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NOTES 


ON  THB 


STATE  OF  VIRGINIA. 


WITH  AN 


Appendix. 


By  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


■fMMoaBMai 


KINTH  AMERICAN   EDITTOlf. 


■•<-<>-.S8>4'<^"<>..>« 


BOSTON  : 

hinted  by  H.  Sprague,  No.  44,  Marlboro'  SUett. 
1802. 


3^ 
•Si 


CONTENTS. 

1.  BOUNDARIES  of  Virginia,        -      Pa^t  $ 

2.  Rivers,              -              _         -           -  y 

3.  Sea-ports,         -             -            -           -  23 

4.  Mountains,             -              -             -  24 

5.  Cafcades,         -----  28 

6.  Produiflions  mineral,  vegetable,  and  ani- 

mal,      -  34 

7.  Climate,         -         -         -         -         -  104 

8.  Population,         -         -         -         -         -  116 

9.  Military  force,        -         -         -         -  124 

10.  Marine  force,         -         -          -         -  127 

11.  Aborigines,          -         -         -         -  12S 

12.  Counties  and  towns,         -         -         -  148 

13.  Conftitution,         -         -  .      -         -  150 

14.  Laws,         -----  ijg 

15.  Colleges,  buildings,  and  roads,          -  207 

16.  Proceedings  as  to  tories,  -  -  213 
'*"  17.  Religion,  -  -  -  -  -  215 
'^    18.  Manners,         -----         -  222 

19.  Manufadures,    -        -         -         -         -225 

'     20.  Subjedls  of  commerce,         -         -         -  227 

^    21.  Weights,  meafures  and  money,         -  232 

22.  Public  revenue  and  expences,     -         -  235 

23.  Hiilories,  memorials  and  ftate-papers,  141 
i.                  Appendix,  No.  L         -         -         -  279 

No.  II.     -         -         -  297 

No.  III.         -         -  315 

■  Relative  to  the  murder  of 

I                                       Logan's  family,         -  3 19 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

X  HE  following  Notes  were  v/rit- 
ten  in  Virginia,  in  the  year  1 7  8 1 ,  and  fome- 
what  corrected  and  enlarged  in  the  Winter 
of  1782,  in  anfwer  to  Queries  propofed  to 
the  author,  by  a  foreigner  of  diflinclion, 
then  refiding  among  us.     The  fubjeds  are 
all  treated  imperfectly ;  fome  fcarcely  touch- 
ed on.     To  apolagize  for  this  by  develop- 
ing the  circumitances  of  the  time  and  place 
of  their  compofition,    would  be^-to  open 
wounds  which  have  already  bled  enough. 
To  thefe  circumftances  fome  of  their  imper- 
fections may  with  truth  be  afcribed  ;  the 
great  mafs  to  the  want  of  information,  and 
want  of  talents  in  the  writer.     He  had  a 
few  copies  printed,  which  he  gave  among 
his  friends  :  and  a  tranflation  of  them  has 
been  lately  pubhilied  in  France,  but  with 
fuch  alterations  as  the  laws  of  the  prefs  in 
that    country   rendered  neceifary.     They 
are  now  offered  to  the  public  in  their  ori- 
ginal form  and  language. 

Feb,  27,  1787. 


QUERY  I. 

N  exadl  defcription  of  the  limits  and  bound- 
.  aries  of  the  ftate  of  Firglnia  P 
Virginia  is  bounded  on  the  eaft  by  the  Atlantic  ; 
on  the  north  by  a  line  of  latitude,    croffing  the 
eaftern  fhore  through  Watkins's  pointy  bein^^  about 
37*"  57,  north  latitude ;  from  thence  by  a  llraight 
Ime  to  Cinquac,  near  the  mouth  of  Patowmac ; 
thence  by  the  Patowmac,  which  is  common  to 
Virginia    and   Maryland,  to  the   firft  fountain  of 
its  northern  branch  ;    thence  by  a  meridian  line, 
pafling  through  that  fountain  till  it   interfe(5ts  a 
line  running  eaft  and  wed,  in  latitude  39°.  43'.  42. 
4".  which  divides  Maryland  from   Pennfylvania, 
and  which  was  marked   by  Melfrs.   Malbn  and 
Dixon  ;  thence  by  that  line,  and  a  continuation  of 
it  weftwardly  to  the  completion  of  five  degrees  of 
longitude  from  the  eaftern   boundary  of  Pennfyl- 
vania,  in  the  fame  latitude,  and  thence  by  a  meri- 
dian line  to  the   Ohio  :  on  the  Weft  by  the  Ohio 
and  MiiTifippi,  to  latitude  0,6^,  30'  north :  and  on 
tlie  South  by  the  line  of  latitude  laft  mentioned. 
By  admeafurements   through  nearly  the  w^hole  of 
this  laft  line,  and  fupplying  the  unmeafured  parts 
from  good  data,  the  Atlantic  and  MiiTifippi  are 
found  in  this  latitude  to  be   758   miles  diftant, 
equal  to  30°  38',  of  longitude,  reckoning  55  miles' 
and  3144  feet  to  ths  degree.     This  being  our 


€  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

comprehenfion  of  longitude^  that  of  our  latitude^ 
taken  between  this  and  Mafon  and  Dixon's  line,  is 
3°.  13'.  42.  4".  equal  to  223.3  i^iles,  fuppofmg  a 
degree  of  a  great  circle  to  be  69  ra.  864  f.  as 
computed  by  Caffini.  Thefe  boundaries  include: 
an  area  fomewhat  triangular,  of  121,525  fquare 
miles,  whereof  79,650  lie  weftward  of  the  Alleg- 
haney  mountains,  and  57,034  weftward  of  the  me- 
ridian of  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanliaway. 
This  ftate  is  therefore  one  tliird  larger  than  the 
iflands  of  Great-Britain  and  Ireland,  which  arc 
reckoned  at  88,357  fquare  miles. 

Thefe  limits  refult  from,  i.  The  ancient  char- 
ters from  the  crown  of  England.  2.  The  grant  of 
Maryland  to  the  lord  Baltimore,  and  the  fubfe- 
quent  determinations  of  the  Britiflv  court  as  to 
the  extent  of  that  grant.  3.  The  grant  of  Penn- 
fylvania  to  VvT'illiam  Penn,  and  a  compacfl  between, 
the  general  affemblies  of  the  commonwealths  of 
Virginia  and  Pennfylvania  as  to  the  extent  of  that 
grant.  4.  The  grant  of  Carolina,  and  atflual  lo- 
cation of  its  northern  boundary,  by  confent  of 
both  parties.  5.  The  treaty  of  Paris  of  1763. 
6.  The  confirmation  of  the  charters  of  the  neigh- 
boring ftates  by  the  convention  of  Virginia  at  the 
time  of  conftituting  their  commonwealth.  7.  The 
ceffion  made  by  Firginia  to  Congrefs  of  all  the 
lands  to  which  they  had  title  on  the  north  fide.  o£ 
the  Ohio.. 


QUERY  IL 

A  NOTICE  of  Its  rivers,  rivulets,  and  how  far 
they  are  navigable  ? 

An  infpeftlon  of  a  map  of  Virgmtat  will  give 
a l)etter  idea  of  the  geography  of  Its  rivers,  than 
any  defcription  in  writing.  Their  navigation  may 
be  Imperfe<5tly  noted. 

Roanoke,  fo  far  as  it  lies  within  this  ftate,  is  no 
where  navigable,  but  for  canoes,  or  light  batteaux ; 
and,  even  for  thefe,  in  fuch  detached  parcels  as  to 
have  prevented  the  Inhabitants  from  availing  them- 
felves  of  It  at  all. 

James  Rher,  and  its  waten,  afford  navigation 
as  follows  : 

The  whole  of  Elizabeth  River,  the  lowed  of 
thofe  which  nm  into  James,  River,  is  a  harbor, 
and  would  contain  upwards  of  300  Ihlps.  The 
channel  Is  from  15©  to  300  fathoms  wide,  and  at 
common  flood  tide,  affords  1 8  feet  water  to  Nor- 
folk. The  Strafford,  a  60  gun  fhip,  went  there, 
lightening  herfelf  to  crofs  the  bar  at  SowelPs 
Point.  The  Fier  Rodrigue,  pierced  for  64  guns, 
and  carrying  50,  went  there  without  lightening. 
Craney  illand,  at  the  mouth  of  this  river  conir 
mands  Its  channel  toUerably  well. 

Nanfemond  River  is  navigable  to  ileepy  hole,  for 
veffels  of  250  tons ;  to  Suffolk,  for  thofe  of  loa 
tons  ;  and  to  Milner's  for  thofe  of  25. 

Pagan  creek  affords  8  or  10  feet  water  to  Smitk- 
St\d,  which  admits  veffels  of  20  tons» 


%  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Chichahom'iny  has  at  its  mouth  a  bar,  on  which 
IS  only  1 2  feet  water  at  common  flood  tide.  VeA 
fels  paffing  that  may  go  8  miles  up  the  river  ; 
thofe  of  lo  feet  draught  may  go  four  miles  fur- 
ther, and  thofe  of  fix  tons  burthen,  20  miles  furher. 
Appamattox  may  be  navigated  as  far  as  Broad- 
ways, by  any  vefTel  which  has  croffed  Harrifon's 
bar  in  James'  River  ;  It  keeps  8  or  10  feet  water 
a  mile  or  two  higher  up  to  Fifher's  bar,  and  4 
feet  on  that  and  upwards  to  Peterfburgh,  where  all 
navigation  ceafes. 

James'  River  itfelf  affords  harbor  for  vefiels  of 
any  fize  in  Hampton  road,  but  not  in  fafety 
through  the  whole  winter  ;  and  there  is  navigable 
water  for  them  as  far  as  Mulberry  ifland.  A  40 
gun  fhip  goes  to  James'  town,  and,  lightening  her- 
felf,  may  pafs  to  Harrifon's  bar,  on  which  there  is 
only  15  feet  water.  VefTels  of  250  tons  may  go  to 
Warwick  ;  thofe  of  125  go  to  Rocket's,  a  mile  be- 
low Richmond ;  from  thence  is  about  7  feet  water 
to  Richmond  ;  and  about  the  centre  of  the  town, 
four  feet  and  a  half,  where  the  navigation  is  inter- 
rupted by  falls,  which  in  a  courfe  of  fix  miles,  de- 
fcend  about  80  feet  perpeadicular  :  above  thefe  it 
is  refumed  in  canoes,  and  batteaux,  and  profecut- 
ed  fafely  and  advantageoufly  within  10  miles  of 
the  Blue  Ridge  ;  and  even  through  the  Blue  Ridge 
a  ton  weight  has  been  brought  :  and  the  expence 
would  not  be  great,  w^hen  compared  with  its  ob- 
je(5t,  to  open  a  tolerable  navigation  up  Jackfon's 
river  and  Carpenter's  Creek,  to  within  25  miles 
'  of  Howard's  Creek  of  Green  Briar,  both  of  which 
'  have  then  water  enough  to  float  veflels  into  the 
■  Great    Kanliaway.       In    ibme  future  Hate  of 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  ^ 

population,  I  think  it  pofTible,  that  its  na^ngation 
may  alfo  be  made  to  interlock  with  that  of  the 
Patowmac,  and  through  that  to  communicate  by 
a  fhort  portage  with  the  Ohio.  It  is  to  be  noted, 
that  this  river  is  called  in  the  maps  Ja7nes  River y 
only  to  its  confluence  with  the  Rivanna :  thence 
to  the  Blue  Ridge  it  is  called  the  Fluvanna :  and 
thence  to  its  fource,  Jackfon's  River.  But  in  com- 
mon fpeech,  it  is  called  James  River  to  its  fource. 

The  Rivanna^  a  branch  of  James  River,  is  nav- 
igable for  canoes  and  batteaux  to  its  interfedlon 
with  the  South  Weft  Mountains,  which  is  about 
2  2  miles  ;  and  may  eafily  be  opened  to  navigation 
through  thefe  mountains  to  its  fork  above  Char- 
lottefville. 

Tork  River y  at  York  town,  affords  the  be  ft  har- 
bour in  the  ftate  for  veffels  of  the  largeft  fizc. 
The  river  there  narrows  to  the  width  of  a  mile, 
and  is  contained  within  very  high  banks,  clofe  un- 
der which  the  veffeLs  may  ride.  It  holds  4  fath- 
om water  at  high  tide  for  25  miles  above  York  to 
the  mouth  of  Poropotank,  where  the  river  is  a 
a  mile  and  a  half  wide,  and  the  channel  only  75 
fathom,  and  pafTmg  under  a  high  bank.  At  the 
confluence  of  Pamunkey  and  MaUapony\  it  is  re- 
duced to  3  fathom  depth,  which  continues  up 
Pamunkey  to  Cumberland,  where  the  width  is  ico 
yards,  and  up  Mattapony  to  within  two  miles  of 
Frazer's  ferry,  where  it  becomes  2\  fathom  deep, 
and  holds  that  about  five  miles.  Pamunkey  is 
then  capable  of  navigation  for  loaded  fiats  to 
Brockman's  bridge,  fifty  miles  above  Hannover 
town,  and  Mattapony  to  Downer's  bridge,  7® 
miles  above  its  mouth. 
B 


to  NOTES  ON  VIRGiNiA. 

PiarJ:atanh,  the  little  rivers  making  out  of 
Mchjack  Bay  and  tliofe  of  the  Eajlern  JJmre.,  re- 
ceive only  very  fmall  vefTels,  and  thefe  can  but 
enter  them. 

Rappahannrich  affords  4  fathom  water  to  Hcbb's 
hole,  and  2  fathom  from  thence  to  Fredericklburg; 

Patoivmac  is  7^  miles  wide  at  the  mouth  ;  4I 
at  Nomiony  bay  ;  3  at  Aquia  ;  i-|  at  Halooing 
point;  1 4  at  Alexandria.  Its  foundings  are,  7 
fatliom  at  the  mouth  ;  5  at  St.  George's  ifland  j 
4I  at  Lower  Matchodlc  ;  3  at  Sv/an's  point,  and 
thence  up  to  Alexandria  ;  thence  10  feet  water  to 
the  falls,  v/hich  are  13  miles  above  AlexaAdria. 
Thefe  falls  are  1 5  miles  in  length,  and  of  very- 
great  defcent,  and  the  navigation  above  them  for 
batteaux  and  canoes,  is  fo  much  Interrupted  as  to 
be  little  ufed.  It  is,  however,  ufed  in  a  fm.all  de- 
gree up  the  Cohongoronta  brancli  as  far  as  Fort 
Cumberland,  which  was  at  the  miouth  of  Wills's 
creek  ;  and  isndcapable,  at  no  great  expenfe,  of  be- 


ing rendered  '^ry  pra.61:icable.  The  Shenandoah 
branch,  interlocks  with  James*riyer  about  the  Blue 
Ridge,  and  may  perhaps  in  future  be  opened. 

The  M'lffiftppi  will  be  one  of  the  principal  chan- 
nels of  future  com^merce  for  the  country  weftward 
of  the  Alleghaney.  From  the  m.outh  of  this  rivet 
to  where  it  receives  the  Ohio,  is  icoo  miles  by 
water,  but  only  500  by  land,  paffing  through  the 
Chickafaw  country.  P'rom  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio 
to  that  of  the  Miflouri,  is  230  miles  by  water,  and 
14c  by  land.  From  thence  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinciis  river,  is  about  25  miles.  The  MifTilippi, 
belov/  the  mouth  of  tlie  Miirouri,  Is  always  mud- 
dy and  abounding  with  find  bars;,  v,'hich  frequent- 
ly change  their  places.     However,  it  curries  15 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  n 

feet  water  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  to  which 
place  it  is  from  one  and  a  half  to  two  miles  wide, 
and  thence  to  Kafliaikia  from  one  mile  to  a  mile 
and  a  quarter  wide.     Its  current  is  fo  rapid,  that 
it  never  can  be  flemmed  by  the  force  of  the  wind 
alone,  acting  on  fails.     Any  veffel,  however,  nav- 
igated v/ith  oars,  may  come  up  at  any  time,  and 
receive  much  aid  from  the  wind.     A  batteau  paf- 
fes  from  the  m.outh  of  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  JMif- 
fifippi  in  three  weeks,   and   is   from  two  to  three 
months   getting   up    again.      During   its    floods, 
which  are  periodical  as  thofe  of  the  Nile,  the  larg- 
cft  veiTeis  may  pafs  down   it,  if  their  fteerage  can 
be  infured.     Thefe  floods  begin  in  April,  and  the 
river  returns  into  its  banks  early  in  Auguft.     The 
inundation  extends  further  on   the  weiiern  than 
eadern  fide,  covering  the  lands  in  fome  places  for 
50  miles  from  its  banks.     Above  the  mouth  ot 
the  Millburi,  it  becomes  much  fuch  a  river  as  the 
Ohio,  like  it  clear,   and  gentle   in  its ,  current,  not 
quite  fo  wide,  the  period  of  its  floods  nearly  the 
lam.e,  but  not  rifmg  to  fo  great  a  height.     The 
ftreets  of  the  village  at  Cohoes  are  not  more  than 
1,0  feet  above  the  ordinary  level  of  the  water,  and 
yet  were  never  overflowed.     Its  bed  deepens  eve- 
ry year.     Cohoes,  in  the  memory  of  many  people 
now  living,  was  infulated   by  every  flood  of  the 
river.     What  was  the  eaftern  channel  has  now  be- 
come a  lake,  9  miles  in  length  and  one  in  width, 
into  which  the  river  at  this  day  never  flows.    This 
river  yields  turtle  of  a  peculiar  kind,  perch,  trout, 
gar,  pike,  mullets,  herrings,  carp,  fpatula-filli  of 
5olb,  weight,   cat-fiili   of  loolb.   weight,  buifalo- 
afn,  and  fturgeon.     Aligators  or  crocodiles  have 
l)eea-feen  as  Ugh  up  as  tae  Acanfas,    Jt  alio  a- 


if  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

bounds  in  herons,  cranes,  ducks,  brants,  geefe,  and 
fwans.  Its  pafTage  is  commanded  by  a  fort  eftab- 
liflied  by  this  ftate,  five  miles  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Ohio,  and  ten  miles  above  the  Carolina  boun- 
dary. The  Miflcuri,  imce  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the 
Illinois  and  northern  branches  of  the  Ohio,  fmce 
the  ceiTion  to  Congrefs,  are  no  longer  within  our 
limits.  Yet  having  been  fo  heretofore,  and  ftill 
openino^  to  us  channels  of  extenfive  communica- 
tion With  the  weftern  and  north-weitern  country, 
they  (hall  be  noted  in  their  order. 

The  Mifoiiri  is,  in  fiift,  the  principal  river,  con- 
tributing^ more  to  the  common  ftream  than  does 
the  Mifiifippi,  even  after  its  jundion  with  the  Illi- 
nois. It  is  remarkably  cold,  muddy,  and  rapid. 
Its  overflowings  are  confiderable.  They  happen 
during  the  months  of  June  and  July.  Their  com- 
mencem.ent  being  {o  much  later  than  thofe  of  the 
Miffifippi,  would  induce  a  belief  that  the  fources 
of  the'lvlilTouri  are  northward  of  thofe  of  the  Mif- 
fifippi, unlefs  we  fuppofe  that  the  cold  increafes^  a- 
f^mn  with  the  afcent  of  the  land  from  the  Miffifip- 
pi weftwardly.  That  this  afcent  is  great,  is  prov- 
ed by  the  rapidity  of  the  river.  Six  miles  above 
the  mouth  it  is  brouglit  within  the  compafs  of  a 
quarter  of  a  mile's  width  :  yet  the  Spanifh  mer- 
chants at  Pancore,  or  St.  Louis,  fay  they  go  two 
thoufands  miles  up  it.  It  heads  far  waRward  of 
the  Rio  Norte,  or  North  River.  There  is,  in 
the  villages  of  Kafkaikia,  Cohoes  and  St.  Vin- 
cennes,  no  inconfiderabJe  quantity  of  plate,  faid 
to  have  b^en  plundered  during  the  iaft  war 
by  the  Indians  from  the  churches  and  private 
hou  es  of  Santa  Fe,  on  the  North  River,  and 
brought  to  thefe   villages  for  iale.      From  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  13 

jriouth  of  Ohio  to  Santa  Fe  are  forty  days  journey, 
or  about  1 000  miles.  What  is  the  fhorteft  dif. 
tance  between  the  navigable  waters  of  the  MiiTouri, 
and  thofe  of  the  North  River,  or  how  far  this  is 
navigable  above  Santa  Fe,  I  could  never  learn. 
From  Santa  Fe  to  its  mouth  in  the  Gulph  of  Mex- 
ico is  about  1200  miles.  The  road  from  New- 
Orleans  to  Mexico  crOiTes  this  river  at  the  poft  of 
Rio  Norte,  800  miles  below  Santa  Fe :  and  from 
this  poll  to  New  Orleans  is  about  1 200  miles : 
thus  making  2000  miles  between  Santa  Fe  and 
New  Orleans,  pafling  down  the  North  River,  Red 
River  and  Miffifippi  ;  whereas  it  is  2230  through 
the  Miflburi  and  Miilifippi.  From  the  fame  poft 
of  Rio  Norte,  pafiing  near  the  mines  of  La  Sierra 
and  Laiguana,  which  are  between  the  North  Riv- 
er and  the  river  Salina  to  Sartilla,  is  375  miles  : 
and  from  thence  pafhng  the  mines  of  Charcas. 
Zaccatecas  and  Potofi,  to  the  city  of  Mexico  is 
575  miles  ;  in  all,  1550  miles  from  Santa  Fe  to 
the  city  cf  Mexico.  From  New  Orleans  to  the 
city  of  Mexico  is  about  1950  miles  :  the  roads,  af- 
ter fetting  out  from  the  Red  River,  near  Natchi- 
toches, keeping  generally  parallel  with  the  coaft, 
and  about  two  hundred  miles  from  it,  till  it  enters 
the  city  of  Mexico. 

The  irinois  is  a  fine  river,  clear,  gentle,  and 
without  rapids  ;  infomuch  that  it  is  navigable  for 
batteaux  to  its  fource.  From  thence  is  a  portage 
of  two  miles  only  to  the  Chickago,  which  affords 
a  betteau  navigation  of  16  miles  to  its  entrance 
into  lake  Michigan.  The  Illinois,  about  ten 
miles  above  its  m.outh,  is  300  yards  wide. 

The  Kafiafk'm  is  ico  yards  wide  at  its  entrance 
into  the  MifTifippi;  aud  preferves  that  breadth  t© 


^4 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


the  BuiFalo  plains,  70  miles  above.  So  far  alio  It 
is  navigable  for  loaded  bateaux,  and  perhaps  much, 
further.     It  is  not  rapid. 

The  Ohio  is  the  moft  beautiful  river  on  earth. 
Its  current  gentle,  waters  clear,  and  bofom  fmooth 
and  unbroken  by  rocks  and  rapids,  a  fmgle  in- 
ftance  snly  excepted. 

It  is  a  -f^  of  a  mile  wide  at  Fort  Pitt : 

500  yards  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanliaway  : 

I  Mile  and  25  poles  at  Louifville  : 

•|-  Of  a  mile  on  the  rapids,  three  or  four  miles 
fcelow  Louifville : 

\  A  mile  where  the  low  countiy  begins,  which 
is  20  miles  above  Green  River  : 

i^  At  the  receipt  of  the  Taniflee  : 
-  And  a  mile  wide  at  the  mouth. 

Its  length,  as  meafured  according  to  its  mean- 
ders by  Capt.  Hutchins,  is  as  follows ; 
•  From  Fort  Pitt. 


To  Log's  Town 


i8i 


Big  Beaver  Creek     io-| 
Little  Beaver  Creek  1 3^ 
III 

2T  1- 

3 


Yellow  Creek 
Two  Creeks 
Long-  Reach 
En'd  Long  Reach 
Mufkingum 
iJttle  Kanhaway 
Hockhoekino- 
Great  Kanhaway 
Guiandot 
Sandy  Creek 
Sicto 


i6i 


I2t 
16 

Hi 


Little  Miami 
Licking  Creek 
Great  Miami 
Bio;  Bones 
Kentucky 
Rapids 

LovsT  Country. 
Buffalo  River 
Wabalh 
Big  Cave 
Shawanee  River 
Cherokee 
MafTac 


48J     Milii%i 


Miles, 
8 

32i 
44t 
77t 

64t 

97t 
42i 

II 

46 

Ji88 


KOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  15 

In  common  winter  and  fpring  tides  it  affords 
15  feet  water  to  Louifville,  10  feet  to  Le  Tarte's 
rapids,  40  miles -above  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kan- 
haway,  and  a  fuSiciency  at  ail  times  for  light  bat- 
teaux  and  canoes  to  Fort  Pitt.     The  rapids  are  ill 
latitude  58*^  8'.     The    inundations  of  this   river 
begin  about  the  laft  of  March,  and  fubfide  in  Ju- 
ly.    During  thefe  a  firil;  rate  man  of  war  may  be 
canied  from   Louifville  to    New  Orleans,   if  the 
fudden  turns  of  the  river  and  the  ftrength  of  its 
current  will  admit  a  fafe  fteerage.     The  rapids  at 
Louifville  defcend  about  30  feet   in  a  length  of  a 
mile  and  a  half.     The  bed  of  the  river  there  is  a 
folid  rock,  and  is  divided   by   an   ifland   into  two 
branches,   the   fouthern    of  which   is  about   200 
yards  wide,  and  is  dry  four  months  in  the  year. 
The  bed  of  the  northern  branch  is  worn  into  chan- 
nels by  the  conliant  courfe  of  the  water,  and  attri- 
tion of  the  pebble  ftones  carried  on  with  that,  fo  as 
to  be  pafTable  for  batteaux,  through  the  greater 
part  of  the  year.     Yet  it  is  thought  that  the  fouth- 
ern arm  m.ay  be  the  moft  eafily  opened  for  con- 
ftant  navigation.     The  rifi;  cf  the  v."aters  in  thefe 
rapids  does  not  exceed  10  or  12  feet.     A  part  of 
this  ifland  is  fo  high  as  to  have  been  never  over- 
flowed, and  to  command  the  fettlement  at  Louif- 
ville, which  is  oppofite  to  it.     The  fort,  how^ever, 
is  fituated  at  the  head  of  the  falls.     The  ground 
on  the  fouth  fide  rifes  very  gradually.     The  Tan- 
ijfee,  Cherokee  or  Hogohege  River  is   600  yards 
wide  at  its  mouth,  -|  of  a  mile  at   the  mouth  of 
Holfton,   and  200  yards  at  Chotee,   which  is  20 
miles  above   Holfton,  and  300   miles   above  the 
mouth  of  the  Tanifi'ee.     This   river    croiles  the 
fouthern  boundary  of  Virginia,  58  miles  from  the 


i6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

Miffifippi.  Its  current  is  moderate.  It  is  naviga- 
ble for  loaded  boats  of  any  burthen  to  the  Mufcle 
fhoals,  where  the  river  pafTes  through  the  Cum- 
berland mountain.  Thefe  Ihoals  are  6  or  8  miles 
long,  pafTable  downwards  for  loaded  canoes,  but 
not  upwards,  unlefs  there  be  a  fwell  in  the  river. 
Above  thefe  the  navigation  for  loaded  canoes  and 
batteaux  continues  to  the  Long  ifland.  This  riv- 
er has  its  inundations  alfo.  Above  the  Chickam- 
ogga  towns  is  a  whirlpool  called  the  Sucking-pot, 
which  takes  in  trunks  of  trees  or  boats,  and  throws 
them  out  again  half  a  mile  below.  It  is  avoided 
by  keeping  very  clofe  to  the  bank,  on  the  foutli 
fide.  There  are  but  a  few  miles  portage  between 
a  branch  of  this  river  and  the  navigable  waters  of 
the  river  Mobile,  which  runs  into  the  Gulph  of 
Mexico. 

Oumherlandy  or  Shawanee  River,  interfe6ts  the 
boundary  between  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, 
67  miles  from  the  Miffifippi,  and  again  198  miles 
from  the  fame  river,  a  little  above  the  entrance  of 
of  Obey's  River  into  the  Cumberland.  Its  clear 
fork  crofTes  the  fame  boundary  about  300  miles 
from  the  Miffifippi.  Cumberland  is  a  very  gentle 
ftream,  navigable  for  loaded  batteaux  800  miles, 
without  interruption  ;  then  intervene  fome  rapids 
of  1 5  miles  in  length,  after  which  it  is  again  navi- 
gable 70  miles  upwards,  which  brings  you  within 
I  o  miles  of  the  Cumberland  mountains.  It  is  a- 
bout  120  yards  wide  through  its  whole  courfe, 
from  the  head  of  its  navigation  to  its  mouth. 

The  Wabafo  is  a  very  beautiful  river,  400  yards 
wide  at  the  mouth,  and  300  at  St.  Vincennes* 
w^hich  is  a  poft  100  miles  above  the  mouth,  in  a 
direa  line.    Within  this  fpace  there  are  two  fmall 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  17 

rapids,  which  give  very  little  obiliTi(5>ion  to  the 
navigation.  It  is  400  yards  wide  at  the  mouth, 
and  navigable  30  leagues  upwards  for  canoes  and 
fmall  boats.  From  the  mouth  of  Maple  River  to 
that  of  Eel  River  is  about  80  miles  in  a  direft 
line,  the  river  continuing  navigable,  and  from  one 
to  two  hundred  yards  in  width.  The  Eel  River 
is  150  yards  wide,  and. affords  at  all  times  naviga- 
tion for  periaguas,  to  within  18  miles  of  the  Mi- 
ami of  the  lake.  The  Wabafh,  from, the  mouth  of 
Eel  River  to  Little  River,  a  diilance  of  50  m.iles 
diresft,  is  interrupted  with  frequent  rapids  and 
fhoals,  which  obftrudt  the  navigation,  except  in  a 
fwell.  Little  River  affords  navigation  during  a 
fwell  to  within  3  miles  of  the  Miami,  which 
thence  affords  a  fimilar  navigation  into  Lake  Erie, 
I  DO  miles  diftant  in  a  dired  line.  The  Wabaili 
overflows  periodically  in  correfpondence  with  the 
Ohio,  and  in  fome  plarces  two  leagues  from  its 
banks. 

Greeri  River  is  navigable  for  loaded  batteaux  at 
all  times  50  miles  upwards  ;  but  it  is  then  inter- 
rupted by  impaffible  rapids,  above  which  the  navi- 
gation again  commences,  and  continues  good  33 
or  40  miles  to  the  mouth  of  Barren  River. 

Kentucky  River  is  90  yards  wide  at  the  mouthy 
and  alfo  at  Boonlborough,  80  miles  above.  It 
affords  a  navigation  for  loaded  batteaux  1 80  miles 
in  a  dlre(5t  line,  in  the  winter  tides. 

The  Great  Miajni  of  the  Ohio,  is  200  yards  wide 
at  the  mouth.  At  the  Piccawee  towns,  75  miles 
above,  it  is  reduced  to  30  yards ;  it  is  neverthe- 
lefs,  navigable  for  loaded  canoes  50  miles  above 
thefe  towns.  The  portage  from  its  weftern  branch 
into  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie,  is  5  miles  j  that 
C 


L$  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

from  its  eaflern  branch  into  Sandulky  River,  is  of 
9  miles. 

Salt  River  is  at  all  times  navigable  for  loaded 
batteaux  70  or  80  miles.  It  is  80  yards  "wide  at 
its  mouth,  and  keeps  that  width  to  its  fork,  25 
miles  above. 

The  Link  Miami  of  the  Ohio,  is  60  or  70  yards 
wide  at  its  mouth,  60  miles  to  its  fource,  and  af- 
fords no  navigation. 

The  Sioto  is  250  yards  wide  at  its  mouth, 
which  is  in  latitude  38^  22'.  and  at  the  Salthck 
towns,  200  miles  above  the  mouth,  it  is  yet  ico 
yards  wide.  To  thefe  towns  it  is  navigable  for 
loaded  batteaux,  and  its  eailern  branch  affords 
navigation  almotl  to  its  fource. 

Great  Sandy  River  is  about  fixtY  yards  wide, 
and  navigable  fixty  miles  for  loaded  batteaux. 

Guiandot  is  about  the  width  of  the  river  lad 
mentioned,  biit  is  more  r^id.  It  may  be  navi» 
gated  by  canoes  60  miles. 

The  Great  Kanhaivay  is  a  river  of  confiderable 
note  for  the  fertility  of  its  lands,  and  ftill  niore,  as 
leading  towards  the  head  waters  of  James  River. 
Neverthelefs,  it  is  doubtful  whether  its  great  and 
numerous  rapids  v/ill  admit  a  navigation,  but  at  an 
expence  to  which  it  will  require  ages  to  render  its 
inhabitants  equal.  The  great  obftacles  begin  at 
what  are  called  the  Great  Falls,  90  miles  above  the 
mouth,  below  which  are  only  five  or  fix  rapids,  and 
thefe  paffable,  with  fome  difficulty,  even  at  low  wa- 
ter. Froni  die  falls  to  the  mouth  of  Greenbriar  is 
100  miles,  and  thence  to  the  lead  mines  120.  It  is 
280  yards  wide  at  its  mouth. 

Hockhocking  is  80  yards  wide  at  its  mouth,  and 
yields  navigation  for  loaded  batteax  to  the  Prefs- 
place,  60  miles  above  its  mouth. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  j^ 

The  Liltl'e  Kanhaivay  is  150  yards  wide  at  the 
mouth.  It  yields  a  navigation  of  10  miles  only. 
Perhaps  its  nortliern  branch,  called  Junius's  Creek, 
%vhich  interlocks  with  the  weftern  of  Mononguhela, 
may  one  day  admit  a  fhorter  pafiage  from  the  lat- 
ter into  the  Ohio. 

The  Mvju'w^mn  is  280  yards  wide  at  its  mouth, 
and  200  yards  at  the  lower  Indian  towns,  150 
mues  upwards.  It  is  navigable  for  fmall  batteaux 
to  within  one  mile  of  a  navigable  part  of  Caya.- 
hoga  River,  which  runs  into  Lake  Erie. 

At  Fort  Pitt  the  River  Ohio  lofes  its  name, 
branching  into  the  Monongaheia  and  Allghaney. 

Tlie  Monongaheia  is  400  yards  wide  at  its 
i':>rath.  From  thence  is  12  or  15  miles  to  the 
anouth  of  Yohoganey,  where  it  is  300  yards  wide. 
Thence  to  Rcditone  by  wat-er  is  50  miles,  by  land 
•50.  Then  to  the  mouth  of  Cheat  River  by  wa- 
iter 40  miles,  by  land  28,  the  wid:h  continuing  at 
300  yards,  and  the  navigation  good  for  boats. 
Thence  the  width  is  about  200  yards  to  the  Weil- 
era  Fork,  50  miles  higher,  and  the  navigation 
frequently  interrupted  by  rapids,  which  however 
with  a  fwell  of  two  or  three  feet  become  very  paf- 
fable  for  boats.  It  then  adm.its  light  boats,  ex- 
cept in  dry  feafons,  6^  miles  further  to  the  head 
of  Tygart's  Valley,  prefenting  only  fome  fmall 
rapids  and  falls  of  one  or  two  feet  perpendicular, 
and  ie/rening  in  its  Vv^idth  to  20  yards.  The  Wef- 
tern Fork  is  navigable  in  the  winter  10  or  15 
miles  towards  the  northern  of  the  Little  Kanha- 
way,  and  -will  admit  a  eood  was:2:on  road  to  it. 
xlie  I  ohoganey  is  tne  prmcipal  branch  of  this  river. 
It  paifes  through  the  Laurel  mountain,  about  30 
iniles  from  its  mouth;  is  fo  far  from  300  £0  150 


■V.O  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

yards  wide,  and  the  navigation  much  obftrutfled 
in  dry  weather  by  rapids  and  fhoals.  In  its  paf- 
icXgc  through  the  mountain  it  makes  very  great 
falls,  admitting  no  navigation  for  lo  miles  to  die 
Turkey  Foot.  Thence  to  the  Great  Croffing, 
about  20  miles,  it  is  again  navigable,  except  in 
dry  feafons,  and  at  this  place  is  200  yards  wide. 
'The  fources  of  this  river  are  divided  from  thofe 
of  the  Patowmac,  by  the  Alleghany  mountain. 
From  the  falls,  where  it  interfeds  the  Laurel 
mountain,  to  Fort  Cumberland,  the  head  of  the 
navigation  on  the  Patowmac,  is  40  miles  of  very 
mountainous  road.  Wills's  Creek,  at  the  mouth 
of  which  was  Fort  Cumberland,  is  30  or  40  yards 
wide,  but  affords  no  navigation  as  yet.  Cheat 
River,  another  confiderable  branch  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  is  200  yards  wide  at  its  mouth,  and  100 
yards  at  the  Durdard's  fettlement,  50  miles  high- 
er. It  is  navigable  for  boats,  except  in  dry  fea- 
fons. The  boundary  between  Virginia  and  Penn- 
fj'lvania  croffes  it  about  3  or  4  miles  above  its 
mouth. 

The  AUeghaney  River,  with  a  flight  fwell,  af- 
fords navigation  for  light  batteaux  to  Venango, 
at  the  m.outh  of  French  Creek,  where  it  is  200 
yards  wide  ;  and  it  is  pradlifed  even  to  Le  Boeuf, 
from  whence  there  is  a  portage  of  15  miles  to 
Prefque  ifle  on  Lake  Erie.^ 

The  country  watered  by  the  Miffifippi  and  its 
eaftern  branches,  conftitutes  five-eighths  of  the 
United  States,  two  of  which  five-eighths  are  occu- 
pcid  by  the  Ohio  and  its  waters  :  the  refiduary 
ilreams  v/hich  run  into  the  Gulph  of  Mexico,  the 
Atlantic,  and  the  »St.  Lawrence,  water  tlie  re- 
maining three-eighths. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  21 

Before  we  quit  the  fubje^fl  of  the  weftern  wa- 
ters, we  will  take  a  view  of  their  principal  con- 
nexions with  the  Atlantic.  Thefe  are  three  :  the 
Hudfon's  River,  the  Patowmac,  and  the  Miffifip- 
pi,  itfelf.  Down  the  lail  will  pafs  all  heavy  com- 
modities. But  the  navigation  through  the  Guij)h 
of  Mexico  is  fo  dangerous,  and  that  up  the  Miffi- 
fippi  fo  difficult  and  tedious,  that  it  is  thought 
probable  that  European  merchandize  wiil  not  re- 
turn through  that  channel.  It  is  moft  likely  that 
flour,  timber,  and  other  heavy  articles  will  be 
floated  on  rafts,  w^hich  will  themfelves  be  an  arti- 
cle for  fale  as  well  as  their  loading,  the  naviga- 
tors returning  by  land  or  in  light  batteaux.  There 
will  therefore  be  a  competition  between  the  Hud- 
fon  and  Patowmac  rivers  for  the  refidue  of  the 
commerce  of  all  the  country  weflward  of  Lake 
Erie,  on  the  waters  of  the  lakes  of  the  Ohio  and 
upper  parts  of  the  Miffifippi.  To  go  to  New- 
York,  that  part  of  the  trade  which  comes  from  the 
lakes  or  their  waters  muft  firft  be  brought  into 
Lake  Erie.  Between  Lake  Superior  and  its  wa- 
ters, and  Huron,  are  the  rapids  of  St.  Mary, 
which  wiil  permit  boats  to  pafs,  but  not  larger  vef- 
fels.  Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan  afford  commu- 
nication with  Lake  Erie  by  veffels  of  8  feet  draft. 
That  part  of  the  trade  which  comes  from  the  wa- 
ters of  the  Miffifippi  muft  pafs  from  them  through 
feme  portage  into  the  waters  of  the  lakes.  The 
portage  from  the  Illinois  River  into  a  water  of 
Michigan  is  of  one  mile  only.  From  the  Wabafh,, 
Miami,  Mufkingum,  or  Alleghaney,  are  portages 
into  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie,  of  from  one  to  1 5 
miles.  When  the  commodities  are  brought  into, 
and  have  pailed  through  Lake  Eric,  there  is  be- 


k'2  NOTES  ■  OK  ^^IPvGINIA; 

tX^ecSl  tliat  and  Ontario  an  interrurt'on  by'tlic 
^alls  ot  Niagara,  where  the  portage  is  or  o  niUes  ; 
and  betvreen  Ontario,  and  the  Hudfcn's '!<,••  vcr 
are  portages  at  the  falls  of"  Onondago,  a  little  a- 
bove  OiVv.'go,  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile  ;  fro>?i'Wood 
Creek  to  the  Mohawks  River  two  miles  ;  ac  the 
little  falls  of  the  Mohawks  River  half  a  rnile^  and 
from  Schenecflady  to  Alban}-  i6  miles.  Befides 
the  increafe  of  expence  occafioned  by  ficqtient 
changes  of  carriage,  there  is  an  increafed  riilt  of 
pillage  produced  b}'-  Cf>mrQitting  merchandize  to 
a  greater  number  of  lianas  iuccefilvely.  The  I'.i- 
to"v\'mac  offers  itfelf  under  the  following  cirtumi 
Itances*  ~  For  trade  of  the  lakes  and  theix  wa'jers 
weltward  of  Lake  Erie,  v/hen  it  ihall  have  eniier- 
ed  that  lake,  ic  muii:  coafi  along  its  fouthern  Ihore, 
on  account  of  the  niimbei-  and  excellence  of  its 
har]:)Oui's ;  the  noithern,  though  fhortefl^  having 
few  harbours,  and  thefc  miiafe.  Having  reached 
Cayahoga,  to  proceed  on  to  New- York  it  will  have 
825  miles  and  five  portages  ;  whereas  it  is  but 
425  miles  to  Alexandria,  its  emporium  on  the  Pa- 
tov/mac,  if  it  turns  mto  the  Cayahoga,  and  paffes 
through  that,  Birbcaver,  Ohio,  Yohoganey,  (or 
Monongahela  and  Cheat)  and  Patowrnac,  and 
there  are  but  two  portages  ;  the  iirft  of  which  be- 
tween. Cayahoga  and  Beaver  may  be  removed  by 
uaiti'ig  the  fcurccs  of  thefe  waters,  •which  are 
lakes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  each  other,  and  in  a 
campaign  country  ;  the  other  from  the  waters  of 
Ohio  to  ratowmac  will  be  from  15  to  40  miles, 
according  to  the  trouble  which  fhall  be  taken  to 
apprO'jch  the  two  navigations.  For  the  trade  of 
the  Ohio,  or  that  which  fnall  conie  i-.):o  it  ironl 
its  own  waters  or  the  Miillfippi,  it  is  liv^aitv  through' 


NOTES  ON  VIR.GINIA.  23 

tlic  Patowmac  to  Alexandria,  than  to  New- York 
by  580  miles,  and  it  is  interrupted  by  one  pcrtaga 
only.     There  is  another  circumftance  of -diiFerence 
too.     The  lakes  themfelves  never  freeze,  but  the 
communications   between   tliem   freeze,  and  the 
Hudfon's  River  is  itfelf  fnut  up  by  the   ice  three 
months  in  the  year  ;  whereas  the   channel   to  the 
Chefapeak  leads .  direclly  into  a  warmer  climate. 
The  fouthern  parts  of  it  very  rarely  freeze  at  all 
and  whenever  the  northern  do,   it  is  fo  near  the 
fources  of  the  rivers,  that  the   frequent  floods  to 
which  they  are  there  liable,  break  up  the  ice  im- 
mediately, fo  that  veffels  may  pafs  throufyh  the 
whole  v/inter,  fubje^  only  to  accidental  and  ihort 
delays.  ^    Add  to  all  this,  that  in  cafe  of  a  war  with 
our  neighbours,  the  Anglo-Americans  or  the  In- 
dians, the  route  to   New-York'  becomes  a  frontier 
through  almoft   its  whole  length,    and  all  com- 
merce through  it  ceafes  from  that  moment.     But 
the   channel  to   New- York  is   already    kno\ra  to 
pradlice  ;  whereas  the  upper  w^aters  of  the  Ohia 
and  the  Patowmac,  and  the  great  falls  of  the  lat- 
ter are  yet  to  be  cleared  of  their  fixed  6briruc- 
tions.     (A.) 


qUEARY  IIL 

NOTICE  of  the  bed  Sea  Ports  of  the  ftate, 
Jr\.  and  how  big  are  the  veffels  they  can  re- 
ceive  r 


24  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Having  no  ports  but  our  rivers  and  creeks,  this 
^eary  has  been  anfwered  under  the  preceding 
one. 


QUEARY  IV. 

NOTICE  of  its  Mountains  P 


A 


For  the  particular  geography  of  our  mountains 
I  muft  refer  to  Fry  and  Jefevfon's  map  of  Vir- 
ginia ;  and  to  Evan's  analy  fis  of  his  ^  map  of  A- 
merica,  for  a  more  philofophical  view  of  them 
than  is  to  be  found  in  any  other  work.  It  is  v/or- 
thy  notice,  that  our  mountains  are  not  folitary  and 
fcattered  confufedly  over  the  face  of  the  country  ; 
but  that  they  commence  at  about  150  miles  from 
the  fea-coaft,  are  difpofed  in  ridges  one  behind 
another,  running  nearly  parallel  with  the  fea-coaft, 
though  rather  approaching  as  they  advance  north- 
eaftwardly.  To  the  fouth-weft,  as  the  traft  of 
country  between  the  fea-coafl  and  the  Miffifippi 
becomes  narrower,  the  mouniains  converge  mto  a 
fmgle  ridge,  which,  as  it  approaches  theGulphof 
Mexico,  fubfides  into  plain  country,  and  gives  rife 
to  fome  of  the  waters  of  that  Gulph,  and  particu- 
larly to  a  river  called  the  Apalachicola,  probably 
from  the  Apalachles,  an  Indian  nation  formerly 
refiding  on  it.  Hence  the  mountains  giving  rife 
to  the  river,  and  feen  from  its  various  parts,  were 
called  the.  Apalachiau  mountains,  being  in  fa^  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  25 

end  or  termination  only  of  the  great  ridges  paf- 
ilng  through  the  continent.  European  geogra- 
phers however  extended  the  name  northwardly  as 
far  as  the  mountains  extended  ;  feme  giving  it, 
after  their  feparation  into  different  ridges,  to  the 
Blue  ridge,  others  to  the  North  mountain,  others 
to  the  Alleghaney,  others  to  the  Laurel  ridge,  as 
may  be  feen  in  their  different  maps.  But  the  fad 
I  believe  is,  that  none  of  thefe  ridges  welre  ever 
known  by  that  name  to  the  inhabitants,  either  na- 
tive or  emigrant,  but  as  they  faw  them  fo  called 
in  European  maps.  In  the  fame  direciion  gener- 
ally are  the  veins  of  lime-lione,  coal,  and  other 
minerals  hitherto  difcovered  :  and  fo  range  the 
falls  of  our  great  rivers.  But  the  couiies  of  the 
great  rivers  are  at  right  angles  with  thefe.  James 
and  Patowmac  penetrate  through  all  the  ridges 
of  mxountains  eaftward  of  the  Alleghaney  ;  that 
is  broken  by  no  v/ater  courfe.  It  is  in  fad:  the 
fpine  of  the  country  between  the  Atlantic  on  one 
fide,  and  the  Miffifippi  and  St.  Lawrence  on  the! 
other.  The  paflage  of  the  Patowmac  through 
the  Blue  ridge  is  perhaps  one  of  the  mod  ftupen- 
dous  fcenes  in  nature.  You  Pcand  on  a  very  high 
point  of  land.  On  your  right  comes  up  the  She- 
nandoah, having  ranged  along  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  an  hundred  miles  to  feek  a  vent.  On 
your  left  approaches  the  Patowmac,  in  quell  of  a 
paflage  alfo.  In  the  mioment  of  their  junction 
they  rufh  together  againft  the  mountain,  rend  it 
afunder,  and  pafs  off  to  the  fea.  The  firft  glance 
of  this  fcene  hurries  our  fenfes  into  the  opinion^ 
that  this  earth  has  been  created  in  time,  that  the 
mountains  were  formed  firft,  that  the  rivers  began 
;to  iiow  afterwards,  that  in  this  place  particularly 
D 


26  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. ' 

they  have  been  dammed  up  by  the  Blue  ridge  of 
mountains,  and  have  formed  an  ocean  which  fil- 
led the  whole  valley  ;  tliat  continuing  to  rife  they 
have  at  length  broken  over  at  this  foot,  and  have 
torn  the  mountain   down  from  its  fummit  to  its 
bafe.      The  piles  of  rock  on  each  hand,  but  parti- 
cularly on  the  Shenandoah,  the  evident  marks  of 
their  difrupture  and  avulfion   form  their  beds  by 
the  mod  powerful  agents  of  nature,  corroborate 
the  im^preifion.     But  the  diftant  finifning  which 
nature  has  given  to  the  pidure,  is  of  a  very  differ- 
ent chara6ler.     It  is  a  true   contrail   to  the  fore- 
ground.    It  is  as  placid  and  delightful,  as  that  is 
wald  and  tremendous.     For  the   mountain  being 
cloven  afunder,  ihe  prefents  to  your  eye,  through 
the  cleft,  a  fmall  catch  of  fmooth  blue  horizon,  at 
■  an  infinite  diflance   in  the  plain  country,  inviting 
you  as  it  were,  from  the  riot  and  tumult  roaring 
around,  to  pafs  through  the  breach  and  participate 
of  the  calm  below.     Here  the  eye  ultimately  com- 
pofes  itfelf ;  and  that  way  too  the  road  happens 
adually  to  lead.     You  crofs  the  Patowmac  above 
the  junction,  pafs  along  its   fide  through  the  bafe 
of  the  mountain  for  three  miles,  its  terrible  preci- 
pices hanging  in  fragments  over  you,   and  withni 
about  2oVules  reach  Fredericktown,  and  the  fine 
country   round  that.     This  fcene  is  vrorth  a  voy- 
ag:e   acrois   the   Atlantic.     Yet   here,    as   in   the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Natural  Bridge,  are  people 
who  have   paifed   their  lives  within  half  a  dozen 
miles,  and  have  never  been  to  furvey  thefe  monu- 
ments of  a  war   between   rivers  and   m.ountains, 
vrhich  mufe  have   ihaken  the    earth    itfelf  to  its 
centre.     (B.) 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  2^ 

-  The  height  of  our  mountains  has  not  yet  been 
cftlmated  with  any  degree  of  exactnefs.  The  Al~ 
leghaney  being  the  great  ridge  which  divides  the 
waters  of  the  Atlantic  from  thofe  of  the  Mlffifip- 
pi,  its  fummit  is  doubtlefs  more  elevated  above  the 
ocean  than  that  of  any  other  mountain.  But  its 
relative  height,  compared  vrith  the  bafe  on  which 
it  ftands,  is  not  fo  great  as  that  of  fome  others, 
the  country  rifinp-  behind  the  fuccellive  ridges  like 
the  ilcps  of  (lairs.  The  mountains  of  the  Blue 
ridge,  and  of  thefe  the  Peaks  of  Otter  are  thought 
to  be  of  a  greater  height,  meafured  from  their 
bafe,  than  any  others  in  our  country,  and  perhaps 
in  North  America.  From  data,  which  may  found 
a  tolerable  conjc6lure,  we  fuppofe  the  higheft 
peak  to  be  about  4000  feet  perpendicular,  which 
is  not  a  fifth  part  of  the  height  of  the  m,ountains 
of  South  America,  nor  one  third  of  the  helglit 
which  would  be  necellary  in  our  latitude  to  pre- 
ferve  ice  in  the  open  air  unmelted  through  the 
year.  The  ridge  of  mountains  next  beyond  the 
Blue  ridge,  called  by  us  the  North  mountain,  is 
of  the  greateft  extent ;  for  which  reafon  they  were 
named  by  the  Indians  tlie  Endlefs  mountains. 

A  fubftance,  fuppofed  to  be  pumice,  found 
■floating  on  the  Mlffifippi,  has  induced  a  conjecture, 
that  there  is  a  volcano  on  fom,e  of  its  v/aters : 
and  as  thefe  are  moilly  known  to  their  fources, 
except  the  MilTourl,  cur  expectations  of  verifying 
the  conjecture  would  of  courfe  be  led  to  the  moun- 
tains which  divide  the  waters  of  the  Mexican 
Gulph  from  thofe  of  the  South  Sea ;  but  no  vol- 
cano having  ever  yet  been  known  at  fuch  a  dlf- 
tance  from  the  fea,  we  muft  rather  fuppofe  that 
this  floating  fubftance  has-been  erroneonfly  deem- 
ed pumice. 


jjMnaaaumauMJij^iui'^nuMS'mma^jmiasi 


QUERY  V, 

TS  Cafcades  and  Caverns  ? 

The  only  remarkable  Cafcade  in  tliis  country,,  \ 
is  that  of  the  Falling  Spring  in  Augiifta.  It  is 
a  water  of  James'  River,  where  it  is  called  Jack- 
Ibn's  River,  rifing  in  the  w^arm  fpring  mountains, 
about  twenty  miles  fouth  weft  of  the  warm  fpring, 
and  flowing  into  that  valley.  About  three  quar- 
ters of  a  mile  from  its  fource,  it  falls  over  a  rock 
200  feet  into  the  valley  below.  The  Iheet  of  wa- 
ter is  broken  in  its  breadth  by  the  rock  in  two  or 
three  places,  but  not  at  all  in  its  height.  Between 
the  fheet  and  rock,  at  the  bottom,  you  may  walk 
acrofs  dry.  This  cataract  will  bear  no  com.pari- 
foii  with  that  of  Niagara,  as  to  the  quantity  of 
water  compofmg  it  ;  the  Iheet  being  only  12  or  15 
feet  wide  above,  and  fomcwhat  more  ipread  be- 
low ;  but  it  is  half  as  high  again,  the  latter  being 
only  156  feet,  according  to  the  menfuration  made 
by  order  of  M.  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Canada, 
and  130  according  to  a  more  recent  account. 

in  the  lime-ftone  country,  there  are  many  ca- 
verns of  very  confiderable  extent.  The  moft  not- 
ed is  called  Madifon's  Cave,  and  Is  on  the  nortli 
iide  of  the  Blue  ridge,  near  the  interfe<5}:ion  of  the 
Rockingham  and  Augufta  line  with  the  fouth 
fork  of  the  fouthern  river  of  Shenandoah.  It  is 
m.  a  hill  of  about  200-  feet  perpendicular  height. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  25 

the  afcent  of  which,  on  one  fide,  is  fo  fteep,  that  you 
may  pitch  a  bifcuit  from  its  fummit  into  the  river 
which  waihes  its  bafe.  The  entrace  of  tlie  cave 
is,  in  this  fide,  about  two  thirds  of  the  way  up. 
It  extends  into  the  earth  about  300  feet,  branch- 
mg  into  fubordinate  caverns,  fometimes  afcending 
a  httle,  but  more  generally  defcending,  and  at 
length  terminates,  in  tw^o  different  places,  at  ba- 
fons  of  water  of  unknown  extent,  and  which  I 
fhould  judge  to  be  nearly  on  a  level  with  the  wa- 
ter of  the  river  ;  however,  I  do  not  think  they  are 
formed  by  refluent  water  from  that,  becaufe  they 
are  never  turbid ;  becaufe  they  do  net  rife  and 
fall  in  correfpondence  with  that  in  times  of  flood, 
or  of  drought ;  and  becaufe  the  water  is  always 
cool.  It  is  probably  one  of  the  many  refervoirs 
with  which  the  interior  parts  of  the  earth  are  fup- 
pofed  to  abound,  and  w^hich  yield  fupplies  to  the 
fountains  of  water,  didinguiflied  from  others  only 
by  its  being  acceflible.  The  vault  of  this  cave  is 
of  fohd  lime-ftone,  from  20  to  40  or  50  feet  high, 
through  which  water  is  continually  percolating. 
This,  trickling  down  the  fides  of  the  cave,  has  in- 
crufted  them  over  in  the  form  of  elegant  drapery  ; 
and  dripping  from  the  top  of  the  vault  generates 
on  that,  and  on  the  bafe  below,  ftaladites  of  a 
conical  form,  fome  of  -which  have  met,  and  form- 
ed mafllve  columns. 


5© 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


•J5 


►<5 


Is. 


*:^ 


«<5 

5^ 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  51 

Another  of  thefe  caves  Is  near  the  North  moun- 
tahi,  m  the  county  of  Frederick,  on  the  lands  of 
Mr.  Zane.  The  entrance  hito  this  is  on  the  top 
of  an  extenfive  ridge.  You  defcend  30  or  40 
feet,  as  into  a  well,  from  whence  the  cave  then 
extends,  nearly  hori/.ontally,  400  feet  into  the 
earth,  preferving  a  breadth  of  from  20  to  50  feet, 
and  a  height  of  from  5  to  12  feet.  After  enter- 
ing this  cave  a  few  feet,  the  mercury,  which  in 
the  open  air  was  at  50'*  rofe  to  57*^  of  Farenheit's 
thermometre,  anfwering  to  11^  of  Reaumur's, 
and  it  continued  at  that  to  the  remoteft  parts  of 
the  cave.  The  uniform  temperature  of  the  cel- 
lars of  the  obfervatory  of  Paiis,  which  are  90  feet 
deep,  and  of  all  fubterraneous  cavities  of  any 
depth,  where  no  chymical  agents  may  be  fiippof- 
ed  to  produce  a  faftitious  heat,  has  been  found  to 
be  10*^  of  Reaumur,  equal  to  54^^  30'  of  Farenheit. 
The  temperature  of  the  cave  above  mentioned  fo 
nearly  correfponds  with  this,  that  the'  difference 
may  be  afcribed  to  a  diiference  of  inftruments. 

At  the  Panther  gap,  in  the  ridge  which  divides 
the  waters  of  the  Cow  and  Calf  pafture,  is  Vv'hat 
is  called  the  Blowing  cave.  It  is  in  the  fide  of  a 
hill,  is  of  about  100  feet  diameter,  and  emits  con- 
ftantly  a  current  of  air,  of  fuch  force,  as  to  keep 
the  Vv^eeds  proftrate  to  the  diftance  of  twenty  yards 
before  it.  This  current  is  ftrongefl:  in  dry,  frofty 
weather,  and  in  long  fpells  of  rain  weakeft.  Re- 
gular infpirations  and  expirations  of  air,  by  cav- 
erns and  filfures,  have  been  probably  enough  ac- 
counted for,  by  fuppofmg  them  combined  with 
intermitting  fountains  ;  as  they  muil  of  courfe  in- 
hale air  while  their  refervoirs  are  emptying  them- 
felvesj  and  again  emit  it  while  tliey  are  filling. 


52  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

But  a  conftant  iffue  of  air,  only  varying  in  its 
force  as  the  weather  is  dryer  or  damper,  will  re- 
quire a  new  hypothecs.  There  is  another  blow- 
ing cave  in  the  Cumberland  mountain,  about  a 
mile  from  where  it  crofTes  the  Carolina  line.  All 
we  knov;  of  this  is,  that  it  is  not  conftant,  and 
that  a  fountain  of  water  iffues  from  it. 

The  Natural  Bridge,   the  moft  fubhme  of  na- 
ture's works,  though  not  comprehended  under  the 
prefent  head,  mud  not  be  pretermitted.     It  is  on 
the  afcent  of  a  hill,  which  feems  to   have  been 
■cloven  through  its  length  by  fome  great  convul- 
fion.     The  filfure,  juft  at  the  bridge,  is,  by  fome 
admeafurements,   270  feet  deep,  by  others  only 
205."    It  is  about  45  feet  wide  at  the  bottom,  and 
-90  feet  at  the  top  ;  this  of  courfe   determines  the 
length  of  the  bridge,  and  its  height  from  the  wa- 
ter.    Its  breadth  in  the  middle,  is  about  60  feet, 
but  more  at   the   ends,  and   the   thicknefs  of  the 
mafs,  at  the   fummit  of  the   arch,  about  40  feet. 
A  part  of  this  thicknefs  is   conftituted  by  a  coat 
of  earth,  which  gives  growth  to  many  large  trees. 
The  refidue,   with  the   hill  on  both  fides,   is  one 
folid  rock  of  lime-ftone.     The  arch  appoaches  the 
femi-elliptical   form  ;  but  the   larger  axis   of  the 
ellipfis,  which  would  be  the  chord  of  the  arch,  is 
many  times  longer  than  the  tranfverfe.     Though 
the  fides  of  this  bridge  are  provided  in  fome  parts 
with  a  parapet  of  fixed  rocks,  yet  few  men  have 
the  refolution  to  walk  to  them,  and  look  over  into 
the    abyfs.       You    involuntarily    fall   upon   your 
hands  and  feet,  creep  to  the  parapet, _  and  peep  o- 
ver  it.     Looking  down  from  this  height  about  a 
minute,   gave    me   a   violent  head -ache.     If  the 
•'Yiev/  from  the  top  be  painful  and  intolerable,  that 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  33 

from  below  is  delightful  in  ?.n  equal  extreme.  It  is 
impoflible  for  the  emotions  arifmg  from  thefublime, 
to  be  felt  beyond  what  they  are  here  :  fo  beau- 
tiful an  arch,  fo  elevated,  Co  light,  and  fpringing 
as  it  were  up  to  heaven  !  the  rapture  of  the  fpec- 
tator  is  really  indefcribable  !  The  filfure  continu- 
ing narrow,  deep,  and  ftreight,  for  a  confiderable 
diilance  above  and  below  the  bridge,  opens  a  fliort 
but  very  pleafmg  view  of  the  North  mountain  on 
one  fide,  and  Blue  ridge  on  the  other,  at  the  dif- 
tance  each  of  them  of  about  live  miles.  This 
bridge  is  in  the  county  of  Rockbridge,  to  which  it 
has  given  name,  and  affords  a  public  and  commo- 
dious paffage  over  a  valley,  which  cannot  be  crof- 
fed  elfewhere  for  a  confiderable  diftance.  The 
ftream  paffing  under  it  is  called  Cedar  creek.  It 
is  a  water  of  James's  River,  and  fufficient  in  the 
dryeft  feafons  to  turn  a  griil-mill,  though  its  foun- 
tain is  not  more  than  two  miles  above.* 


*  Don  Ulloa  mentions  a  break, fim'dar  to  this.  In  the 
province  of  Angare%,  in  South  America.  It  is  from  16 
to  2  2  feet  ivide,  1 1 1  feet  deep,  and  of  i.  ^  miles  con- 
tinuance, EngUJh  meafure.  lis  breadth  at  top  is  not 
fenftbly  greater  than  at  bottom.  But' the  folloiving  fad. 
is  rew.arhahle,  and  will  furnijh  fame  U^t  for  conjeBur- 
ing  the  probable  origin  of  our  natu rah  bridge.  *•  Efla 
eaxa,  0  cauce  efca  cortada  en  pena'^viva  con  tanta pre- 
cifion,  que  las  defgualdades  del  un  laclo  entr antes,  corref 
pondsn  a  las  del  otro  lado  falientes,  como  ft  aquella  altu- 
rafe  hiibiefe  abierto  exprefamente,  con  fus  bueltas  y  tor- 
iuofidades,  para  dark  tranfifo  a  los  aguas  por  entre  loz 
dos  murallones  que  la  forman  ;  fiendo  talfu  igualdad, 
quefi  illegafen  a  juntarfe  fe  endentarian  uno  con  otro  fin 
deicar  hueco,'     Not.  Jmer.  II.  §  lo,    .  Don  IJUoa  in* 


QUEP.Y  VL 

NOTICE  of  the  mines  and  other  fiibterra- 
^  neous  riches ;  its  trees,  plants,  fruits,  &c.  ^ 
I  knew  a  fmgle  inllance  of  gold   found  hi  thi^ 

■  flate.     It  was  interfperfed  in  fmall  fpecks  through 

dines  to  the  opinion,   that  this  channel,  has  h'ien  efeUeH 
by  the  nvearlng  of  the  ivater  -zvhich  rv.ns  through  k,  ra- 

■  ther  than  that  the  mountain  fiould  have  been  broken  open 

by  any  ccnvulfion  of  nature.      But  if  it  had  been  ivorn 

by  the  running  of  r^vater,   would  net  the   rocks  which 

form  the  fides,  ha-ve  been  worn  plane  ?  or  if,  meeting  in 

■fome  parts  with   -veins  of  harder  f  one,  the  water  had 

left  prominences  on  the  one  fide,  would  not  the  fame  caufi 
havefometimes,  or  iyerhaps  gener'ally,  occafoned  promi- 
nences  on  the  other  fide  alfo  ?  Yet  Don  UUoa  tells  lis, 
that  on  the  other  fide  there  are  always  correfponding 
cavities,  and  that  thefe  tally  with  the  prominences  fa  per- 
fealv,ihal,  ^oere  the  two  fides  to  come  together,  ihey 
wovld  nt  in  all  their  indentures,  withmt  having  any  -void. 
I  think  that  this  does  not  refeihble  the  eff^B  of  running 
water,  out  looks  rather  as  if  the  two  Jules  had  parted 
af under..     The  fides  of  the  break,  over  which , is  ihe-ncit- 

■  -ufoi' bridge  of  Virginia,  conJyTmg  of  a  veiny  rock  which 
fields  to  hme,  the  correjpondence  between  the  fdient  and, 
''j-.interlug  inequalities,  if  it  exlfied  at  all,  has  now  dif- 
aP^ycarecL  -"fbls  break  has  the  advantage  of  the  one 
d^fcrihed  by.-Don  UUoa  in  its fnrj  circwrf lance ;  no 
portion  in  iha.t  jrjlance  having  held  togrther,  during  the 

:fepara!^on  of  the  other  parts,  fo  as  to  f.rm  a  bridge  <- 
over  the  abyfs. 


NOTES-ON  VIRGINIA.  55 

a  liirhn  of  ore,  of  about  four  pouiuis  weight, 
wliich  vielded  feventeen  pemivweie-lit  of  G'cid,  of 
extraordinary  dii-flility.  This  ore  \vas  found  on 
the  nortli  fide  of  liappiJiannoc,  about  four  miles 
beiow  the  falls,  I  never  heard  of  any  other  indi- 
jcation  of  gold  in  its  neighbourhood. 

On  the  Great  Kanhaway,  opponte  the  mouth 
of  Cripple  creek,  and  about  twenty  five  miles 
from  our  foutheiTi  boundary,  in  the  county  of 
Montgomery,  are  mines  of  lead.-  The  metal 
is  mixed,  ibmetimes  with  eartli,  and  fometimes 
with  rock,  which  requires  the  force  of  gunpowder 
to  Oj^^n  it  ;  and  is  accompanied  with  a  portion  of 
filver,  too  fmall  to  be  worth  feparation  under  any 
proceis  hitherto  attempted  there.  The  proportion 
yielded  is  from  50  to  8olb.  of  pure  metal  from 
icolb.  of  walhed  ore.  The  moll:  common  is  that 
of  {Jo  to  the  loclb.  The  veins  are  at  fometimes 
mopL  flattering  ;  at  others  they  difapear  fuddenly 
and  tot.^ily.  They  enter  the  fide  of  the  hill,  and 
proceed  horizontally.  Tvv^o  of  them  are  wrought 
at  prefent  by  the  public,  the  beft  of  which  is  100 
.  yards  inider  the  hill.  Thefe  would  employ  about 
50  labourers  to  aavanta^'e.  We  liave  not,  hovr- 
cver,  more  than  30  generally,  and  thefe  cultivate 
their  own  corn.  They  have  produced  60  tons  o{ 
lead  in  the  year  ;  but:  the  general  quantity  is  from 
20  to  25  tons.  The  prefent  furnace  is  a  mile 
from  the  ore  bank,  and  on  the  oppofite  fide  of  the 
river.  The  ore  is  firft  wao--a:oned  to  the  river,  a 
quarter  of  a  mile,  then  laden  on  board  of  canoes, 
and  carried  acrofs  the  river,  v/hicli  is  there  about 
200  yards  wide,  and  then  again  taken  into  wag- 
gons and  carried  to  the  furnace.  This  mode  was 
originally. adopted,  that  they  might  avail  them- 


36  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

felves  of  a  good  fituation  on  a  creek,  for  a  pound- 
ing mill :'  but  it  would  be  eafy  to  have  the  fur- 
nace and  pounding  mill  on  the  fame  fide  of  the 
river,  which  would  yield  water,  without  any  dam, 
by  a  canal  of  about  half  a  mile  in  length.  From 
the  furnace  the  lead  is  tranfported  130  miles 
alone-  a  good  road,  leading  through  the  peaks  of 
Otter  to  Lynch's  ferry,  or  Winfton's,  on  James' 
River,  from  whence  it  is  carried  by  water  about 
the  fame  diftance  to  Weftham.  This  land  car- 
riage may  be  greatly  fhortened,  by  delivering  tlie 
lead  on  James'  River,  above  the  Blue  ridge,  from 
v/hence  a  ton  weight  has  been  brought  on  two  ca- 
noes. The  Great  Kanhaway  has  confiderable 
fulls  in  the  neidibourhood  of  the  mines.  About 
feYQW  miles  below  are  three  falls,  of  three  or  four 
feet  perpendicular  each  ;  and  three  miles  above  is 
a  rapid  of  three  miles  continuance,  which  has 
been  compared  in  its  defcent  to  the  great  falls  of 
James'  River.  Yet  it  is  the  opinion,  that  thej 
may  be  laid  open  for  ufeful  navigation,  fo  as  to 
reduce  very  much  the  portage  between  the  Kan- 
haway and  James'  River. 

A  valuable  lead  mine  is  faid  to  have  been  late- 
ly difcovered  in  Cumberland,  below  the  mouth  of 
Red  River.  The  greateft,  however,  known  in  the 
weftern  country,  are  on  the  Tviiffifippi,  extending 
from  the  mouth  of  Rock  River  1 50  miles  upwards. 
Thcfe  are  not  wrought,  the  lead  ufed  in  that 
country  being  from  the  banks  on  the  Spanifh  fide 
«f  the  Miffifippi,  oppofite  to  Kaficailvia. 

A  mine  of  copper  was  once  opened  in  the 
county  of  A  mherft,  on  the  north  fide  of  James' 
River,  and  another  in  the  oppofite  country,  on 
the  fouth  fit!e.     iiQ\>ever,  either  from  bad  maa- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  57 

agement  or  the  poverty  of  the  veins,  they  were 
difcontmued.  We  are  told  of  a  rich  mine  of  na- 
tive copper  on  the  Oubache,  below  the  upper 
Wiaw. 

The  mines  of  iron  worked  at  prefent  are  Calla- 
way's, Rofs's,  and  Ballendine's,  on  the  fouth  fide 
of  James's  River  ;  Old's  on  the  north  fide,  in  Al- 
bemarle ;  Miller's  in  Augufta,  and  Zane's  in  Fred- 
eric. Thefe  two  laft  are  in  the  valley  betv/een 
the  Blue  ridge  and  North  mountain.  Callaway's, 
Rofs's,  Miller's,  and  Zane's,  make  about  150  tons 
of  bar  iron  each,  in  the  year.  Rofs'  makes  alfo 
about  1600  tons  of  pig  iron  annually;  Ballen- 
dine's I  coo  ;  Callaway's,  Miller's,  and  Zane's  a- 
bout  600  each.  Befides  thefe,  a  forge  of  Mr. 
Hunter's,  at  Frederickfburg,  makes  about  300 
tons  a  year  of  bar  iron,  from  pigs  imported  from 
Maryland  ;  and  Taylor's  forge  on  Neapfco  of  Pa- 
towmac,  works  in  the  fame  way,  but  to  what  ex- 
tent I  am  not  informed.  The  indications  of  iron 
ui  other  places  are  numerous,  and  difperfed 
through  all  the  middle  country.  The  toughnefs 
of  the  caft  iron  of  Rofs's  and  Zane's  furnace  is 
very  remarkable.  Pots  and  other  utenfils,  caft 
thinner  than  ufual,  of  this  iron,  may  be  fafely 
thrown  into,  or  out  of  the  waggons  in  which  they 
are  tranfported.  Salt-pans  made  of  the  fame, 
and  no  longer  wanted  for  that  purpofe,  cannot  be 
broken  up,  in  order  to  be  melted  again,  unlels 
previoufiy  drilled  in  many  parts. 

In  the  weftern  country,  we  are  told  of  iron 
mines  between  the  Mufkingum  and  Ohio  ;  of  oth- 
ers on  Kentucky,  between  the  Cumberland  and 
Barren  rivers,  between  Cumberland  and  TanifTee, 
&n  Reedy  creek,  near  the  Long  iiland,  and  on 


33  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Chefnut  creek,  a  branch  of  the  Great  Kanhaway, 
near  v/here  it  crofies  the  Carolina  Hne.  What  are 
called  the  iron  banks  on  the  Miillfippi,  are  believ- 
ed, -by,  a  good  judge,  to  have  no  iron  in  them. 
In  general,  from  what  is  hitherto  kno-=Aii  of  that 
country,  it  feems  to  want  ii-on. 

Condderable  quantities  of  black  lead  are  taken 
occauonally  for  ufe  from  Winterham,  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Amelia.  I  am  not  able,  however,  to  give  a 
particular  Rate  of  the  mine.  There  is  no  work 
cftabliilred  at  it  ;  thofe  who  want,  going  and  pro- 
curing it  for  themfelves. 

The  country  on  James'  River,  from  15  to  20 
miles  above  Richmond,  and  for  f^^veral  miles 
northward  and  foutmyard,'  is  replete  with  mineral 
coal  of  a  very  excellent  quality.  Being  in  the 
hands  of  many  proprietors,  pitts  have  been  open- 
ed, and,,  before  the  interruption  of  our  ccmm.erce, 
were  y/orked  to  an  extent  equal  to  the  demand. 

In  the  v/eftern  country'  coal  is  known  to  be  in 
fo  many  places,  as  to  have- induced  an  ophiicn, 
that  the  whole  tra^l  betv.-een  the  Laurel  moun- 
tains, Miillfippi,  and  Ohio,  yields  coal.  It  is  alfo 
knov/n  in  many  places  on  the  north  fide  of  the 
Ohio. — The  coal  at  Pittsburg  is  of  very -fuperior 
quality.  A  bed  of  it  at  that  place  has  been  a-fire 
fmce  the  year  1765;.  Another  coal  hill  on  the 
pike-run  of  the  Monongahela  has  been  a-lire  ten 
years  ;  yet  it  has  burnt  away  about  tv.'enty  yards 
only. 

I  have  known  one  inflance  of  an  emerald  found 
in  this  country.  AmethiPcs  have  been  f-equent, 
and  cryPials  common  ;' yet  not  in  fuch  numbers 
any  of  them  as  to  be  worth  feeklng. 

There  is  very  good  marble,  and^n  very  great 
abundance,   en  Jai'nes'    River,   at  the  mouth  of 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  ^i) 

Rockfifh.  The  famples  I  have  feen,  ^vere  fome 
of  them  of  a  white  as  pure  as  one  might  expeft  to 
find  on  the  furface  of  the  earth  :  but  moft  of  them 
were  variegated  with  red,  blue,  and  purple. 
None  of  it  has  been  ever  worked.  It  forms  a  ve- 
ry large  precipice,  v.-hich  hangs  over  a  navigable 
part  of  the  river.  It  is  faid  there  is  marble  at 
Kentucky. 

But  one  vein  of  lime-ftone  Is  knov»-n  below  the 
Blue  ridge.  Its  firil;  appearance,  in  our  country, 
is  in  Prince'  William,  two  miles  below  the  pig-nut 
ridge  of  mountains  ;  thence  it  pafTes  on  nearly 
parallel  with  that,  and  croiTes  the  Rivanna  about 
five  miles  below  i^  where  it  is  called  the  South- 
Weft  ridge.  It  then  crofTss  Hard-ware,  above 
the  mouth  of  Hudfon's  creek,  James  River  at  the 
mcuth  of  Rocknfii,  at  the  marble  quarry  before 
fpcken  of,  proba.bly  runs  up  the  river  to  where  it 
appears  af>-ain  at  Rofs's  iron-works,  and  fo  pafTes 
oil  fouthweflwardly  by  Flat  creek  of  Otter  river. 
It  is  never  more  than  one  hundred  yards  wide. 
From  the  Blue  ridge  v/eftwardly,  the  whole  coun- 
try feems  to  be  founded  on  a  rock  of  lime-iloiie, 
bcfidcs  infinite  quantities  on  the  fiirface,  both  loofe 
and  fixed.  This  is  cut  into  beds,  which  range,  as 
the  mountains  and  fea-coafl:  do,  from  foutliwefl 
to  north-eaft,  the  lamiina  of  each  bfd  declining 
from  the  horizon  towards  a  paralleliihi  with  the 
axis  of  the  earth.  Being  R;ruck  with  this  obferva- 
tion,  I  made,  with  a  quadrant,  a  great  number  ol 
trials  on  the  angles  of  their  declination,  and  found  - 
them  to  vary  from  22''  to  60^  ;  but  averaging  all 
my  trials,  the  refult  was  within  one  third  of  a  de- 
gree of  the  elevation  of  the  pole  or  latitude  of  the 
place,  and  much  the  greateft  part  of  them  taken 


4©  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

feparately  were  little  difFerent  from  that  :  hj 
which  it  appears,  that  thefe  lamina  are,  in  the 
main  parallel  with  the  axis  of  the  earth.  In  fome 
Inftances,  indeed,  I  found  them  perpendicular,  and 
even  reclining  the  other  way  :  but  thefe  were  ex- 
tremely rare,  and  always  attended  with  figns  of 
convulfion,  or  other  circumftances  of  fmgularity, 
which  admitted  a  pofilbility  of  removal  from  their 
original  pofition.  Thefe  trials  were  made  be- 
tween Madlfon's  cave  and  the  Patowmac.  We 
hear  of  lime-ftone  on  tlie  Miffifippi  and  Ohio,  and 
in  all  the  mountainous  country  between  the  eail- 
ern  and  weftern  waters,  not  on  the  mountains 
themfclves,  but  occupying  the  vallies  between 
them. 

Near  the  eaUeni  foot  of  the  North  mountain 
are  immense  bodies  of  Schi/}^  containing  impref- 
fions  of  fliclls  in  a  variety  of  forms.  I  have  re- 
ceived petrified  fhelh  of  very  different  kinds  from 
the  firft  fources  of  the  Kentucky,  which  bear  no 
refemblance  to  any  I  have  ever  feen  on  the  tide- 
waters. It  is  faid  that  ihells  are  found  in  the  An- 
des, in  South-America,  fifteen  thoufand  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  ocean.  This  is  confidered  by  ma- 
ny, both  of  the  learned  and  unlearned,  as  a  proof 
of  an  univerfal  deluge.  To  the  many  confidera- 
tions  oppofmg  this  opinion,  the  following  may  be 
added.  The  atmofphere,  and  all  its  contents, 
whether  of  water,  air,  or  other  matters,  gravitate 
to  the  earth ;  that  is  to  fay,  they  have  weight. 
Experience  tells  us,  that  the  weight  of  all  thefe  to- 
gether never  exceeds  that  of  a  column  of  mercury 
of  3 1  inches  height,  which  is  equal  to  one  of  rain- 
water of  35  feet  high.  If  the  whole  contents  of 
the  atmofphere  then  were  water,  inflead  of  what 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  4r 

they  are,  It  would  cover  the   globe   but  35  feet 
deep  ;  but  as  thefe  waters,  as  they  fell,  would  run 
into  the  feas,  the   fuperficial  mea'fure  of  which  is 
to  that  of  the  dry  parts   of  the  globe,   as  two  to 
one,  the  feas  would  be  raifed  only  52  feet  and  half 
above  their  prefent    level,   and    of   courfe   would 
overflow  the   lands  to  that  height  only.     In  Vir- 
ginia this  would  be  a  very  fmall  proportion  even 
of  the  champaign  country,   the  banks  of  our  tide 
waters  being  frequently,  if  not  generally  of  a  great- 
er height.     Deluges  beyond  this    extent  then,  as 
for  inftance,  to  the  North  .  mountain   or  to    Ken- 
tucky, feem  out  of  the  laws  of  nature.     But  with- 
in it  they  may   have  taken   place  to   a  greater  or 
lefs  degree,  in  proportion  to   the   combination  of 
natural  caufes  which   may  be  fuppofed   to  have 
produced  them.     Hiftory  renders  probable  fome 
inftances  of  a  partial   deluge  in  the  country  lyino- 
round  the  Mediterranean  fea.     It  has  been  often* 
fuppofed,  and  is  not  unlikely,  that  that  fea  was 
once  a  lake.     While  fuch,   let  us   admit  an  extra- 
ordinary coUec'lion  of  the  waters   of  the  atmof- 
phere  from,   the  other  parts  of  the  globe   to  have 
been  difcharged  over  tliat  and  the  countries  whofe 
waters  run  into   it.     Or   without   fuppofmg    it  a 
lake,  admit  fuch  an  extraordinary  colieftion  of  the 
vv-aters  of  the  atmofphere,  and  an  influx  of  waters 
from  the  Atlantic  ocean,  forced  by  long  continu- 
ed weftern  winds.     The  lake,    or   that  fea,   may 
thus  have  been   fo  raifed   as  to   everflow  the  low 
lands  adjacent  to  it,  as  thofe  of  Egypt  and  Armen- 
ia, which,  according  to  a  tradition  oftheEo-yp. 
tians  and  Hebrews,   were  overflowed   about  2300 


*  2.  Buffon  Epoques,  96. 


^2  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA:. 

years  before  the  Chriftian  ^sra  ;  thofe  of  Attica, 
fiiid  to  have  been  overflowed  in  the  times  of  Ogy- 
ges,  about  five  hundred  years  later  ;  and  thofc  of 
Theilala,  in  the  time  of  Deucalian,  ftiU  300  years 
pofterior.     But  fuch  deluges   as  thef^  will  not  ac- 
count for  the  Ihells  found  in  the  higher  lands.     A 
fecond   opinion  has   been  entertained,    which    is, 
that  in  times  anterior  to  the  records  either  of  hif- 
tory  or  tradition,  the  bed  of  the  ocean,  the  princi- 
pal refidence   of  the    fhelled   tribe,   has   by  fome 
p-reat   convulfion   of  nature,    been   heaved  to  the 
heights  at  which  we  now  find  Ihells  and  other  re- 
mains of  marine    animals.     The  favorers  of  this 
opinion  do    well    to  fuppofe   the  great   events  on 
which  it  refts  to  have  taken  place  beyond   all  the 
ceras  of  hiitory  ;  for  Vv'ithin  thefe,    certainly  none 
fuch  are  to  be  found  ;  and  we  may  venture  to  fay 
further,  that  no  fact  has  taken  place,  either  in  our 
own  days,  or  in  the  thoufands  of  years  recorded 
in  hiftory,  which  proves  the  exiftance  of  any  natur- 
al agents,    within    or   without  the  bowels  of  the 
earth,  of  force  fafhcient  to  heave,   to  the  height  of 
15,000  feet,  fuch  maffes  as  the  Andes.      The  dif- 
ference betvN^een  the  power  necelfary   to  produce 
fuch  an  effea,  and  that  w^hich   ihuffled  together 
the  different  parts  of  Calabria   in  our   days,    is  fo 
Lmmenfe,  that,  from  the  exifiience  of  the  latter  we 
are  not  authorized  to  infer  that  of  the  former.      •■ 
M.  de  Voltaire  has  fuggefted  a  third  folution  of 
this   difficulty    (Queft.   Encych    Coquilles.)     He  j 
cites  an  inftancc  in  Touraine,  where,  in  the  fpace  ] 
of  80  years,   a  particular  fpot  of  earth  had  been  ^ 
twice  metamorphofed   into  foft  (lone,   which  had 
become   hard   when    employed  in   building.  "In 
this  ftone  iliells  of  various  kinds  were  produced. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  4^ 

difcoverable  at  firfl  only  with  the  microfcope,  but 
afterwards  growing  with  the  ftone.  From  this 
fai5l,  I  fuppofe,  he  wouki  have  us  infer,  that  be- 
fides  the  ufual  procefs  for  generating  fhells  by  the 
elaboration  of  earth  and  water  in  animal  veFels, 
nature  may  have  provided  an  equivalent  operation, 
by  paihng  the  fame  materials  through  the  porcj 
of  calcareous  earths  aud  ilones  :  as  we  fee  calcar- 
eous drop-ftones  generating  every  day  by  the  per- 
colation of  water  through  lime-ilone,  and  new 
marble  forming  in  the  quarries  from  which  the 
old  has  been  taken  out  ;  and  it  might  be  afked,. 
whether  it  is  more  difhcult  for  nature  to  inoot  the 
calcareous  juice  into  the  form  of  a  Ihellj  than  oth- 
er juices  into  the  forms  of  cryftals,  plants,  animals, 
according  to  the  conftruclion  of  the  veiiels  thrcuf^h 
w^hich  they  pafs  ?  There  is  a  wonder  fomev/here. 
It  is  greateft  on  this  branch  of  dilemma  ;  on  that 
which  fuppofes  the  exiiknce  of  a  power,  of  which 
we  have  no  evidence  in  any  other  cafe  ;  or  on  the 
firii,  which  requires  us  to  believe  the  creation  of  a 
body  of  water  and  its  fubfequent  annihilation  r 
The  eftablilhment  of  the  inftance,  cited  by  M.  de 
Voltaire,  of  the  growth  of  Ihells  unattached  to  an- 
imal bodies,  would  have  been  that  of  his  theorv. 
But  he  has  not  eftablilhed  it.  He  has  not  even 
left  it  on  ground  fo  refpe-ftable  as  to  have  rendered 
it  an  objea  of  enquiery  to  the  literati  of  his  own 
country.  Abandoning  this  fad,  therefore,  the 
three  hypothefes  are  equally  uniatisfaftory ;  and 
we  mull  be  contented  to  acknowledge,  that  this 
great  phenomanon  is  as  yet  imfolved.^  Ignorance 
is  preferable  10  error  ;  and  he  is  lefs  remiote  from 
the  truth  who  believes  nothing,  than  he  who  be- 
lieves what  is  wrong. 


44  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

There  is  great  abundance  (more  efpecially 
-svhen  you  approach  the  mountains)  of  (lone,  white, 
blue,  brown,  &c.  fit  for  the  chiffel,  good  mill-ftone, 
fuch  alfo  as  ftands  the  fire,  and  flate-ftone.  We 
are  told  o{  flint,  fit  for  gun-flints,  on  the  Meher- 
rin  in  Brunfwick,  on  the  Miflifippi  between  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio  and  Kaflcaflcia,  and  on  others 
of  the  weftern  waters.  Ifmglafs  or  mica  is  in  {qv- 
eral  places  ;  loadftone  alfo  ;  and  an  Afteflos  of  a 
ii'Tiieous  texture,  is  fometimes  to  be  met  with.  ^ 

^Marle  abounds  generally.  A  clay,  of  which, 
like  the  Sturbridge  in  England,  bricks  are  made, 
which  will  refill  long  the  violent  action  of  fire,  has 
been  found  on  Tuckahoe  creek  of  James'  River, 
and  no  doubt  will  be  found  in  other  places.  Chalk 
is  fald  to  be  in  Botetourt  and  Bedford.  In  the 
latter  county  is  fome  earth  believed  to  be  gypfeous. 
Ochres  are  found  in  various  parts. 

In  the  lime-ftone  country  are  many  caves,  the 
earthly  floors  of  which  are  impregnated  with  nitre. 
On  Rich  creek,  a  branch  of  the  great  Kanhaway, 
iibout  60  miles  below  the  lead  mines,  is  a  very 
large  one,  about  20  yards  wide,  and  entering  a 
hili  a  quarter  or  half  a  mile.  The  vault  is  of 
rock,  from  9  to  15  or  20  feet  above  the  floor.  A 
Mr.  Lynch,  who  gives  me  this  account,  undertook 
to  extraci:  the  nitre.  Blfides  a  coat  of  the  fait 
which  had  form.ed  on  the  vault  and  floor,  he  found 
the  earth  highly  impregnated  to  the  depth  ot  fev- 
en  feet  in  fome  places,  and  generally  of  three, 
every  biilhel^yielding  on  an  average  three  pounds 
of  nitre.  Mr.  Lynch  having  made  about  looolb. 
ot  the  fait  from,  it,  configned  it  to  fome  others, 
who  have  fince  made  io,ooolb.  They  have  done 
this  by  purfulng  tli^  cave  into  the  hill,  nevt-r  try- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  45 

ing  a  fecond  time  the  earth  they  have  once  ex- 
haufled,  to  fee  how  far  or  foon  it  receives  another 
impregnation.  At  lead  fifty  of  tliefe  caves  are 
worked  on  the  Greenbriar.  There  are  many  of 
them  known  on  Ciimberland  river. 

The  country  weftv/ard  of  the  AUeghaney  a- 
bounds  with  fprings  of  common  fait.  The  mod 
remarkable  we  have  heard  of  are  at  Bullet's  lick, 
the  Bigbones,  the  Blue  licks,  and  on  the  North 
fork  of  Holfton.  The  area  of  Bullet's  lick,  is  of 
many  acres.  Digging  the  earth  to  the  depth  of 
three  feet,  the  water  begins  to  boil  up,  and  the 
deeper  you  go,  and  the  drier  the  weather,  the 
llronger  is  the  brine. 

A  thoufand  gallons  of  water,  yield  from  a  bufa- 
el  to  a  bulhel  and  a  half  of  fait,  which  is  about 
8olb.  of  water  to  lib.  of  fait ;  but  of  fea-water  251b. 
yield  lib.  of  fait.  So  that  fea-water  is  more  than 
three  times  as  lirong  as  that  of  thefe  fprings.  A 
fait  fprlng  has  been  lately  diicovered  at  the  Tur- 
key foot  on  Yohoganey,  by  which  river  it  Is  over- 
flowed, except  at  very  low  water.  Its  merit  is  not 
yet  known.  Dunning's  lick  is  as  alfo  yet  untried, 
bnt  it  is  fuppofed  to  be  the  beil:  on  this  fide  of  the 
Ohio.  The  fait  fprings  on  the  mai-gin  of  the 
Onondago  lake  are  faid  to  give  a  faline  taile  to  the 
waters  of  the  lake. 

There  are  feveral  medicinal  fprings,  fome  of 
which  are  indubitably  efficacious,  while  others 
feem  to  owe  their  reputation  as  much  to  fancy 
and  change  of  air  and  regimen,  as  to  their  real  vir- 
tues. None  of  them  having  undergone  a  chemic- 
al analyfis  in  fkillul  hands,  nor  been  fo  far  the 
fubje6l  of  obfervations  as  to  have  produced  a  reduc- 
tion iuto  claffes  of  the  diforders  which  they  relievcj 


46  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

k  Is  in  my  power  to  give  little  more  than  an  enu- 
meration of  them. 

The  mod  eScacious  of  thefe  are  two  fp rings  ir. 
Augufta,  near  the  firft  fources  of  James's  River 
where  it  is  called  Jackfon's  River.     They  rife  near 
the  foot  of  the  ridge  of  mountains,  generally  cal- 
led the  Warm  fpring  mountains,  but  in  the  m.aps 
Jackfon's  mountains.     The  one  is  diftinguiihed  by 
the  name  of  the  Warmi  fpring,  and  the  other  of 
the  Hot  fpring.     The  Warm  fpring  iffues  with  a 
very  bold  ftream,  fuSicIent  to  work  a  grift  mill, 
and  to  keep  the  waters  of  its  bafon,  which  is  30 
feet  in  diameter,  at   the  vital  warmth,   viz.  g6^ 
of  Farenheit's  thermometer.       The  matter  with 
which  thefe   waters  is   allied  is  very  volatile  ;  its 
fmell  indicates  it  to  be  fulphurous,  as  alfo  does  the 
circumftance  of  its   turning   filver  black.     They 
relieve  rheumatlfms.     Other  complains  alfo  of  ve- 
ry different  natures  have  been  removed  or  lefTened 
by  them.     It  rains  here  four  or  five  days  in  every 
week. 

The  Hot  fpring  is  about  fix  miles  from  the 
Warm,  is  much  fmaller,  and  has  been  fo  hot  as  to 
have  boiled  an  q^^.  Some  believe  iis  degree  of 
heat  to  be  lelfened.  It  raifes  the  mercury  In  Far- 
enheit's tliermometer  to  1 1 2  degrees,  which  is  fe- 
ver heat.  It  fometimes  relieves  where  the  Warm 
fpring  fails.  A  fountain  of  common  v/ater,  Iffu- 
ing  within  a  few  inches  of  its  margin,  gives  it  a  fm- 
gular  appearance.  Comparing  the  temperature 
of  thefe  with  that  of  the  Hot  fprings  of  Kamfchat- 
ka,  of  which  Krachininnlkow  gives  an  account, 
the  difference  is  very  great,  the  latter  raifmg  the 
mercury  to  200*^  which  is  within  12^  of  boiling 
water.     Thefe  fprings  are  very  much  reforted  to 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  47 

in  fplte  of  a  total  want  of  accommodation  for  the 
lick.  Their  waters  are  ftrongeft  in  the  hotteft 
months,  which  occafions  their  being  vifited  in  July 
and  Auguft  principally. 

The  fweet  fprings  are  in  the  county  of  Botetourt, 
■at  the  eallern  foot  of  the  Alleghany,  about  42 
miles  from  the  Warm  fprings.  They  are  ftill  lefs 
known.  Having  been  found  to  relieve  cafes  in 
which  the  others  had  been  ineffedually  tried,  it  is 
probable  their  compofition  is  different.  They  are 
different  alfo  in  their  temperature,  being  as  cold  as 
common  water  :  which  is  not  mentioned,  howev- 
er, as  a  proof  of  a  diftin(5l:  impregnation.  This  is 
among  the  firft  fonrces  of  Jam^es'  River. 

On  Patowmac  River,  in  Berkley  county,  above 
the  North  mountain,  are  medicinal  fprings,  m.uch 
more  frequented  than  thofe  of  Augufta.  Their 
powers,  however,  are  lefs,  the  waters  weakly  mine- 
ralized, and  fcarcely  warm.  They  are  more  vifit- 
ed, becaufe  fituated  in  a  fertile,  plentiful,  and  pop- 
ulous country,  better  provided  with  accomodations, 
always  fafe  from  the  Indians,  and  neareil  to  the 
more  populous  ftates. 

In  Louifa  county,  on  the  head  waters  of  the 
South  Anna  branch  of  York  R.iver,  are  fprings  of 
fome  midicinal  virtue.  They'  are  not  much  ufed 
however.  There  is  a  weak  chalybeate  at  Rich- 
moi\d ;  and  many  others  in  various  parts  of  the 
country,  which  are  of  too  little  worth,  or  too  little 
note,  to  be  enumerated  after  thofe  before  mention- 
ed. 

We  are  told  of  a  fulphur  fpring  on  Howard's 
creek  of  Greenbriar,  and  another  at  Boonfborough 
on  Kentucky. 


4?  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

In  the  low  grounds  of  the  Great  Kanhawaf, 
feven  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Elk  River,  and 
67  above  tliat  of  the  Kanhav/ay  itfelf,  is  a  hole 
in  the  earth  of  the  capacity  of  30  or  40  gallons, 
from  which  IfTues  conftantly  a  bituminous  vapor, 
in  fo  ftrong  a  current,  as  to  give  to  the  fand  about 
its  orifice  the  motion  which  it  has  in  a  boiling 
fpring.  On  prefenting  a  lighted  candle  or  torch 
within  1 8  inches  of  the  hole,  it  flames  up  in  a  col- 
umn of  1 8  inches  diameter,  and  four  or  five  feet 
height,  which  fometimes  burns  out  within  20  min- 
utes, and  at  other  times  has  been  known  to  con- 
tinue three  days,  and  then  has  been  fi;ill  left  burn- 
ing. The  flame  is  unfteady,  of  the  denfity  of  that 
of  burning  fpirits,  and  fmells  like  burning  pit-coal. 
Water  fometimes  collects  in  the  bafon,  which  is  re- 
markably cold,  and  is  kept  in  ebulition  by  the  va- 
por ifliiing  through  it.  If  the  vapor  be  fired  in 
that  ftate,  the  water  foon  becomes  fo  warm  that 
the  hand  cannot  bear  it,  and  evaporates  wholly  in 
a  Ihort  time.  This,  with  the  circumjacent  lands, 
is  the  property  of  his  excellency  general  Wafning- 
ton  and  of  general  Lewis. 

There  is  a  fimilar  one  on  Sandy  River,  the 
flame  of  which  is  a  column  of  about  12  inches  di- 
ameter, and  three  feet  high.  General  Clarke,  who 
informs  me  of  it,  kindled  tlie  vapor,  ftaid  about  an 
hour,  and  left  it  burning. 

The  mention  of  uncommon  fprings  leads  me  to 
that  of  Syphon  fountains.  There  is  one  of  thefe 
near  the  interfedlion  of  the  lord  Fairfax's  bounda- 
ry v/ith  the  North  mountain,  not  far  from  Brock's 
gap,  on  the  ftream  of  which  is  a  grift-mill,  whicli 
grinds  two  bufhels  of  grain  at  every  flood  of  the 
fpring  :  another,  near  the  Cow-pafture  River,  a 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  4^ 

mile  and  a  half  below  its  confluence  with  the  Bull- 
pafture  River,  and  16  or  17  miles  from  the  Hot 
fprings,  which  intermits  once  in  every  twelve 
hours  :  one  alfo  near  the  mouth  of  the  Nortli  Hol- 
fton. 

After  thefe  may  be  mentioned  the  Natural  IVcU, 
on  the  lands  of  Mr.  Lewis  in  Frederic  county.  It 
is  fomewhat  larger  than  a  common  well :  the  wa- 
ter rifes  in  it  as  near  the  furface  of  the  earth  as  in 
the  neighboring  artificial  wells,  and  is  of  a  depth 
as  yet  unknown.  It  is  faid  there  is  a  current  in  it 
tending  fenfibly  downwards.  If  this  be  true,  it 
probably  feeds  fome  fountain,  of  which  it  is  the 
natural  refervoir,  diftinguifhed  from  others,  like 
that  of  Madifon's  cave,  by  being  acceflible.  It  i^ 
ufed  with  a  bucket  and  a  windlafs  as  an  ordinarj- 
well. 

A  complete  catalogue  of  the  trees,  plants,  fruits. 
Sec.  is  probably  not  defired.  I  will  Iketch  out 
thofe  which  v>^ould  principally  attract  notice,  as  be- 
ing I.  Medicinal,  2.  Efculent,  3.  Ornamental,  or 
4.  Ufeful  for  fabrication  ;  adding  the  Linsean  to 
the  popular  names,  as  the  latter  might  not  convey 
precife  information  to  a  foreigner.  I  ihall  confine- 
myfelf  too  to  native  plants. 

I.   Senna.     Caffia  liguftrina. 

Arfmart.     Polygonum  Sagittatum. 

Clivers,  or  goofe-grafs.     Galium  fpurium. 

Lobelia  of  feveral  fpecies. 

Palma  Chrifti.     Ricinus. 

(3)  James-town  weed.     Datura  StramoniurEU 

Mallow.     Malva  rotundifoha. 

Syrian  mallow.     Hibifcus  mofchentos. 
Hibifcus  virginicus. 

JEndian  mallow.     Sida  rhombifolia. 
G 


50  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Sid  a.  abiitilon. 
Virginia  Manhmallow.    Napsea  hermaphrodita, 

Naps^a  dioica. 
Indian  phyiic     Spiria  trlfoliata. 
Euphorbia  Ipecacuanhas. 
Pleiiriiy  roct.     Alclepias  decumbcns. 
VirQ:inia  fnake-roct.     Ariftolochia  ferpentaria. 
iViack  inake-root.     Adsa  racemofa. 
Seneca  rattleinake-root.     Polygala  Senega. 
Valerian.     Valeriana  locufla  radiata. 
Gentiana,  Saponaria,  Villofa  &  Centaiirium. 
Ginfeng.     Panax  qiiinquefolium. 
Anprelica.     Angelica  fylveflris. 
■   Caitiiva.     Jatroplia  urens. 
2.  Tuckahoe.     Licoperdon  tuber, 
jerufalem  artichoke.     Hclianthus  tuberofas. 
Lcno-  potatoes.     Convolyulas  batatas. 
Granadillas.  Maycocks.    Maracocks.  PaiTiiiora 

incarnata. 
Panic.     Panicum  of  many  fpecies. 
Indian  millet.     Holcns  laxus. 

Helens  ftriofiis. 
Vv^'ild  oat.     Zizania  aqiiaticia. 
Wild  pea.     Dolichos  of  Clayton. 
Lupine.      Lupinus  perennis. 
Vv^ild  hop.     Humulus  liipulus. 
Vv'ild  cherry.     Prunus  Virginiana. 
Cherokee  plumb.     Prunus  fylves-'l 

tris  ft-uctu  majori  I  Clayton. 

V7ild   plumb.    Prunus    fylveftris  f        ' 

frudu  minori.  J 

Wild  crab-apple.   .  Pyrus  caronaria. 
Red  Mulberry.     Morus  rubra. 
Pernmmon.     Diofpiros  Virginiana- 
Sugar  maple.     Acer  laccharinum. 


i 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  5^ 

Scaly  bark  hiccory.  Juglans  alba  cortics  fqiia- 
mofo.     Clayton. 

Common  hiccory.  Jugkns  alba,  fraflu  minore 
rencido.     Clayton. 

Paccan,  or  Illinois  nut.  Not  defcribed  by  Lin- 
naeus, Millar,  or  Clayton.  Were  I  to  ven- 
ture to  defcribe  this,  fpeaking  of  the  fruit 
from  memory,  and  of  the  kaf  from  plants  of 
two  years  growth,  I  llwuld  fpecify  it  as  tlie 
Juglans  alba,  foliolis  lanceolatis,  acuminatis, 
lerratis,  tomentofis,  fructu  minore,  ovato, 
comprefib,  vix  infculpto,  dulci,  putamine 
tenerrimo.  It  grows  on  the  Illinois,  Wabaih, 
Ohio,  and  Miflifippi.  It  is  fpoken  of  by  Don 
Ulloa  under  the  name  of  Pacancs,  in  his 
Noticias  Americanas.     Entret.  6. 

Black  walnut.     Juglans  nigra. 

White  walnut.     Juglans  alba. 

Chefnut.     Fagus  caftanea. 

Chinquapin.     Fagus  pumila. 

Hazlcnut.     Corylus  avellana. 

Grapes.  Vitus.  Various  kinds  though  only 
three  defcHbed  by  Clayton. 

Scarlet  Strawberries.  Fragaria  Virginiana  of 
Millar. 

Whortleberries.     Vaccinium  uliginofum. 

V/ild  goofeberries.     Ribes  grolfularia. 

Cranberries.     Vaccinium  oxycoccos. 

Black  rafpberries.     E.ubus  occidentalism 

Blackberries.     Rubus  frutlcofus. 

Dewberries.     Rubus  cxCliis. 

Cloudberries.     Rubus  Cijamasmorus. 

3.  Plane-tree.     Platanus  occidenf<?Jis. 

Poplar.     Liriodendron  tulipifera. 
Populus  heterophylla. 


52  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

Black  poplar.     Populus  nigra. 

Afpen.     Populus  tremula. 

Linden,  or  Lime.     Telia  Americana. 

Red  flowering  maple.     Acer  rubrum. 

Horfe-chefnut,  or  buck's-eye.     JEfculus  pavia* 

Catalpa.     Bignonia  catalpa. 

Umbrella.     Magnolia  tripetala. 

Swamp  laurel.     Magnolia  glauca. 

Cucumber-tree.     Magnolia  acuminata. 

Portugal  bay.     Laurus  indica. 

Red  bay.     Laurus  borbonia. 

Dwarf-rofe  bay.     Rhododendron  maximum. 

Laurel  of  the  weftern  country.     Qu.  fpecies  ? 

Wild  pimento.     Laurus  benzoin. 

SafTafras.     Laurus  faffafras. 

Locuft.     Robinia  pfeudo-acacla. 

Honey-locuft.     Gleditfia.    i.  P 

Dogwood.      Cornus  florida. 

Fringe  or  fnow-drop  tree.     Chionanthus  Virgi- 

nica. 
Barberry.     Berberus  vulgaris. 
Redbud,  or  Judas-tree.     Cercis  Canadenfis. 
Holly.     Ilex  aquifolium. 
Cockfpur  liawthorn.     Crataegus  coccinea. 
Spindle-tree.     Euonymus  Europseus. 
Evergreen  fpindle-tree.     Euonymus  America- 

nus. 
Ilea  V'Irginica. 
Elder.     Sambucus  ni^ra. 
Papaw.     Annona  triloba. 
Candleberry  myrtle.     Myrica  cerifera. 
Dwarf-laurel.     Kalmia  an- 

Sfuftifolia.  f      ,,    , .         .  , 

Kalmia  ia>  called  ivy  wth  us. 

r -folia. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  53 

Ivy.     Hedera  quinquefolia. 

Trumpet  honeyfuckle.     Lonicera  fempervlrens. 

Upright  honeyfuckle.     Azalea  nudiflora. 

Yellow  jafmine.     Bignonia  fempervlrens. 

Calycanthus  floridus. 

American  aloe.     Agave  Virginica. 

Sumach.     Rhus.     Qu.  fpecies  ?  • 

Poke.     Phytolacca  decandra. 

Long  mofs.     Tillandlia  Ufneoldes. 

4.   Reed.     Arundo  phragmitis. 

Virginia  hemp.     Acnida  cannablna, 

Plax.     Linum  Virgiaianum. 

Black,  or  pitch  pine.     Pinus  tseda. 

White  pine.     Pinus  ftrobus. 

Yellow  pine.     Pinus  Virginica. 

Spruce  pine.     Pinus  foliis  fmgularibus.     Clay» 

ton. 
Hemlock  fpruce  fir.     Pinus  Canadenfis. 
Arbor  vitas.     Thuya  occidentalis. 
Juniper.     Juniperus  Virginica  (called  cedar 

with  us.) 
Cyprefs.     CuprefTus  difticha. 
White  cedar.     CuprefTus  Thyoides. 
Black  oak.     Quercus  nigra. 
White  oak.     Quercus  alba. 
Red  oak.     Quercus  rubra. 
Willow  oak.     Quercus  phellos. 
Chefnut  oak.     Qiiercus  prinus. 
Black  jack  oak.     Quercus  aquatica.     Clayton, 
Ground  oak.     Quercus  pumila.     Clayton. 
Live  oak.     Quercus  Virginiana.     Millar. 
Black  birch.     Betula  nigra. 
White  birch.     Betula  alba. 
Beach.     Fagus  fylvatica. 
Aih,     Fraxhius  Americana. 


54  NOTES  ON  VIHGINIA. 

Fraxinus  Novs  Aimllx.     Millar. 

o 

Elm.     Ulmus  Americana. 

Willow.     Salix.     Query  fpecies  ? 

Sweet  gum.     LIquidambar  ftyraciflua. 

The  following  were  found  in  Virginia  when  firfl 
vifited  by  the  Engiifn  ;  but  it  is  not  faid  whether 
of  fpontaneous  growtli,  or  by  cultivation  only. 
Moil  probably  they  were  natives  of  more  fouthern 
climates,  and  handed  along  the  continent  from  one 
nation  to  another  of  the  favages. 

Tobacco.     Nicotiana. 

Maize.     Zea  mays. 

Round  potatoes.     Solanuni  tuberosum. 

Pumkins.     Cucurbita  pepo. 

Clymings.     Cucurbita  verrucofi. 

Squafiies.     Cucurbita  melopepo. 

There  is  an  infinitude  of  other  plants  and  flow- 
ers, for  an  enumeration  and  Icientitic  defcription 
of  which  I  mull  refer  to  the  Flora  Virginica  of 
our  great  botanlR,  Dr.  Clayton,  publiihed  by 
Gronovius  at  Leyden,  in  1762*.  This  accurate 
obferver  was  a  native  and  refident  of  this  Hate, 
paiTed  a  long  life  in  exploring  and  defcrlbing  its 
plants,  and  is  fuppofed  to  have  enlarged  the  bota- 
nical catalogue  as  much  as  almoft  any  man  who 
has  lived. 

Befides  thefe  plants,  which  are  native,  owx farms 
produce  wheat,  rye,  barley,  oats,  buck  wheat, 
broom  com,  and  Indian  corn.  The  climate  fuits 
rice  well  enough,  where  the  lands  do.  Tobacco, 
hemp,  ilax,  and  cotton,  are  flaple  commodities. 
Indigo  yields  two  cuttings.  The  fiik-worm  is  a 
native,  and  .the  mulberry,  proper  for  its  food, 
grows  kindly. 

VvT'e  cultivate  alfo  potatoes,  both  the  long  and 


NOTES  ON  VIPvGINIA.  55 

tlie  round,  turnips,  carrots,  parfnlps,  pumkins,  and 
ground  nuts  (Aracliis.)  Our  gralTes  are  lucerne, 
ft.  foln,  burnet,  timothy,  ray  and  orchard  grafs  ; 
red,  white,  and  yellow  clover ;  greenfwerd,  blue 
grafs,  and  crab  grafs. 

The  gardens  yield  mufk-melons,  water-melons, 
tomatas,  okra,  pomegranates,  figs,  and  the  efcu- 
lent  plants  of  Europe. 

The  cnhards  produce  apples,  pears,  cherries, 
quinces,  peaches,  nediarines,  apricots,  almonds, 
and  plumbs. 

Our  quadrupeds  have  been  moflly  defcribed  by 
,  Linnaeus  and  Mons.  de  Buffon.  Of  thefe  the  Mam- 
moth, or  big  buffalo,  as  called  by  the  Indians,  muft 
certainly  have  been  the  largeil.  Their  tradition  is, 
that  he  was  carnivorous,  and  flill  exiils  in  the  north- 
ern parts  of  America.  A  delegation  of  v/arricrs 
from  the  Delaware  tribe  having  vifited  the  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  during  the  revolution,  on  mat- 
ters of  bufmefs,  after  thefe  had  been  difcuffed  and 
Ifettled  in  council,  the  governor  ailced  them  fome 
queftions  relative  to  their  country,  and  among 
others,  what  they  knew  or  had  heard  of  the  ani- 
mal whofe  bones  were  found  at  the  Saltlicks  on 
the  Ohio.  Their  chief  fpeaker  immediately  put 
himfelf  into  an  attitude  of  oratory,  and  with  a 
pomp  fliited  to  what  he  conceived  the  elevation  of 
his  fubje^fl,  informed  him  that  it  was  a  tradition 
handed  down  from  their  fathers,  '  That  in  ancient 

*  times  a  herd  of  thefe  tremendous  animals  came  to 

*  the  big-bone   licks,  and  began   an  univerfal  de- 

*  ftru(ftIon  of  the  "bear,   deer,   elks,  buffaloes,  and 

*  other  anim.als  which  had  been  created  for  the  vXq 

*  of  the  Indians  :  that  the  Great  Man  above,  look- 
f-ing.down  and  feeing  this,  v/as  fo  enraged,  that 


$6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

'  he  feized  his  hghtning,  defcended  on  the  earth, 

*  feated  himfelf  on  a  neighborhig  mountain,  on  a 

*  rock  of  which  his  feat   and  the  print   of  his  feet 
'  are  ilill  to   be  feen,   and  hurled  his  bolts  among 

*  them  till  the  whole  were  flaughtered,  except  the 

*  big    bull,    who   prefenting   his   forehead  to  the 

*  fhafts,  fhook  them   off  as  they  fell ;  but  miffing 

*  one   at  length,  it   wounded   him   in  the  fide ; 
«  whereon,  fprlngiug  round,  he  bounded  over  the 

*  Ohio,  over  the  Wabalh,  the  Illinois,  and  finally 

*  over   the  great  lakes,  where  he  is  living  at  this 

*  day.'  It  is  well  known  that  on  the  Ohio,  and  in 
many  parts  of  America  further  north,  tufks,  grind- 
ers, and  {keleton  of  unparalleled  magnitude,  are 
found  in  great  numbers,  fome  lying  on  the  fur- 
face  of  the  earth  and  fome  a  little  below  it.  A 
Mr.  Stanley,  taken  prifoner  by  the  Indians  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Taniifee,  relates,  that,  after  be- 
ing transferred  through  feveral  tribes,  from  one  to 
another,  he  was  at  length  carried  over  the  moun- 
tains weft  of  the  Miifouri  to  a  river  which  runs 
weftwardly  :  that  thefe  bones  abounded  there  ; 
and  that  the  natives  defcribed  to  him  the  animal 
to  which  they  belonged  as  ftill  exifting  in  the  north- 
ern parts  of  their  country  ;  from  which  defcrip- 
tion  he  judged  it  to  be  an  elephant.  Bones  of  the 
fame  kind  have  been  lately  found,  fome  feet  below 
the  furface  of  the  earth,  in  falines  opened  on  the 
North  Holfton,  a  branch  of  the  Taniffee,  about 
the  latitude  of  36*^  30'  north.  From  the  accounts 
publiihed  in  Europe,  I  fuppofe  it  to  be  decided, 
that  thefe  are  of  the  fame  kind  with  thofe  found 
in  Siberia.  Inftances  are  mentioned  of  like  ani- 
mal remains  found  in  the  more  fouthern  climates 
©f  both  hemifpheres  j  but  they  are  either  fo  loofe- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  5^ 

I7  mentioned  as  to  leave  a  doubt  of  the  fad,  fo  m> 
accurately  defcribed  as  not  to  authorize  the  claf- 
fmg  them  with  the  great  northern  bones,  or  fo 
rare  as  to  found  a  fufpicion  that  they  have  been 
carried  thither  as  curiofities  frohi  more  northern 
regions.  So  that  on  the  whole  there  feem  to  be 
no  certain  veftiges  of  the  exiftence  of  this  animal 
further  fouth  than  the  falines  laft  mentioned.  It 
Is  remarkable  that  the  tufks  and  ikeletons  have 
been  afcribed  by  the  liaturalifts  of  Europe  to  the 
elephant,  while  the  grinders  have  been  given  to 
the  hippopotamus,  or  river  horfe.  Yet  it  is  ac- 
knowledged, that  the  tufks  and  Ikeletons  are  much 
larger  than  thofe  of  the  elephant,  and  the  grinders 
many  times  greater  than  thofe  of  the  hippopotam- 
us, and  eflentially  different  in  form.  Wherever 
thefe  grinders  are  found,  there  alfo  we  find  the 
tufks  and  flieleton;  but  no  fl^eleton  of  the  hippopot- 
arnus  nor  grinders  of  the  elephant.  It  will  not  be 
faid  that  the  hippopotamus  and  the  elephant  came 
always  to  the  fame  fpot,  the  former  to  depofit  his 
grinders,  and  the  latter  his  tufks  and  fl^eleton.  For 
what  became  of  the  parts  not  depofited  there  ?  We 
muft  agree  then  that  thefe  remains  belong  to  each 
oth  er,that  they  are  of  one  and  the  fame  animal,  that 
this  was  not  a  hippopotamus,  becaufe  the  hippopo- 
tamus had  no  tulks  nor  fuch  a  frame,  and  becaufe 
the  grinders  differ  in  their  fize  as  well  as  in  the  num- 
ber and  form  of  their  points.  That  it  was  not  an  el- 
ephant, I  think  afcertained  by  proofs  equally  deci- 
five,  I  will  not  avail  my  felf  of  the  authority  of  the  cele- 
brated *anatomJft,  who,  from  an  examination  of 
the  form  and  itruaure  of  the  tufl^is,   has  declared 

Hunter. 

H 


ff  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

they  were  eirentially  diiTerent  from  tliofe  of  the 
elephant :  becaiife  another  *  anatomlft,  equally 
celebrated,  has  declared,  on  a  hke  examination, 
that  they  are  preclfely  the  fame.  Between  two 
fuch  authorities  I  will  fuppofe  this  circumftance 
equivocal.  But,  i.  The  ikeleton  of  the  mam- 
moth (lor  fo  the  incognitum  has  been  called)  be- 
fpeaks  an  animal  of  five  or  fix  times  the  cubit 
volume  of  the  elephant,  as  Mons.  de  Buiton  has 
admitted.  2.  The  grinders  are  five  times  as  large, 
are  fquare,  and  the  grinding  furface  ftudded  with 
four  or  five  rows  of  blunt  points  :  whereas  thofe 
of  the  elephant  are  broad  and  thin,  and  their  grind- 
ing furface  flat.  3.  I  have  never  heard  an  in- 
fiance,  and  fuppofe  there  has  been  none,  of  the 
grinder  of  aa  elephant  being  found  in  America. 
4.  From  the  known  temperature  and  conftitution 
of  the  elephant,  he  could  never  have  exifled  in 
thofe  regions  where  the  remains  of  the  mammoth 
have  been  found.  The  elephant  is  a  native  only 
of  the  torrid  zone  and  its  vicinities  :  if,  with  the 
affiftance  of  warm  apartments  and  warm  cloath- 
ing,  he  has  been  preferved  in  life  in  the  temperate 
climates  of  Europe,  it  has  only  been  for  a  fmall 
portion  of  what  would  have  been  his  natural  peri-, 
od,  and  no  inilance  of  his  multiplication  in  them 
has  ever  been  known.  But  no  bones  of  the  mam- 
moth, as  I  have  before  obferved,  have  been  ever 
found  furtli-er  fouth  than  the  falines  of  the  Holfton, 
and  they  have  been  found  as  far  north  as  the  Arc- 
tic circle.  Thofe,  therefore,  who  are  of  opinion 
that  the  elephant  and  mammoth  are  the  fame, 
mud  believe,  i.  That  the  elephant  known  to  us 
can  exift  and  multiply  in  the  frozen  zone  ;  or,  2. 

'^  UAuhcnton, 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  59 

That  an  eternal  fire  may  once  have  warmed  tli.ofe 
regions,  and  fnice  abandoned  them,  ofwhich,  how- 
ever, the  globe  exhibits  no  unequivocal  indications ; 
or,  3.  That  the  obliquity  of  the  ecliptic,  when 
thefe  elephants  lived,  was  fo  great  as  to  include 
within  the  tropics  all  thofe  regions  in  which  the 
bones  are  found :  the  tropics  being,  as  is  before 
obferved,  the  natural  limits  of  habitation  for  the 
elephant.  But  if  it  be  admitted  that  this  obliqui- 
ty has  really  decreafed,  and  we  adopt  the  higlietl 
rate  of  decreafe  yet  pretended,  tliat  is  of  one  min- 
ute in  a  century,  to  transfer  the  northern  tropic  to 
the  Arilic  circle,  Vv^ould  carry  the  the  exiftence  of 
thefe  fuppofed  elephants,  250,000  years  back  ;  a 
period  far  beyond  our  conception  of  the  duration 
of  animal  bones  left  expofed  to  the  open  air,  as 
thefe  are  in  m.any  inilances.  Befides,  though  thefe 
regions  would  then  be  fuppofed  within  the  tropics, 
yet  their  winters  would  have  been  too  ferere  for 
the  fenfibility  of  the  elephant.  They  would  have 
had  too  butone  day  andone  night  in  the  year,  a  cir-  ' 
cumftance  to  which  we  have  no  reafon  to  fuppofe 
the  nature  of  the  elephant  fitted.  However,  it  has 
been  demonftrated,  that,  if  a  variation  of  obliqui- 
ty in  the  echptic  takes  place  at  all,  it  is  vibratory, 
and  never  exceeds  the  limits  of  9  degrees,  which  is 
not  fulhcient  to  bring  thefe  bones  within  the  trop- 
ics.— One  of  thefe  hypothefifes,  or  fome  other  e- 
qually  voluntary  and  inadmilfible  to  cautious  phi- 
lofopfophy,  mufl:  be  adopted  to  fupport  the  opin- 
ion that  thefe  are  the  bones  of  the  elephant.  For 
my  own  part,  I  find  it  eafier  to  beUeve  that  an  an- 
imal may  have  exifted,  refembling  the  elephant  in 
his  tufks,  aiixi  general  anatomy,  while  his  nature 
was  in  other  refpe<5ls  extremely  different.     From 


6o  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

tlie  30t}i  degree  of  foiith  latitude  to  the  30  of  north, 
are  nearly  the  limits  which  nature  has  fixed  for 
the  exiftence  and  multiplication  of  the  elephant 
known  to  us.  Proceeding  thence  northwardly  to 
36  30  degrees,  we  enter  thofe  affigned  to  the 
mammoth.  The  further  we  advance  north,  the 
more  their  veftiges  multiply  as  far  as  the  earth 
has  been  explored  in  that  dlreftion  :  and  it  is  as 
probable  as  otherwife,  that  this  progreffion  con- 
tinues to  the  pole  itfelf,  if  land  extends  fo  far.  The 
<:entre  of  the  frozen  zone  then  may  be  the  achme 
of  their  vigor,  as  that  of  the  torrid  is  of  the  elephant. 
Thus  nature  feems  to  have  drawn  a  belt  of  fepa- 
ration  between  thefe  two  trem.endous  animals, 
whofe  breadth  indeed  is  not  precifely  known, 
though  at  prefent  we  may  fuppofe  it  about  6  and 
half  degrees  of  latitude  ;  to  have  aihgned  to  the 
elephant  the  regions  fouth  of  thefe  conflnes,  and 
thofe  north  to  the  mammoth,  founding  the  conili- 
tution  of  the  one  in  her  extreme  of  heat,  and  that  of 
the  other  in  the  extreme  of  cold.  When  the  Cre- 
ator has  therefore  feparated  their  nature  as  far  as 
the  extent  of  the  fcale  of  animal  life  allowed  to 
this  planet  would  permit,  it  feems  perverfe  to  de- 
clare it  the  fame,  from  a  partial  refernblance  of 
their  tufks  and  bones.  But  to  whatever  anim.al 
we  afcribe  thefe  rem^ains,  it  is  certain  fuch  a  one 
has  exided  in  America,  and  that  it  has  been  the 
largeft  of  all  terreftrial  beings.  It  fliould  have 
fiifiiced  to  have  refcued  the  earth  it  inhabited,  and 
the  atmofphere  it  breathed,  from  the  imputation  of 
impotence  in  the  conception  and  nourilliment  of 
animal  life  on  a  large  fcale  ;  to  have  ftifled,  in  its 
birth,  the  opinion  of  a  v/riter,  the  mofl  learned  too 
•«f  all  others  in  tltc  fcieucc  of  animal  hiHory,  tliat 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  6i 

in  the  new  world,  *  La  nature  vivante  eft  beaucoup 
moins  affilTante,  beaucoup  moins  forte  :'*  that  na- 
ture  is  lefs  adive,  lefs  energetic  on  one  fide  of  the 
globe  than  fhe  is  on  the  other.  As  if  both  fides 
were  not  warmed  by  the  fame  genial  fun  ;  as  if  a 
foil  of  the  fame  chemical  compofition,  was  lefs  ca- 
pable of  elaboration  into  animal  nutriment ;  as  if 
the  fruits  and  grains  from  that  foil  and  fun,  yield- 
ed lefs  rich  chyle,  gave  a  lefs  extenfion  to  the  fol- 
ids  and  fluids  of  die  body,  or  produced  fooner  in 
the  cartilages,  membranes,  and  fibres,  that  rigidi- 
ty which  reftrains  all  further  extenfion,  and  termi- 
nates animal  growth.  The  truth  is,  that  a  pigmy 
and  a  Patagonian,  a  moufe  and  a  mammoth,  de- 
rive their  dimenfions  from  the  fame  nutritive  juic- 
es. The  difference  of  increment  depends  on  cir- 
cumftances  unfearchable  to  beings  with  our  capa- 
cities. Every  race  of  animals  fsems  to  have  re- 
ceived from  their  Maker  certain  laws  of  extenfion 
at  the  time  of  their  formation.  Their  elaborative 
organs  were  formed  to  produce  this  while  proper 
obfiacles  were  oppofed  to  its  further  progrefs.  Be- 
low thefe  limits  they  cannot  fall,  nor  rife  above 
theiTi.  What  intermediate  ftation  they  fnall  take 
may  depend  on  foil,  on  climate,  on  food,  on  a 
careful  choice  of  breeders.  But  all  the  manna  of 
heaven  would  never  raife  the  moufe  to  the  bulk  of 
the  mam.moth. 

The  opinion  advanced  by  the  Count  de  Buffon,f 
Is,  I.  That  the  animals  common  to  both  the  old 
and  new  woi'ld,  are  fmalier  in  the  latter.  2.  That 
thofe  peculiar  to  the  new  are  on  a  fmalier  fcale. 
3-  That  thofe  which   have   been    domefticated  in 

*  Buffon^  xviii.  122  edit.  Pans,  1764. 
f  xviii.  100 — 156. 


62  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

both  have  degenerated  in  America  :  and  4.  That 
on  the  whole  it  exhibits  fewer  fpecies.  And  the 
reafon  he  thinks  is,  that  the  heats  of  America  are 
lefs,  that  more  waters  are  fpread  over  its  furface 
by  nature,  and  fewer  of  thefe  drained  off  by  the 
h^id  of  man.  In  other  words,  that  hsat  is  friend- 
ly, and  motfiure  adverfe  to  the  produftion  and  de- 
velopement  of  large  quadrupeds.  I  will  not  meet 
this  hypothefis  on  its  firft  doubtful  ground,  wheth- 
er the  climate  of  America  be  comparatively  more 
humid  ?  Becaufe  V/e  are  not  furnilhed  with  obfer- 
vations  fufficient  to  dicide  this  queftion.  And 
though,  till  it  be  decided,  we  are  as  free  to  deny, 
as  others  are  to  affirm  the  fa6t,  yet  for  a  moment 
1st  it  be  fuppofed.  The  hypothefis,  after  this  fup- 
pofition,  proceeds  to  another  ;  that  moijiure  is  un- 
friendly to  animal  growth.  The  truth  of  this  is 
infcrutable  to  us  by  reafonings  a  priori.  Nature 
has  hidden  from  us  her  modus  agendi.  Our  on- 
ly appeal  on  fuch  queftions  is  to  experience  ;  and 
I  think  that  experience  is  againfl  the  fuppofition. 
It  is  by  the  affiftance  of  heat  and  moijlure  that  veg- 
etables are  elaborated  from  the  elements  of  earth, 
air,  water,  and  fire.  We  accordingly  fee  the  more 
humid  chmates  produce  the  greater  quantity  of 
vegetables.  Vegetables  are  mediately  or  immedi- 
ately the  food  of  every  animal ;  and  in  proportion 
to  the  quantity  of  food,  we  fee  animals  not  only 
multiplied  in  their  numbers,  but  improved  in  their 
bulk,  as  far  as  the  laws  of  their  nature  will  admit. 
Of  this  opinion  is  the  Count  de  Buffon  himfelf  in 
another  part  of  his  work  ;*  *'  en  general  il  paroit 
'*ques  les  pays  un  peu/zw/j-  conviennent  mieux  a 
♦*  nos  boeufs  que  les  pays  chauds,  et  quails  font 
Mja    ...g  .,  ,  rr- — 

*  viii.  134. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  63 

**  d'autant  plus  grofs  et  plus  grands  que  le  climat 
"  eA  plus  hum'ide  et  plus  abondans  en  paturages* 
"  Les  boeufs  de  Daneraarck,  de  la  Podolie,  de 
*'  r Ukraine  et  de  la  Tartaire  qu  habitent  les  Cal- 
**  mouques  font  les  plus  grands  de  tous."  Heru 
then  a  race  of  animals,  and  one  of  the  largeft  too, 
has  been  increafed  in  its  dimenfions  by  cold  and 
mo'iftnre,  in  dired:  oppofition  to  the  hypotheiis, 
which  fuppofes  that  thefe  two  circumftances  di- 
minilh  animal  bulk,  and  that  it  is  their  contraries, 
heat  and  drynefs  which  enlarge  it.  But  when  we 
appeal  to  experience,  we  are  not  to  reft  fatisfied 
with  a  fmgle  fa<5l.  Let  us  therefore  try  our  quef- 
tion  on  more  general  ground.  Let  us  take  two 
portions  of  the  earth,  Europe  and  America  for 
inftance,  fufficiently  extenfive  to  give  operation  to 
general  caufes  ;  let  us  confider  the  circumftances 
peculiar  to  each,  and  obferve  their  eff'e<5t  on  ani- 
mal nature.  America,  runnino*  throuf^fh  the  tor- 
rid  as  well  as  temperate  zone,  has  more  heat  col- 
led:ively  taken,  than  Europe.  But  Europe  accor- 
ding to  our  hypothefis,  is  the  dryejl.  They  are 
equally  adapted  then  to  animal  produAions  ;  each 
being  endowed  with  one  of  thofe  caufes  which  be- 
friend animal  growth,  and  with  one  which  oppofes 
it.  If  it  be  thought  unequal  to  compare  Europe 
with  America,  which  is  fo  much  larger,  I  anfwer, 
not  more  fo  than  to  compare  America  with  the 
v/hole  world.  Befides,  the  purpofe  of  the  com- 
parifon  is  to  try  an  hypothefis,  which  makes  the 
fize  of  animals  depend  on  the  heat  and  mo'ijlure  of 
climate.  If  therefore  we  take  a  region,  fo  exten- 
five as  to  comprehend  a  fenfible  deftindion  of  cli- 
mate, and  fo  extenfive  too  as  that  local  accidents, 
or  the  intercourfe  of  animals  on  its  borders  may 
jiot  materially  affed  the  fize  cf  thofe  in  its  interi- 


64  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

or  parts,  we  Hiall  ccmply  with  thofe  conditions 
which   the    hypothefis    may  reafonably   demand. 
The  objedlion  would  be  the  weaker  in  the  prefent 
cafe,  becaufe  any  intercourfe  of  animals  which  may 
take  place  on  the  confines  of  Europe  and  Afia,  is 
to  the  advantage   of  the   former,  Afia  producing 
certainly   larger  animals  than   Europe.      Let  us 
tlien  take  a  comparative   view  of  the  quadrupeds 
of  Europe   and   America,  prefenting  them  to  the 
eye  in  three  different  tables,   in  one  of  Vv^hich  fliall 
be  enumerated  thofe  found  in   both  countries  ;  in 
a  fecond,  thofe  found  in   one   only  ;  in  a  third, 
thofe  which  have  been  dom^efticated  in  both.     To 
facilitate  the  comparifon,  let  thofe  of  each  table  be 
arranged   in   gradation  according   to   their  fizes, 
from  the  greateft  to  the  fmalleft,  fo  far  as  their  ] 
fizes  can  be  conjevTuured.    The  weights  of  the  large  ^ 
anlmxals  fnall  be  exprelTed  in  the  Englifh  avoirdu- 
poife  pound  and  its  decimals  ;  thofe  of  the  finjiller,  , 
in  the  fame  ounce  and  its  decimals.     Thofe  which  ■ 
are  marked  thus,*  are  adual  weights  of  particular 
fubje6ls,  deemed  among  the  largeft  of  their  fpecies.  ' 
Thofe  m^arked  thus,-f  are  furnifned  by  judicious 
perfons  well  acquainted  with  the  fpecies,  and  fay- 
ing, from  conjeclure   only,  what  the  largeft  indi- 
vidual they  had  feen  would  probably  have  weigh- 
ed.    The  other  weijrhts  are  taken  from  Meffrs.   ■, 
BufFon  and  D'Aubenton,  and  are  of  fuch  fubjefts  a| 
as  came   cafually    to    their  hands   for  diiTeclion. 
This  circumftancemuft  be  rem.embered  where  their 
weights  and  mine  (land  oppofed  :  the  latter  being 
ftated,  not  to  produce  a  conclufion  in  favor  of  the  ■  I 
A  merican  fpecies,  but  to  iuuiiy  a  fufpenfion  of  opin- 
ion until  we  are  better  informed,  and  a  fufpicion,  in 
the  mean  time,  that  there  is  no  uniform  difference    j 
in  favor  of  either  ;  which  is  all  I  pretend. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


A   comparative    View    of    the    Quadrupeds   of 
-•  Europe  and  of  America. 

I.  Ahoriglnals  of  both. 


3Mammoth 
Buffalo.     Blfbn 
White  bear.     Ours  blanc 
Carribou.     Reniie 
Bear.     Ours 

Elk.  El  an.  Original  palmated 
Red  deer.     Cerf 
Fallow  deer.     Diam 
Wolf.     Loup 
Roe.     Chevreuil 
Glutton.  Glouton.  Carcajou 
Wild  cat.     Chat  fauvage 
Lynx.     Loup  cervier 
Beaver.     Caftor 
Badger.     Blaireau 
Red  fox.     Renard 
Grey  fox.     Ifatis 
Otter.     Loutre     " 
Monax.     Marmotte 
Vifon.     Fouine 
Hedghog.     HerrilTon 
Marten.     Marte 

Water  rat.     Rat  d'eau 
Weafel.     Beletre 
Flying  fquirrel.  Polatouche 
Shrew  moufe.     Mufaraigne 


Europe.  1  America. 


lb. 


153-7 

288.8 

167.8 

69.8 

56.7 


25. 

18.5 

13.6 


•>-: 


lb. 

*i8co 

*  J.  I  o 


^n 


273 


t3» 
*45 


8.9 

tl2 

6.S 

2.8 

2.2 

1.9 

t6 

oz. 

7-5 

2.2 

oz. 

2.2 

t4 

I. 

66  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

II.  Ahonglnah  of  one  only. 
EUROPE.  AMERICA. 


' 

lb. 

lb. 

Sangller.  Wild  boar 

280. 

Tapir 

534- 

Mouflon.  Wildflieep 

S6. 

Elk,  round  horned 

+450. 

Bouquetiu.  Wild  goat 

Puma 

Lievre.     Hare 

7.6 

Jugar 

218. 

Lapln.     Rabbit 

3-4 

Cablal 

109. 

Putois.     Polecat 

3-3 

Tamanoire 

109. 

Genettc. 

3-1 

Tammandua 

65- 

Delmau.     Mufkrat 

oz. 

CougarofN.  America 

75-4 

Ecureuil.     Squirrel 

12. 

Cougar  of  S.America 

59- 

Hermine.     Ermin 

8.2 

Ocelot 

Rat.     Rat. 

7-5 

Pecari 

46.3 

-r 

XjOirs. 

3-^ 

Jaguaret 

43-^ 

Lerot.     Dormoufe 

1.8 

Alco 

Taupe.     Mole. 

1.2 

Lama 

Hamfter. 

•9 

Paco 

Ziiel. 

Paca 

32-7 

Leming. 

Serval 

Souris.     Moufe 

.6 

Sloth.     Unau 

27.25 

- 

Saricovlenne 
Klnkajou 

Tatou  KabafTou 

21.8 

Urfon.     Urchin 

Raccoon.     Raton 

16.5 

Coati 

Coendou 

16.3 

Sloth.     Ai 

13- 

Sapajou  Ouarini 

Sapajou  Coalta 

9.S 

Tatou  Encubert 

Tatou  Apar 

Tatou  Cachica 

T. 

Little  Coendou 

6.5 

OpofTum.     Sarlgue 

■ 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


61 


II.  Table  continued. 
EUROPE.  AMERICA. 


Tapeti 

Margay 

Carbier 

Agouti 

Sapajou  SaV 

Tatou  Cirquin9on 

Tatou  Tatouate 

MouiFette  SquaiH 

Mouffette  Chinche 

MoufFette  Conepate 

Scunk 

Mouffette.     Zorilla 

Wliabus.  Hare.Rabit 

Aperea 

Akouclii 

Odatra.     Mufkrat 

Pilori 

Great  grey  fquirrel 

Foxfquirrel  of  Virgini 

Surikate 

Mink 

Sapajou.     Sajou 

Indian  pig.  Cochond' 

Inde 
Sapajou  Saimirl 
Phlanger 
Coquallin 

LefTer  grey  fquirrel 
Black  fquirrel 
!  Red  fquirrel 
Sagoin  Saki 


lb. 


4.2 
3-3 


Its. 7 
12.625 
2. 

t2. 

1.8 


1.(5 


I. 


:> 


'I.5 

10.0: 


^0 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA* 


II. 

Tablj! 

continued. 

EUROPE.                     AMERICA. 

i  Sagoin  Pinche            i 

1 
1 

Sagoin  Tamann 

oz. 

Sagoin  Ou-lftiti 

4-4 

Sagoin  Marakine 

i 

Sagoin  Mice 

CayopoUin 

Fourmiller 

Marmofe 

Sarigue  of  Cajenne 

Tucan 

Red  mole 

oz. 

Ground  fpuirrel 

4- 

III.  Domefilcaled  In  loth. 


Europe.  [America, 


Cow 

Horle 

Ais 

Hog 

Sheep 

Goat 

Dog 

Cat 


lb.  1 

ib. 

765- 

*25CO 

*i366 

*I200 

*I25 

no 

67.6 

l-l 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  69 

I  have  not  inferted  in  the  firft  table  the  phocaf* 
nor  leather  winged  bat,  becauie  the  one  living 
half  the  year  in  the  water,  and  the  other  being  a 
winged  animal,  the  individuals  of  each  fpecies  may 
vifit  both  continents. 

Of  the  animals  in  the  i  ft  table,  Mons.  de  Buiton 
himfelf  informs  us,  [XXVII.  130.  XXX,  213.3 
that  the  beaver,  the  otter,  and  fhrew  moufe, 
though  of  tlie  fame  fpecies,  are  larger  in  America 
than  Europe.  This  ihould  therefore  have  correct- 
ed the  generality  of  his  exprelfions  XVIII.  145. 
and  elfevrhercj  that  the  anin^nls  common  to  tlie 
two  countries,  are  confiderabiy  lefs  in  America 
than  in  Europe,  *  &  cela  fans  aucune  exceotion.' 
He  tells  us  too  [Quadi-up.  VIII.  534.  edit.  Paris, 
1777]  that  on  examining  a  bear  from  America, 
he  remarked  no  difference,  'dans  la  forme  de  cet 
*  ours  d'Amerique  compare  a  celui  d'Europe  ;' 
but  adds  from  Bartran-.'s  journai.,  that  an  Ameri- 
can bear  weighed  40olb.  Englifa,  equal  to  3671b. 
French  :  vv^hereas  we  f  nd  the  European  bear  ex- 
amined by  Mons.  E'Aubenton,  [XVII.  82] 
weighed  but  i4ilb.  French.  That  the  palmated 
elk  is  larger  in  x"inienca  than  Europe  we  are  in- 
formed by  Kalm.f  a  naturalift  who  vifited  the 
former  by  public  appointment,  for  thp  exprels 
purpofe  of  examining  the  fubjeds  of  natural  hiilo- 

*  It  Is  f aid,  tJjat  this  animal  is  fddom  feen  aho-oe  30 
viilesfrGmJJ:>orey  or  beyond  the  ^6th  degree  of  latllude, 
The  interjacent  ijlands  let'iveen  Ajla  and  Amer'-ca  ad- 
mit his  paffing  from  one  continent  to  the  other  without 
exceeding  thefe  bounds.  And  in  fad,  travellers  tell  lis 
that  thefe  ijlands  are  places  of  principal  refort  for  themy 
and  efpsclally  in  the  feafon  of  bringing  forth  their  young* 
f  /.  233.  Lon,  I'J'JZ* 


70  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ry.  In  this  fa(5t  Pennant  concurs  with  him.  [Bay- 
rington's  Mifcellanies.]  The  fame  Kalm  tells  us* 
that  the  black  moofe,or  renne  of  America  is  as  high 
as  a  tall  horf^  ;  and  Cateihy,-!-  that  it  is  about  the 
bignefs  of  a  middle-fized  ox.  The  fame  account 
of  their  fize  has  been  given  me  by  many  who  have 
feen  them.  But  Mons.  D'Aubenton  fays±  that 
the  renne  of  Europe  is  but  about  the  fize  of  a  red 
deer.  The  vv-eafel  is  larger  in  America  than  in 
Europe,  as  may  be  feen  by  comparing  its  dimen- 
iions  as  reported  by  Mons.  D'Aubenton^  and  Kalm. 
The  latter  tells  us,lj  that  the  lynx,  badger,  red 
fox,  and  flying  fqulrrel,  are  the  fame  in  America 
as  in  Europe  :  by  which  expreffion  I  underftand, 
they  are  the  fame  in  all  material  circumftances,  in 
fize  as  well  as  others :  for  if  they  were  fmaller, 
they  would  differ  from  the  European.  Our  grey 
fox  is,  by  Cateiby's  account,«|[  little  different  in  fize 
and  fhape  from  the  European  fox.  I  prefume  he 
means  the  red  fox  of  Europe,  as  does  Kalm, 
where  he  fays,**  that  in  fize  *  they  do  not  quite 
come  up  to  our  foxes.'  For  proceeding  next  to 
the  red  fox  of  America,  he  fays  <  they  are  entirely 
the  fame  with  the  European  fort :'  which  Ihows  he 
had  in  view  one  European  fort  only,  which  was 
the  red.  So  that  the  refult  of  their  teftimony  is, 
that  the  American  grey  fox  Is  fomewhat  lefs  than 
the  European  red  ;  which  is  equally  true  of  the 
grey  fox  of  Europe,  as  may  be  feen  by  comparing 
the  meafures  of  the  Count  de  Buffon  and  Mons^ 
D'Aubenton.f  f  The  white  bear  of  America  is  as 

*  Ih.  233.  t  /.  xx-o'il.  X  XXIV.  162, 

§  XV.  42.         11  /.  35f.  /.  48.  221.  251.  //.  52. 
%  II.  78.  **  /.  220. 

ft  XXVII.  63.  XIV.    J 19.   Harris,  IL   387. 
Biiffon.  ^ad.  IX,  i. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  71 

large  as  that  of  Europe.     The  bones  of  the  mam- 
moth which  have  been  found  in  America,  are  as 
large  as  thofe  found  in  the  old  world.     It  may  be 
afked,  why  I  infert  the  mammoth,  as  if  it  ftill  ex- 
ifted  ?  I  alk  in  return,  why  I  Ihould  omit  it,  as  if 
it  did  not  exift  ?     Such  is  the  economy  of  nature, 
that  no  inftance  can  be  produced,  of  her  having- 
permitted  any  one  race  of  her  animals  to  become 
extinct ;  of  her  having  formed  any  link  in  her  great 
work  fo  weak  as  to   be  broken.     To  add  to  this, 
the  traditionary  teftimony  of  the   Indians,  that 
this  animal  ftill  exifts  in  the  northern  and  wefteni 
parts  of  America,  would  be  adding  the  light  of  a 
taper  to  that  of  the  meridian  fun.     Thofe  parts 
ftill  remain  in  their  aboriginal  ftate,  unexplored 
and  undifturbed  by  us,  or  by  others  for  us.     He 
may  as  well  exift   there  now,  as  he  did  formerly 
where  we  find  his  bones.     If  he  be  a  carnivorous 
animal,  as  fome  anatomifts  have  conjeftured,  and 
the  Indians  affirm,  his  early  retirement  may  be 
accounted  for  from  the  general  deftrudion  of  the 
wild  game  by  the   Indians,  which  commences  in 
the  firft  inftance  of  their  connexion  with  us,  for 
the  purpofe  of  purchafmg  matchcoats,  hatchets, 
and   fire -locks,   with   their  fkins.     There  remain 
then  the  buffaloe,  red  deer,  fallow  deer,  wolf,  roe, 
glutton,  wild-cat,  monax,  vifion,  hedgehog,  mar- 
ten, and  water  rat,  of  the   comparative  fizes  of 
which  we  have  not  fufficient  teftimony.     It  does 
not  appear  that  MefTrs.  de  BufFon  and  D'Auben- 
ton  have  meafured,  weighed,  or  feen  thofe  of  A- 
merica.     It  is  faid  of  fome  of  them,  by  fome  trav- 
ellers, that  they  are  fmaller  than  the  European. 
But  who  were  thefe  travellers  ?  Have  they   not 
feeen  men  of  a  very   different   defcription  from 


72  MOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

thofe  who  have  laid  open  to  us  tlie  other  three 
quarters  of  the  world  ?    Was  natural  hiftoiy  the 
objea  of  their  travels  :  Did  they  naeafare  or  weigh 
the  animals  they  fpeak  of  ?  or  did  they  not  judge 
cf  them  by  fight,  or  perhaps  even  from  report  on- 
ly ?  Were  they  acquainted   with  the   animals  of 
their  own  country,  with  which  they  undertake  to 
compare  them  ?  Have  they  not  been  fo  ignorant 
as  often  to  miftake  the  fpecies  ?  A  true  anfwer  to 
thefe  queftions  w^cuid  probably   lighten   their  au- 
thority, fo  as  to  render  it  inf-amcieiit  for  the  foun- 
dation cf  an  hypothefis.     How  unripewe  yet^are, 
for  an  accurate^  comparifon  of  the  animals  of  the 
two  countries,  v/ill  appear  from  the  work  of  Mon- 
fieur  de  Buffcn.     The  ideas  we  fhould  have  form- 
ed of  the  fizes  of  fome  animals,  from  the  imform- 
ation  he  had  received  at  his  iirft  pubhcations  con- 
cerning them,   are   very  different  from  what  his 
fubfequent  communications  give  us.     And  indeed 
his  candor  in  this  can  never  be  too  much  praifed. 
One  fentence  of  his  book  muR  do  him  immortal 
honor.     <  J'aime  autante  une  perfcnne  qui  me  re- 
«  leve  d'une  erreur,  qu'une  autre  qui  m'apprend 
«  une  verite,  parce  qu'en  etTefi:  une  erreur  corrigee  , 
'  elt  une  verite.'*     lie  feems  to  have  thought  the 
cabiai  he  firft  examined  wanted  little  of  its  full 
o-rowth.     *  II  ne'etoit  pas  encore  tout-a-fait  adul- 
te.'t     Yet  he  weighed^  but  46  and  half  Ib.^  and  he  ' 
found  afterwards,!  that  thefe  animals  w^hen  full 
i^rown,  weighed  'loolb.     He  had  fuppofed  from 
the  exarainauon  of  a  jaugar,!!  laid  to  be  two  years 
old,  which  vv^eighcd  but  i6lb.  I20z.  that  when  he 
ihould  have  acquired  his  full   growth,  he  would 

*  ^ad.  IX.  158.  t  ^^^^''^'  iS4' 

X  ^aclIX.  132.  il  XIX,  2. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  75 

not  be  larp-er  than  a  middle  fized  doer.  But  a 
fubfeqiient  account*  raifes  nis  weight  to  2001b. 
Further  information,  -will  doubtlefs,  produce  fur- 
ther correftions.  The  wonder  is,  not  that  there 
is  yet  fomething  in  this  great  work  to  corrcfl,  but 
that  there  is  fo  little.  The  refult  of  this  view 
then  is,  that  of  26  quadrupeds  common  to  both 
countries,  7  are  faid  to  be  larger  in  America,  7 
of  equal  fize,  and  12  not  fufiiciently  examined- 
So  that  the  firft  table  impeaches  the  hril  member 
of  the  aifertion,  that  of  the  animals  common  to 
both  countries,  the  American  arc  fmallefl:,  *  et  ce- 
la  fans  aucnne  exception.'  It  Ihows  it  not  juft,  in 
all  the  latitude  in  which  its  author  has  advanced 
it,  and  probably  not  to  fuch  a  degree  as  to  found 
a  dillinclion  between  the  two  countries. 

Proceeding  to  the  fecond  table,  which  arranges 
the  animals  found  in  one  of  the  two  countries  only, 
Mons.  de  BufFon  obferves,  that  the  tapir,  the  ele- 
phant of  America,  is  but  of  the  fize  of  a  fmall 
cow.  To  preferve  our  comparifon,  I  will  add, 
that  the  wild  boar,  the  elephant  of  Europe,  is  lit- 
tle more  than  half  that  fize.  I  have  made  an  elk 
with  round  or  cylindrical  horns  an  animal  of  A- 
merica,  and  peculiar  to  it  i  becaufe  I  have  fe^n 
many  of  them  myfelf,  and  more  of  their  horns  : 
and  becaufe  I  can  fay,  from  the  bed  infcrmatiouj 
that  in  Virginia,  this  kind  of  elk  has  abounded 
much,  and  flill  exifls  in  fmaller  numbers  ;■  and  I 
could  never  learn  that  the  palmated  kind  had 
been  feen  here  at  all.  I  fuppofe  this  conlined  to 
the  more  northern  latitudes.f     I  have  made  our 

*  ^iad.  IX.  41. 
f  The  defcnpt'ion  of  Thsoclai,  Denys  and  La  HcU'. 
K 


-74  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

hare  or  rabbit  peculiar,  believing  it  to  be  different 
irom  both  the  European  animals  of  tliofe  denomi- 

tori)  cited  by  Mans,  de  Buffon^  under  the  article  of  Elan  y 
cnithori%e  thefuppofition,  that  ibe  Jlat-horned  elh  is  found 
in  the  northern  parts  of  America.      It  has  not  honvever 
extended  to  our  latitudes.      On  the  other  handy  I  could 
never  learn  that  the  round-horned  elh  has  been  feen  further 
north  than  the  Hudfon\s  River.      This  agrees  ^'ith  th'? 
former  elk  in  its  general  character,  being,  like  that,  nvhcn 
compared  nvith  a  deer,  very  much  larger,  its  ears  longer^ 
broader,  and  thicker  in  proportion,  its  hair  much  longer., 
reck  and  tailfloorter,  having  a  deivlap  before  the  breajl 
i^caruncuJa  gutturalis  Linnai)  a  ivhile  [pot  often, if  not  aU 
ivays,  of  a  foot  diameter,  on  the  hinder  part  of  the  lut- 
locks  round  the  tad  ;  its  gait  a  trot,  and  attended  with  a 
rattling  of  the  hoofs  :  but  diflinguijliedfrom  that  decifivc- 
Ij  by  its  horns,  tuhich  are  not  palmated,  but  round  and 
pointed.      This  is  the  animal  defcribed  by  Catejhy  as  the 
Ccrvus  major  ylmericanus,  the  flag  of  America,  le  Cerf 
de  V  Amerique.     But  it  differs  from  the  Cervus  as  total- 
ly, as  does  the  palmated  elk  from  dama.     And  in  fact  it 
feems  tojland  in  the  fame  relation  to  the  elk,  as  the  red  deer 
does  to  the  falloiv.      It  has  abounded  in  Virginia,  has 
been  feen,  ^within  my  kaoivledge,  on  the  eajiernftde  of  the 
Blue  ridge  fine e  the  year  1765,  is  noiv  common  beyond 
thofe  mountains,  has  been  often  brought  to  us  and  tamed, 
and  its  horns  are  in  the  hands  of  many.     IJljould  defig- 
nate  it  as  the  *  Alces  Americanus  cornihus  teretihiis,^    It 
*were  to  be  auifljed,  that  naturalijls,  ivho  are  acquainted 
fwith  the  renne  and  elk  of  Europe,  and  ivho  may  hereaf- 
ter vijit  the  northern  parts  of  America,  ivoidd  examine 
*ivell  the  ammals  called  there  ly  the  names  of  the  grey  and 
^lach  moofe,  caribou,  orignal  and  elk.     Jllons.  de  Bujfon 
has.,  done  ivhat  could  be  done  from  the  materials  in  hb 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  75 

nations,  and  calling  it  therefore  by  its  Algonquin 
name,  vv^habus,  to  keep  it  diilind:  from  thefe. 
Kalm  is  of  the  fame  opinion.*  I  have  enumerat- 
ed the  fquirrels  according  to  our  own  knowledq-e, 
derived  from  daily  fight  of  them,  becaufe  I  am 
not  able  to  reconcile  with  that  the  European  ap- 
pellations and  defcriptions.  I  have  heard  of  other 
fpecies,  but  they  have  never  come  within  own  my 
notice.  Thefe,  I  think,  are  the  only  inftances  in 
which  I  have  departed  from  the  authority  of  Mons. 
de  Buffon  in  the  conftruc1:ion  of  this  table,  I  take 
him  for  my  ground  work,  becaufe  I  think  him  the 
bed  informed  of  any  naturaliil  who  has  ever  writ- 
ten.    The  refuit  is,  that  there  are  18  quadrupeds 

hands,  toward  clenring  up  the  confitfion  introduced  by  the 
loofe  application  of  thefe  names  among  the  animals  they  are 
meant  to  dfignate.  He  reduces  the  nvhole  to  the  renns 
md  fat-horned  elk.  From  all  the  information  I  ha-os 
been  able  to  colled,  I firongly  fafpen  they  will  he  found  to 
cover  three,  If  not  four  d'flincl  fpecies  of  animals.  I 
havefeenfkins  of  a  moofe,  and  of  the  caribou  :  they  dif- 
fer more  from  each  other,  and  from  that  of  the  round  hom- 
ed elk,  than  I  e-verfaiu  twofiins  d'lffer  ivhich  belonged 
to  different  individuals  of  any  wild  fpecies,  Thefe  dif- 
ferences are  in  the  colour,  length,  and  coarfenefs,  of  the 
hair,  and  in  theftze,  texture,  and  marks  ofthefkin.  Per- 
haps it  will  he  found  that  there  is,  i .  the  moof,  black  and 
grey,  the  former  being  faid  tohe  the  male,  and  the  latter  the 
female,  2.  The  caribou,  or  renne,  'i,.  The  flat-horned 
elk.ororignal  4.  The  round-horned  elk.  Should  this- 
lafl,  though  pcffejfingfo  nearly  the  charaders  of  the  elk,  he 
jound  to  be  the  fame  with  Cerf  d' Ardennes  or  Brands 
hirtr.  of  Germany,  fill  there  will  remain  the  three  fpecies 
frfl  enumerated,  t      - 

*  Kalm  II.  340.  L  02, 


76  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

peculiar  to  Europe  ;  more  than  four  times  as  ma- 
ny, to  wit,  74,  peculiar  to  America  ;  that  the*  firll 
of  thefe  74  weighs  more  than  the  whole  column  of 
Europeans  ;  and  confequently  this  fecond  table 
difproves  the  feccnd  member  of  the  alTertion,  that  i 
the  animals  peculiar  to  the  new  world  are  on  a  ' 
fmaller  fcale,  fo  far  as  that  affertion  relied  on  Eu- 
ropean animals  for  fupport ;  and  it  is  in  full  op- 
pofition  to  the  theory  which  mal'ies  the  animal 
volume  to  depend  on  the  circumftances  of  heat 
and  mo'fjlure. 

The  3d  table  comprehends  thofe  quadrupeds 
only  which  are  domeftic  in  both  countries.  That 
fome  of  thefe,  in  feme  parts  of  America,  have  be- 
come lefs  than  their  original  ftock,  is  doubtlefs 
true  ;  and  the  reafon  is  very  obvious.  In  a  thinly 
peopled  country,  the  fpontaneous  productions  of 
the  foreft  and  wade  fields  are  fliSicient  to  fupport 
indifferently  the  domeftic  animals  of  the  farmer, 
with  a  very  little  aid  from  him  in  tlie  feverefl  and 
fcarceit  feafon.  He  therefore  finds  it  more  con- 
venient to  receive  them  from  the  hand  of  nature 


*  The  tapir  Is  the  largejl  of  the  animals  pecvl'mr  to  yf- 

tnertca.     I  collttl  his  luelght  t/.nis.      Mom.  de  Buffon 

fay^f  XXI I L  274.  that  he  is  ofiheji-ze  of  a  %ehu.,  or  a 

fruall  coiv,     Hegrces  us  the  meafures  of  a  zebu,  lb.  94, 

as  taken  hy  hlmfelf  vl-z.  ^  feet  7  Inches  f-om  the  rnn'Z'zb 

tc  the  root  of  the  tali,  and  ^  feet  i  inch  circumference  he- 

hiud  the  fore  legs.     AhidU  meafuring  In  the  fame  mjay  6 

fe^t  9  Itxhes  and  5  feet  2  Inchrs,  ivelghed  6ooib,  VIII. 

153.      The  %ebu  then^  and  of  courfe  the  tapir,  nvould 

'■(velgh  about  yoolb.     But  one  ina'i'vuhial  of  every  fpccles 

■r)f'  Euro!)ean  pecvJ'fars  iu out d  probably  ivclgh  lefs  than 

J^oolb.      Thefe  arc  1'  rer.ch  meafures  and  icelghts. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  77 

in  that  indliFerent  ftate,  than  to  keep  up  their  fize 
by  a  care  and  nourifnment  which  would  coil  him 
much  labor.  If  on  this  low  fare,  thefe  animals 
dwindle,  it  is  no  more  than  they  do  in  thofe  parts 
of  Europe  where  the  porerty  of  the  foil,  or  pover- 
ty of  the  owner,  reduces  them  to  the  fame  icanty 
fubfiftence.  It  is  the  uniform  effect  of  one  and 
the  fame  caufe,  whether  ading  on  this  or  that  fide 
of  the  globe.  It  would  be  ernng  therefore  a- 
gainil  that  rule  of  philofophy,  which  teaches  us  to 
afcribe  like  effeds  to  like  caufes,  ihould  we  impute 
this  diminution  of  fize  in  America  to  any  imbecil- 
ity or  w^ant  of  uniformity  in  the  operation  of  nature. 
It  m.ay  be  affirmed  witli  truth,  that,  in  thofe  coun-* 
tries,  and  with  thofe  individuals  of  America,  where 
neceflity  or  curiofity  has  produced  equal  attention 
as  in  Europe,  to  tiie  nourlfhment  of  animals,  the 
horfes,  cattle,  fheep  and  hogs  of  the  one  continent 
are  as  large  as  thofe  of  the  other.  There  are  par- 
ticular infcances,  well  attefted,  where  individuals 
of  this  country  have  imported  good  breeders  from 
England,  and  have  improved  their  fize  by  care  in 
the  courfe  of  fome  years.  To  make  a  fair  com- 
parifon  between  the  two  countries,  it  will  not  an- 
fwer  to  bring  together  animals  of  what  might  be 
deemed  the  middle  or  ordinary  fize  of  their  fpecies; 
becaufe  an  error  in  judging  of  that  m.lddie  or  or- 
dinary lize  v/ould  vary  the  refult  of  the  compari- 
fon.  Thus  Ivioniieur  D'Aubenton*  confiders  a 
horfe  of  4  feet  5  inches  high  and  40olb.  weight 
French,  equal  to  4  feet  8.6  inches  and  4361b.  Eng- 
liih  as  a  middle  fized  horfe.  Such  a  one  is  deem- 
ed a  fmall  horfe  in  America.  The  extremes  mud 
therefore  be   reforted  to.     The  fame   anatomiftf 


*  FII.  432.  t  ^^^-  474- 


78  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

diire(5led  a  horfe  of  5  feet  9  inches  height,  French 
meafure,  equal  to  6  feet  1.7  Englifh.  This  is 
near  6  inches  higher  than  any  horfe  I  have  feen : 
and  could  it  be  fuppofed  that  I  had  feen  the  larg- 
eft  horfes  in  America,  the  conclufion  would  be, 
that  ours  have  diminifhed,  or  that  we  have  bred 
from  a  fmaller  ftock.  In  Connedicut  and  Rhode 
Ifland,  where  the  climate  is  favorable  to  the  pro- 
duftion  of  grafs,  bullocks  have  been  flaughtered 
which  weighed  2500,  2  2co,  and  2ioolb.  nett  ; 
and  thofe  of  1 8oolb.  have  been  frequent.  1  have 
feen  a  *hog  weigh  10501b.  after  the  blood,  bow- 
els, and  hair  had  been  taken  from  him.  Before 
he  was  kiiled,  an  attempt  was  made  to  weigh  him 
with  a  pair  of  fleel-yards,  graduated  to  i2colb. 
but  he  weighed  more.  Yet  this  hog  was  proba- 
bly not  within  fifty  generations  of  the  European 
ftock.  I  am  well  informed  of  another  which 
weighed  iioolb.  grofs.  Afies  have  been  ftill 
more  neglected  than  an)''  other  domeftic  animal  in 
America.  They  are  neither  fed  nor  houfed  in  the 
mod  rigorous  feafon  of  the  year.  Yet  ihey  are 
larger  than  thofe  meafured  by  Mons.  D'Auben- 
ton,f  of  3  feet  7  and  quarter  inches,  3  feet  4  inch- 
es, and  3  feet  2  inches  and  half,  the  latter  weigh- 
ing only  2  15.81b,  Thefe  fizes,  1  fuppofe,  have 
been  produced  by  the  fame  negligence  in  Europe, 
which  has  produced  a  like  diminution  here. 
Where  care  has  been  taken  of  them  on  that  ftdc  of 
the  water,  they  have  been  raifed  to  a  fize  border- 
ing on  that  of  the  horfe  ;  not  by  the  heat  and  dry- 
nefs  of  the  climate,  but  by  good  food  and  fnelter. 
Goals  have  been  alfo  much  negleded  in  America. 


*  hi  WiUlamJlm-^,  April  J  ^1^9* 
t  FIJI,  48.  S5-  06. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  79 

Yet  they  are  very  prolific  here,  bearing  twice  or 
three  times  a  year,  and  from  one  to  five  kils  at  a 
birth.  Mons.  de  BuiFon  has  been  ienfible  of  a 
difference  in  this  circumflance  in-  favor  of  Ameri- 
ca.'* But  what  are  their  greateft  weights,  I  can- 
not fay.  A  large  fneep  here  weighs  loolb.  I  ob- 
ferve  Mons.  D'Aubenton  calls  a  ram  of  62lb.  one 
of  die  middle  fize.f  But  to  fay  what  are  the  ex- 
tremes of  growth  in  thefe  and  the  other  domeftic 
animals  of  America,  would  require  information  of 
Vv'hich  no  one  individual  is  poiTeffed.  The  weights 
acT;ually  known  and  ftated  in  the  third  table  pre- 
ceding will  fuffice  to  fhow,  that  we  may  conclude, 
en  probable  grounds,  that,  with  equal  food  and 
care,  the  climate  of  America  will  preferve  the  races 
of  domellic  anim^als  as  large  as  the  European 
(lock  from  which  they  are  derived  ;  and  confe- 
quently  that  the  third  m.ember  of  Mons.  de  Buf- 
fon's  affertion,  that  the  domeftic  animals  are  fub- 
jedl  to  degeneration  from  the  climate  of  America, 
is  as  probably  wrong  as  the  firft  and  fecond  were 
certainly  fo. 

That  the  lall  part  of  it  is  erroneous,  which  af- 
firms that  the  fpecies  of  American  quadrupeds  are 
comparatively  few,  is  evident  from  the  tables  tak- 
en together.  ^  By  tftefe  it  appears  tliat  there  are  an 
hundred  fpecies  aboriginal  of  Am.erica.  Mons.  de 
Buffon  fuppofes  about  double  that  number  exift- 
mg  on  the  whole  earth.J  Of  thefe  Europe,  Afia, 
and  Africa  furnifh  fuppofe  126  ;  that  this,  the  26 
common  to  Europe  and  America,  and  about  100 
which  are  not  in  America  at  all.  The  American 
fpecies  then  are  to  thofe  of  the  reft  of  the  earth,  as 
100  to  1 26,  or  4  to  5.     But  the  refidue  of  the  earth 


*Xr///.  96.  -fix.  4.1,  tXYX2i9. 


8o  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

bsiii*  double  the  extent  of  America,  the  exaft  pro- 
portion would  haV'^  been  but  4  to  8. 

Hitherto  I  have  confidered  this  hypothefis  as 
aplied  to  brute  animals  only,  and  not  in  Its  exten- 
fion  to  the  man  of  America,  whether  aboriginal  or 
tranfplanted.  It  is  the  opinion  of  Mons.  de  BufFoii 
that   the   former  furniflies    no  exception   to  it.* 

*  Quoique  le  fauvage  du  nouveau  monde  foit  a  peu. 

*  pres  de  meme  ftature  que  I'homme  ds  notre  mon- 

*  de,  cela  ne  fufiit  pas  pour  qn'il  puifs  faire  une  ex- 

*  ception  au  fait  general  du  rapetiifement  de  la  na- 

<  ture  vlvante  dans  tout  ce  continent :  ie  fauvage 

*  eft  foible  &  petit  par  les  organs  de  la  generation; 

*  U  n'a  nl  poil,  ni  barbe,  &  nuile  ardeur  pour  fa 

*  femelle.     Quoique   plus  leger   que   I'Europeen, 

*  parce  qu'il  a  plus  d'habitude  a  courir,  U  eft  cepen- 

*  dant  beaucoup  moins  fort  de  corps ;  il  eft   auffi 

*  bien  moins  fenfibie,  &  cependant  plus  cralntif  & 
'  plus  lache  ;  il  n'a  nulie  vivacite,  nulle   aflivite 

*  dans  I'ame  ;  ceile  du  corps  eft  moins  un  exerclce, 

*  un  mouvement  volontaire  qu'une  neceilite  d'a(5l- 

*  Ion  caufee  par  le  befoin  ;  otez  lui  la  faim  &  la  foil, 

*  vous  detruirez  en  meme  temps  le  principe  a^lif  da 

<  tous  fes  mouvem.ens  ;   il  demeurera  ftupidement 

*  en  repos  fur  fes  jambes  ou  couche  pendant  des 

*  jours  entlers.  II  nefaut  pas  aller  chercher  plus  loin 
'  la  caufe  de  la  vie  difperfce  des  fauvages  Sz  de  leur 
'  eloignement  pour  la  fociete  :  la  plus  precieufe  e- 

*  tincelle  du  feu  de  ia  nature  leur  a  ete  refufee  :  Us 
'  manquent  d'ardeur  pour  leur  fem.elle,  &  par  con- 

*  fequent  d'amour  pour  leur  femblables  :  ne  con- 

*  noiffant  pas  Pattachment  le  plus  vif.  le  plus  ten- 

*  dre  de  tous,  leurs  autres  fentimens  de  ce  ^enere, 

*  font  frolds  &  lan^uifTans  :  ils  aiment  fofblement 

o 

*  XFIIL  146, 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


S[ 


leurs  peres  &  leurs  enflms  ;  la  fcciete  la  plus  inti- 
nie  de  toutes,  celle  de  la  meme  famille,  n'a  done 
chez  enx  que   de  foibles   liens ;  la  fociete  d'une 
famille  a  I'autre   n'en  a  point  du  tout :  des  lors 
nulle  reunion  nulle  republique,  nulle  etat  fbcial. 
La  phyfique  de  I'amour  fait  chez  eux  le  moral  des 
moeurs ;  leur  cceur  eft  glace,  leur  fociete  &  leuf  em- 
pire dur.  lis  ne  regardent  leurs  femmes  que  com- 
me  des  fervantes  de  peine  ou  des  betes  de  fomiTse 
qu'ils  chan  gent,  fans   menagemcnt,  du  flirdeau 
de  leur  chaiTe,  &   qu'ils  forcent,  flms   pitie,  fuis 
reconnoilfance,   a  des  ouvrages  qui  fouvent  font 
audeifus  de  leurs  forces  :  ilsVont  que  peu  d'en- 
fans  ;  ils  en   ont  peu  de  foin :  tout  fe  reffent  de 
leur  premier  defaut  ;   ils  font  indifFerents  p.irce 
qu'ils  font    peu    puiifants,   &   cette   indifference 
pour  le  faxe   eft   la   tache  originelle  qui  fietrit  la, 
nature,  qui   Tempache  de   f'epanouir,   &  qui  de- 
truifmt  les  germes   de  la  vie,   coupe  enmema 
temps  la  racine  de  la  fociete.     L'homme  ne  fait 
done   point   d'exceprion  ici.     La  nature   en  lui 
refufant  lefs  pujifances  de  I'amour  Pa  plus  mal- 
traite  &  plus   rapetiffe  qu'aucun   des    animaux.' 
An  affliaing  pidure,  indeed,  which,  for  the  honor 
of  human  nature,  I  am  glad  to  believe  has  no  ori- 
ginal.    Of  the  Indian  of  South   America  I  know 
nothing ;  for  I  would  not  honor  with  the  appella- 
tion of  knowledge,  what  I  derive,  from  tjie  fables 
publiihed  of  them.     Thefe   I  believe  to  be  juft  as 
true  as  the  fables  of  Efop.     This  belief  is  founded 
on  what  I  have  feen  of  man,    w^hite,    red,   and 
black,   and  what  has  been  written  of  him  by  au^ 
thors,  enlightened  themfelves,   and  writing  amidft 
an  enlightened  people.      The   Indian   of  North 
America  being   more    \ylthin  oy.r  reach,   I   c\\\ 


82  NOTES  ON  VIPvGTNIA. 

fpeak  of  him  fomewhat  from  my  own  knowledge, 
but  more   from   the  information  of  others  better 
acquainted  with    him,    and   on    whofe  truth  and 
judgment  I  can  rely.     From  thefe  fources   I  am 
able  to  fay,  in  contradidlion  to  this  reprefentation, 
that  he    is   neither   more   defeftive   in   ardor,  nor 
more  impotent  with  his  female,  than  the  white  re- 
duced to  the  fame  diet  and  exercife  :  that  he  is 
brave,  when  an   enterprize    depends  on    bravery; 
education  with  him  making  the    pohit  of  honor 
confift  in  the  deftrudion  of  an  enemy  by  ftratagem, 
and  in  the   prefervation  of  his   own   perfon   free 
from  injury  ;  or  perhaps  this  is  nature  ;  while  it 
is.  education   which  teaches   us  to*   honor   force 
more   than   fineffe  :  that  he  will  defend  himfelf  a- 
gaind  an  hoft  of  enemies,    always  choofmg  to  be 
killed,  rather  thanf  to  iurrender,   though  it  be  to 

*  Sol  Rodomonte  fpre%ria  di  venire 
Se  non,  dove  la  via  mem  eficura.      Ariofto.  14.  117. 
t  In  fo  judicious  an   author  as   Don  UUoa,  and  one 
to  ivhoni  ive  are  indeUed for  the  mojl  precife  informa- 
tion ive  have  of  South  America,  I  did  ?wt  expeB  to  find 
fiich  affertions  as  the  follorMing,     *  Los  indios  veticidos 
fon  los  mas  cohardes  y  pufilanimes  que  fe  peuden  ver^ : — 
Se  hacen  indcentes,fe  hurnillan  hafia  el  defprecio,  difctiU 
pan  f II  inconfiderado  arrojo,  y  con  las  fuplicas  y  los  rue-  . 
rros  danfeguras  pruebus  defu  pnJiLviimidad.'^o  lo  que 
"refieren  las  h'tforias  de  la  Conquifla,  fibre  fus  grandes 
acciones,  es  en  itn  fenditofiguadoy  6  el  charaSer  de  ejlas 
Rentes  no  es  ahora  fegiin   era   entonces  ;  pero  lo  que  no 
%ene  duda  es,  que   las  Nacones  dela  parte   Septentrionel 
Juhfiflen  en  la  mifma  lihertad  quefiempre  han  tenidojin 
haher  fJo  foju%gadGS  por  algun  Principe  extrano,y  que  , 
vivenfegunfu  regimen  y  cofiumbres  detoda  lavida.fm 
que  haya  hahida  motivo  para  qiic  muden  de  charaSer  ; 


NOTES  ON  VIRCxINIA.  85 

the  whites,  who  he  knows  will  treat  him  well  : 
that  in  other  fituatlons  alio  he  meets  death  with 
more  deliberation,  raid  endures  tortures  with  a 
firmnefs  unknown  almoft  to  religious  enthufiafm 
with  us  :  that  he  is  afFedionate  to  his  children, 
careful  of  them,   and  indulgent  in  the  extreme  : 

y  en  ejlos  fe  t/  Io  m'lfnw,  que  fucede  en  los  del  Peru,  y 
de  ioda  la  America  Alcr'id'ionaU  reducidos,y  que  nuhca 
lo  ban  ejlado.'  Notlc'ivs  Ameruanas,  Entretcn'imietito 
XV III.  J.  I.  Don  Ulhahere  admits,  that  the  authors 
luho  have  defcribed  the  Indians  of  South  America,  before 
they  were  enflaved,  had  reprefented  them  as  a  Irave  peo- 
pie,  and  therefore feems  to  havefufpeded  that  the  coivard- 
ice  nvhich  he  had  ohferved  in  thofe  of  the  prefejit  race 
might  he  the  effed  of  fuhjugation.  But,  fnppojng  the 
Indians  of  North  America  to  he  co'wards  alfo,  he  con- 
cludes the  anceftors  of  thofe  of  South  America  to  have 
leenfo  too,  and  therefore  that  thofe  authors  have  given 
fclionsfor  truth.  He  was  probably  not  acquainted  him- 
'felf  with^  the  Indians  of  North  America,  and  had  form- 
ed  his  opinion  of  them  from  hear -fay.  Great  numbers  of 
I^rench,  of  Engl'flo,  and  of  Americans,  are  perfectly  ac- 
quainted with  thefe  people.  Had  he  had  an  opportunity 
of  enquiring  of  any  of  thefe,  thty  would  have  told  hitn^ 
that  there  never  was  an  inflance  known  of  an  Indian  beg- 
ging his  life  when  in  the  power  of  his  eneinies  :  on  the 
contrary,  that  he  courts  death  by  every  pojjihle  iifult  and 
provocation.  His  reafoning  then  would  have  been  re- 
verfed  thus,  *  Since  the  prefent  Indian  of  North  Amer- 
ica is  brave,  and  authors  tell  us,  that  the  anceflors  of 
thofe  of  South  America  were  brave  alfo  ;  it  muff  follow , 
that  the  cowardice  of  their  defcendanis  is  the  effect  of  fuh- 
jugation and  ill  treatment.''  For  he  obferves,  ib.  ^.27. 
that  '  les  obrages  los  miquilan  por  la  Inhummiidad  com 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


that  liis  afTedions  comprehend  his  other  connef- 
tions,  weakenmg,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to  circle, 
^s  they  recede  from  the  centre  that  his  fricndihips 
rare  Pcrong  and  faithful  to  the  uttermoil*  extremi- 
ty :  that  his  fenfibility  is  keen,  even  the  warriors 
weeping  mod  bitterly  on  the  lofs  of  their  children, 
though  in  general  they  endeavour  to  appear  fupe- 
rior  to  human  events  :  that  his  vivacity  and  acliv- 
5ty  of  mind  is  equal  to  ours  in  the  fam^e  fituation : 
Iience  his  eagernefs  for  hunting,  and  for  games  of 
chance.  The  women  are  fubmitted  to  unjuft  drud- 
gery. This  I  believe  is  the  cafe  with  every  bar- 
barous people.  ^Vith  fuch  force  is  law.  The 
llronger  fex  therefore  impofes  on  the  v\^eaker.  It 
is  civilization  alone  which  replaces  women  in  the 

*  j^  renmrhable  hijlance  cf  ibis  appeared  in  the  cafe 
■cf  the  late  Col.  Byrd^  ivho  ivas  fent  to  the  Cherokee  na- 
"i'lor.  to  tranfad:  fome  hujinefs  ivlih  them.  It  happened 
thai  fome  of  our  dforderly  people  had  nijl  laded  one  or 
tivo  of  that  nai'ion.  It  avas  therefore  propofed  in  the 
council  of  the  Cherohees  that  Col.  Byrd  flooidd  be  put  to 
deaths  in  revenge  for  the  hfs  of  their  countryrnen'  A- 
mong  them  ivas  a  chif  called  Silouee,  cvho,  on-fomefomu 
er  occafion^  had  contracled  an  acquaintance  and  friend'^ 
fh'ip  iv'ith  Col.  Byrd.  He  came  to  him  enjery  night  in  his 
ten! J  and  told  him  not  to  be  afraid,  they Jhoidd  not  hill  him. 
After  many  days  deliberatlcn,  kciueiiery  the  determina" 
lion  tvas,  contrary  to  SiJo.use's  expeclaiion,  that  Byrd 
Jhoidd  be  put  to  death,  and  fome  nvarrion  '-ujere  difpatch- 
t'd  as  executioners.  Sdouee  attended  them,  a7id  ivhen 
they  entered  the  tent,  he  threnv  himfelf  bet-ween  them 
mid  Bxrd,  and  fild  to  the  fivarricrs,  *  This  man 
is  my  friend  :  before  you  get  at  him,  you  rnuft  kill  nie.^ 
On  ivhich  they  returned,  and  the  council  refpzBcd  the 
.^ri/>:ij>le  fo  nmch  as  iv  recede fr or.',  thrlr  determination. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  S5 

enjoyment  of  their  natural  equality.  That  firft 
teaches  us  to  fubdue  the  lelfifh  pailions,  and  to  re- 
fpecl  thofe  rights  in  others  which  we  value  in  our- 
lelves.  Were  we  in  equal  barbarii'm,  our  females 
would  be  equal  drudges.  The  man  with  them  is 
lefs  ftrong  than  with  us,  but  their  women  (Ironger 
than  ours  :  and  both  from  the  fame  obvious  rea- 
fon  ;  becaufe  our  man  and  their  woman  is  habitu- 
ated to  labor,  and  formed  by  it.  With  both  races 
the  fej?  which  is  indulged  with  eafe  is  lead  athletic. 
An  Indian  man  is  fmall  in  the  hand  and  wrill,  for 
the  fame  reafon  for  which  a  failor  is  large  and 
ftrong  in  the  arms  and  fhoulders,  and  a  porter  in 
the  legs  and  thighs. — They  raife  fewer  children 
than  we  do.  The  caufes  of  this  are  to  be  found, 
not  in  a  difference  of  nature,  butjof  circumftance. 
The  women  very  frequently  attending  th  men  in 
their  parties  of  war  and  of  hunting.,  child-bearing 
becomes  extremxcly  inconvenient  to  them.  It  is 
faid,  therefore,  that  they  have  learned  the  practice 
of  procuring  abortion  by  the  ufe  of  feme  vegeta- 
ble ;  and  that  it  even  extends  to  prevent  concep- 
tion for  a  confi-derable  time  after.  During  thefe 
parties  they  are  expofed  to  numerous  hazards,  to  ex- 
oeliive  exertions,  to  the  greateft  extremities  of  hun- 
ger. Even  at  their  homes  the  nation  depends  for 
food,  through  a  certain  part  of  every  year,  on  the 
gleanings  of  the  foreft :  that  is,  they  experience 
a  famine  once  in  every  year.  With  all  animals, 
if  the  females  be  badly  fed,  or  not  fed  at  all,  her 
young  perifli :  and  if  both  male  and  female  be  re- 
duced to  like  v/ant,  generation  becomes  lefs  aftive, 
lefs  productive.  To  the  obftacles  then  of  want 
and  hazard,  which  nature  has  oppofed  to  the  mul- 
tiplication of  wild  animals,  for  the  purpofe  of  re- 


S6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.    ' 

{lrainin_^  theif  numbers  within  certain  bounds, 
thofe  of  labor  and  of  voluntary  abortion  are  ad- 
ded with  the  Indian.  No  wonder  then  if  they 
multiply  lefs  than  we  do.  Where  food  is  regular- 
ly fupplied,  a  fmgle  farm  v/ill  fhow  more  of  cattle,, 
than  a  whole  country  of  foreils  can  of  buffaloes. 
The  fame  Indian  women,  when  married  to  white 
traders,  who  feed  them  and  their  children  plenti- 
fully and  regularly,  wlio  exempt  them  from  ex- 
ceffive  drudgery,  who  keep  them  ftationary  and 
unexpofed*to  accident,  produce  and  raife  as  many 
children  as  the  white  women.  Inlliances  are 
known,  under  thefe  circumilances,  of  their  rearing 
a  dozen  children.  An  inhuman  pradice  once 
prevailed  in  this  country,  of  making  Haves  of  the 
Indians.  It  is  a  ind:  well  known  with  us,  that 
the  Indian  women  fo  enflaved  produced  and  raif- 
ed  as  numerous  families  as  either  the  v\^hites  or 
blacks  among  whom  they  lived. — -It  has  been  faid, 
that  the  Indians  have  lefs  hair  than  the  vdiites, 
except  on  the  head.  But  this  is  a  fadt  of  vvhich 
fair  proof  can  fcarcely  be  had.  With  them  it  is 
difgracefal  to  be  liairy  on  the  body.  They  fay  it 
likens  them  to  hogs.  They  therefore  pluck  the 
liair  as  faft  as  it  appears.  But  the  traders  who 
marry  their  vromen,  and  prevail  on  them  to  dif- 
continue  this  practice,  fay  that  nature  is  the  fame 
with  them  as  with  the  whites.  Nor,  if  the  fad  be 
true,  is  the  confequence  neceffary  which  has  been 
drawn  from  it.  Negroes  have  notorioudy  lefs 
hair  than  whites  ;  yet  they  are  more  ardent.  But 
if  cold  and  moiflure  be  the  agents  of  nature  for 
diminilhing  the  races  of  animals,  how  comes  ihe 
all  at  once  to  fufpend  their  operation  as  to  the  phy- 
sical man  of  the  new  world,  whom  the  Count  ^c- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  87 

knowledges  to  be  *  a  pen  pres  de  mem«  ftatiire 
"^  que  I'homme  de  notre  nionde,'  and  to  let  loofe 
their  influence  on  his  moral  faculties  ?  How  has 
this  *  combination  of  the  elements  and  other  phy- 

*  fical  caufes,   fo  contrary  to  the  enlargement  of 

*  animal  nature  in  this  new  worid,nhefe  obftacies 

*  to  the  developement  and  formation  of  great 
germs,'*  been  arreted  and  fufpended,  fo  as  to  per- 
mit the  human  body  to  acquire  its  juil  dimenfions, 
and  by  what  inconceivable  procefs  has  their  action 
been  dircded  on  his  mind  alone  ?  To  judge  of  the 
truth  of  this,  to  form  a  juil  eftimate  of  their  gen- 
ius and  mental  powers,  more  f:ici:s  are  wanting, 
and  great  allowance  to  be  made  for  thofe  eircum- 
flances  of  their  fituation  wliich  call  for  a  difplay  of* 
particular  tcilents  only.  This  done,  we  Ihall  prob- 
ably find  that  they  are  form^ed  in  mind  as  well  as 
in  body,  on  the  fame  module  with  the  f  *  Homo 
fapiens  Europisus.'  The  principles  of  their  focie- 
ty  forbidding  all  compulfion,  they  are  to  be  led  tn 
duty  and  to  enterprize  by  perfonal  influence  and 
periuafion.  Hence  eloquence  in  council,  bravery 
and  addrefs  in  war,  become  tlie  foundations  of  all 
confequence  with  them.  To  thefe  acquirements 
all  their  faculties  are  directed.  Of  their  bravery 
and  addrefs  in  war  we  have  multiplied  proofs,  be- 
caufe  we  have  been  the  fubje<51s  on  which  they 
were  exercifed.  Of  their  eminence  in  oratory, 
we  have  fewer  examples,  becaufe  it  is  difplayed 
chiefly  in  their  own  councils.  Some  however,  we 
have  of  very  fuperiorluftre.  I  may  challenge  the 
whole  orations  of  Demofthenes  and  Cicero,  and  of 
any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furniflied 
more  eminent,  to  produce  a  fmgle  pallage,  fuperi- 


*  XFIIL  146.  -j-  Lynn.  Syji,  Defnii'ion  of  Men. 


18  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

or  to  the  fpeech  of  Logan,  a  Mingo  chief  to  lorcl 
Duninore.  when  governor  of  this  iiate.  And,  as 
a  teltimony  of  their  talents  in  this  hne,  I  beg  leave 
to  introduce  it,  firiT:  dating  the  hicidents  necefTary 
for  underdanding  it. 

*  In  the  fpring  of  the  year  1774,  ^  robbery  was 
committed  by  fome  Indians  on  certain  land  ad- 
venturers on  the  River  Ohio.  The  whites  in 
that  quarter,  according  to  their  cuftom,  under- 
took to  punilh  this  outrage  in  a  fummary  way. 
Captain  Michael  Crefap,  and  a  certain  Daniel 
Greathoufe,  leading  on  thefe  parties,  fHrprlfed, 
at  different  times,  travelling  and  hunting  parties 
of  the  Indians,  having  their  women  and  children 
with  them,  and  murdered  many.  Among  thefe 
were  unfortunately  the  family  of  Logan,  a  chief 
celebrated  in  peace  and  war,  and  long  diftinguiih- 
ed  as  the  friend  of  the  whites.  This  unworthy 
return  provoked  his  vengeance.  He  according- 
ly fignalized  himfelf  in  the  war  which  enfufed. 
In  the  autumni  of  the  fame  year  a  decifive  battle 
was  fought  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanha- 
way,  between  the  colleded  forces  of  the  Shawa- 
ncfe,  Mingoes  and  Delawares,  and  a  detachment 
of  the  Virg-inia  militia.  The  Indians  were  de- 
feated  and  fued  for  peace.  Logan,  however, 
difdained  to  be  feen  among  the  luppliants.  But 
left  the  fnicerity  of  a  treaty  Ihould  be  diftrufted, 
from  Vv'hich  fo  diftinguifhed  a  chief  abfented 
himfelf,  he  fent,  by  a  melTenger,  the  following 
fpeech,  to  be  delivered  to  lord  Dunniore. 

'  1  appeal  to  any  white  man  to  fay,  if  ever  he 
entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he  gave  him 
not  meat  :  if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked,  and 
he  cloathed  him  not.     During  the  courfe  of  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  89 

*  laft  long  and  bloody  -^  ar  Logan  remained  idle  in 

*  his  cabin,  an  advocate  for  peace.     Such  was  tt.j 

*  love  for  the  whites,  that  my  countrymen  pointed 

*  as  they  pafled,  and  faid  '  Logan  is  the  friend  of 
«  white  men.'     I  had  even  thought  to* have  lived 

*  with  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man.  Co- 
«  lonel  Crefap,  the  Lift  fpring,  in  cold  blood,  and 
«  unprovoked,   murdered  all  the  relations  of  Lo- 

*  gan,  not  even  fparing  m.y  women  and  children. 

*  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins 

*  of  any  living   creature.     This  called  on  me  for 

*  revenge.     I  have  fought  it :  I  have  killed  m.anv  : 

*  I   have   fully   glutted    my  va^-geance  :    for  mr 

*  country  I  rejoice   at  the   beams  of  peace.     But 

*  do  not  harbor  a  thought  that  mine  is  the  joy  of 

*  fear.     Logan  never  felt  fear.     He  will  not  turn 

*  on  his  heel  to  fave   his  iifle.     Who    is  there'  to 

*  mourn  for  Logan  ? — Not  one." 

Before  we  condem.d  the  Indians  of  this  conti- 
nent as  wanting  genius,  we  muft  conflder  that  let- 
ters have  not  yet  been  introduced  ainono-  them. 
Vitrz  we  to  compare  them  in  their  prefeiit  ftate 
with  the  Europeans,  north  of  the  Alps,  when  the 
Roman  arts  and  arm.s  lirtl:  croifed  thcfe  moun- 
tains, the  comparifon  would  be  unequal,  becaufe, 
at  that  time,  thofe  parts  01  Europe  were  fwarm.- 
ing  with  numbers,  becaufe  numbers  produce  em- 
ulation, and  multiply  the  chances  of  improvement, 
and  one  improvement  begets  another.  Yet  I  mav 
fafely  aik,  how  many  good  poets,  how  m.anv  able 
miathematicians,  hcvv^  many  great  inventors  in  arts 
or  fciences,  had  Europe,  north  cf  the  Airs,  then 
produced  ?  And  it  was  fixteen  centuries  after  this 
before  a  Newton  could  be  formed.  I  do  not  mean 
to  deny,  that  there  are  varieties  in  the  race  cf  mm, 
M 


50  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

cliftinguflied  b}^  their  powers  both  of  body  anc? 
iTihidr    I  believe  there  are,  as  I  fee  to  be  the  cafe 
in  the  races  of  other  animals.     I  only  meantQ 
fuggeft  a   doubt,  whether  the  bulk  and  faculties 
of^animals   depend  on  the  fide  of  the  Atlantic  on 
^vhich  their  food  happens  to  grow,  or  which  fur« 
nifiies  the  elements  of  which  they  are  compound- 
ed ?  Whether  nature  has  enhlled  herfelf  as  a  Cis 
or  Trans-Atlantic  partifan  ?   I  am  induced  to  fiif- 
pect,  there  has  hs^n  more   eloquence  than  found 
Teafoning  difplayed  in  fupport  of  this  theory  ;  that 
it  is  one  of  tl^ofe  cafes  w^here  the  judgment  has 
been  feduced  by  a  glowing  pen  ;  andw^hilft  I  ren- 
der every  tribute  of  honor  and  efteem  to  the  cele- 
brated zoologift,  who  has  added,  and  is   ilill  ad- 
ding fo  many  precious  things  to  the  treafures  of 
fcience,  I  m.uA  doubt  whether  in  this  inftance  he 
has  not  cherifiied  error  alfo,  by  lending  her  for  a 
moment   his   vivid    im.agination  ?aid  bewitchmg 

language.  (4)  .    •,    1  . 

So  far  the  Count  de  Buffon  has  carried  this  new 
theory  of  the  tendency  of  nature  to  belittle  her 
produaions  on  this  fide  of  the  Atlantic.  Its  ap- 
plication to  the  race  of  whites,  tranfplanted  from 
Europe,  remained  for  the  Abbe  Raynal.  'On 
*  doit  etre  etonne  (he  fays)  que  I'Amerique  n'ait 
«  pas  encore  produit  un  bon  poete,  un  habile  math- 
'  ematicien,  un  hcmm.e  de  genie  dans  un  feul  art» 
«  ou  une  feule  fcience.^  7.  Hid.  Phiios.  p.  92.  ed. 
Maeftrich.  177J..  *  America  has  not  yet  produc- 
ed one  good  poet.'  When  we  Ihall  have  exifted 
us  a  people  as  long  as  the  Greeks  did  before  they 
T^roduced  a  Hom.er,  the  Romans  a  Virgd,  the 
French  a  R.acine  and  Voltaire,  the  Engliih  a  Shake- 
ibeare  and  Milton,  ihould  this  reproach  be  Ml 


i 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  91 

true,  we  will  enquire  from  what  unfriendly  caufes 
h  has  proceeded,  that  the  other  countries  of  Eu- 
rope and  quarters  of  the  earth  fhall  not  have  in- 
icribed  any  name  in  the  roll  of  poets.*     But  nei- 
ther has  America  produced  '  one  able  mathemati- 
^  cian,  one  man  of  genius  in  a  lingle  art  or  a  fni- 
*  gle  fcience/     In  war  we  have  produced  a  Wafli- 
ington,  whofe  memory  will  be  adored  while  liberty 
ihall  have  votaries,  v/nofe  name  will  triumph  over 
time,  and  will   in  future  ages  afTume  its  ju(l  fta- 
tion  among  the   moll  celebrated  w^ortliies  of  the 
world,  when  that  wretched  philofophy  Ihall  be  for- 
gotten which   vv'ouid  have   arranged  him  among 
the  degeneracies  of  nature.     In  phyfics  we  have 
produced  a  Franklin,  than  whom  no  one  of  the 
prefent  age  has  made  more  important  difcoveries, 
nor  has  enriched  philofoply  with  more,   or  more 
ingenious  folutions  of  the   phenomena   of  nature. 
We  have  fuppofed  Mr.  Rittenhoufe  fecend  to  no 
adronomer  living  :  that  in  genius  he  mufl  be  the 
firft.  becaufe  he  is  felf-taught.     As  an  artifl  he  has 
exhibited  as  great  a  proof  of  mechanical  genius  as 
the  world  has  ever  produced.     Ke  has  not  indeed 
made  a  world  ;  but  he  has  by  imitation  approach- 
ed nearer  its  Maker  than  any  man  who  has  lived 


*  Has  the  world  as  yet  produced  more  than  two  po- 
etS)  acknozvledged  to  befuch  by  all  nations  ?  j4n  Engliffj" 
man,  only,  reads  Milton  iv'uh  delight,  an  Italian  Tajfo^ 
a  Frenchman  Henrtade,  a  Porluguefe  Camoens,  but  Ho" 
rner'  and  Virgil  have  been  the  rapture  of  every  age  and 
nation  :  they  are  read  nvlth  enihufiafm  In  their  originals 
hy  thofe  luho  can  read  the  orl^lnalS)  and  In  tranJIatiQM 
jby  thofti  who  caiinotj, 


9^  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

from  the  creaticn  to  this  day.*  As  in  phylofo- 
phy  and  war,  ib  in  government,  in  oratory,  in 
painting,  in  the  plallic  art,  \ve  might  Ihow  that 
America,  though  but  a  child  of  yePcerday,  has 
already  given  hopeful  proofs  of  genius,  as  well  of 
the  nobler  kinds,  which  aroufe  the  beit  feelings  of 
maH,  vrhich  call  him  into  adion,  which  fubilan- 
tiate  his  freedom,  and  conduct  him  to  happinefs, 
as  of  the  fubordinalie,  which  ferve  to  amufe  him 
only.  We  therefore  fuppofe,  that  this  reproach  is 
as  unjuft  as  it  is  unkind  ;  and  that,  of  the  geniuf- 
es  which  adorn  the  prefent  age,  America  contrib- 
utes its  full  fiiare.  For  comparing  it  with  thofe 
countries,  Vvhere  genius  Is  moil  cultivated,  where 
;i.ie  the  moft  excellent  models  for  art,  and  fcaf- 
^^ '.folding:  for  the  attainment  of  fcience,  as  France 
.nd  England  for  inllancc,  Ave  calculate,  thus  ; 
I'he  United  States  contain  three  mJliions  of  in- 
liabitants  France  twenty  millions  ;  and  the  Britifii 
iflands  ten.  We  produce  a  Wafnington,  a  Frank- 
lin, a  Rittenhoufe.  France  then  iliould  have  half 
a  dozen  in  each  of  thefe  lines,  and  Great-Britain 
half  that  number,  equally  eminent.  It  may  be 
true,  that  France  has:  we  are  but  jufl  becoming 
acquainted  vv'ith  her,  and  our  acquaintance  fo  far 
gives  us  high  ideas  of  the  genius  of  her  inhabit- 
ants, it  would  be  injuring  too  many  of  them  to 
nam^e  particularly  a  Voltaire,  a  Buifcn,  the  con- 
ftellation  of  Encyclopedifts,  the  Abbe  Raynal  him.- 

*  There  are  'oarlous  ^iX^ays  of  leephig  truth  out  of 
fv^ht.  Mr.  Rittenhoufe  s  model  of  the  planetary,  fyf  cm 
has  the  plagu'idry  appeUat'ion  cf  an  Orrery  ;  a?iii  the 
quadrard  iuvnted  hy  Godfrey^  an  American  alfo,  atid 
'Tvlih  tJys  all  cf  which  the  European  natlom  traverfe  the 
^'-■'jb?^  h  called  Nadley's  qtiadran!. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.    -         53 

2l\£,  kc.  Sec.  We  therefore  have  reafon  to  be- 
lieve Ihe  cull  produce  her  full  quotii  of  genius. 
The  prefeat  war  having  io  long  cut  off  all  com- 
munication with  Great-Britain,  we  are  not  able  to 
make  a  fair  estimate  of  the  Pcate  of  fcience  in  ihat 
country.  The  fpirit  in  which  fiie  wa^es  w^ir,  is 
the  only  fampb  before  -  cur  eyes,  and  that  docs 
not  feem  the  legitimate  offspring  either  of  fcience 
or  of  civilization.  Ihe  fun  of  her  glory  is  fail 
defcending  to  the  horizon.  Ker  philofophy  has 
crofled  the  channel,  her  freedom  the  Atlantic,  and 
herfelf  feems  palling  to  that  awful  dillolution, 
whofe  iffiie  is  not  given  human  forefight  to  fcan.* 

*  In  a  later  eclhlon  of  the  Aohe  RaynaPs  ivorh^  he  las 
nv'ithdra^jon  his  cen Jure  from  thai  part  of  ihe  ne-vj  ivorld 
itihahlted  by  the  Federo-ylmericans  }  but  has  hft  Ifjl'dl 
on  the  other  parts.  North  America  has  alivays  been 
more  accejfhle  to  f,rcrg'ers  than  South.  If  he  tvas  mf- 
taken  then  as  to  the  former^  he  may  be  fo  as  to  the.  latter. 
The  glirnrnerings  ivhich  reach  us  from  South  Atv.er'ica 
enable  us  only  to  fee  that  its  inhahltants  are  held  under 
toe  accumulated prejfure  of fl avery ^  fvpsrflition  and  igno- 
rance, JVhenever  they  fhall  be  able  to  raife  under  this 
riveight,  andfho-zu  ihenfclves  tc  ihe  rejl  of  ihe  'Lvarld,  they 
ivill  probably fjjoi'j  they  are  like  the  refi  of  ihe  ivorld.  Ws 
have  not  yet  fffLcieni  evidence  that  there  are  more  lakes 
and  togs  in  South  America  than  in  ihe  other  parts  of  the 
earth.  As  little  do  lue  hwui)  ivhat  ivoidd  he  their  ot' 
eraiion  on  the  mind  of  man.  That  country  has  been  inf- 
itedhy  Spaniards  and  Poriuguefe  chiefly ^  and  almoj}  oc" 
cluf'oely,  Thefe  going  from  a  country  of  the  old  fw oriel 
remarkably  dry  in  its  foil  and  climate,  fancied  there  'vcere 
more  lakes  and  fogs  in  South  America  than  in  Europe, 


94  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

Having  given  a  fketch  of  our  rnmerals,  veg- 
etables, and  qnadrupeds,  and  being  led  by  a 
proud  theory  to  make  a  comparifon  of  the  latter 
with  thoie  of  Europe,  and  to  extend  it  to  the  man 
of  America,  both  aboriginal  and  emi.r;i-ant,  I  Vt^ill 
proceed  to  the  remaining  articles  comprehended 
under  the  prefent  query. 

Between  ninety  and  an  hundred  of  our  birds 
have  been  defcribed  by  Catefby.  His  dra.wings 
are  better  as  to  form  and  attitude,  than  coloring 
which  is  generally  too  high.  They  are  the  fol- 
lowing. 

jln  inhahitant  of  Ireland,  Szueden,  or  Finland  would 
have  formed  the  contrary  opinion.  Had  South  Ainerica 
been  dif covered  and  fettled  hy  a  people  from  a  fenny  coiin^ 
try,  it  ivould  prohshly  have  been  reprefented  as  much 
dryer  than  the  old  ivorld.  A  patient  purfuit  offaBs, 
and  cautious  combination  and  comparifon  of  them,  is 
the  drudgery  to  which  man  is  fubje£t  by  his  Maher^  if 
he  ivijhss  to  at  lain  fire  knowledge. 


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loo  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Befides  thefe,  we  have, 
The  Royiton  crow.     Corvus  cornix. 
Crane.     Ardea  Canadenfis. 
Houfe  fwallow.     Kirundo  ruftlca. 
Ground  fwallow.     Hirundo  riparla. 
Greateft  grey  eagle. 

Smaller  turkey  buzzard,  with  a  feathered  head, 
Greateft  owl,  or  n'lQ-ht  hawk.  * 

"Wet  hawk,  which  feeds  iiying. 
Raven. 
^Vater  pelican  of  the  MiiTifippi,  whofe  pouch  holds 

a  peck. 
Swan. 
Loon, 
Cormorant. 
Duck  and  Mallard. 
Widgeon. 

Sheldrach,  or  canvas  back. 
Black  head. 
Ballcoot. 
Springtail. 

Didapper,  or  Dopchick* 
Spoon  billed  duck. 
Vv'^atcr-witch. 
AVater-pheafant, 
Mow- bird. 
Blue  Peter. 
Water  wagtail. 
Yellovv^-legged  fnipe. 
Squatting  fnipe. 
Small  plover, 
Whiftling  plover. 
W^oodcock. 
Red  bird,  with  black  head,  Vvlrgs  and  tail. 

And  dciibtlef,  many  otliers  Tv'bich  have  iiOtyeJ; 
beendefcribcd  and  daifed. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  ici 

To  this  catalogue  of  our  indigenous  animals,  I 
will  add 'a  fhort  account  of  an  anomaly  of  nature, 
taking  place  fometimes    in    the   race   of  negroes 
brought   from  Africa,  who,  though  black  them- 
Jfelves,  have,  in  rare  inftances,  ^vhite  children,  cal- 
led Albinos.     I  have  known  four  of  thefe  myfelt, 
and  have  faithful  accounts  of  three  others.     The 
circum^ilances  in  which  all  the  individuals  agree 
are  thefe.     They  are  of  a  pallid  cadaverous  white, 
untinged  with  red,   without  any   colored  fpots  or 
feams  ;  their  hair  of  the  fame  kind  of  white,  fhort, 
coarfe,  and  curled  as  is  that  of  the  negro ;  all  of 
them  well  formed,  ftrong,  healthy,  perfect  in  their 
fenfes,  except  that  of  fight,  and  born  of  parents 
who  had  no   mixture   of  white  blood.     Three  of 
thefe  Albinos  were  fifters,   having  two   other  full 
fillers,  who  were  black.     The  ycungeft  of  the  three 
was  killed  by  lightning,   at  twelve   years  of  age. 
The  eldeil  died  at  about  27  years  of  age,  in  child- 
bed, with  her  fecond  child.     The  middle  one  is 
now  alive  in  health,  and  has  ilfae,  as  the  eldeft  had, 
by  a  black  man,  vs^hich  iffue  was  black.     They  are 
uncomm.only  fhrewd,  quick  in  their  apprehenfions 
and  in  reply.     Their  eyes  are  in  a  perpetual  trem- 
ulous vibration,  very  weak,  and  much  afFeded  by 
the  fun  :   but  they  fee  much  better  in  the  night  than 
we  do.     They  are  of  the   property  of  Col.  Skip- 
with,  of  Cumberland.     The  fourth  is  a  negro  v/o- 
man,  whofe  parents  came  from  Guinea,   and  had 
three  other  children,  who  v.'ere  of  their  own  color. 
She  is  freckled,  her  eye-fight  fo  weak  that  Ihe  is 
obliged  to  wear  a  bonnet  in  the  fummer  ;  but  it  is 
better  in  the  night  than  day.     She  had  an  Albino 
child  by  a  black  man.     It  died  at  the  age  of  a  few 
v:(?;?ks,     Thefe  wsre  the  property  of  Col.  Carter, 


102  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

of  Albemarle.  A  fj.xth  inftance  is  a  woman  of  the 
property  of  a  Mr.  Butler,  near  Pererfoiirgh.  She 
is  flout  and  robufl,  has  ifTue  a  daughter,  jet  black, 
by  a  black  man,  I  am  not  iu  formed  as  to  her  eye- 
fight.  The  feventh  inuance  is  of  a  male  belong- 
ing to  a  Mr.  Lee  of  Cumberland.  K  s  eyes  are 
tremulous  and  weak.  He  is  tall  of  ftatui'e.,  and 
now  advanced  in  years.  He  is  the  only  male  of 
the  Albinos  which  have  come  within  my  informa- 
tion. Whatever  be  the  caufe  of  the  dileafe  in  the 
fkin  or  in  its  colouring  matter,  which  produces 
this  change,  it  feems  m>re  incident  to  the  female 
than  male  fex.  To  thefe  I  may  add  the  mentioa 
of  a  negro  m.an  witliin  my  o\vn  knowledge,  born 
black,  and  of  black  parents ;  on  whofe  chin,  when 
a  boy,  a  white  fpot  appeared.  This  continued  to 
increafe  till  he  became  a  man,  by  which  time  it 
had  extended  over  his  chin,  lips,  one  cheek,  the  un- 
der jaw,  and  neck  on  that  fide.  It  is  of  the  Albi- 
no white,  without  any  mixture  of  red,  and  has  for 
feveral  years  been  ftationary.  "  He  is  robuft  and 
healtliy,  and  the  change  of  color  was  not  accom- 
panied with  any  fenfible  difeafe,  either  general  or 
topical. 

Of  our  fifh  and  infeds  there  has  been  nothing 
like  a  full  defcriptlon  or  collection.  More  of  them 
are  defcribed  in  Cateiby  than  in  any  other  work. 
Many  alfo  are  to  be  found  in  Sir  Hans  Sloane's 
Jamaica,  as  being  common  to  that  and  this  coun- 
try. The  honey-bee  is  not  a  native  of  our  conti- 
nent. Marcgrave  indeed  mentions  a  fpecies  of 
honey-bee  in  Brazil.  But  this  has  no  fting  and  is 
therefore  different  from  the  one  we  have,  which 
refembles  perfedly  that  of  Europe.  The  Indians 
coQcur  with  us  in  the  tradition  that  it  was  brought 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINrA.  103 

from  Europe  ;  but  v/hen,  and  by  whom,  we  know 
not.  The  bees  have  generally  extended  them- 
felves  into  the  country,  a  litrle  in  advance  of  the 
white  fettlers.  The  Indians  therefore  call  them 
the  white  man's  fly,  and  confider  their  approach 
as  indicating  the  app  ;oach  of  the  fettlements  of 
the  whites.  A  queilion  here  occurs,  how  far 
northwardly  have  thefe  infeds  been  found  ?  That 
they  are  unknown  in  Lapland,  I  infer  from  Schef- 
fers  information,  that  the  Laplanders  eat  the  pine 
bark,  prepared  in  a  certain  way,  inftead  of  tliofe 
things  fweetened  with  fugar.  <  Hoc  comedunt: 
*  pro  rebus  faccharo  conditis.'  SchefF.  Lapp.  c. 
1 8.  Certainly  if  they  had  honey,  it  would  be  a 
better  fubftitute  for  fugar  than  any  preparation  of 
the  pine  bark.  Kalm  tells  us*  the  honey-bee  can- 
not live  through  the  winter  in  Canada.  They 
furniih  then  an  additional  proof  of  the  remarkable 
fac'l  firft  obferved  by  the  Count  de  Buffon,  and 
which  has  thrown  fuch  a  blaze  of  light  on  the 
field  of  natural  hiftory,  that  no  animals  are  found 
in  both  continents,  but  thofe  which  are  able  to 
bear  the  cold  of  thofe  regions  where  they  probably 
join. 


^^'  u  i2€. 


QUERY  VIL 

A  NOT  ICE  of  ail  that  can  Increafe  the  pro- 
grefs  of  human  knowledge  ? 
Under  the  latitude  of  this  query,  I  will  pre- 
fume  it  not  improper  nor  unacceptable  to  furniih 
fome  data  for  eftimating  the  climate  of  Virginia. 
Journals  of  obfervations  on  the  quantity  of  rain, 
and  degrees  of  heat,  being  lengthy,  confufed,  and 
too  minute  to  produce  general  and  diftinft  ideas,  I 
have  taken  five  years'  obfervatibns,  to  wit,  from 
1772  to  1777,  made  in  Williamiburgh  and  its 
neighborhood,  have  reduced  them  to  an  average 
for  every  month  in  the  year,  and  ftated  thofe  ave- 
rages in  the  following  table,  adding  an  analytical 
yiew  of  tlie  winds  during  the  {^iuq  period. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


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ic6  KGTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

The  rains  of  every  month,  (as  of  January,  for 
iiiftance)  throuorh  the  whole  period  of  Years,  were 
added  feparately,  and  an   average  drawn  from 
them.     The    coolcft   and  warmeil    points  cf  th^ 
ilinie  day  in  each  rear  of  the  period,  v.'ere  added 
feparately,  and  an  average  of  the  greateft  cold  and 
greateli  heat  of  that  day,  was  formed.     Yrom  tha 
averages  of  every  day  in  the  month,   a  general 
average  for  the  whole  month  was  formed.     The 
point  from  which   the    wind  blew,  was  obferved 
two  or  three  times  in  every  day.     Thefe'  obfcrva- 
tions,    in   the    month   of  January,    for  inllance, 
throngh  the  whole  period,  amounted  to  337.    At 
73  of  thefe,  the  v^and  was  from  the  north  ;  at  47 
from  the  north-eaft,  &c.     So  that  it  will  be  eafy  to 
fee  in  vvhat  proportion  each  wind  ufually  prevails 
in  each  month  ;  or,  taking  the  whole  year,  the 
total  of  obfcrvattons   through    the    whole  period^ 
having  been  3698,  it  will  be  obferved  that  611  cf 
them  were  from   the  north,   55 S  from  the  uorth- 
call,  Sic. 

Though  by  this  table  it  appears  we  have  on  an 
average  47  inches  of  rain  annually,  which  is  con- 
f.derably  more  than  ufaally  falls  in  Europe,  yet 
from  the  information  I  have  cGilected,  I  fuppofe 
we  have  a  much  greater  proportion  of  funihine 
here  than  there.  Perhaps  It  will  be  found,  there 
are  tv^ice  as  many  cloudy  days  in  the  middle  parts, 
of  Europe,  as  in  the  United  States  of  America. 
I  mention  the  middle  parts  of  Europe,  becaufe  my 
information  does  not  extend  to  its  northern  or 
fouthern  parts. 

In  an  extenfive  country,  it  will  of  courfe  be  ex- 
pected, that  the  climate  is  not  the  fame  in  all  its 
parts.     It  is  remarkable,  that  proceeding  on  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  107 

fame  paralel  of  latitude  v/eftwardly,  the  climate 
becomes  colder  in  like  manner  as  when  you  pro- 
ceed nordiwardly.     This  continues  to  be  the  cafe 
till  you    attain  the    f.immit    of  the   Alleghaney, 
Xvhich  is  the  higheft  land   between  the  ocean  and 
the  Miffifippi,     From   thence,   defcending  in   the 
i'dine  latitude  to  the  Miififippi,  the  change  reverfes ; 
and,  if  we  may  believe  travellers,  it  becomes  war- 
mer there  than  it  is  in  the  fame  latitude  on  the  fea 
fide.    Their  telHmony  is  ftrengthened  by  the  veget- 
ables and  animals  which  fubfift  and  multiply  there 
naturally,  and  do  not  on  our  fea-coail:.     Thus  ca- 
tcdpas  grow  fpdntaneoully  on  the  Miilifippi,  as  far 
as  the  latitude   of  37^,   and  reeds  as  far  as  38^. 
Pcrroquets  even  winter  on  the  Scioto,  in  the  30th 
degree  of  latitude.     In  the  fummercf  1779,  v;hen 
the  thermometer  was  at  90^^  at  Monticello,  and  96 
at  Williamfburg,  it  was  iio^.  at  Kafkailia.    Per- 
haps the   mountain,  which  overhangs  this  village 
on  the  north  fide,  may,  by  its  reiie(51ion,  have  con- 
tributed  fomewhat  to    produce   this  heat.     The 
difference  of  temperature   of  the   air   at  the  fea- 
coail,  or  on  the  Chefapeak  bay,  and  at  the  Allcg- 
Ikaney,  has  not  been  aicertained  :    but  cotcmpora- 
ry  obfervations,  made  at  Vv^illiamfburgh,   or  in  its 
neighborhood,  and  at  Monticello,  Vsdiich  is  on  the 
moit  eailern   ridge   of  the   mountains,   called  the 
South  weft,  wdiere  they  are  interfered  by  the  Ri- 
vanna,  have  furnilhed  a  ratio  by  which  that  dif- 
ference may  in  fome  degree  be  conjectured.     Thefe 
obfervations  make  the  diiTerence  between  Williamf- 
burg  and  the  nearefl  mountains,  at  the  pofition  be- 
fore-mentioned, to  be  en  an  average  6^  degrees  of 
Tarenheit's  thermometer.     Some  allowance,  how- 
even  is  to  be  made  for  the  difference  of  latitude. 


loS 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


between  thefe  two  places,  the  latter  being  38^  8^ 
1 7",  which  Is  52'  22"  north  of  the  former.  Ey  co- 
temporary  obfervatlons  of  between  five  and  fix 
weeks,  the  averaged,  and  almoft  unvaried  differ- 
ence of  the  height  of  mercury  in  the  barometer,  at 
thofe  two  places,  was.  784  of  an  inch,  the  atmof- 
phere  at  Monticello  being  fo  mmch  the  lighted, 
that  is  to  fay,  about  one-thirty-feventh  of  its  whole 
weight.  It  Ihould  be  obferved,  however,  that  the 
hill  of  Monticello  is  of  5C0  feet  perpendicular 
height  above  the  river  which  wafhes  its  bale.  This 
pofition  being  nearly  central  between  our  northern 
and  fouthern  boundaries,  and  between  the  bay  and 
Alleghaney,  may  be  confidered  as  furnifhing  the 
beft  average  of  the  temperature  of  our  clim.ate. 
Williamfourg  is  much  too  near  the  foutli-eaftern 
comer  to  give  a  fair  idea  of  our  general  tempera- 
ture. 

But  a  more  remarkable  difference  is  in  the  winds 
\vhich  prevail  in  the  different  parts  of  the  country. 
The  following  table  exhibits  a  com.parative  view 
of  the  winds  prevailing  at  Williamifburgh,  and  at 
Monticello.  It  is  formed  by  reducing  nine  months 
obfervations  at  Monticello  to  four  principal  points, 
to  wit,  the  north-eaft,  fouth-eaft,  fouth-weft,  and 
north-wefi: ;  thefe  points  being  perpendicular  to, 
or  parallel  with  our  coaft,  mountains,  and  rivers  : 
and  by  reducing  in  like  manner,  an  equal  num- 
ber of  obfervations,  to  wit,  421  from  the  preceding 
table  of  v/inds  at  Williamfburgh,  taking  them 
proportionably  from  every  point. 


N.E.jS.E.  S.W. 

N.W. 

lOI 

172 

Total. 

Wilhamlbiioh 

0 

127 
22 

61  j   132 
91  1   126 

iMonticeilo 

^  i 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  109 

By  this  it  may  be  feen  thiit  the  Ibuth-wcft  v/ind 
prevails  equally  at  both  places  ;  that  the  north- 
eaft  is,  next  to  this,  the  principal  wind  towards 
the  fea-coafl,  and  the  north-weft  is  the  predomin- 
ant wind  at  the  mountains.  The  difference  be- 
tween thefe  two  winds  to  fenfation,  and  in  fad,  is 
very  great.  The  north-eaft  is  loaded  with  vapor, 
infomuch,  that  the  lalt-makers  have  found  that 
their  cryftals  would  not  llioot  while  that  blows  ; 
it  brings  a  diftreffing  chill,  and  is  heavy  and  op- 
preffive  to  the  fpirits  :  the  north-weft  is  dry,  cool- 
ing, elaftic  and  animating.  The  eaftern  and 
fouth-eaPtern  breezes  come  on  generally  in  the  af- 
ternoon. They  have  advanced  into  the  country 
very  fenfibly  within  the  memory  of  people  now 
living.  They  formerly  did  not  penetrate  far  above 
Williamft)urgh.  They  are  now  frequent  at  Rich- 
mond, and  every  now  and  then  reach  the  moun- 
tains. They  depofit  moft  of  their  moifture  how- 
ever before  they  get  that  far.  As  the  lands  become 
more  cleared,  it  is  probable  they  will  extend  ftill 
further  weftward. 

Going  out  into  the  open  air,  in  the  temperate, 
and  warm  months  of  the  year,  we  often  meet  with 
bodies  of  warm  air,  which  palling  by  us  in  two  or 
three  feconds,  do  not  afford  time  to  the  moft  fen- 
fible  thermometer  to  feize  their  temperature.  Judg- 
ing from  my  feelings  only,  I  think  they  approach 
the  ordinary  heat  of  the  human  body.  Some  of 
them  perhaps  go  a  little  beyond  it.  They  are  of 
about  20  or  30  feet  diameter  horizontally.  Of 
their  height  we  have  no  experience,  but  probably 
they  are  globular  volumes  wafted  or  rolled  along 
with  the  wind.  But  whence  taken,  where  found, 
or  how  generated  ?   They  are  not  to  be  afcribed 


2IO  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

to  volcancs.  becaufe  we  have  none.  They  do  not 
happen  la  the  v/inter  when  the  farmers  kindle 
large  fires  in  clearing  up  their  grounds.  They 
are  not  confined  to  the  fpring  feafon,  when  ws 
have  fires  v^hich  traverfe  whole  countries,  confum- 
juo-  the  leaves  wliich  have  fallen  from  the  trees. 
And  they  are  too  frequent  and  general  to  be  af- 
cribed  to  accidental  fires.  J  am  perfuadcd  their 
caufe  muft  be  fought  for  in  the  atmolphere  itfelf, 
to  aid  us  in  which  I  know  but  of  thefe  conitant 
circumftances  ;  a  dry  air  ;  a  temperature  as  warm 
at  lead  as  to  that  of  the  fpring  or  autumn  ;  and  a 
moderate  current  of  wind.  They  are  moft  fre- 
quent about  fun-let  :  rare  in  the  middle  parts  of 
the  day  ;  and  I  do  not  recollect  having  ever  met 
with  them  in  the  morning. 

The  variation  in  the  weight  of  our  atmofphere, 
as  indicated  by  the  barometer,  is  not  equal  to  tvro 
inches  of  mercury.  During  twelve  months  obfer- 
vation  at  Williamfburg,  the  extremes  were  29,  and 
33.86  inches,  the  difference  being  1.86  of  an  inch  : 
and  in  nine  months,  during  which  the  height  of  ; 
the  mercury  was  noted  at  Monticello,  the  extremes 
were  28.48  and  29.69  inches,  the  variation  being 
1.21  of  an  inch.  A  gentleman,  who  has  obferved 
his  barometer  many  years,  afiures  me  it  has  never 
varied  two  inches.  Cotemporary  obfervations, 
made  at  Monticello  and  Williamiburgh,  proved 
the  variations  in  the  weight  of  air  to  be  fimultan- 
eous  and  correfponding  in  thefe  two  places. 

Our  changes  from  heat  to  cold,  and  cold  to 
heat,  are  very  fudden  and  great.  The  mercury 
in  Farenhe;it's  thermometer  his  been  known  to  de- 
fcend  from  92^  to  47°  in  thirteen  hours. 

It  is  taken  for  granted,  that  the  preceding  table 
^f  average  heat  will  not  give  a  fiilfe  idea  on  this 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  in 

iiibje(El,  as  it  propofes  to  ftate  only  the  ordinary 
heat  and  cold  of  each  month,  and  not  thofe  v^hich 
are  extraordinary.  At  Wiiliamiburgh  in  Augiiil 
1766,  the  mercury  in  Farenheit's  thermometer 
was  at  98*^  correfponding  with  29  and  one  third 
of  lleaumur.  At  the  fame  place  in  January  1 780, 
it  was  6^  correfponding  with  11^  below  c,  of 
Reaumur.  I  believe*  thefe  may  be  confidered  to 
be  nearly  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold  in  that 
part  of  the  country.  The  latter  may  moil  cer- 
tainly, as  at  that  time,  York  River,  at  York  town, 
vvas  frozen  over,  fo  that  people  walked  acrofs  it ; 
a  circumftance  which  proves  it  to  have  been  cold- 
er than  the  winter  of  1740,  1 741,  ufu ally  called 
the  cold  winter,  when  York  River  did  not  freeze 
over  at  that  place.  In  the  fame  feafon  of  1780, 
Chefapeak  bay  was  folid,  from  its  head  to  the 
mouth  of  Patowmac.  At  Annapolis,  where  it  is 
^f  miles  over  between  the  neareil  points  of  land, 
the  ice  was  from  5  to  7  inches  thick  quite  acrofs, 
fo  that  loaded  carriages  went  over  on  it.  Thofe, 
our  extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  of  6°  and  98°  were 
indeed  very  diftreffing  to  us,  and  were  thought  to 
put  the  extent  of  the  human  conftitution  to  con- 
fiderable  trial.  Yet  a  Siberian  would  have  con- 
fidered them  as  fcarcely  a  fenfible  variation.  At 
Jennifeitz  in  that  country,  in  latitude  58°  27'  we 
are  told,  that  the  cold  in  1735  funk  the  mercury 
by  Farenheit's  fcale  to  126°  below  nothing  ;  and 
tlie  inhabitants  of  the   fame    country   ufe  flove 


^  j^i  Paris f  in  1753,  i^e  mercury  in  Reanmiir^s 
thermometer  ivas  at  30^  above  o,  and  in  1776,  it  'zuns 
16  beloiv  o.  The  extremities  of  heat  and  cold  therefore 
at  Paris,  are  greater  than  at  Williamjliir^h^  ivhich  h 
in  the  hottejl  part  of  Virginia., 


112  NOTES  ON  VIPvGlNIA. 

rooms  two  or  three  times  a  week,  In  which  they» 
ftay  two  hours  at  a  time,  the  atmofphere  of  which 
raifes  the  mercury  to  135°  above  nothing.  Late 
experiments  fhow  that  the  human  body  will  exift 
in  rooms  heated  to  140°  of  Reaumur,  equal  to 
347°  of  Farenhelt's,  and  135°  above  boiling  water. 
The  hotteft  point  of  the  24  hours  Is  about  four  o'- 
clock, P,  M.  and  the  dawn  of  day  the  coldefl. 

The  accefs  of  froft  in  autumn,  and  its  recefs  the 
fpring,  do  not  feem  to  depend  merely  on  the  de- 
gree of  cold  ;  much  lefs  on  the  air's  being  at  the 
freezing  point.  White  frofts  are  frevquent  when 
the  thermometer  Is  at  47°  have  killed  young  plant's 
of  Indian  corn  at  48°  and  have  been  known  at  54°. 
Black  froft,  and  even  Ice,  have  been  produced  at 
38^°,  which  is  6i  degrees  above  the  freezing 
point.  That  other  circumftances  muft  be  com- 
bined with  the  cold  to  produce  froft,  Is  evident 
from  this  alfo,  on  the  higher  parts  of  mountains, 
where  it  is  abfolutely  colder  than  in  the  plains  on 
which  they  ftand,  frofts  do  not  appear  fo  early  by 
a  confiderable  fpace  of  time  in  autumn,  and  go  off 
fooner  in  the  Spring  than  in  the  plains.  I  have 
known  frofts  fo  fevere  as  to  kill  the  Iiiccory  trees 
round  about  Monticello,  and  yet  not  Injure  the  ten- 
der fruit  blofToms  then  In  bloora  on  the  top  andhigh- 
^r  parts  of  the  mountain  ;  and  in  the  courfeof  40 
years,  during  which  It  has  been  fettled,  there  have 
been  but  two  inftances  of  a  general  lofs  of  fruit  on  it: 
>vhile.  In  the  circumjacent  country,  the  fruit  has  el^ 
caped  but  tv/ice  In  the  laft  feven  years.  The  plants 
of  tobacco,  which  grow  from  the  roots  of  thofc 
which  have  been  cut  off  In  the  fummer,  are  fre- 
quently green  here  at  Chrlftmas.  This  privilege 
againft  the  froft  is  undoubtedly  combined  with  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  n- 

want  of  dew  on  the  mountains.  That  the  dew  is  very 
rare  on  their  higher  parts,  I  may  fay  with  certain- 
ty, from  12  years  obfervations,  having  fcarceiy 
€ver,  during  that  time,  feen  an  unequivocal  proof 
of  its  exiflence  on  them  at  all  during  fummer* 
Severe  frofts  in  the  depth  of  winter  prove  that  the 
region  of  dews  extends  higher  in  that  feafon  than 
the  tops  of  the  mountains  :  but  certainly,  in  the 
fummer  feafon,  the  vapors,  by  the  time  they  attain 
that  height,  are  become  fo  attenuated  as  not  to 
fubfide  and  form  a  dew  when  the  fun  retires. 

The  weavil  has  not  yet  afcended  the  high  m.oun- 
tains. 

A  more  fatisfadlory  eftimate  of  our  climate  to 
fome,  may  perhaps  be  formed,  by  noting  the 
plants  which  grow  here,  fubjecl:  however  to  be  kil- 
led by  our  fevereft  colds.  Thefe  are  the  fig,  pome- 
granate, artichoke,  and  European  walnut.  In 
mild  v/inters,  lettuce  and  endive  require  no  Ihelter; 
but  generally  tliey  need  a  flight  covering.  I  do 
not  know  that  the  v/ant  of  long  mofs,  reed,  myr- 
tle, fwamp  laurel,  holly  and  cyprefs,  in^  tl^uppcr 
country,  proceeds  from  a  greater  degree  of  cpld, 
nor  that  they  were  ever  killed  with  any  degree  of 
cold  in  the  lovver  country.  The  aloe  hved  in 
Willi amfburgh,  in  die  open  air,  through  the  fevere 
winter  of  1779,  1780. 

A  change  in  our  climate,  hoAvever,  is  taking 
place  very  fenfibly.  Both  heats  and  colds  are  be- 
come  much  more  moderate  within  the  memory 
even  of  the  middle-aged.  Snows  are  lefs.  frequent 
and  lefs_  deep.  They  do  not  often  lie,  below  the 
mountains,  more  than  one,  two,  or  three  days,  and 
very  rarely  a  week.  They  are  remembered  to 
viaave  been  formerly  frequentj  deep,  ^nd  of  long 


114  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

continuance.  The  elderly  inform  me,  the  enrth 
afed  to  be  covered  with  fnow  about  three  months 
in  every  year.  The  rivers,  which  then  feldom 
failed  to  freeze  over  in  the  courfe  of  the  winter, 
fcarcely  ever  do  fo  now.  This  change  has  pro^ 
duced  an  unfortunate  fluduation  between  heat  and 
cold,  in  the  fpring  of  the  year,  which  is  very  fatal 
to  fruits.  From  the  year  1741  to  1769,  an  inter- 
val of  twenty-eight  years,  there  was  an  inftance  of 
fruit  killed  by  the  froft  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Monticello.  An  intenfe  cold,  produced  by  con- 
ilant  fnows,  kept  the  buds  locked  up  till  the  fun 
could  obtain,  in  the  fpring  of  the  year,  fo  fixed  ait 
afcendency  as  to  dilfolve  thofe  fnows,  and  protedt 
the  buds,  during  their  developement,  from  every 
danger  of  returning  cold.  The  accumulated 
mov/s  of  the  winter  remai-ninir  to  be  diffolved  alt 

o 

together  in  the  fpring,  produced  thofe  ovei*iiowings 
of  our  rivers,  fo  frequent  then,  and  fo  rare  now. 

Having  had  occafion  to  mention  the  particular 
fituation  of  Monticello  for  other  purpofes,  I  will 
ju't  take  notice  that  its  elevation  affords  an  oppor- 
tunity of  feeing  a  phsenomenon  which  is  rare  at 
land,  thougii  frequent  at  fea.  The  feamen  call  it 
looming.  Philofophy  is  as  yet  in  the  rear  of  the 
feamen,  for  io  far  from  having  accounted  for  it, 
ihe  has  not  given  it  name.  Its  principal  effect  is 
10  make  diitant  objef^s  appear  larger,  in  oppofi- 
tion  to  the  general  law  of  vifion,  by  which  they 
are  diminiihcd.  I  know  an  inftance,  at  York- 
town,  from  whence  the  water  profpe6t  eallwardly 
is  without  termination,  Vv-hercin  a  canoe  with  three 
men,  at  a  great  diftance  was  taken  for  a  fhipwith 
its  tliree  mafts.  I  am  little  acquainted  with  the 
phi£nom;noii  as  it  iliows  itfelf  at  fca ;  but  at  Mon-^- 


J 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  115 

ticello  it  is  familiar.  There  is  a  folitary  mountain 
about  forty  miles  off  in  the  fouth,  whofe  natural 
iljape,  as  prefented  to  view  there,  is  a  regular  cone ; 
but,  by  the  effeft  of  looming,  it  fbmetimes  fub- 
fides  almoft  totally  in  the  horizon  ;  fometimes  it 
rifes  more  acute  and  more  elevated  ;  fometimes  it. 
is  hemifpherical ;  and  fometimes  its  fides  are  per- 
pendicular, its  top  fiat,  and  as  broad  as  its  bafc. 
In  ihort  it  affames  at  tim.cs  the  m.oil;  wjumfical 
Ihapes,  and  all  thefe  perhaps  faccefllvely  in  th-e 
iame  morning.  The  Blue  ridge  X)f  mountains 
com&s  into  view,  in  the  north-eail,  at  about  100 
miles  diftance,  and  approaching  in  a  dire^:  line, 
pafies  by  within  twenty  miles,  and  goes  off  to  th& 
fouth-weft.  This  phasnomenon  begins  to  Ihow  it- 
fclf  on  thefe  mountains,  at  about  50  miles  dillance 
and  continues  beyond  that  as  far  as  they  are  feen. 
I  remark  no  particular  ftate,  either  in  the  weight, 
moifture,  or  heat  of  the  atmofphere,  neceffary  to 
produce  this.  The  only  conilant  circumfiances 
are  its  appearance  in  the  morning  only,  and  on 
objeds  at  leaft  40  or  50  miles  diftant.'  In  this 
latter  circumftancc,  if  not  in  both,  it  differs  from 
the  looming  on  the  water.  R.efraclion  will  not 
account  for  the  metamorphofis.  That  only  chan- 
ges the  proportions  of  length  and  breadth,  bafc 
and  altitude,  prefer ving  the  general  outlines. 
Thus  it  may  make  a  circle  appear  elliptical,  raife 
or  deprefs  a  ccne,  but  by  none  of  its  laws,  as  yet 
developed,  will  it  make  a  circle  appear  a  fquare, 
or  a  cone  or  a  fphere. 


QUERY    VIII. 

HE  number  of  its  Inhabitants  ? 


The  following  table  fhews  the  number  of  per- 
fons  imported  for  the  eftablifhment  of  our  colony 
in  its  infant  ftate,  and  the  cenfus  of  inhabitants  at 
different  periods,  extracted  from  our  hiftorians  and 
public  records,  as  particularly  as  I  have  had  op- 
portunities and  leifure  to  examine  them.  Succef- 
five  lines  in  the  fame  year  fhew  fucceffive  periods 
of  time  in  that  year.  I  have  ftated  the  cenfus  in 
two  different  columns,  the  whole  inhabitants  hav- 
ing been  fometimes  numbered,  and  fometimes  the 
tythes  only.  This  term,  with  us,  includes  the  free 
males  above  i6  years  of  age,  and  flaves  above 
that  age  of  both  fexes.  A  further  examination  of 
our  records  would  render  this  hiftory  of  our  pop- 
ulation much  m.ore  fatisfadory  and  perfe6l,  by 
furnifhing  a  greater  number  of  intermediate  terms. 
Thofe  however  which  are  here  ftated  will  enable 
us  to  calculate,  with  a  confiderable  degree  of  pre- 
cifion,  the  rate  at  which  v/e  have  increafed.  Du- 
ring the  infancy  of  the  colony,  while  numbers 
were  fmall)  wars,  imxportations,  and  other  acciden- 
tal circumftances  render  the  progrefiion  fluduat- 
ir>g  and  irregular.     jBy  the  year   1654,  however, 


Years. 


Settlers  im-;Cenfas  of  In- 


ported 


1607 


100 


1608 


1609 


120 


habitants. 


I6I0 

I61I 

l6i2 

I6I7 

I6I8 

I6I9 
1 62 1 

1622 

1628 

1632 

1644 

1645 

1652 

1654 

1700 

1748 

1759 
1772 

I':82 

70 


16 


150 


3  Ihip  loads 


300 


80 


200 


40 


1216 

1300 


40 


130 


J.00 


60 


200 


AOO 


000 


3800 
2500 

3000 


*;67j6i4 


Cenfus  of 
Tythes., 


2000 

4822 

50C0 

7000 

7209 

22,000 

2,100 

105,000 

153,000 


iiS  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

it  becomes  tolerably  unliorni,  importations  having: 
in  a  great  meafure  ceafed  from  the  diiTohition  of 
the  company,  and  the  inhabitants  become  too  nu- 
merous to  be  fenfibly  afFeiled  by  Indian  wars. 
Beginning  at  that  period,  therefore,  we  find  that 
from  thence  to  the  iyear  1772,  our  tythes  had  in- 
crealed  from  7209  to  153,000.  The  whole  term 
being  of  1 1 8  years,  yields  a  duplication  once  in 
every  27^  years.  The  intermediate  enum.erations 
taken  in  1 700,  1 748,  and  1759,  furnilh  proofs  of  the 
uniformity  of  this  progreffion.  Should  this  race 
of  incrcafe  continue,  we  Ihall  have  between  fix  and 
ieven  millions  of  inhabitants  within  95  years.  If 
"Vi^e  fuppofe  our  country  to  be  bounded,  at  fome 
future  day,  by  the  meridian  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Oreat  Kanhaway,  (within  which  it  has  been  be- 
fore conjectured,  are  64,461  fquare  miles)  there 
will  then  be  100  inhabitants  for  every  fquare  mile, 
v/hich  is  nearly  the  uate  of  population  in  the 
JBritilh  iflands. 

Here  I  will  beg  leave  to  propofe  a  doubt.  The 
prefent  defire  of  America  is  to  produce  rapid  pop- 
ulation by  as  great  importations  of  foreigners  as 
pofTible.  But  is  this  founded  in  good  pohcy  ? 
The  advantage  propofed  is  the  multiplication  of 
numbers.  Now  let  us  fuppofe  (for  example  only) 
that,  in  this  ftate,  we  could  double  our  numbers 
in  one  year  by  the  importation  of  foreigners  ;  and 
this  is  a  greater  acceffion  than  the  moft  fanguine 
advocate  for  emigration  has  a  right  to  expe<5t. 
Then  I  fay,  beginning  with  a  double  ftock,  we 
fliall  attain  any  given  degree  of  population  only 
27  years  and  3  months  fooner  than  if  we  proceed 
on  our  fmgle  ftock.  If  we  propofe  four  millions 
and  a  half  as  a  competent  population  for  this 


NOTES  ON  VmmNIA. 


11^ 


Hate,  we  fhould  be  54^  years  attaining  it,  could 
we  at  once  double  our  numbers  ;  and  8i|  years^ 
if  we  rely  on  natural  propagation,  as  may  be  iccn 
by  the  following  table. 


iProceeding  on  our 
j      prefent  (lock. 


I78I 

567,614 

i8o3 

1,135,228 

1835 

2,270,456 

Proceening  on  a 
double  flock. 

1,135,228 


2,270,456 
4,540,912 


1862*      4,540,912 


In  tlie  firft  column  are  dated  periods  of  270 
years  ;  in  the  fecond  are  our  numbers,  at  each  pe- 
riod, as  they  will  be  if  we  proceed  on  our  a^ual 
flock  ;  and  in  the  third  are  what  they  would  be, 
at  the  fame  periods,  were  we  to  fet  out  from  the 
double  of  our  prefent  flock.     I  have   taken  the 
term  of  four  millions   and  a  half  of  inhabitants 
for  examples  fake  only.     Yet  I  am  perfuaded  it  is 
a  greater  number   than  the  country  fpoken  of, 
confidering  how  much  inarable  land  it  contains, 
can  cloath  and  feed,  without  a  material  change  in 
the  quality  of  their  diet.     But  are  their  no  incon- 
,  veniences  to  be  thrown  into  the  fcale  againfl  the  ad- 
vantage expedled  from  a  multiplication  of  num- 
bers by   the    importation   of  foreigners  ?  It  is  for 
the  happinefs  of  thofe  united  in  fociety  to  harmo- 
nize as  much  as  pofTible   in  matters  which  they 
mufl  of  neccfTity  tranfail  together.     Civil  govern- 
ment being  the  fole  object  of  forming  focieties,  its 
adminiftration  mufl  be  conduced  by  common  con- 
fent.     Every  fpecies  of  government  has  its  fpecific 
principles.     Ours  perhaps  are  more  peculiar  thau 


120  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

thofe  of  any  otlier  in  the  nnivcrie-  It  h  a  ccm-^ 
polition  of  the  freefi;  prmciples  of  the  Englifh  con- 
-ftitutian,  with  others  derived  from  natural  reafon. 
To  thefe  nothing  can  be  more  oppofed  than  the 
maxims  of  abfokite  monarchies.  Yet,  from  fach, 
we  are  to  expect  the  greateft  number  of  emigrants. 
They  will  bring  with  them  the  principles  of  the 
governments  they  leave,  imbibed  in  their  early 
youth ;  or,  if  able  to  throw  them  oiF,  it  will  be  in 
exchange  for  an  unbounded  licentiouliiefs,  paffing, 
as  is  ufual,  from  one  extreme  to  another.  It 
would  be  a  miracle  -were  they  to  flop  precifcly  at 
the  point  of  temperate  liberty.  Thefe  principles, 
with  their  language,  they  will  tranfmit  to  their 
children.  In  proportion  to  their  numbers,  they 
will  fliire  with  us  the  legillation.     They  will  in° 

.  fufe  into  it  their  fpirit,  warp  and  bias  its  direc- 
tions, and  render  it  a  heterogenous,  incoherent, 
diftracted  mafs.  I  may  appeal  to  experience,  du- 
ring the  prefent  conteft,  for  a  verihcation  of  thefe 
conjedures.  But,  if  they  be  not  certain  in  events, 
are  they  not  poffible,  are  they  not  probable  ?  Is  it 
not  fafer  to  wait  with  patience  27  years  a^d.  three 
months  longe,  for  the  attainment  of  any  degree  of 
population  defired  or  expedled  ?  May  not  our  gov- 
ernment be  more  -homogeneous,  more  peaceable, 
more  durable  ?  Siippofe  20  millions  of  republican 
Aihericans  thrown  all  of  a  fudden, into  France, 
what  would  be  the  condition  of  that  kingdom  f 
If  It  would  be  more  turbulent,  lefs  happy,  lefs 
ftrong,  we  may  believe  that  the  addition  of  half  a 
million  of  foreigners  to  our  prefent  numbers  would 
produce  a  fimiiar  efte^il  here.;  .  If  they  come  them- 
felves,  they  are  entitled  to  all  the  riglits  of  citizen- 

«ij^ :  but  I  doubt  the  expediency  of  inviting  tlicza 


NOTIlS  on  VIRGINIA.  1211^ 

hj  extraordinary  encouragements.      I  mean  not 
that  thefe  doubts  fhould   J3e   extended  to  the  im- 
portation of  ufeful  artificers.     The  policy  of  that 
meafure  depends  on   very  different  confi derations!! 
Spare  no  expence  in  obtaining 'them.     They  will 
after  a  while  go  to  the  plough  and  the  hoe  ;  but, 
m  the  mean  time,   they  will  teach  us  fomethin^ 
we  do  not  know.      It  is  not  fo  in  agriculture.  TIi^ 
mdifferent  ftate  of  that  among  us  dees  net  pro- 
ceed  from  a  want  of  knowledge   merely  •    it  is 
from,  our  having  fjch  quantities  of  land  to  w.Pe 
as  we  pleale.     In  Europe  the  objeffc  is  to  make  the 
molL  ot  their  land,  labor  being  abundant  :  here  it 
IS  to  mxake  the  moU   of  our  labor,  land  beino-  o. 
bundant.  *^ 

^  It  will  be  proper  to  explain  how  the  numbers 
lor  the  year  1782  have  been  obtained;  a^  it  was 
not  froni  a  perfeft  cenfus  of  the  inhabitants.  It 
wiil  at  the  fame  time  develops  the  proDortion  be- 
tween the  free  inhabitants  and  fiaves.'  The  foi 
lowmg  return  of  taxable  articles  for  that  v-arw-.." 
given  in.  -       .  -  i  \%  ..^ 

53*289  free  males  above  21  years  of  ao-e 
2 1 1,698  flaves  of  all  ages  and  fexes.      ^"' 
23>766  not  diftinguiihed  in  the  retm-ns,  but  ^aid 

to  be  tytheable  flaves. 
^95^439  Iiorfes. 
^^9>734  cattle. 

5,126  wheels  of  riding-carriao-es. 
191  taverns.  ^ 

gania,  Ohio,  Northampton,  and  York.     To  find 
he  number  of  Oaves  which  ftould  ha-e  been  re- 
turned .nftead  of  the  ^3,765  tytheables,  wel.^ift 


172  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.^ 

iTienticn  that  fome   obfervations  on  a  farmer  cen- 
i"^is  had  given  raaicn  to  believe  that  the  numbers 
iibove  and  behow  i6  years  of  age  vrere  equah    xne 
double  of  this  number,  therefore,   to  v/it,  47^532 
ir.uii:  be   added   to   211,698,   which  will  give  us 
255,2  3 o  fiaves  of  all  ages  ^d  fexes.     To  find  the 
runiber  of  free   inhabitants,  we   mule  repeat  the 
obfervation,  that  thofe   above  and  below '16  are 
nearly  equal.     But  as  the   number   53,289  omits 
the  mxales  belov/  1 6  and  2 1  we  muPc  fupply  them 
from  conjecture.     On  a  former  experim-ent  it  had 
appeared  that  about  one-third  of  our  m.iiitia,  that 
is,  of  the  males  bftweon   16  and  50,  were  unmar- 
ried.     Knov/ing  how  early  marriages  takes  place 
here,  we  {hall  not  be  far  wrong   in  fuppofmg  that 
the  unmarried  part  of  our  militia  are   thofe  be- 
tween 16  and  21.     If  there  be  young  men  who 
do  not  marry  till   after  21,   there  are  many  who 
marry  before  that  age.     But  as  the  m.en  above  50 
v/ere  not  included  in  the  mihtia,  v^^e  vnli  fuppofe 
the  unmarried,  or  thof^  between  16  and  21,  to  be 
one-fourth  of  the    whole  number  above  16,  then 
we  have  the  following  calculation  : 

^3,289  free  males  above  21  years  cf  age. 

17,763  free  males  between  16  and  2  i» 

71,052  free  males  under  16. 
142,104  free  males  of  all  ages. 

;  284,208  free  inhabitants  of  all  ages< 

'   ?  59,2  30  fiaves  of  all  ages. 

'"543^^8  inhabitants,   exclufive  of  the  8  counties 

from  which  were  no  returns.      In  thefe  8  counties 

in  the  years  1779   and   1780,   were   3,161  militia, 

Say  then, , 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  123 

3,161  free  males  above  the  age  or  16, 
3,161  ditto  under  16. 
6,^,22  free  females. 
""~T2T644free  inhabitants  in  thefe  8  counties.   To 
find  the   number    of  ilaves,   fay,    as   284,208  to 
-59,230,   fo  is    12,644  to    11,532-     Acklmg  the 
third  of  thefe  numbers  to  the  firft,  and  the  iourta 
to  the  fecond,  we  have, 
296,  852  free  inhabitants. 
270,762  (laves. 
'  c67,6iTinhabitants  of  eve-y  age,  fex,  and  con- 
dition.    But  296,852,  the  number  of  free  mnaDic- 
ants,  are  to  270,762,  the  number  ot  (laves,  n.any 
as  II   to    10.       Under   the-  mild   treatment    our 
flaves   experience,   and  their  wholefome,  thouga 
coarfe,  food,  this  blot  in  our  country   mcreaies  as 
fad,  or  filler,  than  the  whites.     During  the  regal 
ejovernment,  we  had  at  one  time   obtained  a  law ,_ 
which  imoofed  fuch  a  duty  on  the  importation  or 
fiaves,  as  amoimted  nearly  to  a  prohibition,  when 
.  one  Inconfiderate   ailembly,  placed  under  a  pecu- 
liarity of  circumulance  repealed  the  Luv. '    1  his  re- 
peal met  a  joyful  ianclion  from  the  then  fovereign, 
and  no  devices,  no   expedients,  which  could  ever 
after  be  attem.pted  by  fubfequent   afiembhes,  ana 
they  feldom  met  without  attempting  them,  couia 
facceed  in  getting  the  royal  aiTent  to  a  renevv^ai  o.; 
the  ■duty,    "in  the  very  firft  felfion  held  untler^tne 
republican  government,  the  aiTembly  palled  a  ur.v 
for  the  perpetual  prohibition  of  the  importation  ot 
flaves.     This  will  in  fome  meafure  (lop  the  increale 
of  this   great  pohtical   and  moral   evil,^v/hiie  t.re 
minds  of  our  citizens  may  be  ripening  for  a  con> 
plete  emancipation  of  human  nutur^,  ^ 


QUERY    IX. 


■•<  ■<<»j->- >••>•■ 


HE  number  and  condition  of  the  militia  and 

regular  troops,  and  their  pay  r 

The  following   is  a  flate  of  the  militia,  taken 

fi-oni  returns  of  1780  and   1781,  except  in  thofe 

counties  marked  with  an  alteriilc,  the  reiuins  from 

"ivhich  is  fomewhat  older. 

Every  able  bodied  freeman,  between  the  ages  of 
16  and  50  is  enrolled  in  the  mihtia.  Thofe  of  ev- 
ery county  ai*e  fcrm.ed  into  companies,  and  thefe 
a^:^ain  into  one  or  more  battalions,  according  to  ihe 
number  in  the  county.  They  are  commanded  by 
colonels,  and  other  fabordinate  officers,  as  in  the 
legular  fervice.  In  every  county  is  a  county-lieu- 
tenant, who  commands  the  whole  militia  of  his 
county,  but  ranks  only  as  a  colonel  in  the  field. 
Vve  have  no  general  ofncers  always  cxifting. 
Tliefe  are  appointed  occafionally,  when  an  inva- 
fion  or  infurreclion  happens,  and  their  commdllion 
determines  with  the  occailion.  The  governor  is 
]iead  of  the  military,  as  well  as  civ^il  power.  The 
]:iVv'-  requires  every  miilitia  man  to  provide  himfelf 
v^idi  the  arms  ufual  in  the  regular  fervice.  But 
.tjiis  injunction  was  always  indiiferently  complied 
•with,  and  tlie  arms  tliey  had  liave  beenfo  fi-equentiy 
called  for  to  arm  the  regulars,  that  in  the  lower 
parts  of  the  country  they  are  entirely  difarmed.  In 
the  middle  country  a  lourtxi  or  fifth  part  of  them 
-:iay  have  fuch  firelocks  as  they  had  provided  to 
ajiwioy   the   .".oxious  ajiimals  which  iriell  their 


[Sikuiiio.  1        Cctirj'tes. 

Lincoln 
jelferfon 

Fayette 
Ohio 


re  b-o  ^  Mcnono-alia 


CJ      "^^ 


O    CO 

=3  -a 


o 


« 


4-1         ^ 


iWalluiigtoii 
!  Montgomery 

iGreenbiiar 

I 

Hamninire 

Berkley 

Frederic 

Shenando 

Rockineliam 

Augufta 

Rockbridge 

Botetourt 


CO  M 


P 
-y 


o 


Loudoun 

Faquier 

Culpepper    , 

Spotfylvanla 

Orange 

Louifa 

Goochland 

Fluvanna 

Albemarle 

Amherit 

Buckincrham 

o 

Bedford 
Henry 
Pittfylvania 
Halifax 
Charlotte 
.  FrinceEdward 
Cumberland 
Powhatan 
Amelia 
Lunenburg 
Mecklmburg 
Brunfwic 


mutia. 

6oo 
300 
156 

*ICCO 

1071 
502 

*IIOO 

^925 

875 

1375 
*625 

*7oo 

1746 
1078 

15^3 

480 

*6oo 
603 

^73 
896 

*625 

1300 

1004 

^725 

*ii39 

612 

589 

408 

330 

*II25 

677 

11 00 

559 


situation.  \ 

Counties. 

MilithiA 

, 

Greenfville 

500 

Dinwiddie 

*75o 

Chefterfield 

^55 

N 

0^    <^     ON 

Prince  George 
Surry 
SuH'ex 

Southampton 
iile  of  White 

3(52 

3  Bo 
*7co 

874 
*6oo 

q 

C/5   . 

Naniemond 

*644 

6\ 

s 

;^rfolf 

*88o 

1-4 

Prince/s  Anne 

A 

*594 
619 

Henrico 

> 

Hanover 

706 

< 

{a! 

c'^      : 

ivlew  Kent 

*4i8 

^  o  o 

Charles  City 
James  City 
WiUiamfburg 
York 

286 

129 

*244 

5 

s 

Warwick 

*IOO 

< 

en 

k; 

u< 
H 
< 

Elizabeth  City 

182 
805 

436 

500 

468 

*2XO 

Caroline 
King  William 
King  &  Queen 

ElTex 
Middlefex 

0 

r—         • 

iGloucefter 

850 

1  Fairfax 

652 

u 

FrinceWiiliam 

614 

H 

Stafford 

*50o 

o 

5!  ^  "^ 

'King  George 
Richmond 
Wcftmor  eland 

4«3 
412 

544 

B§ 

North  umberl. 

630 

j 

JLancader 

302 

Accomak 
.Northampton 

1 

'*I2CS 

*43o 

Ux7i.,„U  T\T:1N."-,   r>-'^-'-'=   ,'^^Tt- 

e,  4997  I 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA  127 

forms  ;  and  on  the  weflern  fide  of  the  Blue  rido-e 
they  are  generally'  armed  with  rilles.  The  pa/  of 
our  militia,  as  well  as  ofrour  regulars,  is  that  of 
the  continental  regulars.  The  condition  of  our 
regulars,  of  whom  we  have  none  but  continentals, 
and  part  of  a  battalion  of  ftate  troops,  is  fo  con- 
ftantly  on  the  change,  that  a  ftate  of  it  at  this  day 
would  not  be  its  Rate  a  month  hence.  It;  is  much 
the  fame  with  the  condition  of  the  other  continen- 
tal troops,  which  is  well  enough  known. 


r  •=*^fnr''^*itifnr— *  I '  ■  **"'    ■  n  ■—n  ■■TnTiiFTBi 


C)UERY  X. 


:<-<-<!^>:>->- 


HE  marine  ? 


Before  the  prefent  Invafion  of  this  ftate  by  the 
Britilh  under  the  command  of  General  Phillips, 
we  had  three  veifels  of  16  guns,  i  of  14,  live  fmall 
gaiiies  and  two  or  three  armed  boats.  They  were 
generally  fo  badly  manned  as  feldom  to  be  in 
condition  for  fervice.  Since  the  perfed  pofleflion 
of  our  rivers  aftumed  by  the  enemy,  I  believe  v/e 
are  left  with  a  fmgle  armed  beat  only. 


i«— i»^m,iL  t>   '-nit-,um.j^»   I    ijn 


qUERY  XI. 


■•<••<•■■<*;>.>.>.. 


A  DESCRIPTION  of  the  Indians  eftabliTaed 
m  that  ft  ate  ? 
When  the  firft  effectual  fcttlemeat  of  onr  colo- 
ny was   made,  which  was  In  1607,   the  country 
from  the  fea-coaft  to  the  mountains,  and  from  Po- 
towmac  to  the  moO:  fouthem  waters  of  James' 
River,  was  occupied  by  upwards  of  forty  diifer-nt 
tribes  of  Indians.     Of  thefe  the  Po'tuhafans,  the 
Mannahoacs,  and  Mo7iacans,  were  the  moft  power- 
ful.    Thofe  between  the  fea-coaft  and  falls  of  the 
Mvers,  were  In  amity  with  one   another,  and  at- 
tacned  to  the    Fc-vhatans  as  their  link  of  union 
Thofe  between   the  falls   of  the  rivers  and  the 
mcontams,  were  divided  Into  two  confederacies  • 
the  tribes  inhabiting  the  head  waters  of  Potowmac 
and  Rappahannoc  being  attached  to  the  Manna^ 
fjoacs;  and  thofe  on  the  upper  parts  of  Tames'" 
River^  to   the   Monacans.     But  the  MonacL  and 
their  iriends^  were  in  amity  with   the   Mannahoacs 
and  taeu'  inenas  and  waged  joint  and  perpnual 
war  agamft  the  Powhaians.  '  We  are  told  that  the 
Po'w.atans,  Mannahoacc.  and  Mo7iacans,  fpoke  Ian- 
guages    fo    radically    different,    that    interpreters 
were    necefTary   when     they   tranfa<5led    bufmefs 
Hence  we  may  conjeaure,  that  this  was  not  the 
cafe  between  all  the  tribes,  and  probably  that  each 
.poke  the  language  of  the  nation  to  which  it  was 
attached  ;  which  we  know  to  have  been  the  cafe 
.in  many  particular  inftances.     Very  poffibly  there 


- 

IVarr'wrs. 

■   ■ 

f 

# 

ji6c7[i669 

• 

bington's 

j  40 
1200 

2o7 

100 

'  By  the  name  of  Mat - 

chotics.   U»  Matcho- 

<[  dicNan%attcos .Nan- 

- 

60 

zatico.    ylppamatlox 

. 

^  Matox. 

100 

30 

80 

0 

40 

hy  thi  name  of  Totuf- 

: 

30 

heys. 

130 

70 

30 

150 

60 

-« 

30 

20 

' 

300 

50 

CO 

1 

40 

< 

fbj 

±L 

■  -  » 1      1 

W 

- 

60 

250 

60 

h 

40 
30 

10 

100 
40 

15 

- 

45 
20 

15 

A.  ■ 

"' 

"(So 

50 

1669 

k 

25 

3  Po-  Nottaways 

rhicSjMeherrics  ■ 

90 

eft  branch 

2CO 

45 

Tuteloes            j 

50 

er 

100 

40 

80 

,  J 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  129 

Riay  have  been  anciently  three  diiFerent  Hocks,  each 
of  which  multiplying  in  along  courfe  of  time,  had 
feparated  into  fo  many  little  focietie?.  This  pradice 
refiilts  from  the  circum.ftance  of  their  having  never 
fubmltted  themfelves  to  any  laws,  any  coercive  pow- 
er, any  fhadow  of  government.  Their  only  con- 
trols are  their  manners,  and  that  moral  fenfe  of 
right  and -wrong,  which,  like  the  fenfe  of  tailing 
and  feeling,  in  every  man  miakes  a  part  of  his  na- 
ture. An  offence  againfi:  thefe  is  punifhed  by 
contempt,  by  excliifion  from  foclety,  or,  where  the 
cafe  is  ferious,  as  that  of  murder,  by  the  individu- 
als whom  it  concerns.  Imperfed  as  this  fpecies  of 
coercion  may  feem,  crimes  are  very  rare  amono- 
them  ;  infomuch  that  were  it  made  a  queifioif, 
whether  no  law  as  among  the  favage  Americans, 
or  too  m.uch  law,  as  among  the  civilized  Europe- 
ans, fubmits  man  to  the  greateft  evil,  one  who  has 
feen  both  conditions  of  exiftence  would  pronounce 
it  to  be  the  lad  :  and  that  the  ilieep  are  happier  of 
themfelves,  than  under  the  care  of  the  wolves.  It 
will  be  faid,  that  great  focieties  cannot  exift  with- 
out government.  The  favages  therefore  break 
them  into  fmall  ones. 

The  territories  of  the  Poivhatan  confederacy, 
fouth  of  the  Potowmac,  comprehended  about  8000 
fquare  miles,  30  tribes,  and  2400  warriors.  Capt. 
Smith  tells  us,  that  within  60  miles  of  James* 
town  w^ere  5000  people,  of  whom  1500  were  war- 
riors. From  this  w^e  find  the  proportion  of  their 
warriors  to  their  whole  inhabitants,  was  as  3  to  10. 
The  Powhatan  confederacy  then  would  confiil  of 
about  8000  inhnbitants,  which  was  one  for  every 
Iqi^are  mile ;  being  about  the  twentietJi  part  cf  our 
R 


NORTH. 


Tribes. 


Between 

and 
iRappahakoc, 


,\^nionkenties 

! 

jTegnlnaties 

Ontoonies 

I 
.Tauxhanians! 

[Haffinungaes 


Betvreen  L.  i  • 

,  :  oteearakies 

^1  .bhackaKonies 

,^" ,  Manahoacks 
lorfc. 


Befsreen 
York 
and 


:Monacans 


MANNAHOACS. 


Country, 


Fauquier 

Culpeper 

Orange 

Fauquier 

Culpeper 


Orange 

Spotfylvania 

Staftord.Spotfylvan. 


Chief  Toivns. 


Wi 


1607I1669 


MONACANS. 


James  R.  above  the  Fork  of  James  R, 
[falls 


James.     "  i  Monaficcapanoes  \  Louifa.  Fluvanna 


Between 

James 

and 

Carolina. 


MonahafTanoes 

Maffinacacs 

Mohemenchoe: 


Bedford.  Bucking- 
Cumberland   £ham 
Powhatan 


3° 


POWHATANS. 


This  Table  to  be  placed  between, Pages  128  and  129. 


Tribes. 
Tauxenents 
Patowomekes 
Cuttatawomans 
Piflafecs 
Onaumanlents 
Rappahanocs 
Moraughtacunds 
Secacaonies 
Wighcocomicoes 
iCuttatawomans 
Nantaughtacunds 
Mattapopoments 
Pamunkies 
jWerowncomicos 
Payankatonks 

jYoughtanunds 

Chickahominies 

Powhatkns 

Arrohatocks 

Weanocs 

Pafpaheghes 

Chifkiacs 

Kecoughtans 

Appamattocs 

Quiocohanoes 

Warrafqueaks 

Nafajnonds 

Chefapeaks 

Accohanocks 

Accomacks 

"southT 


Connlry. 


Fairfax 

Stafford.  King  George 

King  George 

King  Geo.  Richmond 

Weftmoreland 

Richmond  county 

Lancafter.     Richmond 

Northumberland 

Northumberland 

Lancafter 

ElTex.  Caroline 
Mattapony  River 
King  William 
Gloucefter 
Piarkatank  River 

Pamunkey  River 

Chickahominy  River 

Henrico 

Henrico 

Charles  city 

Charles  city.  James  city. 

York 

Elizabeth  city 

Chdl:7rfield 

Surry 

Ifle  of  "Wight 

Nanfemond 

Princefs  Anne 

Accom.  Noi  thampton 

Northampton 


Chief  Toivm. 


About  General  Waliington's 
Patowmac  creek 
About  Lamb  creek 
Above  Leeds  town 
Nomony  River 
Rappahannoc  creek 
Moratico  River 
Coan  River 
Wicocomico  River 
Corotoman 


Port  tobacco  creek 

Romuncock  ^ 

About  Rofewell         \ 
Turks  ferry.     Gnmefty 

Orapaks  i 

Powhatan.     Mayo's 

Arrahatocs 

Weynoke  » 

Sandy  point 

Chifkiac 

Rofcows 

Bermuda  hundred 

About  Upper  Chipojfk 

Warrafqueoc 

About  the  mouth  ofWeft  branch 

About  Lynhaven  Ri^rer 

Accohanoc  River.      ! 

About  Cherilon's 


Warriors. 
1607J1669 


40 

200 

-1 

60 

100 

100 

30 

80 

40 

■30 

130 

70 

30 

150 

60 

30 

20 

300 

50 

40 

ss 

60 

250 

60 

40 

10 

30 

100 

15 

40 

45 

15 

20 

60 

•JO 

2? 

cjPo- 

[hies 

2CO 

45  • 

100 

40 

By  the  name  of  Mat -^ 
chotics.  U.  Matcho- 
dicNanzaticos .  Nan- 
zatico.  jippamattox 
_  Matox. 

by  tht  name  of  Totuf- 
keys. 


Nottaways 
Meherrics  ■ 
Tuteloes 


1669 


90 
50 


««|F-;..rffc>4 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  129 

Kiay  have  been  anciently  three  difFerent  ftocks,each 
df  which  multiplying  in  along  courfe  of  time,  had 
feparated  into  io  many  little  focietic^.  This  pradice 
refults  from  the  circumxilance  of  their  having  never 
fubmitted  themfelves  to  any  lavv^s,any  coercive  pow- 
er, any  fhadov/  of  government.  Their  only  con- 
trols are  their  manners,  and  that  moral  fenfe  of 
right  and-wrong,  which,  like  the  fenfe  of  taftincj 
and  feeling,  in  every  man  makes  a  part  of  his  na^ 
tare.  An  offence  againfl  thefe  is  punilhed  by  . 
contempt,  by  exclnfion  from  fociety,  or,  where  the 
cafe  is  ferious,  as  that  of  murder,  by  the  individu- 
als whom  it  concerns.  Imperfefl  as  this  fpecies  of 
coercion  may  feem,  crimes  are  very  rare  amono- 
them  ;  infomuch  that  were  it  made  a  queaioi?, 
whether  no  law  as  among  the  favage  Americans, 
or  too  much  law,  as  among  the  civilized  Europe- 
ans, fubmits  man  to  the  greated  evil,  one  who  has 
feen  both  conditions  of  exigence  would  pronounce 
it  to  be  the  laft  :  and  that  the  {liesp  are  happier  of 
themfelves,  than  under  the  care  of  the  wolves.  It 
will  be  faid,  that  great  focieties  cannot  exift  with- 
out government.  The  favages  therefore  break 
them  into  fmall  ones. 

The  territories  of  the  Poivhatan  confederacy, 
fouth  of  the  Potowmac,  comprehended  about  8coo 
fquare  miles,  30  tribes,  and  2400  vvarriors.  Capt. 
Smith  tells  us,  that  within  60  miles  of  James* 
town  were  5000  people,  of  whom  1500  were  war- 
riors. From  this  we  find  the  proportion  of  their 
warriors  to  their  whole  inhabitants,  was  as  3  to  10. 
The  Powhatan  confederacy  then  would  confill  of 
about  8000  inhnbitants,  which  was  one  for  every 
fquare  mile  5  being  about  the  twentietii  part  of  our 
R 


130  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

prefent   population  m  the  fame  territory,  and  the 
hundredth  of  that  of  the  BritiOi  iflands. 

Befides  thefe,  were  the  Noifaways,  living  on 
Nottoway  River,  the  MeJjerrws  and  Tuteloes  on 
Meherrin  River,  who  were  conneded  with  the  In- 
dians of  Carolina,   probably  wit3i  the  Chowanocs. 

The  preceding  table  contains  a  ftate  of  thefe 
icveral  tribes,  according  to  their  confederacies  and 
geopraphical  fituation,  with  their  numbers  when 
we  fird  became  acquainted  witli  them,  where  thefe 
numbers  are  known.  The  numbers  of  them  are 
'igain  ftated  as  they  were  in  the  year  1669,  when 
an  attempt  was  made  by  the  affembly  to  enume- 
rate them.  Probably  the  enumeration  is  imper- 
fect, and  in  fome  meafure  conjedural,  and  that  a 
further  fearch  into  the  records  would  furnilh  many 
more  particulars.  What  would  be  the  melancho- 
ly fequel  of  their  hiftory,  may  however  be  argued 
from  the  cenfus  of  1669  ;  by  which  we  difcover 
that  the  tribes  therein  enumerated  were,  in  the 
fpace  of  62  years,  reduced  to  above  one-third  of 
their  former  numbers.  Spirituous  liquors,  the 
fmall-pox,  v/ar  and  an  abridgement  of  territory, 
to  a  people  who  lived  principally  on  the  fpontane- 
ous  produtflions  of  nature,  had  com.mitted  terrible 
liavock  among  them,  which  generation,  under  the 
obftacles  oppofod  to  it  among  them,  was  not  like- 
ly to  make  good.  That  the  lands  of  this  country 
were  taken  from  them  by  conqueft,  i^  not  fo  gen- 
eral a  truth  as  is  fuppofed.  I  find  in  our  hillori- 
ans,  and  records,  repeated  proofs  of  purchafe, 
which  cover  a  confiderable  part  of  the  lov/er 
country ;  and  many  more  vrould  doiibtlefs  be 
found  on  further  fearch.  The  upper  country  we 
know  has  been  acquired  altogether  by  purchafes 
'  made  in  the  mod  unexceptionable  form-- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  131 

Weflward  of  all  tliefe  tribes,  beyond  the  moun- 
tains, and  extending  to  the  great  lakes,  were  the 
Mdjfaivomees,  a  moil  powerful  confederacy,  who 
harraiFed  unremittingly  the  Ponvhatans  and  Man- 
ahoacs.  Thefe  were  probably  the  anceftors  of 
tribes  known  at  prefent  by  the  name  of  the  5/.v 
Nations. 

Very  little  can  now  be  difcovered  of  the  fubfe. 
quent  hillory  of  thefe  tribes  fevcrally.  The 
Chickahominles  removed  about  the  year  1 661,  to 
Mattapony  River. ,  Their  chief,  with  one  from 
,€ach  of  the  tribes  of  the  Pamunkies  and  Mattapo- 
nies,  attended  the  treaty  of  Albany  in  1685.  I'his 
feems  to  have  been  the  laft  chapter  in  their  hiilo- 
ry.  They  retained  however  their  feparate  name 
fo  late  as  1705,  and  were  at  length  blended  with 
the  Pamunkies  and  Mattaponies,  and  exift  at  pref- 
ent only  under  their  names.  There  remain  ol  the 
Mattaponies  three  or  four  men  only,  and  they  have 
more  negro  than  Indian  blood  in  them.  They 
have  loft  their  language,  have  reduced  themfelves, 
by  voluntary  fales,  to  about  ffcy  acres  of  land, 
which  lie  on  the  river  of  their  own  name,  and 
have  from  time  to  time  been   ioininp-  the  Pamun- 

Jo 

kies,  from  v»'hom  they  are  diftant  but  10  miles.. 
The  Pamunhes  are  reduced  to  about  1.0  or  12 
men,  tolerably  pure  from  mixture  with  other  col- 
ors. The  older  ones  among  them  preferve  their 
language  in  a  fmall  degree,  which  are'  the  laft 
Veftiges  on  earth,  as  far  as  we  know,  of  the  Pow- 
liatan  language.  They  have  about  300  acres  of 
very  fertile  Lmd,  on  Pamunkey  River,  fo  encom- 
paifed  by  water  that  a  gate  fnuts  in  the  whole.  Of 
the  Nottaways,  net  a  male  is  left,  A  few  women 
.conftitute  the  remains  of  that  tribe.     They  ar^ 


ir-  NOTj:S  ON  VIRGINIA. 

feated  on  the  Nottaway  River,  in  Soutliampton 
county,  on  very  fertile  lands.  At  a  very  early 
period,  certain  lands  were  marked  out  and  appro- 
priated to  thefe  tribes,  and  were  kept  from  en- 
croachment by  the  authority  of  the  laws.  They 
have  ufually  had  truftees  appointed,  whofe  duty 
\vas  to  vvv.tch  over  their  intereils,  and  guard  them 
from  infult  and  injury. 

The  Minacans  and  their  friends,  better  known 
latterly  by  the  name  of  the  Tufcaroras,  were  prob- 
ably connected  with  the  Mafl^awomees,  or  Five 
Nations.  For  though  we  are*  told  their  lan- 
G-uages  were  fo  different  that  the  intervention  of 
interpreters  v«is  neceifary  between  them,  yet  do  we 
alfof  learn  that  the  Erigas,  a  nation  formerly  in- 
habiting on  the  Ohio,  were  of  the  fame  original 
frock  with  the  Five  Nations,  and  that  they  partook 
'Aio  of  the  Tufcarora  Language.  Their  diale^is 
might,  by  long  feparatioii,  have  become  fo  unlike 
as  to  be  unintelligible  to  one  another.  We  know 
that  in  1712,  the  Five  Nations  received  the  Tuf- 
caroras  into  the-ir  confederacy,  and  made  them  the 
Sixth  Nation.  They  received  the  Meherrins  and 
Tuteloes  alfo  into  their  protection  :  and  it  is  mofi: 
probable,  that  tlie  remains  of  many  other  of  the 
trib@s,  of  whom  we  find  no  particular  account,  re- 
tired weftwardlv  in  like  manner,  and  were  incor- 
porated  with  one  or  other  of  the  weftern  tribes.  (5) 

I  know  of  no  fuch  thing  exifting  as  an  Indian 
monument :  for  I  would  not  honor  with  that  name 
arrow  points,  ftone  hatchets,  ftone  pipes,  and  half- 
ihapen  images.  Of  labor  on  the  large  fcale,  I 
tiiink  there  is  no  remain  as  refpeaable  as  would  be 
a  common  ditch  for  the   draining  of  lands,  unlefs 

*  Smith,  f  Evans. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA  553 

iadeed  it  would  be  the  Barrows,  of  which  many- 
are  to  be  found  all  over  in  tlils  country.  Thefe 
are  of  different  fizes,  fome  of  them  conitrucled  of 
earth,  and  fome  of  loofe  ftones.  That  they  were 
repofitories  of  the  dead,  has  been  obvious  to  all : 
but  on  what  particular  occafion  conPcrudied,  was 
a  matter  of  doubt.  Some  have  thought  they 
covered  the  bones  of  thofe  Vv^ho  have  fallen  in  bat- 
tles fought  on  the  fpot  cf  mterment.  Some  af- 
cribed  them  to  the  cultom,  faid  to  prevail  among 
the  Indians,  of  colledting,  at  certain  periods  the 
bones  of  all  their  dead,  wherefoever  depofited  at 
the  time  of  death.  Others  again  fuppofed  them 
the  general  fepulchres  for  towns,  conjedured  to 
have  beed  on  or  near  thefe  grounds  ;  and  this  o- 
pinion  was  fupported  by  the  quality  of  the  lands 
m  which  they  are  found,  (thofe  conftrudted  of 
earth  being  generally  in  the  fofteil  and  moif  fer~ 
tile  meadow-grounds  on  river  fides)  and  by  a  tra- 
dition, faid  to  be  handed  down  from  the  aborigin- 
al Indians,  that,  when  they  fettled  in  a  town,  the 
firft  perfon  who  died  was  placed  erei5l,and  earth  put 
about  him,  fo  as  to  cover  and  fupport  him  ;  that 
when  another  died,  a  narrow  paliage  was  dug  to 
the  firft,  the  fecond  reclined  againit  him,  and  the 
cover  of  earth  replaced,  and  fo  on.  There  being 
one  of  thefe  in  my  neighborhood,  I  wifhed  to  fat- 
isfy  myfelf  whether  any,  and  which  of  thefe  opin- 
ons  were  juft.  For  this  purpofe  I  determined  to 
open  and  examine  it  thoroughly.  It  was  fituated 
on  the  low  grounds  of  the  Rivanna,  about  two 
miles  above  its  principal  fork,  and  oppofite  to  fome 
hills,  on  which  had  been  an  Indian  town.  It  was 
of  a  fpheriodical  form,  o£,  about  40  feet  diameter 
at  the  bafe,  and  had  been  of  about  twelve  feet  al- 


134  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

titude,  though  now  reduced  by  the  plough  to  fev- 
en  and  a  half,  having  been  under  cultivation  a- 
bout  a  dozen  years.  Before  this  it  was  covered 
with  trees  of  twelve  inches  diameter,  and  round 
the  bafe  was  an  evacuation  of  five  feet  depth  and 
width,  from  whence  the  earth  had  been  taken  of 
wliich  the  hillock  was  formed,  I  firfl  dug  fuperfi- 
cially  in  feveral  parts  of  it,  and  came  to  collections 
ot  human  bones,  at  different  depths,  from  fix  inch- 
es to  three  feet  below  the  furface.  Thefe  were  ly- 
ing in  the  utmoil  confufion,  fome  vertical,  fome 
oblique,  fome  horizontal,  and  direded  to  every 
point  of  the  compafs,  entangled,  and  held  togheth- 
er  in  clufters  by  the  earth.  Eones  of  the  moft 
diftant  parts  were  found  together,  as,  for  inftance, 
the  fmail  bones  of  the  foot  In  the  hollow  of  the 
fcull ;  many  fcuUs  would  fometimes  be  in  contad, 
lying  on  the  face,  on  the  fide,  on  the  back,  top  or 
bottom,  fo  as,  on  the  whole,  to  give  the  idea  of 
bones  emptied  promifcuoufly  from  a  bag  or  bafket, 
and  covered  over  with  earth,  v/Ithout  any  attention 
to  their  order.  The  bones  of  which  the  greatefl: 
numbers  remained,  were  fculls,  jaw-bones,  teeth, 
the  bones  of  the  arms,  thighs,  legs,  feet,  and  hands. 
A  few  ribs  remained,  fome  vertebrae  of  the  neck 
and  fpine,  without  their  procelTes,  and  one  inftance 
only  of  the  *  bones  which  ferves  as  a  bafe  to  the 
vertebral  column.  The  fculls  were  fo  tender,  that 
they  generally  fell  to  pieces  on  being  touched. 
The  other  bones  were  flronger.  There  were  fome 
teeth  which  were  judged  to  be  fmaller  than  thofe 
of  an  adult  ;  a  fcull  which  on  a  flight  view,  appear- 
ed to  be  that  of  an  infant,  but  it  fell  to  pieces  on 
being  taken  out,  fo  as  to  prevent  fatisfadlory  ex» 

"     ■       iMwuwa— M^w^— — »■  III  I  Ml   11   L     MM  m^mm^mmammmmm^itamm Mi^MWMMaM^Hi^MiMa 

»-■.■■■■■-■  —  ■■.■-—■    ^,  .,.■,  ■  I         -.-    -.  I  ■  ,      —  -p^  I       ■  I.  ■   ■     I    ■  ■  ■■».    w  ■■■  »^m^ 

*  TJi>e  OS  facrum. 


NOTES  ON  VIHGINIA.  13^ 

d.minatloii ;  a  rib,   and  a  fragment  of  the  under 
jaw  of  a  perfon  about  half  grown  ;  another  rib  of 
an  infant,  and  part  of  the  jaw  of  a  child,  which 
had  not  cut  its  teeth.     This  lall  furnifhing  the 
mod  decifive  proof  of  the  burial  of  children  here, 
I  was  particular   in  my  attention  to  it.     It  was 
part  of  the  right  half  of  the  under  jaw.     The  pro- 
ceifes,  by  which  it  was  articulated  to  the  temporal 
bones,    were  entire,   and   the  bone  itfelf  firm   to 
where  it  had  been  broken  off,  which,  as  nearly  as 
I  could  judge,  was  about  the  place  of  the  eye-tooth. 
Its  upper  edge,  wherein  would  have  been  the  fock- 
ets  of  the  teeth,  was  perfedlly  fmooth.     Meafurinf^* 
it  with  that  of  an  adult,  by  placing  their  hinder 
proceifes  together,   its  broken  end  extended  to  the 
penultimate  grinder  of  the  adult.     This  bone  was 
white,  all  the  others  of  a  fand  color.     The  bones 
of  infants  being  foft,  they  probably  decay  fooner, 
which  might  be  the  caufe  fo  few  were  found  here, 
I  proceeded   then   to    make  a    perpendicular  cut 
through  the  body  of  the  barrow,  that  I  might  ex- 
amine its  internal  fl:ru6ture.     This   pafTed  about 
tliree  feet  from  its  center,  was  opened  to  the  form- 
er furface  of  the  earth,  and  was  wide  enojugh  for 
a  man  to  walk  through  and  examine  its  fides.  At 
the  bottom,  that  is,   on  the  level  of  the  circumja- 
cent  plain,    I    found  bones ;    above   thefe  a  few 
ftones,  brought  from  a  cliff  a  quarter  of  a  mile  off, 
and  from  the  river  one-eighth  of  a  mile  oft ;  then 
a  large  interval  of  earth,  then  a  ftrantum  of  bones, 
and  fo  on.     At  one  end  of  the  feclion  were  four 
flrata  of  bones  plainly  diftlnguilhable  ;  at  the  oth- 
er, three  ;  the  flrata  in  one  part  not  ranging  with 
thofe  in  another.     The  bones  neared  the  furface 
were  lead  decayed.     No  holes  were  difcovered  m 


J 36  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

any  of  them,  as  if  made  with  bullets,  arrows,  or 
other  weapons.     I  conj enured  that  in  this  barrow 
might  have  been  a  thoufand  ikeletons.     Every  one 
will  readily  feize  the  circumdances  above  related, 
which  militate  againft  the  opinion,  that  it  covered 
the  bones  only  of  perfons'  fallen   in   battle  ;  and 
againft  the  tradition  alfo,  which  would  make  it  the 
common  fepulchre  of  a  town,  in  which  the  bodies 
were  placed  upright,   and   touching   each   other. 
Appearances  certainly  indicate  that  it  has  derived 
both   origin   and   grov.-th   from   the   accuiiomary 
collection  of  bones,  and  depofition  of  them  togeth- 
er ;  that  the  firft  colkaion  had  been  depofited  on 
the  common  furface  of  the  earth,  a  few  ftones  put 
over  it,  and  then  a  covering  of  earth,  that  the  fee- 
end  had  been  laid  on  this,   had  covered  more  or 
lefs  of  it  in  proportion  to  the   number  of  bones, 
and  was  then  alfo  coverd  with   earth  ;  and  fo  on. 
The    following    are  the  particular   circuffPcances 
which  give  it  this  afped.   i.  The  number  of  bones. 
2.  Their   confufed  pofition.     3.  Their   being    in 
different  ftrata.     4.  The  ftrata  in  one  part  having 
210  correfpondence  with  thofe  in  another.     5.*The 
defferent  ftates  of  decay  in  thcfe  ftrata,  which  feem 
to  Indicate  a  difference  in  the  time  of  inhumation. 
6.  The  exiftence  of  infant  bones  among  them. 

But  on  whatever  occafion  they  may  have  been 
made,  they  are  of  confiderable  notoriety  among  the 
Indians  :  for  a  party  paffing,  about  thirty  years  ago, 
tl:rough  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow 
is,  went  through  the  woods  direcftly  to  it,  without 
any  inftrudions  or  enquiry,  and  having  ftaid  about 
it  fome  time,  with  expreffions  which  were  con- 
flrued  to  be  thofe  of  forrow,  they  returned  to 
the  high  road,  which  they  had  left  about  half  a 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  137^ 

dozen  miles  to  pay  this  vifit,  'and  purfued  their 
jotirney.  There  is  another  barrow  much  refem- 
hl'mg  this,  in  the  low  grounds  of  the  fouth  brancli 
of  Shenandoah  vrhere  it  is  croiled  by  the  road 
leading  from  the  Rockfifli  gap  to  Staunton,  both 
of  thefe  have  within  thefe  dozen  years,  been  clear- 
ed of  their  trees  and  put  under  cultivation,  are 
much  reduced  in  their  height,  and  fpread  in  width 
by  the  plough,  and  will  probably  difappear  in 
time.  There  is  another  on  a  hill  in  the  Blue 
ridge  of  _  mountains,  a  few  miles  north  of  Wood's 
gap,  which  is  made  up  of  fmall  ftones  thrown  to- 
gether. This  has  been  opened  and  found  to  con- 
tain human  bones,  as  the  others  do.  There  are 
alf©  m.any  others  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 

Great  queftlon  has  arifen  from  whence  came 
thofe  aboriginals  of  America  ?  Difcoveries,  long 
ago  made,  wefe  fufficient  to  Hiow  that  a  pafFage 
from  Europe  to  America  was  always  praaicable» 
even  to  the  imperfea:  navigation  of  ancient  times. 
In  going  from  Norway  to  Ireland,  from  Ireland 
to  Groenland,  from  Greenland  to  Labrador,  the 
firft  trajed:  is  the  widefi; :  and  this  having  been 
pradifed  from  the  e-arlieft  times  of  which  we  have 
any  account  of  that  part.of  the  earth,  it  is  not  dif- 
ficult to  fuppofe  that  the  fubfequent  trajefts  m.ay 
have  been  fometimes  pafied.  Again,  the  late  dif- 
coveries of  Captain  Cook,  coaTling  from  Kam- 
fchatka  to  California,  have  proved  that  if  the  two 
continents  of  Afa  and  America  be  feparated  at 
all,  it  is  only  by  a  narrow  ftraight.  So  that  from 
this  iide  alfo,  inhabitants  may  have  paffed  into 
America  :  and  the  refemblance  between  the  In- 
dians of  America  aiid  the  eaftern  inhabitants  of' 
Aiui,  would  induce  us  to  conjecture,  that  the  for? 

u 


13S'  NOTES  OmaRGINIA. 

mer  are  the  defceiidants  of  the  latter,  or  the  latter 
of  the  former  :  excapting    indeed   the    EOiimaiix,; 
who,  from  the  f  ime  circumftanccs  of  refemblance, 
and  from   indentity  of  language,  "mufl:  be  derived 
from  thQ  Gi'oenlandei^,  and  thefe  probably  from 
ibme  of  the   tiortheni  parts  of  the  old  continent, 
A  knowledge  of  their  federal  languages  would  be 
the  moft  certain  evidence  of  their  derivation  which 
could  be  produced.      In   faft,   it  is  the  bed  proof 
of  the  affinity  of  nations  which  ever  can  be  refer- 
red to.     How  many  ages  have  elapfed  fince  the 
Engliih,  the  Dutch,  the   Germans,  the  Swifs,  the 
Norwegians,   Danes  and  Swedes   have  feparated 
from  their  common  ftock?  Yet' how  many  more 
mudelapfe  before  the  proofs  of  their  common  ori- 
gin, which  exift    in  their  feveral   languages,  will 
difappear  ?  It  is  to  be  lamented  then,  very  much 
to  be  lamented,  that  we  have  fufrered  fo  many  ot 
the  Indian  tribes   already    to   extinguim,  without 
our  having   previoufiy   colle<51ed  and  depofited  in 
the  records  of  literature,  the  general  rudiments  at 
leaft  of  the  languages  they  fpoke.     Were  vocabu- 
laries formed  of  alt  the  languages  fpoken  in  North 
and  South  America,  preferving  their  appellations 
of  the  mod   common  obji^cls   in  nature,    ot  thofe 
which  mud  be  prefent  to  evei^  nation -barbarous- 
vr  civiHzed,  \vith  the  inflexions  of  their  nouns  and 
verbs,  their   principles   of  regimen   and  concord, 
and  thefe  depofited  in  all  the  public  libraries,  it 
^\^uld  furnifh  opportunities  to  thofe  fkilled  in  the 
languages  of  the  old  world  to  compare  them  with 
thefe,  now,  or  at  any   future   time,  and  hence"  to 
conftruct  tlie  bed  evidence  of  the  derivation  ofthi? 
-part  of  the  Ir^iman  race. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  539 

But  imperfeft  as  Is  our  knowledge  of  the  tongr.es 
Ipoken  in  America,  it  fuffices  to  difcover  the  fol- 
lowinG'  remarkable  fatfl.     Arran^iriC  them  under 

o  .  00. 

the  radi<:al  ones  to  which  they  may  be  palpably 
traced  and  doing  the  fame  by  thofe  of  the  red  men 
of  A^a,  there  vvill  be  fomid  probably  twenty  in 
America,  for  one  in  Afia,  of  thofe  radical  lan- 
guages, fo  called  becaufe,  if  they  y/ere  ever  the 
fame  they  have  loft  all  refernblance  to  one  another. 
A  feparation  into  dialects  may  be  the  work  of  -.i 
few  ages  only,  but  for  two  dialec^ls  to  recede  from 
one  another  till  they  have  loft  all  veftiges  of  their 
common  origin,  muft  require  an  immenfe  courfe 
of  time  ;  Derhaos  not  lefs  than  manv  people  s;ivc 
to  the  age  of  the  earth.  A  greater  numJjer  of 
tliofe  radical  changes  of  language  having  taken 
place  among  the  red  men  of  America,  proves  them 
of  greater  antiquity  than  thofe  of  Afia. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  ftate  tl^e  nations  and  num- 
bers of  the  Aborigines  which  ftill  exift  in  a  refpec- 
table  and  Independent  form.  And  as  their  unde- 
fined boundaries  would  render  it  difficult  to  fpeci- 
fy  thofe  only  which  may  be  within  any  certain 
limits,  and  it  may  not  be  "unacceptable  to  prefent  a 
more  general  view  of  them,  I  will  reduce  witliiii 
the  form  of  a  catalogue  all  thofe  wltliin,  and  cir- 
cumjacent to,  the  United  States,  whofe  names 
and  numbers  have  come  to  my  notice.  Thefe  are 
taken  from  four  d  liferent  Hfts,  the  iirft  ofvrhich 
was  given  In  the  year  1759  ^^  general  Stanwix 
by  George  Croghan,  deputy  agent  for  Indian  af- 
fairs under  Sir  William  Johnfon  ;  the  fecond  was 
drawn  up  by  a  French  trader  of  confiderable  note, 
refident  among  the  Indians  many  years,  and  an- 
nexed to  colonel  Bouquet's  printed  account  of  his 


540  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

^Apedltion  In  1764.  The  third  was  made  out  hj 
*:aptain  Hutchins,  who  vlfited  moft  of  the  tribes, 
by  order,  for  the  purpofe  ofiearning  their  num- 
bers in  1768.  And  the  fourth  by  John  Dodgie., 
•an  Indian  trader,  in  1779,  except  the  numbers 
3-narked,*  which  are  from  other  iiiformation^ 


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NOTES  OxM  VlRGimA.  14^ 

The  following  tribes  are  alfo  mentioned  : 

r  From  the  mouth  of  Ohio  to 
Lezar,         400  |     ^^^^  ^^^^.j^  ^^  WabaOi. 

1  „^  ,  .  ^On  the  Miffifippi  below  the 

^Webmgs,    200 1  gj^^^j^j^^^ 


Oufafoys  f  On  white  creek,  a  branch  of 

Grand  T.  ^^""'^  1  the  Mimfippi. 

O    [Linways,   1000     On  the  Millifippi.    - 


O 


fc^ 


f  I.es  Puans,      700     Near  Puans  Bay. 
.^   j  Polle  Avoine,35o     Near  Puans  Bay. 
^  j  Ouanakina      300") 

^  j  ChiacaneiTou,  350  (  Conjeaured  to  be  Tribes 
p    I  Machecous,     800  J  of  the  Creeks. 

(^Souikilas,         2  00  J 

r  North-weft  of  L.  Michigan, 
Mlneamls,20oo  <      to  the  heads  of  Ivlilfifippi, 

t_     and  up  to  L.  Superior. 
■g   ]  Pinkiflias,     1  f  On  and  near  the  Wabafh 

ft    I  Mafcoutins,  I  800  I     towards  the  Ilhnois. 

[_VermiHions,  3 
But  apprehending  thefe  might  be  different  appel- 
lations for  fome  of\he  tribes  already  enumerated, 
I  have  net  infe'rted  them  in  the  table,  but  ftate 
them  feparately  as  worthy  of  further  enquiry. 
The  variations  obfervable  in  numbering  the  flim.e 
tribe  may  fometimes  be  afcribed  to  imperfe(5l  in- 
formation, and  fometimes  to  a  greater  or  lefs  com- 
prehenilon  of  fettlements  under  the  fame  nam©.  [7) 


QUERY  XIL 

A  NOTICE  of  the  counties,  cities,  townfhipsi 
and  villages  ? 

The  counties  have  been  enumerated  under  que- 
ry IX.  They  are  74.  in  number,  of  very  unequal 
fize  and  population.  Of  thefe  35  are  on  the  tide 
•ivaters,  or  in  that  parallel ;  23  are  in  the  midlands, 
between  the'  tide  waters  and  the  Blue  ridge  01 
raountains ;  8  between  the  Blue  ridge  and  Alleg- 
haney  ;  and  8  weftv^^ard  of  the  AUeghaney. 

The  Rate,  by  another  divifior!,  is  formed  into, 
pariflies,  many  of  which  are  commenfurate  with 
the  counties ;  but  fcrnetimes  a  county  comprehends 
more  than  one  pariih,  and  fometimes  a  parilh  more 
than  one  county.  Tl^is  divifion  had  relation  to  the 
religi'-m  of  the  ftate,  a  parfon  of  the  Anglican 
•.hurch,  v/ith  a  fixed  falary,  having  been  heretofore 
'i'lablifned  in  each  parilh.  The  care  of  the  poor 
'.vas  another  object  of  the  parochial  diviHon. 

We  have  no  tcwnfaips.  Our  country  being- 
niU'.  h  interfc£ted  v/ith  ULwigable  waters,  and  trade 
brciight  generally  to  our.  doors  inflead  of  our  be- 
hig  obliged  tg  go  in  queft  of  it,  has  probably  been 
..ne  of  the  caufes  why  we  have  no  towns  of  any 
fonfequencc.  Willimlhurgh,  vv'hich  till  the  year 
J  780,  v/as  the  feat  of  our  government,  never  c(5'n- 
tained  above  1 8co  Inhabitants  ;  and  Norfolk  the 
mod  populous  town  we  ever  had,  contained  but 
6000.  Our  towns,  but  more 'properly  our  viUag,^* 
or  hamkt-s^  are  as  follows. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  j^c^ 

On  y^mes*  R'^ucr  and  its  waters,  Norfolk,  Portf- 
mouth,  Hampton,  Su^olk,  Smithfield,  Williamf^ 
burgh,  Peteriburgh,  Richmond  the  feat  of  our  gov-, 
ernment,  Manchefter,  Charlottsville,  NewJ.ondon. 

On  Tork  River  and  its  waters,  York,  Newcaf- 
tie,  Hanover. 

*  On  Rappahannoc,  Urbanna,  Portroyal,  Fredcr- 
ickfburgh,  Falmouth. 

On  Patoivtnac  and  its  waters,  Dumfries,  Col- 
chefter,  Alexandria,  Winchefler,  Staunton. 

On  Ohloy  Louifviile. 

There  are  other  places  at  which,  like  fome  of 
the  foregoing,  the  laivs  have  faid  there  fhall  be 
towns ;  but  nniure  has  faid  there  fhall  not,  and 
they  remain  unworthy  of  enumeration.  Norfolk 
will  probably  be  the  em.porium  for  all  the  trade  of 
the  Chefapeak  bay  and  its  waters  ;  and  a  canal  of 
8  or  ic  miles  will  bring  to  it  all  that  of  Albe- 
marle found  and  its,  waters.  Secondary"  to  this 
place,  are  the  towns  at  the  head  of  the  tide  wa- 
ters, to  wit,  PeterfDurgh  on  Appomattox.  Rich- 
mond on  James'  River.  Newcufde  on  York-Riy» 
er.  Alexandria  on  Potowmac,  and  Baltimore  ou 
.Patapfco,  From  thefe  the  diftribution  will  be  to 
fubordinate  fituations  in  the  country.  Accidental 
circum.ftances  however  may  control  the  indica^ 
tions  of  nature,  and  in  no  inftance  do  they  do  it 
mqre  freo^uently  than  in  the  rife  and  fall  of  towqg^ 


QUERY  XIIL 

■■<<  K^y  >■•>■' 

THE  coiirtitudon  of  the  ft^e,  and  its  feverai 
charters  ? 
Queen  EUzabeth  by  her  letters-patent,  bearinp* 
date  March  25,  1584,  ilcenfed  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
to  fearch  for  remote  heathen  lands,  not  inhabited 
by  chriftian  people,  and  granted  to  him,  in  fee 
fimple,  all  the  foil  within  2cxd  leagues  of  the  places 
where  his  people  Ihould,  within  6  years  make 
their  dwellings  or  abidings  ;  referving  only  to  her- 
felf  and  her  fucceffors,  their  allegiance  and  one- 
fifth  part  of  all  the  gold  and  fdver  ore  they  fhould 
obtain.  Sir  Vv  alter  immediately  ient  out  two 
(hips  which  vifited  Wococon  ifland  in  North-Car- 
olina, and  the  next  year  difpatched  feven  with 
iCy  men,  who  fettled  in  R-oanoke  ifland,  about 
latitude  35°  5G^  Here  Okilko,  King  of  the  Weo- 
pomeiocs,  in  a  full  council  of  his  people  is  faid  to 
have  acknowledged  him.felf  the  homager  of  the 
Queen  of  England,  and,  after  her,  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh.  A  fupply  of  50  men  were  fent  in  1586, 
•and  150  in  1587.  With  thefe  laft,  Sir  "Waiter 
^ent  a  governor,  appointed  him  1 2  affiilants,  gave 
them  a  charter  of  incorporation,  and  intruded 
them  to  fettle  on  Chefapeak  bay.  They  landed 
however  at  Hattorailc.  In  1588,  v/hen  a  fleet 
Avas  ready  to  fail  wuth  a  new  fupply  of  cclonifts 
and  necelTaries,  they  were  detained  by  the  Queen 
to  aflift  againd  the  Spanifh  armada.  Sir  Waiter 
having  now  expended  40,cool,   in  thefe  enterprif- 


n6t£S  on  TIRGINIA.  i^f 

cs,  obdriicled  occafionally  by  the  crown  without 
a  lliil'ing  of  aid  from  it,  was  unde^  a  necefhty  of 
enp::i^;'ag  others  to  adventure  their  money.  He 
therefore,  by  deed  bearing  date  the  7th  of  March 
1589,  by  the  name  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  chief 
governor  of  Airamacomoc,  (probably  Acomac,) 
alias*Wingadacoia,  alias  Virginia,  granted  to  Tho- 
mas Smith  and  others,  in  confideration  of  their  ad- 
venturing certain  funis  of  money,  Jberty  of  trade^ 
to  his  new  country,  free  from  all  cuftoms  and  tax- 
es for  fevcn  years,  excepting  the  fifth  palt  of  the 
gold  and  fdver  ore  to  be  obtained ;  and  ftipulated 
with  them,  and  the  other  afilftants,  theninVirgin^  . 
ia,  that  he  would  confirm  the  deed  of  incorporation 
which  he  had  given  in  1587,  with  all  the  prerog- 
atives, junfdi(5i:ions,  royalties  and  privileges  grants^ 
ed  t©  him  by  the  Queen.  Sir  Walter,  at  diiferent 
times,  fent  five  other  adventurers  hither,  the  lafc  of 
which  was  in  1602  ;  for  in  1603  he  was  attained, 
and  put  into  clofe  imprifonment,  which  put  an 
-end  to  his  cares  over  his  infant  colony.  What 
was  the  particular  fate  of  the  colonies  he  ha:d 
before  fent  and  feated,  has  never  been  known  : 
whether  they  were  murdered,  or  incorporated 
with  the  favao-es. 

Some  gentlemen  and  merchants,  fuppofmg  that 
by  the  attainder  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  the  grant 
to  him  was  forfeited,  not  enquiring  over-carefully 
whether  the  fentence  of  an  Englifli  court  cOuld 
effedt  lands  not  v/ithin  the  jurifdidlion  of  that 
court,  petitioned  king  James  for  a  new  grant  of 
Virginia  to  them.  He  accordingly  executed  a 
grant  to  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  others  bearing 
date  the  9th  of  March  1607,  under  which,  in  the 
fame  year  a  fettkment  was  effeded  at  James'  towtf 


1S2-        NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

and  ever  after  maintained.     Of  this  grant  liowev- 
c-r  no  particular  notice   need  be   taken,   as  it  was 
fuperfeded  by   letters-pntent  cf  the  fame  king,  of 
May,  23,  1609  to  the   Earl  of  Sali&ury  and  oth- 
ers, incorporating  them,  by  the  name  of  *  the  trea- 
'  furer   and  company. of  adventurers  and  planters 
^  of  the  city   of  London    for    the    firft   colony  in 
Virginia,*  granting  to  them  and  their  fucceffbrs  all 
the  lands  in  Virginia  from   Point  Comfort  along 
the   fea-coaft  to   the   northward    200    miles,   and 
from  the   fame    point    along    the  feacoafl   to  the 
fouthward  200  miles,   and  ail  the   fpace  from  this 
precindl  on  the   fea-coaO;   up  into   the   land,  wed 
and  north-weft  frem   fea  to  fea,   and  the  Iflands 
•within  one  hundred  miles  of  it,  with  all  the  com- 
modities, jurifdidlions,  royalties,   privileges,  fran-- 
chifes  and  pre-eminenceles  within   the  fame,  and 
thereunto  and  thereabouts,  by  fea  and  land,  apper- 
taining in  as  ample  manner  as  had   before  been 
granted  to  any  adventurer  :  to  be  held  of  the  king 
and  his    fucceffors,   in   common    focage,   yielding 
one-fifth  part   of  the   gold   and    filver  ore  to  be 
therein  found,   for  all   manner  of  fervices  ;  eftab- 
lifhjng  a  council  in   England  for  the  diredlion  of 
the  enterprife,  the  members  of  which   were  to  be. 
chofen  and  difplaced  by  the  voice  of  the  majority 
of  the   company   and    adventurers,  and  were  to 
have  the  nomination  and  revocation  of  govern- 
ors, officers,  and  miniflers,   which  by  them  fhould 
be  thought  needful  for  the   colony,    the  power  of 
eftabliftiing  laws  and  forms   of  government   and 
magiftracy,  obligatory  not  only  within  tlie  colony, 
but  alfo  on  the  feas  in  going  and  coming  to  and 
from  it  :    authorlfmg   them  'to  carry  thither  any 
fperfons  who  fuould  confent  to   go,  freeing  them 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  15^ 

for  ever  from  all  taxes  and  Impofitlons  on  any 
goods  or  merchandlfe  on  importations  into  the 
colony,  or  exportation  out  of  it,  except  the  five 
per  cent,  due  on  all  goods  imported  into  the  Brit* 
ifli  dominions,  according  to  the  ancient  trade  of 
merchants ;  which  five  per  cent,  only  being  paid 
they  might,  within  13  months  re-export  the  fame 
goods  hito  foreign  parts,  without  any  cull:om,  tax, 
or  other  duty  to  the  king  or  any  of  his  ofiicers  or 
deputies  ;  W'ith  powers  of  waging  vrar  againil 
thofe  who  fhould  annOy  them  ;  giving  to  the  in- 
habitants of  the  colony  all  the  rights  of  natural 
fubjeifls,  as  if  born  and  abiding  in  England  ;  and 
declaring  that  thefe  letters  (liould  be  conftrued,  ia 
all  doubtful  parts,  in  fuch  manner  as  iliould  be 
mod  for  the  beneiit  of  the  Q-rantees. 

o        ^ 

Afterwards  on  the  12th  of  March  161 2,  by 
other  letters-patent,  the  king  added  to  his  former 
grants,  all  iilands  in  any  part  of  the  ocean  between 
the  30th  and  41ft  degrees  cf  latitude,  and  within 
300  leagues  of  any  of  the  parts  before  granted  to 
the  treafurer  and  company,  not  being  poifeifed  or 
inhabited  by  any  other  chriftian  prince  or  flate, 
nor  within  the  limits  of  the  northern  colony. 

In  purfuance  of  the  authorities  given  to  the 
company  by  thefe  charters,  and  more  efpecially  of 
that  part  in  the  charter  of  1609,  which  authorifed 
them  to  eftabliih  a  form  of  government,  they  on 
the  24th  of  July  1621,  by  charter  under  their 
common  feal,  declared  that  from  thence  forward 
there  fhould  be  two  fiipreme  councils  in  Virginia, 
the  one  to  be  called  the  council  of  ftate,  to  be  pla* 
ced  and  difplaced  by  the  treafurer,  council  in 
England,  and  company,  from  time  to  time,  whofc 
©ffice  was  to  be  that  of  afurtin;^  and  advihuo:  thg* 

u 


154  NOTES  ON  XaRGINIA. 

governor ;  the  other  to  be  called  the  general  af^ 
fembly  to  be  covened  by  the  governor  once  yearly, 
or  oftener,  v/hich  was  to  ccnfift  of  the  council  of 
Hate,  and  two   bergelFes   out   of  every  town,  hun- 
dred, or  plantation,   to  be  refpedcively   chofen  by 
the  inhabitants.     In   this  all   matters  were  to  be 
decided  by  the  greater  part  of  the  votes  prefent ; 
referving  to  the  governor  a  negative  voice  ;  and 
they  were  to  have  power  to   treat,  confult,  and 
conclude  all   emegrant   occauons   concerning   the 
public  weal,  and  to  make  laws  for  the  behoof  and 
government  of  the  colony,  imitating  and  following 
the  laws  and  policy  of  England  as  nearly  as  might 
be  :  providing  that  thefe  laws  (liould  have  no  force 
till  ratified  in  a  general  quarter  court  of  the  com- 
pany in  England  and  returned  under  their  com- 
mon feal,  and  declaring  that,  after  the  government 
of  the  colony  fhould  be  vrell  framed   and  fettled, 
no  orders  of  the    council  in   England   fliould  bind 
the  colony  unlefs  ratified  in  the  faid  general  aflem- 
bly.     The  king  and  company  quarrelled,   and  by 
a  mixture  of  lav/  and  force,  the  latter  were  oufted 
of  all  their  rights,   without  retribution,   after  hav- 
ing expended  ioo,oool,   In  eftabllfliing  the  colony, 
without  the  fmalleft  aid  from  government.     King 
James  fafpended  their  powers  by  proclamation  of 
July  15,    1624,   and  Charles  I.   took  the  govern- 
ment into  his  own  hands.     Both  fides   had    their 
partlfaiis  in  the  colony  ;  but  in  truth  the  people  of 
the   colony   in   general  thought  themfelves   little 
Concerned  in  the  difpute.     There  being  three  par- 
ties interefted  in  thefe  feveral  charters,  what  palfed 
between  the  firil  and  fecond  it  was  thought  could 
not  affe^ft  the   third.      If  the  king  feized    on  the 
power  of  the  company,  they  only  pafTed  into  other 
hands,  without  iiicreafe  or  dimenutioD,  while  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  i^s 

rlj^lits  of  the  people  remained  as  they  %vere.     But 
they  did  not  remain  fo  long.     The  northern  parts 
of  their  country  were  granted  away  to  th^-  lords 
Baltimore  and  Fairfax,  the  firft  of  thefe  obtaining 
alfo  the  rights  of  feparate  jurifdidion   and   gov- 
cniment.     And  in  1650  the  parliament,  confider- 
ing  itielf  as  ftanding  in  the  place  of  their  depofed 
king,  and  as  having   fucceeded  to   all  his  powers, 
without  as  well  as  within  the  realm,  began  to  af- 
fume  a  right  over  the  colonies,  paffing  an  a6t  for 
inhibiting  their  trade  with  foreign  nations.     This 
fucccflion  to  the  exercife  of  kingly  authority  gave 
the  firlf  color  for  parliamentary  interference  with 
the   colonies,   and   produced    that  fatal  precedent 
which  they  continued  to  foUov/  after  they  had  re- 
tired, in  other  refpeds,  within  their  proper  fLintftions. 
When  this  colony,  therefore,  which  Hill  maintained 
its  oppofition  to   Cromwell   and    the   parliament, 
was  induced  in  1651  to  lay  doAvn  their  armis,  they 
previoufly  fecured  their  moft  eilential  rights,  by  a 
folemn   convention,  which  havino-  never  feen  in 
iprint,  I  will  here  infert  literally  from  the  records. 
*  Articles   agreed  on  &   concluded  at  James 

*  Clttie  in  Virginia  for  the  furrendering  ana  fettling 

*  of  that  plantation  under  the  obedience  &  govern- 

*  ment  of  the  Comcn  wealth  of  England  by  the 

*  Commiflioners  of  the  Councill  of  ftate  by  author- 

*  itie  of  the  parliamt.  of  England  &  by  the  grand 

*  alTembly  of  the  Governour,  Councill  &  BurgeiTes 

*  of  that  countrey. 

'  Frft  it  is  agreed   and  confted  that  the  planta- 

*  tion  of  Virginia,  and  all  the  inhabitants  thereof 

*  ihall  be  and  remain  in  due  obedience  and  fubjec- 

*  tion  to  the  Comon  wealth  of  England  according 

*  to  the  laws  there  eftablilhcd,  and  that  this  fub- 


6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


miinon  and  fubfcriptlon  bee  acknowledged  a  vol- 
untary act  not  forced  nor  conflrained  by  a  con- 
queft  upon  the  countuey,  and  that  they  Ihall  have 
and  enjoy  Inch  freedoms  and  privileges  as  belong 
to  the  tree  borne  people  of  England,  and  that  the 
former  government  by  the  Comraiffions  and  In-^ 
ftriictions  be  void  and  null. 

*  2ly,  Secondly  that  the  Grand  aiTembly  as  for- 
merly ihall  convene  &  tranfadl  the  affairs  of  Vir- 
ginia v/herein  nothing  is  to  be  a(5led  or  done  cOn- 
trarie  to  the  government  of  the  Comcn  wealth 
of  England  and  the  laws  there  eRablillied. 

*  3ly,  That  there  ihail  be  a  full  and  total  remif- 
fion  and  indempnitite  of  all  a(51-s,  words,  or  writ- 
ings done  or  fpoken  againft  the  parliament  of 
England  In  relation  to  the  fame. 

*  4ly,  That  Virginia  (hall  have  &  enjoy  the  an- 
tient  bounds  and  Lymitts  granted  by  the  charters 
of  former  kings,  and  that  we  Ihall  feek  a  new  char- 
ter from  the  parliament  to  that  purpofe  againft 
any  that  have  intrencht  upon  the  rights  thereof. 

*  5ly,  That  all  the  patents  of  land  granted  under 
the  collony  feal  by  any  of  tlie  precedent  govern- 
ours  fiiall  be  and  remain  in  their  full  force  & 
ftrenf:;th. 

*  61y,  That  the  prlviledge  of  having  iiiftle  acres 
of  land  for  every  perfon  tranfported  in  that  col- 
lonie  fnall  continue  as  formerly  granted. 

•■  7jy,  That  the  people  o£  Virginia  have  free 
t  a  ic  as  the  people  of  England  do  enjoy  to  all 
places  and  with  all  nations  according  to  the  lav/es 
of  that  Comon  wealth,  and  that  Virginia  fliall 
enjoy  all  privilidges  equal  with  any  Engliih  plan- 
lations  in  America. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  157 

'  Sly,  That  Virginia  fliall  be  fre«  from  all  taxes, 

*  cuftoms  &  impofitions  whatrocver,  &  none  to  be 

*  impofed  on  them  without  conl'ent  of  the  Grand 

*  aHembly,  and  foe  that   neither  flortes  nor  caiUes 

*  bee  erected  or  o-arrifons  maintained  without  their 

o 

*  conlent. 

*  gljy  That  noe   charge  Ihall  be  required  from 

*  this  countrey  in  refped  of  tliis  prefent  fileet. 

*  loly,    That   for   the   future  fcLtlement  of  the 

*  countrey  in  their  due  obedience,  the  engagement 

*  Ihall  be  tendered  to  all  the  inhabitants  according 

*  to  ad  of  parliament  made  to  that  purpofe,  that 

*  all  perfons  who  Ihall  refufe  to  fubfcribe  the  iaid 

*  engagement,   fhall   have  a  yeare's  time   if  they 

*  pleafe  to  remove  thcmielves  &   and  their  eltates 

*  out  of  Virginia,   and  in  the  me;m  time  during 

*  the  faid  yeare  to  have  equal  jaftice  as  formerly. 

*  Illy,  That  the  ufe  01  the  booke  of  common 

*  prayer  fliall  be  permitted  for  one  yeare  enfuinge 

*  witli  reference  to  the  confent  of  the  major  part 

<  of  the  parllhes,  provided  that  thofe  which  relate 

*  to  kingfhipp   or  that   government   be   not   ufed 

<  publiquely,  and   the   continuance  of  minfters  in 

*  their  places,  they  not  mifdemeaning  themfelv^es^ 

*  and  the  payjTient  of  their   accuftomed   dues  and 

*  agreements  made  with  them  reipeclively  Ihall  be 

*  kit  as  they  now  ftand  during  this  enfuing  yeare. 

*  I2ly,  That  no  man's  cattell  Ihall  be  queftion- 

*  ed  as  the  companies  unlefs  fu ch  as  have  been  en- 

*  trailed  with  them  or  have  difpofed  of  them  with- 

*  out  order. 

*  i3ly,  That  all  ammunition,  powder  &  armes, 

<  other  than  for  private  ufe,  fliall  be  delivered  up^ 

*  fecuritie  being  given  to  make  fatisfadion  for  it. 

*  i4ly,  That  all  goods  already  brought  hither- 


15S  NOTES  ONVIRGINIA. 

*  by  the  Dutch  or  others  which  are  now  on  fhoar 

*  fhall  be  free  from  furprizall. 

*  15I7,  That  the  quittrents  granted  unto  ns  by 

*  the  late  kinge  for  feven  yeares  bee  confirmed. 

*  i61y,  Tha.t  the   commidioners  for  the  parlia- 

*  ment  fubfcribing   thefe     articles   engage   them- 
'  felves  &  the  honour  of  parliament  for  the  full 

*  performance  thereof :    and  that  the  prefent  gov- 
'  ernoiir  &  the   councill  &   the   burgelfes  do  like- 

*  wife  fubfcribe  and  engage  the  whole  coUony  on 

*  their  parts. 

Rich.  Bennett. Scale. 

Wm.  Claiborne. Scale. 

Edmund  Curtis. Scale. 

*  Theife   articles   were   figncd   &   fealcd  by  the 

*  Coram'ffioners  of  the  Council    of  ftatc  for  the 

*  Common  wealth  of  England  the  tweiveth  day  of 

*  March  1651, 

Then  the  following  articles  fcipulated  by  the 
governor  and  council,  which  relate  merely  to  their 
own  perfons  and  property,  and  then  the  enfulng 
mftrument : 

*  An  adl  of  indempnltle  made  att  the  furrender 

*  of  the  countrey. 

*  Whereas  by  the  authoritle  of  the  parliament 

*  wee  the  commlffioners  appointed  by  the  councill 

*  of  ftate  authorized   thereto   havinp-   brousfht   a 

*  lleet  &  force  before   James  cittle  in  Virginia  to 

*  reduce  that  collonie   under  the   obedience  of  the 

*  Common  wealth  of  England,  and  findeing  force 

*  raifed  by   the   Governour   &   countrey  to  make 

*  oppofition  againft  the  faid  ffleet   Avereby  affiired 

*  danger   appearhige  of  the  ruin  &   deftrui^tion  of 

*  the  plantation,  for  prefervation  whereof  the  Bur- 

*  geffes  of  all  the  feveral  plantations  being  called 


NOTES  ON  VIP.GINIA.  159 

*  to  advife  and  affift  therein,  iippon  long'  &  ferious 

*  debate,   and   in   fad   cnnteraplation  of  the  great 

*  miferies  and  certaine  d^itrudion  which  were  foe 

*  neerely  hovering  over  the  whole  conntrey  ;    wee 

*  the  faid  comniiilioners  have  thought  fitt  &  con- 

*  defcended  and  granted  to  figne  and  confirme  un- 

*  der  our  hands,  feales   &  by   our  oath,   Articles 

*  bearinge  date  with  theife  prefents,  and  do  furth- 

*  er  declare  that  by   the  authoritie   of  the  parlia- 
'  ment  and   Comon  wealth   of  Eng^land  derived 

*  unto  us  their  commilTioners,   that   according  to 

*  the  articles   in  generall  v/ee  have  granted  an  a(5t 
'  of  indemnitie  and  oblivion  to  ail  the  inhabitants 

*  of  this  colloney  from  all  words,   adions,  or  wri- 
'  tings  that    have  been   fpoken   acled    or  writ  a- 

*  gainft   the  parliament  or   Common   wealth    of 
'  England  or  any  other    perfon   from   the  begin- 

*  niny;  of  the   world  to  this  davc.     And  this  wee 

*  have  done  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  collcnie 

*  may  live  quietly  &   fecurely  under  the  Common 

*  wealth  of  England.     And  Vv'ee   do  promife  that 

*  the  parliament   and   comon   wealth  of  England 

*  fhall   confirm  and   make    good   all  thofe  tranf- 

*  actions  of  ours.     Witnefs  our  hands  &  feales  this 

*  1 2  th  of  March  1651.      Richard  Bennet — Seale. 

*  Wm.  Claiborn — Seale.     Edm.  Curtis — Seale.' 

The  colony  fuppofed,  that,  by  this  folemn  con- 
vention, entered  into  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
they  had  fecuredthe  ancient  limits*  of  their  country, 
its  free  trade,f  its  exemption  from  taxation;!:  but  by 
their  own  airembly,and  exclufion  of  military  force^ 
from  among  them.  Yet  in  every  of  thefe  points  was 
this  convention  violated  by  fubfequent  kings  and 
parliaments,  and  other  infradlions  of  their  conflitu- 


*  Art.  4.  t  Art,  7.  %  Art.  $.  ^Art.  8. 


s6o         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

tion,  equally  dangerous  committed.  Their  gener- 
al affembly,  which  was  ccmpofed  of  the  council  of 
ftate  and  burp-elTes,  fitting  together  and  deciding 
by  plurality  of  voices,  was  fplit  into  two  houfes, 
by  which  the  council  obtained  a  feparate  negative 
on  their  laws.  Appeals  from  their  fupreme  court, 
which  had  been  iixed  by  lav/  in  their  general  af- 
fembly, were  arbitrarily  revoked  to  En,Q;land,  to  be 
there  heard  before  the  king  and  council.  Inilead 
of  four  hundred  miles  on  the  fea-coall;,  they  were 
reduced,  in  the  fpace  of  thirty  years,  to  about  one 
hundred  miles.  Their  trade  with  foreigners  was 
totally  fuppreifed,  and  when  carried  to  Great- 
Britain,  was  there  loaded  with  impofts.  It  is  un- 
neceffary,  however,  to  glean  up  the  feveral  inftan- 
ccs  of  injury,  as  fcatteled  through  American  and 
Britiih  hiftory,  and  the  more  efpecially  as  by  paf- 
fmg  on  to  the  acceffion  of  the  prefent  king,  we 
fiiall  find  fpecimens  of  them  all,  aggravated,  multi- 
plied and  crouded  within  a  fmall  compafs  of  time, 
fo  as  to  evince  a  fixed  defign  of  confidering  our 
ric^hts  natural,  conventional  and  chartered  as  mere 
nullities.  The  following  is  an  epitome  of  the  firft 
fifteen  years  of  his  reign.  The  colonies  were  tax- 
ed internally  and  externally  ;  their  eiTentia^  inter- 
efts  facriticed  to  individuals  in  Great  Britain  ; 
their  legiflatures  fufpended  ;  charters  annulled  ; 
trials  by  juries  taken  away  ;  their  perfons  fubjecfl- 
ed  to  tranfportation  acrofs  the  Atlantic,  and  to  tri- 
al before  foreign  judicatories  :  their  fupplications 
for  redrefs  thought  beneath  anfwer  ;  themfelves 
pubiifhed  as  cowards  in  the  councils  of  their  moth- 
er country  and  courts  of  Europe  ;  armed  troops 
fent  among  them  to  enforce  fubmlflion  to  thefe 
violences ;    and   atSual  hofuUties  commenced  a- 


i 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  i6t 

ga.m(i  them.  No  alternative  was  prefented  but 
refiftance,  or  UHConditional  fubmiffion.  Between 
thefe  could  be  no  heritatlon.  They  clofed  in  the 
appeal  to  arms.  They  declared  themfelves  inde- 
pendent dates.  They  confederated  together  into 
one  great  republic  ;  thus  fecuring  to  every  ftate 
the  benefit  of  an  union  of  their  whole  force.  In 
each  ftate  feparately  a  new  form  of  government 
was  eflablifiied.  Of  ours  particuhrly  the  follow- 
ing are  the  outlines.  The  executive  powers  are 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  a  governor,  chofen  annu- 
ally, and  incapable  of  afting  more  than  three 
years  in  fevcn.  He  is  ailiftcd  by  a  council  of 
^ight  membei's.  The  judiciary  powers  are  di- 
vided among  feveral  courts,  as  will  be  hereafter 
explained.  Legiflation  is  exercifed  by  two  houf- 
fes  of  affembly,  the  one  called  the  houfe  of  dele- 
gates, compofed  of  two  members  from  each  coun- 
ty, chofen  annually  by  the  citizens  pofTeffing  an 
cftate  for  life  in  loo  acres  of  uninhabited  land,  or 
25  acres  with  a  houfe  on  it,  or  in  a  houfe  or  lot  in 
fome  town :  the  other  called  the  fenate,  confift- 
ing  of  24  members,  chofen  quadrenially  by  the 
fame  eleilors,  who  for  this  purpofe  are  diftributed 
into  24  dirtricts.  The  concurrence  of  both  houfes 
is  neceffary  to  the  pafTage  of  a  law.  They  have 
the  appointment  of  the  governor  and  council,  the 
judges  of  the  fuperior  courts,  auditors,  attorney- 
general,  treafurer,  regifter  of  the  land  office,  and 
delegates  to  congrefs.  As  the  difmemiberment 
of  th;;  ftate  had  never  had  its  confirmation,  but,  en 
the  contrary,  had  always  been  the  fubjed  of  pro- 
teftation  and  complaint,  that  it  might  never  be  in 
our  power  to  raife  fcruples  on  that  fabjed,  or  to 
4iflurb  the  harmony  of  our  new  confederacy,  tfeg 
W 


1(^2  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

grants  to  Maryland,  Pennfy.lvania,  anij  the  two 
CaroHnas,  were  ratified. 

This  conftitiitian  was  formed  when  we  were  new 
and  unexperienced,  in  the  Icience  of  government. 
It  was  the  firll  too  which  was  formed  In  the  w^hole 
United  States.  No  wonder  tlien  that  time  and 
trial  have  difcovercd  very  capital  defers  in  it. 

1.  The  majority  of  the  men  in  the  ftate,  wha 
pay  and  fight  for  its  fiippoit,  are  mireprefented  in 
the  legiflatnre,  the  roll  of  freeholders  entitled  to 
vote,  not  including  generally  the  half  of  thofe-  on 
the  roll  of  the  militia,  or  of  the  tax-gatherers. 

2.  Among  thofe  who  fhare  the^  reprefentation, 
the  fhares  are  very  unequal.  Thus  the  county  of 
Warwick,  with  only  ico  fighting  men,  has  an 
equal  reprefentation  with  the  county  of  Loudon, 
which  has  j  746.  So  that  every  mam  in  Warwick 
lias  as  much  influence  in  the  government  as  17 
mQn  in  I^oudon.  But  left  it  Ihould  be  thought 
that  an  equal  intcrfperfion  of  fmall  among  large 
ccunLies,  through  the  vvhole  ftate,  may  prevent 
any  danger  of  injury  to  particular  parts  of  it,  we 
will  divide  it  into  dlftri6is,  and  fuow  the  proper* 
tions  of  land,  of  fighting  men,  and  of  reprefenta- 

.  tion  in  each. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 


Between  the  fea-coaft 
and  falls  of  the  rivers 
Between  the  falls  of 
the  rivers  and  theBlu 
ridge  of  mountains 
B -'tween  the  Blue) 
ridge  &  the  Alleghany  J 
Between  the  AUeg- 
lianey  and  Ohio 

Total       - 


] 


Square  Fighting 


nulcs. 


men. 


1 1,205  19,012 


18,759 

11,911 

t79,65o 
11,523 


18,828 


7>^73 
4,458 


16 

16 
49,971149 


163 

De'e-'^Sena- 


qatss. 


71 


£ 


tors. 


12 


24 


An  Infpedlon  into  this  table  will  fupply  the 
place  of  conimentarles  on  it.  It  wiii  appear  at 
once  that  19,000  men,  living  below  the  falls  of  the 
rivers,  pofFefs  half  the  fenate,  and  want  four  mem- 
bers .only  of  polleliing  a  majority  of  the  houfes  of 
delegates ;  a  want  more  than  fupplied  by  the  vi- 
cinity of  their  fituation  to  the  feat  of  government, 
^nd  of  courfe  tlie  greater  degree  of  convenience 
and  punduality  with  which  their  members  may 
and  will  attend  in  the  legiilature.  Thefe  19,000 
therefore,  lU'ing  in  one  part  of  the  country,  give 
law  to  upwards  of  30,000  living  in  another,  and 
aj^point  all  their  chief  officers  executive  and  judi- 
ciary. From  the  difference  of  their  fituation  and 
circumifances,  their  intereils  will  often  be  veiy 
iiiiferent. 

3.  The  fenate  is,  by  its  conftitution,  too  homo- 
genous with  the  houfe  of  delegates.     Being  chofcn 

*  Of  thefe  542  are  on  the  E  flern  fhore. 
f  Of  thefe.,   22,616  ore  eajhvard  cf  the  mrld'ian  cf 
il^a  nor-th  ^f  the  Grsat  Kanba-vjajf 


1 64  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

by  the  fame  eledors,  at  the  fame  time,  and  ont  of 
the  fame  fubje6ls,  the  choice  falls  of  courfe  on  men 
of  the  fame  defcription.  The  purpofe  of  eftablifh- 
ing  different  houfes  of  legiflatlon  is  to  introduce 
the  influence  of  different  interefts  or  different  prin- 
ciples. Thus  in  Great-Britain  it  is  faid  their  con* 
ilitution  relies  on  the  houfes  of  commons  for  hon- 
cfty,  and  the  lords  for  wifdom  ;  which  would  be  a 
rational  reliance  if  honefty  were  to  be  bous^ht  with 
money,  and  if  wifdom  were  hereditary.  In  feme  of 
the  American  ftates  the  delegates  and  fenatgrs  are 
fo  chofen,  as  that  the  firft  reprefent  the  perfons,  and 
the  fccond  tlie  property  of  the  ftate.  But  with  us, 
Avealth  and  wifdom  have  equal  chance  for  admif- 
ficn  into  both  houfes.  Vv^e  do  not  therefore  de- 
rive from  the  feparation  rf  our  kgiflature  into  two 
houfes,  thofe  l)eneHts  which  a  proper  complication 
of  principles  is  capable  of  producing,  and  thofe 
which  alone  can  com.penfate  the  evils  which  may 
be  produced  by  their  dilfentTcns. 

4.  All  the  powers  of  government,  legiflative, 
executive,  and  judiciary,  refult  to  the  Icgiflative 
bodv.  The  concentratincr  thefe  in  the  fame  hands 
3s  precifely  the  definition  of  defpotic  government. 
It  will  be  no  alleviation  that  thefe  powers  will  be 
exercifed  by  a  plurality  of  hands,  and  not  by  a 
fmgle  one  :  173  depofits  v/ould  furely  be  as  op- 
pref  ive  as  one.  Let  thofe  who  doubt  it  turn  their 
eyes  on  the  republic  of  Venice.  As  little  will  it 
avail  us  that  they  are  chcfen  by  ourfelves.  An 
tleclive  dcfpotifm  was  not  the  government  we  fought 
for  ;  but  one  which  fliould  not  only  be  founded  on 
free  principles,  but  in  which  the  powers  of  gov- 
trnment  fhould  be  fo  divided  and  balanced  among 
fjveral  bodies  of  majeftracy,  as  that  no  one  conoid 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  1(^5 

tranfcend  their  legal  limits,  without  being  effeftu* 
ally  checked  and  reftrained  by  the  others.  For 
this  reafon  that  convention,  which  palled  the  or- 
dinance of  government,  laid  its  foundation  on  this 
bafis,  that  the  legiflative,  executive  and  judiciary 
departments  fhould  be  feparate  and  diftind,  la 
that  no  perfon  Ihould  exercife  the  powers  ol  more 
than  one  of  ihem  at  the  fame  time.  But  no  bar- 
rier was  provided  between  thefe  leveral  powers. 
The  judiciary  and  executive  members  were  left 
dependant  on  the  legiflative,  for  their  fubfiifence 
in  office,  and  fome  of  them  for  their  continuance 
in  it,  If  therefore  the  legiflature  alfumes  execu- 
tive and  judiciary  powers,  no  oppofition  is  likely 
to  be  made  ;  nor,  if  made,  can  it  be  effecftual  5 
jbecauie  in  that  cafe  they  may  put  their  proceed- 
dings  into  form  of  an  ad  of  aiiembly,  which  will 
render  them  obligatory  on  the  other  branches. 
They  have  accordingly,  in  many  inftances,  decid- 
ed rights  which  fhould  have  been  left  to  judiciary 
controver  y :  and  the  diredion  of  the  executive, 
during  the  whole  time  cf  their  fcflion,  is  becoming 
habitual  and  familiar.  And  this  is  done  with  no 
ill  intention.  The  views  of  the  prefent  members 
are  perfectly  upright.  When  they  are  led  out  of 
their  regular  province,  it  is  by  art  in  others,  and 
inadvertence  in  themlelves.  And  this  will  proba- 
bly be  the  cafe  for  fome  time  to  come.  But  it  will 
not  be  a  very  long  time.  Mankind  foon  learn  to 
make  interefted  ufes  of  every  right  and  power 
which  they  poflefs  or  may  aifume.  The  public 
money  and  public  liberty,  intended  to  have  been 
depofited  with  three  branches  of  magillracy  but 
found  inadvertently  to  be  in  the  hands  of  one  only, 
will  foou  be  difcovered  to  be  iburces  of  wealt^j.- 


P66  NOrES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

and  dominion  to  thofe  who  hold  them ;  diilin- 
guilhed  too  by  this  tempting  circumftancc,  that 
they  are  the  inftrument,  as  well  as  the  objed  of 
acqutfition.  With  money  we  will  get  men,  laid 
Caslar,  and  with  men  we  will  get  money.  Nor 
ihould  our  afTembly  be  deluded  by  the  integrity 
of  tlieir  own  purpofes,  and  conclude  that  •thelis 
unlimited  powers  will  never  be  abufed,  becaufe 
themlelves  are  not  difpofed  to  abufe  them.  They 
ihould  look  forward  to  a  time  and  that  not  a  dif. 
tant  one,  when  corruption  in  this,  as  in  the  coun- 
try from  which  we  derived  our  origin,  will  have 
feized-the  heads  of  government,  and  be  fpread  by 
tiiem  through  the  body  df  the  people  ;  when  they 
will  purchale  the  voices  of  the  people,  and  make 
them  pay  the  price.  Human  nature  is  the  fame 
on  every  fide  of  the  Atlaiuic,  and  will  be  alike  in- 
fluenced by  the  fame  caufes.  The  time  to  guard 
againft  corruption  and  tyran-ny,  is  before  they 
ftall  have  gotten  hold  on  us.  It  is  -better  to  keep 
the  wolf  out  of  the  fold,  than  to  tru-il:  to  drawing 
his  teeth  and  talons  aftei-  he  fliall  have  entered. 
To  render  thefe  confiderations  the  nK>re  -cogent, 
\vc  mull  obferve  in  addition. 

5.  T-hat  the  ordinary  legiilaturc  may  alter  the 
conftitution  itfelf.  On  the  difcontinuance  of  af- 
lemblies,  it  became  neceffary  to  fubftitute  in  their 
^lace  fome  other  body,  competent  to  the  ordinary 
'bufmefs  of  government,  and  to  the  calling  forth 
the  powers  of  the  ftate  for  the  maintenance  of  our 
oppofition  to  Great-Britain.  Conventions  were 
«Chereibre  introduced,  confiding  of  two  delegates 
l^-om  -each  county,  meeting  together  and  forming 
one  -houfe,  on  the  plan  of  the  former  houfe  of 
^iH'^elTes,  t-Q-whofe -places -t'hey  fuc-ceeded.     Thck 


NOTfES  ON  VtRGI'lK^IA,  i6) 

were  at  firft  chofen  anew  for  every  particuJar^  feA 
lion.     But  in  March  1775  they   recommended-  to 
the  people  to  choofe  a-  eoniv^ention,^  whieh  ihould 
continue  in  office   a  year.     This  was  done  accor- 
dingly in  April   1-775,    and  in  the  July.  follcAVing 
that  convention  pafTed  an  ordinance  for  the  elec- 
tion of  delegates'  in  the  month  of  April  annually. 
It  is  well  known,  that  in  July    177 5,  a  feparatioa 
from  Great-Britain  and  eftabliflmient  of  republic- 
an government  had  never  yet  entered  into  any 
perfon's  mind»     A    convention   therefore  chofen 
under  that  ordinance^  cannot  be  faid  t9  hare  heea 
chofen  for  the    purpofes  w-hich.  dertainly  did  not 
Gxift  in  the  minds  of  thofe  who  pa  lied  it.     Under 
this  ordinance,  at  the  annual  eledlion  in  April  h'j'']:6y 
a-  convention  for  the  year  was  chof:n.     Independ- 
ence, and  the  eftabliflmient  of  a  new  form  of  gov- 
ernment, \vere  not  even  yet  the  objcobs-  of  the  peo- 
ple at  large.     One  extract  from  the  pamphlet  cal- 
led Common  Senfe   had  appeared  in  the  Virginia 
papers  in  February,   and   copies  of  the  pamphlet 
itfelf  had   got   into   a   few   hands.     But  the  idea 
had  not  been  opened  to  the  mafs  of  the  people  in 
April,  much  lefs  can  it  be  fiid  that  they  had  made 
up  their  minds  in  its  favor.     So  that  the  electors 
of  April  1776,  no  more  than  the  legiflators  of  Ju- 
^y  I775>  "c>t  thinking  of  independence  and  a  per- 
manent republic,  could  not  mean  to  veft  in  thefe 
,  delegates  powers  of  eftabliihing  them,  or  any  au- 
thorities other  than  thofe  of  tlie  ordinary  legiflatue. 
So  far  as  a  temporary  organization  of  government 
was  neceflary  to  render  our  oppofition  energetic, 
fo  far  their  oro-anization  was  vaHd.     But  thev  re- 
ceived  in  their  creation  no  powers  but  what  were 
given-  to  every  legiflature  before  and  fiiice.  Thej* 


t6«  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

could  not  tlierefore  pafs  an  a<ft  tranfcendant  to  the 
powers  of  other  leglflaturqs.  If  the  prefent  aflem- 
bly  pafs  an  a(5l,  and  declare  it  fhall  be  irrevocable 
by  fubfequent  aflemblies,  the  declaration  is  merely 
"Void,  and  the  aft  repealable,  as  other  ads  are.  So 
far,  and  no  farther  authorifed,  they  organized  the 
government  by  the  ordinance  entitled  a  conftitu- 
lion:  or  form  of  government.  It  pretends  to  no 
higher  authority  than  the  other  ordinances  of  the 
fame  feffion ;  it  does  not  fay,  that  it  iliall  be  per- 
•pctual  that  it  fhall  be  unalterable  by  other  legifla- 
tures ;  that  it  ihall  ,be  tranfcendant  above  the  pow- 
ers of  thofe,  who  they  knew  would  have  equal 
power  with  themfelves.  Not  only  the  filence  of 
the  inftrument  is  a  proof  they  thought  it  would  be 
alterable,  but  their  own  practice  alfo ;  for  this  ve- 
ry convention,  meeting  as  a  houfe  of  delegates  in 
general  affembly  with  the  fenate  in  the  autumn  of 
that  year,  pafTed  afts  of  alfembly  in  contradidion 
to  their  ordinance  of  government  :  and  every  af- 
fembly from  that  time  to  this  has  done  the  fame. 
1  am  fafe  therefore  in  the  pofition,  that  the  confti- 
tution  itJelf  is  alterable  by  the  ordinary  legHlature. 
Though  this  opinion  feems  founded  on  the  firil 
elements  of  common  fenfe,  yet  is  the  contrary 
maintained  by  fome  perfons.  i .  Becaufe  fay  they, 
the  conventions  were  vefted  with  every  power  ne- 
eeflary  to  make  effedlual  oppofition  to  Great-Brit- 
ain. But  to  complete  this  areument,  they  muft  go 
on,  and  fay  further,  that  effeftual  oppofition  could 
not  be  made  to  Great-Bntain,  without  eftabllfh- 
ing  a  form  of  government  perpetual  and  unalera- 
ble  by  the  legislature  ;  which  is  not  true.  An 
oppofition  which  at  fome  time  or  other  was  to 
couie  to  an  end,  could  not  need  a  perpetual  infti- 


jKOTES  on  VIRGINIA  169 

tiition  to  carry  it  on  :  and  a  government,  amend- 
able as  its  defcdts  Ihould  be  difcovered,  was  as 
likely  to  make  efFedual  refiftance,  as  one  which 
ihould  be  unalterably  wrong.  Bclides,  the  alFcm- 
blies  were  as  much  veflcd  with  all  powers  requi- 
fite  for  refiftance  as  the  conventions  were.  It 
therefore  thefe  powers  included  that  of  mcdelllng 
the  form  of  government  in  the  one  cafe,  they  did 
lb  in  the  other.  The  aiTemblies  then  as  well  as 
.  the  conventions  may  model  the  government  ;  that 
is  they  may  alter  the  ordinance  of  government. 
2.  They  urge,  that  if  the  convention  had  meant 
that  this  inilrument  fhould  be  alterable,  as  their 
other  ordinances  were,  they  would  have  called  it 
an  ordinance  :  but  they  have  called  it  a  conjlltvlion, 
which  ex  vi  termini  means  '  an  a6l  above  the  power 
of  the  ordinary  legiflature.'  I  anfwer,  that  conJll~ 
iut'io,  coTifiitullum, Jlatulvm, lex,  are  convertible  terms". 
*  Conjlitut'io  dicitur  jus  quod  a  principle  conditure.' 
Cotiji'itutum,  quad  ab  im.peratoribus  refcriptum  fta- 
tutumve  eft.'  Staiutum  idem  quod  lex.'  Calvini 
Lexicon  jurifdicum.  Covfiitution  and  Jlatute  v/ere 
■originally  terms  of  the*  civil  law,  and  from  thence 
introduced  by  ecclefiaftics  into  the  Englifti  law. 
Thus  in  the  ftatute  25  Hen.  8.  c.  19.  ^).  i.  ConJlU 
iiit'ions  and  ordinances  are  ufed  as  fynonimous.  The 
term  conjlltui'ion  has  many  other  fignifi cations  in 
phyfics  and  m  politics ;  but  in  jurifprudence, 
whenever  it  is  applied  to  any  acl  of  the  legillaturc, 
it  invariably  means  a  ftatute,  law,  or  ordinance, 
•which  is  the  prefent  cafe.     No  inference  then  of  a 

*  To  bid,  to  fet,  ivas  the  ancient  legiflatlve  '-juord  ef 
the  EngTtJh.  LI.  Hlothani  ^  Edr'ui.  LI.  Inac,  LI 
£awer(ii.   LL  Aathelftani. 


^- 


X70  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

different  meaning  can  be  drawn  from  the  adop* 
tlon  of  this  title  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  might  con- 
clude, that  by  their  affixing  to  it  a  term  fynoni- 
mous  with  ordinance  or  ilatute.  But  of  what 
confequence  is  their  meaning,  where  their  power 
is  denied  ?  If  they  mean  to  do  more  than  they  had 
power  to  do,  did  this  give  them  power  ?  it  is  not 
the  name,  but  the  authority  that  renders  an  act 
obligatory.     Lord   Coke  fays,   *  an  article  of  the 

*  tlatute  II.  R.  2.  c.  5.  that  no  perfon  Ihonld  at- 

*  tempt  to  revoke  any  ordinance  then  made,  is  re- 

*  pealed,  for  that  fuch  reftraint  is  againfl:  the  jurif- 

*  di(5tion  and  power  of  the  parliament,'  4.  inft.  42. 

*  and  again,   though   divers  parliaments  have  at- 

*  tempted  to  redrain  fubfequent   parliaments,  yet 

*  could  they  never  effed:  it  ;  for  the  latter  parlia- 

*  ment  hath   ever    pov/er,    to   abrogate,   fufpend, 

*  qualify,  explain,  or  m^ake  void  the  former  in  the 

*  whole  or  in   any  part   thereof,   notwithftanding 

*  any  words  of  reftraint,  prohibition,  or  penalty,  in 

*  the  former  :  for  it  is  a  maxim  in  the  laws  of  the 

*  parliament,  quad  leges   pofterlores  priores  con- 

*  trarias  abrogant.'  4.  Inft  43. — To  get  rid  of  the 
magic  fuppofed  to  be  in  the  word  conjlitution,  let 
lis  tranilate  it  into  its  definition  as  given  by  thoffe 
who  think  it  above  the  power  of  the  law  ;  and  let 
us  fuppofe   the   convention  inftead  of  faying,  *  we 

*  the  ordinary  leglllature  eftablifh  a  confiitut'ton' 
had  faid,  *  we  the  ordinary  legiflature  eftabllfh  an 
<{.&.  abo'Vf'  the  poauer  of  the  ordinary  Jeg'tjlatiire.^  Does 
not  this  expofe  the  abfurdity  of  the  attempt  ?  3^ 
But;  fay  they,  the  people  have  acquiefced,  and 
this  has  given  It  an  authority  fuperior  to  the  laAvs. 
It  is  true,  that  the  people  did  not  rebel  againft  it : 
and  was  that  a  time  for  the  people  to  rife  in  rebel- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  171 

lion  ?  Should  a  prudent  acquiefcence,  at  a  critical 
time,  be  conftrued  into  a  confirmation  of  every  il- 
legal thing  done  through  that  period  ?  Befides, 
why  fhould  they  rebel?  At  an  annual  eledion, 
they  had  chofen  delegates  for  the  year,  to  exercife 
the  ordinary  powers  of  legiilation,  and  to  manage 
the  great  conteft  in  which  they  were  engaged. 
Thefe  delegates  thought  the  conteft  would  be  beil 
managed  by  an  organized  governnient.  They 
therefore,  among  others,  paiTed  an  ordinance  01 
government.  They  did  not  prefume  to  call  it 
perpetual  and  unalterable.  They  well  knew  they 
had  no  power  to  make  it  {o  :  that  our  choice  of 
them  had  been  for  no  fuch  purpofe,  and  at  a  time 
when  we  could  have  no  fuch  purpofe  in  contem- 
plation. Had  an  unalterable  form  of  govern- 
ment been  meditated,  perhaps  we  fhould  have 
chofen  a  different  fet  of  people.  There  Vvras  no 
caufe  then  for  the  people  to  rife  in  rebellion.  But 
to  what  dangerous  lengths  will  this  argument  bo 
lead  ?  Did  the  acquiefcence  of  the  colonies  under 
the  various  ads  of  power  exercifed  by  Great-Britaia 
in  our  intant  if  ate,  confirm  thefe  ads,  and  fo  far 
invell:  them  with  the  authority  of  the  people  as  to 
render  them  unalterable,  and  our  prefent  refifi- 
ance  wrong  ?  On  every  unauthoritative  exercife  of 
power  by  the  legiilature,  mud  the  people  rife  in 
rebellion,  or  their  filence  be  conftrued  into  a  lur- 
render  of  that'  power  to  them  ?  If  fo,  how  many 
rebellions  Ihould  we  have  had  already  ?  One  cer- 
tainly for  every  feiTion  of  a-ffembly.  The  other 
ftates  in  the  union  have  been  of  opinion,  that  to 
render  a  form  of  government  unalterable  by  ordi- 
nary  ads  of  affembly,  the  people  muft  delegate 
perfons  with  fpccial  powers.    They  have  ac(;ord- 


172  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ingly  cliofen  fpecial  conventions  to  form  aiiQ  fit 
their  govciniTients.  The  individuals  then  who 
maintain  the  contrary  opinion  in  this  country, 
ihould  have  the  modelly  to  fuppofe  it  poffible  that 
they  may  be  wrong  and  the  reft  of  America  right. 
-But  it  there  be  only  a  poffibihty  of  their  being 
wrong,  if  only  a  plauf  ble  doubt  remains  of  the 
validity  of  the  ordinance  of  government,  is  it  not 
better  to  remove  that  doubt,  by  placing  it  on  a 
bottom  which  none  will  difpute  ?  If  they  be  right 
we  (hall  only  have  the  unnecefTary  trouble  of  meet- 
ing once  in  convention.  If  they  be  wrong,  they 
expofe  us  to  the  hazard  of  having  no  fundamental 
rip'hts  at  all.  True  it  is,  this  is  no  time  for  delib- 
crating  on  forms  of  government.  While  an  ene- 
my is  within  our  bowels,  the  firft  object  is  to  expell 
him.  But  when  this  Ihall  be  done,  v.'hen  peace 
Ihall  be  eflabliilied,  and  leifure  given  us  for  in- 
trenching within  good  forms  the  rights  for  which 
we  have  bled,  let  no  man  be  found  indolent 
enoueh  to  decline  a  little  more  trouble  for  placing 
them  beyond  the  reach  of  cjueftion.  If  any  thing 
more  be  requifite  to  produce  a  conviction  of  the 
expediency  of  calling  a  convention  at  a  proper  fea- 
fon  to  fix  our  form  of  government,  let  it  be  the 
xeReftion, 

6.  That  the  afTem.bly  exercifes  a  power  of  de- 
termining a  quorum  of  their  own  body  which  may 
legiilae  for  us.  After  the  efiabhihment  of  the 
jiew  form  they  adhere  to  the  Lex  rnajons  partisy 
founded  in  *  comamon  law  as  well  as  common 
right.     It  is  the  •\  natural  law  of  every  affembly  of 

^  Bro.  ahr.    Cor^wrailotu.   31*   34*  Jiakeive/Iy  g^^- 

t  P'if  Of'  '^ou:-  I  2.  c.  6.  ^.  \Z.     . 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  173 

men,  whofe  numbers  are  not  fixed  by  any  other- 
law.  They  continued  for  Ibme  time  to  require 
the  pretence  of  a  majority  of  their  whole  number, 
to  pafs  an  adl.  But  the  BritilK  parhament  fixes  its 
own  quorum  :  our  former  allemblies  fixed  their 
own  quorum  :  and  one  precedent  in  favor  of  power 
is  (lironger  than  an  hundred  againll  it.  The  houfe 
of  delegates  therefore  have  *  lately  voted  that,  du- 
ring^ the  prefer.t  dangerous  invafion,  forty  mem- 
bers Ihali  be  a  houie  to  proceed  to  bufmefs.  They 
have  been  moved  to  this  by  the  fear  of  not  beinj]^ 
able  to  colled  a  houfe.  But  tliis  danger  could  not 
authorize  them  to  call  that  a  houfe  which  was  none  : 
and  if  they  may  fix  it  at  one  number,  they  may 
at  another,  till  it  lofes  its  fundamental  character  of 
being  a  reprefentive  body.  As  this  vote  expires 
with  the  prefent  Invafion,  it  is  probable  the  former 
rule  will  be  permitted  to  revive  :  becaufe  at  pref- 
ent no  ill  is  meant.  The  power  however  of  fixing- 
their  own  quorum  has  been  avowed,  and  a  preced- 
ent let.  From  foity  it  may  be  reduced  to  four, 
and  from  four  to  one  :  from  a  houfe  to  a  commit- 
tee to  a  chairman  or  fpeaker,  and  thus  an  oligar- 
chy be  fubtlituted  under  formis  fuppofed  to  be- reg- 
ular.    '  Omina  mala  exempla  ex  bonis  orta  funt : 

*  fed  ubi  imperium  ad  ignaros  aunt  minus  bonus 
'  pervenit,  novum   illud   exemplum   ab   dignis  et 

*  idonels  ad  indignos  et  non  idoneos  fertur.'  When 
therefore  it  is  confidered,  that  there  is  no  legal  ob- 
llacle  to  the  afilimptlon  by  the  affembly  of  all  the 
powers  leglflatlve,  executive,  and  judiciary,  and 
that  thefe  may  come  to  the  hands  of  the  fmalleft. 
rag  of  delegation,  furely  the  people  will  fay,  and 

*  June  4,  I  78 1. 


J74         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

their  reprefentatives,  while  yet  they  have  honefl 
reprefentatives,  will  advife  them  to  fay,  that  they 
will  not  acknowledge  as  laws  any  acls  not  confid- 
ered  and  alFented  toby  the  major  part  of  their  del- 
egates. 

In  enumerating  the  defeats  of  the  conftitution, 
it  would  be  wrong  to  count  among  them  what  is 
only  the  error  of  particular  perfons.  In  Decem- 
ber 1776,  our  circumftances  being  much  diftreifed, 
it  was  propofed  in  the  houfe  of  delegates  to  create 
a  diclator,  inverted  with  every  power  legiflative, 
executive  and  judiciary,  civil  and  military,  of  hfe 
and  of  death,  over  our  perfons  and  over  our  prop- 
erties :  and  in  June  1781,  again  under  calamity, 
the  fame  propofition  was  repeated,  and  wanted  a 
few  votes  only  of  being  paifed. — One  who  enter- 
ed into  this  conteft  from  a  pure  love  of  liberty, 
and  a  fenfe  of  injured  rights,  who  determined  to 
make  every  facrifice  and  to  meet  every  danger, 
for  the  re-eftablifhment  of  thofe  rights  on  a  firm 
bafis,  who  did  not  mean  to  expend  his  blood  and 
fubiiance  for  the  wretched  purpofe  of  changing 
this  matter  for  that,  but  to  place  the  powers  of 
governing  him  In  a  plurality  ©f  hands  of  his  own 
choice,  fo  that  the  corrupt  will  of  no  one  man 
mioht  in  future  opprefs  him,  muft  (land  confound- 
ed and  difmayed  when  he  is  told,  that  a  confider- 
able  portion  of  th.it  plurality  had  meditated  the 
iurrendcr  of  them  into  a  fmgle  hand,  and,  in  lieu 
'of  a  limited  monarchy,  to  deliver  him  over  to  a 
defpotic  one  !  How  muil:  wc  find  his  efforts  and 
facrifices  abufed  and  baffled,  if  he  may  fiill  by  a 
fmgle  vote  be  laid  proftrate  at  the  feet  of  one  man  ? 
In  God's  namj  from  whence  have  they  derived 
this  power  ?  Is  it  from  our  ancient  laws  \  Noxia 


NOTES  ON  VIRCxINIA.  175; 

fucli  can  be  produced.  Is  it  from  any  principle 
in  our  new  conftitution  expreiTed  or  implied  ?  Eve- 
ry lineament  of  that  exprefled  or  implied,  is  in  full 
oppofition  to  it.  Its  fundamental  principle  is,  that 
the  ftate  fhall  be  governed  as  a  commonwealth. 
It  provides  a  repubhcan  organization,  profcribes 
under  the  name  of  prerogative  the  exercife  of  all 
powers  undefined  by  the  laws  ;  places  on  this  ba- 
ils the  whole  fyftem  of  our  laws  ;  and  by  confolid- 
ating  them  together,  chufes  that  fhould  be  left  to 
(land  or  fall  together,  never  providing  tor  any  cir- 
cumftances,  nor  admitting  that  fuch  could  arife, 
wherein  either  ihould  be  fufpended,  no,  not  for  a 
moment.  Our  ancient  laws  expresfly  declare, 
that  thofe  who  are  but  delegates  themlelves  fhall 
not  delegate  to  other  powers  which  require  judg- 
ment and  integrity  in  their  exercife.' — Or  was  this 
propofjtion  moved  on  a  fuppofed  right  in  the 
movers  of  abandoning  their  pofts  in  a  moment  of 
diftrefs  ?  The  fame  laws  forbid  the  abandonment 
of  that  poft,  even  on  ordinary  occafions :  and 
much  more  a  transfer  of  their  powers  into  other 
hands  and  other  forms,  without  confulting  the 
people.  They  never  admit  the  idea  that  thefe, 
like  fheep  or  cattle,  may  be  given  from  hand  to 
hand  without  an  appeal  to  their  own  will. — Was 
it  from  the  neceffity  of  the  cafe  ?  Neceffities  which 
diffolve  a  government,  do  not  convey  its  authori- 
ty to  an  oligarchy  or  a  monarchy.  They  throw 
back,  into  the  hands  of  the  people,  the  powers 
they  had  delegated,  and  leave  them  as  individuals 
to  Ihift  for  themfelves.  A  leader  may  offer,  but 
not  impofe  himfelf  nor  be  impofed  on  them. 
Much  lefs  can  their  necks  be  fubmitted  to  his  fword, 
their  breath  to  be  held  at  his  will  or  caprice.   The 


175  NOTES  ON  VIPvGlNIA. 

necefflty  which  fhould   operate    thefe   tremendous 
effeds  fliould  at  lead  be  palpable  and  irrefiftible. 
Yet  in  both  inftances,  where  it  Avas  feared,  or  pre- 
tended with  us,   it  was  belied  by   the   event.     It 
was  belied  too  by  the  preceding  experience  of  our 
fifter  ftates,  feveral  of  whom  had  grappled  through 
greater  difficulties  without  abandoning  their  forms 
of  government.     When  the  propofition  was  firft 
made,  MalTachufetts   had  found  even  the  govern- 
ment   of  committees     fufficient    to     carry    them 
through  an  invafion.     But  we  at  the  time  of  that 
propofition  were  under  no   invafion.     When  the 
iecond  was  made,   there   had  been   added  to  this 
example  thofe  of  Rhode-IflanJ,  New- York,  Nev/- 
Jerfey,  and  Pennfylvania,   in  all  of  which  the  re- 
publican form  had  been  found  equal  to  the  tafk  of 
carrying  them  through  the  fevered  trials.     In  this 
ftate  alone  did  there  exifl  fo  little  virtue,  that  fear 
was  to  be  fixed  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  to 
become  the  motive  of  their  exertions  and  the  prin- 
ciple of  their    government  ?    The  very   thought 
alone  v/as  treafon  againft  the  people ;  was  treafon 
-againft  mankind  in  general ;  ri vetting  for  ever  the 
chains  which  bow  down  their  necks,   by  giving  to 
their  opprefibrs   a  proof,  which   they  would  have 
trumpetted  through  the  univerfe,  of  the  imxbecility 
of  republican    government,   in  times  of  preffing 
danger,  to   ihield  them   from  harm.     Thofe  who 
aflume  the  right  of  giving  away  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment in  any  cafe,  muft  be  fure  that  the  herd, 
whom  they  hand  on  to  the  rods  and  hatchet  of  the 
dictator,  will  lay  their  heads  on  the  block  when  he 
ihall  nod  to  them.     But  if  our  alfemblies  fuppofed 
fuch  a  refignation  in  the  people,  I  hope  they  mif- 
took  tlieii  character.     I  am  of  opinion,  that  tli« 


NOTES  ON  VlPvGINIA.  17^ 

government,  infttad  of  being  braced  and  invigor- 
tited  for  greater  exertions  under  their  diffieulties, 
would  have  been  thrown  back  upon  the  bunghn^^ 
machinery  of  county  committees  for  adminillra- 
tion,  till  a  convention  could  have  been  called,  and 
its  wheels  again  fet  into  regular  motion.  What  a 
cruel  moment  was  this  for  creating  fuch  an  em- 
barrafsment,  for  putting  to  the  proof  the  attach- 
ment of  our  countrymen  to  republican  govern- 
ment !  Thofe  who  meant  well,  of  the  advocates 
for  this  meafure,  (and  moft  of  them  meant  well, 
for  1  know  them  perfonally,  had  been  their  fellow- 
laborers  in  the  common  caufe,  and  had  often  prov- 
ed the  purity  of  their  principles,  had  been  feduced 
in  their  judgment  by  the  example  of  an  ancient 
republic,  whofe  conftitution  and  circumftances 
were  fundamentally  different.  They  had  fought 
this  precedent  in  the  hiftory  of  Rome,  where  alone 
it  was  to  be  found,  and  where  at  length  too  it  had 
proved  fatal.  They  had  taken  it  from  a  republic 
rent  by  the  moft  bitter  fadions  and  tumults,  where 
the  governm.ent  was  of  a  heavy-handed  unfeeling 
ariftocracy,  over  a  people  ferocious,  and  rendered 
defperate  by  poverty  and  wretchednefs  ;  tumults 
wdiich  could  not  be  allayed  under  the  moft  trying 
circumftances,  but  by  the  omnipotent  hand  of  a 
fmgle  defpot.  Their  conftitution  therefore  allow- 
ed a  temporary  tyrant  to  be  ereded,  under  the 
name  of  a  diftator  5    and  that  tem.porary  tyrant 

after  a  few   examples  became    perpetual They 

mifapplied  this  precedent  to  a  people,  mild  in  their 
difpofitions,  patient  under  their  trial,  united  for 
the  public  liberty,  and  affedionate  to  their  leaders.. 
But  if  from  the  conftitution  of  the  Roman  goveni- 
Jnent  there  refulted  to  their  fenate  a  power  of  ful> 
Y 


l-,78  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

mitting  nil  their  rights  to  the  Vvill  of  one  mar^, 
docs  it  follow,  that  the  affembly  of  Virginia,  have 
the  fame  anthoritr  ?  Vvliat  claufe  in  onr  conftitii- 
tion  has  fubilitutcd  that  of  Rome,  by  way  of  refi- 
liuary  provifion,  for  all  cafes  not  otherwife  provid- 
ed for  ?  Or  if  they  may  flep  ad  libitum  into  any 
other  form  of  government  for  precedents  to  rule  us 
by,  for  what  opprelhon  may  not  a  precedent  be 
found  in  this  world  of  the  bellum  omnium  in  om- 
nia ? — Searching  for  the  foundations  of  this  propo- 
lition,  I  can  find  none  v/hich  may  pretend  a  color 
of  right  or  reafon,  but  the  dcfetft  before  developed, 
that  there  being  no  barrier  between  the  legillature, 
executive,  and  judiciary  departments,  the  legifla- 
ture  mav  feize  the  whole  :  that  having  feized  it, 
and  polfeffmfj;  a  ri-^-ht  to  fix  their  own  Quorum, 
they  may  reduce  that  quorum  to  one,  whom  they 
may  call  a  chairman,  fpeaker,  di-flator,  or  by  any 
other  name  they  pleafe. — Our  fituation  is  indeed 
perilous,  and  I  liope  my  countrymen  will  be  ienfi- 
ble  of  it,  and  will  apply,  at  a  proper  feafon  the 
proper  remedy  ;  which  is  a  convention  to  fix  the 
conftitution,  to  amend  its  defects,  to  bind  up  the 
feveral  branches  of  government  by  certain  laws, 
which  when  they  tranfgrefs  their  acts  fhall  become 
nullities  ;  to  render  unneceifary  an  appeal  to  the 
people,  or  in  other  words  a  rebellion,  on  every  in- 
fraction of  their  rights,  on  the  peril  that  their  ac* 
quiefcence  Ihall  be  conftrued  into  an  intention  to 
lurrender  thofe  rights. 


CrJERY  XIV. 

TKE  admlnidration  of  jullice  and  the  de- 
Icription  of  the  laws  ? 
'I'hQ  Hate  is  divided  into  counties.  In  every 
county  are  appointed  niagiilrates,  called  jufiices  of 
the  peace,  uiually  from  eight  to  thirty  ®r  iorty  in 
number,  in  proportion  to  the  fize  of  the  county,  of 
the  moil  difcreet  and  honeft  inhabitants.  They 
are  nominated  by  their  fellows,  but  commiffioned 
by  the  governor,  and  act  without  reward.  Thefi 
magiftrates  have  jurirdi«5tioa  both  criminal  and 
civil.  If  the  queftion  before  them  be  a  queilion  of 
lav/  only,  they  decide  on  il  themfelves  :  but  if  it  be 
of  fact,  or  of  fact,  and  law  combined,  it  mud  be  re- 
ferred to  a  jury.  In  the  latter  cafe,  of  a  combin- 
ation of  law  and  fad,  it  is  ufual  for  the  jurors  to 
decide  the  fad:,  and  to  refer  the  law"  arifnig  on  it  to 
the  decifion  of  the  judges.  Bat  this  divifion  of 
the  fubjed  lies  with  their  difcretion  only.  And  if 
the  queilion  relate  to  any  point  of  public  liberty, 
or  if  it  be  one  of  thofe  in  vmich  the  judges  may 
be  fufpecled  of  bias,  the  jury  undertake  to  decide 
both  law  and  fa<ft.  If  they  be  midaken,  a  decifion 
againd  right,  which  is  caiual  only,  is  lefs  danger- 
ous to  the  date,  and  lefs  aniicting  to  the  lofer, 
than  one  which  makes  part  of  a  regular  and  uni- 
form fydem.  In  truth  it  is  better  to  tofs  up  crof'; 
and  pile  in  a  caufe,  than  to  refer  it  to  a  judge  whofe 
mind  is  warped  by  any  motive  whatever,  in  that 
particular  cafe.     But  the  common  fenfe  of  twelve 


iSo  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

honed  men  gives  ftill  a  better  chance  of  juH  declf- 
ion,  than  the  hazard  of  crofs  and  pile.  Thefe 
judges  execute  their  procefs  by  the  fheriff  or  cor- 
oner of  the  county,  or  by  conftables  of  their  own 
appointment.  If  any  free  perfon  commit  an  of- 
fence againft  the  commonwealth,  if  it  be  below 
the  degree  of  felony,  he  is  bound  by  a  juftice  to  ap- 
pear before  their  court,  to  anfwer  it  on  indictment 
or  information.  If  it  amount  to  felony,  he  is  com- 
mitted to  jail,  a  court  of  thefe  juftices  is  called;  if 
they  on  examination  think  him  guilty,  they  fend 
him  to  the  jail  of  the  general  court,  before  which 
court  he  is  to  be  tried  hrft  by  a  grand  jury  of  24, 
of  whom  13  mull:  concur  in  opinion  :  if  they  find 
him  guilty,  he  is  then  tried  by  a  jury  of  1 2  men  of 
the  county  where  the  offence  was  committed,  and 
by  their  virdidt,  which  muft  be  unanimous,  he  is 
acquitted  or  condemned  without  appeal..  If  the 
Criminal  be  a  flave  the  trial  by  the  county  court  is 
final.  In  every  cafe  however,  except  that  of  high 
treafon,  there  refides  in  the  governor  a  pov\'er  of 
pardon.  In  high  treafon,  the  pardon  can  only  flow 
from  the  general  affembiy.  In  civil  matters  tliefe 
jnftices  have  jurifdidion  in  all  cafes  of  v»-hatever 
X'^alue,  not  appertaining  to  the  department  of  the 
admiralty.  This  jurifdiclion  is  two-fold.  If  the 
7r>r  ttcr  in  di(pute  be  of  lefs  value  than  four  dollars 
•'.nd  one-fixth,  a  fingle  member  may  try  it  at  any 
time  and  place  within  his  county,  and  may  award 
execution  on  the  goods  of  the  party  caiL  If  it  be 
of  that  or  greater  value,  it  is  determinable  before 
the  county  court,  which  confifts  of  four  at  the  lead 
of  thofe  juiliccs,  and  afremblies  at  the  court-houfe 
^f  the  county  on  a  certain  day  in  every  month,- 
S'l'nin  their  dctcrniinationj  if  the  matter  be  of  thi 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  iS^i. 

value  of  ten  pounds  fterling,  or  concern  the  title  or 
bounds  of  lands,  an  appeal  lies  to  one  of  the  fupe- 
rior  courts. 

There  are  three  fuperior  courts,  to  wit,  the 
high-court  of  chancery,  the  general  court,  and  the 
court  of  admiralty.  The  hrit  and  fecond  of  thefe 
receive  appeals  from  the  county  courts,  and  alfo 
have  original  jurifdidion,  where  the  fubject  of  con- 
troverfy  is  of  the  value  of  ten  pounds  iterling,  or 
Vv^here  it  concerns  the  title  or  bounds  of  land.  The 
junfdi(5lion  of  the  admiralty  is  original  altogster. 
The  high  court  of  chancery  is  compofed  of  tliree 
judges,  the  general  court  of  five,  and  the  court  of 
admiralty  of  three.  The  two  firft  hold  their  {q{- 
fions  at  Richmond  at  ftated  times,  the  chancery 
twice  in  the  year,  and  the  general  court  twice  for 
bufmefs  civil  and  criminal,  and  twice  more  for 
criminal  only.  The  court  of  admiralty  fits  at 
'Wdliamfburgh  whenever  a  controverfy  arifes. 

There  is  one  fupreme  court,  called  the  court  of 
appeals,  compofed  of  the  judges  of  the  three  fupe- 
rior courts,  aifembling  twice  a  year  at  ftated  times 
at  Richmond.  This  court  receives  appeals  in  all 
civil  cafes  from  each  of  the  fuperior  courts,  and 
determines  them  finally.  But  it  has  no  original 
jurifdidion. 

If  a  controverfy  arife  between  two  foreigners  of 
a  nation  in  alliance  with  the  United  States,  it  is 
decided  by  the  conful  for  their  ftate,  or,  if  both 
parties  chufe  it,  by  the  ordinary  courts  of  juftice. 
If  one  of  the  parties  only  be  fuch  a  foreigner,  it  is 
triable  before  the  courts  of  juftice  of  the  countrj^ 
But  it  it  {hall  have  been  inftituted  in  a  county 
<:ourt,  the  foreigner  m.ay  remove  it  into  the  gener- 
al court,  or  court  of  chancery,  who  are  to  deler- 


i82  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

mine  it  at  their  fird  feffions,  as  they  muil  alfo  da 
if  it  be  originally  commenced  before  them.  Iri 
ca'.'es  of  life  and  death,  fuch  foreigners  have  a 
right  to  be  tried  by  a  jury,  the  one«half  foreigners, 
the  other  natives. 

Ail  public  accounts  are  fettled  with  a  board  of 
auditors,  conliiling  of  three  members,  appointed 
by  the  general  aiTembly,  any  two  of  whom  may 
a6t.  But  an  individual,  dilfatisfied  with  the  deter- 
.mination  of  that  board,  may  carry  his  cafe  inta 
the  proper  fuperior  court. 

A  defcription  of  the  laws. 

The  general  aflembly  v/as  condituted,  as  has 
been  already  lliewn,  by  letters-patent  of  March 
the  9th,  1 607,  in  the  4th  year  of  the  reign  of  James 
the  finl:.  The  laws  of  England  feem  to  have  been 
adopted  by  confent  of  the  fettlers,  which  might 
eafdy  enough  be  done  whilil  they  were  few  and 
living  all  together.  Of  fuch  adoption  however, 
we  have  no  other  proof  than  their  practice  till  the 
year  i66r,  wh=n  they  were  exprefly  adopted  by 
an  act  of  the  affembly,  except  fo  far  as  *  a  differ- 
ence of  condition'  rendered  thera  inapplicable. 
Under  this  adoption,  the  rule,  in  our  courts  of  ju- 
dicature, was  that  the  common  law  of  England, 
and  the  general  (latutes  previous  to  the  4th  of 
James,  were  in  force  here  ;  but  that  no  fubfequent 
ilatutes  were,  unlefs  ive  avere  named  in  them^  faid  the 
judges  and  otlier  partifans  of  tiie  crown,  but  named 
or  not  named,  faid  thofe  who  reliected  freely.  It  will 
be  unnecefiary  to  attempt  a  defcription  of  the  laws 
of  Eno^land,  as  that  may  be  found  in  Englilh  pub* 
lications.  To  thofe  which  were  eilabliilied  here, 
by  the  adoption  of  the  legiilature,  have  been  fmce 
added  a  number  of  avfls  of  alfembly  palTed  during 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  ig^^ 

the  -monarchy,  and  ordiniinces  of  convetion  and 
ads  of  aifembl}'"  enacted  fnice  the  ellablilhment  of 
the  repubhc.  The  following  variations  from  the 
Britifli  model  are  perhaps  worthy  of  being  fpecified. 

Debtors  unable  to  pay  their  debts,  and  making; 
faithful  delivery  of  their  whole  effects,  are  releafed 
from  confinement,  and  their  perfons  for  ever  dif- 
charged  from  reftraint  for  fuch  previous  debts  : 
but  any  property  they  may  afterwards  acquire  will 
be  fubject  to  their  creditors. 

The  poor  unable  to  fupport  themfelves,  arc 
■maintained  by  an  aileffment  on  the  tytheable  per- 
fons in  their  pariili.  This  afTeifment  is  levied  and 
adminiftered  by  twelve  perfons  in  each  parifh,  cal- 
led vcftrymen,  originally  chofen  by  the  houfe- 
keepers  of  the  pariih,  but  afterwards  filling  vacan- 
cies in  their  own  body  by  their  own  choice.  Thefe 
are  ufually  the  mod  difcreet  farmers,  fo  diftributed 
through  their  parifh,  that  every  part  of  it  may  be 
mider  the  immediate  eye  of  fome  one  of  them. 
They  are  well  acquainted  with  the  details  and  eco- 
nomy of  private  life,  and  they  find  fufEcient  in- 
ducements to  execute  their  charge  well,  in  their 
philanthropy,  in  the  approbation  of  their  neigh- 
bors, and  the  diftindion  which  that  gives  them. 
The  poor  who  have  neither  property,  friends,  nor 
flrength  to  labor,  are  boarded  in  the  houfes  of 
good  farmers,  to  whom  a  flipulated  fum  is  annu- 
ally paid.  To  thofe  who  are  able  to  help  them- 
felves a  little,  or  have  friends  from  whom  they  de- 
rive fome  fuccors,  inadequate  howewer  to  their 
full  maintenance,  fiipplementary  aids  are  given 
-which  enable  them  to  live  comfortably  in  their  own 
houfes,  or  in  the  houfes  of  their  friends.  Vaga- 
bonds without  vifibie  property  or  vocation,  are 


tS4  notes  on  VIRGINIA. 

placed  in  workhoufes,  v'here  they  are  well  cloath- 
ed,  fed,  lodged,  and  made  to  labor.  Nearly  the 
fame  method  of  providing  for  the  poor  prevails 
through  all  our  ftates ;  and  from  Savannah  to 
Portfmouth  you  will  feldom  meet  a  beggar.  In 
the  larg^er  towns  indeed  they  fometimes  prefent 
themfelves.  Thefe  are  ufually  foreigners  who 
have  never  obtained  a  fettlement  in  any  parifh.  I 
never  faw  a  native  American  bereinp;  in  the  ftreets 
or  highways.  A  Subfiftence  is  eafily  gained  here : 
<ind  if,  by  misfortunes,  they  are  thrown  on  the 
charities  of  the  world,  thofe  provided  by  their  own 
country  are  fo  comfortable  and  fo  certain,  that 
they  never  think  of  relinquifhing  them  to  become 
ftrolling  beggars.  Their  fituation  too,  when  fick, 
in  the  family  of  a  good  farmer,  where  every  mem- 
ber is  emulous  to  do  •  them  kind  offices,  where 
they  are  vifited  by  all  the  neighbors,  who  bring 
them  the  little  rarities  which  their  fickly  appetites 
may  crave,  and  who  take  by  rotation  the  nightly 
watch  over  them,  when  their  condition  requires  it, 
is  without  comparifon  better  than  in  a  general 
hofpital,  where  the  fick,'  the  dying,  and  the  dead 
are  crammed  together,  in  the  fame  rooms,  and  of- 
ten in  the  fame  beds.  The  difadvantages,  infepa- 
rable  from  general  hofpitals,  are  fuch  as  can  never 
be  counterpoifed  by  all  the  regularities  of  medicine 
and  reo-imen.  Nature  and  kind  nurfm?  fave  a 
much  greater  proportion  in  our  plain  way,  at  a 
fmaller  expence,  and  with  lefs  abufe.  One  branch 
only  of  hofpital  inftitution  is  wanting  with  us  ; 
that  is,  a  general  cftabliihment  for  thofe  laboring 
imder  difficult  cafes  of  chirurgery.  The  aids  of 
this  art  are  not  equivocal.  But  an  able  chirarg- 
€on  cannot  be  had  in  every  parifh.     Such.axecep- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  iS; 

tacle  fhoiild  therefore  be  provided  for  thofe  pa- 
tients :  but  no  others  fhould  be  admitted. 

Marriages  muft  be  folemnized  either  on  fpecial 
licence,  granted  by  the  firll  magiftrate  of  the  coun- 
ty, on  proof  of  the  confent  of  the  parent  or  guar- 
dian of  either  party  under  age,  or  after  folemn 
pubhcation,  on  three  feveral  Sundays,  at  fome 
place  of  religious  worfliip,  in  the  parifties  where  the 
parties  refide.  The  adl  of  folemnization  may  be 
by  the  minifter  of  any  fociety  of  Chriftians,  who 
ihall  have  been  previoufly  licenfed  for  this  purpofe 
by  the  court  of  the  county.  Quakers  and  Menon- 
ifts  however  are  exempted  from  all  thefe  conditions, 
and  marriage  amongft  them  is  folemnized  by  the 
ifociety  itfelf. 

A  foreigner  of  any  nation,  not  in  open  war  with 
us,  becomes  naturalized  by  removing  to  the  ftate 
to  refide,  and  taking  an  oath  of  fidelity  :  and  there- 
upon acquires  every  right  of  a  native  citizen  :  and 
citizens  may  divefh  themfelves  of  that  charader, 
by  declaring,  by  folemn  deed,  or  in  open  court, 
that  they  mean  to  expatriate  themfelves,  and  no 
longer  be  citizens  of  this  ftate. 

Conveyances  of  land  muft  be  regiftered  in  the 
court  of  the  county  wherein  they  lie,  or  in  the  gen- 
eral court,  or  they  are  void,  as  to  creditors,  and 
fubfequent  purchafers. 

Slaves  pafs  by  defcent  and  dower  as  lands  do. 
"Where  the  defcent  is  from  a  parent,  the  heir  is 
bound  to  pay  an  equal  fhare  of  their  value  in  mon- 
ey to  each  of  his  brothers  and  fifters. 

Slaves,  as  well  as  lands  were  entailable  during 
the  monarchy  ;  but,  by  an  aft  of  the  firft  repub- 
lican afiembly,  all  donees  in  tail,  prefent  and\fiu 


186  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

tare,  were  vefted  with  the  abfolote    dommion  of 
the  entailed  fubjecl. 

Bills  of  exchange,  being  protefbed,  carry,  lo  per 
cent,  interell  from  their  date. 

No  perfon  is  allowed,  in  any  other  cafe,  to  take 
more  than  five  per  cent,  per  annum  fimple  interell 
for  the  loan  of  monies. 

Gaming  debts  are  made  void,  and  monies  ac- 
tually paid  to  difcharge  fuch  debts  (if  they  exceed 
40  fhillings)  may  be  recovered  by  the  payer  with- 
in three  monchs,  or  by  any  other  perfon  afterwards. 
Tobacco,  Hour,  beef,  pork,  tar,  pitch,  and  ter- 
pentine, mult  be  infpcvfted  by  perfons  publickly  ap- 
pointed, before  they  can  be  exported. 

The  erecting  iron-works  and  mills  Is  encouraged 
by  many  privileges  ;  with  neceliary  cautions  how- 
ever to  prevent  their  dams  from  obftrudling  the 
navigation  of  the  watcr-courfes.  The  general  af- 
fcmbly  have  on  feveral  occafions  fhewn  a  great  de- 
ilre  to  encourage  the  opening  the  great  falls  of 
James  and  Potowmac  rivers.  As  yet,  however, 
neither  of  thcfe  have  been  effe(^ed. 

The  laws  have  alio  defcended  to  the  preferva- 
tion  and  improvement  of  the  races  of  ufeful  anl- 
rnalsi  fuch  as  horfes,  cattle,  deer  ;  to  the  extirpa- 
tion of  thofe  which  are  noxious,  as  wolves,  fquirrels, 
crows,  blackbirds  ;  and  to  the  guarding  our  citi- 
zens againft  infedlious  diforders,  by  obliging  fuf- 
pefted  velfels  commg  into  the  (late,  to  perform 
quarantine,  and  by  regulating  the  conduct  of  per- 
fons having  fuch  diforders  v.'ithin  the  (late. 

The  mode  of  acquiring  lands,  in  the  earlieft 
times  of  our  fettlement,  was  by  petition  to  the  ge- 
neral affembly.  If  the  lands  prayed  for  were  al- 
ready cleared  of  the  Indian  title,  and  the  aflembly 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  187 

thought  the  prayer  reafonable,  they  pafled  the  pro" 
perty  by  their  vote  to  the  petitioner.  But  if  they 
had  not  yet  been  ceded  by  the  Indians,  it  was  ne- 
cefTary  that  the  pelitioiiPi^  Ihould  previoufly  pur- 
chaie  their  right.  This  purchafe  the  affembly  ve- 
rified, by  enquieries  of  the  Indian  proprietors  ;  and 
being  fatisfied  of  its  reahty  and  fairnefs,  proceeded 
farther  to  examine  the  reafonablenefs  of  the  peti- 
tion, and  its  confiilence  with  poHcy ;  and  accord- 
ing to  the  refult,  either  granted  or  rejected  the  pe- 
tition. The  company  aUb  fometimes, though  very 
rarely,  granted  lands,  independantly  of  the  gener- 
al aliembly.  As  the  colony  increafed,  and  individ- 
ual applications  for  land  multiplied,  it  was  found  to 
give  too  much  occupation  to  the  general  affembly 
to  enquire  into  and  execute  the  grant  in  every  fpe- 
cial  cafe.  They  therefore  thought  it  better  to  ef- 
tablilh  general  rules  according  to  which  all  grants 
Ihould  be  made,  and  to  leave  to  the  governor  the 
execution  of  them,  under  thefe  rules.  This  they 
did  by  what  have  been  ufually  called  the  land  laws, 
amending  them  from  time  to  time,  as  their  defeds 
were  developed.  According  to  thefe  laws,  when 
an  individual  wifhed  a  portion  of  unappropriated 
land,  he  was  to  locate  and  furvey  it  by  a  public  of- 
ficer, appointed  for  that  purpofe  :  its  breadth  was 
to  bear  a  certain  proportion  to  its  length  :  the 
grant  w^as  to  be  executed  by  the  governor  :  and  the 
lands  were  to  be  improved  in  a  certain  manner, 
within  a  given  time.  From  thefe  regulations  there 
refalted  to  the  ftate  a  fole  and  exclufive  power  of 
taking  conveyances  of  the  Indian  right  of  foil : 
fince,  according  to  them  an  Indian  conveyance 
alone  could  give  no  right  to  an  individual,  which 
the  laws  w^ouM  acknowledge.     The  ftate,  or  th» 


2S8         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

crown,  thereafter,  made  general  purchafes  of  the 
Indians  from  time  to  time,  and  the  governor  par- 
celled them  out  by  fpecial  grants,  conformed  to 
the  rules  before  defcribed,  which  it  was  not  in  his 
power,  or  in  that  of  the  crown,  to  difpenfe  with. 
Grants,  unaccompanied  by  their  proper  legal  cir- 
aimftances,  were  fet  afide,  Ttgul^rlj  fcirefaciaj^ 
iDi'  by  bill  in  chancery.  Since  the  eftablilliment  of 
our  new  government,  this  order  of  things  is  but 
little  changed.  An  individual,  wifhing  to  appro- 
priate to  himfelf  lands  ftill  unappropriated  by  any- 
other,  pays  to  the  public  treafurer  a  fum  of  mone/ 
proportioned  to  the  quantity  he  v^ants.  He  car- 
1  ies  the  treafurer*s  receipt  to  the  auditors  of  public 
accounts,  who  thereupon  debit  the  treafurer  with 
the  fum,  and  order  the  regifter  of  the  land-office  to 
give  the  party  a  warrant  for  his  land.  With  this 
warrant  from  the  regifter,  he  goes  to  the  furveyor 
of  the  county  where  the  land  lies  on  which  he  has 
caft  his  eye.  The  furveyor  lays  it  off  for  him, 
gives  him  its  exa6t  defcription,  in  the  form  of  a 
-cirtificate,  which  crtificate  he  returns  to  the  land 
office,  where  a  grant  is  made  out,  and  is  figned  by 
the  governor.  This  vefts  in  Iiim  a  perfect  domin- 
:ion  in  his  lands,  tranfmilfable  to  whom  he  pleafes 
by  deed  or  will,  or  by  defcent  to  his  heirs  if  he  die 
imteftate. 

Many  of  the  laws  which  Vvcre  m  force  during 
^lic  monarchy  being  relative  merely  to  that  form 
of  government,  or  inculcating  principles  inconfift- 
ent  with  republicanifm,  the  firft  aflembly  which 
Tnet  after  the  eftablifliment  of  the  commonwealth 
appointed  a  committee  to  revife  the  v/hole  code, 
to  reduce  it  into  proper  form  and  volume,  and  re» 
itit'tt  it  W  the  a/Tembly.     This  work  has  been  exe- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  i8^ 

cuted  by  three  gentlemen,  and  reported  ;  but  pro- 
bably will  not  be  taken  up  till  a  reftoration  of 
peace  fliall  leave  to  the  legifiature  leifure  to  go 
through  fuch  a  work. 

The  plan  of  the  revlfal  was  this.  The  com- 
mon law  of  England,  by  which  is  meant,  that 
part  of  the  Engliih  law  which  was  anterior  to 
the  date  of  the  oideil  (latutes  extant,  is  made  the 
bafis  of  the  work.  It  was  thought  dangerous 
to  attempt  to  reduce  it  to  a  text :  it  was  therefore 
left  to  be  colledted  from  the  ufual  monuments  of 
it.  Neceffary  alterations  in  that,  and  fo  much  of 
the  whole  body  of  the  Britifh  ftatutes,  and  of  ads 
of  aflembly,  as  were  thought  proper  to  be  retained, 
were  digelted  into  126  new  a<5ts,  in  which  fimpli- 
city  of  ftyle  was  aimed  at,  as  far  as  was  fafe* 
The  following  are  the  moft  remarkable  alterations 
propofed : 

To  change  the  rules  of  defcent,  fo  as  that  the 
lands  of  any  perfon  dying  inteftate  fhall  be  divifi- 
ble  equally  among  all  his  children,  or  other  repre- 
fentatives,  in  equal  degree. 

To  make  flaves  diltributable  among  the  next  of 
kin,  as  other  moveables. 

To  have  all  public  expenfes,  whether  of  the  ge- 
neral treafury,  or  of  a  parilh  or  county,  (as  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  poor,  building  bridges,  court- 
houfes,  &c. )  fupplied  by  aifeffments  on  the  citizens, 
in  proportion  to  their  property. 

To  hire  undertakers  for  keeping  the  public 
roads  in  repair,  and  indemnify  individuals  through 
whofe  lands  new  roads  fhall  be  opened. 

To  define  with  precifion  the  rules  whereby 
aliens  fhould  become  citijieiis,  and  citizens  jnakg 
themfelves  aliens* 


190         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA 

To  eftablifli  religious  freedom  on  the  broadeft 
bottom. 

To  emancipate  all  flaves  bom  after  paffing  the 
aft.  The  bill  reported  by  the  revifors  does  not 
itfelf  contain  this  proportion  ;  but  an  amendment 
containing  it  was  prepared,  to  be  offered  to  the  le- 
glflature  whenever  the  bill  fnould  be  taken  up^ 
and  further  directing,  that  they  fnould  continue 
with  their  parents  to  a  certain  age,  then  be  brought 
up,  at  the  public  expence,  to  tillage,  arts  or  fci- 
ences,  according  to  their  genuiuffes,  till  the  females 
fhould  be  eighteen,  and  the  males  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  when  they  fliould  be  colonized  to 
fuch  place  as  the  circumftances  of  the  time  iliould 
render  mod  proper,  fending  them  out  with  arms, 
implements  of  houfehold  and  the  handicraft  arts, 
feeds,  pairs  of  the  ufeful  dome  flic  animals,  &c. 
to  declare  them  a  free  and  independent  people, 
and  extend  to  them  our  alliance  and  proteftion 
till  they  have  acquired  ftrength  ;  and  to  fend  vef- 
fels  at  the  fame  time  to  other  parts  of  the  world 
for  an  equal  number  of  whits  inhabitants  :  to  in- 
duce whom  to  migrate  hither,  proper  encourage- 
ments were  to  be  propofed.  It  will  probably  be 
afked,  Why  not  retain  and  Incorporate  the  blacks 
into  the  (late,  and  thus  fave  the  expence  of  fup- 
plying  by  importation  of  white  fettlers,  the  vacan- 
cies they  will  leave  ?  Deep  rooted  prejudices  en- 
tertained by  the  whites  ;  ten  thoufand  recolledions, 
by  the  blacks,  of  the  injuries  they  have  full: ained  ; 
new  provocations  ;  the  real  diilinftions  which  na- 
ture has  made  ;  and  many  other  circumftances, 
will  divide  us  into  parties,  and  produce  convulfions, 
which  will  probably  never  end  but  in  the  extermi- 
nation of  the  one  or  the  other  race. — To  thefe  ob- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  191 

jeftions,  which  are  poHtical,  may  be  added  others, 
which  are  phyfual    and    moral.     The  firil  differ- 
ence which  ilrikes  us  is  that  of  color.     Whether  the 
black  of  the  negro  refides  in  the  reticular  mem- 
brane between   the   fkin   and    fcarf-fkin,  or  in  the 
fcarf-lkin  itlelf ;  whether  it  proceeds  from  the  color 
of  the  blood,  the  color  of  the  bile,  or  form  that  of 
fome  other  fecretion,  the  difference  is  fixed  in  na- 
ture, and  is  as   real  as  if  its  feat   and  caufe  were 
better  known  to  us.     And  is  this  difference  of  no 
importance  ?  Is  it  not  the  foundation  of  a  greater 
or  lefs  Ihare  of  beauty  in  the  two  races  ?  Are  not 
the  fine  mixtures  of  red  and  white,  the  exprefTions 
of  every  paffion  by  greater  or  lefs  fuffufions  of  col- 
or in  the  one,  preferable,  to  that  eternal  monoto- 
ny, which  reigns  in  the  countenances,  that  im- 
moveable veil  of  black  which  covers  all  the  emo- 
tions of  the    other  race  ?  Add    to  thefe,   flowing 
hair,  a  more  elegant  fymmetry  of  form,  their  own 
judgment  in  favor  of  the  whites,  declared  by  the 
preference  of  them,  as  uniformly  as  is  the  prefer- 
ence of  the  Oranootan  for  the  black  women  over 
thofe  of  his  own  Ipecies.     The  circumllance  of  fu- 
perior  beauty,  is  thought  worthy  attention  in  the 
propagation  of  our  horfes,  dogs,  and  other  domef- 
tic  animals  ;  why  not  in  that  of  man  ?  Befides  thofe 
of  color,  figure,  and  hair,  there  are  other  phyfical 
diftin-ftions  proving   a   difference   of  race.     They 
have  lefs  hare  on  the  face  and  body.     They  fecrete 
lefs  by  the  kidnies,  and  more  by  the  glands  of  the 
ikin,  which  gives  them  a  very  firong  and  difagree- 
able  odor.     This  greater   degree  of  tranfpiration 
renders  them  more  tolerant  of  heat,  and  lefs  fo  of 
cold  than  the  whites.     Perhaps  too  a  difference  of 
ftrudure  in  the  pulmonary  apparatus,  which  a  late 


192  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ingenius*  experlmentalift  has  difcovered  to  be  the 
principal  regulator  of  animal  heat,  may  have  oif- 
abled  them  from  ext''-icating,  in  the  a<5t  of  infpira- 
tion,  fo  much  of  that  tiuid  from  the  outer  air,  or 
obliged  them  in  expiration  to  part  with  more  of 
it.  They  feem  to  require  lefs  fleep.  A  black  af- 
ter hard  labor  through  the  day,  will  be  induced 
by  the  flighted  amufsments  to  fit  up  till  midnight, 
or  later  though  knowing  he  mud  be  out  with  the 
firft  dawn  of  the  morning.  They  are  at  lead  as 
brave  and  more  adventurefome.  But  this  may 
perhaps  proceed  from  a  want  of  forethought, 
which  prevents  their  feeing  a  danger  till  it  be  pref- 
ent.  When  prefent,  they  do  not  go  through  it 
with  more  coolnefs  or  fteadinefs  than  the  whites. 
They  are  more  ardent  after  their  female  :  but  love 
feems  with  them  to  be  more  an  eager  defire,  than 
a  tender  delicate  mixture  of  fentimenfe  and  fenfa- 
tion.  Their  griefs  are  tranfient.  Thofe  number- 
lefs  affli<5lions,  which  render  it  doubtful  whether 
heaven  has  given  life  to  us  in  mercy  or  in  wrath, 
are  lefs  felt,  and  fooner  forgotten  Vv^ith  them.  In 
general,  their  exiftence  appears  to  participate  more 
of  fenfation  than  reflexion.  To  this  muft  be  af- 
cribed  their  difpofition  to  fleep  when  abftra<51:ed 
from  their  diverfions,  and  unemployed  in  labor. 
An  animal  whofe  body  is  at  reft,  and  who  does 
not  refleit,  muft  be  difpofed  to  fleep  of  courfe. 
Comparing  them  by  their  faculties  of  memory,  rea- 
fon  and  imagination,  it  appears  to  me  that  in  mem- 
ory they  are  equal  to  the  whites  ;  in  reafon  much 
•inferior,  as  I  think  one  could  fcarcely  be  found 
capable  of  tracing  and  comprehending  the  invefti- 
;gations  of  Euclid  ;  and  that  in  imagination  they 
■; :  .•:•':  A.;',;         —  ~=  -    i   ,.r       ...  >,,.  .         i.ifc . 

*  .Craiuford. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  1^3 

xre  dull,  teftacles,  and  anomalous.  It  would  be 
unfair  to  follow  them  to  Africa  for  this  invelliga- 
tion.  We  will  confider  them  here,  on  the  fame 
ftage  with  the  whites,  and  where  the  faints  arc  not 
apocryphal  on  which  a  judgment  is  to  be  formed. 
it  will  be  right  to  make  great  allowance  for  the 
diiFerence  of  condition,  of  education,  of  converfa- 
tion,  of  the  fphere  in  which  they  move.  Many 
millions  of  them  have  been  brought,  to  and  bora 
in  America.  Mod  of  them  indeed  have  been  con- 
fined to  tillage,  to  their  own  homes,  and  their  own 
fociety  :  yet  many  have  been  fo  fituated,  that  they 
might  have  availed  themfelves  of  the  converfation 
of  their  mafters  ;  many  have  been  brought  up  to 
the  handicraft  arts,  and  from  that  circumftance 
have  always  been  afTociated  with  the  whites.  Some 
have  been  liberally  educated,  and  all  have  lived 
in  countries  where  the  arts  and  fciences  are  cul- 
tivated to  a  confiderable  degree,  and  have  had  be- 
fore their  eyes  famples  of  the  bed  works  from 
abroad.  The  Indians,  with  no  advantages  of  this 
kind,  will  often  carve  figures  on  their  pipes  not 
deftitute  of  defign  and  merit.  They  will  crayon 
out  an  animal,  a  plant,  or  a  country,  fo  as  ta 
prove  the  exillence  of  a  germ  in  their  minds  which 
only  wants  cultivation.  They  aftonifh  you  with 
ftrokes  of  the  moft  fublime  oratory  ;  fuch  as  prove 
their  reafon  and  fentiment  ftrong,  their  imagina- 
tion glowing  and  elevated.  But  never  yet  could 
I  find  a  black  that  had  uttered  a  thought  above 
the  level  of  plain  narration  ;  never  fee  even  an  ele- 
mentary trait  of  painting  or  fculpture.  In  mufie 
they  are  more  generally  gifted  than  the  whiter, 
with  accurate  ears  for  tune  and  time,  and  they 
h3,yQ  been  found  capable  of  imaginging  a  ibaaH 

A  A 


594-  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

catch.*     Whether  they  will  be  equal  to  the  com- 
pofition  of  a  more  extenlive  run  of  melody,  or  of 
complicated  harmony  is  yet  to  be  proved.   MIfery 
is  often  the  parent  of  the  moil  atfcclin^  touches  in 
poetry.      Among    the  blacks   is  mif:^ry   enouofh, 
God  knows,  but  no  poetry.     Love  is  the  pecuhar 
ceftrum  of  the  poet.     Their  love  is  ardent,  but  it 
kindles  the  fenfes  only,  not  the  imagination.  Reli- 
gion indeed  has  produced  a  Phyllis  Whately  ;  but 
it  could  not  produce  a  poet.     The  compofitions 
publidied  under  her  name  are  below  the  dignity  of 
criticifm.     The  heroes  of  the  Dunciad  are  to  her, 
as  Hercules  to  the  author  of  that  poem.    Ignatius 
Sancho  has  approached  nearer  to  merit  in  compo- 
fition  ;  yet  his  letters  do  more  honor  to  the  heart 
than  the  head.     They  breathe  the  pureft  effufions 
of  friendfhip  and  general  philanthropy,  and  fhew 
how  great  a  degree  of  the  latter  m.ay  be  compoun- 
ded with  ftrong  religious  zeal.     He  is  often  happy 
in  the  turn  of  his  compliments,  and  his  ftile  is  eafy 
and  familiar,   except  when  he  aifefts  a  Shandean 
fabrication  of  words.     But  his  imagination  is  wild 
and  ejctravagant,  efcapes  inceifantly  from  every  re- 
ftraint  of  reafon  and  tafte,  and,  in  the  courfe  of  its 
vagaries,  leaves  a  tract  of  thought   as   incoherent 
and  eccentric  as  is  tlie  courfe  of  a  meteor  through 
the  fl^y.     His  fubjecfts  fliould   often  have  led  him 
to  a  procefs  of  fober  reafoning :  yet  we  find  him 
always  fubftituting  fentiment  for  demonftration. — 
Upon  the  whole,    though  we   adm^it   him   to  the 


*  The  Inflrument  proper  to  them  Is  the  Banjar^  <wh'ich 
they  brought  hither  from  Africa,  and  which  is  the  ori- 
ginal of  the  guitar,  its  chords  heivg  precifely  the  four 
Jower  chords  of  the  guitar. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  19^ 

firft  place  among  thofe  of  his  own  color  who  have 
prefented  tlicrnieives  to  the  public  judgement,  ye|: 
when  we  compare  him  w  th  the  writers  of  the  race 
among  whom  he   lived  and  particularly  with  the 
epiiloiarly  clais,  in  which  he  has  taken  his  own 
ftand,  we  are  compelled  to  enroll  him  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the   column.     This  criticifm  fuppofes  the 
letters  publiilied  under  his  name  to  be  genuine, 
and  to  have  received   amendment  from  no  other 
hand  :  points  which  would  net  be  of  eafj  invefti- 
gation.     The  improvement  of  the  blacks  in  body 
and  muid,  m  the  firft  inilance   of  their  mixture 
with  the  whites,  has  been  obferved   by  every  one, 
and  proves ^ that  their  inferiority  is  not  the'eiiecl: 
merely  of  their  condition  of  life.     We  know  that 
among  the  Romans,  about  the  Auguftan  age  efpe- 
tially,   the   condition    of  their  Haves    was  much 
more  deplorable  than  that  of  the  blacks  on  ths. 
Gontment  of  America.     The  two  fexes  were  con- 
fined in  feparate   apartments,   becaufe  to  raife  a 
child  coll  the  mafter  more  than  to  buy  one.  Cato, 
for  a  very  reih-ided  indulgence  to  his  flaves  in  this 
particular,*  took  from  them  a  certain  price.     But 
in  this  country  the  flave  multiply  as  fait  as  the  free 
inhabitants.     Their  fituation  and  manners  place 
the  commerce  between  the  two  fexes  almoll  without  ■ 
reilramt.— The  lame  Cato,  on  a  principle  of  gecoii- 
orny,    always  fold  his   lick  and  lupernumerated 
flavcs.     He  gives  it  as   a    fianding   precept   to  a 
mailer  viiitiiig  his  farm  to  fell  his  old  oxen,  old 
v.v.ggons,  old  tools,  old  and  difeafed  fervants,  and 
tlfliil'^'^J^^^   become  ufeleis.     'Vendatboves 

*  Tons  doulous  etaxen  crifmenou  nomefmatQi; 
^omilehx  tais  oherapainifm.    J'Jutarch,  Cat^ 


196  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

*  vctulos,  pkuftrum  vetus,  ferramenta  Vetera,  fur- 
'  vum  fenem,  lervum   morbofum,  &  i\  quid  aliud 

*  fiiperfit  vendat.'     Cato  de  re  ruftlca.  c.  2.     The 
American  Haves  cannot  enumerate  this  amono-  the 
injuries  and  infults  they  receive.     It  was  the  com- 
mon praftice  to  expofe  in  the   ifland  ^Efculapius, 
in  the  Tyber,  difeafed  flaves,  whcfe  cure  was  hke 
to  become   tedious.*     The  emperor  Claudius,  by 
an  edidt,  gave  freedom  to  fuch  of  them  as  fhould 
recover,  and  firft  declare  that  if  any  perfon  chofe 
to  kill  rather  than  expofe  them,  it  fliould  be  deem- 
ed homicide.     The   expofmg   them   is  a   crime  of 
which  no  inftance  has  exifted  M^ith  us  ;  and  were  I'c 
to  be  followed  by  death,  it  would  be  punilhed  cap- 
itally.^   We  are  told   of  a  certain   Vedius  Pollio, 
who,  in   the  prefence  of  Anguilus,   would  have 
given  a  Have  as  food  to  his  fifh,  for  having  broken 
a  glafs.     With  the  Romans,  the   regular  method 
of  taking  the  evidence  of  their  flaves  was  under  tor- 
ture.    Kere  it  has   been   thought  better  never  to 
refort  to    their    evidence.     When   a    mafter  was 
murdered,  all  his  flaves,    in    the  fame    houfe,  oi* 
within  hearing,  were  condemned  to  death.     Here 
puniihment  falls  on  the  guilty  only,  and  as  precife 
proof  is  required  againll  him  as  againil  a  freeman. 
Y'et  notwithllanding  thefe  and  other  difcouraging 
circumftances  among  the   Romans,    their   flaves 
were  often  their  rareft  artifts.     They  excelled  too 
ni  fcicnce,  infomuch  as  to  be  ufually  employed  as 
tutorj  to  their   matter's  children.      Epiftetus,  Te- 
rence, and  Pliaedrus  were  flaves.     But  they  were 
of  the  race  of  whites.     It  is   not   their   condition 
then,  but  nature,  which  has  produced  the  didinc- 
t!on. — Whether  further  obfervatiun  will  or  will  not 

*  SucL      Claud.  2T. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  197 

Verify  the  conje<5lure,  that  nature  has  been  lefs 
bountiful  to  them  in  the  endowments  of  the-  head, 
I  believe  that  in  thofe  of  the  heart  fhe  will  be 
found  to  have  done  them  juftice.  That  difpoiitlon 
to  theft  with  which  they  have  been  branded,  muft 
be  afcribed  to  their  fituation,  and  not  to  any  de- 
pravity of  the  moral  fenfe.  The  man,  in  whofe 
favor  no  laws  of  property  exift,  probably  feels  him- 
felf  lefs  bound  to  refped  thoie  made  in  favor  of 
others.  When  arguing  for  ourfelves,  we  lay  it 
down  as  a  fundamental,  that  laws,  to  be  jult,  mud 
give  a  reciprocation  of  right  :  that,  without  this, 
they  are  mere  arbitrary  rules  of  conduv51,  founded, 
in  force,  and  not  in  confcience  :  and  it  is  a  problem 
which  I  give  to  the  matter  to  folve,  whether  the  re- 
ligious precepts  againft  the  violation  of  property 
were  not  framed  for  him  as  well  as  his  flave  ?  And 
whether  the  flaves  may  not  as  juftifiably  take  a 
little  from  one,  who  has  taken  all  from  him,  as  he 
may  flay  one  who  would  ilay  him  ?  That  a  change 
in  the  relations  in  which  a  man  is  placed  Ihouid 
change  his  ideas  of  moral  right  and  wrong,  is  nei- 
ther new,  nor  peculiar  to  the  color  of  the  blacks. 
Homer  tells  us  it  was  fo  2600  years  ago. 

'Emifii,ger  i*  aretes  opoatnutai eiiruopa  Zeus 
HaneroSi  eut'  an  min  kata  do n lion  ema  ehjin, 

Od.   17.  323* 
Jove  fix'd  it  certain,  that  whatever  day 
Makes  man  a  flave  takes  half  his  worth  aWay. 

But  the  fiaves  of  which  Homer  fpeaks  were 
whites.  Notwithllanding  thefe  eonfiderations  which 
mufl  weaken  their  refpe'ft  for  the  laws  of  property^ 
We  find  among  them  numerous  inftances  of  th« 


ipS  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

incil  rlged  integrity,  and  as  many  as  among  their 
better  inilrufted  mailers,  of  benevolence,  gratitude, 
and  unliiakcn  fidelity. — The  opinion,  that  they  are 
inferior  in  the  faculties  of  reafon  and  imagination, 
muil:  be  hazarded  with  great  diffidence.  To  juf- 
tify  a  general  ^onclufion,  requires  many  obferva- 
tions,  ev^n  where  the  fubjed  may  be  fubmitted  to 
the  anatomical  knife,  to  optical  clafTes,  to  analyfis 
by  iire,  or  by  folvents.  How  much  more  then 
^vhere  it  is  a  faculty,  not  a  fubftance,  we  are  ex- 
amining ;  where  it  eludes  the  refearch  of  all  the 
fenfes  ;  where  the  conditions  of  its  exillcnce  are 
various  and  variouily  combined  ;  where  the  effe6ts 
of  thofe  which  are  prefent  or  abfent  bid  defiance 
to  calculation  ;  let  me  add  too,  as  a  circumftance 
of  great  tendernefs,  where  our  conclufion  would 
degrade  a  whole  race  of  men  from  the  rank  in  the 
fcale  of  beings  which  their  Creator  may  perhaps  have 
given  them.  To  our  reproach  it  mull  be  faid, 
that  though  for  a  century  and  a  half  we  have  had 
under  our  eyes  the  races  of  black  and  of  red  men, 
they  have  never  yet  beeji  viewed  by  us  as  fubjeds 
of  natural  hiUory.  I  advance  it  therefore  as  a 
fuipicion  only,  that  the  blacks,  whether  originally 
a  dillinll  race,  or  made  diilinci:  by  time  and  circum- 
llances,  are  inferior  to  the  whites  in  the  endow- 
ments both  of  body  and  mind.  It  is  not  againfl 
experience  to  fuppofe,  that  different  fpecies  of  the 
fame  genius,  or  varieties  of  the  fame  fpecies,  may 
pofiefs  different  qualifications.  Will  not  a  lover  of 
natural  hillory  then,  one  who  views  the  gradations 
in  all  the  races  of  animals  with  the  eye  ofphilofo- 
phy,  excufe  an  effort  to  keep  tbole  in  the  depart- 
ment of  man  as  diilindl  as  nature  has  formed 
tliQm  ?  This  unfortunate  difference  of  <;olor,  aad 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  '  199 

perhaps;  of  faculty,  is  a  powciful  obfracle  to  the 
emancipation  of  thefe  people.  Mciny  cf  their  ad- 
vocates, while  they  wifh  to  vindicate  the  liberty  of 
hu.nan  niiture  are  anxious  alfo  to  preferve  its  dig- 
nity and  beauty.  Some  of  thefe,  embarrafTed  by 
the  queftion,  *  "What  further  is  to  be  done  with 
them !  Join  thernfelves  in  oppofition  with  thofe 
who  are  afcuated  by  fordid  avarice  only.  Among 
the  Romans  emancipation  required  but  one  effort. 
The  llave,  when  made  free,  might  mix  with, 
Avithout  ftaining  the  blood  of  his  mafter.  But 
with  us  a  fecond  is  neceffary,  unknown  to  hiftoryr 
When  freed,  he  is  to  be  removed  beyond  the  reach 
of  mixture. 

The  revifed  code  further  propofes  to  proportion 
crimes  and  punifhments.  This  is  attempted  oa 
the  following  fcale. 


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B  « 


202  KOTES  ON  VIRGINIA- 

Pard®n  and  pfivilege  of 'clergy  are  pr  ope  fed  to- 
be  abolifned  j  bat  if  the  verdictLbe  agamit  the  de- 
fendant, the  court  ill  their'  difcretion  tr.ayVilovv-  a 
iievv  tri^l.  Is o: attainder  to'  cauitra- corruption  of 
blood,  or  forfeiture  .of  dovrer.':  Slave's  guilty  of 
ofFences  punimable  in  others  by-labor,  to  be  tranf- 
portedto  Arficn,Gr  eK^where,  as  tHe  eirciimRances 
of  the  time  aferr-rtj-thers  to-^fee  continued  mil av cry. 
A  rigorous  regimen  propofed  for-^thofc  condemn- 
ed to  jahcr. 

Another  opjeci  of  the  reyifal  is,  to  diffnfe  knc.\r- 
ledge  more  geijerally.  through  the  mafs  of  the 
people.  -  This  bill  propofes  to  lay  off  every  county 
into  fmiill  diitri'fts  of  five  cr  iix  miles  fqnare,  cal- 
led hundreds,  and  in  'each,  of  them  to  edablifa  a 
ichcci  fcr  t^acliing  reading,  writing,' and  arithme- 
tic. The  tiaEor'to  he  fuppbrted  by",  the  hundred 
snd  eveiy  perfon  in  it  entitled  ,to  ^ty^A  their  chii- 
dien  three  ye-ars  gratis,  ?nd-.as  j-Riich  longer  as  they 
pleafe,  payirfg-  for  it.  Thefe  fehools  to  be  under 
a  vlfitor  "wdio-i?  aHnually  to  chufe  xhs.  boy,  of  beil 
genius  in  the  fchooL,  of  thr^fe" jv^l^efe  parents  are  too- 
poor  to  give  them  further  education, and  to  fend  him 
forward  to  one  of  the  grammar  fchools,  cf  which 
twenty-  are'prcpofed  to  be  ereol^d  in  different  parts 
of  the:  country,  for  teaching  Greek,"  Latin,  geogra- 
phy, and  the  Irigh'cr  branches. of  num.erical  arith- 
metic Of  the  boys  thus  fent  in  oue  year,-  trial  is 
to  be  made  at  the  (rrammar  fchools  one  or  tv/o- 
years,  a»d. 'the  beft  genius,  of  the  v-hoie  feiccied, 
and  (^ontini;ied  fix  years,  and  the  ixifiilue  difmiifed. 
!Bt  this  me,ans  twenty  6f  the  'beft  (^-exiiLilTcs  yyill  be 
raked  from  the  rubbifn  annually,  and  be  inftru^l- 
cd,  at  the  public  exp'ence,  fo  far  as  the  grammar 
Ichools  go.     At  the    end  of  fix  years  inflructicn^. 


NOTES  ON  VIkGINA.  203 

■one  hall  are    to 'be    difcontinued   (from  among 

■whom  the  grammar  fcHools  will  probably  be  fup- 
plied  with  iiiture  mailers  ;  and  the.ctlier  Iialt^  \yho 
are  to  be  cholen  for  tlieTapenority  of  their  parts, 
jind  difpofitionj  are  to  be  fent'and  continued  three, 
years  in  the  ftudy  of  fa ch  faiences  as  .they,  fliall 
chufe,  at  William  and  Mary  collega,  the  plan  of 
which  is  propofed  to  be  enlarged,  as  will  be  here- 
after explained,,  and  extended  to  all  the  ufeiul  fci- 
ences.  The  ultimate  refult  of  the  whole  fcheme 
of  edacation  would  be  the  teaciilnc^  all  the  chil-. 
drcn  of  the  (late  reading,  writing,  and  common 
arithmetic;  turning  cut  ten  annualy.of  fuperior 
genius,  well  taught  in  Greek,  Latin,  geography, 
'dnd  the  hip-her  branches  of  arithmetic  :  turninc? 
out  ten  others  aniluallv,  of  fiillfuperior  parts,  Aylio., 
to  thofe  branches  ©f  learning,  fhall  liav.e  added 
fuchofthe  fciences  as  their  renius  fnall  have  led 
them  to  ;  the  rurniihing  to  the  wealthier  part  of 
the  people  convenient  fchools,  at  which  their  chil- 
dren may  be  educated  attheir  ov.m  expeuc-e.  The 
f general  obiects  of  this  law  are  to  provide  an  edu~ 
cation  adapted  to  the  years,  to  the  capacity,  and 
the  condition  of  every  one,  and  direcled  to  their 
freedom  nnd  happinefs.  Specific  details  were  net 
proper  for  the  law.  Thefe  muil  be,  the  bufinefs  of 
the  vifitors  entrulled'^yith/fts  execution.  The  Eriy 
"ihl?te  Of  this  education  being;  the  fchools  of  the  hun- 
GYzds  v/herein  the  great  mafs  of  the ,  people  v/ili 
receive  their  iriftruGtio:Tii  the  pilnciple  foundations 
•Ox'iuture  Order  will  b^  laid  here.  Inftead  there- 
fore of  piitting-the  Bible  and  TeiLament  into  ths 
hands  of  the  cliildren  a^t  an  as^e  whsn  their  iudg- 
ments  are  riot  fufficiently  matured  for  religious  in- 
■.^uleries,  their  meniorics  .may  here  bs  flcred  wick' 


^4  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA* 

the  mod  ufeful  fads  from  Grecian,  Roman,  Euro- 
pean and  American  hiftory.     The  firft  elements  of 
morality  too  may  be  inftilled  into  their  minds  ;  fuch. 
as,  when  further  developed  as  their  judgments  ad- 
vance in  ftrength,  may  teach  them  how  to  work  out 
rheirown  greateft  happineis,by  fhewing  them  that  it 
does  not  depend  on  the  condition  of  life  in  which 
chance  has  placed  them,  but  is  always  the  refult 
of  a  good   confcience,  good  health,   occupation, 
and  freedom  in  all  juft  purfuits. — Thofe  whom  ei- 
ther the  wealth  of  their  parents  or  the  adoption  of 
the  ftate  fhall  deftine  to  higher  degrees  of  learn- 
ing, will  go  on  to  the  grammar  fchools,  which 
conftitute  the  next  flage,  there  to  be  inftrudled  in 
the  languages.     The  learning  Greek  and  Latin,  I 
am  told,  is  going  into  difufe  in  Europe.     I  know 
not  what  their  manners  and  occuputlons  may  call 
for  :  but  it  would  be  very  ill-judged  in  us  to  fol- 
low their  example   in  this  inftance.     There  is  a 
certain  period  of  life,  fay  from  eight  to  fifteen  or 
fixteen  years  of  age,  when  the  mind  like  the  body 
is  not  yet  firm  enough  for  laborious  and  clofe  op- 
erations.    If  applied  to  fuch,  it  falls  an  early  vic- 
tim to  pemature   exertion :    exhibiting   indeed  at 
firft,  in  thefe  young  and  tender  fubjeds,  the  flatter- 
ing appearance  of  their  being  men  while  they  are 
yet  children,  but  ending  in  reducing  them  to  be 
children  where  they  fhould  be  men.     The  memo- 
ry is  then  moft  fufceptiblc  and   tenacious  of  ira- 
prcifions  j  and   the  learning  of  languages  being 
chiefly  a  work  of  memory,  it  feems  precifely  fitted 
to  the  powers  of  this  period,  which  is  long  enough 
too  for  acquiring  the  moft  ufeful  languages  an- 
cient  and  modem.     I  do  not  pretend  that  lan- 
j,uage  is  fcience.     Ix  k  only  an  inftrument  for  the 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  205 

attainment  of  fcience.     But  that  time  is  not  loft 
which  is  employed  in  providing  tools  for  future 
©peration :    more   efpecially   as  in   this  cafe  the 
books  put  into  th6  hands  of  the  youth  for  this  pur- 
pofe  may  be  fuch  as  will  at  the  fame  time  imprefs 
their  minds  with  ufeful  fads  and  good  principles. 
If  this  period  be  fuffered  to  pafs  in  idlcnefs,  the 
mind  becomes  lethargic   and  impotent,  as  would 
the  body  it  inhabits  if  unexercifed  during  the  fame 
time.     The  fympathy  between  body  and   mind 
during  their  rife,  progrefs  and  decline,  is  too  ftridt 
and  obvious  to  endanger  our  being  mifled  while 
we  reafon  from  the  one  to  the  other. — As  foon  as 
they  are  of  fufficient  age,  it  is  fuppofed  they  will 
be  fent  on  from  the  grammar  fchools  to  the  uni- 
verfity,  which  conftitutes  our  third  and  laft  ft  age, 
there  to  ftudy  thofe  fciences  which  may  be  adapt- 
ed to  their  views. — By  that  part  of  our  plan  which 
prefcribes  the   feleclion   of  the  youths   of  genius 
from  among  the  clafTes  of  the  poor,  we  hope  to 
avail  the  ftate  of  thofe  talents  which  nature  has 
fown  as  liberally  among  the  poor  as  the  Hch,  but 
v/hich  perifli  without  ufe,  if  not  fought  for  and 
cultivated.     But  of  the  views  of  this  law  none  is 
more  important,  none  more  legitimate,  than  that 
of  rendering  the  people  the  fafe,  as  they  are  the 
ultimate  guardians  of  their  own  liberty.     For  this 
purpofe  the  reading  in  the  firft  ft;age,  where  they 
will  receive  tiieir  whole  education,  is  propofed,  as 
has  been  faid,  to  be  chiefly  hiftorical.     Hiftory 
by  apprrfmg  them  of  the  paft  will  enable  them  to 
judge  of  the  future  ;  it  will  avail  them  of  the  expe- 
rience of  other   times  and  other  nations  ;  it  will 
t^ualify  them  as  judges  of  the  adtions  and  defigns 
of  men ;  it  will  enable  them  to  know  ambition  ua» 


206"  NOTES  ON  VIRGINiA. 

der  every  difguife  it  may  aiTtime,;  aivd  kiicwlng  li^' 
to  defeat  its  views.  In  every  gov'enimeBt  on  earth 
is  fome  traces  of  human  weaknefs,  fome  germ  of 
corruption  and  degeneracy,  which  cunning  v;ill' 
difcover,  and  v-ickednefs  infenfibly  open,  cultivate 
and  imorove.  Every  S'overnment  deo-encrates 
wnen  truPced  to  the  rulers  of  the  people  alone.  The 
people  themfelves  then  are  its  only  fafe  depofito- 
ries.  And  to  render  them  fate  their  minds  mufl 
be  improved  to  a  certain  degree.  This  indeed  is 
not  all  that  is  neceifary,  though  it  be  eiTentially 
neceiiiiry.  An  amiendm.ent  of  our  conftitution 
muil  here  come  in  aid  of  the  public  education. 
The  influence  over  rrovernment  muft  be  fnared 
among  all  the  people.  If  every  individual  which 
compofes  th;ir  mafs  participates  of  the  ultimate 
authority,  the  gQvernraent  will  be  fafe;  becaufe 
the  corrupting  the  whole  mafs  "will  exceed  any 
private  refources  of  wealth  :  and  public  ones  can^ 
not  be  provided  but  by  levies  on  the  people.  In  this 
cafe  every  man  would  have'to  pay  his  own  price. 
The  government  of  Great-Britain  has  been  cor- 
rupted, becau'e  but  one  man  in  ten  has  a  right  to 
vote  for  members  of  parliament.  The  fellers  of 
the  o-o^v^ernment  therefore  ret  nine-tenths  of  their 
j-ince  clear.  It  has  been  thought  that  corruption 
is  reRrained  by  confining.- the  ricrht  of  fuffrage  to  a 
few  of  the  v.^althier  of  tiie  people  :  biit  it  would 
be  more  effe6]:ually  rellrained  by  an  exteniion  of 
that  right  to  fuch  numbers  as  would  bid  deiiance 
to  the  means  of  corruption. 

Laftly,  it  is  propofed,  by  a  bill  in  this  revifal, 
to  begin  a  public  library  and  gallery,  by  laying 
out  a  certain  fum  annually  in  books,  paintings, 
and  ftatues. 


Ki,' ji;.:-cj>jaj^..;fe;^  '-J'-Am^LK'-ii » <»'B. J-'^l*-i^a-gSBc-■^a»lM!l^»^aJ.,,J  ji,.aa»a>g;;«i<.j;<st.-' 


RY  XV. 


••<•••<■•<  ?:f'->->.>- 

J^F^X-IE  colleges."  and  puHKc'ercablifhrnents,  tlje 
^. .   roads,  5'u;laii?gs,  &c.  ? 

ShQ  college-,  cf  William  and  IMary  is  tlie  only 
^  .  ,  ic  ferninary  of  Learning  in  this  Hate,  It  was 
founded  in  the  tinie  of  king  Wiiiiani  and  qasen 
IvWy^vHo.gfaritc.d.to  It  2c>ooo  acres. of  land,  ai;d 
a  penny  a  pound,  duty  on  certain,  tobaccoes  ex- 
ported from  Virginia  and  Maryland,  which  had 
been'iievied  by  th_Q;ilatute  of  25  Car.  2.  The  af- 
fembly  alio  gave  it,  by  temporary. laws,  a  duty  on 
liquors  imported,  and,  l^ins  and  furs  .exported. 
From  theie  refources  it  received  up'wart^s.pf  3Qcql. 
cominunibus  annis.  The  buildins-s  are  of  brick, 
fuiScient  for  an  indifferent  accoiiinictation  of  per- 
haps 1X1}  hundred -fludents.     By  its  charter  it  vv^as 

^ta,  be  under  the  government,  of  twenty  vifitors, 
wlio  were  to  be  its  Iegi{Jators.,.and  to  have  apreii- 
dent  and  fix  profelTors,  who  were  iiiqorpor-afeed.  It 
v.'as  allowed  a  reprcfentative  in  the  p-eneral  aifem- 
bly.  .  Under  this  cliarter,  a  profefToriliip  o£  Greek 
and  Latin  languages,  a  profetToriliip  of  math-e- 
matics,  one  of  moral  philofophy,  and  tv/o  of  di- 
vinity, were  edablifned.  To  thefe  were  annexed, 
for  a  ilxth  profe/rorlliip,  a  confiderable  donatioii 
by  Mr.  Boyle  of  England,  for  the  inftruction  of 
the  Indians,  ana  their  converfion  to  Chriftianity. 
This  .was  called  the  profeiforfhip'of  Braiferton, 
from  an  ePtate  of  that  name  in  England,  purchafed 

.  \xitli  the.  monies   giY<iil.     The   admiiliQn  of  the 


2oS  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

learners  of  Latin  and  Greek  filled  the  college  witk 
children.  This  rendered  it  difagreeable  and  de- 
grading to  young  gentlemen  already  prepared  for 
entering  on  the  ftiences,  they  were  difcouragcd 
from  reforting  to  it,  and  thus  the  fchools  for  ma- 
thematics and  moral  philofophy,  which  might  have 
been  of  fome  fervice,  became  of  very  little.  The 
revenues  too  were  exhaufted  in  accommodating 
thofe  who  came  only  to  acquire  the  rudiments  of 
fcience.  After  the  prefent  revolution,  the  vifitors, 
having  no  power  to  change  thofe  circumftances  in 
the  conftitution  of  the  college  which  were  fixed  by 
the  charter,and  being  therefore  confined  in  the  num- 
ber of  profefTorfhlps,  undertook  to  change  the  objedls 
of  the  profefforfhips.  They  excluded  the  two  fchools 
for  divinity,  and  that  for  the  Greek  and  Latin 
languages,  and  fubftltuted  others  ;  fo  that  at  pref- 
ent they  ftand  thus : 

A  ProfefTorfhip  for  Law  and  Police ; 

Anatomy  and  Medicine  : 

Natural  Philofophy  and  Mathematics  t 

Moral  Philofophy,  die  law  of  Nature  stA 
Nations,  the  fine  Arts : 

Modern  Languages  i 

For  die  BrafFerton. 
And  it  is  propofed,  {x)  foon  as  the  legiflature 
iliall  have  leifure  to  take  up  this  fubjeft,  to  defire 
authority  from  them  to  incroafe  the  number  of 
profefforfhips,  as  well  for  the  purpofe  of  fubdivid- 
ing  thofe  already  inftituted,  as  of  adding  others 
for  odier  branches  of  fcience.  To  the  profefFor- 
Ihips  ufually  eftabliftied  in  the  univerfities  of  Eu- 
rope, it  would  feem  proper  to  add  one  for  the  an- 
cient languages  and  literature  of  the  North,  oa 
atcouct  of  their  coane^ion  with  our  own  language 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  209 

laws,  cuftoms,  and  hlftory.  The  purpofes  of 
^he  BrafFerton  inftitution  would  ht  better  anfwered 
by  maintaining  a  perpetual  miilion  among  the  In- 
dian tribes,  the  objed  of  which,  befides  inftrudling 
them  in  the  principles  of  Chriftianity,  as  the  foun- 
der requires,  ihould  be  to  collecT:  their  traditions, 
laws,  cuftoms,  languages,  and  other  circumftances 
which  might  lead  to  a  difcovery  of  their  relation 
with  one  another,  or  defcent  from  other  nations. 
When  thefe  objedts  are  accomplilhed  with  one  tribe» 
miffionary  might  pafs  on  to  another. 

The  roads  are  under  the  government  of  the 
county  courts,  fubjedt  to  be  controled  by  the  o-en- 
eral  court.  They  order  new  roads  to  be  opened 
wherever  they  think  them  neceffary.  The  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  county  are  by  them  laid  off  into  pre- 
cinfls,  to  each  of  which  they  allot  a  convenient 
portion  of  the  public  roads  to  be  kept  in  repair. 
Such  bridges  as  may  be  built  without  the  afliftance 
t)f  artificers,  they  are  to  build.  If  the  ftream  be 
fuch  as  to  require  a  bridge  of  regular  workman- 
Ihip,  the  court  employs  workmen  to  build  it,  at 
the  expence  of  the  whole  county.  If  it  be  too 
great  for  the  county,  application  is  made  to  the 
general  afTembly,  who  authorife  individuals  to 
build  it,  and  to  take  a  fixed  toll  from  all  paffen- 
gers,  or  give  fandtion  to  fuch  other  propofition  as 
to  them  appears  reafonable. 

Ferries  are  admitted  only  at  fuch  places  as  are 
particularly  pointed  out  by  law,  and  the  rates  of 
ferriage  are  fixed. 

Taverns  are  licenfed  by  the  courts,  who  fix  their 
rates  from  time  to  time. 

The  private  buildings  are  very  rarely  conftrudl? 
ed  of  ftoiie  or  brick  ;  much  the  greateft  portion  be- 


210  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ing  of  fcantling  and  boards,  plaiftered  witli  lime* 
It  is  impoflible  to  devife  thmgs  rriore  ugly,  un- 
comfortable, and  happily  more  periiaable.  There 
are  two  or  three  plans,  on  one  of  which,  accord- 
ing to  its  flze,  moil  of  the  houfes  in  the  (late  are 
built.  The  pooreft  people  build  huts  of  logs,  laid 
horizontally  in  pens,  flopping  the  intereftices  with 
mud.  Thefe  are  warmer  in  winter  and  cooler  in 
fummer,  than  the  more  expenfive  conftrudion  of 
fcantling  and  plank.  The  wealthy  ar^  attentive 
to  the  raifmg  of  vegetables,  but  very  little  fo  to 
fruits.  The  poorer  people  attend  to  neither,  liv- 
ing principally  on  milk  and  animal  diet.  This, is 
the  more  inexcufable,  as  the  climate  requires  in- 
difpenfably  a  free  ufe  of  vegetable  food,  for  health 
as  well  as  comfort,  and  is  very  friendly  to  the  raif- 
ing  of  fruits.  The  only  public  buildmgs  worthy 
mention  are  the  capitol,  the  palace,  the  college, 
and  the  hofpital  for  lunatics,  all  of  them  in  Wil- 
liamfburgh,  heretofore  the  feat  of  our  govemm.cnt. 
The  capitol  is  a  light  and  airy  ftru<51:ure,  wath  a 
portico  in  front  of  two  orders,  the  lower  of  which, 
being  Doric,  is  tolerably  jufc  in  its  proportions  and 
ornaments,  fave  only  that  the  intccolonations  are 
too  large.  The  upper  is  Ionic,  much  too  fm.all 
for  that  on  which  it  is  mounted,  its  ornaments  not 
proper  to  the  order,  nor  proportioned  within  them- 
felves.  It  is  crowned  with  a  pediment,  which  is 
too  high  for  its  fpan.  Yet,  on  the  whole,  it  is  the 
moll  pleafmg  piece  of  architedure  we  have.  The 
palace  is  not  handfome  without :  but  it  is  fpacious 
and  commodious  within,  is  prettily  fituated,  and 
with  the  grounds  annexed  to  it,  is  capable  of  be- 
ing made  an  elegant  feat.  The  college  and  hof- 
pital  are  rude,  mif-ihapea  piles,  whi(^,  but  that 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  sir 

they  have  roofs  would  be  taken  for  brick-kilns. 
There  are  no  other  public   buildings  but  churches 
and  court-houfes,  in  which  no  attempts  are  made 
at  elegance.     Indeed  it  would  not  be  eafy  to  exe- 
cute fuch  an  attempt,  as  a  workman  could  fcarcely 
be  found  here  capable  of  drawing  an  order.     The 
genius  of  architedure  feems  to  have  fhed  its  male- 
dictions over  this  land.     Buildings  are  often  ered- 
ed  by  individuals  of  confiderable   cxpence.     To 
give  thefe  fymm.etry  and  tafte  would  not  increafe 
their  coft.     It  v/ould  only   change  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  materials,  the  form  and  combination 
of  the  members.     This  would  often  coft  lefs  than 
the  burthen  of  barbarous    ornoments  with  which 
thefe  buildings  are  fometimes  charged.     But  die 
iirft  principles  of  the  art  are  unknoT\-n,  and  there 
exifts  fcarcely  a  model  among  us  fufficiently  chafte 
to  give  an  idea  of  them.     Architedture  being  one 
of  the  fine  arts,  and  as  fuch  within  tlie  department 
of  a  profefTor  of  the  college,  according  to  the  new 
arrangement,  perhaps  a   fpark  may  fall  on  fomc 
young  fubjeds  of  natural  talle,  kindle  up  their 
genius,  and  produce  a  reformation  in  this  elegant 
and  ufeful  art.     But  all  wc  lliall  do  in  this  way 
will  produce  no  permanent  improvement  to  our 
country  while  the  unhappy  prejudice  prevails  that 
houfes  of  brick  or  ftone   are  lefs  wholefome  \hai3i 
thole  of  wood.     A  dew  is  often  obferved  on  the 
■  walls  of  the  form^er  in  rainy  weather,  and  the  mo  ft 
obvious  folution  is,  that  the    rain  has   penetrnted 
through  thefe  wails.     The  follov/ing  fads  howev^ 
cr  are  fufficient  to  prove  the  error  of  this  folution. 

1.  This  dew  upon  the  walls  appears  when  there  is 
no  rain,  if  the  ftate  of  the   atmofphere  be  moift. 

2,  It  appears  on  the  partitioii  as  v/ell  as  the  «x|,«* 


212  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

rior  walls,     3.  So  alio  on  pavements  of  brick  cr 
Itone.     4.  It  is  more  copious  in  proportion  as  the- 
walls  are  thicker  5  the  reverfe  of  which  ought  to 
be  the  cafe,  if  this  hypothecs  were  juft.     If  cold 
water  be  poiTred  into  a  vefTel  of  flone,  or  glafs,  a 
dew  forms  inftantly  on   the  outfide  :  but  if  it  be 
poured  into  a  veiTel  of  wood,  there  is  no  fuch  ap- 
pearance.    It  is   not  fuppofed,  in  the  firft  cafe, 
that  the  water  has  exuded  through  the  glafs,  but 
that  It  is  precipitated  from  the  circumambient  air ; 
as  the  humid  particles  of  vapor,   paffmg  from  the 
boiler  of  an  alembic   through   its  refrigerant,  are 
precipitated  from  the  air,  in  which  they  were  fuf- 
pended,  on  the  internal  furface  of  the  refring-erant. 
Walls  of  brick  or  ilone  ad  as  the  refrigerant  in  tliis 
mftance.     They  are  fufficiently  cold  to  condenfe 
and  precipitate  the  moifture  fufpended  in  the  air 
of  the  room,  when  It  is  heavily  charged  therewith. 
But  walls  of  wood  are  not  fo.     The  queftion  then 
is,  whether  air  In  which  this  molfture  is  left  float- 
ing, or  that  which  is  deprived  of  it,  be  moft  whole- 
fome  ?  In  both  cafes  the  remedy  is  eafy.     A  little 
Sre  kindled  in  the  room,  whenever  the  air  is  damp, 
prevents  the  precipitation  on  the  walls :  and  this 
praaice,  found  healthy  in  the  warmeft  as  well  as 
coldeft  feafons,  is  as  neceffary  in  a  wooden  as  in  a 
ilone  or  a  brick   houfe.     I  do  not  mean  to  fay, 
tliat  the  rain  never  penetrates  through  walls  of 
hnd:.     On  the  contrary  I  have  feen  inftances  of 
It.  ^  But  with  us  it  is  only  through  the  northern 
and  eaftern  walls  of  the  houfe,  after  a  north-eafter- 
ly  ftorm.     There  being  the  only  ones  which  con- 
tmue  long  enough   to   force  through  the  walls. 
-^  his  however  happens  too  rarelv  to  give  a  jiift 
v]ura<fter  of  unvrhokfoni€n<jfs  to  fuch  houfes.  '  hi 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  21  j 

s  houfe,  the  walls  of  which  are  of  well-burnt  brick 
and  good  mortar,  I  have  feen  the  rain  penetrate 
through  but  twice  in  a  dozen  or  fifteen  years. 
The  inhabitants  of  Europe,  who  dwell  chiefly  in 
houfes  of  ftone  or  brick,  are  furely  as  healthy  as 
thofe  of  Virginia.  Thefe  houfes  have  the  advan- 
tage too  of  being  warmer  in  winter  and  cooler  in. 
fummer  than  thofe  of  wood  ;  of  being  cheaper  ia 
their  firft  conftru(51:ion,  where  lime  is  convenient, 
and  infinitely  more  durable.  The  latter  confider- 
ation  renders  it  of  great  importance  to  eradicate 
this  prejudice  from  the  minds  of  our  countrymen. 
A  country  whofe  buildings  are  of  wood,  can  never 
increafe  in  its  improvements  to  any  confiderable 
degree.  Their  duration  is  highly  eilimated  at  50 
years.  Every  half  century  then  our  country  be- 
comes a  tabula  rafa,  whereon  we  have  to  fet  out 
anew,  as  in  the  firlt  moment  of  feating  it.  Where- 
as when  buildings  are  of  durable  materials,  every 
new  edifice  is  an  adual  and  permanent  acquifition 
to  the  (late,  adding  to  its  value  as  well  as  to  its  or- 
iiament. 


QUERY  XVL 

THE  meafures  taken  with  regard  to  the  ef- 
tates  and  pofreflions  of  the  rebels,  common- 
ly called  tories  ? 

A  tory  has  been  properly  defined  t^  be  a  traitor 
ill  thought  but  not  in  deed.    The  only  defcription^ 


314  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

by  which  the  laws  have  endeavorod  to  come  at 
them,  v/as  that  of  non-jurors,  or  perfons  refufmg 
to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  ftate.  Perfons  of 
this  defcrlption  were  at  one  time  fubjedted  to  dou- 
ble taxation,  at  another  to  treble,  and  laftly  v/ere 
allowed  retribution,  and  placed  on  a  level  with 
good  citizens.  It  may  be  mentioned  as  a  proof 
both  of  the  lenity  of  our  government,  and  unanim- 
ity of  its  inhabitants,  that  though  this  war  has  now 
•raged  near  feven  years,  not  a  fmgle  execution  for 
treafon  has  taken  place. 

Under  this  query  I  will  ftate  the  meafures  which 
have  been  adopted  as  to  Britilh  property,  the  own- 
ers of  which  ftand  on  a  much  fairer  footing  than 
the  tories.  By  our  laws,  the  fame  as  the  Englifh 
•in  this  refpeft,  no  alien  can  hold  lands,  nor  alien 
enemy  maintain  an  action  for  money,  or  other 
moveable  thing.  Lands  acquired  or  held  by  al- 
iens become  forfeited  to  the  ftate ;  and,  on  an  ac- 
tion by  an  alien  enemy  to  recover  m.oney,  or  other 
moveable  property,  the  defendant  may  plead  that 
he  is  an  alien  enemy.  This  extinguifhes  his  right 
in  the  hands  of  the  debtor  or  holder  of  his  movea- 
i)le  property.  By  our  feparation  from  Great-Brit- 
ain, Britlfh  fubje<5ts  became  aliens,  and  being  at 
v/ar,  they  were  alien  enemies.  Their  lands  were 
ofcourfe  forfeited,  and  their  debts  irrecoverable. 
The  affembly  however  pafTed  laws,  at  various 
times,  for  faving  their  property.  They  firft  fe- 
queftered  their  lands,  {laves,  and  other  property  on 
their  farms  in  ihe  hands  of  commiffioners,  who 
■were  moftly  the  confidential  friends  or  agents  of 
the  owners,  and  dired:ed  their  clear  profits  to  be 
paid  into  the  treafury  :  and  they  gave  leave  to  all 
perfons  owing  debts  to  Britilh  fubjecls  to  pay  tiieja 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  n^ 

alio  into  the  treafury.  The  monies  fo  to  be 
brought  in  were  declared  to  remain  the  property 
of  the  Britifli  fubject,  and,  if  ufed  hj  tlie  ilate, 
"v^'ere  to  be  repaid,  unlefs  an  improper  condud:  ivi 
Great-Britain  fhould  render  a  detention  of  it  rea- 
fonable.  Depreciation  had  at  that  time,  though 
unacknowledged  and  unperceived  by  the  whigs, 
begun  in  fome  fmall  degree.  Great  fums  of  mon- 
ey were  paid  in  by  debtors.  At  a  later  period, 
the  alTembly,  adhering  to  the  political  principles 
which  forbid  an  alien  to  hold  lands  in  the  ft  ate,, 
ordered  all  Britifh  property  to  be  fold  :  and^  be- 
come fenfible  of  the  real  progrefs  of  depreciation, 
and  of  the  lofTes  which  would  thence  occur,  if  not 
guarded  againft,  they  ordered  that  the  proceeds  of 
the  fales  fhould  be  converted  into  their  then  wofth 
in  tobacco,  fubje(n:  to  the  future  dire(5lion  of  th6 
legiilature.  This  adt  has  left  the  queftion  of  re- 
tribution more  problematical.  In  May,  i  ySo,  an- 
other ?iCi  took  away  the  permiflion  to  pay  into  tlie 
public  treafury  debts  due  to  Britifh  fubjeds. 


I  iiiMiniimr— •■ir-|irT  iiiifi  iwi  ■awiBaiBum  n  «  t  tiiim' imiw 


QUERY  XYIL 

THE  different  religions  received  into  that 
ftate  ? 
•  The  firfl  fettlers  in  this  country  were  emigrants 
from  England,  of  the  EngliOi  cliurch,  juft  at  a 
point  of  time  when  it  was  fJuihed  with  complete 
'^i^lory  over  the  religious  of  -ail  other  perlaafioiis. 


2i6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

PoiTefTed,  as  they  became,  of  the  powers  of  mak- 
ing, adminiftering,  and  executing  the  laws,  they 
fkewed  equal  intolerance  in  this  country  with  their 
Prefbyt-^ian  brethren,  who  had  emio-rated  to  the  nor- 
thern government.     The  poor  Quakers  were  flying 
from  perfecution  in  England.  They  caft  their  eyel 
on  thefe  new  countries  as  afylums  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious freedom  ;  but  they  found  them  free  only  for 
the  reigning  fec^     Several  ads  of  the  Virginia  af- 
f^mbly  of  1659,  1662  and  1693,  had  made  it  pen- 
al in  parents  to  refufe  to  have  their  children  bap- 
tized ;  had  prohibited  the  unlawful  afTembling  of 
<2uakers  :  had  made  it  penal  for  any  mafter  of  a 
velTel  to  bring  a  Quaker  into  the  ftate  :  had  order- 
ed thofe  already  here,  and  fuch   as  ftiould  come 
thereafter,  to  be  imprifoned  till  they  fhould  abjure 
the  country  ;  provided  a  milder  punifhment  for 
their  firft  and  fecond  return,  but  death  for  their 
third;  had  inhibited  all  perfons    from  fuiferino- 
their  meetings  in  or  near  their  houfes,  entertaining 
them  individually,  or  difpofmg  of  books  which 
fupported^  their  tenets.     If  no  execution  took  place 
here,  as  did  in  New-England,  it  was  not  owing  to 
the  moderation  of  the  church,  or  fpirit  of  the  le- 
giflature,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  law  itfelf ; 
but  to  hiftorical  circumftances  which  have  not  been 
handed  down  to  us.     The  Anglicans  retained  full 
poiTeflTion  of  the  country  about  a  century.     Other 
opinions  began  then  to  creep  in,  and  the  great  care 
of  the  government  to  fupport  their  own  church, 
having  begotten  an  equal  degree  of  indolence  in 
Its  clergy,  two-thirds  of  the  people  had  become  dif^ 
fenters  at  the   commencement  of  the  prefent  revo- 
lution.    The  laws  indeed  were  ftill  oppreffive  on 
iiiem,  but  the  fpirit  of  die  one  party  had  fubfide^ 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  217 

into  moderation,  and  of  the  other  had  rlfen  to  a 
degree  of  determination  which  command  refpedl. 
The  prefent  ftate  of  our  laws  on  the  fubjeft  of 
religion  is  this.     The  convention  of  May  1776,111 
their   declaration  of  rights,   declared  it  to  be  a 
truth,  and  a  natural  right,  that  the  exercife  of  re- 
ligion fhould  be  free  ;  but  when  they  proceeded  to 
form  on  that  declaration  the  ordinance  of  govern- 
ment, inflead  of  taking  up  every  principle  declar- 
ed in  the  bill  of  rights,  and  guarding  it  by  legifla- 
tive  fanclion,  tliey  pafied  over  that  which  afferted 
our  religious  rights,  leaving  them  as  they  found 
them.     The  fame  convention,  however,  when  they 
met  as  a  member  of  the  general  affembly  in  0(51o- 
ber,  1776,  repealed  all  a8  of  parliament  which  had 
rendered  criminal  the  maintaining  any  opinions  in 
matters  of  religion,  the   forbearing   to  repair  to 
church,  and  the   exercifmg  any  mode  of  worfhip  ; 
and  fufpended  the  laws  giving  falaries  to  the  cler- 
gy, which  fufpenfion  was  made  perpetual  in  Odo^ 
ber  1779.     Statutory  oppreffions  being  thus  wiped 
away,  we  remain  at  prefent  under  thofe  only  im- 
pofed  by  the  common  law,  or  by  our  own  ads  of 
affembly.     At  the  common  law,  herefy  was  a  cap- 
ital offence,  punilhable  by  burning.     Its  definition 
was  left  to  the  eccleaflical  judges,  before  whom 
the  convidion  was,  till  the  ilatute  of  the  i  El,  c, 
I.  circumfcribed  it,    by  declaring,  that   nothing 
fhould  be  deemed  herefy,  but  what  had  been  fo 
determined  by  authority  of  the  canonical  fcriptures, 
or  by  one  of  the  four  firft  general  councils,  or  by 
fome  other  council  having  for  the  grounds  of  their 
declaration  the  exprcfs  and  plain  words  of  the  fcrip- 
tures.    Herefy,  thus  circumfcribed,  being  .an  ofL. 
fence  at  the  common  law,  our  a^  oi  aiTembly  of 
Da 


2iS  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA, 

Otftober,  1777,  c.  17.  gives  cogistfance  of  it  to  the? 
general  court,  by  declaring,  that  the  jurifdidlion- 
of  that  court  fhall  be  general  in  all  matters  at  the^ 
common  law.  The  execution  is  by  the  writ  Ds: 
hxret'ico  ciimhurcndo.  By  our  own  a<5t  of  aflembly 
of  1705,  c.  30.  if  a  perfon  brought  up  in  the  Chril^ 
tian  religion  denies  the  being  of  a  God,  or  the  Tri- 
nity, or  averts  there  are  more  gods  than  one,  or 
denies  the  chriilian  religion  to  be  true,  or  the  fcrip- 
tures  to  be  of  divine  authority,  he  is  punifliable  on 
tlie  hrll  offence  by  incapacity  to  hold  any  office  or 
employment  ecclefiaftilal,  civil,  or  military  ;  on 
the  fecond  by  difability  to  iiie,  to  take  any  gift  or 
legacy,  to  be  guardian,  executot,  or  adrriiniftrator, 
and  by  three  years  imprifonment  without  bail.  A 
father's  right  to  the  cuftody  of  his  own  children 
being  founded  in  law  on  the  right  of  guardianfhip, 
this  being  taken  away,  tliey  may  of  courfe  be  fev- 
ered from  him,  and  put  by  the  authority  of  the 
court,  into  more  orthodox  hands.  This  is  a  fum- 
mary  view  of  that  religious  flavery,  under  which 
a  people  have  been  willing  to  remain,  "who  have 
lavilaed  their  lives  and  fortunes"  for  the  eflabliih- 
ment  of  their  civil  freedom.  *The  error  feems 
not  fufficiently  eradicated,  that  the  operations  of 
the  mind,  as  well  as  the  ads  of  the  body,  are  fub- 
jecl  to  the  coercion  of  the  laws.  But  our  rulers 
can  have  no  authority  over  fuch  natural  rights 
only  as  we  have  fubmitted  to  them.  The  rights 
of  confcience  we  never  fubmitted,  we  could  no£ 
fubmit.  We  are  anfwerable  for  them  to  our  God. 
The  legitimate  pov/ers  of  government  extend  to  \ 
fueb  a(5ts  only  as  are  injurious  to  others.  But  it  ^ 
does  me  no  injury  for  my  neighbor  to  fay  there 


*  p. 


urneaux 


paftm> 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  219 

are  twenty  Gods,  or  no  God.     It  neither  picks  my 
pocket  nor  breaks  my  leg.     If  it  be  faid,  his  tefti- 
mony  in  a  court  of  jullice  cannot   be  rehed  on, 
reje<5t  it  then,  and  be  the  ftigma  on  him.     Con- 
ftraint  may  make  him  worfe  by  making  him  a  hy- 
pocrite, but  it  will  never  make  him  a  truer  man. 
It  may  fix  him  obftinately  in  his  errors,  but  wlU 
not  cure  them.     Reafon  and  free  inquiry  are  the 
•only  effeflual  agents  againft  error.     Give  a  loofe 
.to  them,  they  will  fupport  the  true  religion,  by 
bringing  every  falfe  one  of  their  tribunal^  to  the 
•teft  of  their  inveftigation.     They  are  the  natural 
cnemis  of  error,  and  of  error  only.     Had  not  the 
Roman  government  permitted  free  inquiry,  Chrif- 
:tianity  could  never  have  been  introduced. — Had 
not  free  inquiery  been  indulged  at  the  asra  of  the 
reformation,  the  corruptions  of  Chriftianity  could 
not  have  been  purged  away.     If  it  be  reftrained 
now,  the  prefent  corruptions  will  be  protected  and 
new  ones  encouraged.     Was  the  covernment  to 
prefcribe  to  us  our  medicine  and  diet,  our  bodies 
would  be  in  fuch  keeping  as  our  fouls  are  now. 
Thus  in  France  the  emetic  was  once  forbidden  as 
.a  medicine,  and  the  potatoe  as  an  article  of  food. 
Government  is  juft  as  infallible  to«  when  it  fixes 
fyftems  in  phyfics.     Gallileo  was  fent  to  the  inqu= 
fition  for  afhrming  that  the   earth  w^as  a  fphere ;; 
the  government  had  declared  it  to  be  as  flat  as  a 
trencher,  and  Galileo  was  obliged  to  abjure  his  er- 
ror.    This  error  however  at  length  prevailed,  the 
earth  become  a  globe,  and  Defcrates  declared  it 
was  whirled  round. its  axis  by  a  vortex.     The  gov- 
ernment in  which  he  lived  was  wife  enough  to  fee 
ithat  this  was  no  queftion  of  civil  jurifdiclion,  or  we 
ihould  s.]l  have  been  dayolved  hj  authority  iji  .yo^- 


220  .         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

tlces.  In  fa<51:,  the  vortices  have  been  explored, 
and  the  Newtonian  principle  of  gravitation  is  now 
more  firmly  eftabliflied,  on  the  bafis  of  reafon, 
than  it  would  be  were  the  government  to  ftep  in, 
and  make  it  an  article  of  neccflary  faith.  Reafon 
and  experiment  have  been  indulged,  and  error  has 
fled  before  them.  It  is  error  alone  which  needs 
the  fupport  of  government.  Truth  can  ftand  by 
kfelf.  Subje<5l  opinion  to -coercion  :  whom  will 
you  make  your  inquifitors  ?  Fallible  men  ;  men 
governed  by  -  bad  paffions,  by  private  as  well  as 
public  reafons.  And  why  fubjedl:  it  to  coercion  ? 
To  produce  uniformity.  But  is  uniformity  of  o- 
pinion  defu-able  i*  No  more  than  of  face  and  ftat- 
ure.  Introduce  the  bed  of  Procruftes  then,  and  as 
there  is  danger  that  the  great  men  may  beat  the 
fmall,  make  us  all  of  a  iize,  by  lopping  the  former 
and  ilretching  the  latter.  Diiference  of  opinion  is  ad- 
vantageous in  religion.  The  feveral  feels  perform 
the  ofEce  of  a  cenfor  morum  over  each  other.  Is  uni- 
formity attainable?  Millions  of  innocent  men,  wom- 
en, and  children,fuicetheintrodu<51:ionof  Chriilianity, 
have  been  burnt,  tortured,  fined,  imprifoned  ;  yet 
we  have  not  advanced  one  inch  tovrard  uniformi- 
ty. What  has  been  the  effedl  of  coercion  ?  to 
make  one  half  the  world  fools,  and  the  other  half 
hypocrites.  To  fupport  roguery  and  error  all 
over  the  earth.  Let  us  refie6t  that  it  is  inhabited 
by  a  thoufand  millions  of  people.  That  thefe 
profefs  probably  a  thoufand  different  fyftems  of 
religion.  That  ours  is  but  one  of  that  thoufand. 
That  if  there  be  but  one  right,  and  ours  that  one, 
Vv'e  {hould  "mill  to  fee  the  999  wandering  fed:s 
'gathered  into  the  fold  of  truth.  But  againiifuch 
-,.  Luajority  W5  caauot  effe^Tc  diis  by  force.    Kq^* 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  22  r 

ion  and  perfuafion  are  the  only  pra(5llcable  inftrii- 
ments.  To  make  way  for  thefe,  free  inquiry  muft 
be  indulged  ;  how  can  we  wifh  others  to  indulge 
it  v/hile  we  refufe  it  ourfelves.  But  eveiy  ftate, 
fays  an  inquifitor,  has  eftabliihed  fome  religion. 
No  two,  fay  I,  have  ellablilhed  the  fame.  Is  this 
a  proof  of  the  infallibility  of  eftablifhments  ?  Our 
filler  flates  of  Pennfylvanla  and  New- York,  how- 
ever, have  long  fubfifted  v/ithout  any  eftablilhment 
at  all.  The  experiment  was  new  and  doubtful 
when  they  made  it.  It  has  anfwered  beyond  con- 
ception. They  flourifh  infinitely.  Religion  is 
well  fupported  ;  of  various  kinds,  indeed,  but  all 
good  enough  ;  all  fufficient  to  preferve  peace  and 
order  :  or  if  a  fed:  arifes,  whofe  tenets  would  fub- 
vert  morals,  good  fenfe  has  fair  play,  and  reafons 
and  laughs  it  out  of  doors,  without  fufFering  the 
ftate  to  be  troubled  with  it.  They  do  not  hang 
more  malefadors  than  we  do.  They  are  not  more 
diflurbed  with  religious  diffenfions  than  we  are. 
On  the  contrary,  their  harmony  is  unparralieled, 
and  can  be  afcribed  to  nothing  but  their  unbound- 
ed tolerance,  becaufe  there  is  no  other  circum- 
ftance  in  which  they  differ  from  every  nation  on 
earth.  They  have  made  the  happy  difcovery, 
that  the  way  to  filence  rfeligious  difputes,  is  to  take 
no  notice  of  them.  Let  us  too  give  this  experi- 
ment fair  play,  and  get  rid,  while  v/e  may,  of 
thofe  tyrannical  laws.  It  is  true,  we  are  as  yet 
fecured  againft  them  by  the  fpirit  of  the  times.  I 
doubt  whether  the  people  of  this  country  would 
fuffer  an  execution  for  herefy,  or  a  three  years  im- 
prifomnent  for  not  comprehending  the  myftcries 
of  the  Trinity.  But  is  the  fpirit  of  the  people  an 
infalliable,  a  peruiafteut  reliaiKe  ?  Is  it  govern- 


222  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ment  ?  Is  this  the  kind  of  protedion  we  receive  in 
return  for  the  rights  we  give  up  ?  Befides,  the 
fpirit  of  the  times  may  alter,  will  alter.  Our  rul- 
ers will  become  corrupt,  our  people  carelefs.  A 
fmgle  zealot  may  commerce  perfecutor,  and  bet- 
ter men  be  his  vidims.  It  can  never  be  too  often 
repeated,  that  the  time  for  fixing  every  efTential 
right  on  a  legal  bafis  is  while  our  rulers  are  honeft, 
and  ourfelves  united.  From  the  conclufion  of  this 
war  we  fhall  be  going  down  hill.  It  will  not  then 
be  neceifary  to  refort  every  mement  to  the  people 
for  fupport.  They  will  be  forgotten,  therefore, 
and  their  rights  difregarded.  They  will  forget 
themfelves,  but  in  the  fole  faculty  of  making  mon- 
ey, and  will  never  think  of  uniting  to  efFed  a  due 
refpecl  for  their  rights.  The  fliackles,  therefore, 
which  fhali  not  be  nocked  off  at  the  conclufion  of 
this  war,  will  remain  on  us  long,  will  be  made 
heavier  and  heavier,  till  our  rights  fhall  revive  or 
jexpire  m  a  convulfieu. 


QUERY  XVIIL 

THE  particular  cuftcms and  manners  that  may 
happen  lo  be  received  in  that  ftate  ? 
.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  on  the  flandard  by 
which  the  manners  of  a  nation  may  be  tried, 
whether  catholic,  gv  particular.  It  is  more  difficult 
ibr  a  native  to  bring  to  that  ilandai-d  the  manners 
^f  his  own  nation,  familiarized  to  him  by  habit. 
'There  mull  doubtlefi  be  an  ualiappv  infiuence  cm 


NOTES  ON  VIRGIISrA.  32$ 

the  manners  of  our  people  produced  by  the  exift 
encc  of  flavery  among  us.  The  whole  commerce 
between  mailer  and  flave  is  a  perpetual  exercife  of 
the  moil  boifterous  paffions,  the  moft  unremitting^ 
idefpotifm  on  the  one  part,  and  degrading  fubmif- 
fions  on  tlie  otlier.  Our  children  fee  this,  and 
learn  to  imitate  it ;  for  man  is  an  imitative  animaL 
This  quality  is  the  germ  of  all  education  in  him. 
From  his  cradle  to  his  grave  he  is  learning  to  do 
what  he  fees  others  do.  If  a  parent  could  find  no 
motive  either  in  his  philanthropy  ©r  his  felf-love» 
for  reftraining  the  intemperance  of  paffion  towards 
his  ftave,  it  Ihould  always  be  a  fufficient  one  that 
his  child  is  prefent.  But  generally  it  is  not  fuffi- 
cient. The  parent  ftorm.s,  the  child  looks  on^ 
catches  the  lineam.ents  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  fame 
airs  in  the  circle  of  fmaller  flaves,  gives  a  loofe  to 
his  word  paflions,  and  thus  nurfed,  educated,  and 
daily  exercifed  in  tyranny,  cannot  but  be  damped 
by  it  with  odious  peculiarities.  The  man  mud  be 
a  prodigy  who  can  retain  his  manners  and  morals- 
undepraved  by  fuch  circumftances.  And  with, 
what  execution  Ihould  the  ftatefman  be  loaded, 
who  permitting  one  half  the  citizens  thus  to  tram- 
ple on  the  rights  of  other,  transforms  thofe  mto 
defpots,  and  thefe  into  enemies,  deflroyeds  the- 
morals  of  the  one  part,  and  the  amor  patriae  01 
the  other.  For  if  a  flave  can  have  a  country 
in  this  world,  it  muft  be  any  other  in  prefer-^ 
ence  to  that  In  which  he  is  born  to  live  and  la- 
bor for  another  t  in  which  he  mull  look  up  the 
faculties  of  hrs  nature,  contribute  as  far  as  depends 
on  his  individual  endeavors  to  the  evanifhment  of 
the  human  race,,  or  entail  his  own  miferable  condi- 
tion on  the  endlefs  generations  proceeding  from. 


S24         NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA 

jiim.  With  the  morals  of  the  people,  their  indul^ 
try  alfo  is  deftroyed.  For  in  a  warm  ch'mate,  no 
man  will  labor  for  himfelf  who  can  make  another 
labor  for  him.  This  is  fo  true,  that  of  the  pro- 
prietors of  flaves  a  very  fmall  proportion  indeed 
are  ever  feen  to  labor.  And  can  tlie  liberties  of  a 
nation  be  thought  fecure  when  we  have  removed 
their  only  firm  bafis,  a  conviflion  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  that  thefe  liberties  are  of  the  gift  of 
God  ?  That  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with 
his  wrath  ?  Indeed  I  tremble  for  my  country  when 
I  refledl  tliat  God  is  juft  ;  that  his  juftice  cannot 
fieep  for  ever  :  that  confidering  numbers,  nature 
-and  natural  means  only,  a  revolution  of  the  wheel 
of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  fituation  is  among  pof- 
fible  events  :  that  it  may  become  probable  by  fu- 
pernatural  interference  !  The  Almighry  has  no 
attribute  which  can  take  fide  with  us  in  fuch  a 
conteft. — But  it  is  impollible  to  be  temperate  and 
to  purfue  this  fubjedl  tlirough  the  various  confid- 
erations  of  policy,  of  morals,  of  hiftory  natural 
and  civil.  We  muft  be  contented  to  hope  they 
will  force  their  way  into  every  one^s  mind.  I  think 
a  change  already  preceptible,  fmce  the  origin  of 
the  prefent  revolution.  The  fpirit  of  the  mafter 
is  abating,  that  of  the  flave  is  rifmg  from  the  duft, 
his  condition  mollifying,  the  way  I  hope  preparing, 
under  the  aufpices  of  heaven,  for  a  total  emanci- 
pation, and  that  this  is  difpofed,  in  the  order  of 
*rvents,  to  be  with  the  confent  of  the  mailers,  ra- 
ther than  hj  their  extirpation. 


QUERY  XIX. 


••<>•<••<*>•■>■•►•• 


THE   prefent    ftate  of   manufadlures,  com- 
merce, interior  and  exterior  trade  ? 
We  never  had  an  Interior  trade  of  any  import- 
ance.    Our  exterior  commerce  has  fiiffered  very 
much  from  the  beginning  of  the   prefent  coteft. 
During  this  time  we  have  manufactured  withim 
our  famihes  the  mod  neceflary  articles  of  cloath- 
ing.     Thofe  of  cotton  will  bear  fome  comparifon 
with  the  fame  kinds  of  manufacture  in  Europe  ; 
but  thofc  of  wool,  flax,  and  hemp  are  very  coarfe., 
unfightly,  and  unpleafant :  and  fuch  is  our  attach- 
ment to  agriculture,  and  fuch  our  preference  for 
foreign  manufa<5tures,  that  be  it  wife  or  unwlfe» 
our  people  will  certainly  return   as  foon  as  they 
can,  to  the  raifnig  raw  materials,  and  exchanging 
them  for  finer  manufidures  than  they  are  able  to 
execute  themfelves. 

The  political  ceconomifts  of  Europe  have  eftab* 
lifhed  it  as  a  principle  that  every  ftate  Ihonld  en- 
deavor to  manufacture  for  itfelf :  and  this  princi- 
ple, like  many  others,  we  transfer  to  America, 
without  calculating  the  difference  of  circumftance 
which  lliould  often  produce  a  difference  of  refult. 
In  Europe  the  lands  are  either  cultivated,  or  lock- 
ed up  agalnft  the  cultivator.  Manufacture  muft 
therefore  be  reforted  to  of  necefHty  not  of  choice, 
to  fupport  the  furplus  of  their  people.  But  we 
have  an  immenfity  of  land  courting  the  induftvy 
«f  t'he  hufbandman.  Is  it  beft  tliea  tliat  all  our 
E   £ 


^^6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

citizens  fhould  be   employed  in  its  improvement, 
or  that  one  half  Ihould  be  called  ofF  ii  om  that  ta 
exercife  inanufa(ftures  and  handicraft   arts  for  the 
other  ?  Thofe  who  labor  in  the  earth  are  the  chof- 
en  people  of  God,  if  ever  he  had  a  chofen  people, 
"W'hofe  breaRs  he  has  made  his  peculiar  depone  for 
fubftantial  and  genuine  virtue.     It  is  the  focus  in 
Vv-hich  he  keeps  alive  that  facred  fire,  which  other- 
wife  m.ight  efcape   from  the   face  of  the  earth. — 
Corruption  of  morals  in  the.mafs  of  cultivators  is 
a  phjcnomenon  of '.vhich  no  ao:e  nor  nation  has  fur- 
niihed  an  example.     It  is  the  mark  fet   en   thofe, 
\vho  not  looking  up  to   heaven,   to  their  ovn  foil 
and  induftry,  as   does  the   hufbandman,   for  their 
fubfiftance,  depend  for  it  on  the  cafualties  and  ca- 
price of  cuftomers.     Dependence  begets  fubfervi- 
ence  and  venality,  fuiFocates  the  germ  of  virtue, 
and  prepares  fit  tools  for  the  defigns  of  ambition. 
This,  the  natural  progrefs  and  confequence  of  the 
arts,  has  fometim.es  perhaps  been  retarded  by  acci- 
dental circumP,:ances  :  but,  generally  fpeaking,  the 
proportion  which  the  aggregate  of  the  other  claf- 
fes  of  citizens  bears  in  any  flate  to  that  of  its  hiif- 
bandmen,  is  the   proportion  of  its   unfound  to  its 
healthy  parts,   and   is  a  good   enough  barometer 
whereby   to    meafare    its    degree    of  corruption. 
XVhile  we  have  land   to  labor  then,  let  us  never 
wiih  to  fee  our  citizens  occupied  at  a  -vork-bench, 
or  tv^irling  a  diftafr.     Carpenters,  miafons,  fm^iths, 
are  wanting  in  huibandry  :  but  for  the  general  op- 
eration of  manufacture,  let  our  work-fliops  ren^ain 
in  Europe      It  is  better  to  carrv^   provlficns  and 
materials  to  workmen  there,  than  bring  them  to  the 
provlfions  and  materials,  and  with  them  their  man- 
ners and  principles.     The  lofe  by  the  tranfporta- 


NOTES  ON  Vi.-JINIA.  22^ 

tlon  of  commodities  acrofs  the  Atlantic  will  be 
made  up  in  happinefs  and  permanence  of  govern- 
,ment.  The  mobs  of  great  cities  add  juft  as  much 
to  the  fupport  of  pure  government,  as  fores  do  to 
the  ifrength  of  the  human  body.  It  is  the  man- 
ners and  fpirit  of  the  people  which  preferve  a  re- 
public in  vigor.  A  degeneracy  in  thefe  is  a  can- 
ker which  foon  eats  to  the  heart  of  its  laws  and 
conftitution. 


QUERY  XX. 

NOTICE  of  the  commerce  produ6lIons  par- 
^  _^  ticuiar  to  the  Hate  J  and  of  thofe  objects 
which  the  inhabitants  are  obliged  to  get  from  Eu- 
rope and  from  other  parts  of  the  world  ? 

Before  the  prefent  war  we  exported,  communi*' 
bus  annis,  according  to  the  bell  information  I  can 
get,  nearly  as  follows ; 


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5^01 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  22$ 

In  the  year  1758  we  exported  feventy  tHoufand' 
hoglheads  of  tobacco,    which   was   the  greateft 
quantity  ever  produced  in  this  country  in  one  year. 
But  its  culture  was  faft  declining  at  the  comence- 
ment  of  this  war  and  that  of  wheat  taken  its  place  -. 
and  it  mull:  continue  to  decline  on  the  return  of 
peace.     I  fufpedt  that  the  change  in  the  tempera- 
ture of  our  climate  has  become  fenfible  to  that 
plant,  which,  to  be  good  requires  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  heat.     But  it  requires  ftill  more  indif- 
penfibly  an  uncommon   fertility  of  foil :  and  the 
price  which  it  commands  at  market  will  not  ena- 
ble the  planter  to  produce  this  by  manure.     Was 
the  fupply  ftill  to  depend  on  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land idone,  as  its  culture  becomes  more  difficult, 
the  price  would  rife,  fo  as  to  enable  the  planter  to 
furmount  thofe  difficulties  and  to  live.     But  the 
weftern  country  on  the  Miffifippi,  and  the  midlands 
of  Georgia,  having  frelli  and  fertile  lands  in  abun- 
dance, and  a  hotter  fun,   will  be  able  to  undei-fell 
thefe  two  ftates,  and  will  oblige  them  to  abandon 
the  raifnig  tobacco  altogether.     And  a  happy  ob- 
ligation for  them  it  will  be.     It   is  a  culture  pro- 
ductive of  infinite  wreXchednefs.     Thofe  employ- 
ed in  it  are  in  a  continual  ftate  of  exertion  beyond 
the  pov^er  of  nature  to  fupport.      Little  food  of 
any  kind  is  raifed  by  them  ;  fo  that  the  men  and 
animals  on  thefe  farms   are  badly  fed,   and  the 
earth. is  rapidly  impoverifhed.     The  cultivation  of 
wheat  is  the  reverfe  in  every  circumftance.     Be- 
fides  cloathing  the  earth  with  herbage,  and  prefer- 
ving  its  fertility,  it  feeds  the  laborers  plentifully, 
requires  from  them  only  a  moderate  toil,   except 
in  the  feafcn  of  harveft,   raifes  great  numbers  of 
animals  for  food  and  fervice,  and  diffufes  plentj" 


?50  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

and  happlnefs  among  the  whole.  We  find  it  eafi- 
er  to  make  an  hundred  bufhels  of  v^heat  than  a 
thoufand  weight  of  tobacco,  and  they  are  worth 
more  when  made.  The  weavil  indeed  is  a  formi- 
dable obftacle  to  the  cultivation  of  this  grain  v/ith 
us.  But  principles  are  already  known  which  rnuft 
lead  to  a  remedy.  Thus  a  certain  degree  of  heat, 
to  wit,  that  of  common  air  in  fummer,  is  necefla- 
ry  to  hatch  the  egg.  If  fubterranean  granaries,  or 
others,  therefore,  can  be  contrived  below  that  tem- 
perature, the  evil  will  be  cured  by  cold.  A  degree 
of  heat  beyond  that  \^;hich  hatchis  the  Qgg  we  know 
will  kill  it.  But  in  aiming  at  this  we  cafily  run  in- 
to that  which  produces  putrefaction.  To  produce 
putrefaclion^  however,  three  agents  are  requifite, 
heat,  moifture,  and  the  external  air.  If  the  ab- 
fence  of  any  one  of  thefe  be  fecared,  the  other  two 
may  fafely  be  admitted.  Keat  is  the  one  we  want. 
Moifture  then,  or  external  air,  muCi  be  excluded. 
The  former  has  been  done  by  expofing  the  grain  in 
kilns  to  the  aclion  of  fire,  v/hich  produces  heat, 
and  extraclis  m^oillure  at  tiie  fame  time  :  the  latter, 
by  putting  the  grain  into  hogfheads  covering  it  v^^ith 
a  coat  of  lime,  and  heading  it  up.  In  this  fitua- 
tion  its  bulk  produced  a  heat  fufficient  to  kill  the 
egg ;  the  moiilure  is  fuffered  to  remain  indeed, 
but  the  external  air  is  excluded.  A  nicer  opera- 
tion yet  has  been  attempted  ;  that  is,  to  produce 
an  intermediate  temperature  of  heat  between  that 
which  kills  the  cgg^  and  that  which  produces  put- 
refaftion.  The  threfhing  the  grain  as  foon  as  it 
is  cut,  and  laying  it  in  its  chaif  in  large  heaps,  has 
been  found  very  near  to  hit  this  temperature, 
though  not  perfe(5tly,  nor  always.  The  heap  gen- 
trates  heat  iufficient  to  kill  moft  of  the  eggs,  whlft 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  231 

tlie  cliafF  commonly  reftrains  it  from  rifing  intOi 
putrefacllon.  But  all  thefe  methods  abridge  too 
much  the  quantity  which  the  farmer  can  manage, 
and  enable  other  countries  to  underfell  him  which 
are  not  infefted  with  this  infe6l. — There  is  ftill  a 
defideratum  then  to  give  with  us  decilive  triumph 
to  this  branch  of  agriculture  over  that  of  tobacco. 
The  culture  of  wheat,  by  enlarging  our  pafture, 
will  render  the  Arabian  horfe  an  article  of  very 
confiderable  profit.  Experience  has  Ihevv^n  that 
curs  is  the  particular  climate  of  America  where  he 
may  be  railed  without  degeneracy.  Scuthv/ardly 
the  heat  of  the  fun  occafions  a  deficiency  of  pafture, 
and  northwardly  the  v;inters  are  too  cold  for  the 
ihort  and  fine  hair,  the  particular  fenubility  and 
conftitution  of  that  race.  Animals  tranfplanted 
into  unfriendly  climates,  either  change  their  nature 
and  acquire  new  fences  agaiuft  the  new  difficulties 
hi  which  they  are  placed,  or  they  multiply  poorly 
and  become  extindl.  A  good  foundation  is  laid 
for  their  propagation  here  by  our  pofTefTing  already 
great  numbers  of  horfes  of  that  blood,  and  by  a 
decided  tafte  and  preference  for  them  eftabliflied 
among  tlie  people.  Their  patience  of  heat  with- 
out injury,  their  fuperior  wind,  fit  them  better  in 
this  and  the  more  fouthern  climates  even  for  the 
drudgeries  of  the  plough  and  waggon.  North- 
wardly they  will  become  an  objefl  only  to  perfons 
of  tafie  and  fortune,  for  the  faddle  and  lioht  car- 
nages.  To  thofe,  and  for  thefe  ufes,  their  fleet- 
nefs  and  beauty  will  recommend  them. — Befides 
thefe  tiiere  will  be  other  valuable  fubfiitutes  whea 
the  cultivation  of  tobacco  fiiall  be  difcontinued, 
fuch  as  cotton  in  theeafteni  paits  cf  the  ftate,  asad 
*hgmp  and-fiax  in  the  wcflena.    . 


23^  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

It  is  not  eafy  to  faj  what  are  the  articles  either 
of  necefity,  comfort,  or  kixiuy,  which  we  cannot 
raife,  and  which  we  therefore  fhall  be  under  a  ne- 
ceffity  of  importing  from  abroad,  as  every  thing 
hardier  than  the  olire,  and  as  hardy  as  the  fig, 
may  be  raifed  here  in  the  open  air.  Sugar,  coffee 
and  tea,  indeed,  are  not  between  thefe  limits ;  and 
habit  ^having  placed  them  among  the  neceffaries  of 
life  with  the  wealthy  part  of  our  citizens,  as  long 
as  thefe  habits  remain  we  mufl:  go  for  them  to  thofc 
countries  which  are  able  to  furnifli  them- 


QUERY  XXL 

THE  weights,  meafures,  and  the  currency  of 
the  hard  money  ?  Some  details  relating  to 
exchange  with  Europe  ? 

Our  weights  and  meafures  are  the  fame  which 
are  fixed  by  adls  of  parliament  in  England.  How 
it  has  happened  that  in  this  as  well  as  the  other  A- 
merican  ftates  the  nominal  value  of  coin,  was  made 
to  differ  from  what  it  was  in  tlie  country  we  had 
left,  and  to  dilier  among  ourfelves  too,  1  am  not 
able  to  fay  with  certainty.  I  find  that  in  1631 
our  houfe  of  burgeffees  defired  of  the  privy  coun- 
cil m  England,  a  coin  debafed  to  twenty  five  per 
cent,  that  in  1645  ^^^Y  forbid  dealing  by  barter 
for  tobacco,  and  eftabliflied  the  Spanifh  piece  of 
eight  at  fix  fhlliings,  as  the  ftandard  of  their  cur- 
rency ;  that  in  1655  ^^ley  changed  it  to  five  (hil- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  235 

lings  fterling.  In  1 680  they  fent  an  ad^refs  to 
the  king,  in  confequence  of  which,  by  proclama- 
tion in  1683,  he  fixed  the  value  of  French  crowns, 
rix-dollars  and  pieces  of  eight  at  fix  fhillings,  and 
the  coin  of  New-England  at  one  fhilling.  That  in 
1710,  1 7 14,  1727,  and  1762,  other  regulations 
were  made,  which  will  be  better  prefented  to  the 
eye  ftated  in  the  form  of  a  table  as  follows : 


• 

4-1 

. 

^ 

-d 

- 

r^ 

«J 

•3 

- 

i        t? 

4-< 

^ 

r^- 

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t-- 

CJ 

r-1 

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CO 

< 

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1 

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1 

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Si 

NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  235- 

The  firft  fymptom  of  the  depreciation  cf  our 
prefent  paper-money,  was  that  of  filver  dollars 
felling  at  tix-ihillings,  which  had  before  been  worrh 
but  live  fhiilings  and  nine  pence.  The  afiembly 
thereupon  raifed  them  by  law  to  fix  fhiilings.  As 
the  dollar  is  now  likely  to  become  the  money-unit 
of  America,  as  it  pailes  at  this  rate  in  fome  of  our 
fifter  ilates,  and  as  it  facilitates  their  computation 
in  pounds  and  Ihillings,  &  e  converfo,  this  feems  to 
be  more  convenient  than  its  former  denomination. 
But  as  this  particular  coin  now  ftands  higher  than 
any  otiier  in  the  proportion  of  1337  to  125,  or  16 
«to  15,  it  will  be  neceilary  to  raiie  the  others  in  pro- 
portion. 


#—r«a— ogasya  jyii  fT»sA*ui-iui.vjic;  ■cvijairin.wtna.'js^xi-.jwjfcjir'' 


QUERY  XXII. 

HE  public  income  and  expences  ? 

The  nominal  amount  of  thefe  varying  conP.ant- 
ly  and  rapidly,  witli  the  conftant  and  rapid  depre- 
ciation of  our-  paper-money,  it  becomes  im^pradca- 
ble  to  fay  what  they  are.  We  find  ourfelves 
cheated  in  every  effay  by  the  depreciation  interve- 
ning between  the  declaration  of  the  tax  and  its  ac- 
tual receipt.  It  Vv'ill  therefore  be  more  fatisfaflory 
to  confider  what  our  income  may  be  when  we  fhail 
find  means  of  colleding  what  our  people  may 
fpare.  I  fhould  not  eftimate  the  whole  taxable 
property  of  this  ftate  at  an  hundred  milHons  of 


236  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

dollars,  or  thirty  millions  of  pounds  our  money,. 
One  per  cent,  on  this,  compared  with  any  thing 
we  ever  yet  paid,  would  be  deemed  a  very  heavy 
tax.  Yet  I  tliink  thofe  v/ho  manage  well,  and  ufe 
reafonable  economy,  could  pay  one  and  a  half  per 
cent,  and  maintain  their  houfehold  comfortably  in 
the  mean  time,  without  aliening  any  part  of  their 
principle,  and  that  the  people  would  fubmit  to  this 
willingly  for  the  purpofe  of  fupporting  their  prefent 
conteil.  We  may  fay  then,  that  we  could  raife,  and 
ought  to  raife,  from  one  million  to  one  million  and 
a  half  of  dollars  annually,  that  is  from  three  hun- 
dred to  fonr  hundred  and  fifty  tlioufand  pounds, 
Virginia  money. 

Of  our  expences  it  is  equally  difficult  to  give  an 
exact  Hate,  and  for  the  fame  reafon.  They  are 
moftly  flated  in  paper-money,  which  varying  con- 
tinually, the  legillature  endeavors  at  every  feiTion, 
by  new  corredions,  to  adapt  the  nominal  fums  to 
the  value  it  is  wifhed  they  would  bear.  I  will 
ilate  them  therefore  in  real  coin,  at  the  point  at 
which  they  en^deavor  to  keep  them. 

Dollars, 
The  annua!  expences  of  the  general  af- 

fembly  are  about         -         -         -  20,000 

The  governor  -  -  -         3'333t 

The  council  of  ftate         -         -         .         io,666f 
Their  clerks         -         -  i,i66y 

Eleven  judges         -         -         -         -         11,000 

The  clerk  of  the  chancery  -  666^ 

The  attorney  general         -         -         -         1,000 
Three  auditors  and  a  folicitor  -         5j333  f 

Their  clerks  ...     2,000 

'The  treafurer         .         ,         «  *         2,000 

Jirs  clerk'}        p        »        r        c        ?.,ooQ 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  237 

Dollars* 
The  keeper  of  the  public  jail  -  1,000 

The  public  printer         .         -         -  i',666f 

Clerks  of  the  inferior  courts         -         -     43)333l 
Public  levy  :  this  is  chiefly  for  the  expell- 
ees of  criminal  juflice         -         -  40>ooo 
County  levy,  for  bridges,  court-houfes, 

prifons,  &c.  _         -         -         -         40,000 

Members  of  congrefs         -         -         -         7,000 
Quota  of  the  federal  civil  lift,  fuppofed 

one-fixth  of  about  78,000  dollars  131OOO 

Expences  of  coUedion  fix  per  cent,  on 

the  above         _         .         -  -  12,319 

The  clergy  receive  only  voluntary  contri- 
butions :  fuppofe  them  on  an  average 
one-eighth  of  a  dollar  a  ty  tlie  on  200,000 
tythes  .  -  -  25,000 

Contingencies,  to  make  round  numbers 

not  far  from  truth         -         -         -         7>52  3x 


250,000 
Dollars,  or  53*571  guineas.  This  eftimate  is  ex- 
clufive  of  the  military  expence.  That  varies  with 
the  force  actually  employed,  and  in  time  of  peace 
will  probably  be  little  or  nothing.  It  is  exclufive 
alfo  of  the  public  debts,  which  are  growing  while  I 
am  writing,  and  cannot  therefore  be  noTv  fixed.  So 
it  is  of  the  maintenance  of  the  poor,  which  being 
merely  a  matter  of  charity,  cannot  be  deemed  ex- 
pended in  the  adminiftration  of  government.  And 
if  vv^e  ftrike  out  the  25,000  dollars  for  the  fervices 
of  the  clergy,  which  neither  makes  part  of  that  ad- 
miniftration, more  than  what  is  paid  to  phyficians, 
or  lawyers,  and  being  voluntary,  is  either  much  or 
nothing  as  every  one  pleafes,  it  leaves  225,000  dol» 


^3^  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

lars,  equal  to  48,208  guineas,  the  real  cofl  cf  the 
apparatus  of  governmeat  with  us.  This  divided 
among  the  a^ual  inhabitants  of  our  councry, 
comes  to  about  two-fifths  of  a  dollar,  2  id.  fteriing^ 
or  42  fols,  the  price  which  each  pays  annually  for 
the  protection  of  the  rcfidue  of  his  property,  and 
the  other  advantages  of  a  free  government. '  The 
public  revenue  of  Great-Britain  divided  in  like 
manner  on  its  inliabitants  would  be  16  times  great- 
er. Deducting  even  the  double  of  the  expences  of 
government,  as  before  edimated,  from  the  million 
and  a  half  of  dollars  v/hich  we  before  fuppofed 
might  be  annually  paid  without  diftrefs,  we  may 
conclude  that  this  ftate  can  contribute  one  million 
of  dollars  annually  towards  fupporting  the  federal 
army,  paying  the  federal  debt,  building  a  federal 
navy,  or  opening  roads,  clearing  rivers,  forming 
fafe  ports,  and  other  ufeful  works. 

To  this  ellimate  of  our  abilities,  let  me  add  a 
"word  as  to  the  application  of  them.  If  when  clear- 
ed of  the  prefent  conteil,  and  cf  the  debts  with 
which  that  will  charge  us,  we  come  to  meafure 
force  hereafter  with  any  European  pov/er.  Such 
events  are  devoutly  to  be  deprecated.  Young  as 
we  are,  and  with  fuch  a  country  before  us  to  fill 
with  people  and  with  happinefb,  we  fhould  point 
in  that  direction  the  whole  generative  force  of  na- 
ture, wafting  none  of  it  in  eiforts  of  mutual  de- 
ftruclion.  It  fhould  be  our  endeavor  to  cultivate 
the  peace  and  friendfliip  of  every  nation,  even  of 
that  which  has  injured  us  moft,  when  we  lliall  have 
carried  our  point  againft  her.  Our  intereft  will 
be  to  throw  open  the  doors  of  commerce,  and  to 
knock  off  all  its  (hackles,  giving  perfedt  freedom  to 
all  perfoBs  for  the  vent  of  whatever  tliey  may 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  239 

chufe  to  bring  into  our  ports,  and  afking  the  fame 
in  theirs.     Never  was  fo  much  falfe  arithmetic  em- 
ployed on  any  fubjedt,  as  that  which  has  been  em- 
ployed to  peiiuade  nations  that  It  Is  their  interefl 
to  go  to  war.     VTlicre  the  money  which  It  has  cod 
to  gain,  at  the  clofe  of  a  long  war,  a  little  town, 
or  a  little  territory,  the  right  to  cut  wood  here,  or 
catch  nfn  there,  expended  in  improving  what  they 
already  poffefs,  in  making  roads,  opening  rivers, 
building  ports,    improving  the  arts,  and  finding 
employment  for  their  idle   poor,  it  would  render 
them  much  ftronger,  much  wealthier  and  happier. 
This  I  hope  will  be  our  wifdom.     And,  perhaps, 
to  remove   as  much  as  poffible  the   occafions  of 
making  war.  It  mJght  be  better  for  us  to  abondon 
the  ocean  altogether,  that  being  the  element  where- 
on we  ihall  be  principally   expofed  to  joftle  with 
other  nations  ;  to  leave  to  others  to  bring  what  v/e 
ihall  want,  and  to  caiTy  v/hat  we  can  fpare.   This 
•would  make  us  invulnerable  to  Europe,  by  olFer- 
ing  none  'of  our  property  to  their  prize,  and  would 
turn  all  our  citizens  to  the  cultivation  of  tlie  eartli; 
and,  I  repeat  it  again,  cultivators  of  the  earth  are 
the  moft  virtuous    and   independent  citizens.     It 
might  be  time   enough  to  feek  employment  for 
them  at  fea,   when  the  land  no   longer  offers  it. 
But  the  actual  habits  of  our  countrymen  attach 
them  to   commerce.     They   will   exerciie  It  for 
themfelves.     Wars  then  mud  fometimes  be  our 
lot ;  and  all  the  wife  can  do,  will  be  to  avoid  that 
half  of  them  which  would  be  produced  by  our  own 
follies  and  our  own  ad:s  of  injuftlces  :  and  to  make 
for  the  other  half  the  befl  preparations  we  cai). 
Of  Vv^hat  nature  fhould   thefe  be  ?    A  land  army- 
would  be  ufelefs  for  offence,  and  not  the  bell  nor 


240  NOTES  0^  VIRGINIA. 

fafefl;  inftrument  of  defence.  For  either  of  thefe 
purpofes,  the  fea  is  the  field  on  which  we  fhould 
meet  an  European  enemy.  On  that  element  it  is 
necelTary  we  fhould  polfefs  Tome  power.  To  aim 
at  fuch  a  navy  as  th.?  greater  nations  of  Europe 
poflefs,  would  be  a  fooliih  and  wicked  vvafte  of  the 
energies  of  our  countrymen.  It  would  be  to  pull 
on  our  heads  that  load  of  military  expence  which 
makes  the  European  laborer  go  fupperlefs  to  bed, 
and  moiftens  his  bed  with  the  fweat  of  his  brows. 
It  will  be  enough  if  wc  enable  ourfelves  to  pre- 
vent infults^  from  thofe  nations  of  Europe  which 
are  weak  on  the  fea,  becaufe  circumftances  exift, 
which  render  even  the  ftronger  ones  weak  as  to  uSi 
Providence  has  placed  their  richeft  and  mod  de- 
fencelefs  poffeiTions  at  our  door  ;  has  obliged  their 
moft  precious  commerce  to  pafs  as  It  were  in  re- 
view before  us.  To  protect  this,  or  to  aflail,  a 
fmall  part  only  of  their  naval  force  will  even  be 
rifqued  acrofs  the  Atlantic.  The  dangers  to  which 
the  elements  expofe  them  here  are  too  well  known, 
and  the  greater  dangers  to  which  they  would  be 
expofed  at  home  were  any  general  calam.ity  to  in- 
volve their  whole  fleet.  They  can  attack  us  by 
detachment  only  ;  and  It  will  fuffice  to  make  our- 
felves equal  to  what  they  may  detach.  Even  a 
fmaller  force  than  they  may  detach  will  be  render- 
ed equal  or  fuperior  by  the  quicknefs  with  which 
any  check  may  be  repaired  with  us,  while  lofFes 
with  them  will  be  irreparable  till  too  late.  A 
fmall  naval  force  then  is  fufficient  for  us,  and  a 
fmall  one  h  neceflary.  What  this  fhould  be,  I 
•will  not  undertake  to  fay.  I  will  only  fay  it  fhould 
by  no  means  be  fo  great  as  we  are  able  to  make  it. 
^Suppofe  the  laillion  of  dollars,  or  300,000  pounds. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINA.  241 

^hlch  Virginia  could  annually  fpare  without  dif^ 
trefs,  to  be  applied  to  the  creating  a  navy.  A 
fmgie  year's  contribution  would  build,  equip,  mauj 
and  feiid  to  fea' a  force  which  fhculd  carry  300 
guns.  The  reft  of  the  confederacy,  exerting  them- 
i'elves  in  the  fame  proportion,  would  equip  in  the 
fame  time  1500  guns  more.  So  that  one  year's 
contributions  would  fet  up  a  navy  of  1 800  guns. 
The  Britifli  lliips  of  the  line  average  76  guns ; 
their  frigates  38.  1800  guns  then  would  form  a 
ileet  of  30  fnips,  18  of  which  might  be  of  the  line, 
and  1 2  frigates.  Allowing  8  men,  tlie  Britiih  av- 
erage, for  every  gun,  their  annual  expence,  includ- 
ing fubfiftence,  clothing,  pay,  and  ordinary  repairs, 
would  be  about  1280  dollars  for  every  gun,  or 
2,304,000  dollars  for  the  whole.  I  ftate  this  only 
iis  one  year's  poflible  exertion,  without  deciding 
whether  more  or  lefs  than  a  year's  exertion  ihould 
be  thus  applied. 

The  value  of  our  lands  and  flaves,  taken  con- 
jundly,  doubles  in  about  twenty  years.  This  a- 
rifes  from  the  multiplication  of  our  flaves,  from 
the  extenfion  of  culture,  and  increafed  demand  for 
lands.  The  amount  of  what  may  be  railed  will 
of  courfe  rife  in  the  fame  proportion. 


QUERY  XXEL 

THE  hiftories  of  the  ftate,  the  memorials  pub- 
lifiied  in  its  name  in  the  time  of  its  being  a 
colony,  and  the  pamphlets  relating  to  its  interior 
or  exterior  affairs  preient  or  ancient  I 
G  G 


2\z  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Captain  Smith,  who  next  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigfc 
may  be  conftdered  as  the  founder  of  our  colony, 
has  written  its  hiflory,  from  the  firft  adventures  to 
it  till  the  year  1624.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
council,  and  afterwards  prefident  of  the  colony  ; 
and  to  his  efforts  princip)ally  may  be  afcribed  its 
fupport  againft  the  oppofition  of  the  natives.  He 
%vas  honeft,  fenfible,  and  well  informed  ;  but  his 
ftyle  is  barbarous  and  uncouth.  Hishiftory,  how- 
ever, is  almoft  the  only  fource  from  which  we  de- 
rerive  our  knowledge  of  the   infancy  of  our  ftate. 

The  reverend  William  Stith,  a  native  of  Vir- 
$l;-inia,  and  prefiSent  of  its  college,  has  alfo  written 
the  hiftory  of  the  fame  period,  in  a  large  odavo 
volume  of  fmuli  print.  He  was  a  man  of  claflical 
learning,  and  very  exa(9:,  but  of  no  tafte  in  ftyle. 
He  is  inelegant,  therefore,  and  his  details  often  too 
minute  to  be  tolerable,  even  to-  a  native  of  the 
country,  whofe  hiftory  he  Vv-rites. 

Beverly,  a  native  alfo,  has  run  into  the  other  ex- 
treme ;  he  has  comprifed  our  hiftory,  from  the 
firl^  propofitions  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  to  the 
year  1 700,  in  the  hundredth  part  of  the  fpace  which 
Stith  employs   for  the  fourth  part  of  the  period. 

Sir  William  Keith  has  taken  it  up  at  its  earliefi: 
period,  and  continued  it  to  the  year  1725.  He 
is  agreeable  enough  in  ftyle,  and  paftes  over  events 
of  little  importance.  Of  courfe  he  is  ftiort,  and 
would  be  preferred  by  a  foreigner. 

During  the  regal  government,  fome  contcft 
arofc  on  the  exa<5lion  of  an  illegal  fee  by  governor 
13inwiddie-,  and  doubtlefs  there  were  others  on  oth- 
er occafions  not  at  prefent  recollefled.  It  is  fup- 
pnfed,  that  thefe  are  not  fufticiently  intcrefting  to 
a  foreigner  to  merit  a  detail. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA  245 

The  petitlen  of  the  council  and  burgeiTes  of 
Virginia  to  the  king,  their  memorial  to  the  lords, 
and  remonftrance  to  the  commons  in  the  yean  764, 
began  the  prefent  conteil ;  and  thefe  having  prov- 
ed ineffedlual  to  prevent  the  pafTage  of  the  ftamp- 
a6t,  the  refolutions  of  the  houfe  of  burgeifes  of 
1765  were  palfed,  declaring  the  independence  of 
the  people  of  Virginia  on  the  parliament  of  Great- 
Britain,  in  matters  of  taxation.  From  that  time 
till  declaration  of  independence  by  congrefs  in 
1776,  their  journals  are  filled  with  aflertions  of 
the  pulic  rights. 

The  pamphlets  publlfhed  in  this  ftate  on  the 
controverted  queftion  were, 

1766,  An  Inquiery  into  the  rights  of  the  Brltifh 

colonies,  by  Richard  Bland. 
1769,  The  Monitor's  Letters,  by  Dr.  Arthur 

Lee. 
1774,  *  A  fummary  View  of  the  rights  of  Brit- 

ifh  America. 
1774,   Confideratlons,   &c.   by  Robert  Carter 

Nicholas. 
Since  the  declaration  of  independence  this  ftate 
has  had  no  controverfy  with  any  other,  except 
with  that  of  Pennfyivania,  on  their  common  boun- 
dary. Some  papers  on  this  fubjedl  paffed  between 
the  executive  and  legiflative  bodies  of  the  two 
ilates,  the  refult  of  which  was  a  happy  accommo- 
dation of  their  rights. 

To  this  account  of  our  hlftorlans,  memorials, 
and  pamphlets,  it  may  not  be  unufeful  to  add  a 
chronological  catalogue  of  American  ftate-papers, 
as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  colleft  their  titles.  It 
is   far   from  being    either   complete   or   corre<5l=. 

rJ.,u,     ...  :=  .   ■ —  -     ,. 

**  By  the  author  of  thefi  notes* 


244  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Where  the  title  alone,  and  not  the  paper  itfe'If,  has 
come  under  my  obfervation,  I  cannot  anfwer  for 
the  exaclnefs  of  tlie  date.  Sometimes  I  have  not 
been  able  to  find  any  date  at  all,  and  fometlmes 
have  not  been  fatisiied  that  fach  a  paper  exifts. 
An  extenfive  collciftion  of  papers  of  this  defcrip* 
tion  has  been  for  fome  time  in  a  coiirfe  of  prepar- 
.ation  by  a  gentleman*  fully  equal  to  the  taik,  and 
from  whom,  therefore,  we  may  hope  ere  long  to 
receive  it.  It  the  mean  time  accept  this  as  the  re- 
fult  of  my  labors,  and  as  clofmg  the  tedious  detail 
%vhich  you  have  fo  undefignedly  drawn  upon 
yourfelf. 

3498,  Mar.  5.  11.  H.  7.  Pro  Johanne   Caboto  et  filiis 

fuis fupsr terra  incognita in- 

veftiganda.  i2.,Ry.  595.3. 

Hakl.  4.  2 .  Mem.  Am .  409. 

3498,  Feb.  3.  13.  K.  7.  Billa  f^gnata  anno  13.    Hen- 

ricileptimf.    j.     Haliluyt's 
voiages  5. 
X502,  Dec.  19.  18.  H.7.  .Depotellatibus  ad  teras  inco- 

gitas    inveftigandum.    13. 
Rymer.  37. 
154©,  Ocl.  17.  Commiffion  ,de  Frangois  I.  a 

Jacques  Catier  pour  Peftab- 
iiifement  du  Canada.  L'Ef- 
carbot.  397.  2.  Mem.  Am. 
416. 
z^4B,  2.  E.  6.  An  adt  againfl  the  exa(5lion  of 

money,  or  any  other  thing, 
by  any  officer  for  licenfe  to 
traffique  into  Ifeland  and 
Newfoundland,  made  in 
An.  2.  Edwardi  fexti.  3. 
Hakl.  131. 
*  Mr,  Hazard, 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  24^: 

The  letters-patent  granted  by   1578,  June  ii.  20.  El 

her  Majeilie  to  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,  knight,  for 

the  inhabiting  and  planting 

of  our  people  in  America. 

3.  Hakl.  135. 
Letters-patent  of  QiieenEliz-  .1583,  Ptb,  6. 

abeth   to  Adrian    Gilbert 

and  others,  to  difcover  the 

north  well  pafFage  to  Chi- 
na, 3.  Hakl.  96. 
The  letters-patent  granted  by  ijg^,  Mar.  25.  26.  El 

the  Queen's  majeilie  toM. 

Walter      Raleigh,       now 

knight,  for  the  difcovering 

and  planting  of  new  lands 

and  countries,  to  continue 

the  fpace  of  fix  years  and 

no  more.  3.  Hakl.  243. 
An  alTignment  by  Sir  Walter  Mar.  7.  31.  El. 

Raleigh  for  continuing  the 

aftion    of   inhabiting  and 

planting  his  people  in  Vir- 
ginia. Hakl.   ift.  ed.  publ. 

in  1589,  p.  815. 
Lettres  de  Lieutenant  Gene-   1603,  Nov.  8. 

ral  de  PAcadie  &  pays  cir- 

convoifms  pour  le  oieur  de 

Monts.  L'Efcarbot.  417. 
Letters-patent  to  Sir  Thomas   1606,  Apr.  10. 4.  Jac,  z^ 

Gates,  Sir  George  Somcrs 

and  others,  for  two  feveral 

•colonies  to  be  made  in  Vir- 
ginia and  other   parts  of 

America.    Stith.  Append. 

No.  I. 


24<5  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

1607,  Mar.  9.  4.  Jac.  i.  An  ordinance  and  conftitution 

enlarging  the  council  of  the 
two  colonies  in  Virginia 
and  America,  and  aug- 
menting their  authority, 
M.S. 

X609,  May  a;.  7.  Jac.  i.  The  fecond  charter  tothetrea- 

furer  and  company  for  Vir- 
ginia, ere6Ving  them  into  a 
body  politick.  Stith.  Ap.  2. 

x6io,  Apr.  10.     Jac.  i.  Letters-patent   to  the  E.    of 

Northampton,  granting 
part  of  the  ifland  of  New- 
foundland.  I.  Harris.  861. 

j6ii.Mar.  li.  Q.Jac.i.  A  third  charter  to  the  treaf- 

urer  and  company  for  Vir- 
ginia. Stith.  Ap.  3. 

1617,  Jac.  I.  A  commiffion  to    Sir  Wal- 

ter Raleigh.  Qu.  ? 

i6ao,  Apr.  7. 18.  Jac.  I.  Commiffio  fpeclalis  concera- 

ens  le  garbling  herbje  Noc- 
otianae.   17.  Rym.  190. 

i620junea9.  iS.Jac.  I.  A  proclamation  for  reftraint 

of  the  difordered  trading 
of  tobacco*  17.  Rym.  233. 

1620,  Nov.  3.      Jac.  I.  A  grant  of  New-England  to 

the  council  of  Plymouth. 

i6ai,  Julya4.     Jac.  i.  An  ordinance  and  conftitu- 

tlon  of  the  treafurer,  coun- 
cil and  company  in  Eng- 
lang,  for  a  council  of  ftate 
and  general  aflembly  in 
Virginia.  Stith.  Ap.  4. 

i6ax,  Sep.  lo.ao.Jac.i.  A  grant  of  Nova  Scotia  to 

Sir  William  Alexander.  2^ 
Mem.  de  TAnierique.  19 ^^ 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  247 

A  proclamation  prohibiting  1622,  Nov.6.  ao.Jac.i 

interloping  and  diforderly 

trading  to  New  England  in 

America.  17.  Rym.  416. 
De  Commiflione  fpeciali  Wil-  1623,  May.  9.  ai.  Jac.  u 

lemo  Jones  militi  direda. 

17.  Rym.  490. 
A  grant  to  Sir  Edmund  Ploy-  1623, 

den,  of  New  Albion,  Men- 
tioned in  Smith's  examina- 
tion. 82. 
De     Commiffione     Henrico  1624,  July  15. 22.  Jac.  1 

vicecomiti     Mandevill     & 

aliis.    17.  Rym.  609. 
De  Commiffione  fpeciali  con-  1624,  Aug.  26. 22.  Jac.  i. 

cernenti  gubernationem  in 

Virginia.    17.   Rym.  618. 
A  proclamajtion  concerning  1624,  Sep.  29. 22.  Jac.  i. 

tobacco.   17.  Rym.  621. 
De  conceflione   demifs,   Ed-   1624,  Nov,  9.  22.  Jac.  i. 

wardo  Ditchfield  et  aliis. 

i7.;Rym._633. 
A  proclamation  for  the  utter  1625,  Mar.  2. 22.  Jac.  i 

prohibition  of  the  importa- 
tion  and   ufe   of  tobacco 

which  is  not  of  the  proper 

growth  of  the    colony  of 

Virginia   and   the    Somer 

iflands,  or   one   of  them. 

17.  Rym.  668. 

De  commiffione  dirc<5):a  Geor-  1625,  Mar.  4.  i.  Car.  i. 
g'lo  Yardeley  miHti  et  aliis. 

18.  Rym.  311. 

Proclamation  de  herba  Nico*  1625,  Apr.  9.  i.  Car.  i. 
tiana.     i8.  Rym.  19. 


2^B'  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

1625,  May  13.  t.  Cam.  A  proclamation  for  fettling-e 

tile  plantation  of  Virgmia. 
i8'.  'Rym.   27. 

2625,  July  12.  A  grant  of  the  foil,  baronr, 

-  and  dojTiains  of  Nova  Sco- 
tia to  Sir  Wm.  Alexander 
of  Minftrie.  2.  Mem.  Am. 

2  2-6. 

i6a6,  Jan.  31- 2.  Ccir.  I.   Gummiffio    dire<fla     Jolianni 

Welftenholme  militi  at 
aliis.    18.  Ry.  831. 

j626,Feb.  17.  2.  Car.  r.  A  proclamalion  touching  to- 
bacco.  Ry.  848. 

i627,Mar.i9qu?2Car.i.   A  grant  of  MaiTachufet's  bay 

By  the  council  of  Plym- 
outh to  Sir  Henry  Rof- 
well  and  others. 

i627,Mar.  a6.3.Car.  I.   De  conceffione   com.miffionis 

fpecialis  pro  conciho  in  Vir- 
ginia.   18.   Ry.  ^80. 

1627,  Mar.  30.  J.  Car.i.   De  proclamatione   de   figna- 

tione  de  tobacco.  18.  Ry. 
886. 

1627,  Aug.  9.  3.  Car.  i.  De  proclamatione  pro  ordina- 

tione  de  tobacco.  18.  Ry. 
920. 

1628,  Mar.  4.  3.  Car,  r.    A  confirmation  of  the  grant 

of  MafTachufet's  bay  by  the 
Crown. 

1629,  Aug.  19.  The  capitulation  of  Quebec. 

Champlain  part,  2.  216. 
2.  Mem.  Am.  489. 

1630,  Jan.  6.  5.  Car.  1    A  proclamation    concerning 

tobacco.      19.  Ry.   235. 
1 6 JO,  April  .30.  Conveyance  of  Nova  Scotia 

{Port-royal   excepted)  by 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  349- 

Sir  William  Alexander  to 
^Sir  Claude  St.  EtiiineLord 
of  la  Tour  and  of  Uarre 
und  to  his  fon  Sir  Charles 
de  St.  Etinne  Lord  of  St. 
Dennifcourt,  on  condition 
that  they  continue  fabjects 
to  the  king  of  Scotland  un- 
der the  great  feal  of  Scot- 
land. 
A  proclamation  forbidding  1 630,3 i.Nov.i4,6.Car.£;'^ 
the  diforderly  trading  with 

the  fava^-cs  in  New-Ener- 

•  •  • 

land  ni  America,  efpecial- 

ly  the  furnidiing  the  na- 
tives in  thofe  and  otlier 
parts  of  America  by  the 
Englifh  with  weapons  an^ 
habiliments  of  waiTe.  19. 
Ry.  210.  3.  Rufhw.  82. 

A  proclamation  prohibiting   1630,  Dec.  5.  6.  C«r.  f,- 
the  felling  arms,  &c.  to  the 
favages  in  America.  Men- 
tioned 3.  llufhw.  75. 

A  grant  of  Connecticut  by   1630,  Car.  t. 

the  council  of  Plymouth  to 
the  E.  of  Warwick. 

A  confirmation  by  the  crown   1630,  Car.  i,- 

of  the  grant  of  Connedicut 
[fiid  to  be  in  the  petty- 
bag  office  in  England] 

A  .conveiance  of  Connecticut   1631,  Mar.  19. 6.  Car,  i-^ 
by  the  E.  of  Warw^ick  to 
Lord  Say   and    Seal  and 
■©liiers.     Smith's  examina- 

H    H 


ZS9,  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.. 

tion,  appendix  No.  i.     ^ 
163 1,  June  2y.  7.  Car.  i.   A  ipecial  commiffion  to  EJ- 

ward  Earl  of  Doriett  and 
others  for  the  better  plan- 
tation of  the  colony  of  Vir- 
ginia.    19.  Ry.  301. 

1631,  June  29  7.  Car.  i.  Littere  continentes  promiflio- 

nem  regis  ad  tardenum 
caftrum  et  habitationem 
de  Kebec  in  Canada  ad  rc- 
gem  Francorum.   19.  Ry. 

303- 
r63Z,Mar.  29.8.Car.  I.  Traite   entre   le    roy   Louis 

XIII.  et  Charles  roi  d'An- 

gleterre  pour  la  reftitutioii 

de  la  nouvelle    France,  la 

Cadie  et  Canada  et  des  na- 

vires  et  merchandifes  pris 

de  part  et  d'autre.     Fait  a 

St.  Germain.  19.  Ry.  361, 

2.  Mem.  Am.  5. 

1632,  June  20. 8.  Car.  i.   A  grant  of  Maryland  to  Cse- 

cilius  Calvert,  baron  of 
Baltimore  in  Ireland. 

1633,  July  3.  9.  Car.  I.    A  petition  of  the  planters  of 

Virginia  againft  the  grant 
of  Lord  Baltimore. 

1^:3.  Ph  3-  Order    of   council  upon  the 

difpute  between  the  Vir- 
ginia planters  and  lord  Bal- 
timore. Votes  of  repres. 
of  Pennfylvania.  V.       ^ 

1633,  Aug.  13.9.  Car.  I.    A   proclamation   to   prevent 

abufes  growing  by  the  un- 
ordered retailing  of  tobac- 
'  CO.  Mentioned  3.  Rufliw. 
1 9L 


NOTES    ON  VIRGINIA.  151 

jn.  fpecial  commlffion  to  Tho-   1633,  Sept.  27.  9.  Ca     1, 
.   mas  Young  to  fearch,  dif- 

cover  and   find   out   what 

parts  are  not  yet  inhabited  :: 

in  Virjrinia   and  America 
■     and  other  parts   thereunto 

adjoining.      19.  Ry.  372. 
A  proclamation  for  prevent-   1633,  OcT:.  13.  9.  C»r.  i. 

ing  of  the  abufes  growing 
'     by  the  unordered  retaihng 

of  tobacco. 

19-  %•  474- 
A  proclamation    reftraining    ^^33,  Mar.  13.  Car.  i. 

the  abuiive  venting  of  to- 
bacco.   19.  Rym.  522. 
•A   proclamation   concerning    i634,May  19.  lO.Car.i. 
•     the  landing  of  tobacco,  and 

alfo  forbidding  the   plant- 

mg  thereof  in  tiie  king's  do- 
minions.   19.  Ry.  ^^^. 
A  commiiiion  to   the   Arch-   1634,  Car.i. 

biihop  of  Canterbury   and 

1 1    others,    for   governing 

the  American  colonies. 
A  commiffion  concerning  to-   1634,  June  19.  lo.Car.i. 

bacco.   M.  S. 
;A    commiifion    from    Lord   i635,july  18. 11.  Car,i. 

Say  and  Seal,   and  others,  ' 

to  John  Winthrop  to  be 

governor   of  Connedicut.  '    . 

Smith's  app. 
A  grant  to  Duke  Hamilton.   1635,  Car.  i 

De  commiffione   fpeciah  ,  Jo-   1636,  Apr.  a,  li.  Car.  x 

honni  Harvy  militi  pro  me- 

iiori  regemine   coloniae  in 

Virgiaia.  20.  Ry.  3.  ,. 


25^  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

1637,  Mar.  24.    Car.  I.  A  proclamation    concerning- 

tobacco.  Title  in  3.  Rufh. 
617. 

}636.7,Mar.i6.i2.Car,i.   Decommiillone  fpeciallGeor- 

gio  dimino  Goring  et  aliis 
conceira  concernente  ven- 
ditionem  de  tobacco  abf- 
que  licentia  ragia,  20.  Ry. 
116. 

>637,  Apr.  3c.  i3.Car.i.  A  proclamation  againft  difor- 

derlv  tranrportiing  his  Ma- 
jefty's  fabjecls  to  xhe  plan- 
tations within  the  parts  of 
America.  20,  Ry.  143. 
3.  Ruih.  409. 

J1637,  May  1. 13.  Car. I.  An  order  of  the  privy  coun- 
cil to  ftay  8  lliips  now  in 
the  Thames  from  going  to> 
New-England.  3.  Rufn^ 
409. 

1637,  Car.  I.  A  wairant  of  the  Lord  Ad- 

miral to  (top  unconforma- 
ble minifters  from  going 
beyond  fea.  3.  Rufh.  410. 

16385  Apr.  4.  Car.  I.  Order  of  council  upon  Clai- 
borne's petition  againft 
Lord  Baltimore.  Votes 
of  reprefentatives  of  Penn- 
fylvania.  vi. 

J 63 S,  Apr.  6.  14.  Car.  I.  An   order    of  the   king   and 

council  that  the  attorney- 
general  draw  up  a  procla- 
mation to  prohibit  tranf- 
portation  of  palfengers  ta 
New^-England  without  li* 
Genie.  5.  Rulh.  718. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  25^5 

£^  proclamation   to  reftrain    1638,  May  1. 14.  Car.  r. 

the  tranfporting  of  paffen- 

gersand  provifions  to  New- 
England   without   licenfe. 

20.  Ry.  223. 
A   proclamation   concerning    1639,  Mar.  25.    Car.  t. 

tobacco.    Title    4.    Rulh. 

1060. 
A  proclamation  declaring  his    1639,  Aug.  19.  i5.Car.i* 

majeily's  plealure  to  con- 
tinue his  commiihon  and 

letters-patents  for  licenfnig 

retailers   of  tobacco.    20. 

Ry.  348. 
De  commiffione  fpeciali  Hen-    1639,  Dcc.15. 16.  Car-.x* 

rico   Aihton  armigero    et 

aliis  ad  amovendum  Hen- 

ricum  Hawley  gubernato- 

rem   de    Barbadoes.     20. 

Ry.  357. 
A  proclamation   concerning    1639,  Car.  i 

retailers    of    tobacco.     4. 

rulh.  966. 
De  conftitutione  gubernato-    1641,  Aug.  9.  2  7.Car.  2 

ries  et  concilii  pro  Virgin- 
ia. 20.  Ry.  484. 
Articles  of  union  and  confed-    1645,  Car.  i,^ 

eracy  entered  into  by  Maf- 

fachufetts,  Plymouth,  Con- 

nedicut   and   New-haven. 

I.    Neale.  223. 
Deed  from  George  Fenwick    1644,  €ar.  ?♦ 

to  the  old  Connedicut  ju- 

rifdidion. 
An  ordinance   of  the   lords 

and  commons  alTembled  ia 


254  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

parliament,  for  exempting 
from  cuftom  and  impofi- 
tion  all  commodities  ex- 
'  ported  for,  or  imported 
from  New-England,  which 
-  has  been  very  profperous 
and  without  any  public 
charge  to  this  Itate,  and  is 
likely  to  prove  very  happy 
for  the  propagn.tion  of  the 
gofpel  in  thofe  parts.  Tit. 
in  Amer.  library  90.  5. 
No  date.  But  feems  by 
the  neighboring  articles  to 
have  been  in  1644. 
1644,  June  20.  Car.  2.  An  adi  for  charging  of  tobac- 
co brought  from  New- 
England  w^ith  cuftom  and 
excife.  Title  in  American 
libraiy.   99.  8. 

,  J644,  Aug.  1.       Car.  2.  An  a6l  for  the  advancing  and 

regulating  the  trade  of  this 
commonwealth.  Tit.  Am. 
libr.  99.  9, 
Sept.  18. 1.  Car.  2  Grant  of  the  northern  neck 
©f  Virginia  to  Lord  Hop- 
ton,  Lord  J ermyn.  Lord 
Culpeper,  Sir  John  Berk- 
ley, Sir  William  Moreton, 
■  Sir  Dudley  Wyatt,  and 
Thomas  Culpeper. 

v'»650,  0*5t.  3.  2.  Car.  a.   An  a<5t  prohibiting  trade  with 

the  Barbadoes,  Virginia, 
Bermudas  and  Antego. 
Scobell's  a<Ss.    1027. 


NOTES  CN  VIRGINIA.  255 

A  declaration  of  Lord  Wil-    i6jo,  Car.  », 

loughby,  governor  of  bar- 
badoes,  and  of  his  council, 
againll  an  adl  of  parlia- 
ment of  3d  of  06tober 
1650.  4.  Polit.  regifter.  2. 
cited  from  4.  Neal.  hift.  of 
the  Puritans.  App.  No. 
12  but  not  there.  .   .  ; 

A  finalfettlement  of  bounda-   1650,  Car.  z» 

ries  between  the  Dutch 
New  Netherlands  and 
Connedicut. 

Inftruclions  for  Captain  Rob-    1651,  Sept.  26. 3.  Car.  z» 
ert  Dennis,   Mr.    Richard 

,  Bennet,  Mr.  Thomas 
Stagge,  and  Captain  Wil- 
liam Claibourne,  appoint- 
ed commiiTioners  for  the 
reducing  of   Virginia   and 

the  inhabitants   thereof  to  •       ; 

their  due  obedience  to  the 
commonwealth  of  Eng- 
land. I.  Thurloe's  fcate 
papers.  197. 

An  ad:  for  increafe   of  Ihip-   1651,  Ocl.  9.  3.  Car.  z^,- 
ping    and   encouragement 
of  the   na\Mgation   of  this 
nation.  Scobell'sads.  1449. 

Articles  agreed  on  and  con-  i65i-2,Mar.iz4.Car>:Zi 
eluded  at  James  citie  in 
Virginia  for  the  furrender- 
ing  and  fettling  of  that 
plantation  under  the  obedi- 
ence and  government  .  of 
the  commoii wealth  of  Eng-. 


.2s6  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

land  by  the  commiflioners 
of  the  council  of  ftate,  by 
authoritie  of  the  Parlia- 
ment of  England,  and  by 
the  grand  aflembly  of  ihe 
governor,  council,  and 
burgefles  of  that  Hate  M.S. 
[Ante.  p.  206.] 
i65i-2,Mar.ia.4rear.2.  An  adt  of  indempnitie  made 

at  the  furrender  of  the 
countrey  [of  Virginia^ 
[Ante.  p.  2c6.] 

1654,  Aug.  i6.  Capitulation  de  Port-Royal. 

Mem.  Am.  507. 
z6j5,  Car.  2.  A  proclamation  of  the  pro- 

tedlor  relating  to  Jamaica. 

3.  Thuri.  75. 
2655,  Sept.  26. 7.  Car.  2.  The  protesStor  to  the  commif- 

fi oners  of  Mai7land.     A 

letter.     4.  Thurl.  SS- 

1655,  oa.  8.  7.    Car.  2.   An  inftrument  made  at  the 

council  of  Jamaica,  0(51.  8, 
1655,  for.  the  better  carry- 
ing on  of  affairs  there.  4. 
Thurl.  17. 
^^$55,  Nov.  3.  Treaty    of   WeftminRer  be- 

tween France  and  Eng- 
land. 6.  corps  diplom.  part 
2.  p.  121.  2.  Mem.  Am.  10. 

1656,  Mar.27.  S.  Car.2.   The  alTembly  at   Barbadoes 

to  the  proteflor.  4.  Thurl. 
6ci. 
t^j6,  Avg.  ^.  A  grant  by  Cromwell  to  Sir 

Charles  de  Saint  Etinne,  a 
baron  of  Scotland,  Crowac 


'NOTES  ON  VIRGINA.  257 

and  Temple.     A   French 

tranilation  of  it.  2.  Mem. 

Am.  511. 
-A  paper  concerning  the  ad-   1656,  Car.  2. 

vancement   of  trade.      5. 

Thurl.  80. 
A  brief  narration  of  the  Eng-    1656,  Cans. 

lifh  right-s  to  the  Northern 

parts    of     America.       5. 

Thurl.  8r. 
'Mr.  R.    Bennet   and   Mr.  S.    1656,  Oct.  lo.  8.  Gar.  2. 

Matthew      to       Secretay 

Thurlow.  5.  Thurl.  482. 
'  ^  ObjeiSlions  againft  tha  Lord    1656,  Od.  10.  8.  Car.  2. 

Baltimore's    patent,    and 

reafons  why  the  governor 

of  Maryland  fliould  not  be 

put  into  his   hands.       5. 

Thurl.  482. 
'     A  paper  relating    to   Mary-    1656,  OS:.  10.  8.  Car.  2, 

land.     5.  Thurl.  483. 
^  '  A  breviet  of  the  proceedings    1656,  06L  10.  8.  Car.  2, 

of  the  Lord  Baltimore  'and 

his  officers  and   compliers 

in   Maryland,  againft  the 

authority  of  the  parlia- 
ment of  the  common- 
wealth of  Eni^land  and  a- 

gainil     his     highnefs    the 

lord  protei^or's  authority, 

laws  and  government.    5. 

Thurl.  486. 
•-  The  aflembly  of  Virginia  to    1656,  Odb.  15.  8.  Car.^. 

fecretary     Thurlow.       5. 

Thiirl.  497, 

I  I 


258  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

1657,  Apr.  4.  9.  Car.  a.  The  governor  of  Barbadoes 

to  the  proteftor.  6.  Thiifl; 
169. 
1 661,  Car.  a.   Petition  of  die  general  court 

at  Hartford    upon    Con- 
nefticut     for     a     charter. 
Smith's  exam.  App.  4. 
166a,  Apr.  23.  i4-Car.a.  Charter  of  the  colony  of  Con- 

neflicnt.    :  Smith's    exam. 
App.  6. 
i66a-3.  Mar.  24.  Apr,4.   The  firft  charter  granted  by 
15,  Car.  a.  Charles  II.  to  the  proprie- 

'  taries  of  Carolina,  to  wit, 
.  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  Lord 
:  Craven,  Lord  Berkley, 
Lord  Afhley,  Sir  George 
Carteret,Sir  William  Berk- 
ley, and  Sir  John  Colleton. 
4.  Mem.  Am.  554.  . 

1664,  Feb.  10.  The    conceffions  and  agree- 

ment of  the  lords  proprie- 
•:  tors  of  the  province  of  New 
C^farea,  or  New-Jerfey,  to 
and  with  all  and  every  of 
■  the   adventurers    and    all 
fuch  as  fhall  fettle  or  plant 
there.      Smith's  New-Jer- 
•  fey.  App.  I. 
i664,Map.i2. 20.  Car.2.  A  grant  of  the  colony  of  New 

York  to  the  Duke  of  York. 
-  X664,  Apr.  26.16.  Car,  2.   A  commiffion  to  Colonel  1^- 

chols  and  others  to  fettle 
difputes  in  New-England. 
Hutch.  Hift.  Maff.Bay. 
^  App.  537. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  259 

The  commiffion  of  Sir  Rob-  1664,  Apr,  a6. 
bert  Carre  and  others  to 
put  the  Duke  of  York  in 
polTeiHon  of  New- York, 
New-Jerfey,  and  all  other 
lands  thereunto  appertain- 

Sir  Robert  Carre  and  others 
proclamation  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  New- York,  New- 
Jerfey,  &c.  Smith's  N.  J. 
36. 

Deeds  ot  leafe  and  releafe  of  i664juBe33,a4.i6.C.^. 
New-Jerfey  by  the  Duke 
of  York  to   Lord  Berkley 
and  Sir  George  Carteret, 

A  conveyance  of  the  Dela- 
ware counties  to  William 
Penn. 

Latters  between   Stuyvefant    r  1664,  Aug.  19.29.  a©- 
and  Colonel  Nichols  on  the    ■<     30,  34. 
Englifh  right.     Smith's  N.    C.  Aug.  a5.Sept.4. 

J-  37-— 42. 

Treaty  between  the  Englilli   .554^  Aug.  27. 
and  Dutch  for  the  furren- 
der   of  the     New-Nether-  • 
lands.     Sm.  N.  J.  42. 

Nicoll's  commiffion  to  Sir 
Robert  Carre  to  reduce 
the  Dutch  on  the  Dela- 
ware bay.     Sm.  N.  J.  47. 

Inftrudions  to  Sir  Robert 
Carre  for  reducing  of  De- 
laware bay  and  fettling  the 
people  there  under  his  ma- 
jelly's  obedience.  Sm.  N, 
J..47- 


Sept.  3, 


26o  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

1664,  0(5t.  I.  Articles  of  capitulation  ba- 

tween  Sir  Robert  Carre 
and  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
on  Delaware  bay  and  Del- 
aware River.  Sm.  N.  J.  49. 

1664,  Dec.  1. 16.  Car.  s.  The   determination    of    the 

commiffioners  of  the  boun- 
dary between  the  Duke  o£ 
York  and  Connedicut.  Sm. 
Ex.  Ap.  9. 

1664,  The      New      Haven      cafe. 

Smith's  Ex.  Ap.  20. 

1665,  Junei 3-24.17.0.2.  The  fecond   charter  granted 

by  Charles  II.  to  tiie  fa^mc 
proprietors  of  Carolina.  4. 
Mem.  Am.  586. 
3666,  Jan.  a6.  Declaration  de  guerre  par  la 

France  contre  I'Angleter- 
re.  3.  Mem.  Am.  123. 

1666,  Feb.  9.  17.  Car,  2.  Declaration   of  war  by  the 

king  of  England  agalnd 
the  king  of  France. 

1667,  J"^y  3^-  The  treaty  of  peace  between 

France  and  England  made 
«it  Breda.  7.  Cor.  Dip.  part 
I.  p.  41.  2.  Mem.  Am.  32. 

1667,  July  3i,  The  treaty  of  peace  and  alli- 

ance between  England  and 
the  United  Provinces  made 
at  Breda.  7.  Cor.  Dip.  p. 
I.  p.  44.  2.  Mem.  Am.  40. 

5667.8,  Feb.  17.  A6le  de  la  celfion  de  I'Acadie 

au  roi  de  France.  2.  Mem. 
Am.  40. 

s6C8,  Apr.  21,  Dire(ftions  from  the  governor 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  261 

and-  council  of  New  York 

,  for  a  better  fettlement  of 
the  government  on  Dela- 
ware.    Sm.  N-  J,  51. 

Lovelace  order  for  cuftoms  1668. 
at  the   Hoarkills.    Sm.  N. 

J-  55- 

A  confirmation  of  the  grant   t^     May  8.  31.  Car.  %, 

of  the   Northern   neck   of 

Virginia  to  the  Earl  of  St* 

Alban's,    Lord    Berkeley, 

Sir  William  Moreton  and 

John  Trethewayo 
Incorporation  of  the  town  of  jg^^. 

Newcaftle  or  Amilell.  , 

A  demife  of  the   colony  gf  16-3,  Feb.. aj.^j.Cac-^ 

Virginia   to   the    Earl   of 

Arlington  and  Lord  Cul- 

peper  tor  3 1  yea.rs.    M.  S. 
Treaty  at  London  between  1673.4. 

king  Charles   II.  and  tl\e 

Dutch.  Article  VI.. 
Remonftrances    againft    the 

two  grants  of  Charles  II. 

of  Northern  and  Southern 

Virginia.  Mentd.  Beverly. 

Sir  George  Carteret's  inftruc-   jg^^^  juiy  j^. 

tions  to  Governor  Carteret. 
Governor  Andros's  proclam-  1674^  Nov.  9. 

ation  on  taking  pofTefiion 

of  Newcaftle  for  the  Duke 

of  York.  Sm.  N.  T.  78. 
A  proclamation  for  prohibit-   1^75,  od.  i.  ^^7.  Car.a^ 

m'^    the    importatioQ    of 


z^z  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA* . 

commodities  of  Europe 
into  any  of  his  Majtfty's 
plantations  in  Africa,  Afia, 
or  America,  which  were 
not  laden  in  England : 
and  for  putting  all  other 
laws  relating  to  the  trade 
of  the  piantaions  in  effe<5lu- 
al  execution. 

1676,  Mat.  3»  r.  The  conceffions   and   agree- 

ment? of  the  proprietors,* 
freeholders  and  inhabitants 
of  the  province  of  Weft- 
New-Jerfey  in  America. 
Sm.  N.  J.  App.  2. 

1676,  July  1.  A  deed  quintipartite  for  the 

divifion  of  New-Jerfey. 

i676jAug.i8.  -  Letter  from  the  proprietors 

of  New-Jerfey  to  Richard 
Hartfhorne.  Sm.  N.  J.  83. 
Proprietors  inftru^ors  to 
James  Waffe  and  Richard 
Hartfhorne.  Sm.  N.  J.  83. 

1676,  0<a.io.  28.  Car.2.  The  charter  of  king  Charles 

II.  to  his  fubjeds  of  Vir- 
ginia. M.  S. 

1676.  Cautionary  epiPtle   from  the 

truftees  of  Byllinge's  pare 
of  New-Jerfey.  Sm.  N.J. 
84. 

1677,  Sept.  10.  Indian  deed  for  the  lands  be- 

tween Rankokas  creek  and 
Timber  creek,  in  New-Jer- 
fey. 
i077>Sept.  x;.  Indian   deed  for  the  lands 

from  Oldman's  creek  to 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Timber  creek,  in  New-Jer- 

fey. 
Indian    deed   for   the   lands  ,1677, 0<^- 1^* 

from  Rankokas  creek  to  Af- 

funpink    creek,    in   New- 

Jerfev. 
'The  will  of  Sir  George  Car-.  1678, Dec.  5. 

teret,  fole  proprietor  of  Eaft 

Jerfey,  ordering  the  fame 

to  be  fold. 


2^S 


An  order  of  the  king  in  coun- 


1680,  Feb.  16. 


cil  for  the  better  encour- 
agement of  all  his  majefly's 
fubjefts  in  their  trade  to 
his  majefly's  plantations, 
and  for  the  better  informa- 
tion of  all  his  maje{L}^''s 
loving  fubjedls  in  thefe 
matters. — Lond.  Gaz.  No. 
1596.  Title  in  American 
library.  134.  6. 

Arguments  againft  the  cuf-  i^So, 
toms  demanded  in  New- 
Weft-Jerfey  by  the  govei*- 
nor  of  New-York,  addref- 
fed  to  the  Duke's  commif- 
fioners,  Sm.  N.  J.  117. 

Extrads   of   proceedings   of 

the  committee  of  trade  and 

plantations,  copies  of  let- 

•  ters,  reports,  &c.  between 

the  board  of  trade,   Mr. 

Penn,  Lord  Baltimore  and 

;  Sir  John  Werden,    in  the 

i-oelialf  of  the  duke  of. York 


/ 


1680,  June  14. 23. 2j. 
Oa.  16. 

N0V.4.8.11.1.8, 

20.  23. 

Dec.  16. 

1680-1,  Jan.  rj.  22. 

Feb..  i4. 


264  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

and  the  fettlament  of  the 
.  Pcnnfylvania  boundaries 
by  the  L.  C.  J.  North. 
Votes  of  Repr.  Pennfyl. 
vii. — xlii. 
i68r,  Mar.  4.      Car.  2.   A  grant  of  Pennfvlvania  to. 

William   Penn.    Votes  of 
Reprefen.  Pennfyl.  xviii. 
1 68 1,  Apr.  z«  The  kmg's  declaration  to  the 

inha:)itants  and  planters  of 
the  province  of  Pcnnfylva- 
nia. Vo.  Repr.  Penn.  xxiv. 
1681,  Julyir.  ■    Certain  conditions  or  concef- 

fions  agreed  upon  by  Wil- 
'  liam  Penn,  proprietary  and 
governor  of  Pennfylvania, 
and  thofe  who  are  the  ad- 
venturers and  purchafers 
in  the  fame  province.  Votes 
of    Rep.     Pennfyl.     xxiv. 

-'    1681,  Nov.  9.  Fundamental    laws     of  the 

province  of  Weft-New- Jer- 
fey.  Sm.  N.  J.  126. 

~    i68i-2j  Jan.  14.  'The  methods  of  the  commif- 

fioners  for  fettling  and  reg- 
ulation of  land  in  New- 
Jerfey.  S.  M.  N.J.  130. 

•    ii68,i-a,  Peb.  I.  s.  Indentures   of  leafe  and  re- 

leafe  by  the  executors  of 
Sir  George  Carteret  to 
William  Penn  and  1 1  oth- 
ers, conveying  Eaft  Jerfey. 

-  1682,  Mar.  14.  The  Duke    of  York's    freih 

grant  of  Eaft  New-Je^fey 
4--^ to  the. 24  proprietors. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA  ^  26^ 

The   frame   cf  the  govern-    1682,  Apr.  25. 

ment  of  the   province   of 

Pennfylvania,  in  America. 

Votes  of  Repr,  Penn.  xxvli. 
The  Duke  of  York's  deed  for    1682,  Aug.  il 

Pennfylvania.    Vo.    P^epr. 

Penn.  xxxv. 
The  Duke  of  York's  deed  of  1682,  Aug,  z^. 

feoffment  of  Newcaftle  and 

twelve  miles  circle  to  Wil- 
liam   Penn.       Vo.    Repr. 

Penn. 
The  Duke  of  York's  deed  of  1684,  Aug.  24- 

feoffment  of  a  trad  of  land 

1 2  miles  fouth  from  New- 

caftlc  to  the  Whorekills  to 

William  Penn.  Vo.  Repr. 

Penn.  xxxvii. 
A    commiflion    to    Thomas    i68s,  Nov. 27.34.03^.2. 

Lord  Culpeper  to  be  lieu- 
tenant and  governor-gene- 
ral of  Virginia.  M.  S. 
An  adl  of  union  for  annexing   i68a,ioth  nion.6th  daf, 

and  uniting  of  the  counties 

of  Newcaftle,  Jones's  and 

Whorekill's  alias  Deal,  to 

the  province  of  Pennfylva- 
nia, and  of  naturalization 

of  all  foreigners  in  the  pro- 

■vince  and  counties  afore- 

faid. 
An  aft  of  fettlement.  1682,  Dec.  L 

The  frame   of  the   govern-   i68;5,  Apr.  5^ 

ment  of  the  province   of 

Pennfylvania  and   tenfto- 

K.K 


266  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

ries  thereunto  annexed  in 
America. 

i683.y.i7.-7.i684,Fcb.iz.i6.85,Mar.i 7.")  Proceedings 

May  30.         Jivy  2,16,23.  AiiiT.i8.a6.  /       r^i  ^ 

June  I  z.         Sept.  30.        Sep^.  2.         I.   O.  ciiecolTi- 

Dec.  9.        oa.8,17,31  I    mittee    cf 

Nov.  7.      J    trade    and 

plantations  in  the   difpute 

between   Lord    E;iltImorq 

and  Mr.  Pcnn.     Vo.  R.^p. 

xiii — xvili. 

1683,  July  17.  A  commiffion  of  the  propri- 

etors of  Eaft-New-Jerfey  to 
Robert  Barclay  to  be  gov- 
ernor. Sm.  N.  J.  166. 

1683,  July  26,35. Car.2.  An  order  cf  council  for  ifTu- 

ing  a  quo  warranto  agrJnfb 
the  charter  of  the  colony 
of  the  MaiTachufet's  bay 
m  New-England  ;  with  his 
majefty's  declaration  that 
in  cafe  the  faid  corporation 
of  Maffachufet's  bay  fhall 
before  profecution  had  up- 
on the  fame  quo  warranto 
make  a  full  fubmiffion  and 
entire  refignation  to  his 
royal  pleafure,  he  will  then 
reeulate  their  charter  in 
fuch  a  manner  as  fhall  be 
for  his  fervice  and  the  good 
of  that  colony.  Title  in 
American  library.  139.  6. 

i683,ScpL23.35.Car.a.  A  commiffion  to  LordHcv/- 

ard  of  Effingham  to  be 
lieutenant  and  governor- 
general  of  Virginia.  M.  S. 


■      NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA,  26; 

The  humble  addrefs  of  the  i6£4,  May.  3. 
chief  governor,  council  and 
reprefentatives  of  the  ifland 
of  Neris,  in  the  Weil-In- 
dies, prefented  to  his  ma- 
jefty  by  Colonel  Nethway 
and  captain  Jefferfon,  at 
Windfor,  May,  3.  1684. 
Title  in  Amer.  libr.  142. 
3.    cites  Lond.   Gaz.  No. 

1927- 

A  treaty  with  the  Indians  at    1684,  Aug.  2. 

Albany. 
A  treaty   of   neutrahty   for    1686,  Nov.  i6» 

America  between   France 

and    England.     7.    Corps 
Dipl.  part  2.  p.  44.  2.  Mem. 

Am.  40. 
By  the  king,  a  proclamation    1687,  Jan.  20, 

for  the   more   effectual  re- 
ducing and  fuppreffing  of 

pirates  and  privateers    in 

America,  as  well    on  the 

fea  as  on  the  land  in  great 

numbers  committing  fre- 
quent  robberies  and  pira-r 

cies,  which  hath  occafion- 

ed  a  great  prejudice   and 

obiiruftion   to   trade   and ' 

commerce,     and   given   a 

great  fcandal  and   diftur- 

bance  to   our  government 

in  thofe  parts.     Title  Am. 

libr.   147.   2.  cites  Lond- 

Gaz.  No.  2315, 


208  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

16S7,  Feb.  1%.  Conftitution  of  the  council  of 

proprietors  of  Weft  Jerfey. 
Smith's  N.  Jerfey.  199. 

i687,qu.Sept.5r7.4jac.a.   A  conformation  of  the  grant 

of  the  nsrthern  neck  of 
Virginia  to  Lord  Culpeper. 

1687,  Sept.  5.  Governor  Coxe's  declaration. 

to  the  council  of  proprietors 
of  W.  Jerfey.  Sm.  N.  J.  1 9.0. 

1687,  Dec.  i6w  Provifional  treaty  of  White- 

hall concerning  America 
between  France  and  Eng- 
land. 2.  Mem.  de ?Am.  89. 

5687.  Governor    Coxe's    narrative 

relating  to  the  divifion 
line,  dire(5led  to  the  coun- 
cil of  proprietors  of  Weft- 
Jerfey.  Sm.  App.  No.  4. 

j^g.^.  The    reprefentation     of    the 

council   of  proprietors    of 
Weft-Jerfey   to    governor 
Buniet.  Smith.  App.  N0.5. 
The  remonftrance  and  peti- 
tion of  the    inhabitants  of 
Eaft-New-Jerfey     to     the 
king.  Sm.  App.  No.  8. 
The  memorial  of  the  propri- 
etors   of   Eaft-New-Jerfey 
to  the  Lords  of  trade.  Sm. 
App.  No.  9. 
i68c,  Hspr.  S'  Agreement   of    the   line   of 

partition  between  Eaft  and 
Weft-New-Jerfey.  Sm.  N. 

J.  196. 
s^ff,  Conveyance  ot   the  goveni- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  269 

ment  of  Weft-Jerfey  and 

territories  by  Dr.  Coxej  to 

the  Weft-Jerfey  fociety. 
A  charter   Granted  by  king   1691,  Ofl.  7« 

William  and  Queen  Mary 

to  the  inhabitants   of  the 

province  of  Maifachufet's 

bay  in   New-England.   2. 

Mem.  de  PAm,  593. 
The  frame  of  government  of  169.6.  Nov.  7. 

the  Province  of  Pennfylva- 

nla    and     the     territories 

thereunto  belonging  jpafTcd 

by    governor     Markham. 

Nov.  7,  1696. 
The  treaty  of  peace  between   1697,  Sept.  ae. 

France  and  England,  made 

at  Ryfwick.  7.  CorpsDipl. 

part.  2.  p.   339.   2.  Mem. 

Am.  89. 
The   opinion  and  anfwer  of  1699,  July  5. 

the  Lords  of  trade  to  the 

memorial  of  the  proprie- 
tors  of    Eaft-New-Jerfey. 

Sm.  App.  No.  10. 
The  memorials  of  the  pro- 
prietors of  Eaft-New-Jer-   1700,  Jan.  15^ 

fey  to  the  Lords  of  trade. 

Sm.  App.  No.  1 1 . 
The  petition  of  the  proprie- 
tors   of  Eaft    and   Weft- 

New-Jerfey  to  the   Lords 

juftices  of  England.   SftJ. 
App.  No.  12. 


2  70  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

J7©o.  W.  3.  A  ccnfirmatlon  of  the  boun- 

dary between  the  colonies 
of  New- York  and  Connect- 
icut, by  the  crown. 

1 701,  Aug.  li.  The  memoria-i  of  the  propri- 

etors of  Eaft  and  Weft- 
Jerfey  to  the  king.  Sm. 
App.  No.  14. 

i7oi,Ocl:.  a.  Reprepefentation      of      the 

Lords  of  trade  to  the 
Lords  Juflices.  Sm.  App. 
No.  13. 

lyci-  A  treaty  with  the  Indians. 

1701-2,  Jan.  6.  Report  of  Lords  of  trade  to 

king  Wilham  of  draughts 
of  a  commiffion  and  in- 
ftruclions  for  a  governor  of 
New-Jei-fey.  Sm.  N.  J.  262. 

I702-,  Apr.  15.  Surrender  from  the  proprie- 

tors of  E.  and  W.  N.  Jer- 
fey  of  their  pretended  right 
of  government  to  her  ma- 
jefty  Q^Anne.  Sm.  N.  J. 
211. 

1702,  Apr.  17.  The  Queen's  acceptance  of 

the  furrender  of  govern- 
ment of  Eaft  and  Weft- 
Jerfey.  Sm.  N.  J.  219. 

1702,  Nov.  16.  InCtruvflions  to  Lord  Combu- 

ry.  Sm.  N.  J.  230. 

1702,  Dec.  5.  A  commiirion   from   Queen 

Anne  to  Lord  Cornbury, 
to  be  captain-general  and 
'  governor  in  chief  of  New- 

Jerfey.  Sm.  N.  J.  220. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  271 

Recognition  hr  the    council  1703,  June  37. 
of  propria LCi  3  of.  the   crue 
bo'jndary  of  tlie  deed^  of 
ScDi.    ic.    md   061.     10, 
1677.   (NeW'jerfey.)   Sm. 

^  N.  J.  96. 

Indian  deed  for  the  lands  a-   ^703^ 
bove  the  fails  01  the  Dela- 
ware in  Weft-Jerfey. 

Indian  deed  for  the  lands  at 
the  head  of  Rankokus  Riv- 
er in  Weft-Jerfey. 

A    proclamation    bv   Queen    17^4*  June  i  J. 
Anne  for  fettling  and  af- 
ccrtaining  the  current  rates 
of  foreign  coins  in  Ameri- 
ca. Sm.  N.  J.  281. 

Additional     inPcru6lions     to    1705,  May  3. 
Lord  Cornbury.    Sm.  N. 

J-  235- 
Additional     InftrUiflions     to    1707,  AIay3. 

Lord  Cornbury.     Sm.  N. 

J.  258. 
Additional     infl;ru<5lions     to    1707,  Nov.  za 

Lord  Cornbury.  Sm.  N.  J. 

259. 
An  anfwer  by  the  council  of  1707. 

proprietors  for  the  weftern 

divifion  of  New-Jerfey,  to 

queftions,  propofed  to  them 

by  Lord   Cornbury.  Sm. 

N.  J.  285. 
Infl:ru6tions  to  colonel  Vetch   1708-9,  Feb.  aS. 

in  his  negcclations  with  the 


2)2  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

governors  of  America.  Snt. 

N.  J.  364. 
1708-9,  Feb.  28.  Inftrudlions  to  the  governor 

of  New-Jerfey  and  New- 
York.  Sm.  J.  361. 

1710,  Ang.  Earl  of  Dartmouth's   letter 

to  governor  Hunter. 

1711,  Apr.  sz.  Premieres  propofitions  cle  la 

France.  6.  Lamberty,  6.69. 
2.  Mem.  Ami.  341. 
1711,0a:.  8.  Reponfes  de   la  France   aux 

demandes  preliminaries  de 
la  Grande-Bretagne.  6. 
Lamb.  681.2.  Mem.  Am. 

344-  ,.    .      .       - 

Sept.  27.  Demandes  prehmmanes  plus 

^^^^ — ^  particulieres  de  la  Grande- 

'  Bretagne,  avec  le  reponfes. 

2.  Mem.  del' Am.  346. 
Sept.  27.  L'acceptation  de  la  part  de 

1 71 1, 1-i   Grande-Bretagne.      2. 

^'^-  ^'  Mem.     Am.  356. 

1711,  Dec.  a3.  The  Queen's  inftructions  to 

the  Bilhop  of  Briftol  and 
Earl  of  Stafford,  her  ple- 
nipotentiaries, to  treat  of  a 
general  peace.  6.  Lam- 
bertT*  744'  2.  Mem.  Am.. 

358- 
May  zjL.  A  memorial  of  Mr.  St.  John 

1712, to  the   Marquis   de  Torci, 

J^"^  ^-'  with  regard  to  North  A- 

merica,  to  commerce,  and 

to  the  fufnOnfion  of  arrss. 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINA.  273 

7.    Recull    de   Lamberty 
161,  2.  Mem.  de  TAmer. 

376. 
Reponfe  du  rol  de  France  au   1712,  June  10. 

memoire    de  Londres,   7. 

Lamberty,  p.  163. 2.  Mem. 

Am.  380. 
Traite  pour  une  fufpenfion   1712.  Aug.  ij, 

d'  armes  entre  Louis  XIV. 

roi  de   France,   &   Anne, 

reigne  de  la  Grande-Bre- 

tagne,    fait    a    Paris.     8. 

Corps  Diplom.   part  1.  p. 

308.  2.  Mem.  d'Am.  104. 
-Offers  of  France  to  England,    171  *>  Sept.  iz, 

demands  of  England,  and 

the  anfwers  of  France.  7. 

Rec.   de   Lamb.   491,    2. 

Mem.  Am.  390. 
Traite   de    paix   &  d'amitie  Mar.  31. 

entre  Louis  XIV.   roi  de   '^T^^^        TT 

France,  &  Anne,  reine  de  ^^"^  ^^° 

la  Grande-Bretagne,  fait  a 

Utrecht.  15.  Corps  Diplo- 
matique de  Dumont,  339. 

id.  Latin.  2  ades  &  mem- 

oires  de  la  pais  d'  Utrecht. 

457.  id.  Lat.  Fr.  2   Mem. 

Am.  113. 
Traite  de   navigation    Sc  de  Mar.  31* 

commerce     entre      Louis  ^7i3> 

XIV.    roi    de    France,    3c  Apni  11. 

Anne,  reine  de  la  Grande- 

I^    L 


274  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Bretag-ne.  Fait  a  Utrecht. 
8.  Corps.  Dipl.  p^^.r:.  r.  p. 
345.  2.  Mem.    de   TAm. 

^37- 
1726.  A  treaty  widi  Indians. 

i7Zi,Jan.  The   petition    of  the   repre- 

fentativcs  of  the  province 
of  New-Jerfey,  to  have  a 
diftinct  governor.  Sm.  N. 
J.  421. 

-1713,  G.  2.  Deed  of  releafe  iby  the  gov- 

ernment of  Connedlcut  to 
that  of  Nev'-York. 

.I732jjunc9-20.5.G.  2.  The     charter     Granted     br 

George  IT.  for  Georgia.  4. 
Mem.  de  I'Am.  617. 

j*,-,^.  Petition    of    Lord     Fairfax, 

that  a  conimiilion  might 
ilfue  for  running  and 
marking  the  dividincT  line 
between  his  diftrid:  and 
the  province  of  Virgmia. 

2:733,  Nor.  29.  Order  of  the  king  in  council 

for  commiflioners  to  fur- 
vey  and  fettle  the  faid  di- 
viding line  between  the 
proprietary  and  royal  ter- 
ritory, 

X726,  Aug.  5,  Report  of  the  Lords  of  trade 

relating  to  the  feparating 
the  government  of  the 
province  of  New-Jerfey 
from  New-York.  Sm,  N. 
J.  423- 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  27J 

Survey  and  report  of  the  i737>Aug-io. 
commi  111  oners  appointed 
on  tlie  part  of  the  crown 
to  fettle  the  line  between 
the  crown  and  Lord  Fair- 
fax. 

Survey    and   report   of    the   1737,  Aug.  11. 
commiirioners     appointed 
on  the  part  of  I^ord  Fair- 
fax to  fettle  the  line  be- 
tween the  crown  and  him. 

Order    of  reference    of  the   1738,  Dec.  at. 
furveys  between  the  crown 
and  Lord  Fairfax  to  the 
council  for  plantation  af- 
fairs. 

Treaty  with  the  Indians  of  1744,  June, 
the  6  nations  at  Lancafter. 

Report  of  the  council  for  1745,  Apr.  6i 
plantation  affairs,  fixing 
the  head  fprings  of  Rap- 
pahannoc^nd  Patowmac, 
and  a  commiflion  to  ex- 
tend the  line. 

Order  of  the  king  in  council   1 745,  Apr.  n, 
confirming  the  faid  report 
of  the  council  for  planta- 
tion affairs. 

Articles    preliminaries   pour   1748,  Apr.  5*- 
parvenir  a  la  paix,  fignes 
a  Aixla-Chapelle  entre  les' 
miniftres  de  France,  de  lar 
Grande-Bretagne,  &    de^ 


276  NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA. 

Provinces-Unies  des  Pays- 
Bas.  2.  Mem.  de  TAm, 
159. 

1748,  May  jti.  Declaration  des  minifters  de 

France,  de  la  Grande-Bre- 
tagne,  &  des  Provinces- 
Unies  des  Pays-Bas,  pour 
re<5tifier  les  articles  I.  & 
II.  des  preliminaires.  2. 
Mem.  Am.  165. 

1748,0a:.  7-18. 22.0.2.  The  general   and   definitive 

treaty  of  peace  concluded 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Lon. 
Mag.  1748.  503.  French. 
2.  Mem.  Am.  169. 

1754-  -  A  treaty  with  the  Indians. 

1758,  Aug.  7,  A  conference   between  gov- 

ernor Bernard  and  Indian 
nations  at  Burlington.  Sm. 
N.  J.  449.     . 

1758,  0<5tR»  A  conference  between  gover- 

nor Denny,  governor  Ber- 
nard and  others,  and  In* 
dian  nations  at  Eafton. 
Sm.  N.  J.  455. 

175^,  July  aj,  33''G.  %.  The  capitulation  of  Niagara. 

175 —  The     king's      proclamation 

promifing  lands  to  foldiers. 

4763,  Feb.  10.  3.  G.  J.  The  definitive  treaty  conclu- 
ded at  Paris.  Lon.  Mag. 
1763.  149.^ 

2760,0(^.7.  G.  3,  A  proclamation  for  regulat- 
ing the  ceffions  made  by 


NOTES  ON  VIRGINIA.  277 

the  laft   treaty   of  peace. 

Guth.  Geogr.  Gram.  623. 
The     king's      proclamation  1763. 

againft   fettling     on     any 

lands  on  the  waters,  weft- 
ward   of   the   Allghaney. 
Deed  from  the  fix  nations  of  1768,  Nov.  3. 

Indians  to  William  Trent 

and  others  for  lands   Be- 
twixt the  Ohio  and  Mo- 

nongahela.    View   of  the 

title   to    Indiana.        Phil. 

Steiner  and  Gift.  1776. 
Deed  from  the  fix  nations  of  1768,  Nov.  5. 

Indians  to  the  crown  for 

certain  lands  and  fettling 

a  boundary.  M,  S. 


APPENDIX. 

THE  preceding  flieets  having  been  fubmitted 
to  my  friend  Mr.  Charles  Thompfon,  iecre- 
tary  of  Congrefs,  he  has  lurniihed  me  with  the 
following  oblervatlons,  which  have  too  much  mer- 
it not  to  be  communicated. 

( I.)  p.  20.  Befides  the  three  channels  of  com- 
munication metioned  between  the  v/eHern  waters 
and  the  Atlantic,  there  are  two  others,  to  which 
the  Pennfylvanians  are  turning  their  attention ; 
one  from  Preque-ifle,  on  Lake  Erie,  to  Le  Boeuf, 
down  the  Alleghaney  to  Kifkiminitas,  then  up  the 
Kiflciminitas,  and  from  thence,  by  afmall  portage, 
to  Juniata,  which  falls  into  the  Sufquehanna : 
the  other  from  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Eaft  Branch 
of  the  Delaware,  and  do^vn  that  to  Philadelphia. 
Both  thefe  are  faid  to  be  very  praflicable ;  and, 
confidering  the  enterprifmg  temper  of  tlie  Penn- 
fylvanians, and  particularly  the  merchants  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, whofe  object  is  concentered  in  promot- 
ing the  commerce  and  trade  of  one  city,  it  is  not 
improbable  but  one  or  both  of  thefe  communica- 
tions will  he  opened  and  improved. 

(i.)  p.  22.  The  refleflions  I  was  led  intb  on 
viewing  this  palfage  of  the  Patowmac  through  the 
Blue  ridge  were,  that  this  country  muft  have  fuf- 
fered  fome  violent  convulfion,  and  that  the  face  of 
it  muft  have  been  changed  from  what  it  probably 
was  fome  centuries  ago  :  that  the  broken  and  rag- 
ged faces  of  the  mountain  on  each  fide  cf  tlie  riv- 


28a  APPENDIX. 

er  ;  the  tremendous  rocks,  whicli  are  left  with  one 
end  fixed  in  the  precipice,  and  the  other  jutting  out, 
and  femingly  ready  to  fall  for  want  of  fupport ; 
the  bed  of  the  river  'for  feveral  miles  belov/  ob- 
ftructed,  and   filled  with   the   loofe  (lones  carried 
from  this  mound ;  in  fhort,  every  thing  on  which 
you  call  your  eye  evidently  demonftrates  a  difrup- 
ture  and  breach  in  the  mountain,  and  that,  before 
this  happened,  what  is  now  a  fruitful  vale,  was  for- 
merly a  ^reat  lake  or  colledion  of  v/ater,  which  pof- 
{Tibly  might  have  here  formed  a  mighty  cafcade,or 
had  its  vent  to  the  ocean  by  the  Sufquehanna,  where 
the  Blue  ridge  feems  to  terminate.     Befides  this, 
lliere  are  other  parts  of  this   country  which  bear 
evident  traces  of  a  like    convulfion.  ^   From  the 
bed  accounts  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  the  place 
where  the  Delaware  now  flows  through  the  Kitta- 
tinny  mountain,  which  is  a  continuation  of  what 
is  called  the  North  ridge,   or  mountain,  was  not 
'  its  original  courfe,  but  that  it  palled  through  what 
is  now  called  nhe  Wind-gap,'    a   place  feveral 
miles  to   the  weftward,  and  above  an  hundred 
feet  higher  than  the  prefent  bed  of  the  river.  This 
Wind-gap  is  about  a  mile  broad,  and  the  ftones  in 
it  fuch  as  feem  to  have  been  wafhed  for  ages  by 
water  ruiming  over  them.     Should  this  have  been 
the  cafe,  there  mull  have  been  a  large  lake  behind 
that  mountain,  and  by  feme  uncommon  fwell  in 
the  waters,  or  by  fome  convulfion  of  nature  the 
river  muft  have  opened  its  way  through  a  different 
part  of  the  mountain,  and  m.eeting  there  with  kfs 
obllruc^ion,  carried   away  with  it  the    oppofmg 
mounds  of  earth  and  deluged  the  country  below 
with  the  immenfe  colkaion  of  waters  to  whick 


APPENDIX.  2Sf 

Xhk  new  pafTage  gave  vent.  There  are  fllll  re- 
maining, and  daily  difcovered,  innumerable  in- 
ftnnccs  of  i'uch  a  deluge  on  both  fides  cf  die  river, 
after  It  paiTed  the  hills  above  the  falls  of  Trenton., 
and  reached  the  champaign.  On  the  New-Jerfey 
fide,  which  is  fiattsr  than  the  PennlylvAnia  fide, 
all  the  country  below  Crofwick  liills  feems  to  have 
besn  overflowed  to  the  diftance  of  from  ten  to  fif- 
teen miles  back  from  the  river,  and  to  have  ac- 
quired a  new  foil  by  the  earth  and  clay  brought: 
dovv'n  and  mixed  with  the  native  fand.  The  fpot 
on  which  Philadelphia  ftands  evidently  appears  to 
be  made  ground.  The  different  ftrata  through 
"whicli  they  pafs  in  digging  to  water,  the  acorns, 
leaves,  and  fometimes  branches,  wliich  are  found 
about  twenty  feet  belov/  the  furface,  all  feem  to 
dem.onftrate  this.  I  am  informed  that  at  York- 
town  in  Virginia,  In  the  bank  of  the  river,  there 
are  different  ftrata  of  fhells  and  earth,  one  above 
another,  which  feem  to  point  cut  that  the  country 
there  has  undergone  feverai  changes  ;  that  the  fea 
has,  for  a  fuccefnon  of  ages,  occupied  the  place 
where  dry  land  now  appears :  and  that  the  ground 
has  been  fuddenly  railed  at  various  periods.  What 
a  change  Vv^ould  It  make  In  the  country  below, 
fhould  the  mountains  at  Niagara,  by  any  accident, 
be  cleft  aiunder,  and  a  paiFage  fuddenly  opened 
to  drain  ofF  the  waters  of  Erie  and  the  upper 
lakes  !  While  ruminating  on  theie  fubjecls,  I  have 
ofted  been  hurried  away  by  fancy,  and  led  to  in:- 
agine,  that  what  is  now  the  bay  cf  Mexico,  v.-as 
once  a  cliampaign  country ;  and  that  from  the 
point  or  cape  of  Florida,  there  was  a  continued 
range   of  mountains  through   Cuba^   Plifpaniola, 

i.  Mm 

W 


2  82  APPENDIX. 

p0rto  rico,  Maitlnique,  Gaudaloupe,  .Barbadoe* 
Lin  J  Trinidad,  till  it  reached  the  coaft  of  America, 
and  formed  the  Ihores  which  bounded  the  ocean, 
and  guarded  the  country  behind ;  that,  by  fome 
convulfion  or  laock  of  nature,  the  fea  had  broken 
through  thefe  mounds,  and  deluged  that  vail 
plain,  till  it  reached  the  foot  of  the  Andes  ;  that 
being  there  heaped  up  by  the  trade-winds,  always 
blowing  from  one  quarter,  it  had  found  its  way 
back,  as  it  continues  to  do  through  the  gulph  be- 
tween Florida  and  Cuba,  carrying  \vitli  it  the 
loom  and  fand  it  may  have  fcooped  from  the 
country  it  had  occupied,  part  of  which  it  may 
have  depofited  on  the  fhores  of  North-America, 
and  with  part  formed  the  banks  of  Newfoundland. 
But  thefe  are  only  the  vifions  of  fancy. 

3.  p.  46.  There  is  a  plant,  or  weed,  called 
the  James-town  weed,*  of  a  very  fmgular  quahty. 
The  late  Dr.  Bond  informed  me,  that  he  had  un- 
der his  care  a  patient,  a  young  girl,  who  had  put 
the  feeds  of  this  plant  into  her  eye,  which  dilated 
the  pupil  to  iuch  a  degree,  that  ihe  could  fee  in 
the  dark,  but  in  the  light  was  almoil;  blind.  The 
eitecl:  that  the  leaves  had  when  eaten  by  a  fliip's 
crew  that  arrived  at  James-town,  are  well 
known. f 

(4.)  p.  06  Mens.  Button  has  indeed  given  an 
aHlicUng  pifture  of  human  nature  in  his  defcrip- 
tlon  of  the  man  of  America.  But  fure  I  am 
there  never  was  a  picture  more  unlike  the  origin- 


'^  Ddtura  p:ricarpUs  erects  cvatis.      Linn. 
\  Ail    hijldme  cf  ieniporary  hnlec'iliiy  produced  hj 
,7,    ^  •    ,^.,,  :^,-,a,i   'p.,^,py.i    jr  ^f  y.r^    '■    2.  c.  a.. 


APPENDIX.  283 

al.  He  grants  indeed  that  his  ftatiire  is  the  fame 
as  that  of  the  man  of  Europe.  He  might  have 
-admitted,  that  the  Iroquois  were  larger,  and  the 
Lenopi,  or  Delawares,  taller  than  the  people  in 
Europe  generally  are.  But  he  fays  their  organs 
of  generation  are  fmaller  and  weaker  than  thoib 
of  the  Europeans.  Is  this  a  facfc  ?  I  believe  not  ; 
at  lead  it  is  an  obfervation  I  never  heard  before. 

*  They  have  no  beard.'  Had  he  known  the  pains 
and  trouble  it  cofts  the  men  to  pluck  out  by  the 
roots  the  hair  that  grows  on  their  faces,  he  wohld 
have  feen  that  nature  had  not  been  deficient  in 
that  refped.  Every  nation  has  its  cuftums.  I 
have  feen  an  Indian  beaux,  with  a  looking-glafs 
in  his  hand,  examining  his  face  for  hours  together, 
and  plucking  out  by  the  roots  every  hair  he  could 
difcover,  with  a  kind  of  tweezers  made  of  a  piece 
of  fine  brafs  wire,  that  had  been  twilled  round  a 
flick,  and  which  he   ufed  with   great  dexterity. — 

*  They  have  no  ardor  for  their  females.'  It  is 
true,  they  do  not  indulge  thofe  excefles,  nor  dif- 
cover that  fondnefs  which  is  cuftomary  in  Europe  ; 
but  this  is  not  owing  to  a  dsfe&  in  nature  but  to 
manners.  Their  foul  is  wholly  bent  upon  v/ai-. 
This  is  what  procures  them  glory  among  the  men, 
and  makes  them  the  admiration  of  the  women. 
To  this  they  are  educated  from,  their  earlift  youth. 
When  they  purfue  game  with  ardor,  when  they 
bear  the  fatigues  of  the  chafe,  Avhen  they  fuilain 
and  fuffer  patiently  hunger  and  cold  j  it  is  not  fo 
much  for  the  fake  of  the  game  they  purfue,  as  to 
convince  their  parents  and  the  council  of  the  na- 
tion that  they  are  tit  to  be  enrolkd  in  the  numiber 
of  the  warriors.     The  fongs  of  the  women,  the 


284  APPENDIX. 

dance  of  the  warriors,  the  fage  counfel  of  the 
chiefs,  the  tales  of  the  old,  the  triumphal  entry  of 
the  warriors  retiiiTiing  with  fuccefs  from  battle, 
and  the  refpecl  paid  to  thofe  \vho  dillinguifh- 
ihemfelvcs  in  war  and  in  fabduini^  their  enemies  ; 
in  fnort  every  thing  they  fee  or  hear  tends  to  in- 
fpire  them  with  an  ardent  defire  for  military 
fame.  If  a  young  man  were  to  difcover  a  fond- 
nefs  for  women  before  he  had  been  to  war,  he 
would  become  the  contempt  of  the  men  and  the 
fcorn  and  ridicule  of  the  women.  Or  were  he  ta 
indulge  hirnfelf  with  a  captive  taken  in  VN'ar,  and 
much  more  were  he  to  offer  violence  in  order  to 
gratify  his  luft,  he  would  incur  indelible  d-igracc. 
The  feeming  frigidity  of  the  men,  therefore,  is  the 
eifecl  of  manners,  and  not  a  defed:  of  nature. 
Befides  a  celebrated  warrior  is  cftener  courted  by 
the  females,  than  he  has  occafion  to  court-:  and 
this  is  a  point  of  honor  which  the  men  aim  at. 
Inftance  limilar  to  that  of  Ruth  and  Boaz*  are 
not  uncommon  among  them.  For  though  the 
Y.'omen  are  modeft  and  dimcult,  and  fo  bafiiful 
that  they  feldom  lift  up  their  eyes,  and  fcarce  ever 
look  a  man  full  in  the  face,  yet,  being  brought  up 
in  great  fubjection,  cuflom  and  manners  reconcile 
them  to  modes  of  ading,  wliich,  judged  of  by 
Europeans,  would  be  deemed  inconfiilent  with  the 
rules  of  female  decorum  and  propriety.  I  once 
iiivv'  a  young  widow,   whole  hufbandj   a  warrior, 

*  ii  }:sn  Boa^  had  eaten  and  dratih,  and  his  heart 
*ivc!S  irierry^  he  ivcnt  to  l:e  doivn  at  the  end  of  th^  he'ap 
sj corn  ;  and  Ruth  came  foftJy,  and  uncover ;d  hh  fectj 
^iid  laid  her  d'iivn.      Ruth  in,  2. 


285 


hid  died  about  eight  d.iys  before,  haftening  to  fi 
im  her  grief,  and   who  hy   tearino;  her  hair,  bee 


tin- 
grief,  and  who  hy  tearing  her  hair,  beat- 
ing her  breait,  and  drinking  fpirits,  made  the  tears 
flow  in  great  abundance,  in  order  that  fhe  might 
grieve  much  in  a  ihart  fpace  of  time,  and  be  ^ar^ 
nei  that  evening  to  another  young  v/arrior.  i'he 
manner  in  which  this  was  viewed  by  the  men  and 
women  cf'the  tribe,  who  (lood  round,  filent  :^v\d 
folemn  IpeCtators  of  the  icene,  and  the  indifference 
v\^ith  which  tlisr  anfwered  my  qnefiion  refpeaing 
it,  convinced  me  that  it  was  no  unufual  cuftom. 
1  have  known  men  advanced  in  years,  whole, 
wives  were  old  and  pad  chiid-bearing,  take  young 
wives,  and  have  children,  though  th,e  practice  v£ 
polygamy  is  not  common.  Does  this  favor  ci 
frigidity,  or  v/ant  of  ardor  for  the  female  ?  Neitlier 
do  they  feera  to  be  deficient  in  natural  affe-flion. 
I  have  feen  both  fathers  and  mothers  in  the  deep- 
efl  afRi.*]:cn,  when  their  children  have  been  dangcjr- 
oufly  ill  5  though  I  believe  the  alFe^^iou  is  ftrong- 
er  in  the  defcending  than  the  afcending  fcale,  and 
though  cuflom  forbids  a  father  to  grieve  immod- 
erately for  a  fon  flaiu  in  battle. — 'That  they  are 
timerous  and  cowardly,'  is  a  character  with  which 
there  is  little  reafon  to  charge  them,  wdien  v/e  re- 
coileift  the  manner  in  which  the  Iroquois  met 
Mens.-—— — r,  who  m. arched  into  their  country  ; 
in  which  the  old  men,  w^ho  fcorned  to  fly,  or  to 
fjrvive  tlie  capture  of  their  town,  braved  death, 
like  the  old  Romans  in  the  tim.e  of  the  Gauls, 
and  in  w^hich  they  foon  after  revenged  themfelves 
by  facking  and  deftroying  Montreal.  Eut  above 
all  the  unfnaken  fortitude  with  which  they  bear 
the  moft  excruciating  tortures  g,.n.d  4<?ath  when 


286  APPENDIX. 

taken  prlfoners,  ought  to  exempt  them  from  that 
charafter.     Much  lefs  are  they  to  be  charaaerifed 
as  a  people  of  no  vivacity,  and  who  are  excited  to 
aftion  or  motion  only  by  the  calls  of  hunger  and 
third:.     Their  dances  in  which  they  fo  much  de- 
light,  and  which  to  an  European  would  be  the  mofl 
fevere  exercife,  fully   contradict  this,  not  to  men- 
tion the  fatiguing  marches,  and  the  toil  they  vol- 
untarily and  cheerfully  undergo  in   their  military 
expeditions.     It  is  true,   that  when  at  home,  they 
do  not  employ  ihemfelves  in  labor  or  the  culture 
of  the  foil :  but  this  again  is  the  effea  of  cuftoms 
and  manners,  which   have  affigned  that  to  the 
province  of  the  women.     But  it  is  faid,  they  are 
averfe  to  fociety  and  a  focial  hfe.  Can  any  thing  be 
more  inapplicable  than  this  to  a  people  who  always 
live  in  towns  or  clans  ?  Or  can  they  be  faid  to  have 
no  *  republic/  who  conduft  all  their  affairs  in  na- 
tional councils,  who  pride  themfelves  in  their  na- 
tional charafter,  who  confider  an  infult  or  injury 
done  to  an  individual  by  a  ftranger  as  done  to  the 
whole,  and  refent  it  accordingly  ?  In  fhort  this 
picture  is  not  apphcaple  to  any  nation  of  Indians  I 
have  ever  known  or  heard  of  in  North- America. 

(5.)  p.  128.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn, 
the  country  from  the  fea  coaR  to  the  Alleghaney, 
and  from  the  moft  fouthern  waters  of  James  River 
up  to  Patuxen  River,  now  in  the  flate  of  Maryland, 
Avas  occupied  by  three  different  nations  of  Indians, 
each  of  which  fpoke  a  different  language,  and 
were  under  feparate  and  diftincT:  governments. 
What  the  original  or  real  names  of  thofe  nations 
were,  I  have  not  been  able  to  leam  with  certain- 
ty :  but  by  us  they  are  diilinguifhed  by  the  names 


APPENDIX.  287 

of  Powhatans,  Manahoacs,   and  Monacans,  now 
commonly  called  Tufcaroras.     The   Powhatans, 
who  occupied  the  country  from  the  fea  fhore  up 
to  the  falls  of  the  rivers,  were  a  powerful  nation, 
and  feem  to  have  confifted  of  feven  tribes,  five  on 
the  wellcrn  and  two  on  the  eaftern  fhore.     Each 
of  thefe  tribes  was  fubdivided  into  towns,  families, 
or  clans,  who  lived  together.     All  the  nations  of 
Indians   in   North-America  lived  in  the   hunting 
ftate   and   depended  for  fubfiftence   on  hunting, 
iifhing,   and  the  fpontaneous   fruits  of  the  earth, 
and  a  kind  of  grain  which  was  planted  and  gath- 
ered by  the  women,  and  is   now  known  by  the 
name  of  Indian  corn.     Long  potatoes,  pumpkins 
of  various  kinds,  and  fquafhes,  were   alfo  found  in 
ufe  among  theni.     They  had  no  flocks,  herds,  or 
tamed  animals   of  any  kind.     Their  government 
Is  a  kind  of  patriarchal  confederacy.     Every  town 
or  family  has  a   chief,   who   is  diftinguilhed  by  a 
particular  title,   and    whom  we    commonly  call 
*  Sachem.' — The  feveral  towns  or  families  that 
compofe  a  tribe,  have  a  chief  who  prefides  over  it, 
and  the  feveral  tribes   com^ofmg  a  nation  have  a 
chief  who  prefides  over  the  whole  nation.     Thele 
chiefs  are  generally  men  advanced  in  years,  and 
dlftlnguiilied  by   their  prudence    and   abihtles  in 
council.     The    matters    which    merely    regard   a 
town  or  fiimily  are  fettled  by  the  chief  and  princi- 
pal men  of  the  town  :   thofe  which  regard  a  tribe, 
fuch  as  the  appointment  of  head  warriors  or  cap- 
tains,  and    fettling   differences   between   different 
towns  and  families,  are  regulated  at  a  meeting  or 
council  of  the  chiefs  from  the  feveral  towns  ;  and 
thofe  which  regard  the  whole  nation,  fuch  as  the  miUv- 


388  APPENDIX. 

In^^  \\^r,  conckiJing  peace,  or  forming  aihV.fioe^ 
with  th-2   neighboring  rKiticns,   are  deliberated  on 
■and  determined  in  a  national  council  com.pokd  of 
the  •ckiei^  of  the  tribe,   aU^nded  by  the  head  war- 
riors and  a  niijuber  of  the  chiefs  from  the  towns 
who  are  his  counfellors.     In  every  town  ther^  is  a 
council  houfe,  where  the  chief  and  old  men  of  the 
town  aiTemble,   when  cccafion  requires,  and  con- 
fult  vrhat   is  proper  to  be  done.     Every  tribe  has 
a  fixed  place   for  the  chiefs  of  the  towns  to  meet 
snd  confult  on  the  bufinefs   of  the  tribe  :    and  in 
every  nation  there   is   Vv^hat  tliey   call  the  central 
council  houfe,  or  central  council  fire,   where  the 
chiefs  of  the  fcveral  tribes,  with  the  principal  war- 
riors, convene  to  confult  and  determine  on  their 
.national  affairs.     When  any  matter  is  propofed  in 
the  national  council,   it  is   common  for  the  chicf-> 
of  the  feveral  tribes  to  confult  thereon   apart  with 
their  counfellors,  and  when  they  have  agreed,  to 
deliver  the  opinion   of  the   tribe   at  the   national 
council :   and   as   their   government  feems  to  refc 
wholly  on  perfuafion,   they   endeavor,   by  mutual 
conceffions,   to    obtain   unanimity.     Such    is  the 
government  that   ftill  fubfifcs  among  the  Indian 
nations   bordering   on  the   United  States.     Some 
hiftorians  feem  to  think,   that  the  dignity  of  office 
of  Sachem  was  hereditary.     But  that  opinion  does 
not  .appear  to  be  well  founded.     The  Sachem  or 
chief  of  the  tribe   feems  to   be  by  election.     And 
fometimes  perfons  who  are  ilrangers,  and  adopted 
into  the  tribe,  are  promoted  to  this  dignity  on  ac- 
count of  their   abilities.     Thus    on  the  arrival  of 
captain  Smith,   the  firil   founder  of  the   colony  of 
I'irginia.     Opechacanough,  who  was  Sachem  or 


APPENDIX.  280 

ciiief  of  the  Chickahominles,  one  of  the  tribes  or 
the  Powhatans  is  laid  to  have  been  of  another 
tribe,  and  even  of  another  nation,  fo  that  no  cer- 
tain account  could  be  obtained  of  his  origin  or  de- 
fcent.  The  chiefs  of  the  nation  feem  to  have 
been  by  a  rotation  among  the  tribes.  Thus  when 
capt.  Smith,  in  the  year  1609,  queftioned  Powha- 
tan (who  was  the  chief  of  the  nation,  and  whofe 
proper  name  is  faid  to  have  been  Wohunfonacock) 
refpetfting  the  fucceffion,  the  old  chief  informed 
him,  *  that  he  was  very  old  and  had  feen  the  death 

*  of  all  his  people  thrice  ;*    that  not  one  of  thefe 

*  generations  were  then  living  except  himfelf ; 
<  that  he  mud  foon  die  and  the  fucceffion  defcend 

*  in  order  to  his  brother  Opichapan,  Opechanca- 
'  nough,  and  Catataugh,   and  then  to  his  tv/o  fif- 

*  ters,  and  their  two  daughters/  But  thefe  were 
Appellations  defignating  the  tribes  in  the  confed- 
eracy. For  the  perfons  named  are  not  his  real 
brothers,  but  the  chiefs  of  different  tribes.  Ac- 
cordingly in  161 8,  when  Powhatan  died,  he  was 
fucceded  by  Opichapan,  and  after  his  deceafe  Ope- 

*  T/m  is  one  generation  more  than  the  poet  afcr'ibes 
io  the  life  of  Nefor, 

To  d'  ede  duo  men  geneai  meropon  anthropon 
Ephthiath  oi  oi  profthen  ama  traphen  ed*  egneonto 
En  pulo  egathee,  meta  de  tritatoifm  anaffen. 

I  HoM.  II.  250. 
T1V0  generations  now  had  pajl  away^ 
Wife  by  his  rules y  and  happy  by  his  fivay  ; 
T^nuo  ages  o'er  his  native  realm  he  reign^dy 
And  noiu  the  example  of  the  third  remain' d. 

POFE* 

N   N 


290  APPENDIX. 

cliancanoiigh  becarrte  chief  of  the  nation.  I  need 
only  mention  another  inftance  to  fhew  that  the 
chiefs  of  the  tribes  claimed  this  kindred  with  the 
head  of  the  nation.  In  1622,  when  Raleigh 
Craihaw  was  with  Japazaw,  the  Sachem  or  chief 
of  tlie  Patomacs,  Opechancanough,  who  had  great 
power  and  iHfluence,  being  the  fecond  man  in  the 
nation,  and  next  in  fucceition  to  Opichapan,  and 
who  was  a  bitter  but  fecret  enemy  to  the  Enghfli, 
and  wanted  to  eng:ige  his  nation  in  a  war  with 
them,  fent  two  balkets  of  beads  to  the  Patowmac 
chief,  and  defired  him  to  kill  the-Englidiman  that 
was  with  him.  JapazHw  replied,  that  the  Eng- 
liiTi  were  his  friends,  and  Opichapan  his  brother^ 
and  that  therefore  there  fnould  be  no  blood  fhed. 
between  them  by  his  means.  It  is  alfo  to  be  ob- 
ferv ed,  that  when  the  Englifn  firil  came  over,  hi 
all  their  conferences  with  any  of  the  chiefs,  they 
conilantly  heard  him  make  mention  of  his  bi-other, 
with  whom  he  n^ufl  confult,  or  to  whom  he  refer- 
red them,  meaning  thereby  either  tlie  chief  of  the 
nation,  or  the  tribes  in  confederacy.  TheMana- 
hoacs  are  fliid  to  have  been  a  confederacy  of  four 
tribes,  aad  in  alliance  with  the  Monacans,  in  the 
war  which  they  were  carrying  on  agalnft  the 
Powhatans. 

To  the  northward  of  thefe  there  was  another 
powerful  nation,  which  occupied  the  country  from 
the  head  of  the  Chefapeak-bay  up  to  the  Kittatln- 
ney  mountain,  and  as  far  eauward  as  Connei^licut 
river,  comprehending  that  part  of  New- York 
v/hich  lies  betvveen  the  Highlands  and  the  ocean, 
all  the  ftate  of  New-Jerfey,  that  part  of  Pennfyl- 
'  \^mia  which  is  watered,  below  the  range  of  the 


APPENDIX.  2^1 

Kittatinney  mountains,  by  the  rivers  or  ilreams 
falling  into  the  Delaware,  and  the  county  of  New- 
caiUe  in  the   lUte  of  Delaware,  as  far  as  Duck 
ere'ek.     It  is  to  be  obferved,  that  th^  nations  of 
Indians  diftinguiihed  their  countries  one  from  an- 
other by  natural  boundaries,  fuch  as  ranges  of 
mountains  or  ftreams  of  water.     But  as  the  heads 
of  rivers  frequently  interlock,  or  approach  near  to 
each  other,  as  thofe  who  live  upon  a  llream  claim 
the  country  watered  by  it,  they  often  encroached 
en  each  other,  and  this  is  a  conftant  fource  of  war  | 
between  the  different  nations.     The  nation  Occu-     • 
pying  the  trad  of  country  laft  defcribed,  called 
themfclves  Lenopi.    The  French  writers  call  th^ni 
Loups  ;  and   among  the   Englilh   they  are  now 
commonly    called    Delavv^ares.      This  nation   or 
confederacy  confilfed  of  five  tribes,  who  all  f|"^6kc 
one  language,      i.  The  Chihohocki,  who  dvv^elt  on 
the  welt  fide  of  the  river  now  called  Delaware,  a 
name  which  it  took  from  Lord  De  la  War,  who 
put  into  it  on  his  paiTage  from  Virginia  in  the  year 
,  but  which  by  the   Indians  was  called  Chi- 
hohocki.     2.   The   Wanami,   who   irdiabited  the 
country  called  Nev^-Jerfey,  from  the  P.ariton  to  the 
fea.     3.  The  Munfey  who  dv/elt  on  the  upper 
ftreams   of  the   Delaware,   from   the  Kittatinney 
mountains  down  to  the  Lehigh  or  weftern  branch 
of  the   Delaware.     4.    The  Vv'abinga,  who  are 
fometimes  called   River  Indians,  fometimes  Mo- 
hickanders,  and  who  had  their  dwellings  between 
the  welt  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudibn's  River, 
from  the  Kittatiney   ridge   down  to  the  Rariton  : 
and  5.  The   MahxcoUj'^or  Mahattan,  who  occu- 
pied Staten  illand,  York  iiland  (which  from  its 


292  APPENDIX. 

being  the  principal  feat  of  their  refidence  was 
formerly  called  Mahatton)  Long  ifland  and  that 
part  of  New-York  and  Conneaicut  which  lies  be- 
tween Hudfon  and  Connedicut  rivers,  from  the 
liighland,  wliich  is  a  continuation  of  the  Kittatin- 
ney  ridge  down  to  the  found.  This  nation  had  a 
elofe  alliance  with  the  Shawanefce,  who  lived  on 
the  Sufquehanna  and  to  the  weftward  of  that  riv- 
er, as  far  as  the  Alleghaney  mountains,  and  ear- 
ned on  a  Jong  war  with  another  powerful  nation 
or  confederacy  of  Indians,  which  lived  to  the 
north  of  them  between  the  Kittatinney  mountains 
or  highlands,  and  the  lake  Ontario,  and  who  call 
themfelves  Mingos,  and  are  called  by  the  French 
writers  Iroquois,  by  the  Engliih  the  Five  Nations, 
and  by  the  Indians  to  the  fouthward,  v/ith  whom 
they  were  at  war,  MaiTav/omacs.  This  war  was 
carrying  on  in  its  greatell  fury,  when  captain 
Smith  firft  arrived  in  Virginia.  The  Mingo  war- 
riors had  penetrated  down  the  Sufquehanna  to 
the  mouth  of  it.  In  one  of  his  excurfions  up  the 
bay  at  the  mouth  of  Sufquehanna,  in  1 6c8,  cap- 
tain Smith  met  with  fix  or  feven  of  their  canoes 
lull  of  warriors,  w^ho  were  coming  to  attack  their 
enemies  in  the  rear.  In  an  excurfion  which  he 
Iiad  made  a  few  weeks  before,  up  the  Rappahan- 
nock, and  in  wJiich  he  had  a  fkirmifh  v.^ith  a  party 
of  the  Manahoacs,  and  t^ken  a  brother  of  one  of 
their  chiefs  prifoner,  he  firft  heard  of  this  nation. 
For  when  he  afked  the  priibner,  why  his  nation 
attacked  the  Engliih  ?  the  prifoner  faid,  becaufe 
his  r.;t'^in  had  heard  that  the  Englifli  came  from 
under  ihe  vrorid  to  take  their  Vv-ui-id  from  them. 
Sting  afked  how  many  v;orlds  he  knew  r  he  faid. 


APPENDIX.  2^s 

he  knew  but  one,  which  was  under  the  fky  that 
covered  him,  and  which  confifted  of  tli€  Powha- 
tans,  the  Manaliins,  and  the  Mairawomacs.  Being 
queftioned    concerning   the   latter,    he  faid  they 
dwelt  on  a  great  water  to  the  north,  that  they  had 
many  boats,  and  lb  many   men  that  they  waged 
with  all  the  reft  of  the  world.     The  Mingo  con- 
federacy then   confifted  of  five  tribes  j  three  who 
are  the  elder,  to  wit,  the  Senecas,  who  live  to  the 
weft,  the  Mohawks  to  the  eaft,   and  the  Ononda- 
gas  between  them  ;  and  two  who  are  called  the 
younger  tribes,  namely,  the  Cayugas  and  Oneidas. 
All  thefe  tribes  fpeak.  one  language,  and  were 
then  united   in  a  clofe  confederacy,   and  occupied 
the  tra<5l  of  country  from  the  eaft  end  of  lake  Erie 
to  lake  Champlain>  and  from  the  Kittatinney  and 
Highlands  to  the  lake  Ontario  and. the  river  Cada- 
raqui,   or  St.   Lawrence.     They  had,  fometime 
before  that,  carried  on  a  war  with  a  nation,  who 
lived  beyond  the  lakes,  and  were  called  Adiron- 
dacs.     In  this  war  they  were  worfted  :    but  hav- 
ing made   a  peace  with  tliem,  through  the  inter- 
ceffion  of  the  French,  who  were  then  fettling  in 
Canada,  they  turned  their  arms  againft  the  Leno- 
pi ;  and  as  this  war  was  long  and  doubtful,  they, 
in  the  courfe  of  it,  not  only  exerted   their  whole 
force,  but  put  in  pra<5liGe  every   meafure  which 
prudence  or  policy   could   devife   to  bring  it  to  a 
fuccef^ul  iflue.     For  this  purpofe  they  bsnt  their 
courfe  down  the   Sufquehanna,  w^arring  with  the 
Indians  in  their  way,  and  having  penetrated  as  far 
as  the  mouth  of  it,  they,  by  the  terror  of  their 
arms,  engaged  a  nation,  now  known  by  the  name 
of  Nanticocks,  Conoys  and  Tuteloes,  who  lived 


-94  APPENDIX.. 

between  Chefapeak  and  Delaware  bays,  and  bor» 
dering  on  the  tribe  of  Chihohocki,  to  enter  into  an 
alliance  with  them.  They  alfo  formed  an  alli- 
ance with  the  Monacans,  and  Hlmulated  them  to 
a  war  with  the  Lenopi  and  their  confederates. 
At  the  fame  time  the  Mohawks  carried  on  a  furi- 
ous war  down  the  Pludibn  againft  the  Mohiccons 
and  River  Indians,  and  compelled  them  to  pur- 
chafe  a  temporary  and  precarious  peace,  by  ac- 
knowledging them  to  be  their  fuperiors,  and  pay- 
ing an  annual  tribute.  The  Lenopi  being  fur- 
rounded  with  enemies,  and  hard  prefTed,  and  hav- 
ing loft  many  of  their  warriors,  v/ere  at  laft  com- 
pelled to  fue  for  peace,  which  was  granted  to 
them  on  the  condition  that  they  fliould  put  them- 
lelves  under  the  proteciion  of  the  Mirhgoes,  con- 
fine themfelves  to  raifmg  com,  hunting  for  the 
fubfiftence  of  their  families,  and  no  longer  have 
the  power  of  making  war.  This  is  wliat  the  In- 
dians call  making  them  women.  Arid  in  this 
condition  the  Lenopis  v»'erc  vrhen  William  Penn 
firft  arrived  and  began  the  fettleilient  of  Pennfyl- 
vania  in  1682. 

(6.)  p.  144.  From  the  figurative  language  of 
the  Indians,  as  well  as  from  the  pra6tice  of  thofe 
we  are  ftill  acquainted  with,  it  is  evident  that  it 
was,  and  flill  continues  to  be,  aconftant  cuftom 
among  the  Indians  to  gather  up  the  bones  of  the 
dead,  and  depofit  them  in  a  particular  place. — 
Thus,  when  they  make  peace  with  any  nation, 
with  whom  they  have  been  at  war,  after  burying 
the  hatchet,  they  take  up  the  belt  of  wampum,  and 
fay,  *  We  now  gather  up  all  the  bones  of  thofe 
<  who  have  been  flain,  and  bury  them,  &c.'     See 


APPENDIX.  2^5 

all  the  treaties  of  peace.  Befides,  it  is  cuHomary 
when  any  of  them  die  at  a  diftance  from  home, 
to  bmTy  them,  and  afterwards  to  come  and  take 
up  the  bones  and  carry  them  home.  At  a  treaty 
which  was  held  at  Lancader  with  the  fix  nations, 
one  of  them  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  woods  a 
little  diftance  from  the  to\vn.  Some  time  after  a 
party  came  and  took  up  the  body,  feparatcd  the 
flefli  from  the  bones  by  boiling  and  fcraping  them 
clean,  and  carried  them  to  be  depofited  in  the 
fepulchres  of  their  anceftors.  The  operation  was 
fo  offenfive  and  difagreeable,  that  nobody  could 
come  near  them  while  they  were  performing  it. 

(7.)  p.  147.  The  Ofwegatchies,  Connofedagos 
and  Cohunnegagoes,  or,  as  they  are  commonly 
called,  Caghnewagos,  are  of  the  Mingo  or  Six- 
nation  Indians,  who,  by  the  influence  of  the  French 
mlffionaries,  have  been  feparated  from  their  nation, 
and  induced  to  fettle  there. 

I  do  not  know  of  v/hat  nation  tlie  Augquagahs 
arc  ;  but  fufpeft  they  are  a  family  of  die  Senecas. 

The  Nanticocks  and  Conoies  were  formerly  of 
a  nation  that  lived  at  the  head  of  Chefapeak-bay, 
and  who,  of  late  years,  have  been  adopted  into 
the  Mingo  or  Iroquois  confederacy,  and  make  a 
feventh  nation.  The  Monacans  or  Tufcaroras, 
who  were  taken  into  the  confederacy  in  17 1 2,  mak- 
ing the  fixth.     • 

The  Saponles  are  families  of  the   Wanamies, 

who  removed  from  New-Jerfey,    and,  with   the 

Mohiccons,  Muniles,   and  Delawares,  belong  to 

the  Lenopi  nation.     TheMingos  are  a  war  colony 

.  from  the-  fix  nations  j  fo  are  the  Cohunnewagoso 


295  APPENDIX. 

OF  the  reft  of  the  northern  tribes  I  never  have 
"been  able  to  learn  any  thing  certain.  Eat  all  ac- 
counts feem  to  agree  in  this,  that  there  is  a  very- 
powerful  nation,  diftinguKhed  by  a  variety  of 
names  taken  from  the  feveral  towns  or  families, 
but  commonly  called  Tawas  or  Outawas,  who 
fpeak  one  language,  and  live  round  and  on  the 
waters  that  fall  into  the  weftern  lakes,  and  extend 
from  the  waters  of  the  Ohio  quite  to  the  waters 
^falling  into  Hudfon's  bay. 


No.  IL 

J n  the  Summer  of  the  Tear  ty^3,  It  *was  expeBed,, 
that  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  m^oidd  call  a 
Convention yb'r  the  E/lalljfJjment  of  a  Consti- 
tution. The  following  Draught  of  a  Fun- 
damental Constitution  for  the  Common- 
wealth of  Virginia  nvas  then  prepared,  with 
a  dejtgn  of  he'ing  propofed  in  fuch  Convention  had  it 
taken  place. 

T'^0  the  citizens  of  the  commonwealth  of 
Virginia,  and  all  others  whom  it  may  con- 
cern, the  delegates  for  the  faid  commonwealth  ir 
convention  afiembled,  fend  greeting. 

It  is  known  to  you,  and  to  the  world,  that  the 
government  of  Great-Britain,  with  v/hich  the 
American  States  were  not  long  fmce  connefted, 
aiTumed  over  them  an  authority  unwarrantable 
and  oppreffive  ;  that  they  endeavored  to  enforce 
this  authority  by  arms,  and  that  the  ftates  of  New- 
Hampfhire,  MalTachufetts,  Rhode-Ifland,  Con- 
nefticut,  New-York,  Nev/-Jerfey,  Pennfylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina, 
South-Carolina,  and  Georgia,  confidering  refift- 
ance,  with  all  its  train  of  horrors,  as  a  lefler  evil 
than  abje<51:fubmi{Iion,  clofed  in  the  appeal  to  arms. 
It  hath  pleafed  the  Sovereign  Difpofer  of  all  hu- 
man events  to  give  to  this  appeal  an  iiTue  favor- 
able to  the  rights  of  the  ftates ;  to  enable  them  to 
rejedt  for  ever  all  dependance  on  a  government 
which  had  fhewn  itfelf  fo  capable  of  abufmg  the 
trufts  repofed  in  it ;  and  to  obtain  from  that  gov- 
O  o 


298  APPENDIX. 

ernnient  a  folemn  and  explicit  acknowledgement 
that  they  are  free,  fovereign,  and  independent 
ftates.  During  the  progress  of  that  war,  through 
■Vi^hich  we  had  to  labor  for  the  efcablilhment  of  cu.r 
rights,  the  legidature  of  the  commonwealth  of 
Virginia  found  it  neceffary  to  make  a  temporary 
organization  of  government  for  preventing  anar- 
chy, and  pointing  our  efforts  to  the  tvv  o  important 
objects  of  war  againft  oiir  invaders,  and  peace  and 
happinefs  arjiong  ourfelves.  Eut  this  like  all 
other  a^LS  of  legiflation,  being  fubjecl  to  change 
by  fubfequent  legiflatures,  polTefTing  equal  power 
witii  themfelves,'  it  has  been  thought  expedient, 
that  it  fliould  receive  thofe  amendments  which 
time  and  trial  have  fuggefted,  and  be  rendered 
permanent  by  a  power  fuperior  to  that  of  the  cr- 
dinary  legillaturer  The  general  aiTembly  therefore 
of  this  (late  recommend  it  to  the  good  people  there- 
of, to  chufe  delegates  to  meet  in  general  conveil- 
tion,  with  powers  to  form  a  confiitution  of  govern- 
ment for  them,  and  to  declare  thofe  fundamentals 
to  which  all  our  laws  prefent  and  future  iliall  be 
fjbordinate  .  and,  in  compliance  v/ith  this  recom- 
mendatior.,  they  have  thought  proper  to  malie 
choice  of  us,  and  to  veil  us  with  powers  for  this 
purp  ofe. 

We  therefore,  the  dele^ates,^  chofen  by  the  faid 
good  people  of  this  ftate  for  the  purpofe  aforefaid, 
and  now  aiTcmbled  in  general  convention,  do  in 
execution  of  the  authority  with  which  we  are  in- 
vefted,  eilablifh  the  following  confiitution  and 
fundamentals  of  government  for  the  faid  ftate  of 
Virginia. 

The  faid  flare  fnall  for  cvtr  hereafter  be  govern- 
ed as  a  commonwealth. 


APPENDIX.  •  299 

The  powers  of  government  flirul  be  divided 
into  three  du'tinft  departments  each  of  them  to  be 
confided  to  a  feparate  body  of  magiftracy  ;  to 
wit,  thofe  which  are  legiilatlve  to  one,  thofe  vvhich 
are  judiciary  to  another,  and  thofe  which  are  execii- 
tlA'e  to  another.  No  perfon,  or  colledion  of  per- 
fons,  being  of  one  of  thefe  departments,  fliall  ex- 
ercife  any  power  properly  belonging  to  either  of 
the  others,  except  in  the  inftances  hereinafter  ex- 
prefsly  permitted. 

The  legiflature  fhall  confifl:  of  two  branches,  the 
one  to  be  called  the  houfe  of  delegates,  the  other 
th.>  fenate,  and  both  together  the  general  affembly. 
The  concurrence  of  both  of  thefe,  expreffed  on 
three  feveral  readings,  fhall  be  necellary  to  the 
paliage  of  a  law. 

Delegates  for  the  general  affembly  (hall  be  cho- 
fen  on  the  lad  Monday  of  November  in  every 
year.  But  if  an  eledtion  cannot  be  concluded  on 
that  day  it  may  be  adjourned  from  day  to  day  till 
it  can  be  concluded. 

The  number  of  delegates  which  each  county 
may  fend  fliall  be  in  proportion  to  the  number  of 
its  qualified  electors  ;  and  the  whole  number  of  de- 
legates for  the  flate  fhall  befo  proportioned  to  the 
whole  number  of  qualified  electors  in  it,  that  they 
fliall  never  exceed  300,  nor  be  fewer  that  100. 
Whenever  fuch  excefs  or  deficiency  fhall  take 
place,  the  houfe  of  delegates  fo  deficient  or  ex- 
cefllve  fhall,  notwitlnlandino:  this,  continue  in  beinp- 
during  its  legal  term  :  but  they  ihall  during  that 
term,  re-adjuH  the  proportion,  fo  as  to  bring  their 
number  within  the  limits  before  mentioned  at  the 
enfuing  eledion.     If  any  county  be  reduced  in  its 


joo  APPENDIX. 

qualitied  electors  below  the  number  autliorifed  to 
fend  one  delegate,  let  it  be  annexed  to  fome  ad^ 
joining  county. 

For  the  eledtion  of  fenators,  let  tlie  feveral 
counties  be  allotted  \rf  the  fenate,  from  time  ta 
time,  into  fuch  a:id  fo  many  diilrifts  as  they  Ihall 
iind  beft  ;  and  let  each  county  at  the  time  of  ele^H:- 
ing  its  delegates,  chufe  fenatorial  ele<ftors,  quali- 
fied as  themfelves  are,  and  four  in  number  for  each 
delegate  their  county  is  entitled  to  fend,  who  ftiall 
convene,  and  conduct  themfelves,  in  fuch  manner 
as  the  legiilature  Ihall  direct,  v/ith  the  fenatorial 
eiediors  from  the  other  counties  of  their  diftric% 
and  then  chufe,  by  ballot,  one  fenator  for.  every 
iix  delegates  which  their  diftri<5t  is  entitled  to 
chufe.  Let  the  fenatorial  diftrivfts  be  divided  into 
two  clafies,  and  let  the  members  elected  for  one 
of  them  be  difTolved  at  the  firll  enfuing  general 
election  of  delegates,  the  other  at  the  next,  and  fo 
on  alternately  for  ever. 

All  free  male  citizens,  of  full  age,  and  fane 
jjund,  who  for  one  year  before  ihall  have  been  re- 
fident  in  the  county,  or  fliall  through  the  whole  of 
that  time  have  poffefTed  therein  real  property  of 
the  value  of  or  ihall  for  the  fame  time  hav^ 
been  enrolled  in  the  militia,  and  no  others,  fhall 
have  a  right  to  vote  for  delegates  for  the  faid 
county,  and  for  fenatorial  electors  for  the  diftricT:. 
They  ihall  give  their  votes  perfonally  ^nd  viva 
voce. 

The  general  aifembly  fhall  meet  at  tlie  place  to 
tvhich  the  laft  adjournment  was,  on  the  ^zd  day 
after  the  day  of  the  election  of  delegates,  and 
thence  forward  at  any  other  time  or  place  on  their 


APPENDIX.  ^Qi- 

0wn  adjournment,  till  their  office  expires,  whidi  • 
fhall  be  on  the  day  preceding  that  appointed  for. 
the  meeting  of  die  next  general  aiFemhly.  But  if 
they  Ihall  at  any  time  adjourn  for  more  than  one 
year,  it  fhall  be  as  if  they  had  adjourned  for  one 
year  precifely.  Neither  houfe,  without  the  con- 
currence of  the  other,  (hall  adjourn  for  more  than 
one  week,  nor  to  any  other  place  than  the  one  at 
which  they  are  fitting.  The  governor  Ihall  alfo 
have  power,  with  the  advice  of  the  council  of  Hate, 
to  call  them  at  any  other  time  to  the  fame  place, 
or  to  a  different  one,  if  that  Ihall  have  beconie 
fmce  the  laft  adjournment,  dangerous  from  an  en^ 
emy,  or  from  infeccion. 

A  majority  of  either  houfe  fliall  be  a  quorum, 
and  ihall  be  requifite  for  doing  bufmefs ;  but  any 
fmaller  proportion  which  from  time  to  time  Ihall 
be  thought  expedient  by  the  refpe<a:ive  hoiifes, 
Ihall  be  fufficient  to  call  for,  and  to  puniih  their 
nonattending  members,  and  to  adjourn  themfeives 
for  any  time  not  exceeding  one  week. 

The  members,  during  their  attendance  on  tlie 
general  atlembly,  and  for  ib  long  a  time  before 
and  after  as  Ihall  be  neceffary  for  travelling  to  and 
from  the  fame,  fhall  be  privileged  from  all  perian- 
al reftraint  and  alfault,  and  Ihall  have  no  other 
privilege,  whatfoever.  They  Ihall  receive  during 
the  fame  time,  daily  wages  in  gold  or  filver,  equal 
to  the  value  of  two  buihels  of  wlieat.  This  value 
Ihall  be  deemed  one  dollar  by  the  bufliel  till  the 
year  1790,  in  which,  and  in  every  tenth  year 
thereafter,  the  general  court,  at  tlieir  firft  feffions 
in  the  year,  ihall  caufe  a  fpecial  jury,  of  the  moil 
refpsaable  m^i'chants  and  farmers,  to  be  fummoa^ 


^2  APPENDIX; 

*ed,  to  declare  what  (Hall  have  been  the  avera^sje- 
value  of  wheat  during  the  laft  ten  years ;  which 
averaged  value  fhall  be  the  meafure  of  wages  for 
the  ten  fubfequent  years. 

Of  this  general  aflembly,  the  treafurer,  attorney 
general,  regiller,  minillers  of  the  gofpel,  officers  of 
the  regular  armies  of  this  ftate,  or  of  the  United 
States,  perfons  receiving  falaries  or  emoluments 
from  any  power  foreign  to  our  confederacy,  thofe 
who  are  not  refident  in  the  county  for  which  they 
are  chofen  delegates,  or  diftrids  for  which  they 
are  chofen  fenators,  thofe  who  are  not  qualified 
as  eleflors,  perfons  who  fhall  have  committed 
"treafon,  felony,  or  fuch  other  crime  as  would  fub- 
]e6l  them  to  infamous  punifhment,  or  who  fhall 
have  been  convicted  by  due  courfe  of  law  of  bri- 
bery or  corruption,  in  endeavoring  to  procure  an 
eleftion  to  the  faid  aflembly,  fhall  be  incapable  of 
being  members.  All  others,  not  herein  elfewhere 
excluded,  who  may  elect,  fhall  be.  capable  of  being 
elected  thereto. 

Any  member  of  the  faid  aiTembly  accepting  any 
office  of  profit  under  this  flate,  or  the  United 
States,  or  any  of  them,  fhall  thereby  vacate  his 
feat  but  Ihall  be  capable  of  being  re-eledted. 

Vacancies  occafioned  by  fuch  difqualifications, 
by  death,  or  otherwife,  Ihall  be  fupplied  by  the 
electors,  on  a  writ  from  the  f^eaker  of  the  refped- 
ive  houfe. 

The  general  affembly  fnall  not  have  power  to 
nifringe  this  conftitution  ;  to  abridge  the  civil 
rights  of  any  perfon  on  account  of  his  religious 
belief;  to  reftrain  him  from  profeffing  and  fup- 
porting  that  belief,  or  to  compel  him  to  contrlbu- 


\.     APPENDIX.  303 

t'lons,  •  other  than  thoie  he  {hall  have  p3rfoi:.rJly 
'ftipulated  for  the  fupport  of  that  or  any  othe;  ;  to 
ordain  death  for  any  crime  but  treafon  or  murder, 
or  military  cfFences ;  to  pardon,  or  give  a  power 
of  pardoning  perfcns  duly  convi(5led  of  treafon  or 
felonr,  but  intlead  thereof  they  may  fubftitute  one 
or  two  new  trials,  and  no  more  ;  to  pafs  laws  for 
punifhipg  a>5tions  done  before  th^  exillence  of  fuch 
laws  ;  to  pafs  any  bill  of  attainder  of  treafon  or 
felony/  ;  to  prefcrlbe  torture  In  any  cafe  whatever  ; 
nor  to  permit  the  introduction  of  any  m^ore  liaves 
to  refide  in  this  (late,  or  tlie  continuance  of  flavery 
beyond  the  generation  which  fhall  be  living  on  the 
thirty-flrll:  day  of  December,  one  thoufand  eight 
hundred:  all  perfons   born  after  that  day  being 

■hereby  declared  free. 

The -general  aifembly  fhall  have  power  to  fever 
from  this  ftate  all  or  any  parts  of  its  territory 
weft  ward  of  the  Ohio,  or  of  the  meridian  of  the 

•mouth  of  the  Great  Kanhaway,  and  to  cede  to 
congrefs  one  hundred  fquare  miles  of  territory  in 

■  any  other  part  of  this  ftate,  exempted  from  the 

,  jurifdi«ftion  and  government  of  this  ftate  fo  long 
as  congrefs  fball  hold  their  feftions  therein,  or  in 
any  territory  adjacent  thereto,  which  may  be 
ceded  to  them  by  any  other  ftate. 

ThejT  fnall  have  power  to  appoint  the  fpeakers 
of  their  refpeftive  houfes,  treafurer,  auditors,  at- 
torney-general, regifter,  all  general  officers  of  the 
military,  their  own  clerks  and  ferjeants,  and  no 
other  officers,  except  where,  in  other  parts  of  this 
conftitution,  fuch  appointment  is  exprefsly  given 
them. 


304  APPENDIX. 

The  executive  powers  fhll!  be  exercifed  by  a 
Governor^  who  fhall  be  chofen  by  joint  ballot  of 
both  houfes  of  afTembly,  and  when  chofen  fliall  re- 
main in  office  five  years,  and  be  ineligible  a  fecond 
time.  During  his  term  he  fliall  hold  no  other 
office  or  emolument  under  this  ftate,  or  any  other 
ftate  or  power  whatfoever.  By  executive  powers, 
we  mean  on  reference  t©  thofe  pov/ers  exercifed 
under  our  former  government  by  the  crown  as  of 
its  prerogative,  nor  that  thefe  Ihall  be  the  ftandard 
of  what  may  or  may  not  be  deemed  the  rightful 
powers  of  the  governor.  We  give  him  thofe 
powers  only,  which  are  neceffary  to  execute  the 
laws  (and  adminiller  the  government)  and  which 
are  not  in  their  nature  either  legiflative  or  judiciary.' 
The  application  of  this  idea  mud  be  left  to  reafon. 
We  do  however  exprefsly  deny  him  the  preroga- 
tive powers  of  erecting  courts,  offices,  boroughs, 
corporations,  fairs,  markets,  ports,  beacons,  light- 
houfes,  and  fea-marks ;  of  laying  embargoes,  of 
eftablifning  precedence,  of  retaining  within  the 
(late  or  recalling  to  it  any  citizen  thereof,  and  of 
making  denizens,  except  fo  far  as  he  may  be  au- 
thorifed  from  time  to  time  by  the  legifxature  to 
exercife  any  of  thefe  powers.  The  powers  of  de- 
claring war  and  concluding  peace,  of  contra.cting 
alliances,  of  ifTuing  letters  of  marque  and  reprifal, 
ofraifmg  and  introducing  armed  forces,  of  build- 
ing armed  veflels,  forts,  or  ftrong  holds,  of  coining 
money  or  regulating  its  value,  of  regulating 
weights  and  meafures,  we  leave  to  be  exercifed  un- 
der the  authority  of  the  confederation  :  but  in  all 
cafes  refpedting  them  which  are  out  of  tlie  faid 
confederation,  they  fhall  be  exercifed  by  the  gover- 


APPENDIX.  305 

iior,  under  the  regulation  of  fuch  laws  as  the  leglf- 
iature  may  think  it  expedient  to  pafs. 

The  whole  military  cf  this  ftate,  v/hether  regu- 
lar, or  of  militia,  fhall  be  fubjeft  to  his  direclions  ; 
but  he  fhall  leave  the  execution  of  thofe  direiftions 
to  the  general  officers  appointed  by  the  Jegill.iture. 

His  falary  fhall  be  fixed  by  the  legiflature  at 
the  feiTion  of  the  ailembly  in  which  he  fliall  be  ap- 
pointed, and  before  fuch  appointment  be  made  ; 
or  if  it  be  not  then  fixed,  it  fliall  be  the  fame 
which  his  next  predecefTor  in  office  was  entitled  to. 
In  either  cafe  he  may  demand  it  quarterly  out  of 
any  money  which  Ihall  be  in  the  public  treafury ; 
and  it  fhall  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  legiflature 
to  give  him  lefs  or  more,  either  during  his  con- 
tinuance in  ofHce,  or  after  he  fhall  have  gone  out 
of  it.  The  lands,  houfes,  and  other  things  appro- 
priated to  the  ufe  of  the  governor,  fhall  remain  to 
his  ufe  during  his  continuance  in  ofHce. 

A  Council  of  State  Ihall  be  chofen  by  j  oint  ballot 
oi  both  houfes  of  the  affembly,  who  fhall  hold 
their  offices  feven  years,  and  be  ineligible  a  fecond 
time,  and  who,  while  they  fliall  be  of  the  laid 
council,  fhall  hold  no  other  office  or  emolument 
under  this  flate,  or  any  other  flate  or  power  what- 
soever. Their  duty  ihall  be  to  attend  and  advife 
the  governor  when  called  on  by  him,  and  their  ad- 
vice in  any  cafe  fhall  be  a  fanftion  to  him.  -  They 
vfhalLaiib  have  power,  and  it  fhall  be  their  duty,  to 
'.meet  at  their  own  will,  and  to  give  their  advice, 
•lliough  not  required  by  the  governor,  in  cafes 
where  they  fhall  think  the  pubhc  good  calls  for  it. 
Their  advice  and  proceedings  fli-iU  be  entered  in 
books  to  be  kept  for  that  purpole,  and  ihall  be 
P  p 


^a6  APPENDIX, 

figned  as  approved  or  difapproved  by  the  mem* 
bers  prefent.  Thefe  books  fliall  be  laid  before  ei- 
fher  hoiife  of  alTembly  vrheTi.  called  for  by  them. 
The  faid  conncil  fhall  confiil  of  eight  members 
for  the  prefent ;  bat  their  numbers  may  be  increa- 
{ed  or  reduced  by  the  legiflature,  whenever  they 
fhall  think  it  neceilary ;  provided  fnch  reduclion 
be  made  only  as  the  appointments  become  vacant 
by  death,  refignation,  difqualification,  or  regular 
deprivation.  A  majority  of  their  a6]:ual  number, 
.and  not  fewer,  fhall  be  a  quonim.  They  ihall  he- 
al Sowed  for  the  prefent  each  by  the  year» 
pa.}" able  quarterly  out  of  any  money  which  fhall 
be  In  the  public  treafury.  Their  falary  however 
may  be  increafed  or  abated  from  time  to  time,  at 
the  difcretion  of  the  legiflature  5  provided  fuch  in- 
creafe  or  abatement  fhall  not,  by  any  ways  or 
means,  b;^  made  to  cfTecfl  either  then,  or  at  any  fu- 
ture time,  any  one  of  thofe  then  actually  in  afRce. 
At  the  end  of  each  quarter  their  falary  fhall  be 
divided  rito  equal  portions,  by  the  number  of  days 
on  which,  during  that  quarter,  a  council  has  been 
^leld,  or  required  by  the  governor,  or  by  their  own 
adjournment,  and  one  of  thofe  portions  Ihall  be 
v.-ithheld  from  each  member  for  every  of  the  faid 
days  which,  without  caufe  allowed  good  by  the 
board,  he  failed  to  attend,  or  departed  before  ad- 
journment without  their  leave.  If  no  board  fhould 
liave  been  held  during  that  quarter,  there  Ihall  be 
no  deduftion. 

They  ihall  annually  chiufc  a  Prcfuknty  who  Ihall 
preiide  in  council  m  the  abfence  of  the  governor, 
snd  who,  in  cafe  of  his  ofnce  becoming  vacant  by 
death  or  otherwife,  ftiail  liave    authority  to  exer- 


APPENDIX.  yjj 

€ife  all  his  fiindions,  till  a  siew  appointment  be 
made,  as  he  fnall  alfo  in  any  interval  during 
which  the  governor  Ihall  declare  himfelf  unable  to 
attend  to  the  duties  of  his  office. 

The  judiciary  pov^^'ers  fuall  be  exerclfed  by 
county  courts  and  fuch  other  inferior  courts  as  tlie 
legiflature  fhail  think  proper  to  continue  or  to 
ered,  by  three  iuperior  courts,  to  wit,  a  court  of 
admiralty,  a  general  court  of  common  law,  and  a 
high  court  of  chancery ;  and  by  one  fupreme 
court,  to  be  called  the  court  of  appeals. 

The  judges  of  the  high  court  of  chancery,  ge- 
neral court,  and  court  of  admiralty,  ihall  be  four 
in  number,  each  to  be  appointed  by  joint  ballot  of 
both  houfes  of  aiTembly,  and  to  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behaviour.  While  they  continue 
judges,  they  fhail  hold  no  other  office  or  emolu- 
ment, under  this  ilate,  or  any  other  if  ate  or  power 
whatfoever,  except  that  they  may  be  delegated  to 
congrefs,  receiving  no  additional  allowance. 

Thefe  judges,  affembled  together^  Ihall  confti- 
tute  the  court  of  appeals  whofe  bafmefs  Ihi-ill  be 
to  receive  and  determine  appeals  from  the  three  fu- 
perior  courts  but  to  receive  no  original  caufes, 
except  in  the  cafes  exprefsly  permitted  herein. 

A  majority  of  the  members  of  either  of  thcfe 
courts,  and  -not  fewer,  Ihall  be  a  quorum.  But 
hi  the  court  of  appeals  nine  members  ihall  be  ne- 
ceflary  to  do  buhnefs.  Any  fmaller  numbers 
however  may  be  authorifed  by  the  iegillature  to 
adjourn  their  refpective  courts. 

They  fhail  be  allowed  for  the  prefent 
each  by  the  year,  payable  quarterly  out  of  any 
money   Vv'hich    ihall   be   in  the  public   treafury. 
Their  falaries   however   may    be    increafed    er 


3o8  APPENDIX. 

abated,  from  time  to  time,  at  the  dircretlon  of  the 
legillature,  provided  fuch  increafe  or  abatement 
Ihail  not,  b^y  any  ways  or  means,  be  made  to  affedt, 
either  then,  or  at  any  future  time,  any  one  of 
thofe  then  adually  in  office.  At  the  end  of  each 
quarter  their  falary  fhall  be  divided  into  equal 
portions  by  the  number  of  days  on  which,  during 
that  quarter,  their  refpedlive  courts  fat,  or  fhould 
have  fat,  and  one  of  thefe  portions  fhall  be  with- 
held from  each  member  for  every  of  the  fiid  days, 
which,  without' caufe  allowed  good  by  his  court j 
he  failed  to  attend,  or  departed  before  adjourn- 
ment without  their  leave.  If  no  court  Ihould 
have  DtQn  held  during  the  quarter,  there  fhall  be 
no  dedudiion. 

There  fnail  moreover  be  a  Courl  of  Impeachments 
to  confift  of  three  members  of  the  council  of  flate^ 
one  of  each  of  the  fuperior  courts  of  chancery, 
common  law,  and  admiralty,  two  members  of  the 
houfe  of  delegates  and  one  of  the  fenate,  to  be 
chofen  by  the  body  refpecltvely  of  which  they  are. 
Before  this  court  any  m.ember  of  the  three  brands 
es  of  government,  that  is  to  fay,  tlie  governor,  any 
member  of  the  council,  of  the  two  houfes  of  legill^i- 
ture,  or  of  the  fuperior  courts,  may  be  impeached 
by  the  governor,  the  council,  or  either  of  the  faid 
houies  or  courts,  and  by  no  other,  for  fuch  mif- 
behaviour  in  office  as  would  be  fufficient  to  remove 
him  therefrom  :  and  the  only  fentence  they  Ihall 
ha\T  authority  to  pafs  Ihall  be  that  of  deprivation 
and  future  incapacity  of  office.  Seven  members 
ihall  be  requifite  to  make  a  court,  and  tv>^o  thirds, 
of  thofe  prefent  muil  concur  in  the  fetttenee.  The 
©ffences  cogniz^able  by  this  court  Ihall  be  cogniz- 


APPENDIX.  309 

able  b^f  no  other,  and  they  fhall  be  triers  of  th© 
fa<5l  as  well  as  judges  of  the  law. 

The  juiUces  or  judges  cf  the  inferior  courts  al» 
ready  erected,  or  hereafter  to  be  eredea-  lliall  be 
appointed  by  the  governor,  on  advice  of  the  coun- 
cil of  ftate,  and  Ihali  hold  their  offices  during, 
good  behaviour,  or  the-  exiftance  ot  their  court. 
For  breach  of  the  good  behaviour,  they  Ihall  be 
tried  according  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  before  the 
court  of  appeals,  who  Ihall  be  judges  of  the  fad  as  . 
well  as  of  the  law.  The  only  fentence  they  Ihall 
have  authority  to  pafs,  ihali  be  that  of  deprivation 
and  future  incapacity  of  ofhce,  and  two  thirds  of 
the  menabers  prefentmu (I  concur  in  this  fentence. 

All  courts  ihall  appoint  their  own  clerks,  who 
fliall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behaviour,  or 
the  exiilence  of  their  court :  they  (hall  alio  ap- 
point all  other  their  attending  officers  to  continue 
during  their  pleafure.  Clerks  appointed  by  the 
fupreme  or-  the  fuperior  courts  Ihall  be  removeable 
by  their  refpeftive  courts.  Thole  to  be  appointed 
by  other  courts  Ihall  have  been  previoully  exam- 
ined, and  certified  ta  be  duly,  qualified,  by  fome 
two  members  of  the  general  court,  and  ihall  be 
removeable  for  breach  of  the  good  behaviour  by 
the  court  of  appeals  only,  who  ihall  be  judges  of. 
the  fad  as  well  as  of  the  law.  Tv/o  thirds  of  the 
members  prefent  muft  concur  in  the  fentence. 

The  juftices  or  judges  of  the  inferior  courts 
inay  be  members  of  the  legiilature. 

The  judgment  of  no  inferior  court  Ihall  be  final, 
in  any  civil  cafe,  of  greater  value  than  50  bulhels 
of  wheat,  as  lail  rated  in  the  general  court  for 
fettling  the  allowance  to  the  jnembers  of  tlie  gen- 


310  APPENDIX. 

eral  aflembly,  nor  in  any  cafe  of  treafon,  felony, 
or  other  crime  which  fhould  fubjed  the  party  to 
infamous  punilhment. 

In  all  cafes  depending  before  any  court,  other 
than  thofe  of  impeachments,  of  appeals,  and  mi- 
litary courts,  facts  put  in  iilue  ihall  be  tried  by 
jury,  and  in  all  courts  whatever  witnelTes  fhail 
give  teftimony  viva  voce  in  open  court,  wherever 
their  attendance  can  be  procured  :  and  all  parties 
ihall  be  allowed  counfel  and  compulfory  procefs 
for  their  witneffes. 

Fines,  amercements,  and  terms  of  imprifon- 
ment  left  indefinite  by  the  law,  other  than  for  con- 
tempts, fiiall  be  fixed  by  the  jury,  triers  of  the  of- 
fence. 

The  governor,  two  councillors  of  (late,  and  a 
judge  from  each  of  the  fuperior  courts  of  chan- 
cery, common  law,  and  admiralty,  ihall  be  a 
council  to  revife  all  bills  which  Ihali  have  palled 
both  houfes  of  alTembly,  in  which  council  the 
governor,  when  prefent,  fhall  prefide.  Every 
bill  before  it  becomes  a  law,  Ihall  be  prefented  to 
this  council,  who  fhall  have  a  right  to  advife  its 
rejedion,  returning  the  bill,  with  their  advice  and 
reafons  in  v/riting,  to  the  houfe  in  which  it  origina- 
ted, who  fhall  proceed  to  reconfider  the  faid  bill. 
But  if  after  fuch  reconfideration,  two  thirds  of 
the  houfe  fhall  be  of  opinion  the  bill  fhould  pafs 
finally,  they  faail  pafs  and  fend  it,  with  the  advice 
and  written  reafons  of  the  faid  council  of  revifion 
to  the  other  houfe,  wherein,  if  two  thirds  alfo 
fhall  be  of  opinion  it  fhould  pafs  finally,  it  fhall 
thereupon  become  law;  otberwife  it  Ihall  not. 

If  any  bill,  prefented  to  the  faid  council,  be  not, 
within  one  week  (evclufive  of  the  day  of  prefent- 


APPENDIX.  311 

ing  it)  returned  by  them,  with  their  advice  of  re- 
jedion  and  reafons,  to  the  houfe  wherein  it  ori- 
ginated, or  to  the  clerk  of  the  faid  houfe,  in  cafe 
of  its  adjournment  over  the  expiration  of  the  week, 
it  {hall  be  law  from  the  expiration  of  the  week, 
and  fhall  then  be  demandable  by  tlie  clerk  of  the 
houfe  of  delegates,  to  be  filed  of  record  in  his  of- 
fice. 

The  bills  which  they  approve  (hall  become  lavr 
from  the  time  of  fuch  approbation,  and  fhall  then 
be  returned  to,  or  demandable  by,  the  clerk  of 
the  houfe  of  delegates,  to  be  filed  of  record  in  his 
office. 

A  bill  rejected  on  advice  of  the  council  of  re- 
vifion,  may  again  be  propofed,  during  the  fame 
feffion  of  aifembiy,  with  fuch  alterations  as  will 
render  it  conformable  to  their  advice. 

The  mem.bers  of  the  faid  council  of  revifion 
(hall  be  appointed  from  time  to  time  by  the  board 
or  court  of  which  they  refpe6tively  are.  Two  of 
the  executive  and  two  of  the  judiciary  members 
fliall  be  requifite  to  do  bufmefs :  and  to  prevent 
the  evils  of  non-attendance,  the  board  and  courts 
may,  at  any  time  name  all,  or  fo  many  as  they 
will,  of  their  members,  in  the  particular  order  in 
Vv^hich  they  would  chufe  the  duty  of  attendance 
to  devolve  from  preceding  to  fubfequent  members, 
the  preceding  failing  to  attend.  They  ihall  have 
additionally  for  their  fcrvices  in  this  council  the 
fame  allowance  as  members  of  aifembly  have. 

The  confederation  is  made  a  part  of  this  con- 
ftitution,  fubjecl  to  fuch  future  alterations  as  fhall 
be  agreed  to  by  the  legiHatiire  of  this  ftate,  and 
by  all  the  other  confederating  ftates. 


gi2  APPENDIX. 

Tlie  delegates  to  congrefs  fhall  be  five  in'"  num- 
ber ;  any  three  of  whom,  and  no  fewer,  maybe  a 
reprefer.tatlon.  They  fliall  be  appointed  by  joint 
ballot  of  both  houfes  of  affembly  for  any  term  -not 
exceedhig  one  year,  fubjecl  to  be  recalled,  wichhi 
the  term  by  joint  vote  of  both,  the  faid  houfes. 
They  may  at  the  fame  time  be  members  of  the 
legifiative  or  judiciary  departments,  but  not  of  the 
executive. 

The  benefits  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus 
fhall  be  extended,  by  the  legiflature,  to  ever)'  per- 
fon  within  this  ftate,  and  without  free,  and  fliall  be 
fo  facihtated  that  no  perfon  may  be  detained  in 
prifon  more  than  ten  days  after  he  Ihall  have  de- 
manded and  been  refufed  fuch  writ  by  the  judge 
appointed  by  law,  or  If  none  be  appointed,  then  by 
any  judge  of  a  fuperlor  court,  nor  more  than  ten 
days  after  fuch  a  writ  fhall  have  been  ferved  on 
the  perfon  detaining  him,  and  no  order  given,  on 
due  examination,  for  his  I'emandment  or  dll- 
-charge. 

The  military  •  fhall  be  Subordinate  to  the  civil 
;power. 

Printlng-prefies '{hall  be  fubjedl  to  no  other  re- 
ilraint  than  liablenefs  to  legal  profecution  for  falfe 
fafts  printed  and  publifhed. 

Any  two  of  the  three  branches  of  government 
concuring  in  opinion,  each  by  the  voices  of  two 
.thirds  of  their  whole  exlililng  number,  that  a  con- 
vention is  necelfary  for  altering  this  conftitution, 
.or  correding  breaches  of  it,  they  Ihall  be  authori- 
fed  to  ilfue  wTlts  to  every  county  for  the  ele.51:Ion 
■of  fo  many  delegates  as  they  are  author ifed  to 
iend  to  the  general  affembly,  which  elections  ihall 


APPENDIX.  315 

be  held,  and  writs  returned,  as  the  laws  fiiall  have 
provided  in  the  cafe  of  eledtions  of  delegates  to  af- 
fembly,  mutatis,  mutandis,  and  the  faid  delegates 
ihall  meet  at  the  ufual  place  of  holding  affemblies, 
three  months  after  date  of  fuch  writs,  and  fhall  be 
acknowledged  to  have  equal  powers  with  this 
prefent  convention.  The  laid  writs  fhall  be  fign- 
cd  by  all  the  members  approving  the  fame. 

^  To  introduce  this  government,  the  following  fpe- 
cial  and  temporary  provifion  is  m-ade. 

This  convention  being  authorifed  only  to  amend 
thofe  laws  which  conftituted  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, no  general  difTolution  of  the  v/hole  fyftem 
of  laws  can  be  fuppofed  to  have  taken  place  :  but 
all  laws  in  force  at  the  meeting  of  this  convention^ 
and  not  inconfiftent  with  this  conftitution,  remain 
in  full  force,  fubjec^  to  alterations  by  the  ordinary 
legiflature. 

The  prefent  general  affembly  fhall  continue  ttll 
the  42d  day  atter  the  laft  Monday  of  November 
in  this  prefent  year.  On  the  faid  laft  Monday  of 
November  in  this  prefent  year,  the  feveral  counties 
fhall  by  their  eledors  qualified  as  provided  by  this 
conftitution,  eledi:  delegates,  which  for  the  prefent 
fhall  be,  in  number,  one  for  every  militia 

of  the  faid  county,  according  to  the  lateft  returns 
in  pofTefTion  of  the.  governor,  and  fhall  alfo  chufe 
fenatorial  eledlors  in  proportion  thereto,  which 
fenatonal  electors  fhall  meet  on  the  14th  day  after 
the  day  of  their  eledion,  at  the  court-houfe  of  that 
county  of  their  prefent  diftrid  which  would  ftand 
firft  in  an  alphabetical  arrangement  of  their  coun- 
ties, and  fhall  chufe  fenators  in  the  proportion 
fixed  by  this  conftitution.  The  ck-aions  and  re- 
turns ftiall  b^  conducted,  in  all  circumstances  not 


5 14  APPENDIX. 

hereby  particularly  prefcribed,  by  the  fame  perfons 
and  under  the  fame  forms,  as  prefcribed  by  the 
prefent  laws  in  eledions  of  fenators  and  delegates 
of  allembly.  The  faid  fenators  and  delegates 
ihall  conftitute  the  firft  general  affembly  of  the 
new  government,  and  fhall  fpecially  apply  them- 
felves  to  the  procuring  an  exadl  return  from  every 
county  of  the  number  of  its  qualified  eledors,  and 
to  the  fettlement  of  the  number  of  delegates  to  be 
ele61:ed  for  the  enfuing  general  affembly. 

The  prefent  governor  fhall  continue  in  office  to 
the  end  of  the  term  for  which  he  was  ele^ed. 

All  other  officers  of  every  kind  fhall  continue 
In  ©ffice  as  they  would  have  done  had  their  ap- 
pointment been  under  this  conllitution,  and  new 
ones,  where  new  are  hereby  called  for,  fhall  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  authority  to  which  fuch  appoint- 
ment is  referred.  One  of  the  prefent  judges  of 
the  general  court,  he  confenting  thereto,  fhall  by 
joint  ballot  of  both  houfes  of  affembly,  at  their 
£rft  meeting,  be  transferred  to  the  high  court  of 
chancery. 


No.  III. 

An  ACT  for  ejiahll/hlng  Religious  Freedom^ 
paffed  in  the  AJfembly  of  Virginia^  in  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1786. 

WELL  aware  that  Almighty  God  hath  cre- 
ated the  mind  free  ;  that  all  attempts  to 
influence  it  by  temporal  punifhments  or  burdens, 
or  by  civil  incapacitations,  tend  only  to  beget 
habits  of  hypocrify  and  meannefs,  and  are  a  de- 
parture from  the  plan  of  the  Holy  Author  of  our 
religion,  who  being  Lord  both  of  body  and  mind, 
yet  chofe  not  to  propagate  it  by  coercions  on 
either,  as  was  in  his  Almighty  power  to  do  ;  that 
the  impious  prefumption  of  legiflators  and  rulers, 
civil  as  well  as  ecclefiaftical,  who,  being  themfelves 
but  fallible  and  uninfpired  men  have  aflumed  do- 
minion over  the  faith  of  others,  fetting  up  their 
own  opinions  and  modes  of  thinking  as  the  only 
true  and  infallible,  and  as  fuch  indeavoring  to  im- 
pofe  them  on  others,  hath  eilabliflied  and  main- 
tained falfe  religions  over  the  greateft  part  of  the 
world,  and  through  all  time  ;  that  to  compel  a 
man  to  furnifh  contributions  of  money  for  the 
propagation  of  opinions  which  he  difoelieves,  is 
finful  and  tyrannical ;  that  even  the  forcing  him 
to  fupport  this  or  that  teacher  of  his  own  religious 
perfuafion,  is  depriving  him.  of  the  comfortable 
liberty  of  giving  his  contributions  to  the  paaticular 
paftor  whofe  morals  he  would  make  his  pattern,, 
and  whofe  powers  he  feels  mofl  perfuafive  to 


<ii6  APPENDIX. 

righteoufnefs,  and  Is  withdrawing  from  tlie 
miniftry  thofe  temporal  rewards,  which  proceed- 
ing from  an  approbation  of  their  perfonal  condud, 
are  an  additional  incitement  to  earned  and  unre- 
mitting labors  for  the  inftru<5tion  of  mankind ;  that 
our  civil  rights  have  no  dependance  on  our  reli- 
gious opinions,  more  than  our  opinions,  in  phyiics 
or  geometry  ;  that  therefore  the  profcribing  any 
citizen  as  unworthy  th«  public  confidence  by  lay- 
inq-  upon  him  an  incapacity  of  being  called  to 
offices  of  null:  and  emolument,  unlefs  he  profefs  or 
renounce  this  or  that  religious  opinion,  is  depriv- 
ing him  injurioufly  of  thofe  privileges  and  advan-. 
tages  to  which  in  common  with  his  fellow  citizens 
he  has  a  natural  right ;  that  it  tends  alfo  to  cor- 
rupt the  principles  of  that  very  religion  it  is  meant 
to  encourage,  by  bribing,  Vv^ith  a  monopoly  of 
worldly  honors  and  emoluments,  thofe  who  will 
externally  profefs  and  conform  to  it ;  that  though 
indeed  thefe  are  criminal  who  do  not  witliftand 
fuch  temptation,  yet  neither  are  thofe  innocent  who 
lay  the  bait  in  their  way  ;  that  to  fuffer  the  civil 
magiftrate  to  intrude  his  powers  into  the  field  of 
opinion  and  to  reftrain  the  profeffion  or  propaga- 
tion of  principles,  on  fuppofition  of  their  ill  tend-, 
ency,  is  a  dangerous  fallacy,  which  at  once  deftroys 
all  religious  hberty,  becaufe  he  being  of  courfe 
judge  of  that  tendency,  will  make  his  opinions  the 
rule  of  judgment,  and  approve  or  condemn  the 
fentiments  of  others  only  as  they  (hall  fquare  with 
or  diiFer  from  his  ov/n  ;  that  it  is  time  enough  for 
the  rig^htful  purpofes  of  civil  government,  for  its 
officers  to  interfere  when  principles  break  out  into, 
overt  afts  againft  peace  and  good   order.;  and. 


APPENDIX.  317 

finally,  that  truth  is  great  and  will  prevail  if  left 
to  herfelf,  that  {he  is  the  proper  and  fufficient  an- 
tagonift  to  error,  and  has  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
confli<n:,  unlefs  by  human  interpofition  difarmed. 
of  her  natural  weapons,  free  argument  and  debate, 
errors  ceafmg  to  be  dangerous  when  it  is  permit- 
ted freely  to  contradid:  them. 

Be  it  therefore  enad,ed  by  the  General  AJfemhlyy 
That  no  man  fhall  be  compelled  to  frequent  or 
fupport  any  religious  worlhip,  place  or  miniftry 
whatfoever,  nor  Ihall  be  enforced,  reftrained,  mo- 
lefted,  or  burthened  in  his  body  or  goods,  nor  fhall 
otherwife  fuffer  on  account  of  his  religious  opin- 
ions or  belief;  but  that  all  men  fhall  be  free  to 
profefs,  and  by  argument  to  maintain,  their  opi~ 
nions  in  matters  of  religion  and  that  the  fame  fhall 
in  no  wife  diminifh,  enlarge,  or  affect  their  civil. 
capacities. 

And  though  we  well  know  that  this  afTemblya 
ele<5ted  by  the  people  for  the  ordinary  purpofes  of 
legiflation  only,  have  no  power  to  reltrain  the  adls 
of  fucceeding  affemblies,  conftituted  with  powers 
equal  to  our  own,  and  that  therefore  to  declare 
this  adt  irrevocable,  would  be  of  no  effedt  in  law, 
yet  we  are  free  to  declare,  and  do  declare,  that  the 
rights  hereby  aiferted  are  of  the  natural  rights  of 
mankind,  and  that  if  any  aft  ihall  be  hereafter 
palled  to  repeal  the  prefent  or  narrow  its  opera- 
tion, fuch  aft  will  be  an  infringement  of  natural 
right. 


AH 

APPENDIX 

RELATIVE 


TO    THE 


MURDER  OF  LOGAN's  FAMILY^ 


ji  Letter  to  Governor  Henry ^  of  Maryland, 

Philadelphia,  December  3iy?j  1779. 


DEAR    SIR, 

MR.  TAZEWELL  has  communicated  t« 
me  the  enquiries  you  have  been  fo  kind  as 
to  make,  relative  to  a  pafTage  in  the  Notes  on 
Virginia,  which  has  lately  excited  fome  newspaper 
publications.  I  feel,  with  great  fenfibility,  the 
intereft  you  take  in  this  bufmefs,  and  with  plea- 
lure,  go  into  explanations  with  one  whofe  objeds 
I  know  to  be  truth  and  juftice  alone.  Had  Mr. 
Martin  thought  proper  to  fuggeft  to  me,  that 
doubts  might  be  entertained  of  the  tranfadion 
refpeaing  Logan,  as  ftated  in  the  Notes  on  Vir- 
ginia, and  to  enquire  on  what  grounds  that  ftate- 
ment  was  founded,  I  fhould  have  felt  myfelf  oblig- 
ed by  the  enquiry,  have  informed  him  candidly  of 
the  grounds,  and  cordially  have  co-operated  in 
every  means  of  inveftigating  the  fa<5l,  and  correct- 
ing whatfoever  in  it  fhould  be  found  to  have  been 
erroneous.  But  he  chofe  to  rtep  at  once  into  the 
newfpapers,  and  in  his  publications  there  and  the 
letters  he  wrote  to  me,  adopted  a  ftyle  which  for- 
Ixide  the  refpeCI:  of  an  anfwer.  Senfible,  however, 
that  no  ad  of  his  could  abfolve  me  from  the 
juftice  due  to  others,  as  foon  as  I  found  that  the 
ilory  of  Logan  could  be  doubted,  I  determined  t» 
'      Rr 


32  2  APPENDIX. 

enquire  into  it  as  accurately  as  tlie  teflimony  re- 
maining, after  a  iaple  of  twenty  odd  years,  would 
permit,  and  that  the  refult  fhould  be  made  known, 
either  in  the   firft  new   edition  which   fhculd  be 
printed  of  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  or  by  publifhing 
an  appendix.      I  thought  that  fo  far  as  that  work 
had  contributed  to  impeach  the  memory  of  Crefap, 
by  handing  on  an  erroneous  charge,  it  was  proper 
it  ihould  be  made  the  vehicle  of  retribution.     Not 
that  I  was  at  all  the  author  of  the  injury.     I  had 
only  concurred,  with  thoufands  and  thoufands  of 
others,   in   believing    a    tranfaelion   on   authority 
which' merited  refpe6l.     For  the  ilory  of  Logan  is 
only  repeated  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  precifely 
as    it  had  been    current  for  more  than  a   dozen 
years  before   they  were  publifhed.     When  Lord 
Dunmore    returned  from  the   expedition    againft 
the  Lidiansj   in  i  774,   he  and  his  officers  brought 
the  fpeech  of  Logan,  and  related  the  circumftances 
conaected  with  it.     Thefe  v/ere  fo  affecting,   and 
the  fpeech  itfelf  is  fo  fine  a  morfel  of  eloquence, 
that  it   became  the  theme  of  every   converfation, 
in  WilliamPjurgh  particularly,  and  generally,  in- 
deed,  wherefoever  any  of  the  officers  refided  or 
reforted.      I  learned   it  in  Williamiburgh  ;  I  be- 
lieve  at    Lord  Dunmore's;    and    I    find  in  my 
pocket-book   of  that  year  (1774)  ^^  entry  of  the 
narrative,  as   taken  from   the  mouth  of  fome  per- 
fon,  whofe   name,  however,   is  not  noted,  nor  re- 
collected,  precifely   in    the   words  dated  ^  in    the 
Notes  on  Virginia.     The  fpeech  was  publifhed  in 
t!ie   Virginia  Gazette  of  that  time  (I  have  it  my- 
fclfin   tne  volume  of  gazettes  of  that   year)  and 
though  in  a  flyle  by  no  means  elegant,  yet  it  was 


APPENDIX.  323 

fo  admired,  that  it  flew  through  all  the  public 
papers  of  the  continent,  and  through  the  maga- 
zines and  other  periodical  publications  of  Great- 
Britain  ;  and  thofe   who  were  boys  at  that  day 
will  now  atteft,  that  the  fpeech  of  Logan  ufed  to 
be  given  them  as  a  fchool  exercife  for  repetition. 
It  was   not  till  about  thirteen  or   fourteen   years 
after  the    newspaper   publications,  that  the  Notes 
on  Virginia  were  publifhed   in  America.     Com- 
bating, in  thefe,  the  contumelious   theory  of  cer- 
tain European  writers,  whof^  celebrity  gave   cui- 
rency  and  weight  to  their  opinions,  that  our  coun- 
try, from  tlie  combined  effefts  of  foil  and  cHmate, 
degenerated   animal  nature.  In   the  general,  and 
particularly   the  moral  faculties  of  man,  I  con- 
lidered  the  fpeech  of  Logan  as  an  apt  proof  of  the 
contrary,  and  ufed   it    as  fuch ;    and    I    copied, 
verbatim,  the  narrative  I  had  taken  down  in  1774, 
and  the  fpeech  as  it  had  been  given  us  in  a  better 
tranllatlon  by  lord  Dunmore.     I  knew  nothing  of 
the  Crefips,  and  could  not  poffibly  have  a  motive 
to   do  them  an  Injury  with  defign.     I   repeated 
what  thoufands  had  done  before,  on  as  good  au- 
thority as  we  have  for  mod  of  the  fa(5ls  Vv^e  learn 
through  life,  and  fuch  as,  to  this  moment,  I  have 
feen  no  reafon  to  doubt.     That  any  body  queilion- 
ed  It,  v/as  never  fufped:ed  by  me,  till  I  fav7  th^ 
letter  of  Mr.  Martin  In  the   Baltimore  paper.     I 
endeavored  then  to  recolle<51:  who  among  my  co- 
temporaries,   of  the  fame   circle   of  fociety,   and 
confequently  of  the  fame  recolledlons,  migJit  ft  ill 
be  alive.     Three  and  twenty  years  of  death  and 
difperfion   had   left   very   few.      I   remembered, 
however,  that  general  Gibfon  was  ftill  living,  and 


524  APPENDIX. 

knew  that  he  had  been  the  tranflator  of  the  fpeech^ 
I   wrote    to  him    immediately.     He,  in  anfwer^ 
declares  to  me,  that  he  was  the  very  perfon  fent 
by  lord  Dunmore  to  the  Indian  town  j  that,  after 
he  had  delivered  his  meffage  there,  Logan  took, 
him  out  to  a  neighboring  wood ;  fat  down  with  . 
him,  and  rehearfmg,  with  tears,  the  cataftrophe  of  ' 
his  family,  gave  him  that  fpeech  for  lord  Dun-;  . 
more  ;    that  he   carried    it  to   Lord    Dunmore  ;  • 
tranflated  it   for   him  ;    has  turned  to   it    in  the 
Encyclopedia,     as    taken    from    the    Notes    on 
Virginia,   and  finds  that  it  was  his  tranflation  I 
had  ufed,  with  only  two  or  three  verbal  variations 
of  no  importance.     Thefe,   1  fuppofe,  had  arifen 
in  the  courfe  of  fuccefTive  copies.     I  cite  general 
Gibfon's  letter  by  memory,  not  having  it  with  me  ; 
but  I  am  furc  I  cite  it  fubftantially  right.    It  eftab,- 
lifhes  unqueftionably,  that  the  fpeech  of  Logan  is 
genuine  ;  and  that  being  eftabllfhed,  it  is  Logan 
himfelf  who  is  author  of  all  the  important  fads. 
"  Colonel  Crefap,"  fays  he,  "  in  cold  blood,  and 
*'  miprovoked  murdered  all  the  relations  of  Logan, 
"not   fparing   even   my.    women   and   children. 
<*  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins 
**  of  any  living  creature."     The  perfon  and  the 
fad  in  all  its  material  circumftances  are  here  given 
by  Logan  himfelf..     General  Gibfon,  indeed,  fays, 
that  the  title  was  miftaken  ;  that  Crefap  was  a 
captain,  and  not  a  colonel. — This  was  Logan's 
jniftake.     He  alfo  obferves,   that.it  was  on  the 
Ohio,  and  not  on  the  Kanhaway  itfelf,  that  his 
family  was  killed.     This  is  an  error  which  has 
crept  into  the  traditionary  account ;  but  furely  of 
itttle  moment  ia  the  moral  view  of  the  fubjei^. 


APPENDIX.  525- 

The  material  queftion  is ;  was  Logan*s  family 
murdered,  and  by  whom  ?  That  it  was  murdered 
has  not,  I   believe,  been  denied  ;  that  it  was  by 
one  of  the  Crdap's,  Logan  affirrns.     This  is  a 
queftion  which  concerns  the  memories  of  Logan 
and  Crefap  ;  to  the  iifue  of  which  I  am  as  indiff-  . 
erent  as  if  I  had  neyer:  heard  the  name  of  either. 
I   have  begun  and  ihall  continue  to  enquire  Into 
the  evidence  additiorial  to  Logan's,  on  which  the 
fact   was   founded.     Little,   indeed,  can  now  be 
heard  of,  and  that  little  difperfed  and  diftant.     If  - 
it  fhall  appear  on  enquiry,  that  Logan  has  been 
wrong  in  charging  Crefap  with  the  murder  of  his  , 
family,  I  will  do  juftice  to. the  memory  of  Crefap  . 
as  far  as  I  have  contributed  to  the  injury,  by  be- 
lieving and  repeating  what  others  had  believed 
and  repeated  before  me.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  I 
find  that  Logan  was  right  in  his  charge,  I  will  , 
vindicate,  as  far  as  my  fuffrage  may  go,  the  truth 
of  a  chief,  whofe  talents  and  misfortunes  have  at- 
tached to  him  the  refped  and  eommiferation  of  the  : 
world. 

I  have  gone,  my  dear  Sir,  into  this  lengthy  de-  . 
tail  to  fatisfy  a  mind,  in  the  candor  and  reditude 
of  which  I  have  the  higheft  confidence.  So  far  as 
you  may  incline  to  ufe  the  communication  for 
redifying  the  judgments  of  thefe  who  are  willing 
to  fee  things  truly  as  they  arc,  you  are  free  to  ufe 
it.  But  I  pray  that  no  confidence  which  you 
may  repofe  in  any  one,  may  induce  you  to  let  it 
go  out  of  your  hands,  fo  as  to  get  into  a  newf^ 
paper.  Againft  a  conteft  in  that  field  I  am  en- 
tirely decided.  I  feel  extraordinary  gratification, 
indeed,  in  addrefling  this  letter  to  yo-u,  with  whom 


■326  APPENDIX. 

lliades  of  difference  in  political  fentiments  have 
not  prevented  the  interchange  of  good  opinion, 
nor  cut  off  the  friendly  offices  of  fociety  and  good 
correfpondence.  This  political  tolerance  is  the 
more  valued  by  me,  who  confider  focial  harmony 
as  the  firft  of  human  felicities,  and  the  happieft 
moments,  thofe  which  are  given  to  the  effufions  of 
tiic  heart.  Accept  them  fniferely,  I  pray  you, 
from  one  who  has  the  honor  to  be,  with  fenti- 
ments of  high  refped  and  attachment, 
Dearftr, 

7~our  mojl  obedient 

And  mojl  huinlle  fer'vant, 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


THE  Notes  on  Virginia  were  written  in  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  years  1781  and  1782,  in  an- 
fwer  to  certain  queries  propofed  to  me  by  Mons. 
de  Marbois,  then  fecretary  of  the  French  legation 
in  the  United  States  ;  and  a  manufcript  copy  was 
delivered  to  him,  _A  fe^v  copies,  with  fome  addi- 
tions, were  afterwards,  in  1784,  printed  in  Paris, 
and  given  to  particular  friends.  In  fpeaking  of 
the  animals  of  America,  the  theory  of  M.  de  Euf- 
fon,  the  Abbe  Raynal,  and  others,  prefented  it- 
felf  to  confideration.  They  have  fuppofed  that 
there  is  fcmething  in  the  foil,  climate  and  other  cir- 
cumftances  of  America,  which  occalions  animal 
nature  to  degenerate  not  excepting  even  the  man, 
native  or  adoptive,  phyfical  or  moral.  This  the- 
ory, fo  unfounded  and  degrading  to  one  third  of 
the  globe,  was  called  to  the  bar  of  £3.8:  reafon. 
Among  other  proofs  adduced  in  contradidion  of 
this  hypothefis,  the  fpeech  of  Logan  an  Indian 
chief,  delivered  to  Lord  Dunm.ore  in  1774,  was 
produced,  as  a  fpecimen  of  the  talents  of  the  abo- 
riginals of  this  country,  and  particularly  of  their 
eloquence  ;  and  it  was  believed  that  Europe  had 
never  produced  any  thing  fuperior  to  this  morfel 
of  eloquence.  In  order  to  make  it  intelligible  to 
the  reader,  the  tranfadtion,  on  which  it  was  found- 
ed, was  dated,  as  it  had  been  generally  related  in 
America  at  the  time,  and  as  I  had  heard  it  my- 
felf,  in  the  circle  of  Lord  Dunmore,  and  the  offi- 
cers who  accompanied  him  :  and  the  fpeech  itfelf 
was  given  as  it  had,  ten  years  before  the  printing 
of  that  book,  circulated  in  the  newfpapers  through 
all  the  then   colonies,  through  the  magafzines  of 


32S  APPENDIX. 

Great-Britain,  and  periodical  publications  of  Eu- 
rope. For  three  and  twenty  years  it  pafTed  un- 
contradicted ;  nor  was  it  ever  fufpe<5led  that  It 
even  admitted  contradiction.  In  1797  however, 
for  the  firfl  time,  not  only  the '  whole  tranfadtion 
refpe6ting  Logan  was  affirmed  in  the  public  pa- 
pers to  be  falfe,  but  the  fpeech  itfelf  fuggefted  to 
be  a  forgery,  and  even  a  forgery  of  ipine,  to  aid 
me  In  proving  that  the  man  of  America  was  equal 
In  body  and  in  mind,  to  the  man  of  Europe. 
■But  wherefore  the  forgery  ?  Whether  Logan's  or 
inlne,  it  would  ftill  have  been  American.  I 
fhould  indeed  confult  my  own  fame  if  the  fuggef- 
tion,  that  this  fpeech  is  mine,  were  fuffered  to  be 
believed.  He  would  have  a  juft  right  to  be  proud 
who  could  with  truth  claim  that  compofitlon. 
But  it  is  none  of  mine  ;  and  I  yield  it  to  whom 
it  is  due. 

On  feeing  then  that  this  tranfadtion  Vv^as  brought 
anto  queftion,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  make  par- 
■-ticular  enquiry  into  its  foundation.      It  was  the 
mere  my  duty  as  It  was  alledged  that,  by  afcrib- 
ing  to  an  individual  therein  named,  a  participa- 
tion in  the  murder  of  Logan's  family,  I  had  done 
.an  injury  to  his  charafter  which  it  had  not  deferv- 
.  ed.     I  had  no  knowledge  perfonally  of  that  indi- 
vidual.    I  had  no  reafon  to  aim  an  injury  at  him. 
.  I  only  repeated  what  I  had  heard  from  others, 
and  what  thoufands  had  heard   and  believed  as 
well  as  myfelf ;  and  which  no  one  indeed,  till  then, 
had  been  known  to  queftion.     Twenty  three  years 
■  had  now  elapfed,  iince  the  tranfadlon  took  place. 
-  Many  of  thofe- acquainted  with  it  were  dead,  and 


■APPENDi:^:.  329 

tlie  living  difperfed  to  very  diftant  parts  of  the 
■earth.  Few  of  them ,  were  even  known  to  me. 
To  thofe  however  of  whom  I  knew  I  made  appli- 
cation by  letter  ;  and  fome  others,  moved  by  a  re- 
gard for  trnth  and  juftice,  were  kind  enough  to 
come  forward,  ®f  themfelves,  with  their  teilim.ony. 
Thefe  fragments  of  evidence,  tlie  fmall  remains  of 
a  mighty  mafs,  which  time  h:is  ccnfumxed,  are  here 
prefented  to  the  public,  in  the  form  of  letters,  cer- 
tificates, or  aflidavits,  as  they  came  to  me.  I  have 
xejefred  none  of  tliefe  forms,  nor  required  other 
fo'lemnities  from  tliofe  whofe  n:otIves  and  charac- 
ters v^-ere  ]  sledges  of  their  truth.  Hlftorical  tranf- 
-nctions  arc  deemed  to  be  well  vouched  by  the  fim- 
3^1c  dcclaiaticiis  of  thofe  who  have  borne  apart  i:i 
-thorn  ;  and  efpecially  of  perfons  having  no  intereH 
to  falilfy  or  disf  jure  them.  The  world  will  now 
i:c  whether  they,  or  I,  have  Injured  Crefap,  by 
bcllev-:r.g  Logan's  charge  againll  him  :  and  they 
A\iil  decide  betv/een  Logan  and  Crefap,  whether 
Crefap  wiis  innocent  and  Logan  a  calumniator  ? 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  have  a  clear  con- 
yception  of  the  tranfac::ions,  towhich  the  dilxbrent 
parts  of  the  following  declarations  refer,  he  mull 
take  notice  that  tlcy  eilablilh  four  different  mur- 
ders. I.  Of  t\7o  Indians,  a  little  above  "Wheel* 
ing.  2.  Of  others  at  Grave  Creel:,  among  whom 
were  fome  of  Lccan's  relations.  _-.  The  miaflhcre 
at  Baker's  bottom,  on  the  Ohio  oppofite  the 
mouth  of  Yellow  cicek,  v.-here  were  oLher  relations 
of  Logan.  4.  Of  thofe  killed  at  the  fim.e  pLce, 
coming  in  their  canoes  to  the  reii--f  of  iheir  friend*. 
S  s 


330  APPENDIX. 

I  place  the  numbers  i,  2,  3,  4,  agalnft  certain 
parao-raphs  of  the  evidence,  to  indicate  tlie  partic- 
ular murder  to  which  the  paragraph  relates,  and 
prefent  alfo  a  fmall  Iketch  or  map  of  the  principle 
fcenes  of  thefe  butcheries,  for  their  more  ready 
comprehenfion. 


APPENDIX.  351 


Es trail  of  a  letter  from  the  honor alle  judge  Innes  of 
Frankfort  in  Kentucky  to  Thomas  Jefferson; 
dated  Kentucky,  ^near  Frankfort,  March  zd,  1799. 

I  recollect  to  have  feen  Logan's  fpeech  in  1775, 
in  one  of  the  public  prints.  That  Logan  con- 
ceived Creiap  to  be  the  author  of  the  murder  at 
Yellow  creek,  it  is  in  my  power  to  give,  perhaps, 
a  more  particular  information  than  any  other  per- 
fon  you  can  apply  to. 

In  1774  I  lived  in  Fincaftle  county,  now  divid- 
ed into  Wafhington,  Montgomery  and  part  of 
Wythe.  Being  intimate  Vv^ith  col.  Prefton's 
family,  I  happened  in  July  to  be  at  his  houfe,  when 
an  exprefs  was  fent  to  him  as  the  county  lieut.  re- 
queuing a  guard  of  the  militia  to  be  ordered  out 
for  the  protedion  of  the  inliabitants  refidinsr  low 
down  on  the  north  fork  of  Holfton  River.  The 
exprefs  brought  with  him  a  war  club,  and  a  note 
which  was  left  tied  to  it  at  the  houfe  of  one 
Robertfon,  whofe  family  were  cut  off  by  the  In- 
dians, and  gave  rife  for  the  application  to  col. 
Prefton,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy,  then 
taken  by  me  in  my  memorandum  book. 
"  Captain  Crefap, 

"  What  did  you  kill  my  people  on  Yellow  creek 
"  for  ?  The  white  people  killed  my  kin,  at  Conef- 
*'  tof^a,  a  great  while  ago  ;  and  I  thought  noth- 
«<  ing  of  that.  But  you  killed  my  kin  again,  on 
<*  Yellow  creek,  and  took  my  coufm  prifoner. 
«  Then  I  thought  I  muft  kill  too  j    and  I  hav$ 


<<  ^ 


332  APPEiTOir. 

**  been  three  times  to  war  fmce  ;  but  the  Indlaijs 
"  are  not  angry  :  only  myfelf." 

Captain  JOHN  LOGAN. 
July  2iJ!,  1^1  jj. 

With  great  refpeS,  I  am^  Dear  Sir, 

your  mojl  ohecTient  fer-vanty 
HARRY  INNES. 


AUeghnney  County, Jf,  1 

State  of  Pennfylvania.  j" 
Before  me  the  fubfcriber,  a  juftlce  of  the  peace 
fti  and  for  faid  county,  peifonally  appeared  John 
Gibfon,  Efquire,  an  allociate  judge  of  the  fame 
county,  who  being  duly  fworn  depofeth  and  faith 
that  he  traded  with  the  Shawnefe  and  other  tribes 
©f  Indians  fthen  fettled  on  tl»e  Siota  m  the  year 
1775,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1774,  ^^'^^ 
that  in  the  month  of  April  of  the  fame  year,  ha 
left  the  fame  Indian  towns,  and  came  to  this 
place,  in  order  to  procure  fome  goods  and  provi- 
fions,  that  he  remained  here  only  a  few  days,  and 
then  fet  out  in  company  with  a  certain  Alexander 
Blaine  and  M.  Elliot  by  water  to  return  to  the 
towns  on  Siota,  and  that  one  evening  as  they  were 
drifting  in  their  canoes  near  the  Long  reacli  on 
the  Ohio,  they  were  hailed  by  a  number  of  white 
men  on  the  fouth  wefc  Ihore,  who  requefted  them 
to  put  aiiiore,  as  they  had  difagreeable  news  to.in- 
forrn  them  of;  that  Ave  then  landed  on  fhore  j 
and  io  :;:J  amongil  the  party,  a  major  Angus 
l^/PDo-.^ld  from  Weft-Chefter,  a  Dodtor  Woods 
irom  fau:3  place,  and  a  party  as  they  faid  of  150 
jiien.  We  then  jifl^ed  the  news.  They  informe.d 
»s  that  iom.^  of  the  party  who  had  been  taking  up> 


Appendix.  533r 

'and  improving  lands  near  the  Big  Kanhaway  Riv,- 
er,  had  icen  another  party  of  white  men,  who  in- 
formed them  that  they  and  fome  others  had  fell  ia 
with  a  party  of  Shawnefe,  who  had  been  hunting^ 
on  the  fouth  well  fide,  of  the  Ohio,  that  they  liacl 
killed  the  whole  of  the  Indian  party,  and  that  the 
others  had  gone  acrofs  die  country  to  Cheat  Riv- 
er with  the  horfes  and  plunder,  the  confequen'ce  of 
which  they  apprehended  would  be  an  Indian  v^ar^ 
and  that  they  were  flying  away.  On  making  en- 
quiry of  them  when  this  murder  (liould  have  hap- 
pened, we  found  that  it  muft  have  been  fome  con? 
liderable  time  before, we  left  the  Indian  towns, 
and  that  there  was  not  the  fmallefl:  foundation  for 
the  report,  as  there  v/as  not  a  iingle  man  of  the 
Shawneie  tribe,  but  what  returned  from  hunting 
long  before  this  fhould  have  happened. 

We  then  hiformed  them  that  -if  they  would 
agree  to  r^m.ain  at  the  place  we  then  were,  one  of 
us  would  go  to  Hock  Kocking  River  with  fome  of 
theiy  party,  where  we  fhould  lind  fome  of  our  peo- 
ple making  canoeS;^  and  that  if  we  did  not  find 
them  there,  we  might  conclude  tliat  every  thing 
was  not  right.  Dodor  Wood  and  another  perfoa 
then  propofed  going  with  me ;  the  reif  of  the  par- 
ty feemed  to  agree,  but  faid  they  would  fend  and 
confult  captain  Cref  ip  who  was  about  two  miles 
from  that  place..  They  fent  off  for  him,  and  dur- 
ing the  greateft  part  of  the  night  they  behaved  in 
the  m.oft  diforderly  manner^  threatening  to  kill  us- 
and  faying  the  damned  traders  w;ere  worfe  than, 
the  Indians,  and  ought  to  be  killed.  In  the  morn~ 
ing  captain  Michael  Crefap  came  to  the  camp.  I 
then  gave  him  tlie  information  as  above  related. 


J34.  APPENDIX!; 

They  then  met  in  council,  and  after  an  hour  or 
more  captain  Crefap  returned  to  me  and  informed 
that  he  could  not  prevail  on  them  to  adopt  the 
propofal  I  had  made  to  them,  that  as  he  had  a 
great  regard  for  captain  R.  Callender,  a  brother 
in  law  of  mine  with  whom  I  was  conneded  in 
trade,  he  advifed  me  by  no  means  to  think  of  pro- 
ceeding any  further,  as  hs  was  convinced  the  pref- 
fent  party  would  fall  on  and  kill  every  Indian 
they  met  on  the  river,  that  for  his  part  he  lliould 
not  continue  with  them,  but  go  right  acrofs  the 
country  to  Redftone  to  avoid  the  confequences* 
That  we  then  proceeded  to  Hocking  and  went  up 
the  fame  to  the  canoe  place,  where  we  found  our 
people  at  work,  and  after  fome  days  we  proceed- 
ed to  the  towns  on  Siota  by  land.  On  our  arrival 
there,  we  heard  of  the  different  murders  commit- 
ted by  the  party  on  their  way  up  the  Ohio. 

This  Deponent  further  faith  that  in  the  year 
1774,  he  accompanied  lord  Dunmore  on  the  ex- 
pedition againft  the  Shawnefe  and  other  Indians 
on  their  Siota,  that  on  their  arrtval  within  15 
Miles  of  the  to\\Tis,  they  were  met  by  a  flag,^  and  a 
white  man  of  the  name  of  Elliot,  who  informed 
lord  Dunmore  that  the  chiefs  of  the  Shawnefe 
had  fent  to  requeft  his  lordihip  to  halt  his  army 
'  and  fend  in  fome  perfon,  who  underftood  their 
language;  that  this  deponent,  at  the  requeft  of 
lord  Dunmore  and  the  whole  of  the  officers  with 
him,  went  in ;  that  on  his  arrival  at  the  towns, 
Logan,  the  Indian,  came  to  where  this  deponent 
was  fitting  with  the  Corn-Stock,  and  the  other 
chiefs  of  the  Shawnefe,  and  aiked  him  to  walk  out 
vith  him  5  that  they  went  into  H  copf«  of  wood> 


APPENDIX. 


535 


•TK^iere  they  fat  down,  when  Logan,  after  fhedding 
abundance  of  tears,  delivered  to  him  the  fpeech, 
nearly  as  related  by  Mr.  JefFerfon  in  his  notes  on 
the  ftate  of  Virginia ;  that  he  the  deponent  told 
him  then  that  it  was  not  col.  Crefap  who  had 
murdered  his  relations,  and  that  although  his  fon 
captain  Michael  Crefap  was  with  the  party  who 
killed  a  Shawnefe  chief  and  other  Indians,  yet  he 
wras  not  prefent  when  his  relations  were  killed  at 
Bakers,  near  the  moutli  of  Yellow  creek  on  the 
Ohio  :  that  this  deponent  on  his  return  to  camp 
delivered  the  fpeech  to  lord  Dunmore  ;  and  that 
the  murders  perpetrated  as  above  were  confidered 
^s  ultimately  the  caufe  of  the  war  of  1774,  com- 
3nonly  called  Crefap's  war. 
Sivorn  and  fubfcrlbed  the  /\.th  j^prll^  1 
1800,  at  Pittjhugh  before  me,       J 

JER.   BARKER. 


JOHN    GIBSOK« 


MxlraB  of  a  letter  from  col  EBENEZER  ZANE, 
to  the  honorable  ]01IN  BROWN,  one  of  the  fenat- 
ors  in  Gongrefs  from  Kentucky ;  dated  Wheelings 
Feb.  ^thy  1 800. 

I  was  myfelf,  with  many  others,  in  the  pracllce 
of  making  improvements  on  lands  upon  the  Ohio, 
for  the  purpofe  of  acquiring  rights  to  the  fame. 
Being  on  the  Ohio  at  die  mouth  of  Sandy  creek, 
in  company  with  many  others,  news  circulated 
that  the  Indians  had  rolDbed  fome  of  the  land  job- 
bers. This  «ews  induced  the  people  generally  to 
afcend  the  Ohio.     I  was   amons;   the  number. 


35^  APPENDIX. 

1  On  OTir  arrival  at  the  Wheeling,  being  infoilTied 
-that  there  were  two  Indians  with  fome  traders 
near  and  above  Wheelii":^,  a  propofition  was  made 
by  the  then  captain  Michael  Crefap  to  way  lay 
and  kill  the  Indians  upon  the  river.  This  mea- 
iiire  I  oppofed  with  much  violence,  alledging  that 
the  kilHng  of  thofe  Indians  might  involve  the 
country  in  a  war.  But  the  oppofite  party  pre- 
vailed and  proceeded  up  the  Ohio  with  captain 
•Crefap  at  their  head. 

In  a  fhort  time  the  party  returned,  and  alfothe 
'traders,  in  a  canoe  ;  but  there  were  no  Indians  in 
the  company.  I  enquired  what  had  become  of 
•  the  Indians,  and  was  informed  by  the  traders  and 
Crefap's  party  that  they  had  fallen  overboard.  I 
examined  the  canoe,  and  faw  much  frefh  blood 
and  fome  bullet  holes  in  the  canoe.  This  fully 
convinced  me  that  the  party  had  killed  the  two 
Indians,  and  thrown  them  into  the  river. 

2  On  the  afternoon  of  the  day  this  aftion  happen- 
'  ed,  a  report  prevailed  that  there  was  a  camp,  or 

party  of  Indians  on  the  Ohio  below  and  near  the 
Wheeling.  In  confequence  of  this  information, 
captain  Crefap  with  his  party,  joined  by  a  number 
of  recruits,  proceeded  immediately  down  the  Ohio 
■  for  the  purpofe,  as  was  then  generally  underftood, 
ofdeftroying  the  Indians  above  mentioned.  On 
the  fucceeding  day,  captain  Crefap  and  his  party 
returned  to  Wheeling,  and  it  was  generally  re- 
ported by  the-party  that  they  had  killed  a  num- 
ber of  Indians.  Of  the  truth  of  this  report  I  had 
110  doubt,  as  one  of  Crefap's  party  was  badly 
'v^'Ounded,  and  the  party  had  a  fi-eih  fcalp,  and  a 
quantity  of  property,  which  they  called  Indian 


APPENDIX.  ^^y 

p\u€\der.  At  the  time  of  the  hCi  mentioned  tranf- 
aaion,  It  was  generally  reported  that  the  party  of 
Indians  down  the  Ohio  Vvere  Logan  and  his  fami- 
ly ;  but  I  have  reafon  to  believe  that  this  report 
was  unfounded. 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  tranfaflion  above 
mentioned,  a  party  of  Indians  were  killed  at  Yel- 
low creek.  But  I  muft  do  the  memory  of  captain 
Crefap  the  juftice  to  fay  that  I  do  not  believe  that 
he  was  prefent  at  the  killing  of  the  IJidians  at  Yel- 
low creek.  But  there  is  not  the  leaft  doubt  in  mj 
mind,  that  the  maffacre  at  Yellow  creek  was 
brought  on  by  the  tv/o  tranfadlions  firft  Rated. 

All  the  tranfadiolis  which  I  have  related  hap- 
pened in  the  latter  end  of  April  1774  ;  and  there 
can  fcarcely  be  a  doubt  that  they  were  the  caufe 
of  the  war  which  immediately  followed,  coiiimou- 
ly  called  Dunmore's  war. 

/  am  with  much  ejleem, 

TourSi  <Jjc. 
EBENEZER  ZANE. 

The  Certificate  of  WILLIAM  HUSTON  of 
IVqfJj'ington  county,  in  the  Jlate  of  Pennfyhamat ■  com^ 
munlcatedhy  DAVID  RID  DICK,  Efqulre,  prothon- 
otary  of  JVaflmigton  county^  Pennfyhanla  ;  <tvho  m 
the  letter  inciofwg  it  fays  ''  Mr.  WILLIAM  IIUS- 
TON  IS  a  man  of  efiahl'Jlied  reputaiion  in  point  of  in- 
tegrity J* 

I  William  Huflon  of  Wafliington  county,  in 
■the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania,  do  hereby  certify  to 
whom  It  may  concern,  that  In  tiie  veai'  1^74  I  re* 

T    T 


^38-  APPENDIX. 

fided  at  CatHflics  camp,  on  the  main  f)al4i  from.- 
■^^^leeilng  to  Redftone  :  that  Michael  Crefap,  who 
refided  on  or  near  the  Patowmac^  River,  on  hi? 
way  up  from  the  river  Ohio,,  at  the  head  of  a  par- 
ty of  armed  men,  lay  fome  time  at  my  cabbin. 
2  I  had  previoufly  heard  the  report  of  Mr.  Cre- 
fiD  ha:ving  killed  {omc  Indians,  faid  to  be  the  re- 
lations of  "  Logan"  an  Indian  Chief.  In  a  vari- 
ety of  converfation  with  feveral  of  Crefap's  party, 
they  boafted  of  thie  deed  ;  and  that  in  the  prefence 
of  their  chief.  They  r-chnowledged  they  had 
fired  firft  on  the  Indians.  They  had  with  then% 
one  man  on  -a  litter,  who  was  in  the  fkirmilh. 

I  do  further  certify  that,  from  what  I  learned 
from  the  party  themfelves,  I  then  formed  the 
opinion,  and  have  not  had  any  reafon  to  change 
tlie  opinion  hnce,  that  the  killing,  on  the^  part  of 
the  whites,  was  what  I  deemed  the  grofeft  mur- 
der. 

3  I  farther  certify  that  fome  of  the  party,  who 
afterward5  killed  fome  women  and  other  Indians 
at  Bakers  Bottom,  alfo  lay  at  my  cabin,  on  their 
march  to  the  interior  parts  of  the  country  ;  they 
had  with  them  a  little  girl,  whofe  life  had  hc^n 
fpared  by  the  interference  of  fome  more  bimarie 
than  the  re.ft.  If  necefTary  I  will  mal:e  affidavit" 
to  the  above  to  be  true.  Certified  at  Wafhington, 
this  1 8th  day  of  Apiil,  Anno  Domnni,  1798. 

V7ILLIAM  HUSTON. 


APPENDIX.  33$ 


,Tbe  certificate  of  Jacob  Newlamd,  o/"  Shtlliy  county, 
Kentucky i  communicated  by  the  honoralle  judge  Junes, 
of  Kenluchy, 

liitlie  year  1774,  I  lived  on  the  watters  of 
Short  creek,  a  branch  of  the  Ohio,  12  miles  above 
"Wheeling.  -Some  time  in  June  or  July  of  that 
y^ear^.capt.  Michael  Crefap  raifed  a  pdTty  of  men, 
and  came  an':  under  col.  M'Daniel,  of  Hampfiiiro 
county,  Virginia,  who  commanded  a  detachment 
againil  the' Wappotommaka  towns  €u  the  Maik- 
inghum.  ,1  met  v/ith  captain  Crefap,  at  Redftonc 
fort,  and  entered  his  company.  Being  very  well 
acquainted  with  him,  we  converfed  freely  ;  and 
he  among  other  converfitions,  2  informed  me  fev- 
cral  times  of  faUiug  in  with  forne  Indians  on  the 
Ohio,  fome  diilance  below  the  mouth  of  Yellov/ 
creek,  and  killed  tvv'o  or  three  of  thena  j  3  and  that 
this  murder  U'as  before  that  of  the  Indians  by 
-Greathoufe  and  others,  at  Yellov.^  creek.      I    di) 

.  not  recoiled  the  reafon  which  captain  Crefap  -af-* 
figned  for  committing  the  act,  but  never  iinder- 
(lood  that' the  Indi,ims  gave  any  offence.     Certin- 

.  ed  under  my  hand  this  15th  day  of  November, 
1799).  being  an  inhabitant  of  Shelby  county,  and 
State  of  ixenta^kv. 

JACOB  NEVv^LAND, 


3*40  APPENDIX. 


The  smificale  of  JOHN  ANDERSON,  a  merchcmt 
in  Fretkrichjhurgy  Virginia  ;  communicated  by 
MdTin  Page^  Ffq.  of  Mansfield,  near  Frederickjhurg, 
lu/jOf  171  the  leiUr  accompanying  it,  fays,  "  Jllr. 
yohn  Anderfon  has  for  many  years  pafl  been  fettled 
in  Fnd^ichfburg,  in  the  mercantile  li^is.  I  have 
hnonvn  him  in  profperous  and  adverfejttuatdons.  He 
has  always  fhoivn  thi  greate^  degree  of  equanimity, 
hi:  honefly  and  veracity  are  unimpeachable.  Tkefe 
things  can  ie  altefled  by  all  the  refpeElabh  part  of  the 
foivn,  and  mighhorhood  of  Frederk^^urg/^ 

Mr.  John  Anderibn,  a  merchant  in  Frederiekf- 
hwcg,  fays,  that  in  the  year  I774>  being  a  trader 
in  the  Indian  country,  he  was  at  Pittlbargh  to 
which  place  he  had  a  cargo  brought  up  the  river 
in  a  boat  navigated  by  a  Delaware  Indian  and  a 
wr/ite  man.  i  That  on  their  return  down  the 
"It-iver,  with  a  cargo,  belonging  to  MeiTrs.  Butler, 
Michael  Crefiip  fired  on  the  boat,  and  killed  the 
Indian,  5  after  wliich  two  men  of  the  name  of 
Gatewood  and  others  of  the  name  of  *Tumble- 
ftone,  who  lived  on  the  oppofite  fide  of  tlie  river 
from  the  Indians,  with  whom  they  were  on  the 
mod  fri^dly  terms,  invit«d  a  part}^  of  them  to 
©ome  over  and  drink  with  them  ;  and  that,  whea 
the  Indians  were  drunk,  they  murdered  them  to 
the  number  of  fix,  among  whom  was  Logan's 
mother.     4  That  hve  other  Indians  uneafy  at  the 


*  The  popular  proimnciatiin   of  Tomllnfouj   ivhk 
'^jj  ths  r^al  name,. 


APPENDIX.  54.r 

abfance  of  their  friends,  came  over  the  river  to. 
enquire  after  them  ;  when  they  were  fired  upon, 
and  two  were  killed,  and  the  others  wounded-. 
This  was  the  origin  of  the  war. 

I  certify  the  above  to  be  true  to  the  beft  of  my 
recc]le(5tion. 

JOHN  ANDERSON. 
Atteft. 
DAVID  BLAIR,  30th  June,  1798. 

The  depofit'ion  ^  James  Chambers,  cornmunicatal by 

David  Riadicky  Efq.  prothonotary  of  Wajlj'mgton 

county y  Pennfyliyaniay   ivho  hi  the  letter  enclofing  14 

Jheivs  that  he  entertains  the  mojl  perfcd  conjidcnce  in 

the  truth  o/"  Mr .  C  H  A  M  b  e  R  s . 

^     Walhington  county,  fc. 

Perfonally  came  before  me  Samuel  Shannon,  Efq.^ 
one  of  the  commonwealth  jiiftices  for  the  county 
of  Wafhington  in  the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania,  James 
Chambers,  who  being  fworn  according  to  law,  de- 
pofeth  and  faith  that  in  the  fpring  of  the  year 
1774,  he  refided  on  the  frontiers  near  Baker's  bot- 
tom on  the  Ohio  :  that  he  liad  an  intimate  com- 
panion, with  whom  he  fometiraes  lived,^  named 
'*  Edward  King  :'*  2  That  a  report  reached  him 
that  Michael  Crefap  had  killed  fome  Indians  near 
Grave  creek,  friends  to  an  Indian  known  by  the 
name  of  "  Logaji :"  3  That  other  of  his  friends 
following  down  the  river,  having  received  intelli- 
gence, and  fearing  to  proceed,  left  Crefap  might* 
fall  in  with  them,  encamped  near  the  mouth  of 
Yellow  creek,  oppofite  Baker's  bottom  ;  that  Dan- 
iel  Greathoufe  had  deterjiiin«d  to  kill  tliem  i  had 


542  APPENDIX. 

made  the  fecret  knovm  to  the  deponent's  compan- 
ion, King  ;  that  the  deponent  was  earneftly  foli- 
cited.to  be  of.ths  party,  and,  as  an  inducement, 
was  told  that  they  would  get  a  great  deal  of  plun- 
der ;  and  further,  that  the  Indians  would  be  made 
drunk  by  Baker,  and  that  little  danger  would  fol- 
low .the  .expedition.  The  deponent  refufed  to  have 
any  hand  in  killing  unoiicnding  people.  His  com- 
panion, King,  went  witli  :Greathoufe,  with'  divers 
oth^^rs,  forae  of  whom  had  been  colleded  at  a  con- 
fid;;rable  diftance  under  an  idea  thatjofliua  Ba- 
ker's family  was  in  danger  frOm  the^  Indians,  as 
war  had  been  commenced  betVv^een  Crefap  and 
Vnem  already  ;  that  Edward  King,  as  well  lis  oth- 
ers of  the  party,  did  not  conceal  from  the  depo- 
nent the  moft  minute  circumflances  of  this  affair  ; 
they  informed  him  that  Greathoufe  concealing  hi* 
people,  went  over  to  the  Indian  encampments  and 
counted  their  number,  and  found  that  they  were 
too  large  a  party  to  attack  with  his  ftrength  :  that 
he  then  requefted  Jofhua  Baker,  when  any  of  them 
came  to  hishoufe,  (which  they  had  be«n  in  tlje 
-  habit -of)  to  give  them  what  rum  they  could  drink, 
and  to  let  him  know  when  they  v/ere  in  a  proper 
train,  and  that  he  would  then  fall  on  them  :  that 
accordingly  they  found  feveral  men  and  two  wo- 
men at  Baker's  houfe ;  that  one  of  thefe  women 
"had  cautioned  Greathoufe,  when  over  in  the  In- 
dian camp,  that  he  had  better  return  home,  as  the 
Indian  men  were  drinking,  and  that  having  lieard 
'  of  Crefap's  attack  on  their  relations  down  the  riv- 
er, they  were  angry,  and,  m  a  friendly  manner, 
told  him  to  go  home.  Greathoufe,  with  his  par- 
ty, fell  on  them,  and  killed  all  eacept  a  little  girl 


APPENDIX.  345, 

■v/hlch  the  deponent  faw  with  the  party  after  the 
ilaughter  ;  4  that  the  Indians  in  the  camp  hearing 
the  firing,  manned  two  canoes,  fuppohng  their 
friends  at  Baker's  to  be  attacked,  as  was  fuppofed: 
the  party  under  Greathoufe  prevented  their  land- 
ing by  a  well  dire6l:ed  lire,  which  did  execution  in 
the  canoes  ;  that  Edward  King  iliewed  the  depon- 
ent one  of  the  fcalps.-r-The  deponent  further  faith, 
that  the  fettlements  near  the  river,  broke-  up,  and 
he  the  deponent  immediately  repaired  to  Catnfh's 
cr.mp,  and  lived  feme  time  v/ith  Mr.  William 
Hufton  ;  that  not  long  after  his  arival,  Grefap, 
'vvitli  his  party,  returned  from  the  Ohio,  came  to 
Mr.  HuPion's  and  tarried  fometime  :  2  that  in  vari-. 
ous  converfations  with  the  party^^and  in  particu- 
lar with  a  Mr.  Sm.iihj  who  had  one  arm  only,  he 
was  told  that  the  Indians  were  acknowledged 
and  known  to  be  Logan's  friends  which  they 
had  killed,  and  that  he  heard  the  party  fay,  that 
Logan  would  probably  avenge  their  deaths. 

They  acknowledged  that  the  Indians  paffed 
Crefap's  encampment  on  the  bank  cf  the  river  in 
a  peaceable  manner,   and  encamped  below  him  ; 

2  that  they  went  down  and  fired  on  the  Indians,  and 
killed  feveral ;  that' the  furvivors  fiew  to  their  arms 
and  fired  on  Crefap,  and  wounded  one  man,  whom 
the  deponent  faw  caiTied  on  a  litter  by  the  party ; 

3  that  the  Indians  killed  by  Crefap  were  not  only 
Logan's  relations,  but  of  the  women  killed  at  Ba- 
ker's, one  was  faid  and  generally  believed  to  be 
Logan's  filler.  The  deponent  further  faith,  that 
on  the  relation  of  the  attack  by  Crefap  on  the  un- 
offending Indians,  he  exclaimed  in  their  hearing, 
that  it  was  an  atrocious  murder :  on  which  Mr. 


3H .  ,      APPENDIX. 

Smith  tlireatened  the  deponent  with  the  toma- 
hawk ;  fo  tliat  he  was  obliged  to  be  cautious,/ 
fearing  an  injury,  as  the  party  appeared  to  have 
loft,  in  a  great  degree,  fentiments  of  humanity  as 
well  as  the  effects  of  civilization.  Sworn  and  fub- 
fcribed  at  Waftiington,  the  2ctli  day  of  April,  anno 
Domini  1798. 

JAMES  CHAMBERS. 
before  Samuel  Shaanoit. 

Wajljington  eomdyife, 

I,  David  Riddick,  prothonotary  of  the 
court  of  common  pleas,  for  the  county  of 
Waflilngton,  in  the  ftate  of  Pennfyivania,  do  cer- 
tify, that  Samuel  Shannon,  Efq.  before  whom  the 
within  afHdaTit  was  made,  was,  at  the  time  there- 
of, and  ftill  fs,  a  juftice  of  the  peace  in  and  for  the 
county  of  Waftiington  aforefaid  ;  and  that  fall 
credit  is  due  to  all  his  judicial  afts  as  fuch  as  well 
in.  courts  of  juftice  as  thereout. 

In  teftimony  whereof  I  have  hereuntiP  fet  my 
hand  and  affixed  the  feal  of  my  office  at 
Waftiington,  the  26th  day  of  April,  Anno 
Dommini  1798. 

.       DAVID  RIDDICK. 


APPENDIX.  545 

Th:  certificate  of  Charles  Polke,  of  Shelhy  county, 
in  Kentucky i  communicated  by  the  hon.  judge  Innes, 
of  Kentucky,  who  in  the  letter  inclofing  it,  together 
ivith  Ncivland's  certificate,  and  his  own  declaratioti 
of  the  information  given  him  by  Baker,  fays,  «  I  am 
•well  acquainted  with  Jacob  Newland,  he  is  a  man 
of  integrity.  Charles  Polke  and  Jojhua  Baker  loih 
fupport  rcfpeBable  characters'^ 

About  the  latter  end  of  April  or  beginning  of 
May  1774,  I  lived  on  the  waters  of  Crofs  creek, 
about  16  miles  from  Jolliua  Baker,  who  lived  on 
the  Ohio,  oppofite,  the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek. 
3  A  number  of  perfons  colle(5ted  at  my  houfe,  and 
proceeded  to  the  fald  Baker's  and  murdered  fev- 
eraHndians,  among  whom  was  a  woman  faid  to 
be  the  frfter  of  the  Indian  chief  Logan.  The 
principal  leader  of  the  party  was  one  Daniel 
Greathoufe.  To  the  bed  of  my  recolle(51ion  the 
caufe  which  gave  rife  to  the  murder  was,  a  gene- 
ral idea-^that  the  Indians  were  meditating  an  at- 
tack on  the  fi-ontiers.  capt.  Michael  Crefap  was 
not  of  the  party  ;  2  but  I  recoiled  that  fome  time 
before  the  perpetration  of  the  above  fadt  It  was 
currently  reported  that  capt.  Crefap  had  murder- 
ed fome  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  one  or  two,  fome: 
dillance  below  Wheelino-. 

Certified  by  me,  an  Inhabitant  of  SJielbv  coun- 
ty and  ftate  of  Kentucky,  this  ijtii  day  of  Novem>^ 
ber,  1799. 

CHARLES  POLKE. 
U  u 


346  APPENDIX. 

The  dedaraitoh  of  the  honorable  Judge   Ihnes,  cf 
Frankforti  in  Kentuchy. 

On  the  14th  of  November,  1799,  I  accidentally 
niet  upon  the  road  Jofhua  Baker,  the  perfon  refer- 
red to  in  the  certificate  figned  by  Polke,  3  wha 
informed  me  that  the  murder  of  the  Indians  in 
1774,  opP^^'^^^  the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek,  was 
perpetrated  at  his  houfe  by  32  men,  led  on  by 
Daniel  Greathoufe  ;  that  12  were  killed  and  6  or 
8  wounded  ;  among  the  flain  was  a  fifter  and  oth- 
er relations  of  the  Indian  chief  Logan.  Baker 
fays  captain  Michael  Crefap  was  not  of  the  party  ; 
I  that  fome  days  preceding  the  murder  at  his 
houfe,  two  Indians  left  him  and  were  on  their  way 
home  ;  that  they  fell  in  with  captain  Creflip  and  ii 
party  of  land  improvers  on  the  Ohio,  and  were 
murdered,  if  not  by  Crefap  himfelf,  with  his  ap- 
probation  ;  he  being  the  leader  of  the  party,  atid 
that  he  had  the  information  from  Crefap. 

HARRY  INNES. 


The  declaration  of  V^  11.1.1  ii'si  Robikson'. 

William  Robinfon,  of  Clarkfourg,  in  the  county 
of  Harrifon,  and  (late  of  Virginia,  fubfcriber  to  "^ 
thefe  prefents,  declares  that  he  was,  in  the  year 
I  774,  a  refident  on  the  weft  fork  of  Monongahela 
River,  in  the  county  then  called  Weft  Augufta, 
and  being  in  his  field  on  the  12th  of  July,  with 
two  other  men,  they  were  furprifed  by  a  party  of 
eight  Indians,  who  faot  down  one  of  the  others 
and  made  himfelf  and  the  remaining  one  prifoners  i 


APPENDIX.  547 

this  rabfcnber's  wife  and  four  children  having 
been  previouily  conveyed  by  him  for  fafety  to  a 
fort  about  24  miles  off;  that  the  principal  Indian 
of  the  party  who  took  them  was  captain  Logan ; 
that  Logan  fpoke  Englifh  well,  and  very  foou 
manifefted  a  friendly  difpofition  to  this  fubfcribei , 
and  told  him  to  be  of  good  heart,  that  he  v/culd 
not  be  killed,  but  mull  go  with  him  to  his  town^ 
where  he  would  probably  be  adopted  in  fome  of 
their  families  ;  but  above,  all  things  that  he  muft 
not  attempt  to  run  away  ;  that  in  the  courfe  of 
the  journey  to  the  Indian  town  he  generally  en- 
deavored to  keep  clofe  to  Logan,  who  had  a  great 
deal  of  converfation  with  him,  always  encouracr. 
ing  him  to  be  cheerful  and  without  fear  fear  that 
he  v/ould  not  be  killed,  but  Ihould  become  one  of 
them  ;  and  conftantly  impreffing  on  him  not  to 
attempt  to  run  away  ;  that  in  thefe  converfations 
he  always  charged  capt.  Michael  Crefap  with  the 
murder  of  his  family  :  that  on  his  arrival  in  the 
town,  which  was  on  the  iSth  of  July,  he  was  tied 
to  a  (lake,  and  a  great  debate  arofe  whether  he 
fiiould  not  be  burnt  :  Logan  infilling  on  having 
him  adopted,  while  others  contended  to  burn  liim  : 
that  at  length  Logan  prevailed,  tied  a  belt  of  wam- 
pum round  him  as  a  mark  of  adoption,  loofed  hini 
from  the  poft  and  carried  him  to  the  cabin  of  an 
old  fquaw^,  where  Logan  pointed  out  a  perfon  who 
he  faid  was  this  fubfcriber's  coufm  ;  and  h«  after- 
wards under  flood  that  the  old  woman  was  his 
aunt,  and  two  others  his.  brothers,  and  that  he  now 
flood  in  the  plate  of  a  warrior  of  the  family  who 
had  been  killed  at  Yellow  creek  :  that  about  three 
days  i^ter  this  Logan  -brouglit  him  a  piece  of  pa^ 


34^  APPENDIX. 

per,  arxd  told  him  he  muft  write  a  letter  for  hiiriy 
which  he  meant  to  carry  and  leave  in  fome  houfe 
v/here  he  ilioiild  kill  fomebody  ;  that  he  made  ink 
with  gmipowder,  and  the  fubfcriber  proceeded  to 
write  the  letter  by  his  dire<5tion,  addreffing  capt. 
Michael  Crefap  in  it  and  that  the  purport  of  It 
was,  to  afk  *'  why  he  had  killed  his  people  ?  That 
fome  time  before  they  had  killed  his  people  at 
fome  place  (the  name  of  which  the  fobfcriber  for- 
gets) which  he  had  forgiven  ;  but  fmce  that  he 
iiad  killed  his  people  again  at  Yellow  creek,  and 
taken  his  coufm,  a  little  girl,  prifoner  ;  that  there-^ 
fore  he  mufl:  war  againft  the  whites  ;  hut  that  he 
would  exchange  the  fubfcriber  for  his  coiifm.'^ 
And  figned  it  with  Logan's  name,  which  letter 
Logan  took  and  fet  out  again  to  war  ;  and  the 
contents  of  this  letter,  as  recited  by  the  fubfcriber^ 
calling  to  mind  that  ftated  by  judge  Innes,  to 
liave  been  left  tied  to  a  war  club,  ia  a  houle  where 
■a  family  was  murdered,  and  that  being  read  ta 
the  fubfriber,  he  recognifes  it,  and  declares  he  ve- 
rily l)elieves  it  to  have  been  the  identical  letter 
which  he  wrote,  and  fuppofes  he  was  miftaken  in 
ftating  as  he  had  done  before  from  memory,  that 
the  offer  of  the  exchange  was  propofed  in  the  let- 
ter ;  that  It  is  probable  it  was  only  promifed  him 
by  Logan,  but  not  put  in  the  letter ;  3  that  while 
he  was  with  the  old  woman,  fhe  repeatedly  en- 
deavored to  make  him  fenfible  that  (lie  had  been 
inf  the  party  at  Yellow  creek,  and,  by  figns,  fliew- 
ei  how  they  decoyed  her  friends  over  the  river  to 
drink,  and  when  they  were  reeling  and  tumbling 
about,  tomahawked  them  all,  and  that  whenever 
ibe  entered  on  this  fubjedt  fhe  was  thrown  into  the 


APPENDIX.  349 

mofl  violent  agitations,  and  that  lie  aftervi^ards 
underflood  that,  amongft  the  Indians  killed  at 
Yellow  creek,  was  a  fifter  of  Logan  very  big  with 
child,  whom  they  ripped  open,  and  ftuck  on  a 
pole  :  that  he  continued  with  the  Indians  till  the 
month  of  November,  when  he  was  releafed  in 
confequence  of  the  peace  made  by  them  with  lord 
Dunmore :  that,  while  he  remained  with  them, 
the  Indians  in  general  were  very  kind  to  him  ; 
and  efpecially  thofe  who  were  his  adopted  rela- 
tions ;  but  above  all,  the  old  woman  and  family 
in  which  he  lived,  who  ferved  him  with  every 
thing  in  their  power,  and  never  afked,  nor  even 
luffered  him  to  do  any  labor,  feeming  in  truth  to 
confider  and  refped:  him,  as  the  friend  they  had 
loft.  All  which  feveral  matters  and  things,  fo  far 
as  tliey  are  Rated  to  be  of  his  own  knowledge, 
th»s  fubfcriber  folemnly  declares  to  be  true,  and 
fo  far  as  they  are  ftated  on  information  from  oth- 
ers he  believes  them  to  be  true.  Given  and  de- 
clared under  his  hand  at  Philadelphia,  this  28th 
day  of  February,  1800. 

WILLIAM  ROBINSON. 


The  depofilton  of  col.  William  M^  Kee^  of  IJncoIn 
county,  Kmtncky,  communicated  hy  the  honorable  yohn 
Brown  J  out  of  the  Senators  in  Congrefs  from  Ken- 
tucky, 

Colonel  William  M'Kee  of  Lincoln  county  de- 
clareth,  that  in  autumn  1774,  he  commanded  as 
a  captain  in  the  Eottetourt  Regiment  under  col. 
Andrew    Lewis,    afterwards  gen.   Lewis  ;   an^ 


350  APPENDIX. 

fought  in  the  battle  at  the  mouth  of  Kanhaway,  . 
on  the  loth  of  Odober  in  that  year.  That  after 
the  battle,  col.  Lewis  naarched  the  militia  acrofs 
the  Ohioj  and  proceeded  towards  the  Sha,wnee 
towns  OA  Siota  ;  but  before  they  reached  the 
towns,  lord  Dunmore,  who  was  commander  m 
chief  of  the  army,  and  had,  with  a  large  party 
thereof,  been  up  the  Ohio  about  Hockhocking,  . 
when  the  battle  was  fought,  overtook  the  militia, 
and  informed  them  of  his  having  nnce  the  battle 
concluded  a  treaty  whh  the  Indians ;  u}X)n  Vv:-hicli 
the  whole  army  returned. 

And  the  faid  William  declareth  that,  on  the 
evening  of  that  day  on  which  the  junclion  of  the 
troops  took  place,  he  v/as  in  company  with  lord, 
Dunmore  and  f^veral  of  his  officers,  and  alfo  con- 
verfed  with  feveral  who  had  been  with  lord  Dun- 
more  at  the  treaty  ;  faid  William,  on  that  evening, 
heard  repeated  converfation  concerning  an  extra- 
ordinary fpeech  m.ade  at  the  treaty,  or  fent  there 
by  a  chieftain  of  the  Indians  named  Logan,  and 
heard  feveral  attempts  at  a  rehearfal  of  it.  The 
fpeech  as  rehearfed  excited  the  particular  attention 
of  faid  William,  and  the  mod  ftriking  members 
of  it  were  impreiTed  on  his  memory. 

And  he  declares  that  when  Thomas  J.efrerfon's 
Notes  on  Virginia  were  publifhed,  and  he  came  to 
perufe  the  fame,  he  was  (Iruck  witli  tlie  ipeech  of 
Logan  as  there  fet  forth,  as  being  fiibif antially 
the  fame,  and  accordant  with  the  fpeech  he  heard 
rehea,rf?cl  iii  the  camp  as  aforefaid. 
Signed, 

WIX,X.IAM  M'KEE, 


Al^PENDIX. 


Kl 


Danville,  December  i8th,  179^. 
IVe  certify  that  col,  WiKiarn   M^  Kee  this  day  .figned 
the  original  cerfificate,  of  nvhlch  the  foregoing  is  a 
true  copy,  in  our  prefence. 

JAMES  SPEED,  Juii. 

J.  H.  dewe:5s. 

the  certificate  of  the  hon.  STEVENS  THOMPSON 
MASON ->  one  of  the  Senators  in  Congrefs  from  the 
State  of  Virginia. 
**  LOGAN s  fpeech,  delivered  at  the  treaty ,  after  the 

lattle  in  tvhich  col.  LEWIS  tuas  killed  in  177^." 

[Here  follows  a  copy  of  the  fpcech  agreeing 
verbatim  with  that  printed  in  Dixon  and  Hun- 
ter's Virginia  Gazette  of  February  4,  1775,  un- 
der the  William  fburgh  head,  at  the  foot  is  this 
certificate.] 

"  The  foregoing  is  a  copy  taken  by  me,  when 
a  boy,  at  fchool,  in  the  year  1775,  or  at  fartheft 
in  1776,  and  lately  found  in  an  old  poclcet-book, 
containing  papers  and  manufcripts  of  that  peri- 
od."] 

STEVENS  THOMPSON  MASON, 

January  20th,  1798. 

A  copy  of  LOGAN^s  fpeech  given  ly  the  late  general 
MERCER,  who  fell  in  the  battle  of  Trenton,  Jan- 
uary,  I'j'jG,  to  lewis  Willi s,  Efquire,  of  Fred- 
erickjhurgh,  in  Virginia,  upwards  of  20 years  ago, 
(from  the  date  of  February,  1798,^  communicated 
through  MANN  PAGE,  Efquire. 

«  The  SPEECH  of  LOGAN,  a  Shawanefe 
chief,  to  lord  Dunmore/' 


352  APPENDIX. 

[Here  follows  a  copy  of  the  fpeecli,  agreeing 
verbatim  with  that  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  j 

A  copy  cf  LOGAN'S  SPEECH  from  the 
Notes  on  Virginia  having  been  fent  to  captain 
ANDREW  RODGERS  of  Kentucky,  he  fub- 
joined  the  following  certificate. 

In  the  year  1774  I  went  out  with  the  Virginia 
volunteers,  and  was  in  the  battle  at  the  mouth  of 
Canhawee,  and  afterwards  proceeded  over  thi 
Ohio  to  the  Indian  towns.  I  did  not  hear  Logan 
Tnake  the  above  fpeech  ;  but,  from  the  unanimous 
account  of  thofe  in  camp,  I  have  reafon  to  think 
that  faid  fpeech  was  delivered  to  Dunmore.  I 
remember  to  have  heard  the  very  things  contained 
in  the  above  fpeech,  related  by  fome  of  our  peo- 
ple in  camp  at  that  time. 

ANDREW  RODGERS. 


The  dsclarat'ion  of  Mr.  john  hecke welder,  for 
feveral years  a  m'ljfionary  froyn  the  fociety  of  Mora' 
vianSf  among  the  ivejlern  Indians, 

In  the  fpring  of  the  year  1774,  at  a  time  when 
the  interior  part  of  the  Indian  country  all  feemcd 
peace  and  tranquil,  the  villagers  on  the  Muilcin- 
ghum  were  fuddenly  alarmed  by  two  runners  (In- 
dians',) who  reported  "  that  the  Big  Knife,  (Vir- 
ginians) had  attacked  the  Mingo  fettlement  on 
the  Ohio,  and  butchered  even  the  women  with 
their  children  in  their  arms,  and  that  Logan's 
family  were  among  the  (lain."  A  day  or  two  af- 
ter this,  feveral  Mingoes  made  their  appearance  ; 
among  whom  were  one   or   two   wounded,  -wha 


APPENDIX.  ^^^^ 

had  in  this  5Tianner  efFedled  their  efcape.     Exaf- 
perated  to  a  high  degree,  after  rehiting  the  partic- 
ulars   of  this   tranfaaion,    (which  for  humanity's 
fake  I  forbear  to  mention,)  after  reding  fome  time 
on  the  treachery  of  the  Big  Knives,  of  their  bar- 
barity to  thofe  who  arc  their  friends,  they  gave  a 
figurative  defcription  of  the  perpetrators  ;   named 
Crefap  as  having  been  at  the  head  of  this  murder- 
ous act.     They  made  mention  of  nine   bein^o-   kil- 
led, and  two  wounded  ;  and  were  prone   to  take 
revenge  on  any  perfon  of  a  white  color  ;  for  which 
reafon  the  miffionaries  had  to  fhut   themfelves   up 
during  their  (lay.      From    this  time   terror   daily 
increafed.     The  exafperated  friends  and   relations 
of  thefe  murdered  v/omen  and  children,  with  the 
nations  to  whom   they  belonged,  pafTed    and   re- 
paiTed  through  the  villages  of  the  quiet  Delaware 
towns,  in  fearch  of  white   people,   making  ufe   of 
the  moft   abufive    language    to    thefe    (the  Dela- 
■vvares,)  fmce  they  would   not  join  in   taking  re- 
venge.    Traders  had  either  to  hide  themfelves,  or 
try  to  get  cut  of  the  country   the  beft  way   they 
could.     And  even,  at  this  time,   they  yet  found 
fuch  true  friends  among  the  Indians,  who,  at  the 
rifk  of  their  own  lives,  condu(5led  them,   with  the 
befl;  part  of  their  property,  to  Pittfburg  ;  although, 
(fhameful  to  relate  !)  thefe   benefactors  were,  ^on 
their  return  from  this  miffion,   ivayla'id,   and   fired 
upon    by   whites,    while   crofling  Big  beaver  in  a 
canoe,  and  had   one   man,    a    Shawanefe,  named 
Silverheels,  (a  man  of  note  in  his  nation)  -^vound- 
ed  in  the  body.     This  exafperated  the   Shawanefe 
fo    much,  that  they,  or  at   leaft  a  great  part  of 
W  w 


354  APPENDIX. 

them,  immediately  took  an  aaive  part  in  the  canfe  ; 
:ind  the  Mhigoes,  (neareft  co-nnefted  with  the  for- 
mer,) becanie  unbounded  in  their  rap;e.    ^  A   Mr- 
Tones,  fon  to    a  refpeaable  family  of  this  neigh- 
horhood  (Bethlehem,)  who  was  then  on  his  paf- 
iao-e  up  Mu&inghum,  with  two  other   men,  was 
fortunately  cfpied  by    a  friendly  Indian    woman, 
?.t  the  falls  of  MufKinghum,  who  through  motives 
r,f  humanity  alone,  informed  Jones  of  the  nature 
of  the  time's,  and  that  he  was  running  right  in  the 
hands  of  the  enraged  ;  and  put  him  on  the  way, 
where  he   might  perhaps  efcape  the  vengeance  of 
the  drolling  parties.     One  of  Jones's  men,  fatigu- 
ed by  travelling  in  the  woods  declared   lie  would 
rather  die  than  remain  longer  in  this   fituation  ; 
and  liitting  accidentally  on'a  path,  he  determined 
to  follow  the  fame.     A  few  hundred  yards  decide 
ed  his  fate.     He  was  met  by  a  party  of  about  iif- 
teen  Mingoes,  (and  as  it  happened  almoft  within 
fi^o-ht  of  White  Eyes  town,)  murdered,  and  cut  to 
pi'^eces  ;  and  his  limbs  and  flefti   Truck  upon  the 
bulhes.     White  Eyes  on  hearing  .the  Scalp  halloo, 
ran  immediately  out  with  his    men,    to   fee    what 
the   matter   was  ;    and  finding  the  mangled  body 
in  this  condition,  gathered  the  whole   and   buried 
it.     But  next  day  when  fomc  of  the  above  party 
found  on  their  return  the  body  interred,   they  iiv 
ilantly    tore   up    the   ground,    and  endeavored  to 
■  deftrov,  or  fcatter  about,  the   parts  at   a  greater 
diCtance.        White     Eyes,    with    the    Delawares, 
watching  their  motions,  gathered  and  interred  the 
lam.e  a  fecond  time.     The  war  party  finding  this 
out,  ran  furioufly  into  the  Delaware  village,   ex- 
claiming  agalnft   tke  condua  of  tliefe  people,  fe^ 


APPENDIX.  3515 

ting  forth  the  cruelty  of  Crefap  towards  women 
and  children,  and  declaring  at  the  fame  time,  that 
they  would,  in  confequence  of  this  cruelty,  fervc 
every  white  man  they  Ihould  meet  with  in  the 
fame  manner.  Times  grew  worfe  and  worfe,  war 
parties  went  out  and  took  fcalps  and  prifoners, 
and  the  latter,  in  hopes  it  might  be  of  fervice  in 
faving  their  lives,  exclaimed  againil  the  barbarous 
acT:  which  gave  rife  to  thefe  troubles,  and  againft 
tlie  perpetrators.  The  name  of  Greathoufe  was 
mentioned  as  haviug  been  an  accomplice  to  Cre- 
fap. So  deteftable  became  the  latter  name  amono- 
the  Indians  that  I  have  frequently  heard  them  ap- 
ply it  to  the  worH:  of  things  ;  alfo  in  quieting-  or 
ftilling  their  children,  I  have  heard  them ^fjy, 
Huili  !  Crefap  will  fetch  you  ;  whereas  otherwi/e, 
they  name  the  ov/1.  The  warriors  having  after- 
wards bent  their  couile  more  toward  the  Ohio, 
and  down  the  fame,  peace  feemed  with  us  alreadv 
on  the  return  ;  and  this  became  the  cafe  foon  after 
the  decided  battle  fought  on  the  Kanhaway.  Tra- 
ders, returning  now  into  tlie  Indian  country  again, 
related  the  ftory  of  the  above  mentioned  malfacre, 
after  the  fame  manner,  and  ivith  the  fame  tuorcf^,  we 
have  heard  it  related  hitherto.  So  the  report  re- 
mained and  was  beheved,  by  all  who  refided  i;i 
the  Indian  country.  So  it  was  reprefentcd  num- 
bers of  times,  in  the  peaceable  Delaware  towns, 
by  the  enemy.  So  the  chriftian  Indians  were 
continually  told  they  would  one  day  be  ferved. 
With  thh-  imprellion,  a  petty  chief  hurried  all  the 
way  from  Wabalh  in  1779  to  take  his  relations 
(who  were  living  with  the  peaceable  Delawares 
near  Colhachking,)  out  of  the  reach  of  the  Big, 


356  APPENDIX. 

knives,  in  whofe  friendiliip  he  never  more  wouM 
place  any  conlidence.  And  when  this  man  found 
that  his  numerous  relations,  would  not  break 
friendfiiip  with  the  Americans,  nor  be  removed, 
he  took  two  of  his  relations  (women)  off  by  force, 
faying  "  The  whole  crop  lliall  not  be  deftroyed  ; 
I  will  have  feed  out  of  it  for  a  new  crop  :"  allud- 
ing to,  and  repeatedly  reminding  thefe  ot  the 
family  of  Logan,  who,  he  faid,  had  been  real 
fiiends  to  the  whites,  and  yet  were  cruelly  mur- 
dered by  them. 

In  Detroit,  where  I  arrived  the  fame  fpring, 
llie  report  refpefting  the  murder  of  the  Indians  on 
Ohio  (amongil  wliom  was  Logan's  fiimiiy)  was 
the  fame  as  related  above  ;  and  on  my  return  to 
the  United  States  in  the  fall  of  1786,  and  from 
tlint  time,  whenever  and  wherever  in  my  prefence, 
tiiis  fubject  was  the  topic  of  converfation,  I  found 
tlie  report  ftill  the  fime  ;  'vrz.  that  a  perfon  bear- 
ing the  .name  of  Creiap,  was  the  author  or  perpe- 
trator of  tliis  deed. 

Logan  was  the  fecond  fon  of  Sliikellemus,  a 
celebrated  chief  of  the  Cayuga  nation.  This 
chief,  on  account  of  his  attachment  to  the  Eng- 
l:Ih  government,  was  of  great  fervice  to  the  coun- 
try, having  the  confidence  of  all  the  Six  nations 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Englifli,  he  was  very  ufefulT 
in  lettling  difputes,  &c.  Sec.  Pie  was  highly  ef- 
leemed  by  Conrad  Weilfer,  Efq.  (an  officer  for 
irovcrr.rnent  in  the  Indian  department,)  with 
whom  he  a'fted  conjundly,  and  was  faithful  unto 
his  death.  His  refidence  was  at  Shamokin,  where 
he  took  great  delight  in  adls  of  hofpitality  to  fuch 
of  the  white  people  w^iofe  bufmefs  led  them  \hdt: 


APPENDIX.  357 

way.*"  His  name  and  fame  were  fo  high  on  re- 
cord^  that  count  Zinzendorf,  when,  hi  this  country 
m  1742,  became  deiircus  of  feeing  him,  and  adu- 
ally  vifited  him  at  his  houfe  in  Sliamokln.f  About 
the  year  1772,  Logan  was  introduced  to  me,  by 
an  Indian  friend;  as  fon  to  the  late  reputable 
chief  Shikellemus,  and  as  a  friend  to  the  white 
people.  In  the  courfe  of  converfation,  I  thought 
him  a  man  of  fuperior  talents,  than  Indians  gene- 
rally were.  The  fubjed  turning  on  vice  and  im- 
morality, he  confeifed  his  too  great  ftiare  of  this,, 
efpecially  his  fondnefs  for  hquor.  He  exclaimed 
againft  the  white  people,  for  impofnig  liquors  up- 
on the  Indians  ;  he  otherwife  admired  their  inge- 
nuity ;  fpoke  of  gentlemen,  bjiU  obferved  that  tlie- 
Indians  unfortunately  had  but  few  of  thefe  as. 
their  neighbors,  Sec.  He  fpoke  of  his  friendfhip 
to  the  white  people,  wiihed.  always  to  be  a  neigh- 
bor to  them,  intended  to  fettle  on  the  Ohio,  below 
Big  Beaver  ;  was  (to  the  bell  of  my  recollection) 
•  then  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  this  river,  (Beav- 
er,) urged  me  to  pay  him  a  vifit,  &c.  Note.  1 
was  then  living  in  the  Moravian  Tovvm  on  this 
river,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cufkulkee.  In 
April  1773,  while  on  my  pafTage  down  the  Ohio- 
for  Mufkinghum,  I  called  at  Logan's  fettlement ; 
where  I  received  every  civility  I  could  expe<51: 
from  fuch  of  the  family  as  were  at  home. 

*  Thi;  preceedlng  account  of  Shikellemus^  (Logaii's 
father)  is  coped  from  man  ufcrlpts  of  the  Rev.  C.  Pyr- 
loceus,  'written  between  the  years  ij^l^  and  174^* 

f  See  G.  H.  HojTiel's  hijlory  of  the  M'lfton  of  the 
United  Brethren,  ^c.  Part  I L  Chap.  IL  Page  31. 


^S^  APPENDIX. 

Indian   reports   concerning   Logan,   after  tlie 
death  of  his  family,  ran^  to  this ;  that  he  exerted 
himfelf  during  the  Shawnee  war  (then  fo  called) 
to  take  all  the  revenge  he  could,  declaring  he  had 
loll  all  confidence  in  the  white  people.     At  the 
time  of  negociation,   he  declared  his  reludance  ia 
laying  down  the  hatchet,  not  having  (in  his  opin- 
ion)  yet  taken  ample  fatisfatSlion  ;    yet,  for  the 
fake  of  the  nation,  he  would  do  it.     His  expref- 
fions,  from  time  to  time,  denoted  a  deep  melan- 
choly.    Life  (laid  he)  had   become  a  torment  to 
him:  he  knew  no   more  what. pleai'ure  was  :  He 
thought  it  had  been  better  if  he  had  never  exifted,. 
Scc.  occ.     Report  further  ilates,  that  he  became  in 
fome   meafure   delirious,  declared  he   would   kill 
himfelf,  went  to  Detroit,  drank  very  freely,  and 
did  not  feem  to   care  what  he  did,   and  what  be- 
came of  himfelf.     In  this  condition  he  left  De- 
troit, and,  on  his  way  between  that  place  and  Mi- 
ami, was  murdered.     In  Oftober,  1781,  (while  as 
prifoner  on  my  way  to  D'etroit,)   I  was  fhown  the 
ipot  where  this  fhall  have  happened.     Having  had 
an  opportunity  fuice  lail  June  of  feeing  the  Rev. 
David  Zeiiberger,  fenior,  mifiionary  to  the  Dela- 
ware nation  of  Indians,  who  had  refided  among 
the  fame  on  the   Muficinghum,  at  the  time  Avhen 
the  murder  was  committed  on  the  family  ofLo-- 
gan,  I  put  the  following  queftions  to  him.  i.  Who 
he  underftood  it  was  that  had  committed  the  mur- 
der on  Logan's  family  ?    And  fecondly,  whether 
he  had  any  knowledge  of  a  fpeech  fent  to  lord 
Dunmore  by  Logan,  in  confequence  of  this  affair, 
&c.     To  which    Mr.   Zeifbcrger's    anf^ver  was;. 
That  he  liad,,from  that  time  when  this  murder 


APPENDIX  .    359 

was  committed  to  the  prefent  day,  firmly  believed 
the  common  report  (which  he  had  never  heard 
contradicted,  viz.  that  one  Crefap  v/as  the  author 
of  the  mafTacre  ;  or  that  it  was  committed  by  his 
orders :  and  that  he  had  known  Logan  as  a  boy, 
frequently  feen  him  from  that  time  and  doubted 
not  in  the  leaft,  that  Logan  had  fent  fuch  a  fpeech 
to  lord  Dunmore  on  this  occ^fion,  as  he  under- 
ftood  from  me  had  been  publilhed ;  that  expref- 
fions  of  that  kind  from  Indians  were  familiar  to 
him ;  that  Logan  in  particular,  was  a  man  of 
quick  comprehenfion,  good  judc^ment  and  talents. 
Mr.  Zeifberger  has  been  a  miffionary  upwards  of 
fifty  years;  his  age  is  about  eighty;  fpeaks  both 
the  language  of  "the  Oaondagoes  and  the  Dela- 
wares ;  refides  at  prefent  on  the  Mufliinghum., 
•with  his  Indian  congregation  ;  and  is  beloved  and 
refpeCled  by  all  who  are  acquainted  with  him. 

JOHN  HECKEWELDER. 

jFrom  this  teftlmojiy  the  foUoivwg  h'ljlorical  fiaiement 
refults  : 

In  April  or  May  1774,  a  number  of  people  be- 
ting engaged  in  looking  out  for  fettlements  on  the 
-Ohio,  information  Vv\as  fpread  among  them,  that 
the  Indians  had  robbed  fome  of  the  latid-johhers.,  as 
.thofe  adventures  v/ere  called.  Alarmed  for  their 
iafety,  they  coileded  together  at  Wheeling  creek. 
^Hearing  that  there  were  two  Indians  and  fome 
traders  a  little  above  Wheeling,  captain  Michael 
vCrelap,  one  of  the  party,  propofed  to  waylay  and 
3cill  them.     The  propofition,  though  oppofed,  was 


ifl  murder  of  the  t'wo  Indians  ly  Crefap,, 


56o  APPENDIX. 

adopted.     A  party  went  up  tlie  river,  with  Crefap 
at  their  head,  and  killed  the  t\vo  Indians. 

*The  fame  afternoon  it  was  reported  that  there 
was  a  party  of  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  a  little  below 
Wheeling-.  Crefap  and  his  party  immediately 
proceeded  down  the  river,  and  encamped  on  the 
bank.  The  Indians  pafTed  him  peaceably,  and 
encamped  at  the  mouth  of  Grave  creek,  a  little 
below.  Crefap  and  his  party  attacked  tliem ,  and 
killed  feveral.  The  Indians  returned  the  fire,  and 
wounded  one  of  Crefap' s  party.  Among  the  flain 
of  the  Indians  were  fomxe  of  Logan's  family. 
Colonel  Zane  indeed  expreffes  a  doubt  of  it ;  but 
it  is  affirmed  by  Hufton  and  Chambers.  Smith, 
one  of  the  murderers,  fiid  they  were  known  and 
acknowledged  to  be  Logan's  friends,  and  the  par- 
ty themfelves  generally  faid  {o :  boafted  of  it  in 
prefence  of  Crefap  ;  pretended  no  provocation ; 
and  expreiTed  their  expe<5lations  that  Logan  would 
probably  avenge  their  deaths. 

-j-Purfiiing  thefe  exarrrples,  Daniel  Greathcufc 
and  one  Tomlinfon,  who  lived  on  the  oppofite  fide 
of  the  river  from  the  Indians,  and  were  in  habits 
of  friendfliip  with  them,  colledled  at  the  houfe  of 
Polke  on  crofs  creek,  about  i6  miles  from  Baker's 
Bottom  a  party  of  32  men.  Their  objeft  was  to 
attack  a  hunting  encampment  of  Indians,  confift- 
ine  of  men,  v/omen  and  children,  at  the  mouth  of 
Yellow  creek,  fome  diftance  above  Wheeling. — 
They  proceeded,  and  when  arrived  near  Baker's 
Bottom,   they   concealed   themfelves,   and  Great- 


*  2d  murder  on  Grave  creei. 
f  Mafncrs  at  Baker'' s  Bottom  oppofite  Tdloiu  creel^ 
ij  Greathoufe* 


houfe  crofTed  the  river  to  the  Indian  camp.  Being 
among  them  as  a  friend,  he  counted  them,  and 
found  them  to  ftrong  for  an  open  attack  witli  his^ 
force.  While  here,  he  was  cautioned  by  one  or 
the  women  not  to  ftay,  for  that  the  Indian  men 
were  drinking,  and  having  heard  of  Crefap's  mur- 
der of  their  relations  at  Grave  creek,  were  angry,, 
and  fhe  prefied  him,  in  a  friendly  manner,  to  go 
home ;  whereupon,  after  inviting  them  to  come 
over  and  drink,  he  returned  to  Baker's,  which  was 
a  tavern,  and  defired  that  when  any  of  them 
jQiould  come  to  his  houfe  he  would  give  them  as 
much  rum  as  they  w^ould  drink.  When  his  plot 
was  ripe  and  a  fufficient  number  of  them  were 
collected  at  Baker's,  and  intoxicated,  he  and  his 
party  fell  on  them  and  maiTacred  the  whole,  ex- 
cept a  little  girl,  whom  they  preferved  as  a  prifon- 
er.  Among  thefe  was  the  very  woman  who  had 
faved  his  life,  by  prefling  him  to  retire  from  the 
drunken  wrath  of  her  friends,  when  he  was  fpying 
their  camp  at  Yellow  creek.  Eitlier  fhe  herfelf,  or 
fome  other  of  the  murdered  women,  was  the  fifter 
of  Logan,  very  big  with  child,  and  inhumanly  and 
mdecently  butchered ;  and  there  v/ere  otiiers  of 
his  relations  who  fell  there. 

*The  party  on  the  other  fide  of  die  river,  alarm- 
ed for  their  friends  at  Baker's,  on  hearing  the  re- 
port of  the  guns,  manned  two  canoes  and  fent  them 
over.  They  were  received  as  they  approached  the 
Ihore,  by  a  well  dire<51ed  hre  from  Greathoufe's 
party,  which  killed  fome  wounded  others,  and 
obliged  the  reft  to  put  back.  Baker  tells  us  there- 
were  twelve  killed,  and  fix  or  eight  wounded. 

*4^  murder  by  Greathonfe, 

X    3t 


3^3  APPENDIX. 

This  commenced  the  war,  of  which  Logan^S' 
warcliib  and  note  left  in  the  houfe  of  a  murderecf 
family,  was  the  notification.  In  the  courfe  of  it, 
during  the  enfuing  fummer,  great  numbers  of  in- 
nocent men,  women  and  children,  fell  vi6lims  to- 
the  tomakawk  and  fcalping  knife  of  the  Indians, 
till  it  was  arrefted  in  the  autumn  following  by  the 
battle  at  Point-pkafant  and  as  the  pacification 
with  lord  Dunmore,  at  which  the  fpeech  of  Logan 
was  delivered. 

Of  the  genuinenefs  of  that  fpeech  nothing  need 
be  faid.  It  was  known  to  the  camp  where  it  was 
delivered  :  it  was  given  out  by  lord  Dunmore  and 
his  officers  ;  it  ran  through  the  public  papers  ot' 
thefe  dates ;  was  rehearfed  as  an  exercife  at 
fchools ;  publifned  in  the  papers  and  periodical 
works  of  Europe  ;  and  all  this,  a  dozen  years  be- 
fore it  was  copied  into  the  Notes  on  Virginia.  In 
line  gen.  Gibfon  concludes  the  queflion  for  ever,  by 
declaring  tliat  he  received  it  from  Logan's  hand, 
delivered  it  to  lord  Dunmore,  tranflated  it  for 
him,  and  that  the  copy  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia  is 
a  faithful  copy. 

The  popblar  account  of  thefe  tranfaclions,  as 
ftated  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia,  appears  on  collec- 
ting exact  information,  imperfecl  and  erroneous  in 
its  details.  It  was  the  belief  of  the  day  ;  but  how 
far  its  errors  were  to  the  prejudice  of  Crefap  tlie 
reader  will  now  judge.  That  he  and  thofe  under 
him,  murdered  tvv'^o  Indians  above  Wheeling : 
that  thev  murdered  a  larger  number. at  Grave 
creek,  amonoj  whom  v^'ere  a  part  oi  the  tamiiy  and 
relations  of  Lograi,  cannot  be  queftioned  ;  and  as 
little  that  this  led  to  the  maiTacre  of  the  reft  of  the 
family  at  Yellow    creek,      Logan  imputed  the 


APPENDIX. 


363 


^yhole  to  Crefap  in  his  war-note  and  peace-fpeech ; 
the  Indians  generally  imputed  it  to  Crefao  :  Lord 
Dunmore  and  his  oiTicers  imputed  it  to'  Crefap  : 
the  country  with  one  accord  imputed  it  to  him  : 
and  whether  he  were  innocent  let  the  univerfal  ver- 
dict now  declare. 


364  APPENDIX. 

The  declaration  of  John  Sappi1«gton,  received 
after  the  publication  of  the  preceding  Appendix. 

,/,  JoH"N  Sappingtov,  declare  myfelf  to  be  intimately 
acnua'tnted  with  all  the  circumjlances  refpeBing  the 
dejlriici'ion  of  Logan's  family,  and  do  give  in  the  fol- 
lonving  narrative  a  true  flatement  of  that  affair. 
Logan's  family  (if  it  was  his  family)  was  not 
■killed  bv  Crefap,  nor  with  his  knowledge,  nor  by 
his  confent,  but  by  the  Greathoufes  and  their  alfoci- 
ates.  They  w^ere  killed  30  miles  above  Wheeling, 
near  the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek.  Logan's  camp 
was  on  one  fide  of  the  river  Ohio,  and  the  houfe, 
where  the  murder  was  committed,  oppofite  to  it 
on  the  other  fide.  They  had  encamped  tliere  on- 
ly four  or  hve  days,  and  during  that  time  had  liv- 
ed peaceably  and  neighborly  with  the  w^hites  on 
the  oppofite  fide,  until  the  very  day  the  affair  hap- 
pened. A  little  before  the  period  alluded  to,  let- 
ters had  been  received  by  the  inhabitants  from  a 
man  of  great  influence  in  that  country,  and  who 
was  then  I  believe  at  Capteener,  informing  them 
that  war  was  at  hand,  and  defiring  them  to  be  on 
their  guard.  In  confequence  of  thefe  letters  and 
other  rumours  of  the  fame  import,  almoft  all  the 
inhabitants  fled  for  fafety  Into  the  fettlements.  It 
was  at  the  houfe  of  one  Baker  the  murder  was  com- 
niitted.  Baker  was  a  man  who  fold  rum,  and  the 
"Indians  had  made  frequent  vifits  at  his  houfe,  in- 
duced, probably,  by  their  fondnefs  for  that  liquor. 
He  h.uf  S-^en  particularly  deiired  by  Crefap  to  re- 
niove  -.vc.i  take  away  his  rum,  and  he  was  ai^ually 
preparin-'T  to  move  at  the  time  cf  the  murder. 
The  evening  before  a  fquaw  cams  over  to  Baker's 


APPENDIX.  3^5 

lioufe,  and  by  her  crying  feemed  to  be  in  great 
diftrefs.     The  caufe  of  her  iineafmefs  being  aiked, 
Ihe  refufed  to  tell ;  but  getting  Baker^s  wife  alone, 
ike  told  her,  that  the   Indians  were  going  to  kill 
her  and  all  her  family  the  next  day,  that  Ihe  loved 
her  did  not  wiih  her  to  be   killed,  and  therefore 
told  her  what  was   intended-,   that  fhe  might  fave 
herfelf.     In  confequence  of  this  information.  Ba- 
ker got  a  number  of  men  to  the  amount  of  2 1  to 
coriie  to  his  houfe  and  they  were  all  there  before 
inorning.     A  council  was  held,  and  it  was  deter- 
mined, that  the  men  Ihould  lie  concealed  in  the 
hack  apartment ;  that  if  the  Indians  did  come  and 
behaved  themfelves  peaceably,  they  Ihould  not  be 
molefted  ;  but  if  not,  the  men  were  to  Ihew  them- 
felves and    a<^  accordingly.     Early  in  the  morn- 
ing 7  Indians,  4  men  and  3  fquaws,  came  over. — 
Logan's  brother  was  one  of  them.     They  imme- 
diately got  rum,  and  all,  except  Logan's  brother, 
became  very  much  intoxicated.     At  this  time  all 
the  men  were   concealed,   except  the  man  of  the 
houfe,  Baker,  and  two  others  who  ftaid  out  with 
him.     Thofe  Indians  came  unarmed.     After  fome 
time  Logan's  brother  took  down  a  coat  and  hat 
belonging  to    Baker's  brother-in-law,  who  lived 
with  him,  and  put  them  on,  and  fetting  his  arms 
a  kimbo  began  to  ftrut  about,  till  at  length  com- 
ing up  to  one  of  the  men,  he  attempted  to  ftrike 
him,  faying  "  white  man,  fon  of  a  bitch."      The 
white  man,  vvhom  he  treated  thus,  kept  out  of  his 
way  for  fome  time  ;    but  growing  iriritated  he 
jumped  to  his  gun,  and  fhot  the  Indian  as  he  was 
making  to  the  door  with  the  coat  and  hat  on  him. 
The  men  who  lay  concealed,  then  rulhed  out  and 


365  APPENDIX. 

killed  the  whole  of  them,  excepting  one  ehild,  which 
I  believe  is  yet  alive.     But  before  this  happened, 
one  with  two,  the  other  with  five  Indians,  all  na- 
ked, painted,  and  armed  completely  for  war,  were 
difcovered  to  dart  from  the  fhore  on  which  Loo-an's 
camp  was.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  circumftance, 
the  white  men  would  not  have  aded  as  they  did  ; 
but  this  confirmed  what  the  fquaw  had  told  before. 
The  white  men,  having  killed  as  aforefaid  the  In- 
dians in  the  houfe,  ranged   themfelves  along  the 
bank  of  the  river,  to  receive  the  canoes.     The  ca- 
noe with  the  two  Indians  came  near,  being  the 
foremoft.     Our  men  fired  upon  them  and  killed 
them  both.     The  other  canoe  then  went  back. 
After  this  two  other  canoes  ftarted,  the  one  con- 
taining II,  the  other  7  Indians,  painted  and  arm- 
ed as  the  firft.     They  attempted   to  land  below 
our  men ;    but  were  fired  upon,  had  one  killed, 
and  retreated,   at  the  fame  time  firing  back.     Tq. 
the  bed  of  my  recolledion  there  were  three  of  the 
Greathoufes  engaged  in  this  bufmefs.     This  is  a 
true  reprefentation  of  the  aifair  from  beginning  to 
end.     I  was  intimately   acquainted  with   Crefap, 
and  know  he  had  no  hand  in  that  tranfadion.  Ke 
told  me  himfelf  afterwards  at   Redftone  old  fort, 
that  the  day  before   Logan's  people  were  killed, 
he,    with    a  fmall    party,    had    an  engagement 
with  a  party  of  Indians  on  Capteener,  about  44 
jniles  lower  down.     Logan's  people  were  killed  at 
the  miOuth  of  Yellov/  creek  on  the   24th  of  May, 
1774,  and  on  the  23d,  the  day  before  Crefap  was 
engaged  as  already  ftated.     I  know  likewife  that 
he  was  generally  blamed  for  it,   and  believed  by 
ail  who  were  not   acquainted  with  the  circum- 


APPENDIX.  367 

JIances,  to  have  been  the  perpetrator  of  it.     I 
know  that  he  defpiled  and  hated  the  Greathoufes 
ever  afterwards  on  account  It.     I  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  general  Gibfon,  and  {erved  under 
him  during  the  late  war.  I  have  a  difcharge  from 
him  now  lying  in  the  land  office  at  Richmond,  to 
which  I  refer  any  perfon  for  my  character,  wha 
might  be  difpofed  to  fcruple  my  veracity.     I  was 
likewlfe  at  the  treaty  held  by  lord  Dunraore  with 
the  Indians  at  Chellccthe.     As  for  the  fpeech  faid 
to  have  been  delivered  by  Logan  on  that  occafion^ 
it  might  have  been,  or  might  not,  for  any  thing  I 
know,  as  I  never  heard  of  it  till  long  afterv^ards* 
I  do  not  beheve  that  Logan  had  any  relations 
killed  except  his  brother.     Neither  of  the  Squaws 
who  were  killed  was  his  wife.     Two  of  them  were 
old  women,  and  the  tliird,  v/Ith  her  child  v/hich  was 
faved,  I  have  the   befl  reafon  In  the  world  to  be- 
lieve was  the  wife  and  child  of  general  Gibfon.     I 
know  he  educated  the  child,  and  took  care  of  it, 
as  Ir  it  had  been   his  own.     Whether  Logan  had 
a  wite  or  not,  I  cannot  fay  ;    but  it  is  probable 
tliat  as  he  was  a  chief,  he  confidered  them  all  hk 
people,  _  All  this  I   am  ready  to  be  qualified  to 
at  any  time. 

JOHN  SAPPINGTON. 

Atteft,  Samuel  M'Kee,  Junr. 

Madlfon  County,  Feb.  13th,  1800. 

I  do  certify  further  that  the  above  named  John 
Sapplngton  told  me,  at  the  fame  time  and  place  at 
which  he  gave  me  the  above  narrative,  that  he 
liimfelf  was  the  man  who  (liot  the  brother  of  Lo- 


36^  APPENDIX- 

o-an  in  the  koufe.as  abpve  related,  and  that  he 
Tikewlfe  killed  one  of  the  Indians  in  one  of  the  ca- 
noes, which  came  over  from  the  oppofite  ftiore. 

He  likewife.  told  me,  that  Crefap  never  faid  an 
angry  word  to  him  about  the  matter,  although  he 
was  frequently  in  company  with  Crefap,  and  in- 
deed had  been,  and  continued  to  be,  in  habits  of 
intimacy  with  that  gentleman,  and  was  always  be- 
friended by  him  on  every  occafion.     He  further 
told  me,  that  after  they  had  perpetrated  the  mur- 
der, and  were  flying  into  thefettlements,  he  met  with. 
Crefap  (if  I  recolka  right,  at  Pvedftone  old  fort,), 
and  gave  him  a  fcalp,  a  very  large  fine  one,  as  he 
expreffed  it  and  adorned  with  filver.     This  fcalp  I 
think  he  told  me  ;    was   the  fcalp   of  Logan's 
brother  ;  though  as  to  this  I  am  not  abfolutely 

certain. 

Crriifid  hy  SAMUEL  M'KEE,  Junr. 


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