Skip to main content

Full text of "Notes on the ancient geography of Burma"

See other formats


7 



UC-NRLF 



*c la 7IdT 



Reprint from the " Bcole Frangaise cT Extreme'OrieniJ* 



NOTES 



ON THE 



ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA 



(I) 



BY 



C. DUROISELLE, M.R.A.S. 

w 
LECTURER IN PAli, RANGOON COLLEGE 



\ 



Comulofthe United States ofAtmrica 




RANGOON 

OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT PRINTING, BURMA 

1906 



NOTES ON THE 
ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA- 



The PunYiovada-stittii of the Samyutia-nikaya is found, almost 
word for word, in the Sanskrit version of the celebrated Legend 
of Pur«a, as translated by Burnouf from the Divyavadana. ^ The 
PcLli Sutta does not give us any further information concerning 
this interlocutor of the Buddha ; but the commentaries or Aitha- 
hatha give, as a rule, the history of the persons mentioned in the 
texts. ^ Consequently, while looking over the voluminous commen- 
tary on the Sannyutta, I have found therein the Legend of Pu««a 
(Sanskrit Purwa) such as it is known to the Southern School of Bud- 
dhism, or, at least, that part of the legend which the commentators 
have thought fit to insert in their work : for if the stdta itself seems to 
be but an extract (unless one prefers to see in it the nucleus round 
which the legend later on developed itself), the commentary gives 
to the careful reader the impression that it (the commentary) is 
but an abridgment from which are omitted secondary incidents 
known to the Sanskrit version. Two points seem to me to admit 
of no doubt : on the one hand, the story existed before the evolution 
peculiar to Northern Buddhism, since the Purnavaddna contains 
the P41i sutta ; on the other, it had remained quite popular 
amongst the Southern Buddhists up to the time of the redaction of 
the Sannyutta/Makatha, for this commentary introduces the two 
brothers in the story with the words " cte dve Bhataro^' without 
these " two brothers " having yet been mentioned. This detail 
confirms me in the opinion that the compilers whose intention was 
merely to recall that part of the story relating to the country 
of Sunaparanta, have not judged necessary to reproduce in its 

(') Samyuttaor Sannyutta-nikdya., ed. Feer,Vol, IV, page 60; Divyd'. 
vaddna, ed. Cowell and Neil, pages 24. — 55- Burnouf, Introduction, ed. 1844, 
pages 235—276; ed. 1876, page ^09— 245. 

(0 Most of these commentaries have not yet been edited and are there-, 
fore unknown to scholars in Europe. 



M144730 



entirety a legend already well known and such probably, except a 
few unimportant details, as we have it in the Divayvadana. 
The fact is that the Divyavadana is unknown in Burma, ^ but in 
the " History of the Foot-Print'^' ^ we find another legend forming 
a kind of introduction to that of the Sannyutta commentary, and 
from this we may infer that the Sanskrit version has not been 
altogether unknown in Burma. The Legend of Funna. contains, 

(') We h^ive reasons to believe that Sanskrit was known in Burma before 
P41i. The Burmese of the icth and nth centuries dispels all doubts on 
this point : for in the inscriptions of that period are found words clearly derived 
from Sanskrit, rind not only technical terms, but words which must have 
already been in popular use, such as, f r example, prassad, from Sanskrit 
prdsdda, the Pali being pdsdda-, S akr d = Sar\s]^nt Cakra (Pali sakka). 
After its introduction into P^igan, Pali was studied with great fervour, and the 
first outcome of these studies, about one century after the fall of ThatSn, was the 
Sadda-ntii, a grammar of the Tripitaka, and the most comprehensive in exis- 
tence. Forchhrimmer gives 1156 A.D. as the date of this work; but 
Aggava^wsa, the auth r, himself says that it was completed in 1154 A.D. 
Now, Asgnvamsa, in the second p <rt of his grammar, the Dhdtumdld or 
*' Garland of Roots," gives here and there the equivalent Sanskrit forms. It 
is therefore plnusible to suppose that S ns^^rit existed at Pagan in the nth 
century at least and was scientific^illy studied before Pali, for the first work in 
the latter language written in Burma bases itself on Sanskrit grammar to 
explnin a few Pali forms. Another proof is the use, in the d^tes of tne i ith 
andthei2th centuries of the Hindu astionomical terminology; for instance, 
Asan = Acvini (1054 A.D.) ; Mrikkaso = Mrgaciras (1081 A.D.), etc The 
Siddhanta, then, must have been known in Pagan anterior to th-se dates. 
Moreover, certain names of places and rivers indicate a familiarity, very 
probably already secular in Anorata's time with Hindu mythology ; to 
give but one example : on the banks of the Irrawaddy (=Pali, Erdvati=s 
Sanskiit airCivati), the legend of the famous elephant uirdvata is well known. 
Other proofs are less sure: thus Mr. Taw Sein Ko {Notes on the Ka'yani 
Inscriptions) speaks of bricks found at Tagoung and at Pagan itself, inscribed 
with legends in Sanskrit and older than the introduction ot Southern 
Buddhism in Pagan ; but Phayre says [History of Burma, page 14) that the 
legends were in Pali. As it is very difficult to procure any of these bricks, 
I cannot settle this question ; it is to be doubted whether e\en the Archaeologi- 
cal Museum in Rangoon possesses any ; at least, none of these short legends 
has ever yet been deciphered. No Sanskrit inscription has yet been found in 
Burma: Dr. Fiihrer, it is true, says {Notes on an Archceologlcal tour in 
Upper Bur mj) th-st he discovered two at Tagoung: but nothing more was 
ever heard of these two lithic inscriptions, of such a paramount importance 
if they do really exist, which I doubt very much. 

(2) In Burmese : ^Oo5gOo5od^C8 {Rhve-cak-to-SamSn). The principal 
temples and pagodas each have their samon or " history." These histories, 
amid the overgrowth of marvellous tales, contain very p-ecious historical infor- 
mations, and give dates, which are generally exact, of contemporary events. 
Some of these sant'^n have been utilized for the compilation of the Maharaja- 
va« ; but most of them are crumbling to pieces in the dust of monasteries. 



( 3 ) 

according to the Burmese, the history of the two imprints of the 
Buddha's left foot, which he, the Master — after having, as it is 
written, spent one week in the magnificent monastery built with red 
sandal wood— left, one, on the bank of the o^sg^dSs (Man : Khyo«)^ 
stream, the other on the summit of the ODgc$ (Saccaban) Hill,^ 
whose foot is washed by the said stream. This hill, consecrated 
by the Buddha's presence, is situated near Saku,in the Minbu 
, District, which is itself comprised in the Province of Aparanta 
or Sunaparanta ; for the Burmese have appropriated to themselves 
this name at the expense of the Konkan and apply it to the region 
which stretches, on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, behind 
and above Pagan. They have not the least doubt that Suna- 
paranta (Sanskrit ^ronaparanta) of the Saiinutta^Makatha, 
is the very same as the Burmese Province called by that name. 
The Legend is quoted in the Mahardjavan when recording 
the foundation of Prome ;•* therein we are told that Va7?ijagama 
is none else but the village called cco5o8£g (Le Kine) by the 
Burmese and that it is situated in the Province of Sunaparanta. 

(') " Charmed-stream " ; Man = manta (Sanskrit mantra) : it is the Nam- 
mada of the legend. 

( 2 ) Pron. Thissaban = Saccabandha : further on, we shall see the origin of 
this name. 

(•■') Mahdrdjavan, Vol. I, pages 167 — 168. Prome is written \Q^ Pran, by 
the l^urmese and the Arakanese. The Burmese pronounce Pyi and Py6, the 
Arakanese, Pri. But the Mon (Talaings) write this word and pronounce it 
c[y?C Pron, and (9v Prawn. It is then in Talaing documents that we must 
look for the origin of this name, the signification of which I do not know; * the 
Talaings I have consulted could not give me any information on this point. 
Some, however, told me that this word ought to be written, " Pr8m " {pro- 
nounced exactly as Prome); this word means "crushed, destroyed," and 
Criksetra has, they say, been so called since its destruction by the M6n (Ta- 
laings) some years before the foundation of Pagan. But this etymology is not 
worth stopping to consider. Namanta, in the Rajavan, is given as the 
name of the stream, which is also sometimes called after ihe Naga's name; 
tut Namanta is but a corruption of Nammada. 

* It has been urged that "Prome" is derived from "Brahma"; this 
may very well be. But it is remarkable that none of the nations that have 
"known this old city call it by a name derived, according to their phonetics, 
from "Brahma." It was better known to them as Crik^etra, or its modified 
equivalents Phonetically, the Burmese and Arakanese (9^ Prafi, cannot 
stand for "Brahma," and their pronunciation of it differs still more widely. 



( 4 ) 

Now, the Paganrajavaw i tells us that Le Kine or Vawijagama is in 
the Province of Purantappa, This name, Purantappa, applies to 
/ the region already mentioned in manuscripts, and is unknown to 
the majority of the Burmese, even to those well educated. However 
the case may be, the Legend, as, it is understood by them, is inter- 
esting, in that it is a very clear example of the origin of the 
artificial geography of Burma, in the fabrication of which some 
texts have been flagrantly distorted and their sense deliberately 
misunderstood. Before going into this question of fabrication^ 
let me be allowed to give here the Burmese legend which forms 
a kind of introduction to that of Pu««a. 

In olden times, there was, in the Island of c^8g(^§r^^8^ (Ho«-kri : 
kyvan), a cultivator who possessed a magnificent bull ; this bull, as 
strong as he was beautiful, was savage and vicious ; no one but his 
master dared approach him : to do so would have been to run to a 
certain death. He had become the terror of the village, for he 
pursued and tore into pieces everything he found in his way, beasts 
and men. He had already carried mourning and sorrow into many 
families, and the fear of him had come to such a pitch that all 
work in the fields was at last neglected. This state of things 
could not last much longer, for famine and ruin were spreading their 
ravages in the neighbouring villages as well. The villagers assem- 
bled and, after a short discussion, unanimously resolved to destroy 
the ferocious animal. They apprized the owner of their intention, 
leaving him the choice to go somewhere else and take his bull with 

Moreover, the word Brahma is well known to the Burmese, and is of very 
frequent occurrence in their sacred literature; it is always and rightly wriiten : 
(^OQ (brahma) ; according to Burmese phonetics, [^qo might become fSSg, 
(bram), but never, by any rule, g^. It is strange that, possessing already 
the name in its proper form ( gcg, brahma), they should have altered it to 

G^ (pran) fcr the city's name and to S^^^"^ (Mranma) for their own national 
appellation. 

The Talaing for " Brahma " is [^[5 (Brom, pron. Pram), a word extensively 
used in their literature, for they were under brahmanical influence fcr cen- 
turies; but they too, rejecting the proper, ready-made and well-known appel- 
lation( ^5 ), call Crikretra by a name ( G^ ) which, according to Talaing 
phonetics, cannot be a derivation of "Brahma." 

(') Page 37 of the manuscript in my possession (page 3 of the 2nd chap.). 
. (') One of the names by which Cape Negrais is known to the Burmese. 



( 5 ) 

him. The farmer, who was attached to his fields, allowed them, 
after some demur, to do as they pleased. The villagers then: 
armed themselves with sticks, pitchforks, bows, etc., and, after a 
<juasi-homeric fight, brought the bull to his death ; they cut up the 
carcase there and then, and distributed its flesh. The happy event 
of the bull's death was, on the evening of the very same day, cele- 
brated by a great feast, of which the enormous animal's flesh formed 
one of the most delicate dishes. Unfortunately, every violent act, 
however justifiable, has its retribution; in consequence, all those 
■who had taken part in the feast were born again in the forests of 
Sunaparanta, in Upper Burma. Some became bisons, sortie deer, 
rabbits, antelopes, wild-boars, etc., and the bull, their victim, became 
a hunter w hose humble dwelling was a hut on the slope of the 
Maku/a Hill i^the same which received, later on, the name of 
♦Saccabandha). This hill is now known also as "the Hunter's 
Hill." ' His arrows never erred ; he roamed in the woods and on 

(i)t^d^gGcOD6(Mu-cho-to«), near L6-k6«( cooSd^Ss), in the Minbu District. 
The legend has been perpetuated in the names of certain hills; fur Instance, 
the hill wheie he dried his skins is the "stretched-out-hides Hill/'oOD8GCj(^o6 
G00d6 Sa-re-kral<-to?z ; the one where he strung his bow is to-day: c£i6co5 
CX)^! I-im C = le= GCOS) -ta«-kun;the forest wherein he pursued the hare is 
known as:cxj$^^CCOD ,Yun-kran-to; and so forth, cf. the legend given by 
Sir George Scctt {,Upper Burma Gazetteer, II, iii page 163). I do not know 
whereSirGeor.ee has taken this story Ixom; he has, I suppose,transIatedit from 
the S'» won, for it is essentially the same ; but, surely, the dates mentioned are im- 
possible. The Burmese always give the correct dates, as they are entered in 
the Maharajavan, a work found everywhere in Burma ; they perhaps might 
make an error of some years, but never one of several centuries, as Sir 
George does, and the dates which he gives are not those c f the Samdn. He says 
that " in 248 B.E. (^Burmese Era, that is to say, Caka, = 886 A D.) Alaung 
Sithu, king of Pagan, visited the Shwe-zet-taw," but Alaung Sithu became 
king only in 1085 A.D., according to Phayre. In Vol. II, part ii, 307, he 

writes: "The legend says that king Alaung Sithu, in 470 B.E. = 

1108 A.D., left Minbu and went to Saku, then called Ramawadi;" the differ- 
ence between the two dates given for one and the same reign is consequently 
322 vears! The date 1 108 is not that given by the Sambn for the visit of 
this king to Minbu, but Caka 454 = l09^ A.D. On the page already quoted,' 
a few lines lower down (Vol. II, iii page 163), ha says: "In 427 B.E.= 
1065 A.D. the king Patama (Pa^Aama) Min Gaung made a dedication of 
lands to the Sliwe-z-t-taw." But Paif/iama Min Gaung ascended the throne 
only in 140X AD., and the Sandn tells us that, in Caka 763 (=1401 A.D.), 
this king visited tne famous foot-prints; here, the difference is 336 years ! 



( 6 ) 

the hil's, playing great havoc among their wild inhabitants, whose 
flesh he sold to his customers. 

It happened the One-thousand-eyed ^akra, looking down oa 
the earth, descried the hunter of Sunaparanta, whose bow had 
caused the ust less death of so many innocent creatures, and his heart 
was moved with pity. He also perceived in ihe h<art of the cruel 
hunter, as a rtre mouldering under the ashes, a disposition towards 
spiritu lUty which would make of him a great saint if he could be 
induced to embrace religious life. He, then, assumed the appearance 
of a hunter, descended to Sunapiranta and hid himself near a spot 
by which the destroyer had to pass. This hill is well known as Sa- 
krapun-to;/ (oo^DSt^^gcoo^S). The Sunaparanta hunter appeared ,' 
^akra greett^d him: "Friend, whither are you going ?'^ 
" A hunting," replied the other, " for I must provide venison for my 
customers," ^al<ra, with his divine e'oquence, shewed him the 
cruelty of thus killing innocent victims, and the terrible torments- 
which such a professi )n had in store for him in the course of his 
future existences. " What ! " exclaimed the astonished hunter, 
''are not you yourself a hunter ? Do you not, too, make a living, 
in pursuing the deer in the forests ?" What a fine 
sermon you are preaching me ! " " My friend," ans\^ered ^akra. 

One would be inclined to think that Sir George Scott follows a local legend giving 
false dates; but such is not the case, for the legend of the Upper Burma 
Gazetteer is merely that of the Sambn abridged, and as the dates of the S(j'«on 
agree with those of the Chronicles, one cannot understand these glaring error* 
in so serious a work. However, on the following page (II, iii page 164), under 
the heading Shwe^zi-gon, he gives a date better in accordance with facts. There 
he writes : " It is said that the founder of the Shwezi-gon is Prince Saw-Lu, 
a son of Anawyata Min Zau (Anuruddha-maw-co), who visited Pindale (now 
Minthale) in 421 B.E. (= 1059 A.D.). Phayre makes Saw-Lu die in in 1057 
A.D. after a reign of five years, which is, according to the inscriptions, altogether 
wrong. Most of the dates given by Phayre {History of Burma) for the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries are inexact, and this part of his History must be read 
with great caution- As a matter of fact, the Chronicles themselves do not 
agree on those dates. For the beginning of Anorata's reign, the Maharajava« 
gives 1017 A.D., and this is the date generally accepted; the old edition of the 
same work gives 967; the Sv6 Cun Kyo Ta« ( go5^Gcq)5oD6 )» 1002 A.D. 
the Pagan Rajava« gives 999. Now, there is an inscription dated 984 A.D^ 
erected by Anorata and speaking of a relic brought back from Thaton. All 
the other dates are viciated by this one. The date of his death, 1059, is con- 
firmed by the inscriptions. The date of the fall of Thaton will perhaps have 
also to be corrected, although the Kalyani gives 1057. The Talaing Chronicle 



( 7 ) 

" my case is very different from yours. You kill all the animals you 
meet with, evt n vvhen you are no longer in need of meat. I, on the 
contrary, with tliis infallible bow, scour the Himalayas in search of 
flying-deer, whose skin, sold to kings, brings me an immense 
protit. I kill not for the sole pleasure of killing. I came into these 
parts in pursuit of a certain flying-deer. Help me to find it. Here, 
take this my unerring bow and give me yours, and, if you find the 
deer, shoot it down." The hunter took (^akra's bow, and the 
latter disappeared among the trees. The divine weapon looked 
like a toy ; but, what was not his astonishment, when, despite all 
his efforts and his almost superhuman strength, he did not 
succeed in bending it ! In vain did he groan, and sw^eat and swear 7 
the bow remained as rigid as the trunk of a tree centuries old. 
The time went swiftly by and no animal was killed, and his 
customers were waiting for venison. Tired, dispirited, he sat 
down, ^akra, still disguised as a hunter, appeared again (a 
him. " My bow is not easy to bend, is it ? Well! You will be able 
to bend it as easily as your own on one condition. You must promise 
to kill only deer one day, and the day after only does. On this 
trifling condition, you may keep my bow, which is matchless; 
for it belongs to me, (^akra ! " The hunter agreed, hastdy toolc 
the bow and went about looking for deer ; but on that day, he 

and incriptions, which I hope to be in a position to decipher before long, *will 
doubtless throw a flood of light on these so important questions, as well 
as on the question, no less interesting, of the relations of Cambodia with 
the countries of thelrrawaddy Delta, relations absolutely ignored in Burmese 
Annals. 

* The Talaing or Mon language has not yet been studied scientifically in 
the light of comparative philology ; there are gaps in the history of Burma and 
Pegu (Ramanna) that will be filled probably only when the Talaing chronicles 
have been read and translated ; so, the affinities between the M6n and Khmer 
are still to be philologically established — the author, in the couise of his 
studies of the Mon and Cambodian languages has been struck by the strong 
internal evidence of their relationship ; the name " M8n-Annam " for this 
family of languages will have to b -. abandoned, as the Annamese has, from 
internal evidence, nothing in common with the Talaing and the Khmer. 

The writer has now a Talaing Grammar and Chrestomaty nearly completed. 
The enlightened help of Government, would, in this matter, greatly facilitate 
the prosecution of his studies and the early publication of their results. 



( 8 ) 

found only does; on the morrow be looked for does, but perceived 
deer only. He then understood ^akra's stratagem and, bound by 
a solemn promise which be dared not break, he gave up hunting, 
became a hermit and retired to a hill. From that day, he was 
known under the name of Thissa ban {^^sacca, promise, and bandha, 
bound), and consequently the hill on which he lived received the 
same name. But he did not know the true religion [viz.. 
Buddhism), and he preached in Sunaparanta a false doctrine, Uhus 
causing the people to be in danger of falling into hell. Near that 
spot, in the village called Va«ija, lived two brothers, merchants, 

Mahapu« and Cfl/apu« Here the Samo;^ gives, more 

or less faithfully, the story in the Sannyutta^Makatha.^ 

If, now, we compare this bgend and the translation of the Pali text 
{cf. infra p 15), which is its sequel, with the story of the Divydva- 
dana, manv points of resemblance and di\ergence become apparent. 
All the long story of the two brothers up to the departure of the 
elder one to Savatthi is unknown to the Samon and is not given 
by the commentators on the Punr\ova.da-sutta. The only point 
of resemblan'. e between the legend of the Samon and that of the 
Divyavadana is the hunter who becomes a hermit and subsequently 
a saint {arhat); and still, neither the manner nor the instrument 
of his conversion is the same. But this slight resemblance is 
enough to make one think that, at a certain time, the Sanskrit 
version was not unknown in Burma. As is almost always the 
case, the Pali is more sobre of miraculous happenings than the 
Sanskrit, and these happenings are precisely the very points 
wh^rton the two versions differ. For instance, when, on the 
invitation of Fu««a, Gotama goes to Va«ijagama, the 499 monks 
accompan}ing him are carried through the sky in kiosques ; the 
Divyavadana makes them go there by means of wings, or riding on 
fantastic animals, and even in pots and vases. Tue Safinyutta^Ma- 
katha speaks of only one wa^a, but the Sanskrit, of five-hundred, 
every one ol whom creates a river unto himself in order to go to 

( ' ) Are we to see in this " false doctrine " a remembrance of that religion, 
a medley of Mahayanism, tantraism and Naga-worship which prevailed in the 
Irrawaddy Valley before the introduction of Hinayanist Buddhism into Pagan 
and the priests ot which were the Ari? This religion disappeared only in the 
fifteenth century, and has left very deep traces, not yet obliterated, in the 
beliefs and customs of the Burmese. 

(^) Vide infra, p. 15, the text and its translation. 



( 9 ) 

Surparaka, etc. Notwithstanding these differences, the story is, 
on the whole, the same, and probably originated from the same 
source. The Sinhalese also have this legend, but they seem to 
know both versions ; for in the fragments translated by Hardy,* 
Surparaka, unknown to the Pali text, is mentioned, and so is the 
river Narmada (Nammada), of which the Divyavadana does not 
speak. In fine, the two imprints of the Buddha's foot, which 
appear to form the one important point in the legend, are unknown 
to the compilers of the Sanskrit work. 

My intention is not to write a treatise on the ancient geography 
of Hurma, but merely to point out the arbitrary way in which some 
Indian place-nam^^s have been transplanted in Burma, in spite 
even of explicit texts The Legend of Puwwa furnishes a very 
clear example of this manner of fabricating ancient kingdoms 
i^nd of givini^ to relatively modern towns an air of hoary antiquity. 

Mr. Burgess" asks himself how it is that most towns and 
even mere villages in Burma have two names, ^ one indigenous, 

(I ) Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, ed., 1853, pages 57, 209 and 
259-260. 

("2 ) Indian Antiquary^ Vol. XXX, pages 3S7-388. 

(3) Some towns have many more than two names. In the Pagaiirdjavan 
thirteen names of Pagan are enumerated: Pokkarama, Arimaddana, Puwwa- 
gama, Tampavati, Siripaccaya, Sampu««agama, Pa/z^upalasa, Nagarut- 
tama, Paramapura, Tampadesa, Ve/urakama (Ve/ukarama ?), Samadhina- 
gara, Pokkan (pron. Paukkan, from which the Burmese made Pukan = 
Pagan). The Paganrdjavan gives the following etymologies, which teach us 
nothing concerning the eiymology of " Pugaw " : " The Buddha having in rela- 
tion to a pok tree (pron. pauk, buten), foretold the foundation of Pagan, the 
town was called " the pok garden " (Pokkdrdma). It was named Arimaddana 
because its kings always crushed their enemies. In Pagan, Brahmins {punna) 
lived in considerable numbers; they were traders and treasurers to the king, 
hence its name of PuMnagama. (Another tradition says that the city was so 
called on account of its possessing large quantities of gold, silver and precious 
things; punna = full of. This derivation cannot stand; the first is probably 
the true one, for the Burmese have always known the Brahmins under the 
name of punva ; Pu«Magama is one of the oldest and best known names of 
Payan, and it shows, in an incontestable manner, the Indian influence in the 
'city of Mien.') It was called Tampavati, Tampadesa and Pa;?<fupalasa on 
account of the reddish colour of its soil ; Siripaccaya, because of its j^lory and 
magnificence; Sampu««agam3, because its inhabitants were devoted (lit., full 
of, sampa««a) to the three Jewels: the Buddha, the Doctrine and the Church; 
Nagaruttama, ' The Famous,' on account of its faith and piety. It was 



( lO ) 

the other Pali or Sanskrit. I think this fictitious geography has- 
had its origin in the national vanity, and above all, in adu- 
lation of courtiers, both Burmi se and Indian, and also of his- 
torians, who could imagine nothing more likely to minis':er to the 
religious bigotry of kings, than to make them rule over provinces 
recalling, at every slep, the Buddha's Life and the early history of 
Buddhism. This fabrication may also have originated in the 
intense religious fervour of the two or three centuries which 
followed the introduction of the Hinayana into Pagan, In fact^ 
what more natural, at a time of the religious effervt^scence of a new 
faith, than to re-name according to the holy books, and as 
occasions presented themselves, cities and villagesand in so doing 
to transfer to them the numerous legends of the Atihakathds,. 
sanctifying, so to say, the whole country, with the supposed pre- 
sence of the Master? I think it is useless to search for more pro- 
found reasons regarding the origin of this apocryphal geography. 
Royal boasttulness and religious bigotry must have been, I believe^ 
the two most powerful factors in this geographical deception. 

As I have alre-ady said, the Legend of Puwwa, among a thousand 
others, furnishes us with a convincing proof of this: for the Pali 
text makes it very clear that neither the Sunaparanta, nor the 
Nammada, nor the Vawijagama of the legend, are the places and 
the stream known under these names in Burma. The Sinhalese 

called Paramapura, ' the Excellent City,' because of its numerous white elep- 
hants On account of its powerful kings it was named Samadhinagara. The 
name Ve/urakaina (Ve/ukarama) it received from the extensive bamboo 
jungies whiih surrounded it. Pokkan is but an abbreviation of Pokkarama." 

The name "Puijami " in the Kalya«i Inscriptions is not mentioned in the 
Paganrajavan : According to the rules of Burmese phonetics, Pugama 
would necessarily become Pagan, long d being never pronounced and rarely 
noted befo'e a final consonant. I know not what Pugama signifies ; but 
I am inclined to believe that Kirg Dhammaceti palicizf d the word Pugan 
(Pagan). Lokananda is also given as one of the names of Pagan, and this 
brings the number of its names to fourteen. 

Tagoung is called: Sa«ghassara^^/ja, Sawsayapura, Pancala. Prome; 
Crik setra, Vanavasi, Paifr/mnilpa' i, Varapati, Puwwavati. Arakan- is known- 
as: Rammavati, Rakkhapura, Meghavati, Dh anaavati and Dvaravati (this 
last na me is also applied to the Southern Shan States an d to Siamj . Manipur 
is: Nagasyanta and Nagnpura. Kale becomes Rajagaha. Rangoon is- 
known as Ukkalapa and Verikkhaya. 



( !• ) 

having a Foot-Print, it was not proper that the Burmese should 
have none. An imaginary mark on any rock, having more or less 
the form of a foot, whs a sufficient reason for transplanting bodily 
the scene of the story of Puwwa in a wild spot, and for making 
this spot a holy place of pilgrimage. 

I do not know the exact time at which the name of Sunaparanta 
was given to the country extending behind Pagan, on the right 
bank of the Irrawaddy ; but it cannot be earlier than the thirteenth 
century, or ptrhaps the end of the twelfth. The inscriptions of the 
eleventh and those of the twelfth century do not mention it. It is 
very remarkable that the inscriptions of these two centuries and 
even many belonging to the thirteenth, are composed in very sober 
language, and are singularly free from those lists of kingdoms and 
empires, in which the kings of the subsequent centuries, in 
particular those of Ava and Amarapura, so much delighted. From, 
the fact that I could not find this name of Sunaparanta in the 
most ancient inscriptions, ^ I would not absolutely affi m that it. 
did not exist at that period (eleventh — twelfth centuries), but its 
absence ai least inclines one to think so. This name, then, does not 
seem to be so ancient in Burma as has been believed up to now.^ 
As to the loxm Sondparanta: "This quasi-classical name of 
Indian origin, used in the Burmese Court in State documents and 
formal enumerations of the style of the king," ^ is absolutely 
unknown to the fcurmese. They always write it Sunaparanta^ 

( 1) The most ancient inscription found up to the present was engraved by 
Anorata-ma//-co, and is dated C«^a 346 = (984 A.D.). It was engraved on- 
the occasion of the building of a shrine for a hair of Buddha, brought back 
from Tha'on. Earnest researches will perhaps bring to light some others- 
more ancient still. 

('•^) 'Ihe Paganrdjavan expressly says (page 37): "The spot whereoiv 
Cu/apuw built the monastery of red sandalwood in Purantappa is now knowa 
as: I.6-k6» (coo5o86s)." Thus, Purantappa comprised: Ll-kow, Saku 

(OOC^^, Sowsvap (godDC3^o), which are subsequently located in Suna- 
paranta. Purantappa and Sunaparanta designate, therefore, the same- 
province : the first of these names is very nearly unknown now, and seems- 

to be the most ancient. The S'ajndn (oD^S 8), not perceiving that these two 
names applied to the same region, gives them (page 23) asthe names of twa 
di.-tinct provinces ; it is a nonsensical blunder. 

P) Yule's HobsoK'Jobson, ed. 1903, page 852, col. I. 



( "2 ) 

and give it a very different etymology, as we shall presently see. 

The Pali text of the legend has certainly not in view the Suna- 
paranta of Burma, but the Konkan, the Western country : 
Aparanta, as, in fact, the Burmese themselves also call Sunapa- 
lanta ; the Divyavadana calls the Konkan " ^ro«aparanta." ^ In 
Sunaparanta flovv^s the Mammada river (Sanskrit, Narmada) which 
is none else but the modern Nerbudda, which throws its waters in 
the Gulf of Khambat.^ The Surparaka of Dtvyavaddtt a is surely 
no other place but the Vawijagama of the Pali version. Vawija- 
gama would perhaps be better translated by " the town, or village, 
of the merchants." Now, Surparaka, the Supparakapa^/ana 
mentioned in the Makavamsa, was a great trading port and the 
entrep-'t of Western India ; • it was then, par excellence, a 
a vdnijagama^ a merchant's city or mercantile town. 

According also to the Pali legend, Vawijagama was a sea-port, 
since Cu/apu?i«a embarks there to " cross the sea." Surparaka is 
situated at the estuary of the Nerbudda, and there also, the com- 
mentators on the Pu««ovada-sutia locate Va«ijagama ; these two 
names, therefore, designate but one and the same town, situated 
near the mouth of a river in the Western country. 

The Nammada and the Va^zijagama of the Burmese do not 
fulfil any of these conditions. Their Sunaparanta or Aparanta 
is not to the West, but, according to Buddhist cosmology, to the 
East ; their Nammada is not a river flowing into the sea, 
but an insignificant hill steam flowing into a river ; their 
Va^zijagama therefore cannot, in any possible manner, be a seaport. 
The author or authors of the Sam6« have so well understood this 
tiiat they make Cu/apu/2«a embark at Negrais Island, in order to 
give to their falsification a plausible appearance of truth. As to 
the mountain " Maku/a" or " Matula," it is with more common 
sense placed in India by the Monrdjavan} 

(1) Cf. Burnouf, Introduction, page 252 (or 225), note 2, where he says 
that Wilford, taking his information from ihe Vardhasamhitd, jpeaks of 
Aparantikas situated to the west. 

(*) McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, and Yule, Hobso/t' 
Jobson, s.v. Supara. 

(*) McCrindle, ibid. 

(*) Rangoon, 1899, page 75. 



( '3 ) 

However, the names of Sunaparanta and Aparanta ^ having 
been given to a Burmese province, it became necessary to cite 
authoritative texts in order, if possible, to legalize, so to say, this 
plagiarism by means of the sacred books. And this, the Burmese 
have done, but very clumsily, for their favourite text goes directly 
against their assertion. The Sdsanalankara^ enumerating the 
names of the missionaries who, according to the Dipavamsd. ^ 
were sent to different countries during the eighteenth year of 
Asoka's reign, and also the names of those countries, says that 
that bhikkhu Yonarakkhita was sent to Aparanta (Aparantaka) 
and adds that Aparantaka is the same as Sunaparanta in Burma. 
As a conclusive proof of this identity he (the author of the 
Sasanala/'kara) gives * the story of the Sakka (Sanskrit ^akra) 
Mandhata : Mandhata had brought with him to the ^evaloka an 
inhabitant from each of three of the four great islands or continents 
(mahadipa) ; these three unfortunate men being unable, for a very 
simple reason (they did not know the way, and the Sakka 
was dead), to go back to their homes, approached the 
parinayakafatana, vis., the Sakka's eldest son, who assigned to 
each of them a country corresponding, by its position at least, to 
the one he had left : Videha, being to the East, would, in future, be 
the country of the inhabitant of Puhbavideha, tlie Eastern island ; 
Kuru, in the North, would become that of the citizen of the 
Northern Island, Uttarakuru ; and the inhabitant of Aparagoya- 
nadipa, the Western Island, would have for his country Aparanta, 
the West-country. 5 The Sasanalawkara here, adds — " and as 
the son (suna) of Sakka assigned to him this country to live in in 
future, Aparanta is also called Sunaparanta, " the West Country of / 

( I) See Inscriptions collected by King Boda-wpaya, Vol, I, page 19, line 12; 
ibid, page 43, line 5, and in many other places. Cf. Voharalinaif^Aadipani, 
page 221 :" Sunaparanta, which includes: Taku, Calan, Bo«-la«, Lfi-k8«, i 
SoK-svap, etc. ; Tampadipa, which includes : Sarekhettara, Pagan, Paw-ya, 
etc." 

(^) Rangoon, 1897, page 22. 

(3) Chapter VIII ; also Mahdvawsa, Chapter XII. 

The author of the Sdsandlankdra, generally so accurate in his quota- 
tions, says that this story is found in the commentary on the Mahdsatipalthd- 
nasutta {Dtghanikdya, Mahdvagga, IX) ; it is not so : the story is in the conv- 
mentary on the Mahanidanasuita {ibid., II). 

(') Mahaniddnasuttaiihakathd. 



( 14 ) 

Sakka's son ; Sunaparanta or Aparanta is then, incontestably, in 
Burma (!) " Such is, in fact, the often recurring etymoloijy given 
by the Burmese to this word : but the text is most flagrantly violated, 
for it shows clearly that the Commentators place Aparanta, alias 
Sunaparanta, to the West and not to the East, as the Burmese 
■will at any cost have it. 

From what has above been said it may be gathered : [a) That 
the Burmese, before the eleventh century and the beginning of the 
twelfth, do not seem to have known the bank of the Irrawaddy, be- 
hind and above Pagan, under the name of Aparanta or Sunaparanta. 
Pagan itself was included in the province of Tampadipa.^ The 
inscriptions of that period do not mention this name (at least, as 
far as I have been able to verify this assertion by means of the ins- 
criptions already published), and it is remarkable that the Mahara- 
javan in the Img notice consecrated to Anorata, does not introduce 
this name, as also does the Paganrdfavnn ^ which places Saku, 
L^kow, Sowsvap, etc. (towns alwavs enumerated as being in Suna- 
paranta) in Purantappa, a name which is now forgotten and appears 
to be the original name of the province later known as Sunapa- 
ranta. 

{b) That the form "Sonaparanta" is not known in Burma, 
though always given by Yule, the form Sunaparanta being always 
found in the inscriptions and in documents; no Burmese authority 
anywhere gives to this word the meaning of the Aurea Regio 
of Ptolemy, and, if the ancients knew this part of Burma 
undei this appellation, it seems to have been unknown by the 
Burmese themselves, who, after having borrowed it, under another 
form, from the Pali A/Makathas, do not understand it as meaninp- 
■"golden frontier." 

(c) In the A/Makathas, Aparanta or Sunaparanta does not desig- 
nate Central Burma, but a country situated to the West on the 
sea-shore, possessing a famous seaport at the estuary of the river 
^Jammada (Narmada, Nerbudda). Now, Aparanta has been 
identified with the Konkan ; Surpakara, the great trading centre 

(> ) Cf, supra, page 13, note i. 

(2 ) The Paganrdjavan uses the word " Sunaparanta " in the history of the 
Tcignof King Sen Lan Kro« ; but the Pa^a^ra/aT/an was compiled many 
centuries after the fall of Pagan, and at a time when this name was popular 
and known to everybody ; it must, therefore, not be inferred from this that 
the name already existed in the time of Sen Lan Kro« . 



( 15 ) 

of Western India, with Supara and the Narmada with the 
Nerbudda ; moreover, the Commentary on the Dighanikaya locates 
Aparanta, most expressly to the west. 

The Burmese, then, have renamed, from a Pali legend, a province, 
a torrent and a small town of the Valley of the Irrawaddy and, to 
justify themselves in doing so, have deliberately voilated two texts 
which are most explicit and plain. 

EXTRACT FROM THEPLW/VOVADASUTTATT^AKATHA. 

Text.(i) 

" Atha kho ayasma Puwwo'ti..." Ko pan'esa Pu/?«o? Kasma ca 
pan'ettha gantukamo ahositi ? Sunaparantavasiko ' eva esa, 
5avatthiyaw pana asappayaw viharaw sallakkhetva, tattha gantu- 
kamo ahosi. '] atraya;« anupubbikatha. 

Sunaparantara^ h& kira ekasmiw vawijagame ete dve bhataro ; 
tesu kadaci je'^^o pa«casaka/asatani gahetva janapadaw gantva 
Tjhawfl^aw aharati, kadaci kani/Mo. Imasmi/w pana samav e kani/- 
th^Lin ghar^' /^apelva je^Mabhatiko pawcasaka/asatani gahetva, 
janauadacarikaw caranto anupubbena Savatthiw patva J^tnvanassa 
natidure saka^asatthaw nivasetva, bhuttapataraso parij inapar vuto 
phasuka^^Afane ^ nisJdi. Tena ca samayena Savatthivasino bhut- 
tapatarasa uposathawgani adhi/Maya suddhuttarasa;7ga gandhapup- 
pha * dihattha yena Buddho yena DhammoyenaSa^gho tanninna 
tappowa tappabbhara hutva, dakkhi ^ wadvarena nikkhamitva Jet- 
avanaw gacchanti So te disva " kahaw ^ ime gacchantiti" ekaw 
manussaw ^ pucchi. " Kin tvaw ayyo na janasi loke Buddhadham- 
masa^gharatanani ^ nama uppannani iccLSO mahajano Sattliu san- 
tika;« dhammakathaw sotuw gacchaiiti." Tassa Buddho'ti 
vacanaw chavicammadini chinditva a^^/nminja^w ahacca a/Masi. 
Attano parijanaparivuto ^ taya '" parisaya saddhiw viharaw 

( *) I had at my disposal, to establish the text, two manuscripts. The first, 5, 
very defective, is in the Bernard Free Library, Rangoon; the text is full of correc- 
tions and mistakes ; the second, A, much more correct, was lent to me by the 
abbot of the Mezali monastery, Rangoon; it is written very legibly and contains 
but few mistakes. 1, therefore, took it as a basis, merely noting the principal 
mistakes of B. A third manuscript was sent to me when the work was finished ; 
but it is still more defective than B, of which it reproduces the majority of the 
mistakes ; I did not, on that account, think it necessary to use it; it appears, 
moreover, to have been copied from B, {^) A Sunaparantare. (3)5 basuka 
(♦)5puppa.. (5) B dakkha«a.... («) 5kataw. (7) 5manussa. (8) ^... 
ratananaw. (9) /I parivato. l'°) B parijanaparivutaya parisaya. 



( >6 ) 

gantva Sattliu madhurasarena dhammaw ' desentassa ^ parisa- 
pariyante th\to dhammaw ^ sutva pabbajjaya * cittaw ^ 
uppadesi. Atha Tathagatena kalam viditva parisaya ^ uyyoji- 
taya Satthara;« upasa^^kamitva vanditva svatanaya nimantetva, 
dutiyadivase ma«fl?apaw karetva asanani pannapttva Buddhapamu- 
khassa sa^zghassa mahadanaw datva, bhuttapataraso upcsathawgani 
7 adhi/^/^aya bhaw^agarikaw pakkosapetva : " Ettakaw dhanaw ^ 
vissajjitaw, ettakam na ' vissajjitan ti " sabba;« acikkhitva, "imam 
sapateyyaw mayha»s '° kani/'//^assa dehiti " sabba/« niyyadetva, Sat- 
thu santike pabbajitva " kamma^/i^anaparayano ahosi. Ath'assa 
kamma^/Aanaw manasikarontassakamma^Manaw naupa^Mati ; tato 
cintesi : " Aya.m janapado inayha;^ asappayo '^ , yannunahaw/ 
Satthu santike kamma^^Aanaw galietva sak?rattha.m (va gac- 
cheyyan ti." Atha pubba^hasamaye '^ pvtdays. caritva sayawhe 
'* pa/isalla«a 's vu/Mahitva Bhagavantaw upasawkamitva 
kamma/Manam kathapetva sattaslhanade ''' naditva pakkami. 
Tena vuttaw : " Atha kho ayasmu Punno — pa — viharatiti. '^" 
Kattha panayaw vihasiti ? Catusu /Aanesu vihasi. Sunapa- 
rsLntaraff ham tava pavisitva ca Appahatapabbata/;/ nama pavisitva 
Vawijagamaw piw^aya pavisi. Atha nam kaniifMabhata sanjanitva 
bhikkhaw datva: " Bhante, annatthaagantva idh'tva '^ vasathati " 
Tpafinnam karetva tatth'eva vasapesi. Tato Samuddagirivihara/« 
namaagamasi; tatthaayakantapasawehi paricchindiivakatacawkamo 
atthi; tatn koci ca?ikamituw samattho nama n'althi ; tattha samud- 
daviciyo " agantva ^° ayakantapasa;?esu paharitva mahasaddaw 
karonti. Thero : " Kamma/Manaw manasikarontanaw phasuviharo 
hotuti " samudda^/i nisaddaw katva adhi^/^asi. Tato Matulagiri»2 
nama agamasi ; tattha pi saku«asa;/gho ussanno " ratlin ca diva 
ca saddo eko bandho " va ahosi ; thero : "Idaw ihanam na phasu 
kan ti " tato Paku/a '^ karamaviharaw nama gate ; so Vawijagam- 
assa natiduro naccasanno gamanagamanasampanno vivitto appa- 

{') B dhamma. {') B desentassaw. {^) B dhamma. i^) A and B pappaj... 
( 5 ) /I and 5 citta. ( <5 ) 5 pariyaya. (7) 5. thagani. (8) A hat pana and 
omits dhanam. (9) B has paiia before na. ('°) A omits mayhaw. (") -5 
pappaj ( ^) A appayo. ('8) ^ pubbanasamaye. ('•♦) ^ Sayanhe. {}^)A... 
sallana. ('*) B Satthusihananaditva. ('7) see text of the Sannultanikaya, 
Sa/ayatana, Puwrtovadasutta ed. Feer, Volume IV, page 63. ('") B icceva. 
('») A viciyo; ^..gijaciyo. (^°) A agartva. (»») B usjano. (»» bhan to,: 
('3) B Paku//za (?) 



( 17 ) 

saddo; thero: " Imaw Mana»« phasukan ti " tattha ratti^Manadiva- 
Manacawkamanadlni karetva vasaw upagacchi. Evaw catusu 
ihanesu vihasi. 

Ath'ekadivasaw tasmiw yeva antovasse pancava«ijakasatani ^t 
" Parasamudda;« gacchamati " navaya hhanidRm pakkhipi»?su, 
Navarohanadivase therassa kani/Mabhata theraw bhojetva therassa 
santike sikkhapadani gahetva vanditva: " Bhante, samuddo nama 
asaddheyo '• anekantarayo avajjeyyathati " vatva navaw aruhi. 
Nava uttamajavena ^ gacchamana annataraw dipakaw papuwi ; 
manussa : " Patarasaw karissamati " dipake utti««a. Tasmiwj 
pana dipake afinaw kinci n'atthi, candanavana/w eva ahosi. 
Ath'eko vasiya rukkhaw ako^etva lohitacandanabhavazw natva aha: 
'' Bho ! mayaw labhatthaya parasamuddaw gacchama, ito ca 
uttariw labho nama n'atthi, caturawgulamatta * gha^ika satasahas- 
saw agghati, haretabbayuttakaw bha«^aw haretva candanassa 
puremati. ^ " Te tatha kariwsu. Candanavane adhivatttha * 
amanussa kujjhitva: " Imehi amhakaw; candanavanaw nasitaw 
gha/essama ' ne *ti" cintetva, "idh'eva gha^itesu sabba/wekaku- 
wapam bhavissati samuddamajjhe nesawnavawosldapessamati ^ " 
aha/wsu. Atha tesaw navaw aruyha muhuttaw gatakale yeva 
uppa/fika^;^ ^ u/Mapetva sayavz pi te amanussa bhayanakani 
rupani dassayi;«su. Bhita manussa attano attano devatanaw 
namassanti. Therassa kani^Mo Culapu««o ku/umbiko '" : 
Mayhaw bhata avassayo hotuti " therassa namaw saramano a^Masi. 
Thero pi kiratasmi/«yevakha«e avajjitva" tesa»« byasanappatiza 
fiatva vehasaw/ uppatitva abhimukho a.fthsis\, Amanussa theraw 
disva va apakkamiwsu ", uppa^ikaw sannisldi. Thero : " Ma 
bhayathati " te assasetva, " kaha»: gantukam'atthati " pucchi. 
" Bhante, amhakaw sakaZ/^anaw eva gacchissamati. '3" "Thero 
nava«ga«e akkamitva : " " Etesaw icchita^Manaw gacchatuti" 
adhi/Masi. Vawija saka^/^anaw gantva taw pavattiw puttadarassa 
arocetva : "Etha, theraw sarawam gacchamati" pancasata pi 
attano pancahi matugamasatehi saddhiw tisu sara«esu pati//^aya 
upasakattaw pa^ivedesuw. Tato navaya hha.ndaim otaretva 
therass'ekaw ko^Masaw ^^ katva: " Aya.m, bhante, tumhaka/w 

i^)B pawija... (') B asaddvejo... (3) B utta pajagavana (!). (4) B 
caturagula, (*) 5 purethati. {^) A .. vztto. C) Aghates... {«) Aand B 
osldissamati. (»)yl uppadik... (")^ ku^umpiko. (") B bhav... (") B pakk... 
(*3) A gacchamati. (**) B navagawe attametva. (^6) B katthakam. 



tiwren^^ ^ ^r%^' 



( "8 ) 

ko/Maso ti" aha'77?u. Thcro: ' Mayhaw y'lsam koffMsa.k\tca.m 
fi'atthi : Saltha pana tumhehi di//^apubbo'ti ?" — '" Na di^/Aapubbo, 
bhante'ti." — *' Tena hi, imina Satthu maw</alama/aw karotha^ 
evsim Sattharaw passissathati." Te "Sadhu, bhante'ti" tena 
ca ko^/^asena attano ca ko^/-^asehi ma«^alainalaw ksiretum arabhi w- 
su. Sattha pi kira araddhakalato pa^Maya paribhogaw akasi. 
Arakkhamanussa rattiw obhasaw disva : " Mahesakkha devata 
atthiti " sannawi ' kariwsu. Upasaka m^nda.lama\a.n ca bhikkhu- 
sa«ghassa caasanani ni//Mpetva danasambharazw sajjetva: " Ka- 
tam, bhante, amhehi attano kiccaw, Sattharawz pakkosathati " 
therassa arocesuw. Thero sayawhasamaye iddhiya Savatthiw 
gantva: " Bhante, Vanijagamavasino tumhe da/Mukama, tesa»z 
anukampaw karothati " Bhagavantawz yaci. Bhagava adliivasesi ; 
thero saka/Manaw eva paccagato. Bhagava pi Anandathera'« 
amantesi: '' Ananda, sve ^ Sunaparante Va^zijagame piwaTaya 
carissama ; t\a.m ekQnapa^zcasatanam bhikkhuna/w salakam dehiti." 
Thero : " Sadhu, bhante'ti " bhikkhusawghassa ta»z atthaw arocet- 
vana ^ va : "carikabhikkha salakaw ga«hantuti " aha. Tarn 
divasaw Ku«d?odhanathero paMamam salakaw aggahesi. Va«i- 
jagamavasino pi: "Sve kira Sattha agamissati " gamamajjhe 
ma.ndaTpa.m katva danaggaw sajjayiwsu. Bhagava pato va sarira- 
pa^ijagganawz katva gandhaku/iw pavisitva phalasamapattiw 
appetva nisidi. Sakkassa paw^ukambalasilasana/w * unham ahosi. 
So: " K'lm idan ti " avajjetva Satthu Sunaparantagamanawz disva 
Visukammaw amantesi: "Tata, ajja Bhagava tiwsaniattani 
vojanasatani pi«(^acarika?« gamissati ; pancaku/agarasatani mapet- 
va Jetavanadvarako/Makamatthake gamanasajjani katva ^hapehl 
ti." s So tatha akasi. Bhagavato ku^agaraw catumukhaw/ ahosi, 
dvinnaw aggasavakana»« dvimukhani, sesani ekamukhani. Sattha 
gandhaku^ito nikkhamma pa^ipa^iya thapitaku/agaresu varaku/a- 
garam pavisi ; dve aggasavake adi/« katva ekunapancabhikkhusa- 
tani pi panca " ku^agarasatani ahesuw, eka.m tucchazw ku/agaraw 
ahosi ; pancaku/agarasatani akase uppatiwsu. Sattha Sacca- 
bandhapabbataTW nama patva ku/agara»i akase /hapesi. Tasmiwi 
pabbate Saccabandho nama . micchadi/Z^ikatapaSo mahajanaw? 
micchadi^Mim uggawhapento labhaggayasaggapatto hutva vasati. 
Abbhantare c' assa antoca^iyaw padlpo viya arahattaphalassa 

(«) Annam. {') A se. {^) B arocetva navatarikabhikkhu... ga«hantuti. 

(4) ...B silasanaJM. 

(s) B. thapetiti. v*' ) The two Mss. omi tpanca. 



( J9 ) 

upanissayo jalati. Taw disva : " Dhammaw assa ^ kathpssaml- 
tl " gantva dhammawz ^ desesi ; tapaso dcsanapariyosane arahat- 
fcaw papuwi, maggcn'ev'assa abhinna agata, ehibhikkhu hutva 
iddhimayapattacivaradharo ku/agaraw pavisi. Bhagava ku^agara- 
gatehi pancahi bhikkhusatehi saddhiw Vawijagamafw gantva 
ku/agarani adissamanakani katva Vawijagamaw pavisi, Va«ija 
Buddhapamukhassa sa^^ghassa mahadanaw datva Sattharaw? 
Maku/akaramaw nayiwsu ; Sattha ma«^alamala»« pavisi. Maha- 
jano : " Yava Sattha ^ gattadarathaw pa/ippassambhetiti * " 
patarasaw gantva uposathawgani samadaya bahuw gandhan ca 
pupphan ca adaya dhammasavanatthaya aramaw agamasi ; Sattha 
dhammaw desesi, mahajanassa bandhana mokkho jato ; mahantaw 
Buddhakolahalaw ^ ahosi. Sattha mahajanassa sawgahattha;;; * 
sattahaw tatth'eva vasi ; aruwaw pana mahagandhaku^iya;« u//ha- 
pesi. Sattahaw pi dhammadesanapariyosane caturasitiya pawa- 
sahassanaw dhammabhisamayo ahosi. Tattha sattaha/;/ ^ vasitva 
Vawijagame piw^aya caritva : " T\a.m idh'eva vasahiti " Pu««a- 
thera/w nivattetva, antare Nammadanadi ^ nama atthi, tassa tira;;e 
agamasi. Nammadanagaraja ^ Satthu paccuggamanaw katva 
nagabhavanaw pavesetva iinna.m ratananaw sakkaraw? akasi. 
Sattha tassa dhamma^w kathetva nagabhavana nikkhami ^° ; so: 
" Mayhaw, bhante, paricaritabba;;z dethati " yaci. Bhagava 
Nammadanaditlre padacetiyaw dassesi ; taw viclsu agatasu pidhi 
yati ^^ gatasu vivariyati mahasakkarappattawt ahosi. Sattha lato 
nikkhamitva Saccabandhapabbataw gantva Saccabandhaw aha: 
"Taya mahajaro apayamagge otarito ^^, tvaw idh'eva vasitva 
etesaw laddhiw ^^ visajjapetva nibbanamagge pati/^hapehlti." 
So'pi paricaritabba^/z yaci. Sattha ghana ^* pi^/hipasawe allamat- 
tika ^^ piwdfimhi '^ lanchanaw viya padacetiyaw dassessi. Tato 
Jetavanaw eva gato. Etaw atthaw sandhaya ; " Ten'evantaravas- 
sen'adi " ^^ vutta»z. (Parinibbayiti anupadhisesaya nibbanadha- 
tuya parinibbayi) i3. Mahajarto therassa sattadivasani sarlrapQ- 
jaw katva bahuni gandhaka/^hani lamodhanetva sarira;« jhapetva 
dhatuyo adaya cetiyaw akasi. 

(^) 5 dhommassa. (*) B omits dhamma.m. (3)5satta. (*)^ pa^ipas... 
( 6) 5...kola alam. (8) 5sa«gah... (7) 5satth'aha;«. (8) 5 Nammada- 
nanadl {^) B Nammadananagaraja. (W) B Nnikkhamaw. (11)5 viyati, 
(12) i4 otarito. (13) ^ laddhaw. 1^^) A ghanap .. (i^) 5... patti. {^^) B... 
piwiamhi. 

(17) See the text of the Pu«;Jovadasutta, he. laud, (l*) This belongs to the 
commentary on the sutta. 



I 20 r 

TRANSLATION. 

" Ai that time,^ are we told, the reverend Funxxa .... *' 
But who was this Pu««a? and why was he desirous to go there? ^ 
He was a native of Sunaparanta and perceiving that the sojourn 
of Savatthi was not suitable ^ to him, he wished to go back to 
his country. Here is the regular story. 

In a certain merchants' village * in the kingdom of Sunapa- 
ranta there lived these two brothers. ^ Sometimes the elder, 
taking five hundred carts, would go to the districts and biiiftg 
goods ; at other times the younger one would go. Now 
on this occasion, the elder brother left the younger one at home, 
took five hundred carts and went from district to district so that 
in time he reached Savatthi, and made his caravan encamp not 
far from the Jetavana. Then having breakfasted, he sat down, sur- 
rounded by his retinue, in an agreeable spot. At this moment, the 
citizens of Savatthi, after their morning meal, having resolved to 
observe the Uposatha precepts were leaving the town by the 
southern gate and going to the Jetavana clad all in white, carry- 
ing perfumes, flowers and so forth, attracted by an invincible 
inclination towards the Buddha, the Doctrine and the assembly of 
the Brethren. Pu;/«a saw them, and asked one of them : 
"Whither are these going?" " What ! Sir, dost not thou know that 
the Three Jewels —the Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Assembly of 
the Brethen — have appeared in the world ? These people are going 
to the Buddha to hear him preach the Law." The word "Bud- 
dha " thrilled ^ him. Surrounded by his retinue he repaired to 
the monastery with the congregation and standing behind them, 
listened to the master preaching the doctrine ni a sweet voice ; 
having heard the doctrine he conceived a desire for the religious 
life. When the Tathagata, knowing the moment was come, had 
sent back the assembly, Pu««a approached the master and having 

(i) In the Sannyutta-nikaya {pf. ed. Feer, Vol. IV, page 60). 

(2 ) That is, to Sunaparanta. 

(3) For the exercise of Kamma^^/zana, or religious meditation. 

(*) Va«ijagama, might also be translated as a proper noun : Hardy, Man* 
ual of Buddhism, page 260, translates this word by " the merchant's village." 

(^) That is, Mahapu««a, the elder and the hero of the story, and his 
brother Cu/apu««a cf. page i. 

(6 ) Lit., " pierced his skin and penetrated to the marrow of his bones/' 



( 21 > 

saluted him, invited him for the morrow. On the next day, he 
had a pavilion built wherein he prepared seats, and gave great 
offerings to the clergy with Buddha at their head ; then, himself 
having finished his morning meal, bound himself to observe the 
eight precepts. He then called his treasurer : " So much has been 
spent, so much has not been," and he gave him the account of 
everything ; "Give this property to my younger brother " ; and he 
msde over everything to him, after which, he received ordi- 
nation at the master's hands and lost himself in meditation. But 
although he devoted himself to it, he did not succeed : then, he 
thought, " This country is not favourable to me ; what if I were to 
ask for a subject for meditation from the iVIaster and go back to my 
country ?" He made his morning tour for food, and, in the even- 
ing, rising from his seclusion, approached the Blessed One and 
having made him recite a formula for meditation, uttered seven 
joyful exclamations and departed. It is why it is said : " At 
that tt7ne the reverend Punna .... dwelt." But where did he 
dwell ? He dwelt in four places. He first entered the kingdom of 
Sunaparanta, went to the Appahata mountain, and entered into the 
merchants* village (Va;/ijagama) for his food. His brother recog- 
nized him, fed him and told b»m : " Reverend, do not go anywheie 
else, but dwell even here," and having made him promise to do so, 
he put him up in that place. Thence, he went to the Samuddagiri 
(the ocean mountain) monastery, where there was a cloistered walk 
marked out by lodestones ; ^ but nobody could walk therein (to 
meditate), for the billows, breaking on those stones, made a gre?t 
noise. The thera said : " Let this be a pleasant spot for those 
given up to meditation " and, by the power of his resolution, he 
made the ocean quiet. Thence he repaired to the Matula moun- 
tain ; but there, too, were flocks of birds, making a perpetual noise, 
night and day ; the thera thought : '' This spot is not suitable," and 
he went to the monastery of Paku/aka. This monastery was 
neither far from nor near the merchants' village; it was in a retired 
spot, quiet, and communications were easy. The thera, think- 
ing: "This is a suitable place," had built therein for himself a 
cell for the night and one for the day, a covered walk, etc., and 

( 1 ) Cf. Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, page 260 ; to these places he gives ihe 
names of Mudugiri, Mailigiri and Muluarama. 



( 22 ) 

dwelt there. Thus he lived in four places. ^ Then, one day, in" 
that very period of vassa, five hundred traders, intending to cross 
the ocean, loaded a ship with goods. On the day of embarking the 
thera! s younger brother, having fed the latter and received from' 
him the precepts, ^ saluted him : " The ocean, your reverence, is 
not to be trusted; it is full of dangers; you should think (of us)." 
Having thus spoken he went on board. The ship, going with great 
speed, came to a certain island : " Let us prepare breakfast," said 
the men and they disembarded on the island. Now, on that island, 
there was nothing but a forest of sandal ; one of the traders, having^ 
struck a tree with an axe and perceiving it was red sandal, said : 
" Friends ! w^e cross the seas for the sake of gain ; now, there is no 
greater gain then from this, a bit about four inches ^ is worth one 
hundred thousand (coins). Let us get rid of all the goods w^e can 
and let us make a full cargo of sandalwood." So they did. The- 
goblins ? inhabiting the sandal forest were enraged : " Our sandal 
forest has been destroyed by these people, let us kill them !" said 
they; but they reflected : " If we kill them here, the whole island 
will become a charnel house ; let us sink their vessel in mid-ocean." 
The traders re-embarked; but after a few moment?, the goblins 
caused a storm to rise and shewed themselves to them under fearful 
shapes. Terrified, the men worshipped each his tutelary deity. 
The thera' s brother, Cu/apu««a the householder, thought : "Let 
my brother be my refuge!" and he mentally invoked the thera's 
name. At this very moment, the thera, thinking (of the mer- 
chants) perceived they were near their ruin ; he rose into the sky 
and stood before them. The goblins seeing him, fled. " Do not 
fear," said the thera to the traders, and having comforted them, 

(^) The whole story, from beginning to end, occupies but one season of vassa 
or " rainy season." Mahapuwwa was looking out for a suitable spot, wherein ta 
spend, in quiet, the lenten season, as is practised even now-a-da3S, and re- 
tired at last near Va«ijagama (the Le-k6« coOOdSSs , of the Burmese!. 

(2) It must be understood that he promises the Thera to observe the five 
moral precepts or sila, which are binding on all good Buddhists. 

(3) Burnouf, Introduction (page 258 or 230), speaks of a Tibetan measure 
called pJio ; the Burmese have also a weight, now become obsdete, called po 
and equal to five ticals j it is mentioned in the Burmese version of the Vessan- 
tarajataha. 

(*) a-manussa = non-men. 



( 23 ) 

he enquired whither they desired to go ; they answered : " Reve- 
rend Sir, we wish to go to our country." The thera came on deck 
and formed the mental resolution — '' Let this ship go where they 
desire !" The merchants, having gone back to their country, told 
these events to their families: "Come," said they, ''let us take 
our refuge in the thera^ ^ " and the five hundred merchants, with 
their five hundred wives, having been established in the Three 
Refuges, ^ announced they were (now) lay disciples. They then 
unloaded the vessel, and off^^-red one share (of the sandal cargo) tO' 
the thera^ saying, " Reverend Sir, here is your share." But he 
answered, " I have personally no need of a share. But, have yoa 
ever seen the Master ? " " No, Reverend Sir, we have never seen 
him." "Very well, then, with this share build a pavilion, ^ and 
thus, you will see the Master." '' Very well, Reverend," said they, 
and with his share and theirs they began building the pavilion^ 
It is said that, from the time they began to build, the Master took 
possession of it. The watchmen, seeing in the night a light, 
thought that a powerful god lived there. The lay disciples having 
finished the building, arranged seats for the clergy and prepared 
the things intended as offerings, apprized the thera that their task 
was over and that he should invite the Master. Early in the mor- 
ning, the thera{^) went to Savatthi by means of his superhuman 
power and begged of the Blessed One: '' Lord, the inhabitants of 
Va«ijagama are desirous to see you ; do them this favour." The 
Blessed One consented, and the thera came back, and the Blessed 
One called the thera Ananda: "Ananda,'^ said he, "to-morrow, 
we shall go to Vawijagama in Sunaparanta, for our food, give out 
tickets to 499 monks." The thera said : " Even so, Lord " ; and, 
having told that matter to the assembled monks, he invited those 
that had to come to take their ticket. On that day, the thera 
Kuw^odhana took out the first ticket. ^ The inhabitants of Va;?i- 
jagama, knowing the Master would come on the morrow, built a 

(1) That is, " Let us become Buddhists and the Thera 's disciples." 

(2) The Buddha, his Doctrine and the Order. 

(3) The 5a/«on says": a monastery. It is supposed still to exist under the 
name of Na«-sa-kro« ( ^OODCOqjDSj ), "the sandal monastery." 

(■) Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, page 2og, translates: "the priest Suna- 
parar.ta," instead of: "the priest of Sunaparanta." 

(6) Mere allusion to an incident which is told in extenso in the Divydvaddna. 
Burnouf, Introduction (page 260 or 232, note I), tries to find the etymology of 



( =4 ) 

shed in the middle of the village and prepired a hall for the offer- 
ings. The Blessed One, having finished his ablutions early in the 
morning, entered his room (lit., the Perfumed Chamber) and sat, 
meditating deeply on the fruition of the Path. The marble throne 
of Sakka (Sanskrit (^akra) became hot- Sakka considered what the 
cause was, and, seeing the Master was about to go to Sunapjiranta, 
he called Visukamma (Sanskrit Vi^vakarman) : " Dear son, to-day, 
the Blessed One will go on a begging tour of thirty and one hundred 
yojanas : make five iiundred kiosks and place them, ready to go, 
on the portico of the Jetavana. Visukamma did so. The kiosk 
of the Blessed One had four entrances, those of the two principal 
disciples ^ had two, and the rest one entrance each. The Master 
left his room, and, among the kiosks ranged in a line, entered the 
most magnificent. Counting the two principal disciples, there 
were four hundred and ninty-nine monks and five hundred 
kiosks, of which one was empty. The five hundred kiosks rose 
into the sky. When the Master arrived at the mountain called 
Saccabandha, he stopped his kiosk in the air. On this mountain 
lived a religious heretic, known as Saccabandha, who taught 

the name : Kuwtfopadhana ; it will be remarked that the pali text calls this 
monk simply : Kiiwrfodhana. He is also mentioned (Ekawguttara, Etadagga- 
vaggo) as being one of the eighty princpal disciples of the Buddha, and the 
commentary on the Eka'jguttara gives, to explain his name, this amusing 
story. In a previous existence he had been a Bhuma-devata and committed 
certnin faults, the fruits of which he reaped in his subsequent states of exis- 
tence ; the commentary goes on : 

" Bhumadevata tassa kammassa nissandena ekaw buddhantaram apayato 
na muccittha j sace pana kalenakalawz manussattaw agacchati annenakenaci 
kato doso tass'eva upari patati. Eso amhakaw Bhagavato kale Sava^^Aiyaw* 
brahma«akule nibbatti ; Dhanama«avo'ti tassa nama?n akawisu. So vayappatto 
tayobede uggawhitva mahaJIakakale Satthu dhammadesanaw sutva pa/'iladdha- 
saddho pabbajitva tassa upasa^wpannadivasato pa^^Aaya eka alawkatapar'iya^- 
ta. itthi, tasmiwj gamaw pavisante tena saddhi??i eva gamaw pavisati, nikkham- 
ante nikkhamati, viharam pavisante pi pavisatiti, ti^^/iante pi ti«Aati. Evaw nic- 
canubandha paiiuayati. Thero taw pana passati, tassa pana purimassa kamm- 
assa nissandena upaz!('/zitva (?) game yagubhikkhawdadamana itthiyo : ' Bh- 
ante, ayam eko yagu u/u;zko tumhakawz, eko imissa amhakaw sahayikaya'ti ' 
parihasaw karonti. Therassa mahati vihesa hoti ; viharagataw pi sama«era 
c'eva harabhikkhu ca parivaretvS : ' Dhano konio jato'ti ' parihasam karonti. 
Ath' assa ten 'eva karawena kow^fodhanathero'ti namaw jataw." 

( 1 ) Moggallana and Sariputta. 



I ^5 ;) 

heretical doctrines to the people ; he enjoyed the best offerings 
and the greatest honours ; but in his heart, like a lamp hidden in 
a vase, shone his predestination to sanctity. Seeing this (the 
Buddha thought): "I will expound the Doctrine to him" and 
going, preached a sermon to him. The monk, at the end of this 
religious instruction, became a saint, and in the way, ^ obtained the 
six supernaturalfaculties, and then, having became a monk accord- 
ing to the formula, ^ " Ehi bikkhu," he suddenly found himself 
carrying an alms-bowl and wearing robes created by the mira- 
culous power of the Buddha ; and he entered into the kiosk. ^ 
Then, the Blessed One with the five hundred monks in their kiosks, 
went towards the merchants' village (Va«ijagama), and having 
made the kiosks invisible, entered the village. The merchants, 
having given great offerings to the clergy with the Buddha at 
their head, took the Master to the Makuia Monastery, and 
the Master entered into the pavilion. The people said : " Mean- 
while, let the Master rest himself from his bodily fatigue," and 
they went to their breakfast; then, they took upon themselves the 
performance of the precepts and, loaded with perfumes and flowers, 
went to the monastery to listen to the Law. The Master ex- 
pounded his Doctrine, and the people were freed from their bonds ; 
and there was a great uproar caused by the Buddha's presence. 

The master dwelt there for a week, for the people's spiritual 
benefit, sitting up in the *' Perfumed Chamber " * till the break of 
day. At the close of these seven days' preaching, 84,000 persons 
attained to the understanding of the Law. Having (then) dwelt 
there for a week, he entered Vawijagama on his begging tour, and, 
assigning it to the Thera Pu««a for his residence, left him. On 
the way there was a river called Nammada ; he went to the bank 
thereof. The king of the Nammada Nagas came forth to meet the 
master, took him into the Naga-mansion and did honour to the 
Three Jewels- The Master unfolded to him the Doctrine and left 
his abode, and the Naga king begged of him ; " Lord, give me 

( 1 ) That is, while he was advancing towards the Buddha. 

(2) " Ehi,bhikkhu! Come, O mendicant !" This was the usual formula 
with which the Buddha received in his Order, the persons desirous of leading 
the religious life. 

(3) The kiosk which had been kept empty. 
(*) Thus was called his private room 

Consul of the United Slates ofAuwnca 



( 26 ) 

something that I may honour." ^ The Blessed One impressed * 
and left as a relic the mark of his foot on the bank of the river 
Nammada. This imprint was covered by the waves at the time of 
high water, and uncovered when the water subsided, and it was- 
greatly venerated. The Master left this spot, went to the Saccaban- 
dha mountain and said to Saccabandha : " Through thee, the people 
have entered on the way to perdition ; stay here, make them reject 
these false notions and establish them in the way to Nirvana." He, 
too, asked of the Master something which he might revere. The 
Master imprinted the mark of his foot on the solid, flat rock as 
easily as he would have done on a lump of wet clay. Thence, he 
went back to the Jetavana. 

It is in connection with this matter that it is said : " In this 
very season of Lent {Punna) .... attained to parinirva«a." ^ 
(By these words, it must be understood that he reached that state 
wherein no traces remain of the components of corporeal and 

(1) To wit ; a relic. 

(2) Lit., shewed. 

(3) Vide text of the Smnytttta-mkdya already mentioned. 

The two sacred foot-prints always were for the people and the kings in the 
course of long centuries, a great object of veneration, up to the reign of Cacktn 
Cl Su Kyo Tan ( OOC^£sO^CX)Gcq)5cX)6 ). in his time, fervour and 
piety seem to have greatly diminished ; for, from this reign, the Shwe-zet- 
ia7V (sacred foot-print) was abandoned by degrees, and then completely 
forgotten, so that in 1590 A.D., no one in Burma seemed to be aware of the 
existence of the sanctified spot, not even the inhabitants of the Minbu District. 
This strange neglect is accounted for by the perpetual wars and revoluticns of 
this troubled period. The foot-prints were discovered anew, amid quasi- 
miraculous circumstances, in the reign of Salvan Man Tara,ODDOg$OCoOOCps 
(1629 — 1648). On a certain day, the king, hearing the story of Punna, such 
as it is in the PunnovadaUhakatha, which has been given above, ordered infor- 
mations to be taken about those foot-prints, but nobody could give any. The 
place was overgrown with thick vegetation, and no one remembered having 
even heard of them. The king asked the help of the famous bishop To« Bhila 
( GOOd6c8oOD ). This bishop is the author of the following works t 
Vinaydlankdratikd sac, on the Vinaya ; Atthasdlini u gdthd aphvan, a com- 
mentary on the first twenty gdthd of the Atihasdlim ; Sdlvan Man Tard ame 
aphyi, answers to king Salvan Man Tara's Questions, and vessantard py6, a 
metrical version of the Vessantarajdtaka. He went, accompanied by four 
other bishops and twelve monks, in search of the famous foot-prints. The 
king gave them, it is said, a guard of five thousand men to protect theni 
against the Chins {written Khyaw) and the wild Karens (Karaw r6«,ODQS§£?).. 
They left Ava in 1638, carried on red palanguins, went down the 
Irrawaddy in boats and landed at Minbu. The four bishops camped under a 
large tree, and in the evening recited prayers and texts from the Tipitaka. 



( 27 ) 

mental individuality). The people paid great honours to the 
remains of the thera during seven days and, having gathered a large 
quantity of fragrant wood, they cremated him, took his relics and 
erected a shrine {cetiya, Sanskrit caitya) over them. 

To« Bhila recited long passages from the Patthana, one of the Abhidhammd 
books and retired to sleep very late. At three in the morning, he had a 
dream. A man holding a spear in his hand and followed by a great black 
dog, approached him and said : " My Lord, the forests into which you are 
going to venture are very extensive and very wild; they swarm wtlh lions, 
tigers, panthers and snakes ; why do ycu come here P " The bishop 
answered: "We are the disciples of Gotama, the Buddha. We learned 
from the commentary on the Sanuyutta-nikaya that the Buddha came to this 
region and impressed, at the request of a Ndga and of a hermit, two marks oi 
his left foot. These imprints, long adored by the Burmese people, have been, 
owing to wars and revolutions, forgotten and have at last disappeared j at least 
nobody knows where they are. We have come to look for them." The man 
said : " My Lord, follow this black dog wherever he goes," And while he was 
still speaking, Ton Bhila awoke, and told his dream to the other bishops. They 
took their meal early and entered the forest. And, lo ! before them appeared 
the black dog; he conducted them to the banks of the Ma« Kyow, O^gGOlDS 
(Nammadanadi), and suddenly disappeared. They crossed the torrent and, 
on the bank they saw a Hhilu {yakkha) seated on the trunk of a tree, who 
asked them whither they were going; and, on hearing their object, he pointed 
out to them, with a nod of his head, the hill whereon were the foot-pritits. 
All of a sudden, the guardian-spirit of the hill changed himself into a crow, 
and, alighting en the very spot where was the sacred relic, attracted, by his 
peculiar cries and cawings, the attention of the bishops. The foot-print on 
the summit of the hill was soon discovered, and the bishops, the monks and 
the soldiers were lost in profound adoration. During the following night, 
To« Bhila again recited the l^atthana., and the spirits of the hills and woods 
came around him and listened respectfully. "Who are youl" asked the 
bishop, A Nat (spirit) who was sotdpanno (who had entered the First Path) 
said : " I am a sotapan (sotdpanno) Nat. " " Hast thou known the Buddha !" 
" Yes," said the Nat. " Is my recitation of the Pa^^Mna," asked the 
bishop rather vainly, "good? Do I pronounce as the Buddha ?" "Ahem! 
One can, with a deal of good will, guess what thou art reciting," answered 
the spirit. The pious bishop was incensed; but the Nat soon consoled him 
and told him to make the resolution to become a Buddha in times to come; so 
did at once To« Bhila. He spread his mantle on the foot-print and said ; " If 
it be true that I shall become a Buddha, let the impress of the sacred foot be 
apparent on my mantle 1" It is said that his mantle rose into the air in the 
form of a heron and, when it came down again, the divine imprint was im- 
pressed thereon. The bishop has, since that time, been considered as a 
bbdhisatta. They had then to look for the foot-print left on the bank of thfr 
stream ; that was easy enough, for it sent forth a bright light. A cetiya (Bur- 
mese ceti, GOCO), was erected over each foot-print, which, since that 
time, attracts every year thousands of pilgrims from all parts of Burma. 
G. B, C. P. O.-No. 360. Secy, 27-11.06-254-R.W.