him in various ways, such as
intending and vi . and the young
pears to ha\ lied over most parts of
5, crossing the rapid
•x,t and traversing the arid deserts,
long illness, his father died in the
L550, and he was left an orphan.
• de la Yep. a was just twenty years
be found himself alone in the world, and
k his fortune in the land of his father,
0 and Tern for ever in the same year that
an orphan. He tells us that, on his voyage
on the equator, off
1 ' and, when ,u la.-t he landed in Spain,
6 and kindness from his father's
. for which he afterwards expressed exagge-
• ' q»tain in the army of
I'liilip H 1 in the camp unst the
I >on John of Au.-tria. When he rc-
the Vm-a took ii]) his abode
in h>, |€ nlquiler," as he
t P.
INTRODUCTION. XI
calls them) at Cordova, and devoted himself to literary
pursuits. He was both poor and in debt when he left
the army, and his father's implication in the rebellion
of Gonzalo Pizarro cast a cloud over the fortunes of the
Yuca.
His first literary production was a translation from
the Italian of the Dialogues of Love, by a Jew named
Abarbanel, who wrote under the name of "El Leon
Ebreo." The Ynca's translation was published in
1590.
His next work was a narrative of the expedition of
Hernando de Soto to Florida, which he completed in
1591. He is said to have got his information chiefly
from the accounts of an old soldier who served with
de Soto, and Mr. Bancroft characterises the work as
" an extravagant romance, yet founded upon facts — a
history not without its value, but which must be con-
sulted with extreme caution/' It was first published
at Lisbon in 1605, with the following title : La Florida
del Ynca. Ilistoria del Adelantado Hernando de
Soto, Gobernador y capitan general del reyno de la
Florida, y de otros heroicos cavalier os Espanoles e
Indios. It was reprinted several times, the best
edition being that of 1723, uniform with the Eoyal
Commentaries ; and was translated into French by
Pierre Richelet, and published at Leyden in 1731.
A very curious manuscript fragment, in the hand-
writing of Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, is in the pos-
session of Don Pascual de Gayangos. It appears to
have been intended for a dedicatory epistle to be placed
at the beginning of the Ynca's work on Florida, and
INTRODUCTION.
t<, have been addressed to the head of the Vulvas
fainilv. Ii consists of a geneological account of the
• •Unwed liy an abstract of the contents
of the work, and an explanation of the system adopted
by the author in its division into six books.
'lied on, the Ynca. began to think more,
ami more of the land of his birth. The memory of
. ..!' his long evening chats with his
M relations, and of the stirring limes of the civil
at ( 'u/co, came ba^k to him in his old age. lie
11 v proud of hi.^ maternal descent from the
P - of the noble Castilian Con-
ner's side. So when at last he resolved
to write the story of his native land, his plan was to
divide the work into two parts, one to contain a history
of t! and their civilisation — his maternal an-
nid the other to be a record of the mighty
of the conquerors, amongst whom his gallant
: • of the fop-most. It was a. great under-
taking, and when he began it he was full of appreheii-
iie should not I 1 to bring it to a con-
Kortuii berity the Ynca lived to a
. and completed both parts of his Royal
ru.
\ he hail resolved to compose a history of
irvivinc schoolfellows for
1 from them many traditions
d him to compile a connected history of
th" dilfeivnt Yncas. He then carefully
"tint with tli ii bv Sj,
INTRODUCTION. Xlll
historians, such as Ciera de Leon, Zarate, Gomara, and
Acosta. He was also fortunate in getting possession
of the papers of a missionary named Bias Valera, who
had been in Peru during the first years of the conquest,
and had taken great trouble in collecting all the tradi-
tions of the Indians, and in observing their laws and
customs, at a time when the generation which had seen
the Ynca empire in its glory was still living. Bias
Valera was evidently a man of learning and a keen
observer, and it is much to be regretted that more than
half his papers were destroyed when the English sacked
Cadiz in 1596.* The rest were given to the Ynca,
after their author's death, and the information which
had been so carefully collected was preserved in the
pages of the Eoyal Commentaries.
The Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega is, without any
doubt, the first authority on the civilisation of the
Yncas and on the conquest of Peru.f His intimate
knowledge of the Quichua language, his recollections of
discourses with his mother's relations, and the corre-
spondence he kept up with Peruvian friends in after
* P. 33.
t Mr. Prescott, in his Conquest of Per?/, quotes —
Garcilasso de la Vega no less than 89 times
Polo de Ondegardo (MS.) - 41 „
Sarmiento (MS.) - - 25 „
Cieza de Leon - - 20 „
Acosta - - - - 19 „
Pedro Pizarro (MS.) - 14 „
Montesinos - - - 8 ,,
Zarate - 7 „
Herrera - - 6 „
Gomara - - - - 2 „
[NTRODUCTJON.
limony a weight and authority such
<>uld lay claim to. The conversations
he had iicard at his fa t In ' r's house, where the old soldiers
of Pi/arro fought their battles over again, and his own
, also give his version of the con-
quest and of tin1 subsequent civil wars a peculiar value.
The first part of the Poyal Commentaries of Peru,
divided into nine books, which has been selected by
1 ouncil of the Hakluyt Society for translation,
contains a detailed history of the origin of Ynca civi-
lisition in Peru, of the deeds and conquests of the
vereigns, and of the religion, institutions,
( >f the people. The story of the origin of
the Yin -iven by their descendant, was un-
doubtedly the one generally received by his mother's
: and although both it and the reigns of the
earlier Fncaa are fabulous, yet they contain some
latinn in fact, and are beyond dispute more au-
thcii- . than the versions given by any
rians. 1 have already, in the In-
!on of ( 'ie/a de Leon,* given
for believing that the historical period of
commences with Hra-cecelia (or Huira-
M our author's list. From his
•-en by ( 'ir/a de
\vith the moiv detailed narrative of (Jar-
i. The Ynea will be I'ound a pleasant
tlmii nipanioi). Mis IOIJM- his-
of the battles and Conquests of the
tedious, and of this the
* P. 1.
INTRODUCTION. XV
author is himself well aware. He, therefore, inter-
sperses them with more entertaining chapters on the
religious ceremonies, the domestic habits and customs
of the Peruvian Indians, arid on the advances they had
made in medicine, poetry, music, astronomy, and other
arts. He also frequently inserts an anecdote from the
storehouse of his memory, or some personal reminis-
cence called forth by the subject on which he happens
to be writing. He prided himself on being a strict
Catholic, but at the same time he zealously and boldly
defends his people, and shows a loving and tender
regard for the reputation of his gentle mother's kindred,
and their subjects, which does him honour, and cannot
fail to enlist the sympathy of the reader.
The first part of the Royal Commentaries of Peru
received the approbation and license of the Inquisition
in 1604, and was published at Lisbon in 1609, dedi-
cated to the Duchess of Braganza. The second part
was first published at Cordova in 1617, " by the widow
of Andres Barrera, and at her cost."
Our author, the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, died
and was buried at Cordova,* in the year 1616, at the
age of seventy-six, having just lived long enough to
accomplish his most cherished wish, and complete the
work at which he had steadily and lovingly laboured
for so many years. Without it our knowledge of the
civilisation of the Yncas, the most interesting and im-
portant feature in the history of the New World, would
indeed be limited.
* He was buried in the cathedral at Cordova, in a chapel
called Garcilasso, where a monument was erected to his memory.
xvi iNTKonrrriox.
A second edition of the Royal Commentaries \v;is
published at Madrid in 1723; and a third (the two
parts in four volumes 12mo.) appeared in Madrid in 1829.
The present translation has been made from the
original Lisbon edition of 1 609, collated with that of 1 7'2X.
An abridged English version of the Royal Commen-
taries appeared in London in 1688, having been "ren-
dered into English" by Sir Paul Rycaut, Kt.,* and
dedicated to James II. The worthy knight had a very
slight knowledge of the Spanish language, and he did
not scruple to make wild guesses at the meaning of
sentences, and to omit whole chapters. Thus he only
gives fourteen out of the twenty-six chapters in the first
book, and sixteen out of the twenty-six in the second.
Besides this very imperfect abridgment, there is no
previous translation of the Royal Commentaries in
English, though they have been published in French,
(ierman, and Italian. The French edition was trans-
lated by M. .1. liardouin. and was published at Amster-
dam in 17:57. The German version, by G. C. Bottger,
\o. It was published at Nord-
i) in 17!'^. It lias been thought that the work
furnisliiii-- as it docs tin- best account of
tli'1 mOfll '-ivilis.-d of the aboriginal American races,
will ton,! ;m acr,.],t;iblc;i,|(lifon to the Ilakluyt Society's
ii was a l-VIImv of the Knyal Society, and
-1 at Smyrna. After <lr,hVatiiiM- his mutilate,!
JameB II, he was appointed
lunation of Knolles's
of Carlowite in l»;ii-.», whirl,
fco William III.
FIRST PART
ROYAL COMMENTARIES,
Which treats of the Origin of the Yncas,
Kings of Peru in former times, of their idolatries,
laws, and government in peace and war,
of their lives and conquefts, and of
all things relating to that Empire
and its affairs, before the
Spaniards arrived
there.
Written by
THE YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA,
A Native of Cuzco, and Captain in His Majefty's Service.
Dedicated to
The Mofl Serene Princefs, the Lady Catharine of Portugal,
Duchefs of Braganza, etc.
With Licenfe from the Holy Inqttifition.
IN LISBON
In the Office of Peter Crasbeeck.
In the Year 1609.
TO THE MOST SERENE PRINCESS
THE LADY CATHARINE OF PORTUGAL,
DUCHESS OF BRAGANZA,* ETC.
THE usual custom of ancient and modern writers is always
to dedicate their works, the fruits of their genius, to gener-
ous monarchs and powerful kings and princes, that, owing
to their countenance and protection, they may be more
* This lady was the daughter of the Portuguese Infant Dom Duarte,
and grand-daughter of Manuel King of Portugal, who died in 1557.
She was married to John Duke of Braganza. After the terrible rout at
Alcazar, and the death of Dom Sebastian (grandson of King John III,
and great grandson of King Manuel) in 1578, that unfortunate youth's
uncle, the old Cardinal Henry, succeeded to the throne of Portugal.
During his short reign of two years the various claimants to the Portu-
guese throne were heard. The one who had the best right was young
Ranuccio of Parma, whose mother was the eldest sister of the ladj
Catharine, Duchess of Braganza. Next came the Duchess herself, next
the King of Spain, who claimed by right of his mother the Infanta Isa-
bella, a sister of the Infant Dom Duarte. The Duke of Savoy claimed
through his mother Beatrice, a sister of the Infanta Isabella; and
Antonio, Prior of Crato, had the worst claim of all. He was an
illegitimate son of Dom Luis, a brother of Dom Duarte. The claim of
Catharine de Medicis was absurd.
When the old Cardinal King Henry died in 1580, Portugal fell to the
strongest claimant, and was seized by Philip II. The Duchess of
Braganza, instead of being Queen, had to be satisfied with a private
station, and the patronage of authors. When the Ynca dedicated his
Commentaries to her in 1609, she must have been about fifty years of
age. Her son Theodore, Duke of Braganza, had a son John, who, when
the Portuguese threw off the yoke of Spain in 1641, became their king,
and founded the dynasty of Braganza.
Mariana says that when Philip II came to take possession of Portugal,
he was received with great splendour at Yelves by the Duke of Braganza,
and that the king afterwards visited his cousin the Duchess Catharine.
Historia de Espaha, x, lib. viii, cap. 6.
IV
;rcd by the virtuous, and more free from the calumnies
11 speakers. I am minded, O most serene Princess, in
imitation of the example of other writers, to dedicate these
Commentaries to your Highness, that they may find shelter
under your royal protection. Your Highness is known, not
only in Europe, but even in the most remote parts of the
east, the west, the north, and the south, wherever the glori-
ous princes, your Highness's ancestors, have planted the
standard of our well-being and of their glory, at so great a
cost of blood and of lives, as is notorious. It is also known
to all how great is the generosity of your Highness, for this
generosity is the child and descendant of the distinguished
kings and princes of Portugal; and although your Highness
not think much of this virtue, yet when over the gold
of such lofty rank the enamel of so heroic a virtue is cast, it
should be valued very highly. When we behold the grace
with which God our Lord has enriched the soul of your
Highness, we find it to be even greater than the natural
qualities, the piety, and the virtue, of which the whole
world speaks with admiration ; and I would say somewhat
more without any sign of flattery, if your Highness did not
'hese praises as much as you desire silence concerning
your virtues. Those who have been or may be favoured by
your royal countenance in the whole of these kingdoms, and
in those abroad, arc proclaimed in so many languages that
neither they nor the favours of your royal hand can be
numbered, .Induing from this experience, I hope to re-
'>ur and countenance for these my books, in pro-
portion to my necessity. I confess that my audacity is
, and my whole service very small, though my wish to
nccre. 'I > offer, protesting that if I should
•rthy, I am most ready to serve your High-
• "I Imusc may our Lord watch
Amen. Amen.
'I HI YNCA GARI U,ASM> m. i,,\ \ i
PREFACE TO THE READER.
ALTHOUGH there have been curious Spaniards who have
written accounts of the commonwealths of the New World,
such as that of Mexico, that of Peru, and those of other
kingdoms of heathendom, yet these accounts have not been
so complete as they might have been. I have remarked
this particularly in the accounts which I have seen written
of affairs in Peru, concerning which, as a native of the city
of Cuzco, the Rome of that empire, I have a fuller and
clearer knowledge than has hitherto been supplied by any
writer. It is true that former writers touch upon many of
the great events which occurred in the empire of Peru, but
they write them so briefly that (owing to the manner in
which they are told) I am scarcely able to understand them.
For this reason, and influenced by a natural love of my
country, I undertook the task of writing these Commen-
taries, in which the events that happened in that land, before
the arrival of the Spaniards, are clearly and distinctly set
forth, as well touching the rites of their vain religion, as the
government of their kings during peace and war, and all
other things that relate to those Indians, from the lowest
affairs of the vassals to the highest matters touching the
royal crown. I only write concerning the events of the
empire of the Yncas, without entering upon those of other
monarchies, respecting which I have no knowledge. In the
-tory I protest concerning its truth, and that I
aflirm no important circumstance that is not authorised by
•;wnish historians, either in part or altogether. My in-
n is not to contradict them, but to supply a commen-
tary and gloss, and to interpret many Indian words which
they, as strangers in that land, gave a mistaken meaning to,
as will be seen fully in the course of the history, which I
offer to the piety of those who may read it, with no other
desire than that it may be of service to Christendom; giving
thanks to our Lord Jesu Christ and to the Virgin Mary his
mother, for their merits and intercession, through which the
J majesty was pleased to draw so many great nations
out of the abyss of idolatry, and to bring them under the
of his Roman Catholic church, our mother and mis-
I trust that it will be received in the same spirit as
I offer it, for it is the return which my intention deserves,
although the work may not merit it. I am still writing two
other books touching the events which took place in that
land of mine, among the Spaniards, down to the year 1560,
when I left it; and I desire to see them finished, that I may
aim- offering of them as I do of this.
NOTES TOUCHING THE GENERAL LANGUAGE
OF THE INDIANS OF PERU.
IN order that the subject which, with the Divine blessing, we
are about to treat of in this history may be better under-
stood (for we shall have to use many words in the general
language of the Indians of Peru), it will be well to give
some account of the language of the Indians. The first
thing worthy of remark is that their language has three
different ways of pronouncing certain syllables, very differ-
ent from the way in which Spanish is pronounced ; and in
this difference of pronunciation lie the differences in the
meaning of a single word.* They pronounce some syllables
with the lips, others on the palate, others in the throat,
and we shall point out examples of this, as they occur.
In accentuating their words, it must be known that they
almost always place the emphasis on the penultimate
syllable, seldom on the antepenultimate, and scarcely ever
on the final syllable. I say this in spite of those who de-
clare that barbarous words should have the accent on the
last syllable, for they make this assertion because they do
not understand the language. In the general language of
* Thus Tanta is a crowd, Thanta (with the t and h sounded separ-
ately) means ragged, and Ttanta (a double sound) is bread. Again,
Ppacha means time, Pnccha a fountain, Pacha the earth, and Pachha
cloth.
Cuzco (for it is respecting this that I desire to speak, and
not concerning the dialects of each province, which are in-
numerable) the following letters, B, D, F, G, J, and L
single are wanting, but they have the double sound LI.
On the other hand they have no sound like the double Rr,
cither at the beginning or in the middle of a word, but
that letter is always pronounced singly. Nor have they the
letter X, so that altogether they want six letters of the
Spanish a b c ; indeed it may be said that they are without
( i^ht, counting the single L and the double Rr. When
the Spaniards add these letters, they corrupt the language,
and, as the Indians do not use them, they themselves do not
pronounce properly the Spanish words which contain them.
ing an Indian, may properly avoid this corruption, and
write this history as an Indian, and, in writing Indian
words, may use the letters with which they ought to be
written. Those who may read this history should not take
it in bad part that I have adopted this novelty, in opposition
to the incorrect system previously introduced, but should
rather rejoice at being able to read these words written
• tly and with purity. As I shall have to quote many
things from the Spanish historians, to illustrate what I my-
•iall say, and as I shall have to write out their words
\\ith their corruptions just as they have written them, I de-
to give notice that it cannot be considered a contradic-
tion that I should, in these instances, write the letters which
do not exist in that language, because I only do so in order
to quote faithfully what the Spaniards have written.
• worthy of remark that there is no plural number
in i]il <; of the Indians, although there are
which denote plurality.* If I place any Indian
that the plural is not formed in the
»ame way a ir..|.ean I;, ... jth which he v.
quaint Sj.anMi, Italian. Poi ;,,,d Latin. The ordi-
••f the plural in thr ij.-n.n-iil lan^ua<_rC of the Yncas (or
IX
word in the plural, it will be a Spanish corruption, and will
be done because it would not sound well to place the
Indian words in the singular, and the Spanish adjectives or
relative pronouns in the plural.
There are many other things in this language which are
very different from Spanish, Italian, and Latin. They have
been noted by learned Creoles and Mestizos, and I now
point some of them out that the language may be preserved
in its purity, for it is assuredly a pity that so elegant a lan-
guage should be lost or corrupted, especially as it is one in
which the Fathers of the Holy Society of Jesus have worked
(as well as other Fathers), that they may be able to speak
it well : and by their good examples (which is of more con-
sequence) the Indians have benefited much in the faith.*
Quichua), for nouns and participles, is the particle cuna added to the
word ; as runa (a man), runa-cuna (men). But naui-cuna means the
eyes of several people, not those of one. A pair of eyes would be formed
by pura (both), as purap nauiy (my eyes). When the number is given,
it is not necessary to use the particle cuna, as chunca-punchau (ten
days), not chunca-punchau-cuna, although the use of cuna is admissible.
Chac, chaquen is a comparative plural, as Anac-chac (harder things),
Llallac-chac (more timid people). Chicachac is a plural particle solely
referring to size, chica meaning "as," or "as large as." Ntin is a termi-
nation for forming plurals when two or more persons or things are
spoken of collectively, as Aylluntin (those of one family), Cosantin
(husband and wife). Another form of plural is the repetition of the
noun itself, as runa (a man), runa-runa (a crowd), hacha (a tree),
hacha-hacha (a forest). Markham's Quichua Grammar, p. 22.
* The Dominican Friar Don Domingo de Santo Tomas, who laboured
for many years among the Peruvian Indians, published the first gram-
mar of the Quichua language. It was printed at Valladolid in 1569,
with a vocabulary. This friar was the first doctor who graduated in the
university in Lima. He supplied Cieza de Leon with much information
respecting the Peruvian coast valleys, and that excellent author com-
mends him as a notable searcher into the secrets of the Indians. He
founded a Dominican monastery in the coast valley of Chacama. (See
my translation of Cieza de Leon, printed for the Hakluyt Society.)
Another Quichua grammar and vocabulary by Antonio Ricardo was
printed at Lima in 1586, another by Diego de Torres Rubio at Seville
It must also be noted that the word vecino is understood
in Peru to apply to those Spaniards who have repartimientos*
of Indians, and in that sense it will always be used, when-
; it occurs in this history.
in 1603, a vocabulary by the Friar Juan Martinez at Lima in 1604, and
another by the Jesuit Diego Gonzalez Holguin in 1608, also at Lima.
All these appeared before the Ynca published the first part of his
Commentaries. Torres Rubio went through a second edition in 1619,
:i thinl in 1700, and a fourth in 1754. Holguin published a grammar
in 1614, of which a second edition appeared at Lima in 1842. Don
Alonzo de Huerta published a Quichua grammar at Lima in 1616;
Diego de Olmos at Lima in 1633; Don Juan Roxo Mexia y Ocon, a
of Cuzco, at Lima in 1648 ; Estevan Sancho de Melgar at Lima in
and another Quichua grammar was published by Juan de Vega,
the physician who effected the first recorded cure by the use of Chin-
chona bark, which he administered to the Countess of Chinchon, Vice
; of Peru, in about 1637. Von Tschudi published his Keclina
^fi-'iche at Vienna in 1853, being a Quichua grammar and dictionary,
with specimens of the language. A missionary friar named Honorio
Miblished a Quichua grammar and dictionary at Sucre, in Bolivia.
He gives no date, but dedicates it to Don Jose Maria Linares, who was
1 'resilient from 1858 to 1861. Finally, the present editor contributed
ting towards the study of the rich and copious language of the
in IM;}. (Contributions towards a Grammar and Dictionary of
•m, the Language of the Yncas of Peru, by Clements R. Markham.
Trubnur, 1.SC4.)
* Vecino means a neighbour, inhabitant, or citizen. In Peru, accord-
ing to the Ynca, the word was applied to Spaniards who received grants
of land and of Indians. Pizarro, in 1529, was empowered to grant
U of land and repartimientos of Indians to his fellow con-
querors, the Indians being bound to pay tribute or personal service to
holders of grants. In 1536 these grants were extended to two
lives. In consequence of the intolerable exactions and cruelties of the
Sj,;mi:ir.ls. Las Casas, and other friends of the Indians, induced Charles V
u:t the code known as the "New Laws" in 1542, by which the
iss to the crown on the deaths of the actual holders ;
A ho l,:i«l been engaged in the civil wars, and all Government offi-
'•ini; deprived at once. A fixed sum was settled to be paid as
tribute by thr Indians, and all forced labour was absolutely prohibited,
were of course so unpopular among the conquerors
they were n-v«,k.-d in [646. The President (Jasca redistributed
and repartimiento* in I -V><>, and they were granted for
XI
It must also be understood that in my time, which lasted
down to the year 1560, and for twenty years afterwards,
there was no coined money in my country. In place of it
the Spaniards, in buying and selling, weighed the gold or
silver by the marc or the ounce. And as in Spain they
speak of ducats, so in Peru they speak of pesos or Castel-
lanas* Each peso of silver or of gold, reduced according
to the correct rule, would be worth 450 maravedis ; so that
in reducing the pesos into ducats of Spain, every five pesos
is worth six ducats. Thus the system of counting by pesos
in this history will cause no confusion. The system of
counting the quantity of pesos of silver in a peso of gold
varies much, as it does in Spain ; but the value is always
the same. In exchanging gold for silver they give interest
at so much per cent. There is also interest charged in ex-
changing assayed silver for silver which they call current,
being that which is to be assayed.
The word galpon is not in the general language of Peru,
but in that of the windward islands. The Spaniards have
adopted it, with many others which will be pointed out in
the history. It means a large hall. The kings Yncas had
halls of this description, which were so large that festivals
were held in them when the weather was rainy, and they
could not be held in the open squares. f And this will suf-
fice for preliminary notices.
* A castellano or peso de oro was worth £2 : 12 : 6 of our money.
t These vast halls are to be seen in the great adobe ruins at Hervay
and Pachacamac on the coast, as well as at and near Cuzco. The
Spaniards called them galpones. Hence the villages of slaves on modern,
haciendas, which are enclosed by high walls, are also called galpones.
THE FIRST BOOK
KOYAL COMMENTARIES OF THE YNCAS,
WHICH TREATS OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD, THE
DERIVATION OF THE WORD PERU, THE IDOLATRY AND
CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS IN FORMER TIMES,
THEIR ORIGIN, THE LIFE OF THE FIRST
YNCA, WHAT HE DID WITH HIS FIRST
VASSALS, AND THE MEANING OF
THE ROYAL TITLES.
IT CONTAINS TWENTY-SIX CHAPTERS .
THE FIRST BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
WHETHER THERE ARE MANY WORLDS : ALSO TREATING
OF THE FIVE ZONES.
HAVING to treat of the New World, or of the best and most
important parts of it, which are the kingdoms and provinces
of the empire called Peru, of whose antiquities and of the
origin of whose kings we intend to write ; it seems proper,
and in conformity with the usual custom of authors, to treat
here, at the beginning, of the question whether there is one
world or many, if it is flat or round, and also whether
heaven is flat or round, whether the whole earth is habit-
able or only the temperate zones, whether there is a way
from one temperate zone to the other, whether there are
antipodes, and other like matters. The ancient philosophers
treated very largely and curiously on these subjects, and
the moderns do not fail to argue and write on them, each
following the opinion which best pleases him. But as this
is not my chief subject, as the powers of an Indian cannot
enable him to presume so far, and as experience, since the
discovery of what they call the New World, has undeceived
us touching most of these doubts, we will pass over them
briefly, in order to go on to the other part of my subject,
the conclusion of which I am fearful lest I should not reach.
I may affirm, however, trusting in the infinite mercy, that,
in the first place, there is only one world ; and though we
speak of the Old World and the New World, this is because
the latter was lately discovered by us, and not because
Ill FIRST BOOK OF THE
arc two, but one only. And to those who still ima-
gine that there are many worlds, there is no answer to be
H'iven except that they can remain in their heretical persua-
sions until they are undeceived in hell. Those who doubt,
if there be any such, whether the world is flat or round,
may be convinced by the testimony of men who have gone
round it, or round the greater part, as those belonging to
the ship Victoria,* and others. Respecting the heavens,
* The Victoria of 90 tons and 45 men was one of the five vessels
which formed the squadron commanded by Magalhanes. She sailed,
with her consorts, from San Lucar, on September 20th, 1519, on the
memorable expedition to discover a way to the Spice Islands by the
South Sea. The Victoria returned to San Lucar on the 6th of Septem-
ber, 1522, and was thus the first ship that ever circumnavigated the
globe. She brought home a cargo of 533 quintals of cloves, cinnamon,
nutmegs, and sandal wood. Magalhanes had been killed, in the pre-
vious year, at Zebu; but Sebastian del Cano, the pilot who brought
home the Victoria, received from Charles V a pension of 500 ducats ;
a coat of arms charged with branches of clove, cinnamon, and nutmeg
trees; a globe for a crest; and the motto Primus circumdediste me. The
Victoria afterwards made a voyage to Santo Domingo, in the West
Indies; returned safely; made a second voyage to the West Indies;
sailed on her return to Spain, but never arrived, "so that it is not known
what became of her, or of those who went in her."
The men who formed the crew of the Victoria, and to whose testi-
mony, that the world is round, our author appeals in the text, were : —
1. Juan Sebastian del Cano (Captu.)
•liguel dc Rodas (Master)
::. .Martin de Insaurraga (Pilot)
I. Miguel de Rodas (Mariner)
5. Nicolas Griego „
<'. Juan Rodriguez „
co Gallego „
: tin «lu Judicibus „
'.». .luan de Santander „
1 1 '. II ernando de Bustamautc „
M" I'l'.A : „
I I.
itia
16. Juan de Acurio (Mariner)
18. Lorenzo de Yruna „
19. Juan de Ortega „
20. Pedro de Indarchi „
21. Ruger Carpintete „
22. Pedro Gasco „
23. Alfonso Domingo „
24. Diego Garcia „
25. Pedro de Balpuesta „
2G. Ximeno de Burgos „
27. Juan Martin „
28. Martin de Magallancs „
•2',}. Francisco Alvo „
30. Roldan de Argote „
31. Juan <K' Ac^a
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 17
whether they be flat or round, a reply may be given in the
words of the Royal Prophet — Eztendens codum sicut pellem,
in which he desires us to see the form and method of the
work, giving one as a similitude of the other, and saying : —
that the heavens should be spread out like a skin ; that is,
that they should cover this great body of the four elements,
even as a skin should cover the body of an animal, not only
the main body but all its parts, how small soever they may
be. As to those who affirm that the five parts of the world,
which they call zones, are uninhabitable excepting the two
that are temperate : that the central one, from its extreme
heat, and the two end ones, from the great cold, are unin-
habitable ; and that it is impossible to pass from one tem-
perate zone to the other, owing to the extreme heat between
them ; I am able to assure such persons that I was born in
the torrid zone, that is in Cuzco, and was brought up in it
until my twentieth year, and that I have been myself in the
other temperate zone, on the other side of the tropic of Ca-
pricorn, to the south, at the extreme end of Charcas, where
the Chichas live. I also passed through the torrid zone to
come to this other temperate zone where I am now writing,
and was three complete days under the equinoctial line, near
the Cape of Pasau.* 1 therefore affirm that the torrid zone
is habitable, as well as the temperate zones. I wish I could
speak of the cold zones as an eye-witness, as I can of the
other three ; but I must hand them over to those who know
more about them than I do. I would reply to those who
say that, owing to their extreme cold they are uninhabitable,
that they also may be lived in, like the rest. For it cannot
reasonably be imagined that God should have made so large
In 1847 the Council of the Hakluyt Society approved of the drawing
of the ship Victoria taken from Hulsius, and compared with that given
by Amoretti in his edition of Pigafetta's voyage of Magalhanes, as a
vignette ; and this famous ship has ever since embellished the covers of
all the volumes printed for the Hakluyt Society.
* Cape Passaos is in latitude 0° 20' S.
B
KIRS'I HOOK OF Till.
a part of the world useless, after creating all to be inhabited
by nuui ; and it may be supposed that the ancients were de-
• 1 in what they said about the cold zones, as they were
about the torrid zone. It ought rather to be believed that
the Lord, as a wise and powerful Father, and Nature, as a
pious and universal Mother, have remedied the extreme cold
by temperate warmth, just as they have tempered the heat of
the torrid zone with so much snow, and so many fountains,
rivers, and lakes as are found in Peru. That country is
il by many changes of temperature, some parts become
hotter and hotter until those regions are reached which are
so low and so hot as to be almost uninhabitable, as the
ancients said. Other regions get colder and colder until
such a height is reached that that land also becomes unin-
habitable, owing to the cold of perpetual snow. This is
contrary to what the philosophers said of the torrid zone,
lor they never imagined that it was possible to have per-
petual snow under the equinoctial line, without melting at
all, at least on the great Cordillera, whatever it may do on
the slopes and ravines. It must, therefore, be understood,
that in the torrid zone, within the region over which Peru
extends, heat and cold does not consist in proximity to, or
,cc from, the equinoctial ; but in the height or lowness
of the land, and the difference is seen on a very short dis-
, as I shall relate more at length, presently. T say,
that this would lead to the belief that the cold zones
inperate and habitable, as many grave authors hold,
though not from personal knowledge or experience. But it
i* tnfficient that God himself has given us to understand as
mueh; for when he created man he said, "Increase and
multiply and replenish the earth, and subdue it."* From
this wo may know th.u it is habitable; for if it were not, it
r°<il(1 ubdurd, nor filled with inhabitants. I trust
in His Omnipotence that, in His own time, He will disclose
i. 27.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 19
these secrets (as* He disclosed the New World)* for the
great confusion and dismay of those audacious ones who,
with their natural philosophies and human understanding,
desire to measure the power and wisdom of God, as if He
could not perform His works in a way which they cannot
imagine, there being as much disparity between one intelli-
gence and the other, as there is between the finite and the
infinite.
CHAPTER II.
WHETHER THERE ARE ANTIPODES.
To the question whether there are Antipodes or not, it may
be replied that, the world being round (as is notorious), it is
certain that there are. But for my part I hold that, the
lower part of this world not having been completely dis-
covered, it cannot certainly be known what provinces are
the antipodes of those on this side, as some affirm. This
may be said more truly of the heavens than of the earth ;
for the poles are opposite each other, and so are the east and
west, at any point on the equinoctial. t Nor can it be cer-
* This advocacy of an expedition to explore the unknown Polar re-
gions does infinite credit to the Ynca.
t Most of the old writers on America considered it de rigueur to com-
mence their books, on what subject soever they might treat, with a disser-
tation on the shape of the earth, on the question whether there be anti-
podes, or on the peopling of the different continents. Father Acosta de-
votes two chapters to the antipodes, one to disprove the idea of Lactantius
that there are no antipodes, and the other to explain away a similar heresy
on the part of St. Augustine. Lactantius derided the idea of men being
able to stand on their heads; while the objection of St. Augustine
merely rested on the vastness of the ocean, and on the very natural
belief that it could not be crossed, a belief which he shared with
Gregory Nazianzen, and other writers. Historia natural y moral de
las Indias compuesta por el Padre Joseph de Acosta, lib. i, cap. 7 and 8,
Madrid, JG08.
FIKST HOOK OF THK
tainly known whence so many tribes of such different lan-
guages and customs, as are found in the New World, can
have come from. For if it be said that they came by the
sra in ships, there arise difficulties touching the animals that
are found in the New World, for how and in what manner
could they have been embarked, some of them being more
noxious than useful. If it be supposed that they came by
land, still greater difficulties arise; for if the domesticated
animals of the Old World were brought that way, how
is it that others were not brought which have since been
conveyed to the New World ? If it be that they could
not bring so many, how is it that they did not leave behind
some of those that are met with ? The same may be said of
the corn, pulses, and fruit, which are so different from those
of the Old World, that with reason they named this a New
\\"<>rld. For it is so in all things, as well as regards the tame
and wild animals and the food, as the men, who are gene-
rally beardless. Therefore, in a matter of such uncertainty,
the trouble that is taken to solve it is wasted; so I will leave
it alone, especially as I possess less competence than another
to inquire into it. I shall only treat of the origin of the Kings
Yncas, and of their succession, conquests, laws, and govern-
ment in peace and war ; but before we enter upon these
MI! »j rets, it will be well that we should say how this New
\\ 01 Id was discovered, and presently we will discourse more
particularly of Peru.
CHAPTER III.
I TOW THK NKW WORLD WAS DISCOVERED.
i the year 1484, one year more or less, a pilot, native
of the town of Iluelva,* in the county of Niebla,f named
* A seaport of Andalusia, close to Palos, whence Columbus sailed on
t voyage to America. It will he; remembered that when Columbus,
on his arrival in Spain. nskH for charity at the door of the convent of
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 21
Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva, had a small ship, with which
he traded on the sea, and brought certain merchandise from
Spain to the Canaries, where he sold it profitably. And in
the Canaries he loaded his ship with the fruits of those
islands, and took them to the island of Madeira, and thence
he returned to Spain, laden with sugar and conserves. While
he was engaged in this triangular voyage, on the passage
from the Canaries to Madeira, he encountered so heavy a
squall that he was obliged to run before it for twenty-eight
or twenty-nine days, during the whole of which time he
could not take an altitude, either for his latitude or his
course. The crew of the ship suffered the greatest hard-
ships in the storm ; for they could neither eat nor sleep.
At the end of this long time the wind went down, and they
found themselves near an island. It is not known for cer-
tain what island it was, though it is supposed to have been
the island which is now called St. Domingo. It is very
worthy of note that the wind which drove that ship with so
much fury and violence could not have been other than the
Solano, as the east wind is called ; for the island of St.
Domingo is to the westward of the Canaries, and the wind
in that quarter usually appeases rather than raises a storm.
But the Almighty Lord, when he wishes to show his mercy,
takes the most mysterious things for their opposites : thus
he took water from a rock, and sight for the blind from the
mud placed in his eyes, in order that these works might the
more evidently show the Divine mercy and goodness. He
also displayed his piety in sending his Evangelist and true
light over the whole of the New World, which was in so
much need of it. For the people were living, or rather
Rabida, near Palos, he was on his way to the neighbouring town of
Huelva, to seek his brother-in-law.
+ Niebla is a town of Andalusia, on the river Tinto, not far from
Huelva. Don Juan Alonzo de Guzman was created Count of Niebla by
Henry II in 3371 ; and this title was always assumed by the eldest sons
of his descendants the Dukes of Medina Sidonia.
FIRST BOOK OF THK
perishing, in the darkness of a heathenism and idolatry
most barbarous and bestial, as we shall see in the course of
this history.
The pilot went on shore, took an altitude, and wrote
down all the particulars of what he saw, and what happened
at sea, both going and coming. Having taken in wood and
water, he returned in much doubt, without knowing the
direction he should take, and he lost much time. Owing to
the length of the voyage, the failure of water and provisions,
and the great hardships they had suffered, many of the
crew began to fall sick and die, insomuch that, out of seven-
men who sailed from Spain, only five reached Terceira,
among whom was the pilot Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva.
They went to the house of the famous Genoese, Christoval
Colon, the great Pilot and Cosmographer, who constructed
sea cards. Colon received them with much kindness, and
was glad to learn all that had happened in so strange and
long a voyage as that which they said they had undergone.
But they arrived so shattered by their past hardships that,
in spite of the attentions of Christoval Colon, he could not
restore them to health, and they all died in his house, leaving
him heir to the work which had caused their death. The
great Colon accepted the work with zeal and vigour, having
Buffered even greater hardships himself (for they lasted
T), and he started on the enterprise of giving a New
\\ orld and its riches to Spain, as was blazoned on his arms,
&r-
T.. Ciistilla and to L«;.,n
A New World has given Colon.
Whosoever wishes to learn the great deeds of this worthy,
!l1 1(;|(1 ' '1 History of the Indies which Fran-
cisco ! romara wrote; for this same work of the
.UK! discovery is the one which gives most praise
ami renown to ih« ln<>M famous amongst famous men. 1
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 23
have only added this, because it was wanting in the narra-
tive of that ancient historian, who wrote at a distance from
the places where the events took place, receiving tidings
from those who came and went, who related many things
that happened, but imperfectly. But I heard them in my
country from my father and his contemporaries; for in those
days their most common conversation was concerning the
notable events which happened in their conquests. On these
occasions they related what I have said, and other things
that I shall recount presently ; for, as they had met many of
the first discoverers and conquerors of the New World, they
heard from them the full account of these events ; and I, as
I have said, though but a boy, heard them from my elders.
Thus the slight attention I then gave to them, will enable
me now to write concerning many events of great importance,
which relate to this history. I shall say all that I have re-
tained in my memory, with sorrow for that which I have
forgotten. The very Reverend Father Jose de Acosta also
relates this history of the discovery of the New World, with
regret that he cannot give it complete ; for his paternity also
wanted a portion of the narrative, like some more modern
authors, the ancient conquerors had already passed away
when his paternity visited these parts ; concerning whom he
says these words in his first book and nineteenth chapter : —
" Having shown that there is no ground for thinking that
the first inhabitants of the Indies have reached them by na-
vigation undertaken for that end, it follows that, if they
came by sea, it must have been by chance, and by the force
of tempests, that they arrived at the Indies ; and this, not-
withstanding the vastness of the ocean, is not incredible.
For the same thing happened in the discovery of our own
time, when that mariner (whose name even is unknown to
us, that so great a business may not be attributed to any
other author but God) having, by reason of a terrible and
long continued storm, reached the New World, left as pay-
FIRST HOOK OF THE
iiicnt of the hospitality of Christoval Colon the news of so
great an event. So it may be," etc.
Thus far is from the Father Acosta, taken word for word,
whence it appears that his paternity had heard a part of our
information in Peru, though not all. This, then, was the
origin and first beginning of the discovery of the New
World, of which honour the little town of Huelva may boast,
having produced a son, from whose narrative Christoval
Colon received such conviction, that he insisted all the
more in his demand, promising things that had never been
seen or even heard of, but preserving the secret of them like
a prudent man. He. however, gave his account of it, in
confidence, to some persons of great authority about the
us of the Catholic kings, who aided him to start on his
enterprise. But if it had not been for this notice given by
Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva, he could not have promised such
things out of his own imagination as a cosmographer, nor
have started so readily on his voyage of discovery. For,
according to the historian, Colon did not take more than
sixty-eight days in his voyage to the island Guanatianico,*
though he was delayed a few days at Gomera for supplies. f
Now, if he had not known, from the account given by
Alonzo Sanchez, what course to take in a sea so vast, it
would be almost a miracle to have gone there in so short a
timi
* Guanahani.
t Columlms sailed from Palos on August 3rd, 1492, from Gomera,
one of the Canary Isles, on September 8th, and sighted the island of
<HKui;ihani on October 12th: seventy days from Palos, and thirty-four
from fiuincra.
t The story of Alon/o Sanchez de Iluelva having discovered America
before Columbus Was first noticed by Oviedo in his History of the Indies,
]"»bli : a rumour without foundation, but he does not
give the name of the pilot. Gomara, in his History of the Indies, pub-
ys: — "A caravel, navigating our ocean sea, met with so
strong an east wind, and so continuous, that she was driven to an un-
lan«l. neither j. laced mi the map nor on the sea chart. She re-
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 25
turned thence in many more days than she went, and when she arrived she
had no one on board than the pilot and two or three mariners, who, being
sick from hunger and hard work, died shortly afterwards in the port. Here
we have the way in which the Indies were discovered, but to the disin-
herison of him who first saw them, for he ended his life without enjoy-
ing them, and without even leaving the memory of his name, nor of
whence he came, nor of the year of his discovery. This was no fault of
his, but owing to the malice of others, or the envy of what they call
fortune. We must do without the name of that pilot, for all that was
known of him died with him. Some make this pilot an Andalusian,
who was trading to the Canaries and Madeira, when he was forced into
that long and fearful voyage. Others would have him to be a Biscayan,
trading with England and France ; and others say that he was a Portu-
guese, on his way to or from India. There are also those who say he
brought the caravel to Portugal, others who say he arrived at Madeira,
and others at the Azores. But they all agree that this pilot died in the
house of Christoval Colon, in whose power the journals of the caravel,
and the narrative of all that long voyage remained, with the bearings
and latitude of the lands lately seen and discovered Colon
married in Portugal, or, as some say, in the island of Madeira, where I
believe that he was living at the time when the above mentioned caravel
arrived there. He entertained the master of her in his house, who re-
lated to him the events of the voyage, and how he had seen new lands
that they might be entered on a sea chart which he had brought. The
pilot died, leaving the narrative, map, and latitude of the new land, and
thus Christoval Colon had notice of the Indies Christoval Colon
was not learned, but he was very intelligent, and, having obtained
tidings of this new land from the dead pilot, he learnt from scholars
what the ancients had said touching other lands and worlds The
pilot and mariners who discovered the Indies being dead, Christoval
Colon proposed to go in search of them." (Historia de las Indias de
Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Barcia, cap. xiii, xiv, xv, p. 32-34.)
Benzoni repeats the story as told by Gomara, adding — "We may
believe that Gomara would set himself to confute the truth with many
inventions, and that he had a wish to diminish the immortal fame
of Christopher Columbus, as there were many who could not endure that
a foreigner and an Italian should have acquired so much honour and so
much glory, not only for the Spanish kingdom, but also for the other
nations of the world." (History of the New World by Girolamo Benzoni
of Milan, showing his travels in America from A.D. 1541 to 1566, trans-
lated by Admiral Smyth, p. 15. Printed for the Hakluyt Society.)
Acosta, as quoted in the text, also mentions the story, and Mariana, in
his History of Spain, refers to it in the following words : — " The occa-
sion and beginning of this new navigation and discovery was after this
manner. A certain ship was blown off the coast of Africa, where she
FIRST HOOK OF THK
was occupied in the trade of those parts, by a violent storm, and carried
to certain unknown lands. After some days had passed away, and the
t had gone down, they set out on their voyage home, but nearly
all the passengers and mariners died of hunger and hardships. The
master, with three or four companions, finally reached the island of
Madeira. Christoval Colon, a Genoese by nation, happened to be there,
lie \vas married in Portugal, and had much experience in the art of
navigation. He was a man of a great heart and lofty thoughts. He
entertained the master of that ship in his inn, who died soon afterwards,
and left the memorials and notices of all that voyage in the power of
Colon. This may have been the true motive, or it may have been the
astrology in which he was versed, or, as others say, it may have been
the information given by one Marco Polo, a Florentine physician, which
made him come to the conclusion that at the other end of the known
world, towards the point where the sun sets, there were very great and
ivc countries." (Ilistoria General de Espaha, compuesta por el
'•/'iriana, torn, vi, lib. xxvi, cap. 3, p. 308, Madrid, 1794.)
This part of Mariana's great work was first published in 1609, the same
year in \vliich the Ynca's account saw the light, at Lisbon.
But Garcilasso de la Vega, in the text, gives the most circumstantial
version of the story, with the date, the name of the pilot, and several
other particulars. He wrote one hundred and twenty years after the
event, and the conversations of his father and the other conquerors
which he recollected, must have taken place some forty years earlier.
Washington Irving (Life of Columbus, Appendix No. XI) considers
that the story is altogether unworthy of credit, as having been derived
entirely from the unfounded statement of Gomara, which, in the course
of some sixty years, got arranged into the regular narrative, with name
ami dates, as given by Garcilasso de la Vega. In the opinion of Wash-
ington Irving it is disproved by the fact that "Columbus communicated
a of discovery to Paulo Toscanelli of Florence in 1474, ten years
us to the date assigned by Garcilasso de la Vega for this occur-
Yet the fact that Columbus had developed his theory in a
ith Toscanelli in 1474, by no means disproves the state-
ment that its truth was confirmed to him by the pilot who is said to
i his house, in 1484. The story told by Garcilasso, though
.y confirmed by Oviedo and Gomara, rests on the conversations he
ha«l liranl in his youth, between men who, though doubtless well ac-
quainted with the history of those times, were not contemporaries of
must, in their turn, have heard the story at second
•thing improbable in it, and it was certainly very
I by MibsojiuMit authors. Herrera, however, never
-« to it.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 27
CHAPTER IV.
THE DERIVATION OF THE WORD " PERU."
As we are about to treat of Peru, it will be well if we say
here from what the name is derived, the Indians having no
such word in their language. It must be known then that
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, a native of Xeres de Badajoz, dis-
covered the South Sea in the year 1513, and he was the first
Spaniard who ever saw it. The Catholic Kings granted
him the title of Adelantado of that sea, with the conquest
and government of the kingdoms that might be discovered
on its shores. During the few years that he lived after re-
ceiving this favour (until his own father-in-law, the Governor
Pedro Arias de Avila, in place of many favours which he
had deserved, and which his deeds merited, cut off his
head) this knight was careful to discover what manner of
land it was, and by what name it was known, that runs
from Panama onwards towards the South. With this object
he built three or four ships, which, while he made the
necessary preparations for his discovery and conquest, he
sent at different times of the year, each one singly, to ex-
plore the coast. The ships, having made such progress as
they were able, returned with an account of many lands
that there are along that shore. One ship went beyond the
others and passed the equinoctial line to the south ; and
near it, while sailing along the coast, according to the
method of navigating which was in use at that time, an
Indian was seen fishing, at the mouth of one of the numer-
ous rivers which fall into that sea. The Spaniards in the
ship, with all possible caution, landed four of their party
who were excellent runners and swimmers, at a distance
from the place where the Indian stood, so that he might not
FIKST BOOK OF THF,
yet away cither by land or water. Having taken this pre-
caution, the rest passed before the Indian in the ship, that he
might fix his eyes on it, and become careless and unmindful of
the ambush. The Indian, on seeing a thing so strange on the
sea as a ship with all sail set, wondered greatly, and re-
mained in a state of utter astonishment, bewildered with
imagining what that could be which he beheld on the sea
before him. He was so wrapped up in wonder, that those
who had come to seize him had secured him before he knew
they were coming, and so they took him on board with
much rejoicing. The Spaniards having caressed him, that
he might recover from his fear at seeing men with beards
and in strange dresses, asked him by signs and words, what
land that was, and what it was called. The Indian under-
stood that they were asking him something by the signs and
gestures they were making with hands and face, as to a
dumb person, but he did not understand what they asked.
He therefore answered quickly, lest they should do him
some mischief, and gave his own name, saying, Beru; adding
another, Pelu. He intended to say, " if you ask me what I
am called, I reply Bern, and if you ask where I was, I
an>wer that I was in the river". For the word Pelu, in the
language of that province, is a noun signifying generally a
. as we shall presently see in a grave author. To a
similar question, the Indian, in our history of Florida, re-
plied with the name of his master, saying Bre^os and Bredos
(lib. vi, chap. 15). The Christians understood that the In-
dian had replied to the question correctly, as if he and they
had hern talking in Castillian, and from that time, which
ir K)i:> or 1516, they called that rich and
mighty rmpiiv by the name of Peru, corrupting both words,
Spaniards corrupt almost every word that they take
of the Indians of that land. Thus if they
• «f tln» Indian 11, r", they change the B for a
1', and in using thf name 7V/>'/, which means a river, they
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
change the L for an R, and in one way or another they
turned it into Peru. Others, who desire to be considered
more polished, and these are the most modern, further cor-
rupt the letters, and write Piru in their histories. The
more ancient historians, such as Pedro de Cieza de Leon,
the accountant Agustin de Zarate, Francisco Lopez de
Gomara, Diego Fernandez of Palencia, and even the most
Reverend Father Friar Geronimo Roman, all call it Peril,
and not Piru. As the place where this happened was as-
certained to be within the boundary of the dominions held
by the Kings Yncas, having been conquered and annexed to
their empire, they called the whole country Peril, from this
place, which is in the land of Quitu, as far as Charcas, in-
cluding the principal districts governed by the Yncas, and
extending for more than seven hundred leagues in length ;
though their empire reached to Chile, which is five hundred
leagues further on, and is another very rich and fertile
kingdom.*
* The Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya gives a different origin to
the name PERU. He says that, in 1522, having been appointed In-
spector-General of the Indians by old Pedrarias, the Governor of Panama,
he made an expedition to a province called Birfa, which had first been
visited by Gaspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro, who called it the
territory of the Cacique Birii. This country appears to have been on
the borders of the Pacific, a little south of the Isthmus of Panama.
Andagoya declares that he here received accounts concerning all the
coast, and everything that was afterwards discovered, as far as Cuzco.
He says that the province was subsequently called Pirfi, because one of
the letters of Birii was corrupted, but that in reality there is no
country of that name. Andagoya gave up his prior claim to the prose-
cution of further discoveries, owing to an illness brought on by having
fallen into the sea off the coast of this country, which he calls fiirti.
The right of discovery was then conceded by Pedrarias to Pizarro,
Almagro, and Luque ; and Pizarro sailed in November 1524. He acted
contrary to Andagoya's advice in touching at this country of Birti, where
as many as twenty-seven of his crew died at a place called Puerto de la
Hambre. Pizarro returned to Panama in 1528. See my translation of
the Narrative of Pascual de Andagoya^ p. 42. Printed for the Hakluyt
Society, 1865.
FIRST HOOK OF THE
CHAPTER V.
AUTHORITIES IN CONFIRMATION OF THE NAME " PERU.
This was the beginning and origin of the name PERU, so
famous in the world, and with reason, seeing that it has filled
the world with gold and silver, with pearls and precious
stones. But as it was adopted by accident, the native
Indians of Peru, though it is seventy-two years since they
conquered, have not taken this word into their mouths,
it being a name they had not themselves given. They now
know what it means, through their intercourse with the
Spaniards, but they do not use it, because they had no
generic name in their language to designate the kingdoms
and provinces, which their kings ruled over, collectively ;
such as Spain, Italy, or France, which contain many pro-
vinces. They called each province by its own name, as
will be seen at large in this work, but they had no word
which signified the whole kingdom together. They called
it Ttahuantin-suyu,* which means the four quarters of the
world. The name Berii, as we have seen, was the proper
of an Indian, and is a word used among the Indians
of the plains and on the sea-coast, but is unknown in
the mountains, and in the general language. For, as in
•i, there are words and names which indicate from what
province they are derived, so it is also among the Indians
: u. That the word Peru was imposed by the Spaniards,
and that it was not in the ordinary language of the country,
• understand by Pedro de Cieza de Leon in
* Tl<>: number four in Quichua, ntin is a termination for
forming the plural when two or more things are spoken of collectively,
i-roviiire. Tt<iliv,i,ifin-Knii>i means literally "The four
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 31
his third chapter, where, speaking of the island called Gor-
gona, he says : —
" The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, with thirteen
Spanish Christians, was many days on this island, and
suffered much from hunger and exposure, until at last God
was well served by the discovery of the provinces called
PERU."
In the thirteenth chapter he says : —
" Wherefore it will be necessary that from Quito, the
point where that country which we call PERU truly com-
mences," etc.
In the eighteenth chapter he says : —
" From the accounts given us by the Indians of Cuzco, it
may be gathered that formerly there were great disorders
in the provinces of this kingdom, which we call PERU," etc.
To speak of Peru so many times and always with this
phrase we call, is to give us to understand that the Spaniards
used the word, and that the Indians had no such name in
their general language, to which I also, as an Ynca, can
testify. The same, and much more, says Father Acosta in
the first book of his Natural History of the Indies (chap,
xiii), where, speaking on this subject, he tells us : —
" It has been a very common custom, in these discoveries
of the New World, to give names to provinces and harbours
on the first occasion that offers, and this is what is under-
stood to have happened in naming the kingdom of Peru. It
is the belief there that from a river, at which the Spaniards
first arrived, and which was called by the natives Piru, they
entitled the whole land Piru. And it is a proof of the truth
of this story, that the Indian natives of Peru neither use
nor know of such a name for their country."
The authority of this author will suffice to confound the
novelties that have since been invented concerning the
name of Peru. And as the river, which the Spaniards call
Peru, is in the same region and very near the equator, it
FIRST BOOK OF THE
may be. that the capture of the Indian gave rise to the river,
as \\cll as the country, being called by his proper name of
: or it may be that the word Peln, which was common
to all rivers, was turned into a special name by the Spaniards,
who called this river only the river Pern.
Francisco Lopez de Gomara, in his General History of
the Indies, speaking of the discovery of Yucatan (chap. 52),
gives two derivations of names very similar to that which
has been given of Peru, and for this reason I will here ex-
tract what he says, which is as follows : —
" Francisco Hernandez de Cordova then set out, and in
time reached the other cape, and, owing to his desire to
make discoveries, he went on shore in a land unknown to
as, where there are salt pans on a point called "the Cape of
Women." It was so named because there were found there
some stone towers, with steps and chapels, roofed with poles
and thatch, in which there were many idols resembling
women, set out in rows. The Spaniards wondered to see
stone buildings, as hitherto none had been observed, and
that the people should dress so richly, for they had shifts
and mantles of white and coloured cotton, plumes, and
bracelets of gold and silver. The women covered their
bosoms and heads. The Spaniards did not stop there,
but went on to another point, which was called Cotoche,
where there were some fishermen, who fled inland in
i , and answered Cotohe, Cotohe (which means a house),
thinking that they were asked for the village. From that
time the Cape retained the name of Cotoche. A little
further on they came upon some men, who were asked the
n.mie of a large village close by. They replied, Tectetan,
few, which meant that they did not understand. The
i.mls thought it was the name of the village, and,
v liable, they always called it Yucatan, a name
which will nc\( r cease t«> be uM-d."
• Lope/ de (Honiara, extracted word for
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 3o
word. It shows that in many other parts of the Indies the
same thing has fallen out as in Peru, and that the first words
spoken by the Indians have been given as the names of their
countries, the Spaniards not knowing the meaning of the
words, and fancying that the Indians replied correctly to
the questions that were put to them, as if all had been talk-
ing in the same language. The same error has been com-
mitted in many other things relating to this New World,
but especially in our empire of Peru, as may be noted in
numerous passages of this history.
CHAPTER VI.
WHAT A CERTAIN AUTHOR SAYS TOUCHING THIS NAME
OF PERU.
Besides what has been said touching the name of Peru by
Pedro de Cieza, Jose* de Acosta, and Gomara, I shall now
offer the authority of another distinguished author, a priest
of the holy Society of Jesus, named Father Bias Valera, who
wrote a history of that empire in most elegant Latin, and
who was able to have written it in many languages, for he
had the gift of learning them. But it was the misfortune of
my native country, which perhaps did not deserve to be
written of in such a manner, that his papers were lost in the
ruin and pillage of Cadiz by the English in 1596. He him-
self died soon afterwards. I received the fragments of
papers which were rescued from the pillage, and they caused
me regret and sorrow at the loss of those which were
destroyed. More than half were lost. I was presented
with these papers by the Father Maldonado de Saavedra, a
native of Seville, of the same Company, who in the present
year 1600 reads the Scripture in the city of Cordova.
The Father Valera, touching the derivation of the word
c
FIRST BOOK OF THE
Peru, says, in his elegant Latin, what follows, which I, an
Indian, have translated into my unpolished romance.
" The kingdom of Peru is famous, illustrious, extensive,
and contains so great a quantity of gold, silver, and other
rich metals, that the abundance of them gave rise to the say-
ing ' he possesses Peru,' instead of ' the man is rich.' The
name was recently given to this empire of the Yncas by the
Spaniards. It was adopted accidentally, and both because
it was unknown to the Indians, and because it sounds so
barbarous and hateful to them that none of them will use it,
it is only used by the Spaniards. The imposition of the
new name did not imply wealth, nor any other notable
thing ; but as it was new, so also it signified riches in a cer-
tain sense, because they proceeded from the successful events
which gave rise to the name. This word Pelu is one which
signifies a river among the barbarous Indians who inhabit
the sea-coast between Panama and Huayaquil. It is also
the proper name of a certain island, which is called Pelua
or Pelu. As the Spanish conquerors, navigating from
Panama, arrived first at these places, they were pleased with
this name of Peru or Pelua, thinking it must mean some-
thing grand and important, so they adopted it to give to any
other discovery they might make, and so they called the
whole empire of the Yncas by the name of Peru. There
many who were not pleased with this name of Peru,
and they called the country New Castille. These two
names were given to that grand empire, and they are com-
monly iiM'd by the royal scribes and ecclesiastical notaries,
although in Europe they prefer the name Peru to the other.
Many also affirm that this name was derived from Pirtui,
which is a word of the Quechuas* of Cuzco, meaning a
i> the fir.st occasion "ii which the general language of the
">;L ,,r Oui.-hua, the language of the Quechuas.
If invarial.iy calls it tlu: -rneral language of Peru; but
'" th' ' ''"' language, l.y 1'riar limning, ,lc Santo Tomas,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. OO
granary where the crops are stored up. I cheerfully coin-
cide in this opinion, because the Indians have many
granaries in which to keep their grain, and it was easy for
the Spaniards to use the word, and to say Piru, by leaving
out the final vowel, and placing the accent on the last syl-
lable. This word was adopted by the first conquerors as a
name for the empire they had conquered, and I shall use it
also, without any change, saying Peru and Piru.
" The introduction of this new word ought not to be re-
pudiated by saying that it was improperly adopted, because
the Spaniards found no other generic name for the whole
country. Each province had its own name, as Charcas,
Collas, Cuzco, Rimac, Quitu, and many others, without re-
ference to the neighbouring region. After the Incas had
subjugated the whole empire, the provinces were named
according to the order of the conquests, and finally they
were called TTAHUANTIN-SUYU, that is to say, ' the four
parts of the empire? or YNCAP RUNAM,* which means ' the
vassals of the YncaS The Spaniards, seeing the variety and
confusion of these names, judiciously adopted the names of
Peru or New Castille," etc.
This is from Bias Valera, who also, like Father Acosta,
says that the name was given by the Spaniards, and that the
Indians have no such word in their language.
printed at Valladolid in 1560, it is called Quichua. Mossi, the author
of a Quichua dictionary, gives the following derivation of the word.
Quehuani is to twist; the participle is Quehuasca, twisted. Tchu is
straw — together Quehuasca-ychu, twisted straw; corrupted and abbre-
viated into Quichua. The hot low valleys in Peru are called Yunca,
the more temperate intermediate slopes and plateaux Quichua, and the
lofty heights Puna. Quichua, therefore, is an Indian who inhabits the
temperate slopes, so called from the abundance of straw in that region.
It is the name which seems to have been adopted by the first Ynca for
his people. See Gramatica de la lengua general del Peru, llamada
Quichua, con diccionario : por el R. P. Fray Honorio Mossi (Misionero).
Sucre, 1857.
* Yncap the genitive case of Ynca. Runa, a man.
c 2
36 FIRST ROOK OF THE
Having thus quoted what Father Bias Valera has written
on this subject, I must say that it is more likely that the
adoption of the name Peru originated from the proper name
. or from the word Pelu, which in the language of
that province means a river, than from the word Pirua,
which signifies a granary.* For, as has been said, the name
was given by the followers of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who
did not go inland so as to become acquainted with the word
Pirua ; and not by the conquerors of Peru. Fifteen years
before they set out on that conquest, the Spaniards who
lived at Panama, called all the coast south of the Equator by
the name of Peru. This is certified by Francisco Lopez de
Gomara, in his History of the Indies (chap. 110), where he
uses these words : — " Some say that Balboa received an ac-
count of how that land of Peru contained gold and emeralds.
This may or may not be, but it is certain that there was a
great rumour concerning Peru in Panama, when Pizarro
and Almagro were arming to go there." Thus far from
Gomara, whence it is clear that the name of Peru was
adopted long before the coming of the conquerors who sub-
dued that empire. f
CHAPTER VII.
OF OTHF.Il DKR1VATIONS OF NEW WORDS.
'he adoption of the name of Peru does not stand alone,
we will treat of other similar names which were given before
and after it: for though we shall thus anticipate a little," it
will not br ami^s to do so, that their origin may be known
whrn we conic to tlinn in their places. And the first shall
* More correctly
•• ante, note at ]>
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 37
be Puerto Viejo,* because it is near the place where the
name of Peru originated. It must be known then that the
sea from Panama to the city of the kings is navigated with
much difficulty, owing to the currents and the southerly
winds, which are always met with on that coast. By reason
of these foul winds ships were obliged to sail out of a port
on one tack for twenty or thirty leagues, and to return to
the coast on the other, and in this manner they navigated
the coast, always sailing on a bowline. It often happens
that when a vessel does%not sail well on a wind, she finds
herself further to leeward than when she started from the
coast. When Francis Drake, the Englishman, entered by
the Straits of Magellan, he learnt a better way of navigating,
by extending the length of the tacks for three or four hun-
dred leagues out to sea. The pilots had never attempted
this before, because, without knowing on what grounds ex-
cept their own imaginations, they were persuaded and fear-
ful that at a distance of a hundred leagues from the land
there were great calms on the sea, and so they kept closer
in shore. Owing to this apprehension, we nearly lost our
ship, when I went to Spain, for a squall carried us close into
the island of Gorgona, where we expected to perish, being
unable to get out of that dangerous bay. A ship, then, was
navigating in the manner I have described, soon after the
conquest of Peru, and having gone out to sea on one tack
six or seven times from that port, she always struck the
coast again at the same point. One of the crew, vexed that
they could not work to windward, said — " Here is our old
port again!" and from that time it was called Puerto Viejo.
The point of Santa Elena, which is near Puerto Viejo,
was so named because they came to it on her day.
Another name was adopted long before. In the year
1500, a ship was sailing under the command either of
* Puerto Viejo is a seaport iu 1° 2' S. lat. It was founded by Fran-
cisco Pacheco on March 12th, 1535, by order of Almagro.
FIRST HOOK OF THK
Vicente Yanez Pinzon or of Juan de Soils (two bold cap-
tains in the discovery of new lands) in search of undiscovered
regions (for in those days the Spaniards thought of little
else), and the crew were anxious to find the main land, for
hitherto nothing had been discovered but the islands, now
known as the Windward Isles. At last a sailor got sight of
the high mountain called Capera, which rises above the city
of Nombre de Dios, and cried out, in the hope of a reward
from the crew, " In the name of God, my companions, I see
the main land." It was in consequence of this that they
afterwards called the city that was founded there NOMBRE
DE Dios, and the coast TIERRA FIRME. And they do not
call any other part, although it may be so, Tierra Firme, ex-
cept the coast near Nombre de Dios. Ten years afterwards
they named that province CASTILLA DEL ORO, by reason of
the great quantity of gold that was found there, and because
of a castle that was built there by Diego de Nicuesa in 1510.
The island which has the name of Trinidad, and is in the
Sweet Sea, was so called because it was discovered on the
day of the most holy Trinity.
The city of Carthagena has its name from its convenient
port, which, being very like that of Carthagena in Spain, re-
ceived the name from those who first saw it, and exclaimed
" this port is as good as that of Carthagena."
The island Scrrana, on the track between Carthagena and
the Hnvnnna, is called after a Spaniard of that name. This
runo was in a ship that was lost near the island.
ped by swimming, being an excellent swimmer,
and readied this island, which is desert, uninhabitable, and
without wood or water. Here he lived for seven years, by
(l'nt "f I'' y and skill in obtaining fuel for making a
'id in procuring w.-.ter. (This is a historical fact worthy
of great admiration, as wo will show presently.) From his
ihey call the island Scrrana, and another that is close
-i rnmilla, to distinguish one from the other.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 39
The city of San Domingo, whence the whole island takes
its name, was founded in the way related by Gomara (chap.
35) in the following passage, which is quoted word for
word : — " The most noble town is Santo Domingo, which
Bartolome Colon founded on the banks of the river Ocama.
It received that name because he arrived there on a Sunday,
the feast of San Domingo, and because his father was named
Domingo. So that three causes united to induce him to
give that name," etc.
Thus far Gomara. In a similar manner the names of all
the other famous ports, great rivers, provinces, and king-
doms that have been discovered in the New World, were
imposed. They received the names of Saints on whose day
they were first seen, or those of a captain, soldier, pilot, or
mariner who discovered them. We said something on this
subject in the History of Florida, when we treated of the
description of that land, and of those who went to it ; and
in the sixth book, after the sixteenth chapter, with reference
to the same subject, these derivations of names are given,
together with that of Peru, as I feared I might not live long
enough to treat of them in this place. But God, in his
mercy, has lengthened my life, so it seemed as well to
remove them from there, and to put them in their place.
What 1 now fear is that some historian may have robbed
me, because that book, owing to my other occupations,
passed through other hands ; and, besides that, many have
asked me if I knew the derivation of the name Peru, and,
though I wished to keep it to myself, it was not possible for
rue to deny it to some of my lords.
F1K*T HOOK OF TIIK
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DESCRIPTION OF PERU.
The four boundaries of the Empire of the Yncas, when
the Spaniards entered it, were as follows — to the north it
extended as far as the river Ancasmayu, which flows be-
tween the limits of Pustu and Quitu, and means in the
general language of Peru, "the blue river".* It is almost
exactly on the equinoctial line. To the south it was bounded
by a river called Maule, which flows from east to west, past
the kingdom of Chile, and before the country of the Arau-
canians is reached. This river is more than forty degrees
south of the equator. Between these two rivers there is a
distance of little less than 1300 leagues, by land.f The part
they call Peru is 750 leagues in length, by land, from the
river Ancasmayu to the Chichas, which is the last province
of Charcas.J And that which they call the kingdom of
Chile is near 550 leagues in length from north to south,
counting from the end of the province of the Chichas to the
river Maule. §
To the east the Empire is bounded by that never trodden
by man nor animal nor bird, that inaccessible chain of snowy
mountains which extends from Santa Martha to the straits
of Median, which the Indians call Ritisuyu,|| meaning the
" line «.f snow". To the west the boundary is the South
nrhich < \tnids along the whole length from end to end.
limit of the Empire, on the coast, begins at Cape
- MHO; and JA///H, a river.
+ '-1'1' !ittle over-estimated. It is about 740 leagues by
the sierra.
' straight line,
igues.
/''' '.'/". :i district or province.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 41
Pasau near the equator, and extends to the same river
Maule, which also falls into the South Sea. The whole of
this kingdom is narrow, from east to west. In the broadest
part, which is from the province of Muya-pampa,* by the
Chachapoyas, to the city of Truxillo near the coast of the
South Sea, it has a breadth of 1^0 leagues :f and in the nar-
rowest, which is from the port of Arica to the province
called Llaricosa,^ it is seventy leagues broad. § These are
the four boundaries of the dominions of the Kings Yncas,
whose history we purpose to write, with the Divine bless-
ing.
It will be well, before we proceed further, to relate here
the adventures of Pedro Serrano, which we have already
alluded to ; in order that this chapter may not be too short.
VPedro Serrano reached that desert island which had no
name before, by swimming. It had, as he relates, a circum-
ference of two leagues, and the sea cards show almost the
same measurement. For they depict three very small
islands surrounded by many rocks, and they give the same
shape to Serrai\illa, which forms five small islands, with
many more reefs than Serrana; and this part is full of reefs,
for which reason ships avoid it, that they may not fall into
danger."))
* Now corruptly called Moyolamba.
t The distance from Moyobamba to Truxillo, as the crow flies, is
about 130 geographical miles only, but this is not the broadest part of
Peru. The extreme breadth, from Pisco on the Pacific to the foot of the
Cordilleras east of Cuzco, is over 300 geographical miles.
£ Larecaja, a province to the eastward of the lofty chain of Andes,
which contains the peaks of Illimani and Sorata. It is in the modern
republic of Bolivia, and is famous for its yield of the species of Chin-
chona richest in quinine, the C. Calisaya.
§ This distance is about correct.
|| The Serrana bank, which according to the Ynca was named after
the shipwrecked mariner Pedro Serrano, and the neighbouring bank of
Serranilla, are between Jamaica and the Mosquito coast. The Serrana
is a very dangerous hank about seventeen miles long and, in the centre,
itbout eight broad, but of very irregular outline. Its extreme east end
.\'2 FIRST HOOK OK THE
It was the fate of Pedro Serrano to be lost on these reefs,
and to arrive at the island swimming, where he found him-
self in a mo.st disconsolate condition, because there was no
nor fuel, nor even grass, nor any other thing what-
\vherewith to maintain life until some ship should
that might take him off, before he died of hunger or
thirst. This appeared to him to be a more cruel death than
it" he had been drowned, which would have been quicker.
the first nigh' the castaway mourning over his
ied fate, and that he should be placed in such an
iit\-. \Vli-.-n dawn appeared, he began to examine the
i>land, and found some ^hell fish, crabs, shrimps, and other
which he collected as man}'- as he could, and ate
them raw, because he had no fire to cook them with. Thus
iintained himself until he saw some turtle come forth.
As they were far from the sea, he attacked one, and turned
:id he did the same to as many as he could, for
when they are on their backs they become helpless. He
then took out a knife, which he generally carried in his
waistband, and beheaded one of them, drinking the blood
1 of water, lie did the same with the rest, and put
the Hexh in the sun to make jerked meat of it, clearing out
the shells that lie might catch rain-water in them, for it is
known that all that region is very rainy. In this way
for the first day, killing as many
turtl' of them were as large as the big-
, like wheels, inso-
that tin J -uld not manage to
turn on their backs, because they were too
which the ' i with such
(lire- or four miles on". At u distance
DC huii(hx-(l un-1 twenty
fathom*. On li; i.inncls
Sur-
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 43
strong, and though he tried to subdue them by tiring them,
yet it did not avail him, and they got away into the sea.
Then experience taught him what turtles to attack, and
which must submit to him. He collected plenty of water in
their shells, for some of these shells would hold two arrobas*
When Pedro Serrano had made a large store of food and
drink, it appeared to him that if he could make fire, to cook
his food, and to make smoke if he should see any ship pass-
ing, he would want nothing more. With this idea, (and
certainly the men who have made voyages over the sea have
a great advantage over all others in contriving things) he
went in search of two pebbles to serve as flints from which
he might strike fire with his knife. But he could not find
any on the island, which was covered with sand, so he swam
into the sea and dived, seeking with great diligence along
the bottom, now in one part now in another, for what he
wanted. His trouble was so well rewarded that he found
some flints, took as many as he could, and selected the best,
breaking one upon another, so as to make sharp corners to
strike against the knife. He then tried his plan, and seeing
that sparks came out, he made very small threads of a piece
of his shirt, which looked like corded cotton. This served
for tinder. Then, by reason of his industry and handiness,
after much perseverance, he made a fire. To keep it up he
collected, during many hours, the seaweed and wood from
wrecked ships, and shells and bones of fish, and other things
to feed the flame. That the rains might not put his fire out,
he built a shelter of the largest turtle shells ; and so he con-
tinued to feed the flames with great diligence. Before two
months were out he appeared as he was when he was born ;
for the heavy rains, the sun, and the damp climate had
rotted the few clothes he had. The sun, with its great heat,
tried him very much ; for he neither had clothes nor shade
to protect him. When he was much fatigued, he went into
* 50 Ibs.
-I i FIRST BOOK OF THE
itcr, so as to cover himself with it. He lived three
enduring these hardships and trials, and during this
time he saw several ships pass ; but, though he made a
cloud of smoke, which is a sign of shipwrecked people
among mariners, they did not see him, or perhaps the crews
would not come nearer for fear of the reefs, and so they
sailed out of sight. At last Pedro Serrano became so dis-
consolate that he would have been glad to end his misery by
death. Owing to the inclemency of the weather, his skin
grew so thick that it looked like the hide of an animal, and
not of any animal, but rather of a wild boar. His hair and
beard reached to his girdle.
One afternoon, at the end of three years, when he was
not thinking of it, Pedro Serrano saw a man on the island,
who had been cast away on the reefs the night before, and
had been saved on a piece of the wreck. When the dawn
appeared he saw the smoke of Pedro Serrano's fire, and
suspecting what it was, he reached it, thanks to a board
and his own good swimming. When they saw each other,
it would be difficult to say which was the most surprised.
Serrano thought that it was the devil, coming in the shape
of man, to tempt him to some desperate act. The guest felt
sure that Serrano was the devil in his own proper form,
^ him covered with hair, beard, and thick skin. They
ll( (1 from each other, and Serrano went off, crying " Jesu !
! O Lord deliver me from the Devil". When the
other heard this he was re-assured, and turning round he
said — " Do not fly from me, O my brother, for I also am a
Christian" j and, to prove it, for Serrano continued his flight,
peated the Credo in a loud voice. When Pedro Ser-
in-ard him, he turned round and they embraced each
other with great tenderness, and many tears and groans,
g that they \\ere both in the same fix, without any
hope . Kaeh one briefly recounted to the other
the; story of lii> life. Pedro Serrano, suspecting the wants
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 45
of his friend, gave him to eat and drink, after which he was
somewhat consoled, and they began anew to recount their
adventures. They arranged their mode of life in the best
way they knew of, dividing the hours of the night and day
into the necessary employments of seeking shell fish to eat,
and sea-weed, timber, bones of fish, and whatever else the
sea might throw up, to feed the fire. Above all they had
to observe constant watchfulness to prevent the fire from
going out. Thus they lived for some days, but not many
had passed away before they quarrelled, so that they lived
apart, the only cause being that one accused the other of
want of care in his share of their labours (thus we see how
great are the troubles that our passions bring upon us).
Then they came to their senses, and sought pardon of each
other and made friends, returning to live together again,
which they did for four years. During this time they saw
several ships pass by, and they raised a column of smoke,
but it did not avail, and so they remained so disconsolate
that there was nothing left them but to die.
At the end of this long time a ship came so close that
those on board saw the smoke, and lowered a boat. When
Pedro Serrano and his companion saw the boat coming, they
feared that the crew might think they were devils, being
quite naked ; so they began to say the Credo, and to call
loudly on the name of our Lord. This was lucky, for
otherwise the mariners would certainly have fled from
figures which were not those of human beings. They were
taken on board the ship, where they caused wonder to
every one who saw them and heard their adventures. The
companion died at sea, on the voyage to Spain. Pedro
Serrano arrived there safely, and went on to Germany,
where the Emperor then was. In every village (if he
chose to show himself) he made much money. Some lords
and principal knights, who liked to see his figure, paid the
cost of his journey, and his Imperial Majesty, having seen
FIRST HOOK OF THE
and heard him, was pleased to grant him a rent of 4000
pesos, which are 480 ducados in Peru. On his way out to
enjoy it, he died at Panama. All this story, as I have
given it, was related by a knight named Garcia Sanchez cle
Figueroa,* who knew Pedro Serrano, and I heard it from
him. That knight had heard the tale from Serrano himself,
who, after he had seen the Emperor, cut his hair and beard,
keeping it somewhat shorter than that it should reach his
waist ; and to enable him to sleep at night, he plaited it ;
for if it was not plaited, it spread all over the bed, and dis-
turbed his slumbers, j
CHAPTER IX.
OF THE IDOLATRY OF THE INDIANS AND OF THE GODS
THEY WORSHIPPED BEFORE THE TIME OF THE YNCAS.
For the better understanding of the idolatry, mode of
life, and customs of the Indians of Peru it will be necessary
for us to divide those times into two epochs. We shall
narrate how they lived before the time of the Yncas, and
afterwards we shall give an account of the government of
those kingdoms by the Yncas, that the one may not be con-
founded with the other, and that neither the customs nor
the gods of the period before the Yncas may be attributed
* Garcia Sanchez de Figueroa was an old soldier of the conquest, and
a fir>t cousin of Garcilasso de la Vega, the Ynca's father. He was
settled in Cuzco during the boyhood of our author, and fled from the
city in company with his cousin, on the night of Giron's rebellion, on
November i:jth, \ :>:>%. After the Ynca's departure for Spain in 1560,
ueroft ;i]<|> ars to have corresponded with him, and
r wards lie announced to his young cousin that the
: i ich lia-1 never lai<l eirgs in Cuzco before, but had
brought from the valley of Yucay, were having chickens in
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 47
to the Ynca period. It must be understood, then, that in
the first epoch some of the Indians were little better than
tame beasts, and others much worse than wild beasts. To
begin with their gods, we must relate that they were in
unison with the other signs of their folly and dulness, both
as regards their number and the vileness of the things they
adored. For each province, each nation, each house had its
gods, different one from another ; for they thought that a
stranger's god, occupied with some one else, could not
attend to them, but only their own. Thus it was that they
came to have such a variety of gods, and so many that
they could not be counted. And as they did not under-
stand, like the gentile Romans, how to make ideal gods, as
Hope, Victory, Peace, and such like, because they did not
raise their thoughts to invisible things, they adored what
they saw. The one desired to have a god different from the
other, without thinking whether the objects of adoration
were worthy or not, and without self-respect in considering
whether the things they adored were not inferior to them-
selves. They only thought of making one differ from another,
and each from all. Thus they worshipped herbs, plants,
flowers, all kinds of trees, high hills, great rocks, and the
chinks in them, hollow caves, pebbles, and small stones of
different colours found in rivers and brooks, such as jasper.
They adored the emerald,* particularly in a province which
is now called Puerto Viejo; but they did not worship rubies
and diamonds, because there are none in that country. In
place of them they worshipped different animals, some for
their fierceness, such as the tiger, lion, and bear; and as
they looked upon them as gods, they did not fly from them,
if they crossed their path, but went down on the ground to
worship them, and these Indians allowed themselves to be
killed and eaten, without attempting flight, or making any
* See my translation of Cieza de Leon, chap. 1, p. 182, Acosta, lib.
iv, cap. 14, p. 233 ; and Velasco, Historia del Quito, i, p. 29.
FIRST BOOK OF THE
defence. They also adored other animals for their cunning,
Mich as foxes and monkeys. They worshipped the dog for
his faithfulness and noble character, the cat for its agility,
the bird which they callctmtur for its size, and some nations
adored the eagle because they thought they were descended
from it, as well as the cuntur. Other nations worshipped
falcons for their swiftness, and for their industry in pro-
curing food. They worshipped the owl for the beauty of
his eyes and head, and the bat for his quickness of sight,
which caused much wonder that he could see at night.
They also adored many other birds according to their
caprices. They venerated the great serpents, that are met
with in the Antis,* twenty-five to thirty feet in length, more
or less, and thicker than a man's thigh, for their monstrous
size and fierceness. They also looked upon other smaller
snakes as gods, in places where they are not so large as in
the Antis, as well as lizards, toads, and frogs. In fine,
there was not an animal, how vile and filthy soever, that
they did not look upon a? a god ; merely differing one
from the other in their gods, without adoring any real God,
nor being able to hope for anything from them. They were
indeed most foolish in all these things, like sheep without
;i shepherd. But we should not wonder that a people with-
out letters or any instruction should fall into these follies ;
for it is notorious that the Greeks and Romans, who prided
themselves so much on their science, had, when their
empire was most flourishing, 30,000 gods.
*• Anti-suyu, the eastern division of the empire of the Yncas, was so
called trom the Antis, who dwelt in the forests at the foot of the Cor-
• lilli-ra, to the eastward of Cuzco.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 49
CHAPTER X.
OF MANY OTHER GODS THAT THEY HAD.
There were many other nations of Indians, in that first
epoch, who chose their gods with somewhat more judgment
than those we have mentioned ; for they worshipped certain
things from which they derived benefit, such as great foun-
tains and rivers, which supplied water for irrigating their
crops.
Some worshipped the earth, and called it Mother, because
it yielded their fruits ; others adored the air for its gift of
breath to them, saying that it gave them life ; others the
fire for its heat, and because they cooked their food with it ;
others worshipped a sheep, because of the great flocks they
reared •* others the great chain of snowy mountains for its
height and grandeur, and for the many rivers which flow
from it, and furnish irrigation ; others adored maize or sara,
as they call it, because it was their bread; others worshipped
other kinds of corn and pulse, according to the abundance
of the yield in each province.
The inhabitants of the sea-coast, besides an infinity of
other gods, worshipped the sea, which they called Mama-
ccocha, or " Mother Sea", meaning that it filled the office of
a mother, by supplying them with fish. They also worshipped
the whale for its monstrous greatness. Besides this ordinary
system of worship, which prevailed throughout the coast,
the people of different provinces adored the fish that they
caught in greatest abundance ; for they said that the first
fish that was made in the world above (for so they named
Heaven) gave birth to all other fish of that species, and took
care to send them plenty of its children to sustain their
* These were the Collas in Southern Peru. See Book ii, chap. 19.
D
50 FIRST BOOK OF THE
tribe. For this reason they worshipped sardines in one
region, where they killed more of them than of any other
fish i in others, the skate ; in others, the dog fish ; in others,
the golden fish for its beauty ; in others, the craw fish ; in
others, for want of larger gods, the crabs, where they had
no other fish or where they knew not how to catch and kill
them. In short, they had whatever fish was most service-
able to them as their gods. So that they not only had the
four elements as gods, but also everything that is formed or
composed of them, howsoever vile and shapeless it might be.
There were other people, such as the Chirihuanas, and the
natives of the Cape de Pasau (these two provinces being at
the northern and southern extremities of Peru) that had no
inclination to worship anything high or low, neither from
interested motives nor from fear, but who lived in every
respect, and now live like beasts or worse ; for the doctrine
and instruction of the Kings Yncas never reached them.
CHAPTER XL
OF THE MANNER OF THEIR SACRIFICES.
In conformity with the vileness and degraded character
of the gods, were the cruelty and barbarity of the sacrifices
of that ancient idolatry. For, besides ordinary things such
n- animals and maize, they sacrificed men and women of all
1)' ing captives taken in wars which they made against
other. In some provinces their cruelty was so great
that it exceeded that of wild beasts. Not content with
sacrificing their captive enemies, they offered up their own
children on certain occasions. The manner of this sacrifice
oi men, women, and children was that they opened their
iiilc they were yet alive, and took out the heart
and lungs. '! hey then anointed the idol with the warm
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 51
blood, thinking that the idol had ordered the sacrifice to be
made. Presently they watched the omens in the same heart
and lungs, to see if the sacrifice had been accepted or not; and,
whether or not, they burnt the offering of heart and lungs
before the idol, until it was consumed, and ate the sacrificed
Indian with great relish and delight, and not less rejoicing,
even though it might be their own child.
The Father Bias Valera, as appears in many parts of his
torn papers, had the same design as ourselves in many of
the things that he wrote ; such as to divide the periods,
epochs, and provinces, so as to make more clear the customs
which each nation had. Thus in one of his mutilated papers
he says as follows : — " Those who live in the Antis eat
human flesh, they are fiercer than tigers, and have no God,
nor any law, nor do they know what virtue is. They have
no idols, nor any likeness of them, but worship the devil
when he presents himself in the form of any beast or ser-
pent, and speaks to them. If they make a captive in war,
or by any other chance, knowing that he is one of low con-
dition, they cut him up and give him to their friends and
servants, for them to eat or sell in the meat market. But if
he is a nobleman, the chiefs assemble together with their
wives and daughters, and, like ministers of the devil, they
strip him and tie him alive to a post. Then they cut him
into slices with stone knives, not dismembering him, but
cutting the flesh off the parts where there is most of it, such
as the calves, thighs, buttocks, and fleshy parts of the arms.
They sprinkle the women and children with the blood, and
eat the flesh very hastily, without waiting to cook or even to
chew it. They take the flesh bit by bit, so that the poor
patient sees himself, while yet alive, eaten by others, and
buried in their bellies. The women (more cruel than the
men) anoint the teats of their bosoms with the unfortunate
victim's blood, that their infants may suck it in, and drink
it with the milk. They do all this, in place of sacrificing,
FIRST BOOK OF TUP]
•with great rejoicing, until the man dies. Then they desist
from eating his flesh by way of a feast or pleasure, as before,
but as a thing dedicated to God, and from that time they
look on the flesh with the greatest veneration, and eat it
as a sacred thing. If the victim, while he was being tortured,
gave any sign of feeling in his face or in his body, or made
any groan or sigh, they broke his bones to pieces, after having
eaten his flesh and tripes, and cast them into the fields or
rivers, with every mark of contempt. But if, during the
torture, the victim was firm, composed, and fierce, after having
eaten the flesh, with all the inside, they dried the bones and
nerves in the sun, and, placing them in a lofty part of the
mountains, worshipped them as gods, and offered them
sacrifices. These are the idols of those wild people; for the
government of the Yncas did not reach them, nor, up to the
present time, has that of the Spaniards, and this is the con-
dition in which they remain to this day. This race of
terrible and cruel men came from the Mexican country,
and peopled that of Panama and Darien, and all those great
forests which extend on one side to the new kingdom of
Granada, and on the other to Santa Martha."* All this is
quoted from Father Bias Valera, who recounts the devilries
of these people, and assists us to give an idea of the customs
of that first age.
There were the other Indians who were not so cruel in
their sacrifices ; for, though they mixed human blood in
them, it was not obtained by killing any one, but by bleed-
ing the arms and legs, according to the importance of the
sacrifice. For the most solemn sacrifices they bled the root
of the nose where it is joined by the eyebrows. This bleed-
* The Antis were a savage tribe in the forests to the eastward of
Cuzco ; hut Bias Valera probably intends to include in the country of
the Antis all the vast forest-covered region to the eastward of the
Aii«li:i. The practices described in the text were not those of the
Peruvian Indians, but of the fierce Aztecs, and of wild tribes in New
Granada.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 53
ing was common amongst the Indians of Peru, even in the
time of the Yncas, as well for sacrifices (particularly one, as
we shall presently explain) as for their illnesses, when they
had very bad headaches. The Indians had other sacrifices
in common (those which we have described above being in
use in particular provinces and not in others), such were the
sacrifices of animals, as sheep, lambs, rabbits, partridges, and
other birds, grease, the herb they so value called cuca,
maize, and other seeds, pulses, sweet-woods, and the like,
according to the produce of each people, and their ideas
touching what would be a pleasing sacrifice to their gods.
If their gods were birds or beasts of prey they offered up
what they usually saw them eat, and what appeared to be
most agreeable to their tastes ; and this suffices for an ac-
count of the sacrifices of that ancient heathenism.
CHAPTER XII.
CONCERNING THE MODE OF LIFE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE
ANCIENT PEOPLE, AND OF THE THINGS THEY ATE.
These gentiles were as barbarous in the manner of build-
ing their houses and villages, as in their gods and sacrifices.
The most civilised had their villages without plazas* or order
in their streets and houses, but rather with the appearance
of a lair of wild beasts. Others, by reason of the wars that
they waged against each other, lived on the tops of high
rocks, in the manner of fortresses, where they were less
molested by their enemies. Others lived in huts scattered
over the fields, valleys, and ravines, each one where its owners
could best secure their food. Others lived in caves under the
ground, in crevices of the rocks, or in hollow trees, each one
* Every village in Spanish South America has a plaza or open square
in the centre, whence the streets diverge at right angles.
fi 1 FIRST BOOK OF THE
finding his house ready built, as he was not capable of
building one. Some such people are still to be met with
near the ("ape of Pasau, and in the country of the Chiri-
huanas, and other nations which were not conquered by the
Kings Yncas, and are still in the ancient condition of bar-
barism. These are the people who are most difficult to
convert to the service of the Spaniards, and to the Christian
religion ; for as they never had any religion, they are irra-
tional, and scarcely have any words to make themselves in-
telligible to each other. So they live like animals of different
species, without joining or communicating with each other.
In these houses and villages he who had most audacity
governed the others, and as soon as he became their lord
he treated his vassals with tyranny and cruelty, using them as
slaves, taking their wives and daughters at will, and making
them fight one with another. In some provinces they
flayed their captives, and covered their drums with the
skins, to terrify their enemies ; for they said that when they
heard the skins of their relations, they would presently fly.
They led a life of robberies, murders, and burning of
villages, and thus many chiefs and petty kings arose, among
whom there were some good men who treated their people
well and maintained peace and justice. The Indians, in
their simplicity, revered these good chiefs as gods, seeing
that they were different from the great multitude of tyrants.
In other parts the people lived without chiefs to rule over
them, nor did they know how to form any government
amongst themselves to regulate and order their lives, but
they lived like sheep, in great simplicity, without doing
either good or evil, and this was due more to ignorance and
, than to excess of virtue,
in many provinces were so sluggish and
simple in the manner of dressing and covering their bodies,
that their clothing would make a man laugh to see it. In
: they we •)•<• so fierce and barbarous as to astound
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 55
any man, and in many wide regions these two habits went
together. In the hot climates, on account of their natural
fertility, they sowed little or nothing ; they maintained
themselves on herbs, roots, and wild fruits, and other food
which the earth yielded spontaneously, or with small aid
from the inhabitants; and as the people desired no more
than the maintenance of their natural lives, they were
satisfied with little. In many provinces they were very fond
of human flesh, and so greedy that, before the Indian they
were killing was quite dead, they drank his blood out of the
wound they had dealt him, and did the same when he was cut
up, sucking their hands so that they might not lose a drop.
Pedro de Cieza (chap. £7)* says the same, and that he saw
it with his own eyes. This passion so increased upon them,
that they would not spare their own offspring by a captive
woman taken in war. They took these women, when they
were virgins, and brought up the children they had by
them, with much care, until they were twelve or thirteen
years of age, when they ate them, as well as their mother, so
soon as she was past child-bearing. They even went further;
for they spared the lives of many Indians whom they took
prisoners and gave them wives from the nation of their con-
querors; and the children they begot were brought up until
they were old enough to be eaten. Thus they had a sort of
college of youths reared for eating, and they would not
spare them, either on the ground of relationship, or because
they had reared them,f which is a source of love even
amongst animals of different habits, as we are able to testify
* This is a wrong reference, but there is plenty about the cannibalism
of the Indians of New Granada in Cieza de Leon. See my translation,
chap, xii, p. 50 and 52, chap, xv, p. 60, chap, xix, p. 71, chap, xxi, p. 79,
chap, xxiii, p. 84, chap, xxvi, p. 96 and 97, chap, xxviii, p. 101, chap,
xxxii, p. 115 and p. 118.
t These were customs of Indians in the valley of the Cauca, in New
Granada, as described by Cieza de Leon, and not those of Indians in any
part of Peru.
FIRST BOOK OF THE
touching some that we have seen, and others of which we
have heard. But, with these barbarians, neither the one
motive nor the other was sufficient; for they killed the sons
they had begotten and the relations they had reared, for the
purpose of eating them, doing the same by the parents as
soon as they were past the time of bearing children, without
regard to their near relationship. There was one nation so
strangely addicted to this greediness in eating human flesh,
that they buried their dead in their bellies. As soon as a
relation died, these people assembled and ate him roasted or
boiled according as he was thin or fat.* If he was thin they
boiled him, if fat he was roasted. Afterwards they collected
his bones, and performed his obsequies with great mourning,
interring them in a hole of the rocks or in a hollow tree.
They had no God, nor did they know what it was to wor-
ship anything, and they are still in the same condition.
This habit of eating human flesh prevailed more amongst
the Indians of the warm than of the cold climates.
In the cold and sterile regions where the land did not
spontaneously yield fruits and herbs, they sowed maize and
other crops, being urged by necessity. But they did so
without observing either time or season. They followed
the chase and caught fish in the same rude fashion as they
showed in all other matters.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW TI1KY DRESSED IN THOSE ANCIENT TIMES.
Their dress, owing to its indecency, is more a subject for
keeping silence upon and for concealing than for talking of
* This \vas the tribe of Oncamas, on the Maranon and Huallaga
/'<«, Velasco, Poeppig, ii, p. 449, Herndon, p. 195,
,>ond>/, p. 113.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 57
and describing. But as the truth of history obliges me to
tell everything correctly, I must beseech modest ears to close
themselves, that they may not hear me in this part; and
should they punish me with this disfavour, I shall hold
them to be well employed. In this first epoch the Indians
dressed like animals, for they wore no more clothing than
the skin which nature had given them. Many of them,
either for love of adorning themselves or out of peculiarity,
had a thick string girded round their bodies, which served
them as clothing, but we must say no more on this head, as
it is not proper. In the year 1560, on my way to Spain, I
encountered five Indians in a street of Carthagena, without
any clothes, and they did not walk abreast, but one behind
the other, like cranes, it having been so many years since
they had had intercourse with Spaniards.
The women went about in the same dress, that is, naked.
Those who were married had a thread girded round the
body, to which was fastened a sort of apron consisting of a
rag of cotton a yard square. In places where they could
not or would not weave, they used bark of trees or leaves,
which served as a covering for the sake of decency. Virgins
also wore a girdle of thread, and in place of an apron they
wore a different sort of thing as a sign that they were virgins.
But as it is proper to preserve that respect which is due to
the reader, it will be well to keep silence as to what it was.
Suffice it to say, that such was the dress in the hot regions,
that, as regards decency, the people were like unreasoning
beasts; and, by this folly alone, as regards the adorning
of their persons, it may be understood how brutal they must
have been in all other things — these Indians of heathendom,
who lived before the time of the empire of the Yncas.
In the cold countries the people went about more honestly
clad, not for the sake of decency, but owing to the necessity
caused by the cold. They covered themselves with the
skins of animals, and with a sort of cloak that they made
5S FIRST BOOK OF THE
from the aloe, and from a long and soft straw which grows
in the fields. With these contrivances they covered their
bodies as well as they could. In other nations there was
more propriety, and they wore mantles, badly made, badly
twisted, and worse woven, of wool or of wild aloe, called by
them chahuar.* They wore these cloaks fastened round the
neck and waist, so that they went sufficiently covered.
These clothes were used in that first epoch, and the custom
prevailing in the warm countries of going naked was one
which the Spaniards found in many provinces not yet con-
quered by the Kings Yncas. It still prevails in many lands
subjugated by the Spaniards, where the Indians are so
stupid as to be unwilling to dress, excepting those who have
close intercourse with the Spaniards in their houses, and
they dress more from persuasion than from choice and
proper modesty. This applies to women as well as men; for
the former, when scolded for being bad spinsters and very
indecent, and asked by the Spaniards why they do not dress,
reply that they do not want to spin, or if asked why they do
not spin, they say they do not want to dress.
CHAPTER XIV.
DIFFERENT MODES OF MARRIAGE, AND DIVERS LANGUAGES.
HOW THEY USED POISONS AND PRACTISED SORCERY.
In their other customs, such as those relating to marriage,
the? Indians of that heathen time were no better than in their
habits of rating and clothing themselves. For, in many
nations, they cohabited like beasts, without any special wife,
but just as chance directed. Others followed their own de-
sires, without excepting sisters, daughters, or mothers. Others
* <'l,nl,n,i.r is the fibre of the agave or American aloe.
ROYAL COMMENTARIKS. 59
excepted their mothers, but none else. In other provinces
it was lawful, and even praiseworthy, for the girls to be as
immodest and abandoned as they pleased, and the most dis-
solute were more certain of marriage than those who were
faithful. At all events the abandoned sorts of girls were
held to be more lusty, while of the modest it was said that
they had had no desire for any one because they were
torpid. In other provinces they had an opposite custom,
for the mothers guarded their daughters with great care ;
and when they were sought in marriage, they were brought
out in public, and, in presence of the relations who had made
the contract, the mothers deflowered them with their own
hands, to show to all present the proof of the care that had
been taken of them.
In other provinces the nearest relations of the bride and
her most intimate friends had connection with her, and on
this condition the marriage was agreed to, and she was thus
received by the husband. Pedro de Cieza (chap, xxiv) says
the same.* There were sodomites in some provinces, though
not openly nor universally, but some particular men and
in secr.et. In some parts they had them in their temples,
because the devil persuaded them that their gods took great
delight in such people : and thus the devil acted as the
traitor to remove the veil of shame that the gentiles felt for
this crime, and to accustom them to commit it in public and
in common. f There were also men and women who gave
poison, both to kill by slow degrees or suddenly, and to
destroy reason and cause idiotcy. They could also make the
face ugly, bring out black and white spots on the body, and
maim the limbs.
Each province, each tribe, and in many places each vil-
* The account of Cieza de Leon does not refer to Indians of Peru, but
to those of New Granada.
t This is also from Cieza de Leon, and does not refer to the natives
of Peru.
FIRST 1HHJK OF THE
lage, had its own language, different from that of its neigh-
bours. Those who understood their language were looked
upon as relations, and were therefore friends and allies.
Those who did not understand them, owing to the difference
in the languages, they held as enemies, and made cruel war
upon, insomuch that they ate each other, as if they were
brutes of different species. They also had sorcerers and
witches among them, but this profession was more commonly
practised by women than men. Many only exercised their
art, to be able to talk to the devil, so as to gain a reputation
with the people, giving replies to things that were asked,
and making themselves great priests and priestesses.
Other women used the art of bewitching people, oftener
women than men, from envy or some other evil motive, and
they produced the same results by witchcraft as by poison.
And this suffices for my account of the Indians of that first
epoch, and of their ancient heathenism, leaving that which
I have not described as fully as it really required to the
imagination of each person to add ; for howsoever he may
enlarge on what has been said, he will not be able to imagine
how great was the barbarism of those gentiles. In fine, they
were a people who had no other guide nor master than the
devil, and of such a nature were their lives, customs, gods,
and most savage sacrifices, without any exaggeration. Others
were very simple in everything, like tame animals. Others
partook either of one extreme or the other, as we shall see
further on in the course of our history, where I shall relate
what barbarous rites they practised in each province.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 61
CHAPTER XV.
THE ORIGIN OF THE YNCAS KINGS OF PERU.
It pleased our Lord God that, while these people were
living and dying in the way we have described, the glimmer-
ings of dawn should appear amongst themselves, which, in
the midst of that pitch darkness, might give some indications
of the natural law, of civilisation, and of the respect which
men ought to have for each other Afterwards, some fur-
ther progress was made, and these wild creatures were con-
verted into men, and made capable of reason and of com-
prehending any good doctrine. Thus, when the same God,
who is the Sun of Justice, saw fit to extend the light of his
divine rays to these idolaters, they were found not to be
such savages, but more ready to receive the Catholic faith,
and the teaching and doctrine of our holy church, than
those who had not had such early advantages ; as will be
seen in the course of this history. For it has been clearly
shown by experience how much more prompt and ready the
Indians who had been conquered, governed, and instructed
by the Kings Yncas were to receive the gospel than the
other neighbouring people, to whom the teaching of the
Yncas had not yet extended. Many of the latter are even
now as barbarous and brutal as they ever were, after the
Spaniards have been seventy-one years in Peru. And now
that we are at the entrance of this great labyrinth, it will be
well for us to pass onwards, and relate what there is in it.
After having sketched out many plans, and taken many
roads for entering upon a narrative of the origin of the
Yncas, the former native kings of Peru, it seemed to me
that the best and clearest way would be to relate what I have
often heard, in my childhood, from my mother, and from her
FIRST BOOK OF THK
brothers, uncles, and other relations, touching this origin
and beginning. For all that is said on the subject from
other sources may be reduced to the same as we shall re-
late, and it is better that it should be made known in the
actual words in which the Yncas have told it, than in those
of strange authors. My mother resided in Cuzco, her native
town, and almost every week some of the few male and
female relations, who escaped the cruelty and tyranny of
Atahualpa fas we shall relate in the account of his life),
came to visit her. On the occasion of these visits their
usual conversation was on the subject of the origin of
the Yncas, of their majesty, of the grandeur of their empire,
of their greatness, of their mode of government in peace
and war, and of the laws which they ordained for the good
of their subjects. In short, they omitted nothing relating
to the flourishing period of their history in the course of
these conversations.
From their past greatness and prosperity, they went on to
the present state of affairs ; they mourned for their dead
kings, their lost rule, their fallen state. Such and the like
discourses were held by the Yncas and Pallas when they
visited my mother, and, at the memory of their lost happi-
ness, they always concluded their conversations with tears
and mourning, saying " We are turned from rulers into
vassals." During these conversations I, as a boy, came in
and out of the place where they were assembled many times,
and was entertained at hearing them, just as lads always
like to hear stories told. So days, months, and years passed
, until T was sixteen or seventeen years old. At that
time it happened that, one day when my relations were en-
discourses, talking of their royal ancestors, I
•s'»id to the m«»t ;igrd of them, who usually related the stories
of his family — " Ynca my uncle, you have no writings which
i ve the memory of past events; but what accounts
have you of the origin of our kings? For the Spaniards,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 63
and other people who live on their borders, have divine and
human histories, and they know through them when their
kings began to reign, when one empire gave place to another,
and even how many thousand years it is since God created
heaven and earth. But you, who have no books, what
memory have you preserved respecting your ancestors?
Who was the first of our Yncas ? What was his name ?
What was his origin? In what manner did he begin to
reign ? With what people and arms did he conquer this
great empire ? What beginning had our history ?"
The Ynca, as soon as he had heard my questions, was de-
lighted to have the opportunity of replying to them ; and I,
though I had heard his stories many times before, never
listened with so mueh attention as on that occasion. He
turned to me and said, " Nephew, I will tell you what you
ask with great pleasure, and you should preserve what I
have to say in your heart" (which is their phrase, instead of
saying in the memory). " Know then that, in ancient times,
all this region which you see was covered with forests and
thickets, and the people lived like wild beasts without re-
ligion, nor government, nor town, nor houses, without culti-
vating the land, nor clothing their bodies, for they knew
not how to weave cotton nor wool to make clothes. They
lived two or three together in caves or clefts of the rocks, or
in caverns under ground. They ate the herbs of the field
and roots or fruit like wild animals, and also human flesh.
They covered their bodies with leaves and the bark of trees, or
with the skins of animals. In fine they lived like deer or other
game, and even in their intercourse with women they were
like brutes ; for they knew nothing of living with separate
wives."
It will be well, in order to avoid tiresome repetition, to
say here that the phrase " Our Father the Sun", was a mode
of expressing veneration and respect in the language of the
Yncas. They always named the Sun, because they were
(51 FIRST BOOK OF THE
proud of being descended from him, and it was not lawful
for any man who was not of Ynca blood to have the word in
his mouth ; for it was looked upon as blasphemy, and the
blasphemer was stoned.
" Our Father the Sun", said my uncle the Ynca, " seeing
the human race in the condition I have described, had com-
passion upon them, and sent down from heaven to the earth
a son and daughter to instruct them in the knowledge of our
Father the Sun, that they might adore Him, and adopt Him
as their God; also to give them precepts and laws by which
to live as reasonable and civilised men, and to teach them to
live in houses and towns, to cultivate maize and other crops,
to breed flocks, and to use the fruits of the earth like rational
beings, instead of living like beasts. With these commands
and intentions, our Father the Sun placed his two children
in the lake of Titicaca, which is eighty leagues from here ;
and He said to them that they might go where they pleased,
and that at every place where they stopped to eat or sleep,
they were to thrust a sceptre of gold into the ground, which
was half a yard long, and two fingers in thickness. He gave
them this staff as a sign and token that in the place where,
by one blow on the earth, it should sink down and disappear,
there it was the desire of our Father the Sun that they
should remain and establish their court. Finally, He said
to them : — ' When you have reduced these people to our
service, you shall maintain them in habits of reason and
iu-tirr, by the practice of piety, clemency, and meekness,
a — inning in all things the office of a pious father towards
his In loved and tender children. Thus you will form a
likeness and reflection of me. I do good to the whole
world, giving light that men may see and do their business,
making them warm when they are cold, cherishing their
;md crops, ripening their fruits and increasing
their fl-x-ks, watering their lauds with dew, and bringing
fine weather in the proper season. 1 take rare to go round
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 65
the earth each day, that I may see the necessities that exist in
the world, and supply them, as the sustainer and benefactor
of the heathens. I desire that you shall imitate this example
as my children, sent to the earth solely for the instruction
and benefit of these men who live like beasts. And from
this time I constitute and name you as kings and lords over
all the tribes, that you may instruct them in your rational
works and government.' Having declared His will to His
children, our Father the Sun dismissed them. These children
set out from Titicaca, and travelled northwards, trying at
every place where they stopped on the road whether their
sceptre of gold would sink into the earth, but it never did.
At last they came to an inn or small resting-place, which is
seven or eight leagues south of this city, and is called
Paccari- Tampu""* (that is to say, the resting-place of the
dawn}. The Ynca gave it this name because he set out
from it in the early morning. It is one of the towns which
this prince afterwards ordered to be founded ; and the in-
habitants are very proud of the name to this day, because it
was given by the Ynca. From this place he and his wife,
our queen, advanced to the valley of Cuzco, which at that
time was entirely covered with wild forests."
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FOUNDATION OF CUZCO, THE IMPERIAL CITY.
" The first settlement that was made in this valley," con-
tinued my uncle the Ynca, " was on the hill called Huana-
cauti, to the south of this city. It was here that the sceptre
of gold buried itself in the ground with great ease, and it
was never seen more. Then our Ynca said to his wife and
* Paccari, morning; and tampu (corrupted by the Spaniards into
tambo), an inn.
(U) FIRST NOOK OF THE
sister : — ' Our Father the Sun orders that we settle in this
valley to fulfil his wishes. It is therefore right, O queen
and sister, that each of us should gather these people to-
gether, to instruct them and to do the good which has been
ordered by our Father the Sun.' Our first rulers set out
from the hill of Huanacauti, in different directions, to call
the people together, and as this is the first place we know
of which they pressed with their feet, we have built a
temple there, as is notorious, wherein to worship our Father
the Sun, in memory of this act of benevolence which He
performed for the world. The prince went northwards, and
the princess to the south, speaking to all the people they
met in the wilderness, and telling them how their Father
the Sun had sent them from Heaven, to be the rulers and
benefactors of the inhabitants of all that land, delivering
them from their wild lives, and teaching them how to live
like men ; and how, in pursuance of the commands of their
Father the Sun, they had come to bring the people out of
the forests and deserts, to live in villages, and to eat the
food of men, and not of wild beasts. Our kings said these
and similar things to the savages they met with in the forests
and mountains. The people, seeing these two personages
attired and adorned with the ornaments that our Father the
Sun had given them (a very different dress from their own),
with their ears bored and opened, in the way that we their
ndants wear ours ; and that, from their words and ap-
nce, they seemed to be children of the Sun; and that
came among them to give them villages to live in and
to eat; astonished on the one hand at what they saw,
and pirated on the other at the promises that were held out;
fully believed everything, worshipped the strangers as chil-
dren of the Sun, and obeyed them as their kings. The same
aving collected together and related the wonders
had seen and heard, assembled in great numbers, both
men and women, and set out to follow our kings, whither-
\ cr they ini^ht le;id them.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 67
<f When our princes saw the large multitude of people
that had arrived, they ordered that some should occupy them-
selves in procuring supplies for the rest, that hunger might
not force them to scatter themselves over the mountains
again, while the rest worked at building houses according to
a plan made by the Ynca. In this manner he began to
settle this our imperial city, dividing it into two parts, called
Hanan Cuzco, which, as you know, means Upper Cuzco,
and Hurin Cuzco, which is Lower Cuzco. The people who
followed the king wished to settle in Hanan Cuzco, and for
that reason it received the name; and those who were
gathered together by the queen settled in Hurin Cuzco, and
it was therefore called the lower town. This division of the
city was not made in order that those living in one half
should have any pre-eminence or special privileges, for the
Ynca desired that all should be equal like brothers — the
sons of one father and one mother. He only wished to make
this division into an upper and a lower town, that there
might be a perpetual memory of the fact that the inhabitants
of one were assembled by the king, and of the other by the
queen. He ordered that there should be only one difference
between them as a mark of superiority, which was, that the
people of Upper Cuzco should be looked upon and respected
as elder brothers, and those of Lower Cuzco as younger
brothers ; that they should be, in short, as a right and left
arm, on any occasion of precedence, the one as having been
brought there by a man, and the other by a woman. In
imitation of this division, a similar arrangement was made in
all the towns, large or small, of our empire, which were
separated into wards according to the lineages of the families,
which were called Hanan-Ayllu and Hurin Ayllu, that is,
the upper and lower lineage ; or Hanan-Suyu and Hurin-
Suyu, or the upper and lower provinces.*
* Hanan or Hanac, high, upper. Hurin, lower. Ayllu, a family,
lineage, or tribe. Suyu, a province.
68 FIRST BOOK OF THE
" At the same time that the city was being peopled, our
Ynca taught the Indians those occupations which appertain
to a man, such as breaking up and cultivating the ground,
and sowing corn and other seeds, which he pointed out as
fit for food and useful. He also taught them to make
ploughs and other necessary instruments, he showed them
the way to lead channels from the brooks which flow through
this valley of Cuzco ; and even instructed them how to pre-
pare the sandals which we now wear. On the other hand,
the Queen employed the Indian women in such work as is
suitable to them, such as to sew and weave cotton and wool,
to make clothes for themselves, their husbands, and children,
and to perform other household duties. In fine, our princes
taught their first vassals everything that is needful in life,
the Ynca making himself king and master of the men, and
the Ccoya being queen and mistress of the women.
CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE COUNTRY WHICH WAS BROUGHT UNDER THE
RULE OF THE YNCA MANGO CCAPAC.
" Those very Indians, who had thus been brought under
the rule of the Ynca, recognising the benefits they had
received with great satisfaction, entered into the moun-
tains and wildernesses in search of their countrymen,
and spread the news of those children of the Sun. They
explained that the Ynca had come down to the earth
for the good of all men, and they recounted the many
:;!> IK- had conferred. They then displayed their clothes,
and .showed their new kinds of food, and that they now lived in
houses and villages, that their words might be believed.
When the wild people heard all this, they assembled in great
numbers to behold llie wonderful things that our first parents,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 69
king and lords, had performed. Having satisfied themselves
by their eyes, they remained, to serve and obey the Ynca. In
this way one party brought another, until, in a few years,
so great a multitude was assembled that, after the first six or
seven years, the Ynca had a body of armed and disciplined
men to defend him against any invader, and even to subject
by force all who were not willing to submit of their own
accord. He taught them to make offensive arms, such as
bows and arrows, lances, clubs, and others, which are still
used.
" But in order to state briefly the deeds of our first Ynca,
I must tell you that, towards the east, he subdued the country
as far as the river Paucar-tampu.* To the westward he
conquered the country for a distance of eight leagues, up to
the river Apurimac,f and to the south his dominion extended
for nine leagues, to Quequesana. Within this region our
Ynca ordered more than a hundred villages to be built, the
largest with a hundred houses, and others with less, accord-
ing to the situation. These were the first princes that this
our city had, they having founded and peopled it, as you
have now heard. These were the first rulers who held this
our great, rich, and famous empire, which thy father and
his companions have taken from us. These were our first
Yncas and kings, who appeared in the first ages of the
world, from whom descended the other kings who have
ruled over us, and from these again we are all descended.
I am unable to tell you exactly how many years it is since
our Father the Sun sent these his first children, for it is so
long since that we have been unable to preserve the remem-
brance of it, but it is more than four hundred years. Our
* Paucar, beautifully coloured, a flowery meadow ; any graceful or
beautiful thing. In Ecuador Pancar is the troupial, and Paucar-huasi,
a troupial's nest. Tampu, an inn or resting-place.
t Apu, chief, and Rimac, an oracle, the participle of It-imam, I
speak.
70 FIRST BOOK OF THE
Ynca was called Manco Ccapac,* and our Ccoya was Mama
Occllo Huaco.f They were, as I have told you, brother and
sister, children of the Sun and of the Moon, our parents. I
believe that I have now given you a full account of what
you asked, and that I have replied to your inquiries ; and
that I may not make you weep, I have not related the story
with tears of blood torn from the eyes, as they are torn from
my heart by the grief which fills it, at seeing that our line of
Yncas is ended, and our empire lost."
This long account of the origin of their kings was given
me by that Ynca, uncle of my mother, from whom I had in-
quired respecting it. I have had it faithfully translated from
the language of my mother, which is that of the Yncas, into
Castilian, though I have been unable to imitate the majestic
sentences in which the Ynca spoke, nor to give it with all
the point of the original, for it would have caused it to be
much longer than I have presented it here. I have some-
what shortened it, leaving out a few things, but it is sufficient
that I have given its true meaning, which is all that is re-
quired for our history. This Ynca told me a few other
stories during the visits which he paid to the house of my
mother, and I shall relate them further on, in their proper
places. I regret that I did not ask many more questions,
that I might now have a knowledge of them, obtained from
so excellent a chronicler, to be written here.
* ^f<rnco) a word with no special meaning in Quichua. Ccapac, rich,
; ful.
t J/ama, mother. Occllo, from Ocllani, to hatch, to embrace when
naked, to warm in the bosom. Huaco is a sparrow-hawk, Huacco, a
-in tooth.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 71
CHAPTER XVIII.
OF FABULOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE ORIGIN OF THE YNCAS.
r^
^/ The Indians living to the south and west of Cuzco, in the
provinces called Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, give another
account of the origin of the Yncas. They say that this event
happened after the deluge (concerning which they can give
no particulars, not even knowing whether it was the general
deluge of the time of Noah or some other special flood, so
we shall not relate what they say concerning it, and con-
cerning other things ; for the way they have of telling these
stories makes them appear more like dreams or badly in-
vented fables than historical narratives). Their account is
that, after the flood subsided, a man appeared in Tiahuacanu,*
to the southward of Cuzco, who was so powerful that he
divided the world into four parts, and gave them to four
men who were called kings. The first was called Manco
Ccapac, the second Colla, the third Tocay, and the fourth
Pinahua. They say that he gave the northern part to
Manco Ccapac, the southern to Colla (from whose name
they afterwards called that great province Colla), the eastern
to Tocay, and the western to Pinahua. He ordered each to
repair to his district, to conquer it, and to govern the people
he might find there. But they do not say whether the de-
luge had drowned the people, or whether they had been
brought to life again, in order to be conquered and instructed;
and so it is with respect to all that they relate touching those
times. They say that from this division of the world after-
wards arose that which the Yncas made of their kingdom,
* A misprint for Tiahuanacu. The same misprint occurs in both
editions (Lisbon 1609, and Madrid 1723). The word occurs again near
the end of this chapter, and it is there spelt right in both editions.
FIRST J500K OF THE
called Ttahuantin-suyu. They declare that Manco Ccapac
went towards the north, and arrived in the valley of Cuzco,
where he founded a city, subdued the surrounding inhabit-
ants, and instructed them. With the exception of this ver-
sion of his origin, they tell almost the same story of Manco
Ccapac as we have given above, and say that the kings
Yncas were descended from him. But they do not know
what became of the other three kings ; and this is the way
with all their accounts of ancient times, which is not to be
wondered at, seeing that they had no letters wherewith to
preserve the memory of their ancestors. Those of the
heathen times in the Old World, possessing letters, and
being so curious in using them, invented fables worthy to be
laughed at, and in greater number than did these Indians.
One such is the story of Pyrrha and Deucalion, and there
are others which we might enumerate. The stories of the
one age of heathenism may be compared with that of the
other, and in many points they will be found to agree. The
Indians, for instance, have a story resembling the history of
Noah, as some Spaniards have desired to show; but we shall
treat of this presently. I shall say, in the sequel, what I
myself think respecting the origin of the Yncas.
The Indians to the north and east of the city of Cuzco
give another account of the origin of the Yncas, resembling
the above. They say that, in the beginning of the world,
four men and four women, all brothers and sisters, came out
<>i certain openings in the rocks near the city, in a place
< -tiled Puucar-tampu. They came forth from the central
openings, which are three in number, and they called them
the royal window. Owing to this fable, they lined those
with great plates of gold, covered with many pre-
stones, while the openings on the sides were only
;ied with gold, and had no precious stones. They called
first brother Manco Capac, and his wife Mama Occllo.
They say that he founded the city called Cuzco (which, in
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 73
the special language of the Yncas, means a navel), that he
conquered the nations round that city, teaching them to live
like men, and that from him all the Yncas were descended^]
The second brother was called Ayar Cachi, the third Ayar
* Our author here gives us three legends respecting the origin of the
Yncas; the first being the one preserved in the royal family, and
actually told to Garcilasso by an Ynca of the blood royal ; the second
being the version generally received among the Indians in the southern
and western parts of the empire ; and the third being that prevalent to
the eastward of Cuzco.
Herrera also gives three versions : the first being that prevailing to
the south ; the second having a family resemblance to the legend told
by the old Ynca to Garcilasso, only much briefer ; and the third being
the same as that told by Garcilasso as existing to the eastward of
Cuzco. Herrera, dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. i. He evidently copies from the
Ynca.
The licentiate Fernando Montesinos visited Peru twice, a century
after the conquest, and travelled for fifteen years through the country,
collecting materials for his work. His Memorials treat of the ancient
history of Peru, which he believed to be the Ophir of Solomon, and to have
been peopled by emigrations from Armenia. He gives a catalogue
of 101 kings of Peru, commencing five hundred years after the Deluge,
and containing their ages, the exact length of each reign, and the most
memorable events. He says that, five hundred years after the Deluge,
the first inhabitants marched towards Cuzco, led by four brothers,
named Ayar Manco Topa, Ayar Cachi Topa, Ayar Anca Topa, and
Ayar Uchu Topa, who were accompanied by four wives, whose names he
also gives. The youngest brother got rid of two of the others by closing
them up in a cave, and the third fled. Ayar Uchu Topa, according to
Montesinos, reigned for sixty years, and left the throne to his son Manco
Ccapac.
This account given by Montesinos is evidently the same legend as
Garcilasso heard from the Indians to the eastward of Cuzco, though
mutilated by time, and doubtless garbled by Montesinos himself, who is
a most untrustworthy authority. His catalogue is unworthy of atten-
tion.
Zarate says that the people in Peru were originally ruled by numerous
Curacas, without any superior, until a very warlike race, called Ingas,
came forth from the part of the Collas, near the banks of lake Titicaca.
They had their heads shaved, and their ears bored, with large pieces of
gold in the ears, which continually enlarged them. The chief of these
people was called Sapalla Inga, which means sole lord, though some
would have it that they called him Inga Viracocha, the meaning of
74 FIRST BOOK OF THK
Uchu, and the fourth Ayar Sauca. The word Ayar has no
meaning in the general language of Peru, though it pro-
bably has in the special idiom of the Yncas. The other
words are in the general language. Cachi means the salt
that we eat, and Uchu is the condiment they use for season-
ing their dishes, which the Spaniards call pepper;* the
Indians of Peru had no other kind. The other word Sauca
signifies pleasure, satisfaction, or delight. On pressing
the Indians with questions respecting these three brothers
and sisters, their first kings, they repeat a thousand foolish
tales ; and finding no other way out of it, they invent an
allegory. By the salt, which is one of the names, they say
that the instruction which the Ynca gave in the rational
life, is to be understood. The pepper represents the delight
they received from this teaching ; and the word for pleasure
is to show the joy and satisfaction in which they afterwards
lived. But even this is told in so disjointed and confused a
style, that it is gathered from them more by conjecturing
what they want to say than by following their discourse and
the order of their words. They are clear upon one point,
which is, that Manco Ccapac was the first king, and that all
the others were descended from him. Thus all three
legends point to Manco Ccapac as the beginning and origin
of the Yncas ; and of the other three brothers no further
mention is made.f They either disappear in an allegory, or
which is " foam of the sea." These Ingas began to occupy the city of
Cuzco, and from thence they subjugated the surrounding country.
i-ia del Peru por Agustin de Zarate, Contador de mercedes de la
4ad Ccsarea, lib. i, cap. x, p. 13. Barcia Coll.
Leon promises an account of the origin of the Yncas in
another part of his work, which has never seen the light. (See my
'ation, p. i :}(;.)
* f.'r/i a, is the Quichua for the Chile pepper which the Spaniards call
;i j i ( Capsicum frutescens).
t Cicza de Leon, a very high authority, and one who preceded
i\> that Manco Ccsipzic was the first Ynca, according to
the Ii
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 75
else Manco Ccapac alone appears. And it is certain that no
king nor any man of royal lineage had those names in after
times, nor is there any nation that claims descent from
them. 1 Some curious Spaniards, hearing these legends, have
tried to make out that these Indians had a knowledge of the
history of Noah and his three sons, wife, and daughters-in-
law, who were in all four men and four women saved by
God from the flood. They would have it believed that these
are the persons in the Indian legend, — that for the opening
in the rock at Paucar-tampu is intended the window of the
ark of Noah, by these Indians. Others say that by the
powerful man who appeared in Tiahuanacu and divided the
earth amongst four men, is meant God, who ordered Noah
and his three sons to people the world. Other passages,
either in one fable* or the other, have been supposed to
resemble the sacred history. I do not myself entertain such
baseless views. I merely relate the historical legends that I
heard from my relations, in my childhood, and each one
may be treated as the reader pleases ; and the allegory can
fit in as it best may. The other nations of Peru invent nu-
merous fables, like those we have related of the Yncas,
touching their origin, and that of their first parents. They
differ one from the other, as we shall see in the course of
this history. An Indian is not looked upon as honorable
unless he is descended from a fountain, river, or lake (or even
the sea) ; or from a wild animal, such as a bear, lion, tiger,
eagle, or the bird they call cuntur,* or some other bird of
prey; or from a mountain, cave, or forest, each one as he
fancies, for the better praise and glory of his name. What
I have said will suffice for an account of the legends of these
Indians.
'•
Condor.
7<> FIRST BOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XIX.
PROTEST OF THE AUTHOR TOUCHING THE HISTORY.
\ Now that we have laid the foundation stone of our history
(although it be fabulous), being the origin of the Yncas,
Kings of Peru, it will be well to pass on and give an ac-
count of the conquest and subjugation of the Indians, ex-
tending the narrative somewhat, which was given me by my
uncle the Ynca, together with a narrative touching many
other Yncas arid Indians, natives of the settlements which
the first Ynca, Manco Ccapac, ordered to be formed, and
included in his empire. I was brought up amongst these
Indians and held intercourse with them until I was twenty
years of age. During that time I acquired a knowledge of
all the matters on which we are about to treat ; for in my
childhood they told me their histories, just as they tell
stories to children. Afterwards, when I had reached a more
advanced age, they gave me a long account of their laws
and government, comparing them with the new government
of the Spaniards. They enumerated the crimes with their
punishments in the days of the Yncas, and related how their
kings governed in peace and in war, in what manner they
treated their vassals, and how they were served by them.
Besides they told me, as to their own son, of all their idola-
tries, rites, ceremonies, and sacrifices, of their festivals, their
superstitions and abuses, and of all their customs, good or
evil ; as well those relating to their sacrifices, as others. In
short, I may declare that they related to me all things con-
nected with their commonwealth ; and if I had then written
it all down, this history would be more copious. Besides
what the Indians told me, I had the opportunity of seeing
with my own eyes, a great many of their idolatrous customs,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 77
their festivals and superstitions, which were still celebrated
even until I was twelve or thirteen years of age. I was
born eight years after the Spaniards conquered my country,
and, as I have before said, I was brought up in it until my
twentieth year, so that I myself saw many things that were
practised by the Indians in the time of their idolatry, and
which I shall relate.
But in addition to what my relations told me, and to what I
myself saw, I have heard many other accounts of the con-
quests and acts of those kings ; for as soon as I resolved to
write this history I wrote to my old schoolfellows, asking
them each to help me by sending me an account of the par-
ticular conquest which the Yncas achieved in the provinces
of their mothers ; for each province has its history, and its
knots with their recorded annals and traditions, and thus
each province retains a more accurate account of what took
place within its borders, than of what happened beyond
them. My schoolfellows, taking what I had sought from
them in earnest, reported my intention to their mothers and
relations, who, on hearing that an Indian, a child of their
own land, intended to write a history of it, brought out the
accounts which they possessed, from the archives, and sent
them to me. It was thus that I obtained the records of the
deeds and conquests of each Ynca, which is the same as the
Spanish historians heard, except that this is longer, as we
shall point out in many parts of it. As the deeds of the
first Ynca form the commencement and foundation of the
history we are about to write, it will be well that we should
give them here, at least the most important, that we may not
have to repeat them further on, in the lives and acts of each
of the Yncas his descendants. For all these, whether they
were kings or not, loved to imitate the deeds and customs of
the first Prince Manco Ccapac. We shall now carefully re-
late the more authentic acts, leaving out many others as dull
and absurd ; and though some of the former may appear
78 FIRST BOOK OF THE
fabulous, it seems well to insert them, so as not to omit the
foundations on which the Indians build the whole story of
their empire. For from these fabulous beginnings proceeded
the greatness which is now actually possessed by Spain, and
it will be well, therefore, to give the best possible account
of the beginnings and endings of that monarchy. I protest
that I shall relate freely the accounts which I imbibed with
my mother's milk, and those which I afterwards received
from my relations; and I promise that I will not swerve
from the truth, either to gloss over the evil or to exaggerate
the good that was done. I know well that heathenism is an
ocean of errors. I will not write down new things, but will
relate the same events as the Spanish historians have written
concerning that land, and its kings, using their very words
whenever it is convenient, not inventing fictions in praise of
my relations, but saying the same things as have been re-
corded by the Spaniards. My history will thus serve as a
commentary to amplify and explain many things which they
hastily assumed or left half told, not having obtained the
full account of them. Many other things will be added,
which are wanting in the histories, and others will be passed
over as superfluous or false, the Spaniards not being able to
make their inquiries with reference to time, ages, or
divisions of the provinces and nations ; or not properly un-
derstanding their informants, owing to the difficulty of the
language. A Spaniard who thinks he knows the language
best is generally ignorant of nine parts of it out of ten, from
the number of meanings to each word, and the differences of
pronunciation. A single word often has very different
meanings, as will be explained further on in the case of cer-
tain words, the meanings of which it will be necessary to
explain,
this, in all that I shall say touching this empire,
which was destroyed as soon as it was known, I shall narrate
all that in ancient times related to their idolatry, rites, sarri-
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 79
fices, and ceremonies, their government, laws, and customs
in peace and war, without comparing these things with
other similar customs met with both in divine as well as
profane history, nor with the government of our own times,
for all comparisons are odious. He who may read, can
compare at his pleasure, and he will find many things re-
sembling those of ancient times, as well in the sacred as in
profane writings, and among the fables of ancient heathenry.
He will meet with many laws and customs which resemble
those of our times, others he will find which are quite dif-
ferent. I have done what I was able, without having been
able to do all that I desired. I beseech the discreet reader
to accept my desire, which is to give pleasure and satisfac-
tion; though neither the energy nor the ability of an Indian,
born amongst the Indians, and brougljt up amidst horses
and arms, may be able to achieve this aim!
CHAPTER XX.
THE VILLAGES WHICH THE FIRST YNCA ORDERED TO
BE FOUNDED.
Returning to the Ynca Manco Ccapac, we have to say
that after founding Cuzco in the two divisions which we
have described before, he ordered many other towns to be
built. To the eastward, among the people who dwell on
that side, so far as the river Paucar-tampu, he founded
thirteen villages on either side of the royal road of Anti-
suyu.* We do not name these, to avoid prolixity ; but all,
or nearly all, are inhabited by the nation called Poques. To
the westward of the city, over a space eight leagues long
and nine or ten broad, he ordered thirty villages to be built,
* The eastern division of the empire. The A ntis are a wild tribe of
Indians in the forest to the eastward of the Andes.
80 FIRST BOOK OF THE
which are scattered on either side of the royal road of Cunti-
suyu.* These villages were inhabited by three tribes with
different names, which were, Masca, Chillqui, Papri. To
the north of the city he formed twenty villages, and peopled
them with four different tribes, namely, Mayu, Cancu, Chin-
chapucyu, and Rimac-tampu. The rest of these villages
are in the beautiful valley of Sacsahuana, where the battle
and capture of Gonzalo Pizarro took place. The most dis-
tant of these villages is seven leagues from the city, and the
others are scattered about on either side of the royal road of
Chincha-suyu.f
To the south of the city he peopled thirty-eight or forty
villages, eighteen of the Ayamarca nation, which are scat-
tered on either side of the royal road of Colla-suyu,J for a
distance of three leagues, beginning from the borders of the
salt pans, which are a short league from the city. It was
there that the lamentable battle between Don Diego de Al-
magro the elder and Hern and o Pizarro was fought. The
other villages are inhabited by tribes of five or six different
names — Quespicancha, Muyna, Urcos, Quehuar, Huaruc,
Caviiia. This Cavina nation vainly believed that their fore-
fathers came out of a lake, to which, they said, the souls of
those who died, returned, and thence came forth, and entered
the bodies of those who were born. They had an idol of a
frightful form, to which they offered very barbarous sacri-
fices. The Ynca Manco Ccapac abolished these sacrifices and
the idols ; and ordered them to worship the Sun, like his
other vassals.
These villages, which numbered more than a hundred,
were at first small, the largest not having more than a
hundred houses, and the smallest about twenty-five or thirty.
* The western division of the empire,
t The northern division of the empire.
The southern division of the empire, now called the Collao, in-
e Titicaca. It is inhabited by the Aymara nation.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 81
Afterwards, owing to the favours and privileges granted to
them by Manco Ccapac, as we shall relate presently, they
increased very much, and many of them reached a popula-
tion of a thousand inhabitants, the smaller ones having from
300 to 400. Long afterwards the great tyrant Atahualpa
destroyed many of these towns. In our own times, not more
than twenty years ago, these towns, which were founded by
the Ynca Manco Ccapac, and almost all the others in Peru,
were moved from the original sites to other very different situ-
ations i because a Viceroy,* as we shall relate in its place,
ordered all to be converted into a smaller number of larger
towns, uniting five or six into one, and seven or eight into
another. Whence resulted much inconvenience, which,
being hateful, I will refrain from describing.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE THINGS WHICH THE YNCA TAUGHT TO HIS VASSALS.
The Ynca Manco Ccapac, in establishing his people in
villages, while he taught them to cultivate the land, to build
houses, construct channels for irrigation, and to do all other
things necessary for human life ; also instructed them in the
ways of polite and brotherly companionship/ in conformity
with reason and the law of nature, persuading them, with
much earnestness, to preserve perpetual peace and concord
between themselves, and not to entertain anger or passionate
feelings towards each other, but to do to one another as they
would others should do to them, not laying down one law
for themselves and another for their neighbours. He parti-
cularly enjoined them to respect the wives and daughters of
others ; because they were formerly more vicious in respect
to women, than in any other thing whatever. He imposed
* Dou Francisco de Toledo, A.I). 1509-81.
F
FIRST HOOK OF THE
the penalty of death on adulterers, homicides, and thieves.
He ordered no man to have more than one wife, and that
marriages should take place between relations, so as to pre-
vent confusion in families, also that marriages should take
place at the age of twenty years and upwards, that the
married couples might be able to rule their households, and
work their estates. He directed the tame flocks, which
wandered over the country without a master, to be collected,
so that all people might be clothed with their wool, by
reason of the industry and skill which had been taught to
the women by the Queen Mama Occllo Huaco. They were
also taught to make the shoes which are now used, called
usata* A Curaca, which is the same as a Cacique in the
language of Cuba and San Domingo, and means lord of
vassals, was appointed over every nation that was subju-
gated. The Curacas were chosen from among those who
had done most in conquering the Indians, for their merit, as
being most affable, gentle, and pious, and most zealous for
the public good. They were constituted lords over the
others, that they might instruct them as a father does his
children, and the Indians were ordered to obey them, as
sons obey their parents.
He ordered that the harvests gathered by each village,
should be preserved in common, so that each might be sup-
plied with what it required, until arrangements could be
made for giving an allotment of land to each Indian. To-
gether with these precepts and laws, he taught the Indians
the worship of his idolatrous religion. The Yncas selected
a spot for building a temple where they might sacrifice to
tlif Sun, persuading the people that it was the principal
(iod whom they should worship, and to whom they should
:indal made of llama hide, and secured with thongs of the same
, i;il. The Indians did not know the art of tanning these hides
with l>ark ; hut they dressed them in large holes, and, burying them in
rich curth, left them for some time.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 83
give thanks for the natural benefits which he conferred on
them by his light and heat. For they saw that these proper-
ties of the Sun caused their crops to grow and their flocks to
multiply, and produced the other mercies which they received
every day : and they were instructed that their worship and
service were more especially due to the Sun and Moon, for
having sent their children to take them from the wild life they
had hitherto led, and to bring them to a more civilised condi-
tion. The Ynca ordered them to make a house of women for
the Sun, so soon as they should have a sufficient number of
females of the blood royal to replenish the house. All these
things he ordered them to comply with and attend to as a
people who were grateful for the benefits they had received;
and, on the part of his father the Sun, he promised them
many other blessings if they were obedient, telling them
that they might be very sure that he would not say these
things, if they had not been revealed to him by the Sun,
who had ordered him to repeat them to the Indians, and
who guided him as a father, in all he said and did. The
Indians, with the simplicity they have always displayed
down to our own times, believed all that the Ynca said, and
chiefly what he said touching his being a child of the Sun.
For there were tribes among themselves who professed to
have similar fabulous descents, as we shall presently relate,
though they did not comprehend how to select ancestors as
well as the Ynca, but adored animals and other low and
earthy objects. The Indians of those and later times com-
pared their descent with that of Yncas, and, seeing that the
benefits conferred on them by the latter testified in their
favour, believed most firmly that the first Ynca was a child
of the Sun, and promised to comply with all his demands,
worshipping him as such, and confessing that no mortal man
could have done to them the things that he had done.
They, therefore, believed that he was a divine man come
down from heaven.
S { FIRST HOOK OK TIIK
CHAPTER XXII.
THK HONOURABLE BADGES WHICH THE YNCA GAVE TO HIS
FOLLOWERS.
In the above affairs, and in other similar occupations, the
Ynca Manco Ccapac was occupied during many years, con-
ferring benefits on his people ; and, having experienced
their fidelity and love, and the respect and adoration with
which they treated him, he desired to favour them still
farther by ennobling them with titles, and badges such as
he wore on his own head, and this was after he had per-
suaded them that he was a child of the Sun. The Ynca
Manco Ccapac, and afterwards his descendants, in imitation
of him, were shorn, and only wore a tress of hair one finger
in width. They were shaven with stone razors, scraping
the hair off, and only leaving the above-mentioned tress.
They used knives of stone, because they had not invented
scissors, shaving themselves with great trouble, as any one
may imagine. When they afterwards experienced the faci-
lity and ease afforded by the use of scissors, one of the Yncas
s;iid to an old schoolfellow of mine : — " If the Spaniards,
your fathers, had done nothing more than bring us scissors,
looking-glasses, and combs, we would have given all the
gold and silver there is in our land, for them." Besides
having their heads shaved, they bored their ears, just as
women are usually bored for ear-rings; except that they in-
(1 the size of the hole artificially (as I shall more fully
relate in the proper place) to a wonderful greatness, such as
would bo incredible to those who have not seen it, for it
would bcem impossible that so small a quantity of flesh as
ihere is under the ear, could be so stretched as to be able to
surround a hole of tin- si/e and shape of the mouth of a pitelier.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 85
The ornaments they put in the holes were like stoppers,
and if the lobes were broken the flesh would hang down a
quarter of a vara in length, and half a finger in thickness.
The Spaniards called the Indians Orejones (large-eared
men) because they had this custom.
The Yncas wore, as a head-dress, a fringe which they
called llautu. It was of many colours, about a finger in
width, and a little less in thickness. They twisted this fringe
three or four times round the head, and let it hang after the
manner of a garland.
These three fashions, the llautu, the shaving, and the
boring of the ears were the principal ones that were intro-
duced by the Ynca Manco Ccapac. There were others
which we shall describe presently, and which were peculiar
to the sovereign, no one else being permitted to use them.
The first privilege that the Ynca granted to his vassals was
to order them to imitate him in wearing a fringe ; only it
was not to be of many colours like the one worn by the
Ynca, but of one colour only, and that colour was black.
After some time another fashion was granted to the people,
and they were ordered to go shaven, but in a fashion differ-
ing one from another, and all from the Ynca, that there
might be no confusion in the distinctions between nations
and provinces, and that they might not have too near a re-
semblance to the Ynca. Thus one tribe was ordered to
wear the tail plait like a cap for the ears ; that is, with the
forehead and temples bare, and the plaits reaching down so
as to cover the ears on either side. Others were ordered to
cut the tail plait so as only to reach half way down the
ears, and others still shorter. But none were allowed to
wear the hair so short as that of the Ynca. It is also to be
observed that all these Indians, and especially the Yncas, took
care not to let the hair grow, but always kept it at a certain
length, that it might not appear after one fashion on one
day, and after another on another. Thus regulated as to
Mi FIRST BOOK OF THE
the fashion and differences of the head-dress, each nation
kept to its own, which was decreed and ordained by the
hand of the Ynca.*
CHAPTER XXIII.
OF OTHER FASHIONS, AND OF THE NAME OF YNCA.
After several months and years had elapsed, the Ynca
granted his people another privilege, more important than
those already mentioned, which was that of boring their
ears. This privilege, however, was limited with reference
to the size of the hole, which was not to be so much as half
that of the Ynca, and each tribe and province wore a dif-
ferent stopper in the ear hole. To some he granted the
privilege of wearing a wisp of straw in their ears, the size
of a little finger, and these were of the nations called Mayu
and Cancu. Others were to have a tuft of white wool,
which was to come out on each side as far as the length of
the first joint of a man's thumb, and these were of the na-
tion called Poques. The nations called Muyna and Huarac
Chillqui were ordered to wear ear ornaments made of com-
mon reeds, called by the Indians tutura. The nation of
Rimac-tampu and its neighbours wore their ear ornament
made of the pole which is called maguey in the Windward
Islands, and chuchau-f in the general language of Peru.
When the bark is removed, the pith is very soft and light.
The three tribes called Urcos, Yucay, and Tampu, all living
in the valley of the river Yucay, J were ordered, as a parti-
cular favour and honour, to wear a larger hole in their ears
than any of the other nations. But, that it might not reach
more on the same subject further on, lib. vii, ca}>. !».
t TK' ana.
-"/>'.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 87
to half the size of the Ynca's hole, he gave them a measure
of the size of his hole, as he had done to all the other tribes.
He also ordered their stoppers to be made of the reed
tutura} that they might more resemble those of the Ynca.
They called the ornaments ear stoppers, and not ear drops,
because they did not hang from the ears, but were closed in
by the sides of the hole, like a stopper in the mouth of
ajar.
Besides the signs which were intended to prevent confu-
sion between one tribe and another, the Ynca ordered other
differences in the fashions of his vassals, which they said
were intended to show the degree of favour and trust in
which they were held, according as they resembled the
badges of the Ynca. But he did not like one vassal more
than another from any caprice, but in conformity with rea-
son and justice. Those who most readily followed his pre-
cepts, and who had worked most in the subjugation of the
other Indians, were allowed to imitate the Ynca most closely
in their badges, and received more favours than the others.
He gave them to understand that all he did with regard to
them was by an order and revelation of his father the Sun.
And the Indians, believing this, were well satisfied with
every thing that was ordered by the Ynca, and with any
manner in which he might treat them ; for, besides believ-
ing that his orders were revelations of the Sun, they saw, by
experience, the benefits that were derived from obedience
to them.
Finally, when the Ynca grew old, he ordered his prin-
cipal vassals to assemble in the city of Cuzco, and said to
them, in a solemn discourse, that he should soon return to
heaven to rest with his father the Sun, who had called him
(the same words were always used by the kings, his de-
scendants, when they felt the approach of death), and that
he must leave them. As he had to part with them, he con-
tinued, he desired to crown his favours to them by allowing
88 FIRST BOOK OF THE
thorn to use his royal name ; and he ordered that they and
their descendants should live honoured and esteemed by the
whole world. Thus, that they might know the paternal
love with which he regarded them, he decreed that they,
and their descendants for ever, should be called Yncas,
without any difference or distinction between them, in the
same way as they had enjoyed his other past favours and
honours. He said that they should enjoy the distinction of
this name, as being his first vassals, whom he loved as sons,
and therefore desired to grant them his insignia, and royal
name, and to call them sons. He trusted that, as sons, they
would serve the present king, and those who succeeded
him, in the conquest and subjugation of other Indians, for
the increase of the empire. He told them to preserve all he
had said in their hearts and memories, like loyal vassals ;
but he did not will that their wives and daughters should be
called Pallas, like those of the blood royal, because women,
not being capable of bearing arms to serve in war like men,
ought not to bear the royal names.
From these Yncas, to whom the privilege of using the
name was granted, are descended those who at present exist
in Peru who are called Yncas, and whose women are called
Pallas and Ccoyas.
But there are very few Yncas of the blood royal now sur-
viving, and, owing to their poverty, only one here and there
is known, for most of them were destroyed by the tyranny
and cruelty of Atahualpa. Of the few who escaped from his
cruelty, the chief and most important members of the family
were killed in other calamities, as we shall relate further on,
in the proper place. Of the badges which the Ynca Manco
Ccapac wore as a head-dress, he only reserved one especially
for himself, and for the kings his descendants. This was a
red fringe, in the fashion of a border, which he wore across
his forehead from one temple to the other. The prince, who
was heir ;ipj>;itent. wore a yellow fringe, which was smaller
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 89
than that of his father. Of the ceremonies which were ob-
served in conferring these badges, when the prince was
sworn, and of the other insignia which the Kings Yncas
afterwards adopted, we shall speak in the proper place,
when we treat of the arms of the Yncas.
The Indians esteemed very highly the favour which was
shown them by conferring these badges used also by the
royal person ; and although they had the differences we
have described, they accepted them with great rejoicing,
because the Ynca made them believe that they were granted
by order of the Sun, according to the merits of each tribe ;
and for this reason they valued them exceedingly. When
they learnt the greatness of the final favour, which was the
privilege to use the name of Ynca, and that this was not
only granted to them but also to their descendants, they
were so astonished at the liberality and munificence of their
prince that they knew not how to show their gratitude.
They said amongst themselves that the Ynca, not content
with having brought them from the condition of wild beasts
to that of rational beings ; nor with having conferred on
them so many blessings in teaching them the things neces-
sary for human life, the laws of natural morality, and the
knowledge of their God. the Sun ; had deigned to grant
them his own royal badges. Finally, in place of imposing
tribute, he had conferred on them the majesty of his name,
which was so much respected as to be looked upon by them
as sacred and divine, insomuch that no man might use it
except with the utmost veneration as the name of the king.
Yet now he had made it so common as that they might all
make use of it freely ; being his adopted sons, and vassals of
the child of the Sun.
90 FIRST HOOK OF TIIK
CHAPTER XXIV.
NAMES BY WHICH THE INDIANS KNEW THEIR KING.
The Indians, well considering the greatness of the love
and mercy with which the Ynca had treated them, praised
and blessed him exceedingly, seeking titles and names for
their prince which should express the grandeur of his soul,
and indicate his heroic virtues ; and, among those which
they invented, I will mention two. The first was Ccapac,
which signifies rich, not in estates nor in the gifts of fortune
as the Indians generally use the word, but rich in the gifts
of the mind, in meekness, piety, clemency, liberality, justice,
magnanimity, and the desire to do good to the poor. As
this Ynca had done so much good to his vassals, they said
that he might worthily be called Ccapac. The word also
means rich and powerful in war. The other name was
Huacclia-cuyac, which means a lover and benefactor of the
poor. Thus the first name signified the greatness of his
mind, and the second had reference to the benefits he had
conferred on his people. From that time the prince was
called Manco Ccapac, having previously been known as
Manco Ynca. Manco is a proper name, but we know not
what signification it had in the general language of Peru,
though in the special language in which the Yncas talked to
each other (but which, as I am informed in letters from
Peru, is now entirely lost) it must have had a meaning, for
generally the names of the kings had some signification, as
we shall explain when we give the other names. The name
Ynca, when applied to the prince, signified lord, king, or
emperor ; and when used by others it meant lord, but to
explain its actual meaning, it may be said to indicate a
person of the blood royal. The Curacao, great lords as they
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 91
were, did not receive the name of Ynca. Palla means a
woman of the blood royal. To distinguish the sovereign
from the rest of the Yncas, they called him Sapa* Ynca,
which means sole lord, just as the subjects of the Turk call
him Gran Senor. Further on, we shall give all the royal
names, male and female, for the information of the curious,
who may desire to know them. The Indians also called
their first king and his descendants Yutip churifi which is
as much as to say " Child of the Sun ;" but this name was
given more out of simplicity, as they ignorantly believed in
it, than from a desire to deceive.
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE WILL AND DEATH OF THE YNCA MAN CO CCAPAC.
Manco Ccapac reigned many years, but it is not certainly
known how many. Some say that he reigned more than
thirty years, others more than forty ; always occupied in
the works we have described. When he felt the approach
of death, he called together his sons, who were numerous,
as well by his wife the Queen Mama Occllo Huaco, as by the
concubines he had taken, saying that it was well that there
should be many children of the Sun. He also called to-
gether his principal vassals, and, instead of a will, he deli-
vered to them a long discourse, commending to the prince
his heir, and the rest of his sons, the duty of love and kind-
ness towards his vassals ; and to his vassals he ordered the
observation of fidelity and loyalty to their king, and of obe-
dience to the laws that he had made, declaring that they
* Sapa (Mossi spells it Zapa) means " only one." It is added to iiouns
as a particle, to denote quantity or size, as Uma-sapa (big head),
Yuyay-sapa (very thoughtful).
t Yntip is the genitive of Ynti, the sun. Churi, a son.
92 FIRST HOOK OF Til K.
were ordained by inspiration from his father the Sun. He
then dismissed his vassals, while he delivered another dis-
course to his sons in private, which was the last he ever
made. He ordered them always to keep in mind that they
were children of the Sun, and to adore and respect him as
their God and father. He told them that, in imitation of
him, they should see that his laws and commands were
obeyed, and that they should be the first to observe them,
so as to set an example to their vassals. He told them to be
gentle and pious, and to subjugate the Indians by kindness
rather than by force, for that those who were conquered by
force would never be good vassals. He also desired them
to rule with justice, and to suffer no wrongs to exist. Fi-
nally, he besought them, in their virtues, to show them-
selves to be children of the Sun, certifying by their acts
what they said in words, that the Indians might believe
them, for, if they said one thing and did another, it would
cause scandal. He directed that all he had said to them
might be delivered to their sous and descendants from
generation to generation, that they might observe and com-
ply with what his father the Sun had ordered, affirming that
all were his words, and that he thus left them as a last will
and testament. He said that the Sun had called him, and
that he was going to rest with his father, leaving them in
peace, and that he would watch over and succour them in
all their necessities, from heaven. Saying these and many
other similar things, the Ynca Manco Ccapac died. He
left, as the prince his heir,* his eldest son by the Ccoya
Mama Occllo Huaco, his wife and sister, named Sinchi
Koca.f Besides the Prince, these sovereigns left other sons
and daughters, who married each other to preserve the
purity of their blood, which was fabulously said to be de-
* The heir-apparent was called Yncap sapay churin (sole or chief
son of the Ynca).
t Sinchi, strong. Roca has no special moaning in Quichua.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
rived from the Sun. In truth, they held in the highest
veneration a pure descent from those sovereigns whom they
looked upon as divine, and all others human ; even the
great lords over vassals, who were called Curacas.
The Ynca Sinchi Roca married Mama Occllo, or Mama
Cora (as others have it) his eldest sister, in imitation of his
father, and of his grandfather the Sun who married the
Moon ; for, in the times of idolatry, they believed that the
Moon was the sister and wife of the Sun. They married in
this way to preserve the purity of their blood, and that the
heir might inherit the kingdom as much from his mother as
from his father, and also for other reasons which we shall
explain more fully, further on. The other legitimate and
illegitimate sons also married their sisters, to preserve and
increase the descendants of the Yncas. They said that the
Sun had ordered this marriage between brothers and sisters,
and that the Ynca Manco Ccapac had delivered the order,
that the blood might be preserved pure ; but afterwards no
one might marry his sister except only the heir of the Ynca.
They observed this rule, as we shall see in the course of the
history.
The vassals mourned for the Ynca Manco Ccapac with
great sorrow, and the obsequies and mourning lasted for
many months. They embalmed his body so as to keep it
with them, and not to lose sight of it. They worshipped it
as God, the child of the Sun, and offered up to it many
sacrifices of sheep, lambs, wild rabbits, birds, maize, and
pulses ; confessing it to be lord of all things here below.
I am inclined to conjecture, from what I saw of the con-
. dition and nature of these people, that the origin of this
prince Manco Ynca, who was named by his vassals Manco
Ccapac, by reason of his great qualities, was as follows. He
may have been some Indian of good understanding, pru-
dence, and judgment, who appreciated the great simplicity
of those nations, and saw the necessity they had for instruc-
FIRST BOOK OF TIIF
tion and teaching in natural life. He may have invented a
fable with sagacity and astuteness, that he might be re-
spected ; saying that he and his wife were children of the
Sun, who had come from Heaven, and that their Father had
sent them to teach and do good to the people. In order to
ensure belief, he probably adopted a peculiar dress and
fashion, particularly the great ears affected by the Yncas,
which would certainly be incredible to any one who had not
seen them, as I have. A person now seeing them (if they
are still used) would be astonished at their being so enlarged.
The belief in the fable of the Ynca's origin would be con-
firmed by the benefits and privileges he conferred on the
Indians, until they at last firmly believed that he was the
Child of the Sun, come from Heaven.* Then they may
have begun to worship him, as the ancient gentiles, who were
less barbarous, worshipped other men who had done them
similar services. For it is so, that these Indians are never so
much struck by anything as at beholding that their masters
act in conformity with their teaching ; and shape their lives
according to their doctrine. They then require no argu-
ment to convince them that they should obey. I have said
this because neither the Yncas of the blood royal nor the
common people know of any other origin for their kings
than what is given in their fabulous histories, which agree
with each other, and all concur in making Manco Ccapac
the first Ynca.
* All this is sensible enough, and gives uo justification to the asser-
tions of numerous modern writers that our author was partial and
ereduloua in all matters relating to his maternal ancestors.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 95
CHAPTER XXVI.
OF THE ROYAL NAMES AND THEIR MEANINGS.
It will be well if we now give a brief account of the sig-
nification of tbe royal titles, as well of the men as of the
women, and to whom they were applied, and how used. It
will be seen how the Yncas applied their names and sur-
names, which is a matter worthy of remark.
Beginning with the name Ynca, it must be understood
that when applied to the royal person it meant king or
emperor ; but when given to those of his lineage it signified
a person of the blood royal, and the name was applied
to all who were descendants in the male, but not in
the female line. They called their kings Sapa Ynca,
which means sole king or sole emperor or sole lord ; for
Sapa means sole. They do not give this title to any
other member of the royal family, not even to the heir,
until he has inherited ; for the king being alone, they
cannot give his title to another, which would be to make
many kings. They also called him Huaccha-cuyac, which
means a lover and benefactor of the poor; and this title was
also given exclusively to the kings, for the special care
which all of them, from the first to the last, took of the wel-
fare of their people. I have already given the meaning of
the word Ccapac, which is rich and magnanimous, and of
royal dignity. They gave this title to the king only and to
no other, because he was their chief benefactor. They also
called him Yutip-churi, which means Son of the Sun, and
this title was also applied to all the males of the blood royal,
because, according to the fable, they were descended from
the Sun, but it was not given to the females. The sons of
the kings and all their relations in the male line were called
FIRST BOOK OF THE
i, which is equivalent to Infante, the word used in
Spain for the king's younger sons. They preserved this
title until they were married, and after marriage they were
called Ynca.* These were the names and titles that were
applied to the king and to the men of the blood royal, be-
sides others which we shall mention farther on, and which,
being proper names, were continued as the surnames of their
descendants.
As to the names and titles of the women of the blood
royal, the queen, being the legitimate wife of the king, was
called Ccoya, which means queen or empress. They also
gave her another title, which was Mamanchic^ meaning
" our mother", because, in imitation of her husband, she
assumed the office of a mother to all her relations and vas-
sals. Her daughters were called Ccoya from the relation-
ship to their mother, and not as being their own proper
name, for this title of Ccoya belonged only to the queen.
The concubines of the king, being his relations, and all
other women of trie blood royal, were called Palla. The
other concubines of the king, not being of his blood, were
known as Mana-cuna^. which is as much as to say — matrons
or women who have to perform the office of mothers. The
Infantas, daughters of the king, and all his female relations
of the blood royal, were called nusta, which means virgin
of the blood royal. But there was this difference. The
legitimate daughters of the blood, royal were simply called
iimta, which was sufficient to intimate that they were legiti-
mate. The illegitimate daughters had the name of the pro-
vince to which thoir mothers belonged added to their titles,
as Colla-iiusta, Huanca-nusta, Ynca-nusta, Quitu-nusta,
and so on with the other provinces. They retained the
* A married prince of the blood royal was also called Atauchi.
t Mama, a mother; and chir or nchic, a form of the inclusive plural
\c pronoun.
I M'lnHi. iu< tlicr: and <-HH<I. the1 ordinary plural particle.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 97
title of nusta until they were married, when they were
called Palla.
These names and titles were given to the descendants of
the blood royal in the male line, and, if this was wanting,
although the mother might be a relation of the king (for
the kings often gave their illegitimate relations as wives to
the great lords) the sons and daughters did not take the
titles of the blood royal, and were not called either Ynca or
Palla, but merely by the names of their fathers. For the
Yncas did not value a descent by the female line, lest it
should degrade their royal blood from its purity. Even the
male descent lost much of its royal character from mixing
with the blood of strange wives not being of the same lineage,
and how much more would the female descent become cor-
rupt. Comparing the names one with another, we see that
the title Ccoya, which is queen, corresponds with Sapa
Ynca, which is sole lord. The word Mamanchic, meaning
" our mother", answers to Huaccha-cuyac, which is lover
and benefactor of the poor. The title nusta or Infanta cor-
responds with Auqui, and the title Palla, or married woman
of the blood royal, with the title Ynca* These were the
royal titles which I heard the Yncas use among each other
and to the Pallas ; for my chief intercourse, in my child-
hood, was with them. The Curacas, how great lords soever,
could not use these titles, nor their wives and children ; for
they appertained exclusively to the blood royal, in the male
line Howbeit Don Alonzo de Ercilla y Zufiiga, in the ex-
planation he gives of Indian words, in the elegant verses
which he wrote, declares that the word Palla means a lady
with many vassals and great estates, f He says this because,
* Or Ataucki, married man of the blood royal.
t At the beginning of the Araucana, the epic poem written by Don
Alonzo de Ercilla, there is a glossary headed " Declaration of some
doubts which may offer themselves in this work." In this glossary,
under the head Palla, there is the following explanation — " Palla is the
FIRST BOOK OF ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
when he passed that way, the names of Ynca and Palla had
already been adopted improperly by many persons ; for
illustrious and heroic titles are sought after by every body,
however base and low born they may be ; and thus, there
being no one to prevent it, the highest titles are usurped.
This is what has happened in my country.
same as we call lady ; but amongst them this name is only used for
ladies of noble lineage, and possessing many vassals and great estates."
La Araucana, parte i. Su Autor Don Alonso de Ercilla y Zuniga,
Madrid, por Don Antonio de Sancha, ano de 1776, p. 1.
END OP THE FIRST HOOK.
SECOND BOOK
ROYAL COMMENTARIES OF THE YNCAS,
IN WHICH AN ACCOUNT IS GIVEN OF THE IDOLATRY OF THE YNCAS,
AND HOW THEY SOUGHT OUR TRUE GOD; HOW THEY HELD THE
DOCTRINE OF THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL, AND THE
UNIVERSAL RESURRECTION. IT DESCRIBES THEIR SACRI-
FICES AND CEREMONIES, AND HOW, FOR THE GOVERN-
MENT OF THEIR PEOPLE, THEY WERE REGISTERED
IN DECURIAS; OF THE OFFICE OF DECURION.
THE LIFE AND CONQUESTS OF SINCHI ROCA, THE SECOND KING,
AND OF LLOQUE YUPANQUI, THE THIRD KING; AND OF THE
SCIENCES ATTAINED TO BY THE YNCAS.
THE BOOK CONTAINS TWENTY-EIGHT CHAPTERS.
THE SECOND BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE IDOLATRY OF THE SECOND AGE, AND OF ITS ORIGIN.
THAT which we call the second age, and the idolatry that
was practised in it, had its origin with Manco Ccapac, the
Ynca who first established the empire of the Yncas, kings
of Peru, who reigned for a period of four hundred years,
though the Father Bias Valera says that it was for more than
five hundred and near six hundred years. We have already
spoken of Manco Ccapac, relating who he was and whence
he came, how he founded his empire and subjugated the
Indians who were his first vassals, teaching them to sow, and
rear flocks, to build houses, and to perform the other acts
necessary to sustain the natural life. We recounted how
his sister and wife, the Queen Mama Ocllo Huaco, taught
the women to sew, weave, and bring up their children, to
serve their husbands with love and cheerfulness, and to per-
form all the other household duties of a good wife. We
also stated that they taught the natural laws to their people,
and gave them laws and precepts for a moral life, for the
common good of all, that they might not offend each other,
either in their honour or their estates. They also taught the
Indians their idolatry and ordered them to worship the Sun
as principal God, persuading them that it was right to do so,
by reason of its beauty and splendour. They declared that the
Pachacamac* (which means the sustainer of the world) had
not in vain advanced the Sun so far above all the stars of
* Pacha, the earth; and Camae, participle of Camani, I create.
102 SECOND ROOK OF THE
heaven, granting them as his servants, that they might adore
him, and hold him as their God. They represented the
benefits which he conferred every day, and that which he
had finally conferred upon them by sending his children to
bring them from the condition of brutes to that of men, as
they already knew from experience, and would see hereafter
more fully, as time went on. On the other hand they un-
deceived the Indians respecting their own base and vile
gods, asking them what trust they could have in things so
contemptible, to help them in time of need? and what bene-
fits they had received from those animals, as they had done
every day from their father the Sun. They pointed out
that a glance would undeceive them, and show that the
herbs, plants, and trees which they worshipped were created
by the Sun for the use of men and the sustenance of beasts.
They showed the difference between the splendour and
beauty of the Sun and the ugliness and filth of the frog, the
lizard, and the other vermin they looked upon as gods.
Moreover, they ordered the Indians to hunt these vermin,
saying that they should rather cause horror and dislike than
give rise to feelings of esteem and adoration. With these
arguments, and others as simple, the Ynca Manco Ccapac
persuaded his first vassals to adore the Sun and receive him
as their God.
The Indians, convinced by the reasoning of the Ynca,
and many more by the benefits he had conferred on them,
and undeceived by their own eyes, accepted the Sun as their
sole God, without the company of father or brother. They
held their kings to be his children, because they very simply
believed that the man and woman who had done so much
for them must be his children come down from heaven.
Thus they adored them as divine, and afterwards they did
the same to all their descendants with much more vciin: -
tion, both outwardly and inwardly, than the ancient Gen-
tilcs, (m.rkis, and Romans, worshipped Jupiter, Venus, or
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 103
Mars. I may affirm that they adore them to this day, as
they did formerly, and make great show of veneration when
they name any of their Kings Yncas. When they are up-
braided for this, and asked why they do it when they know
that their kings were men like themselves and not gods,
they say that they are now undeceived respecting their
idolatry, but that they venerate their old kings for the many
and great blessings they received from them ; that they
treated their vassals as Yncas and children of the Sun would
do, and that if other men like them should appear now,
they would also adore them as divine.
This was the principal idolatry of the Yncas, and that
which they taught their vassals ; and though they made
many sacrifices, which we shall describe farther on, and had
many superstitions, such as believing in dreams, watching
for omens, and other follies, yet their sole God was the Sun,
whom they worshipped for his many benign qualities, being
a people more thoughtful and reasonable than their ancestors
of the first age. They erected temples to the Sun of in-
credible richness. Although they held the moon to be the
sister and wife of the Sun, and the mother of the Yncas, they
did not worship her as a Goddess, nor offer sacrifices to her,
nor build temples in her honour. They held her in great
veneration as the universal mother, but went no further in
their idolatry. They held lightning and thunder to be ser-
vants of the Sun, as we shall see presently, in describing the
chamber that was set apart for them in the house of the Sun
at Cuzco; but they did not look upon them as Gods, though
some Spanish historians have said as much.* On the con-
* Mr. Prescott gives his high authority in support of the Spanish
historians Ondegardo, Herrera, and Gomara, and against Garcilasso de
la Vega, in this matter. Yet surely, in a question relating to the
religion of his ancestors, the testimony of the Ynca, who was intimately
acquainted with the language and traditions of his people, is worth
more than that of all the Spanish historians put together, Cieza de Leon
alone excepted.
104 SECOND HOOK OF THK
trary, they detested and do still abominate the house or
any other place where it is certain that a thunder-bolt has
fallen. They closed the door of such a house with mud and
stones, that no one might enter it, and when a bolt fell on
the ground, they marked the spot with a heap, that no one
might tread there. They considered these places to be
accursed and unlucky, and said that the sun marked them
as such by his servant the thunder-bolt. I saw this myself
in Cuzco, with reference to the palace of the Ynca Huayna
Ccapac, part of which fell to the share of Antonio Altami-
rano,* when the city was divided amongst the conquerors.
A bolt had fallen on a room in it, in the time of Huayna
Ccapac, and the Indians had closed up the doors with stones
and mud, looking upon the circumstance as an evil omen
for their king. They said that he would lose part of his
empire, or that some similar misfortune would befall him,
Gomara says that the Indians of Peru had many idols, and he
enumerates sharks, lions, birds, the sun, the moon, the earth, etc. He
makes no distinction between the Yncas and the numerous other nations
of South America, and his testimony on this point is therefore valueless.
Herrera, never having been in the Indies, writes at second-hand. Gomara,
cap. cxxi, p. 112; Herrera, dec. v, lib. iv, cap. 4.
* Antonio Altamirano was one of the first conquerors, and in the
division of the city of Cuzco his share turned out a prize. He was
allotted a portion of the palace of the Ynca Huayna Ccapac, called the
Amaru -cancha, from the serpents carved in relief on the stones forming
the outer wall (Amaru, a serpent, and Cancha, a place) ; and soon after-
wards he discovered, buried in the patio or inner court, a large golden
jar for brewing chicha in, weighing eight or nine arrobas (220 to 225
Ibs.), and other gold and silver vases, the whole worth 80,000 ducats.
He joined the faction of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was appointed his chief
standard bearer; but Gonzalo's cruel old lieutenant, Carbajal, beheaded
the unfortunate Altamirano at Lima, because he thought he discovered
in him some signs of lukewarmness in the cause. He had a son Pedro,
by an Indian lady, who was one of the Ynca's schoolfellows. One day
this youth was riding a race down one of the streets of Cuzco, and saw
a very pretty girl looking out of a window. This made him turn round
on his horse to look back so often, that at last he fell off; but the horse
immediately stopped, and waited for him to mount again.
ROYAL COMMENTAR1KS. 105
because his father the Sun had pointed out his house as an
unlucky place. I got into the closed room after the Spaniards
rebuilt it, and after three years another bolt fell on the same
room and destroyed it. The Indians, amongst other things,
said that the Sun, having marked the place out as accursed,
the Spaniards should not have rebuilt it, but should have
left it as it was. If, as the above-mentioned historian
asserts, they looked upon thunder-bolts as gods, it is clear
that they would have adored this place as sacred and have
built their most famous temples on it, saying that their
Gods, the thunder, lightning, and bolts, desired to inhabit
such places as they thus pointed out and consecrated them-
selves. All three, thunder, lightning, and bolts, are called
yllapa, and, owing to the resemblance, they gave the same
name to an arquebuss. The other names which are given
to the thunder, and to the Sun in Trinity, are newly invented
by the Spaniards.* In this particular, and in others of the
same kind, the Spaniards have no proper authority for what
they say, for there are no such words in the general language
of the Indians of Peru, and even these new words are not
well composed, and do not bear the signification they are
intended to convey.
* Acosta is one of those historians whose absurd f credulity is thus ex-
posed by the Ynca. He says "The Devil had also introduced the
Trinity into this idolatry, for the three statues of the Sun were called
Apu-ynti, Churi-ynti, and Yntip kuaugue, which means the Father
Sun, the son Sun, and the brother Sun ; and in like manner they named
the three statues of Chuqui-ylla, who is the god presiding over the re-
gion of the air, where it thunders, rains, and snows" (lib. v, cap. 27, p.
377).
Calancha tells us that these three idols of the sun were on a rock,
overhanging lake Titicaca, facing the road between Juli and Pomata.
Cronica Moralizada (Lima, 1653).
106 SKCOND BOOK OF THK
CHAPTER II.
THE YNCAS SOUGHT THE TRUE GOD OUR LORD.
Besides adoring the Sun as a visible god, to whom they
offered sacrifices, and in whose honour they celebrated
grand festivals (as we shall relate in another part), the kings
Yncas and their amautas, who were philosophers, sought by
the light of nature for the true supreme God our Lord, who
created heaven and earth, as we shall see further on by the
arguments and phrases which some of them used touching
the divine majesty. They called Him Pachacamac, a word
composed of pacha, which means the universal world, and
camac, the present participle of the verb cama, to animate,
whence is derived the word cama, the soul.* Pachacamac
therefore means He who gives animation to the universe,
and in its full signification it may be translated — " He who
does to the universe what the soul does to the body."
Pedro de Cieza (cap. 72) says — " The name of this devil is
intended to signify creator of the world, for camac means
creator, and pacha, the world. "f Being a Spaniard, he did
not understand the language so well as I who am an Indian
Ynca. They held this name in such veneration that they
never used it without signs of great veneration, bowing the
head and the whole body, raising the eyes to heaven, stoop-
ing to the ground, raising the hands and opening them, and
kissing the air. These were the signs used by the Yncas
and their vassals to express great reverence and veneration,
and they observed them when they spoke of Pachacamac,
worshipped the Sun, and reverenced the king, but on no
other occasion. Those of the blood royal were approached
* Camani, I create; Camac, creating or creator,
t ISce page 252 of my translation of Cieza de Leon.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 107
with some of these observances, and the other superiors,
such as the caciques, with very different and much less
formal ceremony. They held Pachacamac in much greater
inward veneration than the Sun, for they did not even take
the name of the former in their mouths, while they spoke of
the latter on every occasion. When the Indians were
asked who Pachacamac was, they replied that he it was who
gave life to the universe, and supported it ; but that they
knew him not, for they had never seen him, and that for this
reason they did not build temples to him, nor offer him
sacrifices. But that they worshipped him in their hearts
(that is mentally), and considered him to be an unknown
God.* Agustin de Zarate (lib. ii, cap. 5), writing of what
the Father Friar Vicente de Valverde said to the King
Atahualpa, that Christ our Lord was the creator of the
world, says that the Ynca replied that he knew nothing of
that, and that nobody created anything except the Sun, whom
he and his people held to be God, and that he held the earth
to be his mother, and believed in his huacas, and that
Pachacamac had made all things. From this it is clear that
these Indians considered him to be the maker of all things.
It is true, what I am about to say, that the Indians sought
out the truth with this name and gave it to our true God, as
the devil testifies, though, as the father of lies, he mixed up
a lie with the truth. For when he saw our holy evangel
preached, and that the Indians were baptised, he said to
certain familiars of his, in the valley now called Pacha-
camac (from the great temple which was erected there to
this unknown God), that the God whom the Spaniards were
* Mr. Prescott suggests that the fact of the temple to Pachacamac,
on the coast of Peru, having existed before that part of the country
came under the sway of the Yncas, may indicate that the worship of
this Great Spirit did not originate with the Peruvian princes. The fact
that Pachacamac is purely a Quichua word alone suffices to prove that
this idea is groundless.
108 SECOND BOOK OF THE
preaching about and Pachacamac were all one. Pedro de
Cieza de Leon tells us this in his Account of Peru (chapter
72),* and the Reverend Father Friar Geronimo Roman, in
his History of the Western Indies (book i, chapter 5), says
the same, both speaking of this same Pachacamac, although,
from not knowing the correct meaning of the word, they
applied it to the devil. But the devil, in saying that the
God of the Christians and Pachacamac were one and the
same, spoke the truth ; for it was the intention of the
Indians to give that name to the Most High, who gives life
and existence to the universe, as the word itself signifies.
But in saying that he was the Pachacamac the devil lied, for
it was never the intention of the Indians to give him that
name. They had no other name for the devil than Supay,
and when they used that name they first spat on the ground,
in sign of malediction and abomination. But they used the
word Pachacamac with all the demonstrations of adoration
which we have already mentioned. Nevertheless the enemy
had so much power amongst these Indians that he made
himself a God, mixing himself up in everything that the
Indians venerated and held as sacred. He spoke in their
oracles and temples, in the corners of their houses, and in
other places, telling them that he was the Pachacamac, and
that he was all the other things which the Indians looked
upon as gods ; and, on account of this deceit, they wor-
shipped those things out of which the devil spoke to them,
thinking that it was the god who spoke. But if they had
known it was the devil, they would assuredly have burnt
those things, as they now do, through the mercy of God who
desired to receive them into his fold.f
The Indians do not understand how to give an account of
these things, using their words with the proper meaning
* See my translation, p. 253.
t All this nonsense about the devil is evidently a concession to
Spanish folly and bigotry.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 109
and signification; seeing that the Christian Spaniards seemed
to abominate all their words which referred to religion :
neither did the Spaniards clearly explain themselves when
they asked questions. Thus all the words were looked upon
as diabolical, because the rules of the general language of
the Yncas, for the derivation, composition, and proper in-
terpretation of words were not understood. The Spaniards
give another name for God in their histories, which is
Ticiviracocha / but neither I nor they know what it means.
The word Pachacamac, which the Spanish historians so
abominate, not understanding the meaning of the word, is
really that of God ; although their abhorrence of it is not
wholly without reason, because the devil spoke in that gor-
geous temple, making himself appear as God under that
name, which he adopted for his own.
But if any one should now ask me, who am a Catholic
Christian Indian by the infinite mercy, what name was given
to God in my language, I should say — Pachacamac. For
in that general language of Peru there is no other word in
which to name God save this ; and all those that are given
by historians are generally incorrect, for they are either
corrupt or invented by the Spaniards. Some of the words
newly composed by the missionaries incorrectly express the
signification that has been given to them, such as Pachaya-
chachi* which is intended to convey the meaning of " maker
of heaven." Its true meaning is " teacher of the world."
But to give the word " maker" they should have said
Pacharurac, for Rurarf is "to make;" yet the phrase is not
correct. For in very truth it lowers the high and majestic
place of God to which the name of Pachacamac raises it,
* Yachani, I know ; Yachacuni, I learn ; Yachachini, I teach ;
Yacha-huasi, a school. The particle chi means the act of making
another do a thing. Thus Yackani, "I know;" Yachachini, " I make
another know," that is, " I teach."
t Rurani (I make). Hence the participle Rurac (making) ; and in
its substantive form " a maker."
110 SECOND BOOK OF THE
and this latter is the true name of God. In order that what
has been said may be fully understood, it must be known
that the verb yacha signifies "to learn," and by adding
the syllable chi it means " to teach." But the verb rura
means " to make," and with the addition of chi it is " to
cause a thing to be made." And the same particle causes
the same change in the meaning of every other verb. As
these Indians paid no attention to abstract speculations, but
only to material things, so their verbs are not adapted to the
teaching of spiritual things, nor to the expression of grand
or divine works, but only to convey meanings used in human
intercourse. But the word Pachacamac is far removed in
meaning from this materialism, for, as has already been said,
it signifies " He who does with the universe what the soul
does with the body; which is the supplying of it with exist-
ence, life, growth, sustenance." From this the incorrect-
ness of the names for God lately invented will be evident (if
their literal signification is considered), owing to the base-
ness of their meaning. But it may be hoped that in time
they will be more respected; and the composers of them
should be careful not to change the meaning of the verb or
noun in the compound word, in order that the Indians may
not turn it into ridicule. This is especially important in the
composition of words for teaching the Christian doctrine,
which should be done with much care.
CHAPTER III.
THE YNCAS KEPT A *%* IN A SACRED PLACE.
The Kings Yncas kept in Cuzco a cross of fine marble,
of the white and red colour called crystalline jasper, and
l hey know not from what time they have had it. I left it,
in the year 1560, in the sacristy of the cathedral church of
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. Ill
that city, where it was hung to a nail by a cord passing
through a hole made at the top of the upper end. I re-
memher that the cord was a selvedge of black velvet, but in
the time of the Indians it must have had a chain of silver or
gold, which may have been exchanged for this selvedge by
the man who first found it. The cross was square, that is,
as long as broad, being three-quarters of a vara long, rather
less than more, and three fingers deep; and almost the same
in breadth. It was all of the same piece, very well carved,
with corners carefully squared, and the stone brightly
polished. The Yncas kept it in one of their royal houses,
in a huaca or sacred place. They did not worship it, be-
yond holding it in veneration on account of the beauty of
its form, or for some other reason which they could scarcely
give expression to. Thus it was kept until the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro entered the valley of Tumpez ; and,
owing to what there happened to Pedro de Candia, they
began to worship it and hold it in greater veneration, as we
shall mention hereafter.*
The Spaniards, when they captured this imperial city, and
made a temple to our Most High God, put this cross in the
place I have mentioned without more ornament than has
been related, though it might fitly have been hung over the
high altar, richly adorned with gold and precious stones, of
which they found so much. They taught the Indians our
holy religion with their own things, comparing them with ours,
such as this cross and other resemblances in their laws and
ordinances, which are very closely allied to our natural law.
Thus the commandments of our holy law and the works of
mercy are very like the ordinances of this gentile people, as
we shall see presently. With reference to the cross, we
may add, as is notorious, that they are accustomed to swear
to God on the cross in order to affirm what they say, both
* See a note at p. 194 of my translation of Cieza de Leon for an
account of Pedro de Candia's adventure, referred to in the text.
112 SECOND HOOK OF THE
before judgment and at other times ; and many do it when
there is no necessity for swearing, and solely from a bad
habit ; but neither the Yncas, nor any of the people in their
dominions, ever swore or even knew what swearing was in
former times. The veneration and respect with which they
treated the names of Pachacamac and of the Sun have already
been noticed, and they never used these words except to
adore them. When they examined any witness, however
serious the case might be, the judge said (instead of admin-
istering an oath) " Do you promise to say truth to the
Ynca ?" The witness answered " Yes, I promise." The
judge then said — "Beware that you must speak without any
mixture of falsehood, and without concealing anything that
took place, and that you must relate all you know of this
matter." The witness then repeated his declaration — " So
I promise of a truth :" and they left him to relate all he
knew of the affair, without interfering or saying " We did
not ask you this, but this other." The witness was not
usually guilty of falsehood, because these people, besides
being very timid, and very religious in their idolatry, knew
well that, if their falsehood was discovered, they would be
very severely punished, frequently with death, if the offence
was a grave one. This punishment was inflicted, not so
much on account of the mischief that the falsehood might
cause, as because the offender had lied to the Ynca, and
disregarded the royal command, ordering that no lie should
be told. The witness knew that to speak to any judge was
to speak to the Ynca himself, whom they adored as God ;
and this was their chief reason for not telling lies.
After the Spaniards conquered that empire, a very serious
murder took place in the province of the Quechuas. The
( lorregidor of Cuzco sent a judge there, to investigate the
case. This judge, in taking the deposition of the Curaca or
Lord of Vassals, placed him before the cross, and told him
to swear to God and the cross that he would speak the
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 113
truth- The Indian replied that, as he was not baptised, he
did not swear as the Christians swore. The judge then said
that he must swear by his gods the sun, the moon, and the
Yncas. The Curaca answered " We only use those names
to worship them, and it is not lawful for me to swear by
them." The judge inquired what evidence there would be
of the truth of what the Curaca said, if he would not take
any oath. " My promise will suffice." said the Curaca; "for
I understand that I speak as it were before your king, see-
ing that you come to do justice in his name: for thus we felt
in giving testimony before the officers of our Yncas. But,
to give you the assurance you require, I will swear by the
earth, declaring that it may open and swallow me up alive,
as I stand, if I should tell a lie." The judge accepted this
oath, seeing that he could get no other, and put the ques-
tions respecting the murderers, with a view to ascertaining
who they were. The Curaca proceeded with his replies ;
but when he saw that they asked him nothing respecting the
men who had been killed, and who had been the aggressors,
he said he must relate all he knew of the transaction,
because if he related one portion, and was silent about
another, he should be guilty of lying, as he would not
have spoken the whole truth according to his promise.
Although the judge declared that it would suffice if he
answered the questions that were put to him, he per-
sisted in saying that he should not be keeping his promise
unless he related all he knew. The judge took his deposi-
tion in the best way he could, and returned to Cuzco, where
the conversation he had had with the Curaca caused much
astonishment.
11 -I SECOND HOOK OF TI1K
CHAPTER IV.
OF MANY GODS IMPROPERLY ATTRIBUTED TO THE INDIANS
1JY THE SPANISH HISTORIANS.
Returning to the idolatry of the Yncas, we assert more at
large than we have done before, that they had no other gods
than the sun, which they worshipped outwardly. To the
sun they built temples, with walls lined above and bclo\*
with plates of gold : to it they offered many things as sacri-
fices ; to it they presented great gifts of gold and of all the
most precious tilings they possessed, in acknowledgment of
what it had done for them. They adjudicated the third
part of all the cultivated land of the countries they con-
quered, and of the harvests, to be the property of the sun,
besides innumerable flocks. They erected houses, carefully
secluded, for women dedicated to his service, who preserved
perpetual virginity.
Besides the sun they worshipped Pachacamac (as has been
said) inwardly, as an unknown God. They held him in
greater veneration than the sun. They did not offer
sacrifices nor build temples to him ; because they said that
lie was not known to them, never having allowed himself to
be seen. In its proper place we shall speak of the famous
and most wealthy temple in the valley called Pachacamac,
dedicated to this unknown God.
Thus the Yncas did not worship more gods than the two
we have named; one visible, the other invisible. For those
princes and their amautas, who were the philosophers and
doctors of their commonwealth, although they had no know-
ledge of letters (never having used them), understood that
it was a very unworthy and degrading thing to impute
honour, power, and divine virtue to the inferior things
under heaven. So they established a law, and ordered it to
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 115
be obeyed, that it should be known throughout the whole
empire that the worship should be given to Pachacamac as
Supreme God and Lord alone, and to the sun for the good
he did to all ; the moon also being venerated and honoured
because she was the wife and sister of the sun, and the stars
as ladies and handmaids of her house and court.
Further on, in the proper place, we shall treat of the god
Huira-ccocha, which was a phantom that appeared to a
prince, the heir of the Yncas, saying that he was a child of
the sun. The Spaniards refer many other gods to the
Yncas, owing to their confusion of the first with the second
age, and to their ignorance of the language, and consequent
inability to obtain information from the Indians. This
ignorance has been the cause of all the gods of the con-
quered countries being imputed to the Yncas. In particular,
the mistake arose from the Spaniards not understanding the
numerous different meanings of the word huaca.* When
the last syllable is pronounced from the top of the palate, it
means an idol, such as Jupiter, Mars, Venus, but it is a
noun, which does not admit of a verb being formed from it,
to signify worship. Besides this first and principal mean-
ing, the word has many others, examples of which we shall
now give, that the subject may be better understood. Huaca
signifies a sacred thing, such as were all those in which the
devil spoke. These were idols, rocks, and great stones or trees
into which the enemy entered, to make the people think he
was a god. They also applied the word huaca to things
offered to the sun, such as figures of men, birds, and beasts
made of gold, silver or wood, and other offerings, all of
which they held to be sacred because the sun had received
them and they were his. For this reason they were held in
great veneration. They also give the name huaca to all
temples, whether large or small, and to the sepulchres they
* This word appears to have had a meaning analogous to taboo
amongst the South Sea Islanders, though not exactly similar.
116 SECOND BOOK OF THE
made in the fields, also to the corners in their houses,
where the devil spoke to their priests and to others who
conversed with him familiarly. They held these corners
to be sacred, and treated them as oratories or sanctuaries.
They likewise applied the same name to all those things
which, from their beauty and excellence, were superior to
other things of a like kind, such as a rose, an apple, or a
pippin which was better than any other on the same tree ;
or trees which were better than other trees of the same kind.
On the other hand, they also gave the same huaca to things
that were ugly and monstrous, or that caused horror and
fright. Thus they called the great serpents of the Antis,
which are twenty -five to thirty feet long, huacas. They
also gave the name huaca to things which were out of the
usual course of nature, such as a woman that has given birth
to twins, on account of the strangeness of the birth. They
took the woman out into the streets with much ceremony,
crowned her with garlands, and danced and sang, in token
of her great fruitfulness. Other nations took the matter in
another way, and mourned, holding such births to be a bad
omen. The same name was given to sheep that bore two at
one birth. 1 speak of the sheep of that land* which, being-
large, usually only give birth to one at a time, like cows and
mares. The twin lambs were held to be the most accept-
able sacrifices, and were therefore called huaca, and for the
same reason they call an egg with two yolks a huaca. The
same name was given to children born feet first, or doubled
up, or with six fingers or toes, or hump-backed, or with any
other defect in the body or face, such as a hare lip, which
is very common, or a squint. They also gave the name to
very copious fountains, and to stones found in rivers or
brooks when they are of unusual shape or colour.
They called the great chain of snowy mountains huaca for
its length and height, which certainly are most wonderful to
* Llamas.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 117
those who attentively reflect. They also gave the name to
very high peaks, and to high towers, and to lofty passes
met with on the roads, some of which are three, four, five,
and six leagues in height, and almost as steep as a wall.
The Spaniards, corrupting the word, call these passes apa-
chitas, which the Indians worshipped and made offerings to.
Of the passes we shall speak presently, as well as of the na-
ture of the offerings. They called all these, and other
similar things, huacas, not because they believe them to be
gods or adored them; but because of their special superiority
or peculiarity, and for this reason they treated them with
veneration and respect. But, although these significations
are so distinct, the Spaniards only understand the first and
principal one, which is an idol, and they consequently be-
lieved that the Yncas worshipped as idols all the things they
called Jiuacas ; as did the Indians of the first age.
With respect to the word apachitas, which the Spaniards
apply to passes over the very high mountains i it must be
known that the correct form is apachecta. It is the dative
(the genitive being apachecpa) of the present participle
apachec, which is the nominative. The syllable ta is the
dative.* It means that which is raised, without saying what
it is that is raised ; but, in conformity with the idiom of the
language, as we have before said, the Indians include much
meaning in one word. By this word they intend to say —
"We give thanks and make an offering to Him who enables
us to raise this burden, giving us strength and vigour to
ascend such rugged heights as these." They never used the
word until they had reached the summit of the pass, and for
this reason the Spanish historians say that they called the
summits of the passes apachitas, because they were heard to
say this word apachecta^ As the Spaniards did not know
* Apani, I carry ; Apachini, I cause another to carry ; Apachec
would be the present participle.
t The phrase used by the Indians was Apachecta muchani, " I give
118 SECOND ROOK OF TUK
the meaning of the words used by the Indians, they gave
this name to the passes. The Indians felt, by a natural
light, that they ought to give thanks and make some offer-
ing to Pachacamac, the unknown God, whom they in-
wardly worshipped, for having aided them in this labour.
Thus, as soon as they had ascended the pass, they unloaded
themselves, and, with eyes raised to heaven and the same
marks of adoration as I have mentioned that they showed
when using the word Pachacamac, they repeated two or
three times the dative apachecta, and in making an offering
they pulled a hair out of their eyebrows, or took the herb
called cuca from their mouths, as a gift of the most precious
thing they had. Or, if there was nothing better, they
offered a small stick or piece of straw, or even a piece of
stone or earth. There were great heaps of these offerings
at the summits of passes over the mountains. They did not
look at the sun when they performed these ceremonies, be-
cause the worship was not offered to him, but to Pachacamac,
and the offerings were intended more as tokens of their
feelings than as offerings, for they well understood that such
vile things were unfit for such a purpose. I am a witness to
all this, as I have seen it on my journeys with the Indians
many times, and I may add that they did not perform the
ceremony when they were travelling without burdens, but
only when they were laden. Now, in these times, through
the mercy of God, crosses are placed on the tops of passes,
which they worship in acknowledgment of the grace that
lias been conferred by our Lord Christ.
thanks that this has been carried." The custom described in the text,
by the Ynca, is observed in Peru to this day ; and a heap of stones may
still be seen at the summit of every pass. These heaps arc corruptly
called by the Spaniards pachetas.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 119
CHAPTER V
OF MANY OTHKK MEANINGS OF THE WORD HUACA.
This same word huaca, when the last syllable is pro-
nounced in the throat, becomes a verb, meaning "to mourn."
Owing to this, two Spanish historians, who did not under-
stand the difference, said — "The Indians enter their temples
and perform their sacrifices, mourning and lamenting."
Huacca* has the latter meaning, and is very different from
huaca, one word being a verb and the other a noun. But
truly the difference in meaning depends entirely on different
pronunciation, without change of letter or accent; for the
last syllable of the latter is pronounced in the upper part of
the palate, and of the former from the inside of the throat.
The Spaniards pay no attention to the pronunciation of these
words, nor of any others in the language, because they are
different from the Spanish. This is shown from what
occurred to me with a Dominican monk, who had been for
four years professor of the general language of Peru. Know-
ing that I was a native of that land, he communicated with me,
and I visited him many times in San Pablo de Cordova. One
day it happened that we were speaking of that language,
and of the many different meanings that the same word had.
I mentioned, for example, the word pacha, which, when
pronounced softly as the letters would sound in Spanish,
means the universe, heaven, the earth, and ground. The
friar replied that it also signified clothes, furniture, or
apparel. f I answered "It is true; but tell me, Father, what
difference there is in the pronunciation when it has the
latter meaning?" He replied "I do not know." I then ex-
* Huaccani, I mourn.
t Pacha, the earth ; Ppacha, clothes ; Paccha, a fountain.
120 SECOND BOOK OF THE
claimed "Are you a master of the language, and yet ignorant
of this ! Well, you must know that to mean apparel or
clothes the first syllable must be pronounced by pressing the
lips together, and breaking them open with the air of the
mouth :" and I explained to him the pronunciation of this
and other words viva voce, for it can be taught in no other
way; at which the professor, and the other monks who were
present at the discussion, were greatly astounded. From
what I have said it will be fully seen how ignorant the
Spaniards are of the details of this language ; for even this
monk, who was a professor of it, did not know them. Thus
they write down many erroneous statements, such as that the
Yncas and their vassals worshipped all the things they called
huacas as gods, being ignorant of the various significations
of that word. And this is enough of the idolatry and gods
of the Yncas; in which idolatry, and also in that more an-
cient form, there is much to admire in these Indians, as well
those of the second age as those of the first, in that, with so
great a confusion of gods, they never worshipped pleasures
and vices, like those of the ancient heathenry in the old
world, who adored those confessedly guilty of adultery,
murder, drunkenness, and lewdness. Yet the latter were
people boasting much of their letters and learning, while the
former were far from all good teaching.
The idol Tanyatanya, which one author says they wor-
shipped in Chuquisaca,* and declared of it that it was three
in one and one in three, 1 have been able to find no notice
of, nor is there such a word in the general language of Peru.
It may be a word in the language of that province, which is
1 80 leagues from Cuzco. I suspect that the word is corrupt,
because the Spaniards corrupt all the words they get into
their mouths, and that it should be acatanca, which means
* Acosta, lib. v, cap. '•27. The credulous Jesuit was told of this idol
l>y a priest at Chinjuisaca. Of course, the devil, who is always trying
to imitate the in} Mciio •>!' the church, invented the idol TaBgatanga !
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
a scarabseus or black beetle. This word is composed of the
noun aca (dung) and the verb tanca* (the last syllable pro-
nounced inside the throat), which means to push. Aca-
tanca, therefore, means " he who pushes the dung."
I am not at all surprised that in Chuquisaca, in that first
age of ancient heathenism, before the time of the Kings
Yncas, they should have worshipped a beetle, because, in
those days, they adored other things as vile, but not after-
wards, because it was prohibited by the Yncas. When the
Indians said that their god was one in three and three in one,
it must have been a new invention of theirs, made after they
had heard of the trinity and unity of our Lord God, to
curry favour with the Spaniards, by saying that they had
some things resembling our holy religion, like this trinity,
and like the trinity which the same author says that they
imputed to the sun and the lightning ; also that they had
confessors, and confessed their sins like Christians. All
these things were invented by the Indians in the expecta-
tion that they might gain something by the resemblance. I
affirm this as an Indian, and as knowing the nature of the
Indians. And I also declare that they had no idols with the
name of the Trinity, and that, though the general language
of Peru sometimes comprehends three or four different
things in one word, as lightning, thunder, and thunderbolts
in the word yllapa / the hand and arm in the word maqui ;
and the thigh, leg, and foot in chaqui, besides many others ;
yet that they did not worship idols in the name of the
Trinity, nor had they such a word in their language. If the
devil had made them worship him under that name, I should
not be surprised, for he could not do anything with infidel
idolaters who were so far away from Christian truth.
I may add that the same word chaqui, with the first syl-
lable pronounced from the top of the palate, becomes a verb
* Tancani, I push.
SECOND 1H)C)K OF THK
meaning to be thirsty or dry, or to dry anything that is wet,
which is another case of three meanings for one word.*
CHAPTER VI.
WHAT AN AUTHOR SAYS CONCERNING THKIR HODS.
In the papers of Father Bias Valera I found what follows,
which I have taken the trouble to translate and insert in this
place, because it is apposite to the point we have been dis-
cussing, and because of the value of the observations made;
by this authority. Speaking of the sacrifices which the In-
dians of Mexico offered up, and of those in other countries,
and of the gods they worshipped, he says as follows : —
"One cannot explain in words, nor imagine without horror
and dismay, how contrary to religion, terrible, cruel, and
inhuman were the sacrifices which the Indians were accus-
tomed to offer up in the time of their heathenry, nor the
multitude of gods they had, insomuch that in the city of
Mexico and its suburbs there were more than two thousand.
The general name for their gods and idols was Teutl, though
each one had a particular name. But that which Pedro
Martyr, the Bishop of Chiapas, and others affirm, that the
Indians of the island of Cucumela, subject to the province
of Yucatan, had for their God the sign of the cross, and that
they worshipped it ; and that the natives of Chiapa knew of
tin; most Holy Trinity and of the incarnation of our Lord ;
were interpretations which those authors and other
Spaniards invented out of their imaginations, and then
applied to those mysteries. In the same way, in their
histories of Cuzdo, they referred the three statues of the sun
to a belief iii the Trinity, as well as those to thunder, light-
ning, and thunderbolts. If in this our day, after having re
i, a i'«>ot . ; C/ihagui, dry \ Chhaquineuni^ I -\\\\ thirst\.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 123
ceived so much instruction from priests and bishops, these
barbarians scarcely know yet whether there be any Holy
Ghost, — how could they, while in such thick darkness, have
so clear an idea of the mysteries of the Incarnation and of
the Trinity ? The method that our Spaniards adopted in
writing their histories was to ask the Indians, in Spanish,
touching the things they wanted to find out from them.
These, from not having a clear knowledge of ancient things,
or from bad memories, told them wrong, or mixed up
poetical fables with their replies. And the worst of it was
that neither party had more than a very imperfect knowledge
of the language of the other, so as to understand the inquiry,
and to reply to it. This arose from the great difficulty
there is to understand the Indian language, and from the
slight knowledge the Indians then had of Spanish. Thus
the Indian understood little of what the Spaniard said in his
questions, and the Spaniard comprehended still less of the
Indian's reply. So that very often the Spaniard and the
Indian both understood the opposite of what they had said
to each other: still oftener they arrived at some approach to
what had been said, but not at the exact meaning. In this
great confusion, the priest or layman who asked the ques-
tions placed the meaning to them which was nearest to the
desired answer, or which was most like what the Indian was
understood to have said. Thus they interpreted according
to their pleasure or prejudice, and wrote things down as
truths which the Indians never dreamt of. For no mystery
of our holy Christian religion can really be taken from their
true histories. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that the
devil, in his great pride, obtained worship for himself as
God, not only in the rites and ceremonies of the heathens,
but even in some customs of the Ch'ristian religion. He has
introduced these rites (like an envious monkey) in many re-
gions of the Indies, so that he may be more honoured
amongst those miserable men. Thus, in one country, oral
124 SECOND HOOK OF THE
confession was practised, to free men from their sins ; in
another the washing of the heads of children ; in another
very severe fasts were kept. In other districts they suf-
fered death for their religion's sake : so that, as in the
Old World, the faithful Christians offered themselves as
martyrs for the Catholic faith, so in the New World the
heathens offered themselves to death for the sake of the
accursed devil. But the assertion that Icona is their word
for God the Father, and Bacdb for God the Son, and Estruac
for God the Holy Ghost; and that Chiripia is the most holy
Virgin Mary, and Ischen the blessed St. Anne, and that
Bacab killed by Eopuco represents Christ our Lord cruci-
fied by Pilate : all these and similar things are inventions
and fictions of Spaniards, and the natives are entirely
ignorant of them. The truth is that the above were the
names of men and women whom the natives of that land
worshipped as gods and goddesses. Some of these, which
were very filthy, were looked upon as the gods of the vices :
such as Tlasolteutl, god of lust; Ometochtli, god of drunk-
enness ; Vitsilopuchtliy god of murder. Icona was the
father of all these gods. It is said that he begot them on
certain concubines; and he was looked upon as the god of
the fathers of families. Bacab was the god of the sons of
families ; Estruac was god of the air ; Chiripia was the
mother of the gods, and the earth itself. Ischen was the
nurse of the gods. Tlaloc god of the waters. Other gods
were worshipped as the authors of moral virtues. Such was
Quesalcoatl, the aerial god and reformer of manners. Others
were venerated as the patrons of human life in its various
stages. They had innumerable figures and images of their false
gods for various uses and purposes. Many of them were
very filthy. Some gods were in common, others special.
They had annual rotations, and they were changed each
vcar in accordance with their superstitions. The old gods
were (orbiikcn as infamous, or because they had been of no
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 125
use, and other gods and demons were elected. Other ima-
ginary gods were believed to preside and rule the ages of
children, young people, and the aged. Sons when they in-
herited, either accepted or repudiated the gods of their
fathers, for they were not allowed to hold their pre-eminence
against the will of the heir. Old men worshipped other
greater deities, but they likewise dethroned them, and set
up others in their places when the year was over, or the age
of the world, as the Indians had it. Such were the gods
which all the natives of Mexico, Chiapa, and Guatemala
worshipped, as well as those of Vera Paz, and many other
Indians. They thought that the gods selected by them-
selves were the greatest and most powerful of all the gods.
All the gods that were worshipped, when the Spaniards first
arrived in that land, were made and set up after the renew-
ing of the sun in the last age; and, according to Gomara,
each sun of these people contains 860 years, though, accord-
ing to the account of the Mexicans themselves, it was much
less. This method of counting the age of the world by suns
was a common usage among the people of Mexico and Peru,
and, according to their account, the years of the .last sun
were reckoned from the year 1403 of our Lord's era. Thus
there can be no doubt that the ancient gods, which were
worshipped by the natives of the empire of Mexico in the
sun before the last, must have perished in the sea, and that
they invented many other gods in their place. From this it
must be manifest that the interpretation by which Icona,
BaraCy and Estruac are made to signify the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost is false.
" All the other people inhabiting the northern parts, cor-
responding to the northern regions of the Old World, such
as the provinces of the great Florida, and all the islands, did
not have idols nor conjuring gods. They only worshipped
what Varro calls natural gods, such as the elements, the sea,
lakes, river?, springs, forests, wild beasts, serpents, corn, and
126 SECOND HOOK OF Til K
other things of this class. This custom had its beginning
and origin amongst the Chaldees, whence it spread over-
many and divers nations. Those who ate human flesh occu-
pied the whole empire of Mexico, all the islands, and most
of the countries bordering on Peru. They kept up the
custom in the most bestial way, until they were brought
under the rule of the Yncas, or of the Spaniards."
All this is from Bias Valera. In another part he says that
" the Yncas did not worship anything but the sun and the
planets," and that " in this they imitated the Chaldees."
CHAPTER VII.
TIIKY KNEW OF TMK IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL, AND OF
THE GENERAL RESURRECTION.
The Amautas held that man was composed of a body and
a soul, that the soul was immortal, and that the body was
made of earth, for they saw that it was turned into earth.
So they called it allpacamasca, which means " animated
earth."* But to distinguish it from the body of brutes, they
added runa, which means a reasoning and intelligent man,
while the brutes are called llama. They allowed to the
brutes what is called a vegetative and sensitive mind, be-
cause they saw them grow and that they could feel, but they
did not think the brutes had reason. They believed that
there would be another existence after this, with punishment
for the bad and rest for the good. They divided the uni-
verse into three worlds, calling heaven hanan pacha, which
means the upper earth, where they said that the good went
to be rewarded for their virtues; this world of birth and dis-
solution hurin pacha, or the lower earth, and the centre of
the earth iicu-pacha, which means the lowest earth, where
* A lp<i. earth; camascft, created, from cn,m(ni!., I create.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 127
they said that the wicked were sent; and to describe it more
clearly they gave it another name — supaypa-liuasin. This
word means "the house of the devil." They did not under-
stand that the future life was spiritual, but believed it to be
corporeal like this one. They held that the rest of the upper
world consisted in a quiet life, free from the toil and care in
which this life is passed ; and that the life of the lowest
world, which we call hell, was full of all manner of infirmi-
ties and sorrows, care and toil, and that there will be suffer-
ing without cessation, nor any comfort whatever, in that
place. Thus they divided this present life into two parts for
a future state, giving all the joy, rest, and pleasure of it to
those who had been virtuous, and all the sorrow and trouble
to those who had led evil lives. They did not include
carnal delights nor other vices among the enjoyments of the
other life, but only the rest of the mind with total absence
of care, and the rest of the body without bodily labour.
The Yncas also believed in a universal resurrection, not
for glory or punishment, but for a renewal of this temporal
life ; for their understanding did not rise above the actual
state of existence. They took extreme care to preserve the
nail-parings and the hairs that were shorn1 off or torn out
with a comb ; placing them in holes or niches in the walls,
and if they fell out, any other Indian that saw them picked
them up and put them in their places again. I very often
asked different Indians, at various times, why they did this,
in order to see what they would say, and they all replied in
the same words, saying — " Know that all persons who are
born must return to life" (they have no word to express re-
suscitation), "and the souls must rise out of their tombs with
all that belonged to their bodies. We, therefore, in order
that we may not have to search for our hair and nails at a
time when there will be much hurry and confusion, place
them in one place, that they may be brought together more
conveniently, and, whenever it is possible, we are also care-
ful to spit in one place."
128 SECOND BOOK OF THE
Francisco Lopez de Goinara (cap. 126), speaking of the
mode of interring the kings and great lords of PerUj writes
the following passage, which is here quoted word for word.
"When the Spaniards opened these tombs and scattered the
bones, the Indians entreated that they would desist, because
the dead were waiting there to rise again ; for they believe in
the resurrection of the dead and the immortality of the soul,
etc." This makes clear what we have been saying; for
though the author wrote in Spain, without ever having been
in the Indies, he received the same account. The account-
ant Agustin de Zarate (lib. i, cap. 12) repeats almost the
same words in treating of this subject, and Pedro de Cieza
(cap. 62) says that " the Indians held the immortality of the
soul and the resurrection of bodies." I read Gomara and
these other authorities after I had written on the subject of
what my relations believed in the time of their heathenry,
but I hesitated much because I feared that a statement so
far from paganism as that there was a belief in a resurrec-
tion would seem to be an invention of my own, no Spaniard
having mentioned it. I declare, therefore, that I met with
these passages after I had written on the subject, that it may
be understood that I have followed the Spaniards in nothing,
except when I find that they confirm what I have heard
from my relations touching their ancient traditions. The
same thing happened touching their law against sacrilege
and adultery with the women of the Ynca or of the Sun (as
we shall see farther on); for, after I had written on the sub-
ject, I happened to read the same account in the history of
the accountant-general Agustin de Zarate, which gave me
much satisfaction. How and through what tradition the
Yncas received the doctrine of the resurrection of the body,
which is an article of the faith, I cannot tell, nor is it for a
soldier like myself to inquire. I believe that it can never
be known with certainty until the most high God is pleased
to reveal it. 1 can affirm with truth that they hold that
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 129
belief. All this account I have written in my history of
Florida, taking it from its proper place by order of the
venerable fathers of the Holy Company of Jesus, Miguel
Vazquez de Padilla, a native of Seville, and Geronimo de
Prado, a native of Ubeda, who ordered me to do so ; and it
was done reluctantly and by reason of certain tyrannical
acts. I now insert it again in the proper place, that the
edifice may not want so important a stone. And so we shall
proceed to place others, for all the childish superstitions of
these Indians cannot be written down in one passage: such
as that the soul leaves the body while it is sleeping. They
asserted that the soul could not sleep, and that the things
we dream are what the soul sees in the world while the
body sleeps. Owing to this vain belief, they paid much
attention to dreams, and their interpretation, saying that
they were signs and omens which presaged either much
evil or much good.
CHAPTER VIII.
OF THE THINGS THAT THEY SACRIFICED TO THE SUN.
The sacrifices which the Yncas offered to the sun con-
sisted of many different things, such as domestic animals,
large and small. The principal and most esteemed sacrifice
was that of lambs ; next to which came that of sheep, then
that of barren ewes. They also sacrificed rabbits, and all
birds used for food, all the pulses and cereals, the herb cuca,
and the finest cloths. They burnt these things as a thank-
offering to the sun, for having created them for the support
of man. They also offered up large quantities of the bever-
age they drink, made of water and maize. At their ordi-
nary meals, when they brought this liquor to drink, after
they had finished eating (for while they were eating they
130 SECOND HOOK OF THE
never drank), they dipped the point of the middle finger
into the bowl, and, gazing attentively at the sky, they fil-
liped off the drop of liquor which adhered to the tip of the
finger, thus offering it to the Sun, in gratitude for the grant
of this liquor. At the same time they kissed the air two or
three times, which, as we have already said, was a token of
adoration amongst these Indians. Having performed these
ceremonies with the first cups, they drink the rest without
more ado.
I saw this ceremony or idolatrous practice performed by
unbaptised Indians, for in my time there were still many
old Indians waiting for baptism, and, from necessity, I my-
self baptised some. Thus the Yncas were almost exactly
like the Indians of the first age in their sacrifices. The only
difference was that they did not sacrifice human flesh or blood,
but abominated and prohibited the practice of sacrificing, as
well as of eating it ; and if some historians have written
otherwise, it was because their informants deceived them,
through not distinguishing between distinct periods and
different provinces. In some countries they did make sacri-
fices of men, women, and children. Thus a historian,
writing of the Yncas, says that they sacrificed men ; and he
mentions two provinces where he says that they offered up
these sacrifices, one of which is little under a hundred
leagues from Cuzco (the city where the Yncas made their
sacrifices), and the other is one of two provinces with the
same name, one of which is two hundred leagues to the
south of Cuzco, and the other more than four hundred
leagues to the north. From this it is clear that, from not
distinguishing the period and locality, they often attribute
many things to the Yncas which they prohibited to those
who were subject to their dominion, but who practised them
in that first age, before the time of the Kings Yncas.
I am a witness to having heard my father and his contem-
poraries frequently compare the states of Mexico and IVru :
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 131
and in speaking of these sacrifices of men, and of the prac-
tice of eating human flesh, they praised the Yncas of Peru
because they neither practised nor permitted such acts,
while they execrated the Mexicans for doing both the one
and the other in the city, in so diabolical a fashion, as is re-
lated in the history of the conquest. And it is confidently
asserted, though kept a secret at the time, that the writer
of the history was also the conqueror. I believe this,
because, both in my native land and in Spain, I have
heard worthy knights speak of it with much confidence.
Indeed the work itself proves this to any one who studies it
carefully ; and it is to be regretted that his name should
not be published with it, that it might possess greater
authority, and that the author might thus more completely
imitate the great Julius Csesar.
Returning to the sacrifices, I affirm that the Yncas neither
practised nor consented to the offering up of men or children,
even during the sickness of their kings (as another historian
asserts), because they did not look upon sickness as an evil,
as did the baser sort of people. They considered illnesses
to be messengers from their father the Sun, which he sent
to call his son to come and rest with him in heaven. Thus
the usual phrase in use among these Kings Yncas, at the
approach of death, was — " My father calls me to come and
rest with him." And in evidence of the vain belief of the
Indians respecting the Sun and his children, they would
not act in opposition to his supposed will by offering sacri-
fices when they were ill, but openly declared that he had
called them to his rest. This is sufficient proof that they
did not sacrifice human beings ; and further on I shall re-
late more fully what their usual sacrifices were, and describe
their solemn festivals in honour of the Sun.
On entering the temples, or when they were already
within them, they put their hands to their eyebrows as if
they would pull out the hairs, and then made a motion as if
SECOND HOOK OF THK
they were blowing them towards the idol, in token of
adoration, and as an offering. The king only performed
this ceremony to the idols, trees, or other things where the
devil entered to speak with these peoples. The priests and
witches did the same, when they entered the corners and
secret places where they conversed with the devil ; for they
believed that this custom was pleasing to their deity, and
that he would hear and answer their prayers, because they
thus offered to him their persons. I affirm also that I saw
this idolatrous custom practised.
CHAPTER IX.
,OF THE PRIESTS, RITES, AND CEREMONIES, AND OF THK
LAWS ATTRIBUTED TO THE FIRST Y.NCA.
They had priests to offer the sacrifices. The priests of the
House of the Sun at Cuzco were all Yncas of the blood royal,
and all those who performed other services in the temple were
Yncas by grant. They had a high priest, who was an
uncle or brother of the king, or at least a legitimate member
of the royal family. The priests did not use any peculiar
vestments, but wore their usual dress. In the other pro-
vinces, where there were temples of the Sun, which were
numerous, the natives were the priests, being relations of
the local chiefs. But the principal priest (or bishop) in each
province was an Ynca, who took care that the sacrifices and
ceremonies should be in conformity with those of the metro-
politan. For in all the chief offices, whether of peace or
war, an Ynca was placed as chief, the natives being in
office under him. They also had many houses of virgins,
some observing perpetual virginity without ever going
abroad, and others being concubines of the king, of whom I
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 133
shall speak more fully further on, touching upon their rank,
their seclusion, their duties, and their devotions.
It must be known that whenever the Kings Yncas esta-
blished a new law, whether a sacred one relating to their
vain religion, or a secular one having reference to temporal
government, they always attributed it to the first Ynca,
Manco Ccapac, saying that he had ordained all laws, some
of which he had left in force, and others merely sketched
out, so that his future descendants might institute them in
due time. For as they declared that the first Ynca was a
child of the Sun, come from heaven to rule over and give
laws to the Indians, they concluded that his father had
taught him the laws which he was to institute for the
common benefit of mankind, and the sacrifices that were to
be offered in the temples. They insisted upon this fable, in
order to give authority to all that they might command and
ordain; and for this reason it cannot be stated with certainty
which Ynca it was that instituted any given law. As they
were without letters, they wanted also many things which
are preserved for posterity by their means. It is certain,
however, that the Yncas made the laws and ordinances by
which the people were governed, establishing new ones, and
reforming other old ones, according to the requirements of
the times. One of their kings, as we shall see when we
come to his life, was looked upon as a great legislator
because he made many new laws, and revised all the exist-
ing ones. He was also held to be a great priest, owing to
his having ordained many rites and ceremonies in the sacri-
fices, and endowed many temples with great riches ; and a
great captain because he annexed many kingdoms and pro-
vinces. But they do not tell us exactly what laws he insti-
tuted or what sacrifices he ordained ; and they, for want of
more precise knowledge, attributed the laws, as well as the
origin of the empire, to the first Ynca.
Following this order, we will state here what was the
134 SECOND BOOK OF THE
first law, on which the whole government of this state was
founded. Having done this, and related some other things,
we shall then record the conquests achieved by each
king, and, while relating their deeds and the occurrences of
their lives, we shall, from time to time, mention other laws
and many of their customs and modes of sacrifice, and de-
scribe the temples of the Sun, the houses of virgins, their
principal festivals, the ceremony of arming knights, the ser-
vice of their houses, and the grandeur of the court, in order
that the variety of matters may cause their perusal to be
less tiring. But first it is convenient that I should collate
what has already been said with the way in which the same
subjects have been treated by the Spanish historians.
CHAPTER X.
THE AUTHOR COLLATES HIS OWN STATEMENTS WITH THOSE
OF THE SPANISH HISTORIANS.
In order that it might be seen that what I have already said
touching the origin of the Yncas, and the state of affairs be-
fore their time, is not an invention of my own, but that it is
taken from the common reports furnished to the Spanish
historians by the Indians, it seemed to me to be desirable
that I should insert one of the chapters which Pedro dc
Cieza de Leon, a native of Seville, writes in the first part of
his Chronicle of Peru, which treats of the boundaries of
provinces, the description of them, the foundation of new
cities, the rites and ceremonies of the Indians, and other
things. The above words are given by this author, as the
title of his work. He wrote in Peru; and that he might be
able to write with greater accuracy, as lie himself says, he
travelled over a distance of 1200 league?, from the port of
Uraba to the town of La Plata. In each province he wrote
ROYAL COMMKNTA1UKS. 135
the account he obtained of the customs of the natives,
dividing his narrative into proper periods. He relates the
condition of each nation before it came under the sway of
the Yncas, and also what happened after that event. He
was occupied for nine years in collecting and writing down
the accounts he received from the natives, from the year
1541 to 1550: ,and having related what he observed between
Uraba and Pasto, he sets apart a special chapter (the thirty -
eighth) before crossing the frontier of the ancient empire of
the Yncas, in which he writes as follows :* —
" As I shall often have to treat of the Yncas, and give an
account of many of their buildings, and of other notable
things, it appears to me to be appropriate that I should say
something concerning them in this place, that readers may
know who these Yncas were, and not misunderstand their
importance, or fall into mistakes about them. I, however,
have written a special book upon them and their deeds,
which is very copious.
"From the accounts which the Indians of Cuzco have
given us, we gather that, in ancient times, there were great
disorders in all the provinces of that kingdom which we
now call Peru, and that the natives were so savage and
stupid as to be beyond belief; for they say that these early
tribes were bestial, and that many ate human flesh, others
taking their mothers and daughters for their wives. Besides
all this, they committed other greater sins, having much
intercourse with the devil, whom they all served and held
in high estimation. They had their castles and forts in the
mountain fastnesses, and, on very slight provocation, they
made war upon each other, killing and taking prisoners
without mercy. Notwithstanding that they committed all
these crimes and worked wickedness, they are said to
have been given to religion, which is the reason why, in
many parts of this kingdom, great temples have been found
* Sec my translation of Cieza de Leon, p. 136.
Io6 SECOND BOOK OF THE
where they prayed to, adored, and had interviews with the
devil, making great sacrifices before their idols. The
people of this kingdom lived in this manner, and great
tyrants rose up in the provinces of Collas, in the valleys of
the Yuncas, and in other parts, who made fierce wars upon
each other, and committed many robberies and murders ;
insomuch that they caused great calamities, and many
castles were destroyed, while the devil, the enemy of human
nature, rejoiced that so many souls should be lost.
" While all the provinces of Peru were in this state, two
brothers rose up, the name of one of whom was Manco
Ccapac. The Indians relate great marvels and very plea-
sant fables respecting these men, which may be read by
any one who pleases, when the book written by me on the
subject sees the light. This Manco Ccapac founded the city
of Cuzco, and established laws for the use of the people. He
and his descendants were called Yncas, a word which signi-
fies lords or kings. They conquered and dominated over
all the country, from Pasto to Chile, and their banners
were carried to the south as far as the river Maule, and
north to the Ancasmayu. These rivers were the boundaries
of the empire of these Yncas, which was so great, that
from one end to the other is a distance of one thousand
three hundred leagues. The Yncas built great fortresses,
and in every province they had their captains and governors.
They performed such great deeds, and ruled with such
wisdom, that few in the world ever excelled them. They
were very intelligent and learned without having letters,
which had not been invented in these Indies. They intro-
duced good customs into all the conquered provinces, and
gave orders that the people should wear usutas in the place
of leathern sandals. They thought much of the immortality
of the soul, and of other secrets of nature. They believed
that there was a Creator of all things, and they held the
sun to be a god, to whom they built great trmplrs; but,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. Io7
deceived by the devil, they worshipped among trees and on
stones, like heathens. In the principal temples they kept a
great quantity of very beautiful virgins, just as was done
in the temple of Vesta at Rome, and the rules concerning
them were almost the same. They chose the bravest and most
faithful captains they could find to command their armies.
They were very astute and artful in turning enemies into
friends without having resort to war, but they chastised
rebels with severity and cruelty. But, as I have already
said, I have a book concerning the Yncas, so that what I
have now written will suffice to enable those who may read
it to understand who these kings were, and their great
power, and I will therefore return to my road."
All this is contained in the thirty-eighth chapter, and it
will be seen that his account is substantially the same as my
own, both in the former chapters and in those further on,
where I shall describe very fully the idolatry, conquests,
and government in peace and war of these Kings Yncas.
Cieza de Leon continues to dwell on the same subjects in
the following eighty-three chapters of his work on Peru, and
he always speaks in praise of the Yncas. In the provinces
where he relates that they sacrificed men, ate human flesh,
went naked, were ignorant of any mode of cultivating the
ground, and worshipped vile and filthy things, — he always
adds that, with the dominion of the Yncas, they abandoned
these evil customs, and learnt those of their conquerors.
Also, in speaking of many other provinces which still prac-
tised these bad customs, he says that the government of the
Yncas had not yet extended so far. Treating of the Indians
in such provinces as did not practise these barbarous customs,
but had attained some degree of civilisation, he says that
these Indians had been improved by the rule of the Yncas.
Thus he always gives the honour of having abolished
abuses and introduced good laws to the Yncas, as we also
shall allege in the proper places, occasionally repeating his
138 SECOND HOOK OF THE
very words. The reader who may desire to see them more
at large should read his work, where he will find much
devilry in the customs of the Indians. It would not be in
the imagination of man to conceive things so horrible ; but,
seeing that the devil was the author of them, there is nothing
in them to astonish, seeing that he taught the same things
to the ancient heathens, and even now continues to teach
them to those who have not received the light of the Catholic
faith.
Throughout the whole of his history, Pedro de Cieza,
although he says that the Yncas and their priests conversed
with the devil, and were guilty of other very superstitious
practices, never affirms that they sacrificed men or children ;*
except, in speaking of a temple near Cuzco, when he
alleges that they offered up human blood there, making it
up into a loaf or cake. This was done by bleeding between
the eyebrows, as we shall explain in its place, but not by
the death of children or men. He conversed, as he tells us,
with many Curacas who knew Huayna Ccapac, the last of
the Kings Yncas, from whom he received many of the
accounts which he has recorded. These reports (given
more than fifty years ago) are different from those of the
present day, because they were more fresh, and given when
the narrators were nearer to the period in question. All
this has been written against the opinion that the Yncas
sacrificed men and cdildren, for it is certain that they did
no such thing. There are those who would say that this is
of no consequence, for that the crime of idolatry includes
all others. But a thing so inhuman as this ought not to be
asserted of any people without very certain proof. Father
Bias Valcra, speaking of the antiquities of Peru, and of the
* Cieza de Leon states that human blood of persons whom they had
killed was offered up to the idol at Pach&Cftmac; but he also tells us
that this was before the cun.,ucsi <if Pachacamac Uy the Yncas (chap.
Ixxii, p. 2oi).
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 139
sacrifices that the Yncas offered to the Sun, whom they
looked upon as their father, writes the following passage,
which is here copied out word for word. " In whose
honour his successors offered great sacrifices to the Sun, of
sheep and other animals, but never of men, as Polo,* and
those who follow him, falsely assert."f
* The Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo was in Peru when Gasca de-
feated Gonzalo Pizarro. He was Corregidor of Cuzco, and wrote two
Relaciones, dated 1561 and 1570, on the subject of the government and
civilisation of the Yncas. The original MSS. are in the Escurial, but
there is a copy at Simancas, and another was made for Lord Kings-
borough, which afterwards became the property of Mr. Prescott.
t The Yncas did not offer up human sacrifices. The authority of
Garcilasso de la Vega and of Bias Valera is clear and distinct upon this
point, and must outweigh all the malicious or ignorant tales of Spanish
historians ; especially as Cieza de Leon, the best and most reliable
Spanish authority, nowhere asserts that human sacrifices formed part
of the religious practice of the Yncarial worship. Valverde, also, the
fanatical Bishop of Cuzco, distinctly asserts that the Yncas did not offer
up human sacrifices.
Mr. Prescott decides this question in favour of the other Spanish
writers, who, of course, with their superstitious credulity, violent preju-
dices against the religion of the Yncas, and ignorance of the language,
are very unreliable on such a point, and against the Ynca. He quotes,
in favour of the truth of the accusation that human sacrifices were
offered up, Sarmiento, Ondegardo, Balboa, Montesinos, Cieza de Leon,
Acosta. Sarmiento and Ondegardo are in manuscript, and I have not
had the advantage of examining them, but we are told by Mr. Prescott
that the former writer cannot be vindicated from the superstition which
belongs to his time. Balboa and Montesinos are authors who wrote long
after the conquest, their information was got at second-hand, and their
authority carries no weight with it. It has already been seen (see note
at p. 138) that Cieza de Leon refers to the practices at Pachacamac, be-
fore that part of the country came under the sway of the Yncas. Acosta
certainly makes the accusation boldly and unreservedly enough. He
says — " In many nations they killed the persons who were most agree-
able to their friends, to accompany them when dead. Besides doing so
on these occasions, they were accustomed, in Peru, to sacrifice children
from four to ten years of age when the Ynca was sick, to restore him to
health, and also when he went to war, to secure victory. And when
they gave the fringe, the insignia of royalty, to the new Ynca, they
sacrificed two hundred boys, from four to ten years of age, a cruel and
140 SECOND HOOK OF TIIK
That which I have said .touching the tradition that the
first Ynca came from the lake of Titicaca, is also related by
inhuman spectacle. The mode of sacrifice was to strangle the victims
and bury them with certain ceremonies. At other times they beheaded
them, anointing their own faces with the blood, from ear to ear. They
also sacrificed maidens, from amongst those whom the Yncas brought
from the convents. One abuse of this kind was very general amongst
them. When any principal Indian, or even a common person, was sick,
and the soothsayer said that he must certainly die, they sacrificed his
son to Viracocha or to the sun, saying that the God must be satisfied
with him, and must not take the life of the father."
He then compares all these tales with the practices of the kings of
Moab, mentioned in Scripture, and winds up with the following sapient
reflection — " Hence may be seen the malice and tyranny of the devil,
who has desired to exceed God in this matter, enjoying worship by the
shedding of human blood, and thus securing the perdition of men, both
in body and soul, through the rabid hatred he feels for them, as their so
cruel adversary" (lib. v, cap. 19).
Whether the credulous Jesuit confused the practices of other Indian
tribes with those of the Yncas, or whether the above stories were pure
inventions of his own brain, is perhaps doubtful. Most probably his
narrative is a mixture of both ; but his authority cannot for a moment
be held to outweigh that of Bias Valera, Garcilasso de la Vega, Cieza de
Leon, and Valverde.
Mr. Prescott allows himself to accept Spanish testimony in preference
to that of the Ynca, on this point, although, as has been seen, even the
Spaniards are by no means unanimous on the subject ; but he is very
far from accepting Acosta's statements to their full extent. He says —
"Sometimes human beings were sacrificed, on which occasions a child or
beautiful maiden was usually selected as a victim. But such sacrifices
were rare, being reserved to celebrate some great public event. They
were never followed by those cannibal repasts familiar to the Mexicans,
and to many of the fierce tribes conquered by the Yncas. Indeed, the
conquests of these princes might well be deemed a blessing to the In-
dian nations, if it were only for their suppression of cannibalism, and
the diminution, under their rule, of human sacrifices" (i, p. 97).
The Peruvian, Don Mariano Rivero, also prefers the authority of the
Spanish historians to that of the Ynca, adding Bcnzoni to Mr. Prescott's
list of authorities, besides some others who wrote at second-hand ; but I
can find nothing in Benzoni to justify the reference. So again Rivero 's
reference to the nineteenth chapter of Cieza de Leon, in proof of human
sacrifices amongst the Yncas, is quite unjustifiable. That chapter treats
<-\..-liisivdy of the customs of the Indians of Paucora, in New Granada,
ami never once mentions the Vncis. Rivero, on the strength of the.'-c
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 141
Francisco Lopez de Gomara in his General History of the
Indies (cap. 120), where he speaks of the lineage of that
false quotations, says " Against so many proofs the testimony of Garci-
lasso is of no value, notwithstanding the pains he takes to exculpate his
ancestors from all suspicion on this point." He then goes on to improve
upon the fables of Acosta, saying " it was no unusual thing to sacrifice
two hundred at one time." (Antiguedades Peruanas.)
Mr. Helps, although he " fears the balance of evidence is clearly in
favour of the statement that human sacrifices, at least of children, were
not unknown, or had not, at some times and in some places, been un-
known amongst the Peruvians," rebukes the hasty conclusion of Rivero.
" We should pause and ponder much," he says, " before we take away
the character of a great people on such an important point as that of
human sacrifice."
The question may thus be summed up. We may leave out of the
discussion such writers as Gomara and Herrera, who were never in the
Indies, or as Montesinos, who wrote long after the conquest. It may be
admitted also that human sacrifices took place amongst many of the
tribes conquered by the Yncas, possibly even after their subjugation.
For instance, Cieza de Leon mentions such an event as having taken
place at Xauxa. The early writers were fanatically hostile to the reli-
gion of the Yncas, were ignorant of or imperfectly acquainted with their
language, and did not make the necessary distinctions between the
Ynca Indians and the tribes they had recently subjugated. Under such
circumstances they might easily be led to state that the Yncas sacri-
ficed human beings, from having heard of such sacrifices in districts
within the limits of their empire, without being conscious of deception.
Thus the allegations of Ondegardo, Sarmiento, and Acosta may be
accounted for.
On the other hand we have the evidence of Cieza de Leon, undoubt-
edly the most trustworthy Spanish authority; of the fanatical monk
Valverde, who certainly would not willingly say anything in favour of
the Indians ; of the learned and painstaking missionary Bias Valera ;
and, above all, of the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, who alone conversed
with the Yncas as one of themselves, and learnt their language from an
Ynca princess — his mother; that the Yncas did not offer up human
sacrifices.
It is with great diffidence that I venture to differ from such authori-
ties as Mr. Prescott and Mr. Helps, but I am unable to entertain any
doubt that the weight of evidence is in favour of the Yncas on this
point, and against their superstitious and half-informed accusers. This
I firmly believe; but at the same time the perpetration of a human
sacrifice, on very rare occasions, would not in itself lower the Yncas
very materially in the scale of civilised nations. It is not worse than
14 '2 SECOND JiOOK OF THE
Atahualpa whom the Spaniards captured and killed. Agustin
de Zarate, also, who was accountant-general of his majesty's
revenue, says, in his History of Peru (book i, cap. 13),
that the most venerable father Jose de Acosta, of the holy
Company of Jesus, asserts the same thing in the famous
book which he composed on the natural and moral philo-
sophy of the new world (book i, cap. £5). In this book he
very frequently speaks in praise of the Yncas, so that I do
not write new things, but, as a native Indian of that land,
I amplify and correct that which the Spanish historians,
being strangers, have incorrectly or briefly related, owing
to their ignorance of the language, and to not having sucked
in this knowledge with their mother's milk, as I have done.
I now go on to describe the order prescribed by the Yncas
in the government of their empire.
CHAPTER XL
THEY DIVIDED THE EMPIRE INTO FOUR DISTRICTS, AND
REGISTERED THEIR VASSALS.
The Kings Yncas divided their empire into four parts,
which they called Ttahuantin-suyu. The word signifies
" the four quarters of the world," corresponding to the four
cardinal points of the heaven — east, west, north, and south.
They placed the city of Cuzco in the centre, for in the
peculiar language of the Yncas this word means the navel
of the earth. This meaning is very appropriate, for the
whole of Peru is long and narrow, like a human body,, and
the city is almost in the middle. They called the eastern
putting hundreds of men and women to a death of frightful suffering
tor a presumed erroneous belief, quite independent of the will, as was
the frequent practice of their cruel conquerors; nor is it so barbarous,
inhuman, and cowardly as the killing of witches, which took place in
(iennaiiy as late as 1749; or as burning women to death, which was a
practice amongst the English until 17(i:'. A.I>.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 143
division Anti-suyu, from a province called Anti, which is to
the eastward ; and for the same reason they called the whole
of that great cordillera of snowy mountains which runs
along the eastern side of Peru Anti, to indicate that it is to
the eastward. They called the western division Cunti-suyu,
from another very small province called Cunti. The northern
part was known as Chincha-suyu, from a great province
called Ohincha to the northward of the city; and the
southern province was Colla-suyu, so named from a very
large country called Colla, which is in the south. By these
four names was understood the territories in those directions,
although the empire extended many leagues beyond the
limits of the districts formerly so called. For instance,
Chile, which is more than six hundred leagues beyond the
province of Colla, was within the Colla-suyu division ; and
the kingdom of Quitu belonged to the division of Chincha-
suyu, although it is more than four hundred leagues to the
north of Chincha. So that in point of fact the use of one
of these divisions in a discourse was the same as saying to
the east or west; and the four high roads issuing from
the city were also so called, because they led to the four
divisions of the empire.
As the fundamental principle of their government, the
Yncas ordained a law by which it seemed to them that they
would prevent all the evils that might have a tendency to
arise in their empire. They ordered that, in all the towns
of their dominions, both large and small, the inhabitants
should be registered by decades of ten, and that one of
these should be selected as a decurion, to have charge over
the other nine. Five of these decurions, each having
charge of nine other men, had a man from among their
number who had rule over them, and thus commanded
fifty men. Two of these rulers of fifty had a superior, who
thus commanded a hundred men. Five centurions were
subject to another chief, who ruled five hundred ; and two
1,14 SECOND BOOK OF THK
of these obeyed a general commanding a thousand men.
These officers did not command more than a thousand men,
because it was considered that this number was as many as
one man could properly superintend. Thus there were
chiefs over ten, fifty, a hundred, five hundred, and a
thousand, subordinate one to the other, from the decurion
to the chief over a thousand, whom we should call a general.
CHAPTER XII.
TWO DUTIES WHICH THE DECURIONS PERFORMED.
The decurion was obliged to perform two duties in rela-
tion to the men composing his division. One was to act
as their caterer, to assist them with his diligence and care
on all occasions when they required help, reporting their
necessities to the governor or other officer, whose duty it
was to supply seeds when they were required for sowing ;
or cloth for making clothes ; or to help to rebuild a house if it
fell or was burnt down ; or whatever other need they had,
great or small. The other duty was to act as a crown
officer, reporting every offence, how slight soever it might
be, committed by his people, to his superior, who either
pronounced the punishment, or referred it to another officer
of still higher rank. For the judges were appointed to
hear cases, according to their importance, one being superior
to another. The object of this was that there might be
officers who could treat some cases summarily, in order that
it might not be necessary to go before superior judges with
appeals. It was considered that light punishments gave
confidence to evil doers ; and that, owing to numerous
appeals, civil suits might be endless, causing the poor to
despair of getting justice and to give up their goods rather
than rndurr so much annoyance, for to recover Ion it might
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 145
be necessary to spend thirty. It was therefore provided
that in each village there should be a judge, who should
finally settle the disputes that might arise amongst the in-
habitants; but when the dispute was between two provinces
respecting boundaries, or rights of pasturage, the Ynca sent
a special judge, as we shall relate further on.
If any of the inferior or superior officers were careless in
performing their duties as caterers, they were punished
more or less severely, according to the nature of the offence.
And he who did not report the neglect of his inferiors, even
when the delay was only for a single day, without sufficient
cause, made the fault his own, and received double punish-
ment, once for not having done his own duty properly, and
again for the fault of his inferior, which he had made his
own, by his silence. And as every officer had a superior
over him, they took care to perform their duties with all
possible care and attention ; and thus it was that there were
no vagabonds or idlers, and that no one did what he ought
not to do ; for they all had an accuser close at hand, and the
punishments were severe. The most common punishment
was death, for they said that a culprit was not punished for
the delinquencies he had committed, but for having broken
the commandment of the Ynca, who was respected as God.
And although the aggrieved person separated himself from
the quarrel, justice was enforced by the ordinary judgment
of officers, who inflicted the full punishment established by
law for each offence, according to its degree, either death,
or flogging, or banishment, or the like.
They punished a child for any delinquency he might
commit, according to the gravity of his offence, even although
it should only be a child's naughtiness. But the punish-
ment was remitted or made lighter according to the circum-
stances. And the father was also punished severely, for not
having instructed and corrected his child from infancy, and
prevented it from being guilty of naughtiness or ill manners.
K
1 Hi SECOND BOOK OF THE
It was the duty of the decurion to accuse the child, as well
as the father, of any delinquency ; and for this reason the
children were brought up with great care, that they might
not be guilty of naughtiness or commit shameful acts either
in the streets or in the fields. Thus, what with the naturally
meek disposition of the Indians, and the instruction of their
parents, the youths became so amenable, that there was no
difference between them and gentle lambs.
CHAPTER XIII.
CONCERNING CERTAIN LAWS THAT THE YNCAS INSTITUTED
IN THEIR GOVERNMENT.
They never imposed a pecuniary fine, nor punished by the
confiscation of goods, because they said that to do so, and at
the same time to allow the delinquent to live, was not to rid
the commonwealth of an evil, but only to deprive an evil
doer of his property, leaving him with liberty to do more
evil. If any curaca rebelled (a crime which was more
severely punished than any other by the Yncas), or com-
mitted any other fault which was worthy of death, even if that
punishment was inflicted upon him, his successor was not
deprived of his right; but received the command with a
warning not to do anything to merit a similar fate. Pedro
de Cieza de Leon, in chapter xxi,* has the following
passage on this subject:
" They also adopted another plan in order that they might
not be detested by the natives. They never deprived the
native chiefs of their inheritance; and if any of them was so
guilty as to merit deprivation, the vacant office was given to
his sons or brothers, and all men were ordered to obey
them."
* It should be xli. Sec my translation, p. 150.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 147
So far is from Pedro de Cieza. The same rule was
observed in their wars, the native chiefs of the provinces
whence troops were drawn never being deprived of the
command of them. They were left in the enjoyment of
their appointments, even if they were masters of the camp,
while commanders of the blood royal were placed over them.
They enjoyed serving under lieutenants of the Yncas, whose
members they said they were, being their ministers and
soldiers ; and they held such appointments to be very great
favours. The judge had no power to mitigate a penalty
ordained by the law, but he was obliged to execute it in its
integrity, on pain of death, as a breaker of the royal com-
mandment. They said that to give the judge any discretion
in the infliction of punishments was to diminish the majesty
of the law ordained by the king, with the advice of men of
such experience and wisdom as he had in his council, which
experience and wisdom were wanting to the inferior judges.
It was also considered that such discretion would make the
judges venal, and open the door to petitions and bribes,
whence would arise very great confusion in the common-
wealth, each judge acting according to his caprice. A judge,
therefore, should not assume the position of a lawyer, but
should put in force that which the law commanded, how
severe soever it might be. Assuredly if we consider the
severity of those laws, which generally (however slight the
offence might be, as we have already said) imposed the
punishment of death, they may be said to have been the
laws of barbarians. But looking to the benefit which
accrued to the commonwealth from this very rigour, it may,
on the other hand, be affirmed that they were the laws of a
wise people who desired to extirpate crime ; for the infliction
of the penalties of the law with so much severity, and the
natural love of life and hatred of death in men, led to a
detestation of those crimes which led to it. Thus it was
that, in the whole empire of the Yncas, there was scarcely
K 2
148 SECOND BOOK OF THE
a crime to be punished in the year. For the whole empire,
being 1300 leagues long and containing so many nations
and languages, was governed by the same laws and ordi-
nances, as if it had been no more than one house. These
laws were also regarded with much love and respect, because
they were held to be divine; for as, in their vain belief,
they held their kings to be sons of the sun, and the sun to
be God, and they considered every mere order of the king
to be a divine decree, how much more would they venerate
the special laws instituted for the common good. They
said that the sun had ordered these laws to be made, and
had revealed them to his child the Ynca ; and hence a man
who broke them was held to be guilty of sacrilege. It often
happened that such delinquents, accused by their own con-
sciences, came to declare before the seat of justice their
hidden sins; for, besides believing that their souls might be
condemned, they held it to be a shameful thing that evil
should be brought upon the commonwealth by their faults,
such as pestilence, deaths, bad harvests, or other special
misfortunes. They therefore wished to appease God by
their deaths, rather than that, through their crime, more
evils should be brought upon the earth. From these public
confessions, I suspect, the assertions of the Spanish historians
have arisen that the Indians of Peru confessed in secret, as
we Christians do, and that they had confessors. This is an
erroneous account, which the Indians must have given to
please the Spaniards, and to ingratiate themselves into
favour, answering their inquiries in the way which seemed
to please them best, and not in conformity with the truth. For
there certainly were no secret confessions among the Indians.
1 speak of those of Peru, and do not refer to other kingdoms,
nations, and provinces, of which I have no knowledge. But
they had public confessions, as I have said, in which they
sought for exemplary punishment.*
* Don Mariano Riven > ttives the following account of the Indian
• in of confession: —
HOYAL COMMENTARIES. 149
They did not have appeals from one tribunal to another,
in any suit, either civil or criminal; for, as the judge had no
discretion, he enforced the law bearing on the case at once,
and thus concluded the suit ; although under the govern-
ment of those kings, and from the mode of life of their
vassals, few civil suits arose. In each village there was a
judge to hear the cases which arose in it, who was obliged
to enforce the law within five days of having heard the suit.
If a case came before him of more than usual atrocity or
importance, requiring a superior judge, it went before the
judge of the chief town of the province. For in each pro-
vince there was a superior governor, but no litigant could
go beyond his own village or province to seek for justice.
The Kings Yncas knew well that for a poor man, on account
of his poverty, it was not well to seek justice out of his own
country, nor in many tribunals, owing to the expenses he
would incur, and the inconvenience he would suffer, which
often exceed in value what he goes in search of, and thus
justice disappears, especially if the law-suit is against the
" The Indians scrupulously observed the office of Penitence. Before
the principal festivals, they confessed their sins to a priest, and fasted
for some days. The priest then placed some sacrificial ashes on a stone,
and the penitents blew them into the air. They then received a stone
called parca, and washed their heads in a tincu, or point where two
streams unite. Returning to the priest, they said — ' Hear me ! ye
hills, plains, condors that fly in the air, owls, lizards, and all plants and
animals, for I desire to confess my sins.' On beginning the confession
they delivered a ball of red clay, on the point of a cactus thorn, to the
priest; and when they had finished, the priest pierced the ball with the
thorn until it fell to pieces. If it separated into three pieces the con-
fession was a good one ; if into two it was bad, and the penitent had to
begin over again. To prove that nothing had been omitted, the peni-
tent had then to put a handful of maize into a bowl. If the number of
grains was even the confession had been properly made ; if odd it was
considered useless. The penance imposed by the priest consisted of
abstinence from salt and pepper (aji), and of corporal chastisement, such
as whipping. Sometimes the penitent had to put on new clothes, so as
to leave his sins in the old ones. Antiguedades Peruanans, p. 178.
150 SECOND BOOK OF THE
rich and powerful, who, with their might, stifle the rights of
the poor.* Desiring to avoid such inconveniences, these
princes gave no discretion to the judges, nor did they allow
many tribunals, nor the practice of litigants leaving their
own provinces. The ordinary judges gave a monthly
account of the sentences they had pronounced to their
superiors, and these to others, there being several grades of
judges, according to the importance of the cases. For in all
the offices of the state there were higher and lower grades,
up to the highest, who were the presidents or viceroys of
the four divisions of the empire. These reports were to
show that justice had been rightly administered, and to pre-
vent the inferior judges from becoming careless; and if they
were so, they were punished severely. This was a sort of
secret inspection, which took place every month. The way
of making these reports to the Ynca, or to those of his
Supreme Council, was by means of knots, made on cords of
various colours, by which means the signification was made
out, as by letters. The knots of such and such colours
denoted that such and such crimes had been punished, and
small threads of various colours attached to the thicker
cords signified the punishment that had been inflicted, and
in this way they supplied the want of letters. Further on
I shall devote a separate chapter to a longer account of this
method of counting by knots, which has often caused wonder
to the Spaniards, who saw that their own best accountants
made mistakes in their arithmetic, while the Indians were
so accurate in their calculations that the most difficult were
easy to them. For those who understand this method know
no other, and are consequently very dexterous in it.
If any dispute arose between two provinces respecting
* The Ynca is here, no doubt, thinking of Spanish tribunals, and
comparing the chicanery and interminable law-suits in the country in
which he was living with the prompt and even-handed justice ad-
ministered by his anc<
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 151
boundaries or rights of pasture, the Ynca sent a judge of
the blood royal, who, having seen with his own eyes, and
heard all there was to be said on both sides, formed a deci-
sion, which was given as a sentence, in the name of the
Ynca, and was looked upon as an inviolable law, just as if
it had been pronounced by the king himself. When the
judge was unable to decide the case, he reported all that
had been said to the Ynca, and he either pronounced sen-
tence, or ordered that the dispute should await final decision
until the first time that he should visit that district, in order
that, having seen everything with his own eyes, he himself
might give judgment. The vassals looked upon this as a
very great favour and condescension on the part of the
Ynca.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE DECUR10NS GAVE AN ACCOUNT OF THK
BIRTHS AND DEATHS.
Returning to the Decurions, we have to record that, in
addition to their two duties of catering and acting as crown
officers, they had to report to their superiors the number of
births and deaths of both sexes, in each month ; and at the
end of the year a report was made to the king of the births
and deaths, and of the number of persons who had gone to
the wars and been killed. The same rule was observed in
war by the heads of squadrons, ensigns, captains, and camp
masters, up to the general. These officers acted as accusers
and protectors of their soldiers; and thus there was as much
order in the heat of a battle, as in peace, and in the midst of
the court. They never allowed the towns they captured to
be pillaged, even when they were taken by force of arms.
The Indians said that, through their great care in punish-
152 SECOND BOOK OF THK
ing a man's first delinquency, they avoided the effects of his
second and third, and of the host of others that are com-
mitted in every commonwealth where no diligence is observed
to root up the evil plant at the commencement. They con-
sidered that it was not a sign of good government, nor of a
desire to uproot evil, to wait for an accuser before punishing
a malefactor; for that many injured persons dislike the
office of accusers, and prefer revenging themselves with
their own hands. Hence grave scandals arise in a common-
wealth, which are avoided by punishing offenders without
waiting for an accusation against them.
The officers had names which referred to the number of
the persons under them. The Decurions were called Chunca-
camayu, which means "he who has charge of ten men."
It is a word composed of cliunca (ten), and camayu (he who
has charge) :* and so on with the other officers, whose names,
to avoid prolixity, we will not give in the native language ;
although it might be agreeable to the curious to see one or
two numbers given, with the word camayu.-\ This word
camayu also serves to convey many other significations, in
conjunction with another noun or verb which would denote
the thing of which the officer has charge. And this very
word chunca- camayu also means an inveterate gambler —
one who carries a pack of cards in the hood of his cloak, as
the saying is. For any game is called chunca£ because all
are counted by numbers, and all numbers run in decimals.
* Cama is an adverb, signifying " until." Hence camaij the " turn,"
or a " task" in labour ; also " duty." Camayu or Camayoc, " one in
charge of any duty," or "an official." Camanca, "worthy." Cama
also means " all."
t Chunca-camayu - Officer over 10.
Pichca-chwiCQ camayu - „ 50.
Pachac-camayu - „ 100.
Pichca-pachac-camayu „ .000.
ffuaranca-camayu ,, looo.
. ha/anl ; Clm iirtii/. kit ami ball.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. K;3
They therefore used the word "ten" for a game; and to say
"we play," they used the word chuncasun* This word, in
its strict signification, means " we count by tens or by
numbers," which is as much as to say "we play." I have
said this to show in how many different ways these Indians
used a single word ; and this is the reason that it is so diffi-
cult to attain a correct knowledge of their language.
By means of these decurions, the Yncas and the viceroys
or governors of provinces knew how many vassals there
were in each village, so as to be able to apportion, without
oppression, the dues and services for the public works,
which the people had to furnish for their provinces, such as
bridges, roads, royal edifices, and similar works ; also to
select the people to serve in war, both as soldiers and
porters. If any man returned from the war without per-
mission, his captain or ensign accused him, and the decurion
of his village apprehended him. He was punished with
death, for the treason of having deserted his companions and
his captain in the war, as well as having abandoned the ser-
vice of the Ynca, or the general who represented him. For
another reason, besides those of fixing the contributions and
selecting persons to serve in war, the Ynca ordered an
annual report to be furnished of the number of vassals of all
ages in each province and village, as well as their populous-
ness ; and this was done that a knowledge might be had of
the quantity of provisions that would be needed in years of
scarcity and bad harvests, and of the necessary supplies of
cloth and cotton for clothing the people, as we shall relate
further on. All this the Ynca ordered to be ascertained,
that there might be no delay in relieving his vassals when it
became necessary. With reference to this thoughtful care
of the Yncas for their vassals, Father Bias Valera frequently
says that they ought in no wise to be called kings, but
* Chuncasun would be the first person singular of the indicative
future of the verb chuncani (I play).
154 SECOND BOOK OF THE
rather very prudent and diligent tutors of children. And
the Indians, to express all in one word, called them " lovers
of the poor."
In order that the governors and judges might not be care-
less in discharging their duties, nor the other officers of the
Sun or the Ynca, there were overseers or examiners who
secretly traversed the districts, inquiring into the work of
the officers, and reporting their shortcomings to their supe-
riors, in order that they might be punished. These over-
seers were called Tucuyricoc, which means " He who sees
all". These officers, as well as all others who served under
the government, were subordinate one to another, in higher
or lower grades, that none might be negligent of their duties.
Any judge or governor who had been guilty of injustice or
of any other fault, was punished 'more severely than an or-
dinary person who committed the same offence, and this
severity was in proportion to the rank of the offender. For
they said that it could not be endured that he who had been
selected to administer justice should commit crime ; for that
this was to offend the Sun, and the Ynca who had selected
him to be better than the rest of his subjects.
CHAPTER XV.
THE INDIANS DENY THAT AN YNCA OF THE 1JLOO1) ROYAL
HAS EVER COMMITTED ANY CRIME WHATEVER.
It does not appear that any Ynca of the blood royal has
ever been punished, at least publicly, and the Indians deny
that such a thing has ever taken place. They say that the
Ynca never committed any fault that required correction ;
because the teaching of their parents, and the common
opinion that they were children of the Sun, born to tench
and to do good to the rest of mankind, kq>t them under such
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 155
control that they were rather an example than a scandal to
the commonwealth. The Indians also said that the Yncas
were free from the temptations which usually lead to crime,
such as passion for women, envy and covetousness, or the
thirst for vengeance ; because if they desired beautiful
women, it was lawful for them to have as many as they
liked ; and any pretty girl they might take a fancy to, not
only was never denied to them, but was given up by her
father with expressions of extreme thankfulness that an
Ynca should have condescended to take her as his servant.
The same thing might be said of their property; for, as they
never could feel the want of anything, they had no reason
to covet the goods of others ; while as governors they had
command over all the property of the Sun and of the
Ynca; and those who were in charge, were bound to give
them all that they required, as children of the Sun, and
brethren of the Ynca. They likewise had no temptation to
kill or wound anyone either for revenge, or in passion; for
no one ever offended them. On the contrary, they received
adoration only second to that offered to the royal person ;
and if anyone, how high soever his rank, had enraged any
Ynca, it would have been looked upon as sacrilege, and very
severely punished. But it may be affirmed that an Indian
was never punished for offending against the person, honour,
or property of any Ynca, because no such offence was ever
committed, as they held the Yncas to be like gods. On the
other hand, no Ynca was ever punished for committing a
crime ; and the Indians will never confess either the one or
the other, being much scandalised when the Spaniards ask
such questions. Hence must have arisen the assertion of
one of the Spanish historians that they had a law that no
Ynca could be put to death. Such a law would be a scandal
to the Indians, who would say that it gave the Yncas licence
to commit any crime they liked, thus making one rule for
them and another for the rest of mankind. Rather one who
156 SECOND BOOK OF THE
thus disgraced the blood royal should be punished with
more severity and rigour, because, being an Ynca, he had
become Auca, that is a tyrant and a traitor.
Speaking of the justice of the Yncas, in his forty-fourth
chapter, Pedro de Cieza de Leon writes as follows respecting
their army : —
" If there was any rising in the surrounding districts, they
were ready to punish it with great severity ; for the Yncas
were such perfect judges, that they did not hesitate to punish
even their own sons".*
And in the sixtieth chapter, also speaking of their justice,
he says : —
" If any of those whose duty it was to traverse the roads,
entered the fields or dwellings of the Indians, although the
damage they did was small, they were ordered to be put to
death."f
The author says this without making any distinction
between Yncas and those who were not Yncas, for their
laws were applicable to all. The fact of being children of
the Sun increased the obligation to do well, for the Indians
believed that both the royal blood and goodness came by
inheritance. They believed this so implicitly that when a
Spaniard praised any things that had been done by an Ynca,
the Indians told him not to be surprised for that it was an
Ynca's work ; or if anything was depreciated as being badly
done, they said that it must not be supposed that any Ynca
could have done it ; and, if so, it was not a true Ynca, but
some bastard like Atahualpa, who committed treason against
Huasca Ynca, the legitimate heir, as we shall relate more
fully in its place.
The Ynca had a council of war for each of the four dis-
tricts into which the empire was divided, as well as a council
of justice and of finance. These councils had their subordi-
* Sec p. 164 of my translation,
t Sec p. 217 of my translation.
ROYAL COMMENTARIKS. 157
nate officials, each in his proper rank, from the highest to
the lowest, the lowest being the commanders of ten men.
These officials reported all matters to their immediate supe-
riors, until the reports reached the supreme councils. There
were four viceroys, one in each of the four districts, who
were presidents of these councils, and thus information was
received of all that passed in the kingdom, for report to the
Ynca. These viceroys were under the immediate control of
the Ynca, and governed their respective provinces. They
were obliged to be legitimate Yncas of the blood, expe-
rienced in affairs, and they alone formed the council of state,
and received orders from the Ynca touching what was to be
done both in peace and war, transmitting them to their offi-
cials, from rank to rank, till they reached the last.
This will suffice for the present, touching the laws and
government of the Yncas ; and further on, in narrating their
their lives and acts, I shall treat of such things as seem most
noteworthy.
CHAPTER XVI.
TFIK LIFE AND ACTS OF SINCHI ROCA THE SECOND KING
OF THE YNCA DYNASTY.
To Manco Ccapac succeeded his son, Sinchi Roca. His
proper name was Roca (with the pronunciation of the R
soft). This word has no meaning in the general language
of Peru, but it may have some signification in the special
idiom of the Yncas, although I am not aware of it. Father
Bias Valera says that roca means a prudent and wise prince,
but he does not tell us in what language. He notices the
pronunciation of the R soft, as we have done. He recounts
the excellence of the Ynca Roca, as we shall see presently.
Sinchi is an adjective signifying " valiant,"* because they
* Or strong.
158 SECOND BOOK OF TIIK
say that he was of a brave disposition, and very strong,
although he did not display these qualities in battle, as he
did not wage war upon anyone. He had the advantage of
all persons of his time in wrestling, running, leaping, throw-
ing a stone or lance, and in every other feat of strength.
This prince, having completed the solemn obsequies of his
father, and taken the crown, which was a red fringe, pro-
posed to extend his territory. For this purpose he sum-
moned the principal curacas of his father's court, and ad-
dressed them in a long and solemn discourse. Among other
things, he said that, in compliance with his father's policy
when he returned to heaven, he desired the conversion of
the Indians to a knowledge of the worship of the Sun. He,
therefore, intended to convoke the neighbouring nations, in
order to charge and order them to consider that, as they
accepted the Ynca as their rightful king, they were under
an obligation to offer the same service to the Sun, who was
the common father of all men, and to benefit their neigh-
bours who were in so much need of help, to enable them
to emerge from their .sensual and ignorant mode of life.
They ought, he said, to display, in their persons, the advan-
tages and superiority of their present over their former lives,
before the arrival of the Ynca his father ; and to bring the
savages to a sense of the benefits they themselves had ac-
quired, that they might the more easily be induced to
receive similar instruction.
The curacas answered that they were bound to obey the
king, even if they should enter the fire for his service, and
thus the discourse was concluded, and the day for their
departure was arranged. At the appointed time the Ynca
set out, well attended by his followers, and entered Colla-
suyu, which is to the south of the city of Cuzco. Here he
convoked the Indians, and urged them, with mild words, to
submit to his sway, and to adore the Sun. The Indians of
the Puchina and Canchi nations,* who dwell in that region,
* These Indians dwelt in the lovely vale of the Vilcainayu, south of
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 159
are exceedingly simple in their natural condition, and very
ready to believe any new thing, as are all the Indians. So,
when they saw the example of the subjects of the Ynca, for
example is what most easily convinces on all occasions, they
were easily persuaded to obey the Ynca, and to submit to
his government. Thus, without fighting, he extended his
frontier on this side, as far as the village called Chuncara,
or about twenty leagues beyond the limits of his father's
dominions, including many towns on the right and left of
the road. In all these villages he followed the example of
his father, teaching the people to cultivate the land, and to
practise a moral and natural mode of life, persuading them
to put aside their idols and their evil customs, and to keep
the laws and precepts ordained by the Ynca Manco Ccapac.
The Indians submitted, and obeyed all the orders that he
gave, being well contented with the new government of the
Ynca Sinchi Rocca, who, in imitation of his father, did all
in his power to benefit them, with much bounty and love.
Some Indians will have it that this Ynca did not extend his
dominion beyond Chuncara, and it would seem that this view
is more in accordance with the small power then possessed
by the Yncas. But others affirm that he passed far beyond
that point, and annexed many other villages and tribes on
the road of Umasuyu, such as Cancalla, Cacha, Rurucachi,
Asillu, Asancata, Huancane,* and as far as the town called
Pucara de Umasuyu, so called to distinguish it from another
Pucara in Urcosuyu. I name these places in detail for the
Cuzco. The Canchis are described by Cieza de Leon as intelligent and
homely Indians, without malice, skilful in working metals, and possess-
ing large flocks of llamas. A writer in the Mercurio Peruano describes
the Canchis as a very bold, restless, and inconstant people, but as good
workmen, industrious, and brave. They loved solitude, and built their
huts in secluded ravines.
* The last three of these places are in the province of Azangaro, a
lofty plateau north of lake Titicaca. Huancane is close to the northern
shore of the lake.
160 SECOND BOOK OF THK
use of those in Peru; but it would be an impertinence to do-
so for those in other countries, and I trust that the latter
will pardon my desire to be of use to all. Pucara means a
fortress, and it is said that this prince ordered it to be built
in order to protect the frontier of his newly acquired terri-
tory. In the direction of the country of the Antis he
annexed land as far as the river called Collahuaya* (where
very fine gold is found, said to exceed twenty-four carats),
and gained all the villages between the Collahuaya and the
royal road of Umasuya, where the above mentioned villages
are situated. Whether the truth be with the statements of
the first or of the second of these narrators, it matters little
whether it was the second or the third Ynca who made these
acquisitions. What is certain is, that they were acquired,
and not by force of arms, but by persuasion and promises,
and by the fulfilment of those promises. As they were made
without conquest, there is little to say respecting their acqui-
sition, except that it took many years to achieve ; but it is
not exactly known how many, nor how many years the
Ynca Sinchi Roca reigned. Some say his reign lasted for
thirty years. He spent them like a good gardener who,
having planted a tree, cultivated it with all possible care,
that it might yield the desired fruit. Thus lived this Ynca,
reigning with all care and diligence, and he saw and enjoyed,
in peace and quietness, the harvest of his labours. His vas-
sals were very loyal and grateful for the benefits he conferred
upon them. They obeyed his laws and ordinances with much
love and veneration as commandments of their god the Sun,
for so they were taught to look upon them.
Having lived for many years in peace and prosperity, the
Ynca Sinchi Roca died, saying that he went to rest with his
father the Sun, desisting from his labours to bring men to a
knowledge of their god. He left his legitimate son Lloque
* Canivaya.
KOYAL COMMENTARIES. 161
Yupanqui as his successor, whose mother was the second
Ynca's legitimate wife, Mama Cora, or Mama Ocllo as
others say. Besides his heir, the Ynca left other sons by
his wife, and by his concubines who were his relations, and
whose children we look upon as of the legitimate blood
royal. He also left a great number of natural sons by alien
concubines, that the generation and caste of the Sun, as
they called it, might multiply.
CHAPTER XVII.
LLOQUE YUPANQUJ, THIRD KING, AND THE MEANING OF
HIS NAME.
The Ynca Lloque Yupanqui was the third of the Kings
of Peru. His name of Lloque means left-handed. The
neglect of his attendants in nursing him, which led to his
becoming left-handed, was the reason of his receiving this
name. The name of Yupanqui was given him for his
virtuous actions. That the various idioms used by the
Indians in the general language of Peru may be understood,
it must be known that this word Yupanqui is the second
person singular of the imperfect future of the indicative
mood of a verb, and that it means " You will count." In
this one verb thus used by itself is enclosed and denoted all
that can be said in praise of a prince. It is as much as to
say — " You will count your great actions, your excellent
virtues, your clemency, piety, gentleness, etc." This is an
elegant phrase in a language which has not many words,
but these words are very expressive; for in applying a noun
or verb to their kings, these Indians made it comprehend
all that could be understood by such noun or verb. Thus
the word ccapac, which means rich, does not imply wealth
in property, but in all the virtues which a good king can
162 sK('l)M) HOOK OF THK
possess. But they did not speak of any one else in this way,
not even of the greatest lords, but only of the kings, for
they would not make common use of words that were
applied to their Yncas. Such misuse would be considered
as sacrilege ; and it would seem that these names were like
that of Augustus, which the Romans gave to Octavius
Ccesar for his virtue ; but to use such a term in speaking of
any one who was not an emperor or a great king would be
to make it lose all its majesty.
A similar phrase was also used to denote evil qualities, for
in that language these phrases were applied to both good and
bad significations ; but the same verb was not used to indicate
good and bad. Another word of similar meaning was set
aside to denote the bad qualities of a prince, which was
Huacanqui, used in the same mood, tense, number, and
person. It signified 'f You will mourn" for your cruelties
done in public and private, with poison or knife, for your
insatiable avarice, your tyranny without distinction of sacred
or profane things, and for all other evils that can be de-
plored of a wicked prince. But as they declare that there
never was occasion to deplore the acts of their Yncas, they
used the verb huacanqui in speaking of lovers, the phrase
signifying that they will mourn the passion and torment
that love causes to those who are enamoured. These two
words, Ccapac and Yupanqui, with the meanings we have
described, the Indians used in speaking of their kings.
Many persons of the blood royal also took them, making
them into proper names of Ynca families, as has been done
in Spain with the name Manuel, which, having been the
name of an Infante of Castille, has since become the surname
of his descendants.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 163
CHAPTER XVIII.
TWO CONQUESTS MADE BY THE YNCA LLOQUE YUPANQU1.
Having taken possession of his. kingdom, and visited it in
person, the Ynca Lloque Yupanqui proposed to extend its
limits, and for this purpose he ordered 6000 or 7000 men of
war to be assembled, so that he might advance with more
power and authority than his predecessors ; for more than
seventy years had passed since they became kings, and it
seemed to him that all their policy should not be one of
prayer and persuasion, but that arms and power should form
a part, at least with those who were stubborn and pertina-
cious. He nominated two of his uncles to be masters of the
camp, and others of his relations as commanders and coun-
cillors. Then, instead of the road of Umasuyu, which his
father had followed in his expeditions, he took that of
Urcosuyu. These two roads diverge at Chuncara, and, pass-
ing through the district called Collasuyu, surround the great
lake of Titicaca.
As soon as the Ynca had crossed his own frontier, he
entered a great province called Cana, and sent messages to
the inhabitants, requiring them to submit to and obey the
child of the Sun, abandoning their own vain and evil sacri-
fices, and bestial customs. The Canas desired to take their
time in informing themselves respecting all that the Ynca
desired them to do, what sort of laws they were to obey, and
what Gods to worship. As soon as they understood these
things, they replied that they were content to worship the
Sun, to obey the Ynca, and to keep his laws and customs,
because they appeared better than their own.* Thus they
* The Canas inhabited one side of the valley of Vilcamayu, and the
Canchis the other — the river dividing them. The Canas were proud,
L £
164 SECOND BOOK OF THE
went forth to receive the king, and do him homage. The
Ynca, leaving officers as well to instruct them in their new
religion, as to divide the land and bring it under cultivation,
marched onwards until he reached the town and nation
called Ayaviri.* The natives of Ayaviri were so stubborn
and rebellious that neither promises, nor persuasion, nor the
examples of the other subjugated Indians were of any avail.
They all preferred to die in defending their liberty, being a
very different reception from that which the Yncas had
hitherto encountered. So they came forth to fight, with no
wish to hear reason, obliging the Yncas to arm their men
rather in self-defence than for attack. The fight continued
for a long time, and many were killed and wounded on both
sides. The men of Ayaviri fortified their town in the best
manner they could, and sallied forth every day to fight the
Ynca's followers. The Ynca, following the traditional
policy of his fathers, avoided injuring the enemy as much as
possible, and, as if he was the besieged rather than the
besieger, endured the insolence of the barbarians, and
ordered his men to close the blockade without coming to
hand to hand combats. But those of Ayaviri, taking courage
from the forbearance of the Ynca, and attributing it to
cowardice, became every day more hard to reduce and fiercer
in battle, until at length they entered the very tents of the
Yncas. In these skirmishes and encounters the besieged
always got the worst of it.
The Ynca, in order that the other nations might not
follow a bad example, and take up arms, wished to punish
cautious, and melancholy, their clothing usually of a sombre colour, and
their music plaintive and sad. They were constantly in a state of re-
volt against the Yncas, until Huayna Ccapac gave one of his daughters
in marriage to their Curaca. Mercurio Peruano.
* Ayaviri is near the lofty pass dividing the valley of Vilcamayu from
the lofty plateau of the Collas. Here two roads branch off to the south-
ward— one to Azangaro and Umasayu, the other to Pucara and Chucuito;
one to the cast, the other to the west side of lake Titicaca.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 165
these audacious men ; and sent for reinforcements, more to
shew his power, than for any necessity he had for them,
lie then pressed the enemy so closely on all sides, that they
could not come forth for anything they had need of; so that
they were much straitened for want of food. They one day
tried their fortune in a hand to hand combat, and fought
most fiercely, but the troops of the Ynca resisted with great
valour, and many were killed and wounded on both sides.
Those of Ayaviri suffered so much in this battle, that they
never came out to fight again. The Ynca did not wish to
destroy them, although he easily could have done so, but to
press the siege until they were obliged to surrender. When
the reinforcements arrived which the Ynca had sent for,
those of Ayaviri thought it time to submit. The Ynca
received them, and after they had listened to a severe
admonition for having resisted the child of the Sun, he
pardoned them, and ordered them to be treated well, with-
out reference to the obstinacy they had displayed.* Leaving
officers to teach them, and to look after the property to be
set apart for the Sun and the royal use, the Ynca advanced
to the town now called Pucara. It is a fortress which was
ordered to be built as a defence of the frontier that had been
won ; and also the fortress was erected because it was
necessary to capture the place by force of arms. A strong
garrison was left in it, and the Ynca returned to Cuzco,
where he was received with great rejoicings.
* Cieza de Leon mentions this war between the Ynca Lloque Yupan-
qui and the people of Ayaviri. He tells us that the Indians consider the
inhabitants of Ayaviri to be of the same descent and lineage as the
Canas. He adds that, after this war, few were left alive, and the sur-
vivors wandered in the fields, calling on their dead, and mourning with
groans and great sorrow over the destruction that had come upon their
people. The Ynca caused a great palace to be built at Ayaviri, and a
temple of the Sun, and sent fresh colonists to repeople it. See my trans-
lation, p. 358.
l(i() SK(OM) HOOK OF
CHAPTER XIX.
THE CONQUESTS OF HATUN-COLLA, AND THE ORIGIN OF
THE COLLAS.
After a few years Lloque Yupanqui again turned his
attention to the conquest and subjugation of the Indians;
for these Yncas, having from the beginning spread the
report that the Sun had sent them upon earth to lead men
from their wild state, and teach them civilisation, sustained
this belief by adopting for their principal aim the reduction
of the Indians under their sway, thus concealing their ambi-
tion with the saying that their acts were commanded by the
Sun. On this occasion the Ynca ordered eight or nine
thousand men of war to be assembled, and, having appointed
councillors and officers for the army, he set out for the
district of Colla-suyu, by the road leading to his fortress of
Pucara, where Francisco Hernandez Giron was afterwards
defeated in the battle called of Pucara.* Thence the Ynca
* Cieza de Leon mentions the siege of Pucara by the Ynca, but he
makes the mistake of calling him Tupac Yupanqui instead of Lloque
Yupanqui. He adds that he spent a day at Pucara, and saw the ruins
of great edifices, as well as many pillars of stone carved in the form of
men. See my translation, p. 368.
Pucara is in latitude 15° 2' S., and, according to an observation I
made in April 1860 with a boiling-point thermometer, about 13,000
feet above the level of the sea. The surrounding country consists of
grassy plains, with ridges of steep hills dotted over with a tree re-
sembling a yew at a distance ( Polylepis tomentella), called que// mi in
Quichua. The plains and hill sides are covered with herds of cattle,
tended by little cow-girls with their slings. The town of Pucara nestles
under the perpendicular face of a magnificent rock of reddish sandstone,
1800 feet high, the crevices and summit covered with long grass (^tip«,
Ychu) and qwima trees. Birds whirl in circles over their eyries, and
the rock is famous for a very fine breed of falcons. At present there
are some small manufactories of glazed earthenware at Pucara. A deep
river flows over the plain to empty itself into hike Titicaca.
about five hundred v;ir<ls eaM <>\ tin. town.
KOYAL COMMENTARIES. 167
sent messengers to Paucar-colla and Hatun-colla, places
whence the district took the name of Colla-suyu. This
district is very extensive, containing many nations and
tribes under the general name of Colla. The Ynca de-
manded that they should submit to him as others had done,
and that they should not offer resistance like the men of
Ayaviri, who had been punished by the Sun with famine
and death for taking up arms against his children. He
warned them that they would meet the same fate if they fell
into a similar error. The Collas took counsel, their prin-
cipal men assembling in Hatun-colla, which means great
Colla. Considering that those of Ayaviri and Pucara had
been punished by heaven for resisting, they replied that
they were well satisfied to become vassals of the Ynca and
to worship the Sun, adopting his laws and ordinances, and
observing them. Having sent this answer, they came forth
to meet the Ynca with much solemnity, rejoicing with songs
invented for the occasion, to show their feelings.
The Ynca received the Curacas with much kindness,
giving them clothes for their persons, and other presents,
which they valued very highly; and henceforward both this
Ynca and his descendants favoured and honoured these two
places, especially Hatun-colla, for the service they then
performed in receiving him with signs of love, for the
Yncas always shewed great favour and kindness to those
who acted thus, recommending them to their successors.
Thus Hatun-colla was, from that time, ennobled by the
erection of large and beautiful edifices, besides the temple
of the Sun and convent of virgins which were founded there,
a thing very highly esteemed by the Indians.*
* Hatun-colla and Paucar-colla are, at present, two villages within
a league of each other, and seventy miles south of Pucara. Paucar-
colla is on the high road from Cuzco, by Pucara, to Puno and Bolivia ;
Hatun-colla a little off the road. I found Paucar-colla to be 12,987
feet above the level of the sea, in April 1860. This little village is on
an eminence surrounded by broad grassy plains, which extend to the
168 SECOND HOOK OF THE
The Collas consist of many different nations, and thus
they believe themselves to be descended from various things.
Some say that their first fathers came out of the great lake
of Titicaca. They looked upon this lake as a mother, and,
before the Yncas subjugated them, they adored it among
their numerous gods, and offered up sacrifices on its banks.
Others thought they derived their origin from a great
fountain, out of which they declared that their first ancestor
had issued. Others said that their ancestors had come out
of caves and recesses of great rocks, and they looked upon
such places as sacred, visiting them at certain seasons and
offering up sacrifices, in acknowledgment of their duties as
children to parents. Others thought that their first pro-
genitor had come out of a river, and they held it in great
reverence and veneration as a father, looking upon the
killing of fish in that river as sacrilege ; for they said that
the fish were their brothers. They believed in many other
fables respecting their origin; and, from the same cause,
they had many different gods, some for one reason and
others for another.* There was only one deity which all the
Collas united in worshipping and holding as their principal
god. This was a white sheep, for they were the lords of
innumerable flocks. They said that the first sheep in the
upper earth (for so they named heaven) had taken more
care of them than of the other Indians, and that it shewed
shores of lake Titicaca. It consists of about a dozen huts built round a
large square, with a dilapidated mud church forming one side. Hatun-
colla is visible on the skirts of the Cordillera to the westward.
The grand edifices at Hatun-colla, mentioned in the text, and the
ruins of which were seen by Cieza de Leon (p. 369), have now entirely
disappeared. But some most interesting ruins, the towers of Sillustani,
are still in good preservation, on the banks of a lake, a short league
from Hatun-colla. I have given a detailed account of them elsewhere
(Travels in Peru and India, p. 111). They are, however, of a date ante-
rior to the conquest of this part of Peru by the Yncas.
* Cicza dc Leon says — "No sense can be jrot out of the Collas con-
cerning their origin." (I*. ;;<!:>.)
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 169
its love for them by leaving a larger posterity in the land
of the Collas than in any other land in the whole world.
These Indians said this because there are larger flocks of
native sheep* bred in the Collas than in all Peru besides,
and for this reason the Collas worshipped a sheep, and
offered up lambs and grease as sacrifices. They valued the
white sheep amongst their sheep much more highly than
any others, because they said that those which most re-
sembled their first parent contained most godlike qualities.
Besides this folly, a very infamous practice prevailed in
many provinces of the Collas, which was that, before
marriage, the women were allowed to act as shamefully as
they liked with their persons, and the most dissolute were
most sought after in marriage. The Kings Yncas put a
stop to all these things, but chiefly to the worship of many
gods, persuading the people that the Sun, for its beauty and
excellence, and because it created and sustained all things,
alone merited adoration. The Yncas did not contradict the
Indians in the tales respecting their origin and descent; for,
as they prided themselves on their descent from the Sun,
they encouraged many other fables, that their own might be
more easily believed.
Having arranged the government of these important towns,
as well with regard to his vain religion as to the revenue of
the Sun and of the crown, the Ynca returned to Cuzco, not
desiring to advance further in his conquests; for these
sovereigns always deemed it to be wiser to acquire territory
little by little, and to settle their government amongst their
new subjects, than to make rapid advances and appear to be
tyrannical, ambitious, and covetous.
* Llamas.
170 SKCOM) HOOK OF TUB
CHAPTER XX.
Ill , rilOVlNCK OF CHUCU1TU IS REDUCK1), AS
WELL AS MANY OTHER PROVINCES.
The Ynca was received in Cuzco with great joy and
ity, and he remained there for some years, superin-
tending the government, and watching over the welfare of
his vassals. Afterwards he resolved to visit the whole of
his provinces, because the Indians were pleased to see the
Ynca in their districts, and that his officers might not
become careless in their duties, owing to the absence of the
king. Having completed his inspection, he ordered pre-
parations to be made for war, with a view to extending his
previous conquests. He set out with an army of 10,000
men led by chosen captains, and reached Hatun-colla and
ihc borders of Chucuitu, a famous and populous province;'
which was considered of such importance, when the Spaniards
made a division of this land, that it was allotted to the
iMiipL-ror.* The Ynca sent the usual message to the people
of Chucuitu that they should adore the Sun, and receive
him as their god. These people, although they were
ri'ul, and their ancestors had subdued some neighbour-
nln>, had no desire to resist the Ynca, and replied that
would obey him with all love and willingness, because
i child of the Sun. They added that they were
aware of his clemency and kindness, and that they desired,
.ing his vassals, to enjoy his bounty.
.ca received them with his usual affability, and
• licni thank:-, and presents, which were highly esteemed
'!»- Indi ing the successful issue of this
• "f hike Titicac
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 171
undertaking, the Ynca then sent similar messages to all the
neighbouring tribes, as far as the Desaguadero* of the great
lake of Titicaca. These, following the example of Hatun-
colla and Chucuitu, readily obeyed the Ynca. The prin-
cipal towns thus subjugated were Ylave, Juli, Pomata, and
Zepita.f We do not repeat the terms of the messages to
each of these towns, and the replies, because they were
similar to those already stated, and to avoid repetition, we
have therefore given one for all. They relate that the
Ynca spent many years in settling the government of these
towns.
Having pacified this region, his army departed, leaving
the necessary guard for his person and ministers, and for the
instruction of the people. The Ynca desired to assist
personally in this work as well to inspire zeal, as to shew
favour to those provinces by his presence, for they were
important. The Curacas, and all his vassals, were pleased
that the Ynca should remain among them for a winter, for
this seemed to them the greatest favour he could confer, and
the Ynca treated them with much favour and kindness,
every day inventing new favours, for he knew by experience
(without reckoning the policy of his forefathers) how effectual
were kindness and gentleness in drawing new subjects to
willing obedience and service. The Indians spoke of the
excellence of their prince on all sides, saying that he was a
true child of the Sun. While the Ynca was in the Collas,
he ordered 10,000 men of war to assemble there in the
ensuing summer. When the time came, he appointed four
masters of the camp, nominated a brother of his own, whose
name the Indians have not preserved, as general of the
* The river which drains the lake of Titicaca, flowing out of its
southern extremity. Hence its name.
t Towns along the western shore of lake Titicaca, in the province of
Chucuitu, during the rule of Spanish viceroys, and now in the depart-
ment of Puno.
17^ M) HOOK OF THK
array, and ordered him, in concert with the other captains,
to proceed with the conquest. All five were strictly en-
joined on no account to fight with the Indians, but, in
accordance with the tradition of his fathers, to induce them
to submit by kindness and persuasion, showing themselves
rather to be pious fathers than warlike captains. He directed
them to inarch to the westward, to a province called Hurin-
pacasa, and to subdue the Indians who inhabit it. The
general and his captains obeyed these orders, and reduced
the natives without difficulty for a distance of twenty leagues,
up to the skirts of the snowy ridge which divides the coast
from the Sierra. The Indians were easily subdued, because
they lived like beasts, without order or policy, the boldest
man ruling the others with tyranny and insolence. They
were a simple race, and obeyed at once when they heard the
marvels which were told of the Ynca as a child of the Sun.
This conquest occupied three years, because, the people
being brutish, more time was required in instructing than in
subduing them. When it was completed, the general and
his four captains, leaving the necessary officials and garrisons,
returned to give an account of their proceedings to the
Ynca. Meanwhile, the Ynca had been engaged in visiting
his empire, and extending the area of cultivation by all
possible means. He ordered new irrigation channels to be
dug, and other works to be executed which were necessary
for the welfare of the Indians, such as rest houses, bridges,
and roads to connect one province with another. The
: ;il and his captains were very well received by the
Ynca, and rewarded for their services; and he returned
with them to his capital, with the intention of ceasing the
conquests, as his frontiers seemed to him to be sufficiently
led. From north to south he had acquired more than
forty 1 T territory, and more than twenty from east to
<>f of the snowy range dividing the llanos*
. iiiid the & i prise.1'
-til tli iti'l v,tllr\> of tin- Andes.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 173
from the Sierra. These two names have been given by the
Spaniards.
The Ynca was received with great rejoicing throughout
the whole city of Cuzco, for he was loved exceedingly for
his affability, kindness, and liberality. He passed the rest
of his life in peace and quiet, conferring benefits on his
people, and administering justice. He sent the prince his
heir, whose name was Mayta Ccapac, on two occasions to
visit the provinces, accompanied by old and experienced
men, that he might become known to the vassals, and
practise the art of governing. When he felt that death was
approaching, he called his sons, and amongst them his heir,
and, in place of a will, he commended to them the welfare
of his vassals, the duty of observing the laws and ordinances
left by their forefathers by command of their father the Sun,
and of always behaving like children of the Sun. To the
Ynca captains, and the rest of the Curacas who were lords of
vassals, he entrusted the care of the poor, charging them to
be obedient to the king. Finally, he informed them that his
father the Sun had called him to rest from his labours.
Having said these and other similar things, the Ynca Lloque
Yupanqui died, leaving many sons and daughters by his
concubines, although, by his legitimate wife, named Mama
Cava, he had no other son than the heir Mayta Ccapac, but
two or three daughters. Lloque Yupanqui was mourned
for with great sorrow throughout the empire, for he was
much loved for his virtues. He was placed in the number
of gods, children of the Sun, and was worshipped as one of
them. In order that the history may not become tedious,
from constantly dwelling on the same subject, it will be well to
intersperse the narrative of the lives of the King Yncas with an
account of some customs which will be more pleasant to read
about than the wars and conquest, almost all carried on in
the same way. We will, therefore, now say something of
the knowledge of the sciences which the Yncas had reached.
SK('OM) HOOK OF THH
CHAPTER XXI.
Till- * \VIIICH THE YNOAS HAD ACQUIRED: AND
FIRST OF THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF ASTRONOMY.
The Yncas had attained very little knowledge in astronomy
and natural philosophy, for, not being acquainted with
letters, although there were men of considerable talent
among them, whom they called Amautas, who conceived
philosophical subtleties such as were taught among that
people, yet, being unable to write and thus hand down their
learning to their successors, their discoveries perished with
them, and thus they made little progress in all sciences, and
were without any knowledge in some, only possessing general
principles drawn from the light of nature, and even these
were denoted by gross and unpolished symbols, that the
people might see and take note of them. We will give an
account of what they knew on each subject. Moral philo-
sophy was well understood, and it was left written in their
mode of life, and customs, as we shall see in the course
of this history. They were aided in their knowledge by the
natural law which they desired to observe, and by the
•e they acquired in the practice of good customs,
which were cultivated from day to day in their common-
wealth.
15ut they knew little or nothing of natural philosophy;
for, leading a simple and natural life, they had no need for
makii or lor snatching the secrets from nature.
They passed them by without examination or knowledge,
and thus had no for investigating them, nor for
the qualities of the elements. When they said that
cold and dry, and the fire hot, it was from
that the lire warmed and burnt, and not from an
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 175
investigation of philosophical science. But they had a
knowledge of the medicinal virtues of certain herbs and
plants, with which they cured their infirmities, as we shall
relate when we treat of their medicines. They however
acquired this knowledge more by experience (being taught
by necessity) than by natural philosophy, for they did not
speculate much on things which they could not touch with
their hands.
They had somewhat more knowledge of astronomy than of
natural philosophy, for they had more incentives to awaken
speculation touching the sun and moon and the movements of
the planet Venus, which they saw at one time in front of the
sun, and at others behind it. They also beheld the moon
increase and wane ; now full, and again lost to sight in its
conjunction. They called this the death of the moon,
because they did not see it for three days.* The sun also
was an object of wonder, because at one season it approached,
and at another it was more distant from them : some days
were longer than the nights, others shorter, others the same
length. These things gave rise to astonishment, as they
could actually watch them without their passing out of
sight.
They beheld the effects, but did not seek out the causes ;
and thus they did not speculate whether there were many
heavens, or only one, nor did they imagine that there were
more than one. They knew not what caused the increase
and wane of the moon, nor the movements of the planets ;
nor did they take account of more than three planets, and
those owing to their size, splendour, and beauty. They did
not know of the other four planets. They had no idea of
the signs of the Zodiac, much less of their influences. They
* Thus they called the waning moon Huanuc quilla ("dying moon"),
the new moon Mosoc quilla ("round moon"), the increasing moon Puca
yuiila ("red moon"), and the moon in conjunction Quilla huanuy
("dead moon").
ITT) SECOND HOOK OF TIIK
called the sun Ynti, the moon Quilla, and the planet Venus
Chasca, which means curly, from its numerous bright rays.*
They also observed the seven little goats,f from being so
close together, and from the difference they saw between
them and the other stars, which excited their wonder. They
did not watch the other stars because, having no necessity
for doing so, they knew of no object to be gained by
examining them, nor had they more special names for the
stars than the two already given. They called them all
Coyllur, which means a star.*
* There is further mention of Chasca, or the morning star, in chapter
xxi of book iii, where the Ynca says that the meaning of the word is
"of the long and curly hair." The literal meaning of the word is
"dishevelled." Torres Rubio and Mossi spell it Chhasca. Chasca-vma
means an uncombed or dishevelled head. The planet Venus was called
Chasca-coyllvr, or " the star with dishevelled locks," and also Manchu-
coyllur, " the ancient star." Chasca-chuqui is a lance with a fringe
hanging from it, used by the Caiiaris Indians. See Torres Rubio,
Vocabulario, p. 80 (ed. 1754); Von Tschudi, Kechua Sprache, ii, p. 219;
Mossi, Lengua General del Peru, No. 85.
t The Pleiades. Acosta tells us that they were called Collca in
Quichua. Rivero says these were called Onccoy-coyllur ("sick stars"),
and the Hyades Ahuaracaqni ("jaw of the tapir"). Antiguedades
Peruanas, p. 126.
X Acosta gives the names of some other stars. He says — " They
attributed different offices to different stars, and those who needed their
uce worshipped them. Thus the shepherds adored and offered
sacrifices to a star which they called Urcu-chillay, which they say is a
sheep of many colours, presiding over the welfare of the flocks.
It i«, understood to be the same which the astronomers call o Lyrce.
They also worship two other stars near the star a Lyrce, which they call
<//">/, saying that it is a sheep with a lamb. Others adore a
star called Maclacuay, who presides over the snakes and serpents, and
ti them i'rom doing harm ; and another called Chiiqui-chinchay,
>:ii«l t-> t»e a tiger, presiding over tigers, bears, and lions. And generally
th.y lidicvc'l that every beast and bird on earth had its type in the
Ming over its increase and welfare ; and this they believed
of the stars called C/tacana, Topatorca, Mamana, Mirco, Miquiquiray,
;i belief which in some sort resembles the dogma of the
IHtt. M<n-iil <lf /nt/ias, lib. v, cap. 4.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 177
CHAPTER XXII.
THEY UNDERSTOOD THE MEASUREMENT OF THE YEAR, AND
THE SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES.
With all their rusticity, the Yncas understood that the
course of the sun's movement was completed in a year, which
they called huata. This word means a year ; and the same
word, without any change in the pronunciation or accent, is
a verb meaning to seize.* The common people counted the
year by the harvests. The Yncas also had a knowledge of
the summer and winter solstices, which were marked by large
and conspicuous signs, consisting of eight towers on the
east, and other eight on the west side of the city of Cuzco,
placed in double rows, four and four, two small ones of
three estados^ a little more or less, in height, between two
other high ones. The small towers were eighteen or twenty
feet apart, and the larger ones were at an equal distance on
the sides. The latter were much higher than those which
in Spain serve as watch towers. The high towers were
used as observatories, whence the smaller ones could be
more conveniently watched ; and the space between the
small towers, by which the sun passed in rising and setting,
was the point of the solstices. The towers in the east corre-
sponded with those of the west, according as it was the
summer or winter solstice.^
To ascertain the time of the solstice, an Ynca was stationed
at a certain point, when the sun rose and set, who watched
whether it threw its shadow between the two small towers,
* Huata, a year. Huatani, I seize,
t The height of a man.
% " The towers served them for taking azimuths, and by measuring
their shadows they ascertained the exact time of the solstices." Prescott,
116.
M
17^ SKCOM) 1JOOK OF TIIK
which wore on the cast and west sides of Cuzco. And in
this way they were apprised of the astronomical time of the
solstices. Pedro de Cieza (chap, xcii) mentions these towers.*
Father Acosta also refers to them in the third chapter of
book vi,f although he does not mention their position. They
marked the solstices so roughly because they knew not how
to fix the days of the month on which they fell, counting
the months by moons, as we shall presently see, and not by
day*. Although they assigned twelve moons to each year,
yet, as the solar exceeds the common lunar year by eleven
days, they knew how to adjust one to the other, by observ-
ing the movement of the sun by the solstices, and not
the moons. Thus they divided one year from another,
regulating their season for sowing by the solar and not by
* "Another division of Cuzco was called Carrnenca, where there were
certain small towers for observing the movements of the sun, which the
people venerated." See my translation of Cieza de Leon, p. 325.
The division of Cuzco now called Carmenca was known in the time of
tin- Yncas as Iluaca-puncu (the holy gate).
t Acosta gives the following account of the solstitial pillars : — "The
Peruvians counted their year, giving it the same number of days as our
own, and they divided it into twelve months or moons, accounting for
the eleven days which are wanting in the lunar year by dividing them
over the several months. In order to make their calculation of the
year certain and complete, they adopted the following method. On the
hills around the city of Cuzco (which was the court of the Kings Yncas,
and likewise the chief place in the kingdom, or, as we may say, another
Rome) twelve pillars were placed in order, at such distances, and in
such positions as that, on each month, each one should shew where the
sun rose and where it set. They called these Succanga, and from them
the festivals were announced, as well as the seasons for sowing and
reaping. Certain sacrifices were offered up to these pillars of the sun."
.p. :;.
The correct word lor the solstitial towers or pillars is Sucanca, but I
am not <|iiite clear as to its derivation. iSucca means saltpetre, and
•iing t<> Tones Kubio and Mossi, is a ridge or furrow. Sucani
\\nuld be the verb (" I make furrows") ; and Sucanca the future passive
that \\hiirli is about to be furrowed"). May not this name
nee to the alternate light and shade caused by the sunlight
between ti, :;iakintr the ground appear in ridges or furrows >.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 179
the lunar year. Although some have asserted that they
adjusted the solar by the lunar year, these authors were in
error; for if they had known how to do this they would
have fixed the solstices on the proper days of the month,
and it would not have been necessary to build towers to
serve as marks (mojoneras} by which to observe the time
with so much care and trouble, watching the rising and
setting of the sun each day by the towers.*
I left these towers standing in the year 1560, and, if they
have not been pulled down since, the place might be verified
by them, whence the Yncas observed the solstices; whether
it was from the temple of the Sun, or from some other place
which I do not here specify, not being quite certain about it.
The Yncas were also acquainted with the equinoxes, and
observed them with great solemnity. During the equinox
of March they reaped the maize crops of Cuzco with much
festivity and rejoicing, especially on the Anden of the
Collcampata,f which was regarded as a garden of the Sun.
In the equinox of September they celebrated one of the
four principal festivals of the Sun, called Situa Raymi (r
soft), which means the " principal feast.":}: It was celebrated
in the way which we shall describe further on. To ascer-
tain the time of the equinox they had a stone column, very
richly carved, erected in the open spaces in front of the
temples of the Sun. When the priests thought that the
equinox was approaching, they carefully watched the shadow
* The Yncas called the period from the end of the lunar year to the
completion of the solar year Puchuc quilla ("finished moon"), and
devoted it to rest. Attiig. Per., p. 127.
t The glorious terrace to the north of Cuzco, just under the fortress
rock, and commanding an unequalled view of the city and distant
mountains. Here stand the ruins of the palace of Manco Ccapac,
within which are these very terraced maize fields. The Collcampata is
the most lovely, but the saddest spot in Peru.
£ Situa Raymi, the month of the autumnal equinox, or September.
Rivero gives Umu-Raymi as the name for September. But there will
be more on this subject further on.
M 2
ISO MXOND HOOK OF THE
thrown hy the pillars every day. The pillar was erected in
the centre of a large circle, occupying the whole width of
the courtyard. Across the circle a line was drawn from
east to west, and long experience had shewn them where
the two points should be placed on the circumference.
They saw, by the shadow thrown by the column in the
direction of the line, that the time of the equinox was
approaching ; and when the shadow was exactly on the line
from sunrise to sunset, and the light of the sun bathed the
whole circumference of the column at noon, without any
shadow being thrown at all, they knew that the equinox had
arrived. Then they adorned the pillar with all the flowers
and sweet herbs that could be gathered, and placed the chair
of the Sun upon it, saying that on that day the Sun with all
its light was seated upon the pillar. Hence they specially
worshipped the Sun on that day with more festivity than on
any other, and offered up great presents of gold, silver,
precious stones, and other valuable things. It is worthy of
note that the Kings Yncas and their Amautas, who were
philosophers, as they extended their conquests, observed
that, the nearer they approached the equinoctial line, the
smaller was the shadow thrown by the columns at noon.
The columns were therefore more and more venerated as
they were erected nearer to the city of Quitu ; and above
all others they venerated those which were set up in that
city itself, and in its vicinity as far as the seacoast, because
the Sun being a plomb (perpendicular) as the bricklayers
say, the pillars then shewed no appearance of a shadow at
all at noon. For this reason they were held in the highest
it ion, for the Indians said that these must be the seats
which were most agreeable to the Sun, seeing that he sat
i-qiiare upon them, while on others he sat sideways. These
people gave a place for such follies in their astronomy,
186 their imaginations did not take them beyond what
thc-y could see with their eyc>. The pillars of Quitu, and
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 181
of all that region, were very properly destroyed by the
Governor Sebastian de Belalcazar, and broken into pieces,
because the Indians worshipped them as idols. All the
others, throughout the empire, were destroyed by the rest
of the Spanish captains, as they were found.
CHAPTER XX11I.
THKY OBSERVFD THE ECLIPSES OF THE SUN, AM) WHAT
THEY DID WHEN THOSE OF THE MOON OCCURRED.
They reckoned the months by the moons, from one new
moon to another, and they therefore called a month Quilla,
as well as the moon. They gave a special name to the
months, reckoning half months by the increasing and waning
of the moon, and the weeks by its quarters, but they did
not have names for the days of the month. They observed
the eclipses of the sun and of the moon, but they did not
understand their cause. Of a solar eclipse they said that
the Sun was enraged at some offence that had been com-
mitted against Him, for that His face was disturbed like
that of an angry man, and they prophesied (like the astro-
logers) that some heavy chastisement was approaching.
When a lunar eclipse took place, seeing the moon become
dark, they thought that she was ill ; but if it disappeared
altogether, they said she was dead, and would fall from the
sky, and kill every one beneath, and that the end of the
world would come. In great terror, when an eclipse of the
moon began, they sounded trumpets, horns, and drums, and
all other instruments they possessed, so as to make a great
noise. They tied up all the dogs, both large and small, and
gave them many blows, to make them call and yell to the
moon; for, according to a certain fable they recount, the
moon was fond of dogs, owing to a service they had done
Is-J SECOND HOOK OK THK
her, and they hoped that, when she heard them cry, she
would be sorry for them, and awake from the sleep which
had been caused by her sickness.*
They told the children to cry aloud, calling upon Mama
Q(ii/l«, which means "Mother Moon," and beseeching her
not to die, and so cause them all to perish. The men and
women did the same. The row and confusion that was
caused by all this was so great that it is impossible to
imagine it.
According to the completeness of the eclipse was supposed
to be the severity of the moon's illness ; and, if it was total,
there was nothing for it but to believe that the moon was
dead, and every moment they expected it to fall and kill
them. Then was the lamentation and grief most sincere,
for they were as people with death and the world's end
before their eyes. When they beheld the moon appearing
again, little by little, they said that she was recovering from
her sickness; because Pachacamac, who was the sustainer of
the universe, had restored her to health, and commanded
that she should not die, in order that the world might not
perish. Finally, when the light of the moon was quite
restored, they offered her congratulations, and many thanks
for not having fallen. All this respecting the moon I saw
with my own eyes. They called the day punchau, the
night tuta, and the morning paccari. They also had words
\press the dawn, and other parts of the day and night,
such as noon and midnight.
'1 'hey noticed the lightning, thunder, and thunderbolt,
and all three together were called yllapa. They did not
iiip them as gods, but honoured and revered them as
nts of the Snn.f They believed that these resided in
tin^.
t A i-os that they did worship these phenomena, and that
:hu thirl l>iiiic,i or object of adoration, the first )>ein»- Vfi-tt-
in;r- ainl the :,cci, ml IHMTIJJ the Sun. They
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 183
the air, and not in heaven. In the same way they looked
upon the rainbow as sacred, for the beauty of its colours,
and because they understood that this beauty was derived
from the San ; and the Kings Yncas adopted it for their
arms, and as their device. In the house of the Sun each of
these things was given a place, as we shall relate presently.
In the milky way of astronomers, upon some dark spots
which spread over part of it, they fancied there was the
shape of a sheep with the body complete, and giving suck
to a lamb. They wanted to point this out to me, saying —
" Do you see the head of the sheep ?" "Can't you make out
the lamb's head, sucking?" "See you not the body and legs
of both?" But I could not see anything but the spots, and
this was, doubtless, from a want of imagination.
But they made use of these figures for their astrology,
merely desiring to picture them in their fancies. They did
not make ordinary prognostications from signs in the sun,
moon, or comets ; but only prophecies of very rare import,
such as the death of kings and the fall of empires. Further
on, if we get so far, we shall recount the appearance of some
comets. For ordinary omens they made use of dreams and
the appearance of sacrifices, but not the signs of the stars nor
of the air. It is a fearful thing to hear what they prognos-
ticated from dreams ; but, in order to avoid scandal, I shall
not relate what I could say upon this subject. Touching
the planet Venus, which at one time they beheld setting,
and at another rising, they said that the sun, as lord over all
the stars, ordered that this, which was more beautiful than
the others, should travel near him, sometimes in front, and
at others behind.
calkd the phenomena of thunder by three names — Chuqui-ylla, Catu-
ylla, and Ynti-yllapa. Their belief was that there was a man in the
sky with a sling and a stick, and that in his power were the rain, the
hail, the thunder, and all else that appertains to the regions of the air,
where clouds are formed. Book v, chap. iv.
184 SECOND BOOK OF THE
When the sun set, seeing it sink into the sea (for Peru,
for its entire length, has the ocean to the westward), they
said that on entering, by its fire and heat, it dried up a great
portion of the water of the sea, and, like a swimmer, made a
great dive under the earth, to rise next day in the east, thus
making it to be understood that the earth was above the
water. But they said nothing touching the setting either of
the moon or of the stars. The Yncas had all these follies in
their astronomy, from which it may be judged how slight
was the knowledge they had attained ; and this will suffice
respecting their astronomy. We will now give an account
of the medicines they used to cure their infirmities.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE MEDICINES THEY USED, AND THEIR MANNER OF
EFFECTING CURES.
They had certainly attained to the knowledge that evacua-
tion by bleeding and purging was a beneficial thing ; and they
bled from the arms and legs, but without understanding the
use of leeches nor the position of veins for each disease.
They opened the vein which was nearest to the position of
the pain. When they felt a bad pain in the head, they bled
between the eye-brows, just above the nose. The lancet was
a pointed stone fixed into a cleft stick, to which it was
'•<!, so that it might not fall. They placed the point
over a vein, and gave the end of the handle a fillip, and in
this way they opened the vein with less pain than by the use
of a common lancet. In the application of purgatives they
kni-w nothing of the mode of examining the humours by the
urine, nor did they look at it, nor did they know anything of
lirat, phlegm, or melancholy.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 185
They usually purged when they felt overloaded and were
in good health, but not when they were ill. They used (be-
sides other roots which act as purgatives) certain white roots.
They are like small rape seeds. They say that of these roots
there are male and female, and they take as much of one as of
the other, about two ounces of each, pounded. The powder
is put in water, or in their drink, and taken, after which they
sit in the sun, that its warmth may assist the medicine to ope-
rate. After about an hour they feel so giddy that they cannot
stand. Their feelings are like those of sea sickness with persons
who first go to sea. The head is attacked with giddiness, and
there is a feeling, as if ants were crawling up the ajrms and
legs, in the veins and arteries, and all over the body ; and
the evacuations are almost always by both ways. While this
goes on the patient is quite faint and giddy, so that he who
has not had experience of the effects of this root would think
he was going to die. There is no desire to eat or drink, and
the patient disgorges all the worms in his body. But when
the medicine has finished working, the patient is left in such
health, and with such an appetite, that he will eat anything
that is given to him. They treated me with this medicine
on two occasions, for pain in the stomach, and each time I
experienced all that has been described above.*
* This root, according to Rivero, is called in Quichua huackancana,
and belongs to a Euphorbiaceous plant. He says that when the Indians
had a white tongue, they at once supposed that they had some bowel
complaint, and recurred to this root, which is one of their universal
remedies. Its drastic and emetic effects are very similar to that of
tartar emetic. Antig. Per., p. 122.
Mr. Bollaert purchased the wallet of a Chirihuano or itinerant
native doctor in Southern Peru, and, amongst other drugs, of which he
made a list, was a root called huackanca, said by him to be a convolvulus,
used as a purgative. (Paper read at the Medico-Botanical Society of
London, 1831.)
As in the time of the Yncas, so at the present day, the wallet of an
itinerant Peruvian doctor (Chirihuano) contained the following drugs,
in addition to the huachancana root : —
1. Chacasoconche bark.
9BOOND HOOK OF TH K
These purges and bleedings were prescribed by those
most experienced, who were generally old women (as mid-
wivrs are here), and great herbalists. The herbalists were
very famous in the time of the Yncas. They knew the uses
of many herbs, and taught their knowledge to their children.
These physicians were not employed to cure any one, but
only the king, the royal family, the Curacas, and their rela-
tions. The common people had to cure each other from
what they had heard concerning the remedies. When suck-
ing infants were taken ill, especially if their ailment was of
a feverish nature, they washed them in urine in the mornings,
and, whgn they could get some of the urine of the child, they
gave it a drink. When they cut the navel string, at the birth
of the child, they left the cord as long as a finger, and when
it fell off they preserved it with the greatest care, and gave
it to the child to suck whenever it felt ill. To judge of an
illness they looked at the tongue, and if it was white they
said that the patient was ill. Then they gave him the um-
bilical cord to chew, and it must be his own, for that of
another person was not considered efficacious.
2. Chenckdcoma (Sal via oppositiflova, R. P.)
3. Chilca (Baccharis scandens). For rheumatism.
4. Chinapaya.
ncumpa (Justitia sericea, R. P.)
<;. Iluacni-huacra (a horn ?)
7 //narituru (Valeriaua coarctata). For broken bones.
ft (Negretia inflexa).
!». Unbuilt (Kramcria triandria). An astringent.
I". MIIMI.
\ 1 . JfatecUu, a water plant. Leaves used for sore eyes.
I -'. MoLo-moho (seed \ of some plant).
13. .I////// (Schiuus Molle). For wounds.
I 1. r,irl»itn>iiii,i (Molina prostrata).
\:>. Panqui ((Jum.rra scabra, R. P.)
'''• 7 " patens, R. P.). The buds are used for wounds.
tliu whole of (how are perfectly harmless. For an account of
the i rim-rant Indian doctors of Pern, called Chinhwino* and Colin-
'-v«irk 7V<//v/,- in /»,.,-„ and I,«i;</, p. -2\~.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 187
The natural secrets of these things were not told me, nor
did I make any inquiries, but I saw these practices in opera-
tion. They knew nothing of feeling the pulse, and less about
looking at the urine. They recognised a fever by the
heightened colour of the body ; and their purges and bleed-
ings were more as preventives than as helps to recovery.
When they had recognised that the disease was actually in
full force, they gave no medicine whatever, they left nature
to work its own cure, and merely regulated the diet. They
did not understand the use of clysters, nor the application of
plasters, nor ointments, except very few, and composed of
very common things. The poor people treated diseases in a
way differing little from the conduct of beasts. The shiver-
ings of a fever and ague they called Chucchu, which means
" to shake," and a remittent fever was Russa (r soft) which
signifies "to burn." They feared these infirmities very much,
because of the extremes of heat and cold.
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE MEDICINAL HERBS THEY USED.
They understood the healing qualities of the juice and
resin of a tree called Mulli, and by the Spaniards Molle. It
is a thing worthy of attention that this extract has so won-
derful an effect on fresh wounds, that it seems to be almost
supernatural.* The herb or bush called Chillca,-\ heated in
a clay vessel, has a marvellously healing effect on the joints,
when the cold has got into them, and on horses with sprained
legs. A root, like the root of a brake fern, only much thicker
* Schinus molle, Lin., the commonest tree in some parts of the Andes,
especially round Cuzco and Guarnanga. Acosta says that this tree
possesses rare virtues (lib. iv, cap. 30). The Ynca gives a fuller account
of it further on, in book viii.
t Bacc/inris scandens, common in the loftier valleys of the Andes.
SKrOND BOOK OF TI1K
ami with smaller knots, the name of which I cannot recollect,
served to strengthen and clean the teeth.* They roasted it
to a cinder, and when it was very hot they pressed it on the
teeth, putting one part on one side of the gums, and the other
on the other, and left it there until it was cool. And so the
patient went with his gums covered, and in great pain, for it
burnt his mouth. The patient himself prepared and applied
the remedy. They put it on at night, and in the morning
they got up with the gums white like burnt meat. For
three or four days afterwards the patient cannot eat any-
thing that requires chewing, but is confined to feeding
on slops with a spoon. At the end of that time the burnt
flesh falls off from the gums, and underneath the new flesh
appears very red and healthy. I have very often seen the
gums renewed in this manner. I once tried it myself, with-
out necessity, but dropped it because I could not endure the
burning heat of the roots.
The Indians made great use of the herb of plants which
they call Sayri, and the Spaniards tobacco. They applied
the powder to their noses to clear the head. There has been
much experience of the virtues of this plant in Spain, and it
has been called the sacred herb. They knew of another plant
which was most valuable for the eyes. It was called
Matecllu, and was found in small streams. It is a foot long,
and there is one round leaf at the end, like the plant called
in Spain Abbot's car,^ which grows on roofs in the winter.
The Indians rat it raw, and it has a pleasant taste. When
it is mashed, and the juice placed on weak eyes in the night,
;md the same plant mashed and put as a poultice on the eye-
lids with a bjindago on the top to prevent it from falling off,
thr effect of removing dimness, and easing any pain
that may be felt.
in Ouiehiiii. The plant is a geranium, growing on the
lofty j.lsiins of the Collas. I found it near Lam pa.
t Penny i\ort ' A ffi/<lmrnt >tl<>.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 189
I once applied it to a boy, whose eye was so bloodshot and
inflamed that the white could not be distinguished from the
pupil, and the whole was starting out. On the first night of
the application the eye was restored to its proper place, and
on the second it was quite cured. Afterwards I saw the
hid in Spain, and he told me he could see better out of that
eye than out of the other. A Spaniard told me that he was
quite blind from cataracts, and that in two nights he re-
covered his sight by using this herb. Hence, when he saw
the herb, he desired to embrace and kiss it, and to place it
over his eyes and on his head with signs of affection, for the
blessing he had received through it in recovering his sight.
My relations used many other herbs which I cannot now
remember.
This was the medicinal treatment usually practised by the
Indians-Yncas of Peru, using simple herbs, and not com-
pound medicines. Thus in so important a subject as health
they understood very little ; and in matters which concerned
them less, such as natural philosophy and astronomy, they
knew less, and in theology still less. For they knew not
how to raise their minds to invisible things. All the theology
of the Yncas was included in the word Pachacamac. Since
the arrival of the Spaniards, they have tried many experi-
ments in medicinal products, especially with maize, called
by the Indians Sara. These experiments arose partly from
information given by the Indians, and partly from the philo-
sophical researches of the Spaniards themselves. They have
thus ascertained that this corn, besides being a substantial
source of food, is very useful in diseases of the kidneys and
liver, in stone and stoppage of the bladder. Few of the
Indians ever suffer from these diseases, and their exemption
is attributed to the use of the liquor made from maize, so the
Spaniards, who suffer from these infirmities, drink it also.
The Indians likewise apply it as a plaster for many other
diseases.
!!)() SKCOND BOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XXVI.
OF THEIR KNOWLEDGE TOUCHING GEOMETRY, ARITHMETIC,
AND MUSIC.
They had a good deal of knowledge of geometry, because
it was necessary for them in measuring their lands, and for
adjusting and settling the boundaries. But this was not
done by measuring arcs in degrees, nor by any speculative
method, but by their cords and small stones, with which they
marked boundaries. 1 will not relate what I knew con-
cerning them, because I did not fully understand their prac-
tices. With respect to geography, they understood very well
how to paint and make models of each kingdom, and 1 have
seen these model?, with the towns and provinces depicted on
them. I saw a model of Cuzco, with part of its province,
and the four principal roads, made of clay and small stones
and sticks. The model was according to scale, and showed
the. large and small squares, the streets, whether broad or
narrow, the wards down to the most obscure houses, and the
streams which flow through the city. It was, indeed,
a piece of work well worthy of admiration ; as well as the
model of the surrounding country, with its hills and valleys,
ravines, and plateaux, rivers and streams with their windings,
M> well delineated that the best cosmographcr in the world
could not have done it better. They made this model that it
iniurht be seen by a person named Damian de la Bandeni,
who had a commission from the Royal Chancellery, to ascer-
tain how many towns and Indians there were in the district
of Cii/f,). Other inspectors were sent to the other parts of
the kingdom for the same purpose. The model which 1 saw
Lade -it Miiyna. a village called Molina by the Spaniards,
. 110YAL COMMENTARIES. 191
five leagues south of the city of Cuzco. I was there because,
in that inspection, they visited a portion of the villages and
Indians in the repartimiento of my lord Garcilasso de la
Vega.
They knew a great deal of arithmetic, and had an ad-
mirable method by knots made on strings of different colours,
of keeping an account of all the tributes in the kingdom of
the Yncasj both paid and still due. They added up, and
multiplied by these knots, and to know what portions re-
ferred to each village, they divided the strings by grains of
maize or small stones, so that their calculation might be with-
out confusion. As every subject, whether relating to peace
or war, to vassals, tributes, flocks, laws, ceremonies, or any
other department, had special accountants who studied their
special branch of administration, the counting was performed
with facility. For each item of an account was represented
by knots or hanks, like loose leaves of a book ; and, although
an Indian (as chief accountant) may have had charge over
two or three or more branches, the counting of each one was
a department by itself. Further on we shall give a more
detailed account of the manner of counting, and how they
kept records by these strings and knots.*
In music they had acquired a knowledge of some tunes,
which the Indians of the Collas district played on instru-
ments made of hollow reeds, four or five being tied in a
row, each one having the point higher than its neighbour,
like an organ. f These canes were fastened in fours, differ-
ent one from another. One of them ran in high notes, and
the others each higher in the scale ; so that the four natural
voices, treble, tenor, contralto, and counter-bass were re-
* The Ynca enters more fully on the subject of the quipus in book vi.
t Called in their language Huayra-puhura. It was generally made
of reeds, but sometimes of stone. The holes were cylindrical, regularly
bored, and three-tenths of an inch in diameter to the bottom of the
bore, fiivero.
I!).' SKCOND BOOK OF THK
presented by the lour sets of reeds.* When an Indian
played on one of these pipes, another answered on a fifth or
any other note; then another played on another note, some-
times rising to the high notes, and at others going down,
but always in tune. They did not understand accompani-
ments on different keys, but always played in one compass.
The players were Indians instructed for the amusement of
the king, and for the lords his vassals, and although their
music was so simple, it was not generally practised, but was
learnt and attained to by study. They had la flutes with
four or five notes, like those of shepherds ; but they were
not made on a scale, each one being of only one note.f
Their songs were composed in measured verses, and were
for the most part written to celebrate amorous passions
expressive now of joy now of sorrow, now of the kindness
now of the cruelty of the fair.
Each song had its appropriate tune, and they could not
put two different songs to the same tune. Thus the en-
amoured swain, playing his flute at night, with the tune
that belonged to it, apprised the lady and the whole world
* The lengths of the eight canes were —
No. 1 . . 4-90 inches.
,,2 . 4-50 „
» 3 . . 4-12 „
,,4 . 3-50 „
„ 5 . . 2-45 „
,,6 . 2-25 „
,,7 . .2-
,,8 . 1-58 „
The canes Nos. 2, 4, 6, and 7 contained small lateral holes, forming a
n <li\i<li-d into distinct tetrachords, and producing a melodious
sound.
,lled in Quichua pincullu. They also had chhilchiles and chanares
(timhrcK ami hells), huancar (a drum), tinya (a guitar of five or six
ebordi • trumpet), ccuyvi (a whistle), hnayllaca (a flageolet),
au<l cl,,iii,,<i (Another kind of course flute). The chayna emitted very
is, filling the heart with indescribable sadness, and
brinv;injr inv<.hmt;u v tens into tin.- eves. Jtivcro.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 193
of the state of his feelings, arising from the smiles or frowns
of the object of his love. But if two tunes were used for
the same song, it could not be known what sentiment the
lover wished to express ; for it may be said that he talked
with his flute. One night a Spaniard met an Indian girl of
his acquaintance, and asked her to go with him to his
lodging. The girl said — " Sir! let me go whither I desire;
for know you not that that flute is calling me with much
love and tenderness, so that it obliges me to go towards it.
Leave me, then. I cannot help going, for love drags me to
where the flute-player will be my husband, and I his wife."
They did not play the songs composed to celebrate their
warlike deeds, because they were not fit to play before
ladies, nor to express on their flutes. But they were sung
at the principal festivals, in memory of their victories.
When I departed from Peru in the year 1560, I left five
Indians in Cuzco who played the flute very well, from any
music book for the organ that was placed before them.
They belonged to Juan Rodriguez de Villalobos, formerly a
citizen of that town.* At present, being the year 1602, they
tell me that there are so many Indians expert in playing on
instruments, that they may be met with in all directions. In
my time the Indians did not use their voices, because, no
doubt, they were not sufficiently good, and because they
did not understand singing ; but, on the other hand, many
mestizos had very good voices.
* Villalobos was a rich citizen of Cuzco who owned the site of the
present monastery of San Francisco, which he handed over to the monks
of that order. He married a sister of the wife of that famous rebel
Giron.
Here there is an example of the ridiculous blunders made by old
Rycaut, in attempting a translation of Garcilasso. He translates "Eran
de Juan Rodriguez de Villalobos^ vicino que fue de aquella ciudad" into
"They belonged to one Juan Rodriguez, who lived at a village called
Labos, not far from the city" !!!
si-:r<)M) HOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE POETRY OF THE YNCAS AMAUTAS, WHO ARE
PHILOSOPHERS, AND HARAVICUS OR POETS.
The Amautas, who were philosophers, were not wanting
in ability to compose comedies and tragedies, which were
represented before their kings on solemn festivals, and
before the lords of their court. The actors were not common
people, but Yncas and noblemen, sons of Curacas, or the
Curacas themselves, down to masters of the camp. For the
subject matter of the tragedy should, it was considered,
be properly represented, as it always related to military
deeds, triumphs, and victories, or to the grandeur of former
kings and of other heroic men. The arguments of the
comedies were on agriculture and familiar household sub-
jects. As soon as the play was over, the actors seated them-
selves in their places according to their rank. They did not
allow improper or vile farces ; but all the plays were on
decorous and important subjects, the sentences being such
as befitted the occasion. Valuable presents were given to
those persons who were deemed worthy of taking parts.
They had made some further advance in poetry, for they
understood the composition of long and short verses, with
the right number of syllables in each. Their love songs
were composed in this way, with different tunes. They
also recorded the deeds of their kings in verse, and those of
other famous Yncas and Curacas, which they taught to their
children, and they were thus handed down by tradition,
that the good deeds of their ancestors might be had in
memory and imitated. The verses were few, that they
miijht the more easily be committed to memory; but, when
i in cipher, they were compendious. They did not
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 195
use rhymes in the verses, but all were blank. Most of them
resembled the Spanish compositions called redondillas. I have
preserved in my memory a love song in four lines, by which
the mode of composition may be seen, as well as the con-
cise yet full meaning of what, in their simplicity, they
desired to say. The love verses were short, that the tunes
might easily be played on the flute. I might also have
given the tune, in notes set to organ music, that both might
be seen, but the folly of it will excuse me from taking the
trouble.
The song is as follows, with the translation : —
Caylla lapi ~] f To this my song
Pununoui. \ You will sleep.
>• which means {
tuta I I In dead of night
Hamusac. j [ I will come.*
Or more properly without the pronoun /, for the Indians do
not name the pronoun, but include it in the verb, The
Ynca poets had many other metres for the verses, especially
the Harauecs, the proper meaning of whose name is "an
inventor. "f In the papers of Bias Valera I found other
verses, which he calls spondaics, all of which are in four
syllables, and differing in this respect from the above, which
is in four and three. He wrote them in Indian and Latin.
They are on the subject of astrology, and the Ynca poets
treated of the secondary causes with which God acts in the
region of the air, to cause lightning and thunder, hail, snow,
and rain, all of which are referred to in the verses. They
* Cay (this), llapi (a song). Fununqui (second person singular,
future indicative of Pununi, "I sleep"). Chanpi (middle), tuta (night).
Hamusac (first person future indicative of Hamuni, " I come").
t This meaning is now lost, flarahuini is simply "I sing;" Harahuec,
a singer or poet; and harahui or Yaravy, a song or elegy.
Mr. Prescott, with reference to the Yuca's statement that Harahuec
signified an inventor, observes : — " In his title, as well as in his functions,
the Peruvian minstrel poet may remind us of the Norman trouvere."
i, p. 114 (note).
N 2
li)() SECOND BOOK OF THE
wrote them in accordance with a fable, which was as follows:
They say that the Creator placed a maiden, the daughter of
a king, in the sky, who holds a vase full of water, to pour
out when the earth requires it. Occasionally her brother is
supposed to break it, and the blow causes thunder, lightning,
and thunderbolts. They say that these are caused by a man,
because they are the deeds of a ferocious man, and not of a
tender woman. But the maiden causes the snow, hail and
rain to fall, because they are more kind and gentle acts, and
produce great benefits. It was said that an Ynca poet and
astrologer composed and recited the verses, praising the
virtue and excellence of the lady, and shewing how God
had given her these qualities, that she might do good to the
creatures of this earth. Father Bias Valera says that the
fable and verses were found by him in knots recording
certain ancient annals, and that they were of different
colours. He received the meaning from the Indian account-
ants who had charge of the historical records in knots ; and,
being astonished that the Amautas should have attained to
such proficiency in their records, he wrote down the verses,
and also committed them to memory. I remember having
heard this fable in my childhood, with many others that
were recounted by my relations, but, being then a boy, I
did not seek for an explanation of them, nor did they give
me one. For the use of those who understand neither the
Indian language nor Latin, I have ventured to translate
them into Spanish. I have made the translation from the
language I sucked in with my mother's milk, and not from the
Latin; because the little I know of that language was learnt
amidst the fires of my country's wars, amongst arms and horses,
powder and guns, of which I knew more than of letters.
The Father Pi las Valera, in his Latin, has imitated the four
syllables of the Indian language in each verso, and he has
done it very well. I have not done so, because this rule
cannot bo pn .served in Spanish. As it is nocossary to give
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
197
the complete meaning of the Indian words in Spanish, some
necessarily have more syllables, and some less. Nusta
means a maiden of the blood royal, and no baser signification
can be given to the word, for an ordinary maiden is Tazqui.
A servant girl is called China.* Yllapantac is a verb com-
prehending in its meaning the three verbs "to thunder," "to
lighten," " to cause bolts to fall." And so it has been
expressed by the Father Bias Valera in two verses. The
preceding verse is Cunununun, which means " to make a
noise," and this was not used by the author to express the
three meanings of the verb Yllapantac. Unu is " water,"
para is " to rain," chichi " to hail," riti " to snow." Pacha
Camac means " He who does with the universe what the
body does with the soul." Viracocha is the name of a modern
god they worshipped, whose history will be given further
on. Chura is " to put," camci " to give a soul life, being,
sustenance." The verses are as follows, in the three lan-
guages : —
Sumacf fiusta Pulchranympha
TurallayquiJ Frater tuus
Puyiiuyquita§ Urnam tuam
Paquin cayan|| Nunc infingit
Hinamantara^[ Cujus ictus
Cunuiiunan** Tonat fulget
Yllapantacff Fulminatque
Camri nustaJJ Sed tu nympha
Beautiful maiden
Thy brother
Thine urn
Is now breaking.
And for this cause
It thunders and lightens
Thunderbolts also fall.
But thou, royal maiden
* China is the female, and Urco the male, for quadrupeds.
t Sumac, an adjective, beautiful.
£ Tura is the brother of a sister ; lla, a term of affection ; yqui, a
final possessive pronoun — " thy."
§ Puynu, a small cup ; yquita, accusative of the final possessive pro-
noun.
|| Paquin, third person singular present indicative of Paquini (I
break). Cayan, probably a misprint for Cunan (now).
IT flina, so ; mantara, for this.
** Ounununan, defective verb, " it thunders."
ft Yllapantac, defective verb, " it thunders and lightens."
+ + Cam, you; ri, but.
198 SECOND BOOK OF THK
Unuyquita* Tuam limpham With thy clear waters
Paramunquicf Fundens pluis Dropping rain
May nimpirij Interdumque And sometimes also
Chichi tnunquic§ Grandinera,seu Will give us hail
Ritimunquicll Nivem mittis Will give us snow-
Pacha rurac^l" Mundi factor The creator of the world
Pacha camac Pachacamac Pachacamac
Viracocha Viracocha Viracocha
Cay hinapac** Ad hoc munus For this duty
Churasunquift Te sufficit Has appointed you
Camasunqui Ac prsefecit Has created you.
I have inserted these verses to enrich my poor history,
for, without flattery, it may truly be said that all that Father
Bias Valera has written consists of pearls and precious
stones, such as my country has not deserved to be adorned
They tell me that in these days the Mestizos are very
fond of composing songs in the Indian language, as well
sacred as profane. May God give them grace, that he may
be served in all that is done.
Such was the knowledge that the Yncas of Peru had
acquired in the above sciences; and slight and superficial as
it is, they would, if they had had letters, have gone on add-
ing to it little by little, as did the ancient philosophers. But
in moral philosophy they had attained to a high standard, as
well in their laws and customs touching the dealings of
their vassals between man and man in conformity with
; /"jiiita, see note §.
t I'ttra, rain ; munquic, present participle of Munquini (I drop).
ninifiirij sometimes.
•1 || see note £.
^ R"' ; participle of llnrani (I make) ; Pacha, earth.
•liis; l.ni'i/Kir, to ilnty, a dative case.
tt f e second transition of Clntmni (I put). It is the
third person to the second (wnqvi). X<i.n.t/n.i is the
iiclc. Sec my Qnickua G'rtnMnur, p.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 199
natural law, as in the duties of obedience and service to the
king, and in those of the king to do good to the vassals and
others his inferiors. In their practice of this science they
made such progress that scarcely any improvement could be
suggested in it. Their experience in administration was
handed down to their descendants, and was thus pro-
gressively increased ; but in the other sciences they were
without this experience. For they could not treat them so
practically as the moral sciences, nor could they devote so
much speculation to their study as was necessary. They
were contented with the natural life and law, being a
people more inclined to do no ill, than to learn what is right.
Pedro cle Cieza de Leon treats of this subject in his thirty-
eighth chapter. Speaking of the government of the Yncas
he says : — " They performed such great deeds, and ruled
with such wisdom, that few in the world ever excelled
them."* And the Father Acosta (book vi, cap. 1) says
what follows in praise of the Yncas and of the Mexicans.
" Having treated of the religion of the Indians, I propose
in this book to write an account of their customs, policy, and
government, for two reasons. One is to refute the false
opinion usually entertained of them, that they were those of
a savage and brutish people without understanding, and
scarcely worthy of the name of policy and government. This
error has led to the Indians being treated with great and
notable oppression, as if they were little better than animals,
and to their being deprived of all respect and consideration.
It is a vulgar and pernicious error, as is known to those who
have inquired into the condition of the Indians with some
care and attention, and, by associating with them, have seen
and become acquainted with their secrets and their know-
ledge ; and who have also seen the small account which
those who think they know much about them (such men
* See my translation of Cieza de Leon, p. 136.
SECOND BOOK OF THK
bring usually those who know least) make of the Indians. I
see no better way of dispelling this most pernicious opinion
than by giving an account of the order and government of
the Indians when they lived under their own laws. Although
they practised many barbarous and absurd things, they also
had other customs which are worthy of admiration, and
which show that they had a natural capacity for instruction.
Indeed, many of their customs have the advantage of those
of the nations of the old world. Nor is it wonderful that
they should have mingled grave errors with those good cus-
toms, for such are found in the works of the greatest philo-
sophers and legislators, even including those of Lycurgus
and Plato. In the wisest republics, such as those of Rome
and Athens, we find instances of ignorance which are worthy
of laughter, and assuredly if the governments of the Mexicans
and of the Yncas are compared with those of the Romans
and Grecians, they would still be admired. But, without
knowing anything of this, we enter with the sword, and
neither listen to nor understand the condition of the people.
The affairs of the Indians do not appear to us to merit at-
tention, but we rather treat them like wild beasts of the
chase, to be caught for our use and service. Those curious
and learned men who have investigated the secrets of the
Indians, and their ancient mode of government, judge of
them in a very different way, and are astonished at the ad-
vances they had made in civilisation." So far is from Father
Jose de Acosta, whose authority stands so high that it will
to confirm all that we have said and shall hereafter say
of the laws, government, and understanding of the Yncas ;
and that one of their practices was to compose brief fables,
11 in prose as in verse, conveying moral doctrines, or
i ving some tradition of their idolatry or of the famous
of their kin-s and of other great men. Many of the
Spaniards contend that these arc not fables but true histories,
because they have some resemblance to the truth. Others
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
declare them to be badly conceived falsehoods, because they
cannot understand the allegories conveyed in them ; although
it is true that many were most absurd. In the course of the
history we shall insert some of the best of these traditions.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
OF THE FEW INSTRUMENTS WHICH THE INDIANS USED FOR
VARIOUS PURPOSES.
Now that we have given an account of the advances that
the philosophers and poets of that heathen time had made
in the sciences, it will be well to show how unskilful their
mechanics were in their crafts, that it may be seen how much
inconvenience and misery these people had to endure. To
begin with the workers in metals : although they were so
numerous, and so constantly exercising their calling, they
knew not how to make an anvil, either of iron or of anything
else, and they could not extract iron, though there were
mines of that metal in their land. In their language they
call iron quillay. They used certain very hard stones, of a
colour between green and yellow, instead of anvils. They
flattened and smoothed one against the other, and held them
in great estimation because they were very rare. Nor could
they make hammers with wooden handles. But they worked
with certain instruments made of copper and brass mixed
together. These tools were of the shape of dice with the
corners rounded off. Some are large, so that the hand can
just clasp them, others middling sized, others small, and
others lengthened out to hammer on a concave. They hold
these hammers in their hands to strike with, as if they were
pebbles.* They had no files nor graving tools, nor had they
invented the art of making bellows for blast furnaces. They
* The Quichua for a hammer is tacana.
SECOND BOOK OF THE
blasted by means of tubes of copper, the length of half-a-
cubit, more or less, according as the furnace was large or
small. The tubes were closed at one end, leaving one small
hole through which the air could rush with more force. As
many as eight, ten, or twelve of these were put together, ac-
cording to the requirements of the furnace ; and they went
round the fire blowing with the tubes. They still use the
same method, not being willing to change their customs.
They had no tongs for drawing the metal out of the fire, but
did this with poles of wood or copper, and threw the heated
metal on small heaps of damp earth which they had ready,
to cool it. They drew it from one heap to another, until it
was cool enough to hold in their hands. Notwithstanding
these inconvenient contrivances, they executed marvellous
works, chiefly in hollowing things out, and doing other ad-
mirable things, as we shall see presently.* They also found
out, in spite of their simplicity, that the smoke of certain
metals was injurious to the health, and they consequently
made their foundries in the open air, in their yards and
courts, and never under a roof. Their carpenters had no
more ingenuity than their smiths, for of all the tools used by
our artificers they had only invented the axe and the adze,
and even these were of copper. They knew not how to
make a saw, a gimlet,*f* nor a plane, nor, indeed, any other
carpenter's tools ; and they could not make arches, nor cut
and plane wood for buildings. The axes, adzes, and a few
bill-hooks served them in place of all other tools, and these
were made of copper and bronze. They had no nails, and
all the wood they used in their houses was fastened with
thongs of reed, and not nailed together. Their quarrymen
used black pebbles, called hihuanas£ for working the stones,
* They could melt metals, cast them in moulds, inlay them, solder
them, and hammer.
t They had gimlets and chisels of bronze. Their word for a gimlet
was lintrcti. Mossi, No. 133.
+ 0)- : probably a misprint.
//''/'""
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 203
rubbing instead of cutting them. They had no machinery
for raising and lowering blocks of stone, but all was done by
main force. Nevertheless, they completed works of such
ingenuity and grandeur as to be almost incredible, as the
Spanish historians declare at large, and as may be seen by
the numerous ruins that still remain. They had not invented
scissors nor metal needles, but used long thorns, and conse-
quently they did not sew much. Their needle-work was
rather patching than sewing, as we shall relate further on.
They made combs of the same thorns, fastening them into
two reeds, which formed the back of the comb. The mirrors
in which the ladies of the blood royal looked at themselves
were of polished silver, and the more common ones of bronze,
for ordinary women were not allowed to use silver, as will
be seen presently. Men never looked into a mirror, as it
was considered a shameful and effeminate proceeding. They
also wanted many other things necessary for civilised life,
for they were not at all inventive, although they were apt at
imitation, as has been seen in the way they have learnt, and
taken advantage of many things taught them by the
Spaniards. They show the same readiness in learning the
sciences if they are instructed, as has been seen in the
comedies which have been acted in various parts. Certain
ingenious monks of different habits, principally of the com-
pany of Jesus, to make the Indians familiar with the mysteries
of our religion, have composed comedies for the Indians to
act, because they knew that this was the custom in the time
of the Yncas, and because they saw that the Indians were so
ready to receive instruction. Thus a father of the company
of Jesus composed a play in honour of our lady the Virgin
Mary. It was written in the Aymara language, which is
The blocks of stone, after having been shaped by the hihuaya, re-
ceived a last polish with herbs which contain flint, Hippuris kyemaJis.
The native names for the plants used by the quarry men, in putting a
final polish on the stones, were Aracchama and Tnca-cuca.
SECOND BOOK OF THE
different from the general language of Peru. The subject
had reference to these words in the third chapter of Genesis
— "I will place enmity between thee and the woman, etc.,
and she shall break thy head." The actors were Indian lads,
and the ceremony took place in a village called Sulli. At
Potosi a dialogue of the faith was enacted, at which more
than twelve thousand Indians were present. In Cuzco
another play was acted touching the infancy of Jesus, which
was witnessed by all the nobility of the city. Another was
acted in the City of the Kings, before the Chancellery, the
nobility, and a vast crowd of Indians. The subject was the
most holy sacrament, composed in pieces, in two languages
— Spanish and the general language of Peru. The Indian
lads repeated the dialogues with so much grace, feeling, and
correct action that they gave universal satisfaction and
pleasure ; and with so much plaintive softness in the songs,
that many Spaniards shed tears of joy at seeing the ability
and skill of the little Indians. From that time the Spaniards
disabused themselves of the opinion which they had held
until then, that the Indians were dull, barbarous, and
stupid.
The Indian boys, to commit their parts to memory, which
are written down, go to the Spaniards, either laymen or
priests, and beg them to read the first line to them four or
five times over, until they remember it; and that they may
not forget it, although their memories are tenacious, they
repeat each word many times, marking it with a sign, for
which purpose they use little pebbles, or a grain of the seeds
of different colours, the size of beans, called chuy. By means
ol these signs they remember the words, and in this way they
t a-ily Irani what they have to say by heart, through the great
ncc and care they devote to the task. The Spaniards
whom the little Indians ask to read to them do not disdain
the work, but rather take a pleasure in it, how great so ever
they may be, knowing for what purpose it is. Thus the
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 205
Indians of Peru, though not apt at inventing, are very quick
in imitating, and learning what they are taught. The
Licentiate Juan de Cuellar, a native of Medina del Campo,
who was Canon of the holy church of Cuzco, experienced this
fully. He read grammar with the mestizos, sons of wealthy
and noble citizens of that town. He undertook this work
out of charity, and, at the request of the students themselves,
because five preceptors, whom they had learnt from before,
had forsaken them after a few months of study, thinking to
make more money in other ways ; although it is true that
each student paid them ten dollars a month, equal to twelve
ducats. But there were few students, not more than eighteen
at the most. Among these I knew an Indian Ynca, named
Felipe Ynca. He was taught by a rich and worthy priest,
named Pedro Sanchez, who, seeing the quickness of the
Indian in learning to read and write, gave him instruction ;
and he acquired as good a knowledge of grammar as the best
student amongst the mestizos. When the preceptor forsook
them, they continued to go to school until another came who
taught them on a different principle, and if they retained
anything of what they had learnt before, he told them to
forget it, as it was worth nothing. Thus were the students
passed from one teacher to another, in my time, without re-
ceiving any benefit, until the good Canon took them under
his cloak, and read Latin with them for nearly two years,
amidst arms and horses, blood and the flames of a war which
then raged against the insurgents Don Sebastian de Cas-
tilla and Francisco Hernandez Giron. One of these fires
was scarcely put out, before the second burnt up, which was
worse, and took longer to extinguish. During that time the
Canon Cuellar saw how much aptitude his scholars displayed
in learning grammar and the sciences. Lamenting that he
should lose such good disciples, he often said, — <{ O Sons !
what a pity it is that a dozen of you should not be in the
university of Salamanca." I have related all this to show the
SKOONI) BOOK OF THK
ability of the Indians in acquiring learning, in which the
mestizos, as their relations, participated. The Canon Juan
de Cuellar did not leave his scholars perfect in Latin, for he
could not go through the labour of reading four lessons every
day, besides assisting at the services of the choir, and thus
they remained imperfectly instructed in the Latin language.
Those who are now living ought to give thanks to God for
having sent the company of Jesus, among whom there is such
an abundant knowledge of the sciences, and of the teaching
of them, which the Indians now possess and enjoy.
With this it will be well that we should
return to the narrative of the
succession of the king's
Yncas and of their
conquests.
END OF THE SKCOND BOOK.
THIRD BOOK
EOYAL COMMENTARIES OF THE YNCAS.
IT CONTAINS THE LIFE AND ACTS OF MAYTA CCAPAC, FOURTH KING;
THE FIRST OSIER BRIDGE THAT WAS MADE IN PERU; AND THE
ADMIRATION IT CAUSED; THE LIFE AND CONQUESTS OF THE
FIFTH KING, CALLED CCAPAC YUPANQUI; THE FAMOUS BRIDGE
OF RUSHES AND STRAW THAT HE ORDERED TO BE PLACED
OVER THE DESAGUADERO; A DESCRIPTION OF THE
HOUSE AND TEMPLE OF THE SUN, AND OF ITS
GREAT RICHES.
THE BOOK CONTAINS TWENTY-FIVE CHAPTERS.
THE THIRD BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
MAYTA CCAPAC, THE FOURTH YNCA, ANNEXES TIAHUANACU.
OF THE EDIFICES THAT WERE FOUND THERE.
THE Ynca Mayta Ccapac (whose name cannot be inter-
preted, for the word Mayta is a proper name, and has no
meaning whatever in the general language, and the signifi-
cation of Ccapac has already been explained) having com-
pleted the obsequies of his father, and solemnly taken pos-
session of the kingdom, commenced a journey through it as
its absolute king. For, although he had visited its provinces
on two occasions during the lifetime of his father, yet he had
then been under pupilage, and was unable to hear complaints
or decide upon them, nor to grant favours without the pre-
sence and consent of those of his Council, who prompted the
replies to petitions, and the sentences and judgments that the
prince had to pronounce, although he was the heir ; for this
was the law of the kingdom. But when he found himself
free of masters and tutors, he desired to visit his vassals in
the provinces again. For, as has been already mentioned,
this was one of the things which were done by these princes,
as most pleasing to their subjects. In order to display the
liberality, magnanimity, gentleness, and love which animated
his mind, he made this journey, and granted very great
favours, as well to the Curacas as to the common people.
Having completed his inspection, he turned his mind to
the principal object of the policy of these Yncas, which was
to draw barbarous tribes from vain and idolatrous practices,
thus gratifying their ambition and enriching their kingdom.
210 THIRD BOOK OF THE
For one or the other object, or for both, for the powerful are
influenced by both, he ordered an army to be collected, and,
on the approach of spring, he set out with twelve thousand
men of war, four masters of the camp, and the other officers
and ministers. He marched to the desaguadero (drain) of
the great lake of Titicaca, because, as the whole land of the
Collao is a plain, it appeared to be more easy to conquer
than any other land whatever. The natives also seemed to
be more simple and tractable.
On reaching the Desaguadero he ordered great balsas to
be made, on which his army passed over, and he sent the
usual demand, which need not be repeated again, to the first
villages he came to. The Indians readily obeyed, by reason
of the wonderful things they had heard of the Yncas, and
amongst other places that submitted, was one called
Tiahuanacu, concerning the grand and wonderful edifices of
which it will be well that we should say something. Among
other marvellous things at this place there is a hill, made artifi-
cially, and so high that the fact of its having been made by
man causes astonishment; and that it might not be loosened, it
was built upon great foundations of stone. It is not known
why this edifice was made. In another part, away from the
hill, there were two figures of giants carved in stone, with
long robes down to the ground, and caps on their heads ; all
well worn by the hand of time, which proves their great an-
tiquity. There was also an enormous wall of stones, so large
that the greatest wonder is caused to imagine how human
force could have raised them to the place where they now
are. For there are no rocks nor quarries within a great
distance, from whence they could have been brought. In
other parts there are grand edifices, and what causes most
astonishment arc the great doorways of masonry, some of
them made out of one single stone. The marvel is increased
by their wonderful size, for some of them were found to
measure thirty feet in length, fifteen in breadth, and six in
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
depth. And these stones, with their doorways, are all of
one single piece, so that it cannot be understood with what
instruments or tools they can have been worked.
The natives say that all these edifices were built before the
time of the Yncas, and that the Yncas built the fortress of
Cuzco in imitation of them. They know not who erected
them, but have heard their forefathers say that all these
wonderful works were completed in a single night. The
ruins appear never to have been finished, but to have been
merely the commencement of what the founders intended to
have built. All the above is from Pedro de Cieza de Leon,
in his one hundred and fifth chapter ; to which I propose to
add some further particulars, obtained from a schoolfellow of
mine, a priest named Diego de Alcobasa (whom I may call my
brother, for we were born in the same house, and his father
brought me up). Amongst other accounts, which he and
others have sent me from my native land, he says the following
respecting these great edifices of Tiahuanacu: — "In Tiahuan-
acu, in the province of Collao, amongst other things, there are
some ancient ruins worthy of immortal memory. They are
near the lake called by the Spaniards Chucuito, the proper
name of which is Chuquivitu. Here there are some very
grand edifices, and amongst them there is a square court,
fifteen brazas each way, with walls two stories high. On one
side of this court there is a hall forty-five feet long by twenty-
two broad, apparently once covered, in the same way as those
buildings you have seen in the house of the sun at Cuzco,
with a roof of straw. The walls, roofs, floor, and doorways
are all of one single piece, carved out of a rock, and the walls
of the court and of the hall are three-quarters of a yard in
breadth. The roof of the hall, though it appears to be
thatch, is really of stone. For as the Indians cover their
houses with thatch, in order that this might appear like the
rest, they have ombed and carved the stone so that it re-
sembles a roof of thatch. The waters of the lake wash the
THIRD BOOK OF THE
walls of the court. The natives say that this and the other
buildings were dedicated to the Creator of the universe.
There are also many other stones carved into the shape of
men and women so naturally that they appear to be alive,
some drinking with cups in their hands, others sitting, others
standing, and others walking in the stream which flows by
the walls. There are also statues of women with their in-
fants in their laps, others with them on their backs, and in a
thousand other postures. The Indians say that for the great
sins of the people of those times, and because they stoned a
man who was passing through the province, they were all
converted into these statues."
Thus far are the words of Diego de Alcobasa, who has
been a vicar and preacher to the Indians in many provinces
of this kingdom, having been sent by his superiors from one
part to another : for, being a mestizo and native of Cuzco,
he knows the language of the Indians better than others
who are born in the country, and his labours bear more
fruit.*
CHAPTER II.
HATUNPACASA IS REDUCED, AND THEY CONQUER CAC-YAVIRI.
Returning to the proceedings of Mayta Ccapac, it must be
known that, almost without resistance, he conquered the
greater part of the province of Hatunpacasa, which is the
country on the left bank of the Dcsaguadero.f Whether
•ny translation of Cieza de Leon, chapter cv, page 374; Anti-
guedafa I'eruanas, p. 295; Acosta, vi, p. 419, and other authorities
i in my notes to the hundred and fifth chapter of Cieza de Leon.
;ilso Mr. Fergusson's remarks on the ruins at Tiahuanaco, in his
History of Architecture, ii, p. 11,').
t As the Desaguadero flows out of the lake of Titicaca, the left bank
IN on the eastern sMr.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £13
this was done in one campaign or in several is a moot point
amongst the Indians, but most of them will have it that the
Yncas extended their sway by little and little, instructing
their vassals as they proceeded. Others say that this policy
was only adopted at first, when they were not powerful ; but
that afterwards they conquered all the countries they could
reach. It matters little which of these be the correct view.
It will be better to avoid the prolixity caused by repeating
the same things many times ; and we shall, therefore, state
at once the territories acquired by each king, without be-
coming tedious by describing the different campaigns. Ad-
vancing in his conquests, then, the Ynca came to a place
called Cac-yaviri,* where there were many groups of houses
scattered over the country, without being collected into
towns ; and in each one there was a petty chief who ruled
over the rest of the people. All these chiefs, on hearing that
the Ynca was coming to conquer them, assembled their
people, and retired to a hill in that district, which was high,
and round like a sugar loaf, all the surrounding country
being flat. The Indians looked upon this hill as sacred,
from its beauty, and because it stood alone, and they wor-
shipped it and offered up sacrifices to it. They took refuge
upon it in the hope that, being their god, it would protect
them from their enemies. They built a stone fort upon it
with clods of earth instead of mortar, and it is related that
the women had to place all the clods while the men brought
up the stones. The Indians then entered the fort in great
numbers, with their wives and children, and all the provi-
sions they could collect.
The Ynca sent them the usual summons, adding particu-
larly that he had not come to take away their lives or pro-
perty, but to confer upon them the benefits which the Sun
had ordered him to offer to the Indians, and that they should
* This is the country to the south of lake Titicaca, between the river
Desaguadero and the modern city of La Paz.
:?1 4 THIRD BOOK OF THE
not resist his children, who were invincible. He added that
the Sun had assisted him in all his conquests and battles, and
that they should receive the Sun as their god. The Ynca
sent this message to the Indians many times, \vho always
resisted his appeals, saying that they already had a good way
of living, and did not wish to improve it ; that they had their
own gods, one of whom was that mountain which they had
fortified, and which would protect them ; that the Ynca
should go in peace, and teach those who desired it, for that
they did not wish to learn. The Ynca, who had no wish to
give them battle, but rather to reduce them by hunger, if he
could do so in no other way, divided his army into four
parts, and surrounded the hill.
The Collas continued for many days in their determination
to resist, and, seeing that the Yncas did not wish to fight,
they attributed it to cowardice. This increased their
audacity, and from day to day they came out of the fort to
fight ; the besiegers, in obedience to the orders of the Ynca,
not doing more than defend themselves, although many were
killed on both sides. It was a common report amongst the
Indians of the Collao, which was afterwards spread by the
Yncas over the whole empire, that, one day, when the be-
sieged Indians came out to fight the soldiers of the Ynca,
their stones, arrows, and other missiles, which they shot
against their enemies, came back and struck those who had
shot them off, and that thus many Collaos were killed with
their own arms. Further on we shall explain this fable,
which is among those which they venerate most. Owing to
the great slaughter on that day the besieged Indians sur-
rendered, and the Curacas, repenting of their obstinacy, col-
lected all their people and came out to pray for mercy. The
children were made to march first, then their mothers, and
then the old people. Next came the soldiers, and last came
tin- chiefs and Caracas with their hands tied, and ropes round
their necks, in token of having deserved death for fighting
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 215
against the child of the Sun. They were barefooted, for this
was a sign of humility amongst the Indians of Peru ; and it
was intended to show that there was great majesty and
divinity in him whom they desired to reverence.
CHAPTER III.
THE INDIANS WHO SURRENDERED ARE PARDONED.
EXPLANATION OF THE FABLE.
Being brought before the Ynca, they threw themselves on
the ground and adored him, with great acclamations, as a
child of the Sun. The common people having done this, the
Curacas arrived, and with the veneration that they are ac-
customed to show, addressed the Ynca thus — " We entreat
your majesty to pardon these people, and if it is desirable
that more should die, we shall consider our own deaths to
be fortunate if these soldiers can be spared, for we gave them
a bad example in resisting the Ynca." They also prayed
for pardon for the women, old men, and children, who had
committed no crime. The chiefs said that they alone were
criminal, and that, therefore, they should atone for all.
The Ynca received them, seated on his chair, and sur-
rounded by his warriors ; and having heard the address of
the Curacas, he ordered that their hands should be untied,
and the ropes removed from their necks, in token of the
pardon that he had granted them. He then, with kind words,
told them that he had not come to take their lives and pro-
perty, but to do them good, to teach them to lead reasonable
lives according to the law of nature, and, abandoning idols, to
worship the Sun as god, to whom they were indebted for
this forgiveness. He then granted their lands and vassals
to them afresh, without other condition than that they should
rule beneficently. They were then ordered to return to their
216 THIRD BOOK OF THE
houses and obey the commands they might receive ; and that
they might be more fully assured of their pardon, and of the
kindness of the Ynca, he directed that the Curacas, in the
name of all the people, should touch his right knee, as a sign
that they were his people, seeing that he had permitted them
to touch his person. This favour was highly esteemed, for
it was a sacrilege for any one to touch the Ynca, who was
one of their gods, except those of the blood royal, or those
who received permission to do so. Seeing the pious disposi-
tion of the Ynca, the conquered people felt no fear that they
would receive the punishment they had expected ; and the
Curacas, again throwing themselves on the ground, declared
that they would be faithful vassals to merit so many favours,
and that, both in words and deeds his majesty had proved
himself to be a child of the Sun, having shown unheard of
mercy to a people who deserved death.
With regard to the fable, the Yncas say that its history is
as follows. When the officers of the Ynca's army saw the
audacity of the Collas, which increased every day, they
secretly ordered their soldiers to be prepared to fight with
them by fire and sword, and with all the rigour of war, it
being impossible to suffer so much insolence towards the
Ynca. The Collas came out, as was their wont, to make
their attack, careless of the anger of their enemies, and were
received with such fury that most of them were killed.
Then, as hitherto the Yncas had not fought with a view to
killing, but only to defend themselves, the Collas thought
that the same thing had happened on this occasion, but that
the Sun, unable to endure these insults to his child, had
commanded that their own arms should turn against them
and punish them, the Yncas not wishing to do so. The
Indians, being so simple, believed this to be the case because
the Yncas, who were held to be children of the Sun, affirmed
it. The Amautas, who were the philosophers, allegorised
this fable, saying that, as the Collas would not lay down their
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £17
arms and obey the Ynca when they received his summons,
their own arms had turned against them, for their arms were
the cause of their deaths.
CHAPTER IV.
THEY REDUCE THREE PROVINCES AND CONQUER OTHERS.
THEY FORM COLONIES. — THOSE WHO USE POISON
ARE PUNISHED.
This fable, and the act of piety and clemency on the part
of the Prince, were noised abroad amongst the nations bor-
dering on Hatun-pacasa, where the act was performed ; and
caused so much wonder and admiration that many tribes
voluntarily came under the dominion of the Ynca Mayta
Ccapac, and reverenced him as a child of the Sun. Amongst
other nations that promised obedience, were three great pro-
vinces, very rich in flocks and inhabited by a warlike race,
called Cauquicura, Malloma, and Huarina,* where the bloody
battle was afterwards fought between Gonzalo Pizarro and
Diego Centeno.f The Ynca, having granted favours, as well
to the conquered tribes as to those who submitted of their
own accord, crossed the Desaguadero, and returned towards
Cuzco. From Hatun-colla he sent an army, with the four
masters of the camp, towards the west, with orders to cross
the uninhabited country called Hatun-punaJ (to the verge
of which the army of the Ynca Lloque Yupanqui had ad-
vanced), and to reduce to his service the nations that might
be found on the other side, as far as the shores of the South
Sea. The Ynca gave orders that, under no circumstances,
* These places are all near the southern shore of lake Titicaca.
t On the 26th of October, 1547. The Ynca gives a full account of
this battle in the second part of his Commentaries. See also Prescott,
ii, p. 349.
+ Hatun, great; and puna, a lofty uninhabited tract.
218 THIRD BOOK OF THE
should his officers offer battle, and that, if they met with
people so stubborn and obstinate as not to desire to submit,
except by force of arms, they were to leave them, for that
such barbarians would lose more than the Ynca would gain.
With these orders, and a large supply of provisions, the
captains commenced their march, and crossed the snowy
Cordillera with some difficulty, by reason of the absence of
a road, and because there are thirty leagues of uninhabited
country in that direction. They reached a province called
Cuchuna,* with a scattered though numerous population.
The natives, on hearing of the approach of the army, built
a fort, and took refuge in it, with their wives and children.
The Yncas surrounded it, and, in obedience to the orders of
the King, they did not wish to attack it, but offered the
garrison peace and friendship, which were refused.
The two forces remained, facing each other, for more than
fifty days, during which time there were many occasions on
which the Yncas might have done much injury to their op-
ponents, but, following out their ancient policy, and in
obedience to the express orders of the King, they desired
rather to straiten them by the blockade, than to fight
them. On the other hand, the besieged were pressed by
hunger, for they had not had time to collect a sufficient supply
of provisions, owing to the sudden approach of the Yncas,
and they had not anticipated so long a siege. The elder
people, men and women, bore the hunger with courage, but
the boys and children could not endure it, and went out
into the fields to seek for herbs. Many went over to the
enemy, and their parents consented, because they could not
bear to see them die before their eyes. The Yncas received
them and gave them food, and a small quantity to take to
their parents, together with the usual offer of peace and
* I cannot identify this place, but it is probably in the mountains
above Moijue^iia. Further on it is said to be fifteen miles from
Moquegua.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 219
amity. On seeing all this, the besieged, having no hope of
succour, agreed to surrender unconditionally, as it seemed
to them that those who had been so merciful and kind to
rebels, would be much more so to humble penitents. Thus
they submitted to the will of the Yncas, who received them
with affability and without any show of anger. They offered
them friendship, gave them food, and undeceived them, ex-
plaining that the Ynca, as a child of the Sun, did not desire
to acquire land for the purpose of tyrannizing, but to do
good to the inhabitants, according to the commands of his
father the Sun. That they might know this by experience,
the Yncas gave clothes and other gifts to the chiefs, and food
to the people, so that all returned to their homes well
satisfied.
The Ynca captains reported all that had taken place in
this conquest, and applied for colonists to people two towns
in that province, for the land appeared to be fertile, and
capable of supporting many more inhabitants than it then
contained. It was also proposed to leave a garrison there
to retain what had been acquired, and to be ready for any
event that might happen hereafter. The Ynca sent the re-
quired men, with their wives and children, to people two
towns, one at the foot of the mountains where the natives
had built a fort ; this place was called Cuchuna, which was
the name of the mountain. The other town was called
Moquehua.* One was five leagues from the other, and now
the two provinces take the names of these towns, and are
within the jurisdiction of Colla-suyu. While the captains
were engaged in establishing an orderly government, they
learnt that, amongst these Indians, there were some who used
* Moquegua, capital of the province of the same name, is about
forty-five miles from the sea coast at Ylo. The province is now famous
for its vineyards, producing large quantities of wine and spirits, which
are exported into the Sierra. In the Andes, overhanging the province
to the eastward, is a volcano called Huayna-putina, which threw out a
fearful eruption in 1600, and others called Ubinas and Tutupaca.
220 THIRD BOOK OF THE
poison against their enemies, not so much to kill them as
to make them ugly and cause pain in their bodies and faces.
It was a gentle poison, from which only those died who were
of weak constitutions. Those who were strong, continued
to live, but with great suffering, for their limbs became
feeble, their intellects weak, and their faces and bodies ugly.
They became most frightful, and spotted black and white,
and were quite ruined both in mind and body, so that all
their relations grieved to see them in such a plight, and were
more sorry to behold them thus, than if they had been
killed at once. The captains, having become acquainted with
this evil practice, reported it to the Ynca, who ordered all
who had been guilty of such cruelty to be burnt alive, so
that no memory might remain of them. This order of the
King was so agreeable to the inhabitants of the province
that they themselves executed the sentence, burnt the de-
linquents alive, with all they had in their houses, destroyed
the houses, and strewed their sites with stones as accursed
places. They also destroyed their flocks, and even pulled
up the trees they had planted. It was ordered that their
land should never be given to any one, but that it should
remain desolate, that no man might inherit, with it, the evil
deeds of its former owners. The severity of this punishment
caused so much fear amongst the natives that, as they them-
selves declare, they never again practised this crime in the
days of King Yncas, down to the time when the Spaniards
conquered the country. Having settled the government,
inflicted this chastisement, and established the colonists in
their new homes, the captains returned to Cuzco, to report
their proceedings, where they were well received, and re-
warded by the King.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
CHAPTER V.
THE YNCA ACQUIRES THREE NEW PROVINCES, AND CONQUERS
IN A VERY HARD FOUGHT BATTLE.
After some years, the Ynca Mayta Ccapac determined to set
out and reduce new provinces to submission, for, from day to
day, the desire to extend their dominion increased in these
Yncas. Having collected all the men of war he was able,
and supplied them with provisions, he marched to Pucara of
Umasuyu, which was the last town in that direction acquired
by his grandfather, or according to others by his father, as
we have stated in its place. From Pucara he marched east-
wards to a province called Llaricasa,* and reduced its in-
habitants without meeting any resistance, for they rejoiced
to receive him as their Lord. Thence he passed on to the
province of Sancava,f and conquered it in the same way,
for as the fame of the deeds of the father and grandfather
of this Prince had spread, the natives rejoiced to become
vassals of the Yncas. These two provinces are more than
fifty leagues long and thirty leagues broad in one part,
twenty in another. They are very populous and rich in
flocks. The Yncas, having issued the usual orders respecting
religion and revenue, marched on to the province called
Pacassa, and proceeded to reduce the natives to subjection,
without meeting with open resistance. They all obeyed and
venerated the Ynca as a child of the Sun.
This province is part of that which we said that the Ynca
Lloque Yupanqui had conquered. It is very large, and
contains many towns, and thus its conquest was effected by
* Larecaja, a province to the eastward of the lofty cordillera of
Sorata.
t This may be the place afterwards known as San Cravat), in the
forests of Caravaya.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
both these Yncas, father and son. Having completed these
conquests, the Ynca reached the high road of Uma-suyu,
near a village which is now called Huaychu. Here he
became aware that a large body of men had come to oppose
him. The Ynca continued his march in search of the enemies,
who assembled to oppose the passage of a river, called the
river of Huaychu.* There were thirteen or fourteen thou-
sand armed Indians of different tribes, although they were
all included under the general name of Collas. The Ynca,
wishing to avoid a battle, and to continue his conquests
without fighting, sent many messages, offering them peace
and amity ; but they always refused to receive them, and
became more insolent every day, for they thought that the
offers of the Ynca, which they rejected, were made through
fear. They crossed the river in small parties, at many places,
and attacked the Ynca's camp with much insolence. In
order to avoid the loss of life on both sides as much as pos-
sible, the Ynca endured the insults with such patience that
even his own soldiers disliked it, and said that it was not
decent for a child of the Sun to endure so much insolence
from barbarians, and that such endurance would lead to
future contempt, and the loss of the reputation already ac-
quired.
The Ynca calmed the anger of his people by saying that,
to imitate his ancestors and to comply with the mandates of
his father the Sun, he wished to spare those armed men, and
to wait and sen whether his desire not to give them battle,
nor to do them harm, would awaken some perception of the
good he was anxious to do them. With these and similar
words the Ynca entertained his captains for many days,
without giving them leave to close with the enemy. At
length he was overcome by the importunity of his own people,
* This I take to be the river Viacha in Bolivia, which enters the
lake of Titicaca at the south end.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
and the insupportable insolence of the enemy, and ordered
a battle to be fought.
The Yncas, who were exceedingly eager to fight, sallied
forth with promptitude. The enemy, seeing the battle which
they had so long sought was about to commence, came out
also with much eagerness. They both fought with great
ferocity and valour, those on one side to maintain their
liberty, and their determination not to serve the Ynca,
although he might be a child of the Sun ; and those on the
other to punish the insolence with which their King had been
treated. They fought with great obstinacy, especially the
Collas, who threw themselves wildly on the arms of the
Yncas, and, as barbarians obstinate in their rebellion, fought
with great desperation, and without order or concert. The
loss of life was consequently very great, and the battle lasted
the whole day without ceasing. The Ynca was to be found
in every part of the field, now encouraging the men and
acting the part of a captain, now fighting with the enemy,
so as not to lose the reputation of being a good soldier.
CHAPTER VI.
THOSE OF HUAYCHU SUBMIT, AND ARE MERCIFULLY
PARDONED.
On the side of the Collas, according to the account given
by their descendants, more than six thousand were killed,
owing to their want of discipline in fighting ; while of the
Yncas, owing to their order and regularity, not more than
five hundred fell. Both sides retired to their camps under
cover of night ; but the Collas, feeling their wounds and
seeing the number of their dead, lost heart, and knew not
what to do, nor what course to adopt. For they had not the
power to free themselves by fighting, and they knew not how
224 THIRD BOOK OF THE
or where to escape by flight, their enemies having surrounded
them, and occupied the passes : nor did they hope for any
mercy, after having rejected and contemned the generous
offers of the Ynca.
In this state of uncertainty they took the safest course,
which was the advice of their old men. They proposed that
the defeated Collas should seek the clemency of the prince,
who, although they had offended him, would follow the
example of his ancestors, and show mercy to rebels. So, as
soon as dawn appeared, they put on the vilest habiliments,
and, without shoes or any clothing but their smocks, and with
their hands tied behind them, their chiefs presented them-
selves at the entrance of the Ynca's lodging. That prince
received them kindly, and the Collas, falling on their knees,
said that they had not come to ask for mercy, because they
knew well they had not deserved it, but that the Ynca would
treat them as their obstinacy and ingratitude merited. They
only asked that their fighting men might be put to death as
an example to warn others against disobedience to the child
of the Sun.
The Ynca ordered one of his captains to tell them that
his father the Sun had not sent him to the earth to kill
Indians, but to do them good, drawing them from a bestial
life, and teaching them the knowledge of the Sun their God,
and giving them laws and government that they might live
as men and not as brutes. With this purpose it was that the
Ynca marched from province to province drawing Indians,
of whose services he himself had no need, to the worship of
the Sun. He, therefore, pardoned them, although they did
not deserve it, and ordered that they should continue to live,
and that, as they had been turned from their rebellion by
the >evere chastisement inflicted upon them by their father
the Sun ; so henceforward they should be obedient to his
orders, and thus lead a happy and peaceful life. Having
caused this reply to be made to them, the Ynca ordered them
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
to be clothed, cured of their wounds, and treated with all
possible kindness. The Indians returned to their houses,
convinced of the evil which their rebellion had caused them,
and that they lived through the clemency of the Ynca.
CHAPTER VII.
THEY REDUCE MANY TOWNS. THE YNCA ORDERS A BRIDGE
OF OSIERS TO BE MADE.
The news of the slaughter caused by this battle spread
far and wide, and it was known how the Sun had punished
those Indians who had refused obedience to his children the
Yncas. Then, many towns which had hitherto been in arms
and forming camps to resist the Ynca, when they heard of
his clemency and piety, sent to ask for pardon and to be re-
ceived as his vassals. The Ynca received them with much
kindness, and ordered them to be given clothes and other
presents, so that they were well satisfied, declaring on all
sides that the Yncas were true children of the Sun.
The towns which then submitted to the Ynca, were those
lying between Huaychu and Callamarca to the south of the
road to Charcas. The Ynca advanced beyond Callamarca
for twenty-four leagues along the Charcas road, as far as
Caracollo,* reducing all the towns on either side of the road
as far as the lake of Paria.t Then he turned to the east
towards the Antis, and reached the valley which is now
called Chuquiapu. The meaning of this word in the general
language, is a " chief lance," or " principal lance, "J which is
the same thing. In that district the Ynca ordered many
* Caracollo is one hundred and twenty miles S.E. of lake Titicaca.
t This is the lake or swamp of Paria or Aullagas, into which all the
drainage of the great lake of Titicaca flows. It is about sixty miles
long. The lake Titicaca is 12,850, and that of Aullagas 12,280 feet
above the sea, according to Pentland.
£ Chuqm, a lance ; and apu, chief.
P
THIRD BOOK OF THE
settlements of Indian colonists to be formed, because he saw
that this valley was more suitable for the cultivation of maize
than any other province amongst those which are included
under the name of Colla. From the valley of Caracatu,* he
marched eastwards to the foot of the great snowy range of
the Andes, which is thirty leagues distant from the royal
road of Uma-suyu.
After passing three years in these expeditions, forming
settlements, and establishing law and order, the Ynca re-
turtied to Cuzco, where he was received with great festivities
and rejoicings. Having rested for another three years, he
ordered provisions and troops to be collected for new con-
quests, because he could not suffer himself to remain idle,
and because he wished to march to the westward of Cuzco,
where is the region of Cunti-suyu, containing many large
provinces. As it was necessary to cross the river Apurimac,
he ordered a bridge to be made for the passage of the army.
He gave the directions for constructing the bridge, after con-
sulting some Indians of intelligence ; and as writers on Peru,
although they mention the reed bridges, do not say in what
manner they are made; it seems desirable that I should
describe these bridges for the benefit of those who have
never seen them, and also because this was the first bridge
of osiers that was made in Peru, by order of the Yncas.
To make a bridge of this description, they collect an
immense quantity of osiers, which, although different from
those of Spain, are but another species, with fine and supple
branches. They then lay up very long strands of the single
osiers, the length of the bridge. With three of these strands
they lay up a rope formed of nine osiers, and of three of
these they make another composed of twenty-seven osiers; and
of three of these they make another still larger. In this way
they go on multiplying the strands and increasing the thick-
ness of the rope, until it is as large or larger than a man's body.
* About forty miles S.S.E. of La Paz.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
They make five of these very thick ropes. The Indians
pass them from one side of the river to the other, either by
swimming or in balsas.* They take with them a slight line,
to which they fasten a rope the size of a man's arm, made of
the fibre called by the Indians chahuar.* To this rope they
secure one of the great cables, and a number of Indians haul
away until the end is across the river. As soon as all the
five cables are across, they are placed over high buttresses
cut out of a solid rock, when there is one conveniently
placed ; and when this is not the case, they erect masonry
buttresses, as strong as rocks. The bridge of Apurimac,
which is on the high road from Cuzco to the City of the
Kings, has one buttress of solid rock, and another of masonry.
These buttresses are hollow near the ground, and are
strengthened with wing walls. . In the hollow part, five or
six beams, as thick as bullocks, are placed, extending from
one buttress to the other, and fixed in order, one above
the other. The cables are passed, with one round turn,
over each of the beams, that the bridge may be drawn tight,
and not be made slack by its own weight, which is very
considerable. But, although it is well stretched, there is
always a bight forming a curve, so that one descends to the
middle, and ascends the last half.
Three of the great cables are placed as a floor for the
bridge, and the other two are used for a parapet on either
side. Small laths are placed across those used as a floor,
like hurdles, for the whole width of the bridge, which is
about two varas broad. These battens are placed to pre-
serve the strands of the ropes, that they may last longer, and
they are fastened very securely to these ropes. A number
of boughs are placed over the hurdles in rows, and this is
done that the beasts may have a firm footing. Between the
cables forming the floors and those used as a balustrade they
interlace many boughs and small wands fastened tightly
* Aloe.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
together, forming a wall for the whole length of the bridge,
which is thus made secure for the passage of men and
beasts. The bridge of the Apurirhac, which is the longest
of all, is about two hundred paces across. I did not measure
it myself, but in conversing in Spain with many who had
crossed it, they gave this length, more or less. I have seen
many Spaniards who did not get off to cross it, and some
went over it on horseback at a gallop, to show how little
they were afraid, but they could not but have experienced
some feeling of apprehension. This great work was com-
menced with only three osiers, and it was completed in the
way I have attempted to describe. It is certainly a wonder-
ful work, and almost incredible except to those who have
seen it, as I have done. .Necessity has preserved it from
being destroyed by time,* as has been the fate of many large
bridges which the Spaniards found on their arrival in this
country. In the time of the Yncas these bridges were re-
newed every year by the people of the neighbouring pro-
vinces, among whom the supply of material was divided
according to their proximity to the work and their means.
The same system is followed at the present day.
CHAPTER VIII.
MANY NATIONS ARE REDUCED TO SUBMISSION BY THE
FAME OF THE
As soon as he knew that the bridge was completed, the
Ynca commenced his march with 12,000 armed men and
experienced nllirers, and advanced as far as the bridge,
when- (here was a strong guard stationed, in case an enemy
should attempt to destroy it. Hut the people were so
astonished at this new work, that they desired to receive
the prince who had ordered it to he riveted as their lord.
* That is, as ti, he high road from Cuzco to Lima, it
was a necessity to (ho Spaniards that it should he kept in repair.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
For the Indians of Peru, in those times, and even until the
arrival of the Spaniards, were so simple, that any one who in-
vented a new thing was readily recognised by them as a child
of the Sun. Thus it was that, when they saw the Spaniards
fighting on the backs of animals so ferocious as horses
appeared to them to be, and when they beheld them killing
people at a distance of two or three hundred paces, they
looked upon such men as gods. Owing mainly to these two
things, but also to other novel things that they beheld, the
Indians held the Spaniards to be children of the Sun, and
they submitted to them with little opposition ; and they
show the same wonder and awe whenever the Spaniards in-
troduce a new thing which they have never seen before,
such as mills grinding wheat, ploughing with oxen, or making
masonry arches for the bridges. They say that, by reason
of all these things, it is fitting that they should serve the
Spaniards. In the time of the Ynca Mayta Ccapac their
simplicity was even greater. They were so much awed by
the construction of the bridge, that this alone was sufficient
to make several surrounding provinces submit to the Ynca.
One of these provinces was called Chumpi-uillca,* in the
Cunti-suyu division, which is twenty leagues long and more
than ten wide. The inhabitants readily received the Ynca,
partly from the fame of his being a child of the Sun, and
partly from admiration at the new work, for they thought
that such things could only be done by men come down
from heaven. The only place where there was any resistance
was at a village called Villilli.f The inhabitants retired
* Chumpi, dark brown colour; and uilca, sacred. This is the modern
province of Chumbivilicas, in the department of Cuzco, the capital of
which is a town called San Toraas. It is bounded on the north-east and
east by the provinces of Paruro, Quispicanchi, Canchis and Canas ; on
the south and west by the department of Arequipa, and on the north
and north-west by the province of Cotabambas.
t Velille is a village on rather a large river of the same name, a
tributary of the Apurimac. There is a vast natural cave at Livitaca,
near Velille, with stalact^"?,.
230 THIRD BOOK OF THE
into a fort, and the Ynca ordered it to be surrounded on all
sides, so that none might come forth, at the same time send-
ing his pious and merciful invitations.
After a few days, not exceeding ten or twelve, the be-
sieged surrendered, and the Ynca pardoned them ; and,
having pacified that province, he marched across the un-
inhabited part of Cunti-suyu, a distance of sixteen leagues,
and encountered a formidable swamp three leagues broad,
which checked the progress of the army.
The Ynca ordered a causeway to be made of large and
small stones, between which clods of earth were placed, in-
stead of mortar. The Ynca himself worked at this cause-
way, as well to give an example of industry as to assist in
raising the large stones which were necessary for the work.
Encouraged by his example, the people worked so hard that
it was finished in a few days, being six varas wide and two
high. The Indians held and still hold this causeway in
great veneration, as well because the Ynca himself worked
at it, as because of its great convenience. It enables them
to avoid the long round that they had to take before, to get
clear of the swamp, on one side or the other. They there-
fore take very great care to keep the causeway in repair, and
scarcely a single stone is allowed to fall out without being
immediately replaced. The duty of repairing this work is
divided amongst different districts, each one undertaking a
certain portion. The same system was established for the
repair of other works, the portions being divided amongst
families if the works were small, amongst districts if they
were large, and amongst provinces if they were of great
magnitude, such as bridges, royal houses, and other similar
structures. The clods of turf are very useful on the cause-
ways, because the roots interlace one with another between
the stones, binding them together, and strengthening the
work mightily.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
CHAPTER IX.
THE YNCA ACQUIRES MANY OTHER GREAT PROVINCES, AND
DIES IN PEACE.
The causeway being made, the Ynca Mayta Ccapac passed
over it, and entered a province called Allca, where many
armed Indians came from all parts to defend the passage of
some very rugged mountains and difficult passes on the road,
which, even in peaceful times, are such as to excite terror
and apprehension. How much more so when they have to
be crossed in the face of an opposing enemy! The Ynca led
his army into the passes with so much prudence, fore-
thought, and military skill, that although the enemy de-
fended them, and people were killed on either side, he con-
tinued to gain ground on his opponents. When the enemy
saw that they could not hold their own in such a position as
they had chosen, but were being forced back day by day,
they said that the Yncas must indeed be children of the
Sun, for that they seemed to be invincible. In this vain
belief (although they had resisted for more than two months)
the whole province, with one accord, received the king as
lord over them, promising him the fidelity of loyal vassals.
The Ynca entered the principal town, called Allca, in
great triumph, and passed onward to other great provinces
called Taurisma, Cota-huasi,* Puma-tampu, and Parihuana-
ccocha,f which means the lake of the flamingos. For in an
uninhabited part of that province there is a great lake, called
* Cotahuasi is in the modern province of La Union, in the depart-
ment of Arequipa. Near it are two very lofty peaks, covered with
perpetual snow, called Coro-Puna and Solimana.
t A province in the modern department of Ayacucho, forty-five leagues
long by twenty. The lake of Parinacochas, which gives its name to the
province, is ten miles long from east to west, and six miles across in the
widest part. The province is to the westward of the watershed of the
THIRD HOOK OF THK
ccocha in the Ynca language, and parihuana is the name
for those birds which in Spain are called flamingos. Of these
two words they formed one, saying Parihuana-ccocha, which
name they gave to that great, fertile, and beautiful province,
containing much gold. The Spaniards, making a syncope,
say Parinacocha. Puma-tampu means a deposit of lions,
composed of the words puma, a lion, and tampu, a depot.
The name probably originated from a lion's den, which at
some time or other was found there, or because there were
more lions there than in any other place.
From Parihuana-ccocha the Ynca continued his advance,
and crossed the uninhabited region of Coropuna,* where
there is a very lofty and most beautiful snowy peak, which
the Indians, with much reverence, call huaca. This word,
amongst many other significations, here means wonderful,
and the peak certainly is so. In their ancient simplicity the
Indians worshipped their mountains for their height and
beauty, which are truly most admirable. Having crossed
the uninhabited country, the Ynca entered a province
called Aruni, when he advanced to another called Colla-
hua, which extends as far as Arequipa. According to
Bias Valera the name of Arequipa signifies a sounding
trumpet, f
The Ynca Mayta Ccapac reduced all these provinces to
obedience, and the people submitted very readily ; for
Andes, but in the midst of lofty mountains. The lake is about sixty
miles from the sea.
* Coro-puna and Solimana are two lofty peaks in the western or mari-
time cordillera of the Andes, in about latitude 15° 20' S. Coropuna is to
the south of Solimana, and both are covered with perpetual snow. Coro-
puna is a perfect cone, and from its sides the sea may be seen, glitter-
ing under a setting sun, at a distance of sixty-five miles.
t Ariniy "I affirm" or "declare," the root of which is ari, and f/tif'j>n,
a trumpet. (See also Mossi.) Others derive the name from Ari (yes)
and quepay (remain), the order supposed to have been given to the
colonists whom the Ynca caused to be transported to the valley of Are-
quipa.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
233
having heard of the deeds done by the Yncas in the diffi-
cult passes of the mountains of Allca, they believed them to
be invincible children of the Sun, and desired to become
their vassals. The Ynca remained in each province as long
as was necessary to establish the new government. He
found the valley of Arequipa to be uninhabited, and con-
sidering the fertility of the soil and the pleasant climate, he or-
dered many of the conquered Indians to people that valley, ex-
plaining to them the excellence of the situation, and the ad-
vantages they would enjoy by colonising it. He sent more
than 3000 families there, with which he founded three or
four towns. One of them was called Chimpa, another Suca-
huaya,* and the Ynca left governors and other officers in
them. He then returned to Cuzco, having spent three years
on this second expedition, during which time he subdued
provinces nearly ninety leagues long, and from twelve to
fifteen wide, in the region of Cunti-suyu. All this land was
conterminous with that which had already been brought
under his dominion.
The Ynca was received in Cuzco with very great solem-
nity, and his return was celebrated by rejoicings, dances,
and songs composed to commemorate his deeds. Having
rewarded his officers, the Ynca dismissed the army, and
considering that the conquests he had made were sufficient,
he resolved to rest from his past labours, and to occupy him-
self with the good government of his dominions, taking
special care of the interests of the poor, the widows, and the
orphans. In this way he passed the remainder of his life.
They give to him, as to his ancestors, thirty years for his
reign, a little more or less, but neither the length of his
reign nor of his life are certainly known, nor could I ascer-
tain more than the nature of his acts. He died full of
honour, gained both in peace and in war, and was mourned
* The pretty little modern village of Socabaya, six miles south of
Arequipa.
234 THIRD BOOK OF THE
for during the space of a year, according to the custom of
the Indians, for he was much loved by his vassals. He
left, as his heir, his eldest son, Ccapac Yupanqui, by his
sister and wife Mama Cuca. Besides the prince he had
other sons and daughters, as well legitimate as illegitimate.
CHAPTER X.
CCAPAC YUPANQUI, THE FIFTH KING, GAINS MANY
PROVINCES IN CUNTI-SUYU.
The Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui, whose names, having been
used by his ancestors, have already been interpreted, took
the emblem of power, the crimson fringe, on the death of
his father, and having celebrated the obsequies, he set out
to visit all his dominions, travelling through the provinces,
and inquiring into the conduct of the governors. He was
occupied for two years in this inspection, and then returned
to Cuzco, where he ordered provisions to be collected, and
an army to be assembled, intending to extend his conquests
to the westward of Cuzco, in the Cunti-suyu region, in the
ensuing year, for he heard that there were still many large
and populous provinces still unsubdued in that direction.
He ordered another bridge to be made across the great
river Apurimac at a place called Huaca-chaca, lower down
than that of Accha, which was completed with all diligence,
and was broader than the older bridge, the width of the
river being greater.
The Ynca departed from Cuzco with nearly 20,000 armed
men, and reached the bridge, which is eight leagues from
that city, by a very rugged and difficult road. The descent
to the river alone is three leagues long, and nearly perpen-
dicular, the actual height being half a league ; and the
ascent on the opposite side is another three leagues. After
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 235
passing the bridge, the Ynca entered a beautiful province
called Yana-huara,* which now contains more than thirty
towns, though it is not known how many it then had. The
first town, on the side by which the Ynca came, was called
Piti.f All the people came out, young and old, men,
women, and children, singing and shouting, and joyfully re-
ceived the Ynca as their lord. He treated them with much
kindness, giving them clothes and other presents. The
people of Piti sent messengers to the other towns in their
district, whose inhabitants belong to the same nation of
Yanahuara ; announcing the arrival of the Ynca, and that
they had received him as their king and lord. Following
their example, the other Curacas came and did the same as
those of Piti.
The Ynca received them as he had done the first, and
gave them presents, and as a still greater favour he ex-
pressed his desire to visit their towns, which are scattered
over an extent of country twenty leagues long by fifteen
broad. From the province of Yana-huara the Ynca ad-
vanced to another called Aymara,J over an uninhabited re-
gion fifteen leagues wide ; on the other side of which, on a
great hill called Mucansa, he found a large body of men
assembled to oppose him at the frontier of their country,
which is thirty leagues long, and more than fifteen wide.
It is rich in mines of gold, silver, and lead, and has abun-
dance of flocks. It is also well peopled, and, before the
conquest, contained more than eighty towns.
* I take this to be the modern province of Cotabambas, which is
bounded on the north-east by the provinces of Anta and Paruro, on the
east and south by that of Chumbivilcas, on the west by those of Aymaraes
and Abancay, and on the south-west by Parinacochas. The chief town
of the province is called Tambobamba.
+ Piti or Pitic is a village in the province of Cotabambas.
+ The modern province of Aymaraes, bounded on the north-east and
east by the provinces of Abancay and Cotabambas, and on the south, west,
and north-west by the department of Ayacucho. The chief town of the
province is Challhuanca.
236 THIRD BOOK OF THK
The Ynca ordered his army to be posted at the foot of the
hill, to prevent the retreat of the enemy; for, being a bar-
barous people without discipline, they had deserted their
towns and assembled on that hill as the strongest place,
without considering that they might be surrounded as in a
yard. The Ynca was many days without giving them battle,
nor consenting that they should be injured, merely forbid-
ding provisions to be furnished to them, that they might
surrender through hunger, and he sent messages of peace to
them.
This state of things lasted for more than a month, when
the rebels, forced by hunger, sent a messenger to the Ynca
to say that they would receive him as their king, and as a child
of the Sun, on condition that he, as such child of the Sun,
would give his faith and word to conquer and reduce (as
soon as they had submitted) the adjoining province of Uma-
suyUj which was inhabited by a warlike people who invaded
their country, and used their pastures up to the very doors
of their houses, and did them other injuries. They said
that they had waged war to the death with these people,
and although truces had been made, those of Uma-suyu had
always re- commenced their incursions. The people of
Aymara added that when their enemies became vassals of
the Ynca they must desist from these hostilities, and that on
this condition they themselves would submit and receive
him as their prince and lord.
The Ynca replied, through one of his captains, that he
had come for no other reason than to abolish all such customs,
and to teach barbarous nations to follow the laws of men
and not of beasts, and to instruct them in the knowledge of
the Sun their God : that to do away with such practices,
and to establish order was the business of the Ynca, and that
there was no necessity to impose, as a condition of vassal-ige,
what would be done as a duty ; for that it was not for them
to make laws but to receive him as a child of the Sun, and
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 237
they must leave the quarrels to the decision of the Ynca,
who would know how to deal with them.
With this reply the ambassadors returned, and next day
all the people on that hill, numbering as many as 12,000
armed men, with their wives and children, making a total
number of 30,000 souls, came forth. They marched, each
according to his village, and placed themselves on their knees
before the Ynca according to custom, submitting as vassals,
and in token of homage presenting gold and silver and lead,
and all the other goods they possessed. The Ynca received
them with much clemency, and ordered them to be fed, for
they were suffering from hunger. He also gave them food
to last until they reached their villages, that they might not
suffer on the road, and ordered them to return presently to
their homes.
CHAPTER XL
THE CONQUEST OF THE AYMARAS. THE CURACAS ARE
PARDONED. LANDMARKS ARE FIXED ON THE BOUNDARIES.
The people having been dismissed, the Ynca went to a
town of the same province of Aymara called Huaquirca,*
which now contains more than 2,000 houses ; whence he
sent messengers to the Caciques of Uma-suyu,f commanding
them to appear before him, that he might decide upon their
differences with the Aymaras respecting pasture grounds,
and that he would wait for them at Huaquirca, to give them
* A village, with a church, in the modern province of Aymaraes.
t Umasuyu or Omasuyos is a Bolivian province extending along the
eastern shores of lake Titicaca ; but that cannot be the region referred
to in the text, as it is upwards of two hundred miles from Huaquirca.
There must have been another district with the same name bordering on
Aymaraes.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
laws and ordinances according to which they might live as
reasonable beings, instead of killing each other like brute
beasts for so small a matter as the pasturage of their
flocks: for that it was notorious there was abundant room for
the flocks of both nations. The Curacas of Umu-suyu,
having assembled to consider their reply, for the message
had been addressed to them as a body, replied that they had
no need to go to the Ynca ; that if he had need of them he
might seek them in their own land, when they would await
his coming with arms in their hands ; that they knew not
that he was a child of the Sun, nor that the Sun was God,
nor did they want to know ; that they had their own gods,
with whom they were at accord, and that they desired no
other gods. They added that the Ynca should send his laws
and sermons to those who desired to have them, for that they
considered it a very good law to take what they wanted by
force, and to defend their own land by arms against those
who wished to annoy them ; that this was their answer, and
if the Ynca wanted any other, they would give him one in
the field, as valiant soldiers.
The Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui, and his officers, having con-
sidered the reply of the Chiefs of Uma-suyu, resolved that
they would march into their country as rapidly as possible,
and overcome their insolence and audacity more by dint of
fear and wonder than by injuring them. For the law and
commandment of the first Ynca Manca Ccapac, given to all
his descendants, was that under no circumstances should
blood be shed in their conquests, until all other means had
failed ; but that the enemy should be conquered with kind-
ness, for thus the Yncas would be loved ; while they would
be for ever detested by those who were conquered by arms.
The Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui, seeing how wise it would be
to keep this law for the increase and preservation of his
realm, ordered 18,000 men to be assembled with all diligence,
from amongst the best soldiers in his army, with whom he
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £39
marched day and night, and very soon reached the province of
Uma-suyu, where the unsuspecting enemy did not anticipate
their approach for a month, owing to the difficulty of the march
for a great army. Seeing the Ynca thus suddenly appear in
the midst of their villages, with an army of chosen men, and
that the rest of his forces were following him, they knew
that they could not assemble for battle in time to prevent
the destruction of their houses. So they repented of their
insolent reply, laid down their arms, and called their Curacas
together from all parts with all despatch, desiring them to seek
for mercy and pardon. The Curacas presented themselves
before the Ynca as they arrived, some at once, others after-
wards, and besought pardon, confessing that he was a child
of the Sun, and praying that as the son of such a father, he
would receive them as vassals, and they promised to serve
him faithfully.
The Ynca, far from realizing the fears of the Curacas, who
expected to be put to death, received them with much kind-
ness, and ordered them to be told that, as ill-taught barbarians,
they could not understand what was best in religion and
in morality, but that when they had enjoyed the benefit of
the laws, order, and government of his ancestors they would
rejoice to be his vassals ; and would despise their own idols,
as soon as they comprehended the many benefits which all
the world receives from their father the Sun, who ought to
be adored and looked upon as God. They were also told
that their own idols, which they called the gods of their
land, were merely the figures of vile and filthy animals, which
ought to be despised, instead of being treated as gods. The
Ynca ordered that they should obey him and his officers in
all things, as well as regards religion as civil laws, for that
their father the Sun had ordered both one and the other.
The Curacas, with great humility, replied that they pro-
mised not to take any other gods except the Sun, nor to
obey any laws but those which the Ynca imposed on them ;
THIRD BOOK OF TH K
for they judged, from what they had seen and heard, that
these laws were instituted for the good of the vassals. The
Ynca, to please his new vassals, went to the principal town
of that province, called Chiriqui, and there, having con-
sidered the dispute concerning the pastures, which had
caused wars between the two provinces, he ordered land-
marks to be set up at points where they could be best seen,
so that each province might have its proper limits, and not
trespass on those of its neighbour. These landmarks have
been preserved to this day with great veneration, because
they were the first that were ever set up in Peru, by order
of the Yncas.
The Curacas of both provinces kissed the hand of the
Ynca, giving him many thanks for having made a partition
which satisfied both sides. The king visited all parts of
those provinces to establish laws and ordinances, intending
afterwards to return to Cuzco, and not to continue his con-
quests, although he might well have done so, considering
the success that had hitherto attended them. The Ynca
Ccapac Yupanqui entered the capital in triumph, with his
army, and the Curacas and chief people of the three pro-
vinces which had been newly conquered accompanied the
king to see the imperial city, and they were borne on men's
shoulders in golden litters, as a sign that they had submitted
to the Ynca. The king's officers surrounded the litters, and
the soldiers marched in front, according to their squadrons,
those of each province by themselves, inarching in the order in
which each had been reduced, the earliest being nearest to
the Ynca, and the last furthest from him. The whole city
came out to receive the army with dancing and singing, as
was the custom.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
CHAPTER XII.
THE YNCA SENDS AN ARMY TO CONQUER THE QUECHUAS,
THEY ARE REDUCED TO SUBMISSION, WITH THEIR
OWN CONSENT.
For four years the Ynca was occupied in the government
and improvement of his realm, when, deeming it to be
undesirable that he should pass so much time at peace,
without giving an opportunity for martial exercises, he
issued orders that arms and provisions should be collected
with great care for the ensuing year. When the time
arrived he appointed his brother, named Auqui Titu, as
Captain-General, and four Yncas from amongst his nearest
relations, men experienced in affairs both of peace and war,
as masters of the camp. Each was to have the immediate
command of five thousand soldiers, and all five were to
govern the whole army. They were ordered to extend the
conquests, already achieved by the Ynca, in the Cunti-suyu
region ; and, in order to give them a propitious start, he
went with them as far as the bridge of Huaca-chaca, whence,
having commended to them the example of the Yncas their
ancestors, he returned to Cuzco.
The Ynca General and his masters of the camp entered
the province of Cota-pampa, where they met the lord of
the province, accompanied by a relation of his, who was
lord of another province, called Quechua. The Caciques,
having heard that the Ynca was sending an army to their
land, had met to receive him joyfully as their king and
lord, for they had looked forward to the coming of the
Yncas for many days, and thus they came forth with people
dancing and singing, and received the Ynca, Auqui Titu,
with demonstrations of satisfaction and joy. They said : —
" You are welcome, O Ynca Apu," (which means General)
Q
THIRD BOOK OF THE
" to make us servants and vassals of the child of the Sun,
and we adore you as his brother ; assuring you that, if you
had not come so soon, we intended to have gone ourselves
to Cuzco in the following year, to offer submission to the
king, and to entreat him to receive us into his empire.
For the fame of his deeds, and of the wonders done by
these children of the Sun, both in peace and war, are well
known to us, and have made us so desirous to become their
vassals, that each day seems a year to us. We also desired
to be his vassals, that we might be freed from the tyranny
and cruelty of the nations called Chanca and Hancohualla,
and others bordering upon us, which we have endured
for many years, since the time of our ancestors, when
they took much land from us, and troubled us with
unreasonable oppression ; so that we also desired to be
vassals of the Yncas, that we might be delivered from our
tyrants. The Sun, thy father, guard and protect you, that
thus our desires may be fulfilled." Having said this, they
made their obeisances to the Ynca, and presented much
gold to be sent to the king. The province of Cota-pampa,
after the war of Gonzalo Pizarro, was the repartimiento of
Don Pedro Luis de Cabrera, a native of Seville ; and that
of Cotancra,* as well as another, of which we shall presently
speak, called Huamanpallpa,t were the property of Garcilasso
de la Vega, my Iflrd, and this was the second repartimiento
he received in Peru. Of the first we shall speak further on,
in its place.
The General, Auqui Titu, and his captains, replied in the
name of the Ynca, and said that they rejoiced at the good
disposition of the chiefs in former years, and at their present
willingness to serve the Ynca, and that they would fully
* I have not been able to identify this place, but it must be a village
in the province of Cotabambas or Aymaraes.
t This is probably lluatnbalpa, a district in the province of Cangallo,
department of Ayacucho.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £43
report both the one and the other, as well as every word
they had then spoken, to his majesty, that he might reward
them, as he rewarded all who served him. The Caracas
were much pleased that their words would come to the
knowledge of the Ynca, and each day they displayed more
zeal to do all that the General and his captains ordered.
Having established the usual good order of government in
those two provinces, the officers advanced to another, called
Huamanpallpa, which was also conquered without war or any
opposition whatever. The Yncas then crossed the river
Amancay by two or three branches, which flow through
these provinces, and, uniting further on, form the great
river called Amancay.
One of these branches flows past Chuquinca, where the
battle was fought between Francisco Hernandez Giron and
the Marshal Don Alonzo de Alvarado ;* and on this same
river was fought, some years previously, the battle between
Don Diego de Almagro and the said Marshal, f in both of
which Don Alonzo de Alvarado was defeated, as we shall
more fully relate in its place, if God spares us to reach so
far. The Ynca marched onwards, reducing the provinces
on either side of the river Amancay, which are numerous,
and are all included under this name of Quechua.J They
all contained much gold and large flocks.
* In 1554. The formidable rebellion of Giron is fully described by
the Ynca in the second part of his work, and by Fernandez of Palencia.
t Alvarado was sent against Almagro by Pizarro, who was at Lima.
The battle was fought on July 12th, 1537. See my translation of The
Life of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, pp. 114-115, and note.
$ This is the first time that the word Quechua occurs. It appears
that the people dwelling on the banks of the river Abancay and in the
adjacent country were called Quechuas or Quichuas.
Q g
844 THIRD BOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XIII.
THEY CONQUER MANY VALLEYS ON THE SEA COAST.
Having made the usual arrangements, they set out over
the uninhabited region of the Huallaripa, a mountain range
famous for the quantity of gold that has been taken out of
it, and for the much larger quantity that remains. Having
crossed this desert country, which is thirty-five leagues
wide, they descended on to the sea coast llanos* The whole
country along the sea coast, and all other land in a hot
climate, is called by the Indians yunca, which means u hot
land "; and under this name of yunca they included many
lands along the sea coast. The Spaniards called the country
over which irrigation, from the rivers flowing from the moun-
tains to the sea extends, valles, and this is the only part of the
coast that is inhabited. For, beyond the land irrigated by
the water, all the country is uninhabitable, and consists of
sand, on which neither herb nor any other useful thing can
grow.
At the point where these Yncas came out on the llanos
is the great, fertile, and populous valley of Acari,f which
formerly contained more than twenty thousand Indians.
The Yncas reduced them to obedience with much ease.
* The llanos are the sea-coast deserts intervening between the irri-
gated valleys. From July to October, when there is the greatest
amount of moisture in the atmosphere, these llanos, and the mountains
which bound them, are carpeted with wild flowers of all colours — com-
posite, wild tobacco, nympha, oxalis, salvia, verbena, heliotrope, ama-
ranth, solanum, etc. During the rest of- the year they are parched and
arid wastes.
t On the sea-coast, in the province of Camana, department of Are-
quipa.
ROVAL COMMENTARIES. 245
From the valley of Acari the invaders advanced into those
of Unia, Camana, Caravilli, Picta, Quilca,* and others that
are further on along that coast, which runs north and south
for a distance of sixty leagues. The whole of the above
valleys are more than twenty leagues long, following the
course of their rivers from the mountains to the sea, and
their width is the distance to which the water can be led
for irrigation on either side, some two leagues, some mon
and some less, according as the supply of water is large or
small. There are some of the coast rivers which the Indians
never allow to reach the sea, drawing all the water off
to irrigate their crops and trees. The Ynca General, Auqui
Titu, and his masters of the camp, having reduced all these
valleys to submission to the king without a battle, sent a
report of all that had happened, and especially informed the
Ynca concerning the secret customs of those Indians, of
their rites and ceremonies, and of their gods, which were
the fish that they killed. He also reported that there were
some * * * *, not in all the valleys, but one here and one
there, nor was it a habit of all the inhabitants, but only of
certain particular persons, who practised it in private. He
likewise informed the Ynca that there was no more land to
conquer in that direction, for that it was joined on one
side to the country already annexed, and bounded on the
other by the sea coast.
The Ynca was much pleased with the account of the
conquest, and still more that it had been achieved without
the shedding of blood. He sent orders that, after making
the customary administrative arrangements, the army should
return to Cuzco. He also directed that the * * * * should
be sought out with great diligence, and be publicly burnt
alive i that their houses should be burnt, their trees pulled
up and crops destroyed. That there might be no memory
* Coast valleys of the province of Catnana.
£46 THIRD BOOK OF THE
whatever of a thing so abominable, a law was issued that,
if hereafter any one should fall into this habit, the whole of
his villages should be destroyed for one man's crime, and
all the inhabitants burnt.
All was done as the Ynca had commanded, to the ex-
treme wonder of the natives of the valleys that the criminals
should be punished in this new fashion. But the crime
was so abhorred by the Yncas and all their people that the
very name of it was considered odious, and never allowed
to cross their lips. Any Indian of Cuzco, not being of the
Ynca race, who angrily applied that name to another, was
looked upon by the other Indians as infamous for many
days, because he had allowed such a word to pass his lips.
As soon as the General and his officers had obeyed all the
commands of the Ynca, they returned to Cuzco, where they
were received in triumph, and were granted many favours.
Some years afterwards the Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui con-
ceived a desire to make a new expedition in person, and
extend his dominions in the direction of Colla-suyu, for in
the two previous campaigns his army had not gone beyond
Cunti-suyu. So he ordered an army of 20,000 men to be
assembled for the ensuing year.
While the people were assembling, he made arrangements
for the government of the whole kingdom, naming his
brother Auqui Titu as his lieutenant, with the four masters
of the camp who had served with him as his councillors,
lie also selected four other masters of the camp and other
officers, all Yncas, to accompany the army; and although all
the soldiers who came from the different provinces had one
of the chiefs of their own nation with them, as soon as they
joined the royal army, Ynca officers were placed over these
chiefs, whose orders they obeyed, and they acted under the
Yncas as their lieutenants. In this way the whole army
was regulated by the Yncas, without depriving the chiefs of
the other nations of their offices. Because the Yncas ordered
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 247
that in all things, which were not contrary to their own laws
and ordinances, the wishes of the Curacas of the different
provinces should be considered. Thus they all took pleasure
in serving the Yncas. The Ynca ordered that the prince
his heir should accompany him, to obtain experience of war,
although he was still very young.
CHAPTER XIV.
TWO GREAT CURACAS REFER THEIR DIFFERENCES TO
THE YNCA, AND BECOME HIS SUBJECTS.
When the time for setting out on the campaign arrived,
the Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui departed from Cuzco and
marched to the lake of Paria, which was the extreme limit
of his father's conquests in that direction. He caused his
officers to muster the contingents on the road, from each
province, and took care to visit the towns which were
within reach on either side of the road, to give satisfaction
to the people by his presence. They looked upon a visit of
the Ynca as so great an honour that, in many places, they
preserve the memory of the spot where one of the Yncas
had encamped to this day, or of the village where he had
asked for something, granted some favour, or rested on his
march. The Indians still venerate these places, because
they had once been honoured by the presence of one of
their kings.
The Ynca, as soon as he arrived at the lake of Paria,* took
measures to reduce the surrounding country to obedience.
Some submitted by reason of the good things they had
heard of the Ynca, and others because they had no means
of resistance. While he was occupied in these conquests,
messengers arrived from two great captains in the country
* Or of Aullagas, which receives the drainage of lake Titicaca.
#48 THIRD BOOK OF THE
of Colla-suyu, who were making a cruel war against each
other. And that this history may be better understood, it
must be known that these two great Curacas were the de-
scendants of two famous captains who, in the times before
the Yncas, had risen up in those provinces, each one by
himself, and gained many towns and vassals, thus becoming
great lords. Not content with what they had each acquired,
they turned their arms one against the other, according to
the ordinary custom of a reigning power, which cannot
brook an equal. They made cruel war, sometimes one and
sometimes the other losing and gaining, although they
maintained the war like brave captains during the whole
period that they lived. They left this feud as an inheritance
to their sons and descendants, who carried it on with the
same valour as their ancestors, up to the time of the Ynca
Ccapac Yupanqui.
Beholding this continual and cruel war, which had often
all but destroyed both sides, and fearing that, owing to the
equality in force and valour, they might be altogether
annihilated, the two chiefs agreed, in concert with their
captains and relations, to submit their quarrel to the arbi-
tration of the Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui, and to abide by his
decision touching their feud. They came to this resolution,
moved by the fame of former Yncas and of the present one,
whose justice and rectitude, with the marvels which their
father the Sun had worked for them, were so widely noised
abroad amongst those nations, that all desired to experience
them. One of these lords was named Cari, and the other
Chipana, and all their ancestors, from the first, had the
same name's. Their successors wished to preserve their
memories in their names, which one inherited from the
other, to remind them of their ancestors, and to induce them
to imitate those valorous captains. Pedro de Cieza de Leon
(chapter c) briefly alludes to these events, although he
plan s thrin long after the time when they really occurred.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 249
He calls one Curaca Cari, and the other Sapana.* When
these chiefs heard that the Ynca was pursuing his conquests
near their provinces, they sent messengers giving him an
account of their wars arid of what they sought from him,
beseeching permission to come and kiss his hand and give
him a fuller account of their differences, that he might give
his decision upon them. They protested that they would
abide by what the Ynca ordered, for that the whole world must
acknowledge him to be a child of the Sun, from whose
rectitude they hoped for justice to both sides, so that there
might henceforth be perpetual peace.
The Ynca heard what the messengers had to say, and
answered that the Curacas should come, and that he would
endeavour to decide between them ; and that he hoped to
make them friends, because the laws and ordinances which
he would ordain would be decreed by his father the Sun,
whom he would consult, that he might be more certain of
the correctness of his decision. The Curacas rejoiced greatly
at this reply, and came to Paria,'f where the Ynca then was,
a few days afterwards, each entering on the same day by
different roads, as had been previously agreed. On being
presented to the king they both kissed his hands at the same
time, not desiring to obtain any advantage. Then Cari,
whose territory was nearest to that of the Ynca, spoke in
the name of both, and gave a long account of the disputes
between them, and of its causes. He said that sometimes
they arose from the envy that one felt at the deeds and
successes of the other ; at others from ambition and covet-
ousness ; and at others from questions as to boundaries or
*' See my translation, p. 363. Cieza de Leon makes these chiefs to
be contemporaneous with the Ynca-Huira-ccocha. He says that one
of them conquered a large island in lake Titicaca, and found there a
white people who had beards.
t Near Oruro, and about thirty miles north of the lake of Aullagas.
The climate is cold; and the Indians cultivate quinua, potatoes, and
barley.
250 THIRD BOOK OF THE
jurisdiction. He prayed his Majesty to decide between
them, ordering what he thought proper, for that they were
now tired of the wars that they had waged during many
years. The Ynca, having received them with his usual
affability, ordered that they should serve for some days in
his army, and that two of the oldest and most experienced
Ynca captains should instruct them in the natural laws, by
which the Yncas governed their provinces, that the inhabit-
ants might live in peace, respecting as well the honour as
the property of their neighbours. He also sent two Yncas,
his relations, into the provinces of these Curacas, to inquire
into their boundaries, and to sift the causes of these wars to
the bottom. Having received full information, and con-
sulted his council, the Ynca sent for the Curacas, and, in few
words, told them that his father the Sun had commanded
that, in order to preserve peace and concord, they must
keep the laws which the Ynca captains had taught them,
and that they must look after the welfare and increase of
their people, who were rather destroyed than multiplied by
wars : that if they continued in discord, he would be forced
to raise up other Curacas, and to displace them for their
weakness and inefficiency, taking away their estates, and
blotting out the memory of their ancestors; all which would
be preserved by peace. He also ordered them to set up
landmarks at such and such points, to mark the boundaries,
which must not be altered. Finally he told them that their
father the Sun had so ordered it, that they might live in
peace, and that the Ynca had confirmed the order, on pain
of severe punishment if it was infringed, they themselves
having chosen him as the umpire of their differences.
The Curacas replied that they would readily obey his
Majesty, and, from the love they had acquired for his ser-
vice, that they would be true friends. Afterwards the
Caciques Cari and Chipana observed the laws of the Ynca,
the administration of his court and of his whole empire, the
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £51
merciful method of making war, and the justice which he
dealt out to all, without allowing any oppression. They
particularly noted the kindness with which they themselves
had been treated, and the justice of the decision respecting
the boundaries of their lands. Having well pondered over
these things, and consulted with their relations and retainers,
they determined to submit to the Ynca, and become his
vassals. They also did this because they saw that the
empire of the Ynca came very near to their estates, and that
they might be taken by force, they not being powerful
enough to resist. They prudently desired to become vassals
of their own accord, and not by force, so that they might
not lose the reward which such conduct would merit from
the Ynca. With this resolution they presented themselves
before him, and besought his Majesty to receive them into
his service as vassals and servants of the child of the Sun,
for that from that time they surrendered their land to him.
They asked him to send governors and ministers to instruct
these new vassals what their duties were in his service.
The Ynca said that he approved of their good disposition,
and would remember to show them favour on all occasions.
lie ordered them to be given the clothes worn by the
Yncas for themselves, and other clothes of less distinction
for their relations, showing them other marks of favour,
with which the Curacas were well satisfied. In this way
the Ynca added many provinces and towns to his empire,
which were possessed by these Caciques in the region of
Colla-suyu. Among others were Poco-ata,* Muru-muru,f
Maccha,J Caracara,§ and all those to the eastward of these
* A town thirty-five miles from Chayanta, to the S.S.E.; to the east-
ward of the lake of Aullagas.
t A place about thirty miles north-west of Chuquisaca (Sucre), the
capital of Bolivia.
£ Probably Machaca, about forty-five miles north-west of Cocha-
bamba.
§ Corocoro ?
THIRD BOOK OF THE
provinces up to the great Cordillera of the Antis, besides the
vast uninhabited tract which extends to the frontier of the
province of Tapac-ri, called by the Spaniards Tapacari.*
This desert is more than thirty leagues across, and so very
cold that it has no inhabitants ; but, owing to its wide
pasture lands, it is covered with innumerable flocks, both
wild and domestic. It also has many springs of water, so
hot that the hand cannot be held in them for the space of an
Ave Maria, and the source may be seen through the steam
caused by the hot water on issuing out, although it is
distant. This hot water is impregnated with sulphur, and
it is to be noted that amongst the hot springs there are
others of excessively cold water, and very pleasant to the
taste ; and when they all unite they form a river called
Cochapampa.f
After crossing the great desert of the fountains the road
comes to a mountain, the descent of which is seven leagues
long down to the llano of Tapac-ri, where was the first
repartimiento of Indians which my lord Garcilasso de la
Vega received in Peru. It is a most fertile land, populous
and with large flocks, more than twenty leagues long by
eleven wide. Eight leagues further on there is another
very beautiful province, called Cochapampa, where there is
a valley thirty leagues long and four wide, with a very
large river which forms it. These two beautiful provinces
were included in the territory which the two Curacas, Cari
and Chipana, surrendered in the manner already described.
By this acquisition the Yncas enlarged their empire by a
territory sixty leagues long. The province of Cochapampa,
* The province of Tapacari is in the Bolivian department of Cocha-
baraba. It comprises nearly the whole valley of Cochabamba, besides a
mountainous tract, cut up by deep ravines. The irrigated valleys yield
maize and fruits ; while potatoes, ocas, and quinua grow on the high
land.
t This is the Rio Grande de Cochabamba, an affluent of the Pilco-
mayu.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 253
being a region so large and fertile, was settled by the
Spaniards, who founded a town there in the year 1565,
called San Pedro de Cardena, because the founder was a
native of Burgos, named Luis Osorio.
As soon as these conquests were made, the Ynca ordered
that two masters of his camp should proceed to the estates
of the two Curacas, with the necessary officers for their
government and for the instruction of the new vassals.
Then, judging that these conquests were sufficient for one
year, being more than he had expected, the Ynca returned
to Cuzco, taking with him the two Curacas, that they might
see the Court and be entertained and presented with gifts.
They were very well received in the city, and feasted,
because so the Ynca had ordered. After some days they
received permission to return to their estates, and they
departed, well satisfied with the favours they had received.
The Ynca told them that he intended to set out soon to
reduce the other Indian nations.
CHAPTER XV.
THEY MAKE A BRIDGE OF STRAW AND TWISTED FIBRES
OVER THE DESAGUADERO. CHAYANTA IS CONQUERED.
The Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui was proud of the result of
the bridge, which we call Huaca-chaca, over the river
Apurimac, and ordered another to be made across the
Desaguadero (drain} of the lake of Titicaca, because he
intended soon to proceed with the conquest of other pro-
vinces in the Colla-suyu region. For, that land being flat
and favourable for the march of armies, the Yncas found
the conquest of it to be desirable, and for this reason they
persevered until they had possession of the whole of it.
The bridge of Huaca-chaca, and nearly all the others in
THIRD BOOK OF THE
Peru, are made of osiers ; and that over the river called by
the Spaniards the Desaguadero, is also of twisted fibres and
other materials. It is on the water, like the bridge of boats
at Seville, and is not in the air, as are the bridges of
twisted fibre which have already been described. There
grows, throughout Peru, a long kind of straw, soft and
flexible, which the Indians call ychu* and with which they
thatch their houses. It is much made use of, and is excel-
lent pasturage for sheep, and the Collas make baskets and
hampers of it, which they call pataas (like small boxes), as
well as ropes and cables. Besides this good straw, a very
great quantity of reeds grows on the banks of lake Titicaca,
which are called espadena or enea. At the proper time the
Indians of the provinces, who are obliged to make the
bridge, cut a large quantity of reeds, that they may be
dried and ready when the bridge is to be repaired. They
make four cables of this straw, of the thickness of a man's
leg, two of which they stretch across from one side of the
river to the other, which appears not to flow at all from
above, but from below seems to have a very strong current,
as those say who have seen it. Instead of boats, they fasten
very large bundles of reeds across the cables, of the thick-
ness of a bullock, strongly secured to each other and to the
cables. Over the bundles or faggots are stretched the two
other cables, which are very firmly secured to the reed
faggots, so that they may strengthen each other. An
additional quantity of reeds was spread over the cables,
that they might not be so soon worn out by the traffic.
They made a further quantity of bundles of reeds of smaller
size, about the thickness of a man's leg or arm, which were
also placed in rows, fastened to each other and to the
cables. The Spaniards call these smaller faggots the foot-
way of the bridge. The bridge is thirteen to fourteen feet
* Stipa Ychu, coarse grass, growing in patches, which covers the
higher slopes of the Andes, and is used for thatch.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £55
wide, more than a yard high, and one hundred and fifty
paces, a little more or less, in length. Hence an idea may
be formed of the quantity of reeds and rushes that would
be necessary to construct so great a work. It must be
understood that the bridge is repaired every six months —
that is, the whole work is renewed, for such perishable
materials would not serve for repairs ; and that the bridge
may always be secure, it is renewed before the cables
become rotten and break.
The care of this bridge, as of other great works, was,
in the time of the Yncas, divided amongst the neighbour-
ing provinces, and notice is given of the quantity of material
that must be provided by each ; and as it was collected
from one year to another, the bridge was completed in a
very short time. The ends of the thick cables, which were
the foundations of the bridge, are buried under the ground,
and they do not erect buttresses of stone where the cables
are secured. The Indians say that this is the best plan for
a bridge of this kind, but it is also done because they change
its position, making it sometimes higher up, and at others
lower down, but not over any great distance. As soon as
the Ynca knew that the bridge was made, he set out from
Cuzco with the prince his heir, and marched to the most dis-
tant provinces of the Caciques Cari and Chipana, which, as has
already been said, were Tapac-ri and Cochapampa. The
Caciques were ready with men at arms to serve the Ynca.
From Cochapampa they went to Chayanta,* passing over a
wild desert where there is not a foot of serviceable ground,
but rocks, stony wastes, and cliffs. Nothing grows in this
desert except certain plants with thorns as long as a man's
finger, of which the Indians make needles to do the little
sewing they have need of. These plants (cirios) grow in all
parts of Peru.f After crossing the wilderness, they entered
* A town of Bolivia, twenty-eight miles east of the lake of Aullagas,
and about seventy miles south-east of Oruro.
t Cactus.
256 THIRD HOOK OF THi,
the province of Chayanta, which is twenty leagues long and
nearly as many across. The Ynca ordered the prince to send
out messengers with the usual demands.
The Indians of Chayanta did not agree as to the answer
that should be given to these messages. Some said that it
was very just that the child of the Sun should be received
by them as God, and that his laws should be kept, for that
it might be believed that, being favoured by the Sun, he
would be just, kind, and beneficent in his treatment of
vassals. Others said that they had no want of a king nor
of new laws and customs ; that those they already had were
very good, for that they had been good enough for their
ancestors, and that their gods were sufficient for them, with-
out adopting a new religion and new customs ; that it
seemed worse for them to subject themselves to the will of
a man who was now preaching religion and holiness, but
who to-morrow, when they were once subjugated, would
impose what laws he chose, all for his own benefit and for
the injury of the vassals ; and that it was better to preserve
their liberty as heretofore, or to die for it, than to experi-
ence these evils.
This difference of opinion lasted for some days, each
party desiring that its view should prevail, until at last,
through fear of the arms of the Ynca on the one hand, and
owing to accounts of the excellence of the new laws on
the other, they all agreed to submit. Their answer was
not one of absolute submission, nor of entire defiance, but it
partook a little of both alternatives. They said that they
would rejoice to receive the Ynca as their king and lord,
but that they did not know what manner of laws he would
order them to observe, nor whether they would be beneficial
or hurtful. They, therefore, begged that they might try
both forms of government, and that (while they were re-
ceiving instruction in his laws) the Ynca and his army
might enter their province, with a promise that he would
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £57
depart and leave them free if they did not like his laws,
while, if the laws were as good as he represented them to
be, they would henceforward adore him as a child of the
Sun, and recognise him as their lord.
The Ynca said that he would accept the condition,
although he was well able to force them to submit. But he
chose rather to imitate the example of his ancestors, and to
gain his vassals by love rather than by force. He gave
them his word to leave them in the liberty they then
enjoyed if they did not desire to worship the Sun nor to
keep his laws: for he hoped that, when they knew and
understood them, not only that they would not hate them,
but that they would love them, and lament that they had
not known them many ages before.
Having made this promise, the Ynca entered Chayanta,
where he was received with veneration and respect, but not
with joy and applause, as had been the case in the other
provinces, because they knew not how the affair might end.
Thus they remained between fear and hope until the elders,
who accompanied the Ynca as councillors and governors of
the army, in presence of the heir to the throne, who assisted
at some of the meetings, explained the laws, as well those
concerning their idolatry, as those relating to the govern-
ment of the state. This was done many times and during
many days, until the people clearly understood the laws.
The Indians, carefully considering how beneficial they would
be to them, said that the Sun, and his children the Yncas,
who had given such laws and ordinances to men, deserved
to be worshipped and looked upon as gods and lords of the
earth. They therefore promised to obey the rules and
statutes of the Ynca, and to abandon their own idols, rites,
and customs. They made this protestation before the prince,
and worshipped him in place of his father the Sun, and of
the Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui.
As soon as the solemnities of this submission were com-
R
258 THIRD HOOK OF THE
pleted, there were great dances and balls, with songs and
festivities in praise of the Sun and of the Yncas, and of their
good laws and government ; and they submitted with all the
show of love and goodwill that they could display.
CHAPTER XVI.
OF THE VARIOUS DEVICES OF THE INDIANS FOR CROSSING
THE RIVERS, AND FOR FISHING.
Now that an account has been given of the two kinds of
bridges which the Yncas ordered to be made for crossing
rivers — one of osiers and the other of grass and rushes — it
will be well that we should relate other means and con-
trivances they used for crossing them ; for, owing to their
great cost and the time lost in constructing them, the
bridges were only made on the main lines of road ; but, as
that land is so long and narrow, and is crossed by so many
rivers, the Indians, taught by necessity, invented various
modes of crossing them, according to their different circum-
stances, as well as for navigating the sea, to the small extent
to which they ventured. But for navigating the sea they had
no knowledge of piraguas, nor of canoes, like the Indians of
Florida, of the "Windward Islands, and of the Tierra Firme,
which are like troughs ; for there is no large timber in Peru
suitable for making them ; and though it is true that there
are very tall trees, the wood is as heavy as iron. They,
therefore, used another kind of wood, as slight as a man's
thigh, as light as wood of the fig tree, the best kind coming
from the province of Quitu,* whence it was sent, by order
of the Yncas, to all the rivers. Of these canes they made
large and small balsas of five or six long poles tied together,
the middle one being longer than the others ; the first on
* Bamboo, nu\v
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 259
each side of the central pole were shorter, the second
shorter still, the third still shorter, that thus the balsa might
cut through the water more easily than if they were all the
same length ; and the balsas were of the same shape at the
stern as at the bow ; they stretched two cords along, by
which to pass from one side of the river to the other, and
often, when the boatmen had failed to place them, the
passengers themselves stretched them, so as to pass from
one side to the other. I remember having taken a passage
in certain balsas, which were made in the time of the Yncas,
and the Indians held them in veneration.
Besides the balsas they make another kind of small boat
of rolled up bundles of rushes of the thickness of a bullock ;
they fasten them securely together; from the centre towards
the bow their size diminishes, like the bow of a ship, so
that they may cut through the water ; from two-thirds the
distance from the stem the width increases. The top of the
bundles is flat for receiving the cargo.* A single Indian
manages each boat. He places himself on the end of the
stern, with his breast over the boat, and uses his arms and
legs as oars, thus propelling it through the water. If the
river is full, the boat reaches the opposite side at a point a
hundred or two hundred paces lower down than where it
started. When any person takes a passage, he lies down on
his breast, at full length along the boat, with his head
towards the boatman. He is told to take hold of the cords,
and not to rise nor to open his eyes to look at anything.
Once, when I was crossing a very full and rapid river in
this way (for it is in such as these that people are told to do
this, in quiet streams it being unnecessary,) owing to the
excess of care and kindness of the Indian boatmen, who
told me not to raise my head or open my eyes, I, being
quite a boy, got as frightened as if the earth was going to
open and the sky to fall. A desire came upon me to look
* These are the kind of boats now used on lake Titicaca.
R 9
K (V
260 THIRD BOOK OF THE
up and sec whether any enchantment or thing of the other
world was to be seen. So, when I felt that we were in the
middle of the river, I raised my head a little, and saw the
water, and truly it seemed to me as if we were falling down
from the sky, which made my head giddy, owing to the
furious current of the river and the violence with which the
boat dashed along. I was forced, through fear, to shut my
eyes again, and to confess that the boatmen were right in
telling me not to open them.
They make other balsas of great calabashes, entire, placed
in nets, and secured one to the other, over a space of a yard
and a half, more or less, according to circumstances. They
place a board in front, like a saddle, where the Indian boat-
man places his head, and he swims along, bringing the
balsa with him, and thus ferrying the cargo across the
river, bay, or arm of the sea. If it is necessary, one or two
Indians, as assistants, go behind, also swimming, and push-
ing the balsa along.
On those great rivers where, owing to the rapid current,
balsas of calabashes and boats of rushes cannot be used, and
where, owing to the rocks and other dangers, there is no
beach on which to embark or disembark, they make a very
thick cable of the fibre called chahuar* and stretch it
from one side to the other, fastening it to large trees or to
strong rocks. A basket of rushes, with a handle of thick
wood, fit to carry three or four persons, is made to travel
along the cable. A cord is fastened to each end of it, by
which it is drawn from one side to the other. The passengers
inside help to pull the cords, and as the cable is so long it
forms a bight in the middle, and it is necessary to haul the
basket little by little till it reaches the lowest part of the
cable, because it sinks very much, and thence upwards it is
hauled across by the force of men's arms. Indians, sent
from the neighbouring provinces, in their turns, arc told off
* Aloe fibre.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
for this duty, who assist travellers to cross without any
recompense. The passengers in the basket help to pull at
the cord, and many cross by hauling on it themselves,
without any assistance. They place their feet against the
basket, and haul themselves, by standing pulls, along the
cable. I remember having crossed in this way two or three
times, being still quite a young boy scarcely emerged from
childhood, and the Indians carried me along the roads on
their shoulders. They also sent their flocks across in these
baskets, a few sheep at a time ; but this is a troublesome
business, as they struggle in the basket, and are got across
with much difficulty. The same is now done with the
smaller flocks of Spain, such as goats, sheep, and swine ;
but larger animals, such as horses, mules, asses, and cows,
owing to their strength and weight, cannot be taken across
in the basket. They must be sent round to bridges or to
good fords. They do not use this method of crossing rivers
on the main roads, but on the bye-paths which the Indians
make from one village to another. They call it uruya.
The Indians along the coast of Peru embark on the sea
to fish in the small boats we have already described. They
go from four to six leagues off the land, and more if it is
necessary, for that sea is generally smooth, and admits of the
use of such frail barks. When they want to convey large
cargoes they use the rafts of wood. The fishermen, when
they navigate the sea, sit upon their legs, placing themselves
on their knees upon the bundles of reeds. They row with
a thick cane, a cubit in length, which they hold in the
middle. There are canes* in that land as thick as a man's
thigh, of which we shall say more further on. In rowing
they hold the cane in both hands, one at one end of the
cane and the other in the middle. The hollow part of the
cane serves as a paddle to give more force in the water. As
soon as they give one stroke in the water on the left side,
* Bamboos.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
they shift their hands and turn the cane to give another
stroke on the right side, placing the left hand where the
right was, and the right where the left was. In this way
they go on rowing, and changing their hands so as to pass
the cane from one side to the other, and among other
wonderful things connected with their fishing and navigation
this is the most to be admired. When one of their boats
went at full speed, it would not be overtaken by a courier,
how good soever he might be. They fish with harpoons,
and catch fish as large as men. This harpoon fishing
resembles that of the Biscayan whale fishery. They fasten
a small line to the harpoon, such as sailors call bolatin,* from
twenty to forty cubits long, the other end being secured to
the bow of the boat. When a fish is wounded, the Indian
loosens his legs and embraces the boat with them, while he
sends the boat onwards with his hands in chase of the fish,
which is taking flight. When the line has all run out, he
clutches the boat tightly with his legs, and thus raises the
fish, which, if it is very large, goes along with such velocity
as to appear like a bird flying through the sea. In this way
the Indian and the fish continue to fight until the fish is
tired, and falls into the hands of the Indian. They also fished
with nets and fish hooks, but these" were poor and wretched
contrivances (each man fishing by himself, and not in com-
pany) ; for the nets were very small and the fish-hooks badly
made, as they had no steel nor iron, though they had mines
which they knew not how to work. They call iron quillay.
They do not put up sails on their boats of rushes, for they
have no supports to hoist them on, nor do I believe that
they would go so fast with them as with their oars; but they
hoist sails on their wooden rafts when they navigate the sea.
These contrivances of the Indians of Peru, for navigating the
sea and crossing large rivers, were in use when I left the
country, imd probably aro so no\v, for those people, being
* Spun yarn.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 263
so poor, do not aspire to better things than they already
possess.* In the sixth book of the History of Florida we
treat of these contrivances, speaking of the canoes which
they make in that land for crossing and navigating those
great and rapid rivers that are to be met with there. We
will now return to the conquests of the Ynca Ccapac
Yupanqui.
CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE CONQUESTS OF FIVE GREAT PROVINCES, BESIDES
OTHER SMALLER ONES.
From Chayanta the Ynca marched to other provinces,
having left a garrison and the necessary ministers to establish
his idolatry and matters of finance. He first came to a
region called Cherca, under which name many different
nations are included, all of which are within the Colla-suyu
division. The principal places are Tutora, Sipisipi, and
Chaqui,f to the eastward of which, towards the Antis, are
other provinces called Chamuru. Here they grow the herb
cuca, although it is not so good as in the districts of Cuzco.
There is another province called Sacaca, and many others
which I omit, to avoid prolixity.^ The Ynca sent the usual
messages to the inhabitants.
These nations, being aware of what had happened in
Chayanta, nearly all replied in the same way, saying that
* On the Peruvian coast, especially at Arica, the Indians navigated
and fished in balsas made of inflated seal skins. Acosta says : — " The
Indians of Yea and Arequipa say that they used, in former times, to
navigate the ocean to some islands very far to the westward, and that
they did this on inflated seal skins." Lib. i, cap. xx, p. 68.
t Near Potosi.
% All these places are in the province formerly called Charcas, and
now forming the southern portion of the modern republic of Bolivia.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
they considered it an auspicious thing to worship the Sun,
and to have the Ynca, his child, for their lord ; that they
had heard of his laws and good government ; and that they
besought him to receive them under his protection, for that
they offered their lives and property to conquer and subdue
the surrounding nations ; and that they prayed that war
might not be made upon them, as they had destroyed their
old idols, and adopted the new religion and laws.
The Ynca ordered an answer to be sent to them, to the
effect that they need not undertake the conquest of their
neighbours, for that he would take care to do so, when and
how it might appear most advantageous to his people ; that
they had no occasion to fear any harm being done to them
for having submitted to him and received his laws ; for that,
as soon as they had experienced the result of such conduct,
they would rejoice at being able to live under a rule
ordained by the Sun. After this reply they freely admitted
the Ynca into all those provinces, respecting which, as no
event occurred worthy of remembrance, I merely give a
general account. The Tnca was two years in completing
these conquests, or three, as some relate ; and, having left
adequate garrisons, he returned to Cuzco, visiting the inter-
vening towns and provinces on the road. The heir, his son,
was ordered to go by another way, that he might also visit
the vassals, who rejoiced greatly at seeing their kings or
princes in their provinces.
The Ynca was received with great rejoicing at his court.
He entered, surrounded by his captains, with the Curacas
of the newly conquered provinces marching in front, who
came to see the 'imperial capital. A few days afterwards
the Prince Ynca Rocca arrived, and was received with much
satisfaction, and with dancing and songs composed in praise
of his victories. The Ynca, having rewarded his captains,
dismissed them to their homes, and he remained at his court,
attending to the government of his kingdom, which now
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 265
extended from Cuzco, towards the south, for more than
180 leagues,* which is the distance to Tutyra and Chaqui.
To the westward it reached the South Sea, which at one
point is more than 60 leagues from Cuzco, and at another
more than 80. f To the east the dominion of the Ynca
extended to the river of Paucar-tampu, which is 13 leagues
from the city in a straight line. To the south-east the king-
dom reached as far as Callavaya, 40 leagues from Cuzco.J
It thus seemed to the Ynca that he should not make new
conquests, but that he should settle the provinces that he
had acquired, by conferring benefits upon the vassals, and
he was occupied in this way for some time, living in peace
and quietness. He enriched the house of the Sun and of
the select virgins, which the first Ynca, Manco Ccapac, had
founded. He ordered other buildings to be erected within
the city, as well as in the provinces, wherever it seemed
desirable. He also caused great channels to be made for
irrigating the land, and many bridges to be placed over the
rivers and great streams for the security of travellers. He
opened new roads between the different provinces, that
there might be communication between all parts of his
empire. In fine, he did everything that could contribute
to the public good and to the well-being of his people, as
well as to his own grandeur and majesty.
* This is a very fair approximation to the distance from Cuzco to
Chaqui, near Potosi.
t These distances are also fairly correct.
4. Also correct.
266 THIRD BOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE PRINCE YNCA ROCCA REDUCES MANY GREAT
PROVINCES, INLAND AND ON THE SEA COAST.
The Ynca was thus occupied for six or seven years, at the
end of which time he thought it would be well to turn again
to military exercises, and the extension of his dominions.
He therefore ordered 20,000 armed men to be assembled,
and with four experienced masters of the camp, to march
towards Chincha-suyu, which is the northern division; under
the command of the prince Ynca Rocca, his son. For the
Yncas had not extended their sway in that direction beyond
the limits reached by the first Ynca, Manco Ccapac. That
boundary was at Rimac-tampu, seven leagues from the city.
The northern division, being a rugged and thinly peopled
country, the Yncas had not hitherto undertaken its conquest.
The prince and his army set out from Cuzco, reached the
river Apurimac, and crossed it in great balsas which had
been collected; and, the country being uninhabited, marched
onwards to Curahnasi* and Amancay,t eighteen leagues
from Cuzco. The few Indians of that neighbourhood were
easily reduced. From the province of Amancay he advanced
by the left hand of the high road from Cuzco to Rimac, and
crossed the uninhabited region called Ccocha casa,J which
is twenty-two leagues wide. He then entered the province
called Sura, which is populous, and rich in gold and in
flocks. Here the Ynca was received peacefully, and obeyed
as lord of the country. Thence he passed on to another
* A rich valley, now containing several thriving sugar-cane estates,
between the rivers Apurimac and Abancay.
t Amancay means a lily. The place is corruptly called Abancay by
the Spaniards.
i;ikc, ami casa ice, in Quichua.
ROYAL COMMENTARTES. 267
province called Apucara, where he was also well received ;
and the reason that these provinces so readily submitted
was that, being at enmity with each other, none of them was
able singly to resist the Ynca.
From Apucara he marched to the province of Rucana,
which is divided into two divisions, one called Rucana and
the other Hatun-rucana, which means great Rucana. It is
inhabited by a handsome and well disposed people, who
willingly submitted. Thence the Ynca marched down to
the sea coast, which the Spaniards call the llanos, and came
to the first valley in that direction, called Nanansca. The
word signifies a hurt or wound,* but it is not known for
what reason it was given to this valley. It may have been
from some visitation or punishment which had befallen the
inhabitants. The Spaniards call it Lanasca.f The Ynca
was here also received peacefully, and obeyed readily, and
the same thing happened in all the other valleys between
Nanasca and Arequipa, a distance of more than eighty
leagues in length and fourteen or fifteen broad. The prin-
cipal valleys are Acari and Camana, in which there were
£0,000 inhabitants. There are other smaller and less im-
portant valleys, called Atico, Ocoiia, Atequipa, and Quilca,
which were all reduced to submission with great ease
by the prince Ynca Rocca, because they had no power to
resist him, each valley being ruled by a petty chief, and the
larger ones having two or three chiefs, between whom there
were feuds and animosities.
It will be proper, seeing that we are on the spot, not to
proceed until we have related a strange event which took
place in the valley of Acari, very soon after the Spaniards
conquered it, although we shall somewhat anticipate our
history in point of time. Two chiefs, neither of whom had
been baptised, had a bitter quarrel respecting their bound-
* Nanani, I hurt. The participle is Nanasca, hurt or wounded,
t It is now called Nasca. •
263 THIRD BOOK OF THE
aries, insomuch that they fought a battle, in which men
were killed and wounded on both sides. The Spanish
governor sent a commissioner to administer justice between
the parties, and arrange the dispute. He settled the bound-
ary in the way that seemed to him to be just, and sent to
order the Caracas to establish peace and friendship with
each other. This they promised, although one of them, who
considered that he was injured by the decision, retained his
anger, and desired to avenge himself on his adversary under
the veil of friendship. So, on the day when the peace was
ratified, they all dined together in an open place, one faction
facing the other. After dinner the Curaca rose up excitedly,
taking two cups of their liquor to drink to his new friend
(as is the usual custom with the Indians), one of them being
poisoned, to kill him. He presented the glass to the other
Curaca, who suspected the truth, and said — " Give me that
other glass, and drink this yourself." The other, in order
that he might not appear timid, took it in his hand, and
gave the harmless glass to his enemy. He then drank the
deadly poison, and died in a few hours, as well from the
strength of the poison as from rage at seeing that he had
killed himself when he intended to destroy his foe.
CHAPTER XIX.
TIII.Y TAKE INDIANS FROM THE SEA COAST TO COl.OMSi;
THE COUNTRY INLAND. THE YNCA
CCAPAC YUPANQUI DIES.
The Ynca took Indians of Nanasca and transported them
to the banks of the river Apurimac, near the high road from
Cuzco to Rimac.* For that river flows through a region
which is so hot that the Indians of the cold and temperate
• * Lima.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 269
climate of the Sierra soon sicken and die in it. It has already
been said that the order of the Yncas was that, when Indians
were thus transported from one province to another (whom
we call Mitmac), they should always be sent to a climate
similar to that of their native land, that the change might do
them no injury. It was therefore forbidden to send Indians
of the Sierra to the Llanos, because they would certainly
die in a few days. The Ynca, mindful of this danger, took
Indians from one hot climate to inhabit another. It was only
necessary to send a few to the banks of the river Apurimac,
because it flows between very lofty and precipitous moun-
tains, and has very little available land on either side of its
current. The Ynca desired that this small strip of land
should not be lost, but should be turned into a garden for
raising the numerous and excellent fruits which ripen on the
banks of that famous river.
This being done, and the usual orders having been given
for the government of the newly acquired provinces, the
prince Ynca Rocca returned to Cuzco, where he was very
well received by his father and the court. The captains and
soldiers were sent home, after having received rewards for
their services in the war. The Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui re-
solved not to make any further conquests, for he felt that he
was growing old, and he desired to confirm the people
already subjugated in their allegiance. He lived for some
years in peace, very carefully attending to the welfare of his
vassals, who, in their turn, showed their devotion, as well in
their work for the temple of the Sun, as for the other
edifices, some built by order of the Ynca, and others
spontaneously by the Indians to please their Sovereign,
each province building those required for its own districts.
In this period of quiet and rest the Ynca Ccapac Yupan-
qui died. He was a very brave prince, worthy of that name
of Ccapac which the Indians so highly venerated. He was
mourned for in the court and throughout the empire, was
270 THIRD BOOK OF THE
embalmed, and placed with his ancestors. He left his eldest
son, Ynca Rocca, as his successor, by his wife and sister, the
Coya Mama Curiyllpay. He left many other sons and
daughters, legitimate and illegitimate; but as I do not know
the number with certainty, I do not give it. It is believed
that there were more than eighty, for most of these Yncas
left one hundred or two hundred children, and some had
more than three hundred sons and daughters.
CHAPTER XX.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN, AND OF ITS
GREAT RICHES.
One of the principal idols of the Kings Yncas and their
vassals was the imperial city of Cuzco, which the Indians
worshipped as a sacred thing, both because it was founded
by the first "Ynca, Manco Ccapac, and on account of the
innumerable victories which have been won by its citizens.
It was also venerated as the court and home of the Yncas.
This veneration was so great that it was shown even in very
small things. For if two Indians of equal rank met each
other in the road, one coming from and the other going to
Cuzco, he who was coming from the city was accosted by
the other as a superior, because he had been at Cuzco, and
this respect was shown with more solemnity if the traveller
was a resident, and still more if he was a native of the
capital. The same feeling prevailed as regards seeds and
pulses, or anything else. Whatever came from Cuzco,
although in reality not superior, was preferred solely for
that reason. Being thus held in such veneration, these
kings ennobled the capital to the utmost of their power,
with sumptuous edifices and royal palaces, some of which
we shall describe. Among these the most remarkable was
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £71
the temple of the Sun, which they adorned with incredible
riches, each Ynca augmenting its splendour, and excelling
his predecessor. The riches of that edifice were so wonder-
ful that I should not have the audacity to write an account
of them if they had not been alluded to by all the Spanish
historians of Peru; but neither what they have said, nor
what I shall now say, can give an adequate idea of the
reality. 'They attribute the edifice to the Ynca Yupanqui,
grandfather of Huayna Ccapac, not because he founded it,
for it had existed since the time of the first Ynca, but
because he completed the adornment of the interior, and
brought it to the state of splendour and majesty in which
the Spaniards found it.
Coming to a description of the temple, it must be known
that the house of the Sun is now the church of the divine
San Domingo. As I have not got the exact length and
breadth, I do not give it here. It is built of smooth masonry,
very accurately and regularly placed.
The high altar (I use this term to make myself under-
stood, though these Indians did not know anything of
building an altar) was at the east end. The roof was very
lofty and of wood, that there might be plenty of air ; the
covering of thatch, for they had not attained to the art of
making tiles.* All the four walls of the temple were
covered, from roof to floor, with plates and slabs of gold.
In the side, where we should look for the high altar, they
placed a figure of the Sun, made of a plate of gold of a
thickness double that of the other plates which covered the
walls. The figure was made with a circular face and rays
of fire issuing from it, all of one piece, just as the Sun is re-
presented by painters. It was so large as to occupy the
whole of one side of the temple, from one wall to the other.
The Yncas had no other idols in that temple save the image
* For an account of an ancient thatch roof at Azangaro, see my
Travels in Peru and India, p. 193.
THIRD BOOK OF THE
of the Sun, because they worshipped no other gods but the
Sun, although there are not wanting persons who state the
contrary.
This figure of the Sun, when the Spaniards entered the
city, fell to the lot of a noble knight, one of the first con-
querors, named Mancio Serra de Leguisamo, whom I knew,
and who was alive when I went to Spain. He was a great
gambler, insomuch that, though the figure of the Sun was so
large, he gambled to such an extent that he lost it in one
night. Hence we may observe, following the Father Acosta,
that the saying originated — "He plays away the Sun before
dawn." Some time afterwards the municipality of the city
elected him to the office of alcalde, seeing that he was lost
through his habit of gambling, and hoping to reclaim him.
He entered upon this public service with so much zeal and
diligence (for he possessed all the qualities of a gentleman)
that he never took a card into his hands during the whole
of that year. The city, seeing this, elected him for another
year, and afterwards he filled public offices during several
successive years. Mancio Serra, occupied in this way, for-,
got his gambling habits, and hated play ever afterwards, re-
membering the numerous difficulties and embarrassments in
which it had involved him.* From this example it may be
* Mancio Serra de Leguisarno was one of the first conquerors. lie
marched with Alonzo de Alvarado against Almagro, and was taken
prisoner at the battle of Abancay, remaining in prison at Cuzco, with
many others, until he was rescued and liberated by Pizarro himself.
When Gonzalo Pizarro rose against the Viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela,
Mancio Serra de Leguisamo, then become a citizen of Cuzco, joined
him ; but afterwards he fled to Arequipa and thence to Lima, with about
forty other cavaliers, intending to rejoin the viceroy and return to his
allegiance. lie married an Ynca princess, Doila Beatriz Nusta, and had
a son by her, who was a schoolfellow of our author. The curious dying
confession of Mancio Serra de Leguisamo has been preserved by Calancha
(i, cap. xv, p. 98). It is dated 1589, and addressed to Philip II. He
concludes it by saying — " I pray to God that he will pardon me, for I
am the last to die of all the conquerors and discoverers ; it is notorious
that there are none surviving except I alone, and I now do what I can
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £73
seen how much idleness fosters vice, and how profitable
occupation is for the 'cultivation of virtue.
Returning to our history, I may say that from that piece
alone, which fell to the share of a single knight, an idea can
be formed of the treasure which was found in the city and
temple by the Spaniards. On either side of the image of
the Sun were the bodies of the dead kings, arranged ac-
cording to priority, as children of that Sun, and embalmed
so as to appear as if they were alive, although the process is
not known. They were seated on chairs of gold, placed
upon the golden slabs on which they had been used to sit.
Their faces were towards the city, except that of Huayna
Ccapac, which was distinguished above the rest by being
placed facing the figure of the Sun, as the most beloved of
his children. He deserved this ; for in life he was revered
as a god, by reason of his virtues and the regal qualities
that he displayed from the time he was a child. The Indians
hid these bodies with the rest of the treasure, most of which
has not been brought to light, up to the present time. In
the year 1559 the licentiate Polo discovered five of the
bodies, three of kings and two of queens.*
The principal door of the temple looked to the north, as
it does now, and there were other smaller doors for the ser-
vice of the temple. They were all coated with plates of
gold. Outside the temple, on the upper part of the walls,
a cornice of gold, consisting of a plate more than a yard
wide, ran round the whole building, like a crown.
to relieve my conscience." He bears witness, in this document, to th
excellence of the government of the Yncas, and to the good disposition
of the Indians; and confesses to all the Spanish injustice, cruelty, and
oppression, in which he participated.
* One was that of the Ynca Huira-ccocha, with hair as white as
snow; the second was that of the great Tupac Ynca Yupanqui; the
third of Huayna Ccapac. The women were Mama Runtu, queen of
Huira-ccocha, and Ccoya Mama Ocllo, mother of Huayna Ccapac. They
were finally buried in the court of the hospital of San Andres at Lima.
See note at p. 22C of my translation of Cieza de Leon.
s
£74 THIRD BOOK OF THE
CHAPTER XXL
OF THE CLOISTER OF THE TEMPLE, AND OF THE EDIFICES
DEDICATED TO THE MOON, STARS, THUNDER,
LIGHTNING AND RAINBOW.
Beyond the temple there was a cloister with four sides,
one of which was the wall of the temple. All round the
upper part of this cloister there was a cornice, consisting of
a plate of gold more than a yard wide, forming a crown to
the cloister. In place of this gold the Spaniards caused a
cornice of white plaster to be put up, of the same width, in
memory of the former one, and I left it there in the walls,
which were still standing, and had not been pulled down.
Round the cloister there were five rooms or great halls,
square, each one standing by itself, not joined to others,
covered in the form of a pyramid, and these formed the
other three sides of the cloister.
One of these halls was dedicated to the Moon, the wife of
the Sun, and this was nearest to the principal chapel of the
temple. The whole of it, with the doorways, was covered
with plates of silver, which, from their white colour, denoted
that it was the hall of the moon. The image, like that of
the Sun, represented a woman's face on a plate of silver.
They entered this hall to visit the Moon and to commend
themselves to her, for they held her to be the sister and
wife of the Sun, and mother of the Yncas, and all their ge-
neration. Thus they called her Mama-quilla, which means
" Mother Moon ;" but they offered up no sacrifices to her
as they did to the Sun. On either side of the image of the
Moon were the bodies of the dead queens, placed in their
order, according to seniority. Mama Ocllo, the mother of
Huayna Ccapac, was in front of the moon, face to face, and
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 275
she was thus honoured above the rest, for having been the
mother of such a son.
Another of these halls, being the one nearest to that of
the Moon, was dedicated to the planet Venus and the seven
Pleiades, and to all the other stars. They called the star
Venus Chasca, which means one with long and curly hair.
They honoured this star, because they said that it was the
page of the Sun, travelling nearest to it, sometimes in front
and at others behind. They venerated the seven Pleiades
because of their curious position, and the symmetry of their
shape. They looked upon the host of stars as handmaidens
of the Moon, and they, therefore, gave them a hall near
that of their mistress, that they might be at hand for her
service ; for they said that the stars walk through the heavens
with the Moon, as if they were her servants, and not with
the Sun. This, they said because they saw the stars by
night and not by day.
This hall was covered with silver like that of the Moon,
and the doorway was of silver. The whole roof was strewn
with stars, great and small, like the heavens on a starry
night. The other hall, near that of the stars, was dedicated
to lightning, thunder, and the thunderbolts. They in-
cluded these three things in the one word Yllapa t and they
distinguished them by means of the verb. Thus when they
said ^ I saw the Yllapa" they meant the lightning; if they
said, " Listen to the Yllapa" they referred to the thunder ;
and when they exclaimed, " The Yllapa has fallen in such
a place" they alluded to a thunderbolt.
They did not worship these things as gods, but respected
them as servants of the Sun. They had the same feeling
with respect to them, as the ancient heathens entertained
for the thunderbolt, which they looked upon as a weapon of
their god Jupiter. With a similar feeling the Yncas dedi-
cated a hall to lightning, thunder, and thunderbolts in the
house of the Sun, as his servants, and the hall was lined
276 THIRD BOOK OF THE
with gold. They had no image, nor other representation of
thunder and lightning, because as they could not draw them
from nature (as they always did when they made images of
anything), they respected them under the name of Yllapa.
The Spanish historians, up to the present time, have not got
a correct knowledge of the threefold meaning of this word.
For they have made out of it a God, three in one, which
they have given to the Indians, thus assimilating their
idolatry to our holy religion. They have also invented
Trinities from other things, with even less colour or founda-
tion, composing new words in the language, such as the
Indians themselves never imagined. I write, as I have
already said, what I sucked in my mother's milk, and saw
or heard from my elders ; and, touching the thunder, I have
already said what else they believed concerning it.
Another hall (which was the fourth) was dedicated to the
rainbow; for they had ascertained that it proceeded from
the Sun ; and the kings Yncas therefore adopted it for their
device and blazon, as descendants of the Sun. This hall
was all covered with gold. On one side of it, on the plates
of gold, a rainbow was very naturally painted, of such a size
that it reached from one wall to the other, and with all its
colours exact. They call the rainbow Chuychu, and, owing
to the veneration they felt for it, when they saw it in the
air, they shut their mouths, and put their hands over them,
for they said that if they exposed their teeth it would decay
and loosen them. This was one of their foolish customs,
among many others, and they could give- no reason for their
folly. The fifth and last hall was set apart for the high
priest, ands for the other priests who assisted in the services
of the temple, all of whom were Yncas of the blood royal.
This hall was not used by them to sleep or eat in, but as a
hall of audience, to regulate the sacrifices that were to be
made, and all other matters relating to the service of the
temple. This hall, like the others, was also plated with
, from floor to ceiling.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 277
CHAPTER XXII.
THE NAME OF THE HIGH PRIESTS, AND TOUCHING
OTHER PARTS OF THE TEMPLE.
The Spaniards call the chief priest Vilaorna, instead of
Villac VmUj a word composed of the verb Villani (I say)
and of the noun Vmu, which means a divine or soothsayer.
Villac, with the letter c, is the present participle, and, added
to the word Vmu, the meaning is the "diviner or soothsayer
who speaks." It does not explain what it is that he says,
but it is understood that he says to the people what he has
been directed, as chief priest, to proclaim as a command of
the Sun, in accordance with their fables, and what the
devils declared to him through their idols and sanctuaries.
He also proclaimed what he himself, as chief priest, divined
from the omens and sacrifices, and by interpreting dreams,
and by other superstitions which they had in the time of
their heathenry. They had no name for priest, but they
composed a word from the same things that are done by
priests.
Of the five images the Spaniards secured three, which
still remained in their ancient positions. They only lost the
benches of gold and silver, and the images of the moon and
stars, which had been pulled out of the ground. Against
the walls of these temples, looking towards the cloister, on
the outside, there were four porches of masonry, a material
of which every other part of these edifices was also built.
The mouldings round the corners, and along all the inner
parts of the porches, were inlaid with plates of gold, as well
as the walls and even the floors. At the corners of the
mouldings there were many settings of fine stones, emeralds
and torquoises, but there were neither diamonds nor rubies
£78 THIRD BOOK OF THE
in that land. The Ynca sat in these porches when there
were festivals in honour of the Sun, sometimes in one and at
another in another, according to the time of the feast.
In two of these porches, built against a side facing to the
east, I remember having seen many holes in the mouldings,
made through the stones. Those in the corners passed
right through, while the others were merely marks on the
walls. I heard the Indians and ministers of the temple say
these were the places in which the precious stones were
fixed in the heathen times. The porches and all the door-
ways opening on the cloister, which were twelve in number
(except those of the temples to the moon and stars) were
inlaid with plates and slabs of gold in the form of porches,
while two, to be in accordance with the white colour of
their patrons, had their doorways of silver.
Besides the five great halls already mentioned, there were
other buildings in the temple of the Sun, for the priests, and
for the attendants who were Yncas by privilege. For no
Indian, unless he was an Ynca, could enter that house, how
great Lord soever he might be, nor any woman except the
wives and daughters of the king himself. The priests
assisted in the services of the temple, by turns of weeks
reckoned from the quarters of the moon. During that space
of time they refrained from their wives, and never came
forth from the temple, either by day or night.
The Indians who served in the temple as servants, that is
to say, the porters, sweepers, cooks, butlers, fuel carriers,
guards, watermen, and performers of any other office apper-
taining to the service of the temple, came from the same
towns as those who were servants in the royal palace, which
towns were obliged to supply such persons for the palace
and the temple of the Sun ; these two edifices, as the homes
of a father and son, having no difference whatever in mat-
i sui\i<v, except that the women performed no duties
in the temple of the Sun, and that no sacrifices were offered
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 279
in the palace. All other things were the same both as re-
gards grandeur and majesty.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE PLACES FOR THE SACRIFICES AND THE THRESHOLD
WHERE THEY TOOK OFF THEIR SANDALS TO ENTER
THE TEMPLE. CONCERNING THEIR FOUNTAINS.
The places where the sacrifices were consumed were in
accordance with the solemnity of the rites. They were con-
sumed in the courtyards set apart for the special festivals.
The general sacrifices, offered up on the principal festival of
the Sun, called Raymi, were made in the great square of
Cuzco. Other sacrifices and festivals of less importance were
celebrated in front of the temple, in a great square where
they performed the dances of all the provinces and nations
in the empire. No one could pass from this square to the
temple except barefooted, nor could any person enter the
square itself with sandals on, because it was within the
limits beyond which all must go barefooted. I will describe
the extent of those limits, that it may be known what they
were.
Three principal streets issue from the great square of
Cuzco, and run in a north and south direction towards the
temple. One follows the course of the stream. Another is
that which, in my time, was called the Calle de la Carcel,
because the Spanish prison was in it. I am told that it has
since been removed to another part of the city. The third
issues from the corner of the plaza, and runs in the same
direction. There is another street, further to the eastward
than any of these, which is now called the Calle de San
Agustin. By all these four streets a person may go to the
temple of the Sun. But the principal and most direct street,
280 THIRD BOOK OF THE
being that which leads to the door of the temple, is that
called by us de la Carcel, which issues from the centre of
the plaza. By this street they went to the temple to worship
the Sun, and to bring their offerings and sacrifices, so that
it was the street of the Sun. Another street crosses all
these from west to east, from the stream to the street of San
Agustin. This street, which crosses the others, was the
limit within which all who approached the temple were
obliged to go barefooted ; and even if they were not going
to the temple they had to bare their feet on arriving at this
limit, because it was prohibited for any one to go beyond it
with sandals on their feet. The distance from the street,
which we have stated to be the limit, to the door of the
temple, was more than two hundred paces. To the east,
west, and south of the temple there were similar boundaries,
on arriving at which people were forced to go barefooted.
Returning to the ornaments of the temple, there were,
within the edifice, five fountains of water, that flowed from
different directions. The pipes were of gold, and some of
the pillars were of stone, and others were jars of gold and
silver. In these fountains they washed the sacrifices,
according to their importance, and to the magnificence of
the festival. I have only seen one of these fountains, which
was used to irrigate the vegetable garden of the monastery.
The others had been lost, and even the one which I saw
was lost for six or seven months, so that the garden was
destroyed for want of irrigation, the whole monastery, and
even the city, being concerned at the loss ; for there was
not an Indian who could explain whence the water of the
fountain came.
The cause of the loss of the water at that time was that it
came from the western side of the monastery, underground,
thus passing under the stream which flows through the city.
This stream, in the time of the Yncas, was lined and paved
with masonry, the floor being of large flags, so that it might
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £81
not be injured by the freshes; and this masonry work ex-
tended for a quarter of a league beyond the city. Owing
to the negligence of the Spaniards, it has fallen out of re-
pair. For this stream (although it generally contains very
little water, for it rises almost within the city) is subject to
violent freshes, when it is wonderfully swollen, and thus
breaks up the flags and masonry.
In the year 1558 it happened that the water tore up the
flagstones in the bed of the stream, just over the place where
the pipe of the fountain was laid down, breaking the pipe it-
self; so that the garden was left without water, and the silt,
brought down by the stream every year, concealed the posi-
tion of the pipe, so that no sign was left of it.
The friars, although they tried all they could to find the
spring, were unsuccessful ; and it would have been neces-
sary to pull down many edifices, and to dig very deep, in
order to follow the course of the pipe from the fountain,
because the fountain was on high ground, nor could they
find an Indian to guide them in their search. For this
reason they cared no more for that fountain, nor for the
others which the edifice contained. From this circumstance
it may be gathered that those Indians, at the present day,
have few traditions of ancient times, seeing that after only
forty-two years they had forgotten so important a thing as
the origin of the waters which flowed to the house of their
god the Sun. It seems impossible but that there must have
been some tradition handed down from forefathers to their de-
scendants and from the priests to their successors, so that the
memory of this spring might not be lost. It is true that in
those times the priests of the former state of things had come to
an end, among whom the traditions were pr^erved, which
bore upon the service and honour of the teXiple. This, and
many other traditions concerning which the Indians can
give no account, are now lost. If the information had been
handed down in the knots which recorded the tribute, or in
282 THIRD 1500K OF THE
the allotments of the royal services, or in the histories of
successive reigns, which are profane matters, no doubt the
particulars respecting these fountains would have been pre-
served ; like many other things, the memory of which has
been preserved by the accountants and historians. But
even these are fading away and being superseded by new
stories and the modern history of another order of things.
CHAPTER XXIV.
OF THE GARDEN OF GOLD, AND OF OTHER COSTLY THINGS
IN THE TEMPLE, IN IMITATION OF WHICH THERE
ARE MANY OTHERS IN THE TEMPLES OF
THAT EMPIRE.
Returning to the fountain, I have to say that, after it had
been lost for six or seven months, some little Indian boys
were playing along the side of the stream, when they saw
the spring of water coming up through the broken and
hitherto stopped up pipe. At the novelty of the sight they
called others to behold it, until at last some older Indians
and Spaniards came, who suspected that, from being so near
the convent, it was the water which had been lost. They
ascertained the direction taken by the pipe, and seeing that
it led towards the buildings, they felt that their conjecture
was correct, and gave notice to the monks. The holy men
repaired the pipes with great care, although not with the
efficiency that was afterwards attained, and brought back
the water to their garden, without further attempts to find
whence it came. It is certain that there is much earth above
the water, for the pipes are very deep in the ground.
That garden, which now supplies the convent with vege-
tables, was in the time of the Yncas a garden of gold and
silver, such as they also had in the royal palaces. It con-
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 283
tained many herbs and flowers of different kinds, many
small plants, many large trees, many large and small
animals both wild and domestic, and creeping things, such
as serpents, lizards, and toads, as well as shells, butterflies,
and birds. Each of these things was placed in its natural
position. There was also a large field of maize, the grain
they call quinua, pulses, and fruit trees with their fruit; all
made of gold and silver. There were also, in the building,
billets of wood imitated in gold and silver, and great figures
of men, and women, and children, as well as granaries,
called pirua, all for the ornamenting and the majesty of the
house of the Sun their god.
Every year, on the occasion of the principal feasts, new
objects in gold and silver were presented to the temple, so
that its wealth continued to increase; for all the silversmiths,
dedicated to the service of the Sun, had no other business
than to make these things. There was also a vast quantity
of pots, vases, and jars in the temple. In fine, there was in
that edifice no article of any kind which was not made of
gold and silver, even down to the spades and hoes for use
in the garden. Hence, with good reason, they called the
temple of the Sun, and the building attached to it, CCURI-
CANCHA, which means a " court of gold."
In imitation of this temple of the city of Cuzco, others
were made in the provinces, of many of which, and of the
house of the select virgins, Pedro de Cieza de Leon makes
mention in his account of that land, in which he describes it
province by province, though he does not mention all the
temples, but only those which are met with on the main
roads, leaving in oblivion those in the great provinces on
the right and left of the roads. I also shall omit special
mention of them, to avoid prolixity, for it is unnecessary to
specify them, seeing that I shall describe the principal
temple, and that all the others are much alike.
Each Curaca was bound to adorn the temple in his district
£84 THIRD BOOK OF THE
in proportion to his wealth in gold and silver, as well to
serve and honour his God, as to shew respect to his king,
who was a child of the Sun. So that all those temples of
the provinces vied with that of Cuzco in their platings of
gold and silver.
The nearest relations of the Curacas were the priests of
the temples of the Sun. The chief priest of each large pro-
vince, as bishop, was an Ynca of the blood royal ; for the
sacrifices offered to the Sun were ordered in conformity with
the rites and ceremonies of Cuzco, and not with the super-
stitions of each province, the practice of which was pro-
hibited. Such were the sacrificing of men, women, and
children; the eating of human flesh; and other very barbar-
ous things practised in the first age of heathenry, which
were forbidden by the Yncas. In order that the people
might not return to these wicked habits, they were obliged
to have an Ynca, who was a noble of the blood royal, as
their high priest.
The high priests of Ynca blood were also sent to do honour
to the vassals, for, as we have already said, the people in
many parts highly valued the presence of an Ynca as their
superior — their priest in time of peace, and their leader in
war. Thus they felt that they were inferior members of a
body, the head of which was represented by an Ynca. This
will suffice respecting that most rich and costly temple,
though much more might be said by one who understood
better how to describe it.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES, 285
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE FAMOUS TEMPLE OF TITICACA, AND OF THE FABLES
AND ALLEGORIES CONCERNING IT.
Among the other famous temples that were dedicated to
the Sun,, in Peru, and might compete with that of Cuzco in
costly ornaments of gold and silver, there was one on the
island called Titicaca, which means "the rock of lead/'
The name is composed of titi which is " lead," and caca
which is " a hill/' both syllables being pronounced at the
back of the throat. For, if the word is pronounced as the
letters sound in Spanish, it means an uncle, the brother of a
mother. The lake called Titicaca, took its name from the
island, which is about two shots of an arquebus from the
mainland. It is five to six-hundred paces round. The
Yncas say that it was on this island that the Sun placed his
two children, male and female, when he sent them down to
instruct the barbarous people who then dwelt on the earth.
To this fable they add another of more ancient origin.
They say that, after the deluge, the rays of the Sun were
seen on this island, and on the great lake, before they ap-
peared in any other part. The lake is eighty fathoms deep,
and eighty leagues round. Father Bias Valera, writes
that the reason why ships cannot sail on the waters of the
lake is that it contains much loadstone ; but of this I can say
nothing.
The first Ynca, Manco Ccapac, taking advantage of the
ancient fable, and assisted by his own genius and sagacity,
seeing that the Indians venerated the lake and the island as
sacred things, composed a second fable ; saying, that he and
his wife were children of the Sun ; and that their father had
placed them on that island, that they might thence pass
286 THIRD BOOK OF THE
through the country, teaching the people in the manner that
has been fully related in the beginning of this history. The
Yncas Amautas, who were the philosophers and learned men
of the State, reduced the first fable to the second ; teaching
it as a prophecy, if one may use such a term. They said
that the Sun having shed his first rays on that island, whence
to illuminate the world, was a sign and promise that on the
same spot he would place his own children • whence to go
forth instructing the natives, and drawing them away from
the savage condition in which they lived ; as those kings
actually did in after times. With these and similar fables,
the Yucas made the Indians believe that they were children
of the Sun; and they confirmed this belief by the numerous
benefits they conferred upon the people. Owing to these
two traditions, the Yncas, and all the people under their
sway, looked upon that island as a sacred place ; and they
ordered a very rich temple, lined with gold plates, and
dedicated to the Sun, to be erected on it. Here all the
vassals of the Ynca, offered up much gold and silver, and
precious stones every year, as a token of gratitude to the Sun,
for the two acts of grace which had taken place on that spot.
This temple, had the same service as that of Cuzco. There
was said to be such a quantity of gold and silver, as offer-
ings, heaped up in the island, besides what was worked for
the use of the temple, that the stories of the Indians con-
cerning it are more wonderful than credible. The Fnllier
Bias Valera, speaking of the riches of this temple, and of the
quantity of wealth that had been collected there, says that
the Indian colonists (called Mitmac) who lived in Copa-
cavana, declared that the quantity of gold and silver, heaped
up as offerings, was so great that another temple might have
been made out of it, from the foundations to the roof, with-
out using any other materials. But as soon as the Indians
heard of the invasion of the country by the Spaniards, and
that they were seizing all the treasure they could find, they
threw the whole of it into the great lake.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 287
Another story of a similar kind occurs to me. In the
valley of Urcos, six leagues to the southward of Cuzco,
there is a small lake, less than half a league in circumference,
but very deep, and surrounded by high mountains. It is
commonly reported that the Indians threw much of the
treasure of Cuzco into it, as soon as they knew that the
Spaniards were approaching; and, among other costly things,
they threw in the chain of gold which Huayna Ccapac
ordered to be made, and which I shall mention in its proper
place. Twelve or thirteen Spaniards, inhabitants of Cuzco,
not of the number of those who possess Indians, but mer-
chants and traders, formed a company of profit or loss, to
drain that lake and secure the treasure. They sounded the
lake and found that its depth was twenty-three to twenty-four
fathoms, without counting the mud at the bottom, which
was also deep. They agreed to make a tunnel to the east-
ward of the lake, where the river called Yucay flows, be-
cause in that direction the land is lower than the bottom of
the lake, so that they would thus be able to draw off the
water and leave the lake dry. For in other directions they
could not drain it, because it was surrounded by mountains.
They did not open the drain by digging from the surface, as
it seemed more economical to excavate underground, by
means of a horizontal tunnel. They began their work in
the year 1557, with great hopes of obtaining the treasure,
and excavated for a distance of fifty paces. Then they came
to a rock, which they tried to break, but it turned out to be
of flint, and they saw that more fire came from their blows
than stone. After spending many ducats of their wealth,
they lost heart, and gave up the attempt. I entered the
tunnel two or three times when the work was going on. It
is a general belief, not confined to these Spaniards, that the
Indians concealed a vast amount of treasure in lakes, caves,
and forests, which now is beyond hope of recovery.
The Kings Yncas, besides the temple and its rich orna-
288 THIRD BOOK OF COMMENTARIES.
ments, greatly ennobled that island of Titicaca, because it
was the spot were their first ancestors originally appeared,
coming from heaven, as they themselves declared. The
island was levelled as completely as possible, rocks and
cliffs being removed, and terraces being constructed. These
terraces were filled with good and fertile earth, brought
from a distance, in which maize might be cultivated, for in
that region the climate is so cold that maize can by no means
be raised. In these terraces they sowed other seeds ; and,
among other advantages obtained from them, they furnished
a harvest of maize in small quantity, the heads of which
were conveyed to the king as sacred, and deposited in the
temple of the Sun, as well as with the select virgins who
were in Cuzco, and in the other convents and temples
throughout the kingdom, one year to some, and another to
others, that all might enjoy the possession of those grains,
which, as it were, had come from heaven. They sowed
them in the gardens of the temples of the Sun, and of the
convents of virgins in the provinces, and the harvests from
them were distributed amongst the people. Some of these
grains were placed in the granaries of the Sun, and in those
of the king and the state, that they might, as sacred things,
guard, enrich, and protect from corruption the bread, which
was garnered for general sustenance. The Indian who
could obtain a grain of that maize to place in his ears
believed that he would never want for bread during the re-
mainder of his life. To such a point did their superstition
reach' in any matter relating to their YncasJ
— i .,. ^
END OF THE THIRD BOOK.
FOURTH BOOK
EOYAL COMMENTABIES OF THE YNCAS.
IT TREATS OF THE VIRGINS DEDICATED TO THE SUN, AND OF THE LAW
AGAINST THOSE WHO MAY VIOLATE THEM. IT DESCRIBES THE WAY
IN WHICH THE COMMON INDIANS WERE MARRIED, AND ALSO HOW
THE MARRIAGE OF THE HEIR TO THE CROWN WAS CELEBRATED.
ALSO HOW ESTATES WERE INHERITED, AND HOW CHILDREN
WERE BROUGHT UP. IT GIVES AN ACCOUNT OF THE
LIFE OF THE YNCA ROCCA, AND OF HIS CONQUESTS,
OF THE SCHOOLS HE FOUNDED, AND OF HIS
SAYINGS. IT ALSO RELATES THE EVENTS
OF THE REIGN OF THE SEVENTH
YNCA YAHUAR-HUACCAC, AND
GIVES AN ACCOUNT
OF A
STRANGE APPARITION
WHICH APPEARED TO THE PRINCE HIS SON.
IT CONTAINS TWENTY-FOUR CHAPTERS.
THE FOURTH BOOK.
CHAPTER I.
THE HOUSE OF THE VIRGINS DEDICATED TO THE SUN.
THE Kings Yncas had, in their vain religion, great things
worthy of much attention, and one of these was the perpe-
tual virginity which women observed in many conventual
houses, that were built for them in the different provinces
of the empire. In order that it may be understood what
women these were, to whom they were dedicated, and in
what employments they were occupied, I shall relate how
all this was; for the Spanish historians who treat of this
matter pass it by like the proverb which says — " the cat out
of the arms." I shall treat specially of the house at Cuzco,
because all the others which were established throughout
Peru were on the same model.
The quarter of the city of Cuzco called Aclla-huasi,
which signifies the house of the chosen ones, is between the
two streets issuing from the great square and leading to the
convent of Santo Domingo, which used to be the temple of
the Sun. One of these streets is that which issues from the
corner of the square on the left hand side of the cathedral,
running north and south. When I left that city in the
year 1560, this street was the principal mart for shopkeepers.
The other street is that which issues from the centre of the
square, near the prison, and goes straight to the convent of
Santo Domingo, also running north and south. The front
of the house faced the square, between these two streets,
and the back of it extended to the street which crosses
them from east to west, so that it was in an island, as it
292 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
were, between these three streets and the square.* Between
it and the temple of the Sun there was another very large
block of houses, and there were houses round the great
square in front of the temple. From all this it may clearly
be seen that those historians give an erroneous account of
the city, when they say that the virgins dwelt in the temple
of the Sun, and that they were priestesses who assisted the
priests in their sacrifices. For there is a great distance
between one building and the other, and it was the inten-
tion of the Kings Yncas that no man should enter the
house of the virgins, and that no woman should enter the
temple of the Sun. It was called the house of the chosen
ones, because they were selected by reason either of their
lineage, or of their beauty. They were obliged to be vir-
gins ; and to ensure their being so, they were set apart at
the age of eight years and under.
And as these virgins of the house at Cuzco were dedi-
cated to the Sun, they were obliged to be of the same
blood, that is to say, daughters of the Yncas, either of the
King or of his relations, being free from all foreign blood.
Those who were not of pure blood could not enter the
house at Cuzco of which we are now speaking. They gave
as a reason for this that as they could only offer virgins for
the service of the Sun, so it was likewise unlawful to offer
a bastard \\ith mixed foreign blood. For though they
imagined that the Sun had children, they considered that
they ought not to be bastards, with mixed divine and
human blood. So the virgins were of necessity legitimate
and of the blood royal, which was the same as being of the
family of the Sun. There were usually as many as 1500
virgins, but no rule existed which limited their number.
Within the house there were women who had grown old
* The walls of the Aclla-huasi or House of the chosen virgins, arc
still standing, exactly in the position dcsrrilicd in the text. They form
part of the convent of Santa Catalina.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 293
in the service, and who were called Mama-cuna, which,
literally translated, would mean matrons; but the exact
signification of the word is a woman who has to perform the
duties of a mother. It is composed of the words Mama (a
mother) and of the particle Cuna, which has numerous
meanings, according to the sense in which it is used, and
its position in the sentence.* This was an appropriate
name for the aged women, because some held the office of
abbesses, others of mistresses of the novices, to instruct
them in the worship of their idolatry, and in their duties,
such as weaving and sewing. Others were portresses, others
had to look after the supplies and to ask for what was
needed. Their needs were most abundantly furnished forth
from the estates of the Sun, whose servants they were.
CHAPTER II.
THE RULES AND DUTIES OF THE CHOSEN VIRGINS.
They lived in perpetual seclusion to the end of their
lives, and preserved their virginity ; and they were not per-
mitted to converse, or have intercourse with, or to see any
man, nor any woman who was not one of themselves. For it
was said that the women of the sun should not be made
common by being seen of any ; and this seclusion was so
strict that even the Ynca did not allow himself the
privilege of seeing and conversing with them, in order that
no other might venture to seek a similar privilege ; only the
Ccoya, who was queen, and her daughters, had leave to enter
the house and converse with the virgins, both young and
old.
The Ynca sent the queen and her daughters to visit the
secluded virgins, and thus to learn how they were, and what
* Cuna is the plural particle for nouns.
FOURTH BOOK OF THB
they needed. I saw this house when it was entire, for the
house of the virgin, the temple of the sun, and four great
enclosures which had been palaces of their Yncas, were the
only buildings which were respected by the Indians in their
general insurrection against the Spaniards, and which they
did not burn. They destroyed all the others, but these they
spared because one had been the house of the sun their god,
and the other of the virgins of their kings. Among other
arrangements in the house of the virgins, there was a narrow
passage, admitting of only two people to walk abreast, which
traversed the whole building. In this passage there were
many recesses on either hand, which were used as offices
where the women worked. At each door there was a care-
ful portress, and in the last recess, at the end of the passage,
were the women of the sun. The house had its chief en-
trance, which was opened to no one but the queen, and to
receive those who came to be nuns.
At the commencement of the passage, where was the door
used for ordinary occasions, there were twenty porters to
carry things required for the house to the second door. But
they were not allowed to pass the second door on pain of
death, even if they were called from within, and no one
might call them.
There were, for the service of the virgins and of the house,
five hundred girls, who were also obliged to be virgins,
daughters of those Yncas by courtesy who received that title
from the first Ynca as a reward for submitting to his rule.
But they were not of the blood royal, and were employed not
as women dedicated to the sun, but as servants. They were
not allowed to be daughters of strangers, but of the Yncas
by privilege. These girls had their mama-cunas of the same
caste as themselves, who taught them their duties. These
mama-cunas were those who had grown old in the house,
and who then received the name and the office, as if it had
been said to them, " Now you may become a mother and a
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 295
mistress of the house." In the division which the Spaniards
made amongst those who settled in Cuzco, of the royal
buildings, one half of this convent fell to the share of Pedro
del Barco,* of whom we shall make mention further on.
This was the part containing the offices. The other half was
given to the Licentiate de la Gama,f whom I knew in my
childhood, and afterwards it belonged to Diego Orton de
Guzman,^ a native of Seville whom I knew, and who was
alive when I started for Spain.
* Pedro del Barco, a native of Lobon in Estremadura, was one of
Pizarro's followers. He accompanied Hernando de Soto from Caxa-
marco to Cuzco, and these two intrepid Spaniards were thus the first
Europeans to enter the imperial city of the Yncas. They returned to
Caxamarca with news of the wonderful riches they had seen in the
palaces and temples of the capital. Pedro del Barco afterwards re-
ceived half the convent of the Virgins of the Sun as his share of the
spoils of Cuzco. He sold it to an apothecary named Hernando de
Segovia, who accidentally discovered a treasure, under the pavement,
worth 72,000 ducats. This Segovia was personally known to our author
in Cuzco, and afterwards the Ynca saw him at Seville, when he came
home with a large fortune. He died of grief and sadness at having
left the city of Cuzco ; a fate which, we are told by the Ynca, befell
others whom he had known both in Cuzco and afterwards in Spain.
When Gonzalo Pizarro rose in rebellion, many of the citizens of
Cuzco were forced to join him ; but Pedro del Barco, with others, fled
from his army while it was marching to Lima, and went to Arequipa.
Thence he and his companions travelled by land to Lima, intending to
join the Viceroy; but they were captured by Gonzalo Pizarro and
thrown into prison. Soon afterwards Gonzalo's cruel old Lieutenant
Carbajal took Pedro del Barco and two others out of prison, and hanged
them on a tree outside the walls of Lima. Carbajal laughed and jeered
at the unfortunate victims, and told Barco he would be allowed to
choose which branch he fancied most, because he was a wealthy man,
and one of the original conquerors of Peru. The half-caste orphan
children of Pedro del Barco were adopted and treated with great kind-
ness by Garcilasso de la Vega, the Ynca historian's father. One of
them, an old schoolfellow of our author, was afterwards banished to
Chile by the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo.
t This lawyer held a bloody assize after the battle of Chupas, and
put many of the younger Almagro's followers to death, at Giiamanga.
t This cavalier distinguished himself on the royal side in ttie bloody
£96 FOURTH HOOK OF THE
The principal duty of the virgins of the sun was to weave
and to make all that the Ynca wore on his person, and like-
wise all the clothes of his legitimite wife the Ccoya. They
also wove all the very fine clothes which were offered as
sacrifices to the sun. That which the Ynca wore as a band
round his head was called llautu. It was the width of the
little finger and very thick, so as to be almost square, being
passed four or five times round the head, and the crimson
fringe which hung from it went from one temple to the
other.
The Ynca's dress was a tunic descending to the knees,
called uncu. The Spaniards call it cusmo, but this is a word
belonging to some provincial dialect, and not to the general
language. They also had a square mantle in place of a cloak,
called yacolla ; the nuns also made for the Ynca certain
bags which were square ; they were worn under one arm,
secured by a highly embroidered band, two fingers in width,
passed from the left shoulder to the right side. These bags
were called chuspa, and were solely used for carrying the
herb called cuca, which the Yncas ate, and which was not
then so common as it is now;* for only the Yncas and his
relations, and some Curacas, to whom the Ynca extended this
favour, were allowed to use it, and to these a few baskets
(cestos) were sent every year.
The nuns also made small tassels of two colours, yellow
and red, called paycha, fastened to a fine band about a cubit
long, which were not for the Ynca but for those of the blood
royal, who wore them round their heads and the tassel fell
over the left temple.
battle of Chupas, when the younger Almagro was defeated by Vaca de
Castro. He was robbed of much silver by the rebel Giron, in a subse-
quent insurrection at Cuzco.
* In these days no Peruvian Indian is without his gaily coloured
>•/( a. •</>((, containing his beloved coca leaves.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 297
CHAPTER III.
THE VENERATION IN WHICH THE THINGS WERE HELD
THAT WERE MADE BY THE CHOSEN VIRGINS; AND
THE LAW THAT WAS MADE AGAINST THOSE
WHO MIGHT VIOLATE THEM.
The nuns made all these things with their own hands, in
great quantities for the Sun, their husband : but, as the Sun
could not dress nor fetch the ornaments, they sent them to
the Ynca, as his legitimate son and heir, that he might wear
them. The Ynca received them as things sacred, and he
and all his people held them in greater veneration than the
Greeks and Romans would have done if, during the time of
their idolatry, such things had been made by their goddesses,
Juno, Venus, and Pallas. Tor these gentiles of the new
world, being more simple than those of antiquity, worshipped
with extreme veneration and heartfelt adoration that which,
in their vain religion, they looked upon as sacred and divine.
As those things were made by the hands of the Ccoyas, or
wives of the Sun, and were made for the Sun, and as these
women were by birth of the same blood as the Sun, for all
these reasons their work was held in great veneration. So
that the Ynca could not give the things made by the virgins
to any person whatever who was not of the blood royal, be-
cause they said that it was unlawful for ordinary mortals to
use divine things. The Yncas were prohibited from giving
them to the Curacas, or captains, how great soever their
services might have been, unless they were relations. Fur-
ther on we shall relate what other clothes the Ynca pre-
sented to. the Curacas, viceroys, and governors, as a mark of
great favour.
Besides the above duties, the nuns had to make the bread
298 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
called cancu at the proper season, for the sacrifices that were
offered up to the Sun at the great festivals called Raymi and
Situa. They also made the liquor which the Ynca and his
family drank on those occasions, which in their language is
called aca, the last syllable being pronounced in the fauces,
for if it is pronounced as the Spanish letters would sound, it
means dung. All the furniture of the convent, down to the
pots, pans, and jars, were of gold and silver, as in the temple
of the sun, because the virgins were looked upon as his
wives. They also had a garden of trees, plants, herbs, birds,
and beasts, made of gold and silver, like that in the temple.
The things we have mentioned were those which the nuns
were chiefly occupied in making. All things relating to
them were in conformity with the life and conversation of
women who observed perpetual seclusion and virginity.
There was a law for the nun who should transgress this rule
of life, that she should be buried alive and that her accom-
plice should be strangled. But as it seemed to them but a
slight punishment only to kill a man for so grave an offence
as the violation of a woman dedicated to the Sun, his god,
and the father of his kings, the law directed that the wife,
children, servants, and relations of the delinquent should be
put to death, as well as all the inhabitants of his village and
all their flocks, without leaving a suckling nor a crying
baby, as the saying is. The village was pulled clown and
the site strewn with stones, that the birth-place of so bad a
son might for ever remain desolate and accursed, where no
man nor even beast might rest.
This was the law, but it was never put into execution, be-
cause no man ever transgressed it ; for, as we have said in
other places, the Indians of Peru were very fearful of break-
ing the laws, and kept them very carefully, especially those
relating to their religion and their king. But if any one had
broken this law, the sentence would have been literally
executed without any remission whatever, as if it had been
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. £99
only a matter of killing a small dog. For the Yncas never
made laws to frighten their vassals, but always with the in-
tention of enforcing them on those who ventured to trans-
gress.
CHAPTER IV.
THERE WERE MANY OTHER HOUSES OF VIRGINS. THE
STATEMENT RESPECTING THE RIGOROUS LAW
IS VERIFIED BY ZARATE.
All that has been said was with reference to the convent
of the virgins of Cuzco, dedicated to the Sun. There were
many others like it in other parts of the kingdom, in pro-
vinces where the Ynca, as a great privilege, ordered them
to be built. Into these were admitted, not only maidens of the
blood royal, but also those of mixed blood. As a great favour,
the daughters of the Curacas were also allowed to enter;
and those of the common people, who were very beautiful,
were selected as concubines of the Ynca, but not of the Sun.
Their parents held it to be their greatest happiness to have
the girls chosen as concubines of the king, as did the girls
themselves.
These girls were guarded with the same care and vigilance
as those of the Sun. They had servant-maids like the others,
and were maintained out of the estates of the Ynca, because
they were his women. They could do the same work as
those of the Sun, weaving and sewing, making clothes in
very great quantities for the Ynca, and making all the other
things we have mentioned as being the work of the virgins
of the Sun. The Ynca distributed the work of these girls
among the royal family, the Curacas, war captains, and all
other persons whom he desired to honour with presents.
These gifts were not prohibited, because they were made by
300 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
the Yncas and for him, and not by the virgins of the Sun for
the Sun.
These houses also contained Mama-cunas, who ruled over
the virgins, in the same manner as those at Cuzco. In fine,
all things were the same, except that in Cuzco all the
virgins must be of the blood royal, and must preserve per-
petual virginity; while women of all kinds were admitted
into the other houses, so long as they were virgins and very
beautiful, because they were for the use of the Ynca. When
he asked for one, they selected the most beautiful, to be sent
to where he was, as his concubine.
The same severe law existed against delinquents who
violated the women of the Ynca as against those who
were guilty with virgins dedicated to the sun, as the
crime was considered to be the same, but it was never
enforced because it was never transgressed. In confirmation
of what I have stated touching the rigorous law against
offenders who violated the women of the sun, or of the Ynca,
the accountant Augustin de Zarate, speaking of the causes
of the violent death of Atahualpa (book ii, chap. 7) has the
following passage, which, being illustrative of my remarks,
is extracted word for word : — " As this evidence was from
the mouth of the same Filipillo, he gave such interpretation
as suited his purposes ; but his motives never could be clearly
understood. These were probably one out of two : either
this Indian had an intrigue with one of the women of
Atahualpa, and desired, by his death, to enjoy her in se-
curity, the news of which had reached Atahualpa, who com-
plained to the governor, saying, that he felt this insult more
than his imprisonment and all his other misfortunes, even if
death should be included in them; that so base born an Indian
should so injure him, knowing the law that existed in that
land against such a crime. Por he who transgressed in this
way, or even attempted to transgress, was burnt alive with
his parents, sons, brothers, and relations, even down to his
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 301
flocks, and his native land was depopulated and sown with
salt, the trees cut down, the house destroyed, and other great
punishments were inflicted in memory of the crime." So far
is from Augustin de Zarate, and it shows that he had re-
ceived a full account of this law. I found the passage after
I had written what I knew about it, and I was rejoiced to
meet with so full an account of the law by a Spanish gentle-
man, who thus supports me with his authority ; for although
the other historians speak of this law, all they say is that the
culprits were punished with death, without adding that the
same penalty was incurred by their children, parents, rela-
tions, and all the inhabitants of their villages, even down to
the animals, and that the trees were pulled up, and the sites
strewn with stones, or with salt, which is all the same. All
this was contained in the law, so as to magnify the offence
and mark the greatness of the crime ; and so it appeared in
the eyes of the poor Ynca Atahualpa, who declared that he
felt that insult more than his imprisonment, and all his other
misfortunes, even if they included death itself.
Those who had once been sent out as concubines of the
king, could not again return to the convent, but served in
the royal palace as servants of the queen, until they obtained
permission to return to their homes, where they received
houses and lands, and were treated with much veneration,
for it was a very great honour to the whole neighbourhood to
have near them a woman of the Ynca. Those who did not
attain to the honour of being concubines of the king, remained
in the convent until they were very old, and then had permis-
sion to return home, or else died in the convent.
r-Ol'UTTI HOOK OF THK
CHAPTER V.
THE SERVICE AND ORNAMENTS OF THE VIRGINS, AND HOW
THEY WERE NEVER GIVEN IN MARRIAGE
TO ANY ONE.
Those who were set apart for the reigning King were,
when he died, called the mothers of his successor, and then
received the name of mama-cuna with more propriety, because
they had become mothers. These taught and had charge of
the concubines intended for the new king, as if they had
been their daughters-in-law. Each convent had its governor,
who was obliged to be an Ynca, as well as a steward, a
caterer, and other necessary officers to superintend the ser-
vice of the king's women, who, although concubines, were
called wives. In all the houses of virgins selected for the
king, the utensils were of gold and silver, as in the houses
of virgins of the Sun and in the famous temple, and also
(as we shall presently relate) in the royal palace. In
short, it may be affirmed that all the wealth of gold and
silver and jewels, that was found in that empire, was used
in no other way than in the adornment and service of the
numerous temples of the Sun and convents of virgins, and
of the royal palaces. The quantity used by the Curacas
was small, being only for drinking cups, and these were
limited in size and number, according to the privilege that
the Ynca may have granted to each. Another small quan-
tity was used on the robes with which they celebrated the
great festivals.
The statement that virgins were taken from the convents
to be given to Curacas and famous captains who had de-
served well from the Ynca, as their wives, is an error into
which the author of it fell, through the false account that he
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 303
received. For, when once dedicated as a woman of the
Ynca, it was unlawful to lower any maiden from that estate,
or to permit the possibility of any one being able to say,
"This was once a woman of the Ynca." Such a practice
would have profaned what was sacred, for, next to the pro-
perty of the Sun, that which belonged to the Yncas was held
most sacred, especially the women. It would not be per-
mitted that such an insult should be offered as would be in-
volved in lowering one of the women of the Ynca to be the
wife of a private person ; for, even in matters of very slight
importance, no affront was allowed from any one, how much
more in an affair of such magnitude, it being considered
better to be the slave of the Ynca than the wife of a lord of
vassals, who were themselves slaves of the Ynca. We say this,
although it was not understood what it was to be a slave. The
women were venerated as things sacred, as belonging to the
Ynca, while to be the wife of a Curaca was not valued more
than any other common woman in comparison with the pro-
perty of the Ynca. All these practices were considered by the
Indians as important, and observed with the greatest care,
because they held their kings not only to be possessed of
royal majesty, but to be gods.
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE WOMEN WHO WERE FAVOURED BY THE YNCA.
It is true that the Yncas gave women to distinguished per-
sons in their service, such as Curacas and captains, and
the like. But these were daughters of other captains, whom
the Ynca took to present as wives to those who served him
well; and he who received a girl from the Ynca did not
consider himself less favoured and gratified than he from
304 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
whom the Ynca asked his daughter ; for the Ynca had taken
the girl to make her his own jewel, and then to give her
hand to one who had served him well. In the favours of
the Ynca, the gift was not so much valued, however great
it might be, as the fact that it had been received at the
majestic hands of the Ynca, which was looked upon as a
divine and not a human favour.
The Ynca also gave, although on rare occasions, girls who
were of the blood royal, but illegitimate, to Curacas who
were lords of great provinces, as well to do them a favour
as to oblige them for having been loyal vassals. Thus it
was that, having so many women to give away, it was not
necessary for the king to part with any who had been dedi-
cated in the convents ; for this would have been an insult to
him, to the women, and to religion. Such women were
looked upon as inviolate ; for, if they were legitimate, they
became virgins of the Sun or of the Ynca, it being a custom
to have concubines of the blood royal ; or else they were
women of another Ynca, and, in either of these three states,
they were looked upon as sacred, and it was not lawful that
they should become the wives of an ordinary mortal, how
grand a lord soever he might be, for this would be to con-
taminate that blood which was held to be divine. But, as
an illegitimate girl was already fallen from this false divinity,
it was not considered an offence to give her as a wife to a
great lord.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 305
CHAPTER VII.
OF OTHER WOMEN WHO PRESERVED THEIR VIRGINITY,
AND OF THE WIDOWS.
Besides the virgins who professed perpetual virginity in
the monasteries, there were many women of the blood royal
who led the same life in their own houses, having taken a
vow of chastity, though they were not secluded ; for they
did not cease to visit their nearest relations when they were
sick, or in childbirth, or when their first-borns were shorn
and named. These women were held in great veneration
for their chastity and purity, and, as a mark of worship and
respect, they were called Ocllo, which was a name held
sacred in their idolatry. The chastity of these women was
not feigned, but was truly observed, on pain of being burnt
alive if it was lost, or of being cast into the lake of lions. I
myself was acquainted with one of these women, when she
was in extreme old age, and who, having never married,
was called Ocllo. She sometimes visited my mother, and I
was given to understand that she was her great aunt, being
a sister of her grandfather. She was held in great venera-
tion and was given the first place, and I am witness that my
mother so treated her, as well because she was her aunt, as
on account of her age and purity of life.
The chastity of the widows must not be forgotten, which
they preserved, with great strictness, during the first year of
their bereavement, and very few of those who had no chil-
dren ever married again, and even those who had continued
to live single ; for this virtue was much commended in their
laws and ordinances. It was there directed that the lands
of the widows should be tilled first, before those of either
the Curacas or the Yncas, and other privileges were con-
u
306 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
ceded to them. It is also true that the Indians did not
approve of marriage with a widow, especially if the man was
not a widower ; for it was said that such an one lost, I know
not what, of his quality in marrying a widow. The above
remarks are the most note-worthy that can be made respect-
ing the virgins and widows.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW THEY USUALLY MARRIED, AND HOW THEY
ARRANGED THE WEDDINGS.
It will be well to treat of the mode of marrying through-
out all the kingdoms and provinces subject to the Yncas.
It must be understood, then, that every year, or every two
years, at a certain time, the king ordered all the young men
and women of marriageable ages, who were of his family, to
assemble in the city of Cuzco. The girls were from eighteen
to twenty years of age, and the young men twenty-four and
upwards ; and they were not permitted to marry earlier, be-
cause it was said that they ought to be of an age to govern
their houses and estates, and that if they married earlier their
conduct would be childish.
The Ynca placed himself in the midst of the contracting
parties, who were arranged near each other, and, looking
upon them, called the man and the woman to him, and
taking a hand of each, he united them in the bond of matri-
mony, and then delivered them to their parents. They were
taken to the house of the bridegroom's father, and the
wedding was solemnised by the nearest relations during
two or four or six days, or longer if they desired it. These
were the legitimate women, and to do them more honour
and favour, they were called in their language, "the wo-
men given in marriage by the hand of the Ynca." After
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 307
the king had married the girls of his own lineage, he, on
the following day, deputed his ministers to marry, with the
same ceremonies, the other sons and daughters of citizens,
preserving the distinction between the inhabitants of upper
and lower Cuzco, concerning which divisions we gave a full
account in the beginning of this history.
The houses for the residence of such bridegreoms as were
Yncas, of whom we are now speaking, were prepared by
the Indians of those provinces whose duty it was, according
to the division of labour which was established. The things
for the use of the household were provided by their relations,
each one supplying something, and there were no other
ceremonies nor sacrifices. And if the Spanish historians
assert that they practised other things in their marriages, it
is because they do not understand how to distinguish be-
tween the usages of the different provinces. Hence it is
that they have attributed to the Yncas the barbarous cus-
toms which prevailed in various provinces before they were
subjugated, and which not only were not practised by the
Yncas, but were prohibited by them on pain of severe pun-
ishment.
The Yncas had no other marriage ceremony than that
which we have described ; and at the same time the order
was sent throughout the empire that each governor in his
district, jointly with the Curaca of the province, should
marry the young men and women who were of proper age ;
and the Curacas were directed to assist at the weddings as
lords and fathers of the people ; for the Ynca never deprived
the Curacas of any part of their authority, and the Ynca
Governor assisted at the weddings which the Curaca so-
lemnised, not as in any way usurping his jurisdiction, but
in order to approve, in the name of the king, of the pro-
ceedings of the Curaca with his vassals.
In the marriages of the common people, the authorities of
each village had to see that a house was built for each mar-
308 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
ried couple, and the relations provided the furniture. It
was not lawful for the natives of one province to marry with
those of another, nor those of one village with those of
another, but all were to intermarry in their own villages and
with members of their own families (as amongst the tribes
of Israel), in order that the lineages and tribes might not
be confounded and mixed, one with another. The sisters
were reserved, and all those of one village were looked upon
as relations (like sheep of one fold), and the people of one
province were considered as of one nation and language.
Nor was it lawful for any one to remove from one province,
or village, to another, because it was not allowed that the
decuria should be confused, which were made up of all the
inhabitants of each village ; and also that the households
might be recorded once for all, within the village or district
to which those of their relations belonged.
CHAPTER IX.
THE PRINCE, WHO WAS THE HEIR, WAS MARRIED TO HIS
OWN SISTER, AND OF THE REASONS WHICH
THEY GAVE FOR THIS CUSTOM.
Now that we have related the manner of marrying amongst
the Indians generally, it will be well that we should describe
the customs relating to the marriage of the prince who was
heir to the kingdom. It must be known that the Kings
Yncas, from the first, established it as a very stringent law
and custom that the heir to the kingdom should marry his.
eldest sister, legitimate both on the side of the father and
the mother, and she was his legitimate wife, and was called
Ccoya, which is the same as queen or empress. The first-
born of this brother and sister was the legitimate heir to the
kingdom.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 309
They kept this law and custom from the time of the first
Ynca Manco Ccapac and his wife Mama Ocllo Huaco, who
came saying that they were brother and sister, children of
the Sun and Moon, and so all the Indians believed. They
also had another ancient precedent to justify this first one,
which was that, as has already been said, they believed, in
the time of their heathenry, that the Moon was wife and
sister of the Sun, from whom the Ynca was descended.
Hence it was that, in order to imitate the Sun in all things,
the first Yncas and their descendants established the law that
the first born of the Ynca, following both these precedents,
married his sister both on the father's and mother's side. In
case of failure of such sister, they married the most nearly
related cousin, or niece, or aunt in the royal family, and, on
failure of male heirs, she might have inherited the kingdom,
as in the laws of Spain.
If the prince had no children by his eldest sister, he mar-
ried the second, and the third, until he had children, and
the strictness of this law and custom is founded on the pre-
cedents already mentioned. They say that as the Sun was
married to his sister, and had caused the same marriage to be
celebrated between his children, it was right that the same
custom should be preserved by the heirs of the kings. They
also did it to ensure purity of the blood of the Sun ; for they
said that it was unlawful to mix human blood, calling all
that was not of the Yncas, human. They also declared that
the princes married their sisters, in order that they might
inherit the kingdom as much through the mother as the
father : for otherwise they affirmed that the prince might be
bastardised through his mother. Such was the strict rule
which they established respecting the right succession of the
inheritance to the kingdom.
To these reasons they added others, and said that it could
not be permitted that the majesty of being queen should be
given to any woman who had not a legitimate right to it in
FOURTH BOOK OF THE
her own person, and not through union with the king ; nor
was it just that, not being capable of reigning in her own
person, she should be revered and served by others who,
under ordinary circumstances, would be her betters.
Besides the legitimate wife, these kings had many concu-
bines, some of them being relations of and within the fourth
degree, and others, no relations. The children of those
who were relations were looked upon as legitimate, because
they had no mixture of foreign blood, for the Yncas held
this purity in high veneration, not only among the kings,
but amongst all those of the royal blood. The children of
strange girls were considered bastards, and although they
were respected as being children of the king, they were not
looked upon with that deep veneration which was received
by those of pure blood ; for the latter were adored as gods,
while the former were only looked upon as men. Thus, the
Kings Yncas had three kinds of children, those of their
wives, who were legitimate heirs of the kingdom ; those of
relations who were legitimate by blood ; and the illegitimate
offspring of strange women.
CHAPTER X.
DIFFER KNT CUSTOMS RELATING TO THE INHERITANCE
OF ESTATES.
In the event of failure of sons by the legitimate wife, it
was lawful for the eldest relation of pure blood to inherit
(as Manco Ynca succeeded Huascar, as will be recorded in
its place), and so on with the rest, but under no circum-
stances could a bastard be allowed to inherit, and when there
was no legitimate son of pure blood, the succession went to
the nearest legitimate male relation.
It was on account of this law that Atahualpc destroyed the
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 311
whole royal family, both men and women, as we shall relate
in its place, because he was a bastard, and feared that the
kingdom might be taken from him, and given to one who
was legitimate. All those of the blood royal married with
their relations to the fourth degree, for they had many legiti-
mate children. But they reserved the daughter, whose mar-
riage to a brother was only permitted in the case of the
king. The eldest son always inherited the kingdom, and
this mode of succession never failed in the twelve genera-
tions that reigned down to the time of the Spaniards.
Amongst the Curacas, who were lords of vassals, there were
various customs respecting the inheritance of estates. In
some provinces the eldest son inherited, the succession going
regularly from father to son. In others, the son inherited
who was most popular with the vassals, on account of his
virtue or affability, which was more like an election than an
inheritance. 'This law was framed that none of the sons of
a Curaca might be a tyrant or a profligate, but that all might
strive to deserve the inheritance of the estate and lordships,
as a reward of his goodness and valour, which might oblige
the vassals to seek him for their lord by reason of his
valour.
In other provinces the sons inherited according to their
respective ages. When the father died, the eldest son suc-
ceeded, then the second, and so on ; and when all the sons
died, the succession went to the sons of the eldest, and after-
wards to those of the others. Having heard of this mode of
inheritance among some of the Curacas, a Spanish historian
was deceived into saying that it was the usual custom
throughout Peru, not only among the Curacas, but also with
the kings ; but, in truth, this custom was unknown amongst
the Kings Yncas, but only amongst some Curacas, as we have
said.
The three different customs, or laws, in use among the
lords of vassals in the different provinces, respecting the in-
FOURTH BOOK OF THE
heritance of their estates, were not made by the Yncas ; for
their laws and ordinances were common throughout the
whole kingdom. The Curacas observed those laws before
the time of the Yncas : and although they were afterwards
conquered, they were neither deprived of their estates, nor
obliged to abandon the customs which they observed from
ancient times, so long as they were not opposed to those of
the Yncas. On the contrary, the Yncas confirmed many of
them which appeared to be good, especially that by which
the most virtuous and best beloved son inherited the estate ;
for this law appeared very desirable, and they therefore
ordered it to be observed in the places where it had been
established. One of the kings, indeed, wished to avail liim-
seif of this law of the Curacas, in opposing the harshness
and evil condition of the prince his heir, as we shall see in
its place. In a village, which is forty leagues to the east-
ward of Cuzco, called Surcunca, where I have been, the fol-
lowing circumstance occurred, with reference to the dif-
ferent modes of inheritance in that land. The Curaca of the
village was named Don Garcia. When he was about to die,
he called his four sons, and the chief men of the village, and
said to them, by way of a last will, that they should keep
the law of Jesus Christ which they had lately received, and
always give thanks to God for having sent it them, and
honour the Spaniards for having brought it. He especially
enjoined them to serve their master, because it had fallen to
his lot to be lord over them. Finally, he said: "It is well
known to you, that, according to the law of our land, the
most virtuous and popular of my sons should inherit, and I
charge you to select the one who has those qualities; and if
none possess them, I ordain that they be disinherited, and
that you elect one of yourselves, so as to ensure your own
honour, welfare, and profit ; for I desire the common good
of you all more than that of my sons." All this was related
by the priest who had charge of the village as the notable
act and testament of one of his flock.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 313
CHAPTER XI.
THE WEANING, SHEARING, AND NAMING OF CHILDREN.
The Yncas were accustomed to have a great feast at the
weaning of their first-borns, but not at that of their daugh-
ters or younger sons, at least the ceremonies on those occa-
sions were not so solemn as when the eldest was weaned ;
for the dignity of primogeniture was much considered among
the Yncas, and all the vassals imitated their example.
They weaned their children at the age of two years and
upwards, and at the same time they shaved off their first
crop of hair, and gave them the name which they were
henceforth to bear. On this occasion all the relations
assembled, and selected one from amongst them to be god-
father to the child, who gave the first clip to his god-child's
hair. For scissors they used blades of stone, for the Indians
had not invented scissors. After the godfather came the
other relations, according to their age or rank, to give their
clip to the weaned child's hair; and when he was shorn,
they gave him a name, and presented the gifts they had
brought, some offering wearing apparel, others sheep, others
arms, others drinking cups of gold or silver if the child was
of the royal family, but none of the common people could
use those metals, except by special privilege.
As soon as the presentation of gifts was over, the cere-
mony of drinking began, for without it no entertainment
was considered good. They sang and danced until night,
and this festivity continued for three or four days, or more,
according to the will of the child's relations. Nearly the
same was done when they weaned the heir to the throne,
except that regal solemnity was observed, and that the god-
father was the High Priest of the Sun. The Caracas of the
314: FOURTH 1JOOK OF THE
whole kingdom attended either personally or through their
ambassadors, the festival continued for more than twenty
days, and rich gifts of gold, silver, and precious stones were
presented, as well as all that was most valuable in the dif-
ferent provinces.
In imitation of this feast, for all desired to take a pattern
from their head, the Curacas did the same, and in like
manner did all the people of Peru according to their means,
for this was one of the chief festivals. For the satisfaction
of those who are curious in the matter of language, we may
mention that the general language of Peru has two names
for a son. The father says Churi and the mother Huahua.
(This word might be written without the h, h, with only the
four vowels, each one being pronounced by itself in two
diphthongs, but I have added the h, li, that two syllables
may not be formed.) Both the words mean a child, in-
cluding those of both sexes and numbers ; and the rule is
so strict that the parents cannot misuse the words without
making a male female and a female male. To distinguish
the sexes they add the words which signify male or female ;
and to say a child in the plural or singular, the father says
Churi, and the mother Uaua. There are four different
words to express brothers and sisters. The male to the
male says Huauque for brother. The female to the female
says Nana or sister. But if a brother should say Nafta to
his sister, although it signifies sister, he would be ranking a
woman of himself. In like manner, if a sister should say
Huauque to her brother, though it means brother, it would
be to make herself a man. The brother says to his sister
Panat which also means sister, and the sister to her brother
says Tor a or brother. But a brother cannot say to his brother
Tor a, though the word signifies brother, for it would be to
make a woman of him; nor can one sister call another Pana,
though it means sister, for it would make a man of her.
Thus there are words of the same meaning appropriated
KOYAL COMMENTARIES. o!5
some to the use of men, and others to that of women, with-
out their being able to exchange them on pain of confusing
the sexes. All which things ought to be attended to in
teaching our holy religion to the Indians, so that they may
not have occasion to laugh at our barbarisms. The Fathers
of the Company are diligent in all things, and other religious
men work hard at this language, in order to teach the hea-
thens, as we said at the beginning.
CHAPTER XII.
THEIR CHILDREN WERE BROUGHT UP WITHOUT ANY
CARE.
Their children were strangely brought up, both those of
the Yncas and those of the people, whether rich or poor,
without any distinction, and with as little care as could be
bestowed upon them. As soon as a child was born, they
bathed the little creature with cold water before wrapping
it in a blanket ; and each morning, before it was wrapped
up, they washed it with cold water, generally in the open
air. And when the mother would show unusual tender-
ness, she took the water in her mouth and washed the
whole of the child's body with it, except the head, and par-
ticularly the crown of the head, which they never touched.
They said that they did this to accustom the children to the
cold and to hard work, and also to strengthen their limbs.
They did not loosen the children's arms from the swaddling
bands for more than three months, saying that if they were
loosened before that time, the arms would become weak.
They were always kept tied up in their cradles, which were
benches badly made, four feet long, and one foot was
shorter than the others, that the child might be able to
* * * *. The seat or litter, on which they put the
316 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
child, was made of a thick net, as strong as a board, and
the same net went round each side of the cradle, that the
child might not fall out.
Neither in giving them milk, nor at any other time, did
they ever take them in their arms, for they said that this
would make them cry, and want always to be in their
mothers' arms and never in their cradles. The mother
leant over her child and gave it the breast, and this was
done three times a day, in the morning, at noon, and in the
evening. They did not give the child milk at any other
time, even if it cried, for they said that if they did it would
want to be sucking all day long, and become dirty with
vomitings, and that when it was a man it would grow up a
great eater and a glutton. The animals, they said, did not
give milk to their young all day long, but only at certain
hours. The mother herself brought up her child, and she
was not allowed to give it out to nurse, how great lady so-
ever she might be, unless she was suffering from illness;
and while she was suckling the child she abstained from
* * *, because they said it was bad for the milk, and made
the child pine away. They called those who had thus
pined away ayusca, which is the past participle, and means
literally the incapable, or more properly the changeling.
In the same way one lad said it to another, mocking him
that his mistress had more favour for another than for him.
]3ut no one was allowed to say it to a married person, for it
was a word de las cinco, and he who said it incurred great
punishment. I knew a Palla of the blood royal who gave
her child out to nurse from necessity ; and the nurse was
treacherous and gave it no nourishment, so that it pined
away and had nothing left on it but skin and bones. The
mother seeing that her child had become an ayusca (at the
end of eight months after the milk had become dry), applied
plasters of herbs to her back, which brought the milk back,
and she began to nurse her child again, and so restored it
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 317
to health. She would not give it to another nurse, because
she said that the mother's milk was what nourished it best.
If the mother had sufficient milk to nourish the child, she
never gave it any other food until it was weaned, because
they said it injured milk; and they kept the children dirty
and untidy. When it was time to take the children out of
the cradle, in order not to have to carry them, they made
holes in the ground, and put the children into them up to
their breasts, wrapping them in dirty napkins, and putting
a few trifles before them to play with. There they put the
child to jump and kick, but they never carried it in their
arms, even if it was a son of the greatest Curaca in the
kingdom.
When the child could crawl on all fours, it went to one
side or the other of its mother to take the breast, and sucked
with its knees on the ground, but it was not allowed to get
on her lap. And when it wanted the other breast, it had to
go round, that the mother might not be obliged to take it in
her arms. The mother cared less about child-bearing than
about nursing, for in giving birth she went to a stream, or
washed with cold water in the house, and washed the
house; beginning immediately afterwards to concern her-
self about her household affairs, as if nothing had happened.
They gave birth without the aid of a midwife, and if such a
person was ever used, she was more a sorceress than a mid-
wife. This was the usual custom of the Indian women in
Peru, in bearing and nursing their children, without dis-
tinction between rich and poor, high and low.
318 FOURTH BOOK OF TIIK
CHAPTER XIII.
THE LIFE AND EMPLOYMENT OF THE MARRIED WOMEN.
life of the married women was usually a continual
round of household duties. They spun and wove cloths of
wool in the cold country, and of rotton in the warmer re-
gions. Each one worked for herself, and for her husband
and family. They did not sew much, because the clothes
worn both by men and women had few seams. All they
wove was first twisted, both wool and cotton. All the
cloths, as many as they wanted to make, were taken from
four selvages ; and they did not have the warp longer than
was required for each mantle or shirt. The vestments were
not cut out, but were entire, just as the cloth came from the
frame ; for before they began to weave, they settled the re-
quired length and breadth, more or less.
There were neither tailors, shoemakers, nor hosiers, among
these Indians ; for they had no need of the things used by
us, and did without them. The women looked after the
clothing belonging to the house, and the men took care of
the shoes ; for, as we explained, in the account of arming a
knight, they had to know how to make sandals, and even the
Yncas of the blood royal and the Curacas had servants who
made sandals. Nor did they themselves disdain, now and
then, to practise making them, as well as all kinds of arms
required in their employment as knights ; for they took
much delight in observing their statutes. In the work of the
field both men and women were engaged in helping one
another.
In some provinces, at a great distance from Cuzco, which
had not yet been well cared for by the Kings Yncas. the
women went to work in the fields, and the men stayed at home
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 319
to spin and weave. But I speak of the nations that imitated
the court, which included nearly the whole empire, and the
others, being barbarous, merit only to be forgotten. The In-
dian women were so fond of work, and such enemies to wasting
even the shortest space of time, that even in going from the
villages to the city, or in passing from one house to another
on necessary business, they took with them the means both
of spinning and twisting. On the road they went along
twisting what they had already spun, as being more easy ;
and on their visits, they took with them the distaff, and spun
while they conversed. Those who went along the roads
twisting or spinning belonged to the lower classes. The
Pallas of the blood royal, when they paid visits, caused
their servants to carry their distaffs ; but both visitors and
those who were visited, were thus occupied while they
talked, so as not to be idle. They made the spindles of cane.
The spindle had a knob at the end, and was not hollow.
They made a knot of the thread they were spinning, and
loosened the spindle, making the thread as long as possible ;
they then recovered it in the fingers of the left hand, to turn
it on the spindle. They carried the distaff in the left hand,
and not at the girdle, holding it with the two smaller fingers,
and taking hold with both hands to thin off the thread, and
get rid of anything sticking to it. They did not bring it to
the mouth, because, in my time, they did not spin linen, as
they had none, but only cotton and cloth. They spin slowly
because ofjhe complicated nature of the method I have
described.* ,
* Rivero says that all the textures of wool woven by the ancient
Peruvians, which he had examined, were as strong as they were beauti-
ful in colour and design. The Peruvians had good permanent vegetable
dyes of flesh colour, yellow, gray, blue, green, black, and red.
320 FOURTH BOOK OF THB
CHAPTER XIV.
HOW THE WOMEN VISITED EACH OTHER, HOW THEY
MENDED THEIR CLOTHES, AND HOW THERE
WERE PUBLIC WOMEN.
If any woman who was not a Palla, even though she might
be the wife of a Curaca, or lord of vassals, went to pay a
visit to a Palla of the blood royal, she did not bring any
work of her own with her. But, after the first words of the
visit, or rather adoration, for such it was, she begged to be
given some work, saying that she had not come on a visit,
but to serve as an inferior to a superior. The Palla, as a
great favour, complied with this request, and gave some of
the work that either she or one of her daughters was doing ;
for she did not degrade her to the level of the servant girls,
by giving her some of their work. This favour was all that
the visitor could wish for, seeing that the Palla thus made
her in some sort on an equality with herself and her daugh-
ters. A like interchange of condescension and humility was
shown in all intercourse between the men and women of
that commonwealth, the inferiors studying how to serve and
please the superiors, and the superiors how to show kindness
to their inferiors, from the Ynca, who is king, to the poorest
Llamanchec, who is shepherd.
The good custom amongst the Indian women of visiting
each other, and bringing their work with them, was imi-
tated by the Spanish ladies in Cuzco until the time of the
rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Giron, which put an end
to this virtuous habit, as such treasons usually do destroy
good manners, with their cruel and tyrannical sway. I had
nearly forgotten to say how the common people mended
their clothes, which is remarkable. If the cloth belonging
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 321
to their dress, or to the furniture of their house, was torn,
not through being worn out, but by an accident, either from
a briar, or a spark from the fire, they took it, and with a
needle made from a thorn (for they knew not how to make
them of metal) and a thread of cotton of the same colour and
size as the cloth, they began to weave. First they passed
the thread of the warp along the places of the torn threads,
and then that of the web, taking these fifteen or twenty
times beyond the torn part on either side, where they cut it.
They then went over the place again, crossing the thread,
and always weaving the web with the warp, and the warp
with the web. In this way the mended part looked as if it
had never been torn. Even if the rent was as large as the
palm of the hand, or larger, they mended it in the same
way, the mouth of a pot or a calabash serving for a frame ;
so that the cloth might be tight and equal. It is true that
the Spanish weaving is different from that of the Indians,
but Spanish cloth would not suffer from this method of
mending. It is also worthy of note that the hearths, in
their houses, where they cooked their food, were ovens of
clay, large or small, according to the condition of the master.
The fire was applied to the mouth, and above they made a
hole, or two or three, according to the number of the dishes
to be cooked. This curious plan was adopted by these
thrifty people, that they might not waste the heat, nor use
more fuel than was necessary ; and they wondered at the
wasteful ways of the Spaniards.
It remains to speak of the public women, whom the
Yncas permitted in order to avoid greater evils. They
lived in the fields in certain poor huts, each one by herself,
and not together. They were not allowed to enter the
towns, that they might have no intercourse with other women.
They were called Pampay-runa, a name which denotes
their place of abode and their occupation; for it is composed
of Pampa, meaning an open field or square (it has both
x
FOURTH 150 OK OF THE
significations), and JRttna, which in the singular means a
person, man or woman, and in the plural denotes a number
of people. The two words together, if the former is taken
in its signification of a field, mean a people living in the
open fields ; and if the signification of a square is taken for
pampa, the term Pampay-runa means a person or woman
of the square, that is to say, that as all the square is public,
and intended to receive whosoever may wish to go into it,
so these women were public for all the world.
The men treated them with extreme contempt. Women
could not speak to them, on pain of receiving the same
name, being shorn in public, declared as infamous, and re-
pudiated by their husbands if they were married. They
were not called by their own names, but simply P amp ay run a,
which means a prostitute.
CHAPTER XV.
THK SIXTH YNCA, NAMED YNCA ROCCA, CONQUERS MANY
NATIONS, AND AMONG THEM THE CHANCAS AND
HANCOHUALLU.
The King Ynca Rocca, whose name, as has already been
quoted from the missionary Bias Valcra, means a prudent
prince of mature judgment, took the red fringe on the death
of his father; and, having celebrated the funeral ceremonies,
passed three years in visiting all parts of his dominions.
Soon afterwards he ordered his warriors to be assembled, to
continue the conquests in the direction of Chincha-suyu,
which is to the northward of Cuzco. He caused a bridge
to be made across the river Apurimac, which is on the high
road from Cuzco to the City of the Kings; for it appeared to
him to be beneath his dignity that, being now king, he should
cross that river with his army in balsas, as he had done
110YAL COMMENTARIES. 823
when he was only prince. At that time the late Ynca had
not ordered a bridge to be made, because the provinces in
that direction were not then subjugated.
As soon as the bridge was made, the Ynca started from
Cuzco with 20,000 men, and four masters of the camp. He
ordered that the army should cross the bridge in squadrons
three abreast, to commemorate its opening. He arrived at
the valley of Amancay, which word signifies a lily, and the
name was given because of the great number of those flowers
that grow there. This flower is different from the lily of
Spain both in form and smell, for the Amancay lily is in the
shape of a bell, with a green bud, without any smell ; and
the Spaniards only called it a lily because it resembles one
in its green and white colour. From Amancay the Ynca
turned to the right of the road, towards the great snowy
Cordillera. He met with few villages, and these he re-
duced to subjection. They call the inhabitants of this re-
gion Tacmana and Quinualla. Thence he marched to
Cocha-cassa, where he ordered large depots of grain to be
formed. His next march was to Curampa, and he easily
extended his sway over these provinces, because they con-
tained few inhabitants. From Curampa he advanced to the
great province of Antahuaylla,* the confines of which ex-
tend along the royal road for a distance of sixteen or seven-
teen miles. The inhabitants are rich and very warlike.
They were called Chancas, and boasted that they were de-
scended from a lion, wherefore they adored the lion as a
god, and, both before and after they were conquered by the
Yncas, it was the custom among them, on days of festival,
for two dozen Indians to come forth dressed in the way
Hercules is painted, covered with lion skins, and their
heads thrust into the skulls of lions. I have seen them so
attired in the feast of the most holy sacrament at Cuzco.
* Now called Andahuaylas, a town and rich valley in the department
of Ayacucho. Anta means copper, and Hnaylla a meadow.
324 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
Under the general name of Chancas many other small
tribes are included, as Hancohuallu,* Utunsulla,f Uramarca,
Vilca, £ and others; and all these boasted their descent from
various fathers, some from a fountain, others from a lake,
others from a very high hill; and each tribe looked upon
the thing believed to be its progenitor as a god, and offered
sacrifice to it. The ancestors of these tribes came from a
great distance, and overran many provinces until they
reached that where they now live, which is the province of
Antahuaylla. They conquered it by force of arms, drove
the former inhabitants out, and forced the Quechua Indians
into a corner, taking many districts from them. They also
obliged these Quechuas to pay tribute, treated them tyran-
nically, and did other famous things, of which their de-
scendants still boast. The King Rocca Ynca was well in-
formed of all these things, and when he reached the borders
of the province of Antahuaylla, he sent the usual summons
to the Chancas that they should submit to the Children of
the Sun, or prepare to decide the question by force of arms.
The tribes assembled to consider the reply that should be
given to this message, and there were different opinions which
divided the assembly into two parties. One side said that it
was right that they should receive the Ynca as their lord,
because he was a child of the Sun ; while the other side
(which was composed of the descendants of the lion) declared
that it was not proper to recognise a foreign lord, they being
lords of so many vassals and descendants of a lion. They
said that they knew their own descent, but they were not
going to believe that the Ynca was a child of the Sun ; and
* Hancohualla appears to have been close to Vilca.
t Correctly Hatun-sulla. llatun is great. Sulla means dew. This
district is in a wild part of the Cordillera, on the road from Guamanya
to the coast.
£ About twenty miles east of Guamanga. See an account of the great
ruins at Vilca or Vilcas in my translation of Cie/a de Leon, p. 312.
110YAL COMMENTARIES. 3^5
that it was more in accordance with their pedigree and with
the deeds of the Chancas, their ancestors, to force other
nations to submit to their sway, than to become subjects of
the Ynca, before they had made trial of the strength of their
arms. They, therefore, decided that it was better to resist
the Ynca than basely to submit at the first summons, without
having first displayed their banners and gone out armed
into the field.
The Chancas occupied many days in this dispute, some-
times inclining to submit and at others resolved to resist,
without being able to agree amongst themselves. Knowing
this, the Ynca determined to invade their province, in order
to intimidate them, that they might not resolve upon war
when they saw his kindness and humanity; and that they
might not, confiding in their many previous victories, pre-
sume to make any attack upon his person, which might oblige
him to begin a rigorous war and to inflict severe punishment.
He ordered his masters of the camp to enter the province
of Antahuaylla, and at the same time he sent a messenger to
the Chancas, to tell them that they must either acknowledge
him as their lord or prepare their necks, for that he would
put them all to death, being unable longer to suffer the dis-
play of rebellious feeling they had hitherto shown. The
Chancas, seeing the determination of the Ynca, and knowing
that many Quechuas and Indians of other tribes were in his
army, whom they had given offence to in former times,
abated their pride and submitted to the yoke of the Ynca,
more through fear of his arms and of the vengeance of their
enemies than for love of his laws and government. So they
sent to say that they would meekly obey him as lord, and
submit to his laws and ordinances. But they did not lose
the rancour of their hearts, as we shall presently see.
The Ynca, having established the necessary officials in
Antahuaylla, proceeded in his conquests to another province
called Uramarca, the inhabitants of which are also of the
FOURTH BOOK OF THE
Chanca nation. This province is small in extent, although
it is well peopled by a brave and warlike race, and it was
not reduced without some resistance. If their power and
numbers had equalled their warlike and gallant spirit, they
would have made a desperate defence; for in this direction
the people did not show themselves to be so mild and friendly
towards the Yncas as those of Cuntisuyu and Collasuyu. But
at last, though not without signs of unwillingness, the people
of Uramarca submitted. Thence the Ynca marched to the
province of a people called Hancohuallu and Villca (called
by the Spaniards Vilcas) who yielded to his sway with similar
unwillingness ; for these people, also belonging to the Chanca
nation, were lords of other provinces that they had subju-
gated by force of arms, and from day to day they extended
their power with much ambition, treating their newly con-
quered vassals with scorn and tyranny. The King Ynca
Rocca put a stop to all this when he had reduced them to
submission, so that they were much disheartened and their
subjugation rankled in their hearts. They sacrificed children
to their gods on days of festival in both these provinces.
When the Ynca learned this he addressed them in a dis-
course, intended to persuade them to desist from this cruel
practice, and to worship the Sun ; and to prevent the per-
petration of such acts in future he ordained a law, and pro-
mulgated it from his own mouth that it might be the more
respected, to the effect that if another child was put to death
the whole tribe should be exterminated, and their country
peopled by other nations who would love and not kill their
children. The people felt this very deeply, for they were
persuaded by the devils, who were their gods, that these were
the sacrifices most agreeable to them.
From Villca the Ynca turned aside to the left of the road,
in the direction of the sea coast, and reached one of two very
large provinces, which arc both called Sullu ; though, for the
sake of distinction, they call one of them Utunsullu. These
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 32
provinces include many tribes with different names, some
with a large number of men, others with few, which, to
avoid prolixity, I shall not enumerate. The whole number
of inhabitants exceeded forty thousand. The Ynca spent
many months among them (the natives even relate that he
remained there for three years), not desiring to force them
to obedience by the use of arms, but by kindness and benefits.
But these Indians, being so numerous and some of them
rude and warlike, were often on the point of breaking out
into war ; though at last the good management and kindness
of the Ynca prevailed to such an extent that, at the end of
that long time, they eventually received his laws, and the
officers that were appointed by the Ynca to rule them. After
this success he returned to Cuzco. In the two last provinces
reduced by the Ynca, called Sullu and Utunsullu, some
mines of gold and quicksilver were discovered about thirty-
two years ago, which are very rich, and the latter are of great
importance in the preparation of silver.*
CHAPTER XVI.
OF THE PRINCE YAHUAR-HUACCAC, AND THE MEANING
OF HIS NAME.
After some years passed in peace and quiet throughout his
dominions, the Ynca determined to send the prince and heir,
who was his son Yahuar-Huaccac, to conquer Antisuyu,
which is to the eastward of Cuzco, and not distant from that
city. In that direction the Yncas had not hitherto extended
their empire beyond the limit reached by the first Ynca,
Manco Ccapac, on the banks of the river Paucar-tampu.
Before proceeding with the history, it will be well to ex-
* According to this, the provinces of Sullu must have included
Iluancavelica, where the quicksilver mine was discovered.
d£3 l-OUKTH JiOOK OF TIIK
plain the meaning of the name Yahuar huaccac, and to state
why it was given to that prince. The Indians relate that,
when he was a child of three or four years of age, he wept
blood. They do not know whether this only happened once
or several times, but he probably had some disease in his
eyes which brought blood into them. Others declare that
he was born weeping blood, and these are more positive
about it than the others ; it may have been that some drops
of blood from the mother got into the child's eyes, and these
people, being so very superstitious, may have declared
that they were the tears of the child. However this may
be, they declare that he wept blood ; and, being so given
to a belief in omens, they thought much of this unhappy
omen in the life of the prince, and feared some great mis-
fortune for him, or some curse from his father the Sun, as
they said. This is the origin of the name Yahuar-huaccac,
which means " he who weeps blood," and not " tears of
blood," as some interpret it. And this weeping took place
when he was a child, and not after he was grown up and had
been conquered and taken prisoner, as some declare. For
no such thing ever happened to any Ynca until the time of
the unfortunate Huascar, who was seized by the traitor
Atahualpha, his bastard brother, as we shall relate in its
proper place, if the most high God spares us to get so far.
Nor is it true that they stole him when he was a child, as
another historian asserts, for such a proceeding would be
very much opposed to the veneration in which all the Indians
held their Yncas ; and the servants deputed to watch over
the prince would never have been so careless as to allow him
to be stolen, nor would any Indian have been so audacious
as to make the attempt. For all the people knew that if any
man even imagined such a thing, without attempting to put,
it into execution, he would have been buried alive with all
his relations and all the inhabitants of his village and pro-
vince. We have explained, on several occasions, that the
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 329
people adored their kings as gods, children of their god the
Sun, and held them in the greatest veneration, a veneration
which exceeded that which any other heathen nation felt for
its gods.
With reference to this omen of the tears of blood, I re-
member another superstition by which the Indians judged
of omens, from the winking of the upper and lower eyelids.
The relation of this superstition relating to the eyes, will
not, therefore, be inappropriate. The Yncas and all their
vassals believed that it was a good or evil omen, according
as a person winked with the upper or lower eyelid ; it was
a good sign if a man winked with the upper-eyelid of his left
eye, and they said that he would see pleasant and joyful
things ; but it was still better if he winked the upper eyelid
of his right eye, for then he would see extremely happy and
delightful sights. On the other hand, the winking of the
lower eyelids betokened misfortune : the right lower eyelid
was a sign of mourning and woe, and the left one betokened
the extreme of misery. They believed so firmly in these
auguries, that if the latter accident occurred they began to
weep as mournfully as if all the woes they feared had really
happened. And, in order to avert these imagined evils, they
resorted to a superstition which was as ridiculous as that of
the evil omen. They took a piece of straw, moistened it
with saliva, and applied it to the lower eyelid, with the idea
that, by preventing the tears from being shed, it would
make the evil omen of the winking lower eyelid pass away.
They had almost the same superstition respecting sounds in
the ears, the particulars of which I omit, that concerning
the eyes being more to the point; but both are really be-
lieved in, for I was myself a witness to them.
The King Ynca Rocca (as we have said) determined to
send his son to conquer Antisuyu, and for this purpose he
ordered fifteen thousand warriors to assemble, under three
Masters of the camp, who were appointed to accompany him
230 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
as councillors. He was dispatched with complete instructions
as to what he was to do. The prince advanced prosperously
to the river Paucar-tamho and marched on to Challa-pampa,*
reducing the few Indians inhabiting those parts to subjection.
Thence he went on to Pillcu-pata, where he ordered four
villages to be formed by the strangers in his army ; from
Pillcu-pata he marched to Havisca and Tunu,f which were
the first farms of coca possessed by the Yncas. This coca
is the herb so highly esteemed by the Indians. The inherit-
ance called Havisca afterwards belonged to my lord Garcilasso
de la Vega, who granted it to me during his life, and I lost
it through my leaving the country and going to Spain. To
enter these valleys where they cultivate the coca, a moun-
tain is crossed called Canac-huay, by an almost perpendicular
descent five leagues long ;£ and it causes terror even to look
at it, how much more to ascend and descend it, for along the
whole length the road goes up in the shape of a serpent,
turning first to one side and then to the other.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE IDOLS OF THE INDIANS CALLED ANTIS, AND 11LK
CONQUEST OF THE CHANCAS.
In these provinces of the Antis they usually worshipped
the tigers as gods, and also the great serpents that they called
Amaru; these serpents are much larger round than the
girth of a man's thigh, and twenty five or thirty feet long,
* A pleasant village on the left bank of the Paucar-tampu river.
t Havisca was the first coca plantation in the mon tanas or forests at
the eastern base of the Cordilleras. Tunu or Tono is the river which
drains the iiionUuta of Paucartambo, and has now been ascertained to
be a tributary of the Beni.
\ I rode down this descent in three hours, in May 18o3. It is not
more than eight miles long. The scenery is magnificent.
ROYAL COMM£NTAKIKS. Sol
others being smaller. The Indians worshipped them by
reason of their greatness and monstrosity ; they are harmless,
and they say that a magician bewitched them so that they
could do no harm, but that before they were exceedingly
ferocious. They worshipped the tiger by reason of its fero-
city and courage ; and they said that the serpents and tigers
were the original possessors of the land, and that they had a
right to adoration as its lords, while the Indians themselves
were strangers.* They also adored the herb called cuca, or
coca as the Spaniards spell it. In this expedition the prince
Yahuar-huaccac increased the boundaries of the empire by
nearly thirty leagues of land, though the new territory was
thinly populated ; he did not advance any further, owing to
the difficulty of passing the forests, swamps, and morasses in
that region. The province is called Anti, and hence all the
territory on that side is known as Antisuyu.
Having completed the conquest, the prince returned to
Cuzco. The king his father then desisted from further con-
quests, for in Antisuyu, to the eastward, there was nothing
left to conquer; and to the westward, which is called Cun-
tisuya, there was also no province unsubdued ; the empire
extending in that direction as far as the sea coast. Thus,
from east to west, on the parallel of Cuzco, the width of the
empire was more than one hundred leagues, and from north
to south the length was two hundred leagues. Over all this
extent of country the Indians had been taught to make royal
edifices, gardens, and baths for the Ynca ; as well as depots
on the royal roads, where they stored the supplies, arms, and
clothes for the common people.
After some years, during which the King Ynca Rocca had
remained at peace, he resolved to undertake a grand expe-
dition with the object of completing the conquest of the pro-
vinces called Chancas, which his father, the Ynca Ccapac
* For an account of the idolatry of the Antis, as described by Father
Bias Valera, see page 51.
332 FOURTH HOOK OF THK
Yupanqui, had commenced in the region of Collasuyu. He
ordered thirty thousand warriors to be assembled, a larger
army than had ever been brought together by any of his
ancestors ; he appointed six masters of the camp, besides
captains and officers of lower grades, and directed the prince
Yahuar-huaccac to remain in charge of the government, with
four other Yncas as his councillors.
The Ynca left Cuzco by the road to Collasuyu, arid the
men of war continued to join his army along the line of
march, until he arrived on the confines of the provinces
Chuncuri, Pucuna, and Muyumuyu, which were nearest to
his dominions. He sent a messenger with the usual sum-
mons, demanding that the inhabitants should live under the
laws of his father the Sun, and acknowledge him as their god,
abandoning their idols made of wood and stone and their
many evil customs which they practised, contrary to natural
and human laws. The natives were enraged, and their war-
like young captains took up arms with much fury, saying
that it was a strange thing to command them to abandon their
gods and accept a strange god, and to repudiate their laws
and customs and adopt those of the Ynca, who took away
land from his vassals and imposed taxes and tributes until
his subjects became slaves. They declared that they would
in no wise submit to this, but would rather die fighting for
their gods, their country, and their liberty.
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 333
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REASONING OF THE OLDER MEN, AND HOW THEY
RECEIVED THE YNCA.
The older and more prudent men said that they ought to
consider what they had learnt from their neighbours who
were vassals of the Ynca ; namely, that their laws were good
and their government was mild; that they treated their
vassals as their own children, and not as conquered people ;
that the lands they took were not what the inhabitants re-
quired, but what was superfluous and could not be worked
by them, and that the harvest of the lands which were tilled
at his own cost was the tribute, and not the property of the
Indians. Besides, the Ynca gave back all that was in excess
of the requirements of his court and army ; and in proof of
what they said it was only necessary to look dispassionately
at the improved condition of the Ynca's vassals, who were
more prosperous, richer, and more contented than they ever
had been before. It would be seen that the dissensions
which, in former times, prevailed amongst themselves for the
most trifling causes, had now ceased, that their property was
protected from robbers, their wives and daughters were safe,
and neither rich nor poor, great nor small, received any
injury.
They added that it should be known how many neigh-
bouring provinces, on hearing of these blessings, had will-
ingly submitted to the government of the Ynca, in order to
enjoy them ; and that it would be well if they did the same,
for it was safer to appease the Ynca by submitting to his
demands than to provoke his rage and anger by refusing to
obey, if afterwards they were obliged to yield by force of
arms and thus lose the Ynca's favour. Far better would it
334. For urn HOOK OF TUB
be to obtain his grace at once, for this would be the safest
way of placing their lives and goods in security. As for
their gods, the Ynca had declared that the Sun deserved to
be worshipped more than idols. Finally, if they would re-
ceive the King Ynca as their lord, and the Sun as their god,
they would acquire honour and profit. The elders appeased
the young men by these arguments, and with one consent
both old and young went out to receive the Ynca ; the youths
with their arms, and the old men with such gifts as their
country could furnish, saying that they brought the fruits of
their land in token that they delivered it up to the Ynca.
The youths, on the other hand, said that they brought their
arms to serve in their prince's army as loyal vassals, and to
assist in conquering other new provinces.
The Ynca received them with much kindness, ordering
the elders to be given new clothes, and, as a greater favour,
the principal chiefs were presented with dresses from the
royal wardrobe. From amongst the young warriors, as a
reward for their good will, he ordered five hundred to be
chosen to serve in his army, not selecting them by favour
but by lot, in order that those who were left out might not
be annoyed. He said that they were not all taken, because
their land must not be left without inhabitants. The Indians,
both old and young, were so well satisfied with their treat-
ment, that they began to raise great acclamations, crying out,
" Thou art good, O child of the Sun ! thou alone deservest
to be king. With good reason art thou called a lover of the
poor, for scarcely had we become thy vassals before we were
covered with favours. Blessed be the Sun, thy father ! and
may the people of the four quarters of the globe obey and
serve thee, for thou art well named Sapa Ynca, or Sole Lord."
With such blessings was the King Ynca Rocca invoked by
his new vassals. Having appointed the necessary new
officers, he marched onwards to reduce the neighbouring
provinces of Misqui, Sacaca, Machaca, Caracara, and others
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 335
as far as Chuquisaca, which is the place now called the city
of La Plata;* they are all within the limits of Charcas,
though they are inhabited by various nations speaking dif-
ferent languages. The King Ynca Rocca reduced them all
to obedience with as much ease as he had overcome the first
he encountered. In this campaign he extended the limits of
his empire for more than fifty leagues to the south, and as
many from east to west ; he returned to Cuzco, after appoint-
ing the necessary officers to instruct the people and collect
the revenue, according to ancient custom ; the soldiers were
then dismissed to their respective provinces, and the captains
received gifts and favours.
After this campaign the Ynca rested from his conquests,
and attended to the government of his empire, passing the
remaining years of his life in this employment, but we do
not know how many they were. When he died he had not
degenerated in any respect from the virtues of his ancestors,
but had imitated them as closely as it was possible, both in
extending his conquests and in doing good to his vassals. He
founded schools where the Amautas were appointed to teach
such knowledge as they had attained to ; and built his own
royal palace near them, as we shall see in its proper place. t
He also instituted laws and uttered several notable sayings.
The father Bias Valera wrote several of these in his papers,
and presently I will repeat the sayings which his paternity
* This city was selected as the capital of the republic of Bolivia, and
received the name of Sucre, in honour of one of Bolivar's ablest generals,
who was the first president.
t The remains of the palace of Ynca Rocca are situated in the pre-
sent Calle del Triunfo, near the great square of Cuzco. The walls are
constructed of huge masses of rock, of various shapes and sizes, one of
them actually having twelve sides, but fitting into each other with
astonishing exactness, though their exterior faces are rough. The stone
is a very dark-coloured limestone. The walls of the Yaclia-huasi, or
schools founded by this 5Tnca, are still standing, and form part of the
church of San Lazaro. Many serpents are carved in relief on the stones.
336 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
recorded, and which are well worthy of remembrance. This
Ynca was universally lamented, and his body was embalmed,
according to the custom of these kings. He left his son
Yahuar-huaccac as his heir, being born of his legitimate wife
and sister Mama Micay ; he also left many other children,
both legitimate and illegitimate.
CHAPTER XIX.
CONCERNING SOME LAWS INSTITUTED BY THE KING YNCA
ROCCA, OF THE SCHOOLS HE FOUNDED IN CUZCO, AND
SOME SAYINGS WHICH HE UTTERED.
The Father Bias Valera, who made great researches into
the history of the Yncas, gives the following particulars re-
specting this King. He reigned for more than fifty years,
and established many laws, amongst which the most note-
worthy were as follows : — He ordered that the children of
the common people should not learn the sciences, which
should be known only by the nobles, lest the lower classes
should become proud and endanger the commonwealth.
The common people were ordered to be taught the employ-
ments of their fathers, which was enough for them. All
thieves, murderers, adulterers, and incendiaries were to be
put to death without mercy. Children were to serve their
parents until the age of twenty-five, after which time they
wore to be employed in the service of the state. Bias
Valera also says that the Ynca Rocca was the first who
established schools in the city of Cuzco, in which the
Amautas imparted their learning to the Ynca princes of the
blood royal, and to the nobles of the empire. The schools
were not established for teaching letters, for these people
had none; but to instruct the pupils concerning the rights,
precepts, and ceremonies of their false religion, and the
ROY A L CO M M E N T A K I KS . 331
principles of their laws and customs, with their correct in-
terpretation. It was intended that they should thus attain
a knowledge of the art of governing, and become both more
refined and more assiduous in the military art. The pupils
were also taught the method of computing time, and of re-
cording events, by means of knots, as well as to converse
with elegance and grace, and how to bring up their children
and govern their households. They were then instructed
in the arts of poetry, music, philosophy, and astrology, or
at least as much as had been attained to in those sciences by
the Amautas, who were their philosophers or wise men, and
Avere held in great veneration. Father Bias Valera says
that this Prince Ynca Hocca instituted all these things by a
law, and that afterwards the Ynca Pachacutec, his great
grandson, explained them more at large, and added many
other laws. It is also said of this Ynca Rocca that, after re-
flecting on the grandeur, splendour, and beauty of the
heavens, he often exclaimed that it might be concluded that
the Pachacamac (that is God) was a most powerful king in.
the heavens, as he possessed so beautiful a habitation. It
was also a saying of Ynca Rocca that, if he had to worship
anything on this lower earth, it would certainly be a discreet
and learned man, for that such an one had an advantage
over all created things. But, added he, the man who is
born and brought up, dies at last ; he who yesterday had a
beginning, to-day meets his end ; and he who cannot free
himself from death ought not to be worshipped. Thus far I
have quoted from the father Bias Valera,
Forum HOOK OK mi-:
CHAPTER XX.
OF THE YNCA " WEEPING BLOOD," SEVENTH KING, HIS
FEARS AND CONQUESTS, AND OF THE
DISGRACE OF THE PRINCE.
On the death of the King Ynca Rocca his son Yahuar-
huaccac assumed the crown of the kingdom, and ruled with
justice, piety, and gentleness, doing all the good in his power
to his vassals. He wished to maintain them in the prosper-
ous state in which they had been left by his ancestors, with-
out pretending to make conquests or take any thing from
any one. For, owing to the evil omen of his name, and of
the prognostics that were made over him every day, he was
fearful of some mischance and had no wish to tempt fortune.
He hoped that if he did nothing to excite the anger of his
father the Sun, he would not be visited with any heavy
chastisement, as the soothsayers threatened. In this fear he
lived for some years, only desiring peace and quiet for him-
self and his neighbours ; but, to avoid idleness, he visited all
parts of his dominions three times. He took measures to
adorn the provinces with magnificent edifices, gave presents
to his vassals, and treated them with greater kindness than
had been the custom with any of his ancestors. All this was
a sign and effect of fear, and in this way he passed nine or
ten years. But, in order not to appear so pusillanimous as
to be held up as a coward among the Yncas, in that he had
not increased the limits of the empire, he resolved to send an
army of twenty thousand warriors to the south-west of Cuxco,
along the coast beyond Arcquipa, where his predeo
had refrained from annexing a large1 extent of country be-
cause it was thinly inhabited. Ho selected his brother Ynca
Mayla as captain-general, who, ever after that campaign,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 339
was called Apu Mayta, that is to say, the captain-general,
Mayta, because he was the general in command. Four
experienced Yncas were nominated as masters of the camp ;
the Ynca did not venture to lead the invasion in person,
though he desired much to do so ; but he could not make
up his mind to go, because the evil auguries (in the affairs of
war) were amidst such doubtful and tempestuous waves,
that where those of desire rose those of fear sank down. In
consequence of these apprehensions he named his brother
and his ministers to act in his place. These officers com-
pleted the conquest with such success and despatch that the
whole country from Arequipa to Atacama was added to the
empire of the Yncas ; this is the extreme point of the pro-
vince called Colla-suyu, and it is also the limit, along the sea
coast, of what is now called Peru. This land on the coast is
long and narrow, and thinly inhabited ; so that the Yncas
took more time in marching along it than in bringing it
under their sway.
After the completion of this conquest they returned to
Cuzco, and gave an account of what they had done to the
Ynca Yahuar-huaccac. The success of this campaign in-
spired the Ynca with fresh vigour, and he resolved to under-
dertake another more honourable and famous expedition for
the reduction of some other great provinces in the Colla-suyu,
called Caranca, Ullaca, Llipi, Chicha, and Ampara. These
provinces, besides being large, were thickly inhabited by a
valiant and warlike race. The former Yncas had not there-
fore attempted their conquest by force of arms, but had
endeavoured to civilize them little by little, and accustom
them to the rule of the Yncas by the sight of the neighbour-
ing districts, where the vassals had obtained so many benefits,
under the mild and just government of the children of the
Sun.
The Ynca Yahuar-huaccac conducted this campaign with
much hesitation, being divided between hope and fear, at
o 10 FOURTH HOOK OF TH K
one time counting upon the same success as had attended
the campaign of his brother Apu Mayta, and at another in
a state of despondency, owing to some bad omen. Thus he
would not undertake any operation of war by reason of the
danger that might attend it. While he was proceeding on
his expedition, in the midst of these doubts and misgivings,
he turned his attention to other domestic cares that arose
within his own household. These were caused by the cha-
racter of his eldest son and heir, who was to succeed to the
crown. This prince had shown a bad disposition from a
child, for he had ill-treated the boys of his own age who at-
tended upon him, and displayed a tendency to become harsh
and cruel. Although the Ynca was careful to correct his
son, and hoped that in time he would become more judicious,
and lose the bad points of his character ; yet these anticipa-
tions were not realised, for the prince's fierce disposition in-
creased with his years. This was a source of extreme anxiety
to the Ynca his father, for as all his ancestors had been
remarkable for their gentleness and urbanity, it was very
grievous to see the prince growing up with a disposition so
opposite. The Ynca endeavoured to convert his son by per-
suasion, and by reminding him of the examples of his an-
cestors, as well as by upbraiding and punishing him ; but all
was of little or no avail, for an evil disposition in the great
and powerful seldom or ever admits of correction.
Thus it fell out with this prince that every remedy ap-
plied to his evil disposition was converted into some poison.
At last the Ynca, his father, determined to disgrace him, and
banish him from the royal presence, and if this punishment
did not cure him, to disinherit him and select one of his
other sons as his heir. He intended, in this, to imitate a
custom which prevailed in some of the provinces, of select-
ing the most worthy among the sons as the heir. The Ynca
resolved to establish this law with his son, which had not
hitherto horn adopted by the- Kings' Yncas. The prince,
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 341
being then about nineteen years of age, was therefore or-
dered to be banished from the royal court, and to be taken
to a grand and beautiful wilderness, a little more than a
league to the eastward of the city, called Chita,* where I
have often been. There were large flocks belonging to the
Sun on those plains, and the prince was ordered to live with
the shepherds who had charge of them. The prince, having
no means of avoiding it, submitted to this banishment, and
to the punishment with which he was visited for his head-
strong and quarrelsome temper. He freely entered upon
the duties of a shepherd, with the other shepherds, and took
care of the flocks of the Sun ; the fact that they belonged to
the Sun being some consolation to the sorrowful Ynca. He
performed these duties for three years or more, where we
will leave him until his time comes, for he will give us
notable things to say if we succeed in narrating them well.
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCERNING A NOTICE GIVEN TO THE PRINCE BY AN
APPARITION, WHICH HE WAS TO DELIVER
TO HIS FATHER.
The Ynca Yahuar-huaccac having banished his eldest
son (whose name while he was prince is not known, because
it was entirely superseded by the one which he afterwards
bore ; for, as they had no letters, these people totally forgot
all that was not preserved in their memories by tradition)
altogether desisted from wars and the conquest of new pro-
vinces, devoting himself exclusively to the peaceful govern-
* The lofty plateau of Chita, to the eastward of Cuzco, divides the
valley of the Vilcamayu from that of its tributary the Huatanay, on
which Cuzco is built. It is a treeless waste, covered with grass, and
huge boulders of rock are scattered over its surface.
0-412 KOVRTTI HOOK OF THE
ment of his kingdom. He also desired not to lose sight of
his son entirely by going far away from him, but to be near
him, and watch his conduct; for all the remedies for this
evil, such as perpetual imprisonment or disinherison, and
the election of another in the prince's place, appeared to be
violent and unsafe, owing to their novelty, and to the im-
portance of the case ; for it would be equivalent to depriv-
ing the Yncas of their deified position as the divine children
of the Sun ; and the vassals would not consent to the inflic-
tion of such a punishment, nor of any other that it might be
desired to visit the prince with.
These cares and anxieties deprived the Ynca of all rest
for more than three years, during which time nothing oc-
curred worthy of record. In this interval he twice sent four
of his relations to ..visit his empire, directing each to visit
certain provinces, and to construct such works as were
necessary for his honour and the good of his vassals, such as
new aqueducts, depots, royal houses, bridges, paved roads,
fountains, and the like. But he did not leave the court, where
he was engaged in celebrating the festivals of the Sun, and
others, and in administering justice to his vassals. One day,
at the end of this long period, a little after noon, the prince
entered the house of his father, where he was little ex-
pected, alone and unattended, as a man out of favour with
his King. He sent to the Ynca to say that he was there,
and that he was bound to deliver a certain message. The
Ynca replied, in great wrath, that the prince was to return
at once to the place where he had been ordered to reside,
unless he desired to be punished with death for disobeying
a royal command, for he must know that it was unlawful for
any one to disobey an order of the Ynca, how trivial soever
its nature might be. The prince answered that he had not
come there to break his father's commandment, but to obey
another Ynca as great as he, who had sent him to say things
which it was very important the Ynca should know : that if
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 343
the Ynca wished to hear them he should give permission for
him to enter and say what was necessary, and if not he would
return to him who had sent him, and give an account of the
reply he had received.
The Ynca, on hearing the assertion that there was another
lord as great as himself, gave orders for his son to enter,
that he might learn what nonsense this was, and who had
sent his banished and disgraced son with these new mes-
sages, that he might be punished. The prince, as soon
as he had been brought before his father, said: "You
must know, O sole Lord, that, when I was lying down at
noon today (I cannot say whether I was asleep or awake)
under one of the great rocks that are scattered over the
pastures of Chita, where I am employed by your order in
watching the flocks of our Father the Sun, a strange man
stood before me, different in dress and appearance from our
people. He had a beard on his face more than a hand's
breadth long ; he wore a long loose robe down to his feet,
and held an animal, unknown to me, fastened by its neck.
He said to me: 'Nephew, I am a child of the Sun, and bro-
ther of the Ynca Manco Ccapac and of the Coya Mama
Ocllo Huaco his wife and sister, the first of your ancestors ;
wherefore I am a brother of your father and of you all. I
am called Uira-ccocha Ynca,* I come on the part of the Sun
our father to make an announcement to you, that you may
deliver it to the Ynca my brother. The whole of that part
of the provinces of Chincha-suyu, which is subject to his
empire, as well as other parts still unconquered, are in re-
bellion, and a great multitude has assembled to drive him
* Or Viracocha, according to the corrupt Spanish way of spelling,
which, in this instance, is adopted by the Ynca. Uira means grease.
Mossi spells it Huira. Ccocha is a lake or the sea. But our author, in
the twenty-first chapter of the next book, denies that the name is com-
posed of these two words, which would simply mean " a lake of grease."
He declares that it is not composed of any two Quichua words, but that
it is a name of itself, the derivation of which is unknown.
;H4 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
from his throne, and destroy our imperial city of Cuzco. Go,
therefore, to the Ynca my brother, and tell him from me to
prepare himself, and to take such order as may be necessary
to avert this danger. And to you, in particular, I say that
in whatever disaster you may find yourself, fear not, for I
will not fail you, but will always give you help, as to my own
flesh and blood. Therefore, do not hesitate to undertake
any adventure, how great soever it may be, if it conduces to
the glory of your empire, for I will always be at your side
to give you such aid as you may require/ Having said
these words," continued the prince, "the Ynca Huira-ccocha
disappeared, and I saw him no more. Then I set out to
deliver his message to you."
CHAPTER XXII.
THE CONSULTATIONS OF THE YNCA, TOUCHING THE STORY
OF THE APPARITION.
The Ynca Yahuar-huaccac, being enraged against his
son, would not believe his story, but said that he was an in-
solent madman for asserting that his own nonsense was a
revelation from his father the Sun ; and ordered him to re-
turn to Chita at once, and not again to leave it, on pain of
the royal displeasure. So the prince returned to tend his
sheep; but the brothers and uncles of the Ynca, who were
near his person, being superstitious, and believers in omens,
and especially in dreams, received what the prince had said
in another spirit. They said to the Ynca that he should not
despise the message from the Ynca Huira-ccocha his bro-
ther, seeing that he had said he was a child of the Sun, and
that he came on the part of his father. Nor could it be be-
lieved that the prince would invent such things concerning
the Sun, for it would be sacrilege to imagine it, much more
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 345
to say it before his father the Ynca. They urged that it
would be well that the words of the prince should be ex-
amined one by one, that sacrifices to the Sun should be
made, and auguries taken to see whether what they pro-
gnosticated was good or evil, and that the necessary arrange-
ments should be made at once for so important a business ;
for, they said, to leave them unexamined would not only be
hurtful, but would also show disrespect to the Sun, their
common father, who had sent the message, and to the Ynca
Huira-ccocha, his son, who had brought it. Such a course
would be to heap error upon error.
The Ynca, influenced by the anger caused by his son's
misconduct, was disinclined to take the advice of his rela-
tions, but said that no notice should be taken of the speech
of a furious madman, and that, instead of mending his ways
and correcting his evil disposition, so as to deserve the
favour of his father, he would be emboldened to come with
fresh nonsense, and would thus merit the deprivation of his
inheritance, and the substitution of one of his brothers. A
new heir would imitate the example of his ancestors who,
for their clemency, piety, and gentleness, had acquired the
title of children of the Sun. It was unreasonable, continued
the Ynca, that a madman, with the knife of cruelty, should
destroy all that the former Yncas had done to establish the
empire by their goodness. The Yncas should reflect that a
remedy for such evils was of more consequence than the
wild words of a furious madman. The words themselves
showed whence they came, and if the prince did not admit
that the embassy was not from a child of the Sun, his head
should be cut off for having broken out of the place of
banishment that had been assigned to him. Finally the
Ynca ordered them not to proceed in this affair, but to pre-
serve silence respecting it ; for that any remembrance of the
prince caused him to become enraged, as he had resolved
what he would do concerning him.
346 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
By order of the King, the Yncas were silent, and spoke
no more on the subject ; but they did not cease to entertain
fears of some misfortune in their minds ; for these Indians,
as all others in heathendom, were very superstitious, and
especially so in the matter of dreams, more particularly
when such dreams were related by the king, the prince, or
the high priest. Those three personages were looked upon
as gods and great oracles, and the soothsayers sought an ac-
count of their dreams from them, in order to divine and in-
terpret, if the Yncas themselves did not relate what they
had dreamt.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE REBELLION OF THE CHANCAS, AND TOUCHING THEIR
FORMER DEEDS.
Three months after the dream of the Prince Uira-ccocha
Ynca (for so he was called by his people from that time
forward, because of the apparition he had seen), an uncer-
tain rumour came concerning the rebellion of the provinces
of Chincha-suyu, from Antahtialla onwards, which was forty
leagues to the northward of Cuzco. The news came in a
confused way, as is usually the case on similar occasions ; so
that, although the Prince Uira-ccocha had dreamt it, and
thus confirmed the news in his sleep, the Ynca took no
notice of it, because the rumour appeared to him to be no
more than roadside gossip, or some version of the dream
which should have been forgotten. But a few days after-
wards the same news again reached him, though still doubt-
ful and uncertain. For the enemy had closed the roads
with great care, that their rebellion might not be known,
and that they might be in sight of Cuzco before their ap-
proach was known. The third notice of the rebellion that
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 347
arrived was more explicit, and it announced that the nations
called Chanca, Uramarca, Villca, Utusullu, Hancohuallu,
and others, had rebelled, slain the royal governors and
ministers, and were marching to the capital with an army
of more than 40,000 warriors.
These nations were reduced to obedience by the King
Ynca Rocca, but more through terror of his arms than love
of his government; and, as we before said, they remained
with a feeling of rancour and hatred against the Yncas,
which would break out when occasion should arise. Seeing
that the Ynca Yahuar-huaccac was not warlike, and that he
was intimidated by the evil augury of his name, and embar-
rassed by the bad disposition of his son the Prince Ynca-
Huira-ccocha, and having heard something of the new cause
of anger that the Ynca had against his son ; it seemed a suf-
ficiently favourable time to show the hatred they felt for the
government of the Ynca. So they met together as secretly
as possible, and raised amongst themselves a powerful army
of more than 30,000 men of war, with which they marched
in the direction of the imperial city of Cuzco. The authors
of this rebellion, who incited the other lords of vassals, were
three principal Indian Curacas of three great provinces of
the Chanca nation (under which name other nations are in-
cluded). One of these was named Hancohuallu,* a youth
aged twenty-six, another was named Tumay Huaraca,f and the
third Astu Huaraca.£ The two last were brothers, and rela-
tions of Hancohuallu. The ancestors of these three petty kings
waged perpetual war, before the time of the Yncas, with the
neighbouring nations, especially with a people called Que-
chua, under which name are included the inhabitants of five
* The meaning of this name is not clear. Hanco or Hanccu is any-
thing unripe or raw. Hualluni is a verb meaning to cut off the ears,
t Tumay huaraca means " He who whirls a sling round."
+ Possibly Astay-huaraca, which would mean " He who carries a
sling."
34:8 FOURTH BOOK OF THE
large provinces. They had brought these Quechuas under
subjection, and treated them very tyrannically. The Que-
chuas, therefore, had rejoiced to become vassals of the
Yncas, and had submitted very readily, as we have already
seen, for they were glad, to be released from the insolence
of the Chancas. But the Chancas felt their subjection very
deeply, and were indignant that, from being lords over others,
they should themselves be made tributary. So they pre-
served the hatred they had inherited from their fathers, and
rose in rebellion, expecting that they would easily conquer
the Ynca by reason of the rapidity with which they intended
to move, and of the want of preparation on his part. They
calculated that a single victory would make them lords not
only over their ancient enemies, but over the whole empire
of the Yncas.
With this hope they called their people together, as well
those subject to the Ynca as those who were independent,
and promised them a large share of the conquest. It was
not difficult to persuade them, as well by reason of the great
prize that was offered, as because there was an ancient
opinion that the Chancas were brave warriors. They elected
Hanco-huallu, who was a valiant Indian, as their captain-
general, his two brothers as masters of the camp, and the
other Curacas were chiefs and captains of their followers.
Thus, with all diligence, they began their march to Cuzco.
ROYAL COMMKNTAR1KS. 349
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE YNCA FLIES FROM THE CAPITAL, WHICH IS SAVED
BY THE PRINCE.
The Ynca Yahuar-huaccac was confused at the certainty
of the news that the enemy was approaching ; for he had
never believed that this could be possible, judging from his
former experience. No province, out of the great number
that had been conquered, had ever before rebelled, from
the time of the first Ynca Manco Ccapac. Yahuar-huaccac
had refused to believe the reports, because nothing of the
sort had ever happened before, and also because he was in-
fluenced by anger caused by the Prince's prophecy con-
cerning the rebellion, nor would he take the advice of his
relations. Passion had blinded his understanding, and now
he was unprepared, and had no time to assemble his people
either to advance against the enemy or to garrison the city.
Instead of waiting for assistance, it seemed better to fall
back before the traitors, and retire to Colla-suyu, where the
Ynca trusted his life would be safe, owing to the honour and
loyalty of his vassals. With this intention, he retreated in
company with the few Yncas who could follow him, as far
as Angostura, in the district of Muyna,* which is five leagues
south of the city. Here he halted to obtain news of the
movements of the rebels.
The city of Cuzco, deserted by its king, was in confusion,
* The Angostura is a pleasant maize farm which formerly belonged
to the Astete family, near the village of Muyna, about ten miles south
of Cuzco. Near it the valley becomes narrower, and there are some
massive ruins of the Yncarial period, which tradition points to as the
station at which Yahuar-huaccac took refuge on this occasion. Muyna
is said to have been founded by the first Ynca Manco Ccapac (see pages
80, 86, and 190).
:)50 FOURTH HOOK. OF THE
without captain or chief to give orders, much more to de-
fend it, for all were seeking safety in flight. The principal
people were escaping in the directions which they thought
best, with a view to saving their lives. Some of the fugi-
tives went to the Prince Uira-ccocha Ynca, and gave him
news of the rebellion in Chincha-suyu, and how the King
his father had retreated towards Colla-suyu because it seemed
impossible to resist the enemy, owing to the suddenness of
the rising.
The Prince felt very deeply the disgrace of his father
having fled and deserted the city. He ordered those who
had brought the news, with a few of the shepherds who were
with him, to go to the Indians on the roads and in the city,
and tell them to follow the Ynca, their lord, with their arms,
because he intended to do the same, and to pass the word
from one to the other. Having given this order, the Prince
Uira-ccocha Ynca followed his father, without entering the
city; and, owing to the rapidity of his march, overtook him
at Angostura de Muyna, for he had not yet set out from
that station. Covered with dust and sweat, with a lance in
his hand, which he had obtained on the road, the Prince pre-
sented himself before the King, and, with a sad and grave
countenance, said : —
"O Ynca! how is it permitted that, owing to news con-
cerning a few rebellious vassals, whether true or false, you
should desert your city and court, and turn your back on
the enemy before he is in sight? How can it be endured
that the house of the Sun, your Father, should be delivered
over for the enemy to tread with shod feet, and to per-
form abominations within its precincts ? Did not your
ancestors abolish the sacrifices of men, women, and children,
and all other bestialities and sacrileges ? What account shall
we give of the virgins dedicated to the Sun by the observ-
ance of perpetual chastity, if we leave them for the bestial
rebels to do what they please with / What honour shall we
ROYAL COMMENTARIES. 351
have left if we permit all these evils, in order to save our
own lives ? I like it not, and I shall return to face the
enemy before they can enter Cuzco, for I desire not to wit-
ness these abominations which the rebels will commit in that
imperial city, founded by the Sun and his children. Those
that will follow me let them do so, and I will show them
how to choose between a disgraced life and an honoured
death."
Having said this with every sign of grief and sorrow, he
turned back along the road to Cuzco, without taking any
refreshment, either of food or drink. The Yncas of the
blood royal, who had set out with the King, and among
them his nephews, brothers, and cousins, in number more
than four thousand men, returned with the Prince, leaving
the father alone with the useless old men. On the road they
were met by many who were flying from the city. They
called to these fugitives to turn back, telling them that the
Prince Ynca Uira-ccocha was coming to defend the city,
and the house of his Father the Sun. The Indians were
reassured by this news, and all those that were running
away turned back, calling to each other over the fields, and
passing the word from one to the other that the Prince was
returning to defend the city, and that this undertaking was
so agreeable to them that, with the greatest joy, they would
go back to die with the Prince. The Prince displayed so
much resolution and bravery, that he imparted new courage
to all his followers.
In this way he entered the city, and ordered that the
assembled people should presently take the road of Chincha-
suyu, along which the rebels were marching, so as to interpose
between them and the city. His intention was not to resist
them, for he well knew that his forces were not sufficient, but
to die fighting before they could enter the city and pillage it as
barbarous and victorious enemies, without respect to the Sun,
which was what he felt most. As the Ynca Yahuar-huaccac,
0,) FOUR III HOOK OF COMMENTARIES.
whose life we now write, did not reign after this, as we shall
see presently, it seems better to cut the thread of the history
at this point, so as to divide his acts from those of his son,
the Ynca Uira-ccocha. We will, therefore, insert some
further account of the government of the empire at this
point, so as to vary the narrative, and avoid too long a con-
tinuance of one part of the subject. Afterwards, we shall
return to the deeds of the Prince Uira-ccocha, which were
very glorious.
END OF THE FOURTH BOOK.
I N D E X.
NAMES OF PLACES
in the 1st, '2nd 3rd, and 4tk Book* of the
FIRST PART OF THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
Abancay (see Amancay)
Acari, valley on the sea coast, 244,
267
Accha, 234
Allca, a province conquered by the
Ynca Mayta Ccapac, 231
Amancay river, provinces on its
banks inhabited by Quechuas, 241,
266, 323
Ampara, 339
Ancasmayu river, north boiiiidary
of Peru, 40, 136
Angostara de Muyna, 349
Antahualla, 323, 325
Antis, their idolatry, 51, 116, 330;
conquests in the direction of the,
160, 329
Anti-suyu, eastern division of the
empire of the Yncas, 79, 143;
expedition sent into by Ynca
Eocca, 327-29
Apucara, 267
Apurimac river, 69; bridge, 227,
234, 322
Arequipa, 232, 267
Arica, 41
Aruni, province of, 232
Asancata, 159
Asillu, 159
Atacama, 339
Atequipa, 267
Atico, 267
Ayamarca, 80
Ayaviri, 164-5
Aymara, province, 235, 237
Cacha, 159
Cac-yaviri, 213
Callamarca, 225
Callavaya (see Collahuaya)
Camana, 267
Canac-huay mountain, 330
Canas, 163
Cancalla, 159
Canchi nation, 158
Cancu tribe, 80; privilege granted
to, 86
Caracara, 334
Caracollo, 225
Caranca, 339
Caravaya (see Collahuaya)
Cauquicura, 217
Cavina tribe, 80
Ccocha-casa, 266
Chachapoyas, 41
Challapampa, 330
Chamuru, 263
Chancas, 242, 323, 325, 347
Chaqui, 263, 265
Chacas, 35, 40
Chayanta, 255, 257
Cherca, 263
Chicas, 17, 40
Chile, 40, 136, 143
Chilqui, 80
Chimpa, 233
Chincha-pucyu, 80
Chincha-suyu, 80, 143
Chirihuanas, 50, 54
Chirirqui, 240
Chita, 341
Chucuitu, 170, 211
Chumpi-uillca, 229
Chuncara, 159, 163
Chuncuri, 332
Chuqui-apu, 225
Chuquinca, 243
Z
INDEX.
Chuquisaca, 355
Cocha-pampa, 235
Collahuaya ( Caravaya), 160, 265
Collas, 35, 71, 167-69, 216
Colla-suyu, 71, 142, 166-67
Collcampata terrace, at Cuzco, 179
Copacavana, 286
Coro-puna peak, 232
Cota-huasi, 231
Cotanera, 242
Cota-pampa, 241, 242
Cuchuna, 219
Cunti-suyu, 71, 80, 143, 226
Cura-huasi, 266
Curampa, 323
Cuzco founded, 65; Hanan Cuzco,
Hurin Cuzco, 67 ; Temple of the
Sun at, 270; great respect for, ib. ;
Topography of part of, 279
Desaguadero river, 171, 210
Elena (see Santa Elena)
Gorgona, Isle of, 37
Guayaquil (see Huayaquil)
Hanan Cuzco (see Cuzco)
Hancohualla, 242, 324, 326
Hatun-colla, 167, 170
Hatun-pacasa, 212, 217
Hatun-puna, 217
Hatun-rucana, 267
Havisca, 330
Huaca-chaca, 234, 241
Huamanpalla, 242
Huana-cauti hill, south of Cuzco,
65,66
Huancanfe, 159
Huaquirca, 237
Huarina, 217
Huaruc, 80
Huarac-chillqui, 86
Huayaquil, 34
Huaychu, 222, 223
Hurin Cuzco (see Cuzco)
Juli, 171
Llaricasa province, 41, 221
Llipi, 33'J
Machaca, 334
Malloma, 217
Masca, so
Maule river, south boundary of the
empire of the Yncas, 40, 136
Mayu tribe, 80
Moquehua, 219
Mucansa hill, 435
Muyna, 80, 86, 190, 349
Muyu-rnuyu, 332
Muya-pampa, 41
Nanasca (or Nasca), 267
Ocona, on the coast, 267
Orcosuyu (see Urcosuyu).
Paccari-tampu, 65
Papri, 80
Paria lake, 225
Parihuana-ccocha, 231
Passao or Pasau, Cape, 17, 41, 50, 54
Pastu, 40
Paucar-colla, 167
Paucar-tampu, 69, 72, 73, 7i», :>(>-">,
327, 330
Peru, 1, 33-36, 40
Pillcu-pata, 330
Piti, 235
Pomata, 171
toques nation, 79, 86
Potosi, play acted at, 204
Pucara, 159, 166
Puchina, 158
Pucuna, 332
Puerto Viejo, 37
Puma-tampu, 232
Quechuas, 34, 112, 241, 243, 325
Quehuar tribe, 80
Quequesana, 69
Quespi-cancha, 80
Quilca, on the sea coast, 267
Quinualla tribe, 320
Quitu, 143, 180
Rimac-tampu, 80
Riti-suyu, snowy region of the Andes,
40
Eucana, 267
Kurucachi, 159
Sacaca, 'M-l
Sacsahuana valley, 80
Sancava, 2^1
Santa Elena, 37
Sucahuaya (Socabaya), 2:W
Sullu, 326, 327
Sulli, 204
Surcunca, village near Cuzco, :\ 1 2
Tacmana tribe, 323
Tampu, N(l
Taurisma, 2:J1
Tialmanacu, 71, 75, 210-12
Tifirara ]al«-. (It. ll!.'!, L'S.',
INDEX.
355
Titicaca island, considered sacred, ! Uramarca, 325
286-88 TJrcos, 80, 86, 287
Truxillo, 41 ; Urcosuyu, 159
Ttahuantin-suyu, name of the em- j Utunsullu, 324
pire of the Yncas, 72
Tuinpez, 111 Vilca, 324, 326
Tunu, 330 Villilli, 229
Tutyra, 265
Yana-huara, 235
Ylave, 171
Yucay, 86
Ullaca, 339
Umasuyu, 159, 237 Zepita, 171
QUICHUA WORDS
in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Books of the
FIRST PART OF THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
Aca, dirt, 121, 298
Acatanca, a beetle, 121
Acca, fermented liquor (chicha), 298
Aclla-huasi, " House of the chosen
ones," 292
Allpa, earth, 126
Allpa-camasca, "animated earth,"
a name for the human body, 126
Amaru, a serpent, 330
Arnauta, philosopher, wise man, 114,
174, 194, 286 ; teach in the schools,
336
Ancas. blue, 40
Apachecta, meaning of the word, 117
Apu, chief, 225
Auca, traitor, 156
Auqui, unmarried prince, 97
Ayar, norneaningin Quichua, though
it probably has in the special
idiom of the Yncas, 74
Ayllu, lineage, family, 67
Ayusca, a sickly child, 316
Caca, uncle (brother of the mother),
285
Cachi, salt, 74
Cam, you, 197
Cama, the soul, 106
Camac, created, 101
Camayu, "he who has charge," 152
Caiicha, place, court, 283
Cancu, sacrificial bread, 298
Capa (See Sapa), alone, sole, 91
Cay, this, 198
Cayan, now, 198
Ccaca, rock, hill, 285
Ccapac, rich, 95
Ccocha, lake, 49
Ccoya, queen, 68, 96, 293, 296
Ccuri, gold, 283
Ccuri-cancha, temple of the sun, 283
Chahuar, aloe fibre, 58, 227
Chaqui, foot, 121
- dry, 122
Chasca, the planet Venus, 176, 275;
meaning of the word, 176 (note)
Chaupi, middle, 195
Chichi, hail, 198
Chillca, a tree (Baccharis scandens),
187
China, female, servant girl, 197
Chiri, cold, 50
Chucchu, fever, 187
Chuchau, Agave Americana, 86
Chunca, ten, 152
a game, 152
Chunca-camayu, Decurion, 152
Chuncasun, " We play," 15-3
Chuqui, lance, 225
Chura, put, 198
Churi, son, 91, 314
Chuspa, a bag for holding coca, 296
Chuy, a seed, 204
Chuychu, rainbow, 276
Cuca, coca leaf, 296, 330
IM)KX.
Cuna, plural particle, 2l.»:{
Cunuuunan, it thunders, 107
Cuntur, condor, 48, 75
Curaca, chief, 82
Cuzco, a navel or centre, in the
peculiar language of the Yncas, 73,
142
Hamusac, I will coine, 195
Hanan, upper, 67
Harauec, bard, 195
Hatun, great, 167-267
Hihuaya, black pebble, 202
Hina, so, 197
Huaca, a sacred thing, 107, 115, 119
Huaccac, weeping, 328
Huaccanqui, 162
Huaccha-cuyac, "lover of the poor,"
90,97
Huahua (see Uaua).
Huasi, a house, 201
Huata, year, 177
Huatani, I seize, 177
Huauque, brother addressing his
brother, 314
Huira (see Uira).
Hurin, lower, 67
Llama, beast (passim).
Llamanchec, shepherd, 320
Llapi, song, 195
Llautu, royal fringe, 85, 296
Lloque, left-handed, 161
Mama, mother, 293
Mama-cuna, matrons, 293, 294, 300,
302
Mama-ccocha, the sea, 49
Mamanchic, " our mother," 97
Mama-quilla, Mother Moon, 274
Manco, a proper name, with no spe-
cial meaning, 70 (note)
Mantara, for this, 197
Maqui, hand, arm, 121
Matecllu, plant for sore eyes, 1 88
May, where, l'.»s
Mayta, a proper name, with no spe-
cial meaning, 209
Mayu, river (passim).
Mitinac, colonists, 269-286
Mulli, a tree (Schinus Molle), 187
Munquini, I drop, 198
Nafta, sister addressing her sister,
314
Nanani, I hurt, 267
Nimpiri, sometimes, 19<S
Nusta, princess (unmarried), 96, 197
i HI,,, :iu->
Paccari, morning, 65, 182
Pacha, meanings of the word, 1 19
Pachacamac, Creator of the world,
106
Pacha rurac, maker, 109
Pacha yachachi, 109
Palla, lady of the blood royal, 96, 97
Pampa, plain (passim).
Pana, a sister, when addressed by
her brother, 314
Para, rain, 198
Parihuana, flamingo, 231
Pata, hill (passim).
Pataca, basket, 254
Paycha, fringe and tassels worn by
princes of the blood royal, 296
Pirua, granary, 36
Pucara, fortress, 160
Puma, lion, 232
Punchau, day, 182
Puiiunqui, " you will sleep," 195
Puyna, vase, 197
Quechua, first occasion on which
the word is used, 34
Quilla, moon month, 176, 181
Quillay, iron, 201, 262
Quipus, first mention of the system.
of knot writing, 150, 191
Eaymi, festival, 279, 298
Riti, snow, 40
Rocca, a proper name, with no spe-
cial meaning, 92, 157
Runa, man, 35
Rurac, maker, 109
Russa, remittent fever, 187
Sara, maize, 49, 189
Sapa, sole, only, 91
Sapa-Ynca, sole lord, 95, 321
Sauca, joy, pleasure, 74
Sayri, tobacco, 188
Sinchi, strong, i»2
Situa, festival, 2! is
Situa-Raymi, festival, 179
Sucanca, solstitial pillar, 178 (note)
Sumac, beautiful, 107
Sunqui, second transition ending of
a verb, 198
Supay, the devil, 108
Suyu, province (passim).
Tancani, I push, 121
Tanga-tanga, an idol in Chuquisaca,
120
Ta/.tjui, a girl, maiden, 197
Ticiviracocha, a mistaken name for
God, given by Spanish writers, 1 09
INDEX.
357
Titi, lead, 285
Tora, brother, when addressed by
his sister, 314
Ttahuantin-suyu, "four parts of the
empire," 35, 142
Tucuyricoc, an overseer who re-
ported the shortcomings of offi-
cials to their superiors, 154
Tuta, night, 182
Tutura, reed, 86
Uaua, a child, 314
Uchu, Aji pepper, 74
Uira, grease, 343 (note)
Uncu, tunic, part of the Ynca's
dress, 296
Unu, water, 198
Uruya, basket, travelling on a cable,
for crossing a river, 261
Usuta, sandals, 82
Villac Vmu, high priest of the Sun,
277
Villani, I say, 277
Vmu, a soothsayer, 277
Yacha, school, 335 (note)
Yachani, I learn, 110
Yachachi, I teach, 110
Yacolla, mantle, 296
Yahuar, blood, 328
Ychu, a long coarse grass, 254
Yllapa, thunder and lightning, 105,
182, 275
Yllapantac, it thunders, 197
Ynca, sovereign lord (passim).
Yncap runan, vassal, 35
Ynti, the sun (passim).
Yntip-churi, " child of the sun," 95
Yqui, second possessive pronoun, 197
Yupanqui, a title, literally "you
may count," 161
NAMES OF INDIANS
in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Books of the
FIRST PART OF THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
Apu Mayta, 339
Ata-hualpa, his attempted exter-
mination of the Ynca family, 62,
81; speech of Valverde to, 107;
indignation against Filipillo, 300;
seizes Huasca, 328
Astu-huaraca, 347
Ay ar-cachi L nda brothers of
fiance Lapac, 73
Auqui-Titu, brother of the Ynca
Ccapac Yupanqui, his campaign,
241
Ccapac Yupanqui, fifth Ynca, his
reign, 234; his death, 269; con-
quests, 331
Ccoya Mama Curiyllpay, wife of the
Ynca Ccapac Yupanqui, 270
Colla, name of one of the brothers
of Manco Ccapac, according to
one legend, 71
Cora (see Mama Cora).
Felipe Ynca, an apt scholar at
Cuzco, 205
Garcia, chief of Surcunca, his last
will, 312
Huayna Ccapac, 104, 271 ; his body
found, 273
Huascar Ynca seized by Atahualpa,
388
Hanco-huallu, 347
Huira-ccocha Ynca, his body found,
273, note (see Uira-ccocha).
Lloque Yupanqui, third Ynca, 161 ;
his death, 173
Mama Cava, wife of Lloque Yupan-
qui, third Ynca, J 73
Mama Cora, wife of Sinchi Eocca,
second Ynca, 93, J6L
Mama Curiyllpay, 270
Mama Cuca, 234
Mama Micay, 336
Mama Ocllo Huaco, wife of the first
Ynca, 70
Manco Ccapac, first Ynca, 70; fabu-
lous accounts of his origin, 71-75;
an Ynca's account, 63 ; instructs
INDEX.
Ins vassals, 81; fashions intro-
duced by, 85; his death, 91; at
lake Titicaca, 2S5
Mayta Ccapac, fourth Ynca, 1 73 ;
his reign, 210 ; his death, 233
Mayta (see Apu-Mayta).
Pinahua, legendary companion of
Manco Ccapac, 71
Pachacutec, 337
Eocca (see Ynca Eocca).
Sinchi Eocca, second Ynca, 92 ; his
death, 160
Tocay, legendary companion of
Manco Ccapac, 71
Tumay Huaraca, 347
Uira-ccocha Ynca, his body found,
273 (note); his banishment, 311
Yahuar-huaccac, his expedition into
Anti-suyu, 327 ; meaning of his
name, 328 ; his flight, 349
Ynca Eocca, his campaigns as prince,
206 ; meaning of his name, '•>>-- ;
his conquests, 323-27, 332; his
schools, 335
Ynca Yupanqui, completed the tem-
ple of the Sun, 271
NAMES OF SPANIARDS
in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and Uh Books of the
FIRST PART OF THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES.
Acosta, Father, his History of the
Indies quoted by the author ;
mention of the story of Huelva,
23 ; as to name of Peru, 35 ; re-
specting the Trinity, 120; praise
oftheYncas, 142-199; his account
of the solstitial pillars, 178 (note)',
origin of the saying " He plays
away the sun before dawn," 272
Alcobasa, Diego de, a schoolfellow
of the author ; his account of the
ruins of Tiahuanaco, 2 1 L
Almagro, Diego de, defeat of Alva-
rado by, 243; defeated by Her-
nando Pizarro, 80
Altamirano, Antonio; part of the
palace of Huayna Ccapac his share
of the spoil at Cuzco, 104
Pedro, the author's
schoolfellow, 104 (note)
Alvarado, Alonzo de, his defeats, 243
Anda"-oya, Pascual de, on the name
of Peru, 29 (note)
A vila, Pedro Arias de, kills Vasco
Nunez, 27
Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, his disco-
very of the South Sea, 27, 36
;i, I >amian de la, a map made
,dians for. !'.»(»
Barco, Pedro del, 295
Belalcazar, Sebastian de, he de-
stroys the equinoctial columns at
Quito, 181
Benzoni on human sacrifices, 140
(note)
Cabrera, Pedro Luis de, his repar-
timiento at Cotapampa, 242
Candia, Pedro de, 111 ; his son the
author's schoolfellow, ib.
Castilla, Sebastian de, his rebellion,
205
Colon, Christoval, discovery of
America, 22
Centeno, Diego, battle with Gon-
zalo Pizarro at Huarina, 217
Cuellar, Juan de,the author's school-
master at Cuzco, 205
Drake, Sir Francis, his improved
method of navigating, 37
Ercilla, Alonzo de, author of the
Araucana, his mistaken deriva-
tion of the word 1'alln, !i~
Fernandez, Diego de, of Pal.-ncia.
an author quoted as to 1 li<- mean-
ing of the word /v/-». li'.t
de, a
INDEX.
359
cousin of the author; he relates
the story of Pedro Serrano, 46
Giron, Francisco Hernandez de, de-
feat at Pucara, 166; his rebellion,
confusion caused by, 205 ; defeats
Alvarado at Chuquinca, 243
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, as to
discovery of America, 22 ; name
of Peru, 32; his history quoted by
the author, 36, 39; his account of
the mode of interment, 128; origin
of the Yncas, 191
Guzman, Diego Orton de, 295
Huelva, Alonzo Sanchez de, a pilot
said to have discovered America,
21-22
Herrera, his version of the origin of
the Yncas, 73 (note)
Lequesano, Marcio Serra de, plays
away the sun, 272; account of
him, 272 (note)
Juan Serra de, the au-
thor's schoolfellow, 272 (note)
Leon, Pedro de Cieza de, quoted by
the author — as to the name of
Peru, 29-30; cannibalism, 55; on
Indian immorality, 59 ; meaning
of Pachacamac, 108; Indian be-
lief in immortality, 128 ; account
of his work, 134; as to human
sacrifices, 138; conquered chiefs
not disinherited, 146; justice of
the Yncas, 156; mentions solsti-
tial pillars, 178; praise of the
Yncas, 199; his account of Tia-
huanaco, 211 ; allusion to events
in the Collao, 248; his mention
of temples and convents, 283
Martyr, Peter, 122
Montesinos, the licentiate Fernando,
his version of the origin of the
Yncas, 73 (note)
Ondegardo, Polo de, on human
sacrifices, 139 (note) ; discovers
bodies of Yncas, 273
Padilla, Miguel Vasquez de, inter-
ference with the plan of the
author's work, 129
Pizarro, Hernando, defeats Almagro,
80
the Marquis Francisco, 111
Gonzalo, 217, 242
Polo (see Ondegardo).
Prado, Geronimo de, 129
Bom an, Friar Geronimo, as to the
name of Peru, 29; as to the name
of Pachacamac, 108
Saavedra, Father Maldonado, from
whom the author obtained the
papers of Bias Valera (whom see),
33
Sanchez, Pedro, a schoolmaster at
Cuzco, 205
Serrano, Pedro de, narrative of his
adventures, 41
Valera, Father Bias, a missionary,
his learning and writings, 33 ; as
to the name of Peru, 33, 35 ; same
design as the author in the
arrangement of his work, 51 ; his
account of idolatries, 51 ; his
estimate of the Yncarial period,
101 ; on the religion of the Mexi-
cans, 122; meaning of the word
Eoca, 157; his Quichuapoem, 196;
his reason why ships cannot sail
on lake Titicaca, 285; his account
of the riches at Titicaca, 286;
his account of Ynca Eocca, his
schools and sayings, 335-36
Valverde, Father Vicente de, what
he said to Atahualpa, 107; his
evidence on human sacrifices,
141 (note)
Vega, Garcilasso Ynca de la, the
extent of his travels, 17 ; at Car-
thagena, on his way to Spain, 57;
his uncle's narrative, 62; his pro-
test concerning his history, 76 ;
cures a boy's eyes, 189; crosses
a river in a balsa, when quite a
boy, 259
Garcilasso de la, the author's
father, his repartimiento at Muyna,
191; his other repartimientos, 242,
330
Villalobos, Juan Eodriguez de, a
rich citizen of Cuzco, 193
Zarate, Agustin de, his work quoted
by the author as to the name of
Peru, 29; as to what Valverde
said to Atahualpa, 107; his ac-
count of the origin of the Yncas,
73 (note), 142; his account of the
mode of interment, 128; law
against those who violate the
women of the Ynca, 300
r r c 1 1
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