Notes on the ancient geography of Burma

7

UC-NRLF

*c la 7IdT

Reprint from the " Bcole Frangaise cT Extreme'OrieniJ*

NOTES

ON THE

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA

(I)

BY

C. DUROISELLE, M.R.A.S.

w
LECTURER IN PAli, RANGOON COLLEGE

\

Comulofthe United States ofAtmrica

RANGOON

OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT PRINTING, BURMA

1906

NOTES ON THE
ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA-

The PunYiovada-stittii of the Samyutia-nikaya is found, almost
word for word, in the Sanskrit version of the celebrated Legend
of Pur«a, as translated by Burnouf from the Divyavadana. ^ The
PcLli Sutta does not give us any further information concerning
this interlocutor of the Buddha ; but the commentaries or Aitha-
hatha give, as a rule, the history of the persons mentioned in the
texts. ^ Consequently, while looking over the voluminous commen-
tary on the Sannyutta, I have found therein the Legend of Pu««a
(Sanskrit Purwa) such as it is known to the Southern School of Bud-
dhism, or, at least, that part of the legend which the commentators
have thought fit to insert in their work : for if the stdta itself seems to
be but an extract (unless one prefers to see in it the nucleus round
which the legend later on developed itself), the commentary gives
to the careful reader the impression that it (the commentary) is
but an abridgment from which are omitted secondary incidents
known to the Sanskrit version. Two points seem to me to admit
of no doubt : on the one hand, the story existed before the evolution
peculiar to Northern Buddhism, since the Purnavaddna contains
the P41i sutta ; on the other, it had remained quite popular
amongst the Southern Buddhists up to the time of the redaction of
the Sannyutta/Makatha, for this commentary introduces the two
brothers in the story with the words " cte dve Bhataro^' without
these " two brothers " having yet been mentioned. This detail
confirms me in the opinion that the compilers whose intention was
merely to recall that part of the story relating to the country
of Sunaparanta, have not judged necessary to reproduce in its

(') Samyuttaor Sannyutta-nikdya., ed. Feer,Vol, IV, page 60; Divyd'.
vaddna, ed. Cowell and Neil, pages 24. — 55- Burnouf, Introduction, ed. 1844,
pages 235—276; ed. 1876, page ^09— 245.

(0 Most of these commentaries have not yet been edited and are there-,
fore unknown to scholars in Europe.

M144730

entirety a legend already well known and such probably, except a
few unimportant details, as we have it in the Divayvadana.
The fact is that the Divyavadana is unknown in Burma, ^ but in
the " History of the Foot-Print'^' ^ we find another legend forming
a kind of introduction to that of the Sannyutta commentary, and
from this we may infer that the Sanskrit version has not been
altogether unknown in Burma. The Legend of Funna. contains,

(') We h^ive reasons to believe that Sanskrit was known in Burma before
P41i. The Burmese of the icth and nth centuries dispels all doubts on
this point : for in the inscriptions of that period are found words clearly derived
from Sanskrit, rind not only technical terms, but words which must have
already been in popular use, such as, f r example, prassad, from Sanskrit
prdsdda, the Pali being pdsdda-, S akr d = Sar\s]^nt Cakra (Pali sakka).
After its introduction into P^igan, Pali was studied with great fervour, and the
first outcome of these studies, about one century after the fall of ThatSn, was the
Sadda-ntii, a grammar of the Tripitaka, and the most comprehensive in exis-
tence. Forchhrimmer gives 1156 A.D. as the date of this work; but
Aggava^wsa, the auth r, himself says that it was completed in 1154 A.D.
Now, Asgnvamsa, in the second p <rt of his grammar, the Dhdtumdld or
*' Garland of Roots," gives here and there the equivalent Sanskrit forms. It
is therefore plnusible to suppose that S ns^^rit existed at Pagan in the nth
century at least and was scientific^illy studied before Pali, for the first work in
the latter language written in Burma bases itself on Sanskrit grammar to
explnin a few Pali forms. Another proof is the use, in the d^tes of tne i ith
andthei2th centuries of the Hindu astionomical terminology; for instance,
Asan = Acvini (1054 A.D.) ; Mrikkaso = Mrgaciras (1081 A.D.), etc The
Siddhanta, then, must have been known in Pagan anterior to th-se dates.
Moreover, certain names of places and rivers indicate a familiarity, very
probably already secular in Anorata's time with Hindu mythology ; to
give but one example : on the banks of the Irrawaddy (=Pali, Erdvati=s
Sanskiit airCivati), the legend of the famous elephant uirdvata is well known.
Other proofs are less sure: thus Mr. Taw Sein Ko {Notes on the Ka'yani
Inscriptions) speaks of bricks found at Tagoung and at Pagan itself, inscribed
with legends in Sanskrit and older than the introduction ot Southern
Buddhism in Pagan ; but Phayre says [History of Burma, page 14) that the
legends were in Pali. As it is very difficult to procure any of these bricks,
I cannot settle this question ; it is to be doubted whether e\en the Archaeologi-
cal Museum in Rangoon possesses any ; at least, none of these short legends
has ever yet been deciphered. No Sanskrit inscription has yet been found in
Burma: Dr. Fiihrer, it is true, says {Notes on an Archceologlcal tour in
Upper Bur mj) th-st he discovered two at Tagoung: but nothing more was
ever heard of these two lithic inscriptions, of such a paramount importance
if they do really exist, which I doubt very much.

(2) In Burmese : ^Oo5gOo5od^C8 {Rhve-cak-to-SamSn). The principal
temples and pagodas each have their samon or " history." These histories,
amid the overgrowth of marvellous tales, contain very p-ecious historical infor-
mations, and give dates, which are generally exact, of contemporary events.
Some of these sant'^n have been utilized for the compilation of the Maharaja-
va« ; but most of them are crumbling to pieces in the dust of monasteries.

( 3 )

according to the Burmese, the history of the two imprints of the
Buddha's left foot, which he, the Master — after having, as it is
written, spent one week in the magnificent monastery built with red
sandal wood— left, one, on the bank of the o^sg^dSs (Man : Khyo«)^
stream, the other on the summit of the ODgc$ (Saccaban) Hill,^
whose foot is washed by the said stream. This hill, consecrated
by the Buddha's presence, is situated near Saku,in the Minbu
, District, which is itself comprised in the Province of Aparanta
or Sunaparanta ; for the Burmese have appropriated to themselves
this name at the expense of the Konkan and apply it to the region
which stretches, on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, behind
and above Pagan. They have not the least doubt that Suna-
paranta (Sanskrit ^ronaparanta) of the Saiinutta^Makatha,
is the very same as the Burmese Province called by that name.
The Legend is quoted in the Mahardjavan when recording
the foundation of Prome ;•* therein we are told that Va7?ijagama
is none else but the village called cco5o8£g (Le Kine) by the
Burmese and that it is situated in the Province of Sunaparanta.

(') " Charmed-stream " ; Man = manta (Sanskrit mantra) : it is the Nam-
mada of the legend.

( 2 ) Pron. Thissaban = Saccabandha : further on, we shall see the origin of
this name.

(•■') Mahdrdjavan, Vol. I, pages 167 — 168. Prome is written \Q^ Pran, by
the l^urmese and the Arakanese. The Burmese pronounce Pyi and Py6, the
Arakanese, Pri. But the Mon (Talaings) write this word and pronounce it
c[y?C Pron, and (9v Prawn. It is then in Talaing documents that we must
look for the origin of this name, the signification of which I do not know; * the
Talaings I have consulted could not give me any information on this point.
Some, however, told me that this word ought to be written, " Pr8m " {pro-
nounced exactly as Prome); this word means "crushed, destroyed," and
Criksetra has, they say, been so called since its destruction by the M6n (Ta-
laings) some years before the foundation of Pagan. But this etymology is not
worth stopping to consider. Namanta, in the Rajavan, is given as the
name of the stream, which is also sometimes called after ihe Naga's name;
tut Namanta is but a corruption of Nammada.

* It has been urged that "Prome" is derived from "Brahma"; this
may very well be. But it is remarkable that none of the nations that have
"known this old city call it by a name derived, according to their phonetics,
from "Brahma." It was better known to them as Crik^etra, or its modified
equivalents Phonetically, the Burmese and Arakanese (9^ Prafi, cannot
stand for "Brahma," and their pronunciation of it differs still more widely.

( 4 )

Now, the Paganrajavaw i tells us that Le Kine or Vawijagama is in
the Province of Purantappa, This name, Purantappa, applies to
/ the region already mentioned in manuscripts, and is unknown to
the majority of the Burmese, even to those well educated. However
the case may be, the Legend, as, it is understood by them, is inter-
esting, in that it is a very clear example of the origin of the
artificial geography of Burma, in the fabrication of which some
texts have been flagrantly distorted and their sense deliberately
misunderstood. Before going into this question of fabrication^
let me be allowed to give here the Burmese legend which forms
a kind of introduction to that of Pu««a.

In olden times, there was, in the Island of c^8g(^§r^^8^ (Ho«-kri :
kyvan), a cultivator who possessed a magnificent bull ; this bull, as
strong as he was beautiful, was savage and vicious ; no one but his
master dared approach him : to do so would have been to run to a
certain death. He had become the terror of the village, for he
pursued and tore into pieces everything he found in his way, beasts
and men. He had already carried mourning and sorrow into many
families, and the fear of him had come to such a pitch that all
work in the fields was at last neglected. This state of things
could not last much longer, for famine and ruin were spreading their
ravages in the neighbouring villages as well. The villagers assem-
bled and, after a short discussion, unanimously resolved to destroy
the ferocious animal. They apprized the owner of their intention,
leaving him the choice to go somewhere else and take his bull with

Moreover, the word Brahma is well known to the Burmese, and is of very
frequent occurrence in their sacred literature; it is always and rightly wriiten :
(^OQ (brahma) ; according to Burmese phonetics, [^qo might become fSSg,
(bram), but never, by any rule, g^. It is strange that, possessing already
the name in its proper form ( gcg, brahma), they should have altered it to

G^ (pran) fcr the city's name and to S^^^"^ (Mranma) for their own national
appellation.

The Talaing for " Brahma " is [^[5 (Brom, pron. Pram), a word extensively
used in their literature, for they were under brahmanical influence fcr cen-
turies; but they too, rejecting the proper, ready-made and well-known appel-
lation( ^5 ), call Crikretra by a name ( G^ ) which, according to Talaing
phonetics, cannot be a derivation of "Brahma."

(') Page 37 of the manuscript in my possession (page 3 of the 2nd chap.).
. (') One of the names by which Cape Negrais is known to the Burmese.

( 5 )

him. The farmer, who was attached to his fields, allowed them,
after some demur, to do as they pleased. The villagers then:
armed themselves with sticks, pitchforks, bows, etc., and, after a
<juasi-homeric fight, brought the bull to his death ; they cut up the
carcase there and then, and distributed its flesh. The happy event
of the bull's death was, on the evening of the very same day, cele-
brated by a great feast, of which the enormous animal's flesh formed
one of the most delicate dishes. Unfortunately, every violent act,
however justifiable, has its retribution; in consequence, all those
■who had taken part in the feast were born again in the forests of
Sunaparanta, in Upper Burma. Some became bisons, sortie deer,
rabbits, antelopes, wild-boars, etc., and the bull, their victim, became
a hunter w hose humble dwelling was a hut on the slope of the
Maku/a Hill i^the same which received, later on, the name of
♦Saccabandha). This hill is now known also as "the Hunter's
Hill." ' His arrows never erred ; he roamed in the woods and on

(i)t^d^gGcOD6(Mu-cho-to«), near L6-k6«( cooSd^Ss), in the Minbu District.
The legend has been perpetuated in the names of certain hills; fur Instance,
the hill wheie he dried his skins is the "stretched-out-hides Hill/'oOD8GCj(^o6
G00d6 Sa-re-kral<-to?z ; the one where he strung his bow is to-day: c£i6co5
CX)^! I-im C = le= GCOS) -ta«-kun;the forest wherein he pursued the hare is
known as:cxj$^^CCOD ,Yun-kran-to; and so forth, cf. the legend given by
Sir George Scctt {,Upper Burma Gazetteer, II, iii page 163). I do not know
whereSirGeor.ee has taken this story Ixom; he has, I suppose,transIatedit from
the S'» won, for it is essentially the same ; but, surely, the dates mentioned are im-
possible. The Burmese always give the correct dates, as they are entered in
the Maharajavan, a work found everywhere in Burma ; they perhaps might
make an error of some years, but never one of several centuries, as Sir
George does, and the dates which he gives are not those c f the Samdn. He says
that " in 248 B.E. (^Burmese Era, that is to say, Caka, = 886 A D.) Alaung
Sithu, king of Pagan, visited the Shwe-zet-taw," but Alaung Sithu became
king only in 1085 A.D., according to Phayre. In Vol. II, part ii, 307, he

writes: "The legend says that king Alaung Sithu, in 470 B.E. =

1108 A.D., left Minbu and went to Saku, then called Ramawadi;" the differ-
ence between the two dates given for one and the same reign is consequently
322 vears! The date 1 108 is not that given by the Sambn for the visit of
this king to Minbu, but Caka 454 = l09^ A.D. On the page already quoted,'
a few lines lower down (Vol. II, iii page 163), ha says: "In 427 B.E.=
1065 A.D. the king Patama (Pa^Aama) Min Gaung made a dedication of
lands to the Sliwe-z-t-taw." But Paif/iama Min Gaung ascended the throne
only in 140X AD., and the Sandn tells us that, in Caka 763 (=1401 A.D.),
this king visited tne famous foot-prints; here, the difference is 336 years !

( 6 )

the hil's, playing great havoc among their wild inhabitants, whose
flesh he sold to his customers.

It happened the One-thousand-eyed ^akra, looking down oa
the earth, descried the hunter of Sunaparanta, whose bow had
caused the ust less death of so many innocent creatures, and his heart
was moved with pity. He also perceived in ihe h<art of the cruel
hunter, as a rtre mouldering under the ashes, a disposition towards
spiritu lUty which would make of him a great saint if he could be
induced to embrace religious life. He, then, assumed the appearance
of a hunter, descended to Sunapiranta and hid himself near a spot
by which the destroyer had to pass. This hill is well known as Sa-
krapun-to;/ (oo^DSt^^gcoo^S). The Sunaparanta hunter appeared ,'
^akra greett^d him: "Friend, whither are you going ?'^
" A hunting," replied the other, " for I must provide venison for my
customers," ^al<ra, with his divine e'oquence, shewed him the
cruelty of thus killing innocent victims, and the terrible torments-
which such a professi )n had in store for him in the course of his
future existences. " What ! " exclaimed the astonished hunter,
''are not you yourself a hunter ? Do you not, too, make a living,
in pursuing the deer in the forests ?" What a fine
sermon you are preaching me ! " " My friend," ans\^ered ^akra.

One would be inclined to think that Sir George Scott follows a local legend giving
false dates; but such is not the case, for the legend of the Upper Burma
Gazetteer is merely that of the Sambn abridged, and as the dates of the S(j'«on
agree with those of the Chronicles, one cannot understand these glaring error*
in so serious a work. However, on the following page (II, iii page 164), under
the heading Shwe^zi-gon, he gives a date better in accordance with facts. There
he writes : " It is said that the founder of the Shwezi-gon is Prince Saw-Lu,
a son of Anawyata Min Zau (Anuruddha-maw-co), who visited Pindale (now
Minthale) in 421 B.E. (= 1059 A.D.). Phayre makes Saw-Lu die in in 1057
A.D. after a reign of five years, which is, according to the inscriptions, altogether
wrong. Most of the dates given by Phayre {History of Burma) for the eleventh
and twelfth centuries are inexact, and this part of his History must be read
with great caution- As a matter of fact, the Chronicles themselves do not
agree on those dates. For the beginning of Anorata's reign, the Maharajava«
gives 1017 A.D., and this is the date generally accepted; the old edition of the
same work gives 967; the Sv6 Cun Kyo Ta« ( go5^Gcq)5oD6 )» 1002 A.D.
the Pagan Rajava« gives 999. Now, there is an inscription dated 984 A.D^
erected by Anorata and speaking of a relic brought back from Thaton. All
the other dates are viciated by this one. The date of his death, 1059, is con-
firmed by the inscriptions. The date of the fall of Thaton will perhaps have
also to be corrected, although the Kalyani gives 1057. The Talaing Chronicle

( 7 )

" my case is very different from yours. You kill all the animals you
meet with, evt n vvhen you are no longer in need of meat. I, on the
contrary, with tliis infallible bow, scour the Himalayas in search of
flying-deer, whose skin, sold to kings, brings me an immense
protit. I kill not for the sole pleasure of killing. I came into these
parts in pursuit of a certain flying-deer. Help me to find it. Here,
take this my unerring bow and give me yours, and, if you find the
deer, shoot it down." The hunter took (^akra's bow, and the
latter disappeared among the trees. The divine weapon looked
like a toy ; but, what was not his astonishment, when, despite all
his efforts and his almost superhuman strength, he did not
succeed in bending it ! In vain did he groan, and sw^eat and swear 7
the bow remained as rigid as the trunk of a tree centuries old.
The time went swiftly by and no animal was killed, and his
customers were waiting for venison. Tired, dispirited, he sat
down, ^akra, still disguised as a hunter, appeared again (a
him. " My bow is not easy to bend, is it ? Well! You will be able
to bend it as easily as your own on one condition. You must promise
to kill only deer one day, and the day after only does. On this
trifling condition, you may keep my bow, which is matchless;
for it belongs to me, (^akra ! " The hunter agreed, hastdy toolc
the bow and went about looking for deer ; but on that day, he

and incriptions, which I hope to be in a position to decipher before long, *will
doubtless throw a flood of light on these so important questions, as well
as on the question, no less interesting, of the relations of Cambodia with
the countries of thelrrawaddy Delta, relations absolutely ignored in Burmese
Annals.

* The Talaing or Mon language has not yet been studied scientifically in
the light of comparative philology ; there are gaps in the history of Burma and
Pegu (Ramanna) that will be filled probably only when the Talaing chronicles
have been read and translated ; so, the affinities between the M6n and Khmer
are still to be philologically established — the author, in the couise of his
studies of the Mon and Cambodian languages has been struck by the strong
internal evidence of their relationship ; the name " M8n-Annam " for this
family of languages will have to b -. abandoned, as the Annamese has, from
internal evidence, nothing in common with the Talaing and the Khmer.

The writer has now a Talaing Grammar and Chrestomaty nearly completed.
The enlightened help of Government, would, in this matter, greatly facilitate
the prosecution of his studies and the early publication of their results.

( 8 )

found only does; on the morrow be looked for does, but perceived
deer only. He then understood ^akra's stratagem and, bound by
a solemn promise which be dared not break, he gave up hunting,
became a hermit and retired to a hill. From that day, he was
known under the name of Thissa ban {^^sacca, promise, and bandha,
bound), and consequently the hill on which he lived received the
same name. But he did not know the true religion [viz..
Buddhism), and he preached in Sunaparanta a false doctrine, Uhus
causing the people to be in danger of falling into hell. Near that
spot, in the village called Va«ija, lived two brothers, merchants,

Mahapu« and Cfl/apu« Here the Samo;^ gives, more

or less faithfully, the story in the Sannyutta^Makatha.^

If, now, we compare this bgend and the translation of the Pali text
{cf. infra p 15), which is its sequel, with the story of the Divydva-
dana, manv points of resemblance and di\ergence become apparent.
All the long story of the two brothers up to the departure of the
elder one to Savatthi is unknown to the Samon and is not given
by the commentators on the Punr\ova.da-sutta. The only point
of resemblan'. e between the legend of the Samon and that of the
Divyavadana is the hunter who becomes a hermit and subsequently
a saint {arhat); and still, neither the manner nor the instrument
of his conversion is the same. But this slight resemblance is
enough to make one think that, at a certain time, the Sanskrit
version was not unknown in Burma. As is almost always the
case, the Pali is more sobre of miraculous happenings than the
Sanskrit, and these happenings are precisely the very points
wh^rton the two versions differ. For instance, when, on the
invitation of Fu««a, Gotama goes to Va«ijagama, the 499 monks
accompan}ing him are carried through the sky in kiosques ; the
Divyavadana makes them go there by means of wings, or riding on
fantastic animals, and even in pots and vases. Tue Safinyutta^Ma-
katha speaks of only one wa^a, but the Sanskrit, of five-hundred,
every one ol whom creates a river unto himself in order to go to

( ' ) Are we to see in this " false doctrine " a remembrance of that religion,
a medley of Mahayanism, tantraism and Naga-worship which prevailed in the
Irrawaddy Valley before the introduction of Hinayanist Buddhism into Pagan
and the priests ot which were the Ari? This religion disappeared only in the
fifteenth century, and has left very deep traces, not yet obliterated, in the
beliefs and customs of the Burmese.

(^) Vide infra, p. 15, the text and its translation.

( 9 )

Surparaka, etc. Notwithstanding these differences, the story is,
on the whole, the same, and probably originated from the same
source. The Sinhalese also have this legend, but they seem to
know both versions ; for in the fragments translated by Hardy,*
Surparaka, unknown to the Pali text, is mentioned, and so is the
river Narmada (Nammada), of which the Divyavadana does not
speak. In fine, the two imprints of the Buddha's foot, which
appear to form the one important point in the legend, are unknown
to the compilers of the Sanskrit work.

My intention is not to write a treatise on the ancient geography
of Hurma, but merely to point out the arbitrary way in which some
Indian place-nam^^s have been transplanted in Burma, in spite
even of explicit texts The Legend of Puwwa furnishes a very
clear example of this manner of fabricating ancient kingdoms
i^nd of givini^ to relatively modern towns an air of hoary antiquity.

Mr. Burgess" asks himself how it is that most towns and
even mere villages in Burma have two names, ^ one indigenous,

(I ) Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, ed., 1853, pages 57, 209 and
259-260.

("2 ) Indian Antiquary^ Vol. XXX, pages 3S7-388.

(3) Some towns have many more than two names. In the Pagaiirdjavan
thirteen names of Pagan are enumerated: Pokkarama, Arimaddana, Puwwa-
gama, Tampavati, Siripaccaya, Sampu««agama, Pa/z^upalasa, Nagarut-
tama, Paramapura, Tampadesa, Ve/urakama (Ve/ukarama ?), Samadhina-
gara, Pokkan (pron. Paukkan, from which the Burmese made Pukan =
Pagan). The Paganrdjavan gives the following etymologies, which teach us
nothing concerning the eiymology of " Pugaw " : " The Buddha having in rela-
tion to a pok tree (pron. pauk, buten), foretold the foundation of Pagan, the
town was called " the pok garden " (Pokkdrdma). It was named Arimaddana
because its kings always crushed their enemies. In Pagan, Brahmins {punna)
lived in considerable numbers; they were traders and treasurers to the king,
hence its name of PuMnagama. (Another tradition says that the city was so
called on account of its possessing large quantities of gold, silver and precious
things; punna = full of. This derivation cannot stand; the first is probably
the true one, for the Burmese have always known the Brahmins under the
name of punva ; Pu«Magama is one of the oldest and best known names of
Payan, and it shows, in an incontestable manner, the Indian influence in the
'city of Mien.') It was called Tampavati, Tampadesa and Pa;?<fupalasa on
account of the reddish colour of its soil ; Siripaccaya, because of its j^lory and
magnificence; Sampu««agam3, because its inhabitants were devoted (lit., full
of, sampa««a) to the three Jewels: the Buddha, the Doctrine and the Church;
Nagaruttama, ' The Famous,' on account of its faith and piety. It was

( lO )

the other Pali or Sanskrit. I think this fictitious geography has-
had its origin in the national vanity, and above all, in adu-
lation of courtiers, both Burmi se and Indian, and also of his-
torians, who could imagine nothing more likely to minis':er to the
religious bigotry of kings, than to make them rule over provinces
recalling, at every slep, the Buddha's Life and the early history of
Buddhism. This fabrication may also have originated in the
intense religious fervour of the two or three centuries which
followed the introduction of the Hinayana into Pagan, In fact^
what more natural, at a time of the religious effervt^scence of a new
faith, than to re-name according to the holy books, and as
occasions presented themselves, cities and villagesand in so doing
to transfer to them the numerous legends of the Atihakathds,.
sanctifying, so to say, the whole country, with the supposed pre-
sence of the Master? I think it is useless to search for more pro-
found reasons regarding the origin of this apocryphal geography.
Royal boasttulness and religious bigotry must have been, I believe^
the two most powerful factors in this geographical deception.

As I have alre-ady said, the Legend of Puwwa, among a thousand
others, furnishes us with a convincing proof of this: for the Pali
text makes it very clear that neither the Sunaparanta, nor the
Nammada, nor the Vawijagama of the legend, are the places and
the stream known under these names in Burma. The Sinhalese

called Paramapura, ' the Excellent City,' because of its numerous white elep-
hants On account of its powerful kings it was named Samadhinagara. The
name Ve/urakaina (Ve/ukarama) it received from the extensive bamboo
jungies whiih surrounded it. Pokkan is but an abbreviation of Pokkarama."

The name "Puijami " in the Kalya«i Inscriptions is not mentioned in the
Paganrajavan : According to the rules of Burmese phonetics, Pugama
would necessarily become Pagan, long d being never pronounced and rarely
noted befo'e a final consonant. I know not what Pugama signifies ; but
I am inclined to believe that Kirg Dhammaceti palicizf d the word Pugan
(Pagan). Lokananda is also given as one of the names of Pagan, and this
brings the number of its names to fourteen.

Tagoung is called: Sa«ghassara^^/ja, Sawsayapura, Pancala. Prome;
Crik setra, Vanavasi, Paifr/mnilpa' i, Varapati, Puwwavati. Arakan-is known-
as: Rammavati, Rakkhapura, Meghavati, Dhanaavati and Dvaravati (this
last name is also applied to the Southern Shan States and to Siamj. Manipur
is: Nagasyanta and Nagnpura. Kale becomes Rajagaha. Rangoon is-
known as Ukkalapa and Verikkhaya.

( !• )

having a Foot-Print, it was not proper that the Burmese should
have none. An imaginary mark on any rock, having more or less
the form of a foot, whs a sufficient reason for transplanting bodily
the scene of the story of Puwwa in a wild spot, and for making
this spot a holy place of pilgrimage.

I do not know the exact time at which the name of Sunaparanta
was given to the country extending behind Pagan, on the right
bank of the Irrawaddy ; but it cannot be earlier than the thirteenth
century, or ptrhaps the end of the twelfth. The inscriptions of the
eleventh and those of the twelfth century do not mention it. It is
very remarkable that the inscriptions of these two centuries and
even many belonging to the thirteenth, are composed in very sober
language, and are singularly free from those lists of kingdoms and
empires, in which the kings of the subsequent centuries, in
particular those of Ava and Amarapura, so much delighted. From,
the fact that I could not find this name of Sunaparanta in the
most ancient inscriptions, ^ I would not absolutely affi m that it.
did not exist at that period (eleventh — twelfth centuries), but its
absence ai least inclines one to think so. This name, then, does not
seem to be so ancient in Burma as has been believed up to now.^
As to the loxm Sondparanta: "This quasi-classical name of
Indian origin, used in the Burmese Court in State documents and
formal enumerations of the style of the king," ^ is absolutely
unknown to the fcurmese. They always write it Sunaparanta^

( 1) The most ancient inscription found up to the present was engraved by
Anorata-ma//-co, and is dated C«^a 346 = (984 A.D.). It was engraved on-
the occasion of the building of a shrine for a hair of Buddha, brought back
from Tha'on. Earnest researches will perhaps bring to light some others-
more ancient still.

('•^) 'Ihe Paganrdjavan expressly says (page 37): "The spot whereoiv
Cu/apuw built the monastery of red sandalwood in Purantappa is now knowa
as: I.6-k6» (coo5o86s)." Thus, Purantappa comprised: Ll-kow, Saku

(OOC^^, Sowsvap (godDC3^o), which are subsequently located in Suna-
paranta. Purantappa and Sunaparanta designate, therefore, the same-
province : the first of these names is very nearly unknown now, and seems-

to be the most ancient. The S'ajndn (oD^S 8), not perceiving that these two
names applied to the same region, gives them (page 23) asthe names of twa
di.-tinct provinces ; it is a nonsensical blunder.

P) Yule's HobsoK'Jobson, ed. 1903, page 852, col. I.

( "2 )

and give it a very different etymology, as we shall presently see.

The Pali text of the legend has certainly not in view the Suna-
paranta of Burma, but the Konkan, the Western country :
Aparanta, as, in fact, the Burmese themselves also call Sunapa-
lanta ; the Divyavadana calls the Konkan " ^ro«aparanta." ^ In
Sunaparanta flovv^s the Mammada river (Sanskrit, Narmada) which
is none else but the modern Nerbudda, which throws its waters in
the Gulf of Khambat.^ The Surparaka of Dtvyavaddtt a is surely
no other place but the Vawijagama of the Pali version. Vawija-
gama would perhaps be better translated by " the town, or village,
of the merchants." Now, Surparaka, the Supparakapa^/ana
mentioned in the Makavamsa, was a great trading port and the
entrep-'t of Western India ; • it was then, par excellence, a
a vdnijagama^ a merchant's city or mercantile town.

According also to the Pali legend, Vawijagama was a sea-port,
since Cu/apu?i«a embarks there to " cross the sea." Surparaka is
situated at the estuary of the Nerbudda, and there also, the com-
mentators on the Pu««ovada-sutia locate Va«ijagama ; these two
names, therefore, designate but one and the same town, situated
near the mouth of a river in the Western country.

The Nammada and the Va^zijagama of the Burmese do not
fulfil any of these conditions. Their Sunaparanta or Aparanta
is not to the West, but, according to Buddhist cosmology, to the
East ; their Nammada is not a river flowing into the sea,
but an insignificant hill steam flowing into a river ; their
Va^zijagama therefore cannot, in any possible manner, be a seaport.
The author or authors of the Sam6« have so well understood this
tiiat they make Cu/apu/2«a embark at Negrais Island, in order to
give to their falsification a plausible appearance of truth. As to
the mountain " Maku/a" or " Matula," it is with more common
sense placed in India by the Monrdjavan}

(1) Cf. Burnouf, Introduction, page 252 (or 225), note 2, where he says
that Wilford, taking his information from ihe Vardhasamhitd, jpeaks of
Aparantikas situated to the west.

(*) McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, and Yule, Hobso/t'
Jobson, s.v. Supara.

(*) McCrindle, ibid.

(*) Rangoon, 1899, page 75.

( '3 )

However, the names of Sunaparanta and Aparanta ^ having
been given to a Burmese province, it became necessary to cite
authoritative texts in order, if possible, to legalize, so to say, this
plagiarism by means of the sacred books. And this, the Burmese
have done, but very clumsily, for their favourite text goes directly
against their assertion. The Sdsanalankara^ enumerating the
names of the missionaries who, according to the Dipavamsd. ^
were sent to different countries during the eighteenth year of
Asoka's reign, and also the names of those countries, says that
that bhikkhu Yonarakkhita was sent to Aparanta (Aparantaka)
and adds that Aparantaka is the same as Sunaparanta in Burma.
As a conclusive proof of this identity he (the author of the
Sasanala/'kara) gives * the story of the Sakka (Sanskrit ^akra)
Mandhata : Mandhata had brought with him to the ^evaloka an
inhabitant from each of three of the four great islands or continents
(mahadipa) ; these three unfortunate men being unable, for a very
simple reason (they did not know the way, and the Sakka
was dead), to go back to their homes, approached the
parinayakafatana, vis., the Sakka's eldest son, who assigned to
each of them a country corresponding, by its position at least, to
the one he had left : Videha, being to the East, would, in future, be
the country of the inhabitant of Puhbavideha, tlie Eastern island ;
Kuru, in the North, would become that of the citizen of the
Northern Island, Uttarakuru ; and the inhabitant of Aparagoya-
nadipa, the Western Island, would have for his country Aparanta,
the West-country. 5 The Sasanalawkara here, adds — " and as
the son (suna) of Sakka assigned to him this country to live in in
future, Aparanta is also called Sunaparanta, " the West Country of /

( I) See Inscriptions collected by King Boda-wpaya, Vol, I, page 19, line 12;
ibid, page 43, line 5, and in many other places. Cf. Voharalinaif^Aadipani,
page 221 :" Sunaparanta, which includes: Taku, Calan, Bo«-la«, Lfi-k8«, i
SoK-svap, etc. ; Tampadipa, which includes : Sarekhettara, Pagan, Paw-ya,
etc."

(^) Rangoon, 1897, page 22.

(3) Chapter VIII ; also Mahdvawsa, Chapter XII.

0 The author of the Sdsandlankdra, generally so accurate in his quota-
tions, says that this story is found in the commentary on the Mahdsatipalthd-
nasutta {Dtghanikdya, Mahdvagga, IX) ; it is not so : the story is in the conv-
mentary on the Mahanidanasuita {ibid., II).

(') Mahaniddnasuttaiihakathd.

( 14 )

Sakka's son ; Sunaparanta or Aparanta is then, incontestably, in
Burma (!) " Such is, in fact, the often recurring etymoloijy given
by the Burmese to this word : but the text is most flagrantly violated,
for it shows clearly that the Commentators place Aparanta, alias
Sunaparanta, to the West and not to the East, as the Burmese
■will at any cost have it.

From what has above been said it may be gathered : [a) That
the Burmese, before the eleventh century and the beginning of the
twelfth, do not seem to have known the bank of the Irrawaddy, be-
hind and above Pagan, under the name of Aparanta or Sunaparanta.
Pagan itself was included in the province of Tampadipa.^ The
inscriptions of that period do not mention this name (at least, as
far as I have been able to verify this assertion by means of the ins-
criptions already published), and it is remarkable that the Mahara-
javan in the Img notice consecrated to Anorata, does not introduce
this name, as also does the Paganrdfavnn ^ which places Saku,
L^kow, Sowsvap, etc. (towns alwavs enumerated as being in Suna-
paranta) in Purantappa, a name which is now forgotten and appears
to be the original name of the province later known as Sunapa-
ranta.

{b) That the form "Sonaparanta" is not known in Burma,
though always given by Yule, the form Sunaparanta being always
found in the inscriptions and in documents; no Burmese authority
anywhere gives to this word the meaning of the Aurea Regio
of Ptolemy, and, if the ancients knew this part of Burma
undei this appellation, it seems to have been unknown by the
Burmese themselves, who, after having borrowed it, under another
form, from the Pali A/Makathas, do not understand it as meaninp-
■"golden frontier."

(c) In the A/Makathas, Aparanta or Sunaparanta does not desig-
nate Central Burma, but a country situated to the West on the
sea-shore, possessing a famous seaport at the estuary of the river
^Jammada (Narmada, Nerbudda). Now, Aparanta has been
identified with the Konkan ; Surpakara, the great trading centre

(> ) Cf, supra, page 13, note i.

(2 ) The Paganrdjavan uses the word " Sunaparanta " in the history of the
Tcignof King Sen Lan Kro« ; but the Pa^a^ra/aT/an was compiled many
centuries after the fall of Pagan, and at a time when this name was popular
and known to everybody ; it must, therefore, not be inferred from this that
the name already existed in the time of Sen Lan Kro« .

( 15 )

of Western India, with Supara and the Narmada with the
Nerbudda ; moreover, the Commentary on the Dighanikaya locates
Aparanta, most expressly to the west.

The Burmese, then, have renamed, from a Pali legend, a province,
a torrent and a small town of the Valley of the Irrawaddy and, to
justify themselves in doing so, have deliberately voilated two texts
which are most explicit and plain.

EXTRACT FROM THEPLW/VOVADASUTTATT^AKATHA.

Text.(i)

" Atha kho ayasma Puwwo'ti..." Ko pan'esa Pu/?«o? Kasma ca
pan'ettha gantukamo ahositi ? Sunaparantavasiko ' eva esa,
5avatthiyaw pana asappayaw viharaw sallakkhetva, tattha gantu-
kamo ahosi. '] atraya;« anupubbikatha.

Sunaparantara^ h& kira ekasmiw vawijagame ete dve bhataro ;
tesu kadaci je'^^o pa«casaka/asatani gahetva janapadaw gantva
Tjhawfl^aw aharati, kadaci kani/Mo. Imasmi/w pana samav e kani/-
th^Lin ghar^' /^apelva je^Mabhatiko pawcasaka/asatani gahetva,
janauadacarikaw caranto anupubbena Savatthiw patva J^tnvanassa
natidure saka^asatthaw nivasetva, bhuttapataraso parij inapar vuto
phasuka^^Afane ^ nisJdi. Tena ca samayena Savatthivasino bhut-
tapatarasa uposathawgani adhi/Maya suddhuttarasa;7ga gandhapup-
pha * dihattha yena Buddho yena DhammoyenaSa^gho tanninna
tappowa tappabbhara hutva, dakkhi ^ wadvarena nikkhamitva Jet-
avanaw gacchanti So te disva " kahaw ^ ime gacchantiti" ekaw
manussaw ^ pucchi. " Kin tvaw ayyo na janasi loke Buddhadham-
masa^gharatanani ^ nama uppannani iccLSO mahajano Sattliu san-
tika;« dhammakathaw sotuw gacchaiiti." Tassa Buddho'ti
vacanaw chavicammadini chinditva a^^/nminja^w ahacca a/Masi.
Attano parijanaparivuto ^ taya '" parisaya saddhiw viharaw

( *) I had at my disposal, to establish the text, two manuscripts. The first, 5,
very defective, is in the Bernard Free Library, Rangoon; the text is full of correc-
tions and mistakes ; the second, A, much more correct, was lent to me by the
abbot of the Mezali monastery, Rangoon; it is written very legibly and contains
but few mistakes. 1, therefore, took it as a basis, merely noting the principal
mistakes of B. A third manuscript was sent to me when the work was finished ;
but it is still more defective than B, of which it reproduces the majority of the
mistakes ; I did not, on that account, think it necessary to use it; it appears,
moreover, to have been copied from B, {^) A Sunaparantare. (3)5 basuka
(♦)5puppa.. (5) B dakkha«a.... («) 5kataw. (7) 5manussa. (8) ^...
ratananaw. (9) /I parivato. l'°) B parijanaparivutaya parisaya.

( >6 )

gantva Sattliu madhurasarena dhammaw ' desentassa ^ parisa-
pariyante th\to dhammaw ^ sutva pabbajjaya * cittaw ^
uppadesi. Atha Tathagatena kalam viditva parisaya ^ uyyoji-
taya Satthara;« upasa^^kamitva vanditva svatanaya nimantetva,
dutiyadivase ma«fl?apaw karetva asanani pannapttva Buddhapamu-
khassa sa^zghassa mahadanaw datva, bhuttapataraso upcsathawgani
7 adhi/^/^aya bhaw^agarikaw pakkosapetva : " Ettakaw dhanaw ^
vissajjitaw, ettakam na ' vissajjitan ti " sabba;« acikkhitva, "imam
sapateyyaw mayha»s '° kani/'//^assa dehiti " sabba/« niyyadetva, Sat-
thu santike pabbajitva " kamma^/i^anaparayano ahosi. Ath'assa
kamma^/Aanaw manasikarontassakamma^Manaw naupa^Mati ; tato
cintesi : " Aya.m janapado inayha;^ asappayo '^ , yannunahaw/
Satthu santike kamma^^Aanaw galietva sak?rattha.m (va gac-
cheyyan ti." Atha pubba^hasamaye '^ pvtdays. caritva sayawhe
'* pa/isalla«a 's vu/Mahitva Bhagavantaw upasawkamitva
kamma/Manam kathapetva sattaslhanade ''' naditva pakkami.
Tena vuttaw : " Atha kho ayasmu Punno — pa — viharatiti. '^"
Kattha panayaw vihasiti ? Catusu /Aanesu vihasi. Sunapa-
rsLntaraff ham tava pavisitva ca Appahatapabbata/;/ nama pavisitva
Vawijagamaw piw^aya pavisi. Atha nam kaniifMabhata sanjanitva
bhikkhaw datva: " Bhante, annatthaagantva idh'tva '^ vasathati "
Tpafinnam karetva tatth'eva vasapesi. Tato Samuddagirivihara/«
namaagamasi; tatthaayakantapasawehi paricchindiivakatacawkamo
atthi; tatn koci ca?ikamituw samattho nama n'althi ; tattha samud-
daviciyo " agantva ^° ayakantapasa;?esu paharitva mahasaddaw
karonti. Thero : " Kamma/Manaw manasikarontanaw phasuviharo
hotuti " samudda^/i nisaddaw katva adhi^/^asi. Tato Matulagiri»2
nama agamasi ; tattha pi saku«asa;/gho ussanno " ratlin ca diva
ca saddo eko bandho " va ahosi ; thero : "Idaw ihanam na phasu
kan ti " tato Paku/a '^ karamaviharaw nama gate ; so Vawijagam-
assa natiduro naccasanno gamanagamanasampanno vivitto appa-

{') B dhamma. {') B desentassaw. {^) B dhamma. i^) A and B pappaj...
( 5 ) /I and 5 citta. ( <5 ) 5 pariyaya. (7) 5. thagani. (8) A hat pana and
omits dhanam. (9) B has paiia before na. ('°) A omits mayhaw. (") -5
pappaj ( ^) A appayo. ('8) ^ pubbanasamaye. ('•♦) ^ Sayanhe. {}^)A...
sallana. ('*) B Satthusihananaditva. ('7) see text of the Sannultanikaya,
Sa/ayatana, Puwrtovadasutta ed. Feer, Volume IV, page 63. ('") B icceva.
('») A viciyo; ^..gijaciyo. (^°) A agartva. (»») B usjano. (»» bhan to,:
('3) B Paku//za (?)

( 17 )

saddo; thero: " Imaw Mana»« phasukan ti " tattha ratti^Manadiva-
Manacawkamanadlni karetva vasaw upagacchi. Evaw catusu
ihanesu vihasi.

Ath'ekadivasaw tasmiw yeva antovasse pancava«ijakasatani ^t
" Parasamudda;« gacchamati " navaya hhanidRm pakkhipi»?su,
Navarohanadivase therassa kani/Mabhata theraw bhojetva therassa
santike sikkhapadani gahetva vanditva: " Bhante, samuddo nama
asaddheyo '• anekantarayo avajjeyyathati " vatva navaw aruhi.
Nava uttamajavena ^ gacchamana annataraw dipakaw papuwi ;
manussa : " Patarasaw karissamati " dipake utti««a. Tasmiwj
pana dipake afinaw kinci n'atthi, candanavana/w eva ahosi.
Ath'eko vasiya rukkhaw ako^etva lohitacandanabhavazw natva aha:
'' Bho ! mayaw labhatthaya parasamuddaw gacchama, ito ca
uttariw labho nama n'atthi, caturawgulamatta * gha^ika satasahas-
saw agghati, haretabbayuttakaw bha«^aw haretva candanassa
puremati. ^ " Te tatha kariwsu. Candanavane adhivatttha *
amanussa kujjhitva: " Imehi amhakaw; candanavanaw nasitaw
gha/essama ' ne *ti" cintetva, "idh'eva gha^itesu sabba/wekaku-
wapam bhavissati samuddamajjhe nesawnavawosldapessamati ^ "
aha/wsu. Atha tesaw navaw aruyha muhuttaw gatakale yeva
uppa/fika^;^ ^ u/Mapetva sayavz pi te amanussa bhayanakani
rupani dassayi;«su. Bhita manussa attano attano devatanaw
namassanti. Therassa kani^Mo Culapu««o ku/umbiko '" :
Mayhaw bhata avassayo hotuti " therassa namaw saramano a^Masi.
Thero pi kiratasmi/«yevakha«e avajjitva" tesa»« byasanappatiza
fiatva vehasaw/ uppatitva abhimukho a.fthsis\, Amanussa theraw
disva va apakkamiwsu ", uppa^ikaw sannisldi. Thero : " Ma
bhayathati " te assasetva, " kaha»: gantukam'atthati " pucchi.
" Bhante, amhakaw sakaZ/^anaw eva gacchissamati. '3" "Thero
nava«ga«e akkamitva : " " Etesaw icchita^Manaw gacchatuti"
adhi/Masi. Vawija saka^/^anaw gantva taw pavattiw puttadarassa
arocetva : "Etha, theraw sarawam gacchamati" pancasata pi
attano pancahi matugamasatehi saddhiw tisu sara«esu pati//^aya
upasakattaw pa^ivedesuw. Tato navaya hha.ndaim otaretva
therass'ekaw ko^Masaw ^^ katva: " Aya.m, bhante, tumhaka/w

i^)B pawija... (') B asaddvejo... (3) B utta pajagavana (!). (4) B
caturagula, (*) 5 purethati. {^) A .. vztto. C) Aghates... {«) Aand B
osldissamati. (»)yl uppadik... (")^ ku^umpiko. (") B bhav... (") B pakk...
(*3) A gacchamati. (**) B navagawe attametva. (^6) B katthakam.

tiwren^^ ^ ^r%^'

( "8 )

ko/Maso ti" aha'77?u. Thcro: ' Mayhaw y'lsam koffMsa.k\tca.m
fi'atthi : Saltha pana tumhehi di//^apubbo'ti ?" — '" Na di^/Aapubbo,
bhante'ti." — *' Tena hi, imina Satthu maw</alama/aw karotha^
evsim Sattharaw passissathati." Te "Sadhu, bhante'ti" tena
ca ko^/^asena attano ca ko^/-^asehi ma«^alainalaw ksiretum arabhi w-
su. Sattha pi kira araddhakalato pa^Maya paribhogaw akasi.
Arakkhamanussa rattiw obhasaw disva : " Mahesakkha devata
atthiti " sannawi ' kariwsu. Upasaka m^nda.lama\a.n ca bhikkhu-
sa«ghassa caasanani ni//Mpetva danasambharazw sajjetva: " Ka-
tam, bhante, amhehi attano kiccaw, Sattharawz pakkosathati "
therassa arocesuw. Thero sayawhasamaye iddhiya Savatthiw
gantva: " Bhante, Vanijagamavasino tumhe da/Mukama, tesa»z
anukampaw karothati " Bhagavantawz yaci. Bhagava adliivasesi ;
thero saka/Manaw eva paccagato. Bhagava pi Anandathera'«
amantesi: '' Ananda, sve ^ Sunaparante Va^zijagame piwaTaya
carissama ; t\a.m ekQnapa^zcasatanam bhikkhuna/w salakam dehiti."
Thero : " Sadhu, bhante'ti " bhikkhusawghassa ta»z atthaw arocet-
vana ^ va : "carikabhikkha salakaw ga«hantuti " aha. Tarn
divasaw Ku«d?odhanathero paMamam salakaw aggahesi. Va«i-
jagamavasino pi: "Sve kira Sattha agamissati " gamamajjhe
ma.ndaTpa.m katva danaggaw sajjayiwsu. Bhagava pato va sarira-
pa^ijagganawz katva gandhaku/iw pavisitva phalasamapattiw
appetva nisidi. Sakkassa paw^ukambalasilasana/w * unham ahosi.
So: " K'lm idan ti " avajjetva Satthu Sunaparantagamanawz disva
Visukammaw amantesi: "Tata, ajja Bhagava tiwsaniattani
vojanasatani pi«(^acarika?« gamissati ; pancaku/agarasatani mapet-
va Jetavanadvarako/Makamatthake gamanasajjani katva ^hapehl
ti." s So tatha akasi. Bhagavato ku^agaraw catumukhaw/ ahosi,
dvinnaw aggasavakana»« dvimukhani, sesani ekamukhani. Sattha
gandhaku^ito nikkhamma pa^ipa^iya thapitaku/agaresu varaku/a-
garam pavisi ; dve aggasavake adi/« katva ekunapancabhikkhusa-
tani pi panca " ku^agarasatani ahesuw, eka.m tucchazw ku/agaraw
ahosi ; pancaku/agarasatani akase uppatiwsu. Sattha Sacca-
bandhapabbataTW nama patva ku/agara»i akase /hapesi. Tasmiwi
pabbate Saccabandho nama . micchadi/Z^ikatapaSo mahajanaw?
micchadi^Mim uggawhapento labhaggayasaggapatto hutva vasati.
Abbhantare c' assa antoca^iyaw padlpo viya arahattaphalassa

(«) Annam. {') A se. {^) B arocetva navatarikabhikkhu... ga«hantuti.

(4) ...B silasanaJM.

(s) B. thapetiti. v*' ) The two Mss. omi tpanca.

( J9 )

upanissayo jalati. Taw disva : " Dhammaw assa ^ kathpssaml-
tl " gantva dhammawz ^ desesi ; tapaso dcsanapariyosane arahat-
fcaw papuwi, maggcn'ev'assa abhinna agata, ehibhikkhu hutva
iddhimayapattacivaradharo ku/agaraw pavisi. Bhagava ku^agara-
gatehi pancahi bhikkhusatehi saddhiw Vawijagamafw gantva
ku/agarani adissamanakani katva Vawijagamaw pavisi, Va«ija
Buddhapamukhassa sa^^ghassa mahadanaw datva Sattharaw?
Maku/akaramaw nayiwsu ; Sattha ma«^alamala»« pavisi. Maha-
jano : " Yava Sattha ^ gattadarathaw pa/ippassambhetiti * "
patarasaw gantva uposathawgani samadaya bahuw gandhan ca
pupphan ca adaya dhammasavanatthaya aramaw agamasi ; Sattha
dhammaw desesi, mahajanassa bandhana mokkho jato ; mahantaw
Buddhakolahalaw ^ ahosi. Sattha mahajanassa sawgahattha;;; *
sattahaw tatth'eva vasi ; aruwaw pana mahagandhaku^iya;« u//ha-
pesi. Sattahaw pi dhammadesanapariyosane caturasitiya pawa-
sahassanaw dhammabhisamayo ahosi. Tattha sattaha/;/ ^ vasitva
Vawijagame piw^aya caritva : " T\a.m idh'eva vasahiti " Pu««a-
thera/w nivattetva, antare Nammadanadi ^ nama atthi, tassa tira;;e
agamasi. Nammadanagaraja ^ Satthu paccuggamanaw katva
nagabhavanaw pavesetva iinna.m ratananaw sakkaraw? akasi.
Sattha tassa dhamma^w kathetva nagabhavana nikkhami ^° ; so:
" Mayhaw, bhante, paricaritabba;;z dethati " yaci. Bhagava
Nammadanaditlre padacetiyaw dassesi ; taw viclsu agatasu pidhi
yati ^^ gatasu vivariyati mahasakkarappattawt ahosi. Sattha lato
nikkhamitva Saccabandhapabbataw gantva Saccabandhaw aha:
"Taya mahajaro apayamagge otarito ^^, tvaw idh'eva vasitva
etesaw laddhiw ^^ visajjapetva nibbanamagge pati/^hapehlti."
So'pi paricaritabba^/z yaci. Sattha ghana ^* pi^/hipasawe allamat-
tika ^^ piwdfimhi '^ lanchanaw viya padacetiyaw dassessi. Tato
Jetavanaw eva gato. Etaw atthaw sandhaya ; " Ten'evantaravas-
sen'adi " ^^ vutta»z. (Parinibbayiti anupadhisesaya nibbanadha-
tuya parinibbayi) i3. Mahajarto therassa sattadivasani sarlrapQ-
jaw katva bahuni gandhaka/^hani lamodhanetva sarira;« jhapetva
dhatuyo adaya cetiyaw akasi.

(^) 5 dhommassa. (*) B omits dhamma.m. (3)5satta. (*)^ pa^ipas...
( 6) 5...kola alam. (8) 5sa«gah... (7) 5satth'aha;«. (8) 5 Nammada-
nanadl {^) B Nammadananagaraja. (W) B Nnikkhamaw. (11)5 viyati,
(12) i4 otarito. (13) ^ laddhaw. 1^^) A ghanap .. (i^) 5... patti. {^^) B...
piwiamhi.

(17) See the text of the Pu«;Jovadasutta, he. laud, (l*) This belongs to the
commentary on the sutta.

I 20 r

TRANSLATION.

" Ai that time,^ are we told, the reverend Funxxa .... *'
But who was this Pu««a? and why was he desirous to go there? ^
He was a native of Sunaparanta and perceiving that the sojourn
of Savatthi was not suitable ^ to him, he wished to go back to
his country. Here is the regular story.

In a certain merchants' village * in the kingdom of Sunapa-
ranta there lived these two brothers. ^ Sometimes the elder,
taking five hundred carts, would go to the districts and biiiftg
goods ; at other times the younger one would go. Now
on this occasion, the elder brother left the younger one at home,
took five hundred carts and went from district to district so that
in time he reached Savatthi, and made his caravan encamp not
far from the Jetavana. Then having breakfasted, he sat down, sur-
rounded by his retinue, in an agreeable spot. At this moment, the
citizens of Savatthi, after their morning meal, having resolved to
observe the Uposatha precepts were leaving the town by the
southern gate and going to the Jetavana clad all in white, carry-
ing perfumes, flowers and so forth, attracted by an invincible
inclination towards the Buddha, the Doctrine and the assembly of
the Brethren. Pu;/«a saw them, and asked one of them :
"Whither are these going?" " What ! Sir, dost not thou know that
the Three Jewels —the Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Assembly of
the Brethen — have appeared in the world ? These people are going
to the Buddha to hear him preach the Law." The word "Bud-
dha " thrilled ^ him. Surrounded by his retinue he repaired to
the monastery with the congregation and standing behind them,
listened to the master preaching the doctrine ni a sweet voice ;
having heard the doctrine he conceived a desire for the religious
life. When the Tathagata, knowing the moment was come, had
sent back the assembly, Pu««a approached the master and having

(i) In the Sannyutta-nikaya {pf. ed. Feer, Vol. IV, page 60).

(2 ) That is, to Sunaparanta.

(3) For the exercise of Kamma^^/zana, or religious meditation.

(*) Va«ijagama, might also be translated as a proper noun : Hardy, Man*
ual of Buddhism, page 260, translates this word by " the merchant's village."

(^) That is, Mahapu««a, the elder and the hero of the story, and his
brother Cu/apu««a cf. page i.

(6 ) Lit., " pierced his skin and penetrated to the marrow of his bones/'

( 21 >

saluted him, invited him for the morrow. On the next day, he
had a pavilion built wherein he prepared seats, and gave great
offerings to the clergy with Buddha at their head ; then, himself
having finished his morning meal, bound himself to observe the
eight precepts. He then called his treasurer : " So much has been
spent, so much has not been," and he gave him the account of
everything ; "Give this property to my younger brother " ; and he
msde over everything to him, after which, he received ordi-
nation at the master's hands and lost himself in meditation. But
although he devoted himself to it, he did not succeed : then, he
thought, " This country is not favourable to me ; what if I were to
ask for a subject for meditation from the iVIaster and go back to my
country ?" He made his morning tour for food, and, in the even-
ing, rising from his seclusion, approached the Blessed One and
having made him recite a formula for meditation, uttered seven
joyful exclamations and departed. It is why it is said : " At
that tt7ne the reverend Punna .... dwelt." But where did he
dwell ? He dwelt in four places. He first entered the kingdom of
Sunaparanta, went to the Appahata mountain, and entered into the
merchants* village (Va;/ijagama) for his food. His brother recog-
nized him, fed him and told b»m : " Reverend, do not go anywheie
else, but dwell even here," and having made him promise to do so,
he put him up in that place. Thence, he went to the Samuddagiri
(the ocean mountain) monastery, where there was a cloistered walk
marked out by lodestones ; ^ but nobody could walk therein (to
meditate), for the billows, breaking on those stones, made a gre?t
noise. The thera said : " Let this be a pleasant spot for those
given up to meditation " and, by the power of his resolution, he
made the ocean quiet. Thence he repaired to the Matula moun-
tain ; but there, too, were flocks of birds, making a perpetual noise,
night and day ; the thera thought : '' This spot is not suitable," and
he went to the monastery of Paku/aka. This monastery was
neither far from nor near the merchants' village; it was in a retired
spot, quiet, and communications were easy. The thera, think-
ing: "This is a suitable place," had built therein for himself a
cell for the night and one for the day, a covered walk, etc., and

( 1 ) Cf. Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, page 260 ; to these places he gives ihe
names of Mudugiri, Mailigiri and Muluarama.

( 22 )

dwelt there. Thus he lived in four places. ^ Then, one day, in"
that very period of vassa, five hundred traders, intending to cross
the ocean, loaded a ship with goods. On the day of embarking the
thera! s younger brother, having fed the latter and received from'
him the precepts, ^ saluted him : " The ocean, your reverence, is
not to be trusted; it is full of dangers; you should think (of us)."
Having thus spoken he went on board. The ship, going with great
speed, came to a certain island : " Let us prepare breakfast," said
the men and they disembarded on the island. Now, on that island,
there was nothing but a forest of sandal ; one of the traders, having^
struck a tree with an axe and perceiving it was red sandal, said :
" Friends ! w^e cross the seas for the sake of gain ; now, there is no
greater gain then from this, a bit about four inches ^ is worth one
hundred thousand (coins). Let us get rid of all the goods w^e can
and let us make a full cargo of sandalwood." So they did. The-
goblins ? inhabiting the sandal forest were enraged : " Our sandal
forest has been destroyed by these people, let us kill them !" said
they; but they reflected : " If we kill them here, the whole island
will become a charnel house ; let us sink their vessel in mid-ocean."
The traders re-embarked; but after a few moment?, the goblins
caused a storm to rise and shewed themselves to them under fearful
shapes. Terrified, the men worshipped each his tutelary deity.
The thera' s brother, Cu/apu««a the householder, thought : "Let
my brother be my refuge!" and he mentally invoked the thera's
name. At this very moment, the thera, thinking (of the mer-
chants) perceived they were near their ruin ; he rose into the sky
and stood before them. The goblins seeing him, fled. " Do not
fear," said the thera to the traders, and having comforted them,

(^) The whole story, from beginning to end, occupies but one season of vassa
or " rainy season." Mahapuwwa was looking out for a suitable spot, wherein ta
spend, in quiet, the lenten season, as is practised even now-a-da3S, and re-
tired at last near Va«ijagama (the Le-k6« coOOdSSs , of the Burmese!.

(2) It must be understood that he promises the Thera to observe the five
moral precepts or sila, which are binding on all good Buddhists.

(3) Burnouf, Introduction (page 258 or 230), speaks of a Tibetan measure
called pJio ; the Burmese have also a weight, now become obsdete, called po
and equal to five ticals j it is mentioned in the Burmese version of the Vessan-
tarajataha.

(*) a-manussa = non-men.

( 23 )

he enquired whither they desired to go ; they answered : " Reve-
rend Sir, we wish to go to our country." The thera came on deck
and formed the mental resolution — '' Let this ship go where they
desire !" The merchants, having gone back to their country, told
these events to their families: "Come," said they, ''let us take
our refuge in the thera^ ^ " and the five hundred merchants, with
their five hundred wives, having been established in the Three
Refuges, ^ announced they were (now) lay disciples. They then
unloaded the vessel, and off^^-red one share (of the sandal cargo) tO'
the thera^ saying, " Reverend Sir, here is your share." But he
answered, " I have personally no need of a share. But, have yoa
ever seen the Master ? " " No, Reverend Sir, we have never seen
him." "Very well, then, with this share build a pavilion, ^ and
thus, you will see the Master." '' Very well, Reverend," said they,
and with his share and theirs they began building the pavilion^
It is said that, from the time they began to build, the Master took
possession of it. The watchmen, seeing in the night a light,
thought that a powerful god lived there. The lay disciples having
finished the building, arranged seats for the clergy and prepared
the things intended as offerings, apprized the thera that their task
was over and that he should invite the Master. Early in the mor-
ning, the thera{^) went to Savatthi by means of his superhuman
power and begged of the Blessed One: '' Lord, the inhabitants of
Va«ijagama are desirous to see you ; do them this favour." The
Blessed One consented, and the thera came back, and the Blessed
One called the thera Ananda: "Ananda,'^ said he, "to-morrow,
we shall go to Vawijagama in Sunaparanta, for our food, give out
tickets to 499 monks." The thera said : " Even so, Lord " ; and,
having told that matter to the assembled monks, he invited those
that had to come to take their ticket. On that day, the thera
Kuw^odhana took out the first ticket. ^ The inhabitants of Va;?i-
jagama, knowing the Master would come on the morrow, built a

(1) That is, " Let us become Buddhists and the Thera 's disciples."

(2) The Buddha, his Doctrine and the Order.

(3) The 5a/«on says": a monastery. It is supposed still to exist under the
name of Na«-sa-kro« ( ^OODCOqjDSj ), "the sandal monastery."

(■) Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, page 2og, translates: "the priest Suna-
parar.ta," instead of: "the priest of Sunaparanta."

(6) Mere allusion to an incident which is told in extenso in the Divydvaddna.
Burnouf, Introduction (page 260 or 232, note I), tries to find the etymology of

( =4 )

shed in the middle of the village and prepired a hall for the offer-
ings. The Blessed One, having finished his ablutions early in the
morning, entered his room (lit., the Perfumed Chamber) and sat,
meditating deeply on the fruition of the Path. The marble throne
of Sakka (Sanskrit (^akra) became hot- Sakka considered what the
cause was, and, seeing the Master was about to go to Sunapjiranta,
he called Visukamma (Sanskrit Vi^vakarman) : " Dear son, to-day,
the Blessed One will go on a begging tour of thirty and one hundred
yojanas : make five iiundred kiosks and place them, ready to go,
on the portico of the Jetavana. Visukamma did so. The kiosk
of the Blessed One had four entrances, those of the two principal
disciples ^ had two, and the rest one entrance each. The Master
left his room, and, among the kiosks ranged in a line, entered the
most magnificent. Counting the two principal disciples, there
were four hundred and ninty-nine monks and five hundred
kiosks, of which one was empty. The five hundred kiosks rose
into the sky. When the Master arrived at the mountain called
Saccabandha, he stopped his kiosk in the air. On this mountain
lived a religious heretic, known as Saccabandha, who taught

the name : Kuwtfopadhana ; it will be remarked that the pali text calls this
monk simply : Kiiwrfodhana. He is also mentioned (Ekawguttara, Etadagga-
vaggo) as being one of the eighty princpal disciples of the Buddha, and the
commentary on the Eka'jguttara gives, to explain his name, this amusing
story. In a previous existence he had been a Bhuma-devata and committed
certnin faults, the fruits of which he reaped in his subsequent states of exis-
tence ; the commentary goes on :

" Bhumadevata tassa kammassa nissandena ekaw buddhantaram apayato
na muccittha j sace pana kalenakalawz manussattaw agacchati annenakenaci
kato doso tass'eva upari patati. Eso amhakaw Bhagavato kale Sava^^Aiyaw*
brahma«akule nibbatti ; Dhanama«avo'ti tassa nama?n akawisu. So vayappatto
tayobede uggawhitva mahaJIakakale Satthu dhammadesanaw sutva pa/'iladdha-
saddho pabbajitva tassa upasa^wpannadivasato pa^^Aaya eka alawkatapar'iya^-
ta. itthi, tasmiwj gamaw pavisante tena saddhi??i eva gamaw pavisati, nikkham-
ante nikkhamati, viharam pavisante pi pavisatiti, ti^^/iante pi ti«Aati. Evaw nic-
canubandha paiiuayati. Thero taw pana passati, tassa pana purimassa kamm-
assa nissandena upaz!('/zitva (?) game yagubhikkhawdadamana itthiyo : ' Bh-
ante, ayam eko yagu u/u;zko tumhakawz, eko imissa amhakaw sahayikaya'ti '
parihasaw karonti. Therassa mahati vihesa hoti ; viharagataw pi sama«era
c'eva harabhikkhu ca parivaretvS : ' Dhano konio jato'ti ' parihasam karonti.
Ath' assa ten 'eva karawena kow^fodhanathero'ti namaw jataw."

( 1 ) Moggallana and Sariputta.

I ^5 ;)

heretical doctrines to the people ; he enjoyed the best offerings
and the greatest honours ; but in his heart, like a lamp hidden in
a vase, shone his predestination to sanctity. Seeing this (the
Buddha thought): "I will expound the Doctrine to him" and
going, preached a sermon to him. The monk, at the end of this
religious instruction, became a saint, and in the way, ^ obtained the
six supernaturalfaculties, and then, having became a monk accord-
ing to the formula, ^ " Ehi bikkhu," he suddenly found himself
carrying an alms-bowl and wearing robes created by the mira-
culous power of the Buddha ; and he entered into the kiosk. ^
Then, the Blessed One with the five hundred monks in their kiosks,
went towards the merchants' village (Va«ijagama), and having
made the kiosks invisible, entered the village. The merchants,
having given great offerings to the clergy with the Buddha at
their head, took the Master to the Makuia Monastery, and
the Master entered into the pavilion. The people said : " Mean-
while, let the Master rest himself from his bodily fatigue," and
they went to their breakfast; then, they took upon themselves the
performance of the precepts and, loaded with perfumes and flowers,
went to the monastery to listen to the Law. The Master ex-
pounded his Doctrine, and the people were freed from their bonds ;
and there was a great uproar caused by the Buddha's presence.

The master dwelt there for a week, for the people's spiritual
benefit, sitting up in the *' Perfumed Chamber " * till the break of
day. At the close of these seven days' preaching, 84,000 persons
attained to the understanding of the Law. Having (then) dwelt
there for a week, he entered Vawijagama on his begging tour, and,
assigning it to the Thera Pu««a for his residence, left him. On
the way there was a river called Nammada ; he went to the bank
thereof. The king of the Nammada Nagas came forth to meet the
master, took him into the Naga-mansion and did honour to the
Three Jewels- The Master unfolded to him the Doctrine and left
his abode, and the Naga king begged of him ; " Lord, give me

( 1 ) That is, while he was advancing towards the Buddha.

(2) " Ehi,bhikkhu! Come, O mendicant !" This was the usual formula
with which the Buddha received in his Order, the persons desirous of leading
the religious life.

(3) The kiosk which had been kept empty.
(*) Thus was called his private room

Consul of the United Slates ofAuwnca

( 26 )

something that I may honour." ^ The Blessed One impressed *
and left as a relic the mark of his foot on the bank of the river
Nammada. This imprint was covered by the waves at the time of
high water, and uncovered when the water subsided, and it was-
greatly venerated. The Master left this spot, went to the Saccaban-
dha mountain and said to Saccabandha : " Through thee, the people
have entered on the way to perdition ; stay here, make them reject
these false notions and establish them in the way to Nirvana." He,
too, asked of the Master something which he might revere. The
Master imprinted the mark of his foot on the solid, flat rock as
easily as he would have done on a lump of wet clay. Thence, he
went back to the Jetavana.

It is in connection with this matter that it is said : " In this
very season of Lent {Punna) .... attained to parinirva«a." ^
(By these words, it must be understood that he reached that state
wherein no traces remain of the components of corporeal and

(1) To wit ; a relic.

(2) Lit., shewed.

(3) Vide text of the Smnytttta-mkdya already mentioned.

The two sacred foot-prints always were for the people and the kings in the
course of long centuries, a great object of veneration, up to the reign of Cacktn
Cl Su Kyo Tan ( OOC^£sO^CX)Gcq)5cX)6 ). in his time, fervour and
piety seem to have greatly diminished ; for, from this reign, the Shwe-zet-
ia7V (sacred foot-print) was abandoned by degrees, and then completely
forgotten, so that in 1590 A.D., no one in Burma seemed to be aware of the
existence of the sanctified spot, not even the inhabitants of the Minbu District.
This strange neglect is accounted for by the perpetual wars and revoluticns of
this troubled period. The foot-prints were discovered anew, amid quasi-
miraculous circumstances, in the reign of Salvan Man Tara,ODDOg$OCoOOCps
(1629 — 1648). On a certain day, the king, hearing the story of Punna, such
as it is in the PunnovadaUhakatha, which has been given above, ordered infor-
mations to be taken about those foot-prints, but nobody could give any. The
place was overgrown with thick vegetation, and no one remembered having
even heard of them. The king asked the help of the famous bishop To« Bhila
( GOOd6c8oOD ). This bishop is the author of the following works t
Vinaydlankdratikd sac, on the Vinaya ; Atthasdlini u gdthd aphvan, a com-
mentary on the first twenty gdthd of the Atihasdlim ; Sdlvan Man Tard ame
aphyi, answers to king Salvan Man Tara's Questions, and vessantard py6, a
metrical version of the Vessantarajdtaka. He went, accompanied by four
other bishops and twelve monks, in search of the famous foot-prints. The
king gave them, it is said, a guard of five thousand men to protect theni
against the Chins {written Khyaw) and the wild Karens (Karaw r6«,ODQS§£?)..
They left Ava in 1638, carried on red palanguins, went down the
Irrawaddy in boats and landed at Minbu. The four bishops camped under a
large tree, and in the evening recited prayers and texts from the Tipitaka.

( 27 )

mental individuality). The people paid great honours to the
remains of the thera during seven days and, having gathered a large
quantity of fragrant wood, they cremated him, took his relics and
erected a shrine {cetiya, Sanskrit caitya) over them.

To« Bhila recited long passages from the Patthana, one of the Abhidhammd
books and retired to sleep very late. At three in the morning, he had a
dream. A man holding a spear in his hand and followed by a great black
dog, approached him and said : " My Lord, the forests into which you are
going to venture are very extensive and very wild; they swarm wtlh lions,
tigers, panthers and snakes ; why do ycu come here P " The bishop
answered: "We are the disciples of Gotama, the Buddha. We learned
from the commentary on the Sanuyutta-nikaya that the Buddha came to this
region and impressed, at the request of a Ndga and of a hermit, two marks oi
his left foot. These imprints, long adored by the Burmese people, have been,
owing to wars and revolutions, forgotten and have at last disappeared j at least
nobody knows where they are. We have come to look for them." The man
said : " My Lord, follow this black dog wherever he goes," And while he was
still speaking, Ton Bhila awoke, and told his dream to the other bishops. They
took their meal early and entered the forest. And, lo ! before them appeared
the black dog; he conducted them to the banks of the Ma« Kyow, O^gGOlDS
(Nammadanadi), and suddenly disappeared. They crossed the torrent and,
on the bank they saw a Hhilu {yakkha) seated on the trunk of a tree, who
asked them whither they were going; and, on hearing their object, he pointed
out to them, with a nod of his head, the hill whereon were the foot-pritits.
All of a sudden, the guardian-spirit of the hill changed himself into a crow,
and, alighting en the very spot where was the sacred relic, attracted, by his
peculiar cries and cawings, the attention of the bishops. The foot-print on
the summit of the hill was soon discovered, and the bishops, the monks and
the soldiers were lost in profound adoration. During the following night,
To« Bhila again recited the l^atthana., and the spirits of the hills and woods
came around him and listened respectfully. "Who are youl" asked the
bishop, A Nat (spirit) who was sotdpanno (who had entered the First Path)
said : " I am a sotapan (sotdpanno) Nat. " " Hast thou known the Buddha !"
" Yes," said the Nat. " Is my recitation of the Pa^^Mna," asked the
bishop rather vainly, "good? Do I pronounce as the Buddha ?" "Ahem!
One can, with a deal of good will, guess what thou art reciting," answered
the spirit. The pious bishop was incensed; but the Nat soon consoled him
and told him to make the resolution to become a Buddha in times to come; so
did at once To« Bhila. He spread his mantle on the foot-print and said ; " If
it be true that I shall become a Buddha, let the impress of the sacred foot be
apparent on my mantle 1" It is said that his mantle rose into the air in the
form of a heron and, when it came down again, the divine imprint was im-
pressed thereon. The bishop has, since that time, been considered as a
bbdhisatta. They had then to look for the foot-print left on the bank of thfr
stream ; that was easy enough, for it sent forth a bright light. A cetiya (Bur-
mese ceti, GOCO), was erected over each foot-print, which, since that
time, attracts every year thousands of pilgrims from all parts of Burma.
G. B, C. P. O.-No. 360. Secy, 27-11.06-254-R.W.